UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES
, ^1 -\
T O
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
THE EARL OF BUTE.
My Lord,
T Have the Honour to prefent to your
Lordship a Tranflation of the Hiftory of
Mexico, written by a Native of that Country.
The Obligation I am under to your Lordship
for an Acquaintance with the Original, and
the Relation which every Effort to dilTemin-
ate pleafing and inftru6i:ive Knowledge, bears
to your Lordfhip's Life and Manners, have
didlated this Addrefs. I chearfully lent my
A 2 In-
321846
DEDICATION.
Induftry to aflift an Advocate in the Caufe
of Truth, who faw her Interefts abandoned,
and felt for her Oppreffion. Though the
Talk might eafily have fallen into abler
Hands, I dare freely appeal to your Lord-
ship for the Fidelity of my Labours.
I have the Honour to be, with the utmofl:
Refpea,
fl
My L 0 r c,
Your L o R D s H 1 p's much obliged.
And moft obedient humble Servant,
CHARLES CULLEN.
TRANSLATOR 's PREFACE.
^. l"^HE difcovery of America conftitutes one of the moft
3.-. remrvkable aeras of the world; and the hillory of it
a fub'ec"^ not only curious but univerfally interefti ng, from
;.:ous conneólioris with almoft every other part
ol tiie globe. The Spanifh hiliorians of the two pre-
ceding centuries have done little tovvards elucidating this
point. Partiality, prejudice, ignorance, and credulity, have
occafioned them all to blend fo many abfurdities and
improbal)ilities with their accounts, that it has not been-
merely difficult, but altogether impoffiblc, to afcertain the
truth. To colle<rt from their fcattered materials whatever
wore the face of probability, that was naturally curious, or
politically interefting, fo as to form one uniform confiilcnt
relation of the whole, was a tafk in which, for a long time,
no modern writer dared to engage. Dr. Robertfon at laft
•undertook, and executed it with the applaufe diie to his
beauty of ftyle, his induftry, and his judgment.
But notwithftanding the alTiduity of his refearches, and'
the pains he has taken to extricate fads from the confu-
fion of different authors, as what is true does not always ap-
pear poflible, and what appears probable is rtot always true,
he has not entirely fucceeded, though he has done all that
' • couid
IV
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
could be expeacd. The want of many elTential documents,
which are preferved in archives of the new world, and
other difadvantages attending the fituation of a writer at a
diftancc from that continent, unacquainted with its lan-
guages, produaions, or people, perhaps, have made him
diffident of entering into very minute details, or of dweUing
upon grounds where he was uncertain of being accurate,
and induced him, rather than ofiFer conjeaures which
micTht not have reached the truth refpeaing that country
and its inhabitants, to adhere to records more authentic
concerning the difcoverers of it.
This condua, however prudent, has left the American
fide of the piòlure ftiil greatly in the dark. The Abbé Ray-
nal and M. de Paw have not contributed much to remedy
this defea. The hiftory of Mexico, by the Abbé Clavigero,
a native of Vera Cruz, who refided near forty years in the
provinces of New Spain, examined its natural produce, ac-
quired the language of the Mexicans and other nations, ga-
thered many of their traditions, ftudied their hiftorical paint-
ings, and other monuments of antiquity, it is prefumed, has
fupplied their deficiencies. The tranflator, therefore, hopes
the prefent work which contains all the valuable matter of
other authors, befides many important particulars never be-
fore pubjiflied, will prove acceptable to the public.
PRE-
R E F A e E.
THE hiftory of Mexico, undertaken in order to avoid the pain'
and reproach of idleiiefs to which I found my life con-
demned, to ferve to the utmoft of my power my native country,
and to reftore to their full light truths obfcured by an incredible
number of modern writers on America, has been a tafk equally
laborious, difficult, and expenfive. . Exclufive of the great expences
occafioned by procuring from Cadiz, Madrid, and other cities of
Europe, the books v/hich were neceflary to my purpofe, I have read
and examined every publication which has appeared hitherto on tlie
fubje<5t : I have compared the accounts of authors, and critically
weighed their authority ; I have ftudied many hiftorical paintings of
the Mexicans ; I have profited from their manufcripts, which I
read formerly in Mexico ; and confulted with many perfons well ac-
quainted with thefe countries. In addition to fuch diligence I might
add, to give credit to my labours, that I refided thirty-fix years in that
extenfive kingdom ; acquired the Mexican language, and for feveral
years converfed with the Mexicans, whofe hiftory I write. I do not,
however, flitter myfelf with having been able to give a perfedl work ;
fince, befides finding myfelf unpofiefled of thofe endowments of ge-
nius, judgment, and eloquence, which are the requifites of a good hif-
torian, the lofs of the greatefl part of the Mexican paintings, and the
want of many valuable manufcripts which are preferved in diftcrent
libraries of Mexico, and required repeated confiiltation, are infuper-
able obftacles to any one who undertakes fuch a hiftory, particu-
larly at a confiderable diftancc from thcfe countries.- Nevcrtlielcfs,
2 hope my work will be acceptable; not on account of the elegance of
the
VUl
PREFACE.
the flyle, the beauty of the defcriptions, the magnitude of the events,
or the weight of the opinions delivered in it ; but from tlie diligence of
my refearches, the integrity of my relation, and the fervice done to the
learned, who arc defirous of being made acquainted with the hiflory
of Mexico.
At the perfuafion of fome perfuns of learning, I wrote flie Eflay on
the Natural Hiftoiy of Mexico, contained in the firft book, which I had
not before judged neceffary ; and it may, in the opinion of many, be
confidered as foreign to the purpof:; : but not to deviate from my fub-
jed, I have connedled the account of natural productions v/ith the
general hiflory, by mentioning the ufe which the Mexicans made of
them. On the other hand, to thofe who are attached to the ftudy of
Natural Hiftory, this eflay will appear, what in truth it is, too con-
fined and fuperficial ; but to fatisfy the curious on that fabjecft, it
would be neceflary to write a work very different from that which I
have undertaken. At the fame time, I fhould have fpared myfelf a
great deal of trouble, if I had not been obliged to comply with the
felicitations of my friends j as in writing that fketch of Natural
Hiflory, I found it necefFary to fludy the works of Pliny, Diofco-
rides, Laet, Hernandez, UUoa, Buffon, Bomare, and other natur-
alifls ; not content with v/hat I had feen myfelf, or the infci-ma-
tion I had received from intelligent people to v/hom thofe countries
were well known.
In this hiflory, nothing has been more anxioufly fludied than fide-
■Jity J I might have abridged my labours, and, perhaps, rendered my
work more acceptable to many, if all the diligence which I ufed to invef-
tigate fafts, had been employed to flrew the relation with philofophical
and political reflexions, or fidlions of capricious invention, after the ex-
ample of many authors in this boafled age ; but to me, as to thofe who
are the fworn enemies of deceit, falfehood, or affeftation, truth ap-
pears a beauty whofe charms increafe in proportion to her iimpli-
tity of drcfs. In recounting the events of the conquefl made by the
Spaniards, I have equally ubflalned from t.he panegyric of Solis, or the
in-
PREFACE.
ÌHvcétives of Las Cafas (a) -, being unwilling eitlier to flatter or ca-
lumniate my countrymen. I have left fails ia ihe £\me degree of cer-
tainty, or probability, in which I found them; wherever I could not
afcertain an event on account of tlic difagreement among authors, as for
example, the death of Montezuma, I have faithfully reported their
different opinions, without having omitted, however, fuch additional
conjeftures as reflexion on the fubjed: has fuggelled. In flaort, I
have always had before my eyes the t.vo facred laws of hifl:ory ; not
to dare to fpeak. what is falfe ; nor to fear to fpeak what is true : and
I flatter myfelf I have violated neither^
I do not doubt there may be readers too nice and refined to bear
with the harflmefs of fo many Mexican names as are fcattercd through
this hiftory; but it is an evil which I have not been able to remedy,
without hazarding another defeót lefs tolerable, though futficicntly
couunon in almoil AÌ the Europeans who have written on America,
that is, the altering of names, for the purpOfe of foftening them, un-
til they are rendered unintelligible. Who would be capable of divi-
ning that De Solis fpeaks of Quauhnahuac, when he fays !^atlaòaca ;.
of Hucjotlipan, where he fubllitutes Gualipar ; or of Cuitlalpitoc^
where he writes PUpatoc? I have therefore thought it mofl fafe ta
imitate tiie .xample of thofe modern writers, who, whenever thev in-
troduce into their works the names ofperlons, places, or rivers, of any
particular country of Europe, writs them in the language of its re-
fpeclive nation ; and in the writings of thefe authors there are names-
taken from the German, and other tongues, fully harlher to the ear,
fi-om the greater concourfe of rough conibnants, than any of the
words I have made ufe of. I do not, however, rejedl names that have
been formerly altered, by which there is no danger of being deceived,
as they are generally known.
With refpedl to the geography of Anahuac, I have ufed every en-
deavour to render it correct ; availing myfelf of the knowledge which I
(aj I do not mean to charge Solis uith flattery, nor Las CaCis with calumny : all I wiilj to
be undcrllood is, thnt 1 cuulJ not adopt the fentiincnts of yolis, who w:'.s ambitious of ag-pran-
diziiig his hero ; nor of Las Cafas, who was fired with pious zeal it» behalf of ihe Indi;ins,
«'ithoyt acculing mjfelf of both.
Yql. I. b jgained.
IK
PREFACE.
gained in many excurfions through that country, as well as the infor-
mation and writings of others; i\fter all, I have not entirely fuc-
ceeded ; for, in fpite of my moft earnefl attempts, I have not been able to
procure the few incomplete aflronomical obfervations which have been
made on thefe places. The fituation, therefore, and diftances men-
tioned in the body of the hiftory, as well as in the chart, are not to be
confidered as being afcertained with that precifion and accuracy v.'hich
are required from a geographer ; but according to fuch computation
as could be made by an attentive furveyor who judged by the eye, I
have in my hands innumerable ancient and modern charts of Mexico,
of which it would have bscn eafy to have copied the mofb corredt ;
but amone thrfe I have not found even one that is not full of errors,
as well in regard to the latitude and longitude of places, as in refpedt
to the divifion of provinces, the courfe of rivers, and the direólion of
the coafls.
To make known what dependence may be placed on any of the
charts hitherto publiOied, it will be fufficient to mention the differ-
ence between them concerning the longitude of the capital, notwith-
flanding it ought to have been better afcertained than any other city of
Mexico. This diiference is not lefs than fourteen degrees, as by fomc
geograpliers the city of Mexico is placed in two hundred and fixty-four
degrees of longitude from the illand of Ferro; by others, in two hun-
dred and fixty-five ; by others, in two hundred and fixty-fix, and
even in two hundred and feventy- eight, or rather more.
To give fome ornament, however, to my hiftory, as well as to faci-
litate the underftanding of many things defcribed in it, I have added
twenty plates. The Mexican characters, the reprcfentations of the
cities, of the kings, of the armour, of the drelTes, of the fliields, of
the century, of the year, and of the deluge, have been copied from
different Mexican paintings. The figare of the greater temple was
taken from that of the Anonymous Conqueror, his dimenfions of it,
however, being corre6led, and additions made to it according to the
defcription of other ancient authors. The figure of the other temple
is a copy of that which Valades publifhed in his Chrijtian Rhetoric.
The
PREFACE.
The portrait of Montezuma was taken from a copy which Gemelli pu-
blirtied of the original, in the pofTellion of Siguenza. The portraits of
the conquerors are copies of thofe which are found in the Decades
of Herrera. All the other figures are defigns from what we have
feen ourfelves, and the defcriptions of ancient hiflorians.
Befides thefe, I have thought proper to prefix to my narration a
fhort account of the writers on the ancient hiilory of Mexico, to flaew
the ground-work of my labours ; alfo to do honour to the memory of
fome illuflrious Americans, whofe writings are entirely unknown in
Europe. It will ferve likewife to point out the fources from whence
others may obtain the hiftory of Mexico, who may be hereafter ia~
clined to complete tins imperfedl work.
XI
b 2 AN
A N
ACCOUNT
OK THE
W R IT E R S
ON THE
ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO.
In the Sixteenth Century.
FErdinand Cortes. The four very long letters written by this fam-
ous conqueror to his fovereign, Charles the Fifth, containing an
account of tlie Conqueft, and many valuable particulars refpedt-
ing Mexico, and the Mexicans, were publiflied in Spanifh, in Latin,
in the Tufcan, and other languages ; the firfl: of thefe letters was
printed in Seville in 1522 ; they are all well written, and difcover both
modefly and fincerity in the relation ; as he has neither made a boaft of
his own adtions, nor thrown obfcurity on thofe of others. If he had
had the rafhnefs to deceive his king, his enemies who prefented fo
many complaints at court againft him, would not have failed to re-
proach him witli fuch a crime.
Bernal Diaz del Caftillo, a foldier and conqueror ; A True Hijlory
of the Conquejl of New Spain, written by him, was printed in Madrid
in 1632, in one volume, folio. Notwithftanding the mifcarriage of
his undertaking, and the coarfcnefs of the ftyle, this hiftory has been
much efleemed for the fimplicity and fincerity of its author, which is
every where difcoverable. He was an eye-witnefs of all that he re-
lates ; but, from being illiterate, he was unqualified for the talk he un-
took ; and frequently ihews himfelf forgetful of fadls, by haviiig writ-
ten many years after the conqueft.
Al—
XlV
ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE
Alfonfo de Mata, and Alfonfo d'Ojeda, both conquerors, and wri-
ters of commentaries on the conqueft of Mexico, which Herrera and
Torquemada have made ufe of. Thofe of Ojeda are the fulleft and
the mofl efteemed. He was more acquainted with the Indians,
being the perfon appointed to attend to the auxiliary troops of the
Spaniards.
Tlie Anonymous Conqueror. This is the name given to the author
of a fliort, but very curious, and efleemed relation which is found in
the colledlion of Ramufio, under the title of The Relation of a Gentle-
man -who attended Ferdinand Cortes. I have not been able to conjec-
ture who this gentleman may have been, as no author makes mention
of him 3 but, whoever he was, he is candid, accurate, and cu-
rious. Without troubling himfelf with the events of the conqueft,
he relates what he obferved in Mexico concerning the houfes, the
fepulchres, the arms, the drelTes, the manner of eating and drinking,
&c. of the Mexicans, and defcribes the form of their temples. If
his work had not been (o much confined, there would have been no
one comparable to it i'efpe<5lH'ig the antiquities of Mexico.
Francifco Lopez de Gomara. The hiftory of New Spain, written by
this learned Spaniard agreeable to information received from the mouths
of the conquerors, and the Writings of the firft religious miffionaries
who were employed in the converfion of the Mexicans, and printed in
Saragolfa in 1 554, is curious and well drawn up. He was the firft who
publiilied the feftivals, rites, la\Vs, and the method by which the Mexi-
cans computed time : but there are many inaccuracies in it on account
oi thelè firft informations which he obtained not having been altogether
evadi:. The tranflation of this work in the Tufcan language, printed
at Venice in 1 599, is fo full of errors it cannot be read without dilguft^
Toribio de Benavente. A moft celebrated Spaniard of the order of
St. Francis, and one of the twelve firft preachers who announced the
golpel to the Mexicans, known commonly from his evangelical po-
verty, by the Mexican name of Motolinia, wrote, among his apoftoli-
cal works. The Uijlory of the Indians of New Spain, divided into three-
parts. In the firft, he explains the ritei of tlieir ancient religion ; in
6 tho.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xv
the fecond, their converfion to the Chriftian faith, and their life whea
Chriftians ; and in the third, he difcourfes of their genius, their arts,
and their cuftoms. Of this hiftory, which is completed in one vo-
lume, folio, there are fome copies to be found in Spain. He wrote
aho a work on the Mexican Calendar (the original of which is prc-
ferved in Mexico), and others not lefs ufeful to the Spaniards than the
Indians.
Andrea d' Ohiios. A Francifcan Spaniard, of holy memory. This
Indefatigable preacher acquired the Mexican, Totonacan, and Huax-
tecan languages, and compofed a Grammar and Di<ftionary of all three.
Befides other works written by him for the ufe of the Spaniards
and the Indiane, he wrote in Spanifli a Treatife on Mexican Antiqui-
ties ; and in the Mexican language, the exhortations which the anci-
ent Mexicans ufed to their children, of which there is a ipecimen in
the feventh book of this hiftory.
Bernardo Sahagun, a laborious Francifcan Spaniard. Having been more
thanjhxty years employed in inflrutìiing the Mexicans, he made great pro-
ficiency in their language and the knowledge of their hiftory. Befides fe-
veral works written by him, both in Mexican and in Spanifh, he com-
pofed in twelve great volumes in folio, a Univerlal Diótionary of the
Mexican Language, containing all that belonged to the geography, the
religion, and the political and natural hillory of the Mexicans. This
work, of immenfe erudition and labour, was fcnt to the royal hiftorio-
grapher of America, refident at Madrid, by the marquis of Villaman-
rique, viceroy of Mexico ; and we do not doubt, but it is Aill pre-
ferved in fome library of Spaiji, He wrote alfo the General Hiftory
of New Spain, in four volumes, which were preferred in manufcript
in the library of the convent of Francifcans in Tolofa de Navarra, ac-
cording to the affirmation of Juan de S. Antonio, in his Bibliotheca
Francifcana.
Alfonfo Zurita, a Spanifli lawyer and judge of Mexico. After hav-
ing, by order of king Philip II. made diligent refearches into the
civil government of the Mexicans, he wrote in Spanifli A compcn-
diom Relation of th'c Lords there were in Mexico, and their Difference :
of
XVl
ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE
of the Laws, Ujages, and Cujloms of the Mexicans : of the tributes 'whkh
they paid y &c. The original manufcript in folio, is preierved in the
library of the college of St. Peter and St. Paul, of the Jefuits of Mexico.
From tliis work, which is well written, fome confiderable part of
M'hat \i-e have faid on the fame fubje(5l is extradted.
Juan de Tobar, a moft noble Jefuit of Mexico. He wrote on the
ancient hiftory of the kingdoms of Mexico, of Acolhuacan, and of
Tlacopan, after having made diligent enquiries, by order of the vice-
roy of Mexico, D. Martino Enriquez. By thefe manufcripts, P. Ac-
cofta was principally diredled in what he wrote concsrning Mexican
antiquities, as he himfelf acknowledges.
Jofeph D'Acoflaj a moft celebrated SpaniHi Jefuit, well known
in the literary world by hÌ5 writings.. This great man, after having
refidctl fomeyears in both the Americas, and informed himfelf, from
experienced people, of the culloms of thofe nations, wrote in Spanifh
the Natural and Moral Hiflory of the Indians, which was printed firil
in Seville, in 1589, reprinted afterwards in Barcelona in 1591, and
from thence circulated into various languages of Europe. This work Ì3
well written, particularly in regard to the phyfical obfervations on the
climate of America J but, it is too confined, defective in many articles^
and there are lome miftakes concerning ancient hiftory,
Fernando Prmentel Ixtlilxochitl, ion of Coanacotzin , lail king of
Acolhuacan, and Antonio de Tobar Cano Motezuma Ixtlilxoqhitl,,
a defcendant of the two royal houfes of Mexico and Acolhuacan..
Thcfe two nobles, at the requeft of the count of Benavente, and the
viceroy of Mexico D. Luis de Velafco, wrote letters on the gene-
alogy of the kings of Acolhuacan, and other points relative to the an-
cient hiftory of that kingdom, which, are preferv.ed in the above men-
tioned college of the Jefuits.
Antonio Plmentel Ixtlilxochitl, fon of D; Fernando Pimenctl.
He wrote Hiftorical Memoirs of the Kingdom of Acolhuacan, by
•which Torquemada was aflifled ; and from it we have taken the caicu-.
lation
ANCIENT HISTOPvY OF MEXICO. xvii
latlon mentioned in the fourth book of our hiftory, of the annual ex-
pences incurred in the palace of the funous king Nezahualcojotl, great-
great-grandfather of that author.
Taddeo de Niza, a noble Indian of Tlafcala. He wrote in the year
1 548, by order of the viceroy of Mexico, the Hiilory of the Con-
quefl, which was fubfcribed by thirty other nobles of Tlafcala.
Gabriel d' Ayala, a noble Indian of Tezcuco. He wrote in the
Mexican language Hiflorical Commentaries ; containing an accolint of
all the affairs of the Mexicans from the year 1 243 of the vulgar ajra,
unto 1562.
Juan Ventura Zapata e Mendoza, a noble of Tlafcala. He wrote in
the Mexican language the Chronicle of Tlafcala j containing all the
events of that nation, from their arrival in the country of Anahuac,
to the year 1589.
Pedro Ponce, a noble Indian, reélor of Tzompahuacan. He wrote in
Spanifh, An Account of the Gods and the Rites of Mexican Paganifm.
The chiefs of Colhuacan. They wrote the Annals of the Kingdom
of Colhuacan. A copy of this work was in the above mentioned library
of the Jefuits.
Chriftoval del Caftillo, a Mexican Meftee. He wrote the Hiftory
of the Travels of the Aztecas, or Mexicans, to the country of Ana-
huac ; which manufcript was preferved in the library of the college of
Jefuits of Tepozotlan.
Diego Mucrnoz Cnmarfo, a noble Meftee of Tlafcala. He wrote in
Spanifh the Hiftory of the City and Republic of Tlafcala. Torque-
raada made ufe of this work, and there are copies of it both in Spain
and Mexico.
Fernando d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, a Tezcucan, and defcendant, in a
right line from the kings of Acolhuacan. This noble Indian cx-
VoL. I. c trcmelv
xviii ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS OF THE
tremely converfant with the antiquities of his nation, wrote, at the re-
queil of the viceroy of Mexico, feveral very learned and valuable
works ; I . The Hiflory of New Spain ; 2. The Hiftory of the Che-
chemecan Lords; 3. An Epitome of tho Hiftory of the Kingdom
of Tezcuco ; 4. Hiftorical Memoirs of the Toltccas, and other na-
tions of Anahuac. All thefe work?, written in Spanifli, wcrepreferv-
ed in the library of St. Peter and St. Paul of the Jefuits of Mexico,
and from them we have extraded fome materials for this hiftory. The
author was fo cautious in writing, that, in order to remove any
grounds for fufpicion of fiótion, lie made his accounts conform exaftly
with the hiftorical paintings, which he inherited from his illuftrious
anceftors.
Juan Batifta Pomar, of Tezcuco, or Cholula, a defcendant from a
baftard of the royal houfe of Tezcuco. He wrote Hiftorical Memoirs
of that Kingdom, which Torquemada has made ufe of.
Domingo de San Anton Muiion Chimalpain, a noble Indian of
Mexico. He wrote in the Mexican language four works, much
tfteemed by the intelligent: i. American Chronicle, contairiing all
the "Events of that Nation, from the Year 1068, to the Year 1597 of
the vulgar era. 2. The Hiftory of the Conqueft of Mexico by the
Spaniards, ■^. Original Accounts of the Kingdoms of Acolhuacan, of
Mexico, and of other provinces. 4, Hiftorical Commentaries from the
year 1064 to 1521. Thefe works, which I moft ardently wifhed for,
were prelerved in the library of the college of St. Peter and St. Paul of
Mexico. Boturini had copies of them, as well as of almoft all tiie
works of the Indians, which I have mentioned ; there was a copy of
the Chronicle alfo in die library of the college of St. Gregory of the
Jefuits of Mexico.
Fernando d' Alvarado Tezozomoc, an Indian of Mexico. He
wrote in Spanilh a Mexican Chronicle, about the year 1598, which
was preforved in the above mentioned library of St. Peter and St. Paul*
Bartolomè de Las Calas, a famous Dominican Spaniard, firft bi-
ftiop of Chiapa, and highly wortliy of memory among the Indians. The
bitter
ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xix
bitter memorials prefented by this venerable prelate to king Ciiarles
V. and Philip II. in favour of the Indians, and againll; the Spanilh
conquerors, printed in Seville, and afterwards tranflated and reprinted,
in odium to the Spaniards, in various languages of Europe ; contains
foine particulars of the ancient hiilory ot the Mexicans, but fo al-
tered and exaggerated, we cannot rely on the authority of the author,
however othcrvvifc rcfpedtable. Thecxcefl'ive fire of his zeal fent forth
light and fmoke together, that is, he mixed truth with falfehood, not
becaufe he lludied an opportunity of deceiving his king and tlie world,
as a fufpicion of fuch guilt in him would be offering wrong to that
virtue which his enemies acknowledged and revered ; but becaufe, not
having been prefent at what he relates concerningMexico, he trufted too
much to information from others, which will be made to appear in fome
parts of this hiflory. We ihould have, probably, been much more
afìifted by two great works of the fame prelate never publifhed, the
one, A Hiliory of the Climate and Soil of the Countries of Ame-
rica; and the Genius and Manners, 6cc. of the Americans under Sub-
jection to the Catholic Xing, This manufcript, conlifting of 830 .
pages, was preferved in the library of the Dominicans of Valladolid,
in Spain, where it was put by Remefal, as he makes us credit in
his Clironicle of the Dominicans of Chiapa and Guatemala. The
other, A General Hiftory of America, in three volumes, folio ; a copy
of which was in the library of the count of V^illaumbrofa, in Madrid,
where Pinelo faw it, as he affirms, in his Bibliotheca Occidentali : two
- Volumes of this hiftory the above mentioned author faw in the cele-
brated archives of Simancas, which have been the fepulchre of many
precious manufcripts on Amcnca. Two volumes alfo were in the li-
brary of J. Kricio, at Amfterdam.
Aguftino Davila, and Padillo, a noble and ingenious Dominican of
Mexico, preacher to king fhilip III. royal hilloriographer of America»
and archbifhop of the ifland of St. Domingo. Befidcs the Chronicle
of the Dominicans of Mexico, printed in Madrid, in 1596, aod the
Hiftory of New Spain and Florida, printed in Valladolid, in 1632, he
wrote the Ancient Hiliory of the Mexicans, employing materials already
rolleftcd by Fernando Duran, a Dominican of Te2CU);9 ; but this
work has not been found. . :.
c 2 Dodor
XX
ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS OF THE
Dodor Cervantes, dean of the metropolitan church of Mexico.
Herrera, the Chronicle-writer, praifes the Hillorical Memoirs of
Mexico, written by this authoi- ; but we have no other intelligence of
him.
Antonio de Saavedra Guzman, a ncble Mexican, during his voyage
to Spain, wrote in twenty cantos, the Hiilory of the Conquefl of
Mexico, and printed it in Madrid, under tlie Spanilh title of El Pe-
7- frr'ino Indiano, in 1599. This work ought to be reckoned amongfl
the hiftories of Mexico ^ for it has nothing of poetry but the meafure.
Pedro Guterrez de S. Chiara. Betancourt made ufe of the manu-
fcripts of this author in his Hiftory of Mexico ; but we know nothing
of the title or quality of the work, nor of the country of the author,
although we fufpe(fl he was an Indian.
In the Seventeenth Century.
Antonio de Herrera, royal hiftoriographer for the Indies. This
candid and judicious author wrote in four volumes in foho. Eight
Decades of the Hiftory of America, beginning from the year 1492,
together with a Geographical Defcription of the Spanifh Colonies 3
which work was printed for the firft time in Madrid, at the beginning
of the laft century, and afterwards reprinted in 1730 j alfo tranflated
and publiOied in other languages of Europe. Although the principal
defign of the author was to relate the aótions of the Spaniards, he does
not, however, omit the Ancient Hiflory of the Americans ; but in
what relates to the Mexicans, he copies for the moft part the accounts
of Acofta and Gomara. His method, however, like that of all rigid
annalifts, is difagreeable to the lovers of hiftory, becaufe at every fl:ep
the narration of fafts is interrupted with the account of other uncon-
nected occurrences.
Arigo Martinez, a foreign author, although of Spanifli fumarne.
After having travelled through the greateit part of Europe, and refided
many years in Mexico, where he made himfelf moft ufeful by his
great fkill in mathematics, he wrote the Hiilory of New Spain,
2 wiiich
ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. rxi
which \\'as printed in Mexico in lóoó. In the Ancient Hiftory, lie
treads for the moft part in the footfteps of Acofta ; but there are aftro-
noniical and pli) lical obfervations in it of importance to the geography
and natural hiftory of thefe countries.
Gregorio Garcia, a Dominican Spaniard. His famous treatife on
the Origin of the Americans, printed in quarto, at Valentia, in 1607,
afterwards enlarged and reprinted in Madrid, in 1729, in folio, is a
work of vafl: erudition, but almoft totally ufelefs, as it gives little or
no àfìiftance in difcovering truth ; the foundation for the opinions
which he maintains concerning the origin of the Americans, are, for
the moft part, weak conjectures founded on the refemblance between
fome of their cuftoms and words, and thofe of other nations.
Juan de Torquemada, a Francifcan Spaniard. The Hiftory of Mexico,
written by him under the title of the Indian Monarchy, printed in Ma-
drid about I 614, in three great volumes in folio, is, without queflion,
the moft complete in refpedl to the antiquity of Mexico of any hitherto
publifhed. The author refided in Mexico from his youth to his
death ; knew the Mexican language well, converfed with the Mexicans
for upwards of fifty years, colledlcd a great number of ancient pidlures
and excellent manufcripts, and laboured at his work more than twenty
years ^ but in fpite of his diligence, and fuch advantages, he frequently
betrays want of memory, of critical fkill, and good tafte j and in -his.
hiftory there appear many grofs contradi^itions, particularly in chro-
nology, feveral childifli recitals, and a great deal of fuperfiuous learn-
ing, on which account it requires confiderable patience to read it ;
nevcrthclefs, there being many things of curiofity and value in it,
which would be fought for in vain in other authors, I was under the
neceflity to do with this hiftory what Virgil did with the works of En^
nius, to fearch for the gems amongft the rubbifh.
Arrias Villalobos, a Spaniard. His Hiftory of Mexico carried on
from the foundation of the capital, to the year 1623, written in vcrfe,
and printed there in the above year, is a work of little value.
Chriftoval
xx:i ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS OF THE
Chriaoval Chaves Caflillejo, a Spaniard. He wrote, about the year
1632, a A'oluine in folio, on the Origin of the Indians, and their firft
Colonies in the Country of Anahiuc.
Carlos de Siguenza e Gongora, a celebrated Mexican profeffor of ma-
thematics in the univtrfity of his native country. This author has
been one of the moll comprehenfive writers on the Hiftory of Mexico,
as he made, at a great expence, a large and choice colledlion of ancient
pidures and manufcripts, and apphed himfelf with thegreatefl: diligence
iind afliduity to illuftrate tin antiquity of that kingdom. Befides many
inathematicil, critical, hillorical, and poetical works compoled by
him, iome of them manufcripts, fome of them printed in Mexico
.from the year 1680 to 1Ó93, he wrote in Spani(h, i. The Mexican
Cvchgrapl-y, a work of great labour, in which, by calculating eclipfes
and comets, marked in the hillorical pidures of the Mexicans, he ad-
iuftcd their epochs with ours, and by availing himfelf of good inftruc-
tion, explained the method they ufed to count centuries, years, and
months. 2. 'The H'Jlory of the Chechemecan Empire , in which he ex-
plains what he found in Mexican manufcripts and paintings concerning
the firll colonies which paffed from Afia to America, and the events of
the moft ancient nations ellablilhed in Anahuac. 3. A long and
learned DilTertation on the Announcing of the Gofpel in Anahuac ;
which was done there, as he believed, by the apoftle St. Tho-
mas, fupporting his opinion on traditions of the Indians, crofies
found, and formerly worOiipped in Mexico, and other monuments.
4. The Genealogy of the Mexican Kings ; in which he traced their
afcending line as far back as the feventh century of the Chriftian tera.
5. Critical Annotations on the Works of Torquemada and Bernal
Diaz; all thefe moft learned manufcripts which would have afforded
confiderable aid to this hillory, were lofi through the negligence of
the heirs of that learned author ; and there now remain only ibme frag-
ments of them preierved in the works of other contemporary writers,
namely, of Gemelli, Betancourt, and Florencia.
Aguftino de Betancourt, a Francifcan of Mexico : his Ancient and
Modern Hiflory of Mexico, printed in that capital, in 1698, in one
volume
ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xxiii
volume in folio, under the title of T^be Mexican Tbeaire, is nothing elfe
in refpedl to ancient hiftory, but an abridgment of Torquejnada done
in hafte, and written with little accuracy.
Antonio dc Solis, royal hiftoriographer of America. The Hiflory
of the Conqueft of New Spain, written by this poliflied and ingc-
genious Spaniard, is more a panegyric than a hiflory. His didlion is
pure and elegant, but his manner is rather affeóted ; the fentences arc
too much laboured, and the public fpeeclies are the work, of his own
fancy ; like one lefs ftudious of truth than embellifhment, he fre-
quently contradids authors the moll worthy of credit, and even Cortes
himfelf, whofe panegyric he undertook. In the laft books of this hif-
tory, we ihall take notice of fome of the miftakes of this famous
writer.
In the Eighteenth Century.
Pedro Fernandez del Pulgar, a learned Spaniard, fucceiTor to Solis
in the office of hifloriographer. The true Hijiory of the Conqueji of
New Spain, written by him, is found cited in the Preface of the mo-
dern edition of Herrera, but we have not feen it. It is to be believed,.
that he fet about writing it for the purpofe of correding the errors of
his predecelTor.
Lorenzo Boturini Benaducci, of Milan. This curious and learned
gentleman arrived in Mexico in 1736 j and, defirous of writing the hif-
tory of that kingdom, he made, during eight years he remained there,
the mod diligent refearches into its antiquity j acquired a confiderable
maftery of tlie Mexican language, entered into frienddiip with the In-
dians to obtain their ancient pictures irom them, and procured copies
of many valuable manufcripts wliich were in the libraries of the mo-
naflcries. The mufeum which he formed of paintings and ancient ma-
nufcripts, was the moil numerous and fele<5l ever feen in that king-
dom, excepting that of the celebrated Sigutnzaj but before he put
a hand to his work, the exceflive jealoufy of the Spanifli governnoent
ilripped him of all his literary efbte, and fent him into Spain, where,.
being
XXIV
ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS OF THE
being entirely cleared from every fufpicion againft his loyalty and honour^
but without recovering his manuicripts, he publilhed in Madrid, in
1746, in one volume in quarto, a ikach of the great hiftory he was
meditating. It was found to contain much important knowledge, ne-
ver before publiflied ; but there were alfo fome errors in it. The hiftorical
fyftem which he had formed to himfelf, was too magnificent for exe-
cution, and therefore fantaftical.
Befides thefe and other Spanilh and Indian writers, there are fome
anonymous writers whofe works are worthy of being recorded on account
of the importance of their fubjedl; fuch as, i. Certain Annals of the
Toltecan nation, p.unted on paper, and written in the Mexican lan-
guage, in which there is an account given of the pilgrimage and wars
of the Toltecas, of their king, of the founding of Tollan, their me-
tropolis, and other occurrences until the year 1 547 of the vulgar «era. 2.
Certain Hiftorical Commentaries in the Mexican Language on the Events
of the Aztecan, or Mexican Nation, from the year 1066 to 1 3 16 ; and
others alfo in the Mexican language from the year 1367 to 1509. 3.
A Mexican Hiftory in the Mexican language, carried back as far as the
year 1406. In this hillory, the arrival of the Mexicans at the city of
Tollan, is fixed at 1196, agreeable to what we report in our hiflory.
All thefe manufcripts were in the valuable mufeum of Boturini.
We {hall not here mention thofe authors who wrote on the anti-
quity of Michuacan, of Yucatan, of Guatemala, and of New Mexico;
becaufe, although manyat prefent believe all thefe provinces were com-
prehended in Mexico, they did not belong to the Mexican empire, the
hiftory of which we write. We have mentioned the writers on the
ancient hiftory of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, and the republic of
Tlafcala, becaufe their events are for the moft part connetìed with thofe
of the Mexicans.
If in enumerating the writers on Mexico, we meant to difplay
our erudition, we could add a long catalogue of French, Englifli, Ita-
lian, Dutch, Flemifli, and German writers, who have written either
defignedly, or accidentally, on the ancient hiftory of that kingdom ;
but after having read many of them, to obtain affiftance to this work, I
found none who were of fervice except the two Italians, Gemelli and
Eotu-
. ANCIENT HISTORY OFMEXICO. xxv
Boturini, who having been in Mexico, and procured from tlie Mcx-icans
many of dieir paintings, and particular intelligence concerning their anti-
quity, have contributed in ibme meafure to illuftrate their hiftory. All
the others have either repeated what was already written by Spaiufh au-
thors mentioned by us, or have altered fads, at their own dilcretion,
to inveigh the more ftrongly againft the Spaniards, as has lately been
done by M. de Paw, in his Philofophical Enquiries concerning the
Americans, and Marmontel in his Romance of 'The Incas.
Amongll the foreign hiftorians of Mexico, none is more celebrated
by them than the Englilh writer, Thomas Gage, whom I obferve many
have quoted as an oracle, and yet there is no writer on America more
addiifted to falfehood. Some, under the influence of the palTions of ha-
tred, love, or vanity, have been induced to mix fables with their writ-
ings j but Gage appears to have delighted in the invention of falfehoods.
What motive or inierefl; could occafion this author to fay, that the Capu-
chins had a beautiful convent in Tacubaja, that in Xalapa there was a bi-
Ihop's palace eredled in his time, with an income of ten thoufand ducats ;
that from Xalapa, he went to Rinconada, and from thence in one day to
Tepeaca ; that there is in this city a great abundance of anotias and of
chicozapotes, that this fruit has a kernel larger than a pear ; that the
wildernefs of the Carmelites ftands to the north-well of the capital;
that the Spaniards burnt the city Tingucz, in Quivira ; that having
rebuilt it, they inhabited it at the time he was there ; that the Je-
fuits had a college in it ; and a thoufand other ridiculous lies, which
appear in every page, and excite in readers who are acquainted with thefc
countries both laughter and contempt ?
Amongfl: modern writers on American affairs, the mofl famous and
efteemed are the Abbé Raynal and Dr. Robertfon. I'he Abbé, befides
feveral grofs delufions, into which he has fallen refpcdling the pre-
fent ftate of New Spain, doubts of every tiling which is laid concern-
ing tlie founding of Mexico, and the ancient hiftory of the Mexi-
cans. " Nothing," fays he, " are we permitted to affirm, except that the
" Mexican empire was governed by Montezuma, at the time that the
** Spaniards landed on the Mexican coaft." This is the manner of
fpeaking of a philofopher of the eighteenth century. Nothing more
Vol. I. d can
xxvi ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS OF THE
can we be permitted to affirm ? And why not doubt alfo of the exifl-
ence of Montezuma ? If we are permitted to aflirm this, as it is af-
certaincd by the teftimony of the Spaniards who faw that king, we
find the atteltation of the fame Spaniards to a vaft many other things
belonging to the ancient hiftory of Mexico which were feen by them,
and further confirmed by the depofitions of the Indians themfeives.
Such particulars therefore may be affirmed, as pofxtively as the esillence
of Montezuma, or we ought alfo to entertain a doubt of it. If there is
reafon, however, to doubt of all the ancient hiftory of the Mexicans,
the antiquity of moft other nations in the world will come equally in
queftion ; for it is not eafy to find another hiftory, the events of which
have been confirmed by a greater number of hiftorians than thofe of
the Mexicans j nor do we know that any people ever publiihed fo fe-
vere a law a?ainft falfe hiftorians as that of the Acolhuas mentioned in
our eighth book.
Dr. Robertfon, though more moderate than Raynal, in his diftruft
of their hiftory, and furniflied with more Spanifh books and manufcripts,
has fallen into more errors and contradictions while he endeavoured to
penetrate further into the knowledge of America and the Americans.
To make us defpair of being able to obtain any tolerable knowledge
of the inftitutions and cuftoms of the Mexicans, he exaggerates the
negligence of the conquerors, and the deftrudtion made of the hifto-
rical monuments of that nation by the fuperftition of the firft miffion-
aries. " In confequence," fays he, " of this fanatical zeal of the
" monks, we have totally loft every intelligence of the moft remote
" events contained in thefe rude monuments, and there does not re-
" main 2. Jingle trace of the policy and ancient revolutions of the eni-
" pire, excepting thofe which are derived from tradition, or from fome
" fragments of their hiftorical pictures which efcaped the barbarous fearch
"of Zumaraga. It appears evident from the experience of all na-
" tions, that the memory of paft events cannot be long preferved,
" nor tranfmitted with fidelity by tradition. The Mexican piclures,
•' v.hich are fuppofed to have ferved as annals of their empire, are
" few in numl^er, and of ambiguous meaning. Thus irom the un-
" certainty of the one, and the obfcurity of the others, we are obliged
" to avail ourielves of fuch intelligence as can be gleaned from the
'• imper-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xxv-ii
♦* imperfed materials which are found fcattered in tlie Spanilh vvri-
'* ters." Dut in thefe aflcrdons this author is gricvouUy deceived;
for, I. The mslerials which we find in Spanilh hillorians are not fv>
imperfedt, bat v/e may form from them a probable, though not al-
together an authentic hillory of the Mexicans ; which will appear
evident to any ooe who impartially confults them; all that is ncccC-
fary is fo make a leleftion. 2. Nor in the writing fuch a hiftory is it
ncceffary to ufe the materials of the Spanilh writers, while there are
fo many hiftcries and memoirs written by the Indians the.r,felves,
of which Robertfon had no knowledge. 3. Nor are the hiflorical
pidlurps fo few in nu;nber, which cfcaped the fearch of tlie firfl
miliionaries, unlefs we compare thofe which remain v/ith the in-
ciedible quantity that formerly cxil^ed ; as may eailly bo undcrllooJ
from this hiftory, Torquem:da, and other writers. 4. Neither are
fuch pidures of ambiguous meaning, except to Robertfon and thofe
who do not underftand the charadlers and figures of the Mexicans, nor
know the method they ufed to rcprefent things. Our writings are of
doubtful fignification to thofe v/ho have not learned to read them.
At the time the miffionaries nude that unfortunate burning of the pic-
tures, many Acolhuan, Mexican, Tcpanecan, Tlafcalan, and other
hillorians were living, and employed themfelvcs to repair tlie lofs
of thefe monuments. This they ia part accompliilied by p.aintin"-
new pictures, or making ufe of our charaders which they had learn-
ed, and inflruiting, by v/ord of mouth, their preachers in their an-
tiquity, that it might be prcferved in their writings, ^vhich Motolinia,
Olmos, and Sahagun have done. It is therefore abfolutely falfc, that
every knowledge of the moft remote events has been totally loft. It is
falfe, befidcs, that there is not a fingle trace remaining of the political
government, and ancient revolutions of the empire, excepting what is
derived from tradition, ócc. In this hiftory, and chiefly in the difierta-
tions, we filali deted fome of the many mifreprefentations which oc-
cur in the hillory of the above mentioned author, and in the works of
other foreign writers, which we might fvvell into large voljines.
Some authors not contented with introduci, ig errors, trifles, and lies,
into the hiflory of Mexico, have confounded it with falfe images and .1-
gures, fuch as thofe of the faiijous Theodore Bry. In Gage's work, in
d 2 the
XXVI 11
PAINTINGS.
the general hlftory of the travels of Prevoft, and others, is reprefent-
ed a beautiful road made over the Mexican lake, from Mexico to-
Tezcuco, which is certainly the greateft abfurdity imaginable. The
great work, entitled. La Gaierie agreable diiMond, fays that ambafladors
were fent in former times to the court of Mexico, mounted on ele-
phants. Such fidions belong to romance not hiflory.
OF PAINTINGS.
■yx rE do not pretend here to give a regifter of all the Mexican plc-
' ^ tures faved from the burning of the firfl mifiionaries, or exe-
cuted afterwards by the Indian hiftorians of the fixteenth century, of
which fome Spanifli writers have availed themfelves, as fuch an enu-
meration vv'ould not be lefs ufelefs than tedious to our readers j but will
only mention fome collcftions, the knowledge of which may be of
fervice to any one inclined to write the hiftory of that kingdom.
I. The colledlion of Mendoza. Thus we call the colledlion of fixty-
three Mexican paintings made by the firft bifliop of Mexico, D. An-
tonio Mendoza, to which he caufed to be added Ikilful interpretations
in the Mexican and Spanifh languages, for the purpofe of fending them
to the emperor Charles V. The vefìel in which they were fent was
taken by a French corfair, and carried into France. The paintings fell
into the hands of Thevcnot, geographer to his moft Chriftian ma-
jelly, of whofe heirs they were purchafed at a liigh price by Hak-
luit, tlien chaplain to the Englifh ambaflador at the court of France..
Being from thence carried into England, the Spanifh interpretations
were tranflated into Englifh by Locke, but not the famous metaphyfi-
cian, by order of fir Walter Ralegh j and laflly, at the requefl of tlie
learned fir Henry Spelman, publifhed by Samuel Purch-is in the third
volume of his Colleftion. In 1692, they were afrefli printed in Paris,,
with a French intei-pretation by Thevenot, in the fecond volume of his
work, entitled. Relation de divers Voiages Curieux. The pidlures as
we
6
PAINT INGS.
we have ' mentioned before, were fixty-three in number ; the tweh-e
firft containing the hiftory of the foundation of Mexico, the years and
eonquefls of the Mexican kings ; the thirty-fix following, reprefent-
ing the tributary cities of that crown, and tlie quantity and fpecies of
their tributes ; and the remaining fifteen, explained a part of the edu-
cation of their youth, and their civil government. But it is necef-
fary to obferve, that the edition by Thevenot is imperfedl ; for in the
copies of the eleventh and twelfth pi6tures, the figures of the years
are changed ; the figures which belong to the reign of Montezuma,
being applied to the reign of Ahuitzotl; and on the contrary: the
copies of the twenty-nrfl: and twenty-fecond picSlures are entirely
wanting, and alfo in great part the figures of the tributary cities. Kir-
ker republiflied a copy of the firfl painting from that of Purchas, in
his work, entitled, Oedipus /Egyptiacus. This colledlion of Mcn-
doza we have diligently fludied, and obtained much affiflance to our
hiilory from it.
II. The colle(flian of the Vatican. Acofta makes mention of feme
painted Mexican annals which were in his time in the library of tlie
Vatican. We have no doubt but they are flill there j confidering the
laudable curiofity and great attention of the Italian gentlemen to pre-
ferve fuch monuments of antiquity ; but we had not any opportunity
of applying there to confult them.
III. The colledion of Vienna. Eight Mexican paintings are pre-
lerved in the library of this court. " From a note," fays Dr. Robert-
fon, " to this Mexican code, it appears, that it was made a pre-
" fent by Emanuel,, king of Portugal, to pope Clement VII. After
*• having pafled through the hands of feveral illuft/joiis proprietors, it
" came into the pofTcllion of the cardinal of Saxe Eifenach, who pre-
"^ fented it to the emperor Leopold." The fame author, in his Hillory
of America, gives a copy of one of thefc paintings, the firfl part of
which reprefents a king, who makes war upon a city after having fent
an embaily to it. The figures of temples, and of Ibme years and days
appear in it ; but as it is a fingle copy without colours, or thofe
marks in the human figures, which, in other Mexican paintings, en-
able
XXIX
x\x
PAINTINGS.
able U3 to diflinguifli perfons, it is not fimply difficult, but totally
impoflible to corapiehend its fignificatlon. If Dr. Robertfon, had
along M'ith it publiilied the other leven copies fent him from Vienna,
probably the meaning of them all might have been underflood.
IV. The colledion of Siguenza. This very learned Mexican hav-
ing been extremely attached to the ftudy of antiquity, collected a large
number of fcledl ancient paintings, part of v/hich he purchafed at a
preat exigence, and part were left him in legacy by the very noble Indian
D. Juan d'Alba IxtJilxochitl, who inherited them from the kings ofTez-
cuco, his ancertors. Thofe reprefentations of the Mexican century, and
iiiQ migration of the Aztecas ; and thofe portraits of the Mexican kings,
wliich Gen^.elli publiihed in his Tcwr of the World, are copies of the
paintings belonging to Siguenza, who was living in Mexico whenGe-
inelli landed Ù\<txz(a). The figure of the century, and the Mexi-
can year, is the fame in effcdl with that publiihed a century before
in Italy by Valades, in his CbrijUan Rhctorick. Siguenza, after hav-
ing made ufe of the above mentioned paintings in his learned v/orks,
left them at his death to the college of St. P>;ter and St. Paul of the
Jefuits of Mexico; together with his felcd: library, and excellent ma-
thematical instruments ; v/here we faw and confulted in the ye^r 1759,
fome volumes of fuch paintings, containing chiefly the penal laws of
the Mexicans.
{a) Dr. Robertfon fays, that the painting of the migration of the Mexicars, or Azecas,
was given to Gemelli by D. Chriftcial Guadala:;a:a ; tut in thar he contradifts Geir.elli h:m-
fcir, who profefle? hew as indebted to Siguenza for all the Mexican antiquities that are copied in
his relation. From Guadalasara he had only the chart of the INJexican lake. <■• But as
now," adds Robertfon, " it appears to be a generally received opinion, fupponed on I know
" not what evidence, that Carrerl never went out of Italy, and that his famous Tour of the
•' World was the narrative of fictitious travels, I have been unwiliing to make any mention of
" thofe pidlures." If \vc did not live in the eighteenth century, in which the moft extrava-
gant fcntimcnts have been adopted, I fliould be atloniftied that fuch an opinion was generally
received. Who can poffibly imagine, that any man who was never at Mexico fliould have been
c.ipable -of giving the mod circumftnntial account of the moll minute events of that time, of
the pcifons then living, of their tank and employments, of all the monafteries of Mexico and
other cities of the number of their religious, of the altars of every church ; and other par-
ticulars never before publiihed? On the contrary, we muft declare, injufliceto the merit
of this Itali in, that we have found no traveller more accurate and exaCi in relating all that he
faw himfclf, or learned by information from others.
V. The
PAINTINGS. xxxi
V. The coUedlioa of Boturini. This valuable collefllon of Mexi-
can antiquities, feized upon formerly, and taken from that learned and
indullrious gentleman by the jealous government of Mexico, vv^as pre-
ferved chiefly in the archives of the viceroy. We faw fome of thefe
paintings, rep refen ting fome events of the conquefl:, and fome fine
portraits of the kings of Mexico. In 1770, were publiflied in
Mexico, along with the letters of Cortes, the figure of the Mexican
year, and thirty-two copies of paintings of tributes, which were paid
by difforent cities to the crown of Mexico, taken from the mu-
feum of Boturini. Thofe of the tributes are the fame with Men-
dofa's, publifhed by Purthas and Thevenot, but they are better exe-
cuted, and have the figures of the tributary cities, which are entirely
wanting in thofe of Purchas and Thevenot ; but ftill fix copies of thofe
reprefenting the tributes are wanting, and there are a thoufand blun-
ders in the interpretations, arifing from total ignorance of antiquity,
and the Mexican language. So much is necefiiiry to be obferved, that
they who fee that \vork publilhed in Mexico, under a refpedablc
name, may not be led into errors.
A D V E R-
[ xxxii 3
ADVERTISEMENT.
"1 T r Herever we have occafion to make mention of perches, feet, or
' inches, without any fpecification, they are to be underftoocl,
according to the meafures of Paris ; which, as they are more generally
known, will, therefore, not be fo apt to caufe ambiguity to the reader.
The perch of Paris (totfe) is equal to fix royal feet (pie clu roij.
Every foot is equal to twelve inches, or thumbs (pouces), and every inch
to twelve lines. A line is fuppofi^d to confifl: of ten parts, or points, in
order to be able the more caiily to exprefs the proportion which this foot
bears to others. The Toledan, or Spanifli foot, which is the third part
of aCaftilian 'uara (yard), is to the royal foot as 1240 to 1440 ; that is,
of the 1440 parts, of which the royal foot is confidered to be com-
pofed, the Toledan foot has 1 240 ; wherefore feven Toledan feet make
about fix royal feet, or a Parifian perch.
In the chart of the Mexican empire, we have thought it fufficient
to mark the provinces, and fome few places ; omitting a great many,
even confiderable cities, as their names are fo long, the infertion of
them would not have left room for the names of the provinces.
CON-
CONTENTS.
BOOK I.
T^Il^ISION of the country of AnaJmaCy i .—Prortincti of tie kingdom of Mexico, 4.— /?i.
"^"^ vers, laket, and fountains, g.— Climate of Aiiahuac, l\.— Mountains, flones, and mine'
rail, \7,.^Plants efiecined for their Jlovjers, xf.-^Plants valued for their fruit, ig.^Plaits
valued for the:r roots, leaves, trunk, or xvood, 2j.—Pla/tts of tf e for their refn, gum, oil,
and juice, ■^l.—^adrupjeds of the kingdom of Anahuac, ■^b,-— Birds of Mexico, 46.— i?,-^-
tiles of Mexico, c^b.—FiJh of the feas, rivers, and lakes of Anahuac, (sl.^-The infeSs of
MexicOf (>•] .^-CharaBers of the Mexicans and other nations of Anahuac „ ,, „ -jy
BOOK II.
Of the 7ol/eca.', &^,— Great civilization of the Toltecas, S6.—Ruin of the Toìtccm, 89.—
7he Chcchemecai, go.—Xololl I. king of the C'.echemecas in Anahuac, 9 1 .—Arrival of the Acol-
huai and other nations, (^■^.—Divijion of the fates and rebellion, g^.— -Death and funeral of
Xolotl, <)j,—Ki>fialtzJn II. king of the Checheiieca!, gy. — Tlolzin 111. king of the Cheche-
mccai, 100.— i^inaltzin IK, king of the Chc.hcmecas, \h,—The Olmccat and theOlomics, ic?.
Ihe Tarafcas, 10^.— Mazahuas, Matlatzincas, and ether nations, ih.—The Nahuatlacas, 107.
^7'he Tlafcalans, lO^.—^Migration of the Mex\ais to anahuac, U2. — Slavery of the Mexi-
cans in Colhuacan, 11^, —Foundation of Mexico, izz.-^A. human ficrifce, • 134
BOOK III.
Acamapilzin I. king of Mexico, iiG.—^iauquauhpitzahuacI. king of Tlafeloho, lij.— Taxes im-
pofed on the Mexicans, izS.—'Huitzilihuitl 11. king of Mexico, 131. — Techotlala, kitig of
Acolhuacai, \yz.— Enmity of Maxtlaton to the Mexicans, 134. — Tlacatcotl II. king of Tta-
tcUlco, 135, — Ixtlilxochill, king of Acolhuacai, 136. — Chimalfofoca III. king of Mexico,
\l^,— Memorable conduH of Cahuacuccuenolzin, lig.— Tragical death of Ixtlilxochitl, and
tyranny of Tizoxjimcc, 140.— AViu Taxes impofd ly the tyrant, \\i, —Death of the tyrant
Tezozomoc, \ ^^.—Ma.\tlatOH, tyrant of Acolhuacan, \\'i.— Injuries done to the king of Mexico,
\\i^.~- Imprifninent and death of king Chimalp^poia, i^c— Negotiations tf NttahiiaUojotl to
Vol. I. e ttiain
CONTENTS.
obtain tht cro'iun, i^i^.—Itzcoall, fourth king of AI ex tea, 156, — Oecurraicis to Moiilezuma
Hhinicam'tnn, i^S.—JCar agahijl the tyrant., 163. — Conquejl of JzcapoTCaLo, and death of t'e
tyrant Maxilato 11 , — ■■•• ' ■ ibb
BOOK IV.
Re-rfiallifhmcnt of the royal family of the Cheehemecas on tlx tlxrone of Acolhuacan, i.6<).—-CoiiqtieJl
of Cojohuaean and other piace s, 1 70. — Monarchy of Taenia, and alliance ^vith the three lingi^
1 T 1 . — Aiii of king A'f zahuaLojoll, 1 7 2 .—Conqueji of Xoehimiteo, Cuitlahuac, and other placet,
173. — Montezuma I. fifth king of Mexico, 176. — Atrocious aB of the Chalchefe, 1 77. — Mar.
riage of Nezahualcyotl "with a princcf of Taciiba, 178. — Death of ^anhtlatoiit I'jg. — Coi^
qucfls of Montezuma, ib. — Inundation of Mexico, 180. — Famine in Mexico, 1 8 1. — NeiV con-
quefis and death of Montezuma, 183. — Axayacatl, fxth king of Mexico, 186.— Death and
Eulogy of king Nezahualcojotl, 188. — Conqurf ofTlatelolco, and death of kÌ7ig Moquihuix, 192.
— Unv conquejti and death of Axi^acatl, 196. — Tizoc, feventh king of Mexico, iq-j.—lfar
letivren Tezcuco and Huexolzinco, 19S. — Marriage of Nezahualpilli ivith ttvo noble ivomen of
Mexico, 199.— 7»-flfif death ofTizoe, ib. — Ahuilzotl, eighth king of Mexico, 200 — Dedication
of the greater temple of Mexico, zoi. — Conquefis of king Ahuitzotl, zoi.—Nevj Inundation
of Mexico, ioi.—Ne%\.' Conquefis and death of Ahuitzotl, ■ — — 2Q5
BOOK V.
Montezuma Ih ninth king of Mexico, lo"}'— Deportment and ceremonials of Montezuma TI. 210»
— Magufeence of the palaces and royal hoifes, 213. — The good and bad of Montezuma, 215. —
ll'ar of Tlafcala, il"] . — Tlahuicol, a celebrated general of the Tlafcalans, 221. — Famine i it
the empire, and public ivorks in thecapilal, 223. — Rebellion of the Mixtecas and Zapotecas, 224.—
Contefl betiveen Huexzotzinco and Cholula, \\).— Expedition againfl Atlixeo and other places, 226»
— Prefagei of the ivar ivith the Spaniards, 226. — Memorable event of a Mexican prineef, 228.
—Uncommon occurrences, 231. — New altar for facrifces and further expeditioiis, ib. — Death
and eulogy of Nezahualpilli, zi'^.-^Rcvolutions in the kingdom of Acolhuacan, — ^36
BOOK VI,
Rcl'giouifyfletn of the Mexicans, 1\\.— The gods of Providence and of heaven, 244. — The dei-
f cation of the fun and the moon, 246. — The god of air, 248. — The gods of mountains, ly.;-
ter, fire, earth, night, and hell, 2^\.~~T/je gotls of ii'ar, 2^2. — Thx gods of commerce, hunt-
ing, f/hing, isfc. 256. — Their idols, and the manner of iMorJhipping their gods, 259. — Trarf-
formations, 260.— The greater temple of Mtx'co, 260. — Buildings annexed to the greater temple,
2S\.— Other temples, 265. — Revenues of the temples, 269. — Kumler and different ranks of
the priefs, 27O. — The employments, drefs, and life of the pricjls, 272. — Tlie priefleffes, 274.
.^Different religious orders, 276. — Common facrifces of human viHims, Z'll .—1 he gladi ato-
rian facrifice, 2S0. — The number of facrifces uncertain, lil.— Inhuman faerif.ccs in Puauh-
titlan, 283. — Auferities andfafting of the Mexicans, 284. — Remarkable aBs of penitence of the
Tlafcalans, 2S7. — The age, century, and year of the Mexicans, 2%%.— The Mexican month,
8 2^1.
CONTENTS.
tC)\,'—InttrcaìaTy Jays, 293. — Di-vinalion, 29^. — Figurti of tht century, the year and motlh,
ibid. — Years and months of the Chiapancfc., 296. — FiJIivnls of the four firjl monhs, 29 .—
Grand fijlival of the god Tczcatlipoca, rg?. — Grand fijtival of Huìlzìlopochtìi, 301. — Fejli'
^ah of the fixtb, fiiicnti, eighth, aid ninth mouths, '^C^. — Fcjlii'als of the tenth, cle-veuth,
t'jjelfth, and thirteenth mouths, 306. — fe/iivah of the five lafl months, log. — Secularfefival,
3 1 3 . — Rites obferi'eJ at the birth of children ,315 . — Niiftial riles, 318. — Funeral riles, 322. —
Their fepukbres^ ■ ■ . 52;
BOOK VII.
EditcatioH of the Mexican youth, ■■,l%.—Expla>i<ttion of the fcven Mwican paintings on Educa-
tion, 330. — The exhortations of a Mexican to his fm, 33 1 .—Exhortations of a Mexican mother
to her daughter, • ^^.—P tibllc fchools and fminaries, 33Ó. — haws in the eleSiion of a king, 338.
—The pomp and ceremonies at the proclamation and tinSlion of the k'ng, 339. — The coronation^
cro^fi, drefi, and other Infgnla of royallj, 04.1. — Prerogatives of ibc cro-jun, ^^2.— The rcyal
council and officers of the court, 343. — AmlaJJadors, 3^4. — Couriers, or pofts, -^^t^.—Thc no-
bility and rights of f,c.:fJlon, 346. — Divifion of the lands, and titles of paffejfion and properly,
348. — The tributes ai.-.i :.jxes laid on the fu>>jcfls of the croivn, 350, — Maglfirales of Mexico and
Acolhuacan, 352. — 1' cnnl larus, 355. — Lams concerning Jlaves, 35c. — Laivs of other countries
of Anahuac, 361. Puu'lhmenti and prifons, 363. — Officers of 'Mar and milltayy orders, 563.
—The military diefs of the king, ^6^. — The arms of the Mexicans, ibid. — Standards and mar-
tial mufic, 368. — The mode of declaring and carrying on ivar, 369. — Fortifications, 372 . — Floating
pelds and gardens of the Mexican lake, ^-^.— Manner of cultivating the earth, 376.— 77»v^-
ing-Jloors and granaries, 377. — Kitchen aiid other gardens and 'vaccds, 378. — Plants mo/i cul-
tivated by the Mexicans, 380. — .4 imali bred by the Mexicans, ih—Chacc of the Mexicans,
^ii.—FiJhing, 384. — Commerce, ib. — Money, 386. — Regulations of the market, 387. — Cuf-
toms of the merchants In their journeys, 381*. — Roads, houfes for travellers, veffels, and bridges,
385. — Men '.^iho carried burdens, 390. — Mexican language, 391. — Eloquence and poeti y, 394.-
Mexican theatre, 396. — iV/*/fir, ^qS.-^Danclng, 399 — Games, 401. — Different kinds of Mexi-
can paintings, 405. — Cloths and Colours, 40;. — Charaéìer of their paintings, and mode of
reprefenting objeiis, 409. — Sculpture, 412. — Cajling of melals, 413. — Mofalc ivoris, 4I4>
—Civ.'l archltedure, 416. — elqueduHs and if'etys upon the. lake, 41 9. — Remains of ancient edi-
fices, 420. — Stone-cutters, engravers, Jetvellers, and potters, 421.! — Carpenters, Weavers, iffc.
^153, Ll/l of the rarities fent by Cortes to Charles V. 4 54. — Kno-wledge of nature, and ufe of
medicinal fmj let, 426. — Oils, ointments, and Infufions, i^c. \l%. — Blood-letting and baths,.
U>id. — Temazcalll, or vapour-baths of ibt Mexicans, 429- — Surgery, 430. — Ailment of the
Mexicans, 431.— //7«f, 435. — iJrr/>, 436. — Ornaments, i{'^'j,—Domefilc furniture and em-
flo^ments, W). — Plants ufed Infl'ead of foap, ^j^c. — Appendix. ■ — 44 1:
T H lì
THE
HISTORY
O F
MEXICO.
BOOK I.
Defer iptio?i of the Country of Anahuac, or a Jhort Account of the Soil,
Climate, Mountains, Rivers, Lakes, Minerals, Plants, Animals,
and People of the Kingdom of Mexico.
THE name of Anahuac, which was originally given to the book L
Vale of Mexico only, from its principal cities having been ^^^—-i^
fituated on little iflands, and upon the borders of two lakes,
taking afterwards a more extenfive fignification, was ufed to denominate
almoft all that tracft of land, which is known at prefent by tiie Name
of 'Neii) Spain {a). " '^'^
This vail country was then divided into the kingdoms of Mexico, Sect, u
Acolhuacan, Tlacopan, and Michuacan : into the republics of Tlaxcallan, ^'^'■''on of
^ . ^ >■ ' the country
Cholollan, and Huexotzinco, and feveral other diftindt ftatcs. of Anahuac.
The kingdom of Michuacan, the moft wefterly of the whole, was
bounded on the eaft and fouth by the Mexican dominions, on the
(a) Anahuac fignifies near to ihc ii'aui; and from thence appears to be derived the name of
Anahuatlaca, or Nal'uatlaca, by which the polifticd nations occupying the banks of the Mexi-
can lake have been known.
Vol. I. B nortli
2 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK T. north by the country of the Chichemecas, and other niore barbarous na-
tions, and on the weft by the lake of Chapallan, and fome independent
ftates. The capital Tzintzuntzan, called by the Mexicans Hukzitzilla,
was fitiiated on the eaftern fliorc of the beautiful lake of Pazcuaro. Be-
fides thefe two cities, there were others very confiderable ; namely,
Tir/pith, Zacapn, and Tarccuato. All this country was pleafant, rich,
and well inhabited.
The kingdom of Tlacopan, fituated between Mexico and Michua-
can, was of fo fmall extent, that, excepting the capital of that name,
it comprehended but a few cities of the Tepaneca nation, and the vil-
lages of the Mazahui, fituated in the mountains to the weft of the
vale of Pvlexico.
The court of Tlacopan was on the weftern border of the lake of
Tezcuco, four miles weft ward from that of Mexico (b).
The kingdom of Acolhuacan, the moft ancient, and in former
times the moft extenlive, was afterwards reduced to more narrow limits
by the acquifitions of the Mexicans. It was bounded on the eaft by
the republic of Tlaxcallan j on the fouth, by the province of Chalco,
belonging to the kingdom of Mexico; on the north, by the country of
the riuaxtecas ; and in the weft, it was alfo bounded by different ftates
of Mexico, and terminated in the lake of Tezcuco. Its length from
fouth to north was little more than tv/o hundred miles, and its greateft
breadth did not exceed fixty ; but in this fmall diftricl there were
large cities, and a numerous population. The court of Tezcuco,
fituated upon the eaftern bank of the lake of the lame name, fifteen
miles to the eaft ward of that of Mexico, was juftly celebrated not
lefs for its antiquity and grandeur than for the polifti and civilization
of its inhabitants. The three cities of Hiiexotla, CoatUchan, and
Ateneo, were fo near adjacent, they appeared like its fuburbs. Qtompan
was alfo a confiderable city, and likewife Acohnan, and Tepepoko.
The celebrated republic of Tlaxcallan orTlafcala, was bounded on
the weft by the kingdom of Acolhuacan, on the fouth by the repub-
(h) The Spaniards have altered the Mexican names, and adapted them to their own lan-
guage, faying Tacuba, Oculma, Otumaba, Guaxuta, Tcpeaca, Guatemala, Churabuico, &c.
in place of Tlacopan, Acolman, Otompan, Huexotla, Tepejacac, Quaulitemallan, and Huit-
zilopochco, whofc example we fliall imitate, as fa* as it is convenient, to avoid giving our
readers tioubh in pronouncing them.
lies
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Iks of Cholollan and Huexotzinco, and by the fiate of I'epejacac, be-
longing; to the crown of Mexico, on the north by the ftate of Zacat-
lari, and on the eafi: by other ftates under fubjedion to the fame crown.
Its length did not reach fifty miles, nor its breadth more than thirty.
Tlafcala, frorn whence the republic took its name, was fituated on
the lide of the great mountain Mattalcueye, towards the nerth-wefl,
and about feventy miles to the eaflward of the court of Mexico.
The kingdom of Mexico, although the mofl modern, was far more
extenfive than all the other mentioned kingdoms and republics, taken
together. It extended towards the fouth-wefl and fouth, as far as
the Pacific Ocean j towards the fouth-eàfl, as far as the neighbourhood
of Sluauh teìna Han ; towards the eaft, exclulive of the difhricls of the
three republics, and a fmall part of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, as
fir as the Gulf of Mexico ; towards the north, to the country of the
Huaxtecas ; towards the north-weft, it bordered on the barbarous
Chichemecas ; and the dominions of Tlacopan and Michuacan, were
its boundaries towards the eaft. The whole of the Mexican kingdom
was comprehended between the 14th and 21ft degrees of north lati-
tude, and between 271 and 283 degrees of longitude, taken from the
meridian of the illand of Ferro fcj.
The fineft: diftrid: of this country, in refpedt to advantage of
filuation, as well as population, was the vale itlelf of Mexico, crowned
by beautiful and verdant mountains, whofc circumference, meafured
at their bafe, exceeded a hundred and twenty miles. A great part of
the vale is occupied by two lakes, the upper one of fweet water, the
lov/er one brackiih, which communicate together by a canal. In the
lower lake, on account of its lying in the very bottom of the valley,
all the water running from the mountains colletìed ; from thence,
when extraordinary abundance of rains raifed the water of the lake over
its bed, it eafily overflowed the city of Mexico, which was fituated in
the lake ; which accident happened not lefs frequently under the
Mexican monarchy than in tlie time of the Spaniards. Thefe two lakes
the circumference of which is not lefs than ninety miles, rcprefentcd
C. ; De Soli?, and otlicr Spnnifli, French, and Englini writers, allow dill more extent to
the kinsjdom of Mexico ; and Dr. Robvrtfon favf, that the territories belon;;ing tj the chiefs
of Tezcuco and Tacuba, fcarccly yielded in extent to thofc of the foverei^n of Mexico ■ but
how far thel'd authors are diflant from the truth, will appear from our diflcrtations.
B 2 in
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
in Ibme degree, tlie figure of a camel, the head and neck of which
were formed by the lake of fweet water, or Chaico, the body by the
lake of brackifli water, called the lake of Tczcuco, and the legs and
feet were reprefented by the rivulets, and tojrents, which ran from the
mountains into the lake. Between the two lakes there is the little
peninfula of Itztapaiapan, v/hich divides them. Befides the three
courts of Mexico, Acolhuacan, and Tlacopan, there were forty
eminent cities, in this delightful vale, and innumerable villages and
hamlets. The cities moft noted next to thtfe courts were Xochimiico,
Chaico, Itztovaiapan, and ^auhtitlan, which now, however, fcarcely
retain a twentieth part of their former greatnefs (d).
Mexico, the moft renowned of all the cities of the new world,
and capital of the empire (the defcription of which we fhail give
in another place) was, like Venice, built on feveral little iflands
in the lake of Tezcuco, in 19 deg, and 26 min. of north latitude,
and in 276 deg. and 34 min. of longitude, between the two
courts of Tetzcuco, and Tlacopan, 1 5 miles to the well: of the one,
and four to the eaft of the other. Some of its provinces were inland,
others maritime.
Sect. II. The principal inland provinces to the northward were, the Otomies ;
Provinces of jq ^^ fouthweft, the Matlatzincas and the Cuitlatecas : to the fouth,
the kingdom . i i n
of Mexico, the Tlahuicas and the Cohuixcas ; to the fouth-ealt, after the ftates of
Itzocan, jauhtcpec, ^lauhquechollan, Atlixco, Tehiiacan, and others,
were the great provinces of the Mixtecas, the Zapotecas, and laflly,
the Chiapanecas. Towards the eaft were the provinces of Tepeya-
cac, the Popolocas, and the Totonacas. The maritime provinces of
the Mexican gulf were thofe of Coatzacualco and Cuetlachtlan, \\ hich
the Spaniards call Cotafta. The provinces on the Pacific Ocean were
thofe of Colhnan, ZacatoUan, Tototepec, T^ecuantepec, and Xoconochco.
The province of the Otomies commenced in the northern part of
the Vale of Mexico, and extended through thofe mountains to the
(a) The other rcfpetìable cities of the Vale of Mexico were, Mizqnh; Cuitlahuac, Azcapo-
y.fihoj Ti'.iayocan, Otompan, Coìhuacan,Mcxicaìt%i>iCO.,Huilx,ilopoc1xo-,Coyohuacan, Ateneo, Coatlichan,
Htiexolla, Chiautla, Acolman, Teotiijtiiacan, Itztapaioccati, 1 epetlaOTLtoc, Tcpepoko, Tizayocca»,
Cilllallcpec-, Coyotcpec, T-zonipanco, Tdtillau, Xaltoccaii, Tctepanco, Khceatipec, Tequizquiac,
Huipochdani Tepotzodan, Tchuillojocean., Huckectoca, Atlacuihiiayan, &c. See our Sixth Bif-
fe rtatlon.
( north.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
north, the diftance of 90 miles from the capital. The ancient
famous city of Tollariy now Tula, diftinguilhed itfelf over all ths
habited places, of which there were many ; alfo Xilotcpec, which after
the conqueft made by the Spaniards, was the metropolis of the Oto-
mies. Beyond the fettlements of this nation towards the north and
north-weft, there were no other places inhabited as far as New Mexi-
co. All this great track of land of more than a thoufand miles in
length, was occupied by barbarous nations, who had no fixed refi-
dence, nor paid obedience to any fbvereign.
• The province of the IVIatlatzincas, comprehended befides the val-
ley of Tolocan, all that fpace from /:hence to Tlaximaloyan (now
Taximaroa), the frontier of the kingdom of Michuacan. The fertile
valley of Tolocan from the fouth-eail to the nortli-weft is upwards of
forty miles long, and thirty in breadth where it is broadeft. Tolocan,
which was the principal city of the Matlatzincas, from whence the
valley took its name, was, as it ftill is, fituated at the foot of a high
mountain perpetually covered with fnow, thirty miles diftant from
Mexico. All the other places of the valley were inhabited partly by the
Matlatzincas, partly by the Otomies. In the neighbouring mountains
there were the ftates of Xalatlauhco, T-zovipahuacan, and Malinalco ;
at no great diftance to the eaftward of the valley the ftate of Ocuil-
lan, and to the weftward thofe of Tozantla and Zoltepec.
The Cuitlatecas inhabited a country which extended more than
two hundred miles from tlie north-v/eft to the fouth-eaft, from the
kingdom of Michuacan, as far as the Pacific Ocean. Their capital
was the great and populous city of Mcxcaltepec upon the coaft, the
r^^ins of which are now fcarcely vifible.
The capital of the Tlahuicas was the plealant and ftrong city of
Quauhnahuac, called by the Spaniards Cucrnabaca, about forty miles
from iMexico towards the foutli. Their province, which commenced
from the fouthern mountains of the vale of Mexico, extended almoft
fixty miles fouthward.
The great province of the Cohuixcas was hounded on the north by
the Matlatzincas, and Tlahuicas, on the weft by the Cuitlatecas, on
the eaft by the Jopi and Mixtecas, and to the fouthward it extended
itfelf as far as the Pacific Ocean, through that part where at prefent
the
6 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK I. the port and city of Acapulco lie. This province was divided into
feveral diftindt ftates, namely, T-zomfanco, Chtlapan, Tlapan, and
Tcoitz.tia, now Tifila, a country for the moft part too hot, and un-
healthy. Tlachco, a place celebrated for its filver mines, either be-
lonp-ed to the above mentioned province, or bordered upon it.
Mixtecapan, or the province of the Mixtecas, extended itfelf from
Acatian, a place diftant an hundred and twenty miles from the court,
tov,-ards the fouth-eaft, as far as the Pacific Ocean, and contained fe-
veral cities and villages, well inhabited, and of confiderable trade.
To the eaft of the Mixtecas, were the Zapotecas, fo called from theh*
capital Teotzapotlan. The valley of Huaxyacac was in their diftridt,
called by the Spaniards Oaxaca, or Guaxaca. The city of Huaxyacac,
was afterwards conftituted a biflioprick, and the valley a marquifate
in favour of the conqueror D. Ferdinand Cortes fej.
To the northward of the Mixtecas was the province of Mazat-
lan, and to the northward and the eaftward of the Zapotecas was Chi-
?nantla, with their capitals of the fame name, from whence their in-
habitants were called Mazatecas, and Chinantccis. The provinces of
the Chiapanecas, Zoqui, and Queleni were the lafl: of the Mexican
«mpire towards the fouth-eaft. The principal cities of the Chiapa-
necas were Tocbiapan (called by the Spaniards Chiapa de Indios),
Tochtia, Cbamolla, and Tziuacantia, of the Zoqui, Tecpantla, and of
the Queleni, Tcopixca. Upon the fide and around the famous moun-
tain Popocatepec, which is thirty-three miles diftant towards the
fouth-eaft from the court, were the great ftates Aiuaquemecan, Tepozt-
lan, yaiihtepcc, Hiiax tepee, Cbietlan, Itzocaii, Acapctlay ocean,
^aiihquechollan, Atlixco, Cbolollan, and Hiiexotzinco ; thefe two laft,
which were the moft confiderable, having, with the afilftance of their
neighbours the Tlafcalans, fliaken ofl^ the Mexican yoke, re-eftabliflied
their former ariftocratical government. Cholollan, or Cholula, and
(e) Some believe, that anciently there was nothinj; in the place called Huaxyacac, but a
mere gnrrifon of the Mcxicjns, and that that city was founded by the Spaniards ; but befides
that it appears by the tribute-roll, that Huaxyacac was one of the tributary cities to the
crown of Mexico, we know that the NIexicans were not accuHoined to ellablifli any garrifon,
except in the moft populous places of their conquered provinces. The Spaniards were faid
to f«und a city whenever they gave a Spanidi name to an Indian fettlcmcnt, and gave it
Sn:\mii\ migiArncs ; Anliqutra va Hi''''>-y''ciic, and Segura ^clla FroiiUra, in Ttpcjacac were no
ftthtrwilc founded. I
Huexot-
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. j^
Huexotzlnco were the largeft and moft populous cities of all that land, rook I.
The Cholulans poflelled a fmall hamlet called Cuitlaxcoapan, in the
very place where afterwards tlie Spaniards founded the city of Angelo-
poli, which is the fccond of New Spain (f).
To the eaft of Cholula there was the refpedable ftate of Tepeyacac ;
and beyond that, the Popolocas, whofe principal cities were Tcca-
machaico and ^echolac. To the fouthward of the Popolocas there
was tiie ilate of Tehuacati, bordering upon the country of the Mix-
tecas ; to the eaft the maritime province of Ciietlacbtlan, and to the
north the Totonacas. This great province, which was the lafl: in
that part of the empire, extended a hundred and fifty miles, begin-
ning from the frontier of Zacatlan, a fiate belonging to the crown
of Mexico, about eighty miles diftant from the court, and ter-
minating in the Gulf of Mexico. Befides the capital Mizquibuacan,
fifteen miles to the eaftward of Zacatlan, there was the beautiful
city of Cbempoalum upon the coaft of the Gulf, which was the
firil city of the empire entered by the Spaniards, and where, as
will hereafter appear, their fuccefs began. Thefe were the principal
inland provinces of the Mexican empire ; omitting the mention, at
prefent, of feveral other leller ftates, which might render our de-
fcription tedious.
Among the maritime provinces of the Pacific Ocean, the moft
northern was Coliman ; whofe capital fo called, lay in 19 deg. of
latitude, and in 272 deg. of longitude. Purfuing the fame coaft,
towards the fouth-eaft was the province of Zacatolan, with its ca-
pital of the fame name; then the coaft of the Cuitlatecas; and af-
ter it that of the Cohuixcas, in which diftrid: was Acapulco, at
prefent a celebrated port for commerce with the Philippine Iflands,
in 16 deg. 40 min. of latitude, and 276 of longitude.
Adjoining to the coail of the Cohuixcas, were the Jopi ; and
adjoining to that, the Mixtecas, kno'.vn in our time by the name of
Xtcnyan. Then followed the great province of Tccuan tepee ; and
laftly, that of Xoco:iochco. The city of Tecuantcpec, from which
the ftate derived its name, was fituated on a beautiful little ifland,
(f) The Spaniards fay Tufilo, Mt'cameca, I^^ucar, Airifto and ^eehula ill place of Tal tlan,
Ariaqucmiia/i, L'accan, AtUx^-o^ -.ind ^aholac.
formed
8 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
B O O K I. formed by a river two miles from the {en. The province of Xoconochco,
which was the lafl and moft foutherly of the empire, was bounded on
the cart: and fouth-eart: by the country of Xochitepec, which did not be-
lonf^ to the crown of Mexico j on the weft, by that of Tecuantepec;
and on the fouth terminated in the ocean. Its capital^ called alfo Xo~
conochcOy was fituated between two rivers, in ^deg. of latitude, and in
28 3 of longitude. Upon the Mexican Gulf there were, befides the coafl:
of the Totonacas, the provinces of Cuetlachtlan and Coatzacualco ;
this laft was bounded on the eart: by the vart; country of OiioJmalco,
under which name the Mexicans comprehended the ftates of Tabafco,
and the peninfula of Yucatan, which were not fubjeól to their do-
minion. Befides the capital, called alfo Coatzacualco, founded upon
the borders of a great river, there were other well-peopled places
amongft which Painalla merits particular mention by having been
the place of the nativity of the famous Malintzin, one of the moft
powerful inftruments of the conquert: of Mexico. The province of
Cuetlachtlan which had a capital fo called, comprehended all that
coaft which is between the river Alvarado, where the province of
Coatzacualco terminates, and the river Antigua fgj, where the province
of the Totonacas began. On that part of the coart: whicli the Mexi-
cans called Chalchicuecan, lie at prefent the city and port of Vera
Cruz, the m.ort: renowned of all New Spain.
All the country of Anahuac, generally fpeaking, was well peopled.
In the hirt:ory and in the differtations we Ihall have occallon to men-
tion feveral particular cities, and to give fome idea of the multi-
titude of their inhabitants. Almofi: all the inhabited fettlements with
their ancient names, are now flill exifting, though much altered ;
but all the ^ancient cities excepting thofc of Mexico or Orizaba and
fome others, appear fo reduced, they hardly contain the fourth
part of the number of buildings and inhabitants which they formerly
poU'efled ; there are many which have preferved but a tenth part,
and others hardly the twentieth part of their ancient greatnefs.
To fpealc in general of the Indians, and comparing the rtate of
their population, reported by the iirft Spanifh hiftorians, and their
(g) We give this river the Spanifl» name, by which it is known at prefent ; as we are
ignorant of its Mexican name,
native
ains.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
native writers, with what we have feen ourfelves, we can aflirm
that at prefent there hardly remains one-tenth part of the ancient
inhabitants ; the miferablc confequence of the calamities they have
undergone.
The land is in great part abrupt and mountainous, covered with Sect. Iir.
thick woods, and watered by large rivers ; though not to be com- and fount- '
pared with thofe of South America : fome of thefe run into the
Gulf of Mexico, and others into the Pacific Ocean. Amongft
the firil:, thofe of Papahapan, Coatzacualco, and Cbiapan are the
greateft. The river Papaloapan, which the Spaniards call Aharadoy
from the name of the firft Spanifli captain who failed into it, has its
principal fource in the mountains of the Zapotecas, and after making
a circuit through the province of Mazatlan, and receiving other
fmaller rivers and ftreams, is difcharged into the Gulf by three
navigable mouths, at thirty miles diftance from Vera Cruz. The
river Coatzacualco, which is alfe navigable, comes down from the
mountains of the Mixes, and croffing the province of which it takes
the name, empties itfelf into the ocean nigh to the country of Ono-
hualco. The river Chiapan begins its courfe from the mountains
called Ciichiimataneo, which feparate the diocefe of Chiapan from
that of Guatemala, erodes the province of its own name, and after-
wards that of Onohualco, where it runs into the fea. The Spaniards
call it 'TabafcOy which they alfo called that tradt of land which unites
the peninfula of Yucatan to the Mexican continent. They called it
alfo the river Gribaha, from the commander of the firft Spanifli fleet
who difcovered it.
Aniongft the rivers which run into the Pacific Ocean Tokhtlan is
the moft celebrated, called by the Spaniards Guadalaxara, or great
river. It takes its rife in the mountains of the valley of Toloccan,
crofles the kingdom of Miciiuacan and the lake of Chapallan, from
thence it waters the country of Tono'lun, where at prefent the city
of Guadalaxara, the capital of New Gallicia, ftands ; and after running
a courfe of more than fix hundred miles, difcharges itfelf into the
ocean, in the latitude of 22 degrees. The river Tccuantepcc
fprings in the mountains of the Mixes, and after a fhort courfe
empties itfelf into the ocean in the latitude of 15 ^ degrees.
Vol. I. C The
IO HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK I. The river of the Jopi waters the country of that nation, and flows
' ' out fifteen miles to the eaftward of the port of Acapulco ; forming
in that quarter the dividing Hne between the diocefes of Mexico and
AngelopoH.
There were befides, and flill are, feveral lakes, which did not lefs
cmbellifli the country than give convenience to the commerce/ of
thofe people. The lake of Nicaragua, of Chapallan, and Pazquaro,
which were the moft confiderable, did not belong to the Mexican
empire. Amongft the others, the moft important to our hiflory, are
thofe two in the vale of Mexico, which we have already fpoken of.
The lake of Chalco extended twelve miles from eail to weft, as fir
as the city of Xochimilco, and from thence taking, for as many miles,
a northerly direction, incorporated itfelf by means of a canal, with
the lake of Tetzcuco j but its breadth did not exceed fix miles.
The lake of Tetzcuco extended fifteen miles, or rather feventeen
from eaft to weft, and fomething more from fouth to north ; but at
prefent its extent is much lefs, for the Spaniards have diverted into
new channels many rivers which formerly ran into it. All the
water which afiembles there is at firft fv/eet, and becomes fait after-
wards, from the nitrous bed of the lake where it is received (b ) ,
Befides thefe two great lakes, there were in the lame vale of Mexi-
co, and to the north of the coaft, two fmaller ones, named after
the cities of Tzompanco, and Xaltoccan. The lake of Tochtlan,
in the province of Coatzacualco, makes a fweet proipeft, and its
banks a moft delightful dwelling. With refpedt to fountains, there
are fo niany in that land, and fo different in quality, they would
deferve a feparate hiftory, efpecially if we had to enumerate thofe of
the kingdom of Michuacan. There are an infinity of nitrous,
fulphureous, vitriolic, and alluminous mineral waters, fome of which
(4) M. de Comare fays, in his Dii^ionary of Natural Hiftoiy, that the fait of the Mexican
l.tke may proceed from the waters of the ocean in the north being filtered through the
earth; and to corroborate his opinion he quotes Le Journal lies S^ava/is, of the year 1676.
But this is truly a grofs error, bccaufe that lake is one hundred and eighty miles dillaat
from the ocean ; belides, the bed of this lake is fo elevated, that it has at lead one mile of
perpendicular liciglit .bove the level of the fea. The ;.nonymous author of the work intitled,
Ohfervations curieiifcs fur le Lac de Mexique, (the work exprefsly from which the journalills
of Paris have made their extradlf,) is very far from adopting the error of M. de Bomare.
fpring
HISTORYOF MEXICO. ii
fpring out (o hot, that in a few moments any kind of fruit or animal BOOK I.
food is boiled in them. There are alfo petrifying waters, namely '^ "^ '
thofe of Tehuacan, a city about one hundred and twenty miles
diilant from Mexico towards the fouth-eaft, thofe of the fpring of
Pucuaro in the ftates of the Conte di Miravalles, in the kingdom of
Michuacan, and that of a river in the province of the Queleni.
With the water of Pucuaro they make little white fmooth flones,
not difpleafing to the tafte ; fcrapings from which taken in broth^
or in Atolli fij are mofl: powerful diaphoretics, and are ufed with
remarkable fiiccefs in various kinds of fevers fkj. The citizens of
Mexico during the time of their kings, fupplied thcmfelves with
water from the great fpring of Chapoltepec, which was conveyed to
the city by an aqueduól, of which, we fliall fpeak hereafter. In
mentioning the waters of that kingdom, if the plan of our hiflory
would permit, we might defcrihe the ftupendous falls or cafcadcs
of feveral rivers (^/J, and the bridges which nature has formed over
others, particularly the Ponte di Dio : thus they call in that country
a vaft volume of earth tlirown acrofs the deep river Atoyaquc, cloie
to the village of Molcaxac, about one hundred miles to the fouth-
eafl: from Mexico, along which, coaches and carriages conveniently
pafs. It is probable, it has been a fragment of a neighbouring
mountain, thrown from it by fome former earthquake.
The climate of the countries of Anahuac varies according to their Sect.iv.
fituation. The maritime countries are hot, and for the moft part ^limite ot
moift and unhealthy. Their heat, which occafions fweat even in
January, is owing to the perfeiS flatnefs of the coafts compared
with the inland country ; or from the mountains of fand that
rather upon the Ihore, which is the cafe v/ith Vera Cruz my native
country. The molflure proceeds not lefs from the fea than froin
the abundance of waters defcending from the mountains which
(:) Atolli is the name given by the Mexicans, to a gruel made of maiz or Indian
corn ; of which «e fhall (peak in another place.
(k) The little lloncs of Pucuaro have been known but a fhort time. I have myfelf been
^n eye witncfs of their wondeiful cffcL>, in the epidemic of i;6j. The dofe prefcribcd for
one v.ho is eafily brought to fwcat is one drachm of the fcrapings.
(/) Amongd the cafcades there is one famous, made by the great river Guadalaxara, in
a place called Tcmpizque, fifie'-n miles to the foiithward of that city.
C 2 command
ti
BOOK I.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
command the coaft. In hot countries there is never any white froft,
and moft inhabitants of fuch regions have no other idea of fnow^ than
that which they receive from the reading of books, or the accounts
of Grangers. Lands which are very high, or very near to very
hi^'h mountains which are perpetually covered with fnow, are cold ;
and I have been upon a mountain not more than twenty-five miles,
removed from the capital, where there has been white frofl and ice
even in the dog-days. All the other inland countries, where the
greateft population prevailed, enjoy a climate fo mild and benign,
they neither feel the rigour of winter, nor the heats of fummer.
It is true, in many of thefe countries there is frequently white frofl:
in the three months of December, January, and February, and
fometimes even it fnows ; but the fmall inconvenience which fuch
cold occafions, continues only till the rifing fun : no other fire
than his rays, is necefliiry to give warmth in winter; no other relief
is wanted in the feafon of heat, but the Iliade; the fame clothing
which covers men in the dog-days, defends them in January ; and
the animals fleep all the year under the open fky.
This mildnefs and agreeablenefs of climate under the torrid zone,
is the effcft of feveral natural caufes, entirely unknown to the an-
cients, who believed it uninhabitable ; and not well underftood by
fome moderns, by whom it is efteemed unfavourable to thofe who
live in it. The purity of the atmofphere, the fmaller obliquity of
the folar rays, and the longer fl:ay of this luminary upon the horizon in
winter, in comparifon of other regions farther removed from the
equator, concur to leffen the cold, and to prevent all that horror
which disfigures the fice of nature in other climes. During that
feafon, a ferene fky and the natural delights of the country, are
enjoyed; whereas under the frigid, and even for the mofl part under
the temperate zones, the clouds rob man of the profpedl of heaven,
and the fnow buries the beautiful produdions of the earth. No lels
caufes, combine to temper the heat of fummer. The plentiful
fliowers which frequently water the earth after mid-day, from April
or May, to September or Oftober; the high mountains continually
loaded with fnow, fcattered here and there through the country of
Anahuae ; the cool winds which breathe from them in that feafon ;
and
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 13
and the fhorter ftay of the fun upon the horizon, compared with BOOK I.
the circumftances of the temperate zone, transform the fummer of *" -^'— '
thofe happy countries into a cool and chearful fpring.
But the agreeablenefs of the climate is counterbalanced by thun-.
der ftorms, which are frequent in fummer, paiticularly in the vici-
nity o( Matlalcueje or the mountain of Tlafclala, and by earthquaices
which at all times are felt, although with lefs danger than terror.
Thefe firft and laft effecSts are occalioned by the fulphur and other
combuftible materials, depofited in great abundance in the bowels of
the earth. Storms of hail are neither more frequent nor more fevere
than in Europe.
1 ho file kindled in the bowels of the earth by the fulphureous and Sect. V.
bituminous materials, has made vents for itfelf in fome of the moun- Mountains,
Stones, and
tains or volcanos, from whence flames are often feen to iflue, and Minerals.
afhes and fmoke. There are five mountains in the diftrift of the
Mexican empire, where at different times this dreadful plifcnomenon
has been obferved. Pojauhtecatl, called by the Spaniard, Volcan d'Ori-
zaba, began to fend forth fmoke, in the year 1545, and continued to
do fo for twenty years : but after that, for the fpace of more than
two centuries, there lias not been obferved the fmalleil: fign of burning.
This celebrated mountain, which is of a conical figure, is indifputably
the higheft land of all Anahuac ; and on account of its height, is
the firft land defcried by feamen who are fteering that way, at the
diftance of fifty leagues fmj. Its top is always covered with fnow,
and its border adorned with large cedar, pine, and other trees of va-
luable v.ood, which make the profpedt of it every way beau-
tiful. It is diftant from the capital upwards of ninety miles to
the eaftward.
The Popocatepec and Iztaccihuatl, which lay near each other, but
thirty-three miles diftant from Mexico towards the fouth-call, are alfo
of a furprifing height. Popocatepec, for which they have fubllituted
{ni) Pojauhtecatl is higher than TaiJc or the Peak of Tcneriff--, according to I'. Tallac-
dicr the jcfiiit, who made obfcrvations on them both : vitìt Letires Edijlanies, &c. Thomas
Gage fays of the Popocatepec, it is as liigh as the higheft Alps : he might have aJded,
fomething higher, if he had calculated the elevated Itation on which this cclebra'ed
mountain rifcs.
the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
tlie name Volcan, has a mouth or vent more than half a mile
wide, from which, in the time of the Mexican kings, it fre-
quently emitted flames ; and in the laft century many times threw
out great quantities of aflies upon the places adjacent ; but in this
century, hardly any fmoak has been obfervcd. Ixtaccihuatl, known
by the Spaniards under the name of Sierra Nevada, threw out alfo
at fometimes fmoke and aihes. Both mountains have their tops
always covered with fnow in fo great quantities, as to fupply with
what precipitates on the neighbouring rocks, the cities or Mexico,
Gelopoli, Cholula, and other adjoining places, to the diftance of
forty miles from thefe mountains, where an incredible quantity is
yearly confumed in cooling and congealing liquors (n).
The mountains of Coliman and Tochtlan, coniiderably di^lant
from the capital, and ftiil more fo from each other, have emitted fire
at different periods, in our time (o).
Belidcs thefe mountains there are likewife others, v/hich, thougli
not burning mountains, are yet of gi-eat celebrity for their height;
namely, Matlalcueye, or the mountain of Tlafcala; Nappaieuciii,
called by the Spaniards, from its figure, Co/re or trunk; Tentzort,
(n) The impoft or duty v\pon ice or congealed fnow confumed in the capital, amouned
in 1746, to 15,522 Mexican crowns; fomc years after, it rofe to 20,0:0, and at prefent «e
may believe it is a great deal more.
(0) A f^'W years ago an account was publ'flicd in Ital}', concerning the mount.iins of
Tochtlan or I ufila, full of curious, Imt loo ridiculous lies ; in which there was a defcrip-
tion of rivers of fire, of frightfvil elephants, Sjc. \Ve do not mention among the burnln"-
mountains, wxther Juruyo, nor Mamotomho, of Nicaragua ; nox timx. of Guatemala ; becaufe
neither of ihcfe three was comprehended under ihe Mexican dominions. That of Guate-
mala, laid in ruins with earthquakes, that great and beautiful city, the 29th of July,
'773- With refpeft to Juruyo, fituated in the valley of Urecho, in the kingdom of Mi-
chuacan, before the year 1760, there was nothing of it but a fmall hU whcic there was a'
fugar pluntation. But on the 29th of ; cptcmber, 1760, it burli with furious fliocks,
and entirely ruined the fugar work, and the neighbouring village of Guacana ; and from
that time has continued to emit fire and burning rocks, which have formed thenifclves
into three high mountain?, «hofc circumierence was nearly fix miles, in 1766, accordin'^
to the account communicated to me, by Don Enimanuelle di Bullamantc, governor of
that province, and an cye-rtitnefs of the f.iCfl. The aflies at the eruption, were fjrccc!
as far as the city of Qiicretaro, one hundred and fifty mil- s dlflant from furu\o, a matter
almoll incredible, but public and notorious in that city; where a giMitleman fliewed me, in
a paper, the viftics which he had gathered. In the city of Val.idolid, fix{y mile; diflant,
it rained afhcs in fiich abundance they were obliged to fweep the yards of the houfes
two or three times during the day.
near
V J
HISTORYOF MEXICO. 15
near to the village of Moacaxac, Toloccan, and others, which, being book r.
of no importance to the fubje(fl, I intentionally omit. Every one knows
that the famous chain of the Andes, or Alps of South America, are
continued through the ifthmus of Panama, and through all New
Spain till they lo fe themfelves in the unknown countries of the North.
The moft conliderable part of this chain is known in that kingdom
under the name of Sierra Madre, particularly in Cinaloa, and Tara-
humara, provinces twelve hundred miles diftant from the capital.
The mountains of Anahuac abound in ores of every kind of metal,
and an infinite variety of other folTils. The Mexicans found gold in
the countries of the Cohuixcas, the Mixtecas, the Zapotecas, and in
feveral others. They gathered this precious metal chiefly in grains
aniongfl the fand of the rivers, and the above mentioned people paid a
certain quantity in tribute to the crown of Mexico. Silver was dug
out of the mines of Tlachco, Tzompanco, and others ; but it was
not fo mucli prized by them as it is by other nations. Since the con-
queft:, fo many filver mines have been difcovered in that country, efpe-
cially in the provinces uhich are to the north-weft of the capital, it
is quite impollible to enumerate them. Of copper they had two forts,
one hard, which they ufed inftead of iron to make axes, hatchets, mat-
tocks, and other inftruments of war and agriculture ; the other flexible,
for making of bafons, pots, and other veffcls. This metal abounded
formerly more than elfcwhere in the provinces of Zacatollan, and the
Cohuixchas ; at prcfcnt it abounds in the kingdom of Michuacan.
They dug tin from the mines of Tlachco, and lead from the mines
of Izmiquilpan, a place in the country of the Otomies. Of tin tiiey
made money, as we fliall obferve in its place, and we know of lead
that it was fold at market, but we are entirely ignorant of the ufe it
was put to ; there were likewife mines of iron in Tlafcala, in Tl.ichco,
and other places ; but they eitiier did not find out thefe mines, or at
leaft did not know how to benefit themfclves by the difcovery. There
were alfo in Chilapan mines of quickfilver, and in many places mines
of fulphur, alum, vitriol, cinnabar, ochre, aud a white earth ftrongly
refembling white lead. Of quickfilver and vitriol we do not know
the ufe which they made; the other minerals were employed in paint-
ing and dying. Of amber and afphaltum, or bitumen of Judea, there
was
\6 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK I. yvas and ftill is great abundance on both coafts, and they were both
paid in tribute to the king of Mexico from many places of the empire.
Amber they ufed to fet in gold for ornament ; afphaltum was employed
in certain incenfe offerings, as we fliall find hereafter.
With refped: to precious flones there were, and ftill are, diamonds,
though few in number ; amethyfts, cats-eyes, turquoifes, cornelians,
and fome green ftones refembling emeralds, and not much inferior to
them ; and of all thefe ftones, the Mixtecas, the Zapotecas, and Cohu-
ixcas, in whofe mountains they were found, paid a tribute to the
king. Of their plenty and eftimation with the Mexicans, and the
manner in which they wrought them, we fliall fpealc more properly
in another place. The mountains which lay on the coaft of the gulf
of Mexico, between the port of Vera Cruz and the river Coatzacu-
alco, namely, thofe of Chinantla, and the province of Mixtecas,
furniflied them with cryftal j and the cities of Tochtepec, Cuetlacht-
lan, Cozamaloapan, and others, were obliged to contribute annually
to the luxury of the court.
Thefe mountains did not lefs abound in various kinds of ftone, va-
luable in architecture, fculpture, and other arts. There are quarries
of jafper, and marble of different colours in the mountains of Calpo-
lalpan to the eaft of Mexico ; in thofe which feparate the two vallies
of Mexico and Toloccan, now called Monte de los Cruzes, and in thofe
of the Zapotecas : of alabafter in Tecalco (at prefent Tecak), a place
in the neighbourhood of the province of Tepeyacac, and in the coun-
try of the Mixtecas : of Tezontli, in the vale itfelf of Mexico, and
in many other places of the empire. The ftone Tetzontli is gene-
rally of a dark red colour, pretty hard, porous, and light, unites moft
firmly with lime and fand, and is therefore more in demand than
any other for the buildings of the capital, where the foundation is
marfliy and unfolid. There are befides entire mountains of load-
ftone, and among others one very confiderable between Teoitztlan and
Chilapan, in the country of the Cohubccas. Of ^letzalitztli com-
monly known by the name of the nephritic ftone, the Mexicans
formed various and curious figures, fome of which are preferved
in different mufeums of Europe. Chhnaltizatl, which is a kind of
talc, is a tranfparent white ftone, dividing eafily into thin leaves;
on
I
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
17
on calcination gives a fine plaillcr, which the ancient Mexicans ufed to BOOK i.
whiten their paintings. There are belides infinite quantities of plaiftcr
and talc ; but refpedting this lafl we do not know what ufe it was put
to. The Mezciiitlatl, that is, moon's-dung, belongs to that clafs of
ftoncs which, on account of their refiftance to the adtion of fire, are
called by cheniifts lapides refraSlarii. It is traniparent and of a rcddifh
pold colour. But no ftone was more common with the Mexicans
O
than the itztli, of which there is great abundance in many places of
Mexico. It is femitranfparent, of a glafly fubllance, and generally
black, but it is found alfo white and bluej they made looking-glafies
of this ftone, knives, lancets, razors, and fpears, as we fhall mention
when we treat of their militia ; and after the introduiflion of the gof-
pel they made facred flones of it which were much valued (p).
However plentiful and rich the mineral kingdom of Mexico may (. r^ y,
be, the vegetable kingdom is ftill more various and abundant. The Plantscfteem-
celebrated Dr. Hernandez, the Pliny of New Spain, defcribes in his flowers.
Natural Hiftory, about twelve hundred plants, natives of that country j
but his defcription, although large, being confined to medicinal plants,
has hardly comprifed one part of what provident nature has produced
there for the benefit of mortals. Of the medicinal plants we rtiould
give but an imperfcdt account if we applied to the medicine of the
Mexicans. With regard to the other clafles of vegetables, fome are
efteenied for their flowers, fome for their fruit, fome for their
leaves, fome for their root, fome for their trunk or their wood, and
others for their gum, refin, oil, or juice fqj. Among the many flow-
ers which embellifh the meads and adorn the gardens of the Mexicans,
there are fome worthy to be mentioned, either from the fingular beauty
of their colours, the exquifite fragrance which they exhale, or the ex-
traordinarinefs of their form.
The Floripundio which, on account of its fize, merits the firfl men-
tion, is a beautiful white odoriferous flower, monopetalous, or confift-
{p) Itztli is known in South America by the nnme of the Pietra del Galinazzo. The cele-
trated Rlr. Caylus proves, in a manufcript Diflertation, which Mr. Bomarc has cited, that the
objiiliana, ot wliich the ancients made their vafi murinl., which were {o much clleemed, was en-
tirtly fimllar to this done.
(^) \\ c h;i ve adopted this though imperfeft divifion of plants, as it appears the moft fuit-
ablc and adajitcd to the plan of our hiliory.
Vol. I. D ing
i8 HISTORYOF MEXICO.
BOOK 1. ing of one leaf, but fo large, in length it is full more than eight inches,
and its diameter in the upper part three or four. Many hang together
from the branches like bells, but not entirely round as their co-
rolla (r), has five or fix angles equidiflant from each other. Thefe
flowers are produced by a pretty little tree, the branches of which
form a round top like a dome. Its trunk is tender, its leaves large,
angular, and of a pale green colour. The flowers are followed by
round fruit as large as oranges, which contain an almond.
The JollocxochitI (s), or flower of the heart, is alfo large, and not
, lefs eftimable for its beauty than for its odour, which is fo powerful,
that a fingle flower is iufficient to fill a whole houfe with the moft
pleafing fragrance. It has many petals, which are glutinous, exter-
nally white, internally reddifh or yellowiili, and difpofed in fuch a
manner, that when the flower is open and its petals expanded, it has
the appearance of a flar, but when fliut it refembles in fome meafure
a heart, from whence its name arofe. The tree which bears it is to-
lerably large,, and its leaves long and rough.
The Coatzontecoxochitl, or flower with the viper's head, is of in-
comparable beauty ('Z^. It is compofed of five petals or leaves, pur-
ple in the innermofl; part, white in the middle, the reft red but
elegantly ftained with yellow and white fpots. The plant which bears
it has leaves refembling thofe of the iris, but longer and larger, its
trunk is fmall and Aim ; this flov/er was one of the moft efteem'ed
amongft the Mexicans.
The Oceloxochitl, or tyger-flower, is large, compofed of three
pointed petals, and red, but towards the middle of a mixed \yhite and
yellow, reprefenting in fome degree the fpots of that wild animal from
which it takes its name. The plant has leaves alio refembling thofe
of the iris, and a bulbous root.
(r) The coloured leaves of which the flower is compofed are called j*f/rt/( by Fabio Co-
lonna, and corolla by Linnaeus, to diftinguifli them from the real leaves.
(j) There is another Jolloxochitl alio exceedingly fragrant, but different in form.
(/) Flos forma fpeftabilis, et quam vix qsifpiam poilit verbis esprimere, aut penecillo pro
digiiitate imitali, a prineipibus Indorum ut natura: miraculum valde expetirus, et in magno
habitus prctio. Hernandez Hillor. Nat. N. Hifpanis, lib. viii. c. 8. The Lincean Academicians
of Rome, who commented on and publiflied this Hiilory of Hernandez in 165!, and law the
paintings ot this fluwcr, wiih its colours, executed in Mexico, conceived fuch an idea of its
beauty that they adopted it as the emblem of their very learned academy, denominating it Fior
di LìKce,
I The
Fl.l.
Iff / /',i^, jfi
'■^>//r:n ',-/////
(l'I// :, ■///,■/?'./; 'f////
///f/i/M/r,ir/t///
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
'9
The Cdcaloxochitl, or raven-flower is fmall, but very fragrant, and
coloured white, red, and yellow. The tree which produces thefe
flowers appears covered all over with them, forming at the end of the
branches natural bunches not lefs pleafing to the fight than grateful
to the fenfe. In hot countries there is nothing more common than
thefe flowers j the Indians adorn their altars with them ; and the Spa-
niards make excellent conferves of them (u).
The Izquixochitl is a fmall white flower, refembling in figure
the cynorrhodo, or wood-rofe, and in flavour the garden-rofe, but
much luperior to it iii fragrance. It grows to a great tree.
The ChempoalochitI, or Cbempafcuhil, as the Spaniards fay, is that
flower tranfplanted to Europe which the French call Oeillet d'Inde, or
Indian carnation. It is exceedingly common in Mexico, where they
call it alfo Flower of the Dead ; and there are feveral kinds diffcrino- in
lize, in figure, and in the number of petals of which they are compofed.
The flower which the Mexicans call Xtloxochitl, and the Miztecas*
T'uitd, is entirely compofed of thin, equal, and flrait threads, but
pliant and about fix inches long, fpringing from a round cup
fomething refembling an acorn, but difterent in fize, in colour, and
fubflance. Some of thefe beautiful flowers are entirely red, others all
white, and the tree which bears them is moft beautiful.
The Macphalxochitly or flower of the hand, is like a tulip, but its
piftillum reprefents the form of a bird's foot, or rather that of an ape,
with fix fingers terminated with as many nails. The vulgar Spa-
niards of that kingdom call the tree which bears thefe curious flowers
Arbol de Mani t as.
Btfides thefe and innumerable'other flowers, natives of that coun-
try, which the Mexicans delighted to cultivate, the land of Mexico
has been enriched with all thofe wliich could be tranfported from Afia
and Europe, fuch as lilies, jclfamines, carnations of difitrcnt kinds,
and others in great numbers, which at prcknt in the gardens of
Mexico rival the flowers of America.
With regard to fruits, the country of Anahuac is partly indebted to Sect. vii.
the Canary Iflands, partly to Spain, for water melons, apples, peaches, loi'tlu'i! n'ùtt.
{u) It is probable that this tree is the fame which Bomaredefcribcs under the name of /"n/n-
g'qtanitr.
D 2 quinces.
20
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK I. quinces, apricots, pears, pomegranates, figs, black-cherries, walnuts,
^^*'' ^ almonds, olives, chefnuts, and grapes ; although thefe lafl: were
not altogether wanting in the country fxj. In Mizteca there are two
kinds of wild vine original in the country : the one in the fhoots and
figure of the leaves limilar to the common vine, produces red grapes,
lariie, and covered with a hard ikin, but of a fweet and grateful tafle,
which would certainly improve from culture. The grape of the other
.vine is hard, large, and of a very harfli tafle, but they make an excellent
conferve of it.
With reipedl to the cocoa-tree, the plaintain, the citron, orange,
and lemon, J am perfuaded, from the teftimony of Oviedo, Her-
nandez, and Bernal Dias, that they had the cocoa from the Phi-
lippine Iflands, and the reft from the Canaries fyj ; but as I know
there are many of another opinion, I decline engaging myfejf in any
difpute ; becaufe, befides its being a matter of no importance to me,
it would force me to deviate from the line of my hiftory. It is cer-
tain, that thefe trees, and all others which have been imported there
from elfewhere, have fuccefsfully taken root, and multiplied as much
as in their native foil. All the maritime countries abound with cocoa-
nut trees. Of oranges, there are feven different kinds, and of lemons
only four. There are as many of the plaintain, or platano, as the
Spaniards call \'i(%). The largeft, which is the zapalot, is from
fifteen
(;i) The places named P arras and Parrai in the diocefe of New Bifeaglia, had thefe names
from the abundance of vines which were found there, of which they made many vineyards,
which at this day produce good wine.
(y) Oviedo, in his Natural Hiltory, attefts, that F. J. Bulangas, a Dominican, was the firfl
who brought the Mufa from the Canaries to Hifpaniola, in 1516; and from thence it was tranf-
planted to the continent of America. Hernandez, in the iiid book, chap. 40. of his Natural
Hiltory, fpeaks thus of the cocoa : 'Nafàtur pajpm «^«</ Orientales et jam quoque apud Occi-
dentales Indos. B. Dias in his Hiftory of the Conqueft, chap. 17. fays, he fowed in the
country of Coatzacualco, feven or eight orange feeds ; and thefe, be adds, were the firft
or.inges ever planted in New Spain. With regard to the mufa, of the four fptcies which
there are of it, it is probable, one of them only is foreign, which is called Giihico.
(z) The mufa was not altogether unknown to the ancients. Pliny, in cting the account
which the foldiers of Alexander the Great gave of all that they faw in India, gives this dc-
fcription of it : Major et alia {arbos) pomo etfuavitate pracellentior., quo fapientes hidorum 1;'.
vunt. Folium avium alas imitatur-, longitudine cuhitorum trium, latitudine duum. FruFium cor-
tice emittit admiralikm Jucci dulcedine, ut uno quartcnos fatitt, Arhori nomcn paLr, pmno aitienr.
Hid. Nat. lib. xii. cap. 6. Bcfides thefe fpecific charaflers of the mufa l-.e fubjo'ns further
,that the name Palan, which was given to the mufa in thofe remote times, is fiill preferved in Ma-
labar, as Garzia dell' Orto, a learned Poi tugiiefe phyfician, bears witnefs, who refided there
many years. It is to be fufpeded whether Platano or plantain has been derived from the word
Palaa
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
fifteen to twenty inches in length, and about three in diameter. It BO
is hard and little efteemed, and is only eat when roalled or boiled.
The Platano largo, that is long, is eight inches at the moll in length,
and one and a half in diameter. The fl^in at firft is green, then yel-
low, and when perfedly ripe, black or blackilh. It is a rcliOiing
and \vholefome fruit, whether boiled or raw. The Guinea is fmaller
than the other, but richer, fofter, more delicious, and lefs wholefome.
The fibres which cover the pulp are flatulent. This fpecies of plan-
tain has been cultivated in the public garden of Bologna, and we
have tafted it, but found it fo unripe and unpalatable on account of
the climate, that it might have been fuppofcd to be a quite different
fpecies. The Domhiico is the fmalleft and likewife the moft delicate.
The tree alfo is finaller tlian the others. In that country there are
whole woods of large extent not only of the plantain, but alfo of oranges
and lemons ; and in Michuacan there is a confiderable commerce with
the dried plantains, which are preferable to raifins or figs.
The iruits which are unqueilionably original in that cour.tryare the
pine-apple, which from being at firft view like to the pine-tree, was
called by the Spaniards Piha. The Mamei, Chirimoya (aj, Anona,
Cabeza di Negro, black Zapote, Chicozapote, white Zapote, yel-
low Zapote, Zapote di S. Dominico, Ahuacate, Guayaba, Capu-
lino, Guava, or Cuaxinlcuil, Pitah;iya, Papaya, Guanabana, Noce
Encarcelado, Plums, Dates, Chajoti, Tilapo, Obo or I lobo, Nance,
Cacahuate, and many others unimportant to be known by the reader.
Moll: of thefe fruits are defcribed in the works of Oviedo, Acofla,
Hernandez, Lact, Nieremberg, Marcgrave, Pifon, Barrere; Sloanc,
r
Palan. The name Bananas, which the French give it, is the lame as it bears in Guinea, and
the name Mula, which the Italians give it, is taken from tlie Arabic. By fome it has been
called the Fruit of Paradifc, and even fome are pcrfuaded it is the very fruit which made our
firft parents tranfgrcfs.
(a) Several European writers on the aftairs of America, confound the Chirimoya with the
Arcona and Guanabana : but they arc three diliinct fpecies of fruits ; although the two fini
arc fomewhat rcfcmblin^ each other. It is ncceflary alfo to guard an::linfl conf>onding the
pine-.ippk v/ith the Anona, which are more different fromcich other than the cucumber and
melon. Bomarc, however, makes two diliinrt fruits of the Chirininya and C'heriinolia, where-
as Cherimo'.ia is only the corruption of the firtl and original name of the fruit. The Ate
likewife, wliich fome judge a fiuit different from the Chcrimo_, a, is only a variety of the
fame fpecies.
Xi-
22 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
COOK f, Ximenes, Ulloa, and many other naturalifts j wc fliall therefore only
take notice of thofe which are the leafl known in Europe.
All the fruits coniprehended by the Mexicans under the generic name
of Tzapotl, are round or approach, to roundnefs ; and all have a hard
ftone (b). The black Zapote, has a green, light, fmooth, tender
bark ; a black, foft, and moft exceeding favoury pulp, which at hrfl
fight looks like the Caffia (c). Within the pulp, it has flat, black-
ifn ftones, not longer than a finger. It is perfectly round, and its
diameter from one and a half, to four or five inches. The tree is
of a moderate iize and thicknefs, with fmall leaves. Ice of the
pulp of this fruit, feafoned with fugar and cinnamon, is of a mod
delicate tafte.
The white Zapote, which from its narcotic virtue, was called by
the Mexicans Cochitzapotl, is fomething fimilar to the black, in
fize, figure, and colour of the bark ; although in the white the
green is more clear j but in other refpecls they are greatly different.
Its flonc, which is believed to be poifonous, is large, round, hard,
and v/hite. The tree is thick, and larger than the black ; and its
leaves alfo are larger. Beiides, the black is peculiar to a warm cli-
mate ; but the white, on the contrary, belongs to the cold and
temperate climates.
The Chicozapote, (in Mexican, Chiclzapotl) is of a fpherlcal
fliape, or approaching thereto ; and is one and a half, or two inches
in diameter. Its fkin is grey, the pulp white, and the flones black,
hard, and pointed. Fron this fruit, when it is flill green, they
draw a glutinous milk, which eafily condenfes, called by the Mexi-
cans, Cb'iclli; and by the Spaniards, Chicle: the boys and girls chew
it ; and in Colima they form it into fmall llatues, and other fV.ncifu]
little figures (d).
{j!>\ The fniits comprchend^-d by the Mexicans under the nnmc of Tzaporl, are the jMam-
mei TelzcNtT^upoll, the Cinnmoy-i Mat-znpot!, the Anon;i ^ranhlziifo/l, ihc bhick Zapotl Tlilt-
.zapotl, &c.
(f) GertcUi fiys, the bhick Zapotl has :ilfo the laile of the Calila: but this is very far
from being- true, which all who have tafted it nnnt know. He fays alfo, that this fruit when
crude, is poifon to fifli, but it is wonderful thai fiich a faiii fliould be knov/n only to Gemelli,
who was not more than ten mor.lhi in Mexico.
{li) Gemelli is pet fuaded that chicle was a ccmpofition made nn purpofe ; but he is de-
ceived, for if is nothing clfe than the mere milk of the unripe fruit condenfed bv the air.
T«m. 6. lib. ii. cap. ic.
The
HISTORYOFMEXICO,
The Chicozapote, fully ripe, is one of the moil delicious fruits ; boo
and by many Europeans reckoned fupcrior to any rVuit in Europe.
The tree is moderately large, its wood fit for being wrought, and its'
leaves are round, in colour and confiilence like thofe of the orange.
It fprings without culture in hot countries ; and in Mixteca, Huax-
teca, and Michuacan, there are woods of fuch trees twelve and fif-
teen miles \ongfeJ.
The Capollino or Capulin, as the Spaniards call it, is the cherry
of Mexico. The tree is little different from the cherry tree of
Europe ; and the fruit is like it in fize, colour, and flone, but not
In tafte.
The Nance is a fmall, round fruit -, yellow, aromatic, and fa-
voury, with extremely fmali feeds, which grow into trees peculiar to
warm climates.
The Chayoti is a round fruit, fimilar in the huflc, with whic'i it is
covered, to tiie chelhut, but four or five times larger, and of a
much deeper green colour. Its kernel is of a green iih white, and
has a large flone in the middle, which is white, and like it in
fubflance. It is boiled, and the ftone eat with it. This fruit
is produced by a twining perennial plant, the root of which is alfo good
to e.it.
The imprifcned nut, commonly fo called, becaufe its kernel is
clofely fhut up within an exceeding hard flone. It is fmaller than
the common nut ; and its figure rcfcmblcs the nutmeg. Its flone is
fiiiooth, and its kernel lefs, and not fo well tailed as the common one.
This (J) tranfported from Europe, has multiplied and become as
common as in Europe itfelf.
The Tlakacahuatl, or Cacahuate as the Spaniards call it, is one of
the mofl fcarce plants which grow there. It is an herb, but very
thick, and flrongly fupplied with roots. Its leaves are fomcthing
(.•) Amonjjft the ridiculous lies told by Thomas Gage, is the following, that in the garden'
of S. Giacinto, (the holpital of the Dominicans of the Miirion from the I'hilippinc illc-, in'
the fiibiirbs of Mexico where he lodged fcvcral months,) ihcrc were Chicozapoti. Tliis fniit
could never be raifcd cither in the vale of Mexico or any other country fuhjcT to white frolt.
( /") We only fpcak of the imprifoned nut of the Mexican empire, as the one of Nc\r
Mexico is larf;er :ind better tailed than the ccmmon one of Europe, as I have been in-
formai from rcfpcctable authority. Probably this of New Mexico u the fame with that
of Louifiana, called Facana, or i'ai:aria.
like
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
like purflain, but not lb grofs. Its flowerets are white, which
bring no fruit. Its fruit are not borne on the branches or item as
in other plants, but attached to the junftion of the roots, within a
white, greyilh, long, roundilh, wrinkled Iheath, and as rough as we
have reprefented it in our third figure of fruits and flowers. Every
Iheath has two or three Cacahuati, which are in figure like pine-
feeds, but larger and groflTer ; and each is compofed, like other feeds,
of two loÒ! ; and has its germinating point. It is fit for eating,
and well tafl:ed when not raw but only a little toafl:ed. If they
are much toafted, they acquire a fmell and tafte fo like cofl^ee, any
one may be deceived by it. Oil is made from the Cacahuati, which
is not ill tailed ; but it is believed to be unwholefome becaufe it is
very hot. It makes a beautiful light, but is eafily extinguifhed.
This plant would thrive, with certainty, in Italy. It is fown in
March or April, and the fruit is gathered in Oftober or November.
Among many other fruits, which I pafs over tp fhorten rny account,
I cannot difpenfe with the mention of the cocoa, the cocoa nut,
A-ainilla, chia, chilli or great pepper, Tomati, the pepper of Ta-
bafco, coton, grain, and leguminous plants which are molt common
with the Mexicans.
Of the Cocoa nuts, (a name taken from the Mexican word Ca-
cahuatli,) Hernandez enumerates four fpecies ; but the Tlalca-
cahuatl, the fmalleft of the whole, was the one mofl: ufed by the
Mexicans in their chocolate and other daily drink ; the other fpe-
cies ferved more as money to traffic with in the market, than
aliment. The Cocoa nut was one of the plants mofl: cultivated in
the warm countries of that empire ; and many provinces paid it in
tribute to the crown of Mexico ; and amongll; others the province
of Xoconocho, whole Cocoa-nut is excellent and better than that of
Maddalena. The defcription of this celebrated plant, and its cul-
ture, is to be found in many authors of every polifhed nation in
Europe.
The Vainilla or Vainiglia, fo-well known and much ufed in Eu-
rope, grows without culture, in warm countries. The ancient
Mexicans made ufe of it in their chocolate and other drinks which
they made of the cocoa.
The
Pi 71.
ì'n/ . I. l'affe 2^
t '///!/<■///
'J/''//<//.j<'r//////, /:,////
•^/ti/t ■//, /(//an//
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Tlie Chia is the fniall feed of a beautiful plant, whofe ftcin
is flrait and quadrangular; the branches extended in four diredions,
and fymmctrically placed oppofite each other, with blue floweret?.
There are two fpecies of it, the one black and finali, from which
there is an oil drawn admirable for painting ; the other white and
larger, of which they make a cooling beverage. Both were ufed
by the Mexicans for thefe atid other purpofes, which we fliall men-
tion hereafter.
Of Chilli or great Pepper (g), which was as much in ufc with
the Mexicans as fait in Europe, there are at leafl eleven fpecies, different
in their fize, figure and fliarpnefs. The Quauhchilli, which is the
fruit of a flirub, and Chiltecpin are the fmallell:, but alfo the moll
fharp. Of tiie Tornate there are fix fpecies, diflinguifhed by their
fize, colour, and tafle. The largeft, which is the Xi6lomatl or
Xitomate, as the Spaniards of Mexico call it, is now very common in
Europe, in Spain, and France, under the name of Tuoniate; and in
Italy, under the name of Pomo-d'oro. The Miltomatl is fmaller,
green, and perfectly round. How much both were ufed by the
Mexicans at their meals, {Ivall be mentioned wlicn we treat of
their diet.
The Xocoxochitl, vulgarly known by the name of Pepe di Tabafco,
from its abounding in that province, is larger than the pepper of
Malabar. It grows on a large tree, whofe leaves have the colour
and luftre of thofe of the orange ; and the flowers arc of a beautiful
red, and fimilar in figure to thofe of the pomegranate, and of a moft
penetrating and pleaiiag fcent, of which the branches alfo partake.
The fruit is round and borne in clufters which at firft a:': green,
afterwards become ah-noft black. This pepper, ufed formerly by
the ancient Mexicans, miy fupply the want of that of Malabar.
C )tton, from its utility, was one of the moft valuable produilions
of that country, as it fcrved inflead of flax (although this plant was
not wanting to them), and the inhabitants o'i Anahuac were gene-
rally clothed in it (h). There is v.hite and tawny-coloured cotton,
vulgarly
(j>) In other co'intrics of Ainciiia tlie-Chilli is called Axi ; in Fpain, Pimiciito ; in Fiance,
Poivre lie CJuincc, and by other names.
(/^) Michuican, New , csico, and Quivira produced flax in great abundance an! of the Wi
quality ; but we arc ignorant if theT; nations cultivated or made «fo of it. The Court of
Vol, I. E Spain,
26 PIISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK I. vulgarly called Coyote. It is a plant common in warm countries,
but more cultivated by the ancients, than the moderns.
The Achiote, called by the French Rocou, ferved the Mexicans
in dying, as it now does the Europeans. Of the bark they made
cordage, and the wood was ufed to produce fire by fridtion, after
the mode of the ancient fliepherds of Europe. This tree is well
defcribed in the didionary of Bomare.
With ■ regard to corn and leguminous plsuits, that country had
from Europe, wheat, barley, rice, peafe, beans, lentils, and others j
all of which rooted themfelves fuccefsfully in foils fuited to their
nature, and multiplied accordingly as we fliall fliew in our differta-
tions (/).
Of grain, the chief, the moft ufeful, and mofl common was the
maize, called by the Mexicans, Tluolli ; of which there are feveral
fpecies, differing in fize, colour, weight, and tafle. There is the
large and the fmall fort, the white, the yellow, the blue, the purple,
the red, and the black. The Mexicans made bread of maize, and
other meats, of which we fliall treat hereafter. Maize was car-
ried from America to Spain, and from Spain into the other countries
of Europe, to the great advantage of the poor ; though an author
of the prefent day, would make America indebted to Europe for it>
an opinion the moft extravagant and improbable which ever entered
a human brain [k).
Spain, being made acquainted of the lands of Mexico being fit for the ciiltuie of flax and
hemp, fent, in the year 177?, twelve country families from Vega di Granata, to be employed
in that kind of agriculture.
(/) Dr. Hernandez, in hi« Natural Hiflory of Mexico, defcribes the fpecies of wheat found
in Michuacan, and boalls its prodigious fecundity : but the ancients either did not know,
or did not incline to ufe it, but gave preference then, as they flill do, to their own maize.
The firft perfon who fowcd European wheat in that country was, a Moorilh Have belonging to
Cortcz, having difcovered a few grains of it in a bag of rice, v.hich he carried for provifion
to the Spanifli foldiers.
{k) Here follow the words of Bomare, in his Diilionary of Nat. Hift. i-Uk Bli dc turquie.
On Jonnoit à cette piante cnrieiife àf utile, le noin de Ble d^ Inde ; parce quelle tire fon origine des
Indes, d'oli elle fùt apporti en Turqiiie, isl de la dans toutes Ics autrcs parlies dc ^Europe, de
CAfrique, tS de fjineriqiie. The name of Grano di Turchia, by which it is at prefent
known in Italy, mud certainly have been the only reafon of Bouiare's adopting an erroi- fo
contrary to the teftimony of all writers on America, and the univerfal belief of nation?.
The wheat is called by the Spaniards of Europe and America, M^Ize, taken from the Haitina
language, which was fouken in the illand now called Hifpaniola, or St. Domingo.
I The
HISTORY OF MEXICO,
27
The chief pulfe of the Mexicans, was the French bean, of which book I.
the fpecies are more numerous and more varied than thofe of maize. '— nr-*-»
The largeft fpecies is the AyacotU, which is the fize of a common
bean, and comes from a beautiful red flower; but the moft efteemed
is the fmall black heavy French bean. This pulfe, which in Italy is
of no value, becaufe it is not good there, is fo excellent in Mexi-
co, that it not only ferves as fuftenance to the poor clafs of people,
but is alfo efteemed a luxury by the Spanirti nobility.
Of plants which were valuable for their root, their leaves, their Sect.viii,
trunk, or their wood, the Mexicans had many which ferved them ^','?"'' ''^'"'
' able for their
for food, namely, the Xicama, Camote, Huacamote, Cacomite, and root, tor their
others ; or which furniihed them with thread for their cloaths, or thcirtVunk
cordage, namely the Iczotl, and feveral fpecies of Maguei; or gave "r*"'' their
them wood for buildings and other works, as the cedar, pine, cyprcfs,
fir, and ebony, 6cc.
The Xicama, called by the Mexicans Catzotl, is a root the figure
and fize of an onion ; quite white, folid, frefli, juicy, and relifliing,
and always eat raw.
The Camote is another root, extremely common in that country,
of which there are three fpecies, one white, one yellow, and another
purple. When boiled they tafte well, efpecially thofe of Queretaro,
which are juftly prized over all the kingdom (/).
The Cacomite is the efculent root of the plant which bears the
beautiful tyger-flower, already defcribed.
The Huacamote is the fweet root of a fpecies of Jucca [m),
which is alfo eat boiled. The papa which is a root tranfplanted
into Europe, and greatly valued in Ireland, was alio brought from
South America, its native country, into Mexico, as many other roots
and falaJs were from Spain and the Canaries, namely, turnips, ra-
difhcs, carrots, garlic, lettuces, and afparagus, cabbages, &c. Oni-
ons were fold in the markets of Mexico, as Cortez mentions in liis
letters to Charles Vth. fo that there was no necelfity for importing
(/) Many call the Camoti, Batate or Patate ; but I have avoiditl this name bccaure it is
equivocal, and indifferently ufed by authors to fignify Camoti and Pape which are totally
diflferent roots.
(w) The Jucca is that plant of whofc root they make Cajava bread, in feveral countries
«f America.
E 2 them
28 HISTORYOF MEXICO.
BOOK I. them from Europe. Befides the name Xonacatl which is given to the
" " '' onion, and that of Xonocapetec, by which name a certain place has
been known fmce the time of the Mexican kings ; they let us under-
ftand that this plant was very ancient in that country, and never
tranfplanted there from Europe.
The Maguei called by the Mexicans, Meil; by the Spaniards, Pka-,
and by many authors, the American aloe, from its being very limilar
to the real aloe, is one of the moft common and moft ufeful plants of
Mexico. Hernandez defcribes nineteen fpecies, ftill more different in
their interior fubftance than in their external form and colour of
leaves. In the feventh book of our hiftory we Ihall have occafion to
explain the great advantages the Mexicans derived from thcfe plants,
and the incredible profit the Spaniards now make of them.
The Iczotl is a fpecies of mountain palm, pretty lofty, and gene-
rally with a double trunk. Its branches form the figure of a fan, and.
its leaves a fpear. Its flowers are white and odorous, which the Spa-
niards preferve ; and its fruit, at firfl: fight, refembles the mufa,
but is altogether ufeleis. Of its leaves they did formerly and flill
make fine mats ; and the Mexicans got thread from it for their manu-
faftures.
This is not the only palm of that country. Befides the Royal
Palm, fuperior to all others in the beauty of its branches, the cocoa-
palm, and the date-palms («), there are other fpecies v/orthy to be.
mentioned.
The Quauhcojolli, is a palm of middle fize,. whofe trunk is in-
acceflible to quadrupeds, from being armed round with long, hard,
and very fharp thorns. Its branches have the figure of an elegant
feather, between which its fruit hangs in cluflers, -being round, large
as the common walnut, and like it confifting of four parts, that is
a fkin at firll green and afterwards blackilh, a yellow pulp flrongly
adhering to the llone, a round and very hard fbone, and within the
Hone a kernel or white fubftance.
The Ixhuatl is finaller and has not more than fix or {c\e.n branches,,
for as foon as a new one buds, one of the old one's withers. Of
(?/) Befides the Date palm proper to that country, there is alfo the Barbary date-palip.
Dates are fold in the month of June, in the markets of Mexico, Angelopoli, and other
cities ; but notwithilanding their fweetnefs they are little in demand.
its
HISTORYOF MEXICO. 2-9
its leaves they made bafl;ets and mats, and at pieient .they make BOOK I.
hats, and other conveniences of them. The bark to the depth of - ''- '
three fingers, is nothing but a mais of membranes, about a foot
long, thin and flexible, but alfo ftrong ; of a number of which
joined together, the poor people make matrafles.
The palm Teoiczotl is alfo fmall. The fubftance of the trunk
which is foft, is furrounded with leaves of a particular fubitance,
round, grofs, white, fmooth, and iliining, which appears like fo many
iliells heaped upon each other, with which, formerly the Indians,
as they do now, adorned the arches of leaves which they made for
their feftivals.
There is another palm, which bears cocoas or nuts of oil, fo
called, (termed by the Spaniards Cocos de Aceite ;) becaufe they
obtain a good oil from it. The cocoa of oil, is a nut in figure and
in fize like the nutmeg ; within which there is a white, oily, e.itable
kernel, covered by a thin purple pellicle. The oil has a (wcct
fcent, but is too eafily condenfed, and then becomes a white mafs,
foft, and white as fnow.
For the excellence, variety, and plenty of its timber, that country
is equal to any in tiie world ; as there is no- Ibrt of climate wanting
in it, every one produces its peculiar wood. Befides oaks, firs, pines,
cyprefles, beeches, aflies, hazels, poplars, and many others common
in Europe, there are entire woods of cedars and ebonies, the two
fpecies moil valued by the ancients : there is an abundance of
Agalloco or wood of aloe, in Mixteca ; of Tapinzecan, in Michu-
acan ; Caoba, in Chiapan Palo Gateado; which we might c:\\ creeping
woody in Zoncoliuhcan, (now Zongolica) ; Cmnote in the mountains
of Tezcoco J. Granadillo or red ebony, in Mixteca and clfcwhere ;
Mizquitl or real Acacia, Tepehuaxin, Copti, Jabin, Guayacan or
holy wood, Ayaquahuitl, Oyametl, the wood of Zopilote, and in-
luimerable other woods valuable for their durability, their hardncfs,
and weight {p), their pliablenefs or eafincfs of being cut, the elegance of
{0') Piiny, in his Natural Hirtory, lib. x vi. cap. vj. mentions no other woods of great
fpccific weight, in water, than thefc four, ebony, box, larch, and barked cork ; hut in
Mexico there are many trees, whofc wood docs not float in water, as the Guajacan,
'1 ;ipinzeran, Jahin, Quilbrahacha, &c. The Quilhrahacha, which means brcuk-axc, is fo
crillcd becaufe in cutting it the a\c is frequently broke by the hardncfs of the wood.
their
3=>
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK their colours, or the agreeablenefs of their odour. The Camote is
' ' ' of a moft beautiful purple ; and the Granadillo, a dark-red colour ;
but the Palo gateado, Caoba, and Tzopiloquahuitl or wood of Zopi-
lot, are flill more admii-ablc. The hardnefs of the Guayacan is well
known in Europe; the Jabiu has the fame property in no lefs a
degree. The aloe-wood of Mixteca, although different from the true
Agalloco of the Eaft, according to the defcription given of it by
Garzia dell'Orto (/>) and < vher authors, is however, not lefs to be
efteemed for its delightful odour, efpecially when it is frefli cut.
There is alfo in that country, a tree whofe wood is precious, but
its nature is fo malignant as to occafion a fwelling in the fcrotum
of any one who manages it indifcreetly when frefli cut. The name
which the Michuacans give it (which I do not at prefent remember)
exprelTes diftintìly that noxious eifeót. I have never been a witnefs
of this fàól, nor have I feen the tree ; but I learnt it when I was
in Michuacan, from refpeilable authority.
Hernandez, in his Natural Hiftoiy, defcribes about one hundred
fpecies of trees ; but having, as v/e before mentioned, confecrated his
ftudy to the medicinal plants, he omits the greater part of thofe which
that fertile foil produces, and in particular thofe which are mofl
confiderable for their lize, and valued for their wood. There are
alfo trees, in height and largenefs fo prodigious, they are not at all
inferior to thofe v/hich Pliny boafls to be the miracles of nature.
Acoila makes mention of a cedar, which was in Atlacuechahuayan,
a place nine miles diflant from Antequera or Oaxaca, the circum-
ference of whofe trunk v.as fixteen fathoms, that is more than
eighty-two feet of Paris ; and I have feen in a houfe in the country a
beam, one hundred and twenty Caflilian feet, or one hundred and
feven Parifian feet long. In the capital, and other cities there are
very large tables of cedar to be feen, confifting of one fmgle piece.
In the valley of Atlixo there is ftill exifting a very ancient fir-
tree (^), fo large, that into a cavity of its trunk which was occafioned by
(/) Stoiia del Semplici, Aromati, &c. della India Orientale.
(y) The Mexican name of this tree is, Ahuehuetl ; and the common Spaniard of that
country calls it, Ahuehuete ; but thofe who would fpeak in Caftilian call it Sabino, that
is Savin, m which they are deceived ; for the Ahuehuetl, though very like to Savin, is not
onp, but a fir, as Hernandez dcmonftrates, in lib. iii. cap. 66, of his Nat. Hift. I iaw the
fir of Atlixco in my way through that city, in 1756, but not near enough to form a jull
idea of its bignefs,
lightning,
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
lightning, fourteen men on horieback could conveniently enter.
We are given a flill ftronger idea of its capacity fro;n a tcftimony
even fo relpedtable as his Excellency D. F. Lorenzana, formerly Arch-
bifhop of Mexico, now of Toledo. This Prelate, in the annota-
tions which he made on the letters of Cortez, to Charles Vth. and
printed in Mexico, in 1770, attelts that having gone himfelf, in com-
pany with the Archbilhop of Guatemala and the Bilhop of Ange-
lopoli, to view that celebrated tree, he made one hundred young lads
enter its trunk.
The Ceibas, which I faw in the maritime province of Xicayan,
may be compared with this famous fir. The largenefs of thefe trees
is proportioned to their prodigious elevation, and they afford a moft
delightful prol'pedt at the time they are adorned with new leaves
and loaded with fruit, in which there is inclofed a particular fpecies
of white, fine, and moll: delicate cotton. This might be, and
aótually has been made into vvcbs as foft and delicate, and perhaps
more fo, than filk (r) ; but it is toilefome to fpin, on account of
the finallnefs of the threads, and the profit does not requite the la-
bour, the web not being lading. Some ufe it lor pillows and mat-
traffeS which have the fingular property of fwelling enormoully
when expofed to the fun.
Amongft the great many trees worthy of notice for their peculiari-
ties, which I am however obliged to look over, I cannot omit a
certain fpecies of wood-fig, which grows in the country of the
Cohuixcas and in other places of the kingdom. It is a lofty, grofs,
thick tree, fimilar in leaves and fruit to the common hg. From
its branches, which extend horizontally, fpring certain filaments
which taking their direction towards the earth, increafe and grow
till they reach it; ftrike root and form fo many new trunks,
that from one fingle fig, a whole wood may be generated. The
fruit of this tree is altogether ufelcfs, but its timber is good (j-).
In
(r) Ds Bomare fays, that the Africans intikc of the thread of the Ccibn, the vc'^ctable
taffciy, which is fo fcarcc, and fo much tllocnicd in Europe. I do not wonder at the fearcity
of fucli cloth, confidcring the diificulty of making it. The name Ceiba i., taken, li\e many
others, from the language which was fpoke in the illand Haiti, or San Domingo. The Mexi-
cans call it, Pochotl ; and many Spaniards Pochotr. In Africa it has the name of Bentcn.
TliS Ceiba, fays the above author, is higher than ail the trees hitherto known.
[s) A. Perez de Ribas makes mention of this fingular fig, in his Hi (lory of the MIlHons,
from Ciu.ilija ; and Boniurf ir. IiÌn niifiionar) , unji-r tlie names of Figuicr des InJcs, Grande
Fi^uicr,
3a H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK I. With refpedl laftly to plants which yield profitaM: refms, gums,
Sect, IX. oils, 01' juices, the country of Anahuac is mofl fingularly fertile, as
tb'thci"rc-'' Acofta in his Natural Hiflory acknowledges.
fins, gums, The Huitziloxit], from which a balfim diftils, is a tree of mode-
juices, rate height, lis leaves are fomething fimilar to thofe of the almond
tree, but larger; its wood is reddiih and odorous, and its bark grey,
but covered with a reddhh pellicle. Its flowers, which are pale,
fpring from the extremity of the branches. Its feed is fmall,
white, and crooked ; and likewife comes from the extremity of a
thin fhcll about a finger long. In whatever part an incifion is made,
efpecially after rains, that excellent refin diftils which is lb much
valued in Europe, and nowife inferior to the celebrated balfam of
Meccha {t)^ Our balfam is of a reddifh black, or a yeliowifh
white, as from an incifion it runs of both colours, of a iharp and
bitter tafte, and an intenfe but moil: grateful odour. The balfam
tree is common in the provinces of Panuco and Chiapan, and in
other warm countries. The kings of Mexico caufed it to be tranf-
planted into the celebrated garden of Huaxtepec, where it rooted
fuccefsfully, and multiplied confiderably in all thofe mountains.
Some of the Indians, to extraól a greater quantity of balfam, after
making an incifion in the tree, have burnt the branches. The
abundance of thefe valuable trees make theni regardlefs of the lofs
of numbers; by which means they are not obliged to wait the ilow-
nefs of the diftillation. The ancient Mexicans not only coiledred
the opoballam, or drop diftilled from the trunk, but alfo extradtcd
the xylobalfam from the branches by means of decodtion [u). From
the Iluacoiiex and Maripenda (a), they extracfled an oil equivalent
to the balf.im. The Huaconex is a tree of moderate height, and
Figuier, & Figiiicr admirable. The hifton;ins of Eaft India defcribe another tree, fimilar
to this, which is found there.
(/) The firrt balfam brought from Mexico to Rome was f. Id at one hundred ducats, by
the ounce, as Monardes attefts in his Hillory of the medicinal Simples ot .America, and was
declared by the Apollolic See, matter fit for chrifm, alihoiiyh it is diflerent from that of
Mc.cha, as Acoda and other writers on America obfcrve.
(«) Tbcrc is an oil alfo drawn from the fruit of the Huitzlioxitl, fimilar in fmell and
<al1e to that of the bitter almond, but more acrimonious and intenfe, which is found highly
ufeful in medicine.
(.v) The names Huaconex and Maripenda are not Mexican, but adopted by the authors
who write of thefe trees.
of
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
of an aromatic and hard wood which keeps freOi for years though
buried under the earth. Its leaves are fmall and yellow, its flowers
likewife fmall and white, and its fruit funilar to that of the laurel.
They diftilled oil from the bark of the tree j after breaking it, keeping
it three days in fpring water, and then drying it in the fun. They
likewife extradled an oil from the leaves, of a pleafing odour. The
Maripenda is a (hrub, whofe leaves are like the iron of a lance ;
and the iVuit is hmilar to the grape, and grows in clufters which are
firft green, afterwards red. They extraiitcd the oil, by a decodtion
of the branches, with a mixture of fome of the fruit.
The Xochiocotzotl, commonly liquid amber, is the liquid Storax
of the Mexicans. It is a great tree (not a (hrub, as Pluche makes
it) ; its leaves are funilar to thofe of the maple tree indented,
white in one part, and dark in the other j and difpofed in threes.
The fruit is thorny and round but polygonous, with the furface and
the angles yellow. The bark of the tree is in part green, part
tawny. By incifion in the trunk, they extrait that precious reiin
called by the Spaniards, liquidawhar ; and the oil of the fame name,
which is ftill more odorous and eftimable. They alfo obtain liquid
amber from a decodtion of the branches, but it is inferior to that
which dilHls from the trunk.
The Mexican name Copalli, is generic, and common to all the
refms ; but cfpecially fignifies thofe which were made ufc of for
incenfe. There are ten fpecies of trees which yield thefe forts of
refin, and differ not only in their name, but in foliage and fruit, and
in the qu.dity of the refm. That fimply called Copal, as being
the principal, is a v/hite tranfparent refin, which diilils from a
large tree, wiiofe leaves refemble thofe of the oak, but are
larger, and the fruit is round and reddifli. This rcfin is well
known in Europe by the name of gum Copa/, and alfo tlie ufc
which is made of it in medicine and varnifhes. The ancient Mexi-
cans ufed it chiefly in burnt offerings which they made for the wor-
Ihip of their idols ; or to pay refpect to ambaffadors, and other perfor,;.
of the firft rank. At prefent tlicy confume a great quantity in tlie
worHiip of the true Cod, and his faints. The 'Tecopalli or Tepeco-
palH, is a refin finiilar in colour, odour, and tafte to the incenfe of
Vol. I. 1'' Arabia;
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Arabia; which diftils from a tree of moderate fize that grows in
mountains, the fruit of which is Uke an acorn, containing the
nut enveloped in a mucilage, within which there is a fmall kernel,
that is ufeful in medicine. Not only thefe two trees but all the
others of this clafs, which we cannot here defcribe, are peculiar to
warm climates.
The C arcigna, and the Tecatnaca, refins well known in the apo--
thecaries fhops of Europe, diftil from two Mexican trees of rather'
large fize. The trunk of the Caragna (7), is tawny, fmooth,,
fhining, and odorous ; and its leaves, though round, not diffimilar
to thofe of the olive. The tree of the Tecamaca has large indented
leaves, and red, round, and fmall fruit, hanging from the end of
the branches.
The Mizquitl or Mezquite, as the Spaniards call it, is a fpecies
of true Acacia; and the gum which diftils from it is the true
gum arabic, as Hernandez and other learned naturalifts teftify. The
Mezquite is a thorny fhrub, whofe branches are moft irregularly
difpofed; and its leaves Imall, thin, and pinnated. Its flowers are
like thofe of the birch tree. Its fruits are fweet, eatable fhells, con-
taining a feed, of which anciently the barbarous Cicimecas made a
pafte, which ferved them for bread. Its wood is exceedingly hard
and heavy. Thefe trees are as common in Mexico as oaks in Europe,
particularly on hills in temperate countries (2).
Lac, or Gomma Laca (as it is called by the Spaniards), runs in
fuch abundance from a tree like the Mezquite, the branches are
covered with it {a). This tree, which is of moderate iize, has a
red-
{y) The Mexicans gave the Caragna tree, the name of Trahtieliloca^aahuitl, that is,
tree of malignity, not Haheliloca, as Dc Bomare writes it ; becaufe thry fuperllitioudy be-
lieved it to be feared by e-pil fpirits, and a powerful prefervative againft iorcery. Tht
name Tecamaca is taken from the Tecomac Ihiyac of the iVIexicans.
(c) 'I here is in Michuaean a fpecics of Mezquite or Acacia, without the lead thorn, and
with finer leaves ; but in every thing elfe like the other.
(rt) Garzia dell'Orto, in his hiltory of the fimples of India, mnintains, from the accounts
of u.mc perfons experienced in thefe countries, that Lac is produced by ants. This
opinion has been adopted by many authors ; and Soinare does him the honour to believe
the faft fully dcmonflrated ; but Ictus examine how far this is from trtith. firft, Thefe
boaftcd dcmonflrations are but equivocal proofs and fallacious conjcftuies, which any one will
be convinced of, who reads the above authors. Second, Of all the naturalifls who write of
Lac, no one has ever feen it on the tree, but Hernandez ; and th's learned and (inccre
author aftirm?, without the fmalleft diffidence, that the Lac is a gum diliilled from the
tree
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
red-coloured trunk, and is very common in the provinces of the Co-
huixcas and Tlahuica.
Dragon's blood runs from a large tree w^hofe leaves are broad and
angular. It grows in the mountains of Quauhchinanco, and in thofe
of the Cohuixca's {/>).
The Elajlic Gum, called by the Mexicans OUn or Olii, and by
the Spaniards of that kingdom, Ule, diftils from the Olquahuitl,
which is a tree of moderate fize ; the trunk of which is fmooth and
yellowifh, the leaves pretty large, the flowers white, and the fruit
yellow and rather round, but angular ; within which there are kernels
as large as filberds, and white, but covered with a yellowifh pellicle.
The kernel has a bitter tafte, and the fruit always grows attached to
the bark of the tree. When the trunk is cut, the Ule which diftils
from it is white, liquid, and vifcous ; then it becomes yellow, and
laftly of a leaden colour though rather blacker, which it always re-
tains. Thofe who gather it can model it to any form according to
the ufe they put it to.
The Mexicans made their foot-balls of this gum, which, though
heavy, rebound more than thofe filled with air. At prefent, belides
other ufes to which they apply it, they varnilh their hats, their
boots, cloaks, and great coats with it, in the fame way as wax is
ufed in Europe, which makes them all water proof: from Ule,
when rendered liquid by fire, they extradl a medicinal oil. This
tree grows in hot countries fuch as Ihualapan and Mecatlan, and is
common in the kingdom of Guatemala (f). The Quauhxiotl, is Ji
tree which the Mexicans call, Tzinacancuitla-quahuitl, and confutes the other opinion.
Thirdly, The country where Lac abounds, is the fertile province of the Tlahuixchns,
where all the fruits profper furprifingly ; and arc thence carried in great quantities to the
capital. But fuch a quantity of fruit could not be gatheied if there were fo many millions
of ants in that land as would be neceflary to produce fuch an cxceffive quantity of Lac, the
trc'cs being very numerous, and almoft all of them full of it. Fourthly, If the Lac is the
labour of ants, why do they produce it only in thcfe trees, and not in any other fpccics ì iic.
Lac was called by the Mexicans, Bat's Dung, frum fonie analogy which they difcovcrcd
between them.
(*) The Mexicans call dragon's blood Ezf>ùtll, which fignifies blood-coloured medica-
ment ; and the tree Ezquahuitl, that is blood-coloured tree. There is another tree of
the fame name in the mountains of Qiiauhnahuac, which is fomething fimilar, but it?
leaves are round and rough, its bark thick, and its root odorous.
(f) In Michuacan there is a tree, called by the Tarafcas Ta-antajna, of the fame fpecies
m the Olquahuitl ; but its leaves arc different.
F 2 middling
36 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK I. midlino- tree, the leaves of which are round, and the bark rsdJifii.
" " ' There are two inferior fpecies of it, the one yields a white gum,
which, when put in water, gives it a milk colour. The other drops
a reddifli gum ; they are both very ferviceable in dyfenteries.
In this clafs of plants we ought to give a place to the fir, the Hi-
guerilla (which refembles the fig), and the Ocote, a certain fl^ecies of
pine that is very aromatic, on account of the oils which they yield ;
and Brafil wood, logwood, indigo, and many others, on account of
their juices ; but feveral of thefe plants are already known in Europe,
and the others we fhall have occafion to treat of elfewhere.
The fmall part of the vegetable kingdom of Anahuac which we
have here communicated, revives our regret that the accurate know-
ledge, which the ancient Mexicans acquired of natural hiftory, has
almoll: totally difappeared. We know its woods, mountains, and vai-
lies are fcattered with innumerable plants, valuable and ufeful, yet
hardly one naturalift has ever fixed his attention on them. Who can
help lamenting, that of the immenfe treafures wliich the period of
two centuries and a half has difcovered in its rich mines, no part
fhould have been deilined to the foundation of an academy of Na-
turalifts, who might have purfued the fteps of the celebrated Hernan-
dez, and imparted to fociety the knowledge of thefe precious gifts
which the Creator has there fo liberally difpenfed !
Sect, X. The animal kingdom of Anahuac is not better known, although it
Quadrupeds ^^..^g attended to with equal diligence by Docior Hernandez. The dif-
of the king- .... .
domofAna- ficulty of diilinguilhing the fpecies, and the impropriety of appella-
tions taken from analogy, have rendered the hiftory of animals per-
plexed and indiftinft. The firfl Spaniards who gave them names,, were
more fkilful in the art of war than in the fludy of nature. Inftead of
retaining the terms which the Mexicans ufed, which would have been
the moil: proper, they denominated many animals, tygers, wolves,
bears, dogs, fquirrels, &c. although they were very different in kind,
merely from Ibme refemblance in the colour of their llcin, or firure,
or fome fimilarity in their habits and difpofition. I do not pretend to
correft their errors, and ftill lefs to illuflrate the natural hiftory of that
vaft kingdom ; but only to give my readers fome flight idea of the
quadrupeds, birds, reptiles, fiflaes, and infeóls, which inloabit the land
and waters of Anahuac.
Of
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Of tlie quadrupeds fome are ancient, fome modern. We call thofe
modern which were tranfported from the Canaries and Europe into
that country in the fixteenth century. Such are horfcs, afles, bulls,
(heep, goats, liogs, dogs, and cats, which have all fuccefsfuUy mul-
tiplied. In our fourth dilfertation we (hall evince this truth in confu-
tation of fome philofophers of tlie age, who have endeavoured to per-
fuade us that all quadrupeds degenerate in the new world.
Of the ancient (juidrupeds, by which we mean thofe that have from
time immemorial been in that country, fome were common to both
the continents of Europe and America, fome peculiar to the new
v/orld, in common however to Mexico and other countries of North
or South America, others were natives only of the kingdom of
Mexico.
The ancient quadrupeds common to Mexico and the old continent
are, lions, tygers, wild cats, bears, wolves, foxes, the common Itags,
and white {tags (d), bucks, wild goats, badgers, polecats, weazles-,
martens, fquirrels, Polatucas, rabbits, hares, otters, and rats. I am
well aware that Mr. Buffon will not allow a native lion, tyger, or rab-
bit, to Air.erica : but as in our diflertations we have combated this
opinion, which refts chiefly on the (light foundation of the imagined
impollibility of animals, which are peculiar to warm countries of the
old world, finding a paflage to the new continent; it is not necelTary
here to interrupt the courfe of our hiflory with confuting it.
The Miztlt of the Mexicans, is certainly no other than the lion
without hair mentioned by Pliny fej, and totally dirtindl from the
African lion ; and the Oce/otl is no way different from the African
ty^er, according to the tcftin:)ony of Hernandez, who knew both
the latter and the former. The Tochtli of Mexico is exaòlly the rab-
bit of the old continent, and at lead: as ancient as the Mexican ca-
lendar, in which the figure of the rabbit was the firfl: fymbolical cha-
(,/) Tlic wliitc flag, whether it is of the fame or a different f])ccics from the other liaj;, is un-
fjuetVionably coinmon to both continents. It was known to the Greeks and Romans. The
Mexicans called it king of the Stng*. Mr. Buffon is delirous of perfuading us that the white
colour of flags is the cfTcvft of their being in captivity; but as in the. mountains of New
Spain, the white flag is found, which was never made cajitive by man, fuch an idea can no
longer be entertained.
(,) Pliny, in lib. vili. cap. |6. dillinguifties the tivo -fpecies of lions, with and without
hair, and afcertains the niirtiber of each fpccies which Pompcy prcfenied at the Roman fpcc-
tacles.
rader-
*to« m^
HISTORY OFMEXICO,
rafter of their years. The wild cats, iii fize much larger than the
domeflic cats, are fierce and dangerous. The bears are all black, and
more corpulent than thofe which are brought from the Alps into
Italy. The hares are diftinguiflied from thofe of Europe by their
longer ears, and the wolves by a grofler head. Both fpecies are plen-
tiful in that country. According to M. Buffon, we give the name
Point uca to the ^nmickpatlatj, or ^flying rat of the Mexicans. We
call it rat, becaufe it refembles it in the head, though it is much lar-
ger J and flying, becaufe in its natural fiate the Ikin of its fides is loofe
and wrinkled, which it diftends and expands together with its feet
like wings when it makes any confiderable leap from tree to tree. The
vulgar Spaniard confounds this quadruped with the common fquirrel
from their likenefs, but they are undoubtedly different. Mice were
brought to Mexico in European fliips ; the rat was not fo, but always
known in Mexico by the name of ^luimichin, which term they ufed
metaphorically to their fpies.
The quadrupeds which are common to Mexico and other regions of
the new world, are the Cojametl, Epatl, feveral fpecies of apes, com-
prehended by the Spaniards under the generic name of Monos, tJie
•Ajotochtli , Aztacojotl, Tlacuatzin, Techichi, Telalmototli, Techallotl,
Ami%tli, Mapach, and the Danta (f).
The Cojametl, to which, from its refemblance to the wild boar,
the Spaniards gave the name of Javali, or wild hog, is called in other
countries of America Pecar, Saino, and Tayajfu. The gland it has
in the cavity of its back from which a plentiful wheyifh flinking li-
quid dillils, led the firfl hifl:orians of the country, and fmce them
many others into the miflaken belief that it produced hogs with their
navels on their backs ; and many ftill credit the abfurdity, although
upwards of two centuries are elapfed fmce anatomifts have evinced the
(/) Many authors include the Pnco, or Peruvian ram, the Huanaco, the Vicogna, taruga,
and the floth, arnongft the animals of Mexico ; but all thcfe quadrupeds are peculiar to South
and none of them to North America. It is true, Hernandez makes mention of the Paco
amongft the quadrupeds of New Spain, gives a drawing of it, and makes ufe of the Mexican
name Peionichcatl ; but it was on account of a few individuals which were brought there from
Peru, which the Mexicans called by that name ; in the fame manner as he defcribes feveral
animals of the Philippine Ides, not that therefore they had ever been bred in Mexico or
found in any country of North America, unlefs it was fome individual carried there as a
curiofity as they are carried into Europe. j
error
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
error by difleftion of the animal. Such is the difficulty of rooting out
popular prejudices ! The flelhi of the Cojametl is agreeable to eat, pro-
vided it is quickly killed, the gland cut out, and all the flinking li-
quid cleaned from it ; otherwife the whole meat becomes infeóted.
The Epatl, by the Spaniards called Zorrillo, fmall fox, is lefs known
in Eurojie by the beauty of its fkin than the intolerable ftink it leaves
behind wiicn huntfmen are in clofe purfuit of it fg).
The Tlacuatziu, which in other countries bears the names of Chin-
cha, Sarigua, and Opoffiim, has been defcribed by many writers, and
is much celebrated on account of the double fkin to the belly in the
female, which reaches from the beginning of the flomach to the ori-
fice of the womb, covering its teats, has an opening in the middle to
admit its young, where they are guarded and fuckled. In creeping, or
climbing over the walls of houfes, it keeps the fkin diftended, with
the entrance lliut, fo that its young cannot drop out ; but when it
wiihes to fend them abroad to. begin to provide food for themfelves, or
to let them re-enter either to be fuckled or fecurcd from danger, it
opens the entrance by relaxing the fkin, difguifing her burden while
flie carries them, and her delivery every time flie lets them out. This
carious quadruped is the deftroyer of all poultry.
The Jìjotochtliy called by the Spaniards Armadillo, or Encobertado,
and by others Tatti, is well known to Europeans by the bony fcales
which cover its back, relembling the ancient armour of horfcs. The
Mexicans gave it the name of Ajotocbtli, from an imperfcdl likenefs it
has to the rabbit, when it puts out its head and throws it back upon
its neck, while it fhrinks under its fcales or ihell (h).
(_f) Mr. Buffon enumerates four fpecics of the Epatl under the generic name of Mon fetes.
He obfcrvts afterward.', that the two firft 'vhich he names CoaJ'o and Conipata, arc from North
America, and the C!i/«t/i<? and Zorrillo, which arc the two others, aie from South America.
We find no grounds to believe tliele four different fpecics, but only four varieties of the fime
fpecies. The name Coafo, or fquafs taken from Dampicr the navigator, who affiims the term
to be common in New Sfviin, was never heard of in all that country. The Indians of Yu-
catam, where that navi.;r.!f'r was, call that quadruped Pai.
{h) Ajotochtli is a woid compounded oi Ajoili, the back part of the head, and Techtli, rab-
bit. Buffon numbers eight fpecics of them under the name of Taiotu, tflimating their differ-
ence from the number of fcales and moveable fubftances which cover them. I cannot exactly
fay how many fpecics there may be in Mexico, havinjj b.it a few individuals ; as 1 did not think
at tlie tiii.e of writing on this fubjc.f, 1 was not curious to co'.mt their fcales, nor do (
know of any body who ever attended to fuch a ftraugi; kind of diliinclion.
But
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
But it relembles no animal more than the turtle, although many
parts of its form are totally dilTimilar. We might give it the name of
the tellaceous quadruped. When this animal happens to be chaced
on level ground, it has no means of efcaping from the hands of its
purfuers ; but as it chiefly inhabits the mountains, when it meets with
any declivity it coils itfclf up in the form of a globe, and by rolling
itfelf down the defcent fools the hunter.
The Tcchichi, which had elfewhere the name of AIco, was a qua-
druped of Mexico, and other countries of America, which from its
refemblarxe to a little dog was called by the Spaniards Perro, which
fignifies dog. It was of a melancholy afpedl and perfectly dumb, from
whence the fabulous account propagated by many authors flill living
arofe, of dogs becoming mute when tranfported from the old to tlie
new world. The liefli of the Techichi was eat by the Mexicans, and
if we may credit the Spaniards who eat it, was agreeable and nourifli-
ing food. After the conquefl: of Mexico, the Spaniards having nei-
ther large cattle, nor iheep, provided their markets with this quadru-
ped J by which means the fpecies was foon extindl, although it had
been very numerous.
The •Tlalmototli, or land-fquirrel, called by Buffon Svizzero, is
like the real fquirrel in the eyes, in the tail, in fwiftnels, and in all
its movements ; but very different in colour, in fize, in its habitation,
and fome of its qualities. The hair of its btlly is quite white, and
the reiì; of it is white mixed with grey. Its lize is double that of the
fquirrel, and it does not dwell in trees, but in fmali holes which it
digs in the earth, or amongft the flones of ramparts which enclofe
fields, where it does confiderable damage by the grain which it car-
ries off. It bites mofl furioufly any one who approaches it, and can-
not be tamed, but has great elegance of form, and is graceful in its
movement. This fpecies is a very numerous one, particularly in the
kingdom of Michuacan. The Techallotlxi, no way different from the
preceding animal, except in having a fmaller and lefs haiiy tail.
The Amy%tli, or fea-lion, is an amphibious quadruped which in-
habits the liiores of the Pacific Ocean, and fome rivers of that king-
dom. Its body is three feet in length, its tail two. Its fnout is
long
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
long, its legs (hort, the nails crooked. Its fkin is valuable on ac-
count of the length and Ibftnefs of its hair (i).
The Mapach of the Mexicans is, agreeable to the opinion of Buffon,
the fame quadruped which is known in Jamaica by the name of iv^/'/<3;;,
rattoon, or Weft-Indian fox. The Mexican one is of the fize of a badger,
with a black head, a long Hiarp fnout like a greyhound, fmall ears, round
body, hair mixed with black and white, a long and hairy tail, and
five toes to every foot. It has a white ftreak over each eye, and like
the fquirrel makes ufe of its paws to convey any thing to its mouth
•which it is going to eat. It feeds indifferently on grain, fruits, infcdls,
lizards, and pullet's blood. It is eafily tamed, and entertaining with
its play, but perfidious like the fquirrel, and apt to bite its mailer.
The Dantii, or Antit, or Bcori, or Tapir, as it is differently
named in different countries, is the largeft quadruped of the king-
dom of Mexico (i), and approaches mod to the fea-horfe, not
however in fize, but in fome of its Ihapes and qualities. The
danta is about the fize of a middling mule. Its body is a little
arched like that of a hog, its head grofs and long with an appendage
to the Ikin of the upper lip, which it extends or contraifts at pleafure ;
its eyes are fmall, its ears little and round, its legs fliort, its fore feet
have four nails, the hind feet three, its tail fliort and pyramidical, its
fkin pretty thick and covered with thick hair, which at an advanced
age is brown ; its fet of teeth, which are compoled of twenty maxillary,
and as many incifors, is fo ftrong and fliarp, and it makes fuch terrible
bites with them that it has been feen, according to the teftimony of
Oviedo the hiftorim, and an eye-witnefs, to tear off at one bite two
or three handbreadths of Ikin from a hound, and at another a whole
leg and thigh. Its flefli is eatable (/), and its ikin valuable, from its
being fo ftout as to refift not only arrows, but even mulket-balls.
(;■) \Vc reckon the Att-.-zil- amori':^ the quadrupeds which arc common to other countries of
America, a» it ;ippcars to be the faine animal which Buffon dcCcribcs under the name of' Su-
ricoviennf.
(k) The Danta is much lefs than the TlacaNohitl defcribed by Hernandez ; l>ut wc do imt
kr.oiv of this great quadruped ever having been in the kingdom ot Mexico. 1 he fame may
be faid of the Hags of New ÌMcnìco, and of the Cibollc, or Bifomc, which are alfo larger than
the Danta. See our IVth Diflertation.
(/) Oviedo fivf, that the legs of the Tanta arc pretty good au.I reliflùtìg food, provided
they remain twcnty-foiir hours coi>ti.-.ua!!y at the fire.
Vol. I. G This
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
This quadruped inhabits the folitaiy woods of warm countries near t9
fome river or lake, as it lives not lefs in the water than on the land.
All the fpecics of monkies in that kingdom, are known by the Mexi-
cans under the general name of Ozomatli, and by the Spaniards under
that of Moms. They are of different fizes and figure, fome fmall
and uncommonly diverting; fome middling, of the fize of a badger;
and others large, flout, fierce, and bearded, which are called by
fome Zanibos. Thefe when they lland upright, which they do
upon two legs, often equal the ftature of a man. Amongft the mid-
ling kind there are thofe which from having a dogs-head, belong to
the ciafs of the cynocephali, although they are all furni/lied with a
tail (;.v).
With refpe«fl to the ant-killers, that is, thofe quadrupeds which are-
fo fingular for the enormous length of their fnout, the narrownefs of
their throat, and immoderate tongue, with which they draw the ants
out of their ant-hills, and from whence they have got their name;
I have never feen any in that kingdom, nor do I know that there are
any there; but I believe it is no other than the aztacojotl, that is, co-
jote, ant-killer, mentioned, but not defcribed by Hernandez (//).
The quadrupeds which peculiarly belong to the land of Anahuac,
whofe fpecies I do not know to have been found in South America,,
or in other countries of North America, exempt from the dominion
of Spain, are the Cojotl, the Tlalcojotl, XoloitzcuintJi, Tepeiizaihitii^
ItzcuintepotxotU, Ocotochtli, Cojopoilin, Tuza, Abiiitzotl, Huitzthi'-
cuatzin, and perhaps others which we have not known.
The Cojotl, or Coyoto, as the Spaniards call it, is a wild beaft vo-
racious like the wolf, cunning like the fox, in form like a dog, and
in fome qualities like the Adive and the Chacal : from whence feveral
(/;;) The Cyiioccphalos of the ancient continent has no tail as every one knows. Their
having been monkies found in the New World, which have the head of a dog, and are fur-
niflicd with tails, Briflbn, in his clafs of apes, jullly applies to them of fhis clafs the name
of Cinoccphali Cercopitechi, an^l divides them into two fpecies. Buflbn, amongft the many
fpecies of monkies which he dcfciibes, omits this one.
(it) We call thofe quadrupeds, ant-killets, which the Spaniards rc\m Hormigucros, and the
French Fourmillicr ; but the bear, ant-killers, defcribed by Oviedo, are certainly different'
from the FoiirmiU'ievs of Buflbn ; for ah hough they agree in the eating of ant<:, and in their
enormous tongue and fnout, they are neverthelefs remarkably dillingu fhed from each other
as to tail, for thofe of Buflbn have an immenfe tail, but Oviedo's none at all. The defcrip»
don which Oviedo gives of their way of hunting the ants is moil fingular and curious.
hiflorians
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
hiftorians have at one time judged it of one fpecies, at another time of
another fpecies ; but it is unqueftionably different from all thofe, as
we fliall demonftrate in our Dillertations. It is Icfs than the wolf,
and about the fize of a malliff, but flenderer. It has yellow fparkling
eyes, fmall ears pointed and eredi, a blackifh fnout, flirong limbs, and
its feet armed with large crooked nails. Its tail thick and hairy, and
its fkin a mixture of bLxk, brown, and white. Its voice hath both
the howl of the wolf and the bark of the dog. The Coyoto is one of
the mofl; common quadrupeds of Mexico foj, and the moll dellruc-
tive to the flocks. It invades a iheepfold, and when it cannot find a
lamb to carry off, it feizss a fheep by the neck with its teetii, and
coupling with it, and beating it on the rump with its tail, conduéls it
where it pleafes. It purfues the deer, and fometimes attacks even
men. In flight it does nothing in general but trot; but its trot is (o
lively and fwift, that a horfe at the gallop can hardly overtake it. The
Cuetlachcojotl appears to us to be a quadruped of the fame fpecies with
the Coyoto, as it differs in nothing from it but being thicker in the
neck, and having hair like the wolf.
The Tlalcojotl, or Tlalcoyoto, is of the fize of a middling dog,
but groffer in make, and, in our opinion, the largefl quadruped of
thofe which live under the earth. In the head it is fomething like
the cat, and in colour and length of hair like the lion. It has a
long thick tail, and feeds on poultry, and other little animals, which
it hunts after in the obfcurity of the night.
The Itzcuintepotzotli, and Tepuitzcuintli, and XoIoltzcumtU, are
three fpecies of quadrupeds fmiilar to dogs. The Itzcumtapolzotli,
or hunch-backed dog, is as large as a Maltefan dog, the fkin of which
is varied with white, tawny, and black. Its head is fmall in propor-
tion to its body, and appears to be joined diredly to it on account of
the fliortnefs and greatnefs of its neck ; its eyes are pleafing, its ears
loofe, its nofe has a confiderable prominence in the middle, and its
tail fo fmall, that it hardly reaches halfway down its leg; but the
charadleriftic of it is a great hunch which it bears from its neck to its
(o) Neither BiiflTon nor Eoiinirc make mention of tlvc Coyoto, although the fpecies is one
of tlie moll common and moft numerous of Mexico, anii amply dcfcribcd by Hernandtz,
whofe Natural Hillory they frequently quote.
G 2 rump.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
rump. The plice where this quadruped mod abounds is the king-
dom of Michuacan, where it is called Ahora. The Tepeitzcuintli,
that is, the mountain -dog, is a wild beaft lb fmall, that it appears a
little dog, but it is lb daring that it attacks deer, and fometimes kills
them. Its hair and tail are long, its body black, but its head, neck,
and breaft are white fp). The Xohitzcuintli is larger than the two pre-
ceding; there being loine of them, whofe bodies are even four feet
long. Its face is like a dog, but its tulks like the wolf, its ears ere6t,
its neck grofs, and tail long. The greateft lingularity about this ani-
mal is its being totally deftitute of hair, except upon its fnout, where
it has fome thick crooked briftles. Its whole body is covered with a
fmooth, foft, alh-coloured Ikin, but fpotted in part with black and
tawny. Thelc three fpecies are almolt totally extinft, or at leali very
few of them remain (^).
The Ocotocbtli appears agreeable to the defcription given of it by
Hernandez, to belong to the clafs of wild cats ; but the author adds
fome circumftances to it which have much the air of a fable ; not
that he has been defirous of deceiving, but that he has truifed too
much to the informations of others (r).
The CojopoUin is a quadruped of the fize of a common moufe ;
but the tail is grolfer which it ufes as a hand. Its fnout and ears are
limilar to thofe of a pig : its ears are tranfparent, its legs and feet are
white, and its belly is of a whitifh yellow. It lives and brings up its
young in trees. When its young fear any thing, they cling clofely to
their mother.
(p) Buffon believes the Tepeitzcuiiitl! to be the glutton ; bat we contradi^'i this opinion in
our Difl'ertations.
((y) Giovanni Fabri, a Linccan academician, publiflied at Rome a long and learned diflèr-
tation, in whicli he endeavoured to prove, that the xoloitzcuintli is the Cime with the wolf
of INIexico ; having without doubt been deceived by the original drawing of the xoloitzcuintli
which was fent to Rome with other pictures of Hern.mdcz ; but if he had read the defcription
which this eminent naturalill gives of that animal in the book ot the Quadrupeds of New Spain,
he would have fpared himfclf the labour of writing that Dilfcrtation and the expences of pub-
liiliing it.
(r) Dr, Hernandez fays, that when the Ocotochtli makes any prey it covers it with leaves,
and mounting after on fome neighbouring tree, it begins howling to invite other animals to eat
its prey ; and itfelf is always the lali to eat ; becaufe the poifon of its tongue is fo flron"-,
that if it cat firll the prey would be infected, and other animali who cat of it would die. This
fable is liill in the mouths of tr»c vulgar.
The
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 4^
The To%an, or Tuza, is a quadruped of the bignefs of an European BOOK r,
mole, but very different othervvife. Its body which is well made is
ii:st\\ or eight inches long. Its fnout is like that of a moufe, its ears
fmall and round, and tail fhort. Its mouth is armed with very ftrong
teeth, and its paws are furnidied with flrong crooked nails, with which
it digs into the earth and makes little holes, where it inhabits. The
Tuzd is moil: dcftrudlive to the fields by ftealing the corn, and to the
highways by the number of holes and hollows which it makes in
them ; for when it cannot, on account of its little fight, find its
firll hole, it makes another, multiplying by fuch means the inco'.i-
veniences and dangers to thofe who travel on horfeback. It digs the
earth with its claws, and with two dogs-teeth which it has in the
upper jaw, larger than its others; in digging it puts the earth into
two membranes like purfes which are under its ear, which are fur-
niflied with mufcles necelFary for contradion or diftenfion. When
the membranes arc full, it empties them by ftriking the bottom of
the membranes with its paws, and then goes on to dig again iw the
fame manner, ufing its dogs-teeth and claws as a mattock, and its
two membranes as a little fack or bafket. The fpecies of the Tuza
is very numerous ; but we do not recolle(ft to have ever iiitx\ them in
the places where the land-fquirrels inhabit.
The Ahuitzotl is an amphibious quadruped, wliich for the moft
part dwells in the rivers of warm countries. Its body is a foot long,
its fnout long and Iharp, and its tail large. Its Ikin is of a mixed
black and brown colour.
The HuUztlacuaizin is the hedge-hog or porcupine of Mexico. It
is as large as a midling dog, which it rcfembles in the fiice, although
its muzzle is flat ; its feet and legs are rather grofs, and its tail in
proportion with its body. The whole of its body, except tlie belly,
the hinder part of the tail, and infide of the legs, is armed with
quills or fpines, which are empty, fliarp, and a fpan loug. On its
fnout and forehead it has long Ibait brillles, which rife upon its head
like a plume. All its Ikin, even between the fpines is covered with
a foft black hair. It feeds only on the fruits of the earth fsj.
(j) Buffon would make the Hiiitztlacuarzin the Coendu of Guiana, l>i't the Coendu h c.ii-
nivoruus, whereas the Huitztiacuntzin feeds on inii'.s.
The
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
The Cacomiztle is a quadruped, exceedingly like the martin in
its way of life. It is of the fize and form of a common cat;
but its body is larger, its hair longer, its legs fliorter, and its
afped: more wild and fierce. Its voice is a fliarp cry, and its food
is poultry and other little animals. It inhabits, and brings up its
young in places lefs frequented than houfcs. By day it fees little,
and does not come out of its hiding-place but at night, to fearch for
food. The TLzcuatzin, as well as the Cacomiztle, are to be feen in
ibme of the houfcs of the capital (/).
Befides thefe quadrupeds, there were others in the Mexican
empire, which I know not whether to confider as peculiar to that
country, or as common to other parts of America ; fuch as the
It-zcu'incuani or dog-eater ; the Tlalocelofl or little lion ; and the
%laliìii-ztlì or little tiger. Of thofe, which although not belonging to
tlie kingdom of Mexico are to be found in other parts of North
America fubjed to the Spaniards, we fliall take notice in our Diller-
tations^
«Ecr. XI. We fliould find the birds a more difficult tafk than the quadru-
Mexico. peds, if we fliould attempt to give an enumeration of their different
fpecies, with a defcription of their forms, and manners. Their pro-
digious numbers, their variety, and many valuable qualities, have
occaiioned fome authors to oblerve that, as Africa is the country of
beafts, fo Mexico is the country of birds. Hernandez, in his Na-
tural Hiftory, defcribes above two hundred fpecies peculiar to that
kingdom, and yet palfes over many that deferve notice, flich as the
Cuitlacochl, the Zacua, and the Madrugadoi'. We fhall content
o'urfelves with running over fome claffes of them, and point out any
peculiarities, here and there, as they occur. Among the birds of
prey there are keflrels, gofshawks, and feveral fpecies of eagles,
falcons, and fparrow-hawks. The naturalifl; already mentioned, al-
lows the birds of this clafs a fuperiority over thofe of Europe;
and" the excellence of the Mexican falcons was fo remarkable, that
(/) I Ao not know the true Mexican name of the Cacomiztle, and have therefore ufed the
jname which the Spaniards in that kingdom, gave it. Hernandez does not mention this
-quadruped. It is true he defcribes one, nndcr the name of Cacamiztli, but this is evi-
dently ao error of the prefs,
by
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 47
by the define of Philip the Second, a hundred were every year fen t BOOK r,
to Spain, The largeft, the mofl beautiful, and the molt valuable
among the eagles is that named by the Mexicans, Itzquauhtli, which
not only purfues tl^e larger birds and hares, but vsrill even attack
men and beafls. There are two kinds of keflrel ; the one called
Ccnotzqui is particularly beautiful.
The Ravens of Mexico, called by the Mexicans Cacalotl, do not,
as in other countries, clear the fields of carrion, but are only em-
ployed in dealing the ears of corn. The bufmefs of clearing tlie
fields there, is referved principally for the Zopilots, known in South-
America by the name of Galluiazzi ; in other places, by that of
jiiire ; and in fome places, though very improperly, by that of
ravens («). There are two very different fpecies of thefe birds ; the
one, the Zopilote properly fo called, the other called the Cozen-
quauhtli: they are both bigger than the raven. Thefe two fpecies
refemble each other in their hooked bill and crooked claws, and by
having upon their head inflead of feathers, a wrinkled membrane
with fome curling hairs. They fly fo high, that although they arc
pretty large, they arc loft to the fight ; and efpecially before a hail
ftorm they will be feen wheeling, in vaft numbers, under the loftieft
clouds, till they entirely dilappear. They feed upon carrion, which
they difcovcr by the acutenefs of their fight and fmell, from the
greateft height, and defcend upon it with a majefi:ic flight, in a
great fpiral courfe. I'hey are both almoft mute. The two fpecies
are diftinguiihable, however, by their fize, their colour, their num-
bers, and fome other peculiarities. The Zopilots, properly fo called,
have black feathers, with a brown head, bill, and feet ; they go often
in flocks, and rooft together upon trees (.v). This fpecies is very
numerous, and is to be iound in all tlie diifcrent climates ; while on
(tt) Hcrnandcr, h.is, without any hcfit.ition, made the Zopilote a fpecies of raven ; but they
are, certuiiily, very diftcrcnt birds, not only in their lize, but in the fliapc of the head ; in
ihtir flight, and in their voice. Bomarc fays, that the j!:tra is the Cofqitaiith o( New ^pain,.
and the Tropilot of the Indians ; fo that the Cozcaijuauhiti, as well as the TzopHotl, are
Mexican names uled hy the Indian?, to denote not one bird only, but two ditletcnt kinds.
Some give the one fpecies the name of .'tura-, and the other that ot ZopUotc, or Gallinazzo.
{x] he Zopi'ots contra.iid the general rule, laid down by I'liny, lib. ix. cap. iq U»cos
uiifitcs habent'ta omnino «on congrrgaKtiir, \3f Jibi qiLTque prttdantur. The rule can Only apply
itrktly to real biids of prey, iuch as eagles, vultures, falcons, fparrow-hawks, ic.
tixe
'48 Jl I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK I. tlie contrar)^ the-Cozcaquauhtli is far from numerous, and is pe-
culiar to the warmer climates alone. The latter bird is larger than
the Zopilot, has a red head and feet with a beak of a deep red
colour, except towards its extremity which is white. Its feathers
are brown except upon the neck and parts about the breaft, which
are of a reddilli black. The wings are of an afli colour upon the
infide, and upon the outfide are variegated with black and tawny.
The Cozcaqiiauhtii is called by the Mexicans, kiiig of the Zopi-
lot s (y) ; and they fay, that when thefe two fpccies happen to meet
together about the fame carrion, the Zopilot never begins to eat
till the Cozcaquauhtii has tafted it. The Zopilot is a mofl: ufcful
bird to that country, for they not only clear the fields, but attend the
crocodiles and deftroy the eggs which the females of thofe dreadful
amphibious animals leave in the fand to be hatched by the heat of
the fun. The deftrudlion of fuch a bird ought to be prohibited
under fevcre penalties.
Among the night birds, are feveral kinds of owls, to which we
may add the bats, although they do not properly belong to the clafs
of birds. There are great numbers of bats in the warm and woody
countries ; fome of them will draw blood, with dreadful bites,
from horfes and other animals. In fome of the very hot countries
bats are found of a prodigious fize, but not fo large as thofe of
the Philippine Ides, and other parts of the Eaft.
Under the title of aquatic birds I fliall comprehend, not only the
Palmipedes which fwim and live generally in the water, but the
HimaJitopadcs alfo; with other fifliing birds which live chiefly upon
.the fea fhore, upon the fides of hikes and rivers, and leek their food
{y) The bird which now goes bj- the name of King of the Zopllots, in New Spain, fccms
different from the one we arc now defciibingf. This modern king of the Zojiilots is a ilrong
bii'd, of the fize of a common eagle ; with a fiately air ; ftrnng claws ; fine, piercing eyes ;
and a beautiful black, white, and tawny plumage. It is remarkable, particularly, for a
certain fcarlct coloured, flefliy fubliance, which furrounds its neck like a collar, and comes
over its head in the form of a little tiown. I have had this defcription of it from a pcrfon
of knowledge and veracity, who afTures mc that he has fecn three different individuals of
this fpccies, and particularly that one which was fcnt from Mexico, in 1750, to the catholic
king, Ferdinand VI. He farther informs mc, that there was a genuine drawing of this
bird, publ:flied in a work called, the American CJazcitecr. The Mexican name Co-ica-
quauhlli, which means Ring Eagle, is certainly more applicable to this bird than to the
other. The ligure exhibited in our plate, if copied ftom that of the American Gazetteer.
' in
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 49
in the water. Of birds of this kind there is a pi-odigious number BOOK r.
of geefe, at leafl; twenty fpecies of ducks, feveral kinds of herons
and egrets, with vaft numbers of fwans, gulls, water-rails,
divers, king's fifhers, pelicans, and others. The multitude of
ducks is fometimes fo great as quite to cover the fields, and
to appear, at a diftance, like flocks of flieep. Among the herons
and egrets, fomc are afh-coloured, fome perfedtly white ; and others
of which the plumage of the body is white, while the neck,
with the tips and upper part of the wings, and a part of the
tail, are enlivened with a bright fcarlet, or a beautiful blue. The
Pellican, or Onocrontalus, known to the Spaniards of Mexico by
the name of Alcatraz, is fufficiently known by that great pouch
or venter, as Pliny calls it, which is under its bill. There are
two fpecies of this bird in Mexico ; the one having a fmooth bill,
the other a notched one. Although the Europeans are acquainted
with this bird, I do not know whether they are equally well ac-
quainted with the fmgular circumflance of its affifting the fick or
hurt of its own fpecies ; a circumftance which the Americans fome-
times take advantage of, to procure fifh without trouble. They
take a live pelican, break its wing, and after tying it to a tree, con-
ceal themfelves in the neighbourhood ; there they watch the coming
of the other pelicans with their provifions, and as foon as they fee
thefe throw up the fifli from their pouch, run in, and after leaving a
little for the captive bird, they carry off the reft.
But if the Pelican is admirable for its attention to the others of
its fpecies, the ToalqiuichiUi, is no lefs wonderful on account of the
arms with which the Creator has provided it for its defence. This
is a fmall aquatic bird ; with a long, narrow neck, a fmall head ;
a long, yellow bill, long legs, feet, and claws, and a fliort tail. The
legs and feet are afh-coloured ; the body is black, with fome yellow
feathers about the belly. Upon its head is a little circle or coronet,
of a horny fubftance, which is divided into three very fliarp points ;
and it has two others upon the forepart of the wings (2).
In the other claffes of birds fome are valuable upon account of
their flefh, fome for their plumage, and fome for their fong
'to »
■{%) In Brafil, alfo, there is an aquatic bird with weapon» of this kind ; but which, in
ether refpe<fts, is a very diffcrtnt bird,
Vol. I. H while
'50
tìlSTORY OF MEXICO.
LOOK I. while others engage our attention by their extraordinary inllinft, or
fome other remarkable quality.
Of the birds which afford a wholefome and agreeable food, I
have counted more than feventy fpecies. Befides the' common
fowls, which Were brought from the Canary Ifles to the Antilles^
and from' thefe to Mexico, there were, and ftill are fowls peculiar
to that country -, which as they partly refemble the common fowl,
and partly the peacock, were called Ga/Iifavos^ by the Spaniards,,
and Hut'xohtl and Totolin by the Mexicans. Thefe birds being car-
ried, to Europe in return for the common fowls, have multiplied
very fait ; and efpecially in Italy, where, on account of their man-
ners and their fize, they gave them the name of Gallinacci («) ; but
the European fowl has increafed greatly more in Mexico. There
rire likewife wild fowls in great plenty, exadlly like the tame, but
larger, and in many places of a much fweeter flefh. There are
partridges, quails, pheafants, cranes, turtle-doves, pigeons, and a great
variety of others, that are efteemed in Europe. The reader will
form fome idea of the immenfe number of quails when we fhall come
to fpeak of the ancient facrifices. The pheafants are different frora'
the phealants of Europe, and are of three kinds [b). The CoxoUtU
and Tepctototl, which are both the fize of a goofe, with a creft'
upon their heads, which they can raife and deprefs at pleafure, are
diflinguifhable by their colour, and fome particular qualities. The
Coxolitli, called by the Spaniards, Royal Pheafant, has a Liwney-
coloured plumage ; and its flefh is more delicate than that of the
other. The Tepctototl will fometimes be fo tame as to pick from
its mafter's hand ; to run to meet him, with figns of joy, when he
comes home} to learn to fliut the door with its bill; and in every
thing fliow greater docility than could be expefted in a bird which,
is properly an inhabitant of the woods. ' I have feen one of thefe^
pheafants which, after being fome time in a poultry yard, had leaf nt to
tight in the manner of cocks, and would fight with them, erefting '
(a) In Bologna, they are called Tocchi and Tocchini, and in other places, Gaili d^b'idia^
The French cull them Dinda, Dindons, and Coqs d'Inde. . . j
(i) Bomare reckons the Hnatzhi among the pheafants ; but for what reafon, I do not
know, as the Hiiatzin belongs with crows, zopilots and others, to the fecond clafs ; tl^c
birds of pr'ev. • In Englifli, the Turkey.
the
HISTORY: G Fv M E X I C G.
the feathers of his creil, as the cocks do thofe of the neck. Its
feathers are of a fliiniiig black, and its legs and feet alh -coloured.
The pheaiants of the third fpecies, called by the Spaniards, Gritones,
that is, fcreaniers, are ftnallcr than the other two ; with a brown
body, and a black tail and wings. The Chachalaca, the flefh of
which is very good eating, is about the fize of the common fowl.
The upper part of the body is of a brown colour, the under part
whitidi, and the bill and feet blueiih. It is inconceivable what a
noife thefe birds make in the woods, with their cries; which, al-
though they fomewhat refemble the cackling of fowls, are much
louder, more conftant, and more difagreeable. There are fever^^l
fpecies of turtle-doves, and pigeons, fome common to Europe, others
peculiar to thofe countries.
The birds valuable for their plumage are fo many and lb beau-
tiful, that we fhould aftbrd a greater pleafure to our readers, if
we could bring them before their eyes, with all the colours which
adorn them. I have reckoned five and thirty fpecies of Mexican
birds, that are fupcrlatively beautiful ; of fome of which I muft take
particular notice.
The Huitzitz'din is that wonderful little bird fo often celebrated
by the hirtorians of America, for its fmallnefs, its adlivity, the An-
gular beauty of its plumage, the thinnefs of its^ food, and the length
of its fleep in the winter. That fleep, or rather fiate of immobility,
occafioned by the numbnefs or torpor of its limbs, has been often re-
quired to be proved in legal form, in order to convince fome incre-
dulous Europeans; an incredulity arihng from ignorance alone, as
the fame kind of torpor takes place in many parts of Europe,
in dormice, hedge-hogs, fwallows, bats, and other animals whofe
blood is of the fame temperature ; although perhaps it does not
continue fo long in any of them as in the Huitzitzilin, which
ili fome countries remains without motion from Odtober to
April. There arc nine fpecies of Huitzitzilin, differing in fize
and colour {c).
The
(c) The SpauiarJs of Mexico call this biid Chufamirte, bccaiifc it fucks chiefly tht
flowers ot" a plant known there, though very improperly, by the name of a Myrtle. In
H 2 other
52
BOOK I.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
The Tlauhquechol is an aquatic bird of fome fize, with feathers of a
beautiful fcarlet colour, or a reddifli-white, except thofe of the neck,
which are black. It lives upon the fea-lhores, and by the fides of rivers i
and lives only upon live fifli, never touching any thing that is dead.
The Ncpapmitototl, is a wild duck which frequents the lake of
Mexico, and feems to have all the colours together afTembled in its
plumage.
The T^lacidloltototiy or painted bird, juftly deferves its name; for
its beautiful feathers are variegated with red, blue, purple, greenv
and black. Its eyes are black, with a yellow iris ; and the feet afli-
coloured.
The Tzinizcan is of the fize of a pigeon, with a fmall, crooked,
yellow bill. The head and neck are like thofe of a pigeon, but
adorned with fhining green feathers ; the breaft and belly are white
except near the tail, which is variegated with white and blue j the
tail is green upon the upper fide, and black underneath ; the wings
are partly black, and partly white; and the eyes are black, with
reddifh yellow irides. This bird lives upon the fea-coatVs.
The Mezcanauhtli, is a wild duck, about as large as a domeftic
fowl, but of Angular beauty. Its bill is pretty long and broad,
azure above, and black upon the underfide ; the feathers of the body
are white, and marked with numerous black fpots. The wings
are white and brown on the under-fide, and upon the upper-fide
variegated with black, white, blue, green, and tawny-colour. Its
feet are of a yellowifh red ; its head brown, and tawny-coloured,
and partly purple, with a beautiful white fpot betwixt the eyes and
bill : the eyes are black ; and the tail is blue above, brown below,
and white at its extrenlity.
The T^hiuhtototl is extremely like the I'kcuiloltototl in its colours,
but is fmaller. The Huacamaye and the Cardinals, fo much prized
by the Europeans, upon account of their fine colours, are very
common in this country.
All thefe beautiful birds and others peculiar to Mexico, befides
fome which have been brought thither from the countries adjacent,
oihcr parts of America, it is called Chitpajlor, Picaftor, Tominejo, CoUhre, &c. Among the
numerous authors who defcribe this precious little bird, no one gives a better idea of the
beauty of its plumage than Acofta.
arc
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
53
< — . — »
are of great value to the Mexicans, in their fingular works of Mofaic, book i.
which we fliall mention in another place. Peacocks have been car-
ried there from the old continent, but they have not been attended
to ; and have, therefore, propagated very flowly.
Many authors, who allow to the birds of Mexico a faperiority
jn the beauty of their plumage, have denied them th.u of fon»:
but we can with perfedt confidence affirm, that that opinioa has not
been formed upon real obfervation, but has proceeded from ignorance,
as it is more difficult for Europeans to hear the Mexican birds than
to fee them.
There are in Mexico, as well as in Europe, gold-finches and
nightingales, and at leafl: two-and- twenty fpecies befidcs, of fingine
birds, which are little or nothing inferior to thefe ; but all that we
are acquainted with are furpailed by the very famous Ccntzontli, fo
named by the Mexicans to exprefs the wonderful variety of its
notes {(1). It is impoffible to give any idea of the fweetnefs and
mellownefs of its fong, of the harmony and variety of its tones,
or of the facility with which it learns to imitate whatever it hears.
It counterfeits naturally, not only the notes of other birds, but
even the different no.fes of quadrupeds. It is of the fize of a com-
mon thrufh. Its body is white upon the under-fide, and grey above ;
with fome white feathers, efpecially iibout the head and tail. It
eats any thing, but delights chietiy in flies, which it will pick from
one's finger with figns of pleafure. The Centzontli is to be found
everywhere in great nunbers; yet they are fo much efteemed, that I
have feen five-and-twenty cro.viis paid for one. Attempts have often
been made to bring it to Europe, but I do not know if they ever
fucceeded : and I am ptrrfuaded that, although it could be brought
to Europe alive, yet it could not be, without injuring its voice
and other qualifications, by a change of climate and the hardlhips of
a voyage.
{d) Centro It I lato tie, (for that is the real name, and Centzouili is but an abbreviation) means
the many-Voiced. The Mexicans ufe the word Centzontli (four hundred) as the Latine
did mille i^ fcxcati, to exprefs -.m indefinite and innumerable muhitiide. The Greek name
cf Polyglotta, which fome modern Ornithologilh apply to it, corrtrp„nds to the Mexican
name. See fuiiher what we fay of Ccuzoutlii in our diflbrtations.
The
H I S T O R Y O F MEXICO.
The birds called Cardinals, are not kfs delightful to the ear,
from the fweetnefs of their fong, than to the light, by the beauty
of their fcarlet plumage, and creft. The Mexican Calandra
fuT's very fweetly alfo, and its fong refembles that of the nightingale.
Its feathers are varied with white, y.lLnv, and grey. It weaves its
nefl in a wonderful manner, wiith hairs p-afted together with fome
kind of vifcid fubftance, and fufpending like a little bag, from the
bou<4i of a tree. The ^figrillo, or little Tiger, which is likewilè of
fome value upon account of its mufic, is fo named from its feathers
being fpotted like the fkin of a tiger. The Cuitlaccochi refembles
the Centzontli, in the exxellence of its fong, as well as in fize
and colour, as the Coztctot! exadtly does the Canary bird, brought
thither from the Canaries. The Mexican Sparrows, called Gorrioncs
by the Spaniards, are nothing like the real fparrows, except in their
fize, their manner of hopping, and in making their nells in the holes
of walls. Their body is white upon the under-fide, and grey upon
the upper; but at a certain age, the heads of fome become red, and
others yellow (r). Their flight is laborious, from the fmallnefs of
their wings, or the weaknefs of their feathers. Their fong is moft
delightful and various. There are great numbers of thefe finging
birds in the capital, and the other cities and villages of Mexico.
The talking birds too, or thofe which imitate the human voice,
are to be found in equal abundance, in the country of Anahuad.
Even among the finging birds there are fome which learn a few
words ; fuch as the celebrated Centzontli, and the Acolcbicbi, or
bird with the red back, which from that mark the Spaniards have
called the Commendador . The Ccbuan, which is bigger than a
common thrufli, counterfeits the human voice, but in a tone that
appears burlefqued ; and will follow travellers a great way. The
'Txanahniei refembles the magpie in fize, but is of a different colour.
It learns to fpeak, fteals cunningly whatever it can get, and in eveiy
refpetì fliows a kind of inftiniit fuperior to what we generally ob-
ferve in other birds. But of all the fpeaking birds, the parrots hold
the firft place ; of which they reckon, in Mexico, four principal
j(f) I have heart! it faid, that the Gorrioncs with icJ heads are the males; and thofe with
y«llow heads, the females.
\ fpecies.
mSTORY OF 'M^E X I C O.
55
fpee'ie?, namely, the Huacamaya, the Toznenetl, the Cochotly and book t,
rfie ^(iltototl (f).
The Huacamaya, the lafgefl of all the parrots, is more valuable
for its beautiful feathers than for its fpeaking. It articulates words
indiftindtly, and its voice is harfh and difagreeable. The Tc^nenetl,
which is the beft of them all, is about the fize of a pigeon ; its
feathers are of a green colour, except upon the head, and fore-part
of the wings, which in fome of them are red, and in others yellow.
It learns any words or tune, and imitates thsm fiithfully. It natu-
rally imitates the laugh of a man, or other ridiculous found, the cries
of children, and the various noifes of different animals. Tliere
are three fpecies of the Cochotl differing from each other in fize
and plumage, which in them all is beautiful ; and the prevailing
colour is green. The largefl of the Cochotls is nearly as large as the
Toznenetl : the two other fpecies, called by the Spaniards, Catcrincy
are fmaller. They all learn to talk, though not lb perfectly as the
Toznenetl. The ^dltotot!, is the fmalleft kind of parrot, and the
leafl valuable for fpeaking. Thefe fmall parrots whofe plumage is
of the moft beautiful green, fiy always in large flocks, fometimes'
making a great noife in the air ; and at other times committing havoc
among the grain. When perched upon the trees they can hardlv
be diftinguifhed, by their colour from the leaves. All the other
parrots go generally in pairs, a male and female.
The Madrugadorcs fgj, which we fhall call the Awakeners, or
Twilight birds, and which are called by the Mexicans Tzacua,
although they are not (o remarkable for beauty or long, defcrve par-
ticular notice for fome other qualities. Thefe birds are the lafl
among the day birds to go to rooft at night, and the firfl to leave
it in the morning, and to announce the return of the fun. They
never ceafe to ling and frolic, till an hour after fun-fet ; begin again
long before the dawn, and never fèein fo happy as during the morning
(/) The Toznenetl and Cochotl, are called by the Mexican Spaniards, Pcricos and I.oròs^
Tl'.e word Huiunmaya is from the Flaitinian language wlii-.h was fpokcn in Hifpaniola. Loroy
is from the Quichoan or Incan, and Toznenetl, Cochotl, and S^iltototl fioin the Mcvican.
{g>t Mailriig.iJur, in Spanifti means early rifer ; but as there is no word in Italian that,
anfwers to it ; the vuthor has employed that of iJ^/ra/e/Y or A'ivaketier. He fcems to thinl;,
however, that the name ol U^i.clto crepuJ\olare or Tvj.lijiht bird, woald be moie applicable.
and
e
^6 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK I. and evening twilight. About an hour before the break of day, one
— ' of them begins from the bough of a tree where he has pafled the
night along with many others of his fpecies, to call them, with a
flirill, clear note, which he continually repeats with a tone of glad-
nefs, till fome of his companions hear and anfwer him. When they
are all awake, they make a very chearful noife, which may be heard
at a great diftance. In the journies I have made through the king-
dom of Michuacan, where they abound, they were of fome ufe to
me, as they always roufed me in time, to allow me to fet out by the
break of day. Thefe birds are about as large as fparrows.
The Tzacua, a bird which refembles the above mentioned Calandra
in fize, in colour, and in the form of its nefl is ftill more fiirprifmg.
Thefe birds live in fociety ; and every tree is to them a village, com-
pofed of a great number of nefts, all hanging from the boughs.
One of them which does the office of the head or the guard of the
village, refides in the middle of the tree ; from which it flies about
from one ndi to another, vifiting them all, and after finging a little
while, returns to its place ; while the reft remain perfedlly filent. If
any bird of a different fpecies approaches the tree, he flies to it, and
endeavours, with his bill and wings, to drive it off; but if a man, or
any other large animal comes near, he flies fcreaming to another tree,
and if at that time any Tzactias belonging to the fame village happen
to be returning from the fields, he meets them, and changing his
note, obliges them to retire again : as foon as he perceives the danger
over, he returns happy to his wonted round of vifiting the nefts.
Thefe obfervations upon the Tzacua, made by a man of penetration,
learning, and veracity {h), fhould make us expert to find fome things
ftill more extraordinary in thefe birds, if the obfervations were re-
peated ; but we muft now leave thefe pleafant objetìs, and turn our
eyes upon fome that are of the moft difagreeable kind.
«irc XII T^"^^ reptiles of Mexico may be reduced to two orders or claffes ;
Utptiiesof namely, the four-footed, and the abodes or thofe without feet (/). In
i'k-xko.
(h) The Abbé D. Giufeppe Rafaelle Campoi.
(i) 1 am perfectly aware of the variety of opinioi\s entertained by different authors, with
refpett to the animals which ought to be clafled among the reptiles : bur as 1 do not under-
' taiiC to give an exart arrangement, but merely to prefent them in feme order to the reader,
I take the terra of Reptiky in the fame fenfe in which it was commonly underftood of old.
the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
the firft; clafs are crocodiles, lizards, frogs and toads : in the fecond
all kinds of ferpents.
The Mexican crocodiles refemble the African in fize, form, vora-
city, way of living, and in all the other peculiarities of their charac-
ter. They abound in many of the lakes and rivers in the hot coun-
tries, and dsrtroy men and other animals. It would be altogether
fuperfluous to give any dofcription of thcfe terrible animals, when (o
much has been written about them in other books.
Among the greater lizards we reckon the Acaltefepo?i, and the
Iguana. The yicalietapon, known to the Spaniards by the very im-
proper name of Scorpions, are two lizards which refemble each other
in colour and in form, but veiy different in their fize and tails. The
fmalleft is about fifteen inches, with a long tail, fliort legs, a red,
broad, cloven tongue, a grey rough fkin covered with white warts
like pearls, a fluggifli pace, and a fierce afpedl. From the mufcle»
of the hind-legs to the extremity of tlie tail, its fkin is ero fled with
yellow lines in the form of rings. The bite of this animal is pain-
ful, but not mortal as fome have imagined. It is peculiar to the
warmer climates. The other lizard is an inhabitant of the ffame cli-
mate, but twice as large, being, according to the report of fome who
have leen it, about two feet and a half long, and more than a foot
thick round the back and belly. It has a fliort tail, with a thick
head and legs. This lizard is the fcourge of rabbits.
The Iguana is a harmlefs lizard, fufiiciently known in Europe from
the accounts of American hiflorians. They abound in the warm
countries, and are of two kinds, the one a land animal, and the other
amphibious. Some of them have been found as long as tliree feet.
They run witli great fpecd, and are very nimble in climbing trees.
Their eggs and liclh are eatable, and praifed by fome authors, but their
fiefli is hurtful to thofe labouring under the French difeafe.
Of the fmaller lizards there are a great many fpecies, dillering in
fize, colour, and other circumflances ; of which fome are poifonous,
and others harmlefs. Among the latter the firft place is due to the
camcleon, called by the Mexicans ^^latapalcatl. This refembles the
common cameleon almoft in every refped:, but differs in having no
crefl, and in having large, round, open ears. Among the other lizards
,. Vol. I. I of
58 HISTORYOF MEXICO.
BOOK I. of the harmlefs kind, there is none worth notice but the Tapayaxin
fkj, which is remarkable for its lliape and fome other pecuUarities.
It is perfedly round, cartilaginous, and feels very cold to the touch :
the diameter of its body is fix inches. Its head is very hard, and fpot-
ted with various colours. It is fo lazy and fluggifli, that it does not
move even although it is llraken. When its head is flruck, or its
eyes preffed, it darts out from them, to about two or three paces dif-
tance, a few drops of blood ; but is in every thing elfe an inoftenfive
animal, and feems to take pleafure in being handled. It would feem
as if, being of fo cold a conftitution, it received fonie comfort from
the heat of the hand.
Among the poifonous lizards, the worfl feems to be that one which,
from its being uncommon, got the name of Tetzaiihqiii with the
Mexicans. It is very fmall, of a grey colour, which is of a yellowilh
hue upon the body, and blueifli upon the tail. There are fome others
reckoned venomous, and known by the Spaniards by the name of Sa-
lamanqttefas, or that of Scorpions (for this name is applied to many
reptiles by the vulgar) : but I am certain, from many obfervations, that
thofe lizards are either entirely void of poifon, or at leaft, if they have
any, it is not fo aólive as is generally imagined. We may make the
fame remark with refpeól to toads, as we have never i^txx or heard of
any bad effects occafioned by their venom, although in many warm
and humid places the earth is entirely covered with them. In thofe
places there are fome toads of eight inches diameter.
In the lake of Chalco there are three very numerous fpecies of frogs,
of three very different fizes and colours, and very common at the ta-
bles in the capital. Thofe of Huaxteca are excellent, and will fome-
times weigh a Spanifh pound : but I never faw or heard in that coun-
try the tree frogs, which are fo common in Italy and other parts of
Europe.
The ferpents are of much greater variety than the reptiles already
mentioned, there being many of different fizes and colours, fome poi-
fonous and others innocent.
The moft confiderable in point of fize feems to have been one called
Canauhcoatl by the Mexicans. It was about three Parilian perches
{li) See this lizard in our plate.
long.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
long, and of the thicknefs of a middle fized man. One of the 77//-
coiis, or black ferpents, which Hernandez faw in the mountains of
Tepoztlan, was not quite fo large; which, although it was not equal
in thicknefs, yet was ten Spanifli cubits, or more than fixtecn Parifian
feet long. Such monftrous ferpents are feldom to be found now adays,
unlefs in fome folitary wood, at a diftance from the capital.
The mofl: remarkable of the poifonous ferpents are the AhueyaSlUy
the Cuiciiilcoatl, the TcixminanJ, the Ccncoatl, and the Tcotlacozaubqiii.
The Teotlaco-zaiibqni , of which there are feveral fpecies, is the fa-
mous rattle-fnake. Its colour and fize are various, but it is commonly
three or four feet long. The rattle may be confidered as an appendix
to the vertebrse, and confifts of rings of a horny fubftance, moveable,
and conne6ted with each other by means of articulations or joints, every
one being compofed of three fmall bones (I). The rattle founds
whenever the fnakes moves, and particularly when he is in motion to
bite. This fnake moves with great rapiditv, and upon that account
it likewife obtained among the Mexicans the name of Kbccacoatl, or
aerial ferpcnt. Its bite is attended with certain death, unlefs remedies
are fpeedily applied, among which the mofl: effectual is thought to be
the holding of the wounded part fome time in the earth. It bites
with two teeth pkced in the upper jaw, which as in the viper and
other fpecies of ferpents, arc moveable, hoUov.-, and pierced at the ex-:
tremity. The poifon, which is a yellowifli ciyflallizable liquor, is
contained in fome glands which lie over the roots of thofe two teeth.
Thefe glands being comprefled in the adion of biting, dart through
the hollow of the teeth the fatal liquid, and pour it by the apertures
into the v/ound and the mafs of blood. We fliould have been glad to
communicate to the public feveral other obfervations which we have
made upon this fubjecl, if the nature of this hiftory fiiould have per-
mitted it (m).
The AhiieyaSlli is not veiy different from the fnake jiifl: defcribcd,
except in having no rattle. This fnake, as we are told by Hernandez,
([) Kcrnsndez fays, that a new ring is added every year, and tliat the nuiiiLer of the rings
corrcfpond with the years of the fnake 's age : but we do not know whethci' this is founJeJ
upon his OAn obfervations or the rQ|iorts of others.
{m) Father Iiiainma, a Jtfiiit miffionary of California, has made many experiments upon
fnakes, whith ferve to confirm thofc made by Mead upon vipers,
I 2 com-
«o H I S T O R y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK T. communicates that kind of poilbn called by the ancients Hemorrhoos ,
which occalions the blood to buril: from the mouth, nofe, and eyes
of the perfon who has received it. There are certain antidotes, how-
ever, which prevent thefe virulent eiFedts.
The Cuicuilcoail, fo named from the variety of its colours, is not
quite eight inches long, and of the thicknefs of the little finger ; but
its poifon is as atìive as that of the Teotlacozauhqui.
The T'eixminani is that kind of ferpent which Pliny calls yaculum.
It is of a long ilender form, with a grey-coloured back and a purple
belly. It moves always in a ftraight line, and never coils, but fprings
from the trees upon paflengers, and has thence derived its name fn),
Thefe fnakes are to be found in the m.ountains of Quauhnahuac, and
in other hot countries ; but I never knew any inflance of fuch a thing
happening to any traveller, although I lived fo many years in that
kiiigdom ; and I can fay the fame thing of the terrible efteils afcribed
to the Ahueyadli.
The Cencoatl foj, which is alfo a poifonous fnake, is about five feet
long, and eight inches round at the thickefl part. The moil remark-
able quality of this fnake is its fhining in the dark. Thus does the
provident Author of nature, by various impreflions on our fenfes, at
one time upon our ears by the noife of a rattle, at another time upon
our eyes by the impreffions of light, awake our attention to guard
againfl approaching danger.
Among the harmlefs fnakes, of which there are feveral kinds, we
cannot pafs over the T!%icatlinan, and the Maquhcoatl. Tiie Tzicat-
linan is very beautiful, about a foot in length, and of the thicknefs
of the little finger. It lives always in ant-hills ; and it takes fo much
pleafure in being among ants, that it will accompany thefe infeds
upon their expeditions, and return with them to their ufual neft.
The Mexican name Tzicatlinan, fignifies mother of ants, and that is the
name given it by the Spaniards ; but I fufpeft that all the attachment
which this little fiiake fhews to ant-hills, proceeds only from its liv-
ing upon the ants themfelves.
[») The Mexicans give this fnake the name alfo of Micoatl; the Spaniards that of S.ctiila,
both fignifying the fame thing with the Jacuhim of the Latins.
(fi) There are fome other fpecies of fnakes which having the fame colours with the Cencoatl,
go by the fame name, but they are all of a harmlefs nature.
The
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 6r
The Maquizcoatl \s, about the fame fize but of a flaining filveryhue. BOOK r.
The tail is thicker than the head, and this fiiake can move progref-
fively with either extremity at pleafure. It is called by the Greeks
Amph[(becena (p); it is a very rare fpecies, and has never been feen as far
as I know, in any other place than the valley of Toluca.
Of all the variety of fnakes which are found in the unfrequented
woods of that kingdom, I believe that no viviparous fpecies has been
difcovered, except the acoatl or water-fnake, which too is only fup-
pofed, but not certainly known, to be viviparous. That fnake is
about twenty inches long and one thick : its teeth are exceeding fmall,
tile upper part of the head is black, the fides of it are blue, and the
under part yellow. The back is ftriped with blue and black, the belly
is entirely blue.
The ancient Mexicans who took delight in rearing all kinds of ani-
mals, and who by long familiarity loll that horror which fuch ani-
mals naturally infpire, ufed to catch in the fields a little green harm-
lefs fnake, which being brought up at home, and well fed, would
fometimes grow to the fize of a man. It was generally kept in a tub,
which it never left but to receive its food from its mafter's hand >.
which it would take, either mounted upon his ihouldcr or coiled about
his legs.
If from the land we now turn our eyes to the rivers, lakes, and
feas of Anahuac, we fhall find in them a much greater variety of crea-
tures. Even the known fpecies of their filli are innumerable ; for of
thofe only which ferve for the nourilhment of man, I have counted
upwards of a hundred fpecies, without reckoning the turtle, crab,
lobfter, or any other teflaceous or cruftaceous animal. Of the fifli,
fome are common to both the feas ; fome are peculiar to the Mexican
gulf alone, others to the Pacific Ocean ; and fome are to be found
only in the lakes and rivers.
The fifh common to both the feas are whales, dolphins, fword-fifli, sect.xiil
faw-fifli, tiburones, manatis, mantas, porpoifes, bonitas, cod, mullets. The fifli of
*^ '^ the feas, 11-
(f) Pliny, in lib. viii. cap. 2^ gives the jimphijbt:ena two heads ; but the Greek name vers, and
means nothing more than the double motion. The two-headed ferpcnt of riiny has been fccn lakes ol A-
in Europe, and fome have alTerted that it is to be met with in Mexico, but I do not know that nahuac.
that any one has feen it. If it has been found in that country, it cannot be confidcrcd as a
natural fpecies, but rather as a monficr, like the two-licadcd c^gle found a few yeai-s fince in
Oaaca, and fent to the Catholic king. •
I thornbacks.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
thornbacks, barbels, flying-fifli, fhad, lobflers, foles, and a great ma-
ny others, together with feveral fpecies of tortoifes, polypus, crabs,
fpunges, &c.
The Mexican gulf, befides thofe already mentioned, affords ftur-
gcons, pike, congers, turbot, lampreys, cuttle-fi(h, anchovies, carp,
eels, nautilufes, &c.
In the Pacific Ocean, befides thofe common to the two feas, there
are falmons, tunnies, fea fcorpions, herrings, and others.
In the lakes and rivers, are three or four kinds of white fi lb, carp,
mullet, trout, barbels, eels, and many others.
As the particular defcription of thefe filli would be foreign to the ob-
jedt of our hiftory, and of little ufe to the European reader, we fhall
only take notice of a few of the more remarkable circumflances with
refpeft to them.
The T'lbwon belongs to that clafs of fea-animals called by the an-
cients Canicidce. Its great voracity, its fize, flrength, and fwiftnefs,
are well known. It has two, three, and fometimes more rows of
Iharp flrong teeth, and fwallows whatever is thrown to it ^vhether
eatable or not. A whole flieep's fl^in, and even a large butcher's
knife, has been found in its belly. This fifh frequently accompanies
velTels, and bv Oviedo's account there have been Tiburones, which have
kept up with a veflel in full fail with a fair wind, for five hundred
mules, and often fwimming round the fliip to catch any filth that was
thrown from it.
The Manati or Lai?ient:n, as it is called by fome, is a larger filli
than the T^iburon, and of a very different difpofition. Oviedo fays,
that Manatis have been catched of fach a fize as to require a cart, with
two pair of oxen to draw them. It is like the T^ibiiron viviparous, but
the female brings only one young one at a tim.e, which, however, is
of a great fize (7- J. The flefli of this animal is delicate, and fomething
like
()■) Buffon agrees with Hernandez in faying that the Mana i brings but one young one
at a time ; but other perfons affirm th.it {he brings two. Perhaps the fame thing takes phicc
with the Manati as with the human fpecies ; which is commonly to have only one, but fome-
times to have two or more. Hernandez defcribes the copulation of thefe animals in thefe
words ; Hiimano more coit, famlna fupina fere tota In littore prccumbente-, et ceh-ritate quaJam fn-
^erve/tiente mare. We do not wiik forno modern naturalifts rank the Manati among quadriv-
peds,
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
like veal. Some authors place the Manati in the clafs of amphibious
animals, but improperly, as it is never upon land ; but only raifes its
liead, and a part of its body, out of the water, to broufe upon the
Iierbage which grows along the banks of the rivers fsj.
The Mn?ita is that liat filh mentioned by Ulloa and others, which
is fo hurtful to the pearl-filhcrs, and which I have no doubt is the
fame with that which Pliny has defcribed, though he fcems not to
have been very well acquainted with it, under the name of Niibes or
Nebula ft). It is not improbable, that this fìlli has made its uay
into thcfe feas from thofe of the old world in the fame manner as fomc
others appear to have done. The flrength of this fifli is fo great that
it will not only ftrangle a man whom it embraces or winds itfclf about,
but it has even been feen to take the cable of an anchor and move it
from the place where it had been caft. It has been called Manta,
becaufe when it lies ftretched upon the fea, as it frequently does, it
feems like a fleece of wool floating upon the water.
The fword-fifli of thefe feas is quite difi^erent from that of Green-
land. The fword is larger, and in its figure more nearly refembling
a real fword ; and is not placed in the fame manner with that of the
Greenland fifli upon the hinder part, but upon the fore part of the
pcds, although it is viviparous ; becaufe every one by the name of quadruped underfiands an
animal with four feet, but the Manati has only two, and thcfc impcrfeiily formed.
(() Mr. de la Condaminc confirms our obfcrvation with lefpeft to the ÌManati's living
conllantly in «ater, and the fame thing had been Hiid two centuries before by two eye -wir-
ncflcs Oviedo and Hernandez. It is true, that Hernandez docs fccm to fay the contrary;
but this is owinjj merely to a typographical error, which is obvious to every reader. I fliould
mention likewifc, that the Manati, altliough i)roperly a fca-aiiinv.il, is fre<picntly to be
found in rivers.
(/) Ipji fcrunt (Urinatorcs) et nubem quandam crajfifcercfuper capita, planorutn pil'<:ÌHmJiinilem,
trotscntcm cos, arccnlcnique a rccìprocaniìo et ob iJJÌilos pr.rttcutos ii/ieis anncxos balere fejc ; quia
inj! pcrfojjlc ila, non recedant, caliginis et pavorii, ul arhilror, opere. l^ubcm cum five nehidant
(cuius nomine id malum appellant) inter animalia baud ullam reperii quifquam, Plin. Hlftor. Nat.
lib. is. cap. 46. The account given of this iloud by thofe divers is much the fame with that
which the divers in the American feas give of themanta, and the name of the cloud is per-
fcfily applicable to it, as it really feems to be a cloud to thofe who arc in the water b:low it ;
our fwiinmers likewifc carry loug knives, or fliarp flicks, for the purpofe of di'peifing this
animal. This obfcrvation which has efcaped all tlic interpreters of I'liny, was made by my
countryman and friend the Abbe D. Jof. Raf. Campoi, a man not Icfs diflinguiflied by his
manners and integrity, than by his eloquence and erudition, pirticularly in the Latin lan-
{;ua:;c, in Hiftory, in Criticifm, and in Geography. His death upon the aoth of December,
'777) prevented his finifliing fevcral very ufcful works which he had brgjii.
V h(xiy,
HISTORY OP MEXICO.
body, like the faw-fifli. It moves this fword at pleafure, with great
force, and employs it as an offenfive weapon.
Of the two fpecies of faw-fiili to be found in thofe feas, the one is
that common one known to Pliny, and defcribed by fo m.any natu-
ralifts. The other, which is about a foot in length, has a row of
teeth or prickles like a faw, upon its back, which lias obtained it the
name of 'Tlatcco?ii, from the Mexicans, and from the Spaniards that
of Sierra.
The Roballo is one of the moft numerous fpecies, and affords the
moft delicate food, efpecially the kind peculiar to rivers. Hernandez
took this filli to be the fame with the Lupus of the ancients, and
Campoi imagined it to be the Afelius Minor ; but this mull ha\'e been
altogether conjecilure, for the defcriptions of tliofe fi(h left us by the
ancients are fo imperfed, that it is impollible to afcertain their iden-
tity.
The Gobbo (called by the Spaniards Corcoboda), was fo called from
a rlfing or prominence reaching from the neck to the mouth, which
latter part is exceedingly fmall. The Sfirena had likewife the name of
Piciida (which we might tranflate long-fuout), from the lower jaw
being longer than the upper.
The Rofpo is a very dilagreeable fi(h to look at j of a perfectly round
fliape, three or four inches in diameter, and without fcales. It af-
fords a pleafant wholefome food.
Among the eels there is one called Huitzitzilmicbin by the iVIexi-
cans, which is about three feet long and very llender. Its body is
covered with a fort of fmall plates, inftead of fcales. The fnout is
about eight inches in length, with the upper jaw longer than the
lower, in which it differs from all other eels, which tliis fpecies
likewife furpafles, as well in the delicacy of its lieih as in the lize of
its body.
The Bob©, is a very fine fifh, about two feet long, and four or
fix inches broad at the broadeft part ; and is in high efleem as an
•excellent food. The river Barbel, known by the name of Bagre,
is of the fame fize with the Bobo, and of exquilite flavour, but
unwholefome till it is cleanfed with lemon juice, or fome other acid,
from a certain kind of froth or vifcid litj^uor which adheres to it.
Tiie
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 65
The Bobos, I believe are got only in the rivers which fall into the BOOK!.
Mexican gulf, and the Barbels in thofe which difcharge themfelves
into lakes, or into the Pacific Ocean. The liefli of thefe two kinds,
although very delicate, does not equal that of the Pampano, and the
Colombella, which are defervedly efteemed fuperior to all others.
The Curvina is about a foot and a half long, of a flender, round
fhape, and of a blackifli purple colour. In the head of this fifli are
found, two fmall, white ftones like alabafler, each an inch and a half
long, and about four lines broad, of which three grains taken in water,
are thought to be ufcful in a floppage of urine.
The Botetto is a fmall filli, not more than eight inches in length,
but exceffively thick. This fifli, while it lies alive upon the beach,
immediately fwells, whenever it is touched, to an enormous fize ; and
boys often take pleafure in making it burft with a kick. The liver is
fo poifonous as to kill with flrong convulfions in half an hour after it
is eaten.
The Occhione (u), is a flat, round fifli of eight or ten inches di-
ameter. The underpart of the body is perfetìly flat, but the upper is
convex; and in the center, which is the higheft part, it has a fingle
eye as large as that of an ox, and furniflied with its neceflary eye-lids.
The eye remains open even after it is dead, which fonictimcs creates a
degree of horror to a fpediator ^^y.
The Iziacmichin, or white fifh, has always been in great repute in
Mexico, and is now as common at the Spanilh tables as it ufed to
be anciently at thofe of the Mexicans. There are three or four fpe-
cies. The Amilotl, which is the largefl and the moll efteemed, is
more than a foot in length, and has two fins upon the back, two
at the fides, and one under the belly. The Xaimicbin fcems to be
of the fame kind with the former, but not quite fo large. The
yacapitzahitac, which is the finallcfl: kind, is not more than eight
(a) This fifli, which is or.ly found in California, cither has no name, or we, at lead,
are not acquainted with it ; for which rcafon wc have given it one, we think, fufliciently
applicable, namely, that of Occhione.
(a-) Campol was pcrluadid that the Occhione is the Urano/lniot, or CaUionymos of Fliny : bur
Pliny has not left any dcfcription of that filh. The name of Uranorcofm, which was the only
foundation of Campoi's opinion, is equally applicable to all thofe lifli which, having eyci
cpon tht head, look upw.irds to the fty, fuel) as (katcs, and other fi.it fifli.
Vol. I. K inches
66 HISTORYOF MEXICO.
COOK I. inches long, and one inch and a half broad. All thefe kinds have
^— '■'^ — -* fcales, are a very delicate and vvholefome food, and are to be found
in great plenty in the lakes of Chalco, Pazcuaro, and Chapalla. The
fourth kind is the Xalmichin of Quauhnahuac, which has no fcales,
but is covered with a tender white fkin.
The Axolotl or Axolotc (j), is a great water-lizard of the Mexican
lake. Its figure and appearance are ridiculous and difagreeable. It
is commonly about eight inches long, but is fometimes to be found
of twice that length. The iTcin is foft and black, the head and tail
long, the moutli large, and the tongue broad, thin, and cartila-
ginous. The body gradually diminilhes in fize, from the middle to
the extremity of the tail. It fwims with its four feet which refem-
ble thofe of a frog. But the moft remarkable circumftance with
refpeét to this animal, which has been eflabliflied by many obferva-
tions, and confirmed by the opinion of Hernandez, is the uterus, and
a periodical evacuation of blood to which it is fubje6l ; in both whicli
it is faid to refemble the human fpecies (z). The Axolotl is whole-
fome to eat, and is of much the fame tafte with an eel. It is thought
to be particularly ufeful in cafes of confumption.
There are many other kinds of fmall fifh, in the lake of Mexico,
but they fcarcely deferve our notice.
As to Ihells, they are found in prodigious numbers, and of great
variety ; and fome of them of extraordinary beauty, efpecially thofe
of the Pacific Ocean. Pearls alfo have been fiflied, at different times,
along all the coafts of that fea. The Mexicans got them upon the
coafts of Tototepec, and of the Cuitlatecans, where we now get the
tortoife-fliell. Among the Sea-flars is one which has five rays, and
{y) Mr. Bomare could not light upon the name jf this fifh. He calls it A-zalotl, Axoìotì,,
Jl'zoìoti, and Axoloti ; and fays that the Spaniards call it Jiiguete del' agita : yet the Mexicans
call it Axolotl, and the Spaniards give it no other name but the Axo/otc.
{z) Bomare has fome hefitation in believing what is faid of the Axolotc ; but while we
may reft fecure upon the teftimony of thofe perfons, who have had thefe animals adually
under their own infpection, we need not pay much regard to the doubts of a Frenchman,
who, however verfed in Natural Hiftory, never faw the Axolotis, and is even ignorant of
their name : more efpecially, when we reflcft that the periodical evacuation of blood is not
confined to women alone, but has been obferved, likewife, in ape's ; for, as Mr. Bomare fays,
Les femelies dafingei out poitr la pluf art ifes menjirues commt iesfemmes,
one
Fin'.
• yifj/,/ ,'^ //„■ 'Z,y„/,/.,
'///lyi/n.i/;
Ytr/uf
.'■/f/Ni/i/.jy/, f'of./. Pii^ f>\
<W/u.
y.,;./.-r/
>''A///ru/t
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 67
one eye in each. Of Spunges, and Lithophyts, there arc many rare BOOK r-
and lingular fpecies. Hernandez gives us a print of a fpunge, fent ' ^-— '
to him from the Pacific Ocean, which was of the fliape of a man's
hand, but with ten or more fingers ; of a clay colour, with black
points and red ftreaks, and was harder than the common fpunges.
Defcending, at length, to the fmaller creatures, in which the Sect.xiv.
pov/er and wifdom of the Creator efpecially appear ; we fhall divide ^,f ^icxiw.*
the innumerable multitude of Mexican infeds into three clafies, the
flying, the terreftrial, and the aquatic ; although there are land and
water infects which afterwards become flying infedts, and might be
confidered as belonging to difi'erent claflies, at difi"erent times.
Among the flying infedts are, beetles, bees, wafps, flies, gnats, but-
terflies, and grafshoppers. The beetles are of feveral kinds, and mofl:lv
harmlefs. Some of them are of a green colour, and called by the
Mexicans, Majatl ; which, by the great noife they make in flying, af-
ford amufement to children. There are others black, of a difagrceable
fmell and irregular form, which are called F'macatl.
The Cucujo or fhining beetle, which beft deferves our notice, has
been mentioned by many authors, but not hitherto, as far as I know,
defcribcd by any one. It is more than an inch in length ; and, like
other flying beetles, is furnifhed with double wings. Upon the
head, is a fmall, moveable horn, which is of great ufe to it; for if
at any time it happens to be turned over and laid upon its back, it is
by means of this horn, by thrufting and prefling it into a mem-
brane fomewhat like a bag, which it has upon the belly, that this
infedl recovers its natural pofition. Near the eyes are two fmall
membranes, and upon tiie belly one fomewhat larger, of a thin,
tranfparcnt fubfl:ance, which are full of luminous matter, aftbrding
a light flrong enough to read by, and to ihew the way to tliofe
who travel at night. It flicws mort: light when it flies ; but none
at all while it fleeps, as it is then covered with the other opaque
membranes. The luminous matter is a white, mealy, vifcid iub-
ilance, which prefervcs its luminous quality after it has been taken
from the body of the Ciicujo, and one may draw ihining charaders
with it, upon a hat. There are great numbers of thefe flying
pholphori upon the Ica-coaAs, and which form upon the neigh-
K 2 bouring
6B H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK 1, bouring hills, at night, a very beautiful and brilliant fpeólacle. The
boys eafily catch them by waving a light in the evening, and the
beetles, drawn by the light, come into their hands. Some authors
have confounded this wonderful infedl with the glow-worm, but the
latter is much fmaller, and much lefs luminous ; is pretty frequent
in Europe, and perfedly common in Mexico.
The appearance of the fliining beetle is not more pleafing than
that of the T^emoUn is difagreeable. This is a large beetle of a
reddifh chefnut colour, with fix hairy feet, and four toes upon
each. There are two fpecies of the T'emolÌ7i : the one havings one
horn, in the forepart of the head ; and the other, two.
There are, at le.ifl:, fix different kinds of bees. The firft is the
fame with the common bee of Europe, with which it agrees, not
only in fize, fliape, and colour, but alfo in its difpofition and man-
ners, and in the qualities of its honey and wax. The fecond fpecies,
which differs from the firft only in having no fting, is the bee of
Yucatan and Chiapa, which makes the fine, clear honey of Efia-
hentun, of an aromatic flavour, fuperior to that of all the other kinds
of honey with v/hich we are acquainted. The honey is taken from
them fix times a year, that is, once in every other month ; but the
beft is that which is got in November, being made from a fragrant
white flower like Jeflamine, which blows in September, called in that
country EJiabentiin, from which the honey has derived its name (z).
The third fpecies refembles in its form, the winged ants, but is
fmaller than the common bee, and without a fting. This infedt,
v/hich is peculiar to warm and temperate climates, forms nefts, in
fize and fliape relembling fugar-loaves, and even fon:ietimes greatly
exceeding thefe in fize, which are fufpended from rocks, or from
trees, and particularly from the oak. The populoufnefs of thefe
hives are much greater than of thofe of the common bee. The
nymphs of this bee, which are eatable, are white and round, like a
pearl. The honey is of a greyifli colour, but ot a fine flavour. The
fourth fpecies is a yellow bee, fmaller than the common one, but,
(z) The honey of Eftabentùn, is in high eftimation with the Englifh and French, who touch
at the ports of Yucatan ; and I have known the French of Guarico buy it foinetimes tor the
purpofc of fending it as a prefent to the king.
like
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 69
like it, furnifhed with a fling. Its honey is not equal to thofe BOOK I.
already mentioned. The fifth, is a Imall bee without a fting, wlxich
conftrudts hives of an orbicular form, in fubterraneous cavities ; and
the honey is four, and fomewhat bitter. The 'Tlalpipiolli, which is
the fixth fpecie?, is black and yellow, of the fize of the common
bee, but has no fting.
Of wafps there are at leaft four kinds. The ^etzalmiahuatl is the
common wafp of Europe. The Tctlatoca or wandering wafp, is lb
called from its frequent change of habitation ; and is always found
employed in colledling materials to build it. This wafp has a fting,
but makes no honey or wax. The Xicotli or Xicote, is a thick,
black wafp, with a yellow belly ; which makes a very fweet honey,
in holes made by it in walls. It is provided with a ftrong fting,
which gives a veiy painful wound. The Cuicalmiabuati, has likev/ife
a fting J but whether it makes honey or not, we do not know.
The ^aubxicotU, is a black hornet, with a red tail, whofe fting
is fo large and ftrong, as not only to go through a fugar cane, but
even to pierce into the trunk of a tree.
Among the flies, befides the common fly which is neither fo trou-
blefome, nor in fuch numbers as in Italy during fummer (<z), there
arc feme luminous as the glow-worm. The Axay acati is a marlb-
fly, of the Mexican lake, the eggs of which being depofitcd in im-
menfe quantities, upon the rufties and corn-flags of the lake, form
large maffes, which are taken up by fiftiermen and carried to market
for fale. This caviare called Ahuaubtli, which has much the fame
tafte with the caviare of fifh, ufed to be eat by the Mexicans, and
is now a common diih among the Spaniards. The Mexicans eat
not only the eggs, but the flies tiiemfelves made up together into a
mafs, and prepared with faltpetre.
Gnats, which are fo common in Europe, and efpecially in Italy,
abound in the maritime parts of Mexico, and in all places wiiere heat,
(a) The fame obfcn-ation has btcn made before by Oviedo; " In the idands," faid he,
" and in terra firma, there arc very few flies ; and in comparifon of their numbers in F.iiropr,
" one might almoft fay there arc none." Nat. IJill. Ind. cap. 81. In Mexico, certainly there
are not lb few as Oviedo fays, but, gcncr.illy fpcaking, they aie nciihcr fo numerous nor fo
troublcfomc as in Europe. ,.
flandinr
<^
70 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK I. (landing water, and flirubs, encourage their propagation. They are
in inimenfe numbers in the lake of Chalco ; but the capital, although
near to that lake, is entirely free of that nuifance.
In the hot countries there is likev/ife a kind of frnall flies, which
make no buz in flying, but raife a violent itching by their puncSlure,
and an open wound is very ready to be made, if the part is fcratced.
In thofe hot countries alfo, but particularly in thofe next the fea,
Ciicarachas are found in great numbers. This is a large winged, fil-
thy, pernicious infedt, which fpoils all eatables, particularly any thing
fweet ; but in feme other refpedls is of great ufè in clearing houfes of
bugs. It has been remarked, that the fliips which come from Europe
full of bugs, return from New Spain quite freed of thefe fbinking in-
fefts, by means of the Cucarachas [Jj).
The Butterflies of Mexico, are much more numerous, and of greater
variety, than in Europe. It is impoflible to give any idea of their va-
riety and beauty, and the finefl; pencil is unable to imitate the exqui-
fite colouring and defign, which the Author of Nature has difplayed
in the embellilhment of their wings. Many refpedlable Authors have
celebrated them in their writings ; and Hernandez has made fome be
drawn, in order to give Europeans an idea of their beauty.
But the butterflies although numerous, are not to be compared
in that refpeft, with the locufl:s, which, fometimes darlccning the air
like thick clouds, fall upon the fea coafl;s, and lay walle all the ve-
getation of the country; as I have myfelf witnefled, in the year 1738,
or 1739, upon the coafls of Xicayan. From this caufe a great famine
was lately occafioned in the Peninfula of Yucatan : but no country
has been viflted by this dreadful fcourge fo often as the wretched
California [c). Among the land-infeds, befides the common ones,
about which nothing occurs to me worthy to be mentioned, there
(i) Tliis infeft is llkewifc an enemy of the ffudious, preying upon the ink, in the night-
time, unlefs it is carefully covered up. The Spaniards call it Cucaracha-, others call it
Kakerlaques, and others Dcrmcjlet, &c.
(r) In the hlltcry of California, which will be publiflied in a few months, will be found
a great many obfcrvations with rcfpeft to locufls, made by the Abbé D. Mich, del Barco,
who lived upwards of thirty years in that country, a country- not more famous than uadc-
ferving of the fame it has acquired,
I are
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
71
are worms of feveral kinds, fcolopendrae, fcorpions, fpiders, ants, BOOK f.
nigua chegoes or jiggers, and the cochineal.
Of the worms, fome are ufeful, and others pernicious; fome ferved
as food to the ancient Mexicans-, and others in the way of medicine,
as the Axin and the Pollin, which we fhall fpeak of in another place.
The Tleocuilin or burning worm, has the fame qualities with the Can-
tharides : its head is red, the brcaft green, and the reft of the body
is of a tawny-colour. The 'Tcinabuani, is a worm covered with
yellow, venemous prickles. The T'emiBli refemblea the filk-worm,
both in its operations and its metamorphofes. The fik-wonn was
brought from Europe, and was propagated with fuccefs. Great
plenty of good filk was made, efpecially in Mizteca fdj, where it be-
came a great article of trade; but the Miztecans being afterwards,
from political caufes, forced to abandon it, the rearing of the worms
was likewife negledled ; and at this time very few are employed in
that bufmefs. Befides that common filk, there is another excellent
kind, very white, foft, and ftrong, which is often to be found upon
trees, in feveral woods upon the fea coafls, particularly in thofe years
when there is little rain. But, unlefs by fome poor people, this
filk is not turned to any ufe, partly from inattention, to their interefts,
but chiefly from the obftruclions which would be cartainly thrown
in the way of any one who fhould attempt a trade of that kind.
We know from Cortes's letters to Charles Vth, that filk ufed to be
fold in the markets of Mexico ; and fome pidlure» are ftill preferved,
done by the ancient Mexicans upon a paper made of filk.
The Scolopendras are fometimes feen in the temperate parts, but
more frequently in the warm and moill. Hernandez fays, that he
has feen fome of them of the length of two feet, and two inches
thick : but fuch monftrous infefts can only have been feen in the
wetteft and moft uncultivated place ; for we who have been in a
great many places, through every variety of climate, never met witJi
any one of fuch extraordinary fize.
Scorpions are common throughout the whole kingdom, but in the
cold and temperate countries they are not numerous, nor very hurtful.
{J) Some places in Mizteca ftill prefcrvc the name which they obtained formerly, upon ac-
count of that trade; asyj/iè St. Frani is, Jtlk Itfext,
Thev
72
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
ii OOK I. xhey abound in the hot parts, or v/here the air is very dry although
"" ' the heat is but moderate j and their poilbn is fo adlive as to kill
children, and occafion terrible pain to adults. It has been remarked,
that the poifon of the fmall, yellowhh fcorpion is more powerful
than that of the large brown one, and that their fting is the moft
dangerous during thofe hours of the day when the fun gives mofh
heat.
Among the great variety of fpiders, we cannot pafs over the Ta-
rantola and Cafampulga {e). The name of Tarantola is given very
improperly, in that country, to a veiy large fpider, the back and legs
of which are covered with a fine, foft, blackifl:i down, like that
upon young chickens. This fpider is peculiar to the hot countries,
and is found in houfes as well as in the fields. It is fuppofed to be
poifonous, and it is generally believed that if a horfe tramples upon
one, he very foon loofes his hoof ; but I have never known a fingle
inftance of this happening, although I was for five years in a very
hot country where thofe fpiders were in great numbers. The Ca-
fampulga is a finali fpider of the fize of a chick pea, with fliort
le?-s, and a red belly. This fpider is venemous, and common in the
diocefs of Chiapa, and elfewhere. It feems to anfwer to the defcrip-
tion of what is called the Ragno capuUino in other countries, but
I do not know whether it is the fam.e.
The moft common ants of that country are of three kinds : firfl,
the fmall black ants the fame with thofe of Europe ; next, the large
red ants called by the Spaniards bravas, or fierce, which give very
painful wounds with their ftings : and laftly, the large brown ants,
called by the Spaniards harrieras, or carriers, becaufe they are conti-
nually employed in carrying grain for tlieir provifion, and for that rea-
fon they are much more hurtful to the country than the common
ants. Thefe carrier ants have been fuffered by the careleffnefs of the
inhabitants in fome places to multiply to excefs ; and in the province
of Xicayan black lines are feen upon the earth for feveral miles, which
confili of nothing but of thofe ants going and coming.
((•) I fufpei5t that the original name of this fpider has been Ca^.Tiiiga or flea-killtr,
corrupted in a manner cornmon to the vulvar, into Cafampulga.
Befidcs
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Befides the three fpecies already mentioned, there is a finguhr kind
of ant in Michuacan which, perhaps, is to be met with in other pro-
vinces. It is larger than the common ant, with a greyilhi-coloured
body and a black head. Upon its hinder parts it carries a little bag,
full of a very fweet liquor, wliich the children are very fond of, and
imagine it is a honey made by the ant like that made by the bee, but
I rather take it to be eggs. Mr. de la Barrere, in his Natural Hiilory
of Equinodlial France, takes notice of fuch ants being found in Cay-
enne; but thofe are winged ants, and ours are without wings.
The Nigua or Chegoe, called in other countries Pique, is an exceed-
ing fmall infedt, not very unlike a flea, which, in fome hot countries is
bred in the duft. It fixes upon the feet, and breaking infenfibly the
cuticle, it neftles bctwLxt that and the true fliin, which alfo, unlcfs it is
immediately taken out, it breaks, and pierces at lail to the flefli, multi-
plying with a rapidity almoft incredible. It is feldom difcovered un-
til it pierces the true fkin, when it caufes an intolerable itching.
Thefe infedts with their aftonilhing multiplication would foon dif-
people thole countries, were it kfs eafy to avoid them, or were the in-
habitants lefs dextrous in getting them out before they begin to fpread.
On the other hand, nature, in order to Icflen the evil, has not only de-
nied them wings, but even that conformation of the legs, and thofe
ftrong mufcles which he has given to the flea for leaping. The poor
however, who arc in fome meafure doomed to live in the duft, and
to a habitual neglecl of their perfons, fufter thefe infedts fometimes
to multiply fo far as to make large holes in their fledi, and even to oc-
cafiOn dangerous v.'ounds.
What the Niguas or Chcgocs do in houfes, is done in the fields
by the ticks, of which there are two fpecies or rather clafles. The
firll are common in the ncv,-, as well as the old world, which fix in
the fldns of flieep, horfes, and other quadrupeds, and get into their
ears, and fometimes into thofe of men.
The other abounds in the grafs of the hot countries, from which it
readily gets upon the cloaths, and from thefe to the flcin, upon which
it fixes with fuch force from the particular fliape of its feet, that it is
very diflicult to dct.ich it, and if it is not fpecdily removed makes a
wound like that made by tlie Nigua or Chegoe. At fiill it feems
Vol. I. L nothing
74
H I S T O Pv Y OF M E X I C O.
BOOK r. nothing more than a fmall black fpeck : but afterwards enlarges fo
quickly, and to luch a degree from the blood which it fucks, that
in a very Oiort time it becomes as large as a bean, and then takes the
colour of lead {/).
The celebrated cochineal of Mexico, fo well known and fo highly
efteemed over all the world, for the beauty of the colour which it af-
fords, is an infedt peculiar to that country, and the moll; ufeful of all
that the land of Anahuac produces. There particular pains have al-
ways been taken to rear it from the times of the Mexican kings [g) ;.
but the country in which it thrives the beft is that of Mizteca, where
it is the principal branch of commerce of that place (/6). In the
fixteenth century they ufed to rear it alfo in Tlafcala, Huexotzinco,
and other places, and it was a confiderable article of trade ; but thff
Indians (who have always been the perfons employed in that bufmefs),
opprefl'ed by the avaricious tyranny of fome Spanilh governors, were
forced to abandon that employm.ent which, of its own nature befides,.
was always very troublefome and tedious. The cochineal at its utmoft
growth, in fize and ligure refembles a bug. The female is ill pro-
portioned and lluggilh. The eyes, mouth, antenns, and feet, are fo
concealed among the wrinkles of its flcin, that they cannot be difco-
vered without the aflillance of a microfcope : and it is owing to that
circumftance, that fome Europeans have been fo pofitive in affirming it
to be a kind of feed and not an animal, in oppofition to the teflimony
of the Indians who reared it, and of Hernandez Vv'ho examined it as a
( /") Oviedo fays, thnt fhe bell and faf'ell method of feparating it fpeedily, is to anojnt the
p.ut with oil, aud then to fcrape it with a knife.
{g) The hiftorian Herrera, in the Dec. IV. lib. vili, cap. 8. fays, that although the In-
dians had the cochineal, yet they knew nothing of its vii'tues till they were inftruiled by the
Spaniards, But what did the Spaniards teach them ? To rear the cochineal ? How were they
fitted to teach what they were ignorant of themfclvcs, while they took that to be a feed which
is in reality an infeft. They taivght the Indians perhaps, to ufe it as a dye ; but unlefs the
Indians ufed it as a dye, to what purpofe did they take fo much pains in rearing it ? Why were
Huaxyacac, Coyolopan, and feveral other places obliged to pay twenty bags of cochineal yearly
to the king of Mexico, as appears by the regilfer of taxes ? Is it poffible to imagine, that a
people (o given to painting even as they were, and who were befides well acquainted with the
«fe of the Achiote, the indigo, and of a great many mineral earths and ftones, fliould be
ignorant of the ufe nf the cochineal ?
(i) Several authors have reckoned that more than 2,500 bags of cochineal are font every
year from Mizteca to Spain. The trade in that article carried on by the city of Oaxaca, brings
in 200,0-0 crowns a-year. Bomare fays, there is a kind of cochineal called Mcjiecan^ becaufe
ic is got in Meteque, in the province of Honduras : but this is a miftake, for it comes from
Jilifleca, a province farther from Honduras than Rome is from Paris.
naturalift.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
naturalift. The males arc not fo numerous, and one fervcs for three
hundred females : they are likewife fmaller and thinner than the fe-
males, but more brilk and adlive. Upon the heads of this infe<fl are
two articulated antenna, in each articulation of which arc four fmall
briftles regularly difpofed. It has fix feet, each confining of three
parts. From the hinder part of the body grow out two hairs, which
are two or three times as large as the whole • infedl. The male has
two large wings, which are wanting in the female. Thefe wings are
ftrengthened by two mufcles ; one external, extending along the cir-
cumference of the wing ; the other internal, which runs parallel to
the former. The internal colour of this infcLÌ: is a deep red, but
darker in the female ; and the external colour a pale red. In the wild
cochineal the internal colour is flill darker, and the external whitidi
or afti-coloured. The cochineal is reared upon a fpecies of Nofal, or
Opuntia, or Indian fig, which grows to the height of about eight
feet, and bears a fruit like the figs of other Opuntias, but not eatable.
It feeds upon the leaves of that tree, by fucking the juice with a trunk
fituated in the thorax betwixt the two fore feet : there it pafles through
all the ftages of its growth, and at length produces a numerous off-
fpring. The manner of multiplying peculiar to thefe valuable infers,
the management of the Indians in rearing them, together with the
means employed to defend them from rain, which is fo hurtful to
them, and from many enemies which perfecute them, lliall be ex-
plained when we conie to fpeak of the agriculture of the Mexi-
cans fij.
Among the water inle^ls, the Jtetepitz is a marfh beetle refcmbling
in Ihape and fize the beetles that fly. It has four feet, and is covered
\vith a hard Ihell. The Atopinan is a marfli gralhopper, of a dark
colour, about 'ix)^. inches long and two broad. The Almihuttla is a
worm of the Mexican lake, four inches long, and of the thicknefs
(/) D. Ant. Ultoa fays, that the yopai, upon which the cochineal is reared, lias no prickle- ;
but in Mifleca, where I was for five years, 1 always faw it upon prickly nopals. Mr. d:
Raynal imagines, that the colour of the cochincil is to be afcribed to the red fig upon
which it ilvcs; but that author has bein mifmformed ; for neither does the cochineal feed
upon the fruit, but only upon the leaf, which is pcrfc.Jly green ; nor docs ihat nopal bear red
but while figs. It is true, it may be fcarcd upon the fpecies wiih a red fig, but tbut is not
■the proper plant of the cochinral,
L a of
76 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK r. of a goofe-qulll; of a tawiiy colour upon the upper part of the body,
' ^— ' and white upon the under part. It ftings with its tail, which is hard
and poifonous. The OcuUi%tac is a black marfh-worm, which be.-
comes white on being roafled. All thefe infeds were eaten by the
ancient Mexicans.
Laflly, to omit other infeds the very names of which would fill an
immenfe catalogue, I fliall conclude this account with a kind of zoo-
phytes, or a-nimal plants, which I faw in the year 1751, in a houfe in
the country, about ten miles from Angelopoli, towards the fouth-eaffc.
Thefe were three or four inches long, and had four very flender feet,
and two antenna?; but their body was nothing more than the fibres
of the leaves, of the fame fliape, fize, and colour with thofe of the
other leaves of the trees upon which thefe infeds were found. Her-
nandez mentions them by the name of Quauhmecatl ; and Gemelli
defcribes another fomewhat fimilar which was found in the neighbour-
hood of Manila (k).
The flight account we have already given of the natural hiftory of
Anahuac, may ferve to fliew the differences that take place in the hot,
the cold, and the temperate countries, of which that vaft kingdom \s
compofed. Nature in the hot countries is more profufe, and in the
cold and temperate, more mild. In the former, the hills abound
more in minerals and fprings, the valleys are more delightful, and the
woods are thicker. There we meet with plants more ufeful for the
fupport of life (I). Trees of larger growth, more valuable woods,
more beautiful flowers, more delicious fruits, and more aromatic gums.
There too the animals are more numerous and of greater variety, and
the individuals of the different fpecies of greater beauty and fize ; the
birds have a finer plumage and a fweeter fong : but all thefe advan-
(i; I am awaie that modern naturalifts fcldom apply the name of zoopiytts, unlefs to cer-
tain marine bodies, which, with the appearance of vegetables, are really of the naiure of aui»
mais ; but I give it to thofe terrcftrial infetìs, becaufe it feems with as much, if not more pro-
priety applicable to them than to the marine bodies. In my Natural Philofoply, I think I
have given a vcrv probable explanation of the operation of nature in the produiftion of fuch
jnfcfis.
(/) It is irue, that generally neither corn grows there, nor many of the European fruits,
' fuch as apples, peaches, pears, &c. yet what iignifies the want of a few of thofe vegetables,
compared with the unfpealvable profullon and variety of pUmts fcrvlng both for food and me-
dicine, which are to be found in thofe ccui.nric3 ?
tages
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
77
tagea are counterbalanced by equal inconveniencies ; for there the BOOK l-
beafts of prey are more terrible, the reptiles more poifonous, and the »— — %"*«-^
infedls more pernicious. The earth there never feels the efFedls of
winter, nor is the atmofphere fubjefted to a hurtful viciditude of fea-
fons. A perpetual fpring reigns upon the earth, and a perpetual fuin-
mer in the air. The inhabitants are ufed to that exceflivo heat, but
from the conftant fweating which it occafions, together with the ufc
of thofc exquifite fruits which the bountiful earth prefents to them in
fuch abundance, they are often afFedtcd with diforders unknown in
other climates. The cold countries 'are neither fo fruitful nor fo
beautiful, but on the other hand they are more favourable to health,
and the animals are lefs hurtful to man. In the temperate countries
(at lead in many of them, and particularly in the vale of Mexico),
are enjoyed the advantages of the cold, and many of the pleafures of
the hot climates without the inconvenicncics of either. The moll
common difeafes of the hot countries are intermittent fevers, fpafms,
and confumptions ; and in the port of Vera Cruz, within thele few
years, the black vomiting (m) : in other parts, catarrhs, fluxes, plcu-
rifies, and acute fevers ; and in the capital, the diarrhcsa. Belides
thefc more frequent difeafes, certain epidemical diforders arife at times,
which feem in fome degree periodical, although not with much ex-
ad:nefs or regularity, fuch as thofe which appeared in 1546, 1576,
1736, and 1762. The fmall-pox brought thither by the SpaniHi
conquerors, is not fcen fo frequently in tliat country as in Europe;
but generally appears after an interval of a certain number of j'cars,
and then attacking all thofe who had not been afFci5led by it before, it
naakcs as much havoc at one time as it does fucceffively in Europe.
The nations which pofl*efled thofe countries before the Spaniards, Srcr. x\'.
although differing in language, and partly alfo in nunncrs, were yet 0/'"^^*^]^/,^.:.
nearly of the fame charadtcr. The moral and phyfical qualities of the cans imo o-
Mexicans, their tempers and difpofitions were the fime with thole of (,,- Anahj'ic.
the Acolhuicans, the Tepanceans, the Tlafcallans, and other, nations,
with no other difference than wliat arofe from tlicir different mode of
education ; fo that what we Ihall lay of the one, we lliouUI v;i(h tn
(/«) Ullon, and other hlllorinns of America, ilcfciibc the fpafms and ihc Mjck voiulting.
The latter «Jifcafe W.1S not known in thiit covintiy before ihc year 17.6.
be
78 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
be underilood as equally applicable to the reH;. Several authors, an-
cient as well as modern, have undertaken a defcription of thele people,
.but I. have not met with any one which is, in every refpeói, fiiithful
and corredi. The paffions and prejudices of fome, and the imperfed:
information, or the weak underilandings of others, have prevented
their reprefenting them in their genuine colours. What we fliall fay
upon the fubjeól, is derived from a ferious and long rtudy of the hif-
tory of thefe nations, from a familiar intercourfe for many years with
the natives, and from the moll minute obfervations with refpedt to
their prefent fiate, maJe both by ourfelves and by other impartial per-
fons, I certainly have no bias upon my own mind which fliould make
me lean to one fide more than to the other ; as neither the feelings of
a fellow-countryman can fway my opinion in their favour, nor can I
be interefted to condemn them fi-om a love of my nation, or zeal for
the honour of my countiymen : fo that I fliall fpeak frankly and plainly
the good and the bad, which I have difcovered in them.
The Mexicans are of a good flature, generally rather exceeding than
falling fliort of the middle fize, and well proportioned in all their
limbs : they have good complexions, narrow foreheads, black eyes,
clean, firm, regular white teeth, thick, black, coarfe, gloffy hair,
thin beards, and generally no hair upon their legs, thighs, and arms.
Their flcin is of an olive colour.
ThiCre is fcarcely a nation, perhaps, upon earth in which there are
fewer perfons deformed, and it would be more difficult to find a fingle
hump-backed, lame, or fquint-eyed man amongfi; a thoufind Mexi-
cans, than among any hundred of any other nation. The unplealant-
nefs of their colour, the fmallnefs of their forehead, the thinnefs of
their beard, and the coarfenefs of their hair, are fo far compenfi-ied by
the regularity and fine proportions of their limbs, that they can nei-
ther be called very beautiful, nor the contrary, but feem to hold a
middle-place betv/een the extremes. Their appearance neither engages
nor difgufls ; but among the young women of Mexico, there are many
very beautiful and fair ; v;hofe beauty is at the fame time rendered
more winning by the fweetnefs of their manner of fpeak ing, and by
the pleafantnefs and natural modefly of tlieir whole behaviour.
I Their
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
79
Their fenfes are very acute, efpccially that of fight, which they en- book I.
joy unimpaired to the greateft age. Their conftitutions are found, and
tlicir health robuft. They are entirely free of many diforders which
are common among the Spaniards, but of the epidemical difeafes to
which their country is occafionally fubjcdl, they are the principal vic-
tims i with them thefe difeafes begin, and with them they end. One
never perceives in a Mexican that ftinking breath which is occafioned
in other people by the corruption of the humours or indigeftion.
Their conftitutions are phlegmatic ; but the pituitous evacuations from
their heads arc very fcanty, and they feldom fpit. They become grey-
headed and bald earlier than the Spaniards, and although mofl: of them
die of acute difeafes, it is not very uncommon among them to attain
the age of a hundred.
They are now, and have ever been very moderate in eating, but
their paflion for flrong liquors is carried to the greatefl excefs. For-
merly they were kept within bounds by the feverity of the laws ; but
now that thefe liquors are grown fo common, and drunkennefs is un-
punifhed, one half of the people feem to have loft their fenfes ; and
this, together with the poor manner in whicii they live, expofed to all
the baneful impreflions of difeafe, and deftitute of the means of cor-
redling them, is undoubtedly the principal caufe of the havoc whicli
is made among them by epidemical diforders.
Their minds are at bottom in every refpeift like thofe of the other
children of Adam,, and endued with the fame powers ; nor did the
Europeans ever do lefs credit to their own reafon than when they
doubted of the rationality of the Americans. The ftate of civilization
among the Mexicans, when they were firft known to the Spaniards,
which was much fuperior to that of the Spaniards themfelves, when
they were firft known to the Phccnicians, that of the Gauls when firft
known to the Greeks, or that of the Germans and Britons when firft
known to the Romans («), fliould of itfelf have been fully fufficient
to
(«) D. Bernardo AUrcte, in his book upon the Origin of the Spanifli Tongue, would have
MS to believe that the Spaniards were lefs rude at the arrival of the Phocnicians.'than the IMcxi-
cnns were at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards ; but this paradox has been fufliciciitly
refuted by the learned authors of the Literary Hiliory of Spain. It is true, that the Spa-
niards in thofe remote ages were not fo barbarous as the Chichinriecans, the Californians, and
fomc other favage nations of Ainerica ; but neither their government was fo regular, nor their
arts
So HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK I. to corredi fuch an error of man's mind, if it had not been the interefl
of the inhuman avarice of fome ruffians to encourage it (o). Their
underftandings are fitted for every kind of fcience, as experience has
atìually fliewn {p). Of the Mexicans who have had an opportunity
of engaging in the purfuits of learning, which is but a fmall. num-
ber, as the greateft part of the people are always employed in the pub-
lic or private works, we have known fome good mathematicians, ex-
cellent architedls, and learned divines.
Many perfons allow the Mexicans to poifefs a great talent, of imi-
tation, but deny them the praife of invention : a vulgar error, which
is contradicted by the ancient hlflory of that people.
Their minds are affeóled by the fame variety of paffions with thole
of other nations, but not to an equal degree. The Mexicans feldom
exhibit thofe tranfports of anger, or thole frenzies of love which are
to common in other countries.
They are flow in their motions, and fliew a wonderful tenacity and
(leadinefs in thofe works which require time and long continued at-
tention. They are moil patient of injury and hardfhip ; and where
they fufpeól no evil intention, are moft grateful for any kindnefs
fliewn ; but fome Spaniards, who cannot diftinguifli patience from in-
fenfibility, nor diftruft from ingratitude, fay proverbially, that the In-
dians are alike infenfible to injuries and to benefits |^^^. That habi-
tual diliruft which they entertain of all who are not of their own na-
tion, prompts them often to lie and betray; fo that good faith cer-
tainly has not been fo much refpedled among them as it dcferves.
arts fo much improved, nor, as fur as ue can judge, had they made fo much progrefs in the
knowledge of nature, as the Mexicans at the beginning of the lixtcenth century.
(o) Upon this fubjcCl I mud refer the reader to the bitter complaints made by the bifliop
Carets, in his letter to pope Paul III. and by the blfliop of las Cafas, in his Memorials to the
Catholic kings Charles V. and Philip II. but efpecially to the very humane laws made by
thofe moti Chriftian monarch», in favour of the Indians.
{p) We fliall, in the Dilfert.itions, produce the opinions of D. Giulian Carets, firft bifliop
of Tlafcalla ; of D. John di Zumarraga, firft bifliop of Mexico, and of D. Bartholomew de
las Cafas, firft bifliop of Chiapa, with refpeft to the capacities, underftandings, and other good
qualities of the Mexicans. The teflimony of thofe virtuous and learned prelates, who' had
fo much intcrcourfe with the Indians, weighs much more than that of any hiilorian whatever.
(q) Kxpcrience has proved the grateful difpolitions of the Mexicans, wherever they were
affuicd of the good-witl and finccrity of their benefadtors. 1 heir gratitude has been often
manitefted by open and loud dcmonftrations of joy, which publicly declare the falfliood of the
Spanifl) proverb.
They
HISTORYOFMEXICO. Si
They are by nature taciturn, ferious, and auflere, and fliew more book r.
anxiety to punifli crimes than to reward virtues.
Gcnerolity and peifetil dilintereftednefs are the principal features of
their charailer. Gold with the Mexicans has not that value which
it enjoys elfewhere (r). They feem to give without reludlance what
has cofl: them the utmoft labour to acquire. The negledt of felfifli
intercfts, together with the dillike which they bear to their rulers, and
confequently their a\'erfion to the tafks impofed by them, feem to have
been the only grounds of that much exaggerated indolence with wliich
the Americans have been charged (s) ; and after all, there is no fet of
people in that country who labour more, nor whofe labours are more
ufeful or more neceffary (/).
The refpedl paid by children to their parents, and by the young to
the old, among thofe people, feem to be feelings that are born with
them. Parents are very fond of their children ; but the affeftion
which hulbands bear to their wi\'es, is certainly lefs than that borne
by tlie wives to their hufbands ; and it is very common for die men
to love their neighbours wives better than their own.
Courage and cowardice feem alternately fo to affetfl their minds, that
it is often difiicult to determine whether the one or the other predo-
minates. They meet dangers with intrepidity when they proceed from
natural caufcs, but they are eafily terrified by the ftern look of a Spa-
niard, That flupid indiffsrcnce about death and eternity, which
many authors have thought inherent in the charafter of every Ame-
rican, is peculiar only to thofe wiio are yet fo rude and uninformed as
to have no idea of a future fiate.
Their fin?ular attachment to the external ceremonies of religion is
very apt to degenerate into fuperfiition, as li.ippens v/ith the ignorant
of all nations of t'lc world ; but their proncncfs to idolatry is nothing
(;•) I Jo not fpcak of thofe iMcxic.ins, who, by a cop.Oant iiitcrcouife with covetous na-
tions, have been itifc.lcd by their avarice ; although, at the i"a;nc time, cvcd thofe appear to be
Icfs felfifli thin the generality of pcrfons of that difpofition.
(j) What we obfcrve upon ihc fubjcft of American indolence is not meant to apply to the
favagc nations in other parts of the nc-v/ world.
(/) In o.r DilTcrtations we (hall give an account of the works in which the Mexicans are
employed. Monfi;;n. Palafox ufid to fay, that if tvci the Indians failed thc:n, the SpiiiiarJ.i
voiild find the Iir.i'cs f.iil -.ilfo.
Vo^,. I. M nio.e
82 H I S T O Pn. Y O F M E X I C O,
BOOK I. more than a chimera formed in the abllird imaginations of mifinform-
ed perfons. The inftances of a few mountaineers are not fufficient to
juflify a general afperfion upon the whole people fu).
To conclude, the character of the Mexicans, like that of every
other nation, is a mixture of good and bad ; but the bad is eafy to
be correéled by a proper education, as has been frequently demon-
llrated by experience fxj. It would be difficult to find, any where,
a youth more docile than the prefect, or a body of people more ready
than their ancellors \verc to receive the lights of religion.
I muft add, that the modern Mexicans are not in all refpedts fimi-
lar to the ancient; as the Greeks of thefe days have little refemblance
of thofe who lived in the times of Plato and of Pericles. The an-
cient Mexicans fliewed more fire, and were more fenfible to the im-
preffions of honour. They were more intrepid, more nimble, more
atìive, more induftrious ; but they were, at the fame time, more fu-
perftitious and cruel.
{u) The few examples that are to be found of idolatry are not altogether inexcufable, when
we confidar how naturally rude and unenlightened men may confound the idolatrous worfliip
of fomc unftiapely figure of flone or wood, with that which is due to the facred images alone.
And our own prejudices againft them have often been the caufe of our treating as idols what
were really the images, though rude ones, of the faints. In the year 1754, I faw fome little
images which had been found in a cave in a mountain, and were confidered as idols, but which.
I had no doubt were a£lual!y images reprefenting the myftery of the facred nativity.
{x) To be fenfible of the influence of education upon the Mexicans, we need only to be
made acquainted with the wonderful life led by the Mexican women of the Royal College of
Guadaloupe in Mexico, and thole of the monafleries of Capuchins in the fame capital, and
Valladolid in Michuacan.
BOOK
[ S3 ]
BOOK II.
Of the Toltccas, Chechcmccas, Acolhuas, Olmec as y and other Na^
tions that inhabited the Country of Anahiiac before the Mexicans.
The Expedition of the Aztecas, or Mexicans, from their Native
Country of Aztlan. The Events of their Journey into the Country
of Anahuac j and their Settlements in Chapol tepee and Colhuacan.
The Foundation of Mexico and Tlaltelolco. Inhuman Sucrifce of
a Colhuan Girl.
TH E hillory of the firlt peopling of Anahuac is fo involved in book II.
fable, like that of other nations, that it is not merely dif- '^ v^~— '
ficult but altogether impoffible to difcover the truth. It is certain,
however, both from the teftimony of the facred writings, and from
the conflant and univeruil tradition of thofe nations, that the in-
habitants of Anahuac are defcended of thofe few mortals whom
the Divine Providence faved from the waters of the deluge, in order
to prcfcr\-e llie race of man, upon earth. At the fame time there
cannot be a doubt, that the men who firfl: peopled that country,
came originally from the more northern parts of America, where
their anceftors had been fettled for many ages. All the hiftorians,
Toltecan, Chechemecan, Acolhuan, Mexican, and Tlafcalan, are
agreed upon thefe two points : but who thofe firfl inhabitants were,
the time of their emigration, the events of their journey, and their
firll eftabliflimcnts, arc entirely unknown. Several authors have en-
deavoured to pierce that chaos ; but trufting to flight conjedures, fan-
ciful combinations, and certain pidlures of very ambiguous authenti-
city ; and having recourfe in their difficulties, to puerile and roman-
tic narrations, have utterly loll themfelves in the thick darknefs of an-
tiquity.
There have been writers, who, building upon the tradition of Sect. r.
tlie natives, and upon the difcovery of bones, fculls, and entire Ike- ^* ''"^ ^"^"
Iftons of prodigious fize, which have been dug up, at differcat tinies,
M 2 iu
tccai
84 HISTORYOI^MEXICO.
BOOK II. in many parts of New Spain {a), have imagined that the firfl inha-
bitants of that country were Giants. I, for my own part, have no
doubt of their exigence there, as well as in other parts of the New
World {Ò) ; bat we can neither form any conjedure as to the time
in which they lived, although vve have reafon to believe they muft
be very ancient j nor can we be perfuaded that there has ever been,
as thofe Vv'riters imagined, a whole nation of Giants, but only fingle
individuals of the nations which we now know, or of fome others
more ancient and unknown (r).
The Toltecas arc the oldeft nation of v/hich we have any knovs'-<
ledge, and that is very imperfeél. Being baniflied, as they tell us,
from their own country Huehuetapallan, which we take to iiavc
been in the kingdom of T^oUan (d), from which they derived their
name, and fituated to the north-weil of Mexico, they began their
journey in the year i. Tecpati, that is in the 596 of our. era. In every
place to which they came, they remained no longer than they liked
(rt) The places where gigantic Ikeletons have been found, arc Atlancatepec, a village in the
province of Tlafcala, Te-zcucOi Toluca, i^anhximaipan ; and in our days, upon a hill in
California, not far from Kad.i-Kaaman.
{h) I am well aware that many European philofophcrs, who laugh at the belief of giants,
will be ready to ridicule me, or at leaft to pity my credulity ; but I will not betray the truth
to avoid cenfure. I know that among the civilized nations of America, it was a current tra-
dition, that a race of men had exifted, in former times, of extraordinary height and bulk ;
but I cannot remember an inllance among any American nation, of there having ever been
any elephants, hippopotamufes, or other quadrupeds of uncommon fize. I know from the
reftimony of innumerable writers, and particularly of two eye-witnefles, of unqueftionable
ciedir, Hernandez, and D' Acofta, who were men of learning, correftnefs, and veracity,
that human ftulls have been found, and even whole flceletons, of aftonifliing fize ; but I do
not know, that in any of the vafl number of openings which have been made in the earth
in New Spain, any (kcleton of a hippopotamus has been found, or even a fingle tooth of an
elephant. I know, lalily, that fome of the great bones above mentioned, have been found in
tombs, which appear evidently to have been made on purpofe ; but I am yet to learn of
tombs ever having been conlirufled for fea-horfes and elephants. All this and more ought to
be weighed, before we prcfume to determine with fome authors who have afferted it, without
the leali hefitation, that all the large bones difcovcrcd in America, belonged to thofe, or
fome other fuch great animals.
(c) Many hiftorians of Mexico fay, that the giants were betrayed, and put to death by the
Tlafcalans ; but this idea, which has no foundation but in fome poems of the Tlafcalans, is
inconfilknt with the chrono!oo;y adopted by thofe hillorians themfclves ; making the giants
much too ancient, and the Tlafcalans too modern, in the country of Anahuac.
{it) Toltccot!, in Mexican fignifies a native of ToUan, as Tiatcahecatl docs a native of
Tlafcala, &c.
it,
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. gj
it, or were eafily accommodated with provifions. When they deter- BOOK ir,
mined to make a longer Hay, they credled houfes, and lowed the
land with corn, cotton, and other plants, the feeds of which they
had carried along with them to fupply their neceifitics. In this
wandering manner did they travel, always fouthward, for the fpacc
of one hundred and four years, till they arrived at a place, to which
they gave the name of TollaiU%incG, about fifty miles to the eaft of
that fpot where, fome centuries after, was founded the fimous city
of Mexico. They were led and commanded, upon the whole jour-
ney, by certain captains or lords, who were reduced to {Q\tn, by the
time tlicy arrived at Tollantzinco ('('j. They did not chufe, ho\\'ever,
to fettle in that country, although the climate is mild, and the foil
fruitful ; but in lefs than twenty years after, they went about forty
miles towards the weft, where, along the banks of a river, tliey
founded the city of Tollan or Tula, after the name of their native
country. That city, the oldeft, as far as we know, in Anahuac, is
one of the moft celebrated in the hiftory of Mexico, and was the ca-
pital of the Toltecan kingdom, and the court of their kings. Their
monarchy began in the year 8. Acati, that is in the year 607 of the
Chrijflian era, and lafted three hundred and eighty-four years. I
have fubjoincd the feries of tlieir kings with the year of the ChrilHaii
era in which they began to reign fj).
Chalchiutlatietzi?!,
Ixtlilcuechahuac,
Huetzin,
Totepeub,
Nacaxoc,
Miti,
Xiutzaltzin, Queen,
'Topiltzin,
It might appear extraordinary that jufl: eight monarchs fhould reign
in the courfe of four centuries, if it were not explained by a Angular
(f) The fcven Toltecan leaders ivcrc, Zacatl, Chakatzin, Ehccatzin, Cohitalzon, Tsihiiaceail,
2IctzolzÌ!i, and Tlapalmcfzotzin.
(./") ^^<^ have pointed out the year in which the Toltecan monarchs began their reigns,
by taking for guintcd the epoch of their leaving Huchuetlnpallan, which however, is very
uncertain.
law
in the
667
in the
719
in the
771
in the
823
in the
875
in the
927
in the
979
in the
1031,
Cas
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
law of that people, according to which, no king was fuffered to
reign either longer or fliorter than a Toltecan age ; which, as v/e fliall
mention in another place, confided of fifty-two years. If a king
completed the age, upon the throne, he immediately refi.jned the go-
vernment, and another was put in his place: and if th- king hap-
pened to die before the age was expired, the nobles afl'umed the ad-
miniftratlon, and, in the name of the deceafed king, governed the
kingdom for the remaining years of the age. This was the cafe
with the Queen Xiutzaltzin, after whofe death in the fifth year of her
reign, the nobles held the government for the forty-eight years which
fucceeded.
Sect. II. The Toltecas were the mofl celebrated people of Anahuac, for
viiizatiou of' their fuperior civilization, and fldll in the arts ; whence, in after ages,
the Tolte- j^- j-^^g hscn common to diftinguilh the mofl: remarkable artifts, in an
honourable manner, by the appellation of Toltecas. They always
lived in fociety, colleéled into cities, under the government of kings,
and regular laws. They were not very warlike, and lefs turned to the
exercife of arms than to the cultivation of the arts. Tlie nations
tbat have fucceeded them, have acknowledged thenifelves indebted to
the Toltecas for their knowledge of the culture of grain, cotton,
pepper, and other moft ufeful fruits. Nor did they only pradlife
thofe arts which are diftated by necefiity, but thofe a!fo which mi-
nifler to luxury. They had the art of cafting gold and filver, and
melting them in whatever forms they pleafed, and acquired the
greateft reputation from the cutting of all kinds of gems : but no-
thing, to us, raifes their character fo high as their having been the
inventors, or at leaft the reformers of that fyAem of the arrangement
of time, which was adopted by all the civilized nations of Anahuac ;
and v/hich, as we fliall fee afterwards, implies numerous obfervations,
and a wonderfully corre6l aftronomy.
Cav. Boturini fgj, upon the faith of the ancient hiflories of the
Toltecas, fays, that obferving in their own country of Huebuetla-
pallan, how the folar year exceeded the civil one by which they
(ff) In a work of his, printed at Madrid, in 1 746, under the title of, Sketch of a general
Uifiory of Kc-iv S/iain, foitniied npon a great Number of Figures, Synijoh, Charaflers, Hiaog/j-
J>l>lci, Hjmiis, and Manufcr-pts of Indiar. Authors, lately difiovcred.
reckoned.
K I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. Sj
reckoned, about fix hours, they regulated It by intcrpoiing the in- book ir.
tercalary day once in the four years ; which they did, more than
one hundred years before the Chriftian era. He fays befides, that in
the year 660, under the reign of Ixtlalcuechahuac, in Tula, a cele-
brated aftronomer called Huematzin, alfembled, by the king's confent,
all the wife men of the nation ; and with them painted that famous
book called Tconmoxtli or Divine Book, in which were reprefented, ii>
very plain figures, the origin of the Indians, their difperlion after the
confufion of tongues at Babel, their journey in Afia, their firft fet-
tlements upon the Continent of America, the founding of the king-
dom of Tula, and their progrefs till that time. There were defcribed
the heavens, the planets, the conftellations, the Toltecan calendar
with its cycles, the mythological transformations, in which were in-
cluded their moral philofophy, and the myfteries of their deities con-
cealed by hieroglyphics from common undcrflandings, together with
all that appertained to their religion and manners. The above men-
tioned author adds, that that eclipfe of the fun which happened at
the death of our Saviour, was marked in their paintings, in the year
7. tochtli (/j) J and that fome learned Spaniards, well acquainted
with the hiftory and the paintings of the Toltecas, having com-
pared their chronology with ours, found that they reckoned from
the creation of the world to the birth of Chrilt, five thoufmd one
hundred and ninety-nine years, which is exadily the computation of
the Roman calendar.
Whatever may be in thefè things mentioned by Boturini, upon
which I leave the prudent reader to form his own judgment, there
cannot be a doubt, with thofc v/ho have ftudied the hiftory of that
people, that the Toltecas had a clear and diflindl knowledge of the
univerfal deluge, of the confufion of tongues, and of the difpcrfioa
of the people ; and even pretended to give the names of their firft
anceftors who were divided from the reft of the families upon that
(i) All thofc who have fludicd carefully the hiflory of the nations of Anahuac, know
Tcry well that thofc people were accuftomcd to mark cclipfcs, comets, and other pha;no-
meiia of the henvcns, in their paintings. Upon reading Boturini I fet about comparing the
Toltecan years with ours, and 1 found the •; 4th year ot Chril}, or 30th of our era, to he
the 7. Tochtli: but I did this merely to fatisly my own curiofity, and I do not mean cither
to confirm or give credit to the things told us by that author.
univerfal
88 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IL univsrfal difperiion. It is equally certain, as we Ihall fhew ia an^
other place, however incredible it may appear to the critics of Eu-
rope, who are accuftomed to look upon the Americans as all equally
barbarous, that the Mexicans and all the other civilized nations of
Anahuac regulated their civil year according to the folar, by means
of the intercalary days, in the fame manner as the Romans did- after
the Julian arrangement ; and that this accuracy was owing to the
fkill of the Toltecas. Their religion was idolatrous, and they ap-
pear by their hiftory to have been the inventors of the greateft part of
the mythology of the Mexicans, but \vc do not know that they
practifed thofe barbarous and bloody facrifices which became after-
wards fo common among the other nations.
The Tezcucan hiftorians believed the Toltecas the authors of that
y\ famous idol, reprefenting the god of water, placed on mount T/a/oc,
^ of which we Ihall fpeak hereafter. It is certain that tliey built in
honour of their beloved god ^.etzalccat!, the higheft pyramid of
Cholula, and probably alfo thefe famous ones of Tcotihuacan in ho-
nour of the fun and moon, which are ftill in exiftence, though much
disfigured (/). Boturini believed the Toltecas built- the pyramid of
Cholula, to counterfeit the tower of Babel j but the painting on which
his error is fupported (futiiciently common with the vulgar of New
Spain), is the work of a modern and ignorant Cholulan, the whole
of it being a heap of abfurdities {k).
(/) Betancoiiit fays thefe pyramids were built by the iVIexicans ; this is certainly falfc,
and contrary to the opinion of all other authors, American as well as Spanifli. Dr. Seguenza
appears to think they were the work of the Olmccas ; but as we have no other remains of
the architefture of that nation, by which we might judge; and befides, thefe pyramids
feeing made after the model of that of Cholula, we are therefore induced to think that the
Toltecas were the arcliiteifls of them all, as Torquemada and other a'-ithòrs relate.
[k) The painting; alluded to by Boturini, rcprcfcnted the pyramid of Cholula, with this
Mexican infcription, ToUecall Chakhlhuall onazia Ehctsatepctl ; which he thus interprets : A
}}:onu:i:ent., or precicus Jlone of the Toltcca nation, ivhofe ntci /iaicf>cs into the rej^'ou of the air :
but independent of the inconeftnefs of the wntin^, and the barbar'rim Ch«khihuad, who-
ever is in the lead infaufted in the Mexican language, will Immediately perceive there could
not bea moie whimlìcaJ interpretation. At the foot of the piflure, fays Boturini, the author
put a note, in which, addrcffing himfelf to his countrymen, he lidinoniflicd them as follows :
Nobles, and gentlemen, behold your fcripnires, the image of your antacjuity, and the hiliory
of your ancertors.; who, moved by fear from the deluge, built this' afylum, for a ready
ictreat, in. cafe of being again vifitcd by fuch a calamity. Bnt to fpeak the truth,
she '1 citccas nuift have been utterly deprived of und.crftand;ug, if frcjn.ihc fear of the
J deluge
H I S T O R Y O F xM E X I e O. 89
During the four centuries which the monarchy of the Toltecas BOOK ir.
lafled, they muUipHed confiderably, extending their population every ^^ — ^TTT*
way in numerous and large cities j but the direful calamities which R">n of the
happened to them in the firft years of the reign of Topiltzin, gave a
fatal Ihock to their profperity and power. For feveral years heaven
denied them the necefl'ary fhowers to their fields, and the earth the
fruits which fupported them. The air, infed:ed with mortal con-
tagion, filled daily the graves with the dead, and the minds of thofe
furviving with confternation, at the deflrudion of their countrymen.
A great part of the nation died by famine and ficlcnefs. Topiltzin
departed life in the fecond year Tecpati, the twentieth of liis reign,
which was probably the year 1052 of the vulgar era, and with him
the Toltecan monarchy concluded. The wretched remains of the
nation, willing to fave themfelves from the common calamity, fought
timely relief to their misfortunes, in other countries. Some diretfted
their courfe to Onohualco or Yucatan, fome to Guatemala, while
fome families flopped in the kingdom of Tula, and fcattered them-
felves in the great vale where Mexico was afterwards founded ; fome
in Cholula, Tlaximoloyan, and other places ; and amongft thefe were
the two princes fons of king Topiltzin, whofe defcendants, in courfe
of time, intermarried with the royal families of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Colhuacan.
Thefe imperfeft accounts of the Toltecas are all that we think
proper to be told here, omitting many fabulous relations introduced
tlcluj^e they had undertaken, nt fo much cxpcnce and labour, the building of that ominom
pyramid, while in the highcll mountains, a little diftant from Cholula, they had a much
more fccure afyUim from inundations, with Icfs dan^^er of pcrifliing by want. In the fiime
work, Boturini fays, was rcprcfcntcJ the baptifm of Ilamatcuftii, Queen of Cholulii, con-
ferred upon her by Deacon Aguilar, the 2d of Augull, 1521, together with the .-ipparition of
the Virgin to a certain religious Francifcan, who was living at Rome, ordering him to depart
for Mexico ; where he was to place on a mountain built by art (that is, the pyramid of
Cholula), her image. But this is no more than a firing of dreams and lies ; for in Cholula
there never were cither kings, nor could fuch baptifm, t>f which no author fays a word,
have been celebrated on the 6th of Augull, 1521 ; as at that time Aguilar, with the other
Spaniards, was in the heat of the fiegc of the capital, which was to render itfclf up, ftvcu
days after, to the conquerors. Of the pretended apparition of the mother of God, there is
no memory among the Francifcan hillorians, who never omitted any thing of this kind in
«heir chronicles. We have deniondratcd the falfity of this relation, to caution thofe, with
Trgard to modern pictures, who tnav iu future undertake the hillory of Mexico.
Vol. I. ' N by
go H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK ir. by other hiflorians ^^/j. We would require to have the Divine Book,
cited by Boturini, and by Sig. D. Ferdinand d'Alba Ixtlilxohitl in h.\i
moft valuable manufcripts to throw greater light on the hiflory of this
celebrated nation.
After the deflruAion of tlie Toltecas, for the fpace of one cen-
tury, the land of Anahuac remained folitary, and almoft entirely depo-
pulated, until the arrival of the Checheniccas (;«).
The Chechemecas, like the Toltecas who preceded them, and other
nations which came after them, were originally from the northera
countries, as we may call the North of America, like the North of
Europe, the feminary of the human race. From both, in fwarms,
have iffued numerous nations to people the countries in the South,
their native country, of the fituation of which we are ignorant, was
called Amaquemecan, where, according to their account, different mo-
narchs ruled their nation for many years («). The charafter of the
Chechemecas, as is fliewn by their hifloiy, was very fingular, as
a certain degree of civilization was blended with many traits of bar-
barism. They lived under the command of a fovereign, and the
chiefs and governors deputed by him, with as much fubmiffion as is
ufual among the moft cultivated nations. There were diftindtions
between the nobility and commonalty, and the plebeians were ac-
cuftomed to reverence thofe whofe birth, merit, or favour with the
(I) Torqucinada fays, that at a certain feilival-ball made by the Toltecas, the fad-Iookingf
devil appeared to them in a gigantic lizc, with immenfe arm?, and in the midft of the enter-
tainment he embraced and fufTocated them ; that then he appeared in the figure of a child
with a putrid head, and brought the plague ; and finally, at the perfuafion of the fame
devil they abandoned the country of Tula. But this good author underflood thefe fymbo-
lical figures literally ; whereas they were meant only to reprefcnt the famiiu and peliilence
which had befallen them, at the time when they were in the height of their profperity.
(m) In our fecond diflertation, we differ from Torquemada, who does not allow more than
eleven years of interval between the deflruftion of the Toltecas and the arrival of the Che-
chemecas.
(n) Torquemada names thefc Chechemecan kings of Amaquemecan, and to the firft he
gives one hundred and eighty years of reign ; to the fecond, one hundred and fifty-fix ; and
to the third, one hundred and thirty-three. See our fecond diflertation on the abfurd chro-
nology of this author. He alfo confidently affirms, that Amaquemecan was fix hundred
miles dillant from the fpot where the city of Guadalaxara is at prefcnt, but in more than one
thoufand two hundred miles of inhabited country beyond that city, there is not the leaf! trace
or memory of the kingdom of Amaquemecan ; from whence we believe it to be a country
ftill undifcovered, and greatly farther to the northward than Torquemada imagined.
princ
HISTORY OF iM E X I C O.
prince raifed them above the other ranks. They dwelt in coni-
muniti ;. together, in places compofed, as we may imagine, of poor
huts (o) ; but they neither pradlifed agriculture, nor thole arts which
accompany civil life. They lived only on game, and fruits, and roots
■which the earth fpontaneouily produced. Their clothing was the
rough fkins of the wild hearts they took in prey, and their arms no
other than the bow and arrow. Their religion was reduced to the
fimple worHiip of the fun, to which pretended divinity they offered
herbs and flowers which they found fpringing in the fields. With
refpedl to their cuftoms, they were certainly lefs difplealing and lefs
rude than thofe to which the genius of a nation of hunters gives birth.
Their motive for leaving their native country, is uncertain ; as like-
wife the etymology of the word Chcchemecatl [o). The lall king
whom they had in Amaquemecan, left his government divided be-
tween his two fons Achcauhtli and Xolotl ; the latter either not
brooking, as frequently happens, the divifion of regal authority,
was willing to prove whether fortune deftined him other territories,
Avhere he could govern without a rival ; or perceiving that tlie moun-
tains of his kingdom were not fuHicient to provide fupport for the then
probably increafed number of inhabitants, determined to eafe necefiity
by a timely departure. Having taken, therefore, fuch refolution
from the one or other motive, and having firft got intelligence, by his
emill-arics of a good fituation in the fouthern countries, he fet out
from his native land, with a large army of his fubjedls, who were
difpofed, from affeftion or intereft, to accompany him. In their
travels they encountered with the ruins of the Tokecan fettlements,
and in particular of the great city of Tula, where they arrived at the
end of eighteen months. From this they proceeded towards Chem-
(o) Torqucniada fays, tliat llic Chcclicmc>as had no lioufcs, but duck in tlie caverns of
mountains ; but in the fame chapter where he fays this, he affirms that t^ye cnpital city of their
kingdom was called Amaquemecan.
(o) Several authors have labinncd to gucfs at the etymology of the word ChtJ.'tmccall.
Torque. i.ada fays, that this name is derived from Tcchkhhufn, which lignifics fu.kin^, bc-
ciufc the Chcchcmccas fucked the blood of the aninals which they hunted. But ih.is is a
forced e:ym-jlogy, pariiciibrlv anion?; thofe nations, «ho did not alter derivative names ia
fuch a manner, Betancourt believed it to be derived from C.I.'J.nm'i, that is, dogs beans.
Thcv were fo calUd by other naiions, in contempt ; but had this be»n the cafe, thry ivoulJ
rot have boartcd, ut they did, of tlve name ChcchemccatL
N 2 poalla
9»
BOOK 11.
Sect. IV.
Xolotl, firft
king of the
Chccheme-
cas, ii\ Ana-
li uac.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
poalla and Tepepolco, forty miles diflant, towards the north, from the
fite of Mexico. From thence Xolotl fent the prince Nopaltzin, his
fon, to furvey the country. The prince croffed the borders of the
lakes, the mountains which furround the delightful vale of Mexico,
and having marked the whole country, from the top of a lofty
mountain, he fliot four arrows to the four winds in token of talcing
pofTeffion, in the name of his flither, of all that country. Xolotl
being made acquainted with the quality of the country, refolved to
eftablifli himfelf in Tenayuca, a place fix miles diftant from the fite
of Mexico towards the north, and diftributed his people among the
neighbouring lands ; but the greater population being towards the
north, and north-wefl:, that tradì of land had fmce the name of
Chechemecatlalli, that is, the land of the Chechemecas. Hiftorians
relate, that in Tenayuca there was a review of the people taken, and
therefore it was likewife' given the name of Nepohualco, which
means, the place of enumeration ; but what Torquemada adds, is
entirely incredible, that there were more than a million of Cheche-
mecas found at this review, and there remained even until his time,
twelve piles of the ftones which they continued to throw during the
review. Befides, neither is it probable that fo large an army lliould
fet out on fo long an expedition ; or does it appear pofTible that fo fmall
a diflridl could fupport a million of hunters.
The king being fettled in Tenayuca, which he deflined for the
place of his court, and having given proper orders for the forming
of other towns and villages, he commanded one of his captains, named
Achitomatl, to go and trace the fource of certain rivers which the
prince had obferved in his expedition. Achitomatl found in Cha-
poltepec, in Cojohuacan, and in other places, feveral Toltecan families,
from whom he learned the caufe and time of their defolation. The
Chechemecas, not only avoided to difturb thofe miferable relics of that
celebrated nation, but formed alliances with them, many of the nobles
marrying with the women of Tolteca ; and among others, prince
Nopaltzin married Azcaxochitl, a virgin defcended from Pochotl,
one of the two princes of the royal family of Tolteca, who fur-
vived the deftrudtion of their nation. This humanity brought its
recompence to the Chechemecas 3 for from their commerce with
that
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 93
that induilrious nation, they began to tafte corn, and other fruits of BOOK TL
induftry ; were taught agriculture, the manner of digging metals, and
the art of cafting them ; alfo to cut ftones, to fpin and weave cotton,
and other things, by which they improved their means of living,
their clothing, their habitations, and manners.
Nor did the arrival of other civilized nations contribute lefs to the
refinement of the Checehmecas. Eight years were fcarcely elapfed
from the time that Xolotl had eflablifhed himfelf in Tenayuca,
when there arrived in that country fix refpedable perfons, with a
confiderable retinue of people. They were from a northern countr)',
neighbouring to the kingdom of Amaquemecan, or a little diflant
from it, the name of which is not mentioned by hiftorians ; but we
have reafon to believe that it was the country of Aztlan, the native
country of the Mexicans, and that thele new colonies were the fix
famous tribes of Nahuatlachi, of which all the hiftorians of Mexico
make mention, and we fhall fliortly treat of. It is probable that
Xolotl fent advice to his native country, of the advantages of the
fituation where he was eftablifhed ; and that fuch information, fpread
among the adjoining nations, incited many families to follow his
fteps, and partake his good fortune. It is alfo to be imagined, that
fome famine or fcarcity having happened to the northern coun-
tries, fo many people were obliged to feek relief in lands to the
fouthward. However it was, the fix perfons arrived in Tenayuca
from the North, were gracioufly received by the Chechemecan king ;
and when he learned the purpofe of their travel, and their delire to
ftay in that country, he afligned them a diltriól which they might
inhabit with their people.
A few years after, there arrived three other princes, with a great ar-
my of the Acolhuan nation, natives of Teoacolhuacan, a country neigh-
bouring to, and not far diftant from the kingdom of Amaquemecan.
Thefe princes were named Acolhuatzin, C/jiconquauhili, and Tzon-
tecomatl, and were of the mofl: noble houfe of Citin. It was the
moft cultivated and moft civilized of all the nations which were in
that country fince the Toltecas. It may be eafily fuppofed, how
great a rumour was occafioned by fuch a novelty, in that kingdom,
and what difquiet fo great a multitude of lyiknown people raik\i
I among
94
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IL among the Chechemecas ; nor does it feem probable, that they would
have been permitted to enter the kingdom, without having previoufly
given information of their condition, and the motives of their vifit.
The king was at this time in Tezcuco, where he had removed his
■court, either being tired of Tenayuca, or allured by the advantageous
fituation of that new place. Here the three princes arrived, and being
prefented to the king, after a profound bow, and that ceremony of
refpedl fo familiar to thefe nations of kilTing the hand after having
touched the earth with it, they addrefTed him in words to this pur-
pofe. " We are come, mighty king, from the kingdom of Teoacol-
" huacan, a Utile diflance only from your native country : we are all
" three brothers, and fons of a great lord ; but being acc[uainted with
" the happinefs which the Chechemecas enjoy under the rule of a
" prince fo humane, we have preferred to the advantages which we
" had in our native country, the honour of becoming your fubjeéls.
" We pray you, therefore, to give us place in your happy land, where
" we may live dependent on your authority and fubjedl to your com-
*' mand." The Chechemecan fovereign was pleafed with the lordly
a'ir and courtly manners of thefe noble youths, but ftill more with
the flattering vanity of feeing humbled, in his prefence, three princes
allured from fuch diftant countries by the fame of his clemency and his
power. He replied with complaifance to their addrefs, and offered to
comply with their defires ; but while he was deliberating in what man-
ner he fliould do it, he ordered his fon to lodge them, and take care of
their entertainment.
The king had two daughters who were marriageable, whom, from
the firft he had thought of marrying with the two eldeft princes ;
but he was unwilling to difcover this intention, until he lliould be ac-
quainted with their difpofition, and Ihould be Aire of the confent of
his fubjedts. When he was fatisfied in mind of both thefe points, he
called the princes to him, who remained anxious about their fate, and
opened his refolution to them, not only to grant them eftabli'hments in
bis kingdom, but alfo to marry two of them with his daughters, lament-
ing that he had no other, to avoid leaving any one excluded from, the
new alliance. The princes thanked him with warm expreHions of
gratitude, and proffered to ferve him with the utmofi: fidelity.
Whea
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
When the day appointed for the nuptials arrived, fuch a concourfe
of people flocked to Tenayuca, the place deftined for the folemniza-
tion, the city being unable to receive them, many remained in the
country. Acolhuatzin married the eldeft of the princefles, named
Cuetlaxochitl, and Chiconquautli the other. The third prince had
CoatctJ, a virgin born in Chalco of mofi: noble parents, in whom the
Toltecan and Chechemecan blood \\'ere both mixed. The public re-
joicings lafted iixty days, and the entertainments conlifted of w^reftling,
running, and combats with wild beafls, exercifes which were agree-
able to the genius of the Chechemecas, and in all of them the prince
Nopaltzin diftinguiflied himfelf. After the example of thefe royal
perfonages, the two nations continued to increafe their alliance by in-
ter-marriages until they became one, which taking its name from the
moft noble party, was called Acolhua, and the kingdom Acolhuacan j
the name of Chechemecas being left to thofe who, preferring the ex-
ercife of the chace to the toil of agriculture, or grown impatient of
fubordination, went off to the mountains, which are towards the
north and the north- weft of the vale of Mexico, where yielding them-
felves up to the impulfe of their barbarous liberty, without a chief,
without laws, without a fixed dwelling, or the other advantages of
fociety, they employed the day in purfuit of animals for prey, and
when fatigued funk down to fleep wherever night overtook them.
Thefe barbarians mingled with the Otomies, a nation which was at-
tached to the fame courfe of life, occupied a tradì of more than three
hundred miles of country, and the Spaniards were harrafled by their
defcendants for many years after the conquefl: of Mexico.
When the nuptial feftivities were at an end, Xolotl divided his king- pivifionof'
dom into fcveral diflind: ftates, and affi^ned the poflclTion of them to ^\ ftatcs^aa*
his fons in law, and the other nobles of each nation. He granted to
prince Acolhuatzin the fiate of Azcapozalco, eighteen miles to the
weft of Tezcuco, and from him defcended the kings under whofe go-
vernment the Mexicans continued more than fifty years. On Chicon-
quauhtli he conferred the ftate of Xaltocan ; and on Tzontecomatl,
that of Coatlichan.
The population daily encreafed, and with it the civilization of the
people ; but at the fame tiine ambition and other pafllons which had
lain
96 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK ir. lain dormant from the want of ideas, in times of a favage life, began to
awaken in their minds. Xolotl, who, during the greateft period of
his reign, had exercifed great clemency in his government, had found
himfelf, in the laft years of his life, conflrained to ufe fevere meafures
to check the reftlefs difpofition of fome rebels, occafionally depriving
them of their offices, or punifliing the mofl criminal with death.
Thefe juft chaftifements, inftead of intimidating, exafperated them fo
much, that they formed the atrocious defign of taking the king's life,
for the execution of which an occafion fpeedily prefented itfelf. A little
time previous to this the king had exprefled a wifli to increafe the
waters of his gardens where he was accuftomed to take recreation,
and frequently alfo relieved his burden of years with fleep, to which
he was invited by the coolnefs and charms of the place. Being ac-
quainted with this, the rebels dammed up the little river which crofled
the city, and opened a ditch to conduft the waters to the gardens ;
waited the time at which the king was accuflomed to go to fleep,
then raifing the dam let all the water at once into the gardens, and
fuddenly overflowed them. They flattered themfelves that their vi-
cious aim would never be detected ; as the difaflier of the king might
be imputed to an accident, or to ill conduced meafures by his fubjeéts,
who fincerely defired to ferve their fovereign : but they deceived them-
felves, and their attempt proved abortive ; as the king had fecret in-
telligence of their confpiracy ; but diflembling his knowledge of it, he
retired at his ufual time into the garden, and went to fleep on an ele-
vated fpot, where he was expofed to no danger. When he afterwards
faw the v/ater enter, although the treafon was now apparent, he con-
. tinued his diflimulation to ridicule his enemies : " I," he then faid,
" was perfuaded that my fubjeóts loved me, but now I fee they love
" me fl:ill more than I believed. I was defirous of incrcafing the water
■ " of my garden, and behold my fubjedls have done it without any
" expence : it is proper therefore to rejoice at my happinefs." He
then ordered there flwuld be rejoicings in the court, and when they
were concluded, he departed full of anguifli and difdain for Tenayuca,
refolved to inflidl exemplary punifliment on the confpirators ; but
tlaere he was fcized with a mortal difl:emper which moderated his
pafllon.
Being
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
97
Being now fenfible of an approaching death, he called prince No- book if.
paltzin to him, his daughters, and Acolhuatzin his fon-in-law, the sToT'Tin
other princes being now dead, and recommended to them concord i^f^th aud
among themfelves, the care of the people committed to their charge, xo'.oti.
the protedlion of the nobility, and clemency to all their fuhjcfts j
after which, a few hours, in the midfl of the tears and plaints of his
children, he ended his life in a very advanced age, having reigned in
that country, as appears, more than forty years. He was a robuft and
courageous man, but of a moft affedlionate heart to his children, and
mild to his people. His reign would have been more happy had its
duration been more Ihort (q) .
The news of the death of the king immediately fpread over the
whole kingdom, and fpeedy advice of it was given to the principal
lords, that they might attend at the funeral. They adorned the royal
corpfe with various little figures of gold and filver, which the Che-
chcmecas, having been inflrucfted by the Toltecas, had begun now to
work, and placed it in a chair made of gum cop.il and other aromatic
fubftances ; and thus it remained five days, while the lords fummon-
ed to the funeral arrived. After they were all aflembled, the corpfe
was burnt, according to the cuftom of the Chechemecas, and the aflies
gathered in an urn of the hardeft ftone. This urn was kept expofcd
ibr forty days in a hall of the royal manfion, where daily the nobility
thronged to pay tlieir homage of tears to their decealcd fovcreign, and
the urn was afterwards carried to a cave in tlie neighbourhood ot the
city with fimilar demonllrations of grief.
As foon as the funeral of Xolotl was concluded, they celebrated S-ct. ix.
the afcenfion of prince Nopal tzin to the throne with acclamations and i['''king "f
rejoicings for other forty days. When xh^ lords took leave of their 'he Chcdic
new king to return to t'icir refpefllve fl.ites, one of them made thii
fhort harangue: " Great king and lord, as your fubje<fls and fervants,
" we go in obedience to your commands, to govern the people you
" have committed to our charge, bearing in our hearts the pleafure of
"■ having fcen you on the throne, not Icfs due to your virtue than your
" birth. We acknovvlcge the good fortune unequalled which \rc
in) Torqucmada gives Xolotl one hiiiiJicd and thirteen years of reign, and more than twj
hundred years of life. On thii fee our Diffrtarion.
VpL. I. O IVV.C
lllCCiS.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
*' have in ferving fo illuftrious and powerful a lord j and we requeft
*' you to regard us with the eyes of a real father, and to proteót us
" with your might, that we may reft fecure under your fhadc. You
" are as well the water which rellores, as the fire which deftroys, and
*' in your hands hold equally our life and our death."
The lords having talcen leave, the king remained in Tenayuca, with
his fifler the widow of the prince Chiconquauhtli. He was then, aa
far as we can conjedture, about fixty years of age, and had fons and
grandfons. His lawful children by the Toltecan queen were Tlotzin,
Quauhtequihua, and Apopozoc. On Tlotzin, who was the firfl born,
he conferred the government of Tezcuco, that he might begin to^
learn the difficult art of governing men j and the other two were placed
over the ftates of Zacatlan and Tenamitic (r).
The king palTed one year in the court of Tenayuca, arranging the
affairs of the ftate, which were not fo fettled as they had been at firft.
From thence he went to Tezcuco, to treat with his fon about the
moft convenient meafures to be taken to reftore the former tranquillity
of his kingdom. While he was there he went one day into the royal
gardens with his fon, and fome other lords of the court, and as they
were in converfation, he burfl fuddenly into a flood of tears ; being
requefled to explain the caufe, " Two caufes," laid he, " produce
" my tears, the one the memory of my late father, which is revived
*' by the fight of this place where he ufed to take recreation ; the
" other is the comparifon which I make of thefe happy days with the
" prefent bitter moments. When my father planted thefe gardens,
" he had quiet fubjedts, who ferved him with lincerity, and received
'• the offices which he conferred upon them, with humility and
" gratitude ; but at prefent aiiibition and difcord are every where pre-
" vailing. It troubles me to be obliged to ufe the fubjetìs as ene-
•' mies, whom I once in this place treated as friends and brothers.
" Do you, my fon," addreffing Tlotzin, " keep conflantly in your
( r) If we are to adopt the chronology of Torqviemada, we mud give Nopaltzin when he
mounted the throne one hundred and thirty years of age; as when he arrived with his father
in the country of Anahuac, he was at leaU eighteen or twenty years, which added to the one
hundred and thirteen years, which, according toTorqucinada, Xolotl reigned in that country,
make one hundred and thirty-one, or one hundred and thirty-three. On this fee our Second
Diffjrtation.
** eyes
HISTORYOF MEXICO. 99
" eyes the image of your grandfather, and ftrive to imitate the exam- BOOK If.
** pies of prudence and juftice which he left us. Strengthen your
** heart with every virtue which you will have occafion for, to govern
" your fubje(fls." After condoling Ibme time with his fon, the king
departed for his court of Tenayuca.
The prince Acolhuatzin, who was ftill living, thinking the boun-
daries of his ftate of Azcapozalco too narrow, refolved to take poflef-
fion of Tepotzotlan, and in fadl took it by force, in fpite of the re-
finance made by Chalchiuhcua, lord of that fiate. It is to be believed,
that Acolhuatzin would not have done fo violent an aft without the
exprefs confent of the king, who was, probably, willing to revenge
himfelf in that manner of fome offence he had received from Chal-
chiuhcua.
The conteft was a" good deal more bloody which arofe a little after
from interefts of a very different nature. Huetzin, lord of Coatlichan,
fen of the late prince Tzontecomatl {s), was delirous of marrying
Atotoztli, a noble and beautiful virgin, and grand-daughter of the
queen. Jacazozolotl, lord of Tepetlaoztoc, made fimilar pretenfions ;
but either being more ftrongly enamoured, or more violent in temper,
not content with having demanded her of her father, he was willing
to render himfelf mafter of his beauty by arms ; and for this purpofe
collefled a fmall army of his fuhjefts, which was joined by Tochin-
teuólli, who had been lord of Quahuacan, but was difpolfefl'ed on ac-
count of his mifdeeds, and banilhed to Tepetlaoztoc. Huetzin, ap-
prized of this intent, went to meet him with a greater number of
troops, and gave him battle in tlie neighbourhood of Tezcuco, in
which fome of Jacazozolotl's people were llain along with himfelf, and
the refi of the army routed. Tochinteudtli faved himfelf by iiight,
(heltering himfelf in the city of Huexotzinco, on the other fide of
the mountains, Huetzin,, having got rid of his rival, with the con-
(j) Torquemada makes Huetzin, fon of Iiztnitl, and him fon of Tzontecomatl iu the thir-
teenth chapter of book the firft ; Imt in chapter 40, he fays, that Itzmitl was oneof thofc who
came with Xolotl from Amaijuemican, fo that he makes him born beiorc his either Tzonte-
comatl, as he was a yoimg man only when lie came to Anahuac ; and he did not come before
!the 47th year ot the reign of Xolotl, as the fame author affirms. Bcfides in one place, be
males Itzmitl a purcChichcmecan ; and in another place the fon ot an Acolhuaii But who is
capbleof marking all the contradictions and anachronifms of Torqucmada ?
(i 2 fcnt
'loo HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK II. fent of the king took poffeffion of the niaid and the fiate of Teper-
*"*'^~ ~' laoztoc.
After thefe fmall wars of the feudatory princes, one more confider-
able arofe between the crown and the province of Tollantzinco, which
\\'as in rebelhon. The king himfelf took the field in perfon with a
large army ; but as the rebels were nunierous in force and well dif-
ciplined, the royal army was worfted during nineteen days which the
war lafted, until being reinforced by new troops, under the command
of Tlotzin, he defeated the rebels, and punifl:ied the heads of the rebel-
lion in the moft rigorous manner. Their evil example, when imitated
by other lords, met with the fame fate,
Nopaltzin had juft reftored tranquillity to his kingdom, when the
famous prince Acolhuatzin, firft lord of Azcapozalco, died, leaving
the fiate to his fon Tezozomoc. His funeral was celebrated with great
magnificence, the king and the nobility of both the nations of Acolhua
and Chechemeca attending.
S'^cT. X. The king himfelf did not long furvive, having reigned thirty-two
Tlotzin III. years, and declared Tlotzin, his firfl born, fuccefibr to his crown. The
Checheme- funeral rites were performed at the fame court, and with the fame form
cas.
and ceremonies as that of Xolotl, to whom he was fimilar not lefs in
difpofition than in robuflnefs and courage.
Among the lords who were prefent at the accefiion of the new king
to the throne, were his two brothers Quauhtiquehua and Apopozoc,
whom he entertained for one year in his palace. Tlotzin was of fo be-
nevolent and affedlionate a difpofition, he was the whole delight of his
vafials. All the nobles fought pretences to viiit him, and enjoy the
pleafure and charms of his converfation. Notwithflanding his natural
difpofition to peace, he took great care of the affairs of war, making
his fubjedls frequently exercife in arms, and he himfelf was fond of the
chace ; but we know no particular adls or events of his reign, during
thirty-fix years which he occupied the throne of Acolhuacan. He died
affiidled with the mofl fevere pains in Tenayuca. His afhes were de-
pofited in an urn of coflly flone, which was for forty days expofed to
the fight of the people under a pavilion.
Sect. Xf. Tlotzin v/as fucceeded in the kingdom by his fon Quinatzin, had
Qyinaitzin by Quauhcihuatzin, daughter of the lord of Huexotla. His exaltation
IV. kmg of ■' °
to
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
lor
to the throne wr.s celebrated with greater folemnity than that of his book I^
prcdeceflbrs ; not at Tennyuca, but at Tezcuco, where he eftahiilhed ^ — T" — ~*
is court, and trom that tune until the conquell of tlie Spaniards, that mecas.
city continued the capital of the kingdom of Acolhuacan. In his paf-
fage from the new to the old court, he made himfelf be tran (ported in
• a portable chair or open litter, borne on the flioulders of four princi-
pal lords, and under an umbrella which was carried by four others.
Until that time all the fovereigns had ufed to v/alk on foot, Tiiis
king was the firll to whom vanity fuggefted fuch a kind of pomp, and
his example was imitated by all tlic kings and nobles of tliat country,
who llrove to furpafs each other in oftentatious grandeur. An emula^
tion not lefs pernicious to dates than to princes themfelves.
The commencement of his government was very tranquil ; but the
Aates of Meztitlan and Tototepec, which are fituated in the mountains
lying to the north ©f that capital, foon rofe in rebcllion. The mo-
ment the king received the advice, he marched with a great army, and
fent to tell the heads of the rebellion, that if their courage was equal
to their perfidy, they fliould defcend within two days to the plain of
Tlaximalco, where their fate would be decided by battle j if not, he
was reiblved to put flames to their city, without pardon to women or
children. The rebels, as they were already well prepared, came down
before the time appointed to the plain, to fhew their courage. The fig-
nal for battle being given, the attack became furious and obftinate on
both fides until ilight feparated the armies, leaving the vidory unde-
cided. They continued for forty days frequently engaging, the rebels
being no way dilcouraged by the advantages which the rovai troops
daily gained ; but perceiving at length, by the flaughter and diminution
of their forces, that their ruin was inevitable, they furrendered to their
fovereign, who, after rigorous punifliment of the ringleaders of the
rebellion, pardoned the crime of the people. The fame condudt was
obferved with Tepepolco, which had alfo rebelled.
This fpirit of rebellion fpread like contagion over all the kingdom;
and Tepepolco was fcarcely fubdued when Huchuitoca, Mizquic, To-
tolapa, and four other cities, declared a revolt. The king chofe to go
in perfon with a ftrong body of troops againft Totolapa, and fent a-
gainft the other fix cities as many detachments under command of brave
and faithful generals j his fuccefs was fuch, that in a very fliort fpace
of
I02 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C Ò.
^3^^l of time, and without any confiderable lofs, he brought all the Ceven
cities again under his obedience. Thefe victories were celebrated with
great rejoicings during eight days in the court, and rewards given to
the officers and foldiers who had diftinguiflied themfelves. As the
evil example of fome ftates had excited others to rebellion, fo did the
unfuccefsful ifTue ferve in future as a caution not to form new confpi-
racies againfl: the loyalty due to their fovereign ; from whence, during
the reft of his government, which, according to hiftorians, lafted fixty
years, Quinatzin enjoyed the utmoft tranquillity.
When he died they obferved ceremonies to him which had never
been pradlifed with his anceftors ; they opened his body, took out his
bowels, and prepared it with different aromatic fubftances, to keep it
fome time free from corruption. They afterwards placed it in a great
chair, clothed in royal habits, and armed with a bow and arrow, and
put at his feet a wooden eagle, and behind him a tyger, to fignify his
bravery and intrepidity. In this ftate it was expofed for forty days;
and after the ufual mourning, burnt, and the afhes buried in a cave of
the mountains neighbouring to Tezcuco.
Quinatzin was fucceeded on the throne by his fon Techotlalla ; but
the events of this and the following Chechemecan kings reigns being
connefted with thofe of the Mexicans, who had at this period (in the
fourteenth century of the vulgar era), founded their famous capita], we
referve the relation of them to another place, judging it futficient at
prefent to lay before the reader the feries of all the kings, annexing, as
far as is known, the year of the vulgar era in which they began their
reigns, that we may afterwards make fome mention of the nations
which arrived before the Mexicans in that country.
Chechemecan Kings.
Xo/otl, began to reign in the 12th century.
Nopaltzin, in the 13 th century.
Tlotziu, in the 14th century.
^linatzin, in the 14th century.
Techotlalla, in the 14th century.
Ixtlilxochitl ftj, in the 1406. Be-
(/J We tlo not reckon Ixtlilxochitl among the Chechemecan kings, becaiifc he was only
created governor of Tezcuco by the Spaniards. It is therefore to be doubted, if Cuicuik-
calzin
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
102
Between this and the following kings reign, the tyrants Tezozo- BOOK t,
inoc and Maxtla occupied the throne of Acolhuacan.
Nezahualcoyotlt in the year 1426.
Nezahutilpilli, in the year 1470.
Cacavi J t%in, in the year 1516.
Cuicuitzcatdn, in the year 1520.
Coanacotzitij in the year 1520.
We cannot fix the year in which the five firft kings began to reign,
becaufe we do not know how long Xolotl and Techotlalla reigned ;
we, however, think it probable, that the Cliechemecan monarchy had
a beginning in Anahuac about the end of the twelfth century, and
lafled 330 years, until about 1521, at which time it ceafed with the
kingdom of Mexico. At leaft eleven lawful kings, and two tyrants
occupied the throne.
The Acolhui arrived in the country of Anahuac after the beginning
of the 13th century. With regard to other nations, there is an incre-
dible difference of opinion and confufion in hiftorians refpeóling their
origin, their number, and the time in which they fettled in Anahuac.
The great (ludy which 1 have made to trace trutli has ferved only to
incrcafe my uncertainty, and to make me defpair of ever knowing here-
after what is hitherto unknown. Leading afide, therefore, all fables,
we fhall adhere to what is certain, or at leaft probable.
The Olmecas and the Xicallancas, whether one nation, or two dif- -jh'E^Oim!^
tindt nations, but conftantly alhed and connected toLcthcr, were (o an- c-'s ^^'^ «''•
r 1 I 1 1 Otoimes.
cient m the country of Anahuac, that many authors account them
prior to the Toltecas fuj. Of their origin wc know nothing, nor do
the ancient pictures tell us more than that they inhabited the countiy
circumjacent to the great mountain Matlalcueje, and that being driven
catzin is to be numbered amonp; thefe kings; as in fpitc of, and contrary to the liglit of Co-
anacotzin, he was intruded on the kingdom of Acolhuacan by Montezuma, through the in-
trigues of Cortes.
(k) Some authors, and among them the celebrated D. Sigiicnza, h.ive wrote that the 01-
micas palTcd from the Atlantic iflcs, and that they alone came to Anahua: from the quarter of
the Eall, all the other nations having come from the region u; the North : but wc know nu
foundation for this opinion.
I from
10+ H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
roOKl. from thence by the Teochechemccas, or Tlafcalans, they tranfportcd
themfelves to the coaft of the gulf of Mexico {x).
The Otomies, who formed one of the moft numerous nations, were
probably one of the moft ancient in that country; but they continued
for many ages in barbarifm, living fcattered in the caverns of the moun-
tains, and fupporting themfelves by the chace, in which they were mofl:
■dextrous. They occupied a tradì of more than three hundred miles of
land, from the mountains of Izmiquilpan towards the north-weft,
bordering in the eaft and weft on other nations equally favage. In the
fifteenth century, either being compelled by force, or ftimulated by the
example of other nations, they began to live in fociety, under fubjec-
tion to the crown of Acolhuacan. in the country of Anahuac, and like-
wife in the vale of Mexico, they fettled an infinite number of places ;
the greater, and efpecially the moft confiderable of them, fuch as thofe
of Xilotepec and Huitzapan, were in the vicinage of the country which
they occupied before ; the others were fcattered among the Matlatzin-
cas and Tlafcalans, and in other provinces of the kingdom, preferving
even down to our times, their primitive language in the infular colo-
nies, though furrounded by other nations. We are not, however, to
conclude, that the whole nation was then brought to a ftate of civil
life, as a great part, and poiTibly the moft numerous, were ftill left
together with the Chechemecas in the condition of favages. The
'barbarians of both nations, which were confounded together by the
Spaniards, under the name of Chechemecas, made themfelves famous
by their invafions, and were not finally fiabdued by the Spaniards until
the feventeenth century. The Otomies have always been reputed the
moft rude nation of Anahuac, not more from the diihculty eveiy body
finds in underftanding their language than their fervile llate of life ;
-as even in the time of the Mexican kings they were treated as flaves.
Their language is very difficult and full of afpirations, which they
make partly in the throat, partly in the noie ; but otherwife it is fuf-
ficicntly copious and exprelBve. Anciently they were renowntd for
tlicir dexterity in the chace ; at prefent they traffick in coarfe cloths
for the drefs of the other Indians.
(a) Botiiriui conjcfluref, that tl.c Olmccas, when driven from their country, went to t\\o
Awùlks, or Ciribbce IflanJs, and South Ameiica. This is no mors than topjcdure.
The
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
105
The nation of the Tarafcas occupied the vaft, rich, and pleafant B 00 K ii.
country of Michuacan, where they niukiphed conliderably, and fettled <!" — ^57777'
many cities and an infinite number of villages. Their kings were ri- ihcTaraf-
vals of the Mexicans, and had frequent wars with them. Their ar-
tifts excelled, or vied with thofe of other nations ; at leafl after the
conqueft of Mexico: the bert: Mofaic works were made in Michuacan,
and there only this valuable art was preferved unto our time. The
Tarafcas were idolatrous, but not fo cruel as the Mexicans in their
worlhip. Their language is copious, fweet, and fonorous. They
make frequent ufe of the foft R ; their fyllables, for the moil part,
confift of a fingle confonant, and a fingle vowel. Befides the natural
advantage of their country, the Tarafcas had the good fortune to have
D. Vafca di Qiiiroga for their firft bifhop, one of the moft diflin-
guifhed prelates Spain has produced, worthy of being compared with
the ancient fathers of the church, and whofe memory was preierved
frefli unto our time, and will lall perpetually among thefe people.
The country of Michuacan, which is one of the finefl of the New
World, was annexed to the crown of Spain by the free and fponta-
neous aél of its lawful fovereign, without cofting the Spaniards a drop
of blood, although it is probable that the recent example of the ruin
of the Mexican empire, intimidated and impelled that monarch to fuch
a concellion (y).
The Mazahuas v/ere once a part of the nation of the Otomies, as Sect.xiv.
the languages of both nations are but different dialcdts of the fame ^^l^ Matiat.
tonsue : but this diverfity between two nations fo jealous of preferv- z'"cas, and
ing their idioms uncorrupted, is a clear argument of the great anti- otu.
{y) Boturiui fays, that the Mexicans finding theinfclvcs bcfiegcd by tlie Spaniards, frnt
an cmbafly to the king of Michuacan, to procure his alliance ; that he aflcmblcd an hun-
dred thoufand Tarafcas, and as many Tfochechcmccas, in the province of Avalos ; but that,
being intimidated by certain vifions wliich his filler had, who was once dead but returned lo
life again, he dllchargcd tlic army, and abandoned the undertaking of fuccouring tl;e IVIexi-
canf, ns he had intended. But all this account is a firing of fables. As far as we know,
no author of that age makes mctition of fuch an event. Whence came thcfc hundred
thoufand Teochechcmccas, who were fo quickly aflcmbled ? Why was the army coUecfted
in the province moft diftant from Mexico ? Who has ever feen the king of France order his
troops to be aflcmbled in Flandcr?, to fuccour fomc city of Spain r The rcfurrei'tion of
•the princefs is a fable founded on the memorable occurrence, rcfpeóting the filler of Monti--
«uma, of which we fliall fpeik hereafter.
Vol. I. P qiiity
io6 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOO?: II' q»ity of their reparation. The principal places which they inhabited
' ' were on the weftern mountains of the vale of Mexico, and formed the
province of Mazahuacan, belonging to the crown of Tacuba.
The Matlatzincas made a confiderable ftate in the fertile vale of
Toluca; and, however great, anciently, their reputation was for bra-
very, they were, notwithftanding, fubjeded to the crown of Mexico,
by king Axayacatl.
The Miztecas and Zapotecas peopled the vail countries of their
name, to the fouth-eaft of Tezcuco. The numerous ftates into which
thefe two countries were divided, continued a long time under feveral
lords or rulers of the fame nations, until they were fubdued by the
Mexicans. Thofe nations were civilized and induftrious ; they had
their laws, exercifed the arts of the Mexicans, and made ufe of the
fame method to compute time, and the fame paintings to perpetuate
the memory of events, in which they reprefented the creation of the
world, the univerfal deluge, the confufion of tongues ; although the
whole was intermixed with various fables fz). Since the conqueft, the
Miztecas and Zapotecas have been the moft induflrious people of
New Spain. While the commerce of filk lafted, they were the feeders
of the worms j and to their labours is owing all the cochineal, which
for many years, until the prefent time, has been imported from Mexi-
co into Europe.
The Chiapanefe have been the firft peoplers of the New World, if
we give credit to their traditions. They fay that Votan, the grandfon
of that refpedtable old man who built the great ark to fave himfelf and
family from the deluge, and one of thofe who undertook the building
of that lofty edifice which was to reach heaven, went, by exprefs com-
mand of the Lord, to people that land. They fay alfo that the firft
peoplers came from the quarter of the North, and that when they
arrived at Soconufco, they feparated, fome going to inhabit the country
of Nicaragua, and others remaining in Chiapan. This country, as
hiftorians lay, was not governed by a king, but by two military chiefs,
eleded by priefts. Thus they remained until they were fubjedled by
( z) See the work of Fra Gregorio Garzia Dominicano, cniitled, the Origin of the Indians^
in book V. chap, 4. concerning the mythology of the Miztecas,
the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
107
the laft kings of Mexico to that crown. They made the fame ufe of book II.
paintings as the Mexicans, and had the fame method of computing ' " '
time; but the figures with which they reprefented days, years, and
months, were totally different.
Of the Cohuixcas, the Cuitlatecas, the Jopas, the Mazatecas, the
Popolocas, the Chinantecas, and the Totonacas, we know nothing of
the origin, nor the time when they arrived in Anahuac. We fliall fay
fomething of their particular cuftoms when ever it will illuftrate the
hiltory of the Mexicans.
But of all the nations which peopled the region of Anahuac, the Sect. xv.
moft renowned and the mort fignalized in the hiftory of Mexico, were atl5c:.s.
thofe vulgarly called the Nahuatlacas. This name, the etymology of
which we have explained, in the beginning of this hiftory, was prin-
cipally given to thole feven nations, or rather thofe ftven tribes of the
lame nation, who arrived in that country after the Chechcmecas, and
peopled the little illands, banks, and boundaries of the Mexican lakes.
Thefe tribes were the Sochimilcas, the Chalchefe, the Tapanecas, the
Colhuas, the Tlahuicas, the Tlafcalans, and the Mexicans. The origin
of all thefe tribes was the province of Aztlan, from whence came the
Mexicans, or from fomc other contiguous to it, and peopled with the
fame nation. All hiftorians reprefent them as originally of one and
the fame countiy : all of them fpoke the -fame language. The dif-
ferent names by which they have been known, were taken from the
places which they fettled, or from thofe in which they efhabliflied
themfelvcs.
The Sochimilcas derived their name from the great city Xochimiko
which they founded on the fouthcrn fliore of the lake of fweet water
or Chalco ; the Chalchefe, from the city of Chalco, upon the eaflcnx
fliore of the fune lake; the Colhuas, from Colhuacan ; the Mexicans,
from Mexico ; the Tlalcalans, from Tlafcala ; and the Tlahuicas, from
the land where they eil.ihli Hied themfelves; which, from its abounding
in cinnabar, was called Tlahuican (a). The Tepanecas pollibly had
fjf) Tlahuiil, is the McNican name of cinnabar : and Tlahuican means the place or coi;ntiy
jof Cinnabar. Some authors call them Tlnihuitas, and derive the name from a place of that
land called Ttalluic ; but bcfidcs that wc never heard of fiich a place, the name docs not ap-
:pcar conforming with tlic language.
P 2 their
io8 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK ir. their name from a place called Tepan (b), where they had been before
"* they fettled their famous city Azcapozalco.
It is beyond a doubt that thefe tribes did not arive together in that
country, but at different times, and in the order we have mentioned ;
but there is a great difference among hiftorians refpedbing the precife time
of their arrival in Anahuac. We are perfuaded, for the reafons fet
forth in our differtations, that the firfl fix tribes arrived under conduét
of the fix lords who made their appearance immediately after the
Chechemecas, and there was- not fo great an interval as Acofta fuppofes,
between their arrival and that of the Mexicans.
The Colhuas, whom in general the Spanifli hiftorians confound with
the Acolhuas, from the affinity of their names, founded the fmall mo-
narchv of Colhuacan, which was annexed afterwards to the crown of
Mexico, by the marriage of a princefs, heirefs of that ftate, with a
king of Mexico.
The Tepanecas had alfo their petty kings, among whom the firft
was prince Acolhuatzin, after having married the daughter of Xolotl.
His defcendants ufurped, as we fliall relate, the kingdom of Acol-
huacan, and governed all that country, until the arms of the Mexicans,
joined with thofe of the true heir of Acolhuacan, dcllroyed both the
tyrant and monarchy of Tepaneca.
S-.cT. XVI. The Tlafcalans, whom Torquemada and other authors call Teoche-
iaas '^''''^'" chemecas, and confider as a tribe of i\\tfn) Chechemecan nation,
eftabliflied
(f) Several authors call them Tapanccai ; both are Mexican. Tecfanecatl means the inha-
hitant of the palace; Tepanecatl, inhahkant of afony place. Others give it a very violent ety-
mology.
(c) Torquemada, not only fays that the Tlafcalans were Teochccliemecas, But likewife
affirms, in lib. iii. cap. ic. that thefe Teochechemccas, ivere Olomies. If the Tlafcalans were
Otomies, why did they not fpeak the language of the Otomies ? And if they ever did fpeak
it, why did they give it up for the Mexican ! Where is there an inftance of a free nation
abandoning its own native language, to adopt that of its enemies ? Nor is it lefs incredible
that ihe Chechemecas were Otomies, as the above author fuppofes, although in lib. i.
cap. 2. he afRrms the contrary. Who forced the Chechemecas to give up their primitive
language ? He only who was unacquainted with the charafler of thefe nations, and knew
not how conftant they were in retaining their national language, could be capable of per-
fuading us that the Chechemecas, by their communication and alliance with the Acolhuas,
abandoned the language of the Otomies for the Mexican. If the true Otomies have not,
during fo many ages, altered their idiom, neither under the dominion of the Mexicans, nor
under that of the Spaniards, how is it credible that the Chechemecas ftiould entiiely change
their
1
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
eftablifhed themfelves, originally, m Poyaubthin, a place fituated on B00r;.ir
the eaftern fliore of the lake of Tezcuco, between the court and the
village of Chemalhuacan, There they lived for fome time in great
mifery, fupporting themfelves folely by the chace, on account of the
want of arable foil ; but being multiplied in their numbers, and defirous
of extending the boundaries of their territory, they drew upon them-
felves the hatred of the furrounding nations. The Sochimilcas, the
Colhuas, the Tepanecas, and probably alfo the Chalchefe, who, by being
borderers on them, were mofl: expoled to injury, made a league toge-
ther, and equipped a confiderable army to drive fuch dangerous fettlers
from the vale of Mexico. The Tlafcalans, whom the confcioufnefs
of their ufurpations, kept always vigilant, came well arrayed for an en-
counter. The battle was one of the moft bloody and memorable
which appears in the hiftory of Mexico. The Tlafcalans, though in-
ferior in number, made fuch a ilaughter of the enemy, that they left
the field covered with carcafcs, and a part of the lake on the border
of which they had engaged, tinged with blood. Notwithflanding
they came off fo glorioudy in this battle, they determined to abandon
that quarter, being well perfuaded that while they remained there they
would be daily harraffcd by their neighbours ; for which reafon having
reviewed the whole country by means of their emiflaries, and finding no
fituation where they could jointly eftabliih tliemfelves, they agreed to
feparate, one part of them going towards the South, the other to the
North. The latter, after a fliort journey, fettled themfelves, wiih the
permifiion of the Chechemecan king, in Tollantzinco, and in Quauii-
thcir language, being madera of that country, and occupying the throne of Acolhuacan
from the time of Xolotl the founder of that kingdom, until the conquell of Mexico. I do
not doubt, however, ihat the proper language of the ancient Chechemccas was the fame
with that of the Acolhuas and Naljuailacas, that is, the Mexic.in. I am of the fame opinion
rcfpefting the Toltccas, whatever other authors may fay ; nor can I, after tlic moll diligent
ftudy of hiftory. alter my fentiments. We know that the names of the places from wlicnce
the Toltecas and Chechemecas came, and of tho e which they fettled in Anahuac, of the
perfons of both nations, and of the years which they ufed, were Mexican. We know that
the Toltccas and Chechemecas, the Chechemecas and Acolhuas, from the firft h.iJ communi-
cation with each other, and undcrftood each other reciprocally without an interpreter. The
Mexican langu.-ige having fpread as far as Nicaragua, is not to be afcribcd to any thing
rife than the difpcrfion of the Toltecas who fjioke it ; as it is known that the Nahuatlat as
ever went beyond Chiapan. In (hort, we find nothing to fupport the contrary opinion, al-^
though it is fo common among our hirtoriaris.
chin.inco
no H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
13 00K II. chinanco. The former travelling round the great volcano Popocate-
pec, through Tetella and Tochimilco, founded the city of Quauhque-
chollan, in the neighbourhood of Atrifco; and fonie, proceeding flill
farther, founded Amaliuhcan, and other villages ; and thus extended
thcmfelves as far as Foyaubtecatl or the mountain Orizaba, to which
they probably gave fuch a name in memory of the place in the vale
of Mexico which they had quitted.
But the moil numerous and refpedlable part of the tribe, diredted
their way by Cholula to the borders of the great mountain Matlalcueye,
from whence they drove the Olmecas and Xicallancas, the ancient in-
habitants of that country, and flew their king Colopechtli. Here
they eftabliflied themfelves under a chief, named ColbuatateuSlUy
contriving to fortify themfelves alfo, to be the more able to refiil: the
Heighbouring people if they Hiould incline to attack them. In fa6l
it was not long before the Huexozincas and other people, who knew
of the bravery and number of their new neighbours, fearing they
would, in time, become troublefome, levied a great army to expel
them wholly from the country. The attack was fo fudden, that the
Tlafcalans were forced to retreat to the top of that great mountain :
finding themfelves there in the greatefl perplexity, they fent amball'adors
to implore the protedlion of the Chechemecan king, and obtained from
him a large body of troops. The Huexozincas not having forces
fufficient to contend with the royal army, applied for affiflance to the
Tepanecas, who they believed would not let pafs fo fair an opportu-
nity of revenging themfelves ; but the tragic event of Pofauhtlan was
ftill in tlieir memories, and although they fent troops, thefe were en-
joined not to do hurt to the Tlafcalans ; and the Tlafcalans themfelves
were advifed not to efteem them as enemies, but to reft confident
that that nation was not fent for any other purpofe than to deceive
the Huexozincas, and not to dillurb the harmony which fubfified be-
tween them and the Tepanecas. By the aid of the Tezcucans, and the
perfidious inadlion of the Tepanecas, the Pluexozincas were defeated,
and obliged to return to their Hate in difgrace. The Tlafcalans being
ireed from fo great a danger, and having made peace with their neigh-
tours, returned to their firil eftabliiliment, to continue their fettlement
und population.
Such
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e e. ni
Such was the origin of the famous city and republic of Tlafcala, the BonK II
perpetual rival of the Mexicans, and occafion of their ruin. At firft ' "^ '
they all obeyed one chief; but afterwards when their population was
confiderably advanced, the city was parted into four divilions, called
Tepeticpac, Ocotdoko, ^'uibuiztlan, and Tizatlan. Every divilion liad
its lord, to whom all the places dependent on fuch divilion were like-
wife fubjedt J fo that the whole fiate was compofed of four fmall mo-
narchies ; but thefe four lords, together with other nobles of the firfl
rank, formed a kind of ariftocracy for the general fiate. This diet or
fenate was the umpire of war and peace. It prefcribed the number
of troops which were to be raifcd, and the generals who were to com-
mand them. In the fiate, although it v/as circumfcribed, there were
many cities and large villages, in which, in 1520, there were more
than one hundred and fifty thoufand houfes, and more than five hun-
dred thoufand inhabitants. The diftri(fi: of the republic was fortified
on the weftern quarter with ditches and entrenchments, and on the
eafl with a wall fix miles in length ; towards the fouth it was, by na-
ture, defended by the mountain Matlalcueye, and by other mountains,
on the north.
The Tlafcalans were warlike, courageous, and jealous of their ho-
nour and their liberty. They prefervcd, for a long time, the fplendor
of their republic, in fpitc of the oppofition they fuffered from their
enemies ; until at length, being in confederacy with the Spaniards
againft their ancient rivals the Mexicans, they were involved in the
common ruin. They were idolatrous, and as fuperftitious and cruel
in their form of worfhip as the Mexicans. Their favourite deity was
Camaxtle, the fame which was worfhipped by the Mexicans, under
the name of Huitzihpochtli. Their arts were the fame as thole of
other neighbouring nations. Their commerce confifled principally in
maize and cochineal. From the abundance of maize the name of
Tlafcallan was given to the capital, which means the place of bread.
Their cochineal was efteemed above any other, and, after the conqucfl,
brought yearly to the capital a revenue of two hundred thoufand
crowns ; but they entirely abandoned this commerce, for rcafons wc
fhall mention elfewhere.
The
112
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK II. The Aztecas or Mexicans, who were the lafl; people who fettled m
V — ^'"TT'r Anahuac, and are the chief fubjedt of our hiftory, lived until about the
Migradon of' year 1 1 6o of the vulgar era, in Aztlan, a country fituated to the north
to'hc coun"' of the gulf of California, according to what appears from the route they
try of Ana- puj-fued in their migration, and the conclufions made by the Spaniards
in their travels towards thefe countries fci). The caufe of abandoning
their native country may have been the fame which other nations had.
But vvhatever it Vvas, it will not be altogether ufelefs to leave to the
iree judgment of the reader that which the Mexican hiftorians them-
felves relate of the birth of fuch a refolution.
There was, fay they, among the Aztecas, a perfon of great autho-
rity called Huit-ziton, to whofe opinion all paid great deference. This
perfon exerted himfelf, though it is not known for what reafon,
to perfuade his countrymen to change their country, and while he
was meditating on his purpofe, he heard once, by accident, a little
bird finding on the branches of a tree, whofe notes imitated the Mexi-
can word libili, which means, let us go. This appeared a favourable
opDortunity to obtain his v/ifh of his countrymen. Taking, therefore,
aiiother refpeftable perfon with him, he conduced him to that tree
where tlic little bird ufed to fing, and thus addrefled him : " Do you
" not attend, my friend Tecpaltzin, to what this little bird fays,
" Tihui Tihui, which it repeats every moment to us ; what can it
" mean, but that we mull leave this country and find ourfelves an-
" other ? Without doubt, it is the warning of fome fecret divinity who
" watches over our welfare : let us obey, therefore, his voice, and
" not draw his anger upon us by a refufal." Tecpaltzin gave full af-
fent to this interpretation, either from his opinion of the wifdom of
Huitziton, or becaufe he was likewife prepofTelTed with the fame de-
{li} In our diflertaiions we fpeak of thefe travels from New Mexico towards the North. Bc-
tancourt makes mention of them in part ii. tratt. i. cap. lo. of his 7,-atro Mejficano. This
author makes Azthin two thoufand fcven hundred miles diliant from Mexico. Boturini fays,
Aztlan was a province of Afia. But I do not know what reafons he had for fo fingular an
opinion. In feveral charts, publiflied in the fixteenth century, (his province appears fituated
to the north of the gulf of California, and I do not doubt that it is to be found in that quar-
ter, though at a dilumce from the gulf, as the diftancc mentioned by Bctancourt fecms very
probable.
fire.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
1 1
fire. Two perfons, fo rcfpedable having agreed in fentiment, they BOOK li.
were not long in drawing the body of the nation over to their party.
Although we do not give credit to fuch an account, it does not,
however, appear altogether improbable ; as it is not diilicuk for a per-
fon who is reputed wife, to pcrfuade an ignorant and a fuperftitious
people, through motives of religion, to whatever he pleafes. It would
be a much harder talk to perfuade us of what the Spanifh hiltorians
generally report, that the Mexicans fet out on their migration, by ex-
prefs command of the demon. The good hiftorians of the fixteenth
century, and thofe who have copied them, fuppofc it altogetlier un-
queftionable that the demon had continual and familiar commerce
with all the idolatrous nations of the New World; and fcarcely recount
an event of hiftory, of which they do not make him the author. But
hoivever certain they may be, that the malignity of thofe fpirits impeli them
to do all the hurt they can to fnan, and that they have Jhewn tbemfhes
fometimes in vifble forms to feduce them, efpecially to thofe ii'ho have not,
by regeneration, entered into the bofom of the church ; it is not, however,
to be imagined that fuch apparitions vigere fo very frequent, or that their
intercourfe was fo familiar v/ith the above mentioned nations as thefe
hiftorians believe ; the Supreme Power who watches, with benign pro-
vidence, over all his creatures, commits to any fuch enemies of the hu-
man race no powers to hurt it. Our readers, therefore, who may have
read of like events in other authors, ought not to wonder if they do
not find us equally credulous. We are not difpofed to afcribe any
eftedt to the demon, on the bare tePcimony of fome Mexican hiftorians,
as they may eafily have fallen into errors, from the fupcrftitious ideas
with which their minds were darkened, or the impofitions of priefts
that are common among idolatrous nations.
Th.e mi ^ration of the Aztccas, however, which is certain, whatever
might have been their motive for undertaking it, happened, as near as
we can conjefture, about the year 1 160 of the vulgar era. Torque-
mada lays he has obfcrved an arm of the fea {e), or a great river, repre-
fented
(<■) I believe this pretended arm of the fen is no other than the rcprcfcnt.ntion of the uni-
vcrf.il deluge, painted in the Mexican pifliucs before the beginnintj of their migration, as ap-
jicars from tlic cojn-, publiflied by Grniclli, of a piflurc flieun to him by the celebrated Dott.
Vol. 1. Q^ Siijuenza.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
fented in all the Ancient paintings of this migration. If any river was
ever reprelented in fuch paintings, it muft have been the Colorado
or Red River, which difcharges itlelf into the gulf of California, in lati-
tude 32-;, as this is the meli: confiderable river of thole which lie in the
route they travelled. Having pafTed, therefore, the Red River from be-
yond the latitude of 35, they proceeded towards the fouth-eaft, as far
as the river Gila, where they flopped for fome time ; for at prefent
there are ftill remains to be feen of the great edifices built by them on
the borders of that river. From thence having refumed their courfe
towards the S. S. E. they flopped in about 29 degrees of latitude, at a
place which is more than two hundred and fifty miles diftant from the
city of Chihuahua, towards the N.N. W. This place is known by
the name of Caje grandi, on account of an immenfe edifice ftill ex-
ifting, which, agreeable to the univerfal tradition of thefe people, \vas
built by the Mexicans in their peregrination. This edifice is con-
flruded on the plan of thofe of New Mexico, that is, confifling of
three floors with a terrace above them, and without any entrance to
the under floor. The door for entrance to the building is on the fe-
cond floor, fo that a fcaling ladder is necefiary ; and the inhabitants of
New Mexico build in this manner, in order to be lefs expofed to the
attack of their enemies ; putting out the fcaling ladder only for thofe
to whom thev give admiihon into their houfe. No doubt the Aztecas
had the fame motive for raifing their edifice on this plan, as every mark
of a fortrefs is to be obfcrved about it, being defended on one fide by a
lofty mountain, and the reft of it being furrounded by a wall about feven
feet thick, the foundations of which are flill exifting. In this fortrefs
there are flones as large as mill-ftones to be feen ; the beams of the
roof are of pine, and well finilhed. In the centre of this vaft fa-
bric is a little mount made on purpofe, by what appears, to keep
guard on, and obferve the enemy. There have been fome ditches
formed in this place, and feveral kitchen utenfils have been found,
Siguenza. Boturini alleges this arm of the fea to be the gulf of California, as he is per-
fuaded that the Mexicans paffed from Aztlan to California, and from thence crofling the gulf
tranfported themfelves to Culiacan : but there being remains found of the buildings conftrufled
by the Mexicans in their migration, on the river Gila, and in Pimeria, and not in California,
there Is no reafon to believe that they croffeò the fea, but came by land to Culiacan.
fuch
H I S T O R Y O F iM E X I e O. 1 1 -
fuch as earthen pots, dirties, and jars, and little loolcing-glalTes of the book ii.
flone Itztli (f).
From hence, traverllng the fleep mountains of Tarahumara, and
diredting their courfe towards the fouth, they reached Huiecolhuacan,
at prefent called Culiacan, a place fituated on the gulf of California, in
24 1 deg. of latitude, where they flopped three years (g). Here it i^
probable, that they built houfes and cottages to dwell in, and fowed
luch feeds for their food as they carried with them, and ui'ually did in
every place where they flayed any confiderable time. There they
formed a flatue of wood reprefenting Huitzilopochtli the tutelar deity
of the nation, that he might accompany them in their travel, and
made a chair of reeds and rufhes to tranfport it which they called
Teoicpaia, or chair of God. They chofe priefls who were to carry hiin on
their ihoulders, four at a time, to whom they gave the name of Teotla-
inaca'z.qiic, or fervants of God, and the ad; itfelf of carrying him was
called T^eomama, that is to carry God on one's back.
From Huiecolhuacan journeying for many days towards tlie cafl, they
came to Chicomoztoc, where they flopped. Hitherto all the it\t\\
tribes had travelled in a body together : but here they feparated, and
die Xochimilcas, the Tepanecas, the Chalchefe, the Tlahuicas, and
the Tlafcalans proceeding onwards, left the Mexicans there with their
idol. Thofe nations fliy the feparation was made by exprefs command
of their God. There is little doubt that fonie difagrcement amon"^
themfelves was the occafion of it. The fituation of Chicomoztoc,
where the Mexicans fojourned nine years, is not known ; but it ap-
pears to be that place twenty miles diflant from the city of Zacatecas
towards the fouth where there are flill fome remains of an inimenfe
edifice, which, according to tiie tradition of the Zacatecas, the ancient
inhabitants of that country, was the work of the Aztccas in their
( /') Thcfe arc the reports I received from two pcrfons who had fcen the Cafe grandi. We
Ihould wifh to have a plan of their fm 111 and dimenfions ; but wow it would be very ditficult to
be obtained, the whole of that country being depopulated by the furious incurlions of the Apa-
chas and otber barbarous nations.
{^) The Pay of the Aztecas in Huicolhuacan, is agreeable to the teflimony of all hidorians,
ai well as their feparation at Chicomoztoc. There is a tradition among the northern people of
their paflagc through Tarahumara. Near to Naiarit tliere arc trenches found which v.ere
made by the Cor^, to defend themfelves from the Mexicans in their route from Hucicolhuacau
to Chicomoztoc.
0^2 migra-
Ilo H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK II. migration) and it certainly cannot be afcribed to any other people 3
the Zapatecas themlelves being lb barbarous as neither to Hve in houfes
nor to know how to build them. Their being reduced to a fmaller
number by the dilmemberment of the other tribes, may probably have
been the reafon that the Mexicans undertook no other buildings of
that kind in their peregrination. Proceeding from the country of the
Zacatecas towards the fouth, through Am.ica, Cocula, and Zayula,
they defcended into the maritime province of Colima, and from thence
toZacatulaj where turning to the eaflward, they afcended to Mali-
nalco, a place fituated in the mountains which furround the valley
of Toluca [h), and afterwards taking their courfe towards the north,
in the year 1 196 they arrived at the celebrated city of Tula fij.
In their journey from Chicomoztoc to Tula, they flopped a while
in Coatlicomac, where the tribe was divided into two factions, which
became perpetual rivals, and alternately perfecuted each other. This
difcord was occafioned, as they fay, by two bundles which miracu-
loufly appeared in the midfl: of their camp. Some of them advanc-
ing to the firft bundle to examine it, found in it a precious flone,
on which a great conteft arofe, each claiming to poffefs it as a prefent
from their god. Going afterwards to open the other bundle they found
nothing but two pieces of wood. At firft fight they undervalued them
as thinp-s which were ufelefs, but being made acquainted, by the wife
Huitziton, of the fervice they could be of in producing fire, they
prized them more than the precious flone. They who appropriated to
themfelves the gem were thofe, who, after the foundation of Mexico
called themfelves Tlatelolcas, from the place which they fettled near
to that city ; they who took the pieces of wood were thofe who in fu-
ture bore the name of Mexicans, or Tenochcas. This account how-
ever cannot be confidered in any other light than as a moral fable, to
{I) It is evident from the inanufcripts of P. Giovanni Tobar, a Jefuit exceedingly verfed
in the antiquities of thofe nations, that the Mexicans pafied through IMichuacan, and this
could only be by Colima and Zacatula, which probably then belonged to the kingdom, as
they now belong to the ecclefiaftical diocefs of Michuacan ; becaufe if they had performed
their journey any other way to Tula, they would not have touched at Malinalco.
(/) The epoch of the arrival of the ÌNIexicans at Tula in 1 196, is confirmed by a manu-
icript hiflory in Mexican, cited by Boturini, and in this point of chronology other authors
agree.
teach
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
teach that in all things the ufeful is preferable to the beautiful. Not-
withftanding this diffention both parties travelled always together for
their imaginary intereft in the protedtion of their god (k).
It ought not to exeite wonder that the Aztecas made fo great a cir-
cuit, and journeyed upwards of a thoufund miles more than was ne-
ceflary, to reach Anahuac : as they had no limits prefcribed to their
travel, and were in quell: of a countiy wliere they might enjoy all the
conveniences of life : neither is it furprifmg that in fome places they
eredleJ large fabrics, as it is probable, they confidered every place
where they flopped the boundary of their peregrination. Several
fituations appeared to them at firft, proper for their eftablifliment,
which they afterwards abandoned, from experience of inconveniences
they had not forefcen. \Vherever they ftopped they raifed an altar to.
their God, and at their departure left all their fick behind ; and, proba-
bly, fome others, who were to take care of them, and perhaps alfo,
fome who might be tired of fuch long pilgrimages, and unwilling to-
encounter frefli fatigues.
In Tula they flopped nine years, and afterwards eleven years in
other places not far diftant, until, in 1216, they arrived at Zumpanco,
a confiderable city in the vale of Mexico. Tochpanecatl, lord of this-
city, received them with fingular humanity, and not contenting him-
felf with granting them commodious dwellings, and regaling them
plentifully; but becoming attached to them from long and familiar inter-
courfe, he demanded from the chiefs of the nation, fome noble virgin
for a wife to his fon Ilhuitcatl. The Mexicans obliged by fuch proofs
of regard prefented Tlacapantzin to him, who was foon after mar-
ried to that illuftrious youth ; and from them, as will appear, the Mexi-
can kings defcendcd.
After remaining feven years in Zampanco, they went together witli
the youth Ilhuicatl to Tizayocan, a city a little diflant from it, where
Tlacapantzin bore a fon, named after Huitzilihuitly and at the fame time
they gave away another virgin to Xochiatzin, lord of Qiiauhtitlan. From
Tizayecan they palled to Tolpetlac and Tcpeyacac, where, at prefcnt,
{V) It is not to be doubted that the flory of the packets is merely a fable"; as the Aztecat
knew, fome centuries before, how to produce fire from two pieces of wood, by rii<51ion.
* lies
ii8 H I S T O R Y OF MEXICO.
BOOK ir. ]Ì£g fi^j village and renowned fantìivary of the Holy Virgin of Guada-
loupe, places all fituated on the borders of the lake of Tezcuco, and
near the fite of Mexico, in which they continued for twenty- two years.
• As foon as the Mexicans appeared in that country, they were review-
ed by order of Xolotl then reigning ; who, having nothing to fear, per-
mitted them to eftablifli themlelves wherever they could: but thofe in
Tepeyacac finding themfelves harrafìèd by Tenancacahzin, a Cheche-
mecan lord, they were forced, in 1 245, to retire to Chapol tepee, a moun-
tain fituated on the weftern border of the lake, hardly two miles di-
ftant from the fite of Mexico, in the reign of Nopaltzin, and not of
Quinatzin, as Torquemada and Boturini imagine (/).
The perfecutions which they fuffered in this place from fome lords,
and particularly from the lord of Xaltocan, made them, at the end of
Icventeen years, abandon it, to feel; a more fccure afylum in Acocolcs,
which confifts of a number of fmall iflands at the fouthern extremity of
tJic lake. There for the fpace of fifty-two years they led the moft mifer-
able life ; they fubfifted on hfh, and all forts of infeóts, and the roots of
the marll^ies, and covered themfelves with the leaves of the amoxtli which
grows plentifully in that lake, having wore out all their garments, and
finding no means there of fupplying themfelves with others. Their
habitations were wretched huts, made of the reeds and ruflies which the
lake produced. It would be totally incredible that for fo many years
they were able to keep in exifience in a place fo difadvantageous, where
they were io ftinted in the necellaries of life, was it not verified by their
hiflorians and fucceeding events.
S g c T. But in the midil of their miferies they were free, and liberty al-
XVIII. leviated in fome degree their difi:refies. In 1^14, however, flaverv
Slavery oft ne _ ° _ . .
Mexicans in wiis added to their other diflirelTes. Hiftorians differ in opinion con-
cerning this event. Some fay, that the petty king of Colhuacan, a
city not far diftant from Acocolco, not willing to fuffer the Mexi-
cans to maintain themfelves in his territories without paying him tri-
bute, made open war upon them, and having fubdued, enflavcd them.
( O Qi)inat7.in fiippofinsf to have been reigning at that time, the reign of him and his
fucccfTor mu(\ have comprehended a fpace of an hundred and llxty-one years and upwards ;
if the chronology of Torquemada is adopted, who fuppofcs Q^uinatzin reigning until the time
at which thp Mexicans entered the vs.le of Mexico. See our DifTertations
Others
H I S T O Pv Y OF MEXICO.
Others affirm, that this petty king fcnt an embaffy to them, to in-
form them that having compalTion for the miferable Hfe which they led
in thofe iflands, he was willing to grant them abetter place where they
might live more comfortably; and that the Mexicans, who wiihed for
nothing more ardently, accepted inflantly the favour, and gladly quitted
their difigreeable fituation ; but they had fcarcely fet out when they were
attacked by the Colhuas and taken prifoners. Which ever way it was,
it is certain, that the Mexicans were carried flaves to Tizapan, a place
belonging to the ftate of Colhuacan.
After fome years flavery, a war arofe between the Colhuas and Xo-
chimilcas their neighbours, with fuch difadvantage to the former, that
they were worfted in every engagement. The Colhuas, being afflidled
with thefe repeated loffes, were forced to employ their prifoners whom
they ordered to prepare for war ; but they did not provide them with
the necellary arms, either becaufe thefe had been exhauflcd in pre-
ceding battles, or becaufe they left them at liberty to accoutre them-
felves as they chofe. The Mexicans being perfuaded that this was
a favourable occafion to win the favour of their lord, refolved to ex-
ert every effort of their bravery. They armed themfelves with long
flout ftaves, the points of which they hardened in the fire, not only
to be ufed againft the enemy, but to afllfl: them in leaping from
one bufti to another if it fhould prove neceffary, as, in fadt, they had
to combat in the water. They made themfelves knives of itzli, and
targets or fliields of reeds wove together. It was agreed among
them, that they were not to employ themfelves as it was ufual in
making prifoners, but to content themfelves with cutting off" an car,
and leaving the enemy without further hurt. With this difpofition
they went out to battle, and while the Colhuas and Xochimilcas were
engaged, either by land on the borders of the lake, or by water in tlieir
fliips, the Mexicans ruflied furiouily on the enemy, alTifted by their
ftaves in the water; cut off the ears of thofe whom they encountered,
and put them in a bafket which they carried for that purpofe; but when
they could not effed: this from the llruggles of the enemy, they killed
them. By the aliillance of the Mexicans, the Colhuas obtained fo
complete a vidlory that the Xochimilcas not only abandoned the field,
but
120 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK II. but afraid even to remain in their city, they took refuge in the moun-
tains.
This adtion having ended with fomuch glory, according to the cuftom
of thofe nations, the foldiers of the Colhuas prefented themfelves with
their prifoners before their general ; as the bravery of the foldiers was
not eftirnated by the number of enemies which were left dead on the
field, but of thofe who were made prifoners alive, and fhevvn to the
genera]. It cannot be doubted, that this was a rational fentiment, and
a praftice conformable to humanity. If the prince can vindicate his
rights, and repel force without killing his enemies, humanity demands
that life iliould be preferved. If we are to take utility into our confide-
ration, a flain enemy cannot hurt, neither can he ferve us, but from a
prifoner we may derive much advantage without receiving any harm.
If we confider glory, it requires a greater effort to deprive an enemy
folely of his liberty, than to wrefl his life from him in the heat of
conted. The Mexicans were likewife called upon to make the fliew of
their prifoners ; but not having a fingle one to prefent, as the only
four which they had taken were kept concealed for a particular pur-
pofe ; they were reproached as a cowardly race by the general and the
foldiers of the Colhuas. Then the Mexicans holding out their baikets
full of ears, faid, " Behold from the number of ears which \vc prc-
*' fent, you may judge of the number of prifoners we might have
*' brought if we had inclined ; but we were unwilling to lofe time in
*' binding them that we might accelerate your vidlory." The Colhuas
remained awed and abaflied, and began to conceive apprehenfions from
the prudence as well as from the courage of their flaves.
The Mexicans having returned to the place of their refidence which,
as appears, was at that time Huitzolopochco, they ered:ed an altar to their
tutelary god ; but being dciirous at the dedication of it to make an offer-
ing of fomething precious they demanded fomething of their lord for that
purpofe. He fent them in dlfdain, in a dirty rag of coarfe cloth, a vile
dead bird, with certain filth about it, which was carried by the priells of
the Colhuas, who having laid it upon the altar without any falutation, re-
tired. Whatever indignation the Mexicans feltfrom fo unworthy an infult,
refcrving their revenge for another occafion, inftead of fuch filth they
placed
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. i2i
placed upon the altar a knife of itzli, and an odoriferous herb. The BOOK ir.
day of confecration being arrived, the petty king of Colhua, and his
nobihty, failed not to be prefent, not to do honour to the feftival,
but to make a mockery of his flaves. The Mexicans began this fundlion
with a folemn dance, in which they appeared in their beft garments,
and while the byltanders were moft fixed in attention, they brought
out the four Xochimilca prifoners, whom they had till then kept con-
cealed, and after having made them dance a little, they facrificed them
upon a ftone, breaking their breafl with the knife of itzli, and tearing
out their heart, which, whilft yet warm and beating, they offered to
their god.
This human facrifice, the firft of the kind which we know to have
been made in that country, excited fuch horror in the Colhu&s, that hav-
ing returned inftantly to Colhuacan, they determined to difmifs flaves
who were fo cruel, and might in future become deftruclive to the ftate ; on
which Coxcox, fo v/as the petty king named, fent orders to them to depart
immediately out of that diilridt, and go wherever they might be moil
inclined. The Mexicans willingly accepted their difcharge from fla-
very, and directing their courfe towards the north, came to Acat%itzint-
Ian, a place fituated between two lakes, named afterwards Mexkalt-
zinco^ which name is almoft the fame with that of Mexico, and was
given to it without doubt from the fame motive, as we fliall fee fhortly,
which made them give it to their capital ; but not finding in that fitua-
tion the conveniencies they defired, or being inclined to remove farther
from the Colhuas, they proceeded to Iztacalco, approaching ftill nearer
to the fite of Mexico. In Iztacalco they made a little mountain of
paper, by which they probably reprefcnted Colhuacan {m), and fpent
a whole night in dancing around it, finging their vi6bory over the Xo-
chimilcas, and returning thanks to their god for having freed them
from the yoke of the Colhuas.
After having fojourned two years in Iztacalco, they came at laft
to that fituation on the lake where they were to found their city.
There they fiaund a nopal, or opuntia, growing in a ftone, and over it
(»/) The Mexicans rcprcfentcd Colhuacan in their piif^urcs hy the figure of a hunchbacked
tnoontain, and the name has exaiftly thnc fi^nification.
Vol. I. R the
122 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK ir. ^^^^ foot of an eagle. Gn this account, they gave to the place, and af-
^ '- tenvards to their city, the name of Tenochtitlun («). All, or at leaft
all the hiftorians of IVIexico, fay, this was the precife mark given them
by their oracle for the foundation of their city, and relate various events-
concerning it, which as they appear out of the courfe of nature, we
have omitted as being fabulous, or at leall: uncertain.
S c XIX -^^ f°°" ^^ ^^^ Mexicaiis took pofTeffion of that place, they ereded a
Foundation -temple for their god Huitzilopochtli. The confecration of that fanftuary,
although miferable, was not made without the effuiion of human blood ;
for a daring Mexican having gone out in queft of fome animal for a
facrifice, he encountered with a Colhuan named Xomimitl ; after a
few words, the feelings of national enmity, excited them to blows ;
the Mexican was viólor, and having bound his enemy carried him to
his countrymen, who facrificed him immediately, and with great ju-
bilee prefented his heart torn from his breafl on the altar, exercilmg
fuch cruelty not more for the bloody worfliip of that faife divinity, than
the gratification of their revenge upon the Colhuas. Around the fanc-
•tuary they began to build their wretched huts of reeds and rufhes, be-
ing deftitute at that time of other materials. Such was the beginning
of the city of Tenochtitlan, which in future times was to become the
court of a great empire, and the largeft and molt beautiful city of the
new world. It was likewife called Mexico, the name that afterwards
prevailed, which denomination being taken from the name of its tute-
lar god, fignifies place of Mexitli, or Huitzilopochtli, as he had both
thefe names {o).
The
(li) Several authors, both Spanifh and of other nations, from ignorance of the Mexican
language have altered this name j and in their books it is read Tenoxtitlan, Tcmiltitan, Te-
mihtitlan, &c.
(o) There is a great difference of opinion among authors refpeding the etymology of the
word Mexico. Some derive it from Metzli, Moon ; bccaufe they faw the moon reprefented in
that lake as the oracle had predifted. Other fay, that Ulcxico means r/fo/i the fountaiii, from
having found one of good water in that fpot ; but thefe two etymologies are too violent, and
the firft befides is ridiculous. I was once of opinion, that the name was Mcxicco, which means
in the center oi Maguei, or trees of the Jlexican aloe ; but from the ftudy of the hiftory I have
been undeceived, and am now pofitive that Mexico fignifies the place of Mexitli, or Huitzi-
lopochtli, that is, the Mars of thelMexicans, on account of the famftuary there erefled to him ;
fo that Mexico with the Mexicans is entirely equivalent to Fanitm Martii of the Romans ; the
Mexicans take away the final fyllable tli, in the compounding of words of this kind. The :o
added
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
The foundntion of Mexico happened in the year 2. Calli, corref-
ponding with the year 1325 of the vulgar era, when Quinatzin, the
Chechemcca, was reigning in that country : but by changing their
fituation, the Mexicans did not fuddenly better their fortune ; for be-
ing infulated in the middle of a lake, without lands to cultivate, or
garments to cover them, and living in conftant diltrurt: of their neigh-
bours, they led a life as miferable as it was in other places, where
they had fupported themfelves folely on the animal and vegetable pro-
duce of the lake. But when urged by neceflity, of what is not human
induftry capable ? The greateft want which the Mexicans experienced
was that of ground for their habitations, as the little ifland of Tenoch-
titlan was not fufficient for all its inhabitants. This they remedied a
little by making palifades in thofe places where the water was ilial-
lowefl, which they terraced with ftones and turf, uniting to their princi-
cipal ifland feveral other fmaller ones at a little diftance. To procure
to themfelves afterwards ftone, wood, bread, and every thing neceffary
for tlieir habitations, their clothing, and food, they applied themfelves
with the utmoft affiduity to fifliing, not only of white fifh, of which
we have already fpoken, but alfo of other little fifli and infedts of the
marfhes which they made eatable, and to the catching of innumerable
kinds of birds which flocked there to feed in the water. By inftitut-
Ing a traffick with this game in the other places fituatcd on the bor-
ders of the lake, they obtained all they wanted.
But the gardens floating on the water which they made of the buflies
and mud of the lake, the flrudlure and form of which we fhall elfc-
whcre explain, difcovered the greateft exertion of their induftry ; on
thefe tliey fowed maize, pepper, chia, French beans, and gourds.
Thus the Mexicans paded the firft thirteen years, giving as much
order and form to their fettlement as pofiible, and relieving their dif-
trefies by dint of induftry : until this period, the whole tribe had con-
tinued united, notwithftandiag tiae difagreement of the two fadlions
ivhich had formed themfelves during their migration. This difcord,
which was tranfmitied from father to fon, at laft burft violently out in
added to it Is thcprcpofuion in. The word McxUaltzitit, means the place of the hnufc or temple
cf the god Mi-.vif/i ; lb that Huit7.ilopochco, Mtxicallzhuo and Mexico, the names of the thrcr
fil-Aces LucceHivcly inhabited by the 3Ic.\icaiij, mean the fame thinj in fiibllancc.^
11 2 1338.
Sect. XXI.
HISTORY OF MEXICO,
1338. One of the faftions not being longer able to endure the otlicr,
refolvcd to feparate themfelves ; but not having it in their po-wer to
remove fo far as their rage fuggeiled, they went towards the North to
refide on a little ifland at a fmall diflance, which they named Xaltilolco^
from finding a great heap of fand there, and afterwards, from a terrace
which tl>ey made, Tlatdolco, a name which it ftill preferves {p). Thofc
who eftabliflied themfelves on that fmall ifland, which was afterwards
united to that of 'Tenocbtitlan, had, at that time, the name of Tlat-
elolcas, and thofe who remained in the firfl fituation called themfelves
Tenochcas ; but we fliall call them Mexicans, as all hiflorians do.
A little before, or a little after this event, the Mexicans divided their
miferable city into four quarters, afTigning to each its tutelar god^
befides the protefting god of the Vvhole nation. This divifion fubfills
at prefent under the names of St. Paul, St. Sebaflian, St. John, and St.
Mary fqj. In the centre of thefe quarters was the fanduary of Huit-
zilopochtli, to whom they daily performed adts of adoration.
In honour of that falle divinity at this period they made an abo-
Anothei- hu- minable facrifice which is not to be thought of without horror.
They fent an embafl'y to the petty king of Colhuacan, requeuing him
to give them one of his daughters, that fhe might be confecrated mo-
ther of their protetìing god, fignifying that it was an exprefs com-
mand of a god to exalt her to fo high a dignity. The petty king en-
ticed and infatuated by the glory which he would receive from the dei-
fication of his daughter, or intimidated by the difaflers which might
await him, if he refufed the demand of a god, granted quickly all that
v/as requel1:ed, efpecially as he could not well fufpedl what was to hap-
pen. The Mexicans conducted the noble damfel with great triumph
to their city ; but were fcarcely arrived, as hiflorians relate, when the
demon commanded that fhe fhould be made a facrifice, and after her
death to be flayed ; and that one of the bravefl youths of the nation
(a) The ancients reprefented Tlatelolco in their piélures by the figure of a heap of fand.
If this had been known by thofe who undertook the interpretation of the Mexican pidtures,
■which were publilhed with the letters of Cortes at Mexico, in 1770, they would not have
called ihis place TlatUolco, which name they have interpreted oaten.
(q) The quarter of St. Paul was called by the Mexicans Tcopan and Xochlmilca ; that of Se-
baflian, Auacuaico ; that of St, John, Moyotb j and that of St, Mary, Cucpopan and Tlaqu-chiu-
chcan, ,
fhould
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
125
Should be cloathed with her fkin. Whether it was an order of the de- BOOK il.
mon, or, what is more probable, a cruel pretence of the barbarous
priefts, all was puntìally executed. The petty king, invited by the
Mexicans to be prefent at the apotheofis of his daughter, went to be
a fpcdlator of that Ibleinnity, and one of the worfliippers of the new
divinity. He was led into the fandluary, where the youth flood up-
right by the fide of the idol, clothed in the bloody Ikin of the vidtim;
but the obfcurity of the place did not permit him to difcern what was
before him. They gave him a cenfer in his hand, and a little copal
to begin his worfliip ; but having difcovered, by the light of the flame
which the copal made, the horrible fpedlacle, his anguifli aiFefted his
whole frame, and being tranfported with tlic violent effeifts of it, he
ran out crying with diftradlion, and ordered his people to take re-
venge of fo barbarous a deed ; but they dared not to undertake it, as they
muft inftantly have been opprefTed by the multitude j upon whicli the
father returned inconfolable to his relidence to bewail his difafler the re-
mainder of his life. His unfortunate daughter was created goddefs and
honorary mother, not only of Huitzilopochtli, but of all their gods ;
which is the exadt meaning of Tetcoinan, by which name flie was af-
terwards known and worfhipped. Such were the fpecimens in this
new city of that barbarous fyftem of religion, which we fliall hereafter
explain.
BOOK
[ 1^6 ]
BOOK IIL
Foundatìoìi of the Mexican Moiiarchy : Events of the Me.KÌcaJis under
their four fì-Jì Kings, until the Defeat of the Tepanecas and the Coti-
quejl of A%capo%alco. The Bravery and ilìujìrious ASfions of Mont e-
%uma Ilhulcamina. The Government and Death of Techotlalla, the
fifth Chechemecan King. Revolutions in the Kiiigdoni of Acolhuacan.
Death of King IxtUlxochitl, and the Tyrants Tezozomoc and Max-
t la ton.
V T TNT IL the year 1352, the Mexican government was arifiocra-
Aclm^' ^' ^^ ^''^■'^^' ^^^ whole nation paying obedience to a certain body, com-
7in, fii-ft king pofed of perfons the moft refpeólable for their nobility and wifdoin.
e.Mco. ^j^^ number of thofe who governed at the foundation of Mexico was
twentv frj ; among whom the chief in authority was Tenoch, as ap-
pears from their paintings. The very humble llate in which they felt
themfelves, the inconveniencies they fuftered from their neighbours,
and the example of the Chechemecas, the Tepanecas, and the Colhuas,
incited them to erecfl their little ftate into a monarchy, not doubing,
that the royal authority would throw fome fplendor on the whole body
of the nation ; and flattering themfelves that in their new chief they
would have a father v/ho would watch over the ftate, and a good ge-
neral who would defend them from the infults of their enemies. The
eleóHon fell, by common confent, on Acamapitzin , either from the ac-
clamations of the people, or the votes of fome eleftors, to whofe judg-
ment all were fubmiffive ; as was their mode afterwards.
Acamapitzin was one of the mofl famous and prudent perfons then
living amongfl them. He was the fon of Opocbtli, a very noble Az-
(r) The twenty lords who then governed the nation were named Taioch, Atzl/i, Acacith,
Ahuexotl or Ahitciotl, Oiclopan, Xominiit!, Xiufxac, Axolohua^ Ntinacat'zhi, ^/c/i/zirt, Tlalaln,
y-zonttiyayaiih. Cascati, TezcatI Todpaiif Miwich, Tctcpaii, Tczacatl-, Acohatl, and AJ/.tomecatl.
teca.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X T e O. 127
teca (j), and Atozoztli, a princefs of the royal family of Colhuacan {t). BOOK in.
On the father's fide, he took his defcent from Tochpanecatl, that lord ' — 'y— — »
of Zumpanco, who fo kindly received the Mexicans when they ar-
rived at that city. He was yet unmarried; on v/hich account they
foon determined to deirand a virgin of one of the firfl: families of
Anahuac, and for that purpofe fent fucceflive embaffies to the lord of
Tacuba, and the king of Azcapozalco ; but by both their pretenfions
were rejedted with difdain. Without defpairing from fo difgraceful a rc-
fufal, they made the filine demand from Acolmiztli, lord of CoatHchan,
and a defcendant of one of the three Acolhuaa princes, requefling him
to give them one of his daughters for the^r queen. Acolmiztli com-
plied with their requcft, and gave them his daughter Ilancueitl, whoiii
the Mexicans conducted triumphantly away and celebrated the nuptials
with the utmoft rejoicings.
The Tlatelolcos who, from being neighbours and rivals, were con- c rr
° ^ ' Sect. II,
ftantly obferving what v/as done in Tenochtitlan, that they might vie Quaquauh-
with it in glory, and prevent their being in future opprelTed by that kin" of^Tla-
power, alfo created themfdves a king : but not efteeming it advanta- ''^'o'*^"-
geous that he fliould be one of their own nation, they demanded of
Azcapozalco, king of the Tcpaneca nation, to which lord the lite of
Tlatelolco, as well as Mexico was fubjedl, one of his fons, that he
might rule over them as their monarch, and that they might obey him
as vafTals. The king gave theni his fon ^lajnauhpitzahuacy wlio was
immediately crowned firfl; king of Tlatelolco in 1353.
It is to be fufpedted that the Tlatelolcos, when they made fuch a de-
mand from that king, had, with a view to flatter and incenfe him againfl
their rivals, exaggerated the infolence of the Mexicans in creating a
king without his permiffion ; as in a few days after Azcapozalco allem-
(j) Some hiftorians report, that Acamapitzin whom they fuppofe to have been born whiJc
in llavcry at Colhuacan, w.is the fon of old Huitzilihuit! ; but this is not probable, as Huit-
zilihuitl, born while the Mexicans were in Tizaynca, was not lefs than ninety years of age
when the Mexicans were made flaves ; wherefore, Huitzilihuiil was not father, but ceitainly
grandf;uher of Acamapitzin. Torquemada makes this king fon of Cohuaizontli ; biu we ad-
here to the opinion oFSiguenzn, who has invclligatjd the genealogy of the Mexican kings with
more criticifm and diligence than Torquemada.
(/) It is much to be wondered at that Opochtli (houlJ marry a virgin fo illuftriouf, at a time
when his nation was fo reduced and degraded by (lavery ; but this marriage is jifcertained by
the pictures, of the Mexicans and Colhuns, fcen by the learned Siguenza.
bled
123 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK III. bled his counfellors, and fpoke to them in the following words ;
^-"^"-'^ << What is your judgment, nobles of Tepaneca, of this ad: of the
" Mexicans ? They have introduced themfelves into our dominions,
" and continue to increafe very confiderably their city and their com-
*' merce, and what is worfe have had the audacity to create one of their
" own nation a king, without waiting for our confent. If they pro-
" ceed thus in the beginning of their eftablifhment, what is to be ima-
" crined they will do hereafter when they have increafed their numbers
" and added to their ftrength ? Is it not to be apprehended that in fu-
" ture, inftead of paying us the tribute which we have impofed on
" them, they will pretend that we fhould pay it to them, and that the
'* petty king of the Mexicans will aim alfo at being monarch of the
'• Tepanecas ? I therefore confider it neceflary to multiply their bur-
" dens fo much, that in labouring to difcharge them they may be
" worn out, or on failure of paying us, that we harrafs them with other
** evils, and at lafl conflrain them to abandon their fiate."
All applauded the refolution ; nor was it otherwife to be expefted ;
«;ec
T. HI.
rlxes ™" as the prince who in council difcovers his whh, rather looks for pane-
?Iexican3,
pofed "'I = gvriils to Tecond his inclination, than counfellors to enlighten his un
derftanding : the king then fent to inform the Mexicans, that the tri-
bute which they had paid hitherto being too fmall, it was his pleafure
that they fhould double it in future ; that they were befides to cany fo
mary thoufands of willow and fir-plants to be fet in the roads and
gardens of Azcapozalco, and to tranfport to the court a great kitchen
garden, where ail the vegetables known in Anahuac were fown and
growing.
The Mexicans, who, until that time had paid no other tribute than
a certain quantity of fiHi, and a certain number of water-birds, were
greatly diflrefl'ed with thefe new grievances, fearing that they might
conftantly be increafing : but they performed ail that was enjoined
them, carrying at the appointed time along with their fifh and fowl,
the willows and floating garden. Whoever has not ièen thefc moft
beautiful gardens, which in our time were cultivated in the middle of
the water, and tranfported with eafe wherever they defircd, will not with-
out difficulty be perfuaded of the truth of fuch an event : but whoever
has feen them as we have, and all Xidio have failed upon that lake, where
' the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
the fenfes receive the nioft delightful recreation, will have no reafoii to
doubt of the authenticity of this hiftory. Having obtained this tri-
bute from them, the king ordered them to bring him the next year an-
other garden, with a duck and a fwan in it, both fitting on their eggs ;
but fo, as that on their arrival at Azcapozalco, the brood might be ready
to hatch. The Mexicans obeyed, and took their meafures fo well,
that the foolifh prince had the pleafure of feeing the chickens come out
of the eggs. They were ordered the fucceeding year to bring, befides
a garden of this kind, a live ftag : this new order was the more diffi-
cult to execute, as it was neceflary to go to the mountains on the con-
tinent to hunt the flag, where they were in danger of engaging with
their enemies j it was, however, accompliflied, that they might efcape
from wrongs more opprefTive. This hard fubjedlion of the Mexicans
lafted not lefs than fifty years. The hiftorians of Mexico affirm, that
the Mexicans in all their afflidions implored the proteftion of their god,
who rendered the execution of fuch orders eafy to them : but we are of
a different opinion.
The poor king Acamapitzin, in addition to thcfe difgufts, experi -
enced the flcrility of his queen Ilancueitl, and therefore married l'c%-
catla/niahucitl, daughter of the lord of Tetepanci, by whom he had
feveral fons, and among others Huitzilihuitl and Chimalpopoca, fuccef-
fors to him in the crown. He took this fecond wife without aban-
doning the firft ; they both lived in fuch harmony together that Ilan-
cueitl charged herfelf with the education of Huitzilihuitl. He had
other wives, although not honoured with the rank of queens j and among
the reft, a flave, who bore Itzccatl, one of the beft and moft renowned
among the kings of Anahuac. Acamapitzin governed his city in
peace, for thirty-feven years j his city, at that time, comprehending
the whole of his kingdom. In his time population increafed, build-
ings of ftone were ereded, and thofe canals which ferved as well for
the ornament of the city as for the convenience of the citizens, were
begun. The interpreter of Mcndoza's colleflion afcribes to this king,
the conqucft of Mizquic, Cintlahuac, Quauhnahiiac, and Xochimilco :
but is it poffible to believe that the Mexicans v.ould undertake the
conqueft of four fuch great cities, at a time when they had difficulty to
preferve their own territory. The pidure, therefore, in that coUeftion,
Vol. I. S reprefenting
i30 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK III. reprefenting thofe four cities fubdued by the Mexicans, muft beunder-
" ' ' Hood to apply to the Mexicans, only as they were auxiliaries to other
ilates, in the fame manner, as a fhort time afterwards they ferved the
king of Tezcuco againft the Xaltocanefe.
A little before his death, Acamapitzin called together the great men
of the city ; when after exhorting them to maintain their zecd for the
public good, recommending to them the care of his wives and chil-
dren ; and declaring the pain it gave him at his death, to think of
leaving his people tributary to the Tepanecas, he faid, that, having re-
ceived the crown from their hands, he put it into their hands again,
in order that they might beftow it upon him who they thought would
do the ftate moft fervice. His death, which happened in the year
1 -^89, was greatly lamented by the Mexicans, and his funeral was ce-
lebrated with as much magnificence as the poverty of the nation would
admit.
From the death of Acamapitzin, until the eledion of a new king, as
we are informed by Siguenza, an interregnum took place, of four
months ; a circumftance which never happened again, as from that
time forward the new king was always chofen a very fev/ days after the
death of the preceding. Perhaps the eledion, at this time, might be
retarded, by the nobles being employed in regulating the number of the
eledtors, and in fettling the ceremony of the coronation which was then
beginning to be obferved.
The eledlors then, chofen by the nobles, being aflembled together,
the oldefl man among them addrefled them in this manner. *' My age
" emboldens me to fpeak firft. The misfortune, O Mexican nobles,
*' which we have fuffered by the death of our king, is very great; and
" none ought to feel it more than we who were the feathers of his
" wings, and the eye-lids of his eyes. Such a misfortune is ftill In-
" creafed, by the unhappy condition of dependence upon the power of
*' the Tepanecas, under which we live, to the reproach of the Mexl-
*' can name. Do you, then, whom it fo much concerns to find a re-
*' medy for our prefent diftreffes, do you refolve to choofe a king who
** iliall be zealous for the honour of our mighty god Huitzilopochtli,
•' who filali avenge, with his arm, the injuries done to our nation;
" and who fliall take the aged, the widow, and the orphan under the
«' fhade
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 131
•* Hiade of his clemency." At the conclulion of this fpeech the dec- book in.
tors gave their votes, and their choice fell upon Huitzilihuitl, fon of ^T^^'T^
the deceafed king Acamapitzin. Then they proceeded, in regular order, Huitzliihuiii
to the houfe of the eledted perfon, whom they placed in the middle of oV^Mexicof
them, and condufted to the Tlatocaicpalii, that is the rovai feat or
throne J upon which they feated him; and after anointing him in the
manner we ftiall defcribe in another place, they then placed upon his
head the Copilli or crown, and made him their fubmiflions one by one.
Then one of the moft confiderable perfons raifed his voice, and tliiis
addreffed the king. " Be not difcouraged, excellent youth, at receiv-
" ing that new employment, to which you are called, of reigning over
" a nation v>hich is inclofed among the reeds and ruflies of this lake.
" It is, indeed, unfortunate to polTefs fo fmall a kingdom within an-
" other's territory', and to be the chief of a people, who, originally free,
*' have now become tributary to the Tepanecas ; but be comforted,
*' and remember that we are under the protedion of the great god
" Huitzilopochtli, \\hofe image you are, and whofe place you fill.
" The dignity to which you have been raifed by him, fliould ferve,
" not as an excufe for indolence and effeminacy, but as a fpur to exer-
" tion. Have ever before your eyes the illullrious example of your
'* great father, who fpared no labour in the fervicc of the public. We
*' ihould wi!h, fir, to make you prefents worthy of your llation ; but
" fince our fituation will not admit of it, be pleafed to accept our pro-
" mifes of themoft inviolable attachment and fidelity."
Huitzililauitl was not yet married when he afccnded the throne : but
it was thought proper that he fliould take a wife, and the nobles willied
for a daughter of the kiiig of Azcapozalco. To avoid, however, 10
ignominious a denial as they met with in the time of Acamapitzin,
they refolved to make the requefl, upon this occafion, with the great-
eft demonftrations of humility and refpecl. Some of the nobles, there-
fore, went to Azcapozalco, and falling on their knees, when they were
prefented to the king, they declared their wiflies, in the following
words, " Behold, great lord, the poor Mexicans at your feet, humbly
" expedting from your goodnef?, a favour which is greatly beyond
" their merit ; but to whom ought we to have recourfe, except to you,
" who are our fixthcr and our lord. Behold us hanging upon your
S 2 " lips.
132
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK III. " lips, and waiting only your fignals to obey. We bcfeech you, with
^""■''V''-*^ " the moft profound refpeót, to take compaffion upon our mafter and
" your fervant Huitzilihuitl, confined among the thick ruflies of the
*' lake. He is without a wife, and we without a queen. Vouchfafe,
" fir, to part wth one of your jewels, or moft precious feathers.
" Give us one of your daughters, who may come to reign over us in
" a country which belongs to you."
Thefe expreflions, which are peculiarly elegant in the Mexican Ian»-
guage, fo foftened the mind of 'Te%ozo7noc (for that was the king's-
name), that he infi:antly granted his daughter Ajauhcihuatly to the
great joy of the Mexicans, who condudted her in triumph to Mexico,
where the much wiilied-for marria2:e was celebrated, with the ufual
ceremony of tying together the fkirts of the garments of the hulhand
and wife. By this princefs the king had a fon the firft year, who was
named Acoinahuacatl ; but being delirous to flrengthen his kingdom by
new alliances, he fought and obtained from the prince of Quauhna-
huac, one of his daughters called Miabuaxochitl, by whom he had
Motezuma Ilbiiicamma, the mofl celebrated of the Mexican kings.
Sect. V. At that time, in Acolhuacan, reÌ8;ned Techotlala, fon of king; Quimat-
Techotlala, . _, ^ ' , . r\- ■ r i t -
kingot'Acol- zm. The firn; thirty years of his reign were peaceful; but alterwards
iuiiean,_ T^%ompan, prince of Xaltocan, revolted, and finding his own force infuf-
ficient to oppofe his fovereign, he called to his alTiftance the ftates of
Otompan,Meztitlan,Quahuacan,Tecomic,Quauhtitlan, andTepozotlan.
The king promifed him pardon, provided he would lay down his arms
and fubmit j which clemency probably proceeded from refpeól to the
noble extraftion of the rebel, who was the laft defcendant of Chicon-
quauhtli, one of the three Acolhuan princes. But Tzompan confid-
ing in the number of his troops, rejefted the offer with contempt ;
when the king fent an army againft him, which was joined by the
Mexicans and Tepanecas, whofe fervice he had demanded. The war
was obflinate, and lafted for two months : but at length, vidtory de-
claring for the king, Tzompan, with all the chiefs of the revolted cities,
was put to death, and in him was extinguifhed the illufiirious race of
Chiconquauhtli. This v/ar, in which the Mexicans ferved as auxili-
aries to the king of Acolhuacan againft Xaltocan and the other confe-
derated ilates, is reprefented in the third pidture of Mendoza's collec-
I tion :
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
tion : but the interpreter of thofc pidlures was millaken when he in:u-
gined that thofe cities were fuhjeded to the Mexican crown.
After the end of the war the Mexicans returned to their city with
glory ; and Techotlala, in order to prevent other rebelUons in future,
divided his kingdom into fevcnty-five flates, giving each a chief to go-
vern them in fubordination to the crown. In each of them he Hke-
wife placed a certain number of the inhabitants of fomc other fiate ;
expedling that the natives would be more eafily kept in fubjedtion by
means of ftrangers who depended upon a foreign power ; a policy whicli
might, indeed, be ufeful in preventing rebellion, but which was very
opprefllve to the innocent fubjetìs, and created much trouble to the
chiefs who were entrufted with the government. At the fame time,
he conferred honourable offices upon many of the nobles. He made
Tediato general of his armies. Toltili entertainer and introducer of a-m-
balfadors, Tlami major-domo of the royal palace, Amechicht overfeer
of the cleaning of the royal houfes, and Cobuatl diredlor of the gold
workers of Ocolco. No perfon worked in gold or filver, for the ufe
of the king, except the directors own children, who had learnt the art
for that purpofe. The entertainer of amballadors had many Colhuan
officers under him ; the major-domo had a certain number of Chcche-
mecas; and the fuperintendant of the cleaning of the lioufes, an equal
number of Tepanecas. By fuch regulations he increafed the Iplendor
of his court, and flrengthened the throne of Acolhuacan ; altliough he
could not hinder thofe revolutions wliich we fliall foon have occafion
to mention. Thefe and other fuch inftances of wife policy, which v/ill
appear in the fequel of this hiflory, evidently ihew the Injufcice done to
the Americans by thofe who have confidercd them as animals of a dif-
ferent fpecies, or as incapable of civilization or improvement.
The new alliance formed by the king of Mexico with the king of
Azcapozalco, and the glory acquired by his fubje<^s in the war of Xal-
tocan, ferved both to ftrengthen their little ftate and to make themfclvcs
more refpedable in the eyes of their neighbours. Being enabled,
therefore, to extend their trade and carry it on with greater freedom,
they began, now, to wear deaths made of cotton, which they had been
entirely without, in their former ftatc of indigence, wlicn they had no-
thing but coarfe fluffs made of the threads of the wild palm. But
they
cans.
134 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK ni. they had fcarcely time to breathe, when a ncvv enemy and bloody perfe-
^^ — "^ — -' CLitor ftartcd up, in the liime royal family of Azcapazalco.
Sect. vf. Maxtluton pfince of Coyoacan, and fon of the king of Azcapozalco,
Maxtlaton ^ Cfuel, turbulent, ambitious man, and who was feared even by his fa-
to the i\;exl- tlier upon that account, had been difpleafed at the marriage of his fifter
Ayauhcihuatl with the king of Mexico. He concealed his difpleafure,
for fome time, out of refpedt to his fither; but in the tenth year of the
reign of Huitzilihuitl, he went to Azcapozalco, and aiTembled the no-
bility, in order to lay before them his complaints againft the Mexicans
jind their king. He reprefented the increafe of the population of Mexi-
co ; enlarged upon the pride and arrogance of that people, and upon
the fatal eftedlis which were to be feared from their prefent difpofitions ;
and efpecially complained of the great affront done to him by tiie Mexi-
can king, in depriving him of his wife. It is neceflary to obferve, that
Maxtlaton and Ayauchcihuatl^ although both children of Tezozomoc,
were yet born of diffei'ent mothers ; and perhaps fuch marriages were
in thofe times, permitted among the Tepanecas. Whether he ever
attually intended to many his lifter, or only made that a pretext to
cover his cruel defigns, is uncertain ; but, in the affembly of the no-
bles, it was determined to fummon Huitzilihuitl, to anfwer to the pre-
tended charge. The Mexican king went to Azcapozalco; nor will
this appear extraordinary, when we confider that it was no uncommon
thing, at that time, for princes to vifit one another ; and that, befides,
it was the duty of Huitzilihuitl, as a feudatory of that crown; for, al-
though from the birth of Acolnahuacatl, the queen of Mexico had pre-
vailed upon her father Tezozomac to relieve the Mexicans from the
opprelnons to which they had been fubjedied for fo many years before,
yet Mexico ftill continued in the nature of a fief of Azcapozalco, and
the Mexicans owed the Tepanecan king an annual prefent of a couple
of ducks by way of acknowledgement of his fuperiority.
Maxtlaton received Fluitzilihuitl in a hall of the palace, and after
having dined with him in the prefence of the courtiers who flattered
all his fchemes, he charged Huitzilihuitl in the fevereft terms, with
the pretended outrage done to him by the marriage of Ayauhcihuatl.
The Mexican king with the greateft refpeft afferted his innocence, and
faid, that he certainly would never have folicited the princefs, nor her
father
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 135
father have given her away to him, if flie had been bethrothed to an- BOOK lir.
other. But in fpite of the truth of his juftification and the weight of ' ""^—-^
his reafons, Maxtlaton angrily replied, " I might now, without hear-
** ing more, put you to inftant death, and fo punifh your boldnefs and
" avenge my own honour ; but I would not have it faid that a Tepane-
" can prince killed his enemy in a treacherous manner. Depart in
*' peace ; and time will give me an opportunity of taking a more ho-
" nourable revenge,"
The Mexican went from him, filled with rage and vexation, and was
not long without feeling the effedts of his cruel kinfman's difpleafure.
The true caufe of Maxtlaton's enmity arofe from his fear of the crown
of the Tepanecas one day coming to his nephew Acolnahuacatl, by
which event his nation would become fubjedt to the Mexicans. To
remove the caufe of his fear, he formed the barbarous refolution of
putting his nephew to death, who was accordingly murdered a iliort
time after by fome perfons who hoped, by that aft of cruelty, to gain
the favour of their mafter j no prince ever wanting, about him, mer-
cenary men, who are ready to ferve his pafììons (j). Tezozomoc gave
no confent to the perpetration of this crime, but we do not know that
he fhewed any difapprobation of it. In the fequcl of this hiftory we
Avail fee that the haughtinefs, the ambition, and the cruelty of Maxtla-
ton rather encouraged than connived at by his indulgent fatiier, brought
ruin upon himfelf and his kingdom. Huitzilihuitl could ill brook
fuch a barbarous injury ; but he yet wanted fufficient power to take
revenge.
In the fame year with this tragical event (1399) died at Tlatelolco, Sect. VII.
the firfl king, Quaquauhpitzahuac, leaving his fubjeds much more ci- fcconTur!'--
vilized, and the city greatly enlarged by handfome buildings and gar- of riatcioi-
dens. He was fucceeded by Tlacatcotl, of whofe origin hiftorians dif-
fer widely in their relations ; fome imagining he was a Tepanecan as
well as his predeceflbr, while others take him to have been an Acol-
(j) There is no author who gives any account of the circum (lances of this murder ; and it is
hardly to be conceived how the Tepanecas fliould be able to execute fuch a deed in Mexico ;
but we cannot doubt of the faéì, as it is confirmed by aU the national hiftorians ; but father
Acolla has committed a millakc in confounding the murder of this young prince Acolnahua-
catl, with the death of Chimalpopoca the third king of Mexico.
huan.
1.6 HI3TORYOF MEXICO.
J
BOOK III. liuan, appointed by the king of Acolhuacan. The rivalfliip which
""""^ ^ lubfifled between the Mexicans and Tlatelolcas contributed greatly to
the aggrandizement of their relpedlive cities. The Mexicans had form-
ed fo many alliances, by marriage, with the neighbouring nations ; had
fo greatly improved their agriculture, and increafed the number of their
floating gardens upon the lake; and had built fo many more veflels to
fupply their extended commerce and iifliing, that they were enabled to
celebrate their fecular year i. T^ochtli, which anfwers to the year 1402
of OLir era, with greater magnificence than any of the four which had
elapfed fince their firfl leaving of the country of Aztlan.
At this time Techotlala, far advanced in years, ftill reigned in Acol-
huacan ; who perceiving his end approach, called to him his fon and
fucceiTor Ixtlilxochitl, and, among many inftruflions, particularly re-
commended to him the conciliating of the minds of his feudatory lords ;
icft the crafty and ambitious Tezozomoc, who, till that time, had only
been rertrained by the uncertainty of fuccefs, fhould attempt any thing
againfl the empire. Nor were the fears of Techotlala without founda-
tion, as will appear from the fequel. He died, at lalV, in the year
1406, after a veiy long reign, though not quite fo long as fome authors
have imagined (/).
vSscT.VlTl. After the funeral rites were performed with the ufual folemnitv, and
kiugofAcol- the attendance of the princes and lords, the feudatories of the crown,
hiLKii-i. ^j^^^ proceeded to celebrate the acceflion of Ixtlilxochitl. Among the
princes was the king of Azcapozalco; who, by his condudt, foon juf-
tified the fufpicions entertained of him by the deceafed Techotlala ; as,
without making the ufual fubmiffions to the new king, he fet out
for his own fiate with an intention to flir up the other feudatories
to rebellion agninft the empire. He called together the kings of Mexi-
co and Tlateiolco, and told them, that Techotlala, who had fo long
tyrannized over that country, being dead, his purpofe was to procure
freedom to the princes, fo that each might rule his own ftate with en-
tire independence upon the king of Acolhuacan : but in order to ob-
(/) Torqiicmnda and Bctancourt give one hundred and four years to the rei^n of Techot-
lala; and although it is not imponible that a prince fhould reign fo long, yet it is extremely
improbable, and would require the firongcrt evidence to authenticate it ; efpeciallv if we con-
sider the general abfurdity of thcit chronology, Eut fee our DiJertatlons,
tain
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
n?
tain fo glorious an obje>fl, he needed their afllflance ; and, upon their nooK iir.
fpirit, fo well known among all the nations, he relied for their taking
part with him hi the great cnterprife. He added, that in order to
ftrike their blow with the greater fecurity, he would undertake to unite
in their confederacy fome other princes whom he knew to be animated
with the fame defigns. The two kings, cither through fear of the
great power of Tezozomoc, or to increafe the reputation of their arms,
engaged to affifl him witli their troops, as did alfo the other chiefs
whom he folicited.
In the mean time IxtlLxochitl was employed in putting the affairs of
his court into order, and in gaining the minds of his fubjedls ; but h&
foon difcovered, to his gre.it difippointment, that already many had
withdrawn themfelves from their obedience to him, in order to place
themfelves under the command of the perfidious Tezozomoc. To
oppofe the progrefs of the enemy, he commanded the princes of Coat-
lichan, Huexotla, and fome other neighbouring flates, to arm all the
troops they could without delay. The king himfelf willied to lead his
army in perfon, but he was difì'uaded from it by fome of his courtiers,
who reprefcnted the neceflity of his prefence at the court, left in the
diftradlion of aftairs, fome concealed enemy, or friend of wavering fide-
lity ftiould be tempted, by the opportunity of his abfcnce, to make him-
felf niafter of the capital, and drive the king from his throne. To-
chinteuSlli, fon of the prince of Coatlichan, was made general of the
army, and in cafe of his death, or any other accident, ^lauhxilotl, prince
of Iztapallocan was appointed to fucceed him. The plain of Qiiauh-
titlan, fifteen miles north of Azcapozalco, was chofen for the theatre
of the war. The troops of the rebels were more numerous, but thofe
of the king better difciplined. The royal army, before it fct out for
Quauhtitlan, ravaged fix of the revolted ftates, in order both to weaken
the enemy, and to leave behind them none who fliould be able to do
them much injury. The war was fupported with great obftinacy; the
fuperior difcipline of the Tezcucans being counteradtcd by the fuperio-
rity of numbers on the fide of the Tepanccas, who v/ould certainly
have been quickly overcome if they had not been conftantly fupplied
with frefh troops. The allies of the rebels frequently fent out large
bodies to tnake incurfions ia the loyal ftates, where they met with little
Vol. I. T refiftance
138 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK III. rcfiflance as the greateft part of the Tezcucan force was colle6ted at
^ ^ Quuuhtitkn. Among the various difafters which they occafioned, the
lord of Iztapallocan Quauhxilotl was flain, who died with glory in de-
fence of his city after his return from the field cf Quauhtitlan, The
kingof Acolhuacan fawhimfelf ohliged, now, to divide his forces, and
appointed a confiderable part of the people, who came from many di-
ftant places to his affiftance, for the garrifon of the cities. Tezozomoc
perceiving in place of the advantages which he had promifed himfelf,
that his troops daily diminilhed, and that his people were become im-
patient of the fatigues and dangers of war after three years of continued
action, demanded peace, defigning to finifli, by fecret treachery, what
he had begun by open violence. The king of Acolhuacan, although
, he could not rely on the faith of the Tepanecan prince, neverthelels,
confented without infifting on any conditions vvhich might give him
fecurity for the future, as his troops were as much broken with fitigue
as thofe of his enemy.
Sect. IX. Juft as the war was concluded, or a little before its termination,
?thirlfkfng after a reign of twenty years, in 1409, Huitzilihuitl died, having pub-
of Mexico. YiCned fome laws ufeful to the fiate, and leaving the nobility in pofTef-
fion of their right to chufe a fucceffor. Chimalpopoca, who was his
brother, was accordingly chofen, and by what appears, from thence it
became the efcablifhed law to make the eiedlion of one of the brothers
of the deceafed king, and on failure of brothers, of one of his grandfons.
This law was conftantly obferved until the fall of the Mexican empire.
While Chimalpopoca found means to fix himfelf fecurely on the
throne of Mexico, Ixtlixochitl begun to totter on that of Acolhuacan.
The peace which Tezozomoc had demanded was a mere artifice to lull
fufpicion while he was more effeftually purfuing his negociations. The
number of his party was daily obferved to increafe, while that of the
Tezcucan diminifhed. This unfortunate king found himfelf reduced
to fuch extremity, that thinking himfelf infecure in his own court, he
went wandering through the neighbouring mountains efcorted by a
fmall army, and accompanied by the lords of Huexotla and Coatlichan,
who were always faithful to him. The Tepanecas, that they might
diftrefs him to the utmofl, intercepted the provifions which were car-
rying to his camp 3 by which his neceffities became fo great that he was
compelled
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 139
compelled at laft to beg provifions of his enemies. So eafy ib it to fall book hi.
from the height of human felicity to the loweft fiate of mifcry.
He fent one of his grandfons named Cehnacuecueitotzin, to Otompan,
one of the rebel ftates, to requefl the citizens of it to fupply their king
with the provifions he flood in need of, and to admonifli them to
abandon the party of the rebels, and to call to their minds the loyalty
they had fworn. Cehuacuecuenotzin, well knew the danger of the
undertaking ; but fear being overcome by the generofity of his fcnti-
ments, his fortitude of mind, and fidelity to his fovereign, he fliewed
himfeif ready to obey: " I go my lord," he faid, " to execute your
" commands, and to facrifice my life to the obedience which I o\ve
** you. You cannot be infenfible how much the Otompanefe are alien-
" ated from you by efpoufing the part of your enemy. The whole
" country is occupied by the Tepanecas, and every where dangerous ;
" my return is uncertain. But Ihould I periilTi in your fervicc, and if
" the facrifice which I make you of my life is worthy of any rccoin-
" pence, I pray you to protedl the two young children I leave beliind."
Thefe words, which were accompanied with flrong marks of feeling,
touched the king's heart, who, in taking leave of him, fud, " May
" our God accompany and return you fafe. Alas ! perhaps at your re-
" turn, you may find what you fear for yourfelf, will have happened to
*' me, the enemies being fo numerous who confpire againfl: my life."
Cihuacuecuenotzin proceeded without delay to Otompan, but before
he entered he knew that there were, at that time, Tepanecas in the
city, who were fent by Tezozomoc, to publilh a proclamation ; he was
not, however, difcourageJ, but went intrepidly to the public piace
where the Tepanecas had ailemblcd the people to hear the proclama-
tion, and after having falutcd them all gracioufly, he freely communi-
cated his embaliy.
The Otompanefe made a jeft of him and his demand, but none of
them dared to proceed firthcr, until a mean perfon among them threw
a ftone at him, exciting others at the fame time to put him r.o death.
The Tepanecas, who continued Itili and filent, to obferve what rcfo-
lution the Otompanefe would take, perceiving now that they openly
declared againfl the king of Acolhuacan, and his amballador, cried out.
Kill, lull, the traitor ! ;iccompanying their cries with throwing of floncs.
T 2 Cihuacuc-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Ciluiacuccuenotzin, at firft, faced his enemies, but feeing himfelf over-
powered by numbers, and endeavouring to fave himfelf by flight, was
killed by a fhower of ftones. A charaólcr in titled to a better fate ! an
example of fidelity iboH worthy to be recorded, which had the hero
been Grecian or Roman, in place of American, would have been the
fubjed; of praife of both hiftorians and poets.
The Tepanecas became vain-glorious, of an acfl equally contrary to
humanity and the rights of nations ; and protefbed to the multitude
the great pleafure they would liave in being able to inform their chief,
from being eye-witneffes, of the inviolable fidelity of the Otompanefe.
They alfo declared, they had been fent exprefsly to intimate an order
not to give afliftance to the king of Tezcuco, under pain of profcrip-
tion, and to exhort them to take arms againft that king, and in defence
of their liberty. The lord of Otompan, and the heads of the nobi-
lity replied, they would willingly obey the order of the king of Azca-
pozalco, and offered to do every thing in their power to fecond his in-
tentions.
They gave fpeedy intelligence of this event to the lord of Acolman,
who was tlie fon of Tezozomoc, and communicated it to his father :
he believing it now time to put his defigns in execution, fent for the
lords of Otompan and Chalco, on whofe fidelity he chiefly relied, and
whofe ftates were moft: conveniently fituated for his purpofe, and charg-
ed them to levy, with all poflible fecrecy, a futficient army, and lay
themfelves in ambufcade in a mountain near to the camp of the Tef-
cucan king ; that from thence they ihould fend two of the moft brave
and able captains to the royal camp, who, under pretence of imparting
fome very important fecret to the king, fliould artfully lead him to as
preat a diftance as polTible from his people, and then without delay or
hcfitation to murder him. Every thing happened as the wicked prince
had defigned. The king then chanced to be in the neighbourhood of
Tragical Tlafcala, and entertaining no fufpicion of the two captains who came to
lisociilti. ^ ' ^''i""*> fell unwarily into the fnare. The deed was done at fome little di-
ilance, but yet in fight of the royal army. They ran up immediately
to chaftife the temerity of thofe two defperate captains, but the army
of the confpirators advancing, which was more numerous, they were
auickly defeated. The royal corpfe was with difficulty fiwed, to pay
it
Sect. XI.
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 141
it funeral honours, and the heir of the crown, who was a witncfs of book ill
the tragic end of his father, was obUged to hide himfelf in the buflies
to cfcape the fury of his enemies. Thus did the unfortunate king Ixt-
hlxochitl end his life in 1410, after a reign of feven years.
He left feveral fons, and among them Nezahualcojotl, heir to the tlirone,
whom he had by Matkkibuat-zin, daughter of Acamapitzin, king pf
Mexico (t). This prince was endued with a great genius, and an un-
paralleled magnanimity, and pre-eminently deferving of the throne of
Acolhuacan j but he was not able from the fuperiority of Tezozomoc,
to put himfelf in pofleflion of the throne which was due to him by fo
many titles, until many years had eiapfed, and many dangers and ob-
ftacles to it were furmounted.
The perfidious Tezozomoc had prepared great bodies of troops, that
when the premeditated blow on the perfon of the king (hould fucceed,
they might pour down upon the cities of Tezcuco, Huexotla, Coatli-
chan, Coatepec, and Iztapallocan, which had been the moft faithful to
their lord, and reduce them to alhes. The inhabitants of thofe cities
who were able to fave themfelves by flight, took ihelter on the other
fide of the mountains, among the Huexotzincas and Tlafcalans ; all
the reft died in defence of their country ; but they fold their lives
dearly, as the infinite blood fpilt on both fides attefted. If we (hould
be difpofed to trace the fource of fo many calamities, we fliould difco-
ver no other than the ambition of a prince. Heaven grant the facri-
fices to the paffions were more infrequent in the world and lefs violent !
How calamitous is it that the avarice or ambition of a prince or his
miniftcr is fufficient to cover the plains with human blood, to deftroy
cities, to overturn kingdoms, and fpread confufion over this globe !
The cruelty of the tyrant being appeafed by the oppreflion of his
enemies, the king of Acolhuacan was made to take an oath in the city
of Tezcuco, to grant to all thofe who had taken up arms againft him,
general pardon, and liberty to return to their Iiabitations. The city of
(/) Torquimada makes Matlalcihuatzin, daughter of Huitzilihoitl ; but how ? He fays,
that this kinj,' when he mounted the throne, was only feventeen years oF age, nor yet married :
and that he reigned twenty-two, or at m jII twenty-lix years. On the other hand, he rrprc-
fents Nezahualcojotl, at the death of his pretended grandfather, of an age able to go to war,
and make negotiations to fccure himfelf the crown : frof.. whence he would ni.ikc cut that
HuitzilihuitI, before he was twenty-fix years married, had grandfons at leal^ twenty years old.
I Tez-
142 II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK III. Tezcuco was given in fief to Chimalpopoca, king of Mexico, and that
of Huexotla to Tlacatcotl, king of Tlatelolco, as a reward for the
fervices which they had rendered during the war. He placed faithful
governors in other places, and proclaimed Azcapozaico the royal reii-
dence and capital of all the kingdom of Acolhuacan.
. At this folemnity were prefent, though in difguile, feveivd perfons of
diftindiion, enemies of the tyrant, and amongft thefe the prince Neza-
hualcojotl. The grief and rage which filled him aided by the ardour
of youth, was like to have urged him to a rafh action againft his
enemies, if a confidential friend, who accompanied him, had not with-
held him, by reprefenting the fatal confequences of fuch temerity, and
making him fenfible how much more prudent it would be to wait till
time prefented him a fitter opportunity for the recovery of his crown,
and revenge of his enemies ; that the tyrant was already worn out with
age, and that his death, which could not be very difi:ant, would en-
tirely change the ilate of affairs ; that the people themfelves would
come willingly to fubmit themfelves to their lawful fovereign, from a
fenfe of the injuftice and cruelty of the ufurper. Upcn this fame occa-
fion, a Mexican oihcer of refpecfl, (probably Itzcoatl, the brother of
the king, and general of the Mexican forces), either of his own ac-
cord, or by order of the king Chimalpopoca, afcended the temple,
which tlie Toltecas had at that court, and addrefled the multitude a-
found him, " Hear, Chechemecas, hear Acolhuas, and all ye who are
" prefent. Let no one dare to offer any hurt to our fon Nczahuaco-
" jotl, nor permit others to hurt him, if he is not willing to fubjecfl him-
" felf to fevere chaflifement." This proclamation contributed much
to the prince's fecurity, no body wifliing to draw upon himfelf the
anger of a nation whicli began now to make itfelf refped:ed.
A little time after, many of thofe nobles who had taken refuge in
Huexotzinco and Tlafcala, to avoid the fury of the Tepanecan troops,
afl'embled at Papalcthi, a place near to Tezcuco, to deliberate on the
conduól they fliould purfue in the prefent circumftances ; and they
all agreed to fubmit th.emlelves to the new lords whom the ufurper
had appointed to their cities, that they might be free from farther hof-
tilities, and attend |n peace to the care of their families and habi-
tations.
After
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 143
After having fatisfied his ambition with the ufurpation of the king- BOOK iir.
dom of Acolhuacan, and his cruelty with the llaughter he had com- sfct. xil.
mitted, the tyrant was defirous of gratifying his avarice by laying new ^"gf^jl"
taxes on his fubjedts. Befides the tribute which they had hitherto the tyrant,
paid their king of provifions, and a robe to array him, he enjoined them
to pay him another tribute of gold and precious floncs, without advert-
ing h®w much fuch burdens would tend to exafperate the minds of his
fubjects, which he fliould rather have endeavoured to gain by modera-
tion and lenity, to give himfelf more fecurity in the pofTeirion of a
throne founded on cruelty and injuftice. The Toltecan and Cheche-
mecan nobles anfwered the proclamation by defiring to prcfent them-
felves in perfon before the king, to be heard on the fubjedl. The arro-
gance of the tyrant appeared to them unbounded, and his conduct widely
different from the moderation of the ancient kings of whom he was
defcended. They agreed to fend to him two eloquent deputies the moft
learned among them, one a Toltec;i, the other a Chechemeca, that each
in the name of his nation might remonftrate with energy and force.
They both went to Azcapozalco, when being admitted to an audience
of the tyrant, the Toltecan orator in refpe<ft to the greater antiquity of
his nation in that country began firft, and reprefented to him the hum-
ble beginning of the Toltecas, the nccefiities they endured before
they rofe to that fplendour and glory which they had for fome time en-
joyed, and the mifery to which they were reduced fince their revolu-
tion ; he defcribed the deplorable difperfion in which they were found
by Xolotl, when he firft arrived in that country, and taking a review
of the two laft centuries, he made a pathetic enumeration of the hard-
fliips they had fuffered, to move the tyrant to compaffion, and get his
nation exempted from the new grievances.
The Tolteca had hardly finifhed his harangue when the Chechemeca
began his : " I, my lord, may fpeak to you with greater confidence
" and liberty ; as I am a Chechemeca, and addrefs myfelf to a prince
" of my own nation, who is a defcendant of the great kings Xolotl,
" Nopaltzin, and Tlotzin. You are not ignorant that thofe divine
" Chechemecas, your anceftors, fet no value on gold or precious ftoncs.
'* They wore no other crown on their heads than a garland of herbs
" and flowers of the field, nor adorned themfelves with any other bracc-
" le<s
144 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
r.ooK III. " lets than the ftiff leather againfl which beat the firing of their bow
" in fhooting. Their food at firft was confined to raw flefli, and plain
" herbs, and their drefs was the fkin of the ftags and wild beails which
" they themfelves hunted. When they were taught agriculture by the
** Toltecas, their kings themfelves cultivated the land to encourage by
" their example their fubjedls to fatigue. The wealth and glory to
" which fortune afterwards raifed them, did not make them more
" proud. As kings they certainly made ufe of their fubjedls, but as
*' fathers they loved them, and were contented to be requited by them
*' with the fimple gifts of the earth. I do not call to your memory
" thefe illuftrious examples of your anceftors, for any other reafon than
" that I may moll humbly entreat you not to demand more from us
"' now than they did from our predeceflbrs." The tyrant liftened to
each harangue, and although the comparifon drawn between him and
the ancient kings was odious, he difl'embled his difgull, and contented
himfelf with giving licence to the orators to confirm the order pub-
lilhed refpcóling the new tax.
In the mean time, Nezahualcojotl went anxioufly through many ci-
ties, to gain their affecflion, that he might replace himfelf on the throne.
But although his fubjects loved him, and were defirous of feeing him
in poflelfion of the kingdom, they durfl not openly favour his party
from their fear of the tyrant. Among the fubjedls who were the nearefl
related to him, and had abandoned him, were the lord of Chimalpan
his uncle, and Tecpanecatl the brother of his fecond wife Nezahtialxo-
chitl, of the royal line of Mexico. Perfevering in fuch negotiations,
he arrived one evening at a village of the province of Chalco, belong-
ing to a lady and widow named Tziltomiauh. He obferved that there
was a plantation of aloes, from which the widow extracted wine, not
only for the ufe of her family, but alfo for fale, which was ftriólly for-
bid by the Chechemecan code. He was fo fired with zeal for the laws
of his fathers, tha:t he felt no reftraint from the adverfity of his for-
tune, nor any other confideration, but with his own Iiand put the de-
linquent to death. An adtion moft inconfiderate and rcprehenfible, in
which prudence had a far lefs fhare than the intemperate ardour of
youth. This deed raifed a great rumour in that province, and the lord
pf Chalco, who was his enemy, and had been an accompjice in the
death
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 145
death of his father, ufcd the utmofl dihgencc to have him in his po\\"er; BOOK ill.
but the prince, who forefaw the confequences of his adt, had aheady
placed himfelf in fecurity.
Eight years were now elapfcd, during which Tezozomoc had pof- 5,^^., vnr.
fefied in peace the kingdom of Acolhuacan, claimed in vain by Neza- ^"''^ °* '*^e
huaicojotl, when latal dreams threw the tyrant into extreme pertur- zoraoc.
batioii. He dreamed that Nczahualcojotl transformed into an eagle,
opened his breall and eat his heart ; and at another time, changed
into a lion, licked his body, and fucked his blood. He was fo intimi-
dated with thefe ominous vifions, which were formed by the confciouf-
nefs of his own injuftice and tyranny, that he called together his three
fons Tajatzin, Teu5I%ititli, and Maxlaton, imparted to them his dreams,
and charged them to put Nezahualcojotl to death as fpeedily as pofìible,
provided they could do it fo fecretly that no perfon fliould fufped: the
author of it. He hardly furvived his dreams a year. He was now
become fo old, he was no more able to keep himfelf in neceflary warmth,
nor erafl in a chair, but was obliged to be wholly covered up in cotton,
in a great bafl-cet made of willows in the form of a cradle ; but fi-om
this cradle, or rather fepulchre, he tyrannifed over the kingdom of A-
colhuacan, and delivered oracles of injuftice. A little before his death,
he declared his fon Tajatzin his fucceflbr in the kingdom, and repeat-
ed his command refpeding the death of Nezahualcojotl, preferving to
his expiring moments his malicious defigns. In 1422, this monrter
of ambition, treachery, and injuftice, ended his life, after having ty-
rannifed over tlie kingdom of Acolhuacan for nine years, and polfcllcd
for a confiderable period the ftate of Azcapozalco (n).
Although the giving proper orders for the funeral of his father be-
longed to Taiatzin, as fucccHbr to the crown, ncverthclcfs his brother
(^u) Torqucmnd.1 makes Tezozomoc an imme<;iate dcfccndanr of the firft Acolliuan prince ;
by which he makes his reign one hundred and fixty, or one hundred and eighty years : but
Jroni the harangue made by the Chechemtcan orator, it is evident, that lezozomoc was dc-
Iccnded ol Xcloti Nopallzin and Tlotzin. The tiller of Nopaltzin married the prince .Acol-
huatzin, whence their children were coiifins cf Tlotzin, the Ion of Nopaltzin. In all this
Torqucmada' agrees with us. Whoever tht-n could be called the defcendant of his coulin ?
Whoever reads the genealogy of the Chechcmecan kings in the works of Toni'iemada, will
inllantly perceive the iiiiftakes made by this author. There may have been two or three lords,
«f Azcapozalco n nied Ttzozoniei., but the tyrant of Acolhuacan was at moft grcit-grandfou
.ol prince Acolluiatzin.
Vol.1. U Max-
146 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK lir. Maxtlaton, being more forward and aftive, arrogated the right to him-
felf, and began to command with as much authority as if he had been
ah-eady in pofTeflion of the kingdom at which he afpired, imagining it
would be eafy to opprefs his brother, who was a man of no abilities,
and unfkilled in the art of government. He fent information to the
kings of Mexico and Tlatelolco, and other lords, that they might ho-
nour with their prefence and their tears the funeral of their common
lord. Nezahuacojotl, tliough not fummoned, was willing to be pre-
fent, as may ealily be imagined, to obferve with his own eyes the dif-
pofition of the court. He was accompanied by a confidential friend
and a fmall retinue j having entered the hall of the royal palace where
the corpfe lay expofed, he found the kings of Mexico and Tlatelolco,.
the three princes, fons of the late t}aant, and fome other lords. He
faluted them all one after another, according to the order in which
they fat, beginning with the king of Mexico, and prefented them
bunches of flowers, according to the cuftom of that country. Having
paid his compliments he fat down by the fide of king Chimalpopoca,
his brother-in-law, to accompany him in condolence. Teudlzintli,
one of the fons of Tezozomoc, who inherited his cruelty, conceiving
this a good occafion to execute the iniquitous charge of his father on
Nezahualcojotl, propofed it to his brother Maxtlaton. He, however,
though of no lefs inhuman a heart, had more underftanding and judg-
ment. " Banifh," he replied, " banifli from your mind fuch a thought.
" What would men fay of us if they fhould fee us plotting againfl the
" life of another while we ought to be employed in mourning for our
" father ? They would Tay, that the grief was not deep which gave
" way to ambition and revenge. Time will prefent us with an occa-
** fion more favourable for the accompliOiLment of our father's purpofe,
" without incurring the odium of our fu bj efts. Nezahualcojotl is not
*' invifiblej unlefs he hides himfelf in fire, in water, or in the bowels
" of the earth, he will inevitably fall into our hands." This
happened on the fourth day after the death of the tyrant, when the
corpfe was burnt, and his afhes buried with unufual pomp and folem-
nity.
The next day the kings of Mexico and Tlatelolco returned to their
cities, and Maxtlaton began foon by lefs diffimulation to difcover his
ambi-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
H7
ambitious defign of making himfelf mafter of the kingdom, fliev/ing book rii.
by his arrogance and daring temper, that where his arts would not be "^ * '
fufficient, he would employ force. Tajatzin had not courage to oppofe
him, knowing the bold and violent difpofition of his brother, and the
advantage he had in having fubjedts accu domed to obey him. On fo
difficult a point, he took therefore the rcfolution of reforting to Mexico
to confult with king Chimalpopoca, to whom he had been chiefly
recommended by his father. This king received him with particular
marks of efleem, and, after the ufual compliments, Chimalpopoca ad-
dreffed him. " What are you doing, prince. Is not the kingdom
** yours ? Did not your father leave it to you ? Why do you not exert
** yourfelf to recover it, if you arc unjuflly robbed of it ?" " Becaufe
*' my rights avail but little, if my kibjedts do not alTifl me. My bro-
" ther has made himfelf mafter of the kingdom, and no perfon feems
" to give him oppolltion : it would be rafhnefs to oppofe him with no
" other power or forces than my defires, and the juflice of my caufe."
*' What is not to be done by force may be fupplied by induftry," re-
plied Chimalpopoca, " I will point out to you a method to get rid of
" your brother, and reilore yourfelf without danger to the pofTeffion
*' of the throne. Excufe yourfelf for not inhabiting the palace of your
" deceafed father, under pretence that your grief is revived by the re-
" membrance of his actions, and the love which he bore you, and
" that therefore you are willing to build yourfelf another palace for your
•' refidcnce. When it is finiflied, make a fplcndid entertainment, and
'* invite your brother to it, and there, in the midft of the rejoicings, it
" will be eafy to free your kingdom of a tyrant, and yourfelf of a rival
*' fo dangerous and unjufk; and that you may more certainly fucceed,
*' I ihall attend to affift you in perfon, with all the forces of my na-
•* tion." To fuch counfel Tajatzin made no reply, but looks of dark
melancholy, occafioned by the love he had to blood, or the bafenefs
of the adt fiiggefted to him.
To all this difcourfe a fervant of Tajatzin was privy, who had con-
cealed himfelf where he could eafily overhear them, and hoping to
make his fortune by betraying them, he departed kcretly at night for
Azcapozalco, went diredly to the palace, where having obtained an au-
dience, he revealed to Maxtlaton all he had heard. His mind was fud-
U 2 denly
148 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK II r. denly I'eized with anger, fear, and vexation, which the relation had
' "^ ' excited ; but being politic, and praftifed in difTembling his fentiments,
he afFeóted to delpife the whole, and feverely reprimanded the reporter for
his hardinefs and temerity in calumniating fuch refpe-ilable perfonages,
called him drunkard, and difmiffed him to digeii his wine at home.
The remainder of the night he paffed in deliberation what meafure he
fhould purfue, and determined at lail to anticipate his brother, and
catch him in his own fnare.
Sect. XIV. The morning of the enfuing day he aflembled the people of Azca-
tv^nt^oTA- pozalco, and told them, that having no right to remain any longer
coUiuacan. j^i his father's palace, as it belonged to prince Tajatzin, and having
befides occafion for a houfe at that court where he might be lodged,
when ever any bulinefs required him to come from his fiate of Co-
iohuacan, he defired they would fhew the love they bore him by the
mofl fpeedy conftrud:ion of fuch a refidence. Such was the diligence
of the Azcapozalchefe, and fo great the multitude of workmen who
were colledled, that Tajatzin, who only continued three days in Mexico,
found on his return the edifice already beo-un. He was ftruck with
wonder at this novelty, and enquiring the caufe at Maxtlaton, was an-
fwered by him, that finding it his duty to leave the royal manfion, in
juftice to Tajatzin's rights, he was eredling another where he might
refide when he fhould come to court. The good Tajatzin remained
latisfied with this anfwer, and eafily pcrfuaded himfelf that Maxtlaton
thought no more of ufurping the crown. A little time after the build-
ing being finifhed, Maxtlaton invited his brothers the kings of Mexico
and Tlatelolco, and other lords to an entertainment. Tajatzin being
totally ignorant of the treachery of his fervant, did not fufpedl the
fnare which was laid for him : but Chimalpopoca, who was more dif-
cerning and cautious, certainly was fufpicious of fome treachery, and
politely excufed himfelf from attendance. The day appointed for the
feflival being arrived, the guefls reforted to the new manfion, and at'
the time they were mofl engaged in jollity and mirth, and probably alfo
heated with wine, which is the mofl favourable time for deeds of this
nature, fuddenly people in arms entered, and poured with fuch vio-
lence on the unfortunate Tajatzin, that he had fcarcely lifted his eyes
to behold his murderers, when they were clofed in death. So unex-
peeled
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
pcdled a tragedy difturbcd, and fliocked the whole meeting ; but M;c<t-
laton quieted them by explaining the trealbn which was dcligned againft
him ; and protefting, that what he had done, was only to prevent the
blow which threatened himlelf. By thefc and limilar difcourfes, he
fo far altered their minds, that in place of revenging the death of their
lawful lord, they proclaimed the treacherous tyrant, king; but, although
injurtice railed him to the throne, it was only to precipitate him from
a greater height.
His indignation againft the king of Mexico was ftill greater ; but it
did not appear prudent to make any attempt againft his life until he
fliould feel himlelf firmly feated on the throne. In the mean while he
vented his rage by doing injuries to his perfon, and offering outrages
to his dignity. A little time after his intrufion on the kingdom, the Sscr.xv.
prefent which it was ufual to make, as a mark of acknowledgement of ^^•"'''^t°"'
* . •^ tyrant or A-
the high power of the king of Azcapozalco, was lent to him by the c'oihuacan.
king of Mexico. This prefent, which confifted of three balkets of
white-fiHi, craw -fi{h, frogs, and fome pulfe, was carried by refpedtable
perfons from the court of Chimalpopoca, with a polite addrefs, and
particular expreffions of fubmiflion and refpeift. Maxtlaton iliewed
himfelf pleafed ; but as it was proper, according to thecuftomof thofe
nations, to return fome gift, and being defirous, at the fame time, of
gratifying his pique, after conf lilting with his confidents, he caufed to be
delivered to the Mexican ambaiTadors for their king a Cuciti, that is
a woman's gown, and a HitcpUU, which is a woman's fhift, intimat-
ing by thefe that he efteemed their king an effeminate coward : an in-
fult the moft grofs to thole nations, as nothing was fo much in eftima-
tion with them as the boaft of being courageous. Chimalpopoca felt
fufficiently on the occafion, and would have revenged the outrage ; but
he was unable.
This difdainful adi was foon fucceeded by a moft heinous offence to
his honour. The tyrant knew that among the wives of the king of
Mexico, there was one Angularly beautiful : being inflamed by this oc-
cafion with wicked defires, he determined to facrifice both honour
andjuftice to his pafììon. To obtain his purpofe he employed fome
ladies of Tepaneca, and enjoined them when they vifited, as they were
accuftomed to do, that Mexican lady, to invite her to fpend fome days
of
ICO
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK III. of pleafure with them at Azcapozalco. Such vifits being frequent
among perfons of the firft rank, of different nations, it was not diffi-
cult for the abandoned prince to gain the opportunity he fo much longed
for, to fatisfy his criminal paffion j neither the tears nor efforts made
by that virtuous Mexican in defence of her honour, were fufhcient to
reftrain him : flie returned to Mexico with ignominy, and pierced with
the mofr affefting anguifh to mourn with her hulbani. Tlie unfortu-
nate king, either that he might not furvive his diflionour, or that he
might not die in the hands of the tyrant, refolved to put an end to
his wretched life, by dying a facrifice in honour of his God, Huit-
zilopochtli, as many pretended heroes of his nation had do ■■::, believ-
ing fuch a death would cancel his difhonour, at leaft fave iiiui from
fome ignominious exit, which he dreaded from his enemy. He com-
municated this refolution to his courtiers, who applauded it, fiom
the extravagant ideas they entertained in matters of religion, and Ibme
of them even were willing to partake of the glory of fo barbarous a
facrifice.
The day appointed for this religious tragic fcene being come, the
king appeared drefled in the manner they ufually reprefented their God
Huitzilopochtli, and all thofe who were to accompany him were drefTed
alio in their befi: habits. This religious ceremony began with a fo-
lemn ball ; and while it lafled the priefts facrificed the unhappy vic-
tims one after another, referving the king to the laft. It was hardly
pofTible fuch a tranfadlion could remain unknown to the tyrant; he
knew it by anticipation, and that he might prevent his enemy efcaping
from his revenge by voluntary death, he lent a body of troops to take
him before he was facrificed. They arrived when there hardly re-
mained two vidlims, after whom the king himfelf was to follow. This
unhappy prince was feized by the Tepanecas, and conducted inflantly
to Azcapozalco, where he was put into a ftrong cage of wood, which
was the prifon ufcd by thefe nations, as we fhall mention hereafter, un-
der cuflody of firong guards. In this event many circumftances appear
difhcult to be credited : but we relate it as we find it told by the hifi:o-
rians of Mexico. It is certainly much to be wondered at, that the
Tepanecas fliould have dared to enter into that city and attempt fo dan-
gerous an ad; and that the Mexicans f}-»ould not have armed them-
felves
Sect. XVI
Imprifon-
ment and
death of kin
Chimalpo-
poca.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
»5»
felves in defence of their king ; but the power of the tyrant niay have, BOOK in,
of itfelf, been fufiicient to encourage the Tepanecas and intimidate ' '
the Mexicans.
The taking of Chimalpopoca prifoner, excited frefli defire in the
mind of Maxtlaton to get the prince Nezahualcojotl alfo into his
power ; to effed this more eafily he fent for him under pretence of
being willing to come to an agreement with him, refpedting the crown
of Acolhuacan . The difcerning prince immediately penetrated the ma-
levolent intention of the tyrant ; but the ardour of youth, the courage
and confidence of his foul, made him prefent himfelf intrepidly before
the fterneft dangers. In pafling through Tlatelolco, he payed a vifit to
one of his confidents, named Chicbincatl, by whom he was informed,
that the tyrant was not only plotting againft his life and the king of
Tlatelolco, but, were it poffible, defired to annihilate the whole Acol-
huan nation. Notwithftanding this, in the evening the prince fet out
fearlefs for Azcapozalco, and went diredlly to the houfe of one of his
friends. Early in the morning he waited on Chachaton, a great favou-
rite of the tyrant, and by whom the prince himfelf was beloved, and
recommended to him to difiliade Maxtlaton from any defign againft his
perfon. They went together to the palace ; when Chachaton preceded
to acquaint his lord of the arrival of the prince, and to fpeak in hi*
favour. The prince entered after, and when he had paid his obeifance,
thus fpoke : " I know, my lord, that you have imprifoncd the king of
" Mexico, but I am ignorant whether you have made him fufferdeatli,
" or if he dill lives in prifon. I have heard, alfo, that it is your wifli
" to take away my life. If this is true, behold me before you ; kill mc
" with your own hands, and gratify the malice which you bear to a
" prince not lefs innocent than unfortunate." While he fpoke thefc
words, the memory of his misfortunes forced tears from his eyes.
" What is your opinion ?" faid Maxtlaton, then to his favourite, " Is it
" not ftrange that a youth, who has hardly begun to enjoy life, fliould
•* feek death fo daringly ?" Turning to the prince, he afTured him, that
he was forming no defign againft his life, that the king of Mexico wa?
not dead, nor would be put to death by him ; and endeavoured to juf-
tify the imprifonmcnt of that unfortunate king. He tiicn gave orders
that the prince Ihould be properly entertained.
I Chimal-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Chimalpopoca being acquainted of the arrival of the prince who was
his coufin, at court, fent to requeft a vilit from him in prifon. The
prince having firft obtained the permiiTion of M.ixtlaton, went to him,
and upon his entering the prifon, embraced him, and both of them
flievved much tendernefs in their looks and expreffions. Chimalpopoca
related to him the feries of infuhs and wrongs which he had fuftered,
and convinced him of the malevolent defigns of the tyrant againft them
both, and entreated him not to return again to the court ; as their cruel
enemy would infallibly contrive his death, and the Acolhuan nation
would be utterly abandoned. At laft he faid, . " x^s my death is inevit-
" able, I befeech you moft earneflly take care of my poor Mexicans, be
" to them a true friend and father. In token of the iove which I bear
*' you, accept of this pendant which I had from my brother Huitzili-
*' huitl;" upon which he took a pendant of gold from his lip, and
prefented it with ear-rings and fome other jewels which he had preferved
in prifon ; and to a fervant of the prince he gave a few other things.
They then affetìionately took leave of each other, that they might not
excite fufpicion by a longer conference. Nezahualcojotl, uling the
advice which was given him, left the court without delay, and ne-
ver after prefented himfelf before the tyrant. He went to Tlatelolco,
where he took a veffel with good rowers, and got fpeedily to Tezcuco.
Chimalpopoca remained in comfortlefs folitude brooding over his
misfortunes. Imprifonment became daily more infupportable to him ;
he had not the fmalleil hope of recovering his liberty, nor of being of
any fervice to his nation daring the little time he had to live. " If at
" laft," he faid, "lam to die here, will it not be preferable, and more
" glorious to die by my own than by the hands of a cruel and perfidious
" tyrant ? If I can have no other revenge, I Ihall at lejft deprive him of
" the pleafure which he would take in appointing the time and mode
*' of death which muft finilh my unhappy days. I fliall be the difpofer
" of my own life, chufe the time and manner of my death, as it will
" be attended with fo much the lefs ignominy, the Icls the will of my
" enemy ihall influence and direft it (a-)." In this refolution, which
was entirely conformable to the ideas of thofe nations, he hanged him-
^.r) Tlicfc i^ft worus of Chimalpopocn, handed down by the hillorians of INIexico, were
^lou'ii from the dcpofitions of the guards who furroundcd the cage or piifon.
felf
HISTORY OF M E X 1 C O. 15-3
felf upon a fmall beam of the cage or prifon, making uie, moft proba- BOOK II i^
bly, of his girdle for that purpofe.
Thus tragic an end had the unfortunate life of tlie third king of
Mexico. W'e have no more particular accounts of his character, or the
j>rogrcfs the nation made during his reign, which lafted about thirteeji
years, being concluded in 1423, about a year after the death of Tezo-
zomoc. We know only that in the eleventh year of his reign, he or-
dered a great Hondo be brought to Mexico, to lerve as an altar for the
ordinary lacrifice of jYiifoners, and a larger round one, for gladiatoria!)
facrifices, of which we fliall fpeak hereafter. In the fourth painting of
Mendoza's colledllon, are reprefented the different vidories which the
Mexicans obtained during the reign of Chimalpopoca, the cities of
Chalco, and Tequizquiac, and the naval engagement which they had
with the Chalchefe, with tlie lofs of their people, and the velfels over-
fet by the enemy. The interpreter of that colleftion adds, that Chi-
malpopoca left many children whom he had by his concubines.
As foon as Maxtlaton knew of the death of his noble prilbner, he Sect. xvf.
rofc in wrath at the didippointment of his projedls; and left: that Ne- ment'and
zahualcojotl might alfo elude his revenge, he determined to anticipate '^eathofChi.
death to him by whatever means he could, which he would have done
before, could he have accompliflied it in the manner enjoined by his fa-
ther, or had he not been intimidated, as fome hiflorians affirm, by cer-
tain auguries of the priefts ; but his paffion now furmounted all re-
ftraints of religion; he ordered four of his moll able captains to go in
qucft: of the prince, and take his life, without remilhon, wherever they
Ihould find him. The Tepanecan captains fet out with a fmall party
onlv, that rumour might not prevent their coming up with their fpoil,
and proceeded diredlly to Tezcuco, where, as they arrived, Nezahual-
cojotl was diverting himfelf at foot-ball with one of his familiars,
named Ocelotl. Wherever the prince went to gain adherents to his par-
ty, he fpent great part of his time at balls, games, and other amufe-
ments, that the governors of thofe places, who watched his condud:
by order of the tyrant, and obferved all his ft:eps, feeing him taken up
with paftimes, might be perfuaded that he had dropt all thoughts of the
crown, and gradually ncgleft to attend to him. By thefe means he
caiTied on his negociations without creating the Higlitcft fufpicion. On
Vol. I. X thi.s
154- HISTORYOF M E X I C O.
BOOK III. this occafion, before the captains entered his houfe, he knew that they
' — ■"" — ' were Teoanecas, and that they came armed : this made him apprehend
what they might intend, upon which he left off play, and retired to his
innermoft apartment. Being informed, afterwards, by his porter,
tliat the Tepanecas enquired for him, he ordered Ocelotl to receive
them, and to acquaint them that he would attend them as foon as they
had repofed and refrefhed themfelves. The Tepanecas did not ima-
gine that by delaying they would lofe the opportunity of ftriking their
blow, and poffibly alfo durft not execute their commifllon, as they
were uncertain whether there were not attendants in the houfe fufficient to
oppofe them ; after fome repofe, therefore, they fat down to table, and
while they were i-efre(liing, the prince fled by a fecret door, and travelled
fomething more than a mile to Coatitlan, a fmall fettlement of weavers,.
the people of which were all faithful and affedlionate to him, and "there-
concealed himiJdffyJ. The Tepanecas having waited a confiderable
lime without the prince or his domelHc making their appearance,,
they fearched over the whole houfe, but no perfon could give any ac-
count of him. At length being perfuaded of his flight, they fet out
inftantly in fearch of him, and being informed by a countryman, in the
road to Coatitlan, that he had taken refuge in tliat place, they entered
there with their arms in their hands, threatening the inhabitants with
death if they did not difcover the fugitive prince ; but no perfon was
found v/ho would make this difcovery ; and fo uncommon was their
example of fidelity, fome were put to death for the refufal. Amongfl;
thofe who made facrifices of their lives to preferve their prince, were
'^tochmraitzin the fuperintendant of all the looms of Coatitlan, and Mat-
lalintzin, a woman of noble rank. The Tepanecas not being able, not-
withfl:anding the utmoft diligence in their fearch, and the cruelty they
exercifed againfl: the inhabitants, to find out the prince, went in quefl
of him through the country. Nezahualcojotl let out alfo another way,
and took a directly contrary route to his advtrfaries ; but as they fought
{y) T«rquemada lays the prince went out of his hovife by a kind of labyrinth, through'
which no perfon unacquainted with it could find his way. The prince and fome of his moft
particular confidants only knew the fecret of it. It is not at all incredible that he fliould have
deligned fuch amaze, as his genius was fupcrior and himfelf dillinguiflied above all his coun-
trymen, in talents and penetration.
for
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
^5S
for him every where, he was in great hazard of falling into tiicir hands, BOOK ill.
liad he not been hid by fome countrymen, under a heap of the herb
chia, which was lying upon athrelhing floor.
The prince finding himfelf lafe from this danger, went to pafs the
night at Tezcotzinco, apleaiant villa formed by his ancellors for recre-
ation. There he was v/aited for by fix lords, who had left their ftates,
and were traverfin;^ through the different cities of the kingdom. There Sbct. xvii.
they held a fccret counfel that night, and refolved to folicit the afllf- of'^NezahuaU
tance of the Chalchefe, althoueh they had been accomplices in the «^ojof'toob-
. , , 'a'" tile
death of king Ixtlilixochitl. The next morning early, he proceeded to crown.
Matlallan and other places, intiinating to thofe of his party to be
prepared with arms by the time of his return. Two days were em-
ployed in thefe negociations, and on the evening of the fecond he was
met at Apan by the ambalTadors of the Cholulans, who offered to affili
him in war againft the tyrant. Here he was joined alfo by two lords
of his party, who communicated to him the unfortunate intelligence of
the deatii of his favourite Huitzilihuitl, who was put to tiie torture by
the tyrant, that he might reveal fome fecrets ; but being too loyal
to his mafter to difcovcr them, he died a martyr to his fidelity. Full
of this difguft he paffed from Apan to Huexotzinco, the lord of
which was his relation, and received him with infinite affection and
kindnefs, and promifcd to affiff him alfo with all his forces. From
thence he went to Tlafcala, where he was moft nobly treated, and
in that city the time and place was agreed upon at which the troops of
Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Tlafcala were to be affembled. When he
departed from this lall city to go to Capollalpan, a place fituated about
half way between Tlafcala and Tezcuco, fo many nobles accompanied
him, he appeared more like a king who was going to take pleafure with
his court, than a fugitive prince who was endeavouring to render him-
felf mailer of the crown which was ufurped from him. In Capollal-
pan, he received the anfwer of the Chalchefe, in wiiich they declared
themfelves ready to affifl and ferve their lawful lordagainfl the iniquit-
ous uktrper. It is probable the cruelty and infolencc of the tyrant
alienated many from him ; the Chalcliele, befides, were verj- inconflant
and apt to attach themfelves fometimes to tlie one, and fometimcs to
the other party ; as will appear in the courfe of our hiftory.
X 2 Wliile
ó JI I S T O R Y O F M É X I G Ò.
BOOK lir. While Nezahualcojotl continued roufing the nations to war, the
sì^T^xvui Mexicans finding themfelves without a king, and harrafled by the Tepa-
fou^nhtino- necas, refolved to appoint a chief to their nation, who would be capable
of iMexico" of checking the infolence of the tyrant, and revenging the many wrongs
they had fuffered. Having affembled, therefore, to eled a new king,
a refpeftable veteran thus addreffed the other electors . " By the death
" of your laft king, O noble Mexicans, the light of your eyes has foiled
" you; but you have ftill thofe of reafon left to chufe a fit fucceflbr.
" The nobility of Mexico is not extindt with Chimalpopoca ; his bro-
" thers are ftill remaining, who are moft excellent princes, among
" whom you may chufe a lord to govern you, and a father to proted:
"** you. Imagine that for a little time the fun is eclipfed, and that the
" earth is darkened, but that light will return again with the new king,
"It is of the greateft importance that, without long conferences, we
" eledt a prince who may re-eftablifli the honour of our nation, may
** vindicate the wrongs done to it, and reftore to it its ancient liberty."
They proceeded quickly to the eledlion, and chofe by unanimous con-
fent prince Itzcoatl, brother, by the father's fide, to the two preceding
kings, and natural fon of Acamapitzin by a Have. Whatever the low
condition of his mother took from his claim, the nobility and reputa-
tion of his father, and, ftill more, his own virtues, fupplied; of thefe
he gave many proofs in the pofl of general of the Mexican armies, which
he had filled for more than thirty years. He was allowed to be the
moft prudent, juft, and brave perfon of all the Mexican nation. Being
placed on the Tlatocaicpalii, or royal feat, he was faluted as king by all
the nobles, with loud acclamations. One of their orators then held a
difcourfe on the duties of a fovereign, in which, among other things, he
faid, " All, O great king and lord, all now feel themfelves dependent
** on you. On your fhoulders muft the orphans, the widows, and the
'■' aged be fupported. Will you be capable of laying down and aban-
*' doning this burden ? Will you permit the infants who are yet walking
-' on their four feet, to perifli by the hands of our enemies ? Courage,
" great lord, begin and fpread your mantle that you may carry the poor
" Mexicans on your back, who flatter themfelves they will live fecure
" under the frefb fliade of your benignity." The ceremony being con-
cluded, they celebrated the acceflion of the new monarch, with balls
and
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
dnd public diverfions. Nézahualcojotl and all his party did not give Icfs
applaufe, as no one doubted of the new king being the faithful ally of
the prince his relation ; and hoped to reap great advantages from his fu-
perior military Ikill and bravery; but the elediion was not a little dif-
pleafing to the Tepanecas and their allies, and efpecially to the tyrant.
Itzcoatl, who was zealoufly bent on relieving the dillrelles which
his nation fuftcred from the oppreilive dominion of the Tepanecas, feat
an ambaffador to the prince Nézahualcojotl, to acquaint him of his ex-
altation to the throne, and to give him aliuranccs of his determination
to unite all his forces with the prince againfl the tyrant Maxtlaton.
This embally, which was carried by a grandfon of the king, was receiv-
ed by Nézahualcojotl, after he had depaited from Capollalpan > upon
which he returned congratulations to his coufui, and gratefully accepted
the aid which he promifed.
The whole time which the prince remained in Capollalpan was employ-
ed in preparations for war. When it appeared to him to be time to put
all his defigns in execution, he fet out with his people and the auxiliary
troops of Tlafcala and Huexotzinco, having refolved to take the city of
Tezcuco by aflliult, and punifh its inhabitants for their infidelity to him
during his adverfity. He made a halt with his whole army in fight of
the city, at a place called Oztopolco. There he pafled the night order-
ing his troops, and making the necefliiry difpofitions for the attack, and
in the morning marched towards the city ; but before he reached it, the
inhabitants, from apprehenfions of the fevere chaftifement which
threatened them, came fubmillively to meet him ; to foften his refcnt-
ment they prcfented their aged fick, their pregnant women, and mothers
with infants in their arms, who, in the midfl of tears and other tokens
of diftrefs, thus addreflcd him : " Have pity, O moft merciful prince,
** on thefe your afflided fervants, who tremble for their fate. In what
•* have they offended, who are feeble with age, or thefe poor women
" and thefe helplcfs children? Do not mix in ruin with the guilty
" thofe who had no part in the offences which you would revenge.'"
The prince, who was moved at the fight of fo many objcds of compaf-
fion, immediately granted a pardon to the city ; but at the fame time
detached a party of troops, and commanded their ofHcers to enter it
and put the governor and other fervants who had been ef^ablifhed there
by
raiaa
158 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK III. by the tyrant, and eveiy Tepaneca they fiiould meet with, to death.
Whilil this Tevere punifliment was paflingat Tezcuco, the troops of the
Tlafcalans and Huex-otzincas, which had been detached from the
main army, made a furious attack on the city of Acoiman ; they made
a general flaiighter of all whom they met, until they advanced to the
houfe of the lord of that city, who was a brother of the tyrant ; he
having no forces fufficient to defend himfelf, was flain among the reft
of their enemies. On the fame day the Chalchcfe, who were alfo auxi-
liaries of the prince, fell upon the city of Coatlichan, took it without
oppofition, and put its governor to death, who had taken refuge in the
greater temple ; thus, in one fingle day, the capital and two other con-
fiderable cities of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, were reduced under obe-
dience to the prince.
Sect. XIX. The king of Mexico being acquainted v>^ith the fucceiTes of his cou-
t^^'Momczu- fill, fent another embaffy to congratulate him and confirm their alli-
m-n,-!'^'''""^" ance. He entrufted this embalTy to one of his grandfons, a fon of king
Huitzilihuitl, called Monteiic%07na, or Montezwììa, a youth of great
ftrenpth of body and invincible courage, whofe immortal adions ob-
tained him the name of Tlacaele, or Man of great Heart, and that of
Ilhuìcamìna, or Archer of Heaven ; and to diftinguifli him in the an-
cient paintings, they reprefented over his head, the heavens pierced
with an arrow, as appears in the feventh and eighth pidlures of Men-
doza's Colleftion, and as we fliall fhew among the figures of the kings
of Mexico. This is the fame hero of Mexico, whom Acofta has fo
much celebrated under the name of Tkcaellel, or rather Tobar, from
whom the other took his charadter, although miftaken in many ac-
tions which he attributes to him f%J. The king as well as his grand-
fon, fuv the danger of the enterprize ; as the tyrant, to obftrudl the
progrefs of his rival, and his communication with the Mexicans, had
made himfelf mafter of the roads ; but the king for this neither delayed
to fend the embafly, nor did Montezuma difcover the leaft cowardly
(z) Acofia, or Tobar rather, is not only mifiaken in many anions which he attributes to
this hero, but alfo in regard to his identity ; as he confulers Tlacaelell to be a different perfon
from Montezuma, who was called by two, and even three different names. He alfo makes
Tlacaellcl grandfon of Itzcoatl, and at the fame time uncle of Montezuma : which is evidently
abfurd ; as it is known that Montezuma was fon of Huitzilihuitl, brother of Itzcoatl ; of
courfc lie could not be the g'andfon of the grandfcn of Itzcoatl,
appre-
HISTORY OF MEXICO,
^59
apprehenfions ; on the contrary, that he might execute the orders of BOOK lir.
liis Ibvereign more fpeedily, when he left the king he avoided return- ^
ing to his houfe to equip himfelf with neceffaries for his journey, but
fet out immediately on his way, giving in charge to another noble,
who was to accompany him, the carrying of fuch cloaths as were nc-
cefl'ary to prelent himfelf before the prince.
Having fafely delivered his embaiTy, he took leave of the prince to
return to Mexico, but in the way fell into an ambufcade laid by his
enemies, was taken prifoner with all his attendants, conduvfled to C balco,
and prcfented to Toteotzin, lord of that city, and an inveterate enemy
of the Mexicans. Here he was immediately lliut up in a clofe prifon,
under the care of ^lateotzin, a very refpedlable perfon, who was or-
dered to provide no fuftenance for the prifoners but what his lord pre-
fcribed, until the mode of death was determined, by which their days
were to be concluded. Quateotzin revolting at the inhumanity of fuch
orders, fupplied them liberally at his own expence. But the cruel To-
teotzin, thinking to pay a piece of flattering homage to the Huexot-
zincas, fent his prifoners to them, that, if they judged proper, they
might be facrificed in Huexotzinco with the aiTiflance of the Chalchefc,
or in Chalco with the afllftance of the Huexotzincas. The Huexotzin-
cas, who were always more humane than the Chalchefe, rejefted the
propoli with difdain. " Why fl:ould we deprive men of their lives
" who have committed no crime, unlefs that of adling as faitliful mef-
" fengers to their lord ; and if they merited to die, we can deri\'e no
" honour from putting prifoners to death which do not belong to us.
*' Return in peace, and inform your lord that the nobility of Huexot-
" zinco will not render themfelves infainous by adls fo unworthy of
«.* them."
The Chalchefe returned with tlie prifoners and this anfwer to To-
teotzin, who being determined to procure himfelf friends by means of
his prifoners, gave information of them to Maxtlaton ; leaving it to
him to decide their fate, and trufting, by this refpedlful adulation, to
calm the anger and indignation which his treachery and inconftancy in
abandoning the party of the Tcpanecas, for the prince NezahualcojotI,
muft have excited in the tyrant. Wliile he waited the anfwer of Maxt-
laton, he ordered the prifoners to be Ihut up again in the fime prifon,
\ and
i6o H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
15O0KIH. and under cullody of the fame Quateotzin. He compaflionating the
delliny of a youth fo ilkiftrious and brave, in the evening preceding the
day on which the anfvv'er from Azcapozalco was expected, called one
of his fervants to him, whole fidelity he could trull, and ordered him
to fet the prilbners at liberty that evening, and to acquaint Montezuma
from him, that he had come to the relblution of laving his life, al-
though at tlie vifible rifle of lofmg his own ; that if he Ihould die for
it, which he had reafon to fear would be his fate, Montezuma, he hoped,
would not fail to fliew his gratitude, by protecling the children whom
he left behind him ; laftly, he advifed him not to return by land to
iVIexico, otherwife he would again be taken by the guards which were
polled in the way, but to go through Iztapallocan to Chimalhuacan,
a-iid from thence to embark for his own city.
The faithful fervant executed the order, and Montezuma followed the
advice of Quateotzin. They went out of prifon that night, and cau-
tioully took the road to Chimalhuacan, where they remained concealed
all the next day, living on raw vegetables for want of other food ; at
night they embarked, and tranfported themfelves fwiftly to Mexico,
where, as it was fuppofed, they had already met with death from the
enemy, they wei'e received with lingular welcome and joy.
As foon as the barbarous Toteotzin was informed that the prifoners
were efcaped, he was tranfported with paffion, and as he did not in
the leali doubt that Quateotzin had been the author of their liberty,
he ordered inflant death to him, and his body to be quartered ; Iparing
neither his wife nor even his children ; only one fon and one daugh-
ter were faved. She took ilielter in Mexico, where fhe was greatly
rsfpedled on account of her father, who, by the generous forfeiture
of his life, had rendered fo important a fervice to the Mexican na-
tion.
Toteotzin experienced another galling difappointment from the an-
fwer of Maxtlaton. He being enraged againll the Chalchefe for the
afliflance they gave to Nezahualcojotl, and the flaughter they commit-
ted in Coatlichan^ fent a fevere reprimand to Toteotzin, calling liim a
Rouble-minded traitor, and ordering him to (et the prifoners at liberty
■without delay. Such returns mufl perfidious flatterers expedl. Maxt-
Jaton .did iiot adopt this refolution with intent to favour the Mexicans
whom
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
whom he hated in the utmoft degree, but folely to ftiew his contempt
for the homage of Toteotzin, and to thwart his incUnation. So far
was he from a wilh to fivour the Mexican nation, that he was never
fo much bent on efFedting their ruin as at this time, and had already
coUedted troops to pour a decifive blow on Mexico, that from thence
he might proceed to regain all that Nezahualcojotl had taken from
him. This prince knowing fuch defigns of Maxtlaton, went to Mexi-
co to confult with its prudent king on the condud: of the war, and
the meafures that Ihould be taken to bafile the intentions of the tyrant,
and agreed to unite the Tezcucan troops, with thofe of Mexico, in de-
fence of that city, on the fortune of which the fuccefs of the war
feemed to depend.
The rumour of the approaching war fpread infinite confternation
among the Mexican populace ; conceiving themfclvcs incapable of re-
fifting the power of the Tepanccas, whom they had till now acknow-
ledged their fiiperiors, they went in crouds to the king, diffuading him
with tears aiid intreaties from undertaking fo dangerous a war, which
would infallibly occafion the downfal of their city and nation. " What
" can be done then," fiid the king, " to free us from thefe impending
" calamities." " Demand peace," replied the populace, " from the
" king of Azcapozalco, and make offers of fervice to him ; and to
" move him to clemency, let our god be borne on the flioulders of the
" priefls into his preience." So great was their clamour, accompanied
with threats, that the prudent king who feared a fcdition amongil the
people which might prove more fatal in its confcquences than the
war ^^•ith the enemy, was obliged, contrary to his wiflies, to yield to
their requeft. Montezuma who was prefcnt, and could not bear that
a nation, which boaflcd fo much of its honour, fliould purfue fo ig-
noble a courfe, fpoke thus to the people. '• O ye Mexicans, what
" would ye do ? Have ye loit all judgment ? How has fuch cowardice
" (tole into yoiir hearts ? Have you forgot poffibly that you are Mexicans^
*' and defcendants of thofe heroes who founded this city, and of thofe
•' brave men who have protcfted it in fpite of all our enemies ? Change
" your opinions then, or renounce the glory you inherit from your an-
" cellors." Turning afterwards to the king ; " How, fir, will you pcr-
*' mit fuch ignominy to ftain the character of your people ? Speak to
Vol. I. ' Y " them
i6i
BOOK iir.
i62 II I S T O R y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK in. " them again, and tell them, that there is another ftep to be taken
" before we fo weakly and difhonourably put ourielves into the hands
" of our enemies."
The king, who wiflied for nothing more ardently, addreflèd the po-
pulace, recommending the counfel of Montezuma, which was at laft
favourably received. The king, then addrefling the nobility, faid,
" Which of ye, who are the flower of the nation, will be fearlefs
" enough to carry an embafly to the lord of the Tepanecas ?" They
all looked at each other, but no one durft offer to encounter the dan-
ger; until Montezuma, whom youthful intrepidity infpired, prefented
himfelf, faying, " I will carry the embaffy; as death muft one time
" or other be met with, it is of little moment whether to-day or to-
" morrow; no better opportunity can prefent itfelf of dying with ho-
*' nour than the facrificing my life for the welfare of my nation ? Be-
" hold me, fir, ready to execute your commands : order, and I obey."
The king, much pleafed with his courage, ordered him to go and pro-
pofe peace to the tyrant, but to accept of no diflionourable conditions.
The valiant youth fet out inftantly, and meeting with the Tepanecan
guards, perfuaded them to let him pafs with an embaffy of the utmoft
importance to their lord. Having prefented himfelf before the tyrant,
in the name of his king and his nation, he demanded peace on ho-
nourable terms. The tyrant ar.fwered, that it was neceffary to deli-
berate with his counfellors, but on the day following he would return
a decifive anfwer, Montezuma having afked him for proteóìion and
fecurity during his flay, could obtain no other than his own caution
might procure him ; upon which he went back immediately to Mexi-
co, promifing to return the day after. The little confidence he had
in that court, and the fhortnefs of the journey, which did not exceed
four miles, muft unqueftionably have been his motive for not flaying
for the final anfwer of the tyrant. He returned, therefore, to Azca-
pozalco the next day as he had promifed, and having heard from the
mouth of Maxtlaton his refolution for war, he performed the ceremo-
nies commonly pradiifed by two lords who challenge each other,
namely, prefenting certain defenfive arms to him, anointing his head,
and fixing feathers upon it in the fame manner as is done with dead
perfons ; and laflly, protefling in the name of his king, that as he
would
H r S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 163
would not accept the peace which was offered to him, he, and all the BOOK ill.
Tepanecas would inevitably be ruined. The tyrant, without manifcii;- * " — ^
ing any difpleafure at fuch ceremonies, or at the threats ufed to him.
gave Montezuma alio arms to prefent to the king of Mexico, and di-
redled him, for the fecurity of his perfon, to return in difguife througli
a fmall outlet from his palace. He would not have obfer\'ed fo ftridly
at this time the rights of nations, if he could have forefeen that this
ambaffador, of whofe life he was fo careful, was to prove the chief in-
flrument of his downfal. Montezuma profited by his advice ; but as
foon as he faw himfelf out of danger he began to infult the guards,
reproaching them for their negligence, and threatening them with their
fpeedy deftrudlion. The guards ruflied violently upon him to kill him;
but he fo bravely defended^himlelf, that he killed one or two of them,
and on the approach of others he retreated precipitately to Mexico,
bearing the news that war was declared, and that the chiefs of the two
nations had challenged each other.
With this intelligence the populace were again thrown into confter- Sect. XXT.
nation, and repaired to the king to requefl his permiflion to abandon ^^^ agamft
their city ; believing their ruin was certain. The king comforted and
encouraged them with hopes of viólory. " But if we arc conquered,"
faid the populace, " what will become of us ?" " If that happens,"
anfwered the king, " we are that moment bound to deliver ourfelves
*' into your hands to be made facrifices at your pleafure." " £0 be it,"
replied the populace, " if we are conquered : but if we obtain the vic-
" tory, we, and our defcendants are bound to be tributary to you, to
** cultivate your lands, and thofe of the nobles, to build your houfes,
•" aad to carry for you, when you go to war, your arms and your bag-
** gage." This contradl being made between the nobles and the peo-
ple, and the command of the Mexican troops being given to the brave
Montezuma, the king conveyed fpeedy advice to Nezahualcojotl, to
repair witli his army immediately to Mexico, which he did a day be-
fore the battle.
It cannot be doubted, that the Mexicans had before this time con-
ftrudted the roads which ferved for a more eafy communication to tlie
city with the continent ; as otherwife the movement and Ikirmilhes of
the two armies are not to be comprehended : we know from hirtor}-,
Y 2 that
104 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK III. that fuch roads were interfeiled by ditches, with drawbridges over
them, but no hiftorian mentions the time of their conftruftion (a).
It is not a little wonderful, tliat the Mexicans, during a life of ib many
hardfhips, fliould have had the fpirit to undertake and conflancy to ex-
ecute a work of fuch magnitude and difficulty.
The following day, upon the arrival of the prince Nezahualcojotl at
Mexico, the Tepanecan army appeared in the field in great numbers
and brilliancy, being adorned with plates of gold, and wearing beau-
tiful plumes of feathers on their heads, to add to the appearance of
their flature. As they marched they made frequent Ihouts, in boaft-
ful anticipation of vidlory. Their army was commanded by a famous
general called Mazatl. The tyrant Maxtlaton, although he had ac-
cepted the challenge, did not think proper to leave his palace, either
becaufe he believed he would degrade himfelf by going to combat with
the king of Mexico, or, which is more probable, becaufe he dreaded the
event of the war. As foon as the Mexicans were informed of the mo-
tions of the Tepanecas, they went out well ordered to meet them, and
the fignal for engagement being given by king Itzcoatl, by the found
of a little drum which he carried on his fhoulder, the armies attacked
each other with incredible fury, each being firmly perfuaded that the
iflue of the battle would determine their fate. During the greatefl
part of the day it was not to be difcerned to which fide vidlory in-
clined, the Tepanecas lofing in one place what they gained in another.
But a little before the fetting fun, the Mexican populace obfcrving the
enemy continually increafed by new reinforcements, began to be dif-
mayed, and to complain of their chiefs, faying to each other, " What are
*' we about, O Mexicans, fhall we do well in facrificing our lives to
** the ambition of our king and our general ì How much more prudent
'* will it be to furrender ourfelves, humbly acknowledging our raflinefs,
" that we may obtain pardon and the favour of our lives .''"
The king, who heard thefe words with much vexation, and perceived
his troops ftill more difcouraged by them, called a council of the prince
and general, to take their advice what fhould be done to dilTipate the
(a) I believe the Mexicans had before this time conllrufted the roads of Tacuba and Tepey-
acac, but not that of Iztapalljpan, which is larger than thofe, and where the lake is deeper,
fears
Il I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 165
fears of the people. " What?" anfwered Montezuma; " To fight till BOOK iii,
" death. If we die with our arms in our hands, defending our Uberty,
" we will do our duty. If we furvive our defeat, we will remain covered
" with eternal confulion. Let us go then, let us fight till we die." The
cries of the Mexicans began already to prevail as if they had been con-
quered, fome of them being even fo mean-fpirited as to call out to their
enemies, " O ye brave Tepanecas, lords of the continent, calm your
** indignation ; for now we furrender. Here before your eves we will fa-
" crifice our chiefs, to gain your pardon to our ralhnefs which tiicir am-
" bition has occafioned." The king, the prince, the general, and nobles,
were fo enraged at thefe fpeeches, that they would inflantly have pu-
niflied the cowards with death, had not the fear of giving vi*5torv to
the enemy reftrained them. Diflembling their difpleafure, they exclaim-
ed with one voice, " Let us die with glory," and rullied with fuch vi-
gour upon the enemy, that they repulled them from a ditch \\hicli they
had gained, and made them retreat. Seeing this advantage, the king
began to encourage his people, and the prince and general continued
to perform fignal afts of bravery. In the utmofl heat of the engage-
ment Montezuma encountered with the Tepanecan general, as he was
advancing full of pride from the terror his troops Ihuck to the Mexi-
cans, and gave him fo furious a blow on the head, that he fell down
lifelefs at his feet. The report of the vidlory fprcad immediately through
the whole field, and infpired the Mexicans with frefli courage : but
the Tepanecas were fo difconcerted by the death of their brave general
Mazatl, that they foon went into confufion. Night coming on pre-
vented the Mexicans from purfuing their fuccefs : upon which both
the armies withdrew to their cities, the Mexicans full of courage, and
impatient at not being able, froni the darknefs of the night, to complete
their vi<ftory ; the Tepanecas downcaft and dejedied, though not alto-
gether void of hope to be revenged the following day.
Maxtlaton, afflióted at the death of his general, and the defeat of his
troops, pafled that night the laft of his life, in encouraging his cap-
tains, and reprefenting to them on the one hand the glory of triumph-
ing over their enemies, and on the other the misfortunes which mull
enfue if they were vanquilhed ; as the Mexicans, who had liitherto
been
i66 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK III. been tributaiy to the Tepanecas, if they remained vidtors, would com-
'^^"-''r--^ pel the Tepanecas to pay a tribute to them {/>).
Sect. xxri. The day at length arrived which was to decide the fate of three kings,
Conquea of Both armies took the field, and began battle with uncommon fury,
A.ZC3DOZ31
CO, and death which continued with much fiercenefs and heat till mid -day. The
rant m'^ r Mcxicans being; emboldened from the advantages obtained the pre-
kton, ceding day, as well as from a firm belief which pofTelTed them of
coming off viftorious, made fuch havock of the enemy, that they
flrewed the field with dead bodies, defeated them, put them to flight,
and purfued them into the city of Azcapozalco, fpreading death and
terror in every quarter. The Tepanecas, perceiving that even in their
houfes they could not efcape from the fury of the vidlors, fled to the
mountains, which lie from ten to twelve miles difl:ance from Azcapo-
zalco. The proud Maxtlaton, who, until that day, had looked with
contempt upon his enemies, and conceived himfelf fuperior to all
flrokes of fortune, feeing the Mexicans had entered his court, and
hearing the cries of the vanquiflied, unable to make any refifl:ance, and
fearing to be overtaken if he attempted to fly, hid himfelf in a tema%~
calli, or ciftus ; but as the conquerors fought for him every where,
they at laft found him ; no prayers nor tears with which he implored
their mercy could prevail ; they beat him to death with flicks and
ftones, and threw his body out into the fields to feed the birds of prey.
Such was the tragic end of Maxtlaton before he had completed three
years of his tyranny. Thus did they put a flop to his injuflice, his
cruelty, his ambition, and treachery, and the heavy wrongs done by
him to the lawful heir of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, to his brother
Tajatzin, and to the kings of Mexico. His memory is odious and
execrable among the annals of thofe nations.
This memorable event which totally altered the fyflem of thofe
kingdoms, fignalized the year 1425, of the vulgar era, precifely one
century after the foundation of Mexico.
(J)) From thefe cxpreffions of the tj'rant it is to be inferred, that when he made himfelf
matter of the crown of Azcapozalco, by the aflaffination of his brother Tajatzin, he refumed
the impofition of that tribute on the Mexicans, which had been remitted them by his father
TezozoHioc, I
The
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 167
The next night the vidiors were employed in facking the city, in Booiciii.
deflroying the houfes, and burning the temples, leaving that once fo ^— x" ■*
celebrated court in a fiate of defolation not to be repaired in many years.
While the Mexicans and Acolhuas were gathering the fruits of their
viftory, the detachment of Tlafcalans and Huexotzencas took the an-
cient court of Tenajuca by affault, and the day after joined the army
to take the city of Cuetlachtepec.
The fugitive Tepanecas, finding themfelves reduced to the utmoll
diftrefs in the mountains, and afraid of being perfecuted even there by
the vidtors, at lalt thought of furrendering themfelves and imploring
mercy ; and that they might be more certain of obtaining it, fent off
an illuftrious perfonage, in company with other nobles of the Tepane-
can nation, to the king of Mexico, This ambafiador humbly demand-
ed pardon of the king in the name of his countrymen, offered obedi-
ence to him, and promifed that all the Tepanecas would acknowledge
him as their lawful lord, and would ferve him as vaffals. He congra-
tulated them on their good fortune in the midft of the terrible fhock
which their nation had fuffered of being fubjedled to fo amiable a prince,
who was endued with fo many excellent qualities, and at lafl conclud-
ed his addrefs with an earneft prayer, that they might be granted the
favour of life, and liberty to return to their habitations. Itzcoatl re-
ceived them with the utmofl: complacency, granted them all they aflced,
profeffed himfelf ready to receive them, not only as his fubjedts but as
his children, and to difcharge all the offices of a true father to them ;
but at the fame time threatened them witli total extirpation if they vio-
lated the fidelity which they fwore to him. Their demand being
granted, the fugitives returned to rebuild their habitations and attend to
their families ; and from that time continued always fubjedl to the king
of Mexico, affording in their difafter another example of thofe changes
and viciffitude common to all human affairs. But tlie whole of the
Tepanecan nation was not reduced under obedience to the conqueror :
Cojohuacan, .1 confiderable ffate and city of that people, continued for
fome time rthadory in their condudl as will afterwards appear.
The king iczcoatl, after this famous conqueft, ordered a ratification
of the compudl entered into between the nobility and the populace ;
by which the laft were bound to perpetual ferviccs, which they ren-
dered
i68 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK lir. dered regularly in future ; but thofe who by their clamours and com--
plaints had been the caufe of difcouraging others during battle, were
difmemberea from the body of the nation and the ftate of Mexico,
and baniflied for their meannefs and cowardice for ever. To Monte-
zuma, and others, who had diftinguiflied themfelves in the war, he
gave a part of the conquered lands, and afligned a portion alfo to the
priefts for their fupport j and after having given proper orders for the
fecurity and eftablifhment of his dominion, he returned with his army
to Mexico, to celebrate the fuccefs of his arms with public rejoicings,
and to offer thanks to the gods for their fuppofed proted:ion.
BOOK
[ ^69 ]
BOOK IV,
Rc-(Jìabìijhment of the Royal Family of the Chechemecas upon the Throiu
of Acolhuacan. Foundation of the Monarchy of 'Macuba. The Triple
Alliance of the Kings of Mexico, Acolhuacan, and Tacuba. Conquejh
and Death of King Itzcoatl. Cof^quejis and Events of the Mexicans
under their Kings A'lontezuma I. and Axajacatl. War between the
Mexicans and TLitelolcas. Ccnqucji of Tlateloko^ and Death of the
King Moquihuix. Government , Death, and Euhgiiim of Nezahtial-
cojotl, and AcceJJion of his Son Nezahualpilli.
AS loon as Itzcoatl found himfelf firm upon his throne, and in BOOK IV.
quiet pollcllion of Azcapozalco, that he might make a return Sect. I.
to the prince Nezahualcoiotl for the afliftance he eave in the defence Rc-eikbiidi-
^^ ■ ° _ incnt of the
of Mexico, and the conquell of the Tepanecas, he determined to aid royal family
him in perfon in the recovery of the kingdom of Acolhuacan. If the "hcmccasnu
king of xMexico had been willing to lillen to ambition rather than the the throne of
calls of honour and juftice, he would not have failed to find pre-
tences to make himfelf maflcr alio of that kingdom. Chimalpopoca
had been put in pollofììon of Tezcuco, by the tyrant Tczozomoc, and
had commanded as lord of that court. Itzcoatl, who had entered into
all the rights of his predecclfor, might well have confidered tliat ftate
to have been incorporated for feme years paft with the crown of Mexi-
co. On the other hand he had lawfully acquired Azcapozalco, and
fubjckfled the Tepanecas, and appeared to have a title to all the riglits of
the conquered} which were thought to have been futliciently eiiablilh-
cJ by twelve years poiTclTion, and the general acquiefcence of the peo-
ple. But availing himfelf of no fuch pretences, he finceroly defired to
place Nez.diualcojotl on the throne which by lawful fucceirion was due
to him, and which he liad been deprived of for fo many years by the
«furpation of the Tepanecas.
V^oL. I. Z After
HISTORY OF MEXICO,
After the defeat of the Tepanecas there were feveral cities in the
kingdom which were unwiUing to fubmit to the prince, from appre-
henfions of the chaftifement they merited. Huexotla was one of this
number, in the neighbourhood of Tczcuco, the lord of which, tìuetzìia-
hiiatl{a), continued obflinately rebelhous. The confederate troops
left Mexico, and directing their courfe through the plains, which at
prefent go by the name of Santa Marta, made a halt in Chimalhuacan,
from whence the king and prince fent an offer of pardon to thofe citi-
zens if they would furrender, and threatening to fet fire to their city if
they perfifled in rebellion ; but the rebels, inftead of accepting the terms
offered them, went out in order of battle againft the royal army. The
contiidl was not lalling ; the lord of that city being taken by the invin-
cible Montezuma, the rebel force was put to flight, and afterwards
came humbly to afk pardon, prefenting according to cuftom, their
pregnant women, their children, and old people to the conqueror, to
move him to mercy. At length the way to the throne of Acolhuacaii
being laid open, and the prince being placed there, the auxiliary troops
of Huexotzinco and Tlafcala were difmilTed with many marks of gra-
titude and a confiderable fhare of the plunder of Axcapozalco.
Sect. II. From thence the army of the Mexicans and Acolhuas moved againft
Conqueft ot ^|^g rebels of Coiohuacan, Atlacuihuaian, and Huitzilipochco. The
Cojolniacan _ -^ _ •' ^
and other Cojoacanefe had endeavoured to excite all the other Tepanecas to fhake
off the Mexican yoke. The above mentioned cities, and fome neigh-
bouring places, had complied with their folicitations ; but others, inti-
midated by the defbrudtion of Azcapozalco, were afraid of expollng
themfelves to new dangers. Before they declared their rebellion they
began to ill-treat the Mexican women who went to their market, and
alfo any of the men who happened occafionally to call at that city.
Upon this Itzcoatl ordered that no Mexican fhould go to Cojohuacan
until the infolence of thefe rebels was properly punillied. Having fi-
nifhed the expedition to Huexotla, he went againfl them. In the three
firfl battles which were fought, he gained fcarcely any other advantage
than making them retreat a little j but in the fourth whillf the two ar-
mies were fiercely engaged, Montezuma with a fet of brave troops which
(fl) The city of Huexotla had bren given hy Tczozomoc to the king of Tlatelolco, from
whom it is probable, therefore, Mastlaton took it to give to Huitznahuatl.
he
HISTORY O F M E X I C O. 171
he had placed in ambufcade, fell with iuch fury on the rear-giuud of BOOK iv
the rebels that he foon difordered and forced theiii to abandon tlie field
and fly to the city. He purfued them, and obfcrving their intention to
fortify thenifelves in the greater temple, he prevented them by taking
polfelfion of it, and burnt the turret of that findtuary. This blow
threw the rebels into fuch confternation, that, quitting their city, they
fled to the mountains which lie to the fouth of Cojohuacan ; but even
there they were overtaken by the royal troops, and chafed for more than
thirty miles, until they reached a mountain to the fouthward of Quauh-
nahuac, where the fugitives exhauiled with fatigue, and, without any
hopes of efcape, threw down their arms in token offurrender, and de-
livered themfelves up to the mercy of the conquerors.
This vidlory made Itzcoatl mafter of all the ftates of the Tepanecas,
and crowned Montezuma with glory. It is not a little wonderful, fiy
hiflorians, that the greater part of the prifoners taken in that war with
Cojohuacan belonged to Montezuma and three brave Acolhuan officers ;
for all the four, in imitation of the ancient Mexicans in the war againlt
the Xochimilcas, had agreed to cut off a lock of hair from every one
they took, and moft of the prifoners were found with this mark upon
them. Having thus happily doled this expedition, and regulated the
affairs of Cojohuacan, and the other fubjedt cities, both the kings re-
turned to Mexico. It was judged proper by the king Itzcoatl to place one
of the family of their ancient lords over the Tepanecas, that they might
Jive more peaceably and with lefs reludlance under the Mexican yoke.
This dignity he conferred on Totoquihtiatzin, fon of a fon of the tyrant
Tezozomoc. It had not appeared that this prince had taken any part
in the war againft the Mexicans, owing either to fome fecret attachment
which he had to th:m, or his averfion to his uncle Maxtlaton. Itz- Sect. in.
coati fent for him to Mexico, and created him kingof Tlacopan, or ra- Ta°u^b]I,a.>d
ther Tacuba, a confidcrable city of the Tepanecas, and of all the places •I'li^nce of
to the weflward, including alio the country of Mazahuacan; but Cojo- kinss.
liuacan, Azcapozalco, Mixcoac, and other cities of the Tepanecas, re-
mained immediately fubjedl to the king of Mexico. That crown was
given to Totoquihuatzin, on condition of his ferving the king of Mexico
with all his troops whenever required, for which he was to receive a
f7fth part of tlie fpoils v.-hich they Ihould take from the eneniy. Nc-
Z 2 zahualcoiotl
172
BOOK IV
Sect IV.
Judicious re-
gulations of
king Neza-
hualcojotl.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
zahualcojotl likewife was put in poffeffion of the throne of Acolhuacan,
on condition oF his eivin;^ affiftance to the Mexicans in war, for which
he was affigned a third part of the pkmder, after dedudting the fliare of
the king of Tacuba, the other tvvo thirds to be referved for the king of
Mexico, {b) Befides this, both the kings were created honorary electors
of the kings of Mexico ; which honour was limply confined to the rati-
fying the election made by four Mexican nobles, who were the real elec-
tors. The king of Mexico was reciprocally bound to afford fuccour to
each of the two kings wherever occafion demanded. This alliance oi tlie
three kings which remained firm and inviolate for the fpace of a century,
was the caufe of the rapid conquefts which the Mexicans made hereafter.
But this was not the only malferly ilroke in politics of the king Itz-
coati J he munificently rewarded all thofe who had diflinguidied them-
felves in the wars, not paying fo much regard to their birth or the Na-
tions which they occupied, as to the courage which they fhewed and the
fervices they performed. Thus it was the hope of reward animated theni
to the moft heroic enterprifes, being convinced, that the glory and the
advantages to be derived from them would not depend on any accidents
of fortune, but on the merit of their actions themfclves. By fucceed-
ing kings the fame policy was pracftifed with infinite fei'vice to the fl:ate.
Having formed this important alliance Itzcoatl fet out with the king
Nezahualcojotl for Tezcuco, to crown him with his own hand. This
ceremony was performed with all poflible folemnity in 1426. From
thence the king of Mexico returned to his refidence, while the other
beean with the utmoil diligence to make reformations in tlie court of
Tezcuco.
The kingdom of Acolhuacan was not then in fuch good order and
regulation as Techotlala had left it. The dominion of the Tepanecas,
and the revolutions which had happened in the laft twenty years had
changed the government of the people, weakened the force of the laws,
and caufcd a number of their cufhoms to fall into difufe. Nezahual-
cojotl, who, befides the attachment which he had to his nation was
gifted with uncommon prudence, made fuch regulations and changes
(I) Several Hlftovians have believed that the kings of Tezcuco and Tacuba were real elec-
tors, but the contrary appears evident from hiftory ; no occafion ever occurred where they in-
terfered or were prefent at an eledion, as we fliaJl fliew hereatter.
in
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
in the ftate, that in a little time it became more flourilliing than it had
ever been under any of his prcdecellbrs. He g:\ve a new form to the
councils v\hich had been eftablillied by his grandfather. He conferred
offices on perfons the fitteli for them. One council determined caufes
purely civil, in which, among others, five lords who had proved con-
rtantly faithful to him in his adverfity, atVilled. Another council judg-
ed of criminal caufes, at which the two princes his brothers, men of
high i.itegrity, prefided. The council of war was compof d of the
moll dillinguiihcd military charad:ers, among whom Icotihuacan, fon-
in-law to ttie king and alfo one of the thirteen nobles of the kingdom,
had the firfl rank. The treafury-board confided of the king's major-
domos, and the firfl merchants of the court. The principal major-
domos who took charge of the tributes and other parts of the royal
income, were three in number. Societies fimilar to academics were in-
flituted for poetry, ailronomy, mufic, painting, hiftory, and the art of
divination, and he invited the moil celebrated profelfors of his kingdom
to his court, who melon certain days to co amunicate their difcoveries
and inventions ; and for each of thefe arts and fciences, although little
advanced, fchools were appropriated. To accommodate the mechanic
branches, |he divided the city of Tezcuco into thirty odd divilions,
and to every branch afligned adillridl; fo that the goldfmitlis inha-
bited one divifion, the fculptors another, the weavers another, fee.
To cherifh religion he raifed new temples, created miniflers for the
worHiipof their gods, gave them houfes, and appointed them revenues
for their fupport, and the expences which were neceifary at fcllivals and
lacrifices. To augment the fplendor of his court he conftrufted noble
edifices both within and without the city, and planted new gardens and
woods, w hich were in prelervation many years after the conquefl, and
fhew flill fome traces of for.uer magnificence.
While the king of Acolhuacan was occupied in new regulations of Seer, v,
his court, the Xochimilcas, afraid left the Mexicans in future might he Xochimiico^
defirous of makin? themfelves alfo mafters of their ftate, as well as of ofCuiilalm-
the Tepanecas, aflcnibled a council to deliberate on the mealures they ciiks.
iliould take to prevent fuch a difgrace. Some were of opinion they
Ihould voluntarily fubinit thcmfelves to the dominion of the Mexicans,
as at all events in time they would be obliged to fuccumb to tiiat power :
the
174 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IV. the judgment of others however prevailed, who thought it would be
better to declare war againfl them before new conquefts rendered them
more formidable. The king of Mexico no fooner heard of their refo-
lution than he fet out a large army, under com^mand of the celebrated
Montezuma, and fent advice to the king of I'acuba to join with his
troops. The battle was fought on the confines of Xochimilco. AI-
tjiough the number of the Xochimilcas was great, they did not how-
ever engage with fuch good order as the Mexicans, by which means
they were quickly defeated, and retreated to their city. The Mexicans
having purfued them, entered it, and fet fire to the turrets of the tem-
ples and other edifices. The citizens not being able to refifi; their at-
tack, fled to the mountains; but being even there befieged by the Mexi-
cans, they at laft furrendered. Montezuma was received by the Xo-
chimilchan priefls with the mufic of flutes and drums; and the whole
expedition completed in about eleven days. The king of Mexico
went immediately to take pofl!eifion of that city, which, as we have be-
fore mentioned, next to the royal refidence, was the moft confiderable in
the vale of Mexico, where he was acknowledged and proclaimed king,
received the obedience of thefe new fubjedls, and promifed to love them
as a father, and watch in future over their welfare.
The bad fuccefs of the Xochimilcas was not futlicient to intimidate
thofe of Cuitlahuac ; on the contrary, the advantageous fituation of
their city, which was built on a little ifland in the lake of Chalco, en-
couraged them to provoke the Mexicans to war. Itzcoatl was for
pouring upon them with all the forces of Mexico ; but Montezuma
undertook to humble their pride with a fmaller body; for which
purpofe he raifed fonie companies of youths, particularly thofe who
had been bred in the feminaries of Mexico ; and after having exercifed
them in arms, and inftrutìed them in the order and mode which they
were to follow in that war, he prepared a fuitabje number of veflels, and
fet out with this armament againft the Cuitlahuachefe. We are total-
ly ignorant of the particulars of this expedition ; but we know that in
feven days the city was taken and reduced under the obedience of the
king of Mexico, and that the youths returned loaded with fpoils, and
brought with tliem a number of prifoners to be facrificed to the god of
war, We do not know the year either in which this war happened,
nor
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 175
nor the time of that of Quauhnaliuac, but it appears to have been to- cook iv
\vards the end of the reign of Itzcoatl.
The lord of Xiuhtepcc, a city of the country of the Tlahuicas, more
than thirty miles to the Ibuthward of Mexico, had requeued of his
neighbour, the lord of Quauhnahuac, one of his daughters to wife, which
demand was granted. The lord of Tlaltexcal made afterwards the fame
pretenfions, to whom (lie was immediately given, notwithftanding the
promifes made to the firft, either on account of fome offence which he
had done to the father, or fome other reafon of which we are ignorant.
The lord of Xiuhtepec being highly offended at fuch an infult, defired to
be revenged; but being unable for this himfelf, on account of his infe-
riority in forces, he implored the affiftance of the king of Mexico, pro-
miling to be his conflant friend and ally, and to ferve him whenever he
Ihould require it with his perfon and his people. Itzcoatl efteeming the
war juft, and the occafion fit for the extenfion of his dominions, armed
his fubjedls, and called upon thofe of Acolhuacan and Tacuba. So great
an army was certainly necelHiry, the lord of Quauhnahuac being very
powerful, and his city very ftrong, as the Spaniards afterwards experi-
enced when they befieged it. Itzcoatl commanded that the whole ar-
my fhould attack the city at once, the Mexicans by Ocuilla on the
weft: lide, the Tepanecas by Tlatzacapulco on the north, and the Tez-
cucans together with the Xiuhtepechefe by Tlalquitenanco on the eaft:
and fouth. The Quauhnahuachefe truft;ing to the natural ftrength of
the city, were willing to ft:and the attack. The firfl who began it were
the Tepanecas, who were vigoroully repulfed; but all the other troops
immediately advancing, the citizens were forced to furrender and fub-
je(fl themfelves to the king of Mexico, to whom they paid annually,
from that time forward, a tribute in cotton, pepper, and other commo-
dities, which we (liall mention hereafter. By the conqueft: of that large,
pleafant, and ftrong city, which was the capital of the Tlahuicas, a great
part of that country fell under the dominion of the Mexican king ; a
little after to thefe conquefts were added Quantititlan and Toltitlan,
confiderable cities fifteen miles to the northward of Mexico ; but any
other particulars we know not.
In this manner a city, which fome ftiort time before was tributary
to the Tepanecas, and not much efteemed by other nations, in lefs than
I than
Sect. VI.
Montezu-
ma I. fifth
{cinij of
i\Iexlco,
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
twelve years found itfelf enabled to command thofe wl o had ruled over
it and the people v/ho thought themfelves greatly fuperior. Of fuch im-
portance to the profpenty of a nation is the wifdom and bravery of its
chief. At length in the year 1436 of the vulgar era, in a very ad-
vanced age, after a reign full of glory, the great Itzcoatl died : a king
juflly celebrated by the Mexicans for his fingular endowments, and
the unequalled lervices he rendered them. He ferved the nation up-
wards of thirty years as general, and governed thirteen as their fove-
reign. Befides refcuing them from the fubjeftion of the Tepanecas,
extending their dominions, replacing the royal family of the Checheme-
cas on the throne of Acolhuacan, enriching his court with the plunder
of conquered nations, and having laid, in the triple alliance which he
formed, the foundation of their future greatnefs, he added to the noble-
nefs and fplendor of the nation by many new edifices. After the con-
queft of Cuitlahuac he built, among others, a temple to the goddefs
Cihuacoatl, and fome time afterwards another to Huitzilopochtli. His
funeral was attended with unufual pomp and the greateft demonflra-
tions of grief, and his aflies repofed in the fame fepulchre with his an-
ceftors.
The four electors did not long deliberate on the choice of a new king;
there being no furviving brother of the la!:e fovereign, the eledion con-
fequently fell on one of his grandfons ; and no one appeared more de-
ferving than Montezuma Ilhuicamina, fon of Huitzilihuitl, not Icfs on
account of his perfonal virtues than the important lervices he had done
the nation. He was elected with general applaufe, advice of which be-
ing given to the two allied kings, they not only confirmed the eled:ion,
but palled many praifes on the elefted, and fent him prefents worthy of
his rank and their eiceem. After the ufual ceremonies and the con-
gratulary fpeeches of the priells, the nobles, and the military, much re-
joicing took place, v/ith entertainments, balls, and illuminations. Be-
fore his coronation, either from an eftabliflied law of the country, or
his own particular delire, lie went to war with his enemies to make
prifoners for a facrificeon the occalion. He refolved that thefe fliould
be of the Chalchefe nation, to revenge the infults and the injurious
treatment he had received from them when returning from Tezcuco, in
the charaélcr jof amballiidor, he liad been taken and carried to the
priiòu
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 177
prilbrv of Chalco. He went againfl: them therefore in perfon, defeated book iv.
them, and made many prifoners ; but did not then fubjcvft the whole of ' '*" ■-*
that llate to the crown of Mexico, that he might not retard his coro-
nation. On the day appointed for that folcmnity the tributes and pre-
fents which were fent to him from conquered places, were brought
into Mexico. The king's major-domos and the receivers of the royal
revenues preceded, after whom came thofe who carried the prefents,
who were divided into as many companies as there were people who
fent them, and fo regular and orderly in their proceffion as to afford in-
finite pleafure to the fpeólators. They brought gold, filver, beautiful
feathers, wearing apparel, great variety of game, and a vafl quantity of
provifions. It is more than probable, although hiftorians do not men-
tion it, that the other two allied kings and many other Grangers of
diii:indlion were prefent, befides a great concourfe of people from all the
places in the vale of Mexico.
As foon as Montezuma found himfelf on the throne, his firfl care
was to eredt a great temple in that part of the city which they called
Htiitznabuiic. The allied kings, whom he requefted to aflift him, fur-
niflied him with fuch plenty of materials and workmen, that in a fliort
time the building was finilhed and confecratcd. During the time of
its conftrudtion the new war againft Chalco appears to have happened.
The Chalchefe befides the injuries which they had already done to Mon- gg^,^ yjj
tczuma, provoked his indiiination afrelh by a cruel and barbarous adi. Atrocious act
' ° . "^ . ot the Chal •
deferving the execration of all pofterity. Two of the royal princes of chcfc.
Tezcuco having gone a hunting on the mount.iins which overlook the
plains of Chalco, while employed in the chace and feparated from their
retinue with only three Mexican lords, fell in with a troop of Chal-
chefe foldiers, who thinking they would pleafe the cruel pafhons of
rheir mafter, made them prifoners and garried them to Chalco. Tlie
favage lord of tliat city, who was probably the fame Totcotzin by whom
Montezuma had been fo ill treated, paying no regard to the noble rank
of the prifoners, nor dreading the fatal confcquences of his inhuman
refolution, put all the five inflantly to death ; and that he might always
be able to gratify his fight with a fpedtacle in which his cruelty de-
lighted, h'' cayfed their bodies to be falted and dried ; and when they
were thus fufiiciently prepared, he placed them in a hall of liis houfc.
Vol.. I. A a to
i;^ H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IV. {Q ferve as fapporters of the pine torches which were burned to give
light in the evening.
The report of fo horrid an aft fpread immediately over all the coun-
try. The king of Tezcuco, whofe heart was pierced with the intelli-
gence, demanded the aid of the allied kings to revenge the death of
his fons. Montezuma determined that the Tezcucan army fliould at-
tack the city of Chalco by land, v/hilfl: he and the king of Tacuba with
their troops made an attack on it by water ; for which purpofe he col-
lefted an infinite number of velTels to tranfport his people, and com-
manded the armament in perfon. The Chalchei'e notwithllanding the
number of the enemy, made a vigorous refinance ; for beiides being
themfelves warriors, on this occafion defperation heightened their cou-
rage. The lord of that fiate himfelf, although fo old that he could
not walk, caufed himfelf to be carried in a litter to animate his fubjeils
with his prefence and voice. They were however totally defeated, the
city was facked, and the lord of it puniflied in a moft exemplary man-
ner for his many atrocious crimes. The fpoils, according to the agree-
ment made in the time of king Itzcoatl, were divided among the three
kings, but the city and the whole of the fiate remained from that
time fubjedl to the king of Mexico. This vidlory, as hiflorians relate,
was owing chiefly to the bravery of the youth Axoquentzin, a fon of
Nezahualcojotl.
This famous king, although he had in early life feveral wives and
many children by them, had not yet conferred on any of them the dig-
nity of queen, as they had been all flaves or daughters of his fub-
jedts {c) . Judging it now neceffaiy to take a wife worthy of being railed
to this high rank, and who might bear a fucceflbr to him in the crown
Sect. Vili, of Acolhuacan, he married Matlalcihuatzin daughter of the king of
Nczahualco- Tacuba, a beautiful and modeft virgin, who was condudled to Tezcu-
joti with a CO by her father and the king of Mexico. On ©ccafion of the nup-
piincefs of... ... ,., ^ ^
1 acuba. tials there were rejoicings for eighty days, and a year after a fon was
born of this m-arriage, who was named Nezahualpilli, and fucceeded, as
will appear hereafter, to that crown. A little time after, equally great
(t) Nezahualcojotl married in his youth Nezahualxochitl, as we have already mentioned,
who, being of the royal family of Mexico, was entitled to the honour of being queen ; but flic
«lied before the prince recovered his crown from the iifurper.
rejoicings
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
179
rejoicings took place, on occafion of the building of the Hueiiccpan or ^^OK iv.
great palace being completed, of whofe magnificence the Spaniards were
witneiTes. Thcfe feftivals, at which the two allied kings were prcfent,
were concluded with a moft fumptuous entertainment to which the no-
bility of the three courts were invited. At this entertainment Neza-
hualcojoll made his muficians fing to the accompaniment of inftru-
ments, an ode which he had compofed himfclf, which began thus ;
" Xochiti viamani in ahuclnictitlan," the fubjed; of which was a com-
parifon of the Ihortnefs of life and of its pleafures, with the fleeting
bloom of a flower. The pathetic touches of the fong drew tears from
the audience ; in whom, according to their love of life, the anticipa-
tion of death made proportionate ideas of melancholy fpring in the
mind.
Montezuma having returned to his court, found liimfelf obliged to Sect. ix.
crudi an enemv, whofe neighbourhood and ahnofl: domeltic fituation 5*^*'^°,^
■' ^ Qiuuhtlatoa
might make him prove the more dangerous to the fiate, ^liiauh- kingofxia-
tlatoa, the third king of Tlatelolco, inlHgated by ambition to extend
his dominions, or from envy of the happinefs of his neighbour and
rival, had formerly been defirous of taking away the life of king
Itzcoatl, and that he might prove fuccefsful, having no fuflicient
forces of his own, had entered into a confederacy with other neigh-
bouring lords ; but all his attempts were vain, as Itzcoatl was ap-
prifed of his intentions, prepared in time for defence, and damped his
courage. From that time, fuch a diftruft and enmity fprung up be-
tween the Mexicans and Tlatelolcos, that they continued for years
without any intercourfe, except among fome of the common people,
who flole off occafionally to the markets. Under the reign of Mon-
tezuma, Quauhtlatoa refumed his hoflilc intentions j but they were not
again loft unpuniflied ; Montezuma having got advice of them, pre-
vented the blow by a vigorous attack on Tlatelolco, in which the petty
king was killed, although the city was not then made fubjeél to the
government of Mexico. The Tlatelolcos elcded the brave Moqui-
bu!x king, in the choice of whom the king of Mexico himfelf mufl
have had conhderable Influence,
Montezuma having rid hinifelf of this dangerous neighbour, fet out ,^^ '^^\ -^'•
...... Conqucilsot
for the province of the Coliuixcas, which lies to the fouthward of Mcxi- Monuzutiu.
A a 2 CO,
i8o H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IV. CO, in order to revenge the lofs of fome Mexicans who had been put to
death by that people. This glorious expedition added to his crown the
ilates of Huaxtepec, Jauhtepec, Tepoztlan, Jacapichtla, Totolapan, Tlal-
cozauhtitlan, Chilapan, which were more than a hvindred and fifty
miles diftant from the court, Coixco, Oztomantla, Tlachmallac, and
many others ; then turning to the weft, he conquered Tzompahuacan,
bringing under fubjedlion to the crown of Mexico both the great coun-
try of the Cohuixcas, who had been the authors of the deaths above-
mentioned, and many other neighbouring ftates which had provoked
his refentment probably by fimilar infults. Upon his return to his
court he enlarged the temple of Huitzilopochtli, and adorned it with
the fpoils of thofe nations. Thefe conquefts were made in the nine
firft years of his reign.
Sect. XI. In the tenth year, which was the 1446 of the vulgar era, a great in-
tionof Mex- undation happened in Mexico, occafioned by excelfive rains, which
ico. fwelled the waters of the lake till they overflowed and laid the city fo
much under water as to deftroy many houfes ; and the flreets becoming
impaffable, boats were made ufe of in every quarter. Montezuma
much diftrefled by the accident, had recourfe to the king of Tezcuco,
hoping his penetration might fuggeft fome remedy to this calamity.
That difcerning king advifed a great dyke to be made to keep out the
water, and laid down a plan of it, and pointed out the place where it
fhould be made. His counfel was approved by Montezuma, who com-
manded it to be followed with inftant execution. He ordered the fub-
jedls of Azcapozalco, Cojohuacan, and Xochimilco, to provide fo many
thoufand large flakes, and the people of other parts to furnifli the ne-
ceflary ft ones. He fummoned alfo to this work the inhabitants of
Tacuba, Iztapalapan, Colhuacan, and Tenajuca, and the lords and the
kings themfelves, engaged themfelves firft in the fatigue ; frgni their
example, their fubjeds were animated to flich adtivity, that in a fliort
time the work was perfeólly completed which mufl otherwife have
been many years in accomp iifhing. The dyke was nine miles in length,
and eleven cubits in breadth, and was compofed of two parallel pali-
fades, thefpace between which was entirely filled up with floneand fand.
The greateft difficulty which occurred, was in being obliged occallonally
^ to work within the lake, efpecially in fome places where it was of a con-
fiderable
H I S T O R Y O F I\I E X I e O. i8i
fiderable depth ; but this was overcome by the fkill of the conductor, book I v.
and the porfeverance of tlie labourers. This dyke was certainly of ' ^ '
great ufe to the city, although it did not entirely protedl it from inun-
dations ; that, however, is not wonderful, as the Spaniards, although
they emplo3'ed European engineers, were not able to effeft its fccurity
from them, after labouring two centuries and a half upon it, and ex-
pending many millions of fequins. Whilft this work was going on,
the Chalchcfc rebelled, but were quickly brought under obedience again,
although not without the lofs of fome Mexican officers.
The accident of the inundation was foon followed by a famine ; which ^^ini^,'„c in
arofe from the harveft of maize, in the years 144.8 and 1449, being ex- Mexico.
ceedingly ftinted ; the froft having attacked the ears while they were
young and tender. In the year 1450, the crop was totally left from
the want of water. In 1451, befides having unfavourable feafons,
there was a fcarcity of grain for feed, fo much of it being confumed on
account ot the fcarcity of preceding harvefts ; from which in 1452,
the necelììties of the people became fo great, that as the liberality of
their king and the nobles was not fufficient to relieve them, akiiough
they opened their granaries to aflift them, they were obliged to pur-
chafe the neceflaries of life, with the price of their liberty. Mon-
tezuma being unable to relieve his fubjedls from their diilrefs, permit-
ted them to go to other countries to procure their fupport; but knov/-
ing that fome of them made ilaves of themfelves for two or three days
fuftenance only, he publifhed a proclamation, in which he command-
ed that no woman ihould fell herfelf for lefs than four hundred ears of
maize, and no man for lefs than five hundred. But nothing could
flop the deftrudtive confequences of famine. Of thofe who went to
feek relief in other countries fome died of hunger on their way. Others
who fold themfelves for food, never returned to their native country.
The greater pait of the Mexican populace fupported themfelves like
their anceftors, on the water-fowl, the herbs growing in the marlhes,
and the infeds and fmall fifh which they caught in the lake. The
following year was not fo unfavourable, and at length, in 1454, which
was a fccular year, r.here was a moft plentiful harvelt of maize, and
likewife of pullc, and every fort of fruit.
But
l82
HISTORY OF MEXICO
BOOK IV.
Sect. XIH
New con-
(luefts and
ilcath of
3Io!Uczuina.
But the Mexicans were not permitted to enjoy the feafon of plenty
in quietnef?, being obhged to go to war againft Atonaltzin, lord of the
city and (late of Coaixtlahuacan, in the country of the Mixtecas,
This was a powerful lord, who, for fome reafons unknown, would not
allow to any Mexican a pallage through his lands, and whenever they
happened to come there flic.ved them the worlt treatment he could.
Montezuma being highly offended with fuch hoftility, fent an embaffy
to him, to know the motive of his condudl, and threatened him with
war if he did not make a proper apology. Atonaltzin received the em-
baily with fcorn, and ordering fome of his riches to be fet Jbefore.the
amballadors, " Bear," faid he, " this prefent to your king, and tell
" him, from it he may know how much my fubjedls give me, and
■" how great the love is which they have for me ; that I willingly ac-
" cept of war, by which it fhall be decided whether my fubjeds are
" to pay tribute to the king of Mexico, or the Mexica:;s to me."
IVIontezuma immediately informed the two allied kings of this infolent
anfwer, and fent a confiderable army againft that lord, who was well
prepared, and met them on the frontiers of his ftate. As foon as the
armies came in fight of each other, they engaged ; but the Mixtecas
rufhed v/ith fuch fury on the Mexicans, that they were tlirowii into
diforder, and forced to abandon their enterprize.
The pride of Atonaltzin increafed with the vidtory, but forefeeing
that the Mexicans would return with a more numerous force, he de-
manded afliftance from the Huexotzincas and the Tlafcalans, who
readily, granted it, lejoicing in having an opportunity of interrupting
the fuccefs of the Mexican arms. Montezuma, who was much trou-
bled at the unhappy iflue of the war, meditated the re-eftablifliment of
the honour of his crown, for which purpofe he fpeedily colleiled a
numerous and formidable army, refolving to command it himfelf, to-
gether with his two royal allies ; but before they fet out on their march,
he received intelligence that the Tlafcalans and Huexotzincas had at-
tacked Tlachquiauhco, a place in Mixteca, had killed all the Mexican
garrifon there, and deprived fome of the citizens of their lives, and
others of their liberty. Montezuma, now warm with indignation,
marched towards Mixreca. Neither his own power, nor the affiftance
which he received from his friends, were of any avail to Atonaltzin.
I In
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 183
In the very firft conflidl his army was totally defeated, many of his BOOK IV.
foldiers were killed, and almofl all his confederates ; the lew who
efcaped the fury of the Mexicans fell by the hands of the Mixtecas, in
revenge for the unfortunate ifllie of the battle. Atonaltzin furrendereJ
to Montezuma, who not only remained in pollethon of the city, and
the Hate of CoaixtLihuacan, but proceeding farther made himfelf maf-
ter of Tochtepec, Tzapotlan, Tototlan, and Chinintla, and in the
two following years of Cozanialoapan, and Quauhtochto. The caufe
of thefe lall wars was the fame with many others, namely, the inha-
bitants of thefe places having in time of peace put fome merchants
and couriers of Mexico to death.
The expeditioii undertaken in 1457 ^g^i"^ Cuetliicbtian, or Cotafta,
proved far more difficult, and more celebrated. This province fitu-
ated as we mentioned before on the coall: of the Mexican gulf, and
founded, or at leaft inhabited, by the Olmecas, who were driven out by
the Tlafcalans, was extremely populous. We are ignorant of the oc-
cafion of the war J we know, however, that the Cotaftefe forefccing the
ftorm which threatened them, called the Huexotzincas and Tlafca-
lans to their afiiflance. The two lall: feeling high refentment for the
lofs of Coaixtlahuacan, and thirfting for revenge, not only agreed to
iiflill: the other, but perfuaded the Cholulans alfo to enter into the con-
federacy. Thefe three republics fent numerous forces to Cotafta to wait
for the enemy. Montezuma, on his part, raifed a great and brilliant
army, in which the flower of the nobility of Mexico, Acolhua, Tlat-
clolco, and Tepaneca enlifted. Among other pcrfons of difti notion in
this army were Axajacatl, the general, Tizoc, and AhuitzotI, all three
brothers, and of the royal family of Mexico, who fucceflively filled
the throne after Montezuma their coufin. There were alfo the lord«
of Colhuacan and Tenaycuca ; but the moft refpecflable charader was
Moquihuix, king of Tlatelolco, fuccellor to the unfortunate Quauh-
tlatoa. When the army left PJexico, intelligence had not arrived of
the confederacy of the three republics w ith the Cotaftefe ; as foon as
Montezuma knew it, he fent melfengcrs to his generals not to pro-
ceed, but to return inftantly to his court. The generals entered into
a confultation : fome were of opinion that they ought to obey the or-
der of their fovereign without hefitation ; others thought they were
not
i84 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BO OK IV. not under obligation to lubmit to an order, which would throw fuch
refledion on their honour, as the nobles mufl be difgraced and de-
graded if they fhunned engaging upon an occalion which was fo fit to
fhew their bravery. The firfl opinion prevailed, as being the moft fafe ;
but in fetting out on their march to return to Mexico, Moquihuix the
king, addreffed them : " Let thofe return, whofe fpirit can fuffer them
" to turn their backs upon the enemy, v/hilft I with my people of
" Tlatelolco alone bear off the honour of the vidor}'." This refo-
liite determination of Moquihuix, fo roufed and fired the other gene-
rals, that they all refolved to meet the danger. At length they joined
battle with the enemy, in which the Cotaftefe although they fought
courageoufly, were neverthelefs vanquiOied, with all their allies: of
thefe lall, the greater part were left on the field ; of both, fix thoufand
two hundred were made prifoners, who were foon after lacrificed at the
feflival of the confecration of the S^iiaxicalco, or the religious edifice ap-
propriated for the prefervation of thefkulls of the vi6lims. The whole
of that province remained fubjedl to the king of Mexico, who efla-r
blifhed a garrifon there, to keep that people in obedience to the crown.
This great vid:ory was principally owing to the bravery of Moquihuix ;
and even until our day, a Mexican fong or ode has been preferved,
which was at that time compofed in his praife [c). Montezuma
more pleafed with the happy fortune of the war, than offended at the
difobedience to his orders, rewarded the king of Tlatelolco by giving
him one of his coulins to wife, who was the fifier of the above men-r
tioned princes, Axayacatl, Tizoc, and Ahuitzotl,
In the mean while the Chalchele were daily rendering themfelves more
deferving of chaftifement, not folely by rebellion, but alfo by the com-
inillion of other new offences. At this time they had the audacity to
take the brother of the king Montezuma himfelf, who was, according to
v/hat we can learn, lord of Ehecatepec, with fome other Mexicans, pri-
Ibners, A crime of this nature committed on a perfon fo nearly related
in blood to their fovereign, appears to have been a meafure contrived
by them to get rid of the power of the Mexicans, and make the city
of Chalco the rival of Mexico ; as they were defirous of making that
{/) Boturiiii makes mention of tliis ode, which he ha ', r.n.ong other mruiufciipts and paint-
ing?, in his very valuable mufeunj.
lord.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. ,85
lord, king of Chalco ; and frequently, though in vain, propofed It to BOOK iv.
him. He perceiving them fixed in their rcfolution, told them he
would accept the crown they offered ; but, that the a<ft of his exalta-
tion might be the more folemn, he defired they would plant in the
market-place, one of the higheft trees, and place a fcaffold upon it,
from which he might be viewed by all. Every thing was done as he
requeued : having affembled the Mexicans around the tree, he afcended
the fcaffold with a bunch of riowers in his hand ; then from the height,
in the view of an immenfe concourfc of people, he thus addrcffed his own
people : " Ye know well, my brave Mexicans, that the Clialchefe wifli
" to make me their king ; but it is not agreeable to our God that I
" fliould betray our native country, I chufe rather to teach you by my
" example, to place higher value on fidelity to it, than upon life itfelf."
Having fpoke thus, he threw himfelf headlong from the fcaffold. This
aól, though barbarous, was agreeable to the ideas which the ancients
entertained of magnanimity, and was fo much lefs cenfurable than that
of Cato and others, celebrated by antiquity, as the motive was nobler
and the courage of the Mexican greater. The Chalchefe were fo en-
raged at the deed, that they fell inffantly on the other Mexicans and killed
them with their darts. The next evening they heard by chance the
melancholy fcreaming of an owl, which, as they were extremely addiifled
to fuperffition, was interpreted, a fatal omen of their approaching ruin.
They were not deceived in the anticipation of their difaffers ; for
Montezuma, highly provoked by their rebellion and their enormous of-
fences, immediately declared war, and caufed fires to be kindled on the
tops of the mountains, as a fignal of thepunifliment to which he con-
demned the rebels. He then marched with his army againft that pro-
vince, and made fuch havock of the enemy as to leave it almofl: depo-
pulated. Immenfe numbers were llaughtered, and thofe who efcapcJ
with life, fled into the caves of the niountains which rife above the
p-lains of Chalco ; fome, to remove themfelves flill further from dan-
ger, paffing to the other fide of the mountains, took refuge in Iluexot-
i^inco and Atlixco. The city of Chalco was facked and plundered.
The fury of revenge was fuccceded in Montezuma, as is ufual to noble
minds, by feelings of compaffion for the unfortunate. Ilo proclaimed
a general pardon to all the fugitives, particularly for the relief of tlie
. Vol. I. Jib ngcd,
i86 H I S T O R y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IV. oged, the women, and the children, inviting them to return without fear
to their native country ; nor content with that only, he ordered his
troops to traverie the mountains, to call back the wanderers who had
fled from man to find flielter among the v/ild hearts, and woods. Ma-
ny returned, who were diftributed in Amaquemecan, Tlalmanalco, and
other places J but many religncd themfelves to their fate in the moun-
tains, from diftrull: of the pardon, or the excefs of their defpair. One
part of the country of Chalco was divided by Montezum.a among the
officers who had the moll: diftinguilhed themfelves in the war.
After this expedition the Mexicans conquered Tamazollan, Piaztlan,.
Xilotepec, Acatlan, and other places. By fuch rapid conquefts Mon-
tezuma fo enlarged his dominions, that in the eail: he extended them
as far as the gulf of Mexico ; in the fouth-eafl:, to the centre of the
countr)' of the Mixtecas ; in the fouth, as far as Chilapan and fome-
thing beyond it ; in the v/efl, to the valley of Toluca ; in the north-
weft, to the centre of the countiy of the Otomies ; and in the north,
as far as the termination of the vale of Mexico.
But while fo attentive to war, this famous king neglefted not what
concerned internal polity and religion. He publi(hed new laws, added
to the fplendor of his court, and introduced there many ceremonials
not known to his predeceflbrs. He eredlcd a large temple to the god of
war, ordained many new religious rites, and increafed the number of the
priefts. The interpreter of Mendoza's colledlion adds, that Montezuma
was himfclf fober, and remarkably rigorous in punilhing drunkennefs ;
and that by his juftice and prudence, and the propriety of his adtions, he
made his fubjedls fear and love him. At lail:, after a very glorious reign
of twenty-eight years and fome months, in 1464 he died, univerfally
regretted. His funeral was celebrated Vvith more than ordinary fb-
lemnity, in proportion to the increafed magnificence of the court, and
the power of the nation.
S£CT. XIV Before his death he affembled the chief nobility of his court, and ei-
Axajacatl, horted them to agree among themfelves, and prayed of the eledlors
Mexico"^ that they would, after his death, chufe Axayacatl, whom he thought
the fitteft perfon to promote the glory of the Mexicans. Whether
it was from deference to the opinion of a king who had gained Co
much defert from his nation, or becaufe they knew the merit of Axayacatl,
the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
the electors choie him in preference to his elder brother. He was the
fon of Tczozomoc, who had been the brother of the three kings who
preceded Montezuma, and a fon, as well as they, of king Acamapitzin.
After the feftiviJ of the eledion, the new king, after the example of
his predecefibrs, ^^■ent to war, to colled: vidims for a facrifice at his
coronation. He made his expedition againft the province of Tecuan-
tepec, fituated on the coaft of the Pacific Ocean, four hundred miles to
the fouth-eaft, from Mexico. The people of Tccuantepcc were well
prepared, and in confederacy with their neighbours, to oppofe the at-
tempts of the Mexicans. In the keen battle which took place, Axaya-
catl, who commanded as general, pretended flight, to lead the enemy
into an ambufcade. They purfued the Mexicans, triumphing in their
vicftory, when fuddenly they found themfelves att.icked behind by
one part of the Mexican army which came from their ambufh, and at-
tacked in front by thofe who were flying and had now faced about upon
them ; harrafled thus on both fides, they were foon totally defeated.
The enemy, who were able to five themfelves by flight, were purfued
by the Mexicans as far as the city of Tccuantepcc, to which they fct
■fire, and taking advantage of the confufion and confternation of the
people, they extended their conquefls as far as Coatulco, a maritime
place, the port of which was much frequented by the veflels of the
Spaniards, in the next century. From this expedition Axayacatl re-
turned enriched with fpoils, and was crowned with the greatell pomp,
there being a procefllon of the tribute-bearers, and a facrifice made of the
prifoncrs. In the firfl: years of his reign, following the ftcps of his pre-
ilcceflbr, he applied himfelf to thcextenfion of his conqucils. In 1467
he re-conquerej Cotafta and Tochtepec. In 1468, he obtained a com-
plete viólory over the Hujexotzincas and Atlixcas ; and on his return to
Mexico, he undertook the building of a temple, v.hich he culled Cuat-
Uv,:. The Tlatelolcos ereded another in rivallliip, which they called
O.cixchtl i by which the difcord l^tween thefe two kings was revived,
which turned out, as we lindi fee hereafter, fatal to the Tlatelolcos.
In I469', Tctoquihuatzin, the firfl king of Tacuba, died, who, for up-
wards of forty year?, wliilehe held that fmall kingdom, was conftantly
faithful to the \Cnvz of Mexico, and ferved him in almofl all the wars
which he undertook again fl the enemies of the llate. He was fuccecd-
13 b 2 cd
i88 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IV, ed in the throne by his fon Chimalpopoca, who refembled him no lefs
SEcrrxv. i'^ ^is bravery than his fidehty.
Death, and fhe lofs which the Mexicans fuffered, in 1470, by the death of the
euloguirn of ' . . '
kingNeza- great Nezahualcojotl king ofAcolhuacan, was far more afihdling. This
ua cojot . king was one of the moft renowned heroes of ancient x'\merica. His cou-
rage, which in his youth was rather fool-hardinefs, however great it ap-
peared, was ftill one of the lefs noble faculties of his foul. His forti-
tude and conftancy during the thirteen years which he continued de-
prived of the crov/n and perfecuted by the ufurper, were truly won-
derful. His integrity in the adminiflration of juflice was inflexible.
To make his nation more civilized, ahd to corredi the diforders intro-
duced into the kingdom in the time of the tyrant, he publiflied eighty
laws, which were afterwards compiled by his celebrated defcendant
D. Ferdinando D'Alba Ixtlìlxochìtl m his manufcript, entitled. Storia
de' Signori Cicimechi. He ordained that no fuit, civil or criminal,
fliould be prolonged more than eighty days, or four Mexican months.
Every eighty days there was a great affembly in the royal palace, at
which the judges and delinquents attended. Whatever caufes had been
left undecided in the four preceding months, were infallibly determin-
ed on that day ; and thofe who were convi(5ted of any crime, immedi-
ately and without any remiffion, received punilhment proportioned to
their offence, in prefence of the whole aflembly. To different crimes,
different punifliments belonged; fonie were punifhed with the utmoil
rigour, particularly adultery, fodomy, theft, homicide, drunkennefs,
and treafon to the fbate. If v/e are to credit the Tezcucan hiilorians,.
he put four of his own fons to death, for committing incefb with their
mother-in-law.
His clemency to the unfortunate was alfo remarkable. It v/as for-
bid, under pain of death, throughout the kingdom, to take any thing
from another's field; and fo flridl was this law, that the flealing of fe-
vcn ears of maize was fuliicient to incur the penalty. In order to
provide, in fome meafure, for necefTitous travellers, without breach of
this law, Nezahualcojotl commanded that both fides of the principal
highways fliould be fown v/Ith maize and other feeds, with the fruits
ot which thofe who were in want might fupply themfelves. A great
part of his revenue was fpent in relief of the poor, particularly thofe
who
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 189
who were aged, fick, and in widowhood. To prevent the confump- book iv
tion of the woods, he prefcribed limits to thofe who cut wood, and
forbid trefpafles on them, under fevere penalties. Being delirous of
knowing if this prohibition was ftridlly obfervcd, he went out one d\y
in difguife, with one of his brothers, and took the way to the foot of
the neighbouring mountains, where the boundaries prefcribed, com-
menced. There he found a youth employed in gathering the fmall
chips which remained of fome wood that had been cut, and afked him
why he did not go into the woods to cut fuel. Becaufe the king, iliid
the lad, has forbid the trefpafling on thefe limits, and if we do not obey
him he will punifh us feverely. Neither importunity nor promifes
which the king made, were fufficicnt to make him willing to tranfgrefs.
The companion excited in him by this poor youth, moved him to en-
large the former limits he had fixed.
He was pc^rticularly zealous in his attention to the faithful admini-
flration of juilice, and that none from their necelBties might plead an
excufe for being corrupted by any of the contending parties, he ordered
the fupport of all his minifters and judges, their clothing, and every
necefTary according to the rank and quality of the perfon, to be fup-
plied out of the royal treafury. So much was expended annually in
his houfliold, in the fupport of his minifters and magirtrates, and in
relief of the poor, it would be totally incredible, nor ihould we be
bold enough to write it, were it not certified by the original paintings,
fcen and examined by the firft religious milTionarics, who were em-
ployed in the convcrfion of thefe people, and confirmed by the tefti-
mony of a third grandfon of this fame king, who being converted to
chriftianity was baptized by the name of Don Antonio Pimentel ffj.
The annual expenditure made by Nezahualcojotl reduced to Caftilian
meafure, was therefore as follo\\'S :
Of Maize, _ _ - 4,900,300 Fanegas fgj.
Of Cocoa nuts, _ _ - 2,744,000 Fan.
Of Chili or common pepper and Tomate, 3,200 Van.
Of Chiltccpin, or finali pepper, - -4° l'-"^-
(/) Torquemada the hiftorian, hnd thefe painting» in his hnnds, by his own teliimony.
(g) The Tanega is a Spanlfti meafure for dry goods, containing about a hundit-d Spanilh
pounds, or one hundred and thirty Roman pounds.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Of fait, - - - - Ij30o large baflcets.
Of Turkeys, - - - 8, coo.
The quantity confumed of Chia, French beans, and other legumi-
nous plants i of deer ahb, and ducks, quails, and other birds, was in-
finite and numberlefs. Every perfon will eafily comprehend how
great the extent of population muft have been to araafs fuch a vail:
quantity of maize and cocoas ; particularly as it was neceffary to
procure this laft by commerce with Vv-arm countries, there being no
foil in all the kingdom of Acolhuacan fit for the culture of this
plant. During one half of the year or nine Mexican months, four-
teen cities furniihed fuch provifions, and fifteen other cities fupplied
them during the other half year. Young men were employed to carry
on their backs the fuel which was confumed in the royal palace, in
amazing quantities {g).
The progrefs made by this celebrated king, in tlie arts and fciences,
was fuch as is to be expedled from a great genius who is without books
to fiudy, or mafters to inftruit him. He excelled in the poetry of
thefe nations, and produced many compofitions which met with uni-
verfal applaufe. In the fixteenth century, his fixty hymns, compofed
in honour of the Creator of Heaven, were celebrated even aniong
the Spaniards. Two of his odes or fongs, tranflatcd into Spanilh
verfe by his defcendant Don Ferdinando d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, have been
preferved unto our time {/j). One of thefe was wrote fonie time after
the ruin of Azcapozalco. The fubjedl of it was fimilar to the other
which we already mentioned ; it lamented the inconftancy of human
greatnefs, in the perfon of the tyrant Tezozomoc, whom he com.pared
to a large and ftately tree which had extended its roots through many
countries, and fpread the fl:jade of its green branches over all the lands
of the empire ; but at laft, worm-eaten and wailed, fell to the eartli,
never to refume its youthful verdure.
(^) The fourteen cities charged with furnifhing provifions for the firft half year were Ttz-
cuco, Huexot a, Coatlichan, Ateneo, Chiauhtla, Tezonjocan, Papalotla, Tepctlaoztoc, Acol-
inan, Tepechpan, Xaltocan, Chimaihuacan, Iztapalocan, and Coatepec. The other filt;en
were Otompan, Aztaquemecan, Teotihuacan, Cempoallan, Axapochco, Tlalauapan, 'J'cpepol-
co, Tizajocan, Ahuatepec, Oztoticpac, Quauhthitzinco, Cojoaj, Oztothitlauhcan, Acliichilla-
cachocan, and T ctliztacac.
{/j Cav. Boturini had two cdcc compored bv Nczahualcojotl ; \vc wiflicd much for them to
publifll them in this hiftory.
' Nothing
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 191
Nothing, however, gave ib much delight to Nczahualcojotl, as the BOOK iv.
ftady of nature. He acquired Ibme ideas of allronomy, by tiie frc- ^~*"* "*
quent obfcrvations which he made of the courfe of the liars. He ap-
plied himfelf befides, to the knowledge of plants and animals ; but
finding he could not keep the natives of other climes alive at his court,
he caufed paintings to be made from the life, of all the plants and ani-
nials of the country of Anahuac ; to which paintings the celebrated
Hernandez bears teftimony, who faw and made ufe of them : paintings
more ufeful and more worthy of a royal palace than thofe which repre-
fent the dark mythology of the Grecians. He was a curious enquirer
into the caufes of the effedts by which nature excited his admiration,
and frequent obfervation in that way, led him to difcovcr the weak-
ncfs of idolatry. To his fons, he faid privately, that although in con-
formity with the people they paid external adoration to the idols, they
Ihould, yet, in their hearts detell the worfliip which was fo deferving of
mockery, as it was diredted to lifclefs forms ; that he acknowledged no
other God than the Creator of Heaven, and he did not forbid idolatry
in his kingdom, though inclined to do fo, that he might not be blamed
for contradidling the do<flrines of his anceftors. He prohibited the fa-
crifice of human vid:ims ; but perceiving afterwards how difficult it
was to make a nation change its ancient and long-rooted ideas in matters
of religion, he again permitted them, but commanded, under fevere pe-
nalties, that thefe fliould be none but prifoners of war. He ercded in
honour of the Creator of Heaven, a high tower, confifting of nine
floors. The laft floor was dark and vaulted, painted within of a blue
colour, and ornamented with cornices of gold. In this tower relidcd
conftantlv fome men whofe office was to llrike, at certain hours of the
day, plates of the finefl: metal, at which fignal the king kneeled down
to pray to the Creator of Heaven. In honour likewife of this God, at
a certain time of the year he always obferved a fart: {/:).
The elevated genius of this king, adtuated by the great love he
had to his people, produced fo enlightened his capital, that in fu-
ture times it was confidered as the nurfery of the arts and the centre of
(i) All the above mentioned anecdotes arc cxtMi^ed from the valuable manufeiipts of Don
FcrdinanJo d'Alba ; he being fourth grandfou of that king, received, probably, many tra-
ditions from his fathers and grand-fathers,
cultivation.
192
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IV. cultivation. Tezcuco was the city where the Mexican language was
ipoken in the greateft purity and perfedlion, where the beft artifts
were found, and where poets, orators, and hiftorians moft abounded (/).
The Mexicans and other nations adopted many of their laws ; and if
we may be allowed the application, Tezcuco was the Athens, and Ne-
zahualcojotl the Solon of Anahuac.
In his laft illnefs, having called all his fons into his prefence, he de-
clared Nezahualpilli his heir and luccefTor in the kingdom of Acolhua-
can, who, though the youngeft of them all, was preferred to the reft,
on account of his having been born of the queen Matlalcihuatzin, as well
as of his fmgular redlitude and great talents. He enjoined his firft born fon
Acapipiohzin to affift the new king with his counfel, until he fliould learn
the dithcult art of government. He v/armly recommended to Nezahual-
pilli the love of his brothers, the care of his fubjeifts, and a zeal for juftice.
At laft, to prevent any diforder which the news of his death might occa-
fion, he commanded them to conceal it as much as pofliblefrom the peo-
ple until Nezahualpilli fliould be fixed in quiet poffeffion of the crown.
The princes received with tears the laft advice of their father, and hav-
ing left hinij and come into the hall of audience where the nobility ex •
pecfted them, Nezahualpilli was proclaimed king of Acolhuacan, Aca-
pipioltzin declaring it to be the laft will of their father, who having a
long journey to make, chofe firft to nominate his fucceflbr. All paid
obedience to the new king, and in the morning after, Nezahualcojotl
died, in the forty-fourth year of his reign, and about the eightieth year
of his age. His fons concealed his death, and hid his body, burning
it fecretly, as is probable ; and inftead of rendering funeral honours to
it, they celebrated the coronation of the new king with uncommon
feftivity and i-ejoicing. But in fpite of their cautious fecrecy the news
of his death fpread fuddenly through all the land, and many lords came
to the court to condole with the princes. Neverthelefs the vulgar re-
mained perfuaded that their great king was tranflated to the company
of the gods in reward of his virtues.
Sect. XVI. Some little time after the exaltation of Nezahualpilli to the throne,
Conqucrtof tj^e memorable war happened between the Mexicans and their nei^h-
TlatL'lolco, ^ i *=■
and death ot
ling Mo-
<]ui;:uii:.
(I) In the lid which we have given of tlie liiflorians of that kingdom, it appears many were
of the royal i.anliy of Tezcuco.
bours
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
hours and rivals, the Thtelolcos. Moqnihuix kingof Tlatelolco, be-
ing unable to endure the dazzling glory of the Mexican monarch, ukd
all his arts to darken it. He had married, as we have already mentioned,
a lifter of king Axayacatl, given him by Montezuma in reward for the
famous vidlory he obtained over the Cotaftefe. On this unfortunate
queen he frequently vented his malice againft his coufm ; nor content-
ed with that he clandeftinely formed leagues with other ftates, which
like himfelf bore unwillingly the Mexican yoke. Thefe were Chalco,
Xilotepec, Toltitlan, Tcnajucan, Mexicaltzinco, Huitzilopochco, Xo-
chimilco, Cuitlahuac, and Mizquic, which agreed to attack the Mexi-
cans in their rear, after the Tlatelolcos fliould begin battle with them.
The Quaupanchefe alfo, the Huexotzincas, and Matlatzincas, whofe aid
had been requefted, were to join their troops with thofe of Tlatelolco
in defence of the city. The queen knew of thefe negociations, and
either from the hatred flie bore to her hu(band, or from her love to her
brother and her native countr)', flie revealed them to Axayacatl, that he
might ward off a blow which would have ikaken his throne.
Moquihuix being afTured of the aid of his confederates aflèmblcd the
nobles of his court to encourage them to the undertaking. An old and
venerable prieft raifed his voice in theaffembly, and in the name of them
s\\ declared himfelf willing to fight to the laft againft the enemies of
his country; then toanimate them ftill more he wallicd the altar of the
iàcrifices, and prefcnted the water purple with human blood to the king
to drink, and afterwards to all his officers ; by v.hich they imagined
their courage would be increafed, and doubtlefs it hardened them to the
exercife of cruelty upon their foes. In the mean while the queen grew
impatient of the ill treatment (he fufFcrcd, and being alarmed at the dan-
gers of war, forfook her hulLand and came to Mexico with four fons, to
throw herfclf under the protedion of her brother. This it was ealy
for her to do from the very clofe neighbourhood of the two cities. An
incident of this uncommon nature increafed the mutual enmity and dil-
guft of the Mexicans and Tlatelolcos to fiich a degree, tliat whenever
they met, they abufed, fought, and murdered each otiicr.
The time ©f commencing the war drawing near, Moquihuix with
his oiTlcers and many of his confederates, made afjltma lacrifiee on the
mountain which was the neareft to the city, to obtain tlu: protediou
Vol. J. C c of
194
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IV. Qf (-j^eji- gods ; and there they fixed the day on which they were to de-
clare war againfl the Mexicans. A few days after, he fent notice to liis
alhes, to be well prepared to fuccour him whenever he fliould begin tlic
attack. Xiloman lord of Colhuacan, was to make the firfl onfet, and
afterwards to pretend flight, to induce the Mexicans to purfue him, when
the Tlatelolcos were to fall upon their rear The day after thefe em-
b.iilies were fent, Moquihuix performed the ceremony of arming his
troops, and then went to the temple of Huitzilopochtli to implore the
aid of that god, where the fame horrible draft was again taken which
Pojahuitl had given them at the firfl congrefs, and all the foldiers pafTed
before the idol, with a falutation of profound reverence. This cere-
mony was hardly finiihed when a troop of daring Mexicans entered the
market-place, killing every one they met j but the troops of the Tlate-
lolcos coming fuddenly up, repulfed them and took fome of them pri-
foners, who were facrifxed without refpite, in a temple called Tlillan.
That fame day, about fun-fet, fome women of Tlatelolco had the bold-
nefs to advance into the ftreets of Mexico, and to fet fire to the birch
trees at the doors of the houfes, cafting, at the fame time, impudent re-
proaches upon the Mexicans, and threatning them with approaching
ruin ; but they m^et with the contempt they deferved.
That night the Tlatelolcos armed themfelves, and in the morning
at break of day they began the attack on Mexico. They were in the
heat of the battle when Xiloman arrived with the Colhuas ; but per-
ceiving that the king of Tlatelolco had commenced the engagement
without waiting for his aid or caring for his counfel, that lord retired
in difguft ; but defirous of doing fome mifchief to the Mexicans, he
caufed feveral canals to be fliut up, to prevent their receiving any afllfl-
ance by water ; thefe however were foon opened again by order of Ax-
ayacatl. The whole of the day the combat lafted with the utmoft fury
on both fides, until night forced the Tlatelolcos to retire. Tlie Mexi-
cans burnt the houfes of the city which were the neareft to Tlatelolco,
perhaps on account of their {landing too much in the way in the time
of engagement; but in fetting fire to them, twenty were made pri-
soners and inflantly facrificed.
Axayacatl that night diflributed his army in all the roads which led
to Tlatelolco, and at the dawn of day began to march from every quarter
towards
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
195
towards the market-place, which was to be the point where they were EOOK iv.
to meet. The Tlatelolcos finding themfelves attacked on all fides,
retreated to the public market-place to colledt tliere all their force, and
make the better refinance ; but when they reached it, they found them-
felves ftill more incommoded and embarraifed by their numbers. The
words and cries with which Moquihuix endeavoured, from the top
of the great temple, to encourage his troops, were of no avail. The
Tktclolcos were beat down and killed, while thofe who fell, vented their
rage in reproaches againft the king : " Delccnd from thence, you
" coward," they faid, " and take arms j it is not the part of a brave
" man, to ftand calmly looking at thofe who ar.^ fi -;hting and falling in
" the defence of their country." But thefe complaints, occalioned by
the frnarting of their wounds and the agonies of death, were altogether
unjuft, as Moquihuix neither failed in the duties of a general nor of a
king. It was proper for him not to expofe his life fo much as the fol-
diers did themfelves, as he could be more ufeful to them by his counfeJ,
and could encourage them by his prefence. In the mean time the Mexi-
cans advanced to the iTieps of the temple, afcended them, and came to
the upper balcony where Moquihuix was calling out to his people, and
made a defperate defence of himfelf ; but a Mexican captain, named
Quetzal hua, with a thruft puflied him backwards down die fleps («/),
when fome foldiers took up his body in their arms, and prefented it to
Axayacatl, who opened his breaft, and tore out his heart. An aft cer-
tainly horrid, but done without the feelings of horror, from its being fo
frequent at their facrifices !
Thus fell the brave Moquihuix, and thus was the petty monarchy of
the Tlatelolcos, which had been governed by four kings in the fpace of
about one hundred and eighteen years, difiblved. The Tlatelolcos, after
the death of their king, foon fell into diforder, and attempted to fave
themfelves by flight, by palfmg acrofs their enemies ; but four hundred
and fixty reinained dead on the market-place, among whom were fome
officers of diftindlion. After this defeat the city of Tlatelolco was
united with the city of Mexico, and was no longer confidered as adiflindl
(m) The interpreter of McnJoza's collection fajs, that after the lofs of the battle, Moquihuix
fled to the top of the temple, and threw himfelf head-long from it, being unable to endure the
reproaches of one of the pricfts ; but the account of other hiiiorians appears to us more con-
fiflcnt with the character of this kiug.
C C 2 Citv
196
BOOK IV.
» ,, >
Sect. XVII.
Neu' con-
quelts and
I'eath of
Axajacatl.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
city, but as a part, or rather as the fuburbs of Mexico, v/hich it is at
prelent. The king of ?vlexico conftantly maintained a governor there,
and the Tlatelolcos, befides the tribute which they annually paid of
maize, robes, arms, and armour, were oWiged to repair the lemple cf
Huitznahuac as often as it became neceffary.
We are ignorant whether the Quauhpanchefe, the Husxotzincas,
and the Matlatzincas, who were the confederates of the Tlatelolcos-,
did aótually affiilin this war. Of their other allies, hiftorians lay, that
having come to the fuccour of the Tlatelolcos, after the king Moqui-
luiix was killed and the confiid over, they returned without adtion.
The moment that Axayacatl found himfelf victorious, he condemned
Pojahuitl, and Ehecatzitzimitl, both of them Tlatelolcos, to the laft
punifliment, for having been tlie perfons who moll keenly excited the
citizens againll; the Mexicans, and alfo put the lords of Xochimilco,
Cuitlahuac, Colhuacan, Huitzilopochco and others, to death, for en-
tering into a confederacy with his enemies.
To take revenge of the Matlatzincas, a numerous and powerful na-
tion, eftabliflied in the valley of Toluca, and ftill unfubjecled to the
Mexicans, Axayacatl declared war againfl them, and marching with the
two allied kings he took in his palTage, Atlapolco, and Xalatlauhco j and
afterwards he conquered in the fame valley, Toluca, Tetenanco, Mete-
pec, Tzinacantepec, Calimaja, and other places in the fouth divilion of
the valley, which continued, from that time forward, tributary to the
crown of Mexico. Some time after, he returned into the fame province,
to fubdue, likewife, the north part of the valley, at prefent called Valk
irixtlabuacan, and in particular Xiquipilco, a eonfiderable city and fiate
of the Otomies, whole lord, called Tlilcuezpalin was famous for his
bravery. Axayacatl, who likewife boafted of his courage, was anxious to
engage him in fingle combat during the battle, which took place ; but
the event proved difaftrous to Axayacatl himfelf; he received a violent
wound on the thigh, and two captains of the Otomies advancing, brought
him, with a few ftrokes more, to the ground, and would have made him
prifoner, if fome young Mexicans had not, when they law theii king in
fuch danger, refolutely defended his liberty and his life. NotwithHand-
ing this misfortune and dlfgrace, the Mexicans obtained a complete vic-
tory, and, according to what hiftorians fay, made eleven thouland and fix-
ty prifoners, among whom were Tlilcuezpalin and the two captains who
had
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
had attacked the king. By this glorious vidtory Axayacatl added Xlqui-
pilco, Xococitlan, AtJacomalco, and all the other places compi ehended'in
the viilley which we: e ncc before fubdaed, to the crown of Mexico.
As foon as Axayacatl had recovered of his wound, which made liim
halt in one leg during the reft of his life, he gave a great entertainment to
the allied kings, at which he put Tlilcuczpalin and the two other cap-
tains to death. The execution of fuch a pun^ihrnent did not appear to
thofe people unfeafonable, ami'.lft the feftivitytif an entertainment; from
being ufed to llied human blood, the horror naturally ariling from it,
changed into recreation. So ftrong is the force of cuftom, and fo ealy
is it to familiarize our minds to the moll horrible objeds.
In the laft years of his reign, the bounds of his empire appearing ra-
ther too confined towards the weft, he again took the field; and paf-
fing through the valley of Toluca, and crofling the mountains, he
conquered Tochpan and Tlaximalojan, which was afterwards the fron-
tier of the kingdom of Michuacan. From thence returning towards
the eaft he made himfelf mafter of Ocuilla and Malacatepec. The pro-
grefs of his conquefts and vidlories were now interrupted by his death,
which happened in the thirteenth year of his reign, or the 1 477 of
the vulgar era. He had a genius for war, and was rigorous in punilh-
ing the tranfgreflbrs of the laws which his predecefibr had eftablilh-
ed. Pie left a numerous offspring by his different wives, among which
was the celebrated Alontezuma of whom we fl;iall ihorily have occahon
to fpeak.
In the room of Axayacatl, Tizoc was eledled, who was his elder bro-
ther and ha', ferved in the poft of general of the army («). We do not
find where lie made his firft expedition to procure the vidims necefiary
at the cereii'.ony of his coronation. His reign was fliort and obfcure.
In the tenth paiiitine, however, of Mendoza's collcdlion there is a re-
prefentation of fourteen cities fubduedby him, among which are Toluca
and Tecaxic, which having rebelled againft the crown, occafioned the
neceftity of re-conquering them; alfo Chilian, Jancuitlan, in'tiie coun-
Sfct.XVJII
Tizoc, fe-
vcnth king
of Mexico.
(n) AcoHa makes Tiioc fon of Montezuma I. and the interpreter of Mendoza's colleéìion,
makes him iVn of Axayacatl ; hut both arc dcmon!'r,,tcd to be wrong, by other hiliotians.
Acolb was wronr alfo in the order of tlie kin^s, as he phiced Tizot's reign before Axayacatl.
See our Diflciiatians on this head.
try
Huexotzin-
cas
198 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK III. try of the Mixtecas, Mazatlan, Tlapan, and Tair.apachco. Torque-
* '' ' mada makes mention of a viftory which he obtained over Tlacotepec.
Sf.ct. XIX. It was in the time of this king, that the war between the Tezcucan
AVarbetwccii j^^jjo,-; a^d the Hucxotzincas happened. This war took its rife from
the Tczcu- -^ -^
cans and the the ambition of the princes the brothers of king NezahualpiUi. Al-
though they fliewed no difcontent, in the beginning, at the exaltation
of their younger brother, yet as the memory of their late father be^an
to die avvay, they felt themfelves unable to endure the controul of
one v/hom, in point of age, they had a right to command; and for. ned
a fecret confpiracy againtl him. To help them in their wicked dc;i-,.;s
they applied full to the Chalchefe, who were always the fitteU .md
readieil for fuch undertakings ; but failing in all the means employed
by them, they made folicitations to the Huexotzincas for the fame pur-
pofe. NezahualpiUi being apprifed of their confpiracy, raifed fpeediiy a
flrong army, and marched againft the Huexotzincas. The .-cr.cial of
that fiate had procured intelligence of the marks of Nezahu.apiiii's per-
fon. that he might diredl all his blows againft him, and nad pro/iiifed
rewards to any perfon who fliould produce the king to him alive, or
dead. There vvere not wanting others, who intimated all this to the
king; upon which, before he entered into battle he changed garments
with one of his captains. This unfortunate officer, being taken for the
king, was quickly fet upon by the multitude, and killed. As the ene-
my were giving to vent their fury on him, NezahualpiUi made his at-
tack on the Huexotzincan general, and killed him, though not with-
out the greateft rilk of being cut to pieces by the foldiers who flew to
the defence of their general. The Tezcucan people, who fell into the
fame miftake with thofe of Huexotzinco, by not knowing the exchange
of drefs which had been made, began to be difpirited ; but fuddenly
again recognizing the king, they ran up eagerly to refcue him ; and after
defeating the enemy, they facked the city of Huexotzinco, and returned
triumphant with fpoils to Tezcuco. Hiftorians are lilent refpeifling the
fate of the princes who were the authors of this confpiracy. It is pro-
bable they were either flain in the battle, or efcaped by flight from the
chaftifement they deferved. NezahualpiUi, who, a little before had
built himfelf a new palace, defirous of leaving a perpetual monument
of this vidory, ordered likewife the conftrudlionof a wall, which fhould
I inclofe
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
199
inclofe exactly fo much fpace of ground as was occupied by the Huex- book iv.
otzincas when they came up to the defence of their general, and gave * " — "*
the place the name of that day on which he had obtained the vidory.
Thus did thofc, who arc thought by many to have no views of futurity,
feek to immortalize their name and the glory of their aftions.
The king of Tezcuco had already fe\eral wives, who were defcendcd Srcr. xx'.
of noble houfes ; but he had not declared any of them his queen, having kingNcz.a-
referved that honour for one whom he was to take of the royal family of '^"■^''"'^'."^'l
Mexico. He demanded her of king Tizoc, who gave him one of his disiofMcii-
grand-daughters, and daughter of Ts^/zi^c^/z/w. The nuptials were fo-
lemnized in Tezcuco, a gre.tt concourfe of the nobiUty of both courts
being prefent. This lady had a fifter polTcilcd of fingular beauty, who was
named Xocot%'m. They loved each other lb much, that not being able
to endure a feparation, the new queen obtained permifhon from her fa-
ther, to take her fifter along with her to Tezcuco. By frequently view-
ing and converfing with his beautiful coufin, the king became fo en-
amoured, that he refolved to wed her alio, and raife her to the dignity
of queen. Thefe fecond nuprials, according to the account given by
hiflofians, were the moft folemn and magnificent which were ever ce-
lebrated in that country. A ihort time after, the king had by his
firft queen, a Ion named Cacamatzin, who fucceeded him in the crown,
and being afterwards made prifoner by the Spaniards, died unhappily.
By the fecond he had Hiiexotzincatzin {0), of whom we lliall fpeak prc-
fently, Coanacotzin, who was alfo king of Acolhuacan, and, Ibme time
after the conqueft by the Spaniards, ordered to be hanged by the con-
queror Cortes, and Ixtlilxochitl, who became a confederate of the Spa-
niards againft the Mexicans, and was converted to chriftianity, r.nd bap-
tized by the name and fumarne of that conqueror.
Wliilft Nezaiiualpilli continued to multiply his defcendants, enjoy-
ing great peace and tranquillity in his kingdom, the death of the king of
Mexico was plotted by forne of his feudatory fubjed^. Tecliotlalla, Secr.xyr.
lord of Iztapalapan, either in refentment of fome affront he had received, „7k1!iV''^'"''
or grown impatient of fubordination to Tizoc, conceived the guilty pur- Tizoc.
pole of attempting the king's life, but difcovcred it to thofe only whom
{o) The name Huesotzincatl given to that prince, was certainly on account of his viùìory
ever the Huexotzincas,
he
200
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
r.ooK IV.
Sect. XXII.
AhuitzotI,
eiirhth kine:
ot Mexico.
Sect.
XXI 11.
Dedication
ofthegt eater
•temple of
Mexico.
he thought capable of putting it in execution. He and Maxtlaton
lord of I'lachco, agreed upon the manner in which they were to accom-
plifh the dangerous deed. Hiftofians are not of one opinion on this head.
Some of them relate that they employed forcerelles, who, by means of
their arts, took his life from him ; but this is evidently a popular fa-
ble. Others affirm that they adminiftered poifon to him. Which
ever was his mode of death, it is certain that their machinations were
fuccefsful. Tizoc died in the fifth year of his reign, the I482d of the
vulgar era. He was a perfon of a circumfpeól, feriojr;, charaóter;
and rigorous, like his predeceflbrs and fucceflbrs, in pup.illiing delin-
quents. During his time the power and wealth of the crowti had ar-
rived to fuch a height, that he undertook to conftrucfl a temple to the
tutelary god of the nation, which was to have furpaffed in grandeur and
magnificence, all the temples of that country ; he had prepared a vaft
quantity of materials for that purpofe, and had begun the liiruiilure when
death interrupted his projeds.
The Mexicans, well knowing their king had not fallen by any natu-
ral death, fought revenge before they proceeded to a new eledlion. They
were fo diligent in their inquiries and fearch, that they foon detedled
the perpetrators of the adi, and executed fentence upon them in the
greater public place of the city of Mexico, in prefencc of the two al-
lied kings, and of all the Tezcucan and Mexican nobility. The electors
being affembled to appoint a new king, they chofe AhuitzotI, the brother
of their two preceding kings, who was already general of the army ;
for, from the time of Chimalpopoca the cuflom had prevailed of ex-
alting no one to the throne who had not firfi: occupied that poll, it be-
ing judged highly requifite that he who was to become the chief of fo
warlike a nation, fhould firft give proofs of his bravery, and that
while he commanded the army, he might learn the art of governing the
kingdom.
The firfl objeft to which the new king paid attention, was the fi-
niihing of that magnificent temple, which had been defigned and be-
gun by his predeceffor. It was refumed with the utmoft fpirit and ac-
tivity, an incredible number of workmen being aiTembled, and Vv'as
completed in four years. While the building was conflrufting, the king
went frequently to war, and all the prifoners v/hiich were taken from
the
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 2oi
the enemy, werereierved for the felHval of its confecration. The wars book iv.
of thefc four years were cai ried -jn ^jjainll the Alazahuas, a few miles
diilant towards of the well, wiio had rabelled againfl the crown of Tacu-
ba J againll the Zapotecas, three hundred miles diftant in the fouth-eaft;
and againll feveral other nations. When the tabric was completed, the
king invited the two allied kings, and all the nobility of both kingdoms,
to its dedication. The concourfe of people was by far the moft nume-
rous ever ken in Mexico (y) ; as this famous folemaity drew Ipedlators
from the moft diftant places. The feftival lafted four days, during which
they facrificed, in the upper porch of the temple, all the prifoners
which they had made in the four preceding years. Hiftorians are not
agreed concerning the number of the victims. Torquemada fays, that
they amounted to feventy-two thoufand three hundred and forty-four.
Others affirm they were lixty-four thoufand and fixty in number. To
make thefe horrible facrifices with more fliew and parade, they rang-
ed the prifoners in two files, each a mile and a half in length, which
began in the roads of Tacuba and Iztpalapan, and terminated at tiie
temple (r), where, as foon as the vidims arrived, they were lacrificed.
After the feftival the king made prefents to all whom he had invited,
which muft certainly have been attended with an enormous expence.
This event happened in i486.
In that fame year, Mozauhqui lord of Xalatlaucho, in imitation of
his king to whom he bore much affedtion, dedicated anotlier temple,
which had been built a little before, and facrificed likewife a great num-
ber of prifoners. So much flaughter and blood did the cruel and bar-
barous fuperftition of thefe nations occafion.
^ The year 1487 was no way memorable, except on account of a vio-
lent earthquake, and the death of Chimalpopoca king of Tacuba, who
was fucceeded by Totoquihuatzin tiie Second.
(q) Some authors affirm, that the number of perfons at this fertival amounted to fix millions.
Although it appears cxa'^^crated yet it does not feem altogether improbab!e, confidering the
populoufnefs of that country, the grandeur and n velty of the fcllival, and the cafe with which
rliofe pcopit; moved from place to place, being accuftomed to travel on foot without the hinJ-
r.iiKC of baggage or equipage.
(r; Bctanourt fays that the file of prifoners ranged on the road of tztapalnpan, began at
the pl.-icc which is now called La Caniiflaria MaLmtlapiUo, and was given this n :mc on that ac-
count, as the word Malcuitlapilco fignities the tail, point, or the extremity of the prifoners.
This conjcfture is pretty probable ; neither is it cafy to trace a better origin of the name.
Vol. I. D d Ahuitzotl,
202 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK IV, Ahuitzotl, whofe warlike genius did not permit him to enjoy peace,
'■"r"^'~*^ went again to war againfl: Cozcaquauhtenanco, and obtained a complete
XXIV. viftorv ; but havina; met with an obftinate refiftance, he treated them
kin"^Ahuk-° ^^'y^ great feverity. Afterwards he fubdued Quapilollan, and paffed from
20tl. thence to make war on Qiietzalcuitlapillan, a large province peopled with
a warlike nation (s) ; and laftly turned his arms againfl ^auhtla, a place
fituate on the coaft of the gulf of Mexico, in which war Montezuma,
the fon of Axayacatl, and the fucceffor of Ahuitzotl in the kingdom di-
flinguiihed himfelf. A little time after, the Mexicans together with the
Tezcucans, went againfl the Huexotzincas, in which war Tezcatzin, the
brother of the above mentioned Montezuma, and Tliltototl, a nc^ole
Mexican officer, who afterwards became general of the army, gained
great renown. We do not find in hiflorians either the caufe or par-
ticulars of this war. The expedition againfl the Huexotzincas be-
ing concluded, Ahuitzotl celebrated the dedication of a new temple
called Tlacatecco, at which the prilbners made in the preceeding wars
were facrificed j but the rejoicings of this feflival were diflurbed by the
burning of the temple of Tlillan.
Thus this king continued in conflant wars until 1496, in which
the war of Atlixco happened. The entry of the Mexican army into
this valley was fo unexpefted, that the firil intimation which the At-
lixchefe nation had of it was the fight of them when they entered.
They took up arms immediately in their defence ; but finding they
had not forces fufficient to refifi: any length of time, they applied to the
Huexotzincas, their neighbours, for afliflance. When the Atlixchefe
ambafladors arrived at Heuxotzinco, they found a famous captain named
To/Zt'm// playing at football, whofe great courage was ftill lefs remarkable
than the extraordinary flrength of his arm. As foon as he was informed
concerning the Mexican army, he quitted play to repair with auxiliary
troops to Atlixco, and entering into the battle unarmed to fhew his
bravery, and the contempt he entertained of liis enemies, he knocked
down the firfl Mexican he met with his fift, and took his arms from
him, with which he began to make great flaughter. The Mexicans being
(j) Torrjuemada fays, that Ahuitzotl having frequently attempted the conqueft of Quetzal-
cuitlanpillan, did never yet fucceed ; but among the conquells of this king in the eleventh
painting of Mcndoza's CoUeiStion, this province is reprefentej.
I unable
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 203
unable to overcome the rehllance of their enemies, abandoned the field BOOK IV.
and returned to Mexico covered with ignominy. The Huexotzincas, in
reward of the fingular bravery of Tohecatl, made him the chief of
their republic. This itate however was afterwards fubjeded to the domi-
nion of the Mexicans whom they again provoked by frelli infults ; but as the
conquered nations only bore the yoke while they could not Ihake it off,
whenever tlie Huexotzincas found themfelves able to refift, they rebelled ;
and the greater part of the provinces fubdued by the Mexican arms did
the fame, which forced the Mexican army to keep jn continual motion,
to regain what their king occafionally loft in this way. Toltccatl ac-
cepted tlie dignity and poft conferred upon him ; but a year had
hardly elapfcd when he was conftrained to abandon not only his charge
but his country. The priefts and other minifters of the temples mak-
ing an abufe of their authority, entered into private houfes and took
away the maize and turkeys which they found in them, and commit-
ted other excefles unbecoming their dignity. Toltecatl endeavoured
to put a ftop to fuch injuftice ; but the priefts rofe in arms. The po-
pulace lupported them j another party oppofed their violence, and a
war kindled between the two fad:ions, which, like all other civil wars,
brought on the greateft evils. Toltecatl weary of governing a people
fo untradlable, or afraid of perifliing in the ftorm, removed from the
city with fome other nobles, and pafling the mountains arrived at Tlal-
manalco. The governor of that city gave fpeedy advice of them to the
king of Mexico, who inftantly put all the fugitives to death in punilla-
ment of their rebellion, and lent their dead bodies to Huexotzinco to
intimidate the rebels.
In the year 1498, it appearing to the king of Mexico, that the in- Sect. xxv.
viration of the lake was become difficult from the fcarcity of water, lie ^"'^^ <nunii i-
was defirous of incre^ifingitfrom the fountain of Huitzilopochco which to.
fupplicd the Cojoaciinefe, and called on Tzotzomatzin, lord of Cojoa-
can, to give his orders for that purpofe. Tzotzoinatzin reprefented to
him that that fpring was not conilant ; that fometimes it was dr}', and at
other times ran in fuch abundance, that it niiqht caafe fome dilafter to
his court. Ahuitzotl imagining that tliefe realons were mere pretences
to be excufed from doing what he was commanded, repeated liis iirft
order, but hearing the difficulty firft mentioned infifted un, difmiflal
D d 2 him
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
him in anger, and made him be put to death. Such is too often the
recompence of good counfel when princes are obllinate in their ca-
prices, and negiedt to attend to the fincere remonllrances of their laith-
ful fubjeds. Ahuitzotl being unwilHng on any account to abandon his
projeds, caufed a large and fpacious aqnedud to be formed (t) from
Cojoacan to Mexico, by which the water was conveyed with many lu-
perftitious ceremonies ; fome of the priefts offering incenfe, others fa-
crifiCing quails, and anointing the hp or border of the aqueduct with
the blood ; others founding mufical inftruments, and otherwife folem-
nizing the arrival of the water. The high-prieft wore the fame habit
with which they reprefented Chalcbihuitlicne, goddefs of the water («).
With fuch congratulations the water v/as received at Mexico j but the
prevailing joy was not long of being changed into lamentations : as the
rains of that year were fo plentiful, the waters of the lake rofe and
overflowed the city j the ftreets were filled with failing veflels, and
fome houfes wafhed away. The king happening to be one day in the
lower chambers of his palace, the water entered fuddenly in fuch abun-
dance, that as he haftened to get out at the door, which was low, he
received a violent contufion on his head, which fome time after oc-
cafioned his death. Diftreffed equally with the accident of the inun-
dation, and the clamours of his people, he called the king of Acol-
huacan to his alTiflance, who, without delay, ordered the dyke to be
repaired, which had been built by the advice of his father in the reign
£)f Montezuma.
The Mexicans were fcarcely delivered from the calamity of the in-
undation, when a year after, the fuperabundance of v>^ater having rotted
♦ill their maize, they were afflided with a fcarcity of corn ; but in this
year they had the fortune to difcover a quarry of tetzontli in the vale
of rvlexico, which proved fo ufeful for the buildings of that city.
The king immediately made ufe of this kind of ftone for temples ; and
after his example, private individuals built their houfes of it. He or-
(t) This aqueduft was entitely dclhoyed by Aluiitzoil hiinfclf, or his fucccflbr, for on the
arrival of the Spaniards nothing remained of it.
(«; Acoda tertifies that the conveyance of the water of Huitzilopochco to Mexico, and t'.ie
oerenionies performed by the priefts were reprefented in a Mexican paicting, which ic hb time
•|V^s, and may be ftill, in the library of the Vatican.
dered
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
205
Sect.
XXVI.
Nc'v con»
qucHs and
death oi \'
buitzotl.
dered all ruinous edifices to be pulled down and rebuilt in a better form ; Bo ck iv
adding much to the beauty and magnificence of his court.
He palfed the lalt years of his life in conftant wars, namely, thofe
of Izquixochitlan, Amatlan, Tlacuilollan, Xaltepec, Tecuantepec, and
Huexoth in Huaxteca. Tliltototl, the Mexican general, having finifli-
ed the war of Izquixochitlan, carried his vidorious arms as far as
Qu^htemallan, or Guatemala, more than nine hundred miles to the
fouth-eaft from the court, in which campaigns, according to the hifto-
rians, he performed prodigies of valour, but none of them relate the par-
titular adions of this renowned general ; nor do we know \vhether
that great trad of country remained fubjedl to the crown of Mexico.
At length in the year 1502, after a reign of about twenty years,
Ahuitzotl died of an Ulnefs occafioned by the abovementioned contufion
on his head. He was a very warlike king, and one of thofe who ex-
tended moll confiderably the dominions of thecxown. At the time of
his death, the Mexicans were in pofTefllon of all which they had at the
iirrival of the Spaniards. Befides courage, he had two other royal virtues,
which made him celebrated among his countrymen ; thefe \\ere mag-
nificence and liberality. He embellilhed Mexico with fo many new
and magnificent buildings, that it was already become the firll city of the
new world. When he received the provincial tributes he aflembled the
people in a certain fquare of the city, and pcrfonallydillributed provi-
fions and cloathing to the necefiitous. He rewarded his captains and
foldicrs who dillinguilhed themfelves in war, and the minifters and of-
ficers of the crown who fervcd him with fidelity, with gold, lilver,
jewels, and precious feathers. Thefe virtues were put to the foil by fomc
vices, as he was capricious, vindidive, and ibmetimes cruel, and lo
inclined to war, that he appeared to hate peace ; from which the name
Ahuitzotl was ul'ed proverbially by the Spaniards of that kingdom to
iigniiy a man whole troublelbme vexatious temper would not permit
another to live (.v). But he was in other reipcds good humoured, and
delighted lb much in mufic, that lie never wanted, neither by night nor
day this amulcment in his palace ; but it murt: have been prejudicial to
the public good, as it robbed him of a great part of that time which ihould
(y) The f paniarcis fay, X. li mio Ahuitzctc ; Quefli c» l'Ahi-iizote di N. a ninno manca
il luo Ahuitzotf, Skt
have-
2o6 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK IV. have been dedicated to the important concerns of his kingdom. He
was not lefs attached to the company of women. His predeceflbrs had
many wives, from an opinion that their authority and grandeur would
be heightened in proportion to the number of perfons who contributed
to their pleafures. Ahuitzotl having fo much extended his dominions,
and encreafed the power of the crown, was defirous aUb of llnewing the
fuperiority of his grandeur over that of his anceftors, in the exceffive num-
ber of his wives. In this ftate was the court of Mexico at the beginning
of the fixteenth century ; of that century fo fruitful in great events,
during which that kingdom was to put on a quite different afpeft, and
the whole order and fyftem of the new world was to be reverfed.
BOOK
l'ir.
Vol.l.Faqe ìo-^
f 207 ]
BOOK V.
Events under Montezuma II. the ninth King of Mexico, until the Tear
1519. Particulars of his Life, his Government, and the Magnifi-
cence of his Palaces, Gardens, and Woods. 'The War of Tlafcala^
and fome Account of Tlahuicole, a Tlafcalan Captain. Death and
Eulogium ofNezahualpilli, King of Acolhuacan, and neiv Revolutions
in that Kingdom. Prefages of the Arrival of the Spaniards.
A
ICO.
Hiaitzotl being dead, and his funeral celebrated with extraordi- book v.
nary magnificence, they proceeded to the elecftion of a new fo- '^~~- '
vereign. No brother of the preceding kings furvived ; on which ac- i^iontczmnJ,
count, according to the law of the kingdom, one of the grandfons k'ing"o"'Mcx-
of the laft king, who were fons of his predecelTors, had the right of fuc-
cefiion ; of thefe there were many; for of the fons of Axayacatl, Mon-
tezuma, Cuitlahuac, Matlatzincatl, Pinahuitzin, Cecepa<flicatzin, were
flill living, and of thole of king Tizoc, Imaéllacuijatzin, Tcpehuat-
zin, and others, whofe names we do not know. Montezuma, who
was called by the name of Xocojotzin, to diftingniHi him from the other
king of tliat name, was elefted in preference to all the others fa).
(s) Belides the bravery which he had difplayed in feveral battles,
in which he held the pofl: of general, he was likewifc a priefl, and
much revered for his gravity, his circumfpcdtion, and religion. He
was a man of a taciturn temper, extremely deliberate, not only in
words, but alfo in his adions ; and whenever he fpoke in the royal
council, of which he was a member, he was lillened to with rcfped.
(a) The author of the Annotations to Cortes's Letters, printed in Mexico iu the year 1770
fays, that Montezuma II. was fon of Montezuma I. This is a grofi millake, as wc kuow
from aH the hillorians, both Mexican and Spanidi, that he was the fon of Axayacatl. Sec
Tori|iicm::da, Bernal Diaz, the interpreter of Mcndoza's Collection, &c.
The tint Montezuma was calltd bv the Mexicans Ilncliiu- Moiuz.oma, and the fccond Motcnc
zema Xeojotzit/, names which arc e<iuivalcnt to ihc /c/iitr and Jmu'er oj the Latins,
Notice
ao8 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK V. Kotice of the eledion being fent to tlic two allied kings, they repaired
inftantly to the court to pay their compliments. Montezuma, being
apprized of it, alfo retired to the temple, appearing to think him-
lelf unworthy of fo much honour. The nobility went there to ac-
quaint him with his being elefted, and found him fweeping the pavement
of the temple. He was conducted by a numerous attendance to the
palace, where the electors, with due folemnity, intimated the ele(!lIon
had fallen on him as the fitteft perfon to fill the throne of Mexico.
From thence he returned to the temple to perform tlie ufual ceremo-
nies, and as foon as they were finiihed he received on the throne the
homage of the nobility, and heard the congratulatory harangues of
the orators. The firll fpeech was made by Nezahualpilli, king of A-
colhuacan, which we prefent to our readers fuch as it is preferved to
us by the Mexicans.
" The great good fortune, "^ he fald, ** of the Mexican monarchy is
" made manifelt from the unanimity in your election, and the uncommon
'* applaufe with which it is celebrated by all. All have in truth rea-
" fon to celebrate it, for the kingdom of Mexico is arrived at fuch
" greatnefs, no lefs fortitude than your invincible heart pofTelTes, no
" lefs wifdom than that which in you we admire, would be fuffi-
" cient to fupport fo great a load. It is moft evident, how ilrong
"the love is which the omnipotent God bears to this nation; as
" he has enlightened it, that it may difcern and chufe that which can
" be mofl beneficial to it. Who is able to perfuade himfelf that he,
" who, as a private individual, has fearched into the myfteries of h?a-
" ven (a), will not now, when king, know the things of this earth,
" which will prefer ve the happinefs of his fubjedls ? That he who on fo
" many occafions has difplayed the greatnefs of his foul, will not now re-
" tain it when it is become mofl necelTary to him ? Who can believe,
" that where there is fo much courage, and fo much wifdom, the widow
" or the orphan will ever apply without relief? The Mexican empire
" has unquefliionably attained the height of its power, as the Creator of
" heaven has inverted you with fomuch authority as to infpire all thole
" v/ho behold you with awe and refpeft. Rejoice, therefore, (5 happy
(rt) This faying of Nezahualpilli appears to imply that Montezuma was engaged in the lU\dy
of aftronomy.
•' land.
HISTORY OF MEXICO
209
*' land, that you are deftined to have a prince who will not only be thy BOOK v.
" fupport, but will by his clemency prove a father and brother to his fub-
*' jedts. Thou haft, indeed, a king who will not feize the occafion of his
** exaltation to give himfelf up to luxury, and lie fluggilhly in bed, aban-
** -doned to paftimes and effeminate pleafures ; his anxiety for thee rather
" will Wi^ke and agitate his bofoni in the fofteft hour of repofe, nor
*' will he be able to tafte food, or relilli the moft delicious morfei, while
** thy interefts are opprefled or negleóted. And do you, noble prince and
" moft powerful lord, be confident, and truft that the Creator of hea-
" ven, who has raifed you to fo high a dignity, will give you ftrength
" to difcharge all the obligations which are annexed to it. He who
" has hitherto been fo liberal to you, will not now be niggardly of his
" precious gifts, having himfelf raifed you to the throne on which I
" wilh you many years of happinefs."
Montezuma heard this harangue with much attention, and was fo
greatly affedted by it, that he attempted three times to anfwer it, but
could not, from the interruption of the tears, which the fecret pleafure
he felt produced, and gave him the appearance of much humility ;
but, at laft after checking his emotions, he replied in few words, declar-
ing himfelf unworthy of the ftation to which he was exalted, and
returning thanks to that king for the praifes which he beftowed on
him; and after hearing the other addrelfes on this occafion, he returned
to the temple to keep faft for four days, at the end of which he was
re-conduited with great ftate to the royal palace.
He thought now of going to war to procure vidlims to be facri-
ficed at his coronation. This dilafter fell upon the Atlixchefe, who
fome time before had rebelled againft the crown. The king, accordingly,
fct out liom the court, witli the flov^'er of the nobility, his brotliers
and coufins being amongft the number. In this war the Mv^xicans
loft fome brave officers ; but, notwithftanding, they reduced tiie rebels
under their former yoke, and Montezuma returned viélorious, bring-
ing along v/ith him the prifoners whicli he required at his corona-
tion. On this occafion was difplayed fo much pomp of games, dances,
theatrical reprefentations and illuminations, and with fuch va-
riety and richnefs of tributes fent from the different provinces of the
kingdom, that foreigners never known before in Mexico, came to fee
Vol. I. • E e it.
210
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK V
Sect. II.
Ufportment
aiiJ ceiemo-
nials of king
Montezunui.
it, and even the enemies of the Mexicans, namely, the Tlafcalans a-nd
Michuacanefe were prefent in difguife at the fpedacle ; but Montezuma
having intelHgence of this, wiitli a generofity becoming a king, ordered
them to be properly lodged and entertained, and caufed feveral fcaffolds
to be ereded where they might with eafe and conveniency view the whole
of the folemnity.
The firft ad of this king was to reward a renowned captain, named
TlUxocbitl^ with the fiate of Tlachaucho, for the great fervices he had
rendered his anceflors during feveral wars : a truly happy commence-
ment of a reign, had his fucceeding conduól been correfpondent to it. But
he had fcarce begun to exercife his authority when he difcovered the
pride which had hitherto lain concealed under an exterior of feeming
humility. All his predecefTors had been accuftomed to confer offices
on perfons of merit, and thofe who appeared the mofl able to difcharge
them, honouring, without partiality, the nobility or thofe of the clafs
of plebeians occafionally, notwithltanding the folemn agreement entered
into by the nobility and plebeians in the reign of Itzcoatl. Monte-
zuma as foon as he feized the reins of government fliewed quite differ-
ent fentiments, and difapproved of the condudl of his predecefibrs, un-
der pretence that the plebeians fliould be employed according to their
rank, for that in all their aólions the bafenefs of their birth, and the
meannefs of their education were apparent. Being biafled by this
maxim, he ftripped the plebeians of thofe offices which they held either
in his royal manfion, or about the court, and declared them incapable
of holding any fiach in future. A prudent old man, who had been his
tutor, reprefented to him that this refolution would alienate the minds
of the people from him ; but no remon (trances were fufficient to di-
vert him from his purpofe.
All the fervants of his palace confilled of perfons of rank, Befides
thofe who conftantly lived in it, every morning fix hundred feudatory-
lords and nobles came to pay court to him. They pafled the whole day
in the anti- chamber, where none of their fervants were permitted to
enter, converfing in a low voice, and waiting the orders of their fovereign.
The fervants who accompanied thofe lords, were fo numerous as to oc-
cupy three fmall courts of the palace, and many waited in theftreets. The
V/omen about the court were not lefs in number, including thofe of rank,
' fervants,
i
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 211
fervants, and flaves. All this numerous fema' • tribe, lived fliut up in a BOOK v,
kind of feraglio, under the care of fonie noble matrons, who watched over
their conduft ; as thefe kings were extremely jealous, and every piece of
mifconduót which happened in the palace, however flight, was feverely
punidied. Of thefe women the king retained thofe who pleafed him {d) ;
the others he gave away, as a recompence for the fervices of his vaflals.
All the feudatories of the crown were obliged to rcfide for fome months
of the year, at the court ; and at their return to their ftates, to leave
their fons or brothers behind them, as hoftages, which the king de-
manded as a fecurity for their fidelity ; on which account they required
to keep houfes in Mexico.
The forms and ceremonials introduced at court, were another effeft
of the defpotifm of Montezuma. No one could enter the palace, either
to ferve the king, or to confer with him on any bufinefs, without pull-
ing off his (lioes and flockings at the gate. No perfon was allowed
to appear before the king in any pompous drefs, as it was deemed a want
of refpeil to majefty ; confequently the greatefl: lords, excepting the
nearelt relations of the king, ftripped themfelves of the rich drefs which
they wore, or at leafl covered it with one more ordinary, to fhew their
humility before him. All perfons on entering the hall of audience, and
before fpeaking to the king, made three bows, faying at the firft, lord ;
at the fecond, my lord ; and at the third, great lord (e). They fpoke
low, and with the head inclined, and received the anfwer which the king
gave them by means of his fecretaries, as attentively and humbly as if
it had been the voice of an oracle. In taking leave, no perfon ever turned
his back upon the throne.
The audience hall ferved alfo for his dining room. The table was a
large pillow, and his feat a low chair. The table cloth, napkins, and
towels were of cotton, but very fine, white, and always perfeftly clean.
The kitchen utenfils were of the earthen ware of Cholula j but none of
thefe things ever ierved him more than once, as immediately after he
gave them to one of his nobles. The cups in which they prepared his
{{/) Some hidorians affirm that Montezuma Tiad a hundred and fifty of his wives pregnant at
•once ; but it is certainly not very credible. \
(e) The Mexican words are, TUioani, lord ; Notlatecatxi/t, my lord ; and Huitlatoani, great
lerd.
E e 2 chocolate
^ '
212 H I S T O R Y O r M E X I C O.
<
BOOK V. cliocoliite, and other drinks of the cocoa, were of gold, or fome beai>-
tiful fea-fliell, or naturally formed veifels curioufly varniilied, of which
we filali fpeak hereafter. He had gold plate, but it was ufed only on
certain feftivals, in the te;nple. The number, and variety of dilhes at
his table amazed the Spaniards who faw them. The conqueror Cor-
tez, lays, that they covered the floor of a great hall, and that there
were dilhes of every kindx^f game, filh, fi'uit, and herbs of that coun-
try. Three or four hundred noble youths carried this dinner in form ;
prefented it as foon as the king fat down to table, and immediately re-
tired; and that it might not grow cold, every dilli was accompanied
with its chafiiig-dilh. The king marked with a rod, which he had in
his hand, the meats which he chofe, and the reft were diftribirted
among the nobles who were in the anti-chamber. Before he fat down,
four of the moll beautiful women of his feraglio, prefented water to him
to walli his hands, and continued ftanding all the time of his dinner,
together with fix of his principal minillers, and his carver.
As foon as the king fat down to table, the carver lluit the door of the
hall, that none of the other nobles might fee him eat. The minifters
flood at a diftance, and kept a profound filence, unlefs when they made
anfwer to what the king fud. The carver and the four women ferved.
the diflies to him, belides two others who brought him bread made of
maize baked with eggs. He frequently heard mufic, during the time
of his meal, and was entertained with the humorous, fayings of fome
deformed men whom he kept out of mere Hate. He Ihewed much fa-
tisfaftion in hearing them, and obferved that amongft their jells, they
frequently pronounced fome important truth. When his dinner was
over he took tobacco mixed with liquid amber, in a pipe, or reed beau-
tifully varniilied, and with the fmoke of it put himfelf to fleep.
After having flept a little, upon the fame low chair he gave audi-
ence, and liftened attentively to all that was communicated to him ;
encouraged thofe who, from embarralTment, were unable to fpeak to
him, £tnd anfwered everyone by his minifters or fecretaries. After giv-
ing audience, he was entertained with mulic, being much delighted
with hearing the glorious adtions of his anceftors fung. At other
times he amufed himfelf with feeing various games played, of which
we fhall fpeak hereafter. When he went abroad, he was carried on the
flaoulders
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O, 213
fnoulders of the nobles in a litter covered with a rich canopy, attended book v.
by a numerous retinue of courtiers ; and wherever he paflcd, every per- " '
fon flopped with their eyes flmt, as if they feared to be dazzled with
the fplendor of majefty. When he alighted from the litter to walk o.m
foot, they fpread carpets, that he might not touch the earth with his
feet.
The grandeur and magnificence of his palaces, houfes of pleafure, ^^^J, ^^^
woods, and gardens, were correfpondent to this majeily. The palace of of the pai.i,:ci,
his ufual refidence was a vail edifice of ftonc and lime, which had ^^f^°^^
twenty doors to the public fquare andftreets; three great courts, in one
of which was a beautiful fountain, feveral halls, and more than a
hundred chambers. Some of the apartments had walls of marble
and other valuable kinds of ftone. The beams were of cedar, cyprefs, and
other excellent woods, well finiflied and carved. Among the halls
there was one fo large, that, according to the teflimony of an eye-
witnefs of veracity (/), it could contain three thoufand people. Be-
fides this palace, he had others, both within and without the capital. In
Mexico, befides the leraglio for his wives, there was lodging for all his
minifters and counfellors, and all the officers of his houfliold and
court ; and alfo accommodation for foreign lords who arrived there, and
particularly for the two allied kings.
Two houfes in Mexico he appropriated to animals ; the one for
birds, which did not live by prey ; the other for thofe of prey, qua-
drupeds, and reptiles. There were feveral chambers belonging to
the firll, and galleries fupported on pillars of marble, all of one piece..
Thele galleries looked towards a garden, where, in the midll of fome
ihrubbery, ten filh-ponds were formed, fome of them of frefli water
for the aquatic birds of rivers, and others of fait- water for thofe of the
fea. In other parts of the houfe were all forts of birds, in fuch number
and variety, as to flrike the Spaniards with wonder, who could not be-
lieve there was any fpecies in the world wanting to the colledlion. They
Avere fupplied with the fame food which they fed upon while they en-
joyed their liberty, whether feeds, fruits, or infedts. For thofe birds
(/) The anonymous conqueror, in his vnluable relation or narrative. lie fays alfo, that he
went four different timcs into that great palace, and ranged over it till he was fatigued, but
could not fee it all.
which.
tìi4 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK V. who lived on fifh only, the daily confumption was ten Caftilian pefos
of filli, (according to the teftimony of the conqueror Cortez, in his let-
ters to Charles V.) which is more than three liundred Roman pounds.
Three hundred men, fays Cortez, were employed to take care of thofe
birds, befides their phyficians, who obferved their diftempers, and ap-
plied timely remedies to them. Of thofe three hundred men, fome
procured them their food, others diilributed it, others took care of
their eggs at the time of their incubation, and others picked their plu-
mage at certain feafons of the year ; for, befides the pleafure which
the king took in feeing fo great a multitude of animals collected toge-
ther, he was principally careful of their feathers, not lefs for the fake of
the famous Mofaic images, of which we Ihall fpeak hereafter, than of the
other works which were made of them. The halls and chambers of thofe
houfes, were fo many in number, as the conqueror above mentioned at-
tefls, that they could have accommodated two great princes with all
their retinue. This celebrated houfe was fituated in the place where, at
prefent, the great convent of St. Francis ftands,
The other houfe appropriated to the wild animals, had a large and
handfome court, with a chequered pavement, and was divided into va-
rious apartments. One of them contained all the birds of prey, from
the royal eagle to the keftrel, and many individuals of every fpecies.
Thefe birds were diftributed, according to their fpecies, in various fub-
terraneous chambers, v/hich were more than feven feet deep, and up-
wards of feventeen in length and breadth. The half of every cham-
ber was covered with flat flones ; and flakes were fixed in the wall,
on which they might fleep, and be defended from rain. The other
half of the chamber was only covered with a lattice, through which
they enjoyed the light of the fun. For the fupport of thefe birds,
were killed, daily, near five hundred turkeys. In the fame houfe
were many low halls filled with a great number of ftrong wooden
cages, in which, lions, tygers, wolves, coyotoo, and wild cats were
confined, and all other kinds of wild beafls, which were fed upon
deer, rabbits, hares, techiciiis, and other animals, and the inteflines of
human facrifices.
The king of Mexico not only kept all the fpecies of animals, which
other princes do for fiate, but likewife fuch as by nature feemed ex-
empted
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 21^-
empted from flavery, namely, crocodiles, and ferpents. The ferpents BOOK V.
were kept in large cafks or veffels ; the crocodiles in ponds, which
were walled round. There were alfo, various ponds for fifli, two of
which, that are remaining and llill beautiful, we have {ccn in the palace
of Chapoltepec, two miles from Mexico.
IVIontezuma, who was not fatisfied with having every fort of animal
in his palace, alfo colledted there all irregularly fornicd men, v>ho either
from the colour of their hair, or of their iTiin, or fome other deformity
in their perfons, were oddities of their fpecies. A humour this, how-
ever, not unattended with beneficial confequences, as it gave maintenance
to a number of miferable objeéts, and delivered them from the inhu-
man infults of their other fellow-creatures.
All his palaces were furrounded with beautiful gardens, where there
was every kind of beautiful flower, odoriferous herb, and medicinal
plant. He had, likewife, woods inclofed with walls, and furnilhed
with variety of game, in which he frequently fported. One of thofe
woods was upon an ifland in the lake, known at prefent, among the
Spaniards, by the name of Phio?i.
Of all thefe palaces, gardens, and woods, there is now remaining
the wood of Chapoltepec only, which the Spanifli viceroys have pre-
ferved for their pleafure. All the others were deftroyed by the con-
querors. They laid in ruins the moil magnificent buildings of anti-
quity, fometimes from an indifcreet zeal for religion, fometimes in re-
venge, or to make ufe of the materials. They negleóled the cultiva-
tion of the royal gardens, cut down the woods, and reduced that coun-
try to fuch a ftate, the magnificence of its former kings could not now
find belief, were it not confirmed by the teftimony of thofe who were
the caufes of its annihilation.
Not only the palaces, but all the other places of pleafure, were kept
in exquifite order and neatnefs, even thofe which were fcldom or never
vifited ; as there was nothing in which he took more pride than the
cleanlinefs of his own per fon, and of every thing elfe which was his. He
bathed regularly every day, and had baths, therefore, in all his palaces.
Every day he wore four drefles ; and that which he once put off, he ne- s e c t. R".
ver after ufed again : thefe were refcrved as largefics for the nobles who ..^.jj^^Tof
ferved him, and the foldiers who behaved gallantly in war. Every Montczunw,
morning.
2i6 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
EOOK V. morning, according to the accounts given by fome hlftorians, upwards
of a thoufand men were employed by him in fweeping and watering the
ilreets of the city.
In one of the royal buildings was an armory filled with all kind
of ofienfive and defenfive arms, which were made ufe of by thofe na-
tions, with military ornaments, and enfigns. He kept a furprifing num-
ber of artificers at work, in manufodiuring thefe and other things. He
had numerous artifts conftantly bufied likewife, namely, goldfmiths,
Mofaic work-men, fculptors, painters, and others. One whole dili:ri(n:
confilted folely of dancing-mafters, who were trained up to entertaia
him.
His zeal for religion was not lefs confpicuous than his magni-
ficence. He built feveral temples to his gods, and made frequent
lacrifices to them, obferving with great pun£tuality the eftablilhed rites
and ceremonies. He v/as extremely careful that all the temples, and
in particular the greater temple of Mexico, fliould be well kept, and
exquihtely clean ; but his vain fear of the auguries and pretended ora-
cles of thofe falle divinities totally debafed his mind.
He was anxioully attentive to the execution of his orders, and the
laws of the kingdom., and was inexorable in punifliing tranfgrellors.
He tried, frequently, by fecret prefents, the integrity of his magiflrates,
and whenever he found any of them guilty, he punifhed them without
remiflion, even if they v/ere of the firll rank of the nobility.
He was an implacable enemy to idlenefs, and, in order to banifh it as
much as pofiible from his dominions, he kept his fubjedls perpetually
employed ; the military, in conflant warlike exercifes j the others, in
the culture of the fields, and in the conftruclion of new edifices, and
other public works ; and even beggars, that they might not be totally
idle, were enjoined to contribute a certain quantity of thofe filthy infeds
which are the breed of naftinefs and adherents of v/retchednefs.
The oppreflion which he made his vafl'nls feel, the heavy burdens he
impofed on them, his own arrogance and pi"ide, and exceffive feverity
in punifliments, difgufted his people ; but, on the other hand, he gained
their love by his liberality in fupplying the necelTities of individuals, as
well as rewarding his generals and minifters. Amongfl other things
worthy to be recorded with the highell praifes, and to be imitated by all
princes,
i
HISTORY OF M E X I C O. 21
/
princes, he allotted the citv of Colhuacan as an hoipitalfor all invalids, ROOK v.
who, after having done faithful fervice to the crown, either in military
or civil employments, required a provifion for their age or infirmi-
ties. They were there maintained, and attended to at the expence of
the king. Such were the good and bad qualities of the celebrated Mon-
tezuma ; which we have thought proper to lay before the reader here,
before we go on to detail the events of his reign.
In the beginning of his government, he put to death Malinalli, lord
of Tlachquiauhco, for rebellion againil the crown of Mexico ; he re-
duced the rtate again under his obedience, and conquered, alfo, that ot
AchiotliVi. A little time after, another war broke out more ferious and
dangerous, in which he was not fo fuccefsful.
Amonglt the many provinces which either voluntarily fubjedled them- Sect. V.
felves to the Mexicans from fear of their power, or were conquered by ^^ "*''
force of arms, the republic of Tlafcala remained ahvays unfubdued, hav-
ino- never bowed to the Mexican yoke, although fo little diftant from the
capital of that empire. The Huexotzincas, Cholulans, and other neigh-
bouring ftates, who were formerly allied with the republic, growing jeal-
ous afterwards of its profperity, exafperated the Mexicans againft it,
by infinuating that the Tlafcalans were defirous of making themfelves
mafters of the maritime provinces on the Mexican gulf, and th^t by their
commerce with thofe provinces, they were daily increafing their power
and their wealth, and were gaining the minds of the people with whom
they had traffick. The commerce of the Tlafcalans, of which the Huex-
otzincas complained, was both juftifiable and necelVary ; becaufe, be-
ftdcs that the greater part of the people of thefe coafts were originally of
Tlafcala, and confidcred cich other as kindred and relations ; the Tlal-
calans were under the neceffity of providing themfelves from thence.
with what cocoas, cotton, and liilt they wanted. Ncverthelefs the
reprefentations of the Huexotzincas had fuch influence on the Mexi-
cans, that fince the tin.e of Montezuma I. all the kings of Mexico had
treated the Tlafcalaiis as the greatell enemies of the empire, and had al-
ways maintained ftrong garrifons on the frontiers of Tlafcala, to obltruct
their commerce with the maritime parts.
The Tlafcalans finding themfelves deprived of their freedom of com-
merce, and confequently of the means of obtaining fomc ol the ncceil.u-i.;s
Voi. I. Ff ut"
2iS H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O,
BOOK IV. of life, refolved to fend an embafìy to the Mexican nobility, (probably in
the time of king Axayacatl) complaining of the wrong done them through
the falfe infmuations of their rivals. The Mexicans who were become
infolent from profperity, replied, that the king of Mexico was lord
of all the world, and all mortals were his vaflals ; and that as fuch,
the Tlafcalans Ihould render him due obedience, and acknowledge him
by tribute, after the example of other nations ; but if they refufed fub-
jedlion, they mufl perifli without remedy, their city would be lacked,
and their country given to be inhabited by another race of people. To
fo arrogant and weak an anfwer, the anibalfador returned thofe fpirited
words : " Mofb powerful lords, Tlaicala owes you no fubfcription, nor
" have the Tlafcalans ever acknowledged any prince with tributes fince
" their anceftors left the countries in the North, to inhabit this land.
" They have always preferved their liberty, and being unaccuflomed to
" the flavery to which you pretend to fubjedl them, rather than fub-
" mit to your power, they will ùied more blood than their fathers
" Ihed in the famous battle of Pojauhtlan."
The Tlafcalans alarmed at the arrogant and ambitious pretenfions of
the Mexicans, and defpairing of being able to bring them to any ami-
cable agreement, refolved at laft to fortify their frontiers to prevent an
invafion. They had already inciofed the lands of the republic with in-
trenchments, and eftablifhed good garrifons on their frontiers : the
threats of the Mexicans made them increafe their fortifications, and
rtrengthen their garrifons, and conftruft that famous wall fix miles in
length, which prevented the enemy from entering in the quarter of the
weft, where danger was chiefly to be apprehended. They were frequently
attacked by the Huexotzincas, the Cholulans, the Itzocanefe, the Te-
camachalchefe, and other ftates which were neighbouring, or but little
diflant from Mexico j but they never could wreft a foot of land from
the republic, owing to the watchful attention of the Tlafcalans, and the
bravery with which they refifted their invaders.
A great many fubjedls of the crown of Mexico had taken refuge in
the country of Tlafcala, particularly fome of the Chalchefe nation, and
the Otomies of Xaltocan who fled from the ruin of their native coun-
tries, in the wars above-mentioned. They bore an inveterate hatred to
the Mexicans, from the evils which they had fuffered, and appeared,
tkere-
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
219
J
therefore, to the TlafcaLins, to be the fitteft people to give vigorous op- BOOK V,
polition to their enemies ; in this they were not deceived ; for the Mexi-
cans found no refiflance more powerful than that which they met with
from thefe exiles, efpecially the Otomies compofing the frontier gar-
rifons, who ferved the republic with great fidelity, and were reward-
ed with the higheft honours and employments.
All the time that Axayacatl and his fuccelTors reigned, the Tlafcal.ms
continued to be obftrudlcd in their commerce with the maritime pro-
vinces, by which means the common people were fo mucli in want of
fait, that they grew accuftomed to eat their food without that feafon-
ing, and did not return to the ufe of it for many years after the con-
quelT: ; but the nobles, or at leaft fome of them, had fecret correfpond-
ence with fome Mexican lords, and got a fupply of what was ncceffary,
without the populace of either country having any knowledge of it. Every
perfon knows that in all general calamities, the poor are thofe who
fuffer the greatefl hardlhips, while thofe of better circumftances efcape,
or at leali find means by their wealth to foften and relieve them.
Montezuma being unable to endure a refufal of obedience and hom-
age from the little republic of Tlafcala, while fo many nations, even
the mofl diflant, were tributary to him, ordered in the beginning of
his reign, the flates in its neighbourhood to mufter their troops,
and attack the republic on every fide. The Huexotzincas, in con-
federacy with the Cholulans, quickly raifed their forces, under com-
mand of Tecajahuatzin, the chief of the Itate of Iluexotzinco j
but confiding more in their arts than their flrength, they tried to
draw over to their party, by bribes and promiles, the inhabitants of
Huejotlipan, a city of the republic, fituated on the frontiers of tlie king-
dom of Acolhuacan, and the Otomies, who guarded the other frontiers ;
but neither would be prevailed upon : on the contrary, they declared
they were refolved to die in defence of the republic. I'pon which
the Huexotzincas, being obliged to make ule of their ftrengtJi, en-
tered with fuch fury into the boundaries of Tlafcala, that the frontier
garrifon was not able to withftand them : they committed great (laughter,
and advanced as far as Xiloxotbitla, which was only three miles diflant
from the capital. There they met with a flout refiflance from Tezat-
lacatzin, a celebrated TJafcnlan captain, who fell at laft however, being
F f 2 over-
220 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK V. overcoiiie bv the multitude of his enemies. Findina; themlelves fo near
the capital, they conceived fuch a dread of the vengeance of the Tlafca-
lans, that they retreated precipitately to their own territories. Such was
the commencement of the continual battles and the hoftilities which fub-
firted between the two Ifates until the arrival of the Spaniards. We arc
uninformed by hiiiory whether the other flates in the neighbourhood
of Tlafcala were engaged in the war : perhaps, the Huexotzincas and
and C'holulans were unwilling to let any other have a (hare in their
glory.
The Tlafcalans were now lb enraged againfl; the Huexotzincas, that
they did not confine themfelves any longer to the defence of their ll:ate;
but frequently lallied out upon the enemy. At one time they attacked
them at the foot of the mountains, which lie to the well of Huexot-
zinco, and reduced them to fuch difficulties, that finding themfelves
unable for refiftance, they demanded aiTirtance from Montezuma,
who immediately ordered an army under the command of his firft-
born fon to their relief. This armv marched acrofs the fouthern
border of the mountain and volcano Popocatepec, where it was in-
cre.ifed with the troops of Chietlan and Itzocan, and from thence it
entered by Quauhquechollan into the valley of Atlbcco. The Tlafca-
lans having intelligence of this route, pofted themfelves in the way to
fall upon the Mexicans before they could join the Huexotzincas. The
attack was fo ludden and unexpected on the Mexicans that they were de-
feated, and the Tlafcalans taking advantage of their diforder, made a con-
fiderable havoc of them. Amongft others who were flain, the prince the
general was one, on Avhom fo important a poft had been conferred pro-
bably more from an intention to add this honour to the noblenefs of
his birth than from refpeél to his flcill in the art of war. The reft of
the army was put to flight, and the conquerors returned to Tlafcala
loaded with fpoils. It is much to be wondered at that they did not
pour immediately upon the city of Iluexotzinco, as they might have
expeded it would have eafily lurrendered ; but, perhaps, the vidory
was not fo complete, but that many of their people fell in the battle,
and that they thought it more prudent to enjoy the immediate fruits of
viiflory, and return afterwards with more forces to the war. They
quickly returned, but they were repulfed by the Huexotzincas, who
were
li I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 221
were now fortified, fo that they retreated to Tlalcala without any other BOOK v.
advantage than laying warte the fields of the Huexotzincas and Cholu- ' ^ '
lans ; by which thefe people were fo reduced as to be forced to feek pro-
vifion in Mexico and other places.
Montezuma was deeply afieded with the death of his firfl-born
fon, and the defeat of his army : upon which he commanded another
army to be railed in the provinces furrounding Tlafcala, to block up
the \\-hole republic ; but the Tlafcalans forefeeing the hoftility of
the Mexicans, had made extraordinary fortifications, and ftrength-
encd all their ganifons. The conteft became vigorous on both
fides ; but at lall the royal troops were repulfed, leaving no fmall fliare
of riches in the hands of their enemies. The Tlafcalans celebrated
this vidtory with great rejoicings, and rewarded the Otomies, to whom
it was chiefly owing, by advancing the moll: refpedtable among them
to the dignity of Texetli, which was in the greateft eileem among
them, and giving daughters of the moll noble Tlafcalans in marriage to
the heads of that nation.
It is not to be doubted that if the king of Mexico had been ferioufly
bent on the reduction of the Tlafcalans, he would in the end have fub-
jedted them to his crown ; becaufe although the llrength of the republic
was confiderable, its troops warlike, and its places ftrong, they were flill
inferior to the Mexicans in refources and power. From which it appears
probable, as hiftorians affirm, that the kings of Mexico, although they
had conquered the moll diitant provinces, defignedly let the republic of
Tlafcala exifi:, which is fcarcely fixty miles dillant from that capital ;
not only that tliey might have an enemy at hand againil whom they
might exercife their troops ; but likewife that they might always be
able to procure with eafe vidlims for their lacrifices. The frequent at-
tacks which they made on the different places of Tlafcala, ferved for
both thefe purpofes.
Among the Tlafcalan vidims in the hiftory of Mexico, a very fa- Sect. vr.
mous general, named Tlahuicol, is extremely worhy of memory {g). Plis ^^J;!{^ratc"j' ^
courage, and the uncommon llrength of his arms, were unequalled general of
and wonderful. The maquabuitl, or Mexican fword, with which he ia„s,
(j-) The event refpe>fting this ofli cr happened in the Lift years of Montezuma's reijjn ; but on
account of it« connection with the ww of Tlafcala wc have thought piopci- to introduce it hire.
fought
222 HISTÓPvY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IV. fought, was fo weighty, that a man of ordinary ftrength could hardly
raife it from the ground. His name was a terror to the enemies of
the republic, and wherever he appeared in arms, they fled before
him. In an affault which the Huexotzincas made upon a garrifon of
the Ottomies, he got inadvertently, during the heat of the engagement,
into a marili, where not being able to move with fufficient agi-
lity, he was made prifoner, confined in a ftrong cage, carried to Mexi-
co, mid prefented to Montezuma. The king, who could efteem merit
even in his enemies, inftead of putting him to death, gracioufly grant-
ed him liberty to return to his native country ; but the proud Tlaf-
calan would not accept the favour, pretending that as he had been made
prifoner, he had not confidence to prefent himfelf after fuch difhonour
before his countrymen. He faid he defired to die like the other prifoners,
in honour of their god. Montezuma obferving his averfion to return
to his country, and at the fame time being unwilling to deprive the
world of a man who was fo renowned, continued to entertain him at
his court, in hopes of making him a friend to the Mexicans, and gain-
ing his fervices to the crown. In the mean time a war broke out with
the Michuacanefe, the reafons and particulars of which we know not,
when Montezuma committed the command of the army which he fent to
Tlaximalojan, the frontier as we have already mentioned of Michuacan,
to Tlahuicol. Tlahuicol correfponded faithfully with the truft repofed
in him ; for although he could not diflodge the enemy from the place
\vhere they were fortified, yet he made many prifoners, and brought offa
great quantity of gold and filver. Montezuma was fenfible of his fervices,
and again made him offers of liberty ; but this being refufed as formerly,
he was offered the honourable poff of Tlaciitccatl, general of the Mexi-
can arms. To this the TIafcalan nobly anfwered, that he would never
be a traitor to his country, that he defired pofitively to die, provided it
might be in the gladiatorian fiicrifice, which as it was referved for the
mofl refpedtable prifoners, would therefore be more honourable to him.
This celebrated general pafled three years in Mexico with one of his
wives, who came there from Tlafcala to live with him. It is probable,
that the Mexicans brought her to him that he might leave them fome
poftcrity, to ennoble with his virtues the court and kingdom of Mexi-
co. The king perceiving at laft the obftinacy with which he re-
1 fufed
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 22
J
fufed every offer which was made him, yielded to his barbarous incli- BOOK V.
nation, and appointed tlie day of the facrifice. Eight days before the ar-
rival of that day, they began to celebrate the occafion with entertainments
of dancing; after which, they, in prefence of theking, the nobility, and
an immenfe croud of people, put the Tlafcalan prifoner, tied by one
foot, upon the T'emalacatl, or the large round llone on which fuch fa-
crifices were made. Several brave men came on, one at a time, to fight
with him, of whom, according to report, he killed eight and wounded
twenty, until at laft falling almoll dead from afevere blow which he re-
ceived on the head, they carried him before the idol of Huitzilopochtli,
where the priefls opened his breall and took out his heart, and threw
the body down the llair of the temple according to the eftablifhed rites.
Thus fell this famous general, whofe courage and fidelity to his country,
had he lived in more enlightened times, would have raifed him high in
the rank of heroes.
During the time in which war was carrying on againft the Tlafca- Sect. VII.
lans, fome provinces of the empire were diftrefled with a famine, occa- p?^.^"cc" o"/
fioned by two years of dry weather. All the grain which indivi- the empiic-,
duals pofi'efled being confumed, the king had an opportunity of fhew- woiks in the
ing his liberality ; he opened all his granaries, and diftributed among *-''P''^'-
his fubjedls all the maize which was in them ; but this not being ftif-
ficient to relieve their neceffities, in imitation of Montezuma I. he per-
mitted them to go to other countries to procure their fubfirtence. The
following year, 1505, having had an abundant harvcft, the Me.vi-
cans went to war againft Guatemala, a province upwards of nin<i
hundred miles diftant from Mexico in the fouth-eaft. During the
continuance of this war, occafioned probably by fome hoftilities offered
to fome of the fubjcifts of the crown, the building of a temple, ereói-
ed in honour of the goddefs Centiotl, was finilhed at Mexico, the con-
fecration of which was celebrated with the fa^ifice of the prifoner:; made
in that war.
They had, during this feafon alfo, enlarged the road upon the lake
from Chapoltepec to Mexico, and repaired the aquedudt \\ hich was
upon that road, but the rejoicings which the conclufion of fuch a la-
bour excited were interrupted by the turret of another temple, called
ZoiiwUi, being fet on fire by lightning. The inhabitants of that part
ot
cas
224 HISTORY OF ME X I C O.
BOOK V. of the city which was moil diflant from the temple, and efpeciall)-
the Tlatelolcos, having perceived no lightning, were perluaded that the
burning was caufed by enemies come unexpectedly into the city, upon
which they immediately rofe in arms to defend it, and ran in troops
towards the temple. Montezuma being fufpicious that it was a mere,
pretence of the Tlatelolcos to raife a fedition, as he was always diffident
of them, was fo provoked at their dillurbance, that he deprived them
of all the public offices which they held, and even forbade their appear-
ance at court, neither protcftations of their innocence, nor prayers with
which they implored the royal mercy, having lufficient weight to make
him alter his refolution ; but as foon as the firft heat of his paflion was
over, they were reinftated in their employments and his favour. •,
Sect. VIII. In the mean while the Mixtecas and Zapotecas rebelled againfllhe
the Mixtecas crown. The principal leaders of the rebellion, in which all the lords
und Zapote- of cach uatiou had engaged, were Cctecpatl, lord of Coaixtlahuacan,
and Mocbulxochitl, lord of Tzotzollan. Firfl of all they treacheroufly
murdered all the Mexicans in the garrifons of Huayjacac and other
places. As foon as Montezuma had information of the rebellion, he
fent a large army againlt them, compofed of Mexicans, Tezcucans,
and Tepanecas, under the command of prince Cuitlahuac, his brother
and fucceffor in the crown. The rebels were totally defeated, a great
many of them taken prifoners with their chiefs, and their cities lacked.
The army retunied to Mexico loaded with fpoils, the prifoners were
facrificed, and the ftate of Tzotzollan was given to Cozccquauhtli^ the
brother of Nahuixochitl, for his fidelity to the crown, preferring the
duties of a fubjedl to the ties of blood ; but Cctecpatl was not facri-
ficed, as he had not yet difcovercd all liis accomplices in the rebellion,
and the deiigns of the rebels.
Some little time after this expedition, a difpute and quarrel arole between
Conteft be- the Hucxotziucas and the Cholulans their friends and neighbours, which
Huexot/.in- ^s it was left to be decided by arms, occafioned a pitched battle to be.
r:\i md Cho- fo^aht. The Cholulans being-more verfed in the fornis of religion, in
commerce, and the arts than ikilled in the fcience of war, were foon de-
feated, and forced to retreat to their city, where their enemies purfued
them, killed fome of their people, and burned fome of their houfes. The
Huexotzincas had hardly gained the vitìory Nvhen they found caule to
repent
Seot. IX.
luhins.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
repent it, on account of the chaftifcment which they apprehended would
follow it; that they might prevent this, they lent two refpedlable perlbns
to king Montezuma, whofe names were Tolimpmiecatl, and Tzo^icoztli,
who were to juftify them, and lay the blame on the Cholulans. Thefe
ambafl'adors, either with a delign to magnify the courage of their citizens,
or from fome other motive, exaggerated the flaughtcr made of the Cho-
lulans to fuch a degree, that the king believed they were all cut to pieces,
or that the iz\w whole lives had been faved had abandoned the city. On
hearing this account Montezuma was extremely afflidted, and dreaded the
revenge of the god Quelzalcoatl, whofe fanftuary, which was one of the
rnoft celebrated and moll honoured of all that land, he conceived to have
been profaned by the Huexzotzincas. Having confulted, therefore, with
the two allied kings, he fent ibme perfons from his court to Cholula, to
gain iuft information of this tranfaétion ; and having found it very dif-
ferent from the reprefentation given by the Huexotzincas, he uas fo
enraged at their deceit to him, that he fuddenly dilpatched an army,
with orders to his general, to punilh them feverely if they did not make
a luitable apology and fubmiilion. The Huexotzincas, forefeeing the
ftorm which was likely to pour upon them, went out in order of bat-
tle to meet the Mexicans ; but the Mexican general advanced towards
them to explain his commiffion in the following words : " Our lord
" Montezuma, who has his court in the middle of the water, Neza-
*' hualpilli, who commands upon the borders of the lake, and Toto-
*' quihuatzi who reigns at the foot of the mountains, have ordered us
" to tell you, that having learned from your ambalTadors that you have
*' ruined Cholula and killed its inhabitants, they feel the utmofl: af-
" fiiftion, and are under an obligation to revenge the violent outrage
" which has been offered to the venerable fanftuary of Quelzalcoatl."
The Huexotzincas protefted that the account given by their ambafliidors
was extravagant and falle, and that a body of nien fo refpedlable as tlie ci-
tizens of Huexotzinco, could not be the authors of it, and declared them-
felves ready to fatisfy all the three kings by punidiment of the guilty.
Upon which having fummoned their ambaffadors, and cut off their
ears and nofes, that being the punidiment deflined for thofe who
told falfehoods pernicious to the fiate, they delivered them up to the
general. Thus they efcaped the evils of war, which otherwile would
have been inevitable.
Vol. I. G g ' The
226 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
^_^^,_^^ The Atlixchefe, who had rebelled againil: the crown, n:iet with a very
bK c T. X. difterent fate ; they were defeated by the Mexicans, and many of them
againrt At- made prifoners. This happened precifcly in the month of February,
''the° ^ h^es ^5°^' when, on account of the termination of the century, the great
fellival of the renewal of the fire was celebrated with flill greater pomp
and folemnitv than under the reii?n of Montezuma I. or in other fecu-
^ù'
arti?
lar years. This, which was the moil folemn, was alfo the laft fefti-
val of the kind celebrated by the Mexicans. A great number of pri-
foners were facrificed at it ; a great many alfo \\ere referved for the fc{~
tival of the dedication of T'-zompantU, which, as we have obferved above,
was an edifice clofe to the greater temple, where the fkulls of the vic-
tims were ftrung together and preferved.
Sect. XI. This fecular year appears to have part W"ithout war; but in 1507,
I'refages of tJ^g Mcxicans made an expedition af^jainfì: TzoUan and Midilan, two
the war with titit- \ r • \ t
the SpanU Itatcs 01 the Mixtccas, whofe inhabitants ned to the mountains, and
left the Mexicans no other advantage than that of making a few pri-
foners of thofe who remained in their houfes. From thence they pro-
ceeded to fubdue Quauhquechollan which was in rebellion, in which
war the prince Cuitlahuac the general of the army, made a difplay of
his courage. Some brave Mexican officers fell in this expedition ;
but the rebels were reduced under the yoke, and three thoufand two
hundred taken prifoners, who were facrificed, one part of them at the
feflival Tlacaxipc/jualiztli, which took place in the fecond Mexican
month ; and another part of them at the dedication of the fanftuary
Zomolli, which was rebuilt after the burning of it before mentioned,
with greater magnificence than it was at firft.
In the year following the royal army of the Mexicans, Tezcucans,
and Tepanecas, fet out againft the dillant province of Amatla. On their
march, which lay over a very lofty mountain, they were attacked by a
furious north wind, accompanied with fnow, which made great havoc
in the army, as fome of them who were accuflomed to a mild cli-
mate, and travelling almoft without cloathing, perilhed with cold, and
others were beat down by the trees which were rooted up by the wind.
Of the remainder of the army which continued their journey but
feebly, to Amatla, the greater part died in battle.
Thefe and other calamities together with the appearance of a comet
at tliat time, threw all the princes of Anahuac into the utmofl: confterna-
tion.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 227
/
tion. Montezuma, who was too fuperftitious to look with inditference book v.
on lb uncommon a phenomenon, confulted his aftrologers upon it; but ■"
they being unable to divine its meaning, applied to the king of Acolhuacan,
who was reputed able in aftrology, and in the art of divination. Thefe
kings, although they were related to, and perpetual allies of, each other,
did not live in much harmony together, the king of Acolhuacan hav-
ing put to death his ion Huexotzincatzin, as we Ihall fee prefently, pay-
ing no regard to the prayers of Montezuma, who, as the uncle of that
prince, had interfered in his behalf. For a long time paft they had
neither met with their ufual frequency, nor confidence ; but on this
occafion the myllcrious dread which feized the mind of Montezuma
incited him to profit by the knowledge of the king Nezahualpilli, for
which reafon he intreated him to come to Mexico to confult with him
upon an event which appeared equally to concern them both. Neza-
hualpilli went, and after having conferred, at length, with Montezu-
ma, was of opinion, according to the account of hiftorians, that the
comet predidled the future difaflers of thofe kingdoms, by the arrival
of a new people. This interpretation, however, being unfatisfiidlory
to Montezuma, Nezahualpilli challenged him at the game of foot-ball,
wliich was frequently played at even by thofe kings themfelves ; and it
was agreed between them that if the king of Mexico gained the party,
the king of Acolhuacan fhould renounce his interpretation, adjudging
it to be i'-A\k; but if Nezahualpilli came off vidor, Montezuma ihould
acknowledge and admit it to be true : a folly though truly ridiculous in
thofe men, to believe the truth of a prediction could depend on the
dexterity of the player, or the fortune of the game j but Icfs pernicious,
however thin that of the ancient Europeans, who decided on truth,
innocence, and honour, by a barbarous duel and the fortune of arms.
Nezahualpilli !-emr.ined vidtor in the game, and Montez.uma difconfo-
late at the lols and the confirmation of fo fatal a prognolKc : he was
\viUing, however, to try other methods, hoping to find fomc more fa-
vourable interpretation which might counterbalance that of the king of
Acolhuacan, and the dilgrace he had fuftered at play : he confulted
therefore a very famous aArologer who was much verlèd in the fuper-
ftitious art of divination, by which he had rendered his name fo cele-
brated in that land, and acquired fo great a refptft, that without ever ftir-
ring abroad from his houle he was confidered and confulted by the kings
G g 2 them-
228 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK V. themfelves as an oracle. He knowing, without doubt, what had hap-
*" — v""*-* pened between the two kings, inftead of returning a propitious anfwer
to his fovereign, or at leaft one which was equivocal, as luch prognof-
ticators generally do, confirmed the fatal prophecjj of the Tezcucan.
Montezuma was fo enraged at the anfwer^ that in return he made his
houfe be pulled to pieces, leaving the unhappy diviner buried amidll;
the ruins of his fanftuary.
Thefe and other fimilar prefages of the fall of that empire appear re-
prefented in the paintings of the Americans, and are related in the hii-
tories of the Spaniards. We are far from thinlving that all that which
has been wrote on this fubjed: is deferving of credit; but neither can
we doubt of the tradition which prevailed among the Americans, that
a new people totally diiferent from the native inhabitants, were to ar-
rive at that kingdom and make themfelves mafters of tliat country.
There has not been in the country of Anahuac any nation more or lefs
polifhed which has not confirmed this tradition either by verbal tef-
timony or their own hiilories.
It is impofiible to guefs at the origin of a tradition io universal as
this ; but the event which I am going to relate, is laid to have been
public, and to have made a confiderable noife ; to have happened alfo
in the prefence of the two kings and the Mexican nobiUty. It is re-
prefented in fome of the paintings of thofe nations, and a legal attef-
tation of it even was fent to the court of Madrid {/j). Though in com-
pliance with the duty of a hiftorian, we give a place to many of the
memorable traditions of thofe nations ; on thefe, however, we leave
our readers to form their own judgment and comments.
Sect xir Papantzin, a Mexican princefs, and lilì:er of Montezuma, was mar-
>iemorable ried to the govemor of Tlatelolco, and after his death lived in his palace
Mexican until the year 1 509, when (he likewife died of old age. Her funeral
pr.uceis. ^y^g celebrated with magnificence fuitable to her exalted birth, the
king her brother, and all the nobility of Mexico and Tlatelolco be-
ing prefent. Her body was buried in a fubterraneous cavern, in the
garden of the fame palace, near to a fountain where fhe had ufed to bathe,
and the mouth of the cave was fhut with a itone. The day following,
a child ot five or fix years of age happened to pafs from her mother's
apartment to that of the major-domo of the deceafed princefs, v/hich
(/) Sec Torqucmada, lib. ii. cap. 91, and Betencoiirt, Part iii. Trat. i. cap.g.
was
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 229
was on the other fide of the garden ; and in pafling faw the princefs fit-
ting upon the fteps of the fountain, and heard herfelf called by her by the
word Cocoton (/), which is a word of tendernefs ufed to children.
The little child not being capable, on account of its age, of relieving
on the death of the princefs, and thinking that flie was going to bathe
as ufual, approached without fear, upon which flie fent the child to call
the wife of her major-domo ; the child went to call her, but the woman
fmiling and careffing her, told her, " My little girl, Papantzin is dead,
*' and was buried yefterday ;" but as the child infifted, and pulled her
by her gown, ilie, more to pleafe, than from belief of what was told her,
followed her ; but was hardly come in fight of the princefs, when flie
was feized with fuch horror that llie fell fainting to the earth. The little
girl ran to acquaint her mother, who, with two other companions
came out to give afliftance ; but on feeing the princefs they were fo
affeded with fear, that they would have fvvooned away if the princefs
herfelf had not endeavoured to comfort them, alTuring them fhe was
ftill alive. She made them call her major-domo, and charged him to
go and bear the news to the king her brother ; but he durft not under-
take it, as he dreaded that the king would confider the account as a
fable, and would punilh him with his ufual feverity for being a liar,
without examining into the matter. Go then to Tezcuco, faid the
princefs, and intrcat the king Nczahualpilli, in my name, to come here
and fee me. The major-domo obeyed, and the king having received
the information, fet out immediately lor Tlatelolco. When he arrived
there, the princefs was in a chamber of the palace ; though full of alì:o-
nilhment, the king laluted her, when fhe requefted him to go to
•Mexico, to tell the king her brother that fhe was alive, and had occa-
iion to fee him, to com.municate fonie things to him of the utmofl im-
portance. The king fet out for Mexico to execute her commiliion ; buf
Montezuma would hardly give credit to what was told him. However,
that he might not do injnftice to fo refpedlable an amballador, he went
along with him, and many of the Mexican nobility to Tlatelolco, and
having entered the hall where the princefs was, he demanded of her
if ihe was his fifter. " I am, indeed, fir," anfwered the princefs,
" your fifter Papantzin, whom you buried yefterday ; I am truly aKvc,
{:) Co.aton mcins little girl, only that it is .in exprcirion of moie tenJetnrfs.
* •' and
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
" and wiili to relate to you what I have feen, as it deeply concerns you."
Upon this the two kings fat down, while all the other nobles con-
tinued {landing full of admiration at what they faw.
The princefs then began to fpeak as follows : " After I was dead.
" or if you will not believe that I have been dead, after I remained be-
*' reft of motion and of fenfe, I found myfelf fuddenly placed upo,.
" an extenfive plain, to which there appeared no boundaries. In the
*' middle of it 1 obferved a road which I afterwards law was divided
" into a variety of paths, and on one fide ran a great river whofe wa-
" ters made a frightful noife. As I was going to throw myfelf into the
" river to fwim to the oppolite bank, I faw before me a beautiful youth
" of handfome Mature, clothed in a long habit, white as fnow, and
" dazzling like the fun ; he had wings of beautiful feathers, and upon
*' his forehead, this mark," (in faying this the princefs made the lign
of the crofs with her two fore fingers, *' and laying hold of my hand,
" laid to me, Stojy, for it is 7iot yet time to pnjs this river. God loves thee,
" though thou knowcjl it not. He then led me along by the river-fide,
" upon the borders of which I faw a great number of hum.an llculls
" and bones, and heard molT: lamentable groans that waked my utmoft
" pity. Turning my eyes afterwards upon the river, I faw fome large
** veflTels upon it filled with men of a complexion and drefs quite dif-
" ferent from ours. They were fair and bearded, and carried fland-
" ards in their hands, and helmets on their heads. The youth then
" faid to me, // is the il-HI of God that thou Jhalt Uve to be a icitnsj's
" of the revolutions ivhich are to happen to thefe kingdojiis. The groans
" ivhich thou hajl heard among thefe bones, are from the fouls of your
" ancejlors, 'which are ever atid 'ivill be tormented for their crimes.
" The men whom you fee coming in thefe veffels, are thofe who who by
*' their arms will make themjehes majlers of all thefe kingdoms, and
" ivith them will be introduced the knowlege of the true God, the creator
" of heaven and earth. As J0071 as the war Jhall be at an end, and the
" bath publijhed and made known which will waJJj away fn, be thou the
** frfi to receive it, and guide by thy example the natives of thy country.
" Having fpoke this the youth diliippeared, and I found myfelf re-
\J' called to life ; I rofe from the place where I lay, raifed up the ilone
" ©f
Uncomtiion
occurrences.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
*' of my fepulchre, and came out to the garden where I was found by
*' my domeftics."
Montezuma was ftruck with aftonillinient at the recital of fo ftrange
an adventure, and feeHng his mind diftradled with a variety of appre-
hcnfions, rofe and retired to one of his palaces which was deftined for
occafions of grief, without taking leave of his fifter, the king of Ta-
cuba, or any one of thofe who accompanied him, although fome of
his flatterers, in order to confole him, endeavoured to perfuade him that
the illnefs which the princefs had futfcred, had turned her brain. He
avoided for ever after returning to fee her, that he might not again
hear the melancholy prefages of the ruin of his empire. The princefs,
it is fiid, lived many years in great retirement and abflinence. She
was the firft who, in the year 1524, received the facred baptifm ia
Tlatelolco, and was called from that time. Donna Maria Papant%in.
Among the memorable events, in 1510, there happened without any Sect. xir.
apparent caufe, afudden and furious burning of the turrets of the greater
temple of Mexico, in a calm, ièrene night ; and in the fuccecding year,
fo violent and extraordinary an agitation of the waters of the lake, that
many houfes of the city were deflroycd, there being at the fame time
no wind, earthquake, nor any other natural caufe to which, the accident
could be afcribed. It is faid alfo, that in 151 1, the figures of armed
men appeared in the air, who fought and flew each other. Thefe
and other fimilar phenomena, recounted by Acofta, Torquemada and
ethers, are found very cxadly delcribed in the Mexican and Acolhuan
hillories.
Theconflernation which thefe fad omens raifed in the mind cf Mon-
tezuma did not, however, turn afide his thoughts from war. His ar-
mies made numerous expeditions in 1508, particularly againft the Tlaf-
calans and Huexotzincas, the Atlixchefe, Icpatepec, and Malinaltepec,
in which they made five thoufand prifoners, which were afterwards fa-
crificcd. In i 509, the war againft Xochitepec happened, that ftate having
rebelled. In the year following, Montezuma thinking the altar for Sect. xiir.
the facrificcs too finali, and unproportioned to the magnificence of the ne^i altar for
temple, he caufed a proper ftone of excefilve fize, to be fought for, !'^'^/*\"^"''
which was found near to Cojoacan. After ordering it to be polifhed pcditions of
and cut, he commanded it to be brought in due form to Mexico. A
vaa
232 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
KOOK y. y^(\- number of people went to drag it along, but in paffing a wooden
bridge over a canal, in the entry to the city, the ftone by its enormou»
weight, broke through the bridge and fell into the canal, drawing foinc
men after it, and among the refi, the high priefl:, who was accompany-
ing it, and fcattering incenfe. The king and the people were a good
deal difconcerted by this misfortune ; but without giving up the un-
dertaking, they drew the flone, with prodigious labour and fatigue, out
of the water, and brought it to the temple, where it was confecrated
with the facrifice of all the prifoners that had been refsrved for this
great feftival, which was one of the moft folemn ever celebrated by the
Mexicans. The king invited the principal nobility of all his kingdom,
to it, and expended a great deal of his treafure in prefents which he made
to the nobles and populace. In this finie ye;ir the confecration of the
temple Tlamat%'mco was celebrated, and alfo that of Quaxicalco, of
which we fliall fpeak elfewhere. The viftims facrificed at the confe-
cration of thefe two edifices, and the altar of the facrifices, were, ac-
cording to the account of hiftorians,- twelve thoufand two hundred and
ten, in number.
To have been able to furniih fuch a number of vidims, they muft
have been continually at war. In 251 1, the Jopas rebelled, and de-
ligned to kill all the Mexican garrifon in Tlacotepec ; but their inten-
tions being feafonably difcovered, they were puniihed accordingly, and
two hundred of them carried prifoners to Mexico. In 151 2, an army
of the Mexicans marched towards the north, againft the Q.uitzalapa-
nefe, and with the lofs only of ninety-five men, they made one thoufand
and three hundred prifoners, which were alfo carried to Mexico. By
thefe and other conquefts made in the three following years, the Mexi-
can empire was extended to its utmoft limits, five or fix years previous
to its fall, to which the very great rapidity of its conquefls contributed.
Every province, and place which was conquered, created a new enemy
to the conquerors, who became impatient of the yoke to which they
were not accuftomed, and irritated by injuries, only waited for an op-
portunity of being revenged, and reftoring themfelves to their wonted li-
berty. It would appear that the happinefs of a kingdom confifls not in
the extenfion of its dominions, nor in the number of its vafials ; but on the
contrary, that it approaclies at no time nearer to its final period, than
when
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 2^;
when on account of its vaft and unbounded extent, it can no longer cook v.
maintain the necefiary union among its parts, nor tlvat vigour which ^■' ^ *^
is requifite to withftand the multitude of its enemies.
The revolutions which happened at this time, in the kingdom of s«ct. xi\'.
Acolhuacan, occafioned by the death of kin? Nezahualpilli, did not lefs ^■'"''^- "'"^ .
t . r , ciilogiuDi of
contribute to the rum of the Mexican empire. This celebrated king king Nez.i-
after having poflefled the throne for forty-five years, either wearied of ^''''i""'"
governing, or troubled with melancholy, from the fatal plienomena he
had witnelfed, left the reins of government in the hands of two of the
royal princes, and retired to his palace of pleafure in Tezcotzinco, car-
rying with him his favourite Xocotzin and a few fervants, leaving orders
to his fons not to leave the court, but to wait there for his farther com-
mands. During the fix months of his retirement, he amufed him-
felf frequently with the exercife of the chace, and at night ufed to
employ himfelf in obferving the heavens, and for that purpofe had con-
flrudled, on the terrace of his palace, a little obfervatory, which was
preferved for a century after, and was feen by fome Spanifh hiftorians
who mention it. He there not only ftudied the motion and courfe
of the ftars, but converfed with thofe who were intelligent in aftro-
nomy : that fcience having always been in efteem among them, they ap-
plied ftill more to it when excited by the examples of the great Neza-
hualcojotl, and his fon and fucceflbr.
After living fix months in this private manner, he returned to his
court, ordered his beloved Xocotzin to retire with her children into
the palace of Tecpilpan, and fhut himfelf up in the palace of his ufual
refidence, without letting himfelf be feen by any perfon but one of
his confidents, defigning to conceal his death in imitation of his fii-
ther. Accordingly, neither the time nor the circumftances of his
death have ever been known. All that is certain is, that he died in
1 5 16, and that before his death he commanded his confidents who
were about him to burn his body fecretly. From hence it iiappened
that many of the vulgar, and even feveral of the nobles, were per-
fuaded that he was not dead, but had returned to the kingdom of Ama-
quemecan where his anceftors fprung, as he had frequently refolved
to do.
Vol. I. . II h Li
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
>:ooK V. In matters of religion he was of the fame opinion with his great
"^ " ' father Nezahualcojotl. He fecretly defpifed the worlliip of the idols,
although he appeared to conform to it with the people. He refembled
his fxther alfo in his great zeal for the laws, and in the rigorous admi-
niftration of juftice, of which he afforded a ftriking example in the
laft years of his reign. There was a law which forbid, on pain of
death, the fpeaking of indecent words in the royal palace. One of
the princes his fons, who was named Huexotzincalzon, to whom he
bore more affetìion than to any of the reft, not lefs on account of his
difpofition, and the virtues which ihone out even in his youth, than
of his having been the firft born of his fons by his favourite Xocotzin,
violated this law ; but the words made ufe of by the prince were ra-
ther the efte(5t of youthful indifcretion than of any culpable intention.
The king was informed of it by one of his miftreffes to whom the
words had been addrelfcd. He enquired of her if ihey had been fpoke
before any other perfons, and finding that the prince's tutors had been
prcfent, he retired to an apartment of his palace, deftined for occafions
of mourning and grief. There he fent for the tutors to examine them.
They being afraid of meeting with fevere punilliment if they concealed
the truth, confefled it openly, but at the lame time endeavoured
to exculpate the prince, by faying, that he neither knew the perfon to
whom he fpoke, nor that the words were obfcene. But notwithftand-
ing their reprefentations, he ordered the prince to be immediately ar-
refted, and the fame day pronounced fentence of death upon him.
The wliole court was aftoniihed at fo rigorous a judgment, the nobles
pleaded with prayers and tears in his behalf, and the mother of the
prince herfelf, relying on the king's particular affeiflion for her, pre-
fented herfelf as a plaintiff before hlni, and in order to move him to
compaffion, led all her children along with her. But neither reafon-
ing, prayers, nor tears, could bend the king. " My fon," he fiid,
" has violated the law. If I pardon him, it will be faid, the laws are
" not binding upon every one. I will let my fubjedts know that no
" one will be pardoned a tranfgrefllon, as I do not even pardon the fon
■** whom I dearly love." The queen pierced with the moft lively grief,
and defpairing of being able to fliake the conftancy of the king, told
him, " Since you have banifhed from your heart all the affe<^ÌDns of a
" fuher
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
*' father and a hulband for Co flight a caufe, why do you hefitate to put me
" to death and thefe young princes whom I have borne to you ?" The king
then \\ith a grave aipedt commanded lier to retire, as the cafe was with-
out a remedy. The difappointed queen retreated to her apartment, and
there, in company with fome of her attendants who went to confole
her, abandoned herfelf to grief. In the mean while, thofe who were
charged with the puniOiment of the prince, continued to delay it, that
time might foften the rigour of juftice, and give opportunity for the
return of parental affedlion and mercy ; but the king perceiving their
intention, commanded that they fliould immediately do their duty,
which accordingly followed, to the general difplcaiure of the kingdom,
and the utmoll difguft to Montezuma, not only on account of the re-
lation between himfelf and the prince, but likewife of the interfer-
ence which he made in the prince's favour, having been unfuccefsful in
procuring a repeal of the fentence. After the punifliment was exe-
cuted, the king (hut himfelf up for forty days in a hall, without let-
ting himfelf be feen by any one, while he fecretly vented his grief,
and made the door of his fon's apartment be clofed up with a wall, to
hide from his fight any remembrancer of his forrows.
His feverity in punifhing tranfgrelTors was compenfated by the com-
pafiion which he flicwed for the accidental diftreffes of any of his fubjeóts.
There was a window in his palace which looked towards the market-
place, covered with blinds, from which he ufed to obferve, without being
feen, the people that affembled there ; and whenever he faw any ill
clothed woman he made her be called, and after informing himfelf
of her life and condition, he fupplied her with what was neceflary for
herfelf and family if flie had any. Every day at his palace alms were
given to the fick and to orphans. There was an hofpiral at Tezcuco
for all thofe who had loft their eycGght in war, or had become
from any other caufe unfit for fervice, where they were fupported at the
royal cxpence, according to their ftations, and frequently vifited by the
king himfelf. In fuch beneficent adts a groat part of his revenues was
expended.
The genius and talents of this king have been highly extolled by the
hiftorians of that kingdom. He endeavoured to imitate, both in his
iludies and in the condudl of his life, the e.xample of his father, and
H h 2 his
236
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Sect. XV.
Re^•olutions
in the king-
dom of Acol-
huacan.
BOOK V. Ills refemblance to him was remarkable. The glory of the Cheche-
mecan kings may be faid to have ended with him, as the difcord which
took place among his children, diminiflied the fplendour of the court,
weakened the force of the fiate, and tended to bring on its final ruin.
Nezahualpilli did not declare who was to be his fucceflbr in the crown,
which all his anceftors had done. We are ignorant, however, of the
motive that caufed this omiffion, and which proved fo prejudicial to the
kingdom of Acolhuacan.
As foon as the fupreme council of the deceafed king were certain of
his death, they confidered it necefiary to eled: a fucceflbr to him in
imitation of the Mexicans. They aflembled therefore in order to de-
liberate on a point of fuch importance, and the oldeft and mofl ref-
peftable perfbn among them taking the lead in the alTembly, reprefent-
ed the great difaflers which might accrue to the fiate of Acolhuacan,
if the eledtion was retarded : he was of opinion, that the crown fell
to the prince Cacamatzin ; fince, befides his prudence and his cou-
rage, he was the firfl-born of the firli; Mexican princefs whom the late
king married. All the other counfellors concurred in this opinion,
which was in itfelf fo jufl: and came from a perfbn of fuch authority.
The princes who waited in a hall adjoining for the refolution of the
counfel, were defired to enter there to hear it. When they were all in-
troduced, the principal feat was given to Cacamatzin, who was a youtla
of twenty-two years, and his brothers Coanocotzin, who was twenty,
and Ixthilxochitl who was eighteen, were placed on each fide of him.
The fame aged counfellor, who had firft addrefled the afiembly, then
rofe, and declared that the refolution of the council, which included alfb
that of the kingdom, was to give the crown to Cacamatzin, on account
of the right of primogeniture. Ixtlilxochitl, who was an ambitious
and enterprifing youth, oppofed it, by faying, that if the king was
really dead, he would certainly have named his fuccefTor ; that his not
having done it was a clear evidence of his life, and while the lawful
fovereign was living it was criminal in his fubjefts to name a fucceflbr.
The council who knew the difpolition of Ixtlilxochitl, durft not openly
contradict him, but defired Coanocotzin to deliver his opinion. This
prince approved and confirmed the determination of the council, and
pointed out the inconveniencies which would enfue if the execution of
it
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
237
it was delayed. He was contradidled, and taxed with being light and book v.
inconfiderate by Ixtlilxochitl, and that he could not perceive while he em-
braced fuch an opinion that he was fiwouring the defigns of Montezuma,
who was much inclined to Cacamatzin, and ufed his endeavours to put
him on the throne, becaufe he trufted he would find in him a king of
wax, to whom he might give what form he pleafed. " It is by no
" means reafonable, dear brother," replied Coanocotzin, " to oppofe
" a refolution which is fo prudent and fo juil ; are you not aware that
" if Cacamatzin was not to be king, the crown would belong not to
" you but to me." " It is true," faid Ixtlilxochitl, " if the right of
*' fuccefllon is to be determined by age only, the crown is due to Ca-
" camatzin, and in failure of him to you ; but if regard is paid, as it
*' ought to be, to courage, to me it belongs." The counfellors per-
ceiving that the princes were growing gradually more vehement and
warm in their altercation, impofed filence on them both, and difmifled
the affembly.
The two princes went to their mother the queen Xocotzin to con-
tinue their cavil, while Cacamatzin accompanied by many of the nobi-
lity, fet out immediately for Mexico to inform Montezuma of what
had happened, and to demand his affiftance. Montezuma, who, befides
the attachment he had to the prince, faw the juftice of his claim, and
the confent of the nation to it, advifed him in the firfl: place to fecurc
the royal treafures, and proniifed to fettle the difpute with his brother,
and to employ the Mexican arms in his behalf if negociations for that
purpofe fhould not prove fufficient.
Ixtlilxochitl, as foon as he knew of the departure of Cacamatzin,
and forefaw the confequences of his application to Montezuma, fet out
from court with all his partizans, and went to the ftates which belong-
ed to his tutors in the mountains of Meztitlan. Coanocotzin fent im-
mediate advice to Cacamatzin to return without delay to Tezcuco, and
maJce ufe of that favourable opportunity for being crowned. Cacamat-
zin availed himfelf of this wife counfel, and came to the court accom-
panied by Cuitlahuazin the brother of Montezuma, and lord of Izta-
palapan, and many of the Mexican nobility. Cuitlahuazin, without
lofnig any time, affembled the Tezcucan nobility in the Huei&ccpan,
or the great palace of the king of Acolhuacan, and prefented prince
Caca-
2
8 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK V. Cacamatzin to be acknowledged by them as their lawful Ibverelgn. He
was received as fucli by them all, and the day for the ceremony of the
coronation was fixed ; but this was interrupted by intelligence arriving
at court, that the prince Ixtlilzochitl was defcending from the moun-
tains of Meztitlan at the head of a great army.
This turbulent youth as foon as he arrived at Meztitlan, afTembled
all the lords of the places fituated in thofe great mountains, and made
them acquainted with his defign of oppofing his brother Cacamatzin,
pretending that it was his zeal for the honour and liberty of the Cheche-
mecan and Acolhuan nations which moved him ; that it would be dif-
graceful, and even dangerous, to pay obedience to a king, fo pliant to
the will of the monarch of Mexico ; that the Mexicans had forgot what
they owed to the Acolhuan nation, and were defirous of increafing
their unjuft ufurpations with the kingdom of Acolhuacan ; that he for
his part was refolved to exert all the courage which God had given
him, to defend and fave his country from the tyranny of Montezuma.
With thefe arguments, which were probably fuggefled to him by his
tutors, he fo fired the minds of thofe lords, that they all profefied
themfelves willing to ferve him with all their forces, and raifed fo many
troops that when the prince defcended from the mountains his army it
is faid am.ounted to upwards of one hundred thoufand men ; whether
it was from the dread of his power, or from an inclination to favour his
pretenfions, he was well received in all the places through which he
pafTed. He fent an embaffy from Tepepolco to the Otompanefe, com-
manding them to do obedience to him as their proper king ; but thej
replied, that as Nfzahualpilli was dead, they would acknowledge no
other fovcreign than Cacamatzin, who had been peaceably accepted at
court, and was already in pofi^efiion of the throne of Acolhuacan.
This anfwer fo exafperated the prince, that he went in great wrath
againft their city. The Otompanefe met him in order of battle ; but
although they for fome time refifted the army of their enemy, they
were at laft vanquifhed, and their city was taken by the prince. The
lord himfelf of Otompan fell among the flain, which accident foon
accelerated the vidlory.
This event threw Cacamatzin and all his court into the utmoft un-
eafinefs, fearing the enemy might even befiege the capital ; he prepared
forti fi-
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 2 ?9
fortifications againft them ; but the prince being contented with feeing BOOK v.
himfelf ref^teóled and feared, did not move from Otompan ; but placed
guards on the roads, with orders, however, to hurt no perfon, to hin-
der no individuals from paffing from the court to any other place, and
to fnew refpedl and civility to all pallengers of rank. Cacamatzin,
knowing the forces, and the refolutions of his brother, and confidering
it would be better for him to facrifice even a great part of his kingdom
than to lofe it altogether, with the coufent of his brother Coanacotzin,
difpatclied an embalfy to treat of an accommodation with him. He
fent to tell him, that he might, if he chofe, retain all the dominions in
the mountains, as he was contented with the court and the territory
of the plain ; that he was willing alfo to fliare the revenues of his
kingdom with his brother Coanacotzin ; but at the fame time he re-
queued him to drop every other pretenfion, and not to difturb the pub-
lic tranquillity. The prince anfwered, that his brothers might adi as
they thought proper ; that he was pleafed that Cacamatzin was in pof-
feihon of the kingdom of Acoihuacan, that he had no defigns againii:
him nor againft the fiate j that he had no other view in maintaining
his army than to oppofe the ambitious deligns of the Mexicans, who
had given grounds for the greateft difgufl and fufpicions to his father
Nezahualpilli ; that if at that time the kingdom was divided for the
common intereil of the nation, he hoped to fee it again united ; that
above all things it was neceilary to guard againft falling into the fnarcs
of the crafty Montezuma. Ixtlilxochitl was not deceived in his diffi-
dence of Montezuma, as this king was the very perfon who, as we
llull find hereafter, gave the unfortunate Cacamatzin into the hands of
the S[)aniards, in fpite of the attaciiment he pretended to him.
This agreement being made with his brother, Cacamatzin remained
in peaceable nofieflion of the crown of Acolhuacan ; but with greatly
iliininilhed dominions, as he had ceded a very conf derablc part ot the
kingdom. Ixtlilocxhitl kept his troops conftantly in motion, and
i'requently appeared with his army in the environs of Mexico, daring
Montezuma to a fingle combat with him. Hut this king was no lon-
ger in a ftate fit to accept fuch a challenge. The fire which he had
in his youth had already began to die away with age, and domellic lux'-
ury had enervated his mind ; nor would it have been prndent to have
expo fed
240 II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK V. expofed himfelf to a rencounter of this kind with fo adventurous a
youth who had already, by lecret negociations, drawn over a great part
of the Mexican provinces to his intereft. The Mexicans, however,
frequently engaged with that army, being fometimes vanquiflied, and
at other times vi(5torious. In one of thole battles a relation of the king
of Mexico was taken prifoner, who had gone out to the war with an
cxprefs refolution to make a prifoner of the prince, and to carry him
bound to Mexico according to a promife which he had made to Mon-
tezuma. Ixtlilxochitl knew of this boaftful promife, and in order to
be fully revenged, commanded him to be bound and covered with dry
reeds, and burned alive in the fight of the whole army.
In the courfe of our hillory it will appear how much this turbulent
prince contributed to the fuccefs of the Spaniards, who began about
this time to make their appearance on the coaft of the Gulf of Mexico :
but before we undertake the relation of a war which totally reverfed
the order of thofe kingdoms, it will be neceflary to give fome ac-
count of the religion, the government, the arts, and manners of the
Mexicans.
^t
f
GENE-
Genealogy of the Mexican kings»
Deduced from the Beginning of the Thirteenth Century'.
Ilhuicatl — Tlacapantzin.
about A. D.
1220.
Huitzilihuitl, the Elder.
Opochtli— Atozoztli*
i.
Acflmapitzin,
Firft Kinjr of Mexico.
r
HuitzilihuitI,
Second K. of Mexico.
Chimalpopoca, Tezozomodliz=MatUIatzin,
Third K. of Mexico.
Afatlalchihuatzin,
mother of Neza-
hualcojotl, K.of
Alcolhuacau.
Mo'euczoma Ilhuicamina,
Fifth King of Mexico.
his uiecc.
ItzcoatI,
Fourth K. of Mexico.
Matlalatxin — Tczozomoiflli»
Tzotzocatzin.
Axajacatl,
Sixth K. of Mexico.
N. wife of Ncza-
hualpilli K. of Acol-
huacan.
: TTN
Xocoizin, wife
of Nezahual-
pilli.
Tizoc, Ahuitzot!,
Seventh K.of Mexico. Eighth K. of Mexico,
Ixtlalcuechahuac,
Lord of Tollan.
Moteuczoma Xocojotzin,~Miahuaxochit]. Cuiitahuatzin,
Ninth K. of Mcxicoi
MiahuaxochitI, wife
to her uncle king
Moteuczoma.
Tenth K. of Mexico.
N
AhuitzotI,
Quauhtemotzin,
Eleventh K. of
Mexico.
Tlacahuepan Johualicahuatzin ;
or. Don Pedro Motezuma.
t)on Diego Luis IhuitemOiTzin
Motczuma. Married in Sp^in
with Donna Francifca de la Cu-
èva ; of whom the counts of
Motezuma and Tula, the Vif-
counts of Iluca, &c. are dfc-
fcended.
Tecuichpotzin ; or. Donna Eliiabeta Mo-
tezuma, wife of King Cuitlahuatzin, her
uncle ; and King Quauhieinotzin, her
coufin; and afterwards lucceflively of three
noble Spaniards, of whom the two cele-
brated houfes of Cano Motezuma and
Andrea Motciuma are dcfccnded»
(To face Page «40, Vol. I)
[ 241 3
BOOK VI.
The Religion of the Mexicans : namely, their Gods, Temples, Priejis, Sa-
crijices, and Offerings: their Fajis and Aiijierities, their Chronology,
Calendar, and Fejiivals ; their Ceremonies upon the Birth of Chil^
dren, at Marriages, and Funerals.
THE religion, government, and oeconomy of a fiate are the three BOOKVi,
things which chiefly form the charadler of a nation, and with-
out being acquainted with thefe, it is impoflible to have a perfedt idea
of the genius, difpofitions, and knowledge of any people whatever.
The religion of the Mexicans, of which we are to give an account in
this book, was a heap of errors, of fuperftitions, and cruel rites. Such
weaknefles of the human mind, of which we have had but too many
examples even in the moft enlightened nations of antiquity, are infepa-
rable from every religion that takes its fource in the fantaftical ima-
ginations and fears of mankind. If we compare, as we fliall do in
another place, the religion of the Greeks and Romans with that of the
Mexicans, we Ihall find the former more fuperllitious and ridiculous,
the latter more cruel. Thefe celebrated nations of ancient Europe,
from the unfavourable opinion which they entertained of the power of
their gods, multiplied their number to excefs, confined their influence
within narrow bounds, imputed to them the moft atrocious crimes,
and ftained their worftiip with the moft fcandalous impurities ; for
which they have been juftly reproached by the advocates of Chrillianity.
The Mexicans imagined their gods more oerfedt, and in their worlhip,
however fuperftitious it might be, there was nothing repugnant to
decency.
The Mexicans had fonie idea, though a very imperfeft one, of a Sect. I.
fupreme, abfolute, and independent Being, to whom they acknow- ''•"'"cipirs of
ledged to owe fear and adoration. They reprefented him in no external gion.
Vol, I. I i form.
242 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK VI. form, becaufe they believed him to be invifible; and named him only
by the common appellation of God, in their language 'Teot/, a word
refembling flill more in its meaning than in its pronunciation the
T/jt'os of the Greeks: but they applied to him certain epithets which
were highly expreflive of the grandeur and power which they con-
ceived him to polfels. They called him Ipalnemoani, that is. He. by
whom we live ; and T'loque Nahuàqiw, He who has all in himfclf.
But their knowledge and woriliip of this fupreme Being was obfcured
and in a manner lolt in the crowd of deities invented by their fuper-
flition.
They believed in an evil fpirit, the enemy of mankind, which they
called Tlacatecolototl, or Rational Owl, and faid that he often appeared
to men for the purpofe of terrifying or doing them an injury.
With refped; to the foul, the barbarous Otomies, as they tell us, be-
lieved that it died together with the body : while the Mexicans, with
all the other polilhed nations of Anahuac, conlidered it as immortal ;
allowing, at the fame time, that bleiring of immortality to the fouls of
brutes, and not rellraining it to rational beings alone (rt).
They diftinguifhed three places for the fouls when leparated from
the body. Thofe of Ibldiers who died in battle or in captivity among
their enemies, and thofe of women who died in labour, went to the
houfe of the fun, whom they confidered as the Prince of Glory, where
they led a life of endlefs delight ; where, every day, at the firft ap-
pearance of the fun's rays they hailed his birth with rejoicings ; and
with dancing, and the mufic of infbruments and of voices, at-
tended him to his meridian ; there they met the fouls of the women,
and with the fame feftivity accompanied him to his fetting. If reli-
gion is intended only to ferve the purpofes of government, as has been
imagined by mofl of the free-thinkers of our times, furely thofe na-
tions could not forge a fyftem of belief better calculated to infpire their
foldiers with courage than one which promifed fo high a reward after
their death. They next fuppofed that thefe fpirits after four years of
that glorious life, went to animate clouds, and birds of beautiful fea-
thers and of fweet fong; but always at liberty to rife again to heaven,
{a) The ideas htre afcribjd to the Mexicans, with refpcift to the fouls of brutes, will appear
more fully wheii we fhall come to fpeuk of their fiincrjl rites.
I or
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
or to defcend upon the earth to warble and fuck the flowers. The
people of Tlafcala believed that the fouls of perfons of rank went,
after their death, to inhabit the bodies of beautiful and fweet finging
birds, and thofe of the nobler quadrupeds j while the fouls of inferior
perfons were fuppofcd to pafs into weazles, beetles, and fuch other
meaner animals. Whence we fee that the abfurd fyfbem of the Pytha-
gorean tranfmigration, which has been fo firmly fettled, and fo widely
propagated throughout the countries of the Eaft, has not wanted its
advocates in thofe of the Weft (i). The fouls of thofe that were
drowned, or ftruck by lightning, of thofe who died by dropfy, tu-
mors, wounds, and other fuch difeafes, went, as the Mexicans believed,
along with the fouls of children, at leaft of thofe which were facri-
ficed to Tlaloc the god of water, to a cool and delightful place, called
Tlalocan, where that god refided, and where they were to enjoy the moft
delicious repalls, with every other kind of pleafure. In the inner part
of the greater temple of Mexico there was a particular place where
they fuppofed that on a certain day of the year all the children which
had been lacrificed to Tlahc, came, and invifibly affifted at the ceremo-
ny. The Mi'^teccis had a perfuafion, that a great cavern ii\ a lofty moun-
tain, in their province, was the entrance into paradife ; and their nobles
and great men, therefore, always took care to be buried near the ca-
vern, in order to be nearer that place of delight. Laftly, the third
place allotted for the fouls of thofe who fuffered any other kind of
death, was the MiEilan, or hell, which they conceived to be a place
of utter darknefs, in which reigned a god, called MitllantcnSlli (lord
of hell), and a goddefs named Mictlnncihuatl. I am of opinion tliat
they believed hell to be a place in the centre of the earth (f) ; but
they did not iniagine that the fouls underwent any other puniflimcnt
there than what they fuffered from the darknei's of their abode.
(^) Wlio would believe that a fyrtcm fo prcpofterous and improbable as that of the Pytha-
gorean tranfmigration, ihoiild be fupjiortcd by a nhilofophcr of the cnlightcucj eighteenth
century. Yet it has been ftrioiilly maintained, l.ilcly, by a Frenchman, in a book printed
at Paris, under the title of " 'I'he Year Two thoufand four hundred and forty."
(c) Dr. Sijciienza w.-k of opinion, that the Mexicans placed hell in the northern part of the
earth ; as the V.wwv word Mii'-llumfn:, li;^'niricd lowanii the North, and tov.'.inh ILll. But, I rather
think they placed it in the center, for that is the nieanin;^ of the name of TLil.xicco, which thev
^'avc to the temple of the jfod of hell, \uv\- all it \i poifible that the 31exiearii thcnWelves
mi^'lit hold ditlereiu opinions Upon the fubjc(5i.
I i 2 The
244
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK VI. The Mexicans, with all other civilized nations, had a clear tradition,
though fomewhat corrupted by fable, of the creation of the world, of
the univerfal deluge, of the confufion of tongues, and of the difper-
fion of the people ; and had aifliially all thefe events reprefented in their
piftures {d). They laid, that when mankind were overwhelmed with
the deluge, none were preferved but a man called Cqxcox (to whom
others give the name of T'eocipaBli), and a woman called Xochiquetzal,
who faved themlelves in a little bark, and having afterwards got to
land upon a mountain called by them Colhuacan, had there a great
many children : that thele children were all born dumb, until a do\'e
from a lofty tree imparted to them languages, but differing fo much
that they could not underftand one another. The Tlafcalans pretend-
ed that the men who furvived the deluge were transformed into apes,
but recovered fpeech and reafon by degrees {e ).
Among all the deities worlhipped by the Mexicans, and which were
very numerous, although not near fo much fo as thole of the Romans,
and of Hea- there were thirteen principal and greater gods, in honour of whom
they confecrated that number. We fhall give an account of what 'we
have found in the Mexican mythology with relpeft to thefe and the
other gods, without regard to the pompous conjectures and abfurd fyf-
tem of Cav. Boturini.
T^ezceitlipoca. This was the greateft god adored in thefe countries,
after the invifible God, or fupreme Being, whom we have already men-
tioned. His name means Shining Mirror, from one that was affixed
to his image. He was the god of providence, the foul of the world,
the creator of heaven and earth, and mailer of all things. They re-
prefented him always young, to denote that no length of years ever
diminilhed his power ; they believed that he rewarded with various
benefits the j ufi, and punifhed the wicked with diieafes and other af-
flidlions. 1 hey placed flone feats in the corners of the ftreets, for
that god to rell upon when he chole it, and upon which no perfon
was ever allowed to lit down. Some faid, that he had deicendcd from
Sect. II.
The gods of
Providence
TSn.
((/) Their idea of the deUig^e appears from the rcprefentation in the plate annexed, which
is copied from an original painting of the Mexican.
(r) For an account of the opinions of the INIiztec.is and other nations of America, with
lefpei't to the creation of the world, I muft refer the reader to Father Gregorio Garcia, a Do-
minican, in his work entitled, The Orign of toe Indiani,
heaven
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 2^.
heaven by a rope made of fpiders webs, and had perfecuted and driven BOOK vi.
from thefe countries, the grand prieft of Tula ^litzalcoatl, who was
afterwards confecrated as a god.
His principal image was of teotetl (divine ftone) which is a black
fhining Hone like black marble, and was richly dreffed. It had gol-
den ear-rings, and from the under lip hung a cryftal tube, within
which was a green feather, or a turquoife flone, which at firlt fight
appeared to be a gem. His hair was tied with a golden firing, from
the end of which hung an ear of the fame metal, with the appearance
of afcending fmoke painted on it, by which they intended to reprefent
the prayers of the diftrelfed. The whole breaft was covered with
mafly gold. He had bracelets of gold upon both his arms, an emerald
in the navel, and in his left hand a golden fan, fct round with beauti-
ful feathers, and polilhed like a mirror, in which they imagined he
faw every thing that happened in the world. At other times to de-
note his jullice, they reprefented him fitting on a bench covered with
a red cloth, upon which were drawn the figures of fkulls, and other
bones of the dead : upon his left arm a iliield with four arrows, and
his right lifted in the attitude of throwing a fpear : his body dyed
black, and his head crowned with quail-feathers.
OmeteuBli and Omedhuatl{f). The former was a god, and the lat-
ter a goddefs, who they pretended dwelt in a magnificent city in hea-
ven, abounding with delights, and there watched over the world, and
gave to mortals their wilhes : OmcteublU to men, and Omecihnatl to
women. They had a tradition that this goddefs having had many chil-
dren in heaven, was delivered of a knife of flint ; upon which lier
children in a rage threw it to the earth, from which when it fcil,
fprung fixteen hundred heroes, who, knowing tlieir high origin, and
having no fervants, all mankind having perirtied in a general calamity,
(^) agreed to fend an cmbalfy to their mother, to intrcat her to grant
them power to create men to ferve them. The mother anfwered, that
if they had had more exalted fcntiments, they would have made them-
( /■) They likewife gave thcfe gods the names of Ciilallatoiiac, aiiJ Cii/nlnue, upon account
of the liars.
(^) Thnfc people, as wc fliall mention in another place, believed that the earth haJ fufltiid
thicc great univerfal calamities by which all mankind had been defiruycj.
fclves
246 HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. ièlves worthy to live with her eternally in heaven : but fmce they chofe
to abide upon the earth, flie defired them to go to Micllantendlli, god
of hell, and afk of him one of the bones of the men that had died ; to
fprinkle this with their own blood, and from it they would have a
man and a woman who would afterwards multiply. At the fame
time rtie warned them to be upon their guard againft Mi5llanteu6llì,
who after giving tlie bone might fuddenly repent. With thefe in-
ilrudions from his mother, Xolotl, one of the heroes, went to hell,
and after obtaining what he fought, began to run towards the upper
furface of the earth : upon which MiBlantcuSlli enraged purfued him,
but being unable to come up with him, returned to hell. Xolotl in
his precipitate flight llumbled, and falling broke the bone into unequal
pieces. Gathering them up again, he continued his courfe till he ar-
rived at the place where his brothers awaited him ; when they put the
fragments into a vell'el, and fprinkled them with their blood which
they drew from diiferent parts of their bodies. Upon the fourth day
they beheld a boy, and continuing to fprinkle with blood for three
days more, a girl was likewife formed. They v/ere both configned to
the care of Xolotl to be brought up, who fed them with the milk of
the thiille. In that way, they believed the recovery of mankind was
eftedled at that time. Thence took its rife, as they affirmed, the prac-
tice of drawing blood from different parts of the body, which as we
ihall fee was fo common among thefe nations : and they believed the
differences in the dature of men to have been occafioned by the in-
equality of the pieces of the bone.
Cibuacohuatl (woman fcrpent) called likewife ^ila%tli. This thev»,
believed to have been the firft woman that had children in the world;
and file had always twins. She was efteemed a great goddefs, and they
faid that fhe would frequently fliew herfelf, carrying a child in a cradle
upon her back.
S CT III Tofiatricli 2.nà Mextli, names of the fun and moon, both deified by
Deification thcfe nations. They faid, that after the recovery and multijilication
ami moon. ^-^ mankind, each of the above mentioned heroes or demigods, had a-
mong the men, his fervants and adherents : and that there being no
fun, the. one rhat had been, having come to an end, the heroes affem-
bled in 'leotibuatan around a great fire, and faid to tliè men that the
lirft
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
247
firil of them that fliould throw himlelf into the fire would have the book vi.
glory to become a fun. Forthwith one of the men, more intrepid ""^ ' "^
than the reft, called Nana/juazfin, threw himfelf into the flames, and
defcended to hell. In the interval while they all remained expeding
the event, the heroes made wagers with the quails, locufts, and other
animals, about the place of the fky where the fun would firft appear >
and the aninials being miftakcn in their conjedtures were immediiitely
ùcrificed. At lengtii the fun arofe in that quarter which from that
time forward has been called the Levant; but he had fcarcely rifeii
above the horizon when he ftopped ; which the heroes perceiving, fent
to defire him to continue his courfe. The fun replied, that he would
not, until he lliould fee them all put to death. The heroes were no
lel^ enraged than terrified by that anfwer : upon which one of them
named Citli, taking his bow and three arrows, fliot one at tlie fun ;
but the fun faved himfelf by ftooping. Citli aimed two other arrows,
but in vain. The fun enraged turned back the laft arrow, and fixed
it in the forehead of Citii, who inftantly expired. Tlie reft intimi-
dated by the fate of their brother, and unable to cope with the fun,
refolved to die by the hands of Xolotl, who after killing all his bro-
thers, put an end to his own life. The heroes before they died left
their cloaths to their fervants ; and fince the conqueft of thefc coun-
tries by the Spaniards, certain ancient garments have been found,
which were preferved by the Indians with extraordinary veneration,
under a belief that they had them by inheritance from tliofe ancient
heroes. The men were affe^fted with great n.itjlaiicholy upon lofing
tiieir mafters ; but Tezcatlipoca commanded one of them to go to t\\c
houfe of the fun, and from thence to bring mufic to celebnite his fcf-
tival : he told him that for hi? journey which was to be by fca, he
would prepare a bridge of wliales and tortoifes, and defired him to ling
always as he went, a fong which he gave him. This the Mexicans
faid, was the origin of the mufic and dancing with whicli tlxey cele
bratcd the feftivals of tlieir gods. They afcribcd the daily ficrifice
which they irude of quails to the fun, to that which the heroes made
of thole birds J and the barbarous facrifices of human vidims, lb com-
mon afterwards in thefe countiics, they afcribcd to the example of Xo-
htl with his brethren.
They
24-8 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. They told a fimilar fable of the origin of the moon. Tezcociztecal,
^ another of thofe men who aflembled in T'eotthuacaJi, following the ex-
ample of Nanahuatzitz, threw hlmfelf into the fire : but the flames
being fomewhat lefs fierce, he turned out lefs bright, and was tranf-
formed into the moon. To thefe two de'ties they confecrated thofe
two famous temples eredled in the plain of TeotiLmacan, of which we
filali give an account in another place.
Sect. IV. ^h'tzalcoatl. (Feathered ferpent.) This was among the Mexicans,
^ii.' ^ and nil the other nations of Anahiiac, the god of the air. He was faid
to have once been high-prieft of T^ula. They figured him tall, big, and
of a fair complexion, with an open forehead, large eyes, long black
hair, and a thick beard. From a love of decency, he wore always a
long robe ; he was fo rich that he had palaces of filver and precious
ftones ; he was thought to polfefs the greateft induftry, and to have in-
vented the art of melting metals and cutting gems. He was fuppofed
to have had the moil profound wifdom, which he difplayed in the
laws which he left to mankind ; and above all to have had the moil
rigid and exemplary manners. Whenever he intended to promulgate
a law in his kingdom, he ordered a crier to the top of the mountain
Tzatzitepec (the hill of ihouting) near the city of Tula, whofe voice
was heard at the diflance of three hundred miles. In his time, the
corn grew fo flrong that a fingle ear was a load for a man : gourds
were as long as a man's body : it was unneceil'ary to dye cotton, for it
grew naturally of all colours : and all other fruits and feeds were in
the fm:ie abundance and of extraordinary fize. Then too there was an
incredible number of beautiful and fweet finging birds. All his fubjevlts
were rich, and to fum up all in one word, the Mexicans imagined as
much happinefs under the priefthood of ^etzalcoatl, as the Greeks
did under the reign of Saturn, whom this Mexican god likewife refem-
bled in the exile which he fuffered. Amidft all this profperity, Tez-
catUpoca, I know not for what reafon, wifliing to drive him from that
country, appeared to him in the form of an old man, and told him
that it was the will of the gods that he ftiould be taken to the king-
dom of Tlapalla. At the fame time he offered him a beverage, which
^letzalcoatl readily accepted, in hopes of obtaining that immortality
after which he afpired. He had no fooner drank it than he felt him-
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 249
fclf lb ftrongly inclined to go to Tlapalla, that he fet out immediately, BOOK vi,
accompanied by many of his fubjedls, who, on the way, entertained
him with mufic. Near the city of ^aubtitlan he felled a tree with
ftones, which remained fixed in the trunk ; and near 'Tlalnepantla he
laid his hand upon a ftone and left an impreflion, which the Mexicans
fljewed the Spaniards after the conqueft. Upon his arrival at Chohila,
the citizens detained liim, and made him take upon him the govern-
ment of their city. Befides the decency and Aveetnefs of his manners,
the averfion he (liewed to all kinds of cruelty, infomuch that he
could not bear to hear the very mention of war, added much t» the
affedtion entertained for him by the inhabitants of Cholula. To him
they faid they owed their knowledge of melting metals, their laws by
which they were ever afterwards governed, the rites and ceremonies
of their religion, and even, as fome affirmed, the arrangement of their
feafons and calendar.
After being twenty years in Cholula, he refolved to purfue his jour-
ney to the imaginary kingdom of Tlapalla, carrying along with him
four noble and virtuous youths. In the maritime province of Coatza-
coalco, he difmilfed them, and deiired them to afflire the Choliilans
that he would return to comfort and diredt them. The Cbolulans
out of rcfped: to their beloved Sluctzalcoatl, put the reins of govern-
ment into the hands of thofe young men. Some people faid that he
fuddenly dilappeared, others that he died upon that coafl: ; but, how-
ever it might be, 9iuetzalcoatl was confecrated as a god by the Tol-
tccas of Chohilan, and made chief guardian of their citv, in the cen-
ter of which, in honour of him, they railed a great eminence and built
a fanfftuary upon it. Another eminence with a temple, was after-
wards eredted to him in Tula. From Cliolula his worlhip was pro-
pagated over all that country, where he was adored as the god of tlie
air. He had temples in Mexico, and elfewhere; and Ibme nation^,
even enemies of the Cbolulans, had, in the city of Cholula, tc.aples
and prielis dedicated to his worlliip; and people came from all coun,-
tiies thither, to pay their devotions and to fulfil their vows., I'he
CholuUms preferved with the higheft veneration fome,l\iia|l grce^i
ftones, very well cut, which they liiid had belonged, jtq hi'», .iliie
ppf.nV- of Yin ;itiii boafled that their nobles were d<.i-:cnd' d lem h > >-.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Barren women offered up their prayers to him in order to become
fruitful. His feftivals were great and extraordinary, efpecially in Cho-
lula, in the 'Teoxilmiti, or divine year ■■, and were preceded by a fevere
faft of eighty days, and by dreadful aufterities pradlifed by the priefls
confecraied to his worfliip. Quetzalcoatl, they faid, cleared the way
for the god of water ; becaufe in thefe countries rain is generally pre-
ceded by wind.
Dr. Siguenza imagined that the ^ctzalcoatl, deified by thofe people,
was no other than the apolfle St. Thomas, who announced to them the
Gofpel. He fupported that opinion with great learning, in a work (/6),
which, with many other of his ineftimable writings, has been unfortu-
nately loft by the negledt of his heirs. In that work he inftituted a
comparifon betwixt the names of Didymos and ^letzalcoatl [i), their
drefs, their dodtrine, and their prophecies ; and examined the places
through which they went, the traces which they left, and the mira-
cles which their refpeólive difciples related. As we have never ictu.
the manufcript above mentioned, we fliall avoid criticiling an opinion
to which we cannot fubfcribe, notwithftanding the refpedl which we
bear for the great genius and extenfive learning of the author.
Some Mexican writers are perfuaded that the Gofpel had been
preached in America fome centuries before the arrival of the Spaniards.
The grounds of that opinion are fome crolTes [k) which have been
found
[h) This work of Siguenza is mentioned by Betancourt, in his Mexican Theatre ; and by
Dr. Eguiera, in his Mexican Bibliotheca.
(/■) Betancourt obferves, when he is comparing- together the names of Dii!ymos and S^uct-
zakoatl, that the latter is compofed oi Coati a twin, and .'Iluetzalli a gem ; and that it fignifies
a Precious Twin. But Torquemada, who perieètly underllood the Mexican hmguage, and
had thofe names interpreted to him by the ancient peopl'', fays that Quetzalcoatl means, fer-
pcnt furniflied with feathers. In faft, Coati does perfecfbly fignify Jerfient, and i^ietzalli, ^recn-
feather, and have been applied to t-M» and gem, only metaphorically.
(i) The crofTes the moft celebrated are thofe of Yucatan, of Mizteca, Queretaro, Tepique,
and Tianquiztepec. f hofe of Yucatan are mentioned by Father Cogolludo, a Francifcan, in
his Hidory, book ii. chap 12. The crofs of .vizteca is taken notice of by Boturini in his
work, and in the chronicle of Father Burgoa, a Dominican. There is an account of the crofs
pf Queretaro, written by a Francifcan of the college of Propaganda in that city ; and of that
of Tepique by the learned Jefuit Sigifmund Tanibal, whofe manufcripts are preferred in the
Jefuit college of Guadalajora. That of Tianquiztepec was difcovered by Boturini, and
is mentioned in his work. The croffes of Yucatan were worfliippcd by the Yucatanefc, in
obedience, as they fiid, to the infiru(^ions of their great prophet Chilam-Camhal, who defired
th.it when a certain race of men with beards fiiould arrive in that country from the Eaft, and
iliould
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
25»
found at different times, which feem to have been made before the ar- BOOK vi.
rival of the Spaniards : the faft of forty days obferved by the people of ^
the new world (I), the tradition of the future arrival of a ftrange peo-
ple, with beards, and the prints of human feet impreffed upon fome
ftones, which are fuppofed to be the footftcps of the apoftle St. Tho-
mas (n). We never could reconcile ourfelves to this opinion ; but the
examination of fuch monuments and remrans, would require a work of
a very different kin^i from that which we have undertaken.
Tlaloc, otherwife Tlalocatcu&ii (mafter of paradife), was the god of
water. They called him fertilizer of the earth, and protetìor of their
temporal goods. They believed he refided upon the highefl: moun-
tains, where the clouds are generally formed, fuch as thofe of Tlaloc,
Tlafcala, and Toluca ; whither they often went to implore his pro-
te(flion .
The native hiftorians relate, that the Acolhuas having arrived in that Sect. v.
country in the time of Xolotl, the firft Chechemecan king, found at the mountains,
top of the mountain of Tlaloc, an ima^e of that god, made of a white and **'*'?' '"•'^^I.
X ' O £> ' earth, "ignt,
very light ftone, in the fliape of a man fitting upon a fquare ftone, with and hell,
a veffel before him, in which was fome elaftic gum, and a variety of
feeds. This was their yearly offering, by way of rendering up their
thanks after having had a fiu'ourable harveft. That image was
reckoned the oldeft in that country ; for it had been placed upon that
hill by the ancient Toltecas, and remained till the end of the XVth
or beginning of the XVIth century, when Nezahualpilli, king of Acol-
huacan, in order to gain the favour of his fuhjeds, carried it away, and
placed another in its ftead, of a very hard black ftone. The new image,
however, being defaced by lightning, and the priefts declaring it to be
a punifhment from heaven, the ancient ftatue was reftored, and there
ihould be fecn to adore that fign, they flioiild embrace the doflrinc of thofe Grangers. We
(hall have an opportuniiy of fpcaking more particularly conccrnini; thcfe monuments, in the
Rcdefiafticaì llijtor'i of Mexico, if Heaven vouchfafe to favour ourdclign.
{Ì) The fuft of forty days proves nothing, as rliolc nations likewife obferved fads of three,
four, five, twenty, eighty, a hundred and lixty days, and even of four years ; nor was that of
forty days, by any means the moft common.
(h) Not only the maiks of human feet have been found printed or ratlier cut out in ftoncs,
but thofe likcvvifc of animals have been found, without our being able to form any conjevlure
of the purpofe had in view by thofe who hnve taken the trouble to cut them.
K k 2 continued
252 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI, continued to be preferved and worfhipped, until the promulgation of
the Gofpel, when it was thrown down and broken by the order of the
iirft bifhop of Mexico.
The ancients alfo believed that in all the high mountains there re-
fided other gods, fubaltern to Tlaloc. They all went under the fame
name, and were revered, not only as gods of water, but alfo as the gods
of mountains. The image of 'Tlaloc was painted blue and green, to
exprefs the different colours that are obferved in water. He held in
his hand a rod of gold, of an undulated and pointed form, by which
they intended to denote the lightning. He had a temple in Mexico,
.within the inclofure of the greater temple, and the Mexicans celebrated
feveral feftivals in honour to him every year.
. Chalchiuhcueje, otherwife Chalchihiiitlicue, the goddefs of water,
and companion of Tlaloc. She was known by fome other very ex-
preflive names (oj, which either lignify the effefts which water pro-
duces, or the different appearances and colours which it alTumes in
motion. The Tlafcalans called her Matlalcueje, that is, clothed in a
green robe ; and they gave the fame name to the highefl mountain of
Tlafcala, on whofe fummit are formed thofe ftormy cloLids which ge-
nerally burft over the city of Angelopoli. To that fummit the Tlaf-
calans afcended to perform their lacrifices, and offer up their prayers.
This is the very fame goddefs of water, to which Torquemada gives
the name of Xochiqiietzal, and the Cav. Boturini that of Macuilxochi-
quetzalll.
Xiuhteudlli (mafter of the year and of the grafs), was among thefe
nations the god of fire, to whom they likewife gave the name of Ixco-
•zauhqid, which expreffes the colour of fire. This god was greatly re-
vered in the Mexican empire. At their dinner they made an offering
to him of the firfl morfei of their food, and the fìrfì: draught of their
beverage, by throwing both into the fire ; and burned incenfe to him
at certain times of the day. In honour of him they held two fixed
feftivals of the mofl folemn kindi one in the tenth, and another in the
eighteenth month ; and one moveable feaft at whicfa they created the
(») Apo%onailotl and Acuecuejotl exprefs the fwelling and fluiftuation of water : Atlacamanz,
ftorms excited on it : Ahuk and Aiati/>, its motions fomeiimes to one fide and fometimes to an-
other ; XixiquipiUhiii, the alternate rifing and falling of the waves, &c.
ufuai
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 253
ufual maglflrates, and renewed the ceremony of the inveftlture of the BOOK vi.
fiefs of the kingdom. He had a temple in Mexico, and fome other
palaces.
Centeotl, goddefs of the earth and of corn, called likewife. Tona-
cajohua (pj, that is, llie who fiipports us. She had five temples in
Mexico, and three feflivals were held on her account, in the third,
eighth, and eleventh months : (lie was particularly revered and honour-
ed by the Totonacas, v/ho efleemed her to be their chief protedtrefs ;
and eredted to her, upon the top of a high mountain, a temple, where
Ihe was ferved by a great number of prlefts folely devoted to her wor-
ihip, and adored by the whole nation. They had an extraordinary
love for her, being perfuaded that flie did not require human vidtims,
but was contented with the facrifice of doves, quails, leverets, and
fuch animals, which they offered up to her in great numbers. They
exped:ed fhe was at lail to deliver them from the cruel flaveiy they
were under to the other gods, who conftrained them to ficrifice fo
many human creatures. The Mexicans entertained very different kn-
timents of her fhedding a great deal of human blood at her feftivals.
In the above mentioned temple of the Totonacas, was one of the mofl
renowned oracles of the country.
Midlanteudtli, the god of hell, and MiEllancihuatl his female com-
panion, were much honoured by the Mexicans. Thefe deities were
imagined to dwell in a place of great darknefs in the bowels of the earth.
They had a temple in Mexico, in which they held a feflival in the
eighteenth month. Sacrifices and offerings were made to them by
night, and the chief minifter of their uorfliip was a priefl called Tlil-
hintlcnamacac, who was always died of a black colour, in order to
perform the functions of his prieflhood.
Joalteudtli, the god of night, who feems to us to have been the
fame with Meztli or the moon. Some think him the fame with Tona-
tiuh, or the fun, while others imagine him to have been quite a diftindt
deity. They recommended their children to this god, to give them
fleep.
(p) They gave her likewife the names of Tziittcoil (original goddefs), Xiloatn, Ixtacaceuteotl
and Tlailauhtjuicenieoil, changing her name according to the different llatcs of the grain in
the progrcfs of its growth.
Joalticitl
=54-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK Vf. Joalticltl (nightly phyfician), goddefs of cradles ; to whom they like-
' ' ^ wife recommended their children to be taken care of, particularly in
the ni'j^ht time.
Sect. VI. Huitzilopochtli, or Mexitli, was the god of war ; the deity the moil
1 he gods honoured by the Mexicans, and their chief protedtor (qj. Of this god
fome faid he was a pure fpirit, others that he was born of a woman,
but without the affiftance of a man, and defcribed his birth in the fol-
lowing manner. There lived, faid they, in Coatepec, a place near to
the ancient city of Tula, a woman called Coathcue, mother of the
Ceut-zonhuhnahu'ts , who was extremely devoted to the worfhip of the
gods. One day as flie was employed, according to her ufual cuftom,
in walking in the temple, flie beheld defcending in the air, a ball made
of various feathers. She feized it and kept it in her bofom, intending
afterwards to employ the feathers in decoration of the altar ; but when
file wanted it after her walk was at an end, fhe could not find it, at
which flie was extremely furprifed, and her wonder was very greatly
increafed when flie began to perceive from that moment that flie was
pregnant. Her pregnancy advanced till it was dilcovered by her chil-
dren, who, although they could not themfelves fufped: their mother's
virtue, yet fearing the difgrace flie would fufFer upon her delivery, de-
termined to prevent it by putting her to death. They could not take
their refolution fo fecretly as to conceal it from their mother, who
while flie was in deep afiiiiftion at the thoughts of dying by the hands
of her own children, heard an unexpected voice ifTue from her womb,
fiiying, " Be not afraid mother, for I fhall fave you with the greatefl
honour to yourfelf, and glory to me." Her hard-hearted fons, guid-
ed and encouraged by their lifter Cojolxauhqui, who had been the moft
keenly bent upon the deed, were nowjuft upon the point of executing
their purpofe, when Huitzilopochtli was born, with a fliield in his
{q) HuimiopochtU is a compound of two words, viz. Huitzili?i, the humming bird, and
OfochtU, left. It was fo called from his image having the feathers of the little bird upon its
left foot. Boturini knowing little of the Mexican language, derives the name from Huitxhon
the leader of the Mexicans in their pilgrimage, and takes this leader and the god to have been
the fame perfon. Bcfidcs that fuch an etymology is over-ftrained, that pretended identity is
quite unknown to the Mexicans themfelves, who when they began their pilgrimage under the
conduft of Huitziton, had long before, from time immemorial, uorfliipped the god of war :
the Spaniards being unable to pronounce the word, called him Huietilcbes,
left
I
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O 255
left hand, a fpear in his right, and a creft of green feathers on his head ; b OOK vr.
his left leg aderned with feathers, and his face, arms, and thighs '
llreakcd with blue lines. As foon as he came into the world he dif-
played a twilled pine, and commanded one of his foldiers called T^o~
chancalqui, to fell with it Cojolxauhqui, as the one who had been the
moft guilty ; and he himfelf attacked the reft with fo much fury that,
in I'pite of their eftbrts, their arms, or their intreaties, he killed them all,
plundered their houfes, and prefented the fpoils to his mother. Man-
kind were fo terrified by this event, that from that time they called
him Tetzahultl, terror, and Tetzauhteotl, terrible god.
This was the god who, as they laid, becoming the protedlor of the
Mexicans, condudled them for fo many years in their pilgrimage, and
at length fettled them where they afterwards founded the great city of
Mexico. There they railed to him that fuperb temple fo much cele-
brated even by the Spaniards, in which were annually holden three
folemn feftivals in the fifth, ninth, and fifteenth months ; befides thofe
kept every four years, every thirteen years, and at the beginning of
every century. His llatue was of gigantic fize, in the pofture of a
man feated on a blue-coloured bench, from the four corners of which
ilfued four huge fnakes. His forehead was blue, but his face was co-
vered with a golden malk, while another of the fame kind covered the
back of his head. Upon his head he carried a beautiful creft, Ihaped
like the beak of a bird ; upon his neck a collar confifting of ton figures
of the human heart ; in his right hand, a large, blue, twilled club ;
in his left, a Ihield, on which appeared five balls of feathers difpofed
in the form of a crofs, and from the upper part of the fhield role a
golden flag with four arrows, which the Mexicans pretended to have
been lent to them from heaven to perform thofe glorious aólions which
we have feen in their hiftory. His body was girt with a large golden
fnake, and adorned with various lelfer figures of animals made of gold
and precious ftones, which ornaments and infignia had each their po-
culiar meaning. They never deliberated upon ma.king war without
imploring the protedion of this god, with prayers and facrihces ; and
eftered up a greater number of human vidlims to him than to any other
of the gods.
Tlaoa-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Tlacahuepancuexcotzin, likewife a god of war, the younger brother
and companion of Iluitzilopochtli. His image was worfliipped along
with his brother's, in the chief fanftuary of Mexico ; but no where
with greater devotion than at the court of Tezcuco.
Painalton (fwift or hurried), a god of war, and Heutenant of Huit-
zilopochtli. As they invoked the latter in thofe wars which were un-
dertaken after ferious deliberation, fo they called upoii Painalton upon
fudden occafions, fuch as an unexpected attack of the enemy. Then
the priefts ran about the city v/ith the image of the god, which was
worfliipped together with thofe of the other gods of war, calling upon .
him with loud cries, and making faerifices to him of quails, and other
animals. All the men of war were then obliged to run to arms.
SicT. vn. Jacateuftli (the lord who guides), the god of commerce frj, for
The gods o .^yj^Q,^-, the merchants celebrated two ereat annual feftivals in his tem-
commeice, o
hunting, fidi- pie at Mcxico ; one in the ninth, and another in the feventeenth month,
^' ' * with many facrifices of human vidims, and fuperb repafts.
Mixcoatl, the goddefs of hunting, and the principal deit\' of the
Otomies, who, living among the mountains, were for the moft part
hunterf. The Matlatzincas likewife worlhipped her with peculiar re-
verence. She had two temples in Mexico, and in one of them called
'Teotlalpan, was held a great kflival with numerous facrifices of the
wild animals, in the fourteenth month.
Opochtli, the god of filliing. He was believed to be the inventor
of nets and other inftruments of filhing, whence he v.-as particularly,
revered by filhermen, as their protector. In Cuitlahuac, a city upon a
little idand in the lake of Chalco, there was a god of fifliing highly
honoured, named Amimitl, who probably differed from Opochtli no
otherwife than in name.
Huixtocihuatl, the goddefs of lalt, was worfliipped by the Mexicans
upon account of the iiilt works which they had at a little diftance from
the capital. A feaii: was celebrated to her in the feventh month.
Tzapotlatenan, the goddefs of phyfic. She was fuppofed to have
been the inventrefs of the oil called OxitI, and other moft ufeful drugs.
She was yearly honoured with the facrifice of human vidtims, and with
particular hymns compofed in her praife. . ,
{t) jacatcui'ili '.v:i5 nlfo called Xiacateu.^l: nn 1 Jaa-coiiuhjHt.
Tczc.it-
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 257
Texcatzcncatl, the jjod of wine: known lilcesvifs bv other names BOOK Vi.
fs), from the elFedls produced by wine. He had a temple in Mexico,
In which four hundred priefts were confecrated to his worfliip, and
where for him, and the other gods his companions, a yearly feaft was
held in the thirteenth month.
Ixtlilton (the black-ficed) feems to have been a god of phyfic ; for
they ufed to bring fick children to his temple, to be cured. Their fa-
thers brought them, and diótating to them the prayers with which
they were to alk for health, made them dance before the image; and
then gave them a water to drink which had been blelTed by the priefts
confecrated to the god.
Coatlicue, or Coatlantona, was the goddefs of flowers. She had a
temple in Mexico called Jopico, where a feftival was celebrated to her
by the Xocijivianqni , or compofers of nofegays of flowers, in tlie third
month which falls in fpring. They prefented her among other things
with beautiful braids of flowers. We do not know whether this god-
defs was the fame with the mother of Huitzilopochtli.
Tlazolteotl was the god whom the Mexicans invoked to obtain par-
don of their fins, and to be freed from the difgrace to which the guilty
are expofed. The principal devotees of this falfe deity were luilful
men, who courted his proteftion with ficrifices and with offerings (/).
Xipe is the name given by hilforians to the god of the goldfmiths,
{lì) who was greatly revered among the Mexicans. They were per-
fuaded that all thofe who neglected his v/orfliip, would be puniflied
with difeafes, particularly with the itch, boils, and fevere pains in the
eyes and the head. They took care, therefore, to diftinguiHi them-
felves by the cruelty of their facrifices, which were made at a feftival
ufually celebrated in the fecond month.
Nappateuttli (four times lord) was the god of the mat- weavers.
He was faid to be a benign god, eafy to pardon injuries, and generous
(j) Such ?s Tequtchmecaniani the (Iranglcr, and Teatiahulani the tltowner.
(/) Bolurhii alTcrts, that Tlazolteotl was the immodcrt and Hcbci;m goddefs ; and it/rfr»;7-
xoi.hiiiutfz.aUi, the Venus Pronuba. But the Mexicans never attributed to their gods thofc
ftinmcful irregularities, which the Greeks and Romans imputed to theirs.
(ft) Xipc has no meaning; fo that I imagine the Spanili» wr'ters not knowing the Mexican
name of this god, applied to him the two firft fyllables of the name of his fcaft Xipehualitztli.
Vol. I. L 1 to-
258 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK VI. towards all. He had two teniples in Mexico, where a feftival was
held in the thirteenth month.
Omacatl was the god of mirth. Upon occafion of any public re-
joicing, or any great feaft of the Mexican lords, they imagined they
would certainly meet with fome difafter if they negleiled to bring the
image of this god from the temple and fet it up at the feaft.
Tonantzin (our mother) I take to be the fame with the goddefs
Centeotl, whom w^e have mentioned before. She had a temple upon
a mountain, about three miles from Mexico towards the north, whither
the nations came in crowds to worlhip her, with a wonderful number
of facrifices. At the foot of that hill is now the moft famous lanc-
tuary in the new world, dedicated to the true God ; where people from
the moft remote countries afl'emble to worlhip the celebrated and truly
miraculous image. of the moft Holy Lady of Giiadaloupe ; thus convert-
ing a place of abomination into a mercy-feat, where religion has diftri-
buted its favours, for the benefit of thofe nations, in the place that has
been ftained with the blood of fo many of their anceftors.
Teteoinan was the mother of the gods, which the word itfelf fig-
uifies. As the Mexicans called themfelves the children of the gods,
they gave to this goddefs the name likewife of T'ockzin, that is, our
grand-mother. I have already fpoken of the origin and deification of
this pretended motlier of the gods in the fecond book, where I gave
an account of the tragical death of the princefs of Colhuacan. This
goddefs had a temple in Mexico, where a moft folemn feaft was held
in the eleventh month. She was particularly adored by the Tlafca-
lans J and mid wives worfhipped her as their proteftrefs. Almoft all
the Spanifh writers confound her with Tonantzin, but they are cer-
tainly different.
Ilamateudlli, for whom the Mexicans had a feaft upon the third day
of' the feventeenth month, feems to have been the goddei's of age. Her
name means nothing more than Old Lady.
Tepitoton (little ones), was the name given by the Mexicans to
their penates, or houftiold gods, and the images that reprefented them.
Of thefe little images, the kings and great lords had always fix in their
houfes, the nobles four, and the lower people two. They were to be
{ttn every where in the public ftreets.
Befides
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
259
Befides thefc gods which were the moft confiderable, and foine others BOOK vi.
which we omit, tliat we may not tii-e the reader, there were two hun- ^ '
dred and lixty, to whicli as many days were confecrated. Thole days
take their names from them, and are thofe we find in the firft thirteen
months of their calendar.
The Mexican gods were generally the flime with thofc of the other
nations of Anahuac j differing only in their greater or lefs celebrity,
in feme of their rites, and fometimes in their names. The god the
molt celebrated in Mexico was Hiiitzihpochtli; in Cholula and Huexot-
zinco, Sluet%alcoatl ; among the Totonacas, Centeotl ; and among
the Otomies, Mixcoatl. The Tlafcalans, although the conftant ene-
mies of the Mexicans, adored the fame gods ; and even their moO: fa-
voured deity was the very Huitilopochtli of the Mexicans, but under
the name of Camaxtk. The people of Tezcuco, as allies, friends, and
neighbours, conformed almoft entirely with the Mexicans.
The number of the images by which thole falle gods were repre- Sect. x\\\.
fented, and worlliipped in the temples, the houles, the ftreets, and and'^thc'^i'''
the woods, vvere inlinite. Zumarraga, firft bifliop of Mexico, aliirms, ne'ofwor-
that the Francifcans had, in the courfe of eight years, broken more than gods..
twenty thoufmd idols ; but that number is trifling compared to thofc
of the capital Oiily. They were generally made of clay, and certain
kinds of (lone and wood ; but fometimes too of gold and other metals :
and there were lome of gems. In a high niountain of Achiauhtla, in
Mizteca, Bcnedidt Fernandez, a celebrated Dominican miliionary, found
a little idol called by the Miztecas the heart of the people. It was
a very precious emerald, four inches long and two inches broad, upon
which was engraved the figure of a bird, and round it that of a little
fnake. The Spaniards offered fifteen hundred fequins for it j but the
zealous milTionary before all the people, and with great folemnity re-
duced it to powder. The moft extraordinaiy idol of the Mexicans was
that of Huitzilopochtli, which was made of certain feeds pafled to-
gether with human blood. Almoft all their idols were coarfe and hi-
tleous from the fantaftical parts of which they were cqmpofed in order
to reprcfent their attributes and employmeiits.
The divinity of thole falfe gods were acknowledged by praycis,
kneeling and proftrations, v.'ith vows, fafts, and otlier aufterities,
L 1 2 v.iih
lliippingtùtii
200
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK VI. with facrlfices and ofFerings, and various rites, fome common to other
nations, and others pecuhar to the Mexican rehgion alone. They prayed
generally upon their knees, with their faces turned towards the eaft, and
therefore made their lanftuaries with the door to the weft. They
made vows for their children as well as for themfelves, and frequently
dedicated them to the fervice of their gods in fome temple or monaf-
teiy. Thofe v/ho happened to be in danger from ftumbling or flipping»
upon a journey, made vows to vifit the temple of the god Omacatl, and
to offer up incenfe and paper. They made frequent ufe of the name of
God to confirm the trufh ; and their oaths were in this form ; Cuix
à mo iiechitta in 'Toteot%in ? Does not our god fee me now ? Then
naming the principal god, or any other they particularly reverenced,
they kilfed their hand, after having touched the earth with it. Great
faith was put in oaths of this kind by way of purgation when any one
was accufed of a crime ; for they thought no man could be fo rafli as
to venture to abufe the name of God, at the evident rifk of being
mofl feverely puniflied by heaven.
Metamorphofes, or transformations, were not wanting to the mytho-
logy of the Mexicans. Among others they related one of a man
named "Jappan, who having undertaken to do penance upon a moun-
tain, yielded to the temptations of a woman, and fell into the lin of
adultery. He was immediately beheaded by yaotl, to whom the gods
had given the charge of watching over his condutft, and by the gods
themfelves was transformed into a black fcorpion. Jaotl, not latisfied
with that punilhment, executed it likev/ife upon 'Tlahiiit%in, the wife
of Jappan, who was transformed into a white fcorpion, while Jaotl
himfelf, for having exceeded the bounds of his commifiion, was turned
into a locuft. They faid it was from the fhame of that crime that fcor-
pions fhun the light, and hide themfelves under flones.
The Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac, like all civilized na-
tions, had temples or places allotted for the purpofes of religion, where
the people alTembled to worfliip their gods, and implore their protec-
tion. They called the temple ^cocalli, that is, the houfe of god, and
T'eopan, the place of God ; which names they applied with greater
propriety to the temples erecfled in honour of the true God, after they
embraced Chriltianity.
The
Sect. IX.
Their traiil-
formations.
Sect. X.
The greater
temple of
Mexico.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 261
The city and kingdom of Mexico began with the building of the book vi.
lànótuary of Huitzilopochth or Mexitlì, whence it has derived its name.
That editice was then a miferable hut. Itzcoatl, the firft king and
conqueror of that nation, after the taking of Azcapozalco, enlarged it.
Montezuma I. his fucceflbr, built a new temple, which had fomc
fhew of magnificence ; and, at length Ahuitzotl railed and dedicated
that immenfc temple which his predecefTor Tizoc had planned. This
was the temple which the Spaniards celebrated fo highly after they had
dellroyed it. It were to be wirtied that their accuracy in dcfcribing
its dimenfions had been but equal to their zeal in deftroying that fu-
perb monument of fuperllition : but fuch is the variety of iheir ac-
counts, that, after having laboured to reconcile them, I have found it
impofiible to afcertain its proportions ; nor fliould I ever have been
able to form an idea of the architeóture of that temple \fithout the fi-
gure prefented to us by the Anonymous Conqueror ; a copy of which I
have here fubjoined, although I have paid lefs regard in it to his deli-
neation than his defcription. I fhall mention therefore all that I think
may be depended upon, after a very tedious comparifon of the defcrip-
tions given by four eye-witnefies, and negled: what I have been unable
to extricate froai the confufion of different authors (.v).
(.v) The four eye-witnclTcs whofc defciiptions we have conncifled together are the conqueror
Cortes, Bernal Diaz, the Anonymous Conqueror, and Sahagun. The three firil lived for fe-
deral months in the palace of king Axajacatl, near the temple, and therefore faw it every day.
Sahatjun, although he never faw it cniirc, yet faw fome part of it, and could difcover what
ground il had occupied. Gomara, who did not himfelf fee the temple, nor ever was in Mexi-
co, received the different accounts of it from the conquerors thcmfelvcs who faw it. Acofln,
whofc defcription has been copied by Hcrrera and Solis, inllead of the gieat temple defcribes
one pcrftdily different. This author, although in other refpc(fls deferring of credit, was not
in Mexico till fixty years after the conquefl, when there were no remains of the temple.
In a Dutch edition of Solis, was given an incorrect print of the great temple, which was af-
terwards giccn hy the aiithors of the General Hiftoy\ of f^oya^es, and is fiill to be met with in
an edition of the conqueror Cortes's Letters, publiflied at !Mexico in 1-70 : but the cartleff-
ncfs of the editors of that edition will appear from comparing the print in it with Cortes's own
defcription. He fays, in his firft letter, though fomcvvhat hypcrbolically, that the great tciii-
plc of Mexico was higher than the tower of the cathedral church of Seville, while in the
print mentioned it fcarcely appears to he feven or eight perches or toifcs. Cortes declare»!
that five hundred Mexican nobles fortified themfelve, in the upjier area, whereas that fpacc as
reprcfcnted in the print could not contain more than feventy or eighty men. Lafìly, omitting
maiiv other contradictions, Cortes fays, that the temple confided of three or four bodies, and
that each body had, as he defcribes it, its corridorcs or balconies ; yet in the print it is rcpre-
frnied as coufilUng of one body only, without any of ihofc corridores at all.
This
202 II I S T O P. Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. This great temple occupied the centre of the city, and, together
with the other temples and buildings annexed to it, comprehended all
that iDJce upon which the great cathedral church now flands, part of
the greater market-place, and part likewife of the ftreets and buildings
around. Within the inclofure of the wall which encompaffed it in a
fquare form, the conqueror Cortes affirms that a town of five hundred
houfes might have ftood {y). The wall, built of ftone and lime, was
very thick, eight feet high, crowned with battlements, in the form of
niches, and ornamented with many ftone figures in the fliape of ferpents,
whence it obtained the name of CoatepantH, or the wall of ferpents.
It had four gates to the four cardinal points : the eaflern gate looked
to a broad ftrcet which led to the lake of Tezcuco : the reft corref-
ponded to the tliree principal ftreets of the city, the broadeft and the
ftraightelf, which formed a continuation with thofe built upon the lake
that led to Iztapalapan, to Tacuba, and to Tepejacac. Over each
of the four gates was an arfenal filled with a vaft quantity of ofFenfive
and defenfive weapons, where tlie troops went when it was neceflary,
to be fupplied with arms. The fpace within the walls was curioufly
paved with fuch fmooth and polillied ftones that the horfes of the Spa-
niards could not move upon them without flipping and tum.bling down.
in the middle was raifed an immenfe folid building of greater length
than breadth (:•), covered with fquare equal pieces of pavement. The
building confuted of five bodies nearly equal in height, but differing
in length and breadth ; the higheft being narroweft. The firft body, or
bafis of the building, was more than fifty perches long from eaft to
weft, and about forty-three in breadth, from north to fouth (<;.'). The
fecond
( y) The Anonymous Conqueror fays, that what was within the wall was like a c'tv. Gc-
Riara affirms, that the wall was a very long bowfliot in lengih upon every fide. Torqueinada,
although agreeing with Gomara in book viii. chap. 2. fays afterwards In ch. xix. that the cir-
cumference of the wall was above three thoufand paces, which is plainly a miflakc. Dr. Her-
nandez., in his prolix dcfcription of the temple, preferred in manufcript in the library of the
Efcurial, and which Father Niercmberg has made ufe of in his Natural Hiliory, allows to ihe
the wall, of every fide, two hiindred Toledan cubits, which is about cightv-fix perches.
(a) Sahagun makes the temple perfeflly fquare, but the Anon\mous Conqueror, both in
the defcriprion and in the figure which he has left us, reprefents it to have been of greater
length than breadth, like thofe of Teotihuacan which fcrvcd as models for all the reft.
(a) Sahagun ;^ivcs to the iirrt bodv upon every fide three hundred and fix'y Toledan feet,
and that is the nieafure cf its length. Gomara gives it fifty brazas, which is the nieafure <:f
its breadth. Thicc hundred and fixty Toledan feet make three hundred and eight Pariiian, or
a lit-
/'/ n
ì'ol.I.Paof ifia
, /Af a/'fit/i/- >' // //i/i/r // '//l/.rft'r.
.1.
i
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 26
fecond body was about a perch lefs in length and breadth than the BOOK
filli ; the third as much Icfs than the Iccond ; and the reft in pro-
portion, fo that upon each body there remained a free fpace or plain
which would allow three, or even four men abreaft to walk round the
next body.
The flairs, which were upon the fouth-fide, were made of large
well formed floncs, and confilled of a hundred and fourteen Heps, each
a foot high. They were not, however, one iingle flair-cafe continued
all the way, as they have been reprefented by the authors of the Gene-
rerai Pliflory of Travels, and the Publlihers of Cortes's Letters, in
Mexico ; but were divided into as many feparate flair-cafes as there
were bodies of the building in the manner fhewn in our plate ; io that
after getting to the top of the firft flair-cafe, one could not mount
the fecond, without going along the firft plain round the fecond ; nor
the third, without going along the fecond plain, and fo of the reft.
This will be better underftood by confulting the plate, which is copied
from that of the Anonymous Conqueror {l>), but corrected as to the di-
menfions, from that author's own defcription, and other hiftorians.
Upon the fifth body was a plain, which we ftiall call the upper area,
which was about forty three perches long (c), and thirty-four broad,
and was as well paved as the great area below. At the eaftern extre-
mity of this plain were railed two towers to the height of fifty-fix
feet, or nearly nine perches. Each was divided into three bodies, of
which the lower was of ftone and lime, and the other two of wood
very well wrought and painted. The inferior body or bafis of each were
properly the fandtuaries, where, upon an altar of ftone, five feet high, were
placed their tutelary idols. One of thefe two fandluaries was confe-
a little more than fifty perches. Fifty brazas, or eJlaJos make two hundred and fifty-fcveu
Parifmn feet, or about forty-two perches.
(h) A copy of the drawing of the temple made by the Anonymous Conqueror, is to be
found in the colleétjon of Jo. Ramulio ; and another in Father Kircher's work, entitled, OcJl-
fui uSgyftiaciu.
(r) Sahagun, whofe meafures have been adopted by Torquemada, allows no more than fe-
■vcnty Tolediin feet fquare, which is about ten perches, to the upper area ; but it is impoffiblc
that five hundred McNican nobles, as Cortes aflcrts, could have flood to fight aoainll the Spa-
niards, in fuch a narrow fpace ; efpecially if we believe Bernard Diar,, who fays, that four
thoufand Mexicans fortified thcmfclves in that temple, and that numbers hud got up before
the nobles afcendcd.
crated
3
204 II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK IV. crated to Huitzilopochtli, and the gods of war ; and the other to Tez-
catlipoca. The other bodies were deflined to the keeping of fome things
belonging to the worlhip, and the aflies of fome kings and lords v/ho,
through particular devotion, deiired that to be done. The doors of
both fanétuaries were towards the weft, and both the towers terminat-
ed in a very beautiful wooden cupola. There is no author who has
defcribed the internal difpolition and ornaments of the fantìuaries ; nor
indeed the fize of the towers ; fo that what is reprefented in our plate
is only delineated from conjefture. I believe, however, we may ven-
ture to fay without danger of miftake, that the height of the building
witliout the towers, was not lefs than nineteen perches, and with the
towers exceeded twenty-eight. From that height one might fee the
lake, the cities around, and a great part of the valley ; and it has been
affirmed by eye-witneffes to be the fineft profpedt in the world.
In the upper area was the altar for the common facrifices, and in
the lower that for the gladiatorial. Before the two fanóluaries were
two ftone iloves of the height of a man, and of the fliape of our holy
pyx, in which they preferved a conftant fire, night and day, with the
utmort care ; fearing that if ever it went out, they fliould fufFer the
moft dreadful punifliment from heaven. In the other temples and
religious buildings comprifed within the inclofure of the great wall,
there were fix hundred ftoves, of the fame fize and figure, which in
the night time, when they ufed all to be burning, prefented a very pleaf-
ing fight.
Sect. XI. I'"* ^he fpace betwixt the wall and the great temple, there were, be-
BuiiJingsHn- £(jgg ^ place for their religious dances, upwards of forty lefiTer temples,
nexed to the ^ ° ' r / t >
great temple, confecrated to the other god?, feveral colleges of priefts, fome femi-
naries for youth and children of both fexes, and many other buildings
fcattered about, of which, for their fingularity, it will be necefìàry to
Rive lome account,
o
The moft remarkable were the temples of Tezcatlipoca, Tlaloc,
and Quetzalcoatl. They all refembled one another in form, but were
of different fizes, and all fronted the great temple ; while the other
temples without this area were built with the front towards the
weft. The temple of Qjiietzalcoatl alone differed from the reft in
.form J it being round, the others all quadrangular. The door of
' this
HISTORY OF Ivi E X I C O. 265
this fiinduary was the mouth of an enormous ferpent of ftone, armed book vi.
v/ith fangs. Some Spaniards tempted by curiofity to go into that dia-
bohcal temple, afterv/ards confelled the horror which they felt upon
entering it. Among other temples there was one called IlkiiicatitUwy
tledicated to the planet Venus, in which was a great pillar with the
figure of that ftar painted or engraved upon it; near which, at the time
of her appearance, they facrificed prifoners.
The colleges of priefts, and the feminaries were various; but v.-e
particularly know only of five colleges or monafleries of priefts, and
three feminaries of youth, although there mufl certainly have b^en
more, from the prodigious number of perfans that were found there
confccrated to the worlhip of the gods.
Among the remarkable buildings v>'ithin this area, befides the four
arfcnals over the four gates, there was another near the temple Tczca-
calli (houfe of mirrors), fo called fi'om its walls being covered with
mirrors on the infide. There was another fmall temple called Tccciz-
caUi, all adorned with fliells which liad a houfe annexed to it, into
which, at certain times, the king of Mexico retired for the purpofcs
of farting and prayer. The high-priefl had likewife a houfe of retire-
ment called Pojauhtlc!?i, and there were feveral others for other perfons.
There was alfo a crreat houfe of entertainment to accommodate ftranr-
ers of diftinftion who came upon a devout vifit to the temple, or from
curiofity to fee the grandeurs of the court. There were ponds in
M'hich the priefi:s bathed ; and fountains, the water of which they
drank. In the pond called Tczcapint, many bathed in obedience to
a particular vow m.adc to the gods. The water of one of the foun-
tains called Toxpalatl was efteemed holy : it was drank only at the moft
folemn feafiis, and no pcrfon was allowed to tafi:e it at any other time (r/).
There were places allotted to the bringing up of birds for the facrificcs,
gardens in which flowers and odoriferous herbs were raifed for tlie deco-
ration of the altars ; and ev.en a little wood in which were artificially
(r/) The fountain Toxl<ai,ul, the water of which was excellent, was ftopped up, at the time
when the Spaniards dcllroyeJ the temple ; it was opened again in i 582, in the liitlc f(|uare of
the iVIarqiiis (which at prcfent is called el Empciiradillo), r.ear to the cathedral ; but lor Ibmc
rcafon or other, of which we arc ignorant, it was a fccond time flopped up.
Vol. I. M m reprs-
206 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK VI. i-eprefented hills, rocks, and precipices, and from which they ilTued
to that general chace which we flaall defcribe in another part of this
work.
Particular apartments were deftined for the keeping of the idols, the
ornaments, and all the furniture of their temples ; and among them
were three halls fo large, that the Spaniards were aftonifhed upon fee-
ing them. Among the buildings moft ftriking from their fingularity,
was a great prifon like a cage, in which they kept the idols of the
conquered nations as if imprifoned. In fome other buildings of this
kind they preferved the heads of thofe who had been ficrificed, fome
of which were nothing but heaps of bones piled upon one another.
In others the heads were arranged in regular order upon poles, or fixed
againfl the walls, forming, by the variety of their difpofition, a fpec-
tacle not lefs curious than horrid. The greateic of thefe buildings
called Huitzcmpafi, although not within the great ..all, was but a little
way from it, over againft the principal gate. This was a prodigious
rampart of earth, longer than it was broad, in the form of a half py-
ramid. In the lovvefl part it was one hundred and fifty-four feet long.
The afcent to the plain upon the top of it was by a ftair-cafe of thirty
fleps. Upon that plain were creeled about four feet afunder, more than
feventy very long beams, bored from top to bottom. By thefe holes,
flicks were parted acrofs from one beam to another, and upon each of
them a certain number of heads were flrung by the temples. Upon
the fteps alfo of the flair-cafe there was a head betwixt every flone ;
and at each end of the fame edifice wals a tower which appeared to have
been made only of fkulls and lime. As fbon as a head began to crum-
ble with age, the prieils fupplied its place with a frefli one from the
bone-heaps in order to preferve the due number and arrangement. The
fkulls of ordinary vitìims were ftripped of the fcalp ; but thofe of men
of rank, and great warriors, they endeavoured to prcferve whh. the
flcin and beard and hair entire, which ferved only to render more fright-
ful thofe trophies of their barbarous fuperfiition. The number of
heads preferved in this and fuch other buildings is fo great, that fome
of the Spaiiilii conquero!-s took the trouble of reckoning up thofe
upon
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 267
upon the fteps of this building, and upon the files betwixt the beams, BOOK vi.
and found them amount to one hundred thirty-fix thoufand (t-). They *— -^'~~— *
who wi(h for a more minute detail of the buildings within the wall of
the great temple, may read the relation of Sahagun in Torquemada, and
the defcription of the feventy-eight edifices there by Dr. Hernandez, in
the Natural Hiftory of Nieremberg.
Befides thefc temples there were others fcattered in different quarters Sect, xn,
of the city. Some authors make the number of temples in that capi- pi.j'^"
tal (comprehending, as may be imagined, even the fmalleft) amount to
two thoufand ; and that of the towers to three hundred and lixty, but
we do not know that any one ever adtually counted them. There
can be no doubt, however, that they were veiy numerous, and among
them Cevcn or eight diftinguifhablc for their fize ; but that of Tlate-
lolco, confecrated likewife to Iluitzilopochtli, rofe above them all.
Out of the capital, the moil celebrated were thofe of Tezcuco,
Cholula, and Teotihuacan. Bernal Diaz, who had the curiofity to
number the fteps of their flairs, fays, that the temple of Tezcuco had
one hundred and feventeen, and that of Cholula one hundred and
twentv. We do not know whether that famous temple of Tezcuco
was the fame with Tezcutzinco, fo celebrated by Valadès in his CAri-
Jiian Rhetoric, or the fame with that renowned tower of nine bodies,
credlcd by the king Nezahualcojotl, to the Creator of heaven. Tlie
great temple of Cholula, like many others of that city, was dedicated
to their protedtor Quetzalcoatl. All the old hillorians fpeak with
wonder of the number of the temples in Cholula. Cortes wrote to
the emperor Charles V. that from the top of one temple he had counted
more than four hunded towers of others ( / ). The lofty pyramid raifetl
hy the Toltecas remains to this day, in that place wliere there was
(e) Andrea de Tapia, an officer belonging to Cortes, and one of then'. \vI\o coiintcJ lli-
IkuUs, gave this information to Gomara the hiftorian, according to hid own leftimony in ciiji.
l\x\ii. of his Hiftory of Mexico.
(f) " Certifico a vuellra Alteza que yo conte dcfdcr una mezquita quatro cientas y tanta<i
" torrcs en la dicha tiudad (de Cholulaj y todas fon de mezquitas." Letter to Charles V. Oi.'t.
30, I 520. The anonymous conqueror affirms, that he counted one hundred and ninety tower*
of the temples and palaces. Bernal Diaz fays, that they exceeded a hundred ; but it is pro-
bable, that the two authors counted tliofc only which were remarkable for their height. Some
i.'.'cr authors have faid that thefc towers were as many in number as the days of the year.
M m 2 for-
268 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. formerly a temple confecrated to that falfe deity, and now a holy fanc-
tuary of the mother of the true God ; but the pyramid from its great
antiquity is fo covered with earth and buflies, that it feems more like a
natural eminence than an edifice. We are ignorant, indeed, of its di-
menfions, but its circumference in the lower part is not lefs than half
a mile {g.) One may afcend to the top by a path made in a fpiral direc-
tion round the pyramid, and 1 went up on horfeback in 1744, This
is that famous hill about which fo many fables have been feigned, and
which Hoturini believed to have been raifed by the Toltecas as a place
of refufjc in the event of another delude like Noah's.
The famous edifices of Teotihuacan, about three miles fouth from
that place, and more than twenty from Mexico, towards Greco, ftill
fubfiiill; : thofe immenfe buildings which ferved as a model for the tem-
})lc'S of that country, were two temples confecrated the one to the fun
and the other to the moon, reprefented by two idols of monftrous bulk,
imade of flone and covered with s;old. That of the fun had a great
concavity in the breaft, and an image of that planet of the pureft gold
fixed in it. The conquerors pofieiled themfelves of the gold, the idols
were broken by order of the firft bidiop of Mexico, and the fagments
remained in that place till the end of the laft century, and may, per-
liiips be there flill. The bafe, or inferior body of the temple of the
fun, is iu'enty-eight perches long, and eighty-fix broad, and the height
of the whole building is in proportion {/j). That of the moon is eighty-
fix perches long in the bafe, and fixty-three broad. Each of thefe
temples is divided into four bodies, and as many flair-cafes, which are
arranged in the fame maiiner v/ith thofe of the great temple of Mexico;
but cannot now be traced, partly from their ruinous condition, and
jxirtly fro.m the great quantity of earth with which they are every where
covered. Round thefe edifices are fcattered feveral little hills, which
are fuppofed to have been as many lefier temples, dedicated to the other
(g) Betancourt fays, that the height of the pyramid of CholuUi was upwards of forty
efiados-i that is, more than two hundred and five Far.lian feet ; but this author has been too
fp iring in his nieafure, as that height unquelVion-iblc exceeds five hundred feet.
(h) Gemelli meafurcd the length and breadth of thofe temples, but had no inftrumcnl to
nifafurc their height. Cav. Boturini meafured their height, but when he wrote his work he
had not the meafurc by him, yet he thinks he found the temple of the fun to have been two
hundred Callillan cubits high, that is, cighty-fix perches.
planets
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 269
planets and ftars ; and from this place being fo full of religious build- book vi.
ings, antiquity gave it the name of 'Teotihiiacan. " — — v— — .
The number of temples throughout the whole Mexican empire was
very great. Torquemada thought there might be above forty thou-
land ; but I am perfuaded they would far exceed that number, if we
ihould take the leiler ones into the account ; for there is not an inha-
bited place without one temple, nor any place of anv extent without a
conliderable number.
I'he architecture of the great temples was for the mofl: part the
fxme with that of the great temple of Mexico ; but there were many
likewife of a different ftrudture. Many confided of a fingle body in
the form of a pyramid, with a ftair-cafe ; others of ordinary bodies,
with fimilar flair-cafes, as appears in the fuhjoined plate, wliich is co-
pied from one publilhed by Didaco Valadès in his Chrijiian Rhe-
toric {{).
The luperdition of thofe people not contented with fuch a great
number of temples in their cities, villages, and hamlets, erected mr.nv
altars upon the tops of the hills, in the woods, and in the ftreets, not
only for the purpofe of encouraging the idolatrous worlhip of travel-
lers, but for the celebration of certain facrifices to the gods of moun-
tains and other ruftic deities.
The revenues of the great temple of Mexico, like thofe of the other
temples of the court and the empire, were very large. Each temple
had its own lands and poffellions, and even its own peafants to culti-
vate them. Thence was drawn all that was neceffary for the mainte-
nance of the pricfls, together with the wood which was confumed
in great quantities in the temples.
The pricfts that were the ftewards of the temples frequently viiited sfct. xili.
their poffelTions, and thofe who cultivated them, thouoht themfelves l^evcnues ot
happy in contributing by their labour to the wonliip of the gods and
the fupport of their miniftcrs. In the kingdom of Acolhuacan, thofe
nine and twenty cities which provided necelfaries for the royal palace,
(/; Didaco Valadcs Francifcano, after having been employed many years in the converfinu
of the Mexicans, came to Uomc, «•here he uas made procuiator-pcncr.il of his order, A I t-
tle time after he publiflicd his learned and valuable work in Latin, intiiled, Rhelmka Chr-JiiaHa,
dedicated to pope Grcyoiy the Xllltji, adorned with many reprclcntation» of BJexican anti-
tiuitics,
were
II I S 7^ O R Y O F M E X I C O.
were likewiie obliged to provide for the temples. There is reafon to
believe that that traél of country, which went under the name of Teot-
lalpan (land of the gods), was fo named from being among the poffef-
fions of the temples. There were befides great numbers daily of free -
offerings, from the devout of every kind, of provinons and firll fruits,
which were prefented in returning thanks for feafonable rains and other
blelilngs of heaven. Near the temples were the granaries v/here all
the grain and other provifions, necelfiry for the maintenance of the
priefts, were kept j and the overplus was annually diftributed to the
poor, for whom alfo there were hofpitals in the larger towns.
Sect. XIV. The number of the prieils among the Mexicans correfponded with
Number and jj-jg multitude of gods and temples : nor was the homage which they
different ° * ...
ranks of the paid to the deities themfelves much greater than the veneration in which
^"^ ^* they held their minifters. We may form fome conjeflure of the im-
menfe number of prieils in the Mexican empire, from the number
within the area of the great temple, which fome ancient hiftorians tell
us, amounted to five thoufand. Nor will that calculation appear fur-
prifing, when we confider that in that place there were four hundred
priefls confecrated to the fervice of the god Tezcatzoncatl alone. Every
temple, indeed, had a confiderable number, fo that I iliould not think
it rath to affirm, that there could not be lefs than a million of priefls
throughout the empire. Their number could not fail to be increafed
from the great refpedl paid to the priefthood, and the high opinion they
conceived of the office of ferving in the worfliip of the gods. The
great men even vied with one another in confecrating their children for
fome time to the fervice of the temples ; while the inferior nobility
employed theirs in works without, fuch as carrying wood, feeding and
keeping up the fire of the floves, and other things of that kind ; all
confidering the honour of ferving in the worihip of the gods as the
greateft to which they could afpire.
There v/ere feveral difi^erent orders and degrees among the prieils.
The chief of all were the two high priefts, to whom they gave the
names of TectetiSili (divine lord), and Hueiteopixqui (great priefi:).
That eminent dignity was never conferred but upon fuch as were dif-
tinguifhed for their birth, their probity, and their great knowledge of
every thing connefted with the ceremonies of their religion. The
high-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
high-priefts were the oracles whom the kings confulted in all the moft
important affairs of the ftate, and no war was ever undertaken without
their approbation. It belonged to them to anoint the king after his
election, and to open the breaft, and tear out the hearts of the human
vidHms, at the moft folemn facrifices. The high-prieft in the king-
dom of Acolhuacan was, according to fomc hiftorians, always the fe-
cond fon of the king. Among the Totonacas he was anointed with
the elaftic gum mixed with children's blood, and this they called the
divine unBion (ij. Some authors fay the fame of the high-prieft of
Mexico.
From what is faid it appears, that the high-priefts of Mexico were
the heads of their religion only among the Mexicans, and not with
refpedl to the other conquered nations : thefe, even after being fubjedt-
ed to the crown of Mexico, ftill maintaining their priefthood indepen-
dent.
The high -priefthood was conferred by eledilon ; but we are igno-
rant whether the eledtors were of the prieftly order, or the fame witii
thofe who chofe the political head of the empire. The high-priefts of
Ì Mexico were diftinguiflied by a tuft of cotton which hung from their
breaft ; and at the principal fcafts they were dreffed in fplendid habits,
upon which were reprefented the infignia of the god whofe feaft they
celebrated. On folemn feftivals, the high-prieft of the Mixtecas was
clothed in a fliort coat, on which the principal events of their mytlio-
lo^ was reprefented ; above tliat he had a ùirplice, and over all a large
capuchin ; on his head he wore plumes of green feathers, curioufly in-
terwoven with fmall figures of their gods ; at his flioulder hung one
tafiel of cotton, and another hung at his arm.
Next to this fupreme dignity of the priefthood, the moft refpcdlable
charge was that of the Mcxicoteohuatzin, which was conferred by the high-
priefts. The employment of this oflicer was to attend to the due obferv-
ance of the rites and ceremonies, and to watch over the conduci: of thofe
priefts who had the charge of feminarics, and to punilh them when
guilty of a mifdcmeanor. In order to enable him to difcharge all the
(k) Acofta confounds the divine unrtion of the hÌ!;h-prieft with that of the king ; but it was
fotally difterciit ; the Iving did not anoint liimltlt" with elaftic gum, but « ith a particular fiat
oi ink. I
duties
272 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. duties of fo extenfive an appointment, he was allowed two curates or da-
piities, the one named the Hmt%nabuateohuat%in, the other the Tepaiieo-
htiatzin. The Mexicoteohimtzin was the fuperior-general of all the feini-
naries ; his chief badge of diftindion was a little bag of copah which
lie always carried along ^vith him.
The T'latquhnihlteuBii managed the oeconomy of the fandtuarics, the
Ometochtli was the chief compofer of the hymns which were fung at
feftivals; the Epcoacuiltzi:i (/), the mafter of the ceremonies ; the I'la-
pixcatzin the mafter of the chapel, who not only appointed the mullc,
but fuperintended the finging and corredled the fingers. Others, whofe
names we omit, to avoid growing tedious to our readers, were the im-
mediate fuperiors of the colleges of the priefls which were confecrated
to different gods (;«). The name T'eopixqiii ss'is alfo given to thepriefts,
which means the guard or miniller of God.
To every divifion of the capital, and probably, of every other great
city, belonged a priefh of fuperior rank, who adted in the quality of
recSor to that diftridt, and appointed every ail of religion which was
to be performed within the bounds of his jurifdid:ion. All thefe rec-
tors were fubjeft to the authority of the Mcxicotcohitatzm .
Sect. XV. ^^ the offices of religion were divided among thepriefts. Some
The employ- ^vrere the facrificers, others the diviners ; fome were the compofers of
meats, dre(s, ' _ ^ ^
and life of hymus. Others thofe who fung. Amongft the fingers fome lung at
prie s. certain hours of the day, others fung at certain hours of the night.
Some priefts had the charge of keeping the temple clean, fome took
care of the ornaments of the altars ; to others belonged the inftrudling
of youth, the corredling of the calendar, the ordering of fefiivals, and
the care of the mythological paintings.
Four times a day they offered incenfe to the Idols, namely, at day-
break, at mid-day, at fun-fet, and at mid-night. The laft offering
was made by the prieft whofe turn it v/as to do fo, and the mofi: ref-
peftable officers of the temple attended at it. To the fun they made
daily new offerings, four times during the day, and five times during
(I) Torqiiemada calls this ^nzH Epqualiztli, and Hernandez Epoaijuacuiltztli ; but both of
of them are miliaken.
(m) Whoever is defiroiis of knowing the other offices and names of the prieds, may confiilt
the 8th book of Torqueniada, and the account given by Hernandez, which Nieremberg in-
ferred in his Natural Hiftory.
the
H I S T O R Y O F AI E X I e O. 275
the night. For incenfe they generally made ufe of copal, or fome BOOK VI.
other aromatic gum ; but on certain feilivals they employed Chapopotli,
or bitumen of Judea. The cenfers were commonly made of clay; but
they had alfo cenfers of gold. Every day the priefts, or at leaft fome
of them, dved their whole bodies with ink made of the foot of the
Ocotl, which is a fpecies of pine very aromatic, and over the ink they
painted themfelves with ochre or cinnabar, and every evening they
bathed in ponds which were within the inclofure of the temple.
The drefs of the Mexican priells was no way difièrent from the drefs
of the common people, except a black cottoli mantle, which they
wore in the manner of a veil upon their heads ; but thofe who
in their monafleries profelTed a greater aullerity of life, went al-
ways clothed in black, like the common priells of other nations of
the empire. They never fhaved, by which means the hair of many of
them grew fo long as to reach to their legs. It was twifted witli thick
cotton cords, and bedaubed with ink, forming a weighty mafs not lefs
inconvenient to be carried about with them than difgufting and even
horrid to view.
Behdes the ufual undtion with ink, another extraordinary and more
abominable one was praólifcd every time they went to make facrifices
on the tops of the mountains, or in the dark caverns of the earth.
They took a large quantity of poifonous infedts, fuch as fcorpions, fpi-
ders, and worms, and fometimes even fmall ferpents, burned them over
fome ftove of the temple, and beat their aflies in a mortar together
with the foot of the Ocotl, tobacco, the herb Ololiubqui, and fome live
infe<fts. They prcfented this diabolical mixture in fmall veflels to their
gods, and afterwards rubbed their bodies with it. When thus anoint-
ed, they became fearlefs to every danger, being perfuaded they were
rendered incapable of receiving any hurt from the mort: noxious reptiles
of the earth, or the wildell: beafts of the woods. They called it Teo~
patii, or divine medicament, and imagined it to be a powerful remedy
for feveral diforders ; on which account thofe who were fick, and the
young children, went frequently to the prierts to be anointed with it.
The young lads who were trained up in the feminaries were charged
with the colleding of fuch kind of little animals ; and by being ac-
cuflomed at an early age to that kind of employment, they foon loll
Vol. I. N n the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
the horror which attends the firfl familiarity with fuch reptiles. The
priefts not only made ufe of this undlion, but had likewiie a ridiculous
fuperftitious practice of blowing with their breath over the fick, and
m;'.de them drink water which they had bleifed after their manner.
The pr lefts of the god Ixtlilton, were remarkable for this cuftom.
The priefts obferved many fafts and great aufterity of life ; they ne-
ver were intoxicated with drinking; and feldom even tailed wine. The
priefts of Tezcatzoncatl as foon as the daily finging in praife of their
god was over, laid a heap of three hundred and three canes on the
ground, correfponding to the number of fmgers, of which heap only
one was bored ; every perfon lifted one, and he who happened to take
up the cane which was bored, was the only perfon who taifed the wine.
All the time that they were employed in the fervice of the temple,
they abftained from all other women but their wives ; they even affcil-
ed fo much modefty and referve, that when they met a woman, they
fixed their eyes on the ground that they might not fee her. Any in-
continence amongft the priefls was feverely punifh"d. The priefl who,
at Teohuacan, was convided of having violated his chaftity, was deli-
vered up by the priefls to the people, who at night killed him by the
baftinado. In Ichcathn, the high-prieft was obliged to live conflantly
within the temple, and to abftain from commerce with any woman
whatfoever ; and if he unluckily failed in any of his duties, he was cer-
tain of being torn in pieces, and his bloody limbs were prefented as an
example to his fucceffor. They poured boiling water on the head of
thofe who, from lazinefs, did not rife to the nodurnal duties of the
temple, or bored their lips and ears, and if they did not corred that,
or any other fuch fault, they were ducked in the lake and baniihed
from the temple during the feftival, which was made to the god of
water in the fixth month. The priefls in general lived together in com-
munities, fubjed to fuperiors who watched over their condud.
The office and charader of a prieft among the Mexicans was not in its
The piieil- ' nature perpetual. There were certainly fome who dedicated their whole
cflbs, ijygg jQ jj-jg fervice of the altars ; but others engaged in it only for a cer-
tain time, to fulfil fome vow made by their fathers, or as a particular ad
of devotion. Nor was the priefihood confined to the male fex, fome
women being employed in the immediate fervice of the temples. They
offered
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 275
offered incenfe to the idols, tended the facred fire, fwept the area, book vi.
prepared the dally offering of provilions, and prefented it with their
hands to the idols ; but they were entirely excluded from the ofKce of
fcicrihciiig, and the higher dignities of the prieffhood. Among th»
priel^lelfcs, fome were deftined by their parents from their infancy to the
fervice of the temples ; others on account of fome particular vow which
they had made during ficknefs, or that they might enfure from their
gods a good marriage, or the profperity of their families, entered upon
fiich offices for one or two years.
The confecration of the firll was made in the following manner. As
foon as the girl was born, the parents offered her to fome god, and in-
formed the redlor of that dillrict of it ; he gave notice to the Tepan-
tcohuatzin, who, as we have already mentioned, was the fuperior ge-
neral of the feminaries. Two months after they carried her to the
temple, and put a fmall broom, and a fmall cenfer of clay in her lit-
tle hands, with a little copal in it, to ihew her deflination. Every
month they repeated the vilit to the temple and the offering, together
with the bark of fome trees for the facred fire. When the child at-
tained her fifth year, the parents configned her to the Tepanteohuatzin,
who lodged her in a female feminary, where children were inff rudled in
religion, and the proper duties and employments of their fox. The
fiifl thing done to thofe who entered into the fei'vice on account
of foiiie private vow, was the cutting off their hair. Both the latter
and the former lived in great purity of manners, filence, and retire-
ment, ur.der their fuperiors, without having any communication with
men. Some of them rofe about two hours before midnight, others at
midnight, and others at day-break, to flir up and keep the fire burn-
ing, and to offer incenfe to the idols ; and although in this fundion
tliey aifembled with the pricfts, they were feparated from eacli otiier,
the men forming one wing and the women another, both under the
view of their fupcriors, v>ho prevented any diibrder from happening.
Every morning they prepared the offering of provilions which was
prefented to the idols, and fwept the lower area of the temple, and
the time which was not occupied in thcfe, or other religious duties,
was eiiiploycd in fpinning and weaving beautiful cloths lor the drefs
of the idols, and the decoration of the fancStuaric^. Nothing was more
N n 2 ze;iloafly
276
BOOK VI.
Sect. XVII.
Difterent re-
ligious or-
ders.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
zealoufly attended to than the chaftity of thefe virgins. Any trefpafs
of this nature was unpardonable ; if it remained an entire lecret, the
female culprit endeavoured to appeafe the anger of the gods by fafting
and auflerity of life ; for fhe dreaded that in puniihment of her crime
her flefli would rot. When a virgin, deflined from her infancy to the
worfliip of the gods, arrived at the age of lixteen or eighteen, at which
years they were ufually married, her parents fought for a hufband to
her, and after they found one, prefented to the Tepanteohuatzin a
certain number of quails in plates curiouily varniOied, and a certain quan-
tity of copal, of flowers and provifions, accompanied with a fludied ad-
drefs, in which they thanked him for the care and attention he had
fhewn in the education of their daughter, and demanded his permillion
to fettle her in marriage. The Tepanteohuatzin granted the requeft,
in a reply to the addrefs, exhorting his pupil to a perfeverance in virtue,
and the fulfillment of all the duties of the married fiate.
Amon^ìft the different orders or con^resrations both of men and wo-
men, who dedicated themfelves to the worlliip of fome particular gods,
that of Quetzalcoatl is worthy to be mentioned. The life led in the
colleges or monafteries of either fex, which were devoted to this ima-
ginary god, was uncommonly rigid and auftere. The drefs of the
order was extremely decent j they bathed regularly at midnight, and
watched until about tvv'o hours before day, finging hymns to their
god, and obferving many rules of an auftere life. They were at li-
berty to go to the mountains at any hour of the day or night, to fpill
their blood ; this was permitted them from a refpeft to the virtue
which they were all thought to polTefs. The fuperiors of the monaf-
teries bore alfo the name of Quetzalcoatl, and were perfons of fuch
high authority, that they vifited none but the king when it was necef-
fary. The members of this religious order were deftined to it from
their infancy. The parents of the child invited the liiperior to an en-
tertainment, who ufually deputed one of his fubjecfts. The deputy
brought the child to him, upon which he took the boy in his arms, and
offered him with a prayer to Quetzalcoatl, and put a collar about his neck,
which was to be worn until he was feven years old. When the boy
completed his fecond year, the fuperior made a fmall incifion in his
breafl, which, like the collar, was another mark of his deftination. As
foon
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
foon as tlie boy attained his feventh year, he entered into the monaftery,
having firll: heard a long dilcourfe from his parents, in which they ad-
vertifed him of the vow which they had made to Quetzalcoatl, and ex-
horted him to fulfil it, to behave well, to fubmit himfelf to his
prelate, and to pray to the gods for his parents and the whole nation.
This order was called T^Uimacaz-cajotl, and the members of it Tlania-
cazque.
Another order which was called Telpochtliztii, or the youtlis, on
account of its being compofed of youths and boys, was confecrated to
Tezcatlipoca. This was alfo a deftination from infancy, attended with
almoft the fame ceremonies as that of Quetzalcoatl ; however, th.ev did
not live together in one community, but each individual had his own
home. In every diftridl of the city they had a fuperior, who governed
them, and a houfc where they affembled at fun-fet to dance and fing"
the praifes of their god. Both fexes met at this dance, but without
committing the fmallefl: difordei-, owing to the vigilance of the fupe-
riors, and the rigour with which all mifdemeanors were punilhed.
Amono; the Totonacas was an order of monks devoted to their roddefs
Centeotl. They lived in great retirement and auflerity, and their life,
excepting their fuperftition and vanity, was perfecftly unimpeachable.
None but men above fixty years of age who were widowers, eftranged
from all commerce with women, and of virtuous life, were admitted
into this monaflery. Their number was fixed, and when any one died
another was received in his flead. Thefe monks were fo much efleem-
ed, that they were not only confulted by the common people, but like-
wife by the firft nobility and the high-prieft. They liftened to con-
fultations fitting upon their heels, with their eyes fixed upon the
ground, and their anfwers were received like oracles even by the kings
of Mexico. They were employed in making hiftorical paintings,
which they gave to the high-prieft that he might exhibit them to
the people.
But the moft important duty of the priefthood, and the chief cere-
mony of the religion of the Mexicans, confifi:ed in the facrifices which
they made occafiunally to obtain any favour from heaven, or in grati-
tude for thofe favours which they had already received. This is a fub-
jed: v/hich we would willingly pafs over, if the laws of hiftory per-
mitted.
277
BOOK VI.
S F r T.
XVIll.
Common fa-
ciiticc ot lui-
man victim».
278 II I 3 T O R Y O F M E X I e O,
■/
BOOK Yl. niitted, to prevent the dilgufl which the defcription of fuch abomin-
able a6ts of cruelty muft caufe to our readers; for although there has
hardly been a nation which has not pradtiied fimilar facrifices, it would
be ditiicult to find one which 'has carried them to fo great an excefs
as the Mexicans appear to have done.
We are ignorant what fort of facrifices may have been praftifed by
the ancient Toltecas. The Chechemecas continued long without ufmg
them, having at firfl neither idols, temples, nor priefts, nor offering any
thing to their gods, the Sun and Moon, but herbs, flowers, fruits, and
copal. Thofe nations never thought of facrificing human viftims, un-
til the example of the Mexicans banilhed the firff imprelTions of nature
from their minds. What they report touching the origin of fuch bar-
barous facrifices we have already explained ; namely, that which ap-
pears in their hiftory concerning the firft facrifice of the four Xochi-
milcan prifoners which they made when in Colliuacan. It is pro-
bable, that at the time when the Mexicans were infulated in the lake,
and particularly v/hile they remained fubjeft to the dominion of the
Tepanecas, the facrifice of human vi6tims muft have happened very
feldom, as they neither had prifoners, nor could purchafe flvives for fa-
crifices. But when they had enlarged their doniinions, and multiplied
their vidlories, facrifices became frequent and on fon.e fefiivals the vic-
tims v.'cre numerous.
The facrifices varied with refpect to the number, place, and mode,
according to the circumftances of the feltival. In general the vidtims
fuflered death by having their breafts opened ; but others v/cre drown-
ed in the lake, others died of hunger fliut up in caverns of the moun-
tains, and laflly, feme fell in the gladiatorian ficrifice. The cuftom-
ary^ place was the temple, in the upper area of which ftood the altar
deftined for ordinary facrifices. The altar of the greater temple of
Mexico was a green ftone (probably jafper) convex above, and about
three feet high, and as many broad, and more than five ieet long.
The ufual miniflers of the facrifice were fix prieils, the chief of whom
was the Topi/tzh?, whofe dignity was pre-eminent and hereditary; but
at every facrifice he allumed the name of that god to whom it v/as
made. For the performance of this fundlion, he was clothed in a
red habit, fimilar in make to the fcapulary of the moderns, fringed
with
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 279
with cotton ; on his head he wore a crown of green and yel- BOOK vi.
low feathers, at his ears hung golden ear-rings and green jewels,
(perhaps enieralds), and at his under-lip a pendant of turquoifc. The
otlier five minifters were drelled in white habits of the fame make, but
embroidered with black j their hair was wrapped up, their heads were
bound with leathern thongs, their foreheads armed with little (hiclds
of paper painted of various colours, and their bodies dyed all over
black. Thefe barbarous minifters carried the vidlim entirely naked to
the upper area of the temple, and after having pointed out to the
byftanders the idol to whom the facrifice was made, that they might
pay their adoration to it, extended him upon the altar ; four priefts
held his legs and arms, and another kept his head firm with a wooden
inftrument made in form of a coiled ferpent, which was put about his
neck } and on account of the altar being convex, the body of the vic-
tim lay arched, the breaft and belly being raifed up and totally prevent-
ed from the leaft movement. The inhuman Topiltzin then approached,
and with a cutting knife made of flint, dexteroufly opened his breaft
and tore out his heart, which, while yet palpitating, he offered to the
fun, and afterwards threw it at the feet of the idol ; then taking it up
again he offered it to the idol itfelf, and afterwards burned it, preferv-
ing the alhes with the utmofl veneration. If the idol was gigantic
and hollow, it was ufual to introduce the heart of the vidlim into its
mouth with a golden fpoon. It was culT:omary alfo to anoint the lips
of the idol and the cornices of the door of the fancfluary with the vic-
tim's blood. If he was a prifoner of war, as foon as he was I'acrificed
they cut off" his head to preferve the fkull, and threw the body down
the ftairs to the lower area, where it was taken up by the officer or
foldier to whom the prifoner had belonged, and carried to his houfe to
be boiled and drefled as an entertainment for his friends. If he was not
a prifoner of war, but a flave purchafed for a facrifice, the proprietor
carried off" the carcafe from the altar for the fame purpofe. They eat
only the legs, thighs, and arms, and burned the reft, or prefcrved it
for food to the wild beafts or birds of prey which were kept in the royal
palaces. The Otomies, after having killed the vidim, tore the body in
pieces, which they fold at market. The Zapotecas facrificed men to
their
28o H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK VI. their gods, women to their goddefles, and children to fome other di-
minutive deities.
This was the moft common mode of facrifice, but often attended
with fome circumflances of flill greater cruelty, as we fliall fee hereafter;
other kinds of facrifices which they ufed were much lefs frequent. At
the feftival of Teteolnan, the woman who reprefented this goddefs was
beheaded on the flioulders of another woman. At the fellival of the
arrival of the gods, they put the viftims to death by fire. At one of
the feflivals made in honour of Tlaloc, they facrificed two children of
both fexes by drowning them in a certain place of the lake. At another
feftival of the fame god, they purchafed three little boys of fix or feven
years of age, fliut them up inhumanly in a cavern, and left them to die
of fear and hunger.
Sr-cT.XIX. Xhe moft celebrated facrifice among the Mexicans was that called
toria/facrt- by the Spaniards with much propriety the gladiatorian. This was a very
'i'-"'=- honourable death, and only prifoners who were renowned for their bra-
very were permitted to die by it. Near to the greater temple of large cities,
in an open fpace of ground fufiicient to contain an immenfe croud of
people, was a round terrace, eight feet high, upon which was placed
a. large round ftone, refembling a mill-ftone in figure, but greatly lar-
ger, and almoft three feet high, well polillied, with figures cut upon
it(«). On this ftone, which was called the Temalacatl, the prifoner
was placed, armed with a fhield and a fhort fword, and tied by one foot.
A Mexican ofHcer or foldier, better accoutred in arms, mounted to
combat with him. Every one will be able to imagine the efforts made
by the delperate viftim to defend his life, and alfb thofe of the Mexi-
can to fave his honour and reputation, before the multitude of people
that aflembled at fuch a fpeólacle. If the prilbner remained van-
quiilied, immediately a prieft named Chakhiuhtepehua, carried him dead
or alive to the altar of the common facrifices, opened his breaft, and
took out his l:eart, while the vitìor was applauded by the aflembly, and
rewarded by the king with fome military honour. But if the prifoner
in) The form of the edifices reprefented in the plate of the gladiatorian facrifice is a mere
caprice of the defigner ; there never was any thing elfe than the terrace and the battlements.
* con-
ot lacririces
uncertain.
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 281
conquered fix different combatants, who came fuccefllvely to fight with G OOK vi.
him, agreeable to the account given by the conqueror Cortes, he was '"''^ "*
granted his hfe, his Uberty, and all that had been taken from him, and
returned with glory to his native country (^). The liime author
related, tiiat in a battle between the Cholulans and Huexotzincas, the
principal lord of Cholulagrew fo warm in the contell, that having inad-
vertently removed to a great diftance from his own people he was made
prifoner in fpite of his bravery, and coiidu(5ted to ilucxotzinco, where
being put upon the gladiatorian ftone, he conquered ievcn combatants
which were oppofed to him, and gained his liberty ; but the Huexot-
zincas forefeeing, that on account of his fingular courage he would be-
come the caufe of many difaflers to them if they gi anted him his liberty,
put him" to death contrary to univerfal culiom ; by which adi they ren-
dered themfelves eternally infamous among thofe nations.
With refped: to the number of the viftinis which were annually fa- c w
crificed we can affirm nothing; the opinions of hiflorians on that head be- 'f '>*: number
ing extremely different (/» ) , The number of twenty thoufand, which is
conjedtured to approach the nearefl to truth, docs not appear to us im-
probable, if we include in it all the vidims which were facrificed
throughout the whole empire ; but if that number comprehends, as
fome hiftorians aficrt, the infants only, or the vidtims which were fa-
crificed on the mountain Tepeyacac, or in the capital, wc think it al-
together incredible. It is certain, that the number of facrifices was
(<?) Several hiflorians fay, that when the firfl combatant was oveicomc the prifoner became
free ; but we are rather inclined to credit the Conqueror j for it is not probable, that they
would liberate a prifoner for fo fmall a rifk who might fiill prove deftruitivc to them, or th.it
they would deprive their gods of a vii'tim fo acc<ptable to their cruelty.
(^i Zumarraga, the firft bifliop of Mexico, fays, in a letter of the i2thof June, 1531,
addrefled to the general ch ptcr of his order, that in that capital alone twenty thoufand hu-
man victims were annually facrificed. Some authors, quoted by Gomara, affirm, that the
number of the facrifict-d amounted to fifty thoufand. Acofta writes that there was a certain
day of the year on which live thoufand were facrificed in diifercnt pla.cs of the empire ; and
another day on which they facrificed nventy thoufand. Some author» b.lieve, that on the
mountain Tcpeyacisc alone, twenty thoufand were facrificed to the goJdefs 'I'ommtzin. Tor-
«jucmada, in quoting, though unfaithfully, the letter of Zuinarraga, fays, that there were
twenty thoufand infants auuu.iUy f, crificed. Put on the confiary. Las Cafas, in his refuta-
tion of the bloody book, wiotc by T5r. Se]>ulvcda, reduces the facrifices to fo fm.nll a num-
ber, that wc arc left to believe, they amounted not to fifty, or at mod not to a hundred. We
arc llroagly of opinion, that all thefo authors have erred in the number, Las Cafas by dimi-
nution, the rert by exaggeration of the truth.
Vol. I. Go not
282 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. not limited, but always proportioned either to the number of prifoners
winch were made in war, to the necelTities of the ftate, or the nature
of the feftivals, as appears from the dedication of the greater temple
of Mexico, on which occafion the cruelty of the Mexicans exceeded
all bounds of belief. It is not, however, to be doubted, that the fa-
crifices were very numerous ; the conquefls of the Mexicans having
been extremely rapid, and as their aim in war was not fo much to kill
as to make prifoners of the enemy for this purpofe. If to thefe vic-
tims we add the flaves which were purchafed for the fame end, and many
criminals v/ho were condemned to expiate their crimes by the facrifice
of their lives, we fliall find the number greatly exceed that com-
puted by Las Cafas, who was too anxious to exculpate the Americans
of all the excefTes of which they were accufed by the Spaniards (^).
The facrifices multiplied in Divine years, and ftill more in Secular
years.
The Mexicans were accuftomed at their feftivals to clothe the vic-
tim in the fame drels and badges in which they dreffed that god to
whom the ficrifice was made ; thus habited, the vi6lim went round
the city demanding alms for the temple, accompanied with a guard
of foldiers. If any one accidentally made his efcape, the corporal of
the guard was fubftituted in his fhead as a punifhment for his carelefT-
nefs. They ufed alfo to feed and fatten the vidtiais, as they did feveral
animals for the table.
The religion of the Mexicans was not confined to thefe facrifices ;
offerings were made of various kinds of animals. They facrificed
quails and falcons to their god Huitzilopochtli, and hares, rabbits,
deer, and coyotos to their god Mixcoatl. They daily made an offer-
ing of quails to the fun. Every day as the fun was about to rife, fe-
veral priefts, ftanding on the upper area of the temple, with their
faces towards the eafl:, each with a quail in his hand, faluted that lu-
minary's appearance with mufic, and made an offering of the quails after
cutting off their heads. I'his lacrifice was fucceeded by the burning
of incenfe, with a loud accompaniment of mufical inftruments.
{q ) We cannot account nhy L:is Calas, who, in his writings makes ufe of the teflimony f>f
Zumarraga, and other churchmen, againll the conqueiois, fliould atterwards io openly ton-
tradid them rcfptoting the number oi' the facrifices.
In
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 283
In acknowledgment of the power of their gods, they alfo made of- BOOK vi.
ferings of various kinds of plants, flowers, jewels, gums, and other ' "
inanimate fubftances. To their gods Tlaloc and Coatlicue they offered
the firft-blown flowers ; and to Centeotl, the firfl maize of every year.
They made oblations of bread, various partes, and ready drefTed vidluals
in fuch abundance, as to be fufficient to fupply all the miniflers of the
temple. Every morning were feen at the foot of the altars innumerable
diflies and porringers of boiling food, that the fteams arifmg from them
might reach the noftrils of the idols, and nourifh their immortal gods.
The mofl: frequent oblation, however, was that of copal. All daily
burned incenfe to their idols ; no houfe was without cenfers. The
priefts in the temple, fathers of families in their houfes, and judges in
their tribunals, whenever they pronounced fentence in an important
caufe, whether civil or criminal, ofi^ered incenfe to the four principal
winds. But incenfe-ofl"ering among the Mexicans, and other nations
of Anahuac, was not only an aft of religion towards their gods, but
alfo a piece of civil courtefy to lords and amball'adors.
The fuperfl:ition and cruelties of the Mexicans were imitated by all the
nations which they conquered, or that were contiguous to the empire,
without any difl^erence, except that the number of facrifices amongfl: thofe
nations was lefs, and that particular circumfl:ances fometimes attended
them. The Tlafcalans, at one of their feftivals, fixed a prifoner to a
high crofs, and fliot arrows at him ; and upon another occaiion, they
tied a prifoner to a low crofs, and killed him by the baflinado.
The facrifices celebrated every fourth year by the QuauhtitLuis in Sf.ct. xxr.
honour of the god of fire, were inhmnan and dreadful. A day before ^".''/""^'.' *•'■
o ' ^ J ciihccs in
the feftival, they planted fix very lofty trees in the under area of the Quauhtitian.
temple, facrificed two flaves, ftripped their Ikins off, and took out
the bones of their thighs. The next day two eminent priefts, clothed
themfelves in the bloody flcins, took the bones in their hands, and de-
fcended with folemn fleps and difmal bowlings, down the fliairs of
the temple. The people who were afiembled in crouds below, called
out in a loud voice, " Behold there come our gods." As foon as they
reached the lower area, they began a dance to the found of mufical
inftrumcnts, which lafted the greatelt part of the day. In the mean-
while, the people facrificeJ an incredible quantity of quails, the num-
O o 2 ber
«ans
284 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. ber of them being never lefs than eight thoufand. When thefe facrl-
fices were over, the priefts carried fix prifoners to the tops of the trees,
and after tying them there, defcended ; but they had hardly time to
reach the ground, before the unhappy victims were pierced with a
multitude of arrows. The priefts mounted again to cut down the
dead bodies, and let them drop from the height ; immediately their
breafts were opened, and their hearts torn out, according to the cuf-
tom of thofe people. The viftims as well as the quails were fliared
among the priefts and nobles of that city, for the banquets which
crowned their barbarous and deteftable feftival.
Sect. XXII. While they were thus cruel to others, it is not wonderful that they
fndfaiìinaof likewife praftifcd inhumanity towai'ds themfelves. Being accuftomed
the Mexi- to bloody facrifices of their prifoners, they alfo failed not to Ihed abun-
dance of their own blood, conceiving the ftreams which flowed from
their viélims infufficient to quench the diabolical thirft of their gods.
It makes one fliudder to read the aufterities which they exercifed up-
on themfelves, either in atonement of their tranfgreffions, or in prepa-
ration for their feftivals. They mangled their flefli as if it had been
infenfible, and let their blood run in fuch profufion, that it appeared
to be a fuperfluous fluid of the body.
The effulion of blood was frequent and daily with fonie of the
priefts, to which praftice they gave the name of 'Thv7iaca%qui. They
pierced themfelves with the Iharpeft fpines of the aloe, and bored fe-
veral parts of their bodies, particularly their ears, lips, tongue, and
the fat of their arms and legs. Through the holes which they made
with thefe fpines, they introduced pieces of cane, the firft of which
were fmall pieces, but every time this penitential fuffering was repeat-
ed, a thicker piece was ufed. The blood which flowed from them
was carefully colleded in leaves of the plant acxojatl (r). They fixed
the bloody fpines in little balls of hay, which they expofed upon the
battlements of the walls of the temple, to teftify the penance
which they did for the people. Thofe who exercifed fuch feverities
upon themfelves within the inclofure of the greater temple of Mexico,
(r) Acxojatl is a tree of feveral upiiglit flems, with long leaves, which are flrong and fyin-
Hietvlcally difpofcd. They made foimeily aud ftiU make excellent brooms of this plant.
bathed
H I S T O R Y O F M .E X I e O. 2S5
bathed themfelves in a pond that was formed there, which from be- book vi.
ing always tinged with blood was called Ez.ipan. There was a cer-
tain fixed number of canes to be made ufe of on this occalion, which,
after being once ufcd were preferred as atteftations of their penitence.
Befides thofe and other auftcre praftices of which we fliall treat Ihortly,
watching and falling was very frequent amongft the Mexicans. A fef-
tival hardly occurred for which they did not prepare themfelves with
fafting for fome days, more or lefs, according to tlie prcfcriptions of
their ntu;il. From all that is to be inferred from their hiftory, their
failing confifted in abflaining from flefh and wine, and in eating but
once a day ; this fome did at mid-day, others after that time, and fome
tailed nothing till evening. Failing was generally accompanied with
watching and the eifulion of blood, and then no perlbn was permitted
to have commerce with any woman, not even with his own wife.
Some fails were general and obferved by the whole people ; namely,
the fail of five days before the feilival of Mixcoatl, which was ob-
ferved even by children ; the fail of four days before the feilival of Tez-
catlipoca, and alio, as we fufpcdl, that which was made previous to the
feilival of the fun (j). During this fail tlie king retired into a certain
place of tlie temple, where he watched and ilicd blood, according to the
cuilom of his nation. Any other fails bound only particular individuals,
fuch as that which was obferved by the proprietors of viiflims the day
before a facrifice. The proprietors of priibners which were facrificed
to the god Xipe, failed twenty days. The nobles as well as the king
had a houfe within the precindls of the temple, containing numerous
chambers, where they occafionally retired to do penance. On one of
the feflivals, all thofe perfons who exercifed public oilices, after their
daily duty was over, retired there at evening for this purpofe. In the
third month the TIamacazqui, or penance-doers watched every night;
and in the fourth month they were attended in their duty by the no-
bility.
In Mixteca, where tliere were many monaileries, the firil-born fons
of lords, before they took polfeihon of their eilates, were fubje^led to a
(j) The faft which was held in honour of the fun was called Nctonatiulj^ahiialo, or Netona-
tiuhzahualitzli. Dr. Hernandez fays, it was held every two hundred, or three hundred days.
We fufpeifl that it was kept on the day I Oli/i, which occurred every two hundred and fixty
days.
rigorous
286 HISTORYOFMEXICO,
i?ooK VI. ngorous penance during a whole year. They conduced the heir
with a nunierous attendance to a monaftery, where they ftripped off
his garments, and clothed him in rags daubed over with olii, or elaf-
tic gum, rubbed his face, belly, and back, with {linking herbs, and de-
livered a fmali lance of itzili to him, that he might draw his own blood.
They reftrifted him to a very abftemious diet, fubjedled him to the hardeft
labours, and puniflied him feverely for any faikue in duty. At the
end of the year, after being waflied and cleanfed by four girls, with
fweet fcented water, he was recondudled to his houfe with great pomp
and mufic.
In the principal temple of Teohuacan, four priefts conftantly reflded,
who were famous for the aufberity of their lives. Their drefs was the
fame with that of the common people ; their diet was limited to a loaf
of maize of about two ounces in weight, and a cup oi atolli, or gruel,
made of the fame grain. Every night two of them kept watch, em-
ploying their time in finging hymns to their gods, in offering incenfe,
which they did four times during the night, and in fhedding their blood
upon the flones of the temple. Their faffing was continual during the
four years which they perfevered in that life, except upon days of fef-
tival, one of which happened every month, when they were at liberty
to eat as much as they pleafed ; but in preparation for every feffival,
they praftifed the ufual auftere rules, boring their ears with the fpines
of the aloe, and pafling little pieces of cane through the holes to the
number of fixty, all of which differed in thicknefs in the manner
above mentioned. At the end of four years, other four priefts were
introduced to lead the fame kind of life ; and if before the completion
of that term any one of them happened to die, another was fubftituted
in his place, that the number might never be incomplete. Thefe
priefts were fo high in refpedl and efteem as to be held in veneration
even by the kings of Mexico : but woe unto him who violated his
chaftityj for, if after a ftricfl examination the crinic was proved, he
was killed by baftinados, his body was burned, and his aflies fcattered
to the winds.
Upon occafion of any public calamity, the Mexican high-pricft al-
ways obferved a moft extraordinary hi\.. Vov this purpofe he retired
to a wood, where he conftruded a hut for himfelf, covered with
branche?.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 287
branches, which were always frcfh and green ; as whenever the firft BOOK vi.
became dry, new ones were fpread in their place. Shut up in this hut
he palled nine or ten months in conftant prayer and frequent efFulions
of blood, deprived of all communication vvith men, and without any
other food than raw maize and water. Tiiis faft was not indifpenfible,
nor did all the high-priefts obferve it j nor did thofe who attempted it
ever do it more than once in their lives ; and certainly it is not proba-
ble, that thole who furvived fo rigorous and long an abftincnce, were
ever able to repeat it.
The fall obferved by the Tlafcalans every divine year, at which pe- Sect.
riod they made a mod folemn feftival in honour of their god Camaxtlcy ]^e^ai'kVbie
was likewife very fingular. When the time of commencing it was ar- ^^^^ °t P^"'-
rived, all the TUimacazqiiis were aflemblcd by their chief ArchcaubtU, Tlafcalans^
who made them a ferious and grave exhortation to penitence, and fore-
warned them if any one of them lliould find that he was incapable of per-
forming it, that he Ihould declare fo within five days ; for that if, after that
fpace of time was elapfed, and the faft was once begun, he fliould hap-
pen to fail and renounce the attempt, he would be deemed unworthy of
the company of the gods, his priellhood would be talcen from him, and
his eftate lequeftered. At the expiration of the five days, which was
allowed for the purpofe of deliberation, the chief, attended by all thofe
who had courage to attempt this penitential duty, the number of whom
ufed to exceed two hundred, alcended the very lofty mountain Matlal-
cueje, on the top of which was a fandluary, confecratcd to the goJ-
dcfs of water. The Arhcaubtli mounted to the top to make his ob-
lation of gems, precious feathers, and copal, while the others waited
in the middle of the afcent, praying their goddefs to give them ftrcngth
and courage to go through their penance. They afterwards defcended
from the mountain, and caufed a number of little knives of itzli, and
a great quantity of fmall rods of difterent thickncfles to be made. The
labourers upon thofe inftruments faded five days before they began
their work, and if any little knife or rod happened to break, it was
accounted a bad omen, and the workman was confidered to have broke
the faft. The TIamacazqui then began their fiifl:, which did not lull
Icfs than one hundred and lixty days. The firft day they bored holes
in their tongues, through which they drew the little rods, and notwith-
^ Handing
Sect.
of the Mex
caus
H I S T O Pv Y OF MEXICO.
flanding the exceffive pain and lofs of blood which they fuffered, they
were obHged all tlie while to fing aloud fongs to their god, and every
twenty days this cruel operation was repeated. When the firft eighty
days of the fift of the priefts were elapfed, a general faft, from which
even the heads of the republic wcvt not exempted, began with the
people, and continued an equally long time. During this period, no
perfon was allowed to bathe, nor to eat pepper, which was the ufual
feafoning of all their dirties. To fuch excell'es and cruelty did fanati-
cifm carry thofe nations.
All that we have hitherto related does not fo much make known the
XXIV. religion of the Mexicans, and the extravagance of their horrible fu-
tuiy and year perftition, as the number of their feftivals, and the rites which
were obferved at them ; but before we enter more deeply into this
fubjeft, it is neceflary to give fome account of their mode of dividing
time, and the method which they adopted to meafure days, months,
years, and centuries. What we have to communicate on this head has
been carefully inveiligated and certified by intelligent men, who are
worthy of the utmofl credit, who have applied with the utmofh afll-
duity to this ftudy, and who have diligently examined the ancient
paintings, and obtained information from the bell: inftrudied pcrfons
among the Mexicans and Acolhuans. We are particularly indebted
to the religious mifììonaries Motolinia and Sahagun, from whofe
writings Torquemada has taken all that is valuable in his work, and
to the very learned Mexican D. Carlo Seguenza, whofe opinions we
have found to be juft and accurate by the examination whicli we have
made of feveral Mexican paintings, in which months, years, and cen-
turies, are diflindlly reprelented by their proper figures.
The Mexicans, the Acolhuans, and all the other nations of Ana-
huac, diftinguillied four ages of time by as many funs. The firft
named At07iathih, that is the fun, or the age of water, comnienced
with the creation of the world, and continued until the time at which
all mankind almoft perilhed in a general inundation, along vv^ith the
firft fun. Tlie fecond T'laltonatiah, the age of earth, lafted from the
time of the general inundation undl the ruin of the giants, and the
great earthquakes, which concluded in like manner the ll'cond fun.
The third, Ehlxatonatiub, the age of air, lafted from the deftru£lioii
of
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O 289
of the giants until the great whirlwinds, in which all mankind perirtied BOOK vi.
along with the third fun. The fourth Tletonatiuh, the age of fire, be-
gan at the laft reftoration of the human race, and was to continue as
we have already mentioned in their mythology, until the fourth fun,
and the earth v.'cre dellroyed by fire. This age it was fuppofcd would
end at the conclufion of one of their centuries ; and thus we may account
for thefe noify feftivals in honour of the god of fire, which were cele-
brated at the beginning of every century, as a thankfgiving for his re-
flraining his voracity, and deferring the termination of the world.
The Mexicans, and the other polKhed nations of Anahuac, ufed the
fame method to compute centuties, years, and months, as the ancient
Toltecas. Their century confified of fifty-two years, which were fub-
divided into four periods of thirteen years each, and two centuries
formed an age, which was called by them Huehuctiliztii, that is, old
age, of a hundred and four years {t). They gave to the end of the
century the name of 'Toxiuhmolpici, which fignifies, the tying of our
years ; becaufe by it the two centuries were joined together to form an
age. Their years had four names, which were Tocht/i, rabbet ; Acad,
cane or reed ; Tecpatl, flint ; and Calli, houfc ; and of thefe with dif-
ferent numbers their century was compofed. The firft year of the
century was i. TochtU, the fecond, 2. Acati, the third, 3. Tecpatl, the
fourth, 4. Calli, the fifth, 5. Tochtli, and fo on to the thirteenth year,
which was 13. Totbtli, and terminated the firft period. They began
the fecond period with i. Acati, which was fucceeded by 2. Tecpatl,
3. Calli, 4. Tochtli, until it was completed by 13, Acati. In like
manner the third period began with i. Tecpatl, and finiflied with 13.
Tecpatl ; and the fourth commenced with i. Calli, and terminated to-
gether with the century in 13. Calli; fo that there being four names
and thirteen numbers, no one year could be confounded with another («).
All
(/) Though foinc authors have given ihc name of century to their aj^e, and that of half
century to their century, it is of little coiifci^ucncc, as their mattei of computing years and
ilillrihutintj time is not in the kart alicrcJ by it.
(k) Boturini aflirms, in contraditìion to the frenerai opinion of authors, that thry did not
be"in all their centuries with \. Tochtli, but fometimes with i. /iuiil ; I. Tc.fr.i!, or i. Calli,
He is miflaken, ho^rcver, for it appears both from the bed infonneJ ancient authors, and th?
pnintin;;s examined by ourfelves, that the Mexican Century began always with i. Tochili.
This author fays alfo, that in the couifc of four centuries the fame name or chuimficr was ije-
VoL. 1. ' P P Ter
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
All this will be more clearly underftood in the table of the century,
which we lliall afterwards fubjoin.
The Mexican year confilled like ours, of three hundred and fixty-
five days ; for although it was compofed of eighteen months, each of
which contained twenty days, which make up only three hundred and
lixty, they added after the lalt month five days, which they called Nt'-
montemi, or ul'elefs ; becaufe in thefe days they did nothing but re-
ceive and return vifits. The year i Tochtli, the fir ft of their century,
began upon the twenty-fixth day of February (.v) ; but every four
years the Mexican century anticipated one day, on account of the odd
day of our bilfextile, or leap-year ; from whence in the lall years of the
Mexican century, the year began on the fourteenth of February, on
account of the thirteen days which intervene in the courfe of fifty-two
years. But at the expiration of the century, the commencement of the
year returned to the twenty-fixth of February.
The names which they gave their months were taken both from the
employments and feftivals which occurred in them, and alfo from the
accidents of the feafon which attended them. Thefe names appear dif-
ferently arranged among authors j becaufe, in fai^ their arrangement
v/as not only different among different nations, but even among the
the Mexicans themfelves it varied. The following was the moft com-
mon :
1 . AtlacahualcQ (y).
2 . Tla cax'tpehualiztli.
1. To%o%tontli.
4. Hucitozoztlt.
5. Toxcatl.
6. Etzalcualiztli,
ver repeated with the fame number; but how is it polTible, that this could happen in the pe-
riod ol' two bundled and eight years, while the charaifters were only four and the numbers
ufcd but thirteen, as he himfelf allows.
(x) Authors differ in opinion refpefting the day on which the Mexican year commenced.
The rcafon of this was unqueliionabl)' the diftcrence which is occalioncd by our leap years, to
which probably thefe authors did not advert. It ni;iy alio have been the cafe, that feme
of them fpoke of the allronomical year of the Mexicans, and not of the religious, of which we
tieat.
( v) Gomara, Valadès, and other authors make TlacaxipchualixtU^ the firft month of the
Mexican year, which in our table is the fccond. The authors of the edit on of the Letters of
Cortes, publifhed at Mexico in 178c, make ^/fOTca///' the firl>, which is the 16th in our tabic,
E ut INIotolinia, whofe authority has moft weight, has put, as we do, Atlahuaho for the firft
fnosth ; and Torrjucmad.i, Betancnurt, and Martino di Leon, a Dominican, thinks as he does.
T o avoid troubling our readers, wc omit the ilrong rcafon s which have induced us to adopt
cur ptefent opinion.
7. Tccutl-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
7. TecuilhuitontU.
8. Hueitecuilhuitl.
9. T'laxocbimaco,
10. Xocohuetzi.
1 1 . OcbpaniztU.
I 2. Teotleco.
I J. Tepeilhuitl.
14. ^ec bolli.
15. Panquetzalitzli.
16. Atemoztli.
17. T/W//,
18. Izcalli.
Their month confifted as we have already mentioned of tv/cntj' ^ect. xxv,
days, the names of which are thefe :
month.
I.
cipaau.
2.
Ehecatl.
3-
Calli.
4-
Cueizpalin.
5-
Coati.
6.
Miquitzli.
7-
Mazatl.
S.
Tcchtli.
9-
Atl.
10,
Itzcuintli.
1 1 .
12.
14.
15-
Ozomatli.
Malinalli.
ylcatl.
OcdotL
^auhtli.
1 6 . Cczcaqtiabtli (z) .
17. O/m tonatiuh.
18. Tccpatl.
19. ^iabutll.
20. Xocbill.
Although the figns or characters, which are fignlfied by thefe names,
fliould be diRributed among the twenty days, according to the order
above, neverthelefs in their mode of reckoning, no regard was paid to
the divifion of months, nor that of years, but to periods of thirteen
days (fimilar to thofe of thirteen years in the century), which run on
without interruption from the end of a month or year. The firil day
of the century was i. CipaclU ; the fecond, 2. Ebecdtl, or wind; the
third; 3. Ciilli, or houfe; and fo on to thirteen, which was 13.
Acati, or reed. Tlie 14th day began another period, reckoning
I. O celotl [tyger), 2. .'^/Vrtw/'/// (eagle), fee. until the completion of
the month 7. Xct:bit I {{lower), and in the next month they continued
to count 8. Cipaclli, 9. Ebhatl, 6cc. Twenty of thefe periods made
in thirteen months a cycle of two hundred and lixty days, and during
the whole of this time, the fame fign or charadkr was not repeated
(=) Cozcaquaulitli is the name of a biul which we defirih«d in our firfl book. Cav. Botu-
ritM puts inftcad of it Tcmctlatl, or tlic Jlojie ufed to grijvd inj ze or coccas.
1' p 2 with
292 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI, with the lame number, as will appear from the calendar which we
' " ' fliall give hereafter. On the firli: day of the fourteenth month, another
cycle commenced in the fame order of the characters, and of the fame
number of periods, as the firfl. If the year had not, befides the eigh-
teen months, had the five days called Nemontemi, or if the periods had
not been continued in thefe days, the firft day of the fecond year of
the century would have been the fame with that of the preceding, i .
Cipaftli ; and in like manner, the laft day of every year would always
have been Xochitl ; but as the period of thirteen days was continued
through the days called Nemontemi, on that account the figns or cha-
railers changed place, and the fign Miquiztli, which occupied in all
the months of the firft year the fixth place, occupies the firft in the
fecond year ^ and on the other hand, the fign CipaSili, which in the
firft year had occupied the firft place, has the fixteenth in the fecond
year. To know what ought to be the fign of the firft day of any
year, there is the following general rule. Every year Tochtli begins
with CtpaBliy every year Acati with Miqueztli, every year Tecpatl
with Ozomatli, and every year Calli with CG%caqiiaiihtli, adding always
the number of the year to the fign of the day ; as for example, die
year i. 'Tochtli has for the firft day i . CipaSlli ; lb the 2. Acati has-
2. Miquiztli ; The 3 'TepaSll has 3. Ozomatli, and 4. Calli h^s 4. Coz-
caquauhtU,. 6cc. (a).
From what we have already faid it will appear, that the number
tifirteen was held in high eflimation by the Mexicans. The four
periods of which the century confifled, were each of thirteen years ^
thirteen months formed their cycle of two hundred and fixty days ; and
thirteen days their fmaller periods, which we have already mentioned»
The origin of their efleem for this number was, according to what Si-
guenza has faid, that thirteen was the number of their greater gods..
The number four leems to have been no lefs efteemed amongll: them. As
they reckoned four periods of thirteen years each to their century, they
alfo reckoned thirteen periods, of four years each, at the expiration of
(a) Cav. Botiirini fays, that the year of the Rabbet began unlformty with the day of the
Rabbet, the year of the Cane with the day of the Cane, &c. and never with the days which
wc have mentioned ; but we ought to give more faith to Siguenza, who was certainly better
informed in Mexican anticpity. The fyflem of this gentleman is fantallical and full of con-
trad'uSlLona.
each
I
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 293
each of which they made extraordinary feftivals. We have already BOOK vi.
mentioned both the fail of four months, and the NappapohuallatolH,
or general audience which was given every four month^.
In refpefl to civil government, they divided the month into four
periods of five days, and on a certain fixed day of each period their fair
or great market was held ; but being governed even in political matters
by principles of religion in the capital, this fair was kept on the days
of .the Rabbet, the Cane, the Hint, and the Houfe, which were
their favourite figns.
The Mexican year confifled of feventy-three periods of thirteen days,
and the century of feventy-three periods of thirteen months, or cycles
of two hundred and fixty days.
It is certainly not to be doubted, that the Mexican, or Toltecan Sect,
iyflem of the diftribution of time was extremely well digefted, though jj^t^c I 'v
at firft view it appears rather intricate and perplexed ; hence we may days.
infer with confidence, it was not the work of a rude or unpolillied
people. That however which is moft furprifing in their mode of com-
puting time, and which will certainly appear improbable to readers
who are but little informed with refpedl to Mexican antiquity, is, that
havin!^ difcovered the excefs of a few hours in the folar above the civil
year, they made ufe of intercalary days to bring them to an equality j
but with this difference in regard to the method eftablilhed by Julius
Caefar in the Roman calendar, that they did not interpofe a day eveiy
four years, but thirteen days, (inaking ufe here even of this favourite
number) every fifty-two years ; which produces the fame regulation of
time. At the expiration of the century they broke, as we fhall men-
tion hereafter, all their kitchen utenfils, fearing that then aUb the
fourth age, the fun and all the world were to be ended, and the lafl
night they performed the famous ceremony of tlie new fire. As foon
as they were afilired by the new fire, that a new century, according to
their belief, was granted to them by the gods, they employed the thir-
teen following days, in fupplying their kitchen utenfils, in furnilhing
new garments, in repairing their temples and houfes, and in making
every preparation for the grand feflivals of the new century. Thefc
thirteen days were the intercalary days reprefented in their paintings by
blue points; they were not included in the centurj' jull expired, nor
-. in
294 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK VI. in ti^at which was j ufi commencing, nor did they continue in them their
periods of days which they always reckoned from the firft day to the laft
day of the century. When the intercalary days were elapfed, they began
the new century with the year i. Tochtli, and the day i. Cipadtli,
upon the 26th day of our February, as they did at the beginning of
the preceding century. We would not venture to relate thefe particu-
lars, if we were not fupported by the teflimony of Dr. Siguenza, who,
in addition to his great learning, his critical Ikill and fmcerity, was
the perfon who moli: diligently exerted himfelf to illuflrate thefe points,
and confulted both the beft inftrud:cd Mexicans and Tezcucans, and
ftudied their hiftories and paintings.
Boturini affirms, that a hundred and more years before the Chriftian
era, the Toltecas adjufted their calendar, by adding one day every four
years, and that they continued to do fo for feveral centuries, until the
Mexicans eftabliflied the method we have mentioned : that the caufe
of the new method was, that two feftivals concurred upon the fame
day ; the one the moveable feftival of Tezcatlipoca, the other that of
Huitzilopochtli, which was fixed ; and that tiie Colhuan nation had
celebrated the latter, and pafTed over the former ; upon which Tezcat-
lipoca in anger predifted, that the monarchy of Colhuacan would foon
be diflblved; that the worfliip of the ancient gods of the nation would
ceafe, and that it would remain confined to the worfhip of one fole di-
vinity, which was never {'ten nor underftood, and fubjedkd to the
power of certain ftrangers who would arrive from diftant countries ;
that the kings of Mexico being made acquainted with this predifrion,
ordered, that whenever two feftivals concurred upon the fame day, the
principal feftival was to be celebrated on fuch day, and the other on
the day after ; and that tlie day which was ufually added every four
years, ihould be omitted ; and that at the end of the century, the thir-
teen days fhould be added inftead of them. But we are not willing to
give credit to this account.
Two things muft appear truly ftrange in the Mexican iyftem, the
one is, tliat they did not regulate their months by the changes of the
moon J the other that they ufed no particular charafter to diftinguiOi
one century from another. But with refpeil to the firft, we do not
mean that their aftronomical months did not accord with the lunar
periods ^
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
295
Sect.
xxvir.
Divination.
periods; becaufe we know that their year was juftly regulated by book vi.
the fun, and becaufe they ufed the fame name, which was Metztli, in-
differently for month or moon. The month now mentioned by us
is their religious month, according to which they obferved the celebra-
tion of fertivals, and pradifed divination ; not their aftronomical
month, of which we know nothing unlefs that it was divided into two
periods, that is, into the period of the '■^patching, and into that of the
Jleep of the moon. We are however perfuaded, that they muft have
made ufe of fome charadlers to diflinguifh one century from another,
as this diil:in(!!l:ion was fo very eafy and necelfary j but we have not
been able to afcertain this upon the authority of any hiftorian.
The diftribution of the ligns or charadters, both of days and years,
ferved the Mexicans as fuperftitious prognoftics, according to which
they predidted the good or bad fortune of infants from the fign under
which they were born ; and the happinefs or misfortune of marriages,
the fuccefs of wars, and of every other thing from the day on which
they were undertaken or put in execution ; and on this account alfo
they confidered not only the peculiar charader of every day and year,
but likcwife the ruling charader of every period of days or years ; for
the firft fign or charader of every period, was the ruling fign through
the whole of it. Of merchants we find, that whenever they willied
to undertake any journey, they endeavoured to begin it on fome day of
that period, during which the fign Coati (ferpcnt) ruled, and then
they.promifed themfelves much fuccefs in their commerce. Thoie
perfons who were born under the fign ^auhtli (eagle), were fufpeded
to prove mockers and flanderers, if they were males ; if females, loqua-
cious and impudent. The concurrence of the year with the day of
the Rabbet was efteemed the mofl fortunate feafon.
To reprefent a month they painted a circle or wheel, divided into
twenty figures fignifying twenty days, as appears in the plate we have
given, which is a copy from one publiflied by Valadòs, in his Rctto-
rka Crijiiiina, and the only one hitherto publilhed. To reprefent the month
year they painted another, which they divided into eighteen figures of the
eighteen months, and frequently painted within the wheel the image
of the moon. The reprefentation which we have given of this image,
was taken from that publilhed by Gemelli, which was a copy from an
ancient
Sect.
XXVIII.
Figures of
the century,
the year, and
296
BOOK VI,
« ^ '
Sect.
xxi-x.
Years and
months of
the Chiupa-
nele.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
ancient painting in the poffelllon of Dr. Siguenza (/^). The century
was reprefented by a wheel divided into fifty-two figures, or rather by
four figures which were thirteen times defigned. They ufed to paint
a ferpent twifted about the wheel, which pointed out by four twills
of its body the four principal winds, and the beginnings of the four
periods of thirteen years. The wheel which we here prefent, is a copy
of two others, one of which was publillied by Valadès, and the other
by Gemelli, within which we have reprefented the fun, as was gene-
rally done by the Mexicans. In another place we fliall explain the fi-
gures of thefe wheels in order to fatisfy our curious readers.
The method adopted by the Mexicans to compute months, years,
and centuries, was, as we have already mentioned, common to all the
poliflied nations of Anahuac, without any variation among them ex-
cept in the names and figures {c). The Chiapanefe, who, among the
tributaries to the crown of Mexico,- were t-lie moft diftant from the
capital ; inftead of the names and the figures of the Rabbet, the Cane,
Flint, and Houle, made ufe of the names Fotan, Lambat, Been,
and Chinan, and inftead of the names of the Mexican days, they a-
dopted the names of twenty illuilrious men among their anceftors,
among which the four names above mentioned, occupied the lame
place that the names Rabbet, Cane, Flint, and Houfe, held amongft
the Mexican days. The Chiapanefe names of the twenty days of tlie
month were the following:
c
1. Mox.
2. Igh.
3. vot:an.
4. Ghanan.
5. Abagh.
6. Tox.
7. Moxic.
8. LAMBAr.
9. Mòlo, or Multi.
IO. Elab.
1 I . Batz.
I 2 . Enoh.
{h) Three copies of the Mcxicnn year hnve been piiblillied. The fu ft that of Valadcs, the
fccond that of Sigucnza, publilhed by Gemelli, aiiJ the thud that of Botiirini, publiflied at
Mexico, in 1770. In that of Siguenza, within the wheel of the century, appears that of
the year ; and in that of Valadcs, «ith'in both wheels, that of the month is reprefented. We
have fcparatcd them to make them more intelligible.
(i) Boturini fays, that the Indians of the dioccl-: of Gitaxaca made their year confirt of
thirteen months ; but it mull have been their iubonomical or civil year, and not their religi-
ous year.
13. BEEN.
I
/y .17
l'iti / /',/<//■ jif/)
'////-.r/iui/i ^ / ////<n/ .
HISTORY OF MEXICO,
297
13. BEEN.
1 4. Hix.
I 5 . 'Tziquin.
16. Chabin
17. Cbix, book: vr.
18. CHIN AX, ' ' '
19. Cabogh.
20. AghuaL
There was no moTith in which the Mexicans did not celebrate fomc
feftival or other, which was either fixed and eflabliflied to be held on a
certain day of the month, or moveable, from being annexed to fome
figns which did not correfpond with the fame days ia every year. The
principal moveable feftivals, according to Boturini, were fixteen in
number, among which the fourth was that of the god of wine, and
the thirteenth, that of the god of fire . With refpeft to thofe feftivals
which were fixed, we fliall mention as concifely as poffible, as much
as we judge will be futScient to convey a competent idea of the reli-
gion and the fupeiftitious difpofition of the Mexicans.
On the fecoad day of the firll month, they made a great feftival to Rect. xxx",
Tlaloc, accompanied with ficrifices of children, which were purchafed fcfiivais of
for that purpofe, and a gladiatorian facrifice ; thefe children, which months.
were purchafed, were not ficrificed all at once, but fucceflively fo, in
the courfe of three months, which correfponded to thofe of Marcii
and April, to obtain from this god the rains which were neceflary for
their maize.
On the firfl: day of the fecond month, which, in the firfl year of
their century, correfponded to the i8th of March (d'), they made a
moft folemn feftival to the god Xipe, the facrifices offered at which
were extremely cruel. They dragged the vidliais by their hair to the
upper area of the temple, where, after they were facrificed in the
iifual manner, they llciiincd them, and the priefts clothed themfclvcs
in their fkins, and appeared for fome days in thefe bloody coverings.
The owners of prifoners that were facrificed, were bound to faft lor
twenty days, after which they made great banquets, at which they
drefted the flefli of the vidims. The fte&lers of gold or filver were
facrificed along with prifoners, the law of the kingdom having or-
dained that punifliment for them. The circumftance of fkinning the
(,y) Whenever we mention the corrcfpondcncc of the Mexican months with ours, it is to be
undernood of thofe of the firft year of their century.
Vol. I. Q^q vidlims,
298 H I S T O R Y O F ME X I C O.
BOOK VI. vldims, obtained to this month the name of 'Tlacaxipehualhtli, or the
flcinning of men. At this feflival, the military went through leverai
exercifes of arms and pradtices of war, and the nobles celebrated with
fongs the glorious aftions of their anceftors. In Tlafcala,^ the nobles,
as well as the plebeians had dances, at which they were all dreffed in
fliins of animals, and embroidery of gold and filver. On account of
thefe dances, which were common to all ranks of people, they gave
the fellival as well as the month the name of Coailhiiitl, or the gene-
ral fellival.
In the third month, which began on the 7th of April, the fecond
feftival of Tlaloc was celebrated with the facrifice of fome children.
The fkins of the viólims, which were facrificed to tlie god Xipe, in
the preceding month, were carried in proceflion to a temple called 'Jo-
fico, v.'hich v/as within the inclofure of the greater temple, and there de-
polited in a cave. In this fame month the Xochimanqiii, or thofe who
traded in flowers, celebrated the feftival of their goddefs Coatlicue, and
prefented her garlands of flowers curioufly woven. But before this of-
fering was made, no perfon was allowed to fmell thefe flowers. The
minifters of the temples watched every night of this month, and on
that account made great fires ; hence the month took the name of
'Tozo%tonU, or little watch.
The fourth month was called Hueitozoztli, or great watch ; be-
caufe, during this month, not only the priefts, but alfo the nobility
and populace, kept watch. They drew blood from their ears, eye-
brows, nofe, tongue, arms, and thighs, to expiate the fliults committed
by their fenfes, and expofed at their doors leaves of the fword-grafs,
coloured with blood, but with no other intention, probably, than to
make oftentation of their penance. In this nianner they prepared
themfelves for the feftival of the goddefs Centeotl, which was cele-
brated with facrifices of human viflims and animals, particularly of
quails, and with many warlike exercifes, which they performed before
the temple of this goddefs. Little girls carried ears of maize to the
temple, and after offering them to that falfe divinity, carried them to
granaries, in order that thefe ears, thus hallowed, might preferve all the
reft of the grain from any deftrudtive infe<5t. This month commenced
on the 27th of April.
The
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 299
The fifth month, which began upon the 17th of May, was almoft book vr.
wholly feftival. The firfl, which was one of the four principal fcl'- s ect.
tivals of the Mexicans, was that which they made in honour of ^j^m^ fdii-
their great god Tezcatlipoca. Ten days before it a priell drelled him- vai of the
felf in the fame habit and badges which diilinguifhed that god, and went Upoca,
out of the temple with a bunch of flowers in his hands, and a little flute
of clay which made a very flirill found. Turning his face firft towards
the eaft, and afterwards to the other three principal winds, he founded
the flute loudly, and then taking up a little dufl: from the earth with
his finger, he put it to his mouth and fwallowed it. Upon hearing
the found of the flute, all kneeled down ; criminals were thrown into
the utmoil terror and confternation, and with tears implored that god
to grant a pardon to their tranfgreflions, and hinder them from being
difcovered and detcfted ; warriors prayed to him for courage and
flrength againft the enemies of the nation, fuccefsful vidtories, and a
multitude of prifoners for {iicrifices ; and all the reft of the people,
ufing the fime ceremony of taking up and eating the duft, fupplicated
with fervour the clemency of the gods. The found of the little flute
was repeated every day until the feftival. One day before it, the
lords carried a new habit to the idol, which the priefts immediately
put upon it, and kept the old one as a relique in fome repofitory of
the temple ; they adorned the idol with particular enfigns of gold and
beautiful feathers, and raifed up the tapeftry, which always covered
the entrance of the fandluary, that the image of their god might be
feen and adored by the multitude. When the day of the feftival ar-
rived, the people flocked to the lower area of the temple. Some
priefts painted black, and drefl"ed in a limilar habit with the idol, car-
ried it aloft upon a litter, which the youths and virgins of the temple,
bound with thick cords of wreaths of crifp maize, and put one of thefe
wreaths round the neck, and a garland on the head of the idol. This
cord, the emblem of drought, uhich they defired to prevent, was
called ^oxcatl, which name v/as likewiie given to the month on ac-
count of this ceremony. All the youths and virgins of the temple,
as well as the nobles of the court, carried fimilar wreaths about tiieir
necks and in their hands. Then follow^ed a procelTion through the
lower area of the temple, where flowers and odoriferous herbs were
Q^q 2 fcattered ;
300 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
50 OK IV. fcattered; two priefls offered incenfe to the idol, which two others
carried upon their fhoulders. In the mean while the people kept kneel-
ing, striking their backs with thick knotted cords. When the pro-
celfion finilhed, and alfo their difcipline, they carried back tlie idol to
tiie altar, and made abundant offerings to it of gold, gems, flowers,
feathers, animals, and provifions, Vv'hich were prepared by the virgins
and other women, who, on account of fome particular vow, affifled.
for that day in the fervice of the temple. Thefe provifions were car-
ried in proceffion by the lame virgins, who were led by a refpedable
prieft, dreffed in a Itrange fantaftical habit, and laftly the youths car-
ried them to the habitations of the priefts for whom they had been
prepared.
Afterwards they made the facrifice of the vidlim rcprefenting the
god Tezcatlipoca. This vidlim was the handfomeft and bell: Ihaped youth
of all the prilbners. They feledled him a year before the feftival,
and during that whole time he was always dreffed in a fmiilar habit
with the idol ; he was permitted to go round the city, but always ac-
companied by a ftrong guard, and was adored every where, as the liv-
ing image of that fupreme divinity. Twenty days before the feftival,
tliis youth married four beautiful girls, and on the five days preceding
the feftival, they gave him fumptuous entertainments, and allowed
him all the pleafures of life. On the day of the feftival, they led him
with a numerous attendance to the temple of Tezcatlipoca, but before
they came there they difmiffed his wives. He accompanied the idol
in the proceffion, and when the hour of facrifice was come, they
ftretched him upon the altar, and the high prieft with great revepence
opened his breaft and pulled out his heart. His body was not, like the
bodies of other vii^ims, thrown down the ftairs, but carried in the arms
of the priefts and beheaded at the bottom, of the temple. Plis head was
ftrung up in the 7'-zompantii, among the reft of the Ikulls of the vic-
tims which v/ere facrificed to Tezcatlipoca, and his legs and arms
were dreffed and prepared for the tables of the lords. After the facri-
fice, a grand dance took place of the collegiate youths and nobles who
were prefent at the feftival. At lun-fet, the virgins of the temple made
a new offering of bread baked with honey. This bread, with fome
other things unknown to us, v/as put before the altar of Tezcatlipoca,
and
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
and was dcfiined to be the reward of the youths who lliould be the
vidlors in the race which they made down the ftairs of the temple j
they were alfo rewarded with a ganr.ent, and received the praife and
applaufe of the priefts as well as the people who were fpedtators. The
feftival was concluded by difmilTing from the feminaries all the youths
and virgins who were arrived at an age fit for marriage. The youths
who remained, mocked the others with fatirical and humorous raillery,
and threw at them handfuls of ruilies and other things, upbraiding
them with leaving the fervice of god for the pleafures of matrimony ;
the priefts always granting them indulgence in this emanation of youth-
ful vivacity.
In this fame fifth month, the fir ft feftival of Huitzilopochtli was Sect,
celebrated. The priefls made a ftatue of this 2:od of the resfular fta- ^u^^h\
■T o o I ine gvantX-
ture of a man ; they made the flefh of a heap of Tzohualli, which fe nival of
is a certain eatable plant, and the bones of the v/ood M'rzquitl. They pochtli.-
drefl'ed it in cotton with a mantle of feathers : put on its head a fmall
parafol of paper, adorned with beautiful feathers, and above that a
bloody little knife of flint-ftone, upon its breaft a plate of gold, and
on its garment were feveral figures reprel'enting bones of the dead, and
the image of a man torn in pieces ; by which they intended to fignify
either the power of tiiis god in battle, or the terrible revenge, which,
according to their mythology, he took againft thofe v/ho confpired
againft the honour and life of his mother. They put this ftatue in a
litter made on four wooden ferpents, which four principal officers of
the Mexican army bore from the place where the ftatue was formed, into
the altar where it was placed. Several youths forming a circle,
and joining themielves together by means of arrows, which they
laid hold of with their hands, the one by the head, the other by the
point, carried before the litter a piece of paper more than fifteen perches^
long, on which, probably, the glorious adlions of that falfc divinity
were reprefented, and which they fung to the found of mufical inftru-
ments.
When the day of the feftival was arrived, in the morning they made
a great facrifice of quails, which after their heads were twilled off, they
threw at the foot of the altar. The firft who made this iacrifice was the
king, after him the priefts, and laftly, the people. Of this great pro-
fu fion
302 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK VI. fuRon of quails, one part was drefìed for the king's table, and thofe
of the priefls, and the remainder was referved for another occafion.
Every perfon who w'as prefent at the feftival, carried a clay cenfer, and
a quantity of bitumen of Judea, to burn in offering to their god, and
all the coal which was made ufe of was atterwards collected in a
large ftove called TkxiSlli. On account of this ceremony they called
this feftival the mcenjing of Huit%ilopocbtll. Immediately after fol-
lowed the dance of the virgins and prielts. The virgins dyed their
faces, their arms were adorned with red feathers, on their heads they
wore garlands of crifp leaves oi maize, and in their hands they bore
canes which were cleft, with little flags of cotton or paper in them.
The faces of the prielts v^'er£ dyed black, their foreheads bound with
little fliields of paper, and their lips daubed with honey, they covered
their natural parts with paper, and each held a fceptre, at the extre-
mity of v/hich was a flower made of feathers, and above that another
tuft of feathers. Upon the edge of the Hove two men danced, bear-
ing on their backs certain cages of pine. The priefhs in the courfe of
their dancing, from time to time, touched the earth with the extre-
mity of their fceptres, as if they refted themfelves upon them. All
thefe ceremonies had their particular lignification, and the dance on
account of the feftival at which it took place was called Toxca-
chocbolla. In another feparate place, the court and military peo-
ple danced. The mufic;d inftruments, which in fome dances were
placed in the centre, on this occafion were kept without and hid, fo
that the found of them was heard but the m.uficians were unfeen.
One year before this feftival, the priloner who was to be facrificed
to Huitzilopochli, to which prifoner they gave the name of Ixteocale,
which fignifies. Wife Lord of Heaven, was feleded along with the vic-
tim for Tezcatlipoca. Both of them rambled about the whole- year j
with this difference however, that the vidtim of Tezcatlipoca was
adored, but not that of Huitzilopochtli. When the day of the feftival
was arrived, they dreffed the prifoner in a curious habit of painted pa-
{v;r, and put on his head a mitre made of the feathers of an eagle,
with a plume upon the top of it. He carried upon his back a fmall net,
and over it a little bag, and in this drefs he mingled himfelf in the
diince ol the courtiers. The moft lingular thing refpesfting this prifoner
was.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
303
was, that although he was doomed to die on that day, yet he had the BOOK vi.
liberty of fixing the hour of the lacrifice himfclf. Whenever he chofe
he prefented himfelf to the priefls, in whofe arms, and not upon the
altar, the facrificer broke his breart, and pulled out his heart. When
the facrifice was ended, the priefls began a great dance, which conti-
nued all the remainder of the day, excepting fome intervals, which
they einployed to repeat the incenfe-offerings. At this fame fellival,
the priclls made a flight cut on the breaft and on the bellv of all
the children of both foxes which were born v/ithin one preceding
year. This was the fign or charadter, by which the Mexican na-
tion fpecially acknowledged itfelf confecrated to the worfliip of its
protecting god ; and this is alfo the reafon why feveral authors have
believed, that the rite of circumcifion was eflabliilied among the
Mexicans ( e). But if poffibly the people of Yucatan and the Toto-
nacas
(1) F. Acofia fays, that " i Mcfficam/acrl/iiai'^no ne' lor fanciulli c 1' cicchie e il membro ge-
nitale nel che in qualche in:iniera contra ffacevano la circoncifionc de'Giiidci." Kut if tliis au-
thor fpcaks of the true Mexicans, that is, the defccndaiits of the ancient Aztecas who founded
the city of Mexico, whofe hiftory we write, his aflertion is abfolutely falfe ; for after the moft
diligent fcarch and enquiry, there is not the fmallert veliige of fuch a rite to be found
among thcin. If he fpcaks of the Tutonacas, who, by having been fubjei5ls of the king of
Mexico, arc, by feveral authors, cal;ed Mexicans, it is trje, that they made fuch an inciiion
on children.
The indecent and lying author of the work, entitled, " Rei/.cn/jfi Phllofophiquei fur let
Americaitis" adops the account given by Acofla, and makes a long difcouri'c on the origin
of circumcifion, which he believes to have been invented by the Egyptians, or the Ethiopi-'
ans, to preferve themfclves, as he fays, frojn worms, wliieli trouble inhabitants of the torrid
zone who are not circumcifed. He aiiirms, that the Hebrews learned it from the Ep-yptians
and that at firft it was a mere phj-fical remedy, but was afterwards by fanaticifm conliiiuted a
religious ceremony : tiiat the heat of the torrid zone is the caufe of this dil'order, and that
the Mexicans, and other nati-)ns of America, in order to free themfclves from it, adopted cir-
cumcifion. But leaving alide the falfcncfs of his principles, and his fonduefs to difcufs mi-
nutely every fubjc/t which has any connexion with obfccnc pleafure-, that we may attend to
that only which concerns our hi'.ory, we aflcrt that no traces of the pr:n''ticc of ciicumcilion
have ever been found among the Mexicans, or among the nations fubieiftcd by them, except
the Totonacas ; nor did we ever he.ir of any fuch diliempcr of worms in thefe countries, thouo-h
they are all fitu.-.tcd under the torrid zone, and we vifited for thirteen years all kinds of fick
perfons. Befidcs, if heat is the caufe of fuch a dillcmper, it ought to have been more fre-
quent in the native country of that author than in the inland piovinces of Mexico, «here
the climate is more tcmpcr.ite. M. Mailer, who is quoted by the fame author, made no lefs
a miftake ; iii his Difcourfe on Circumcifion, infcrted in the Encyclopedia, he, from not hav-
ing underliood the cxpredions of AcoHa, believed that they cut the ears and the parts of ge-
neration, of all the Mexican children entirely off; in wonder at which he ai'ks, if it was
polTible thit m.any of them could rrmain ;ilivc after fo ciuel an opeiaiion r Eut if we Had
believed what M. iMallei believed, we would rather have alkcd how there came to bt anv Mexi-
caas
304
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK vr. nacas ufed this rite, it was never praftifed by the Mexicans, or any
^^""^ ^ other nation of the empire.
Sect, I" the lìxth month, which began upon the fixth of June, the third
xxvill. feftival of the god Tlaloc was celebrated. They ftrewed the temple
oftheilxth, in a curious manner with rudies from the lake of Citlaltepec. The
dÒluh'''and pnelts who went to fetch them, toinmitted various hoftilities upon all
ninth paffengers whom they met in their way, plundering them of every
thing they had about them, and fometimes even ftripping them quite
naked, and beating them if they made any reiiflance. With fuch im-
punity were thele priefls, turned allaffins, favoured, that they not
only robbed the common people, but even carried off the royal tributes
from the colleólors of them, if they chanced to meet with them, no
private perfons being allowed to make complaint againft them, nor the
king to puniih them for fuch enormities. On the day of the fcftival,
they all eat a certain kind of gruel which they called Eiza///, from
which the month took the name of Etzalpm'htli. They carried to
the temple a vali; quantity of painted paper and elaftic gum, with which
they befmeared the paper and the cheeks of the idol. After this ridi-
culous ceremony, they facrificed feveral prifoners who were clothed in
habits the fame with that of the god Tlaloc, and his companions, and
in order to complete the fcene of their cruelty, the priefts, attended by
a great 'croud of people, w^ent in veflcls to a certain place of the lake,
where in former times there was a whirlpool, and there ficriiiced two
children of both fexes, by drowning them, along with the hearts of
the prifoners who had been facrificed at this feftival, in order to obtain
from their gods the neceiliiry rains for their fields. Upon this occa-
fion, thofe minifters of the temple, who, in the courfe of that year,
had either been negligent in office, or convióted of fome high mifde-
meanor which was not, however, deferving of capital puniiliment,.
were ftripped of their priefi:hood, and received a chaftifement fimilar
to the trick which is pradiifed on feamen the firft time they pafs the
cnns nt all in the world ? That no future mifiakes may be committed by th-jfc who read the
ancitut Sp.milh hiftorians of Amciica, it is necclfary to he obfervcd, that when thele hiHorians
fay that the Mexicans, or other WAtions fucnjiccd the tongue, the ears, or any other member
of the body, all they mean by it is, that they made feme ilight incilion in thefe member», and
drew fome blooJ from them,
S line.
I
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 305
line, but more fevere, as by being repeatedly ducked in the water they BOOK vi.
were at laft lb exhaulted, it became neceflary to carry them home to
their houfes to be recovered.
In the leventh month, which began upon the 26th of June, the fellival
of Huixtocihuatl, the goddels of lalt, was celebrated. A day before the
feftival there was a great dance of women, who danced in a circle, joined
to each other by ftrings or cords of different flowers, and wearing gar-
lands of wormwood on their heads. A female prifoner, clothed in
the habit of the idol of that goddefs, was placed in the centre of the
circle. The dancing was accompanied with finging, in both of whicli
two old relpedlable priefts took the lead. This dance continued the
whole night, and in the morning after, the dance of the priefls began,
and laftcd the whole day, without any other interruption than the la-
crificc of prifoners. The priefts wore decent garments, and held in
their hands thofe beautiful yellow flowers which the Mexicans called
Cempoalxochitl, and many Europeans Indian Carnations ; at fun-fet
they made the facrifice of the female prifoner, and concluded the fefli-
vai with fumptuous banquets.
During the whole of this month the Mexicans made great rejoic-
ings. They wore their belt dreffes j dances and amufements in their
gardens were frequent ; the poems which they fang were all on love, or
fome other equally pleafmg Ibbjeft. The populace went a hunting in
the mountains, and the nobles ufed warlike exercifes in the field, and
fometimes in velTels upon the lake. Thefe rejoicings of the nobility
procured to this month the name of Tecuiihuit!, the feftival of the
lords, or of Tecuilhuitontli, the finali feflival of the lords, as it was
truly fo, in comparifon of the fellival of the following month.
In the eighth month, which began upon the i6th day of July, they
made a folemn feftival to the goddefs Centeotl, under tiae name of Xi-
lonen ; for as we have already mentioned, they changed the name ac-
cording to the fiate of the maize. On this feftival they called her Xi~
lonen ; becaufe the ear of maize, while the grain was ftiill tender, was
called Xilotl. The feftival continued eight days, during which there
was conftant dancing in the temple of that goddefs. On fuch days, the
king and the nobles gave away meat and drink to the populace, both
of which were placed in rows in the under area of the temple, and there
Vol. I, R r the
3o6 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O;
BOOK VI. the Chiampmolli, which was one of their moft common drinks, was
given, and alfo the Tamalli, which was pafte of maize, made into fmall
rolls, and alfo other provifions, of which we fhall treat hereafter. Pre-
fents were made to the priefts, and the nobles invited each other reci-
procally to entertainments, and prefented each other with gold, filver,
beautiful feathers, and curious animals. They fung the glorious ac-
tions of their anceftórs, and boafted of the noblenefs and antiquity of
their families. At fun-let, when the feafting of the populace was
ended, the prlefts had their dance which continued four hours, and on
that account there was a fplendid illumination in the temple. The
laft day was celebrated with the dance of the nobility and the military,
among whom danced alfo a female prifoner, who reprefented that god-
defs, and was lacrificed after the dance along with the other prifon-
ers. Thus the feflival, as well as the month, had the name of Huei-
tccuilhiiitl, that is, the great feflival of the lords.
In the ninth month, which began on the 5th of Augufl:, the fecond
feftival of Huitzilopochtli was kept ; on which, befides the ufual cere-
monies, they adorned all the idols with flowers ; not only thofe which
M'ere worfliippsd in the temples, but likewife thofe which they had
for private devotion in their houfes ; from whence the month was
called 'Tlaxochimaco. The night preceding the feftival was emploved
in preparing the meats which they eat next day with the greaf.eft ju-
bilee. The nobles of both fcxes danced together, the arms of the
one refting on the Ihoulders of the other. This dance, which Lifted
until the evening, finiOied with the facrifice of fome prifoners. In
tliis month aUo the feflival of Jacateuótli, the god of commerce, v/as
held, accompanied with facritices.
In the tenth month, the beginning of which was on the 25th of
xxxiv. Auguft, they kept the feftival of Xhihtcudlli, god of fire. In the
the tenth dc- preceding months, the prielis brought out of the woods a large tree,
veiith, v.'hich they fixed in the under area of the temple. The day before
thirteenth the feftival they ftript off its branches and bark, and adorned it with
HK.iiths. painted paper, and from that time it was reverenced as the image of
Xiuhteudtli. The owners of the prifoners which were to be facrificed
on this occalion, dyed their bodies with red ochre, to refemble in fome
meafure the colour of fire, and were drelled in their beft garments.
They
S
II r S T O R Y a F M E X I e O. 307
They went to the temple, acconipiinied by their prilbners, and palled eook vr.
the whole night in linging and dancing with thciii. The day ot' the ^-— -v-^J
feltival being arrived, and alfo the hour of the lacrifice, they tied the
hands and feet of the victims, and fprinkled the powder oVyauhtli (fj
in their faces, in order to deaden their fenfes, that their torments might
be lefs painful. Then they began the dance, each with his viflim
upon his back, and one after the other threw them into a large fire
kindled in the area, from which they foon after drew them with
hooks of wood, to complete the facrifice upon the altar in the ordi-
nary way. The Mexicans gave to this month the name of Xocohuetzi,
which lignifies the maturity of tlie fruits. The Tlafcalans called the
ninth month Miccaìlbeuìtl, or the feftival of the dead ; bec.iufe in it
they made oblations for the fouls of the deceafed ; and the tenth month
Huciiniccailbintl, or the grand feftival of the dead ; becaufe in that they
wore mourning, and made lamentation for the death of their anceftors.
Five days before the commencement of the eleventh month, which
began on the 1 4th of September, all feftivals ceafed. During the firft
eight days of the month, was a dance, but without mufic or iingingj
every one dire^fling his movements according to his own pleafure. Af-
ter this period was elapfed, they clothed a female prifoner in the habit
of Teteoinan, or the mother of the gods, wliofe feftival was cele-
brating; the prifoner was attended by many women, and particularly
by the midwives, who for four whole days employed themfelves to a-
mufe and comfort her. When the principal day of the feftival was
arrived, they led this woman to the upp^r area of the temple of that
goddefs, where they facrificed her ; but this was not performed in the
ufual mode, nor upon the common altar whore other vi6lims were fii-
crificcd, for they beheaded her upon the rtioulders of another woman,
and ftripped her fkin of, which a youth, with a numerous attend-
ance, carried to prcfent to the idol of Huitzilopochtli, in memory of
the inhuman facrifice which their anceftors had made of the priiicefs
(/) The Jauhtii is a plant whofc llcm is about a cubit long, its Icives arc fiinilar to thofc
lit ihe willow, but indented, its flowcri arc yellow and the rouls thin. 'I'he flowers, as well
as the other parts of the plant, have the fame fincU and tallc as thofc of the anife. It is very
ufeful in medicine, and the Mexican phyficians applied it in different diilempcrs ; it was allo
piade ufc of for many fupcrllitious ends,
R r 2 of
3o8 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. of Colhuacan ; but before it was preiented, they focrificed in the ufual
mode four prifoners, in memory, as is probable, of the four Xochi-
milcan prifoners which they had facrificed during their captivity in
Colhuacan. In this month they made a review of their troops, and
enlifted thofe youths who were deftined to the profeffion of arms, and
who, in future were to ferve in war when there fliould be occafion.
All the nobles and the populace fwept the temples, on which account
this month took the name of Ocbpani%tli, which fignifies, ajhveeping.
They cleaned and mended the ftreets, and repaired the aquedudts and
their houfes, all which labours were attended with many fuperftitious
rites.
In the twelfth month, which began upon the 4th of Odtober, they
cebrated the feftival of the arrival of the gods, which they exprefled
by the word Teotkco, which name alio they gave to both the month
and the feftival. On the i6th day of this month, they covered all the
temples, and the corner ftones of the ftreets of the city with green
branches. On the 18th, the gods, acording to their accounts, began
to arrive, the firft of whona was the great god Tezcatlipoca. They
fpread before the door of the fanftuary of this god a mat made of the
palm-tree, and fprinkled upon it fome powder of maize. The high-
prieft ftood in watch all the preceding night, and went frequently to
look at the mat, and as foon as he difcovered any footfteps upon the
powder, which had been trod upon, no doubt, by fome other deceit-
ful prieft, he began to cry out, " Our great god is 7iow arrived." All
the other priefts, with a great croud of people, repaired there to adore
him, and celebrate his arrival with hymns and dances, which were
repeated all the reft of the night. On the two days following, other
gods fucceiiively arrived, and on the twentieth and laft day, when they
believed that all their gods were come, a number of youths dreffed in
the form of various monfiers, danced around a large fire, into which,
from time to time, they threw prifoners, who were there confumed as
burnt lacrifices. At fun-fet they made great entertainments, at which
they drank more tlian ufual, imagining, that the wine with which
they tilled their bellies, would ferve to wafli the feet of their gods.
To fuch excefies did the barbarous fuperflition of thofe people lead !
Nor v/à& the ceremony which they pradlifed, in order to prcferve their
children
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
children from the evil which they dreaded from one of their gods, lefs
extravagant : this w^as the cuftom of fticking a number of feathers on
their flioulders, their arms, and legs, by means of turpentine.
In the thirteenth month, which began on the 24th of Oftober,
the feftival of the gods of water and the mountains, was celebrated.
The name TcpcHhuit!, which was given to this month, fignified only
the feftival of the mountains. They made little mountains of paper,
on which they placed fome little ferpents made of wood, or of roots
of trees, and certain fmall idols called Ehecatotontin, covered with a
particular pafle. They put both upon the altars and worfliipped them,
as the images of the gods of the mountains, fung hymns to them, and
prefented copal and meats to them. The prifoners who were facrificed
at this feftival were five in number, one man and four women ; to each
of whicli a particular name was given, alluding, probably, to fome
myftery of which we are ignorant. They clothed them in painted
paper, which was befmeared withelaftic gum, and carried them in pro-
celTion In litters, after which they facrificed them in the ufual manner.
In the fourteenth month, which commenced on the 1 3th of Novem-
ber, was the feftival of Mixxoatl, goddels of the chace. It was pre-
ceded by four days of rigid and general fafting, accompanied with the
effufion of blood, during which time they made arrows and darts for
the fupply of their arfcnals, and alfo certain fmall arrows which they
placed together with pieces of pine, and fome meats, upon the tombs
of their relations, and after one day burned them. When the faft was
over, the inhabitants of Mexico and Tlatelolco went out to a general
chace in one of the neighbouring mountains, and all the animals which
they caught were brought, with great rejoicings to Mexico, where they
were facrificed to Mixcoatl ; the king himfelf was prefent not only at
the facrifice, but likewife at the chace. They gave to this month the
name of ^ecbolli, becaufe at this feafon the beautiful bird which went
amongft them by that name, and by many called Jiammingo, made its
appearance on the banks of the Mexican lake.
In the fifteenth month, the beginning of which was on the 3d day
of December, the third and principal flftival of Hultzilopochtli and
his brother, was celebrated. On the firft day of the month, the priefts
formed two ftatues of thofe two gods, of different feeds pafted toge-
ther,
Sect.
XXXV.
The if Ili va Is
of the fivclall
months.
310
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK VJ. ther, with the blood of children that had been facrificed, in which
in the place of bones they fubftituted pieces of the wood of acacia.
They placed thefe ftatues upon the principal altar of the temple, and
during the whole of that night the priefts kept watch. The day fol-
lowing-, they gave their benediólion to the ftatues, and alfo to a fmall
quantity of water which \\'as preferred in the temple for the purpofe
of being fprinkled on the face of any new king of Mexico, and of the
general of their armies after their eleftion ; but the general, befides be-
ing befprinkled, was required to drink it. As foon as the ftatues were
confecrated by this benediction, the dance of both fexes began, and
continued all the month for three or four hours every day. During
the whole of the month a great deal of blood was flied j and four days
before the feftival, the mafters of the prifoners which were to be facri-
ficed, and which were feledled for the occafion, obferved a faft, and
had their bodies painted of various colours . In the morning of the
twentieth day, on which the feftival was held, a grand and folemn pro-
ceffion was made. A prieft bearing a ferpent of wood, which he raifed
high up in his hands, called Ezpamitl, and which was the badge of the
gods of war, went firft, v/ith another prieft bearing a ftandard, fuch as
theyufed in their armies. After them came a third prieft,, who carried
the ftatue of the god Painalton, the vicar of Huitzilopochtli. Then came
the viftims after the other priefts, and laftly, the people. The pro-
ceffion fet out from the greater temple, towards the diftricft of Teot'
lachco, where it ftopped, while two prilbners of war, and fonie pur-
chafed flaves, were facrificed ; they proceeded next to Tlatelolco, Po-
potla, and Chapoltepec, from whence they returned to the city, and
after having paffed through other diftricfts, re-entered the temple.
This circuit of nine or X.z\\ miles, which they performed, confumed
the greateft part of the day, and at all the places where they ftopped, they
facrificed quails, and, probably, fome prifoners alfo. When they ar-
rived at the temple, they placed the ftatue of Painalton, and the ftand-
ard, upon the altar of Huitzilopochtli j the king offered incenfe to the
two ftatues of feeds, and then ordered another proceifion to be made
round the temple, at the conci ufion of which they facrificed the reft
of the prifoners and flaves. Thefe facrifices were made at the clofe of
day. That night the priefts kept watch, and the next morning they
carried
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 311
carried the ftatue in pafle of Huitzilopochtli to a great hall, which BOOK VI.
was within the precindls of the temple, and there in the prefence only
of tlie king, four principal priefts, and four fuperiors of the femina-
naries, the prieft Quetzalcoatl, who was the chief of the Tlamacaz-
qui, or penance-doers, threw a dart at the ftatue, which pierced it
through and through. They then faid, that their god was dead. One
of the principal priefls cut out the heart of the ftatue, and gave it to
the king to eat. The body was divided in two parts ; one of which
was given to the -people of Tlatelolco, and the other to the Mexicans.
The (hare was again divided into four parts, for the four quarters of
the city, and each of thefe four parts into as many minute particles
as there were men in each quarter. Tiiis ceremony they expreffed by
the word T'eocuah, which fignifies, the god to be eat. The women
never tafted this facred pafle, probably, becaufe they had no concern
with the profeflion of arms. We are ignorant, whether or not they
made the lame ufe of the ftatue of Tlacahuepan. The Mexicans gave
to this month the name of Panquctzali-ztli, which fignifies, the raifing
of the fìandard, alluding to the one which tliey carried in the above
procefilon. In this month they employed themfelves in renewing the
boundaries, and repairing the inclofures of their fields.
In the fixteenth month, which began upon the 23d of December,
the fifth and lafl fcftival of the gods of water, and the mountains, took
place. They prepared for it with the ufual auftcrities, by making ob-
lations of copal and other aromatic gums.' They formed little figures
of the mountains, which they confecrated to thofe gods, and certain
little idols made of the parte of various eatable feeds, of which when
they had worHiipped them, they opened the breafts, and cut out the
hearts, with a weaver's Shuttle, and afterwards cut off their heads, in
imitation of the rites of the flicrifices. The body was divided by the
heads of families amongft their doaieftics, in order that by eating them
they might be prefervcd from certain dillcmpers, to which thofe perfoiis
who were negligent of worHiip to thofe deities conceived themfelves
to be fubjecl. They burned the habits in which they had drefied the
fmall idols, and preferved the allies with the utmoft care in tiieir ora-
tories, and alfo the vefiels in which the images had been formed. Be-
fidcs thofe rites, which were ufually obferved in private houfcs, they
made
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
made fome facrifices of human vldlims in the temple. For four days
preceding the felHval, a flridl fal^ was obferved, accompanied with the
cffufion of blood. This month was called Atcmo-zth, which lignifies
the defcent of tlie water, for a reafou which we will immediately
mention (g).
In the feventeenth month, which began upon the I2th of January,
they celebrated the feftival of the goddefs Ilamateutìli. A female pri-
foner was felefted to reprefent her, and was clothed in the habit of her
idol. They made her dance alone to a tune which fome old priefls
fung to her, and flie was permitted to exprefs her afflidion at her ap-
proaching death, which, however, was efteemed a bad omen .from
other vidlims. At fun-fet, on the day of the feftival, the priells adorned
with the enfigns of various gods, facrificed her in the ufual manner,
and afterwards cut off her head, when one of the priells, taking it in his
hand, began a dance, in which he was joined by the reft. The priefts,
during this feftival, made a race down the ftairs of the temple; and the
following day the populace entertained themfelves with a game funilar
to the Lupercalia of the Romans ; for running through the ftreets,
they beat all the women they met with little bags of hay. In this
fame month they kept the feftival of Mi<ltlanteud:li, god of hell, on
which they made a nodturnal facrifice of a prifoner, and alfo the fe-
cond feftival of Jacateutìli, god of the merchants. The name Trititi,
which they gave to this month, fignifies the conftringent power of the
feafon which the cold occafions (Jj) .
In the eighteenth and laft month, which began on the firft of Fe-
bruary, the fecond feftival of the god of fire was held. On the loth
day of this month, the whole of the Mexican youth went out to the
chace, not only of wild beafts in the woods, but alfo to catch the birds
of the lake. On the fixteenth, the fire of the temple and private
houfes was extinguiflied, and they kindled it anew before the idol of that
('^1 Martino di Leone, a Dominican, makes Alemorjll fignify, the altar of the gods ; but the
name of the altar is Tcomonwztli, not AteiiwztU. Boturini pretends that the name is a contrac-
tion of Atcomoinoztlt, but fuch contractions obtained not among the Mexicans ; befides the
figure of this month which reprefents water falling obliquely upon the fleps of an edifice, ex-,
preflcs exaftly the defcent of water fignified by the word Aiemo-z,tli,
(/>) The aSove author fays, that Titltl fignifies our belly ; but all thofe who underfiand
the Mexican language know that fuch a name would be a folccifni.
5 god.
H I 3 T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 313
god, which they adorned on the occafion, with gems and beautiful BOOK VI
feathers. The hunters prefented all their fpoils to the priefls, one
part of which was confumed in burnt-offerings to their gods, and the
other was facrificed, and afterwards drelTed for the tables of the nobi-
lity and priefts. The women made oblations of Tamalli, which they
afterwards diftributed among the hunters. One of the ceremonies ob-
ferved upon this occafion was that of boring the ears of all the chil-
dren of each fex, and putting ear-rings in them. But the greatefb fin-
gularity attending this feftival was that not a fingle human vidtim was
facrihced at it.
They celebrated likewife in this month the fecond feftival of the mo-
ther of the gods, refpefting which, however, we know nothing ex-
cept the ridiculous cuftom of lifting up the children by the ears into
the air, from a belief that they would thereby become higher in ftature.
With regard to the name Izcalli, which they gave to this month, we
are unable to give any explanation (/).
After the eighteen months of the Mexican year were completed on
the 20th of February, upon the 2 1 ft the five days called Nemontemi com-
menced, during which days no feftival was celebrated, nor any enter-
prife undertaken, becaufe they were reckoned dies infanjlt, or unlucky
days. The child that happened to be born on any of thefe days, if it
was a boy, got the name of Nemoquichtli, ufelefs man 3 if fhe was a girl,
received the name of Ncncihiiatly ufelefs woman.
Among the feftivals annually celebrated, the mcft folemn were thofe
of Teoxihuitl. or divine years, of which kind were all thofe years
which had the rabbit for their denominative charadler. The facrifices
were on fuch occafions more numerous, the oblations more abtmdant,
and the dances more folemn, efpecially in Tlafcala, in Huexotzinco,
and Cholula. In like manner, the feftivals at the beginning of every
period of thirteen years, were attended with more pomp and gravity ;
that is, in the years i Tochtli, i Acati, 1 Tecpntl, and i Calli.
But the feftival which was celebrated every fifty-two years, was by far Sect.
. XXX\*1
the moft fplcndid and moft folemn, not only among the Mexicans, but Sciuiar ici.
tival.
(/) Izctilli fignlfics, Behold the houfc. The interpretations given by Torquemada .ind
Leone are too violent.
Vol. I. Ss like-
w.
314 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK VI. likewife among all the nations of that empire, or who were neighbour-
■"^ ing to it. On the laft night of their century, they extinguiihed the
fire of all the temples and houfes, and broke their velleis, earthen pots,
and all other kitchen utenfils, preparing themfelves in this manner for
the end of the world, which at the termination of each century they ex-
pected with terror. The priefts, clothed in various drefTes and enfigns
of their gods, and accompanied by a vaft croud of people, iffued from
the temple out of the city, direóling their way towards the mountain
Hiiixachtla^ near to the city of Iztapalapan, upwards of lix miles di-
flant from the capital. They regulated their journey in Ibme meafure
by obfervation of the flars, in order that they might arrive at the
mountain a little before midnight, on the top of which the new fire was
to be kindled. In the mean while, the people remained in the utmoft
fufpence and folicitude, hoping on the one hand to find from the new
fire a new century granted to mankind, and fearing on the other hand,
the total deftrudtion of mankind, if the fire, by divine interference,,
fhould not be permitted to kindle. Hufbands covered the faces of their
pregnant wives with the leaves of the aloe» and fliut them up in gra-
naries ; becaufe they were afraid that they would be converted into
wild beafts and would devour them. They alio covered the flices of
children in that way, and did not allow them to fleep, to prevent their
being transformed into mice. All thole who did not go out with the
priefts, mounted upon terraces, to obferve from thence the event of
the ceremony. The office of kindling the fire on this occafion be-
longed exclufively to a prieft of Copoko, one of the dillrióts of the
city. The infbruments for this purpofe were, as we have already men-
tioned, two pieces of wood, and the place on which the fire was produced
from them, was the breafl of fome brave prifoner whom they facri-
ficed. As foon as the fire was kindled, they all at once exclaimed
with ioy ; and a great fire was made on the mountain that it might
be ke,n. from afar, in which they afterwards burned the vidlim whom,
they had lacrificed. Immediately they took up portions of the facred
fire, and llrove with each other who fliould carry it molt fpeedilv ta
their houfes. The priefts carried it to the greater temple of Mex-
ico, from whence all the inhabitants of that capital were fupplied with
it. During the thirteen days which followed the renewal of the fire,
which
HISTORYOF MEXICO. 315
which were tlie intercalary days, interpofed between the paft andenTu- EOOK VI.
ing century to adjull: the year with the courle of the fun, they em-
ployed themfelves in repairing and whitening the public and private
buildings, and in furnifhing themfelves with new drefles and domeftic
utcnfils, in order that every thing might be new, or at leafl appear
to be fo, upon the commencement of the new century. On the firft
day of that year, and of that century, which as we have already men-
tioned, corrcfponded to the 26th of February, for no perfon was it
lawful to tafte water before mid-day. At that hour the facrifices be-
gan, the number of which was fuited to the grandeur of the fedival.
Every place refounded with the voice of gladnefs and mutual congra-
tulations on account of the new century which heaven had granted to
them. The illuminations made during the firft nights were extremely
magnificent ; their ornaments of drefs, their entertainments, dances,
and public games, were fuperiorly folemn. Amongfl the laft, amidft
an immenfe concourfe of people, and the moft lively demonftrations
of joy, the game of the flyers, which we Ihall defcribe in another
place, was exhibited ; in which the number of flyers were four, and
the number of turns which each made in his flight, thirteen, which
fignified the four periods of thirteen years, of which the century was
compofed.
What we have hitherto related concerning the fefl:ivals of the Mexi-
cans, clearly evinces their fuperftitious charader ; but it will appear
ftill mo^ evident from the account we are now to give of the rites
which they obferved upon the birth of children, at their marriages, and
at funerals.
As foon as a child was born, the midwife, after cutting the navel- s e e
ftring, and burying the fecundine, bathed it, faying thefe words j ]>'^'^^ ur'^'
Receive the water ; for toe goddefs Ciialchiuhcueje is thy mother. May «^■'j upon the
this bath cleanfe the fpots which thou beareji from the womb of thy mo- jicn.
thery purify thy heart and give thee a good and perfeSl life. Then ad-
drefling her prayer to that goddefs, flie demanded in fimilar words the
fame favour from her; and taking up the water again with her right
hand, fhe blew upon it, and wet the mouth, head, and breafl: of the
child with it, and after bathing the whole of its body, (he faid : May
the invijible God defend upon this water ^ and cleanfe thee of every fin
S s 2 and
3i6 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VI. and impurity, and free thee from evi! fortune : and then turning to the
child, ihe Ipoke to it thus : Lovely child, the gods OmeteudlU mid
Omecihuatl have created thee in the highcfi place of heaven, in order to
fend thee into the world ; but kno-jo that the life on which thou art en-
tering is fad, painful, and full of uneafincfs and miferies : iior will thou
be able to eat thy bread without labour : May God ajjijl thee in the many
adverjities which await thee. This ceremony was concluded with con-
gratulations to the parents and relations of the child. If it was the
Ion of the king, or of any great lord, the chief of his fubjeóls came to
congratulate the father, and to wiih the higheft profperity to his
child {k).
When the firft bathing was done, the diviners were confulted con-
cerning the fortune of the child, for which purpofe they were in-
formed of the day and hour of its birth. They confidered the na-
ture of the lign of that day, and the ruling fign of that period of
thirteen days to which it belonged, and if it \^'as born at midnight,
two figns concurred, that is, the fign of the day which was juft con-
cluding, and that of the day which was juft beginning. After having
made their obfervations, they pronounced the good or bad fortune of
the child. If it was bad, and if the fifth day after its birth-day, on
which the fecond bathing was ufually performed, was one of the dies
infaujli, the ceremony was poilponed until a more favourable occafion.
To the fecond bathing, which was a more folemn rite, all the relations
and friends, and fome young boys were invited ; and if the parents
were in good circumftances, they gave great entertainments, and made
prefents of apparel to all the guefts. If the father of the child was a
military perfon, he prepared for this ceremony a little bow, four
arrows, and a little habit, refembling in make that which the child,
when grown up, would wear. If he was a countryman, or an artill,
{ii) In Guatemala, and other furrounding provinces, the births of male children were cele-
brated with much foltmnity and fuperflition. As foon as the fon was born a turkey was fa-
crificed. The bathing was performed in fome fouEtain, or river, where they made oblations
of copal, and facrifices of parrots. The navel llring was cut upon an ear of maize, and with
a neiv knife, which was immediately after call into the river. They fowed the feeds of that
ear, and attended to its growth with the utmofl care, as if it had been a ficred thing. What
wa» reaped from this feed was divided into three parts ; one of which was given to the di-
viner ; of another part they made pap for the child, and the reft was preferred until the
fame child Ihoulj be old enough to be able to fo.v it.
he
9
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
he prepared fome inftruments belonging to his art, proportioned in fize
to the infancy of the child. If the child was a girl, they furnidied a lit-
tle habit, fuitable to her fex, a fmall fpindle, and fome other little inftra-
ments for weaving. They lighted a great number of torches, and th-3
midwife taking up the child, carried it through all the yard of the
houfe, and placed it upon a heap of the leaves of fword grafs, clofe by
a bafon of water, which was prepared in the middle of the yard, and
then undrelììng^it, faid: il^<:Z»/A/,/Zi£'^i>rt'j-Omemeteu6lli ^WOmecihuatl,
lo7-ds of heaveiiy have Jent thee to this dijinal and calamitous vcorld.
Receive this ivater which is to give thee life. And after wetting its
mouth, head, and breaft, with forms fimilar to thofe of the firft bath-
ing, fhe bathed its whole body, and rubbing every one of its limbs,
faid. Where art thou ill Fortune ? In ivhat limb art thou hid ? Go far
from this child. Having fpoke this, flie raifed up the child to offer it
to the gods, praying them to adorn it with every virtue. The fini
prayer was offered to the two gods before named, the fecond to the
goddefs of water, the third to all the gods together, and the fourth to
the fun and the earth. Toufun, flie faid, father of all things that live
upon the earth, our mother, receive this chili, and protesi him as your own
fon ; andfince he is born for war (if his father belonged to the army)>
may he die in it, defending the honour of the gods ; fo may he enjoy in hea-
ven the delights which are prepared for all thofe who facrifice their lives
in fo good a caufc. She then put in his little hands the iniiiruments of
that art which lie was to exercife, with a prayer addreffed to the pro-
teding god of the fame. The inftruments of the military art were bu-
ried in fome fields, where, in future, it was imagined the boy would
fight in battle, and the female inftruments were buried in the houfe it-
fclf, under the ftone for grinding maize. On this fame occafion, if
we are to credit Eoturini, thc-y obfervcd the ceremony of paffing the
boy four times through the fire.
Before they put the inftruments of any art into the hands of the
child, the midwife rcquefted the young boys who had been invited, to
give him a name, which was generally fuch a name as had been fuggefted
to them by the father. The midwife then clothed him, and laid him
in the cozcl'i, or cradle, praying Joalticitl, the goddefs of cradles, to
warm
3i8 K I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O,
BOOK VI. warm him and guard him in her bofom, and Joalteudtli, god of the
' " ' night, to make him fleep.
The name which was given to boys, was generally taken from the
fign of the day on which they were born (a rule particularly praftifed
■among the Mixtecas), as Nahuixochitl, or IV Flower, MacuUcoatI,
or V Serpent, and Omccalli, or II Houie. At other times the name
was taken from circumftances attending the birth ; as for inftance, one
of the four chiefs who governed the republic of Tlafcala, at the time
of the arrival of the Spaniards, received the name of Citlilpopoca,
fmoking ftar ; becaufe he was born at the time of a comet's appear-
ance in the heavens. The child born on the day of the renewal of the
iire, had the name of Molpilli, if it \\'as a male ; if a female ihe was
called Xiuhneneti, alluding in both names to circumftances attending
the fertival. Men had in general the names of animals ; women thofe
of flowers ; in giving which, it is probable, they paid regard both to
the dream of the parents, and the counfel of diviners. For the moft
part they gave but one name to boys ; afterwards it was ufual for them
to acquire a furname from their adtions, as Montezuma I. on account
of his bravery was given the furnames of Ilhuacamina and Tlacaeli.
When the religious ceremony of bathing was over, an entertain-
ment was given, the quality and honours of which correfponded with
the rank of the giver. At fuch feafons of rejoicing, a little exxefs in
drinking was permitted, as the diforderlinefs of drunken perfons extended
not beyond private houfes. The torches were kept burning till they
were totally confumed, and particular care was taken to keep up the
fire all the four days, which intervened between the firft and fecond
ceremony of bathing, as they were perfuaded that an omifilon of fuch
a nature would ruin the fortune of the child. Thefe rejoicings were
repeated when they weaned the child, which they commonly did at
three years of age (IJ.
S 5 c T. With refpeét to the marriages of the Mexicans, although in them,
XxxviiL as well as in all their cuftoms, fuperflition had a great fhare, nothing.
Nuptial 1 1 1 1 • 1
ritcj. however, attended them which was repugnant to decency or honour.
Any marriage between perfons related in the firft degree of confan-
(/) In Guatcjnala it was tifual to make rejoicings as foon as the child began to walk, and
for feven years they contiaued to celebrate the anniverfary of its birth.
guinity
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 3,19
guinity or alliance, was ftridly forbid, not only by the laws of Mexico, book viv
but alfo by the laws of Michuacan, unlefs it was between coufins (/«).
The parents were the perfons who fettled all marriages, and none were
ever executed without their confent. When a fon arrived at an age
capable of bearing the charges of that ftate, which in men was from
the age of twenty to twenty-two years, and in women from fixteen
to eighteen, a fuitable and proper wife was fingled out for him ; but
before the union was concluded on, the diviners were confulted, who,
after having confidered the birtii-day of the youth,, and of the young
girl intended for his bride, decided on the happinefs or unhappiniefs of
the match. If from the combination of figns attending their births,
they pronounced the alliance unpropitious, that young maid was aban-
doned, and another fought. If, on the contrary, they predidled hap-
pinefs to the couple, the young girl was demanded of her parents by
certain women amongfl them called Cihuatianquc, or folicitors, who
were the moft elderly and refpeftable amongfl the kindred of the youths
Thefe women went the firft time at midnight to the houfe of the dam-
fel, carried a prefent to her parents, and demanded her of them in a.
humble and refpeótful ftyle. The firft demand, was, according to tlie.
cuflom of that nation, infallibly refufed, however advantageous and
eligible the marriage might appear to the parents, who gave Ibme plau-
fible reafons for their refufil. After a few days were pafl, thofe wo-
men returned to repeat their demand, ufing prayers and arguments alfo,
in order to obtain theii" requeft, giving an account of die rank and
fortune of the youtli, and of what he would make the dowry of his
wife, and alfo gaining information of that which, llie could bring to
the match on her part. The parents replied to this feconJ requeii:,
(»/) In the ivth book, tit. 2. of the third provincial council of Mexico, it is fiippofcd that
ihc Gentiles of that new world married with their fillers ; but it oiijht to be iinderlluoJ, that'
the Zeal of thofc fathers uas not confined in. its exertions to the nations of the Mexican em-
pire, aitioiiglì wliom fiich mariagcs were not fufTercd, but extended to the barbarous Clicchc-
iiv.xas, the I'anuchefe, and to other nations, which were extremely- uncivilized in their cuf-
toms. There is not a doubt, that the council alluded to thofc barbarians, who were then (in
1 5.-: 5), in the pro^;refs of their coinerfioii to Chrii'tianity, and not to the Mexic.ins and the na-
tion'; under fubjcllion to them, who many years before the council were already converted,
rxfides, in the interval of four years, between the conqucrt of the Spani irJs and the |!r inul-
j'lition of the gofpcl, many -.ibufive practices liad been introduced among thofc nations never
btfure tylera;u4jjndcr (heir kings, .ns the religious milfionaiics cinpl-jycd in their co.Tvcrfion
stte.l.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
that it was neceflary to confaU their relations and ccnnedtions, and to
find out the inclinations of their daughter, before they could come to
any refolation. Thefe female folicitors returned no more ; as the pa-
rents themfelves conveyed, by means of other women of their liindred,
a dccifive anfwer to the party.
A favourable anfwer being at lafl obtained, and a day appointed for
the nuptials, the parents, after exhorting their daughter to fidelity
and obedience to her hufband, and to fuch a conduft in life as would
do honour to her fjmily, conduóled her with a numerous company and
mufic, to the houfe of her father-in-law ; if noble, flie was carried in
a litter. Tlie bridegroom, and the father and mother-in-law, received
her at the gate of the houfe, with four torches borne by four women.
At meeting, the bride and bridegroom reciprocally offered incenfe to
each other; then the bridegroom taking the bride by the hand, led
her into the hall, or chamber which was prepared for the nuptials.
They botii fate down upon a new and curioufly wrought mat, which
was fpread in the middle of the chamber, and clofe to the fire whicii
w-as kept lighted. Then a prieft tied a point of the buepilH, of gown
of the bride, with the tilmatU, or mantle of the bridegroom, and in
this ceremony the matrimonial contradl* chiefly confifted. The wife
now made fome turns round the fire, and then returning to her mat,
flie, along with her hufband, offered copal to their gods, and exchang-
ed prefents with each other. The repafl followed next. The mar-
ried pair eat upon the mat, giving mouthfuls to each other alternately
and to the guefls in their places. When thofe who had been invited
were become exhilarated with wine, which was freely drank on Ilich
occafions, they went out to dance in the yard of the houfe, while the
married pair remained in the chamber, from which, during four days,
they never flirred, except to obey the calls of nature, or to go to the
oratory at midnight to burn incenfe to the idols, and to make obla-
tions of eatables. They pafied thefe four days in prayer and failing,
drefled in new habits, and adorned with certain enfigns of the gods of
their devotion, without proceeding to any ad: of lefs decency, fearing
that otherwife the punifliment of heaven would fall upon them. Their
beds on thefe nights were two mats of rulhes, covered with fmall
Iheets, with certain feathers, and a gem of Chalchihiiitl in the middle
of
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
of them. At the four corners of the bed green canes and fpines of the
aloe were laid, with which they were to draw blood from their tongues
and their ears in honour of their gods. The priefts were the perfons
who adjufted the bed to fanólify the marriage; but we know nothing
of the myftery of the canes, the feathers, and the gem. Until the
fourth night the marriage was not conkimmated; they believed it would
have proved unlucky, if they had anticipated the period of confum-
mation. The morning after they bathed themfelves and put on new
drefl'es, and thofe who had been invited, adorned their heads with
white, and their hands and feet with red feathers. The ceremony was
concluded by making prefents of dreiles to the guells, which were pro-
portioned to the circumftances of the married pair ; and on that fame
day they carried to the temple the mats, fhcets, canes, and the eatables
which had been prefented to the idols.
The forms which we have defcribed, in the marriages of the Mexi-
cans were not fo univerfal through the empire, but that fome provinces
obferved other peculiarities. In Ichcatlan, whoever was defirous of
marrying prefented himfelf to the priefts, by whom he was condudled
to the temple, where they cut oft' a part of his hair before the idol
which was worlhipped there, and then pointing him out to the people,
they began to exclaim, faying, this man iv'ijhes to take a wife. Then
they made him defcend, and take the firft free woman he met, as
the one whom heaven deftined to him. Any woman who did not like
to have him for a huft)and, avoided coming near to the temple at that
time, that fhe might not fubjeft herfelf to the neceflity of marrying
him : this marriage was only fingular therefore in the mode of feeking
for a wife.
Among the Otomies, it was lawful to ufe any free woman before
they married her. When any perfon was about to take a wife, if on
the firft night he found any thing about his wife which was difagree-
able to him, he was permitted to divorce her the next day ; but if he
ihcvved himfelf all that day content with having her, he could not af-
terwards abandon her. The contrad: being thus ratified, the p?.ir re-
tired to do penance for paft offences twenty or thirty day?, during
which period they abftained from moft of the pleafures of the fenfes,
drew blood from themfelves, and frequently bathed.
Vol. I. T t Among
322
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK-\-l. Among the Miztecas, befides the ceremony of tying the married.
' "^ ' D.iir to-ether by the end of their garments, they cut off a part of their
hair, and the hufband carried his wife for a little time upon his back.
They permitted polygamy in the Mexican empire. The kings and
lords had numerous wives ; but it is probable, that they obferved all the
ceremonies with their principal wives only, and that v/ith the refi the
effential rite of tying their garments together was fufficient.
The Spanifii theologifts and canoiiifts, who went to Mexico imme-
diately after the conqueft, being unacquainted with the culloms of
tliofe people, raifed doubts about their marriages ; but v/hen they had
learnt the language, and properly examined that and other points of
importance, they acknov/ledged fuch marriages to be juft and lawful.
Pope Paul III. and the provincial council of Mexico, ordered, in
conformity to the facred canons, and the ufage of the church, that all
thofe who were v.'illing to embrace Chriftianicy, fljould keep no other
wife but the one whom they had firft married.
Sect. However fuperftitious the Mexicans were in other matters, in the
Funein/^' = ""^^^^ Vvhich they cbferved at funerals they exceeded themfelves. As foon
as any perfon died, certain maflers of funeral ceremonies were called,
who were generally men advanced in years. They cut a number of
pieces of paper, with which they dreffed the dead body, and took a
glafs of water witli wdiich they fprinkled the head, laying, that that
was the water ufed in the time of their life. They then drelTed it in
a habit fuitable to the rank, the wealth, and the circumftances attend-
ing the death of the party. If the deceafed had been a warrior, they
clothed him in the habit of Fluitzilopochtli; if a merchant, in that
of Jacatuctli ; if an artift, in that of the protecting god of his art or,
trade : one who had been drowned was drefled in the habit of TIaloc j
ore who had been executed for adulteiy, in tliat of Tlazolteotl; and a
drunkard in the habit of Tezcatzoncatl, god of wine. In liiort, as
Gomara has well obferved, t!iey wore more garments after they were
dead than while they were living.
. With the habit they gave the dead a jug of water, which was to
ferve on the journey to the other world, and alfo at fuccefllve different
times, different pieces of paper, mentioning the ufe of each. On con-
figning the firfl piece to the dead, they faid : By means of this you 'will
H I S T O R Y O F AI E X I e O. 323
,fafs ivithont danger bcticeen the two mountains ivhich f.gbt againjl each book VI.
other. With the fccond they ilxid : By rmans of this you will walk
without obJiruSlim along the road which is defended by the great ferpent .
With the third : By this you will go fecurely through the place, where
there is the crocodile Xochitonal, The fourth was a fafe pafTport through
the eight deferts j the fifth tlirough the eight hills ; and the fixth was
given in order to pafs without hurt through the iliarp wind ; for
they pretended tliat it was neceikiry to pafs a place called Itzehccajan,
where a wind blew fo violently as to tear up rocks, and fo fharp that
it cut like a knife ; on which account they burned all the habits which
the deceafed had worn during life, their arms, and fome houlliold
goods, in order that the heat of this fire might defend them from the
cold of that terrible wind.
One of the chief and moft ridiculous ceremonies at funerals was the
killing a techichi, a domellic quadruped, which we have already men-
tioned, refembling a little dog, to accompany the deceafed in their jour-
ney to the other world. They fixed a firing about its neck, believ-
ing that nsceflary to enable it to pafs the deep river of Chiu/mahuapan,
or New Waters. They buried the techichi, or burned it along with the
body of its mader, according to the kind of death of which he died.
Wliile the mailers of the ceremonies were lighting up the fire in which
the body was to be burned, the other priefls kept finging in a melan-
choly firrain. After burning the body, they gathered the arties in an
earthen pot, amongfl which, according to the circumftances of the de-
ceafed, they put a gem of more or lefs value ; which they faid would
ferve him in place of a heart in the other world. They buried this
earthen pot in a deep ditch, and fourfcore days after made oblations of
bread and wine over it.
Such were the funeral rites of the common people ; but at the death
of kings, and that of lords, or perfons of high rank, fome peculiar
forms were obferved that are wortiiy to be mentioned. When the king
fell fick, fays Gomara, they put a maili on the idol of Huitzilopochtli,
and alio one on the idol of fezcatlipoca, which they never took off
until the king was either dead or recovered ; but it is certain, that the
idol of Huitzilopochtli had always two mafks, not one. As foon as a
king of Mexico happened to die, his death was pubiilhed in great
T t 2 form.
J24
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK VI. form, and all the lords wlio refided at court, and alfo thofe who wei:e
but a little diftant from it were informed of the event, in order that
they might be prefent at the funeral. In the mean time they laid the royal
corpfe upon beautiful curioufly wrought mats, v/hich was attended
and watched by his domellics. Upon the fourth or fifth day after,
when the lords were arrived, who brought with them rich dreffes,
beautiful feathers, and flaves to be prefented, to add to the pomp of
the funeral, they clothed the corpfe in fifteen, or more, very fine habits
of cotton of various colours, ornamented it with gold, filver, and
gems, hung an emerald at the under lip, which was to ferve in place
of a heart, covered the face with a mafli, and over the habits were
placed the enfigns of that god, in whofe temple or area the afiies were
to be buried. They cut off fome of the hair, which, together with
fome more which had been cut off in the infancy of the king, they
preferved in a little box, in order to perpetuate, as they laid, the me-
mory of the deceafed. Upon the box they laid an image of the deceafed,
made of wood, or of ftone. Then they killed the flave who was his
chaplain, who had had the care of his oratory, and all that belonged
to the private worlhip of his gods, in order that he might ferve him
in the fame office in the other world.
The funeral procefiion came next, accompanied by all the relations
of the deceafed, the whole of the nobility, and the wives of the late
king, who teftified their forrow by tears and other demonffrations of
grief. The nobles carried a great ftandard of paper, and the royal arms
and enfigns. The priefts continued finging, but without any mufical
inftrument. Upon their arrival at the lower area of the temple, the
high-prieft, together with their fervants, came out to meet the royal
corpfe, which, without delay, they placed upon the funeral pile,,
which was prepared there for that purpofe of odoriferous refinous woods,
together with a large quantity of copal, and other aromatic fubftances.
While the royal corpfe, and all its habits, the arms and enfigns were
burning, they facrificed at the bottom of the ftairs of the temple a
great number of flaves of thofe which belonged to the deceafed, and
alfo of thofe which had been prefented by the lords. Along with the.
flaves, they likewife facrificed fome of the irregularly formed m^en, whom
the king had colleded in his palaces for his entertainment, in order
that
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
325
that they might give him the fame pleafure in the other world; and BOOK vr.
for the fame reafon they ufed alfo to facrihce fome of his wives («), * '■
The number of the vidtims was proportioned to the grandeur of the fune-
ral, and amounted fometimes, as feveral hillorians affirm, to twohundred.
Among the other facrifices the techichi was not omitted ; they were
firmly perfuaded, that without fuch a guide it would be impoffible to
get througli fome dangerous ways whicli led to the other world.
The day following the aihes v/ere gathered, and the teeth which re-
mained entire; they fought carefully for the emerald which had been
hung to the under lip, and the whole were put into the box with the
hair, and they depoiited the box in the place deflined for his fepulchre.
The four following days they made oblations of eatables over the fe-
pulchre ; on the fifth, they facrificed fome flaves, and alfo fome others
on the twentieth, fortieth, fixtieth, and eightieth day after. From
that time forward, they facrificed no more human viftims ; but every
year they celebrated tiie day of the funeral with facrifices of rabbits,
butterflies, quails, and other birds, and with oblations of bread, wine,
copal flowers, and certain little reeds filled with aromatic fubflances,
which they called acajetl. This anniverfary was held for four years.
The bodies of the dead were in general burned ; they buried the bo-
dies entire of thofe only who had been drowned, or had died of dropfv,
and fome other difeafes ; but what was the reafon of thcfe exceptions
we knov/ not.
There was no fixed place for burials. Many ordered their aflies to sect xr
be buried near to fome temple or altar, fome in the fields, and others Their fepuU
chrcs.
in thofe facred places of the mountains where facrifices ufed to be
ilìade. The afhes of the kings and lords, v/ere, for the mofl part, de-
pofited in the towers of the temples (0), efpecially in thofe of the
(«; Acofla fnys (lib. v. cap. 8.) that :it the funerals of lords, all the members of his fa-
mily were nicrificcd. But tliis is grolly falle and in itfclf incredible ; for had this been the
late, the nobles of Mexico would have foon been exterminated. There is no record in the
niltory of Mexico, that at ihc death of tlic king' of Mexico, any of his brothers were liicri-
ficed, as this author would Intimate. How ii it pofTulc they could praftife fuch cruelty when
the new king was ufually elci'lcd from among the brothers of the dcceafed.
(p) Soils, in his f lillory of the Conquert of Mexico, alhrnis, that the aflies of the kings
were depoiited in Chapoltepec ; but this is falfe, and contradicts the report of the conqueror
Cortes, whofc panegyric be wrote, of Ecrnal Dias, and other eye-witneflcs of the contrary.
greater
320 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O
BOOK VI. pTcater temple. Cloie to Teotihuacan, where there were many tem-
ples, there were alio innumerable fepulchres. The tombs of thofe
whofe bodies had been buried entire, agreeable to the teftimony of the
anonymous conc.ueror who faw them, were deep ditches, formed with
ftone and lime, within which they placed the bodies in a fitting pof-
fare upon icpalH, or low feats, together with the inftruments of their
art or profeillon. If it was the, fepulchre of any military perfon, they
laid a Ihield and fword by him ; it of a woman, a fpindle, a weaver's
fliuttle, and a xicalli, which was a certain naturally formed veffel, of
which we filali fay more hereafter. In the tombs of the rich they put
gold and jewels, bnt ail were provided with eatables for the long jour-
ney which they had to make. The Spanifh conquerors, knov.'ing of
the gold which was buried with the Mexican lords in their tombs,
dug up feveral, and found confiderable quantities of that precious me-
tal. Cortes fay in his letters, that at one entry which he made into
the capital, when it was befieged by his army, his foldiers found fif-
teen hundred CaJieUanos (pj, that is, two hundred and forty ounces of
gold, in one fepulchre, which was in the tower of a temple. The
anonymous conqueror fays alfo, that he was prefent at the digging up
of another fepulchre, from which they took about three thouland Caf-
lellanos.
The caves of the mountains were the fepulchres of the ancient
Chechemecas j but, as they grew m.ore civilized, they adopted in tills
and other rites, the culloms of the Acolhuan nation, which were
nearly the fame with thofe of the Mexicans.
The Miztecas retained in part the ancient ufage of the Chechemecas,
but in fome things they were fingular in their cuftoms. When any
of their lords fell lick, they offered prayers, vows, and facrifices for
the recovery of his health. If it was reflored, they made great re-
joicings. If he died, they continued to fpeak of him as if he was
ftill alive, and conduced one of his flaves to the corpfc, drefled him
in the habits of his mafter, put a maflc upon his face, and for one
whole day, paid him all the honours which they had ufed to render to
{p) The Spauifli goldfmiths divide the pound weight of gold into two Marchi, or into fix-
teen ounces, or a hundred Cajlellams ; confequently, an ounce contains i>\ Cajlellanos.
the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
327
the deceafed. At midnight, four priefts carried the corpfe to be buried BOOK vi.
in a wood, or in lome cavern, particularly in that one where they be-
lieved the gate of paradile was, and at their return they facrificed the
flave, and laid him, with all the ornaments of his tranfitory dignity,
in a ditch ; but without covering, him with earth.
Every year they held a feflival in honour of their laft lord, on which
they celebrated his birth, not his death, for of it they never fpoke.
The Zapotecas, their neighbours embalmed the body of the prin-
cipal lord of their nation. Even from the time of the firft Cheche-
mecan kings aromatic preparations were in ule among thofe nations to
preferve dead bodies from fpeedy corruption ; but we do not know
that theie were very frequent.
We have now communicated all that we know concerning the reli-
gion of the Mexicans. The v/eaknefs of their worfliip, the fuperlli-
tion of their rites, the cruelty of their facrifices, and the rigour of
their auflerities, will the more forcibly manifeft to their defcendants,.
the advantages which are derived from a mild, challe, and pure reli-
gion, and will difpofe them to thank eternally the Providence which
has enlightened them, while their ancefcors were left to perifh in dark-
nefs and error.
COOK
[ 3^^§ 3
BOOK VII.
"The political and military Government of the Mexicans, that Is, the
Kings, Lords, Electors, Amhafjadors, Dignities, and Magijirates ;
the Judges, Laws, and Pimljlnnents ; the Military Force ; Agriculture,
Cbacc, Fljhlng, and Commerce ; the Games ; the Drefs, Food, and
Hoiijloold Fwitlture ; the Language, Poetry, Mufic, and T)anàng -,
Medicine, Hljlory, and Painting; Sculpture, Mojalc Works, and
Cajllng of Metals ; Architecture, and other Arts of that Nation.
BOOK vn. -|- ]^^ ji^g public as well as private ceconomy of the Mexicans, the
\ traces which remain of their political difcernment, of their zeal for
juftice, and love of the public good, would meet with little credit,
were they not confirmed both by the evidence of their pr.hitiiigs, and
the atteflations of many faithful and impartial authors, wlio were eye-
.witneiTes of a great part of that which they have written. Thofc who
are weak enough to imagine they can know the ancient Mexicans in
their defcendants, or from the nations of Canada and Louiiiana, will
be apt to confider the account we are to give of their refinement, their
laws, and their arts, as fables invented by the Spaniards. But chat we
may not violate the laws of hiftory, nor the fidelity due to the public,
we fliall candidly fet forth all that which we have found to be authen-
tic, without any apprehenfion of cenfure.
Ik' I The education of youth, which is the chief fupport of a ftate, and
which befl unfolds the charafter of every nation, was amongft the
Mexicans of fo judicious a nature as to be of itfelf fufficient to retort
the fupercilious contempt of certain critics upon themfelves, who be-
lieve the empire of reafon to be circumfcribed to the boundaries of Eu-
rope. In whatever we fay on this fubjedl we fliall be guided by the
paintings of thofe nations, and their befl informed hiflorians.
Sect. I. Nothing, fays F. Acofla, has furprifed me more, or appeared more
the Mexican worthy of memory and praife, than the care and method which the
^°"*- Q Mexicans
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 329
Mexicans obferved in the tuition of youth. It would be difficult, in- \book VII.
deed, to find a nation that has bellowed more attention on a point fo "'"
important to every ftate. It is true, they mixed luperllitlon with their
precepts ; but the zeal they manifefted for the education of their chil-
dren, upbraids the negligence of our modern fathers of families; and
many of the leflbns which they taught to their youth might ferve as
inftru^ftion to ours. All the Mexican children, even thofe of the
royal family, were fuckled by their own parents. If the mother was
prevented from doing this by ficknefs, flie did not employ a nurfe till
Ihe was well informed both of her condition in life, and the quality of
her milk. They were acculfomed from infancy to endure hunger,
heat, and cold. When they attained five years of age, they were either
configned to the priefts, in order that they might be brought up in
the feminaries, which was the general praótice with the children of
nobles, and even with thofe of the kings themfelves ; or if they were
to be educated at home, their parents began at that period to inftrudt
them in the worfliip of their gods, and to teach them the forms by
which they were to pray and implore their protedtion. They were
led frequently to the temple, that they might become attached to reli"
gion. An abhorrence of vice, a modefty of behaviour, refpeél to fu-'
periors, and love of fatigue, were flrongly inculcated. They were even
made to flcep upon a mat ; and were given no more food than the necef-
fities of life required, nor any other clothing than that which decency
demanded. When they arrived at a certain age, they were inflruóted in
the ufe of arms, and if their parents belonged to the army, they were
led to the wars along with them, that they might learn the military art,
and to banirii fear from their minds, by habituating themfelves to danger.
If their parents were hulbandmen, or artifts, they taught their children
their own profefiion. Girls were learned to fpin and weave, and ob-
liged to bathe frequently, that they might be always healthy and cleanly,
and tlie univerfal maxim was to keep the young of both fexes con-
flantly employed.
One of the precepts moft warmly inculcated to youth was, truth
in their words ; and whenever a lie was detcdled, the lip of the de-
linquent was pricked with the thorns of the aloe. They tied the
feet of girls who were too fond of walking abroad. Tiie fon, w -o
Vol. I. U u
was
Sect. II.
Explanation
of the feven
K'e^-ican
paintings on
education.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
was difobedlent or quarrelfome, Avas beat with nettle?, or received pu-
nifliment in fome other manner proportioned, according to their judg-
ment, with the fault he had committed.
' The fvftem of education agreeable to which the Mexicans trained up
their children, and the conftant attention with which they watched
their actions, may be traced in the feven paintings of the colleélion of
Mendoza, included between the numbers forty-nine and fifty- feven.
In thefe are expreffed the quantity and quality of the food, which was
allowed them, the employments in which they were occupied, and
the punjlliments by which their vices were corrected. In the fiftieth
painting is reprefented a boy of four years, who is employed, by. his.
parents in fome things that are eafy to do, in order to inure him to fa-
tigue i another of five years, who accompanies liis father to market,
carrying a little bundle on his back ; a girl of the fame age who begins
to learn to fpin j and another boy of fix years whofe father employs
him to pick up the ears of maize, which happen to lie on the ground
in the market-place.
In the fifty-firfi: painting are drawn a father who teaches his fon of
{even years of age to fifh ; ai^d a mother, who teaches her daughter of:
the fame age to fpin ; fome boys of eight years, who are threatened with
punifliment if they do not do their duty ; a lad of nine years, whofe
tather pricks feveral parts of his body, in order to corred: his^ indoci-
lity of teniper ; and a girl of the fame age, whofe mother only pricks
her hands j a lad and a girl of ten years, whofe parents beat them with
a rod, becaiife they refufe to do that which they are ordered.
The fifty-fecond painting reprefents two lads of eleven years, who,-
not being amended by other punifliments, are made by their fathers
to receive the fmoke of Chilli, or great pepper up their nofe j a lad
of twelve years, whofe father, in order to punifli him for his faults,
keeps him a whole day tied upon a dunghill, and a wench of the fame
age v>hofe mother makes her walk, during the night, all over the
houfe and part of the flreets ; a lad of thirteen years, whofe father makes
him guide a little vefiel laden with rufhes -, and a wench of the fame
age grinding maize by order of her mother ; a youth of fourteen years
employed by his father in filhing, and a young woman fet to v/eave
by her mother.
In
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 331
In the fifty-third painting, are reprefented two youths of fifteen BOOK vi.
years, the one configned by his father to a prieft, to be inflrudted in
the rites of reHgion ; the other to the Achcaubtìì, or officer of the nii-
litii, to be inftriidled in the inihtary art. The fifty-fourth, lliews the
youth of the feminaries employed by their fuperiors in fweeping the
temple, and in carrying branches of trees and herbs to adorn the fanc-
tuarics, wood for the ftoves, rufhes to make feats, and ftones and lime
to repair the temple. In this fame painting, and in the fifty-fifth, the
ditferent punilhme.its inflicted on youth, who have committed trcfpaf-
fes, by their fuperiors, are alfo reprefented. One of them pricks a
youth witli the fpines of the aloe for having negledted his duty : two
priefts throw burning firebrands on the head of another youth, for hav-
ing been caught in familiar difcourfe with a young woman. They
prick the body of another with iharp pine ftakes, and another for dif-
obedience is punilhed by having his hair burned. Laflly, is exhibited
a youth carrying the baggage of a prieft, who goes along with the
army to encourage the foldiers in war^ and to perform certain fuperfl'i-
tious ceremonies.
Tiieir children were bred to ftand fo much in awe of their parent's,
that even when grown up and married, they hardly durft fpeak before
them. In Hiort, the niflruiftions and advice which they received
were of luch a nature, that I cannot difpenfe with tranfcribing forne
of the exhortations employed by them, the knowledge of which was
obtained from the Mexicans themfelves by the firll religious miiilon-
aries who were employed in their converlion, particularly Motolinia,
Olmos, and Sahagun, wlio acquired a perfedl knowledge of the Mexi-
can language, and made the mofi: diligent inquiry into their manners
and cuftoms.
" My fon," faid tlie Mexican father, " who art come into the light s e c t. ir .
" from the womb of thy mother like the chicken from the eg?:, arid 'i^cc.'jhoita-
1111 """^ °' ''
*' like it art preparing to fly through the world, we know not how iMcxkan to
" long heaven will grant to us the enjoyment of that precious gem "^ ''"'•
" which we pofiefs in thee j but, however Ihort the period, endeavour
" to live exactly, praying God continually to aflift thee. He created
" thee J i!iou art his property. He is thy Father, and loves thee (till
" more tlian I do ; repofe in him thy thoughts, and day and nigiit di-
U u 2 " rea
V
332 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VT. " re(5l thy fighs to him. Reverence and falute thy elders, and hold
' " no one in contempt. To the poor and the diftrefled b- not dumb,
*' but rather ufe words of comfort. Honour all perfons, particularly
*' thy parents, to whom thou owed; obedience, refpedl, and fervice.
" Guard againft imitating the example of thofe wicked fons, who, like
" brutes that are deprived of reafon, neither reverence their parents, lif-
" ten to their inflruiftion, nor fubmit to their corredtion ; becaufe, who--
*' ever follows their fteps will have an unhappy end, will die in a dcfperate
•' or fudden manner, or will be killed and devoured by wild beafts.
" Mock not, my fon, the aged or the imperfedl. Scorn not him
" v/hom you fee fall into fome folly or tranfgrelTion, nor make him re-
•' proaches j but reftrain thyfelf, and beware left thou fall into the
" fame error which offends thee in another. Go not where thou art
" not called, nor interfere in that which does not concern thee. En-
*' deavour to manifeft thy good breeding in all thy words and adiions.
** In converfation do not lay thy hands upon another, nor fpeak too
" much, nor interrupt or difturb another's difcourfe. If thou heareft
** any one talking fooliflily, and it is not thy bufmefs to correft him,
" keep filence j but if it does concern thee, confider firfl what thou art
^* to fay, and do not fpeak arrogantly, that thy corredion may be well
(St
recei
ived.
" When any one difcourfes with thee, hear him attentively, and
*' hold thyfelf in an eafy attitude ; neither playing with thy feet, nor
** putting thy mantle to thy mouth, nor fpitting too often, nor look-
" ing about you here and there, nor riling up frequently if thou art
" fitting; for fuch adlions are indications of levity and low-breeding.
" When thou art at table do not eat voracioufly, nor fliew thy dif-
** pleafure if any thing difpleafes thee. If anyone comes unexpededly
" to dinner with thee, fiiare with him what thou haft; and when any
" perfon is entertained by thee, do not fix thy looks upon him.
" In walking, look where thou goeft, that thou mayft not pufh a-
" gainft any one. If thou feeft another coming thy way, go a little
" afide to give him room to pafs. Never ftep before thy elders, un-
•• lefs it be necefi^ary, or that they order thee to do fo. When thou
" fitteft at table with them, do not eat or drink before them, but attend
** to them in a becoming manner, that thou mayft merit their favour.
«' When
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
" When they give thee any thing, accept it with tokens of grati-
" tude : it the prelent is great, do not become vain or fond of it. If
*' the gilt is hnail do not delpil'e it, iior be pruvokcJ, nor occafion dif-
*• plealure to them who lavour thee. If thou becomeft rich, do not
" grow infolent, jior Icotn the poor; for thofe very gods who deny
" riches to others in order to give tliem to thee, offended by thy pride,
•' will take them from thee again to give to others. Support thy-
*' felf by thy own labours j ibr then thy food will be fweeter. I, my
" fon, have fuppoitcd thee hitherto with my fweat, and have omitted
" no duty of a father ; I have provided thee with every thing necef-
" fary, without taking it from others. Do thou fo likewife.
" Never tell a falfehood ; becaufc a lie is a heinous fin. When it
" is necelfary to communicate to another what has been imparted to
" thee, te:l the fimple truth without any addition. Speak ill of no-
" body. Do not take notice of the failings which thou obferveft in
" others, if thou art not called upon to correft them. Be not a news-
'• carrier, nor a fower of difcord. When thou beareft any embaffy, and
" he to whom it is borne is enraged, and Ipeaks contemptuoufly of thofe
*' who fent thee, do not report fuch an anfwer, but endeavour to fof-
" ten him, and diflemble as much as poflible that which thou heardil:,
" that thou mayeft not raife difcord and fpread calumny of which
" thou mayefl: afterwards repent.
" Stay no Ioniser than is neceffary in the market-place ; for in fuch
" places there is the greateft danger of contracting vices.
" When thou art offered an employment, imagine that the propofal
" is made to try thee ; then accept it not haftily, although thou knowefl
" thyfelf more fit than others to exercife it; but excufe thyfelf until
** thou art obliged to accept it ; thus thou wilt be more efleemed.
" Be not diffolute ; becaufe thou wilt thereby incenfe the gods, and
•* they will cover thee with infimy. Reftrain thyfelf, my fon, as thou
" art yet young, and wait until the girl, whom the gods delHne ibr
" thy wife, arrive at a fuitable age : leave that to their care, as tliey
" know how to order every thing properly. When the time for tliy
" marriage is come, dare not to make it without the confent of thy
** parents, othcrwife it will have an unhappy iffue.
" Steal not, nor give diyfclf up to gaming; otherwife thou wilt be
** a difgrace to thy parents, whom thou ought rather to honour for
" the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
" the education they have given ihee. If thou v/ilt be virtuous, thy
" example will put the wicked to fliame. No more, my fon; enougli
" has been fiiid in dilcharge of the duties of a father. With thefe
" counfels I wifli to fortify thy mind. Refufe them not, nor a6t in
" contradidion to them j for on them thy life, and all thy happinefs,
" depend."
Sect. IV. Such Were the inftruftions which the Mexicans frequently inculcated
Exhoi-tation j-q tlicir fous. Huibandmen and merchants gave their fons other ad-
ot a fllexican _ _ '^
mother to her vice regarding their particular profeffion, which we, however, omit,
■*"S ter. ^^j. ^^ prove tedious to our readers ; but I cannot difpenfe with tran-
fcribing one of the exhortations made ufe of by mothers to their daugh-
ters, as it illuftrates their mode of education and manners.
" My daughter," laid the mother, " born of my fubftance, brougiit
** forth with my pains, and nouriflied with my milk, I have endea-
" voured to bring thee up with the greatell: poliible care, and thy
" father has wrought and polilhed thee like an emerald, that thou
" mayeft appear in the eyes of men a jewel of virtue. Strive ;.l-
" ways to be good ; for otherwife who will have thee for a wife ì thou
" wilt be rejedted by every one. Life is a thorny laborious path, and
" it is neceflary to exert all our powers to obtain the goods which. the
** gods are willing to yield to us ; we mufi; not therefore be lazy or
" negligent, but diligent in every thing. Be orderly and take pains
-*' to manage the oeconomy of thy houle. Give water to thy hulband
" for his hands, and make bread for thy family. Wherever thou goell:,
*' go with modefly and compofure, without hurrying thy fleps, or
" laughing with thofe whom thou meeteft, neither fixing thy looks
" upon them, nor cafting thy eyes thoughtleQy, firft to one lide,
" and then to another, that thy reputation may not be iullied ; but
*' give a courteous anfvver to thofe who falute and put any quefiion
" to thee.
" Employ tbyfelf diligently in fpinning and weaving, inlewingand
•" embroidering ; for by thefe arts thou wilt gain efleem, and all
" the neceffaries of food and clothing. Do not give thyfelf too
" much to (leep, nor feek the Ihade, but go in the open air and there
" repofe thyfelf j for effeminacy brings along with it idlenefs and
^' other vices.
" In
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 335
" In whatever thou doeft, encourage not evil thoughts ; but at- eook ^'II.
" tend folely to the fervice of the gods ; and the giving comfort to
" thy parents. If thy father or thy mother calls thee, do not (lay to be
" called twice; but go inftantly to know their pleafure, that thou
" mayfl: not diibblige them by flownefs. Return no infolent anfwers,
" nor fhew any want of compliance ; but if tliou canfl not do what they
*' command, make a modell excufe. If another is called and does not
" come quickly ; come thou, hear what is ordered, and do it well.
" Never offer thyfelf to do that which thou canfl; not do. Deceive
" no perfon, for the gods fee all thy adions. Live in peace with every
" body, and love every one fincerely and honefl;ly, that thou mayefl; be
" beloved by them in return.
*' Be not greedy of the goods which thou hafl. If thou feefl: any
" tiling prefented to another, give way to no mean fufpicions ; for the
"■ gods, to whom every good belongs, difl:ribute every thing as they
" pleafe. If thou woulalt avoid the difplcafure of others, let none
" meet with it from thee.
" Guard againfl: improper familiarities with men ; nor yield to the.
" guilty wilhes of thy heart; or thou wilt be the reproach of thy fa-
" mily, and will pollute thy mind as mud does water. Keep not com-
'^pany with diffolute, lying, or idle women; otherwife they will in-
" tallibly infeft thee by their example. Attend upon thy family, and.do
" not go on flight occaflons out of thy houfe, nor be fecn wandering .
" through the fl:reets, or in the market-place ; for in fuch places thou .
" wilt meet thy ruin. Remember that vice, like a poifonous herb, ,
'^brings death to thofe wb.o talle it; and when it once harbours in
" the mind it is dilHcult to expel it. If in palling through the flreets
" thou meetcfl: with a forward youth who appears agreeable to tii^e, ,
'* give him no corrclpDndence, . but diflemble and pafs on. If he lays
" any thing to thee, take no heed of him nor his words; and if
" he follows thee, turn not your face about to look at him, Icfl: that
" might inflame his paflion more. If thou behavefl: fo, he will foon .
" turn and let thee proceed in peace.
" Enter not, without fome urgent motive, into another's houfe,
"^ thit nothing may be either faid or thought injurious to thy lionour ;
•' but if thou cnterell into the houfe of tliv relations, falute them with-
" refpedt
3
6 HISTORYOF MEXICO.
BOOp: vir. " refpefl and do not remain idle, but inimediately take up a fpindle to
^"^ '^ "' " fpin, or do any other thing that occurs,
" When thou art married, relpeól thy huihand, obey him, and dili-
" gently do what he commands thee. Avoid incurring liis diipleallire,
" nor fliew thyfelf pailionate or ill-natured ; but receive him fondly
" to thy arms, even if he is poor and lives at thy expence. If thy
*' hufband occafions thee any difguft, let him not know thy difpleafare
" when he commands thee to do any thing ; but difleiiible it at that
" time, and afterwards tell him with gentlcnefs what vexed thee,
" that he may be won by thy mildnefs and offend thee no farther.
" Di (honour him not before others ; for thou alfo wouldfl: be difho-
" noured. If any one comes to vilit thy hufband, accept the vilit
" kindly, and Ihevv all the civility thou canft. If thy huihand is
*' foolilh, be thou difcreet. If he fails in the management of wealth,
" admonifli him of his failings ; but if he is totally incapable of tak-
" ing care of his eftate, take that charge upon thyfelf, attend carefully
" to his pofleflions, and never omit to pay the workmen pundually.
" Take care not to lofe any thing through negligence.
" Embrace, my daughter, the counfel which I give thee; I am al-
" ready advanced in life, and have had futiicient dealings with the
" world. I am thy mother, I wifli that thou mayefl live well. Fix
*' my precepts in thy heart and boivels, for then thou wilt live happy.
*' If, by not liflening to me, or by negledting my inflrudtions any mif-
" fortunes befall thee, the fault will be thine, and the evil alfo. Enough,
" my child. May the gods profper thee."
S « c T. V ^ot contented with fuch inftrucflions and domeftic education, the
Public Mexicans fent their children to public fchools, which were clofe to
feminaries. the temples, where they v/ere inlfrufted for three years in religion and
good cuftoms. Befides this, almoft all the inhabitants, particularly
the nobles, took care to have their children brought up in the femi-
naries belonging to the temples, of which there were many in the cities
of the Mexican empire, for boys, youths, and young women. Thofe
of the boys and young men were governed by priefts, who were Iblely
devoted to their education ; thofe for young \vomen were under the
diredion of matrons equally refpeftable for their age and for their
manners. No communication between the youth of both fexes was
9 per-
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 337
permitted ; on the contrary, any tranfgrelTion of that nature was fe- BOOK vii.
verely punlfiied. There were diiliiivfl Icminaries for the nobles and
plebeians. The young nobles were employed in offices which were
rather internal, and more immediately about the fandluary, as in fweep-
ing the upper area of the temple, and in ftirring up and ittaiding to
the fires of the ftoves which ^vere before the fandtuary. The others
v/ere employed in carrying the woad which was required for the Itoves,
and the itone and liaie ufed in repairing of facred edifices, and in
other fimilar talks : both were under the direction of fuperiors and
maliers. Who inllrudted them in rehgion, hillory, pj';ìtÌ!-,r^ mafic, and
other arts aereeable to their rank and circumftancei
Tiie girls fwept tiie lower area of tlie tcaiple, rofe three times in
the night to burn copal in tlie ftoves, prepared the meats which were
daily ofi"cred to the idols, and w ove difierent kinds of cloth. They
were taught every female duty ; by which, befidcs banlfliing idlenefs
from tfiem which is fo dangerous to the age of youth, they were ha-
bituated to domeftic labours. Tht-y flept in large halls in the fight of
the matrons, who governed them, and who attended to nothing more
zealoufly than the modefty and decency of their adtions. When any male
or female pupil went to pay their refpedls to their parents, and which
cafe happened very feldom, they were not allowed to go by themfelves,
but were always accor^ipanied by other pupils and their fuperior. After
liftening for a few moments with filence and attention to the inftrudtions
and advices which their parents gave them, they returned back to the
feminary. There they were detained until the time of marriage, which,
as we have already mentioned, was with young men from the age of
twenty to twenty-two, and with girls at eighteen or fixtecn years.
When this period arrived, either the young man himfelf requefied
leave of the fuperior to go and get himfelf a wife, or, what was more
common, his parents demanded him for the fame purpofe, returning
thanks firft to the fuperior for the care he had taken of his inftrudtion.
The fuperior, upon the difmifiion which he gave at the grand fertival
©f Tezcatlipoca, to all the young men and women who were arrived
at that age, made them a difcourfc, exhorting them to a pericverancc
in virtue, and the difcharge of all the duties of the new Itate. The
virgins educated in thefe fcminaries were particularly fought after for
wives, not only on account of their principles, but likcwife of the
Vol. I. X X fiiill
338 HISTORY OF M F X t r q.
BOOK VII. fkill whicli they acquired there in the arts heloiigmg to their fex. The
'^ "^ youth v/ho when arrived at the age of t .venty-two, d'd not marry was
CiKenied to have devoted himfelf ior ever to the fervice of the tenioles,. '
and if after fuch confccration of himfelf he repented of celibacy, and
defired to marry-; he became infamous for ever, and no woman would
accept him for a hufuand. In Tlafcala, thofe who, at the age lie for
marriage, refufed taking a wife were fliaven, a mark of the higheft dif-
honour with that nation.
The fons in general learned the trades of their fathers, and embraced
their profeffions. Thus they perpetuated the arts in families to the
advantage of the ftate. The young men who were deftined to the ma-
giftracy, were condudled by their fathers to tribunals, where they heard
the laws of the kingdom explained, and obferved the praftice and forms
of judicature. In the fixtieth picture of Mendoza's colledlion, are re-
prefented four judges examining a caufe, and behind them four young
TeteuB'm, or Gentlemen, who are liftening to their decifion. The fons
of the king, and principal lords, were appointed tutors who at-
tended to their condudl, and long before they could enter into polTef-
fion of the crown, or their flate, they were entrufted with the govern-
ment of fome city, or fmaller ftate, that they might learn by degrees
the arduous tafk of governing men. This was the cuftom as early as
the time of the firfl Chechemecan kings ; for Nopaltzin, from the
time that he was crowned king of Acolhuacan, put his firft-born fon
Tlotzin in pofTefìion of the city of Tezcuco. Cuitlahuac, the laft king of
Mexico, obtained the ftate of Ixtapalapan, and the brother of Monte-
zuma that of Ehecatepec, before they afcended the throne of Mexico.
Upon this bafè of education the Mexicans fupported the fabric of their
political fyftem which we are now to unfold.
Sect. VT. From the time that the Mexicans, after the example of other neigh-
«fthe^rkW^. houring ftates, placed Acamapitzin at the head of their nation, invert-
ing him with the name, the honours, and authority of royalty, the
crown of their kingdom was made ekdlive ; for which purpofe they
created fome time after four eledtors, in whofe judgment and decifion
all the fufFrages of the nation were comprehended. Thefe were four
lords of the fird: rank of nobility, and generally of the royal blood,
pofl'efled likewile of prudence and probity adequate to the difcharge of
fb important a fundion. Their office was not perpetual ; their eleóforal
power
"-59
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O. 3.^,
power terminated with the nrft eledlion, and new eledlors were immedl- BCO:c vii.
ately nominated, or the firfl were re-chofen by the votes of the nobi- *"" ^ ^
lity. If a deficiency happened in their number before the king died,
it was fupplied by a new appointment. In the time of king Itz-
coatl, two other c^edlors were added, which were the kings of Acol-
huacan and Tacuba; but their title was merely honorary. They ufu-
ally ratified the choice which was made by the four real eledors ; but
we do not know that they ever interfered otherwife with the eledion.
That the eledtors might not be left too much at liberty, and in or-
der to prevent the inconveniencies arifing from parties and fadions,
they fixed the crown in the family of Acamapitzin ; and afterwards
eftablilhed a law, that when the king died he fhould be Tucceeded by
one of his brothers, and on failure of brothers by one of his nephews ;
or on failure of them by one of his coufins, leaving it in the option of
the eledlors to chufe among the brothers, or nephews of the decealed
king, the perfon whom they Ihould think befl qualified to govern ;
by means of which law, they avoided numerous inconveniencies that
we have already mentioned. This law was obferved from the time of
their fccond, until the time of their laft king. Huitzilihuitl, the fon
of Acamapitzin, was fucceeded by his two brothers Chimalpopoca aiid
Itzcoatl } Itzcoatl by his nephew Montezuma Ilhuicamina; Monte-
zuma by his coufin Axajacatl ; Axajacatl by his two brothers Tizoc
and Ahuitzotl ; Ahuitzotl by his nephew Montezuma II; Monte-
zuma II. by his brother Cuitlahuatzin, to whom laftly his nephew
Quauhtemotzin fucceeded. This feries of kings will appear morp
dilHndtly in the table of genealogy which we have fubjoined.
In the eledion of a king no regard was paid to the right of primo-
geniture. At the death of Montezuma I. Axajacatl was eledted in
preference to his elder brothers Tizoc and Ahuitzotl.
No new king was eledted until the funeral of his predcceflbr was Stcr. vir.
celebrated with due pomp and magnificence. As foon as the cleflion , "*?"'"{'■
r r o ^ ana ctieino-
was made, advice was fent to the kings of Acolhuacan and Tacuba, in "'^'s at the
order tliat they might confirm it, and alfo to the feudatory lords who had and un.-tiuH'*
been prefent at the funeral. Thefe two kings led the new chofea fo- "^ ''"^ *""«•
vereign to the greater temple. The feudatory lords went firit, with
the enfigns of their flates ; then the nobles of the court with the badges
X X 2 of
HISTORY OF M E X I C a.
of their dignity and offices; the two allied kings followed next, and
behind them the king eledl, ftript naked, without any covering except
the maxtlatl, tlie girdle, or large bandage, about his middle. He af-
cended the temple, refting on the arms of two nobles of the court,
where one of the high-priefts, accompanied by the mod: refpeftable
officers of the temple, received him. He worihipped the idol of Huit-
zilopochtli, touching the earth with his hand, and then carrying it to
his mouth. The high-prieft dyed his body with a certain kind of ink,
and fprinkled him four times with water which had been blefied, ac-
cording to their rite, at the grand felli vai of Huitzilopochtli, making
ufe for this purpofe of branches of cedar and willow, and the leaves
of maize. He was clothed in a mantle, on which were painted flculls
and bones of the dead, and his head was covered with two other
cloaks, one black, and the other blue, on which fimilar figures were
reprefented. They tied a Imall gourd to his neck, containing a certain
powder, which they efteemed a llrong prefervative againil; dileafes, for-
cery, and treafon. Plappy would that people be whole king could carry
about him fuch a prefervative. They put afterwards a cenier, and a
bag of copal in his hands, that he might give incenfe to tlie idol with
them. When this aét of religion was performed, during which the
king remained on his knees, the high-prieft fat down and delivered a
difcourfe to him, in which after congratulating him on his advance-
ment, he informed him of the obligation he owed his fubjedts for hav-
ing raifed him to the throne, and warmly recommended to him zeal
for religion and jullice, the protedlion of the poor, and the defence of
his native country and kingdom. The allied kings and the nobles next
addrelfed him to the fame purpofe ; to which the king anfwered with
thanks and promifes to exert himfelf to the utmoft of his power for
the happinefs of the ftate. Gomara, and other authors who have co-
pied him, affirm, that the high-prieft made him Avear to maintain
their ancient religion, to obferve the laws of his anceftors, and to make
the fun go his courfe, to make the clouds pour down rain, to m.ake
the rivers run, and all fruits to ripen. If it is true, that they made
the king take fo extravagant an oath, it is probable, that they only
meant to oblige him to maintain a conduft worthy of thefe favours
from heaven.
9 After
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
341
After hearing thefe addrefles, the king defcended with all his attend- BOOK vii.
ants to the lower area, where the reft of the nobility waited to make ^"^^ ~
their obedience, and pay him homage in jewels and apparel. He was
thence conduded to a chamber within the inclofure of the temple
called Tlacatecco, where he was left by himfelf four days, during which
time he was allowed to eat but once a day ; but he might eat tielh or any
other kind of food. He bathed twice every day, and after bathing he
drew blood from his ears, which he offered together with fonie burnt
Gopal to HuitzilopochtU, making all the while conftant and earneft-
prayers to obtain that enlightenment of underftanding which was requi-
llte in order to govern his monarchy with prudence. On the fifth,
day, the nobility returned to the temple, conducting the new king
to his palace,, wiiere the feudatory lords came to renew theinveftiture of
their fiefs. Then followed the rejoicings of the people, entertainments,.
dances, and illuminations.
To prepare for the coronation it was necefiiir)-, according to the law Sect. viir.
of the kinsniom, or the cuftom introduced by Montezuma 1. that the ]■ '"^ '•'°''°"''-
'-' ' J tion, crown,
new elcfted king lliould go out. to war, to procure the victims which were j'-'t's ;, ar^
neceliary for tlie facrifices on fuch an occaiion. They never were with- rovalty.
out enemies on v/hom war might be made ; either from fome province
of the kingdom "having rebelled, or from fome Mexican merchants
having been unjuftly put to death, or on account of Ibme infult having
been offered to the royal ambaffadors, of which cafes hiflory fliews
many examples. The arms and enfigns which the. king wore up--
on going to war, the parade with which his prifoners were con-
ducted to the court, and the circumllances which attended the fa-
cxifice of them, ihall be explained when we come to treat of the
militaiy elliabliihmerit of the Mexicans ; but we are entirely i<;no-
rant of the particular ceremonies which were ufcù at his coronation.
The king of Acolliuacan was the perfon who put the crown upon his-
head. The crown which was called by the Mexicans copi/li, ^vas a
fort of fmall mitre, the fore-part cf which was raifed up, and termi-
nated iix a point, and the part b::hind was lowered down, and liung.
over tiie iieck in the fame manner as is reprefented in the figures of
the kings given in this hiftory. It was compofcd of different mate-
rials, according to the plcallire of the kings ; fometimes made of thin
plates
>"S-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
plates of gold, fometimes wove with golden thread, and figured with
beautiful feathers. The drefs which he ufually wore in the palace was
tlie xiuhiilmatii, which was a mantle of a blue and white mixture.,
Whèti he went to the temple he put on a white habit. That which
he wore to aflift at councils, and other public fundlions, varici ac-
cording to the nature and circumllances of the occafion ; one v/as ap-
propriated for civil cauivS, and another for criminal caufes ; one for
adts of julHce, and another for times of rejoicing : upon all thefe occa-
lions he regularly wore his crown. Every time he went abroad, he
was attended by a great retinue of nobility, and preceded by a noble,
who held up three rods made of gold and odorous wood, by which he
intimated to the people the prefence of their fovereign.
Skct. I.y. The power and authority of the kings of Mexico was different at
kine "^ different periods. In the beginning of the monarchy their power was
much circumfcribed, and their authority truly paternal, their conduct
more humane, and the prerogatives which they claimed from their fub-
jeCls extremely moderate. With the enlargement of their territory
they gradually increafed their riches, their magnificence, and pomp,
and in proportion to their wealth were likewife multiplied, as generally
happens, the burthens on their fubjefts. Their pride occafioned them
to trefoafs upon the limits, which the confent of the nation had al-
lowed to their authority, until they arrived at that pitch of odious
defpotifm which appears to have marked the reign of Montezuma II.
but notwithftanding their tyranny, the Mexicans always preferved the
refpedt which was due to the royal charadler, except that in the laft
year but one of the monarchy, as will be related hereafter, when they
were no longer able to endure the meannefs of their king Montezuma,
his exceffive cowardice, and low fubmiffion to his enemies, they treated
him with contempt, and wounded him with arrows and ftones. The
pageantry and oftentatious grandeur of the lail Mexican kings may be
conceived from what we have faid of tlie reign of Montezuma, and
what we fhall farther fay in our account of the conqueft.
The kings of Mexico were rivalled in magnificence by the kings of
Acolhuacan, as the latter were by the former in politics. The go-
vernment of the Acolhuan nation was almoft the fame with that of the
Mexicans ; but with refpedt to the right of fucceillon to the crow«
they
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 343
they were tot.illy difterent; lor in the kingdom of Acolhuacan, and COOK VII,
the fame is to be uuderftood of Tacuba, the fons fucceeded to their
fathers, not according to their birth, but according to their rank; the
fons which were born of the queen, or principal wife, having been always
preferred to tlie rcic. This rule was obferved from the time of Xo-
lotl, the firll Chechcmecan king, until the time of Cacamatzin,; who
was fucceeded by his brother Cuicuitzcatzin, through the intrigues of
Montezuma and the conqueror Cortes.
The king of Mexico, as well as the king of Acolhuacan, had three g ^ ^ ^ v
fupreme councils, compofed of perfons of the iirft nobility, in which The royal
they deliberated upon atfairs relating to the government of the pro- officers of the
vinces, the revenues of the king, and to war, and in general the king ^oun.
refolved upon no meafure of importance without having firft heard the
opinion of his counfellors. In the hillory of the conqueft we fliall
find Montezuma in frequent deliberation with his council on the
pretenfions of the Spaniards. We do not know the number of mem-
bers of each council, nor do hiflorians furnifh us with the lights ne-
celfary to illuftrate fuch a fubjedl. They have only preferved to us the
names of fome counfellors, particularly thofe of Montezuma II. In
the fixty-firft painting of the colledtion of Mendoza, are reprcfented
the coiincil-halls, and fome of the lords who compofed them.
Amongft the different ininiflers and officers of the court there was a
treafurer-general, whom they called Hueicalpixqui, or great major-
domo, who received all the tributes which were colledted by the offi-
cers of the revenue in tlie provinces, and kept an account of his receipts •
and difburfements in paintings, agreeable to the teftimony of Bernal Di.iz, .
v/iio faw them. There was another treafurer for the gems and arti-
cles of gold, who was, at the fame time, direflor of the artifts who •
wrouglit tliem ; and another for the works which were made of fea-
thers, the artifts of which laft employment had their work-ffiops in .
the royal palace of birds. There was befides a provider -general of
animals, whom they called Huejaminqui ; he had tlic charge of the
royal woods, aiid took care that game was never wanting there; and
that the royal palaces v/ere never unprovided with every fort of ani-
mal. Concerning the other royal minifters and officers, we have
mentioned enough when we treated of the magnificence of Monte-
zumA.
344
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK VII. zuma II. and of the government of the kings of Acolhuacan, Te~
r- — ' — ri chotlala, and Nezahualcojotl.
S F C T. XI. •'
Ambafladors. For the office of ambailadors, they always employed perfons ^vho were
both noble and eloquent. Three, four, or more perfons were ufuklly
joined in this ofiice, and, to procure refpeft, they wore certain badges by
which they were every where known, particularly a green habit made
like the fcapulary, or little cloak, which fome religious people wear, from
which hung fome locks of cotton. Their hair was twifted with beau-
tiful feathers, from which alfo hung funilar locks of different colours.
In their right hands they carried an arrow with the point downwards ;
in the left a fhield, and hanging at the fame arm a net, in which they
carried their provifion. In all the places through which tliey paffcd,
they were well received, and treated with that diftindtion v/hich their cha-
racter demanded, provided they did not leave the gre it road which led to
the place of their deftination j but if they ever devi itcd from it, they loll
their rights and privileges as ambafiadors. Wheji they arrived at the
place where they were to deliver their enibafly, they Hopped before
they made entrance, and waited until the nobility of the city came
out to meet them, and condud: them to the Houfe of the Public, where
they were lodged and well entertained. The nobles burnt incenfe to
them, and prefcnted nofegays of flowers, and after they had repofed,
led them to the palace of the lord of that fiate, and introduced them into
the hall of audience, where they were received by the lord himfelf,
and his counfellors, who were all feated in their places. After having
made a profound reverence to the lord, they fat down upon their heels
in the middle of the hall, and without faying a word, or lifting up
their eyes, they waited until a fign was made for them to fpeak. When
jthe fignal was given, the moft refpecftable amongft the ambafladors,
after having made another bow to the lord, delivered his embally with
a low voice, in a fludied addrefs, which was attentively heard by the
lord and his counfellors, who kept their heads fo much inclined, that
they appeared almoft to touch their knees. When the ambafiadors
had finifhed their interview, they returned to the houfe where they were
lodged. In the mean while, the lord entered into confultation with
his counfellors, and communicated his anfwer to the ambafiadors by
means of his minifters ; provided them abundantly with provifions for
their
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 345
their journey, made them alio Ibme prcfents, and caufed them to be BOOK vii,
eicorted out of the city by the lame perfons who had received them ^"""^ ^
upon their arrival. If the lord, to v/hom the embaliy was lent, was
a friend to the Mexicans, it was conlidered as a great dilhonour not
to accept his prelents ; but if he was an enemy, the ambalTadors could
not receive them without the exprefs order of their mailer. All thefe
ceremonies were not invariably obferved in embalTies, nor were all em-
balTies lent to the lords of cities or flates ; for fome of them, as we
fhall mention hereafter, were fent to the body of the nobility, or to
the people.
The couriers whom the Mexicans frequently employed, made ufe skct. xri.
of different enfigns according to the nature of the intelligence, or affair ^°^^"«f* *«"*
with which they were charged. If it was the news of the Mexicans
having loll a battle, the courier wore his hair loofe and dilbrdered, and,
without Ipeaking a word to any perfon, went flr^ight to the palace,
where, kneeling before the king, he related what had happened. If it was
the news of a vidory which had been obtained by the arms of Mexico,
he had his hair tied with a coloured llring, and his body girt with a
white cotton cloth ; in his left hand a lliield, and in his right a fword,
which he brandidied as if he had been in the aift of engagement ;
cxprelhng by fuch gellures his glad tidings, and iinging the glojrious
adions of the ancient Mexicans, while the people, overjoyed at feeing
him, led him with many congratulations to the royal palace.
In order that news might be more fpeedily conveyed, there were upon
all the highways of the kingdom certain little towers, about lix miles
diflant from each other, where couriers were always waiting in readinefs
to fet out with dilpatches. As loon as tiie firll courier was fent off", he
ran as fwiftly as he could to the firfl ftage, or little tower, where he
communicated to another his intelligence, and delivered to him the
paintings v/bich reprefentcd the news, or the affair which was the lub-
jecl of his embaliy. The fecond courier polled witliout delay to the
next llage, or little tower ; and thus by a continued and uninterrupt-
ird fjiecd of conveyance, intelligence was carried fo rapidly from place
to place, that fometimes, according to the affirmations made by feve-
rul authors, it reached the dillance of three hundred miles in one day.
It was by this means that freOi filli were daily brought to Monte-
VoL. I. Y y zuma
346 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. zuma II. from the gulf of Mexico, which is at kafl upwards of
^••''^^v^''^ two hundred miles diftant from the capital. Thofe couriers were ex-
ercifed in running from their childhood ; and in order to encourage
them in this exercife, the priefls, under whofe difcipline they were
trained, frequently beftowed rewards on thofe who were viftors in a
race.
Sect, xiil With refpedt to the nobility of Mexico and of the whole empire»
The nobility -^^ ^g divided into feveral clafles, which were confounded totrether by
and right or _ o /
fucceffion. the Spaniards under the general name of caziques [q). Each clafs had
its particular privileges and wore its own badges, by which means,
although their drefs was extremely fimple, the charafter of every per-
fon was immediately underftood. The nobles alone were allowed to-
wear ornaments of gold and gems upon their cloaths, and to them ex-
clufively belonged, from the reign of Montezuma II. all the high of-
fices at court, in the magiftracy, and the moll: confiderable in the army.
The higheft rank of nobility in Tlafcala, in Huexotzinco, and in
Cholula, was that of TcuBli. To obtain this rank it was neceffary to
be of noble birth, to have given proofs in feveral battles of the utmoft
courage, to be arrived at a certain age, and to command great riches
for the enormous expences which were neceffary to be fupported by
the poffeffor of fuch a dignity. The candidate was obliged befldes to
undergo a year of regular f>enance, confifting in perpetual failing and fre-
quent effufions of blood, and an abftinence from all commerce what-
foever with women, and patiently enduring the infults, the reproaches,,
and ill-treatment, by which fortitude and conflancy are put to the teft.
They bored the cartilage of his nofe, in order to fufpend from it cer-
tain grains of gold, which were the principal badge of this dignity.
On the day on which he came to the poffeffion of it, they ftripped him.
of the difmal habit which he had worn during the time of his pe-
nance, and dreffed him in moil magnificent attire : they tied his hair
with a leathern ribband, died of a red colour, at which hung beauti-
ful feathers, and fixed alfo the grains of gold at his nofe. This ce-
remony was performed, in the upper area of the greater temple, by a
{q) The name cazlrjiie, which fignifies lord or pri.uc, is derived from the Haicin tong\ie,.
which was fpokc in the lihind of HifpanioLi. The Mexica;is called a lord llutoan'., and a noble
Filli and Tt^iaU. 8
priefl.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 347
prlefl, who, after having conferred the dignity, made him a congratu- BOOK v.l,
latory harangue. From thence he defcended to the lower area, where
he joined with the nobihty in a grand dance that v/as made there, and
which was fucceeded by a magnificent entertainment, which was given
at his expence to all the lords of the ftate, for whom befides the innu-
merable drelfes which were made in prefents to them, fuch an abund-
ance of meats were prepared, there were confumed upon the occafion,
agreeable to the accounts of fome authors, from one thoufand to lixteen
hundred turkies, a vafl: number of rabbits, deer, and other animals,
and an incredible quantity, of cocoas in different forts of beveridge, and
of the moft choice and delicate fruits of that country. The title
Teu&li was added in the manner of a furname to the proper name of
perfons advanced to this dignity, as Cbechemeca-teu6ili, Pil-teuSlli, and
others. The Teuclll took precedency of all others in the fenate, both
in the order of fitting and voting, and were permitted to have a fer-
vant behind them with a feat, which was efteemed a privilege of the
higheft: honour.
The titles of nobility amongii the Mexicans were for the moft part
hereditary. Even until the downfal of the empire many families that
were defcended of thofe illuftrious Aztecas who founded Mexico, pre-
ferved themfelves in great fplendour, and feveral branches of thofe moft
ancient houfes are ftill exifting, though reduced by misfortunes, and
obfcured and confufcd amongft the vulgar (r). It is not to be doubted
that it would have been more wife policy in the Spaniards, if, inftead
of condudling women from Europe, and flaves from Africa, to Mexi-
co, they had endeavoured to form by marriages, between the Mexicans
and themfelves, one fingle individual nation. \{ the nature of this hif-
tory would permit, we could here give a demonftration of the advan-
tages whicli would have been derived to both nations from fuch an
(r) It is impolliblc to behold without regret, the ftate of degradation to which fonie illullri-
ous families of thst kingdom have been reduced. Not very long ago was executed a lockfmith,
.who was a defendant of the ancient kings of Michuacan: wc knew a poor taylor in Mexico,
who was defcended of a very noble houfc of Coyoacan, but had been deprived of the poflef-
iions which he inherited from his ilhillrious anccftors. Examples of this kind arc not infre-
(]uent even among the royal families of Mexico, Acolhuacan, and Taciiba; the repeated or-
ders, which the juliicc and clemency of the Catholic kings caufed to be made in tJieir favour,
have not been fufticicnt to protesi them from the general ciilamity of their nation.
Y y 2 union.
feffion and
property
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
union, and the misfortunes which were occafioned by the oppofite
conduft.
In Mexico, and through the whole empire almoft, excepting in the
royal family as we have already mentioned, the fons fucceeded to all
the rights of their fathers; and on failure of fons the rights fell to
brothers, and if thefe were wanting, to nephews.
Sfct. XIV. The lands of the Mexican empire were divided between the crown,
Divihon of ^YiQ nobility, the communities, and the Temples, and there were
the lands, and -' ' ' -T _ '
t»tiesofpof- paintings in which the property of each was diftindly reprefented.
The lands of the crown were painted of a purple, thofe of the nobi-
lity of a fcarlet, and thofe of the communities of a yellow colour.
In thefe, at firft fight, the extent and boundaries of the different eftates
were diflinguirtied. After the conqueft, the Spanifh magistrates made
ufe of thefe inftruments to decide all difputes among the Indians con-r
cerning the property or pofTefiion of lands..
Of the lojids of the crown, which were called by the Mexicans Tec-
fantlalli, although the property was always veiled in the king, certaia
lords called Tecpanpouhquey ox: T'ecpojitlaca, that is, people of the pa-
lace, enjoyed the temporary ufe and profits. Thefe lords did not pay
any tribute, nor gave any thing eife to the king than nofegays of flow-
ers and difl^erent kinds of birds, which they prefented to him in token
of their vafi"alage every time that they made him a vifit ; but they were
obliged to repair and rebuild the royal palaces whenever it was ne-
cefiTary, and to cultivate the gardens of the king, by afhfting with
their dii-edions the populace of their diftrift in that labour. They were :
obliged beiides to pay court to the king, and to attend upon him every
time that he appeared in public, and were therefore highly efleemed
by all. When any of thofe lords died,, his firft-born fon entered into
pofi^elfion of the lands, and into all the obligations of his father ; but
if he went to eftablifh himfelf in another place, he loft thefe rights,
and the king then granted them to another ufufru(5luary ; or left the
choice of one to the judgment of the community in whofe diftridl the
lands were fituated.
The lands which they called piilalH, that is, lands of the nobles.,
were the ancient pofleffions of the nobles, tranfiiiitted by inheritance
from father to fon, or were rewards obtained from the king in recom-
penfe
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 349
penfe of Icrvices done to the crown. The firft and the lall could for book vh.
the moft part ah'enate their pofiefTions, but they were not allowed to ' '
give away or fell them to plebeians j we fay for the moft part, becaufe
amongft thefe lands there were fonie granted by the king under a con-
dition not to alienate them, but to leave them in inheritance to their
fons.
Refpedling the inheritance of ftates, regard was paid to priority of.
birth ; but if the firrt-born fon was incapable of managing the poflef-
fions» the father was entirely at liberty to appoint any other fon his
heir, provided that he fecured a provifion for the reft. The daughters,
at leale in Tlafcala, were not allowed to inherit, that the fiate might
never fall- under the government of a ftranger. Even after the con-
queft of the Spaniards, the Tlafcalans were fo jealous of preferving the
flates in their families, that they refufed to give the invcftiture of one
of the four principalities of tlie republic to D. Francifco Pimentcl,
nephew of Coanacatzin, king of Acolhuaean (j-), married with donna
Maria Maxicatzin, niece to prince Maxicatzin, who, as we flvoll af^
terwards find, was the chief of the four lords that governed that re^
public at the arrival of the. Spaniards. The fiefs commenced in that
kingdom at the time that king Xolotl divided the lands of Anahuac
among the Chcchemecan and Acolhuan lords, under the feudal condi-
tions, that they would preferve inviolable fidelity, acknowledge his fu-
preme authority, and their obligation to affift their fovereign whenever
it fliould be neceifary with their perfons, with their property, and their
vafTals. In the Mexican empire, as far as we can find, real fiefs were
few in number; and if we are to fpeak m the ftridl fenfe of the civil
law, there were none at all ; for they were neither perpetual in their
nature, as every year it was neccflary to repeat the form of inveftiture,
nor were the vaflals of feudatories exempted from the tributes wliich
were paid to the king by the other valTals of the crown.
The lands which were called AltepctlaUi, that is, thole of the com-
munities of cities and villages, were divided into as many parts as there
(i\ Coanacotzin, king of Acolhuaean, was the father of don Ferdinando Pimentel, who had
don Franccfco born to him by a Tlafcalan lady. It is to be obfcrvcd, that many of the Mexi-
cans, particularly the nobles, upon being baptifcd, added to their Chriftian name a Spanifti .
funiame. .
were.
350 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. were diflrifts in a city, and every diftrlft poflefied its own part entirely
^'~^~' -* (iiftinól from, and independent of the others. Thefe lands could not
be alienated by any means whatever. Some of them were allotted to
furnilh provifions for the army in time of war ; thofe were called Mel-
chimiTlli, or CacalomiUi, according to the kind of provifions which they
fupplied. The catholic kings have afiigned lands to the fettlements of
-the Mexicans (/), and made proper laws to fecure to tliem the perpe-
tuity of fuch poflefllons ; but at prefent many villages have been de-
prived of them by the great power of fonie individuals, allifted by the
iniquity of fome judges.
Sect. XV. -^11 the provinces that were conquered by the Mexicans were tribu-
Thc tributes j^p, j-q ^j^g crovvn, and contributed fruits, animals, and the minerals
and tsxes laid •'
on the full- of the country, accorduig to the rate prefcribed them ; and all mer-
crown. ^ "^ chants befides paid a part of their merchandizes, and all artifi:s a cer-
tain portion of their labours. In the capital of every province was a
houfe allotted for a magazine to contain the corn, garments, and all the
other effeds, which the revenue officers colleded in the circle of each
difl:ri<S. Thcfe officers were univerfally odious on account of the dii)-
trefies which they brought .on the tributary places. Their badges of
diflinftion were a little rod which they carried in one hand, and a fan
of feathers in the other. The treafurers of the king had paintings,
in which were defcribed all the tributary places, and the quantity and
quality of the tributes. In the colleilion made by Mendoza, there
are thirty-fix paintings of this kind («), and in each of thefe are repre-
fented the principal places of one, or of many provinces of the empire.
Belides an exceffive number of cotton garments, and a certain quan-
tity of corn and feathers, which were the ufual taxes laid on almoft all
tributary places, marty other different things were paid in tribute ac-
cording to the produce of diffi;rent countries. In order to give
(/) The royal laws grant to every Indian vilhi'^e, or fettlemcnt, the territory which fur-
rounds them to the extent of fix hundred Caftilian cubits, which are equal to two hundred
and fifty feven Parifian perches.
{u) The thirty-fix paintings begin with the 13th, and end with the 48th. In the copy of
them publiflied bv Thevenot, the 2 ift and 2 2d are wanting, and for the nioft part the figures
of the tributary ciiics. The copy p.iblidicd in Mexico in 1770, is dill lefs perfci-t, for it wants
the 2ift, 22d, 38th, 39th, and 40th of Mendoza's Collft'lion, befides a number of errors in
the interpretations ; but it has the advantage over Thevenot's of having the figures of the ci-
ties, and of being all executed on plates.
our
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 351
our readers fornc idea of them, we fliall mention fome of the taxes BOOK vii.
which are reprefented in thefe paintings.
The cities of Xoconocho, HuchuetUin, Mazatlan^ and others upori
the coaft, paid annually to the crown, befides the drefTcs made of cot-
ton, four thoufand handfuls of beautiful feathers of different colours,
two hundred bags of cocoas, forty tygers fkins, and a hundred and
lixtv birds of certain particular colours. Huaxjacac, Cojolapan.
Atliicucc'iahuajariy and other places belonging to the Zapotecas, paid
in tribute forty plates of gold of a certain fize and thicknefs, and
twenty bags of cochineal. Tlccbquiauchoy Azof Ian, twenty vafes of
a certain mealure full of gold in powder. 'Tochtepec, Otlatitlajiy Co-
zamalloapan, Michapan, and other places upon the coafl of the Mexi-
can gulf, befides the garments of cotton, gold, and cocoas, were ob-
liged to contribute feventy-four thoufand handfuls of feathers, of dif-
ferent colours and qualities, fix necklaces, two of the finefl emeralds,
and four of thofe which were ordinary ; twenty ear-rings of amber,
adorned with gold, and as many of cryflal ; a hundred fmall cups or
jugs of liquid amber, and fixteen thoufand balls of iile, or elaflic gum.
T'cpejacac, ^lecholac, Tecamachalco, Acatzinco, and other places of
thofe regions, furnifhed four thoufand facks of lime, four tlioufand
loads ol atatliy or folid canes, fit to be ufed in buildings, and as many
loads of the fame canes of a fmaller fize, fit for making darts, and eight
thoufand loads of acajetl, or little reeds, full of aromatic fubftances.
MalinaltepcCy Tlalcozauhtitlan, Olìnalìim, Ichcatlan, ^aiac, and
other places of fouthern hot countries, fix hundred cups of honey,
forty large bafons of tecozahuitl, or yellow ochre, fit for painting, a
hundred and fixty axes of copper, forty round plates of gold, of a cer-
tain diameter and thicknefs, ten fmall meafures of fine turquoifts, and
©ne load of ordinary turquoifes. ^auh)iahitai\ Fancbimalco, Atla-
choloajan, Xiuhtepec, Huitzilac, and other places belonging to the Tla-
huicas, fixteen thoufand pieces, or large Iheets of paper, and four
thoufand xicalli (natural vales, of which we fhall treat hereafter), of
different fizes. ^lauhtitLvc, Tclmillojocan, and other places wliich
were neighbouring to them, eight thoufand mats, and as many feats
or chairs. Other places contributed fuel, flone, a certain number of
beams and planks fit for buildings, and a certain quantity of copal, Sec.
Some
352 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. Some tributary people were obliged to fend to the royal palaces and
"■"""^ ' woods a certain number of birds and quadrupeds, namely, the people
of Xilotepec, Michmalajan, and other places in the country of the Oto-
mies, which laft were obliged to fend the king every year fc^ty live
eagles. Concerning the Matlatzincas we know that when they were
brought under fubjedlion to the crown of Mexico by king Axajacatl,
befides the tribute which they are reprefented to have paid, iw the
twenty-feventh painting of the colleftion of xMendoza, the further
burthen was impofed on them of cultivating a field about feven hun-
dred perches long and half as broad, for the purpofe of furnifhing the
royal army with provifions. To conclude, a part of every thing ufe-
ful, which was found in the kingdom, either amongii: the produdlions
of nature or art, was paid in tribute to the king of Mexico.
Thefe large contributions, the great prefents which the governors
of provinces, and the feudatory lords made to the king, together with
the fpoils of ^^'ar, formed the great riches of his court which ex-
cited fo much admiration in the Spanilh conquerors, and occafioned fo
• much mifery to his unfortunate fubjeóts. The tributes which were at
firft moderate and ealy, becam.e at laft excelTive and enormous j for the
pride and pomp of the kings kept pace with their conquefts. It is
true, that a great part, and perhaps the greatell part of thefe reve-
nues was expended for the benefit of the fame fubjefts in the fupport
of a great number of minifters and magiiT:rates for the adminillration
of jufiice, in the reward of thofe who had done fcrvices to the fiate,
in the relief ot the indigent, particularly widows and orphans, and
men grown feeble with age, v/hich were the three clafies of people
moft compafilonated by the Mexicans, and alfo by opening the royal
granaries in times of great fcarcity to the nation ; but how many of
thofe unhappy people who were unable to pay the tributes demand-r
ed from them mufl have funk under the weight of their mifery, while
the royal beneficence did not reach them ? To opprefiive taxes were
added the greatefl rigour in collefting them. Whoever did not pay the
tribute prefcribed was fold for a flave, in order to purchaie with liis
liberty what he could not gain by his induftry.
For the adminiftration of juftice, the Mexicans had various tribunal*
and judges. At court, and in the more confiderable places of the
king-
4
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 353
kingdom, there was a fupremc magiftrate named CibuacoatI, whofe au-- cooK vii.
thority was fo great that from the fentences pronounced by him, either
in civil or criminal caufes, no appeal could be made to any other tri-
bunal, not even to majefty. He had the appointment of the inferior
judges, and the receivers of the royal revenues within his diftridl:, ren-
dered in their accounts to hicp. Any one who either made ufe of his
enfigns, or ufurped his authority, was punilhed with death.
The tribun ;1 of the Tlacatecatl, though inferior to the firft, was ex-
tremely refpedlable, and compofed of three judges, namely of the T/.^-
catecatl, who was the chief, and from whom the tribunal took its
name, and of two others who were called ^auhnochtli and Tlanotlac.
They took cognizance of civil and criminal caufes in the firft and fe-
cond inflance, although fen fence was pronounced in the name only of
the Tlacatecatl. They met daily in a hall of the houfe of the public,
which was called Tlat-zontccojan, that is, the place where judgment is
given, to which belonged porters and other officers of juftice. TJierc
they liftened with the utmofl: attention to litigations, diligently examined
into caufes, and pronounced fentence according to the laws. If a
caufe was purely civil, there v/as no appeal from tiiat court ; but if
the caufe was of a criminal nature, an appeal lay to the Cihuatcoatl.
The fentence was publilhed by the Tcpojotl, or public cryer, and was
executed by the Quaunochtli, who, as we have already mentioned, was
one of the three judges. The public cryer, as well as the executive
minifter of juftice, was held in high efteem amongfl: the Mexicans,
becaufe they were confidered to be the reprefentatives of the king.
In every diftrift of the city refided a bendili, who was deputy of the
tribunal of Tlacatecatl, and was eleded annually by the commons of
that diftriifl:. He took cognizance, in the firfi inflance, of the caufes
within his diftridl, and daily waited upon the Cihuacoatl, or the Tla-
catecatl, to report to him every thing which occurred, and to receive
his orders. Belides thefe Teudlli, there were in every diftridt certain
commilfaries, eletìed in the fame manner by the commons of the diftridl,
and named CenteBlapixque ; but they, from what appears to us, were
not judges, but only guardians, charged to obferve the conduct of a
certiiin number of families committed to their care, and to acquaint tiic
magiftratt'S with every thing that palled. Next to the Teudli v.cre
Vol. I. Z z tlie
H I S T O Pv Y OF MEXICO.
the Taquitlatoqite, or the runners, who carried the notifications of tiie
magiftrates, and fummoned guilty perfons, and the Topiili or the of-
ficers who apprehended and made prifoners.
in the kingdom of Acolhuacan, the judicial power was divided a-
mongft feven principal cities. The judges remained in their tribunals
from fun-rife until evening. Their meals were brought to them in
the tribunal-hall, and that they might not be taken off from their em-
ployment, by giving attendance upon their families, nor have any
excufe for being corrupted, they were, agreeable to the ufage in the
kingdom of Mexico, afllgned pofieiiions and labourers, who cultivat-
ed their fields. Thofe poffefiions, as they belonged to the office, not
to the officer, did iiot pafs to his heirs but to his fucceffors in that ap-
pointment. In caufes of importance they durfl not pronounce fen-
tcnce, at leaft not in the capital, without giving information to the
king. Every Mexican month, or every twenty days, an afl'embly of
all the judges was held before the king, in order to determine all caufes
then undecided. If from their being much perplexed and intricate,
they were not finifhed at that time, they were referved for another ge-
neral afi"embly of a more folemn nature, which was held every eighty
days, and was therefore called NappapJhllatolH^ that is, the Conference
of Eighty, at which all caufes were finally decided, and in the prefence
of that whole afibmbly, punifhment was inflidled on the guilty. The
king pronounced fentcnce by drawing a line with the point of an arrow
upon the head of the guilty perfon, which was painted on the procefs.
In the tribunals of the Mexicans the contending parties made their
own allegations : at leali we do not know that they employed any other
advocates. In criminal caufes the accufer was not allowed any other
proof than that of his witnefies ; but an accufed perfon could clear
himfelf from guilt by his oath. In difputes about the boundaries of
pofleffions, the paintings of the land were confulted as authentic
writings.
All the magiftrates were obliged to give judgment according to the
laws of the kingdom which were reprefented by paintings. Of thefe
we have feen many, and have extrafted from them a part of that whick
we ffiall lay before our readers on the fubje^5t. The power of making
laws in Tezcuco belonged always to the kings, wlio made thofe which
they
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 355
they publiflied, be rigoroufly obferved. Amongfl the Mexicans, the BOOK V]I.
firft laws were made, from what we can difcover, by the bo ly of the no- '— —v— w
biHty ; but afterwards the kings became the legiflators of the nation,
and while their authority was confined within moderate limits, they
were zealous in the obfervance of thofe laws which they or their an-
ceftors had promulgated. In the laft years of the monarchy defpotifm
altered, and changed them at caprice. We fliall here enumerate thofe
which were in force at the time the Spaniards entered into Mexico.
In fome of them, much prudence and humanity and a ftrong attach-
ment to good cuiloms will be difcovered ; but in others an excefs of
rigour which degenerated into cruelty.
A traitor to the king- or the Hate was torn in pieces, and his rcla- Sect.xvu.
tions who were privy to the treafon, and did not difcover it, were de-
prived of their liberty.
Whoever dared in war, or at any time of public rejoicing, to make
tjfe of the badges of the kings of Mexico, of Acolhuacan, or Ta-
cuba, or of thofe of the Cihuacoatl, was punidied with death, and
his goods confifcated.
Whoever maltreated an ambalTador, minifter, or courier belonging
to the king, fuft'ered death ; but ambalTadors and couriers were forbid
on their part to leave the higli road, under pain of lofing their pri-
vileges. .
The punifliment of death was infliifted alfo on thofe perfons who oc-
cafioned any fedition amongfl the people ; on thofe who carried off, or
changed the boundaries placed in the fields by public authority ; and
likewife on judges who gave a fentence that was unjuft, or contrary to
the laws, or made an unfaithful report of any caufe to the king, or a
fuperior magiflrate, or allowed themfelves to be corrupted by bribes.
He who in war committed any hoftility upon the enemy without
the order of his chief, or attacked them before the fignal for battle was
given, or abandoned the colours, or violated any proclamation publilli-
ed to the army, was infallibly beheaded.
He who at market altered the meaùues eftablidied by the magif-
trates, was guilty of felony, and was put to death without delay in the
fame place.
Z z 2 A mur-
350 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK vir. A murderer forfeited his own liie for his crime, even although the
perfou murdered was but a flave.
He who killed his wife, although he caught her in adultery, fufFered
death ; becaufe, according to them, he ufurped the authority of the
magiftrates, whofe province it was to take cognizance of mifdeeds, and
puniih evil-doers.
Adultery was inevitably puniflied with death. Adulterers were
floned to death, or their heads were bruiled between two ftones. This
law which prefcribed that adulterers lliould be floned to death, is one
of thofe which we have feen reprefented in the ancient paintings which
were preferved in the library of the f upreme college of Jefuits at Mexi-
co. It is alfo reprefented in the lafl painting of the colledion made
by Mendoza, and is taken notice of by Gomara, Torquemada, and
other authors. But they did not confider, nor did they punifli as adul-
tery, the trefpafs of a hufband with any woman who was free, or not
joined in matrimony : wherefore the hufband was not bound to fo much
fidelity as was exadted from the wife. In all places of the empire this
crime was punifhed, but in fome places with greater feverity than in
others. In Ichoatlan, a woman who was accufed of adultery was
fummoned before the judges, and if the proofs of her crime were fatif-
fadlory, fhe received punilhment there immediately ; flie was torn in
pieces, and her limbs divided among!! the witnefles. In Itztepec in-
fidelity in a woman was punifhed according to the fentence of the ma-
giftrates by her hufband, who cut off her nofe and her ears. In fbme
parts of the empire the punifhment of death was inflidled on the huf-
band, who cohabited with his wife, after it was proved that fhe had
violated her fidelity.
No divorce was lawful without the permiùion of the judges. He
who defired to divorce his wife, prefented hijnfelf before the tribunal,
and explained his reafons for it. The judges exhorted him to concord,
and endeavoured to dilluade him from a feparation j but if he perfiflied in
his claim, and his reafons appeared juft, they told him that he might
do that which he fhe aid judge moft proper, without giving their au-
thority for a divorce by a formal fentence. If niter all he divorced
her, he never could recover her nor be uiiited to her agam.
Thofe
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Thofe who were guilty of incfft with their neareil of blood, or rela-
tions, were lianged, and all marriages between perfons i'o nearly con-
nefted were ftriiilly forbid by la.v, c;:cepting marriages between brothers
and fiftcrs-in-law -, for amongft the Mexicans, as well as amongfl: the
Hebrews, it was the cuftoai that the brothers of the deceafed hu(band
might marry with their widowed filì:ers-in-law ; but there was great
difference in this pra(5lice of thefe two nations ; for amongfl: the He-
brews fuch a marriage could only happen in one cafe, that was where
the hulband died without iiVue ; amongll the Mexicans on the contrary,
it was nc^clFary that the deceafed ihould leave children, of whofe edu.-
cation the brother was to take charge, entering into all the rights of a
father. In fome places which were dillant fro.n the capital, the nob-
bles were accufl.onied to many their widowed mothers-in-law, pro-
vided their fathers had not had children by them ; but in the capitals
of Mexico and Tczcuco, and the places neighbouring to then^, fuch
marriages were deemed incefl;uoiJs, and pimilhed with leverity.
Any pcrfon guilty of a deteftable crime was hanged ; if a priefl:, he
was burnt alive. Amongfl: all the nations of Anahuac, excepting the
Panuchefe, this crime was held in abomination, and was puniflied by
them all with rigour. Neverthelefs, vicious men, in order to jufl:ify
their own excefles, have defamed all the nations of ^America with this
horrid vice ; but this calumny, which feveral Europeans authors have
too readily admitted to be jull:, is proved to be falfe by the tefti-
mony of many other authors, who. are more impartial, and better in-
formed (at).
The prieft, who, during the time that he was dedicated to the fer-
vice of the temple,, abufed any free woman, was deprived of the priefi:-
hood and banillied.
If any of the young nien, or young women, who were educating in
the feminaries, were guilty of incontinence, they were liable to a feverc
punilhment, and even to fuffer death, according to the report of fome
autho;s. But, on the otJier hand,, there was no punilhment whatever
prefcribed for limple fornication, although the evil tendency of an ex-
eefs of this kind was not unknown to them ; and fathers frequently
(x) Sec what wc have faid in our DiflcrtatioiiS refpctaing the author who has re\ived this,
atrocious calumny upon the Amcricaos.
adm,j»
358 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. admonifhed their children to beware of it : the) burned the hair of a
bawd in the market-place with pine torches, and fmeared her head
with the refin of the fame wood. The more refpedlable the perfons
were to whom flie ferved in this capacity, fo much the greater was the
punifliment.
According to the laws, the man who drefled himfelf like a woman,
or the woman who dreffed herfelf like a man, was hanged.
The thief of things of fmall value met with no punifliment, except-
ing that of being obliged to reftore what he had ftolen ; if the things
were of great value, he was made the flave of the perfon whom he had
robbed. If the thing fliolen did no longer exifl:, nor the robber had
any goods by which he could repay his robbery, he was lloned to death.
If he had flolen gold or gems, after being conduced through all the
ftreets of the city, he was facrificed at the fefl;ival which the gold-
fmiths held in honour of their god Xipe. He who Hole a certain
number of ears of maize, or pulled up from another's field a certain
number of ufeful trees, was made a flave of the owner of that field (y) ;
bur every poor traveller was permitted to take of the maize, or the fruit-
bearing trees, which were planted by the fide of the highway, as much
as was fufficient to fatisfy immediate hunger.
He who robbed in the market, was immediately put to death by the
bafl:inado, in the market-place.
He alfo was condemned to death, who in the army robbed another
of his arms or badges.
Whoever upon finding a fl:rayed child, made it a flave, and fold it to
another, as if it were his own, forfeited by that crime his liberty and
his goods, one half of which was appropriated to the fupport of the
child, and the other half was paid to the purchafer that he might fet
the child at liberty. Whatever number of perfons were concerned in
the crime, all of them were liable to the fame punifliment.
To the fame punifliment of fervitude, and to the lofs of his goods,
was every perfon liable who fold the pofl*cflions of another, which he
only had in farm.
(.v) The anoiiymoii'; conqueror fays, that {tealiii'; of three or four cars of maize was fufH-
cient to incur tht penalt)-. Torqujmada adds, that the penalty was death : but this was the
law in the kingdom of /\co!hiincan only, not in the rcalni of Mexico.
8 Tutors
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. ^5^
Tutors who did not give a good account of the eftates of their pu- BOOK vii.
pils, were hanged without pardon. '~
The fame punirtiment was inflided on fons who fquandered their
patrimony in vices ; for they faid it was a great crime not to fet a higher
value on the labours of their fathers.
He who praillifcd forccry was facrificed to the gods.
Drunkennefs in youth was a capital offence; young men were put
to death by the baltinado in prifon, and young women were ftoned to
death. lu men advanced iii years, although it was not made capital, it
was punirtied with fcverity. If he was a nobleman, he was ftripped
of his office and his rank, and rendered infimous ; if a plebeian, they
fhaved him (a punilhment very fejifibly felt by thein), and demoli(hed
his houle, faying, that he who could voluntarily bereave himfelf of his
fenfes, was not worthy of a habitation amongft men. This law did
not forbid conviviality at nuptials, or at any other times of feftivity :
on fuch occafions it being lawful, in private houfcs, to drink more than
ufual ; nor did the law afFed: old men of feven ty years, who, on ac-
count of their age, were allowed to drink as much as they pleafed ^
which appears reprefented in the forty-third painting of the colledlion
made by Mendoza.
He who told a lie to the particular prejudice of another, had a part
of his lip cut off, and fometimes his ears.
Of the Mexican laws concerning flaves it is to be obferved, that there s e c t
were three forts of flaves among them. The firfl were prifbners of xviir.
war ; the fecond were thofe whom they purchafcd for a valuable confi- cerning
deration; and the third were malefadors, who were deprived of their ^'*^''''-
liberty in punilhment of their crimes.
The prifbners of war were generally ficrificed to their gods. He
who in war took another's prifoner from him, or let him at liberty,
was punilhed with death.
The fale of a flave was not valid, unlefs it was made in the prefence
of four lawful witnefles. In general, they afTenibled in greater num-
bers, and celebrated contrafts of that nature with great folemnity.
Among the Mexicans a flave was allowed to have cattle, to acquire
property, and even to purchafe flaves who lerved him ; nor could his
owner hinder him, nor have fervice from fuch flaves ; for flavery was
only
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
only an obligation of perfonal fervice, and even that was under certain
i;eftri(fi:ions.
Nor was flavery entailed upon the defcendants of flaves. All Mexi-
cans were bprn free, although their mothers were flaves. If a free
man impregnated another perlon's Have, and fhe died during her preg-
nancy, he became the ilave of the owner of the female (lave ; but if
flie was happily delivered, the child as well as the father remained both
free.
Ncceflitous parents were allowed to difpofe of any one of their chil-
dren, in order to relieve their poverty ; and any free man might lell him-
felf for the fame purpofe ; but owners could not fell their flaves without
their confent, unlefs they were Have? with a collar. Runaway, rebel-
lious, or vicious llaves, had two or three warnings given them by their
owners, which warnings they gave for their better juftification in pre-
fence of fome witnefles. If, in fpite of thefe admonitions the flaves
did not mend their behaviour, a wooden collar was put about
their necks, and then it was lawful to fell them at market. If,
after having been owned by two or three mafters, they flill conti-
nued intradable, they were fold for the f^crifices > but that happen-
ed very rarely. If a flave, who was collared in this manner, hap-
pened to efcape from the prifon where his owner confined him, and
took refuge in the royal palace, he remained free ; and the peribn who
attempted to prevent his gaining this afylum, forfeited his liberty for
the attempt, except it it was the owner, or one of his children, who
had a right to feize him.
The perlbns who fold themfelves were generally gamefters, who did
fo in order to game v/ith the price of their liberty ; or thofe who by
lazinefs, or fome misfortune, found themfelves reduced to mifery, and
proftitutes, who wanted cloaths to make their appearance in public j
for women of that clai's among the Mexicans had no intercfl: in general
in their protcflion, but the gratification of their paiiions. Slavery
amongfl: the Mexicans was not fo hard to be borne, as it was among
other people ; tor the condition of a flave among them was by no means
oppreflive. Their labour was moderate, and their treatment humane;
when their mafters died, they generally became free. The common
price of a flave was a load of cotton garments.
There
H I S T O R Y O F M E X r e O. 361
There was among the Mexicans another kind of Ilaver}', which they BOOK vir.
called Hurhuctatlacolli, which was, where one or two families, on ac-
count of their poverty, bound themfelves to furnilTi fome lord perpe-
tually with a flave. They delivered up oiie of their fons for this pur-
pofe, and after he had ferved for fome years they recalled him, in order
to let him marry, or for fome other motive, and fubllituted another in
his place. The change w.:s made without giving any offence to the
patron ; on the contrary-, he generally ^xy^ fome confideration for a
new flave. In the year 1506, on account of a great fcarcity which
happened then, many families were obliged to this kind of fervitude ;
but they were all freed from it by the king of Acolhuacan, Nezahual-
pilli, owing to the hardlhips they fuffered from it ; and, after his exam-
ple, the fame thing was done by Montezuma II. in his dominions.
The conquerors, who imagined they entered into all the rights of the
ancient Mexican lords, had, at firfl:, many flaves of thofe nations ; but
when the Catholic kings were informed of it by perfons of credit
who were zealous for the public good, and well acquainted with the
manners and cuftoms of thofe people, they declared all thofe flaves
free, and forbid, under fevere penalties, any attempt againfl: their li-
berty. A law infinitely jufl:, and worthy the humanity of thofe mo-
narchs ; for the firfl: religious milfionaries who were employed in
the convcrfion of the Mexicans, amongfl whom were men of much
learning, declared, after diligent examination, that they had not been
able to find one amongll the flaves wlio had been jufl;ly deprived of his
natural liberty.
We have now laid all that we know of the Mexican Icgiflature.
More complete information on this head, and in particular concern-
ing their civil contradts, their tribunals, and fupremc councils, might
have proved extremely valuable ; but the unfortunate lofs of the greater
part of their paintings, and of fome manufcripts of the firfl: Spaniards,
has deprived us of the only lights wliich could have illuflratcd this
fubjtft.
Although the laws of the capital were generally received through- Sect. xix.
cut the whole empire, yet in fome of the p.tjvinces many variations from J'^'^ntrics'o"
them took place ; for as the Mexicans did not oblige the coijquered Aiwhuac.
liations to fpeak the language of their court, neither did they compel
Vol. I. A a a them
362 H I S T O R y O F M È X I e O.
BOOK VII. them to adopt all their laws. The legillature of Acolhuacan was the
mofl: fimilar to that of Mexico ; but ftill they differed in many parti-
culars, and the former was far more fcvere than the latter.
The laws publilhed by the celebrated king Nezaliualcojotl ordained,
that a thief Ihould be dragged through the ftreets, and afterwards
hanged. Murderers were beheaded. The agent in the crime of fo-
domy was fuffocated in a heap of aflies j the patient liad his bowels
torn out, after which his belly was filbd with a(hes, and then he was
burned. He who maliciouily contrived to fow difcord between two
ftates, was tied to a tree and burned alive. He who drank till he loft
his fenfes, if a nobleman, was immediately hanged, and his body was
thrown into the lake, or into fome river ; if a plebeian, for the firft
offence, he loft his liberty, and for the fecond his life. And when
the legiflator was alTced, why the law was more fevere upon nobles,
he anfwered, that the crime of drunkennefs was lefs pardonable in
them, as they were more bound in duty to fet a good example.
The lame king prcfcribed the punhliment of death to hiftorians
who publilhed any fallhood in their paintings ^^y^. He condemn-
ed robbers of the fields to the fame puniihment, and declared
that the ftealing feven ears of maize was fufficient to incur the pe-
nalty.
The Tlafcalans adopted the greater part of the laws of Acolhuacan.
Among them, fons, who were wanting in refpecfl and duty to their
parents, were put to death by order of the fenate. Thofe perfons
who were authors of any public misfortune, and yet did not deferve to
be punirtied with deiith, were banifhed. Generally fpeaking, among
all the polifhed nations of Anahuac, murder, theft, lying, adultery,
and other fimilar crimes of incontinence, were rigoroufly puniihed, and
that which we have already obferved, when fpeaking of their charac-
ter, appears to be verified in every thing, namely, that they were (as
they ftill are) naturally inclined to feverity and rigour, and more vigi-
lant to punifh vice than to reward virtue.
(^•) This law againrt falfe hirtorians isattefledby D. Ferdinando d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl (wbo
wui a dcfceudant of that legHlator), in his valuable maiiufcripts.
Among
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 363
Among the punilliments prefcribcd by the legiflators of Mexico againft BOOK vii.
malefadors, that of the fork or gallows was reckoned the mofl ignomi- sTTì-^XX
nious. That of banilhment was ahb thought infamous, as it fuppofed Hunifhmcnts
the guilty perfon polfelfed of an infedlious vice. That of whipping is
not found among their laws ; nor do we know that it was ever made
ufe of except by parents to their children, or mailers to their pupils.
They had two forts of prifons ; one iimilar to modern prifons, called
Teilpilojan, which was appropriated for debtors who refufed to pay
their debts, and for fuch perfons as were guilty of crimes not deferving
death ; the other called ^auhcalli, refembling a cage, was ufed to
confine prifoners who were to be facrificed, and perfons guilty of capi-
tal offences. Both of them were well watched and ftrongly guarded.
Thofe who were to be capitally puniihed were fed very fparingly, in
order that they might talle by anticipation the bitterncfs of death. The
prifoners on the contrary were well nouriflied, in order that they might
appear in good flefh at the facrifice. If through the negligence of the
guard, any prifoner efcaped from the cage, the community of the dif-
tridt, whole duty it was to fupply the prifons with guards, was oblig-
ed to pay to tlije owner of the fugitive, a female Have, a load of cotton
garments, and a fliield.
Havintj treated thus far of the civil, it is now become nccelTary to c. ^r
Sect. XXI.
fay fomething of the n;ilitary government of the Mexicans. No pro- Orticers of
fellion was held in more efleem amongll them than the profeflion of tai y orders.'
arms. The deity of war was the mofl revered by them, and regarded
as the chief protestor of the nation. No prince was elected king, un-
til he had, in feveral battles, difplayed proofs of his courage and mili-
tary flvill, and merited the fplendid poll: of general of the army ; and
no king was crowned, until he had taken, with his own hands, the
vid;ims which we;e to be facrificed at the feltival of his coronation.
All the Mexican kings, from IizcoatI the firfl, down to Quautemotzin,
who was their lafl, role from the command of the army to the govern-
ment of the kingdom. Thofe who died for the fake of their country,
with the r arms in their hands, were imagined to be the happieft fouls in
another life. From the great efteem in which the profeflion of arms was
held amonglt them, they were at much pains to make their cliildren
courageous, and to enure them from the carlicft: infancy to the hai-dHiips
A a a 2 of
364 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK VII. of ^yar. It was this elevated notion of the glory of arms, which formed
thofe heroes, whofe illuftrious atìions we have already related : which
made them ilvake off the yoke of the Tepanecas, and eredt on fo hum-
ble a foundation, fo famous and celebrated a monarchy : and laftly,
which produced the extenfion of their dominions from the banks of
the lake to the fhores of the two oppofite feas.
The higheft military dignity was that of general of the army ; but
there were four different ranks of generals, of which the moft refpecfl-
shle was that of 7^/iicoc/jca/cat/ [z), and each rank had its particular
badges of diftindtion. We are uncertain in what degree the other
three ranks were fubordinate to the firft; nor can we even tell their
names, on account of the different opinions of authors on this head [a).
Next to the generals were the captains, each of whom commanded a
certain number of foldiers.
In order to reward the fervices of warriors, and give them every
kind of encouragement, the Mexicans devifed three military orders,
called Achcauhtin, ^lauhtin, and Oocelo, or Princes, Eagles, and Ty-
gers. The perfons belonging to the order of princes, who v/cre called
^achì6ìin, were the moff honoured. They wore their hair tied on
the top of their heads with a red firing, from which hung as many
locks of cotton as they had performed meritorious aftions. This ho-
nour was fo much efteemed among them, that the kings themfelves,
as well as the generals, were proud of having it conferred upon them.
Montezuma II. belonged to this order, as Aco/la affirms, and alfo
king Tizoc, as appears in the paintings of him. The Tygers were dil-
tinguifhed by a particular armour which they wore, it being fpotted
like the fkins of thefe wild animals ; but fuch inlignia were only made
ufc of in war : at court all the officers of the army wore a drefs of
mixed colours, which was called Tlachquaubjo. No perfons on the
firft time of their going to war, were allowed to wear any badge of dif-
(z; Some authors fay that Tlacochcalcatl, fignifies prince of the darts ; but unc][ueftionablj
it means only, inhabitant of the arfenal, or boufe of the darts.
(«) The interpreter of Mendoza's CoUefiion fays, that the names of the four ranks of ge-
nerals, were TlacochcaLati, Jltemfan'^catl-, Ezhuacaicait!, and TUllancalqni. Acofla, inftead of
AtcmpanccatU i^ysTlacatccat!, and inllcad oi E7.huacatccatl, E%lti«hiiacnil ; and adds, that thefc
were the names of the four clccSlors. Torqiiemada adopts the name of Tlacatccai!, but fome-
times he makes his rank inferior to the Thicochcakatl, and at other times he confounds them
together.
tindlion 3
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
2(>5
tindlion ; they were drefTed in a coarfe white habit, of cloth made from BOOK VII.
the aloe ; and this rule was fo ftrictly obferved, that it was even necef-
fiiry for the princes of the royal blood to give fome proofs of their cou-
rage before they could be entitled to change that plain drefs for an-
other more coftly, called 'Teucalhihqui. The members of thofe mili-
tary orders, befides the exterior marks of diflindtion which they wore,
were allotted particular apartments in the royal palace, whenever they
waited upon the king as guards. They were allowed to have furniture
in their houfes made of gold, to wear the fineil cotton drefs, and finer
ihoes than thofe of the common people ; but no foldier had permiffion
to do this until he had gairved, by his bravery, fome advancement in
the army. A particular drefs called Tiacat%iuhqui was given as a re-
ward to the foldier, who, by his example, encouraged a difpirited army
to renew battle with vigour.
When the king went to war, he wore befides his armour, particular
badges of diftindion ; on his legs, half boots made of thin plates of
gold J on his arms, plates of the fame metal, and bracelets of gems ;
at his under lip hang an emerald fet in gold ; at his ears, ear-rings of
the fame ftone ; about his neck a necklace, or chain of gold and gems,
and a plume of beautiful feathers on his head ; but the badge mod ex-
j)reffive of majeftv, was a work of great labour made of beautiful fea-
thers, which reached from the head all down the back {b). The
Mexicans were very attentive to diflinguilh perfons, particularly in war,,
by dilFcrent badges..
The defenlive and offenfive arms which were made ufe of by the
Mexicans, and the other nations of Anahuac, were of various forts.
The defeniive arms common to tlie nobles and plebeians, to the ofh-
cers and foldiers, were fliields, which they called C.biinalli (^c), and
were made of different forms and materials. Some of them were per-
fei5tly round, and others were rounded only in the under part. Some
Sect.XXIL
The military
drefs of the
kin.?.
Sic T..
XXIII.
The aiiii> of
the Mexi-
cans.
{b) All thefe royal infignia had their particular name;. The boots were called co:ifliuat!,
the brachials niaUrnicati, the brace!ets mal^opczlii, the emerald at the lip toilcil. the earrinq;;,
Tiacochlii the necklace cozcaprtlail, and the principal badge of feathers quach-Hli.
(i) So'iis pretends, that the (liield was ufcd only by lords ; but the anonymous conqueror,
who frequently faw the Mexicans in arms, and was enijaged in many battles a;;ainft them, af-'
forts c.sprcfly, that this armour was common to all ranks. No author has informed us more
accurately than he of the Mexican armour.
were-
306 H I S T O R y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. were made of otatU, or fólid elaftic cines, interwoven widi thick cot-
^^ ' ton threads, and covered with feathers ; thofe of the nobles with thin
plates of gold; others were made of large tortoife-fliclls, adorned with
copper, filver, and gold, according to the wealth of the owner, or his
rank in the army, Thefe were of a moderate fize; but others were
fo cxceffively large, that they could occafionally cover the whole body ;
but when it was not necefliiry to ufe them, they could comprefs tnem,
and carry them under their arms like the parafols of the moderns ; it
is probable, they were made of the (kins of animals, or cloth waxed
with nie, or elaftic gum (d) . On the other hand, many of their
fliields were very fmall, more beautiful than ftrong, and adorned with
fine feathers ; thefe were not employed in war, but only at the enter-
tainments which they made in imitation of a battle.
Thedefenfive arms peculiar to the officers were breafl-plates of cotton,
one and fometimes two fingers thick, which were arrow-proof; and
on this account the Spaniards themfelves made ufe of them in the war
againft the Mexicans. The name Ichcahiiepììlì, which the Mexicans
gave to this fort of breaft-plate, was changed by the Spaniards into
the word EfcaupiL Over this fort of cuirafs, which only covered part
of the breaft, they put on another piece of armour, which, befides the
chert, covered the thighs, and the half of the arms, figures of which
appear in the plate reprefenting the Mexican armour. The lords were
accuflomed to wear a thick upper coat of feathers, over a cuirafs made
of feveral plates of gold, or filver gilt, which rendered them invul-
nerable, not only by arrows, but even by darts or Iwords, as the ano-
nymous conqueror affirms. Befides the armour which they wore for
the defence of their cherts, their arms, their thighs, and even their
legs ; their heads were ufually cafed in the heads of tygers, or fer-
pents, made of wood, or fome other fubftance, with the mouth open,
and furnifhed with large teeth that they might infpire terror, and fo
animated in appearance, that the above mentioned author fays, they
feemed to be vomiting up the foldiers. All the officers and nobles wore
a beautiful plume of feathers on their heads, in order to add to the
appearance of their rtature. The common foldiers went entirely naked,
(</) Thefe large fliicIds ;.rc mentioned by ihe snotiymous conq-cror, Didaco Godoi, and
Bernal Di.is, who were allpreftnt at the couqucir.
except
I
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
except the maxtlatl, or girdle, which covered the private parts ; but
they counterfeited the drefs which they wanted by different colours,
with which they painted their bodies. The European hiflorians, v/ho
exprels lb much wonder ?.t this, have not obferved how common the
lame practice was among the ancient nations of Europe itlelf.
The offenlive arms of the Mexicans were arrows, flings, clubs,
fpears, pikes, fwords, and darts. Their bows were made of a v/ood,
which was elaflic and difficult to break, and the flring of the linews
of animals, or the hair of the flag. Some of their bows were fo large
(as they are at prcfent among fome nations of th .t continent), that
they required more than five feet length of firing. Their arrows
were made of hard rods, pointed with the fiiarp bone of a fifh, or other
animal, or a piece of flint, or it%!i. They were extremely expert at
drawing the bow, and very dextrous markfmen, being exercifed in it
from childhood, and encouraged by rewards from their maflers and
parents. The Tehuacanefe nation was particularly famous for their
liiill in riiooting two or three arrows together. The furpriling feats of
dexterity, whi^h have been exhibited even in our time by the Tarau-
marcle, the Hiaquefe, and other people of thofe regions, who ftill ufc
the bow and arrow, enable us to judge of the expertnefs and excellence
of the ancient Mexicans in that way (t"). No people of the country
of Anahuac ever made ufe of poifoned arrows ; this was probably ow-
ing to their defire of taking their enemies alive for the purpofe of la-
crificing them.
The Miiqiiabiiitl, called by the Spaniards Spnda, or fword, as it was
the weapon among the Mexicans, which was equivalent to the fword of
the old continent, was a flout flick three feet and. a half long, and about
four inches broad, armed on each fide with a fort of razors of the Hone
itzli, extraordinarily fliarp, fixed and firmly faflened to the flick with
gum lack (fj^ which were about three inches long, one or two inches
broad,
(<•) The dexterity of thofc people in (hooting arrows would not be credible, were it not well
aftertaincd by the depofitions of a variety of eye-witnefles. It was ufuiil for a number of
archers to aflcmble together, and throw up an car of niaÌ7x into the air, at which they iminc-
òiatcly fliot with fuch quickr.ifs and dexterity, that before it could reach ihc ground it was
tiripped of every grain.
( f) Hernandez f.iys, that one ftroke of the maquiihuitl was fuflicient to cut a man through
the middle ; and the anonymous conqueror attcils, that he fa^v ia an engagement a Mcxic.m,
8 with
368 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. broad, and as thick as the blade of our ancient fwords. This weapon
* ^ ^ was lb keen, that once it entirely beheaded a horfe at one llroke, ac-
cording to the afiirmation of Acofla ; but the firfl ftroke only was to
be feared ; for the razors became foon blunt. They tied this weapon
by a firing to their arm, left they might lofe it in any violent conflidl.
The form of the maquahuitl is defcribed by feveral hiflorians, and is
reprefented in one of the plates of this hiflory.
The pikes of the Mexicans, inftcad of' iron, were pointed with a
large flint, but fonie of th.in alfo with copper. The Chinantecas,
and fome people of Chiapan, made ufe of pilies fo monftrous, that they
exceeded three perches, or eigliteen feet in length, and the conqueror
Cortes employed them againfl: the cavalry of his rival Panfilo Navaez.
The T^lacocbtU, or Mexican dart, was a fmall lance of otatli, or fonie
other ftrong wood, the point of which was hardened by fire, or (h.od
with copper, or Z/^//, or bone, and many of them had three points,
in order to make a triple wound at every ftroke.
They fixed a ftring to their darts fgj, in order to pull them back
again, after they had launched them at the enemy. This was the wea-
pon which was the moft dreaded by the Spanidi conquerors ; for they
were fo expert at throwing them, that they pierced the body of an
enemy through and through. The foldiers were armed in general with
a fword, a bow and arrows, a dart, and a fling. We do not know,
whether in war, they ever made ufc of their axes, of which we fliall
fliortly fpeak.
They had alfo ftandards and mufical inftrunients proper for war.
Their ftandards, which were more like the Sigmim of the Romans than
our colours, were ftaves from eight to ten feet long, on which they
carried the arms or enfigns of the ftate, made of gold, or feathers, or
fome other valuable materials. The armorial enfign of the Mexican
empire, was an eagle in the a6t of darting upon a tyger ; that of the
republic of Tlafcaia, an eagle with its wings fpread (-Ó) -, but each of
with one tlroke which he gave a horfe in the bellv, make his intellincs drop out ; and antthcr,
who with one ftroke which he gave a horfe upon the head, laid him dead at his feet.
[g) The Mexican dart was of that kind of darts which the Romans ufcd to call Hafiih; Jc-
culum, or Telimi cttiuntatiini, and the Spauifil name Amento or A.aeiuto, which the hillori.ins cf
3Mc.\ico have adopted, means the fame thing as the Amentum of the Romans.
(/') Gomara fay?, that the armoiial enlign of the republic of Tlafcaia was a crane ; bue
other hillorians, better informed than he Vvas, ufhrm that it was an eagle.
the
Sect.
XXIV.
Slandardi
and martial
luulic.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 369
the four lordHiips which compofed the repubUc, had its proper enfign. book vii.
That of Ocotelolco, was a green bird upon a rock ; that of Tizatlan, ^-^ -'"
a heron upon a rock alfo ; that of Tepeticpac, a fierce wolf, holding
fome arrows in his paws ; and that of Quiahuiztlan, aparafol of green
feathers. The flandard which the conqueror Cortes took in the fa-
mous battle of Otompan, was a net of gold, which, in all probability
was the ftandard of fome city lituated on the lake. Befides the com-
mon and principal ftandard of the army, every company, confining of
two or three hundred foldiers, carried its particular ftandard, and was
not only diftinguifhed from others by it, but likewife by the colour of
the feathers, which the officers and nobles bore upon their armour.
The flandard-bearer of the army, at leaft in the lalf years of the em-
pire, was the general, and thofe of the companies, mofl probably, were
borne by their commanding officers. Thole flandards were fo firmly
tied upon the backs of the officers, that it was almoft impofiible to
detach them without cutting the ftandard-bearers to pieces. The
Mexicans always placed their ftandard in the centre of their army. The
Tlafcalans, when they marched their troops in time of peace placed
it in the van, but in the time of war, in the rear of their army.
Their martial mufic, in which there was more noife than harmony,
confifted of drums, horns, and certain fea-iliells which made an ex-
tremely flirill found.
Previous to a declaration of war, the fupreme council examined into Sect. XXV.
the caule which induced them to undertake it, which was for the moll aeckdn/and
part the rebellion of fome city or province, the putting to death un- carrying on
lawfully fome Mexican, Acolhuan, or Tepanecan couriers, or mer-
chants, or fome grofs infult offered to their ambaffadors. If the re-
bellion originated in fome of the chiefs, and not among the people,
the guilty perfons were conduced to the capital and punifhcd. But if
the people were alfo in fault, fatisfadtion was demanded from them in
the name of the king. If they fubmitted, and manifefted a fincerc re-
pentance, their crime was pardoned, and they were advifed to better
conduct ; but if, inflead of fubmiffion, tliey anfwered with arrogance,
and perfifted in denying the latisfi(5tion demanded, or offered any new
infult to the meffengers which were lent to them, the affair was dif-
cufied in the council, and if war was refolved upon, proper orders were
Vol. I. B b given
war.
HISTORY OF Pv'IEXICO.
given to the generals. Sometimes the kings, in order to juftify their
conduóì more fully before they made war upon any ftate or place, fen:
three different embaffies ; the firfi: to the lord of the ftate which had
given offence, requiring from him a fuitable fatisfaftion, and alfo pre-
fcribing a time for the fame, on pain ot" being treated as an enemy ;
the fecond, to the nobles, that they might perfuade their lord to make
a fubmiffion, and efcape the punifhment which threatened him ; and
the third to the people, in order to make them acquainted with the
occafion of the war ; and very often, as a certain hiftorian afferts, the
arguments made ufe of by the ainbaffadors were fo powerful, and the
advantages of peace, and the diltreffes of war, were fo forcibly repre-
fented, that an accommodation took place between the parties. They
ufed alfo to fend along with ambailadors the idol of Huitzilopochtli,
enjoining the people who were ftirring up a war to give it a place
among their gods. If they on the one hand found themfclves ftrong
enough to refift, they rejeóted the propofition, and difaiiffed the itrange
god ; but if they thought themfelves unable to fuilain a war, they re-
ceived the idol, and placed it among their provincial gods, and anfwer-
ed to the embaffy with a large prefent of gold, gems, or beautiful fea-
thers, acknowledging their fubjedtion to the fovereign.
If war was to be commenced, previous to every thing elfe they fent
advice of it to the enemy, that they might prepare for defence, confi.-
dering nothing more mean and unworthy of brave people than to at-
tack the unguarded : for this purpofe therefore, they fent before them
feveral fhlelds, which were the fignals of a challenge, and likewife
fome cotton dreffes. When one king was challenged by an.other, they
ufed alfo the ceremony of anointing, and fixing feathers upon his head,
which was done by the ambaffador, as happened at the challenge given by
king Itzcoatl to the tyrant Maxtlaton ; they next difpatched fpies, who
were called ^r/mic/jlm, or forcerers, and were to go in dil_^:uile into the
country of the enemy, to obferve tiieir number and motions, and the
quality of the troops which they muftered. If they were fuccefsful
in this commiffion they were amply rewarded. Laftly, after having
made fome facrifices to the god of war, and to the tutelar deities of
the ffate or city on which the war was made, in order to m.crit their
protedion, the army marched, but not formed into wings, or ranked
in
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 371
in files, but divided into companies, each of which had its leader, and KOOK vn.
its llandard. When the army was numerous it was reckoned by Xiqni-
pilli ; and each xiquipilli con(\{\:cà of eight thoufand men. It is extremely
probable, that each of thefe bodies was commanded by a Tlacatecatl,
or other general. I'lie place where the firft battle was ufually fought was
afield appointed for that purpofe in fome province, and called y^o/ A////,
or land or field of battle. They began battle (as was ufual in ancient
Europe, and among the Romans), with a moft terrible noife of war-
like inilruments, (houting and whiftling, which flruck terror to thofe
who were not accullomed to hear it, as the anonymous conqueror declares
from his own experience. Amongft the people of Tezcuco, and like-
wife, moll probably, amongft thofe of other ftates, the king, or the
general, gave the lignal for battle, by the beat of a little drum which
hung at his fhoulder. Their firft onfet was furious ; but they did
not all engage at once, as fome authors have reported j for they were
accuftomed, as is manifell from their hiftory, to keep troops in refcrve,
for preinng emergencies. Sometimes they began battle with iliooting
arrows, and fometimes v/ith darts and flinging of flones ; and wlieu
their arrows were exhaufled, they made ufe of their pikes, clubs, and
fwords. They were extremely attentive to keep their troops united
and firmly together, to defend the ftandard, and to carry off the dead
and the wounded from the fight of the enemy. There were certain
men of the army who had no other employment than to remove from
the eyes of the enemy eveiy object which could heighten their courage
and intiame their pride. They made frequent ufe of ambufcades, con-
ceahng them.felves in bulhy places or ditches made on purpofe, of whicii
the Spaniards had often experience ; and frequently alfo they pretended
flight, in order to lead the enemy in pnrfuit of tliem into fome dan-
gerous fituation, or to charge tiiem behind with fre/h troops. Their
great aim in battle was not to kill, but to make prifoners of their ene-
mies for facrifices ; nor was the bravery of a foldier eftimated by the
number of dead bodies which he left on the field, but by the number
of prifoners which he prefented to the general after the battle, and this ''
was unqueflionably the principal caufe of the prefervation of the Spa-
niards, ni the midil of the dangers to which they were expofed, and
B b 2 parti-
372 ir I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. particularly on that memorable night when they were defeated, and ob-
liged to retreat from the capital. When an enemy, whom they had
once conquered, attempted to fave himfelf by flight, they hamftring him
to prevent his efcape. When the ftandarJ of the army was taken by
the enemy, or their general fell, they all fled, nor was it pofllble then
by any human art to rally or recall them.
When the battle was over, the vidtors celebrated the victory with
great reioicings, and rewarded the officers and foldiers who had made
fome prifoners. When the king of Mexico in perfon, took an enemy
prifoner, embaffies came from all the provinces of the kingdom to con-
gratulate him upon the occafion, and to offer him fome prefent. This
prifoner was clothed with the fineft habits, adorned with jewels, and
carried in a litter to the capital, where the citizens came out to meet
him, with mufic and loud acclamations. When the day of the facri-
fice arrived, the king having failed the day before, according to the
cuftom of owners of prifoners, they carried the royal prifoner, adorned
with the enfigns of the fun, to the altar for common facrifices, where
he was facrificed by the high-prieft. ' The prieft fprinkled his blood
towards the four principal winds, and fent a velfel full of the fame to
the king, who ordered it to be fprinkled on all the idols within the
inclofure of the greater temple, as a token of thanks for the vidlory
obtained over the enemies of the fiate. They hung up the head in
fome very lofty place, and after the fkin of the body was dried, they
filled it with cotton, and hung it up in the royal palace, in memory of
the glorious deed ; in which circumftance however, their adulation to
him was confpicuous.
When any city was to be bcfieged, the greateli: anxiety of the ci-
tizens was to fecure their children, their women, and fick perfons j
for which purpofe they fent them off, at an early opportunity, to another
city, or to the mountains. Thus they faved thofe dcfencelefs indivi-
duals from the fury of the enemy, and obviated an unneceffary con-
fumption of provifions.
Sect. For the defence of places they made ufe of various kinds of fortifi-
r ■^Y .' cations, fuch as walls, and ramparts, with their breafl:-works, palifa-
tions. does, ditches, and iiitrenchments. Concerning the city of Qiiauhque-
8 chollan.
j'/.xm.
f////'///'/- /(■?■/// 1'/ ^ /,///// /i
I'et.I Pat/f j^j
A>
f>llfrt7///y /■/ f/ll : //rf->r<l/ffH .'/v77AVY^l>.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 373
chollan, we know that it was fortified by a ftrong (lone v/all, about BOOK vji.
twenty-feet high, and twelve feet in thicknefs fi).
The conquerors, who defcribe to us the fortifications of this city,
make mention Hkewife of feveral others, amon;; which is the celebrated
wall which the Tlafcalans built on the eaflern boundaries of the repub-
lic, to defend themfelves from the invalion of the Mexican troops,
which were g.irrifoned in Iztacmaxtitlan, Xocotlan, and other places.
This wall, which ftretched from one mountain to another, was fix
miles in length, eight feet in height, befides the breafl-work, and eigh-
teen feet in thicknefs. It was made of llone, and ftrong fine mortar (/■).
There was but one narrow entrance of about eight feet broad, and
forty paces long ; this was the fpace between the two extremities of the
wall, the one of which encircled the other, forming two femicircles,
with one common centre. This will be better imderftood from the
figure of it which we prefent to our readers. There are llill fome re-
mains of this wall to be feen.
There are alfo to be feen ftill the remains of an ancient fiartrefs built
upon the top of a mountain, at a little diftance from the village of Mol-
caxac, furrounded by four walls, placed at fome diflance from each
other, from the bafe of the mountain unto the top. In the neigh-
bourhood appear many finali ranvparts of ftone and lime, and upon a
hill, two miles diflant from that mountain, are the remains of fome
ancient and populous city, of which, however, there is no memory
among hiflorians. About twenty-five miles from Cordova, towards
the north, is likewife the ancient fortrefs of ^auhtocho, (now Giici-
tufco), furrounded by high walls of extremely hard ftone, to which
there is no entrance but by afcending a number of very high and
narrow fleps ; for in this manner the entrance to their fortreflcs was.
formed. From among the ruins of this ancient building, which is
now over-run with bulhes, through the negligence of thofe people, a
Cordovan gentleman lately dug out feveral well-finifhed llatues of Hone,
(/) In the ninth book \vc filali give a ilcfcription of the fortificntions of Qu.nuliquccholl.in.
\ii) Bernal Dias fays, that the Tlafcaian wall was built of ftonc and lime, and with a bitu-
men fo Ih-ong it was nccrflary to iilc pick-axes to undo it. Cortes, on the other hand aflirni?,
that it was built of dry ftoncs. We arc difpofed rather to give credit to Bernal Dias; bccaufc
he aflerts, he had attentively examined this wall, although like an illiterate perfon, he give»
the name of bitumen to the mortar or cement made ufc of by thofc nations.
for
H I S T O p. Y OF I\I E X I C O. ■
for the ornament of his houfe. Near to the ancient court of Tezcuco,
a part of the wall which furrounded the city of Coatlichan, is ftili
preferved. We wiili that our countrymen v/ould attend to the prelcr-
vation of thofe few remains of the military architeilure of the Mexi-
cans, particularly as they have fuffered fo many other valuable remains
of their antiquity to go to ruin (!) .
The capital of Mexico, though fuiticiently fortified by its natural
fituation for thofe times, was rendered impregnable to its enemies by
the induftr)' of its inhabitants. There was no accefs to the city but
by the roads formed upon the lake ; and to make it dill more dithcult
in time of v/ar, they built many ramparts upon thefe roads, which
were interfered with fevsral deep ditches, over which they had draw-
bridges, and thofe ditches were defended by good entrenchnients.
Thofe ditches were the graves of many Spaniards and Tlafcalans, on
the memorable night of the firtl of July, of which we fliall fpeak here-
after ; and the caufe which retarded the taking of that great city, by fo
numerous and v.'ell equipped an army, as that whicli Cortes employed
to befiege it ; and v»hich, had he not been aflifted by the brigantines,
would have delayed it much longer, and occafioned the lofs of a great
deal more blood. For the defence of the city by water, they had
many thoufand fmall veffels, and frequently exercifed themfelves in na-
val engagements.
But the moll fmgalar fortincations of Mexico were the temples
themfelves, and efpecially the greater temple, which refembled a cita-
del. The wall which furrounded the whole of tlie temple, the five
arfenals there which were filled with every fort of ofFenfive and defen-
five arms, and the architeóture of the temple itfelf which rendered the
afcent to it fo dithcult, gives us clearly to underfland, that in fuch
buildings, policy, as well as religion, had a fliarej and that they con-
ftrudted them, not only from motives of fuperftition, but likewife for
the purpofe of defence. It is well known from their hillory, that they
fortified themfelves in their temples when they could not hinder the
(/) Thefe imperfeiS accounts of thofe remains of Mexican antiquities, obtained from eye-
w'ltncfles worthy of the utmoft credit, perfuade us, that there are ftill many more of which
we have no knowledge, owing to the indolence and negleci of our counti vmen. See what \i
faid in our diflertations refpeding thofe antiquities againft Slg. de P. and Dr. Robcrtfon.
cnemv,
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
375
enemy from entering into the city, and from thence harrafìed them with BOOK vii.
arrows, darts, and ftones. In the laft book of this hiftory, will ap-
pear how long the Spaniards were in taking the greater temple, where
live hundred Mexican nobles had fortified themfelves.
The high efteem in which the Mexicans held every thing relating
to war, did not divert their attention from the arts of peace. Firft,
agriculture, which is one of the chief occupations of civil life, was,
from time immemorial, exercifed by the Mexicans, and almoft all the
people of Anahuac. The Toltecan nation einployed themfelves dili-
gently in it, and taught it to the Chechemecan hunters.. With rcfpedt
to the Mexicans, we know that during the whole of their peregrina-
tion, from their native country Aztlan, unto the lake where they
founded Mexico, they cultivated the earth in all thofe places where
they made any conliderable flop, and lived upon the produce of their
labour. When they were brought under fubjeflion to the Colhuan
and Tepanecan nations, and confined to the miferable little iflands on
the lake, they ceafed for fome years to cultivate the land, becaufe they
had none, until necefhty, and induftry together, taught them to form
ir.oveable fields and gardens, which floated on the waters of the lake.
The method which they purfued to make thofe, and which they flill
pradtvfe, is extremely limple.
They plait and twifl: willows, and roots of marfh plants, or other
materials togetiier, which are light, but capable of fupporting the earth XXVII.
of the garden firmly united. Upon this foundation they lay the light fieids'"and
bullies which float on the lake, and over all, the mud and. dirt wlilch ga'dcis of
they draw up from the bottom of the fame laice. Their regular figure lake.
is quadrangular ; their length and breadth various ; but as fiir as we can
judge, they are about eight perches long, and not more than three in
breadth, and have lefs than a foot of elevation above the furface of the
water. Thefe were the firfl fields which the Mexicans owned after
the foundation of Mexico; there they firft cultivated the maize, gre.\t
pepper, and other plants, neceflary for their fiapport. In progrefs of
time 1.8 thole fields grew numerous from the induflry of thole people
there were among them gardens of flowers and odoriferous plants, which
were employed in the worfliip of their gods, and ferved for the recrea-
tion of the nobles. Atprefent they cultivate flowers, and every fort of gar-
den.
Sect.
XXVIIL
Manner of
cultivating
the earth.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
den herbs upon them. Every day of the year, at fun -rife, innumerable
veffels loaded with various kinds of flowers and herbs, which are culti-
vated in thofe gardens are feen arriving by the canal, at the great mar-
ket-place of that capital. All plants thrive there furprifmgly ; the mud
of the lake is an extremely fertile foil, and requires no water from the
clouds. In the largeft gardens there is commonly a little tree, and even
a little hut to fhelter the cultivator, and defend him from rain, or the fun.
When the owner of a garden, or the Chifianipci, as he is ufually called,
wifhes to change his lltuation, to remove from a difagreeable neighbour,
or to come nearer to his own family, he gets into his little veflel, and by
his own flrength alone, if the garden is fmall, or with the affiftance of
others, if it is large, he to\\'s it after him, and conduits it wherever he
pleafes v^^ith the little tree and hut upon it. That part of the lake
■where thofe floating gardens are, is a place of infinite recreation where
the fenfes receive the higheft pofTible gratification.
As foon as the Mexicans had fliaken of the Tepanecan yoke, and
had gained by their conquefts lands fit for cultivation, they applied
themfelves with great diligence to agriculture. Having neither ploughs,
nor oxen, nor any other animals proper to be employed in the culture
of the earth, they fupplied the want of them by labour, and other more
Ample infl:ruments. To hoe and dig the ground they made ufe of the
Coati (or Coo), which is an infl:rument made of copper, with a wooden
handle, but different from a fpade or mattock. They made ufe of an
axe to cut trees, which was alfo made of copper, and was of the fame
form with thofe of modern times, except that we put the handle in the
eye of the axe, whereas they put the axe into an eye of the handle.
They had feveral other infl:ruments of agriculture ; but the negligence
of ancient writers on this fubjedt has not left it in our power to attempt
their defcription.
For the refrefhment of their fields they made ufe of the water of ri-
vers and fmall torrents which came from the mountains, raifing dams
to colledl them, and forming canals to conduct them. Lands which
were high, or on the declivity of mountains, were not fown every year,
but allowed to lie fallow until they were over-run with bufhes, which
they burned, to repair by their aflies, the fait which rains had wafhed
away. They furrounded their fields with ftone inclofures, or hedges
made of the inetl, or aloe, which make an excellent fence ; and in the
month
Il I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. ^jy
month Panquetzaliztli, which began, as we have already mentioned, book: vii.
on the third of December, they were repaired if neceflary (w). """ •' '
Tlie method they obferved in fowing of maize, and which tliey ftill
pradlife in fome places, is tliis. The fo.ver makes a fmall hole in the
earth, with a flick or drill probably, the point of which is hardened
by fire ; into this hole he drops one or two grains of maize from abaf-
ket which hangs from his flioulder, and covers them with a little earth
by means of his foot ; he then pafles forward to a certain diflance,
which is greater or lefs according to the quality of the foil, opens an-
other hole, and continues fo in a ftrait line unto the end of the field ;
from thence he returns, forming another line parallel to the firft. The
rows of plants by thefe means are as ftrait as if a line was made ufe of,
and at as equal diftances from each other as if the fpaces between were
meafured. This method of fowing, which is now ufed by a few of
the Indians only, though more flow («), is, however of fome advantage,
-as they can more exadlly proportion the quantity of feed to the ftrength
of the foil ; befides, that there is almoft none of the feed loft which is
fown. In confequence of this, the crops of the fields which are cul-
tivated in that manner are ufually more plentiful. When the maize
fprings up to a certain height, they cover the. foot of the plant round
with earth, that it may be better nourilhed, and more able to withftand
fudden gufts of wind.
In the labours of the field the men were aftlfted by the women. It
was the bufinefs of the men to dig and hoe the ground, to fow, to
heap the earth about the plants, and to reap ; to the women it belong-
ed to ftrip oft" the leaves from the ears, and to clear the grain ; to
weed and to fhell it was the employment of both.
They iiad places like farm yards, where they ftripped off" the s f c t.
leaves from the ears, and ftielled them, and granaries to preferve the ^ -^^!-^-
• ■■re J 11 r Thrcfliiiig.
grain. Their granaries were built in a fquarc form, and generally of floors and
wood. They made ufe of the ojametl for this pur|)ofe, which is a very S''»"'»"^»-
lofty tree, with but a few flcnder branches, and a thin fmooth bark ;
the wood of it is extremely pliant, and difficult to break or rot. Thcfc
(ni) This is called z. penguin fencexn Jamaica, and the windward iflands.
(«) This manner of fowing is not fo flow as might be imajincd, as the country people ufuJ
to this method do it with wonderful c]uickncfs.
Vol. I. C c c grana-
3/8 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOCK VII. granaries were formed by placing the round and equal trunks of the
ojam-:tl in a fquare, one upon the othrr, without any labour except thai
of a fmall nitch tovvards their extremities, to adjuft and unite them fo
perfectly as not to fuffer any pailage to the light. When the flruc-
ture was raifed to a fufficient height, they covered it with another let
of crofi-beams, and over thefe tlie roof was laid to defend the grain
from rains. Thofe granaries had no other door or outlet than two
v/indòws, one belov/ which was fmall, and another fomewhat wider
above. Some of them were fo large as to contain five or fix thoufand,
or fometimes more fanegas (o) of maize. There are fome of this
fort of granaries to be met with in a few places at a diftance from the
capital, and amongfl: them fome fo very ancient, that they appear to
have been built before the conqueft ; and, according to the information
we have had from perfons of intelligence, they preferve the grain bet-
ter than thofe which are conftruóled by the Europeans.
Clofe to fields which were fown they commonly eredted a little tower
of wood, branches and mats, in which a man defended from the fun
and rain kept watch, and drove away the birds which came in flocks
to confume the young grain. Thofe little towers are fi:ill made ufe of
even in the fields of the Spaniards on account of the excefiive number
of birds.
Sect. XXX. The Mexicans were alfo extremely well lliilled in the cultivation of
Kitchen and jj^ifcJ^eri and Other eardens, in which they planted with CTeat regularity
other gardens _ ° ' J " n i
aad woods. and taftc, fru;t-trees, and medicinal plants and flowers. The laft of
thofe were much in demand, not lefs en account of the particular plea-
fure taken in them, than of the cuftom which prevailed of prefenting
bunches of flowers to their kings, lords, ambafl!adors, and other per-
fons of rank, befides the excefiive quantity which were made ufe of in
the temples and private oratories. Amongil the ancient gardens, of
which an account has been handed down to us, the royal gardens of
Mexico and Tezcuco, which we have already mentioned, and thofe of
the lords of Iztapalapan and Huaxtepec, have been much celebrated.
Among the gardens of the great palace of the lord of Iztapalapan,
there was one, the extent, difpofition, and beauty of which excited the
(o) A Caililian msalure of dry goods, formerly meutioned by us.
admi-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
adn-iiratioci of the Spanilli conquerors. It was laid out in four fquares,
and planted with every variety of trees, the fight and fcent of whicli
gave infi nits pleafure to the fenfes ; througli thofe fquares a nu;nb:r
of roads and paths led, [oaic formed by fruit-bearing trees, and others
by efpaiiers of flowering ihrubs and aromatic herbs. Sevenil canals from
the lake watered it, by one of which their barges could enter. In the
centre of of the garden was a fiili-pond, the circumference of which
insafured fixteen hundred paces, or four hundred from fide to fide,
where innumerable water-fowl leforted, and there were fteps on every
fide to defcend to the bottom. This garden, agreeable to the tefti-
mony of Cortes and Di.-z, who faw it, was planted, or rather extend-
ed and improved by Cuitlahuatzin, the brother and fuccefibr in tiie
kingdom to Montezuma II. He caufed many foreign trees to be
tronfplantcd there, according to the account of Plernandez, who faw
them.
The garden of ITuaxtepec was flill more extenfive and celebrated
than the laft. It was fix miles in circumference, and watered by a
beautiful river which crolil'd it. Innumerable fpecies of trees and plants
v/cre reared there and beautifully difpofcd, and at proper diftances ho.n
each othwT ditFercnt pleafure houfcs were ercvfted. A great number
of ftrange plants imported from foreign countries were colle«5led in it.
The Spaniar.ls for many years preferved this garden, where they culti-
vated every kind of medicinal herb belonging to that clime, for tlie ufe
of the hofpital which th'iy founded there, in which the remarkable
hermit, Gregorio Lopez, ferved a number of years fpj.
They paid no lefs attention to the piefcrvation of the woods which
fupplied them with fuel to burn, timber to build, and game for the
d.verf.on of the king. We have formerly mentioned the woods of
(^) Cortes, in his letter to Charles V. of the i ^th uf >r3y, 1^22, told liini, that the gar-
den of Huaxtepcc w;is the moft cxtciilive, the mull beaiitilul, anJ moll ilclightful «hich haj
ever been beheld. Bernal Dias, in chap, cxlii. of his hi'lory fays, that the garden wa'i lno(i
wonderful, and truly worthy of a great prince. Hirnaudoi frequently innVes incitt!on
of ii in his N.itural Hillcry, and names fcveral pi nts which were ira:'.lplantcd tlicrc, and a-
min^^ft o'her? the hallam-tree. Cortes alfo, in liii letter to Charles V. of the ^oth of Orto-
btr, i^jo, relates, that having requetied kin;,' iSI ntezunia t^ caifc a villa to be made in Ma-
linaltcpec for that cmpiror, two months «ere hardly elapfcd wh< n tl ere were crerted at that
place four jood houfes ; fixiy fanegas of maize fown, ten of French beans, two thoufand feet
of ground planted with ca, ao, and a vail pond, where five liuiulred ducks were breedinjj, and
fifteen hundred turkies were rearing in houfes.
C c c 2 king
:So
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
bogk vii.
Sect.
XXXI.
Plants molt
cultivated by
the iMexi-
cans.
Sect.
XXXII.
Animals bred
by the Mexi-
cans.
king Montezuma, and the laws of king Nczahualcojotl conceniing
the cutting of them. It would be of advantage to that kingdom, that
thofe laws were ftill in force, or at leaft that there v/as not fo much
liberty granted in cutting without an obligation to plant a certain num-
ber of trees ; as many people preferring their private intereft and con-
venience to the public welfare, deftroy the wood in order to enlarge
their pofieffions {q).
Among the plants moil: cultivated by the Mexicans next to maize,
the principal were thofe of cotton, the cacao, the 7iu't/, or aloe, the
chia, and great pepper, on -iccount of the various ufes which they made
of them. The aloe, or maguei alone, yielded almofl: every thing ne-
ceflary to the life of the poor. Befides making excellent hedges for
their fields, its trunk ferved In place o^ beams for the roofs of their
houfes, and its leaves inflead of tiles. From thofe leaves they obtain-
ed paper, thread, needles, clothing, flioes, and ftockings, and cord-
age ; and from its copious juice they made wine, honey, fugar, and
vinegar. Of the trunk, and thickeft part of the leaves, when well
baked, they made a very tolerable dilh of food. Laflly, it was a power-
ful medicine in feveral diforders, and particularly in thofe of the urine.
It is alfo at prefent one of the plants the mofl valued and moft profit-
able to the Spaniards, as we lliall fee hereafter.
With refpetì to the breeding of animals, which is an employment
afTociated with agriculture, although among the Mexicans there were
no fliepherds, they having been entirely delfitute of flieep, they bred
up innumerable fpecies of animals unknow^n in Europe. Private per-
fons brought up techichis, quadrupeds, as we. have already mentioned,,
fimilar to little dogs ; turkeys, quails, geefe, ducks, and other kinds
of fowl. In the houfes of lords were bred filh, deer, rabbits, and a.
variery of birds ; and in the royal palaces, almofl: all the fpecies of qua-
drupeds, and v/inged animals of thofe countries, and a prodigious num-
ber of water animals and reptiles. We may fay, that in this kind of
magnificence Montezuma II. furpafTed all the kings of the world, and
that there never has been a nation equal in fkill to the Mexicans in the
(y^ Many places Hill feel the pernicious cfFcQs of the liberty to cut the woods. The city
Queretaro was formerly provided with timber for builJins; from the w:c>d which w.is upon the
neighbouring mountain Cimatario. At prefent it is obliged to be brou^iit froni a j^rcat dillancc,
as ihi; mountain is entirely f.ript of its wood.
care
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 381
care of fo many different fpecies of animals, which had fo much know- BOOK vii.
ledge of their difpofitions, of the food which was moft proper for each,
and of all the means necefliiry for their prefervation and increafe.
Among the animals reared by the Mexicans, no one is more worthy
of mention than the tiochiztli, or Mexican cochineal, defcribed by us
in our firft book. This infeft, fo greatly valued in Europe on account
of its dyes, and efpecially thofe of fcarlet and criaifon, being not only
extremely delicate, but alfo perfecuted by feveral enemies, demands a
great deal more care from the breeders than is necelTary for the filk-
worm. Rain, cold, and llrong winds deflroy it. Birds, mice, and
worms, perfecute it furioufly and devour it ; hence it is neceffary to
keep the rows of opuntia, or nopal, where thofe infedts are bred al-
ways clean ; to attend conftantly to drive away the birds which are de-
flruftive to them, to make nefts of hay for them in the leaves of the
opuntia, by the juice of which they are nourirtied, and when the fea-
fon of rain approaches, to raife them from the plants together with the
leaves, and guard them in houfes. Before the females are delivered they
caft their flcin, to obtain which fpoil the breeders make ufe of the tail of
the rabbit, brufliing molt gently vvith it that they may not detach the in-
fers from the leaves, or do them any hurt. On every leaf they make
three nefts, and in every neft they lay about fifteen cochineals. Every
year they make three gatherings, referving however each time a certain
number for the future generation ; but the laft gathering is leaft valued,,
the cochineals being fmaller then, and mixed with the fhavings of the
opuntia. They kill the cochineal moft commonly with hot water..
On the manner of drying it afterwards the quality of the colour which
is obtained from it chiefly depends. The heft is that which is dried
in the fun. Some dry it in the comaUi, or pan, in which they bake
their bread of maize, and others in the teiiuizcalli, a fort of oven, of
which we diali fpeak elfewhere.
The Mexicans would not have been able to afi'enible fo many forts Sect..
XX'XII
of animals, if they had not had great dexterity in the exercife of the chace of the
chace. They made ufe of the bow and arrow, darts, nets, fnares, and Me-"^"^-»"-
Cerbottane* . The cerbottane which the kings and principal lords made
* Cerlottane, arc long tubes, or pipes, through which they flioot, by blowing with thè
mouth little balls at birds, &:c,
ufe.
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
life of were curioufly carved and painted, and likewife adorned with
gold and lilver. Belides the exercife of the chace which private indi-
viduals took e'ther for amufement, or to provide food for thcmfelvcs,
there were general chaces, which were either thofe eflahliflied by cuf-
toni to procure a plenty of vidlims for facrifices, or others occafionally
appointed by the king. For this general chace they fixed on a large
wood, which was generally that cf Zacatepec, not far diftant from the
capital ; there they chofe the place moft adapted for fetting a great
nun::ber of fnares and nets. With fome thoufands of hunters they
fonned a circle round the wood of fix, feven, eight, or more miles,
according to the number of animals they intended to take : they fet
fire every where to the dry grafs and herbs, and made a terrible noife
with drums, horns, fliouting, and whiftling. The animals, alarmed
by the noife and the fire, fled to the centre of the wood, which was
the very place v/here the fnares were fet. The hunters approached to-
wards the fame fpot, and flill continuing their noife, gmdually con-
trad:ed their circle, until they left but a very fmall fpace to the game,
which they all then attacked with their arms. Some of the animals
were killed, and fome were taken alive in the fnares, or in the hands
of the hunters. The number and variety of game which they took
was fo great, that the firft viceroy of Mexico, when he was told of i^,
thought it fo incredible, that he defired to make experience of the me-
thod himfelf. For the field of the chace, lie made choice of a great
plain which lies in the country of t!ie Otomies, between the villages
of Xilotepec and S. Giovajuii del Rio, and ordered the Indians to pro-
ceed in the fame manner as they had been ufed to do in the time of
their paganifm. The viceroy, with a great retinue of Spaniards repair-
ed to the plain, where accomaiodations were prepared for them in houiès
built oi wood, eredted there on purpofe. Eleven thoufand Otomies
formed a circle of more than fifteen miles, and after pradtifing all the
means above mentioned, adembled fuch a quantity of game on the plain,
that the viceroy, who was quite aftoniHied at the fight, commanded that
the greater part of them fliould be fet at liberty, which was accordingly
dene ; notwithflanding the number of animals taken would be altoge-
ther incredible, if the circumflance had not been publicly known and
atLef.ed by maiiy, aid aniong others by a witnefs worth}' of the hightft
credit.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 383
credit (rj. They killed more than fix hundred deer and wild goats, BOOK vii.
upwards of a hundred cojotes, and a furpriling number of hares, rab-
bits, and other quadrupeds. The plain ftill retains the Spanilh name
CazuilerOy or pl.ice of the chace, which was then given it.
Befidss the ufual method of pravftifing the chace, they had other par-
ticular devices for catching particular kinds of animals. In order to
catch young apes, they m.ide a fmall lire in the woods, and put among
the burning coals a particular kind of flone which they called Cacalo-
tetl, (raven, or black ftone), which burfts with a loud noife when it
is well heated. They covered the fire with earth, and fprinkled around
it a little maize. The apes, allured by the grain, alfembled about it
with their young, and while they were peaceably eating, the flone
burft ; the old apes fled away in terror leaving their young behind them ;
the hunters, who were on the watch, then feizcd them before their
dams could return to carry them off.
The method alfo which they had, and ftill ufe, to- catch ducks, is
artful and curious. The lakes of the Mexican vale, as well as others
of the kingdom, are frequented by a prodigious multitude of ducks, geefe,
and other aquatic birds. The Mexicans left fome empty gourds to
float upon the water, where thofe birds reforted, that they might be
accuflomed to fee and approach them without fear. The bird-catcher
went into the water fo deep as to hide his body, and covered his head
with a gourd ; the ducks came to peck at it, and then he pulled them
by the feet under water, and in this manner fccured as many as he
pleafed.
They took ferpents alive either by twlftlng them with great dexter-
ity, or approaching them intrepidly, they fcized them with one hand
by the neck, and fewed up their mouths with the other. They ftiil
take them in this way, and every day in the apothecary's fliops of the
capital, and other cities, may be feen live ferpents which have been
taken in this manner.
But nothing is more wonderful than their quicknefs in tracing the
flcps of wild beads. Although there is not the fmallcfl print of thein
to be (^cn from the earth being covered with herbs or dry leaves which
(r) P. Toribio di Benavcn'i, or MoColinia.
fall
384 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
JUiOK VII. fall from the trees, they 11:111 track them, particularly u^ they are v/ound-
^-"^ -^ cd, by obferving mofc attentively fometimes the drops of blood which
fall upon the leaves as t]>ey pafs, fometimes the herbs which are broken
or beat down by their feet fsj.
Sec t. From the lituation of their capital, and its vicinity to the lake of
Fifhhic!^ ' Chalco, which abounded with fiih, the Mexicans were flill more in-
vited to fifliing than the chace. They employed themfelves in it from
the time of their arrival in that country, and their art in filhing procured
them all other necellaries. The inflruments which they moft com-
monly made ufe of in fiflilng were nets, but they alfo employed hooks,
harpoons, and weals.
The fiiliers not only caught fi(h, but even took crocodiles in two
different methods. One was by tying them by the neck, which, as
Hernandez afferts, was very common ; but this author does not ex-
plain the manner in which they performed an adt ib daring againft fo
terrible a creature. The other method, which is ftill ufed by fome,
was that which the Egyptians formerly pradlifed on the famous croco-
diles of the Nile. The filher prelented himfelf before the crocodile,
carrying in his hand a flrong ftick, well fliarpened at both ends, and
when the animal opened its mouth to devour him, he thruO: his armed
hand into its jaws, and as the crocodile fluit its mouth again, it was
transfixed by the two points of the ftick. The filher waited until it
grew feeble from the lofs of blood, and then he killed it.
Filliine, Imnting;, agriculture, and the arts, furnillied the Mexicans
Sect. ° o' o ' '
XXXV. feveral branches of commerce. Their commerce in the country of
Commerce, ^nj^i^^i^c began as foon as they were fettled upon the little iflands in
the Tezcucan lake. The filli which they caught, and the mats which
they wove of rulhes which the fame lake produces, was exchanged for
maize, cotton, ftones, lime, and the wood, which they required for
their fiipport, for their clothing, and their buildings. In proportion
to the powei- which their arms acquired, their commerce increafed ;
fo that from having been at fini confined to the environs of their own
(s) The account which \vc h;nc of the Turauimrefc, the Opates, and other nati')ns beyond
the Tropic, when puifucd by thtir enemies the Apacci, is ftill more wonderful ; for by the
touch and obfervations of the footllcps of their enemies, they can tell the time at which they
paded there. The fame thing we underfland is reported of the people of Yucatan.
8 city.
I
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
city, it extended at lafl to the moft diftant provinces. There were in-
numerable Mexican merchants, who inceOiintly travelled from one city
to another to exchange their goods to advantage. In every place of
the Mexican empire, and of all the extenfive country of Anahuic, a
market was opened every day ; but every five days they held one which
was m')re confiderable and general. Cities which were near to?-e-
ther had this market on different days, that they might not prejudice
each other ; but iu the capital it was kept on the days of the Houfe, the
Rabbet, the Reed, and the Flint, which, in the firftyear of the cen-
tur\', were the third, the eighth, the thirteenth, and eighteenth of every
month.
In order to convey fome idea of thofe markets, or rather fairs, v/hicli
have been fo much celebrated by the hiftorians of Mexico, it will be
futficient to defcribe that held in the capital. Until the time of king
Axajacatl, it was kept in a fpace of ground before the royal palace ;
but after the conqueft of Tlatelolco, it was removed to that quarter.
The public place of Tlatelolco was, according to the account of the
conqueror Cortes, twice as large as that of Salamanca, one of the moft
famous in Spain (/), and furrounded by porticos for tlie convenience
of the merchants. Ev^ery fort of merchandize had a particular place
allotted to it by the judges of commerce. In one ftation were goods
of gold, and filver, and jewels ; in another, manufiilures of cotton ;
in another, thofe of feathers, and fo forth ; and no change of fituation
was allowed to any of them ; but although the fquare was very large,
as all the merchandizes could not be lodged in it without interrupting
the tranfadlion of bufmefs, it was ordered that all large goods, fuch as
beams, ftones, &c. fliould be left in the roads and canals near to the
market-place. The number of merchants who daily ail'embled there,
according to the aifirmation of Cortes himfelf, exceeded fifty thou-
fand(«). The things which were fold or exchanged there, were fb
{/) In three editions of the Utters of Cortes which wc have fecn, we hr.ve read, that the
fquare of Tlatelolco ■xi.'js tiviie as large as ihe city of Salamanca, whereas it ought to read, as
that of the city of Salamanca.
(«) Although Cortes affirmed that there affembled daily in the market-place of Tlatelolco
fiftv thoufand people, it appears that it oUj;ht to be undcrftood of the gnat market which was
held every five days ; for the anonymous conqueror, who fpcaks more difiintìly of it, fays,
that at the markets there were from twenty to twcniy-fivc thoufand, but at the great markets
from forty to fifty thoufand.
Vol. I. D d d numerous
386 H I S T O R Y O F M E X 1 C O.
BOOK VII. numerous and {o various, that hiftorlans who faw them, after making
^ ^~^ a long and tedious enumeration, conclude with laying, it is impof-
fible to exprels them all. Without contradiding their adertion, and
to avoid prolixity, we will endeavour to comprehend them in a few
words. To that fquare were carried to be fold or exchanged all the
produdions of the Mexican empire, or adjacent countries, which
could ferve for the neceflaries of life, the convenience, the luxuries,
the vanity, or curiofity of man {x) ; innumerable fpecies of animals,
both dead and alive, every fort of eatable which was in ufe amongft
them, all the metals and gems which were known to them, all the
medicinal drugs and fimples, herbs, gum, relins, and mineral earths,
as well as the medicines prepaixd by their phyficians, fuch as beve-
ridges, eleftaries, oils, plafters, ointments, &c. and every fort of ma-
nufaóì;ure and work of the thread of the metl, maguei, or aloe, of the
mountain palm, of cotton, of feathers, of the hair of animals, of v/ood,
of ftone, of gold, filver, and copper. They fold there alfo flaves,
and even whole velTels, laden with human dung, for dreiììng the flcins
of animals. In ihort, they fold in that fquare every thing which could
be fold in all that city ; for they had no mart elfewhere, nor was any
thing fold out of the market-place except eatables. The potters and
jewellers of Cholula, the goldfmiths of Azcapozalco, the painters of
Tezcuco, the ftone-cutters of Tenajocan, the hunters of Xilotepec,
the filhers of Cuitlahuac, the fruiterers of hot countries, the mat- wea-
vers and chair-makers of Quauhtitlan, and florifts of Xochimilco, all
affembled there.
Sect. Their commerce was not only carried on by way of exchange, as
XXXVI. niany authors report, bat likewile by means of real purchafe and fale.
They had five kinds of real money, tliough it was not coined, which
fèrved them as a price to purchafe whatever they wanted. The firft
was a certain fpecies of cacao, different from that which they ufed in
their daily drink, which was in conftant circulation through the hands
of traders, as our money is amongfl us. They counted the cacao by Jf/-
quepilliy (this as we have before obferved, was equal to eight thoufand),
(x) Whoever will take the trouble to read the defcriptlon which Cortes, Bernal Diaz, and
the anonymous conqueror have given of their market, will be convinced there is no exagge-
ration made he;e of the variety of their merchandizes.
and
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 387
and to fave the trouble of counting them when the incrchandize was BOOK xu.
of great value, they reckoned them by facks, every fack having been
reckoned to contain three xiquipilli, or tw^enty-four thouland nuts.
The lecond kindof money was certain fmall cloths of cotton, \vliich they
cAìtà patolquachtli, as being folely dellined for the purchafe of mer-
chandizes which were immediately necedary. The third fpecies of money
w:;s gold in duft, contained in goofe-quills, which, by being tranfparent,
(hewed the precious metal which filled them, and in proportion to
their fize were of greater or lefs value. The fourth, which moil re-
fembled coined money, was made of pieces of copper in the form of
a T, and was employed in purchafes of little value. The fifth, of which
mention is made by Cortes, in his laft letter to the emperor Charles,
the Vth, confided of thin pieces of tin.
They fold and exchanged merchandizes by number and meafure ;
but we do know that they made ufe of weights, either becaufe they
thought them liable to frauds, as fome authors have fud, or becaufe
they did not find them necefiary, as others have afiirmed, or becaufe if
they did ufe them the Spaniards never knew it fyj.
To prevent fraudulent contracts and diforder amonofi: the traders. Sect.
. . , . - XXXN'II.
there were certain commifiioners who were continually traverfing the Reg'ulation-i
market to obferve what happened, and a tribunal of commerce, com- ^^ '''^ "'" *
pofed of twelve judges, refiding in a houfe of the fquare, was appoint-
ed to decide all difputes between traders, and take cognizance of all
trefpafies committed in the market-place. Oi all the goods whicii
were brought into the market, a certain portion was paid in tribute to
the king, who was on his part obliged to do juflice to the merchants,
and to protedt their property and their pcrfons. A theft feldom hap-
pened in the market, on account of the vigilance of the king's offi-
cers, and the feverity with v.hich it was inftantly punillied. But it is
not the leaft furprifing, that theft was fo rigoroufly punilhed, where
the fmallell diforders were never pardoned. The laborious and mort:
( V ) Gomara believed, that the Mexicans made no ufe of fcales or weights ; becaufe they
were ignorant of fuch a contiivaiicc ; but it is very improbable, tliat a nation lb induflrious
and commercial (lioiild not have known the manner of afcertaiiiing the weight of goods, when
among other nations ot America, Icfs acute than the Mexicans, ilil) ards were in.adc ufe of, ac-
cording to the report of the fame author, to weigh gold. Of how many circumftanccs rela-
tive to Amcriean antiquity are we flill ignorant, owing to the want of piopcj- examination and
enquiry !
D d d 2 fincere
388
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK VII. fincere F. Motclinia relates, that a quarrel having arilen once between
two women in the market of Tezcuco, and one of them having gone fo
far as to beat the other with her hands, and occafion the lofs of fome
blood, to the amazement of the people, who were not accuftomed to
fee fuch an outrage committed there, (he was immediately condemned
to death for the offence. All the Spaniards who faw thofe markets
extolled them with the highell praifes, and were unable to exprefs in
words the admirable difpofition, and the wonderful order which was
maintained among fo great a multitude of merchants and merchandizes.
The markets of Tezcuco, Tlafcala, Cholula, Huexotzinco, and
other large places, were ordered in the fame manner as that of Mexico.
At the market of Tlafcala, Cortes affirms, more than thirty thouland
merchants and others affembled (s). At that of Tepeyacac, which
was not one of the largeft cities, Motolinia above mentioned fays, he
has known twenty-four years after the conqueft, when the commerce
of thofe people was greatly declined, that at the market held every
five days, there were not lefs than eight thouland European hens fold,
and that as many were ibid at the market of Acapitlayocan.
When young merchants were defirous of undertaking a long journey,
they gave an entertainment to the old mercliants, who were no longer
able on account of their age to travel, and alfo to their own relations,
and informed them of their defign, and the motive which induced
them to travel into diflant countries.
Thofe who were invited praifed their refolutlon, encouraged them
to follow the fteps of their anceflors, particularly if it was their firft
journey which they were going to perform, and gave feveral advices to
them how they Were to conduit themfelves. In general, many of them
travelled together for greater fafety. Each of them carried in his hand
a fmooth black flick, which, as they faid, was the image of their god
Jacateudlli, with which they imagined themfelves fecure againftall the
dangers of the journey. As loon as they arrived at any houle where
they made a halt, they aflembled and ti^d all the flicks together and
worfhipped them j and twice or thrice, daring the night, they drew
(z) That which Cortes has faid refpeiJiing the number of merchants and dealers which af-
fcmblcd at the market of Tlafcala, ought mo!> probably to be underllood of the market of
every five days, in the fame manner as we have obferved above refpeding that of Mexico.
blood.
Sect.
XXXVIII
Cuflom of
the mer-
chants in
their joiir-
niee.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 389
blood from themfelves in honour of that god. All the time that a BOOK VII.
merchant was abfent from home, his wife and children did not wadi "*-— v~— «^
their heads, although they bathed, excepting once every eighty days,
not only to teftify their regret of his abfence, but alfo by that fpecies
of mortification to procure the protection of their gods. When any
of the merchants died on their journey, advice of his death was imme-
diately fent to the oldefl merchants of his native country, and they
communicated it to his relations ar.d kindred, who immediately formed an
impcrfedt ftatue of wood to rerrcfent the deceafcd, to which thev paid all
the funeral honours which they would have done to the real dead body.
For the convenience of merchants, and other travellers, there were Sect.
public roads, which were repaired every year after the rainy feafon. '^'^'^^'^•
,.-., . ]-ii-i Roads,
They had likewile in the mountains and uninhabited places, houfes houiis for
erecfted for the reception of travellers, and bridges, and other vefTels ò^tnive^iers"
for palTins rivers. Their velTels were oblong and flat-bottomed, with- fife's» :iiid
t"n /-■! 1 1- -11 bridges.
out keel, malts, or fails, or any other thing to guide them but oars.
They were of various fizes. The fmalleii: could hardly hold two or
three people, the largert; could carry upwards of thirty. Many of them
were made of one fingle trunk of a tree. The number of thole which
were continually traverfing the Mexican lake, exceeded, according to
the account of ancient hiflorians fifty thoufand. Befides the vellHs,
or flats, they made ufe of a particular machine to pafs rivers, which
was called vti/Jli, by the Spaniards of America. This is a fquare plac-
foriri; of about five feet, compofed of otatli, or folid canes, tied firmly
upon large, hard, empty gourds. Four, or fix paflèngers feated them-
felves upon this machine, and were conducted from one fide of a river
to the otlier by two or four fwimmers, who laid hold of one corner of
the machine with one of their hands, and fv/am with the other. This
fort of machine is ftill ufcd on fome rivers dillant from the c.ipital,
and we ourfelves pafl'ed a large river on one of them in 173V9. it is
perfcdly fafe where the cui-rent of the water is equal and fmooth, but
d-angerous in rapid and impetuous rivers.
Their bridges were built either of ftons or v/ood, but tliofc of ftone
we are of opinion were extremely few in number. The mofl fingular
kind of bridge was that to v/hich the Spaniards gave the n:.me of 7/,/- ~
vuica. This was a number of the ropes, or natural ligatures of a tree,
more
390 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK vir. more pliant than the willow, but thicker and ftronger, called in Ame-
Lii— ^,r-.^ ^-^^^ JSywroj, twifted and wove together, the extremities of which were
tied to the trees on each fide of rivers, the trefs or net formed by them
remaining fufpended in the air in the maniier of a fwing [a). There
are fonie rivers with fuch bridges ftill. The Spaniards durll not pafs
them, but the Indians pafs them with as much confidence and intre-
pidity as if they were crofiing by a flone bridge, perfedlly regardlefs
of the undulatory motion of the hamaca, or the depth of the river.
But it is to be obferved, that the ancient Mexicans having been excel-
lent fwimmers, had no need of bridges, unlefs where from the rapi-
dity of the current, or the weight of fome burden, they could not fwim
acrofs.
The Mexican hiflorians tell us nothing of the maritime commerce
of the Mexicans. It is probable that it was very trifling, and that their
vcflels, which were feen coafting on both feas, were chiefly thole of
filhermen. Their greateft traffick by water was carried on in the lake
of Mexico. All the ftone and wood for building, and for fire, the
fifh, the greater part of the maize, the pulfe, fruit, flov/ers, 6cc. was
brought by water. The commerce of the capital with Tezcuco, Xo-
chimilco, Chalco, Cuitlahuac, and other cities fituated upon the lake,
was carried on by water, and occafioned that wonderful number of vef-
fels to be employed which we have already mentioned.
Sect. XL Whatever was not tranfported by water was carried upon men's
Men who backs, and on that account there were numbers of men who carried
dens. burdens, called 'Tlamama or Tlanieme. They were brought up from
childhood to this bufinefs, which they continued all their lives. A
regular load was about fixty pounds, and the length of way they daily
walked was fifteen miles ; but they made alfo journeys of two hun-
dred and three hundred miles, travelling frequently over rocky and
fleep mountains. They were fubjccitcd to this intolerable fatigue
from the want of beafts of burden ; and even at prefent, although
thofe countries abound in animals of this fort, the Mexicans are ftill
often ittn making long journeys with burdens upon their backs. They
carried cotton, maize, and other things in petlacalli, v/hich were baf-
(a) Some bridges are fo tight drawn that the}- have no undulatory motion, and all of tKcm
have their fide fupport made of the fame parts of tlu; tree.
8 kets
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 391
kets made of a particular kind of cane, and covered with leather, which BOOK vn.
were light and defended their goods fuiliciently from the rain or the - . -^
fun. Thefe halkets are ftill a good deal ufed for journeys by the Spa-
niards, who corrupt their name mio pet acas.
The commerce of the Mexicans was by no means embarrafTed, either Sect. xli.
by the multitude or variety of lan^uages which were fpokcn in thofe ^^'-'^'c:»» '»"•
. . . . gi'age.
countries i for the IVIexican tongue which was the moil prevailin'>-,
was undeiftood and fpoken every where. It was the proper and natural
language of the Acolhuas and the Aztecas {ó), and as we have ob-
ferved elfewhere, iikewife of the Chechemecan and Toltecan nations.
The Mexican language, of which we wifh to give our readers fome
idea, is entirely delHtute of the confonants B, D, F, G, R, and S, and
abounds with L, X, T, Z, Tl, Tz ; but although the letter L is fo
familiar to this language, there is not a lingle word in it beginning
with that confonant. Nor is there a word of an acute termination,
except fome vocatives. Almofl all the words have the penult fyllable
long. Its afpirates are moderate and loft, and there never is occafion
to m.ike the leaft nafal found in pronunciation.
Notwithftanding the want of thofe fix confonants it is a mofl copi-
ous language ; tolerably polilhed, and remarkably exprcfilve j on which
account it has been highly valued and praifed by all Europeans who have
learned it, fb as to be eileemed by many fuperior to the Latin, and even
to the Greek [c) ; but although we know the particular excellencies of
the Mexican language, we can never dare to compare it with the lafl.
Of tiie copioulliefs of this language we have an exceeding good de-
monflration in the Natural Hiitory of Hernandez j for in def'cribing
twelve iiundred plants of the country of Anahuac, two hundred and
more Ipecies of birds, and a large number of quadrupeds, reptiles,
infers, and minerals, he hardly found a fingle animal, herb, or fub-
{l) Botuiiiii Hiyr, that the excellence of the lanjuagc which we call the Miwiian, was the
rcaloii of its being adopted by the Chechemecan, the IVIexican, and Teochechemccan nations,
and of their ielinc[uifliing their native tongue ; but bcfidcs this opinion being diftcrent fron»
that (jf :4ll other •.\ritcrs, and of the Indians thcmfelves, there are no traces in liiftory of the
event of fuch a change. W'htrc h.is there ever been n mtion known to ab.injoti its native
i lioni to adopt a better, and particularly a nation fo tenacious as the Mexicans, and all the
other nations of thofe countrici of tlicir particular language ?
(c) Among the admirers of the Mexican language there have been fume Frenchmen and Fle-
mings, and many Germans, Italians, and Spaniards.
fiance.
392 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK ML fiance, without its diftindl and proper appellation. But it is not the
leali: iurprilìng, that it abounds in words which fignify material objedts,
wlien there are hardly any wanting of thofe which are necellary to
f^xprefs fpiritual ideas. The higheft mylleries of our religion can be
well exprefìed in Mexican, without any necefiity of introducing foreign
terms. Acofta wonders, that the Mexicans who had an idea of a fu-
preme Being, creator of heaven and earth, had not alfo in their lan-
guage a word to exprefs it equivalent to Di'js of the Spaniards, Deus
of the Romans, 'Toeos of the Grecians, £/ of the Hebrews, and yl/a
of the Arabs : on which account their preachers were obliged to make
life of the Spanifh term DL^s. But if this author had had any know-
ledge of the Mexican language, he would have known that the Teo^/
of the Mexicans fignifies the fame thing as the T/jeos of the CJreeks,
and that there was no other reafon for introducing the Spanilh word
Dios, but the excedive fcruples of the firft milTionaries, who, as they
burned the hillorical paintings of the Mexicans, becaufe they lufpeded
them to be full of fuperftitious meanings, (of which alfo Acofta him-
felf juflly complains), likewife reje6led the Mexican word Tl'j//, be-
caufe it had been ufed to exprefs the flilfe gods whom they worfliipped.
But it would have been better to have imitated the example of St. Paul,
who, when he found that in Greece the name Tiótw was ufed to fignify
certain falfe deities, more abominable ftill than thofe of the Mexicans,
did not compel the Greeks to adopt the £/, or Adojiai, of the Hebrews,
but retained the ufe of the Greek term, making it be underflood from
that time, to fignify a fupreme, eternal, and infinitely perfeél Being.
However, many difcerning men who have wrote in the Mexican lan-
guage, have not fcrupled to make ufe of the name 'Tcotl, in the fame
manner as they all make ufe of the Ipainemoani, of the Tloque Nahua-
que, and other names fignificative of the Supreme Being, which the
Mexicans applied to their invifible God. In one of our DiHertations
we fliall give a lift of the authors who have wrote in the Mexican lan-
guage on the Chriftian religion and morality, and alfo a lift of terms, fig-
nifying metaphyfical and moral ideas, in order to expofe the ignorance
and weaknefs of an author (il) who has had abfurdity enough to publifh
{^O The ii'.ill.or uf the work entitled, Rcchcrcbes Philofophiques fur ks .'\merlc;iiiis.
that
I
II I S T O Ts. Y OF MEXICO.
393
that the Mexicans had no words to count above the number three, or BOOK vii.
to exprefs any metaphyfical or moral ideas, and that on account of its ^ '~
harfhnefs no Spaniard had ever learned to pronounce it. We could
here give the numeral words of this language, by which the Mexicans
tould count up to forty-eight millions at lead, and could fliew how com-
mon this language was among the Spaniards, and how well thofe who
have written in it have underfhood it.
The Mexican language, like the Hebrev/ and French, wants the
fuperlative term, and like the Hebrew, and moll of the living lan-
guages of Europe, the comparative term, which are fupplied by cer-
tain particles equivalent to thofe which are ufed in other fuch languages.
It abounds more than the Tufcan in diminutives and augmentatives,
and more than the Englilli or any other language we know in verbal
and abflrad terms ; for there is hardly a verb from which there arc
not many verbals formed, and fcarccly a fubflantive or adjedlive from
which there are not fome abflradls formed. It is not Icfs copious in
verbs than in nouns ; as from every fingle verb others are derived of
different fignifications. Chihiia, is to do, Chichibtia, to do laith dili-
gence, or often ; Chihuilia, to do to another ; ChiJmaltia, to caufe to be
done ; Chihuatiuh, to go to do ; Cbibuaco^ to come to do ; Chiiihtinh,
to be doing. Sec. We could fay a great deal more on the fubjedl, if it
was permitted in the rules of hiftory.
The ftyle of addrefs in Mexican varies according to the rank of
the perfons, with whom, or about whom, converfation is held, add-
ing ro the nouns, verbs, prepofitions, and adverbs, certain particles ex-
prelTive of rcfpedt : 'Tat li, incans fat ber ; A7nota, your father ; Amo-
tatzin, your "worthy father. Tleco, is to afcend ; if a perfon commands
his fervant to afcend a certain place, he lays fimply Xitleco ; but if he
alks fome refpedtable perfon to do fo, he will fay Ximotlicahiii ; and if
he wiHies to ufe ftill more ceremony and refpetì: MaxiniotUcahuitzino .
This variety, which gives fo much civilization to the language, does
not, however, make it difficult to be fpoken ; becaufe it is fubjedtcd
to rules which arc fixed and eafy ; nor do we know any language that
is more regular and methodical .
The Mexicans, like the Greeks and other nations, have the advan-
tage of making compounds of two, three, or four fimple words ; but
Vol. I. E e e they
£>
394 H I S T O R y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. they do it with more ceconomy than the Greeks did ; for the Greeks
made ufe c*^ the entire words in compoiition, whereas the Mexicans
cut off lyllables, or at leaft fome letters from them. T/azot/r', fignifies
lalued or loved ; Mabuitztic, honoured or reve7-ed ; 'T'eJ{:;xquiy prieji ;
a word itfelf too compofed of '^eotl, god; and the verb Pia, which
fignifies to hold, guard, or keep ; Tatli is father, as we have already
iaid. To unice thofe five words in one, they take away eight confo-
nants and four vowels, and fay for inftance Notlazomahuitzteoptxcatal-
ztn, that is, tny very worthy father, or revered prieji ; prefixing the
^- 710, which correfponds to the pronoun my, and adding tzm, which is
a particle expreffive of reveretice. A word of this kind is extremely
common with the Indians when they addrefs, and particularly when
they confefs themfelves, which although it is complex, is not, how-
ever one of the longeft ; for there are fome compounded of fo many
terms as to have fifteen or lixteen fyllables.
Such compounds were made ufe of in order to give the definition,
or defcription, of a thing, whatever it was, in one word. This may be
difcovered in the names of animals and plants, which are to be found
in the Natural Hiftory of Hernandez, and in the names of places
which occur frequently in this hiftory. Almoft all the names which
the) gave to places of the Mexican empire are compounds, and fignify
the fituation or properties of the places, and that fome memorable ac-
tion happened there. Many of their exprefTions are fo ftrong, that the
ideas of them cannot be heightened, particularly on the fabjedt of love.
In Iliort, all tliol'e who have learned this language, and can judge of
its copioufnefs, regularity, and beautiful modes of fpeech, are of opi-
nion, that fuch a language cannot have been fpoken by a barbarous
people.
Sect. XLll. -^ nation pofiefTed of {o powerful a language, could not want poets
Eloquence g^^id orators. Thofe two arts were much exercifed by the Mexicans,
and Poetry.
although they were very far from knowing all their excellencies. Thofe
who were deftined to be orators, were inftrucled irom their infancy in
fpeaking properly,, and learned to repeat by memory the moft celebrated
orations of their anceftors that had been handed dov/n from father to
fon. Their eloquence was employed principally in delivering cmbaf-
iies, in councils, and congratulatory addreffes, which they made to new
kings^
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 395
kings. Although their moft celebrated fpeakers are not to be com- BOOK vil.
pared with the orators of the poHlhed nations of Europe, it is lut to ^
be denied that their difcourfcs were found, judicious, and elegant, as
may be perceived from thofe fpecimens of their eloquence which are
ilill eJvtant. Even at prefent, when they are reduced to a fiate of great
humiliation, and retain not their ancient inftitutions, they make ha-
rangues in their aflemblies, which are fo full of good fenfe and pro-
priety, as to excite the admiration of all thofe who hear them.
The numbvir of their public fpeakers was exceeded by that of their
poets. In their verfes ihey were attentive to the cadence and meafure.
Among the remains which we have of their poetiy, are fome verfes
in which between words that are fignificative, interjeiftions, or fylla-
bles, are interpofed, devoid of any meaning, and only made ufe of by
what appears to adj ufi: the meafure; but this praélice was, probably,
only a vice of their bad poets. The language of their poetry was bril-
liant, pure, and agreeable, figurative, and embellifhed with frequent
comparifons to the moft pleafmg objedts in nature, fuch as flowers, \
trees, rivers, 6cc. It was in poetry chiefly where they made ufc of
words in compohtion, which became often fo very long, that a fingle
one made a verfe of the longeft meafure.
The fubje-ft of their poetical compofitions was various. They com-
pofcd hymns in praife of their gods, to obtain from them thofe favours
they fi:ood in need of, which were fung in the temples and at their fa-
cxed dances. Some were hillorical poems, reciting the events of the
nation and the glorious adlion of tlieir heroes, which were fung at pro-
fane dances. Some were odes, containing fome moral or leflbn ufeful
in the condudt of life. Lafily, fome v/ere poems on love, or fome
other plealing fubjeft, fuch as the chace, which were fung at the pub-
lic rejoicings of the feventh month. The priefts were the chief com-
pofcrs of thofe pieces, and taught them to young boys, that they
might fing them when they were grown up. We have already men-
tioned the celebrated compolitions of king Nezahnalcojotl. The
efl:eein in which poetry was held by that king, excited his fubjeds to
cultivate that art, and multiplied the number of poets of his court.
It is related of one of thofe poets, that having been condemned to
die ior fome crime, he made a compofition in prifon, in which he
E e e 2 took
396
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
XT.ni.
Me;vican
theatre.
BOOK VII, took leave of the world in lb tender and pathetic a manner, that the
muiicians of the palace, who were his friends, advifed him to fing it to
the king ; the king heard it, and was fo much affedled, that he grant-
ed the culprit a pardon. This was a fingular event in the hiftory of
Acolhuacan, in which we read in general, examples of the greatell fe-
verity of government. We fliould be happy, if it were in our power,
to produce here fome fragments which we have {een of the poetry of
thofe nations, to fatisfy the curious among our readers (e).
Dramatic, as well as lyric poetry, was greatly in repute among the
Mexicans. Their theatre, on which thofe kind of compofitions were
reprefented, was a fquare terras uncovered, railed in the market-place,
or the lower area of fome temple, and fuitably high, that the adlors
might be feen and heard by all. That v/hich was conftrudled in the
market-pl.ice of Tlatelolco, was madeofftone and lime, and, agreeable
to what Cortes affirms, thirteen feet high, and thirty paces in length
every way.
Cav. Boturini fays, that the Mexican comedies were excellent, and
that among the antiques which he had in his curious mufeum, were
two dramatic compofitions on the celebrated apparitions of the mother
of God to the Mexican Neophyte Gio. Didaco, in which a particular
delicacy and harmony in the expreffions was difcernible. We have
never feen any compofition of this nature, and although we do not
doubt of the delicacies of the language of them, wc cannot readily be-
lieve that their comedies were much according to the rules of the drama,
or deferving of the exceffive praife of that annalift. The dcfcription which
Acolta has left us of their theatre and reprefentations, in which he
mentions thofe which were made at Cholula at the great feftival of the
god 9^et%alcoati , is much more vcuthy of credit, and more confiftent
v/ith the character of thofe natioi\s : " There was," he fays, " in the
" area of the temple of this god a fmall theatre, thirty feet fquare,
" curioufly whitened, which they adorned with boughs, and fitted up
" with the utmoft neatnefs, furrounding it with arches made of flowers
" and feathers, from which were fufpendcu many birds, rabbits, and
(e^ P. Onizio Carocci, a karned Milanefe jefuit, publiflied fome elegant verfes of the an-
cient Mexicans, in his admirable grammar of the Mexican language, printed in Mexico about
the middle of the laft century.
fi " Other
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 397
" other pleafing obje(fls ; where, after having dined, the whole of the BOOK vil
" people aflembled, the adtors appeared, and exhibited burlefque cha-
*' rasters, feigning themfclves deaf, fick with colds, lame, blind, crip-
" led, and addrefling the idol for a return of health : the deaf people
" anfwering at crofs purpofes, tliofe who had colds, coughing, and
" fpitting, and the lame halting ; all recited their complaints and mif-
" fortunes, which produced infinite mirth among the audience. Others
" appeared under the names of different little animals, feme in the dif-
*' guife of beetles, fome like toads, fome like lizards, and upon en-
" countering each other, reciprocally explained their employments,
" which was highly fatisfadory to the people, as they performed
" their parts with infinite ingenuity. Several little boys alfo belong-
" ing to the temple, appeared in the difguife of butterflies, and birds
" of various colours, and mounting upon the trees which were fixed
** there on purpofe ; the priefts threw little balls of earth at them, with
" llings, occafioning incidents of much humour and entertainment to
" thefpedators. All thefpedlators then made a grand dance which termi-
" nated the fellival. This took place at their principal feftivals only f/'J."
The dcfcription which Acofta here gives, calls to our recollecflion
the firft fcenes among the Greeks, and we doubt noi, that if the Mexi-
can empire had endured a century or two longer, their theatre v/ould
liave been reduced to a better form, as the Grecian theatre improved
itfelf but flowly and by degrees.
Ihe firft religious milfionaries who announced the gofpel to thofe
nations, obferving their attachment to mufic and poetry, and the lu-
perlHt^ou.; notions which charafterifed all their native compofitions as
pagans, compofed many fongs and odes in the Mexican language in
praife of the true God. The laborious Francifcan, Bernardino Saha-
gun, compofed in pur^ and elegant Mexican, and printed at Mexico,
three hundred and fixt '-five hymns, one for each day of the ye^r f'g J y
and the Indians theiiAclvcs compofed many others in praife of the
true God.
(/) /Scorta Stor. Nat. a Mor. delle Indie, lib. v. cnp. 29.
C.f ) ih;igan's work was printed, according to the bed of our knowledge, in 1540. Dr.
Eguiaia complains in his Biblioleca M.Jjicana, that he was never able to find one copy of it.
We faw one in a library of the college of St. Franccfco Saverio of the Jefuits of Angelopoli.
Botu-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Boturini makes mention of the compofitions of D. Franclfco Pla-
cido, governor of Azcapozalco, fu ng by him at the fkcred dances,
which he, along with other Mexican nobles, made before the famous
image of the Virgin of Guadaloupe. Thofe zealous Francifcans
wrote alfo feveral dramatic pieces in Mexican, relative to the myf-
teries of the Chriftian religion. Amongil others was celebrated
that of the univerfil judgment, compofed by the indefatigable mif-
fionary Andrea d' Olmos, which was reprefented in the church of
Tlatelolco, in the prefence of the firfl governor, and the firfl arch-
biihop of Mexico, and a great afiembly of the Mexican nobility and
people.
Sect. Their mufic was filli more imperfeift than their poetry. They had
XLIV. j^Q ftringed inftrunients. All their mufic confifled in i\\t Hue/juetL
JMulic. ... .
the '\['epo?iaztli, horns, fea-fliells, and little flutes or pipes, which made
a fiirill found. The Huebiietl, or Mexicaii drum, was a cylinder of
wood, more than three feet high, curioully carved and painted on the
outiide, covered above with the Ikin of a deer, vv'el! drelfed and flretch-
ed, which they tightened or flackened occalionally, to make the found
more Iharp or deep. They ftruck it only with their fingers, but it
required infinite dexterity in the fi;riker. The TepoiiaztH, which is ufed
to this day among the Indians, is alfo cylindrical and hollov.-, but ail
of wood, having no ficin about it, nor any opening but two flits
lengthways in the middle, parallel to, and at a little diilance from each
other. It is founded by beating the fpace between thofe two flits
with tv/o little fl:icks, fimilar to thofe which are made ufe of for mo-
dern drums, only that their points aie covered v/ith ule, or claftic gum,
to foften the found. The fize of this infl:rument is various j fome are
fo fmall as to be hung about the neck ; fome of a middling fize, and
others fo large as to be upwards of five feet long. The found which
they yield is melancholy, and that of tiie largefl: is fo loud, that it may
be heard at the diftance of two or three miies. To the accompany-
ment ot thcfe infliruments, the figure of which we here prefeut to our
readers, the Mexicans fang their hymns and facred mufic. Their iing-
ing was harfh and oftenfive to Europer.n cars ; but they took fo much
pleafure in it themfelves, that on fefl:ivals, they continued finging tlie
whole
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 399
whole day. This was unquefuonably the art in which the Mexicans EOOK vir.
were leaft fuccei'siul. ^^—^
However imperfcft tliey were in mufic, their dances in which they ^ect. xlv.
exerciied theiiiielves from childhood, under the dirediion of the priefts. Dances,
were moft graceful. They were of various kinds, and were differently
named, according to the nature of the dance, or the circumflances of
the feftival on which they were made. They danced fometimes in a
circle, and fometimes in ranks. At fome dances only men, and at
others, only women danced. On fuch occaiions, tlie nobles put on
their moft pompous drefles, adorned themfelves with bracelets, ear-
rings, and various pendants of gold, jewels, and fine feathers, and car-
ried in one hand a Ihield covered with the moft beautiful plumes, or a
fan made of feathers ; and in the other an yljacaxtli, which is a cer-
tain little veflel, which we diali mention hereafter, refembling a hel-
met, round or oval in (hape, having many little holes, and containing
a number of little ilones which they fhook together, accompanying the
found, which is not difagreeablc, with their mufical inftruments. The
populace dilguifcd themfelves, under various figures of animals, in drelfes
made of paper, of feathers, or fkins.
The little dance, which was made in the palaces for the amufement
of the lords, or in the temples, as a particular a6l of devotion, or in
private houfe?, when they celebrated nuptials, or made any other do-
meftic rejoicing, confifted of but a few dancers, who formed themfelves
in two parallel lines, dancing fometimes with their faces turned to the
one, fometimes towards the otiier extremity of their lines; fometimes the
pcrfon of one line faced thoi'e correfpoiulent to them in the otlier, each
line occafionally crofiing and intermingling with the other, and fome-
times one of each line, detaching themfelves from the reft, danced in
the fpace between both, while the others ftooJ ftill.
The great dance, which was made in large open fpaces of ground,
or in the area of the greater temple, differed from the other in the or-
der, form, and number of the dancers. This dance was fo numerous
that fome hundreds of people uied to join in it. The mufic was placed
in the middle of the area or fpace ; near to it the lords danced, fonning
tv/o, three, or more circles, according to the number of them which
was prefcnt. At a little diftance from them were formed other circles of
dancers
400
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
KOOK VII. dancers of lefs rank j and, at a finali interval from them, other circles
proportionably larger were formed, which were cooipofed of youths.
All thcfe circles had for their centre the Huehuctl znd the "Teponaztli.
The defign which we have given of the order and difpofition of this
dance, reprefenls it in the form of a wheel, in which the points denote
the dancers, and the circles fliew the figure which they defcribed in
their dance. The radii of the wheel are as many in number as there
M-ere dancers in tlie fmallefl circle neareft to the mufici All the dan-
cers defcribed a circle in their dancing, and no perfon departed from
the radius or line to which he belonged. Thofe who danced clofe to
the mufic, moved with flownefs and gravity, as the circle which they
had to make was fmallcr, and on that account it was the place of the
lords and nobles rnoft advanced in age ; but thofe who occupied the
flation moft diltant from the mufic, moved with the utmofl velocity,
that they might neither lofe the direftion of the line to which they be-
lonsed, nor the meafure in which the lords danced.
Their dances were almoft always accompanied with finging; but
the finging was like all the movements of the dancers, adjuifed by the
beating of the inftruments. Two perfons fung a verfe, to which all
the reft anfwered. In general the mufic began with a grave tone, and
the fingers in a low voice. The longer the dance continued, the more
chearful tone was founded by the mufic, the fingers raifed their voices,
their movements became fwifter, and the fubjeóì: of their fong more
joyful. In the fpace between the different lines of dancers, fome buf-
foons danced, who counterfeited the drefs of other nations, or difguifed
themfelves like wild beafts and other animals, exciting the mirth of
the people with their buffooneries. When one fet of dancers was
wearied, another was introduced, and thus they continued the dance
for iix, and fometimes eight hours.
This was the form of their ordinary dance ; but they had others that
were very different, in which they reprefented either fome myftery of
their religion, fome event of hiftory or war, the chace, or agriculture.
Not only the lords, the priefts, and the youth of the colleges danced
but likewife the kings in the temple in performance of their devotion,
or for their amufement in the palaces, but on fuch occafions they had
always a diftindl place for themfelves in refped to their charader.
Among
PI. ATI.
Ih/./.Piiifi' loo
Jj/ff/l ,'/ //ir-
'9?teaura^ /y-^/y /V //<•// r//i/
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 40T
Among others there was one extremely curious dance which is ftill r.001: vii.
kept up by the people of Yucatan. I'hey fixed in the earth a tree, '
or ftrong port:, fifteen or twenty feet high, from the top of which, ac-
cording to the number of dancers, they fufpendcd twenty or more
fmall cords, all long and of different colours. When each dancer had
taken hold of the end of his cord, they all began to dance to the found of
mufical inftrumcnts, crolTing each other with great dexterity until they
formed a beautiful net-work of the cords round the tree, on which the
colours appeared chequered in admirable order. Whenever the cords,
on account of the twifting, became fo Ihort, that the dancers could hardly
keep hold of them with their arms raifed up, by crolTing each other
again, they undid and unwound them from the tree. There is like-
wife pra^Sifed by all the Indians of Mexico an ancient dance commonly
called T'ootin, which is i<ò graceful, decent, and folemn, that it has
become one of the facred dances performed on certain feftivals in our
time.
The amufements of the Mexicans were not confined to the theatre Sect.
and dancing. Thev had various games, not only for certain fixed fea- xi.vi.
fons and public occahons, but alfo for the diverfion and relaxation of
private individuals. Amongft the public ganics, the race was one in
which they exercifed themfelves from childhood. In the fecond month,
and polTibly alfo at other tim:s, there were military games, among which
the warriors reprefented to the people a pitched battle. All thofe fports
were mod ufeful to the ftitc, for befides the innocent partirne which
they afforded to the people, they gave agility to their limbs, and ac-
cuftomed them to the llitigues of war.
Theexhi'-iition of the flyers which was made on certain great feftivals,
and particularly in fecular years, was, t!iough of lefs public benefit, more
celebrated than all others. They fouglit in the woods 'or an extremely
lofty tree, v/hich, after ftripplng it of its branches aiid bark, they
brought to the city, and fixed in the centre of fome large Iquare.
They caf(;d the point of the tree in a wooden cylinder, v.hich, on ac-
count of fome refcmbiance in its fhape, the Spaniards called a mortar.
From this cylinder liung four Jlrong ropes, which ferved to fupport a
fquare frame. In the fpace between the cylinder and the frame, they
fixed four other thick ropes, which they twifted as nuny times round
Vol. I. F f f the
402
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
OOK VII. the tree as there were revolutions to be made by tlie fliers. Tliefe ropes
were drawn through four holes, made in the middle of the four planks
of which the frame confilled. The four principal flyers difguifed like
eagles, herons, and other birds, mounted the tree with great agility,
by means of a rope which was laced about it from the ground up to
the frame ; from the frame they mounted one at a time fucceflively
upon the cylinder, and after having danced tiiere a little, they tied
themielves round with the.ends of the ropes, which were drawn through
the holes of the frame, and launching with a fpring from it, began
their flight with their wings expanded. The adlion ot their bodies put
the frame and the cylinder in motion; the frame by its revolutions gra-
dually untwifl:ed the cords by which the flyers fwung ; fo that as the
ropes lengthened, they made fo much the greater circles in their flight.
Whilfl: thefe four were flying, a fifth danced upon the cylinder, beat-
ing a little drum, or waving a flag, without the fmalleft apprehenfion
of the danger he was in of being precipitated from fuch a height. The
others who were upon the frame (there haviiig been ten or twelve perfons
generally who mounted) as foon as they faw the flyers in their lafl; revo-
lution, precipitated themfelves by the lame ropes, in order to reach the
ground at the fame time amidfl: the acclamations of the populace,
Thofe who precipitated themfelves in this manner by the ropes, that
they might make a ftill greater difplay of their agility, frequently pafled
from one rope to another, at that part where, on account of the little
difl:ance between them, it was poffible for them to do fo.
The mofl; eflential point of this performance conflfl:ed in proportioning
fo juflily the height of the tree with the length of the ropes, that the
flyers Ihould reach the ground with thirteen revolutions, to reprefent
by iuch number their century of fifty-two years, conipofed in the man-
ner we have already mentioned. This celebrated diverfion is fl:ill in ufe
in that kingdom ; but no particular attention is paid to the number of the
revolutions, or the flyers ; as the frame is commonly fexagonal, or oc-
tagonal, and the flyers fix or eight in num.ber. In fome places they
put a rail round the frame, to prevent accidents which were frequent
after the conquefl: ; as the Indians became much given to drinking,
and uftd to mount the tree when intoxicated with wine or brandy, and
were unable to keep their fl:ation on fo great a height, which was ufu-
ally fixty feet. &
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
403
Amongft the private games of the Mexicans, the moll common and BOOK vii.
n-'.oft cfteemed was one refembling football. The place wliere they played
at it, wliich they called Tlachco, was, according to the defcription given
us by Torquemada, a plain fquare fpace of ground, about eighteen
perches in length, and proportionably broad, enclofed within four
walls, which were thicker below than above, and the fide walls were
built higher than the others, and well whitened and polifhed. They
were crowned all round with battlements, and on the lower wall flood
two idols, which they placed there at midnight with different fuperfli-
tious ceremonies, and before they ever played in it the place was blefTed
by the priefls, with other forms of the fame nature.
Thus Torquemada defcribes it ; but in four or more paintings which
we have feen, the draught of this game reprefents it liich as we have given
it in our figures, which is totally different from the defcription of Tor-
quemada. It is probable, that there were varieties of the fame game.
The idols placed upon the walls were thofe of the gods of game, of
whofe names we are ignorant ; but fufpedl the name of one of them
to have been Omacatl, the God of Rejoichigs. The ball was made
of ule, or elaftic gum, three or four inches in diameter, which, al-
though heavier, rebounds more than thofe made of air. They played
in parties, two againfl: two, or three againfl three. The players were
entirely naked exxept the maxtlatl, or large bandage, about their middle.
It was an eflential condition of the game not to touch the ball, unlefs
it was with the joint of the thigh, or the arm, or elbow, and who-
ever touched it with his hand or foot, or any other part of the bodv,
lofi one of the game. The player who made the ball reach the op-
pofite wall, or made it rebound from it, gained a point. Poor people
played for ears of maize, or if they had nothing elle they played for
the price of their liberty ; others ftaked a certain number of dreffes of
cotton ; and rich perfons played for articles of gold, precious feathe;s,
and jewels. There were in the fpace between t':e players two large
ftones, refembling in ligure our mill-flones, each of which had a hole
in the middle, a little larger than the ball. Whoever flruck the ball
through this hole, which was extremely uncommon, was not only
vidtor in the game, but according to the eftablillied law, became tlic
F f f 2 pro-
404 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. proprietor of the dreffes of all thofe who were prefent, and flich a feat
was celebrated as an immortal deed.
This game was in high eftimation with the Pvlexicans, and the other
nations of that kingdom, and much praólifed, as is to be concluded
from the furprifing number of balls which the cities of Tochtepeci
Otatitian, and otiier places, paid in tribute to the crown of Mexico,
the nuniber of which, as we have already mentioned, was not lefs than
fixteen thoufììnd. The kings themfelves played and challenged each
other at this game; as Montezuma II. did Neznhualpilli. At prelent
it is not in life among the nations of the Mexican empire j but it is
ftill kept up among the Najarites, the Opates, the Taraumarefe, and
other nations of the North. All the Spaniards who have (ten this
game were furprifcd with the uncommon agility of the players.
The Mexicans took great delight alfo in another game, which fome
writers have czWtA patolli {h). They defcribed upon a fine mat made
of the palm-tree, a fquare, within which they drew two diagonal and
two crofs lines. Inftead of dice they threw large beans, marked with
fmall points. According to the points which their dice turned up,
they put down, or took up, certain little ftones from the juntìion of
the lines, and whoever had three little ilones firft in a feries, was
vidtor.
Bernal Diaz makes mention of another game at which king Monte-
zuma ufed to amufe himfelf v/ith the conqueror Cortes, during the
time of his imprifonment, which he informs us was called Totoloqiic.
That king, he fays, threw from a diftance certain little balls of gold,
at certain pieces of the fime metal, which were placed as marks, and
whoever made the firft five hits won the jewels for which they played.
Among the Mexicans .there were perfons extremely dexterous at
games with the hands and feet. One man laid himfelf upon his back
on the ground, and raifing up his feet, took a beam upon them, or a
piece of wood, which was thick, round, and about eight feet in length.
He tofled it up to a certain height, and as it fell he received and
tofled it up again with his feet; taking it afterwards between his feet,
he turned it rapidly round, and what is more, he did fo with two
ijj) Patolli is a generic term lignifying every fort of game.
men
I! I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 405
ir.en fitting aftride upon it, one upon each extremity of the beam. This book vii.
feat was peribnned at Rome before pope Cloiiient VII. and many Ro- ^ "*
man ^ rinces, by two Mexic ms fent over there by Cortes from NL-xico, to
the fmgular latisludlion of t!ie fpedtitors. The excrcifcs alio whi^h, in
fome countries are called the powers of Hercules, were extremely com-
mon amon^^il theiii. One man began to dance j another, placed upright
on his ihoulders, accompanied him in his movements ; while a third,
rtanding upnglit upon the head of the fecond, danced and dilplayed
other initances of agility. 1 hey placed alfo a beam upon the ihould-
ers of two dancers, while a third danced upon the end of it. The
firft Spaniards, who were witnefles of thofe and other exhibitions of tiie
Mexicans, were fo much aftoniOicd at their agility, that they fufpedled
fome fupernatural power adilled them, forgetting to make a due allow-
ance for the progrefs of the human genius when affilicd by applicatioa
and labour.
Though games, dances, and mufic, conduced lefs to utility than Srct,
pleafure, this was not the cafe v/ith Hiftory and Painting; two arts, ^^^^vil.
which ought not to be feparated in the hiilory of Mexico, as they had kinasotMcx-
no other hillorians than their painters, nor any other writings than |"" l*^"^'"
their paintings to commemorate the events of the nation.
The Toltecas wore the firft people of the new world v/ho employed
the art of painting for the ends of hiilory ; at leaft we know of no
other nation which did fo before them. The fame prad:ice prevailed,
from lime immemorial, among the Acolhuas, the Icven Aztecan tribes,
and among all the polillied nations of Anahuac. The Chechemecas
and the Otomies were taught it by the Acolhuas and tlie Toltecas,.
when they deferted their favage life.
Among the paintings of the Pv/lexicans, and all thofe nations, there
were many which were mere portraits or images of their gods, their
kings, th-ir heroes, their animals, and their plants. With thefe the
royal palaces of IVIexico and Tezcuco both abounded. Others were
hiftorical, containing an account of particular events, fuch as are the
firrt: thirteen paintings of the coUcdion of Mendoza, and that of the
journey of the Aztecas, which appears in the work of the traveller
Gemelli. Others were mythological, containing the myfteries of their
religion. Of tills kind is the volume which is prefcrvcd in the great
library
4o6 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. library of the order of Bologiia. Others were codes, in which \vei'£
compiled their laws, their rites, their cuftoms, their taxes, or tributes ;
and fuch are all thofe of the above mentioned colledion of Mencoza,
from the fourteenth to the fir.ty-third. Others were chronological,
aftronomical, or aftrological, in which was reprefented their calendar,
the pofition of the ftars, the changes of the moon, eciipfes, and prog-
noftications of the variations of the weather. This kind of painting
was called by them T'onalamatl. Siguenza makes mention (?) of a
painting reprefenting fuch like prognoftications which he inferted in his
Ciclographia Mexicana. Acoila relates " that in the province of Yu-
** catan, there were certain volumes, bound up according to their
" manner, in which the wife Indians had marked the diftribution of
" their feafons, the knowledge of the planets, of animals, and other
" natural produdlions, and alio their antiquity ; things all highly cu-
*' rious and minutely defcribed :" which, as the fame author fays, were
loft by the indifcreet zeal of an ecclefiaftic, who, imagining them to
be full of fuperftitious mxanings, burned them, to the great grief of the
Indians, and the utmoft regret of the curious amongfl the Spaniards.
Other paintings were topographical, or chorographical, which ferved .
not only to fhew the extent and boundaries of poileffions, but likewife
the fituation of places, the diredtion of the coafts, and the courfe of
rivers. Cortes fays, in his firft letter to Charles V. that having made
enquiries to know if there was any fecure harbour for veiTels in the Mexi-
can gulf, Montezuma prefented him a painting of the whole coaft,
from the port of Chalchhihcuecan , where at prefent Vera Cruz lies, to
the river Coatzacualco. Bernal Diaz relates, that Cortes alfo, in a
long and difficult voyage which lie made to the Bay of Honduras, made
ufe of a chart which was prefented to him by the lords of Coatzacu-
alco, in which all the places and rivers were marked from the coafi: of
Coatzacualco to Huejacallan.
The Mexican empire abounded with all thofe kinds of paintings ^
for their painters were innumerable, and there was hardly any thing
left unpainted. If thole had been preferved, there would have been
nothing wanting to the hiftory of Mexico ; but the firft preachers of
(i) III his work entitled, l.ihra AJlroncmka^ prii.ted in i\Ie.\ico,
the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
407
the gofpel, fufpicious that luperflition was mixed with all their paintings, BOOK VII,
made a furious defl:ru<5tion of thetn. Of all thofe which were to be '- "
found in Tezcuco, where the chief fchool of painting was, they col-
leded fuch a mafs, in the fquare of the market, it appeared like a little
mountain ; to this they fet lire and buried in the a(hes the memoiy of
many moll interefliing and curious events. The lofs of thofe monu-
ments of antiquity was inexpreflibly afflióling to the Indians, and re-
gretted fufficiently afterwards by the authors of it, when they became
fenlible of their error j for they were compelled to endeavour to re-
medy the evil, in the firft place by obtaining information from the
mouths of the Indians ; fecondly, by colledting all the paintings which
had efcaped their fury, to ilkillirate the hiftory of the nation ; but al-
though they recovered many, thefe were not fufficient ; for from that
time forward, the poflcflbrs of paintings became lb jealous of their
prefervation and concealment from the Spaniards, it has proved dif-
ficult, if not impoflible to make them part with one of them.
The cloth on which they painted was made of the thread of the Sect.
maguei, or aloe, or the palm Jcxotl (k), drelled fkins, or paper, cf^^lnd'
They made paper of the leaves of a certain fpecies of aloe, llceped to- colours.
gether like hemp, and afterwards wallied, ftretched, and Imoothed.
They made alio of the palm Icxotl, and the thin barks of other
trees, when united and prepared with a certain gum, both filk and cot-
ton ; but we are unable to explain any particulars of this manufadlure.
We have had in our hands leverai Iheets of Mexican paper : it is limi-
lar in the thicknefs to the pafteboard of Europe, but loiter, fmoother,
and ealy for writing.
In general they made their paper in very long flieets, which they
preferved rolled up like the ancient membranes of Europe, or folded up
like bcd-lkreens. The volume of Mexican paintings, which is pre-
ferved in the library of Bologna, is a thick fkin ill-drelTed, compofed .
of different pieces, painted all over, and folded up in that manner.
The beautiful colours which they employed both in their paintings
and in their dyes, were obtained from wood, from leaves, and the
(h) The coarfe cloth on which the famous image of the Virgin of Guadaloup is painted, is
of the palm IcxotU
flowers
HISTORY O F MEXICO.
llowcrs of differeat plants, and various animals. White they obtained
from the ftone Chinialtizatl, which, on calcination, becomes like a
fine plaifier, or from the Tizatlalli, another mineral,, wliich after be-
ing ii:iade into a pafle, worked like ciiv, and forme4 into fmall balls,
takes in the fire a white colour rcfembling Spanifh white. Black
they got from another mineral, which, on account of its ftinking fmell,
was called TlaUhijac, or from the foot of the Ors//, ^vhich is a certain
aromatic fpecies of pine, collected in little earthen yeljels. . Blu^» and
azure colours were obtained from the flower of the Mi.it lalxihtrit!, and
the. XiubqiiHipilzahuac, which is indigo /^/y, although their mode of
making them was very different from the way of the' moderns. Xhey
put the branches of this plant into hot, or rather liikevyarm water j
and after having ftirred them about lor a futlicient time with a ftick
or ladle, they paffed the water when impregnated with the àye into
certain pots or cups, in which they let it remain until the folid part of
the dye was depoiited, and then they poured ofr the water. This lee or
fediment w^as dried in the. fun, and afterwards it was placed between
two plates near a fire, until it grew hard. The Mexicans had another
plant of the fame name, from which they likewife obtained an azuj-e
colour, but of an inferior quality. Red they got from the feeds of the
Acbiot or Ruocou, boiled in water ; and purple from the NochiztH, or
cochineal. Yellow from the Tecozahuitl, or ochre ; and likewife from
the Xoghipalli, a plant, the leaves of which refemble thofe of the
Artemifia. The beautiful flowers of this plant, boiled in water vvith
nitre, furnifhed them a fine orange-colour. In the fame manner as
they made ufe of nitre to obtain this colour, they employed alum to
obtain others. After grinding and dilfolving the aluminous earth in
water, which they called T^lafficocotl, they boiled it in earthen veffels ;
(/■) The J;fv.'riptiòn of the inJigo J)t;ihf iS found in many authors, particiihirly in Hernan-
dez, lib. iv. cap. 12. which is total y diftlrcnt from that defcribed by Raynal, in the (ixth
hook of his Philofophical and Political Hilìoiy. This author affirms, that indigo was tranf-
planted from the Eaft-Indici to America, and that experiments having been made of it in fe-
veral countries, the culture of it was efl-abliOicd in Carolina, Hifpaniola, and Mexico. 'Ih's
however is one of the man}' miftakes of that philofopher. ]t is certain, from the teftimony
of Ferdinand Columbus, iii cap. l\i. of ihe Life of his famous parent Chrillopher Cohimbii-, ;
that one of the plant.!, native to the iflanà of Hifpaniola, was the indigo. We ktiow alfofrom
the hiftorians of Mexico, and particularly Hernandez, that the ancient ]\Ie:;lcaaà made ufe of
indigo.
thea
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
409
BOOK vjr.
Sect.
XLIX.
The charac.
ter of their
paimings,
and mode of
then by diftillation, they extradeJ the allum pure, white, and tranfpa-
rent, and before they hardened it entirely, they parted it in pieces to
fell it in the market. To make their colours hold better together,
they made ule of the glutinous juice of the Tzauhtli (w), or the fine
oil of Chian («).
The figures of mountains, rivers, buildings, trees, and minerals,
and, above all, thofe of men, which appear in the paintings ftill extant
of the ancient Mexicans, are for tlie moft part unproportioned and de-
formed ; this, however, we think is not to be afcribed {o much to their
ignorance of the proportions of obje>5ls, or thsir want of abilities, as 0^"'!^ "^'"*
to their hafte in painting, of which the Spanifh conquerors were wit-
ncfles : for as they folely paid attention to make a faithful reprcfcnta-
tion of things, they negledted making their images perfed, and on tiiat
account frequently contented themfelves with mere iketches or outlines.
However, we have fttn among the ancient paintings, many portraits
of the kings of Mexico» in which befides the fmgular beauty of the
colours, the proportions were moft accurately obferved ; but we will,
notwithrtanding, confefs, that the Mexican painters were by no means
arrived at much perfection of defign, or in mixing fliade and light.
The Mexicans ufed in painting not only to reprefent the fimplc
images of objeds, as fome writers have reported, but alfo employed
hieroglyphics and chara(flers (0). They reprcfentcd material things by
their proper figures, but in order to abridge and (ave labour, paper, and
colours, they contented themfelves with reprefenting a part of an ob-
je6t which was futhcient to make it be underflood by the intelligent ;
and as we cannot underftand the writings of others, until we have
learnt to read them, in like manner thofe American authors required
to have been firfl inilruiSted in the Mexican manner of reprefenting 00-
jcdts, in order to have been able to underftand the paintings which
(m) The Tr.a:ihtii is a plant vei v conimoii in that country. Iti leave» are fimilar to thofi»
of the leek, its (lem is ftrait and knotty, its Howeis tinged with a yellowifli green, its root
Khite and fibrous. To extmA its juice they broke it and dried it in the fun.
(«) Thinking; to render a fcrvicc to the Italian painters, we cultivated with great attention
three jilants of the Chian fprung from feed fent fiom Mexico ; they took root fuccefsfully, and
we had the plcafurc of feeing them loaJed uith flowers in Scptenilur 1-77 ; but the froft of
that year coming more early than ufual, nipped them entirely.
(0) Such authors are cffci^ually refuted by Dr. Eguiara, in Uie li arned preface to hi» Bi-
bliotheca Mcllicana, and by us in our Uilfertatii^ns.
Vol. I.
G g
fervei
4IO H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. ferved them in place of writings. For things which are even by na-
ture totally devoid of figure, or were difficult of reprefentation, they
fubftituted certain charaólers ; but thefe were not verbal, or deftined
to form words like our letters, but real characters immediately fignifi-
cative of the things, fuch as the charailers of aftronomers and alge-
braifts. That our readers may form fome idea of them, we have fab -
joined the Numeral charaólers of the Mexicans, alfo thofe of Time, the
Heavens, the Farth, Water, and Air (pj.
When they would reprefent a!iy perfon, they painted a man, or a
human head, and over it a figure exprelfing the meaning of his name,
as appears in the figures of the Mexican kings. To exprefs a city, or
a village, they painted in the fame manner a figure, which fignified the
fame thing with its name. "To form their hiftories or annals, they
painted on the margin of the cloth or paper, the figures of the years
iri;fo many fquares, and at the fide of each fquare the event or events
v/hich occurred in that year; and if, on account of the number of
years the hiftory of which they meant to relate, tlaey could not all be
contained in one canvas, they were continued in another. With ref-
peft to the order of rcprefcnting the years and events, it was at the li-
berty of the hiftorian to begin at which ever angle of the piece he
pleafed; but at tRe lame time confl:antly obferving, that if the painting
began at the upper angle on the right hand, he proceeded towards the
left. If it began, which was mofl: common, at the upper angle on
the left hand, he proceeded fi;rait downwards. If he painted the firfi;
year at the lower angle on the left, he continued towards the right ;
but if he began at the lower angle on the right, he proceeded llrait up-
wards ; fo that on the upper part of his canvas he never painted from
left to right, nor ever on the lower part from right to left ; never ad-
vanced upwards from the left, nor downwards by the right. When this
method of the Mexicans is underllood, it is e.iiy to difcover at firfl
{p) Refpefting the numeral charatìers, it is to be obfei-v-ed, they painte 1 as many points as
there were units unto twenty. This nvimbcr has its proper charafler. Then they doubled it
for 20 t'mes, that is 400. This charafter was 'Joubled iu like manner, thac is to 8000. Thtn
they began to double the chara„ier of 8000. With thole three charatflers, ajid the points, they
expreflcd whatever number the\ chofe, at leali to twenty times 8000, or 160, qoo. But it is
probable this number had its characters alio.
fight,.
JV.XJ.V
/Aff/i,/,// (7i<i>fit/,r.>. ,\- J i^//i/r//rt// ://'^ttf<.>. ì;.{ I J
iitir .J If
firi'
1fOI>
A'./i'v-'
.fOK
ilion
fj/>a
/h,,/'/
• •••• e «
• '^/tf J/lflHf/f ,\ <-i/l/lt.l/<'ll 1^ .'A'/l)lll/\>.
HISTORY OF M E X I C O. 41 f
fight, which is the beginning and which Is the end of any hiftorical BOOK vil.
painting. ^''' »— — '
It cannot be denied that this method of exprefìlng tilings was im-
perfcdt, perplexed, and equivocal ^ but praifo is due to tlie attenij->t of
thofc people to perpetuate the memory of events, and to their iiiduftry
in fupplying, though Imperfeilly, the want of letters, which it is
probable they would have invented, in their progrefs to refinement,
had their empire been of longer duration ; at lead they v^ould have a-
bridged and improved their paintings by the multiplication of chara(5lers.
Their paintings ought not to be conlidered as a regular full hiftory,
but only as monuments and aids of tradition. We cannot exprefs too
ftrongly the care u'hich parents and mailers took to inftru(5l their chil-
dren and pupils in the hiftory of the nation. They made them learn
fpeeches and difcoarfes, which they could not exprefs by the pencil ;
they put the events of their anceflors into verfe, and taught them to
ling them. This tradition difpellcd the doubts, and undid the ambi-
guity which paintings alone might have occafioned, and by the afiift-
ance of thofe monuments perpetuated the memory of their heroes, and
of virtuous examples, their mythology, their rites, their laws, and
their cuftoms.
Nor did that people make ufe only of tradition, of paintings, and
fongs, to preferve the memory of events, but alfo of threads of dif-
ferent colours, and differently knotted, called by the Peruvians ^?pu,
and by the Mexicans Nepohualtziizin. This curious method of the re-
prefentation of things, however much ufcd in Peru, does not appear
to liave been emjiloyed in the province of Anahuac, if not in the moft
early ages; forno traces of fuch monuments are now to be found.
Boturini fays, tliat after the mofl diligent fearch, he, with difficulty,
found one in a place of TIafcala, the threads of which were already
wafled and confumed by time. If thofe who peopled South America
ever paffed the country of Anahuac, they poffibly might have left tlicrc
this art, which was afterwards abandoned for that of painting, intro-
duced by the Toltecas, or fome other nation ftill more ancient.
After ihe Spaniards communicated the ufe of letters to them, fcve-
ral able natives of Mexico, Tezcuco, and TIafcala, wrote their hiflo-
ries partly in Spanilli, and partly in an elegant Mexican (lylc, which
(» g g 2 hiftories
;s
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
hiftorles are ftill preferved in fome libraries of Mexico, as we have al-
ready mentioned.
Sect. l. The Mexicans were more fuccefsful in fculpture, in the art of caft-
Scuipture. j^^ metals and mofaic works, than in painting. They expreiled the
images of their heroes, and of the works of nature in ftone, wood,
gold, filver, and feathers, better than on paper, either becaufe the
greater difficulty of thofe labours ftimulated greater diligence and exer-
tions, or becaui'c the high efteem in which they were held among that
people, excited genius and encouraged indudry.
Sculpture was one of the arts exercifed by the ancient Toltecas.
Until the time of the conqueft feveral ftatues of ftone were preferved
which had been cut by the artifts of that nation ; in particular the idol
of Tlaloc, placed upon the mountain of the fame name, which was fo
much revered and worfliipped by the Chechemecas and Acolhuas, and
the gigantic ftatues eredled in the celebrated temples of Teotihuacan.
The Mexicans had fculptors among them when they left their native
country Aztlan, for we know that they had at that time formed the idol
of Huitzilopochtli, which they carried along with them in their long
peregrination.
The ufual materials of their flatues were ftone and wood. They
wrought tlie ftone without iron, fteel, or any other inftrument than a
chiflel made of flint ftone. Their unparalleled phlegmatic nature and
conftancy in labour, were both necefTary to overcome the difficulty, and
endure the tedioufnefs of fuch labours ; and they fucceeded in fpite of
the unfitnefs of their inftruments. They learned to exprefs in their
ftatues all the attitudes and poftures of which the human body is ca-
pable ; they obferved the proportions exadlly, and could, when necef-
lary, execute the moft delicate and minute ftrokes with the chiflel. They
not only made entire ftatues, but likewife cut out in ftone, figures
in baflb relievo, of which kind are thofe ofMontezuma II. and one of
his fons, recorded with praifes by Acofta. They alfo made ftatues of
clay and wood, employing for thefe a chiffel of copper. Thefurprif-
ing number of their ftatues may be imagined from that of their idols,
which we mentioned in the preceding book. In this refpcd; we have
alfo to lament the furious zeal of the firft biftiop of Mexico, and the
firft preachers of the goipel ; v.ho, in order to remove from the fight
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 413
of their converts all incentives to idolatry, have deprived us of many BOOK VH.
valuable monuments of the fculpture of the Mexicans. The founda- ^^^~
tion of the firft church, which was built in Mexico, was laid with
idols, and fo many thoufand flatues were then broke in pieces and de-
ftroyed, that although the kingdom was mofl abounding in works of
that kind, at prefent the molt diligent fearch can hardly find any of
them remaining. The conduct of thofe miffionaries was no doubt laud-
able both in caufe and effedt, but they fliould have diftinguiftied be-
tween the innocent ftatues of thofe people, and their fuperftitious
images, that fome of the former might have been kept entire in fomc
place where no evil confequence would have attended their prefer-
vation.
The works which they executed by calting of metals were in more Sect. lt.
efteem with the Mexicans than the works of fculpture, both on ac- ^^''''ps of
<- 1 • nictali.
count of the greater value of the materials, and the excellence of the
art itfelf. The miracles they produced of this kind would not be cre-
dible, if befides the teftimony of thofe who favv them, curiofities in
numbers of this nature had not been fcnt from Mexico to Europei
The works of gold and filver lent in prefents from the conqueror Cortes
to Charles V. filled the goldfiniths of Europe with aflonifhmcnt ; who,
as feveral authors of that period attefl, declared [q] that they were al-
to'^ether inimitable. The Mexican founders made both of gfold and
filver the molt perfecft Imasres of n.itural bodies. They made a fid^ in
this manner, which liad its fcales alternately one of filver and the other
of gold ; a parrot with a moveable head, tongue, and wings, and an
ape with a moveable head and feet, having a fpindle in its hand in the
attitude of fpinning. They fet gems in gold and filver, and made
moll curious jewellery ol great value. In Ihort, thefe fort of works
were fo admirably finiflied, that even the Spmiih foldiers, all ftung
with the lame wretched thirfl: for gold, valued the workmanfhip above
the materials. This wonderful art, formerly pradlifed by the Toltecas,
the invenfion of which they afcribed to the god Quetzakoatl, \\?.s been
entirely loft by the debafemcnt of the Indi-ins, and the indolent n^g-
(,j) Sec \n paiiicvhir wh;.i ii f;i\l of iliofc n'oiks by tlic lii'.lori.in Go'inri, who h;id ihcin ia
hib iiuiii'si and heard what the jjolJlnviths ot Seville f.iid upon feting th'.;in.
leA
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
left of the Spaniards. We are doubtful if there are any remains of
thofe curious works ; at leali we appre'iend, it woaki be more eafy to
find fome in the cabinets of Europe than in all New Spain. Covetouf-
nefs to proiit by the materials muft unqueftionably have conquered all
delire to preferve thern as curiolities.
The Mexicans alio wrought with the hammer, but in an inferior
manner, and not at all to be compared with the goldfmiths of Europe;
for they had no other inftruments to beat metals than flones. How-
ever, it is well known that they wrought copper well, and that the
Spaniards were much pleafed with their axes and .pikes. Tlie Mexi-
can founders and goldlh^ths formed a refpeftable body of people. They
rendered particular worlhip to their prote6*:ing god Xtpt', and in lionour
of him held a L'reat feftival in the fecond month, at which human vic-
tims were ficrificed.
Sect. LIT. Nothing, howevcr, was more highly v-alued by the Mexicans than
M'viaic their molale works, which were made of the moft delicate and beau-
tiful feathers of birds. They railed for this purpofe various Ipecies of
birds of fine plumage v/ith which that country abounds, not only in
the palaces of the king, where, as we have already obferved, there
were all forts of animals, but likev/ife in private houfes, and at certain
fealbns they carried off their feathers to make ufe of them on this land
of work, or to fell them at market. They fet a high value on the fea-
thers of thofe wonderful little birds which they call Huitzitz-ili?!, and
the Spaniards Ficaflores, on account of the fmallnefs, the finenefs, and
the various colours of them. In thefe and other beautiful birds, na-
ture fupplied them with all the colours which art can produce, and
alio fome which art cannot imitate. At the undertaking of every mo-
laic work feveral artills alTembled ; after having agreed upon a defign,
and taken their meafures and proportions, each artifl: charged himfelf
with the execution of a certain part of the image, and exerted himfelf
lo diligently in it with llich patience and application, that he frequently
fpent a whole day in adjufting a feather ; firlT: trying one, then another,
viewing it fometimes one way, then another, until he found one which
gave his part that ideal perfedion propofed to be attained, WJien tlie
part which each artift undertook was done, they alTembled again to
form the entire image from them. If any part v/as accidentally the
«> leali:
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
IfrtlV deranged, it \vas wrought again until it was perf-ftly finiilied.
They laid hold of the t'eathcrs with fmall pincers, that they might not
dp them the leali injury, and pulled them on tha cloth with T'zaubtli,^
or fome other glutinous matter; then they united all the parts upon a
alitele table, or a plate of copper, and flattened them foftly until they
left <he ruriv;ce of the image fo equal and fmoolh it appeared to be the
work ot a pegcil,
Thefe were the jmages fo much celebrated by the Spaniards and
ofher European nations. Whoever beheld them was at a lofs whether he
Qught to hive praacd moll the life and beauty of the natural colours,
or the dexterity of the artill, and the ingenious difpolition of art.
" Thele images," fiys Acolla, " are defervedly admired; for it is won-
" derful how it was poiilble, with the feathers of birds, to execute
" works fo fine and fo equal, that they appear the performance oi the
" pencil ; and what neither the pencil nor the colours in painting can
" efifed:, they have, when viewed from a fide, an appearance fo beauti-
" fui, fo lively, and animated, they give delight to the fight. Some In-
*' dians, who are able artifts, copy whatever is painted v\ith a pencil
" fo perfedly with plumage, that they rival the bell painters of Sp^in."
Thefe works of feathers were even fo highly efleemed by the Mexicans
as to be valued more than gold. Cortes, Bernal Diaz, Gomara, Tor-
quemada, and all the other hillorians who law them, were at a lofs
for exprellions fufficient to praife their perfedlion (/•). A little time
ago was living in Pazcuaro, lormerly the capital of the kingdom of
Michuacan, where this art chiefly flouriflied lìnee the conquell, the
lall furviving artill of Mofaic works, and with him poflibly is now, or
will be, liUidied this admirable art, although for thofe two, lad cen-
turies pdc, it has fallen much fliort of its ancient perfedlion. Se-
veral works of tliis kind are dill preferved in the niufeums of Eu-
rope, and many in Mexico, but few we appreliend belong to the fix-
er) Stor. Nat. e Mor. lib. iv. c. 37.
(j) Gio. Lorenzo d'Ati.T,-nia, a learned Italian of the fixtecnth century, treating of tliofc
iinay;es of the Mpxivuns, obferve» : " Amon^njli others 1 was greatly alloiiiflicd at a San Gi-
" rolanio wi'h a crui.i(ix and a I'on, which La !r"ig. Diana LofFreda flicwed mc, difcovcrino
«' fo much beauty f r m the livclinefs of the natural colours, fo well and fojiillly placed, that
«« I imagined I could never fee an equal to it, fur Icfs a better, among tlic ancient or evcu the
" moll onlncat modern painters."
teenth
4i6 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOCK vir. teenth century, and none of thofe which we know of, were made' be-
fore the conqueft. The mofaic works alfo which they made of
broken fliells was extremely curious ; this art is ftill praftifed in
Guatemala.
In imitation of thofe fkilful artifts there were others, who formed
with flowers and leaves upon mats many beautiful works made ufe of
at feftivals. After the introduction of Chriftianity they made thefc
works for ornament ; they were fought after moft eagerly by the Spa-
nifli nobility, on account of the fingular beauty of the artifice. At
prefent there are many artifts in that kingdom, who employ themfel\e»
in counterfeiting with filk the images of feathers ; hut their perform-
ances are by no means comparable with thofe of the ancients.
Sect. LUI. A nation fo induftrious in thofe arts which could only ferve for cu-
civii archi- rlofity and luxury, could not be wanting in thofe which were necef-
tcc till e of the f^rv to life. ArchitCillure, one of thofe arts which the necefllty of
Mexicans. ^ . . ^
man firft invents, was exercifed by the inhabitants of the country of
Anahuac, at leafl from the time of the Toltecas. Their fucceffors the
Chechemecas, the Acolhuas, and all the other nations of the king-
doms of Acolhuacan, of Mexico, and Michuacan, of the republic of
Tlafcala, and other provinces, except the Otomies, built houfcs and
formed cities from time immemorial. When the Mexicans arrived
in that country, they found it full of large and beautiful cities. They
who before they left their native country were Ikilled in architedure,
and ufed to a fecial life, conftruftcd in their pilgrimage many edifices
in thofe places where they ftopped for fome years ; fome remains of
which are ftill exifting as we have already mentioned upon the banks
of the river Gila, in Pimeria, and near to the city of Zacatecas. Re-
duced afterwards to greater hardfliips upon the little iflands of the
Tezcucan lake, they built humble huts with reeds and mud, until by
the commerce of their fi(h they were able to purchafe better materials.
In proportion as their power and riches increafed, they enlarged and
improved their habitations ; fo that when the conquerors arrived, they
found no lefs to be admired with their eyes than to be deftroyed with
their hands.
The houfes of the poor were feuilt of reeds, or unburned bricks,
* or (lone and mud, and the roofs made of a long kind of hay which
grows
J
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 417
grows thick, and is common in the fields, particularly in hot coun- BOOK, vii
tries, or of the leaves of the maguei, or aloe, placed in the manner of '
.tiles, to which they bear fome reijbinblance both in thicknefs and fliape.
One of the columns or fupports of tliefe houfcs was generally a tree
of a regular groA'th, by means of which, beildes the pleafure they
took in its foliage and fliade, they faved themfeives fome labour and
expence. Thefe houfes had for the moft part but one chamber, where
the family and all the animals belonging to it, the fire-place, and fur-
niture, v/ere lodged. It the family was not very poor, there were mora
.chambers, an ajauhcalli, or oratory ; a temazcalli, or bath, and a little
granary.
The houfes of lords, and people of circumftances, were built of
ftone and lime; they confifted of two floors, having halls, large court-
yards, and the chambers fitly difpofeil ; the roofs were flat and ter-
4-acedj the walls were fo well whitened, poliflied, and fhining, that
they appeared to the Spaniards when at a diftance to have been filver.
The pavement or floor was plaifler, perfedtly level, plain, and fmooth.
IVIany of thefe houfes were crowned with battlements and turrets ;
a-nd their gardens had filh-ponds, and the walks of them fymmetrically
laid out. The large houfes of the capital had in general two entrances,
the principal one to the flreet, the other to the canal : they had no
wooden doors to their houfes, perhaps, becaufe they thought their ha-
bitations fufficiently lecure without them from the fe verity of the laws
againfl: robbers ; but to prevent the inipedlion of pafl"engers, they co-
vered the entrance with little reeds, from which they fufpended a ftring
of cocoas, or pieces of broken kitchen utenfils, or fome other thing
fit to awake by its noife the attention of the family, when any perfon
lifted up the reeds to enter the houfe. No perfon was permitted to
enter wltiiout the confent of the owner. When nccefhty, or civility,
or family connedtions did not juflify the entrance of any perfon who
came to tlie houfe, he was liftened to without and immediately dif-
mifled.
The Mexicans underflood the building of arches and vaults (/), as
appears from their baths, from the remains of the royal palaces of
Tez-
(.<; Torqucm.iila fays, that when the Sp.iniarJs took away the roof from an arch built in
the fini church of Mexico, the Mexicans from terror durft not enter the church, expecting
Vol. I. H h h every
41 8 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BCOli VII. Tezcuco, and other buildings which elcaped the fury of" the conquer-
'"'"''^ ' ors, ;ind al fo from leverai paintings. Cornices, and other ornarneats of
architecture, were likewife in ule among them. They took great delight
in making ornaments of ù.ont, which had the appearances of Ihares,
about their doors and windows, and in fome buildings there was a large
I'erpent made of itone in the adi of biting his tail, alter having twiftcd
his body through all the windows of the houle. The vv^alls of their
buildings were upright and perpendicular ; they mull: have made ufe
of the plunimit, or ibme other inftrurnent of its nature, although
owing to the negligence of hiftorians, we are ignorant of the tools
which they employed in building, as well as many other things be-
longing to this and other arts. Some are of opinion, that the Mexi-
can malbns in building walls, filled them up with earth on both fides,
and that as the wall was raifed, they railed likewife the heaps of earth
fo high, that, until the building was completed, the walls remained
entirely buried and unfcen ; on which account the malbns had no oc-
cafion for planks or fcafFolding. But althougli this mode of building
may appear to have been in pradice among the Miztecas, and other
nations of the Mexican empire, we do not believe that the Mexicans
ever adopted it, from the great expedition with which they finilhed
their buildings. 1 heir columns were cylindrical, or fquare ; but we
cannot fay whether they had either bales or capitals. They endea-
voured at nothing more anxioufly than to make them of one lingle
piece, adorning them frequently with figures in baffo relievo. The
foundations of the large houfes of the capital were laid upon a floor of
large beams of cedar fixed in the earth, on account of the want of fo~
Unity in the foil, which example the Spaniards have imitated. The
roofs of fuch houfes were made of cedar, of fir, of cyprefs, of pine,
or of ojametl ; the columns were of common Hone ; but in the royal
palaces they were of marble, and lome even of alabafier, which many
Spaniards mifiook for jafper. Before the reign of Ahuitzotl, the walls
of houfes were built of common ftone j but as they difcovered in the
every moment to fee the arch fall. But if they were feizeJ v.ih .ny fuch apprehenfion, it
was certainly not occafioncd by feeing the arch, which was iii ufo among themfelves, but pof-
fibly from feeing the fcafFolding taken away quickly, or fome other circiuni^ance which ex-
cited their admiration.
time
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e Ó. 419
time of that king the qu.irries of the ftone Tetzontli, upon the banks book vii.
of the Mexican lake, it was afterwards preferred as the mofl fit for the
buildings cf the capital, it being hard, light, and porous like a fpunge:
on which account lime adheres very firmly to it. For théfe properties
and its colour, which is a blood red, it is at prefent valued above any
other ftone for buildings. The pavements of their courts and tem-
ples were in general of the ftone of Tenajoccan ; but fome alfo were-
chequered with marble and other precious lloncs. :...■:■
Although the Mexicans are not to be compared with the Europeans
in regard to tafte in architedlure, yet the Spaniards were fo ftruck
with admiration and furprize on feeing the royal palaces of Mexico,
that Cortes, in his firft letter to Charles V. unable to find v.ords to
defcribe them, fpeaks thus : " He had," he fays, fpeaking of MontS-'
zuma, *' bL'fides thofe in the city of Mexico, other fuch admirable hoafeis
" for his habitation, that I do not believe 1 ihall ever be able to exprefs
" their excellence and grandeur ; therefore 1 fliall only fay that there are
" no equals to them in Spain." Such expreffions are made ufe of by
Cortes in other parts of his letters ; by the anonymous conqueror in
his valuable relation, and by Bernal Diaz in his mofl faithful hillory,
who were all three prefent at the conqueft.
The Mexicans alfo conftruóted, for the convenience of inhabited o,^^ it,-
places, feveral excellent aqueducfts, Thofe of the capital for conduct- Aqucdutì^
ing the water from Chapoltepec, which was two miles diftant, were on the 'lake
two in number, made of ftone and cement five feet high, and two
paces broad upon a road raifed for that purpofe upon the lake, by whicii
the water was brought to the entrance of the city, and from thence it '
branched out through fmaller channels to fupply fcvcral fountains, and
particularly thofe of the royal palaces. Although there were two aque-^
ducfts, the water was only brought by one at a time, as in the inter-
val they cleared the other that they might always have the water pure.
At Tezcutzinco, formerly a palace of pleafuie of the kings of Tcz-
cuco, may ftill be feen an aquedutt by which water was conveyed to
the royal gardens.
The above mentioned road of Chapoltepec, as well as others made
upon the lake, and frequently taken notice of in this hiftory, are in-
contertible proofs of the indullry of the Mexicans ; but it is Hill
II h h 2 more
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
more manlfefted in the foundation of their city j for whereas other
architeils have no more to do than to lay a foundation upon fohd earth,
to raife an edifice, the Mexicans were obliged to make the foil on
which they built, uniting by terraces feveral little iflands together. Be-
fides this prodigious fatigue, they had to raife banks and palliiìidoes to
render their habitations fecure. But if in thefe works their induftry
is confpicuous, in many others the Mexicans Ihew their tafte for mag-
nificence. Aniongft the monuments of ancient architeélure which
are extant in the Mexican empire, the edifices of Miellan, in Mizteca,
are very celebrated ; there are many things about them worthy of ad-
miration, particularly a large hall, the roof of which is fupported by
various cylindrical columns of itone, eighty feet high, and about twenty
in circumference, each of them confifling of one fingle piece.
Sect. lv. But this, or any other fabric of Mexican antiquity now remaining,-
aifcTent'ed'- canuot be compared with the famous aqueduifl of Chempoallan. This
^'•^e»- large work, worthy of being ranked with the greateft in Europe, was
done about the middle of the fixteenth century. The Francifcan mif-
fionary Francifco Tembleque, direded, and the Chempoallefe executed
it with wonderful perfection. Moved with compaffion for the diftrefs
which his profelytes fuii-ered from a fcarcity of water, as all that could
be gathered in trenches and ditches was confumed by the cattle of the
Spaniards, that pious father undertook to relieve the neceffities of his
people at all events. The water was at a great diltance, and the coun-
try through which it was neceflary to conduci it, was mountainous
and rocky; but every difficulty was overcome by his zeal and adlivity,
aided by the indullry and toil of his converts. They confl:rud:ed
an aquedu(!l of flone and lime, which, on account of the frequent
turnings they were obliged to make in the mountains, was upwards of
thirty miles long. The greatelt difficulty confifted in croliing three
great precipices which intercepted tlieir progrefs ; but this was got
over by three bridges, the firft confifting of forty-feven, the fecond
of thirteen, and the third, which is the largeft and moft wonder-
ful of all, having fixty-feven arches. The largeft arch, which was in
the middle, fituated in the greateft dspth of the precipice is one hun-
dred and ten geometrical feet in height, and fixty-one in breadth, fo
that a large veflel could pafs under it. The other fixty-fix arches,
fitwated
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 421
fituated on each fide of the largeft, diminiilied gradually on each fide BOOK vii.
unto the edge or top of the precipice, fo as to leave the ground level
\vith the courfe of the aquediidt. This large hridge is 3,178 geome-
trical feet, or upwards of half a mile in length. The; work of it occu-
pied the fp.ice of rive years, and the whole aquedufl feventecn. We have
deemed it not improper to infert the defcriplion of this fuperb fabrick ;
as although it was the undertaking of a Spaniard, after the conquell,
it was. executed by the Chempoallefe, who furvived the downfal of thtir
empire,/ ,,, ,
The ignorant Mr. de P. denies that the Mexicans h.id either the
knowledge, or made ufe of lime ; but it is evident from the teflimony
of all the hillorians of Mexico, by tribute rolls, and above all from
the ancient buildings iìììì remaining, that all thofe nations made the
£\me ufe of lime as the Europeans do. The vulgar of that kingdom
believe, that the Mexicans mixed eggs with lime to render it more te-
nacious ; but this is an error, occafioned by feeing the ancient walls of
a jellowifli call. It is manifefi: alfo, from the teflimony of the firft hif-
toiians, that burnt tiles or bricks were ufed by the Mexicans, and that
they fold tliem like all other things in the market-place.
The ilone-cutters, who cut and wrought ftones for building, did not Sect. LVI.
make ufe of pickaxes, nor iron chiiTels, but only of certain inftruments P'""*^*'"'" „
r ' 'J ters, engiav»
of flint-ftone ; with thefe, however, they executed beautiful works and vers, jcwd-
engravings. But thofe fort of labours without iron do not raife fo tcrs! '^
much wonder as the ftones of flupendous fize and weight which were
found in the capital and other places, tranfported from great diftances,
and placed in high fituations without the aid of machines which me-
chanilm has invented. Befides common ftone they wrought marble,
alfo jafper, alabafter, itztli, and other v.Juable ftones. Of itztli, they
made beautiful looking-glafles fet with gold, and thofe extremely fharp
razors which they fixed in their fwords, and which their barbers madó
ufe of. They mad? thofe razors with fuch expedition, that in the
fp.ice of one hour an artificer could finilh more than a hundred (u). '
The Mexican jewellers not only had flcill in gems, but likewife
underftood how to polifli work and cut them, and formed them into
(«) Hernandez TorqucmaJa and Betaneourt, dcfcribc tlic manner In wliich thofe artid»
mad» their razors of the Hone itztli.
s -what-
I
422 H I S T O R Y O F M E X 1 e O.
BOOK VII. whate\'er fiijures th^y chofe. Hiilcrians affirm, that thcfe works^
were done with a particular find; but it is moli: certain, they could
not do them w.thout Ibme inftrument of flint, or hard copper, which
is found in that country. The gems moft common among the Mexi-
cans were emeralds, amethyfts, conielians, turquoifes, and fome others
not known in Europe. Emeralds were lb common, that no lord or
noble wanted them, and none of them died without having one fixed
to his lip, that it might ferve him as they imagined inftead of a heart.
An infinite number of them were fent to the court of Spain in the firfi:
years after the conqueft. When Cortes returned the firft time to Spain,
he brought along with him, air.ongll: other ineilimable jewels, five
emeralds, which, as Gomara, who was then living, bears teftimony, were
valued at a hundred thoufand ducats, and for one of them fome Ge-
noefc merchants offered him forty thoufind, in order to fell it again to
the grand fignor (.y) ; and alio two emerald vafes, valued, as the celebrated
P. Mariana ( j) fays, at three hundred thoufand ducats, which vafes Cor-
tes lofi by the fliipwreck which he fufFered in the unfortunate expedition
of Charles V. againfl Algiers. At prefent no more fuch gems are
wrought, nor is even the place of the mines known where they were
formerly dug : but there are ftill fome enormous pieces of emerald re-
liiaining, nan;iely, a lacred ftone in the cathedral church of Angelopoli,
.and another in the parochial church of Qjiechula (unlefs this is the
fame tranfported from thence to Angelopoli), which the priefts keep
fecured with chains of iron, as Betancourt fa3's, that no one may
carry it oft'.
The potters not only made the necefiary family utenfil? of clay, but
alfo other things of mere curiofity, which they embellilhed with
(x) With regard to Cortes's emeralds, the firlt was made in fo m of a rofo, the fecond like
a. horn, thè third like a fifh, with eyes of gold ; the fourth was a little bell, with a fine pearl
for a clapper, and upon the lip th s infcription in Sp.niili, BentHto quicn tc crìi), that is, Blcjfcd
h.-, =tvòo cicatcil. ihee. The fitlh, which was the moft valuabh, and for which the Gcnoefe
merchants would have uiven forty thou and ducat?, was a finali cup with a foot of gold, and
four little chains alfo of gold, which united in a pcail in the foim of a button. The lip of the
cup was gitt with a ring of gold, on which was ent;raved this Latin fentence, hacr natos niu'
lUrum nanfuncxit major. Thefe five emeraldf, wrought by the Mexicans at the order of Cor-
tes, were prefentcd by him to his fccoinl wife, the daughter of the count of AguUar ; jewels,
fays Gomara, who faw them, 1 ct cr than any oth.r uornaa whatlbcver had in all Spain.
(y) Mariana in the Summary, or Supplement of the Hillory of Spain.
various
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
various colours ; but they did not undciftand, by what we can difcover,
the art of making gLifs. The moH: fdinous potters formerly were the
Cholaljl";, whole vcliels were rn.ich prlfed by the Spaniards ; at pre-
fcnt the moft reputed are the potters of Quauhtitlan.
Their carpenters wrought fever al kinds of wood with inftruments Sect.LVII.
made of copper, of which there are ftill fomc remains of tolerable ^^'■P''"'^'''-
ti ' weavers, &c.
workman Hii p.
Manufadturcs of various kinds of cloth were common every where;
It was one of thofc arts which almoil every perfon learned. They had
no wool, nor common filk, nor lint, nor hemp, but they fupplied the
want of wool with cotton, that of filk with feathers, with the hair of
the rabbit and hare, and that of lint and hemp with icxutl, or moun-
tain-palm, with the quetzalicbili, the pati, and other fpecies of the
maguei. Of cotton they made large webs, and as delicate and fine as
thofe of Holland, which were with much realbn highly efteemed in
Europe. A (c\v years after the conquefl:, a (acerdotal habit of the
IVIexicans was brought to Rome, which, as Boturini affirms, was un-
commonly adm.ired on account of its fincnefs and beauty. They wove
thefe cloths with different figures and colours, reprefenting different
animals and flowers. Of feathers, interwoven v/ith cotton, they made
mantles and bed curtains, carpets, gowns, and other things not lefs
foft than beautiful. We have (can fome beautiful mantles of this kind
which are prefer ved ftill by fome lords ; they wear them upon extraor-
dinary feflivals, as at thofe of the coronation of the Spaniih kings.
With cotton alfo they interwove the fineft hair of the belly of rabbits
and hares, after having dyed and fpun it into thread ; of thefe they made
moft beautiful cloths, and in particular winter waiftcoats for the
Jords. From the leaves of the Pati and ^ctza/ichtn two fpecies of the
inaguei, they obtained a fine thread, with which they made cloths
equal to thofc made of lint ; and from the leaves of other kinds of the
maguei, namely, thofe of the mountain-palm, they drew a coarfer
thread, fimdar to hemp. The method they ufcd to prepare thofe ma-
terials was the fame which is pra^flifed by the Europeans for lint and
hemp. They foaked the leaves in water, then cleaned them, put them
in the firn, and beat, them until they were fit to fpin.
Of
424 II I S T O R Y O F .CO.
BOOK VIÌ. Of the fame leaves of the mountain-pah-ii; and alio of thofe of the
' — "v— — ' i'z.hticitl, another fpscies of palm, they made extremely fine mats of dif-
ferent colours. They made others iViore coarfe of the ruflies which
crew in abundance in the lake.
Of the thread of the maguei they iivade alfo ropes, (lioes, and other
things.
They drefled the fkins of animals tolerably well, both of quadrupeds
and birds, leaving upon fome of them the hair or piumage, according
to the ufe which they propofed to make of them.
Laftly, to convey fome idea of the tafte of the Mexicans in arts,
we have thought proper to tranfcribe here the lift of the firft things
which Cortes fent from Mexico to Charles V. a few days after he ar-
rived in that country {z).
Sect. Two wheels, ten hands in diameter, one of irold with the image of the
LVIII. - .
Liil of the fun, and the other of filver with the image of the moon upon it ; both
rareties fent formed of plates of thofe metals, with different fig-ures of animals and
by Loites to ... . .
Charles V. Other things in baffo relievo, finished v«'ith great ingenuity and art (a).
A gold necklace, compofed of feven pieces, with a hundred and
eighty-three fmall emeralds fet in it, and two hundred and thirty-two
gems fimilar to fmall rubies, from which hung twenty-feven little bells
of gold, and fome pearls.
Another necklace of four pieces of gold, with one hundred and two
red gems like fmall rubies, one hundred and feventy-two emeralds,
and ten fine pearls fet in it, with twenty-fix little bells of gold.
A headpiece of wood covered with gold, and adorned with gems,
from which hung twenty-five little bells of gold; inftead of a plume
it had a green bird with eyes, beak, and feet of gold.
A bracelet of gold. A little rod like a fceptre, \\\\h two rings of
gold at its extremities, fet with pearls.
Four tridents, adorned with feathers of various colours, with pearl
points tied with gold thread.
{%) This lilt is taken from the hiflory of Gomapa, then living in Spain, fome things only
omitted which were of little importance to be mentioned.
(a) The wheel < f gold was unqucfiionabiy the figure of their century, and that of filver
the figure of their year, according to what Gomara fay?, but he did not know it with cer-
tainty.
Several
4
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. ^::5
Several fhoes of the (Idn of the deer, fewcd with gold thread, the BOOK \if.
foles of which were made of blue and white ftone of Itztli, extremely
- thin {Ò).
A fliield of wood and leather, with little bells hanging to it, and
covered with plates of gold in the middle, on which was cut the imac^e
of the god of war between four heads of a lion, a ty^er, an eagle, and
an owl, reprefented alive with their hair and feathers.
Several drelled llvins of quadrupeds and birds with their plumage
and hair.
Twenty-four curious and beautiful fliields of gold, of feathers, and
very fmall jicarls, and other four of feathers and filver only.
Four fidies, two ducks, and fome other birds of cart; gold.
Two fea-rtiells of gold, and a large crocodile girt with threads of
gold.
A large mirror adorned with gold, and many fnialj mirrors. Several
mitres and crowns of feathers and gold, ornamented with pearls and
gems.
Several large plumes of beautiful feathers of various colours, fretted
with gold and fmall pearls.
Several fans of gold and feathers mixed together ; others of feathers
only, of different forms and fizes, but all nioft rich and elegant.
A variety of cotton niantles, fome all white, others chequered with
white and black, or red, green, yellow, and blue; on the outfide
rough like a Ihaggy cloth, and within without colour or nap.
A number of under wairtcoats, handkerchiefs, counterpanes, tapef-
tries, and carpets of cotton.
All thofe articles were, according to Gomara, more valuable for the
v/orkmanlhip than the materials, . T/je colours, he fays, of the cotton,
'ivere estretnelyjinc, atifi thofe of the feathers natural. 'Their works of
caJl.meto.J, are not to be comjrrcheuded hy our goJiifniiths. Tliis prefent,
which was a part of that which Montezuma made to Cortes, a few
days after he had difembarked at Chakhiuhcuecan, was fent by Cortes
to Charles V. in July I5i'9, and this was the firfl gold and the firft
(i) Gomara docs not exprefs that the foles were made of the ftone Itztli, but it is to, be un<
derftood from h!» account.
Vol. I. I i i filver
426
BOOK VII.
* ^ '
Sect.
LIX.
Knowledge
of nature and
life of medi-
cinal limplcs.
H I S T O R V O F M E X { C O.
filver which was fent from New to Old Spain ,; a fmall prelage of the
immenfe treafurts it was to lend in future.
Amongft other arts exercifed by the Mexicans, th.u of medicine
has been entirely overlooked by the SpanilTi hillorians, .ilthough it is
certainly not the lead elfcntial part of their hillory. They have con-
tented themfelves with laying, that the Mexican phyficians had a great
knowledge of herbs, and that by means of thefe they performed mira-
culous cures ;' but do not mark the progrefs which they made in an art
fo bejiehcial to the human race. It is not to be doubted, tliat the
fame neceihties which Simulated the Greeks to make a colle(ftion of
experiments and obfervations on the nature of difeafes, and the virtue
of limples, would alfo have in time led the Mexicans to the know-
ledge of thofe two moft important parts of medicine.
We do not know whether they intended by their paintings, like the
Greeks by their writings, to communicate their lights to pofterity.
Thofe who followed the profellion of medicine inftrudfed their fons in
the nature and differences of the difeafes to which the human frame is
fubjedl, and of the herbs which Providence has created for their re-
medy, the virtues of which had been experienced by their anceftors.
They taught them the art of difcerning the fymptoms and progrefs of
different diftempers, and to prepare medicines and apply them. We
have ample proofs of this in the natural hiffory of Mexico, written by
Dr. Hernandez [c). This learned and laborious v/riter had always the
Mexican phyficians for his guides in the rtudy of natural hiftory, which
(c) Hernnndcz who wns pliyfician to Philip II. king of Spain, and much renowned for the
works he publiflicd concerning the Natural Hiliory ot i'liny, was fent by that monarch to
Mexico, to ftiidy the ni»tural hiftory of that kingdom. He employed himfelf there with other
able learned natiiralilis for feveral years, affiled by the Mexic.in phyficians. His work, wor-^
thy of the cxpence which it coft of fixty thoufand ducats, conlifted of twenty-four books of
hiftory, and elcveii volumes of excellent figures of plants and animals ; but the king thinking
it too voluminous, gave orders to his phyfician Nardo Antonio Ricchi, a Neapolitan, to abridge
it. This abridgement was publifticd in Spaniftl by Francifco Ximcnes, a Dominican, in 1615,
and af.erwards in Latin, at Rome, in 1651, by the Linccan academicians, with notes and
learned differtations, though rather long and unintercfling. The manufcripts of Hernandez
were prefcrved in the library of the Efcurial, from which Nuremberg extrafled, according to
his own confeffion, a great part of what he has written in his Natural Hiftory. F. Claude
Clement, a French Jcfuit, difcourling of the manufcript of Hernandez, fays thus : " Qui
•' omncs libri, & comment irii, fi prout afiVv'l! funt, ita forent perfeilli, & abfoluti, Philippus
" II. & Francifcus Hernandius haud qii:iquam Alexandre, & Arilloteli hac in parte conce-
" derent."
8 he
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
lie profecuted in that empire. They communicated to him the know-
ledge of twelve hundred plants, \vith their proper Mexican names ;
more than two hundred fpecies of birds ; and a large number of qua-
drupeds, reptiles, fiihes, infedls, and minerals. From this moit valu-
able, though imperfedt hirtory, a fyftem of pradtical medicine may be
formed for that kingdom ; as has in part been done by Dr. Farfan,
in his Book of Cures, by Gregorio Lopez, and other eminent pbyfi-
cians. And if fince that time the ll.udv of natural hillorv had not
been negledled, nor fuch a prepoffellion prevailed in favour of every
thing which came from beyond the feas, the inhabitants of New Spain
would have faved a great part of the expences they have beer, at in pur-
chafnig the drugs of Europe and of Afia, and reaped greater advan-
tages from the productions of their own country. Europe has been ob-
liged to the phyficians of Mexico for tobacco, American balfam, gum
copal, liquid amber, farfaparilla, tecamaca, jalap, barley, and the pur-
gative pine-feeds, and other limples, which have been much ufed
in medicine : but the number of thofe of which flie has been de-
prived the benefit by the ignorance and negligence of the Spaniards, is
infinite.
Among the purgatives employed by the phyficans of Mexico, be-
fides jalap, pine-feed, and the fmall bean, the Mechoacan, fo well
known in Europe fdj, was extremely cominon, alfo the Izticpatli,
much celebrated by Hernandez, and the Amamaxtla, vulgarly called
the Rhubarb of the Brothers.
Aniongft other emetics the Mexicans made ufe of the Mexochitl,
and the Neixcotlapatli ; and among diuretics the Axixpatli, and the
Axixtlacotl, which is fo highly prailed by Hernandez. Amongrt: their
antidotes the famous Contrahierba was defervcdly valued, called by
them on account of its figure, CoanenepilU, Tongue of Serpent, and
on account of its effedls CoapatU, or remedy ciga'mjl ferpents. Amongft
their errhines was the Zozojatic, a plant fo efficacious, that it was
{d) The celebrated root of Mechoacan is called Tacuachc by the Tanifcas, and Tlalantla-
ci:itl.ipilli by the Mexicans. The knowledge ot it was coininunicai-d by a phylican of the ■• inp
of Michiiacaii to the Hril reliijiuiis nùirioiiaiics who went there to prc.ich the gofpel ; he cured
them with it of certain fevers of a putrid nature. By them it was made known to the Spa-
ciarrif, a;id from the Spaniards to all Europe.
I i i 2 fuffi-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
fufficient to hold the root to the noie to produce fneezing. For In-
termittent fevers they generally employed the ChataUmic, -xvA in other
k'nd of fevers the ChuiiitzolH, the I-ztacxaUi, the Huehuct%onticomatl y
and above all the Izticpatli. To prevent the illnefs which frequently
followed too much exercile at the game of the ball, they ufed to er.t
the bark, of the Apitzaìpatlì foaketl in water. We fliould never finiili
if we were to mention all the plants, gum?, minerals, and other me-
dicines, both fimple and compound, which they employed againft all
the diliempers whicli were known to them. Wlioever defires to be
more amply informed on this fubjedl may conluit the above mentioned
work of Hernandez, and the two treatifcs publiihed by Dr. Monardes,
a Sevillian phyfician, on the medicinal articles, which ufed to be brought
from America to Europe.
Sect. LX. The Mexican phyficians made uie of ii^fufions, decoftions, oint-
Oils, oint- lyienf;, and oils, and all thof^ things were fold at market, as Cortes
meats, anJ ' . . ,
iu.'aiions, and Bernal Diaz, both eye-witnellcs, ailirm. The mod: common oils
were thofe of ule, or elufic gum, TIapatI, a tree fmiilar to the lig,
Chii!'/, or great pepper, Chian, and Ocotl, a fpecies of pine. The lall
they obtained by diftillation, the others by dccodlion. That of Chian
\vas more ufed by painters than phyficians.
They extracted from the Huitziloxitl, as we have already mentioa-
ed, thofe two forts of balfam defcribed by Pliny and other ancient na-
turalills. that is, the opobaifam, or baUam diftilled from the tree, and
the xylobaljam obtained by decoftion of the branches. From tlie bark
of the Huaconex, foaked four days continually in water, they extraift-
ed another liquor equal to ballam. From the plant called by the Spa.-
ifiards fnaripefidii, (a name taken it appears from the language of the
Tarafcas, they obtained alfo a liquor equal to balfam,. as much in its
odour as wonderful effeds, by putting tiie tender ftones of the plant,
to"-ether with the fruit, to boil iii water, until tlie water became as
thick as muft. In the lanie manner they obtained many other valuable
oils and liquors, namely, that of liquid amber, and that of the fir.
Blood-letting, an operation which theirphyficians performed with great
iiijoJieuing dexterity and lafety with lancets of //z///, was extremely common among
anj baths. ^j^^ Mexicans, aiid other nations of Anahuac. The country people
ufed to let thcmfclvcs blood as they ftill do with thepriciiles of the ma-
gaci»
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
429
guei, without employing another perlbn, or interrupting the labour in EOOK vil.
which they were occupied. They alio ufed the quills of the Huitztla- " '
ciiiìtzhì, or Mexican porcupine, which are thick, and have a fmall hole
at their points.
Among the means which the Mexicans employed for the preferva-
tion of health, that of the batli was very frequent. They bathed
themfelves extremely often, even many times in the fame day in the
natural water of rivers, lakes, ditches, and ponds. Experience has
t.\ught the Spaniirds the advantages of bathing, in tliat climate, and
particularly in the hot countries.
The Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac, made little lefs fre- stcr. LXU.
quent ufe of the bath TemazcuUi. Although in all its circumftances T^'mazciÉlli,
it is dcfcrvin? of particular mention in the hiitorv of Mexico, none of baths of the
the hiftorians of that kingdom have defcribed it, attending more fre- * ^'^"-'^''^S'
quently to defcriptions and accounts of lefs importance, fo much that
if Ibme of thofe baths had not been ftill preferved, the memory of
them mud have totally psriOied.
The 'TciiiazcaHi, or Mexican vapour-bath, is ufually built of raw
bricks. The form of it is fimilar to that of ovens for baking bread ;
but with this ditference, that the pavement of the Temazcalli is a lit-
tle convex, and lower than the furface of the earth, whereas that of
moft ovens is plain, and a little elevated for the accommodation of
the baker. Its greateft diameter is about eight feet, and its greatefl:
height fix. The entrance, like the mouth of an oven, is wide enough
to allow a man to creep eafily in. In the place oppofite to the entrance
there is a furnace of ftone or raw bricks, with its mouth outwards to
receive the fire, and a hole above it to carry off the fmoke. The part
which unites the furnace to the bath, and which is about two feet and
a half fquarc, is lliut with a dry ftone of Tetzontli, or fome other ftone
porous like it. In tlie upper part of the vault there is an air hole,
like that to tlie furnace. This is the ufual ftrudture of the Temaz-
calli, of which we have fubjoined a figure; but there are others that
are without vault or furnace, mere little fquare chambers^ yet well co-
V ..;d and defended from the air.
When any pcrfon goes to bathe, he firli: lays a mat (t') within the
. .zcalli, a pitcher of water, and a bunch of herbs, or leaves of
1 he Spaniards, when they bathed, made ufc of a maitiafi for more convenience.
maize.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
maize. He then caufes a fire to be made in the furnc.ce, which is kept
burning, until the flones which join the T'emazcaln and furnace are
quitchot. The perfon who is to ufe the bath enters commonly naked,
and generally accompanied for the fake of convenience, or on account of
infirmity, by one of his domeflics. As foon as he enters, he iliuts
the entrance clofe, but leaves the air-hole at top for a little time open,
to let out any fmokc which may have been introduced through t!ie
chinks of the Hone ; when it is all out he likewife Hops up the air-
hole. He then throws water upon the hot Hones, from which imme-
diately arifes a thick fleam to the top of the Temazcalli. While the
fick perion lies upon the mat, the domeftic drives the vapour dov/n-
wards, and gently beats the fick perfon, particularly on the ailing part,
Avith the bunch of herbs, which are dipped for a little while in the wa-
ter of the pitcher, which has then beconie a little warm. The lick
perfon falls immediately into a foft and copious fweat, which is en-
creafed or diminiflied at pleafure, according as the cafe requires. When
the evacuation defired is obtained, the vapour is let off, the entrance
is cleared, and the lick perfon clothes himfclf, or is tranfported on the
mat to his chamber ; as the entrance to the bath is ufually within fome
chamber of his habitation.
The Temazcalli has been regularly ufed in feveral diforders, parti-
cularly in fevers occafioned by coHivenefs. The Indian women ufe it
commonly after child-birth, and alfo thofe perlbns who have been
flung or wounded by any poifonous animal. It is, undoubtedly, a
powerful remedy for all thofe who have occafion to carry off grofs hu-
mours, and certainly it would be mofl ufeful in Italy where the rheu-
inatifm is fo frequent and affiidting. When a very copious fweat is
defired, the fick perfon is raifed up and held in the vapour ; as he fweats
the more, the nearer he is to it. The Temazcalli is fb common, that
in every place inhabited by the Indians there are many of them.
With reipedf to the furgcry of the Mexicans, the Spaniih conquer-
XLlil. (j,.g ^tjefi; their expedition and fuccefs in dreffmq and curine; wounds //7.
Befides the balfam and maripenda, they employed the milk of the
( /") Cortes himfelf being in great danger of liis life from a 'voiind he received on his head
in ihe famoub battle of Otoinpan, was greatly relieved, and at laft perfectly cured by the Tlaf-
calan art of furgery.
Itzon-
S E c T.
icry.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
43»
Itzontecptitli f /pedes of thiftkj, tobacco, and other herbs. For ulcers b .'^ok: vii.
they ufed the Na?iahuapatli, the Zacatlipatli, and the Itzcim2pai/i ; *— ^"v -^
for abfcefles and feveral fwelHngs, the 'T/a/amat/, and the milk of the
Chilpatli ; and for fradlures the Nacazol, or Tdoatzin. After drying,
and reduchig the feed of this plant to powder, they niixed it with a cer-
tain gum, and applied it to the affefted part, covered the part with
feathers, and over it laid little boards to fet the bones.
The phyficians were in general the perfons who prepared and applied
medicines ; but they accompanied their cures with feveral fuperftitious
ceremonies, v/itli invocations to their gods, and imprecations againll
diftempers, in order to render their art more myfterious and eftimable.
The phyficians held the goddefs T%apotlatenan in veneration, as the
protedhrefs of their art, and believed her to have been the difcoverer of
many medicinal fecrets, and amongft others of the oil which they ex-
tradted by diftillation from the Ocotl.
It is wonderful that the Mexicans, and efpecially the poor among <; ^
C T.
them, were not fubjcdt to numberlefs difeafes, confidering the quality .y^^^'
of their food. This is an article in which fmgular circumftances at- the Mesi-
tended them ; for having been, for many years after the foundation of *^^"^'
Mexico fubjecled to the moft miferable kind of life upon the little
iflands of the lake, they were conftrained by neceffity to feed upon
whatever they could find in the waters. During that difaftrous time,
they learned to eat, not only the roots of the marfh plants, water fer-
pents, which abounded there, the Axolotl, Atetepiz, Atopinan, and
other fuch little animals, inhabitants of the water ; but even ants,
marlh flies, and the very eggs of the fame flies. They fiflied fucli
quantities of thofe flies, called by them Axajat/, that they eat them,
fed feveral kinds of birds with them, and carried them to market.
They pounded them together, and made little balls of them, which
they rolled up in leaves of maize, and boiled in water with nitre. Some
hiftorians who have tailed this food, pronounce it not difigreeable.
From the eggs, which thofe flies depofit in great abundance on the
rufhes in the lake, they extradted that Angular fpecies of caviare,
which they called Abuauhtli.
Not contented with feeding upon living things, they eat alfo a cer-
tain muddy fubftance that floats upon the waters of the lake, which
they
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
they dried in the fun, and prefervedAto make ule of it as cheefe,
which it refeinbled in flavour and tafle. They gave this fubftance the
name of Tecuilhitl, or excrement of ftones. Accuftomed thus to thofc
vile articles of food, they were unable to abandon them in the feafon
of their greatefl plenty; on which account the market was a-lways (c^xx
full of innumerable fpecies of raw, boiled, fried, and roafted little ani-
mals, which were fold there particularly to the poor. However, as
foon as by their commerce with filli they were able to purchafe better
aliment, and to cultivate by the exertions of their induftry the floating
gardens of the lake, they entertained themfelves with better provifions,
and at their meals there was nothing wanting, as the conqueror fays,
eitlier in refpetì to the plenty, variety, or nicety of their dirties (g).
Among the eatables, the firft place is due to maize, which they
called T'laoUi, a grain granted by Providence to that part of the world,
inftead of the corn of Europe, tlie rice of Afia, the millet of Africa,
over all which it poflefles fome advantages ; as befidss its being whole-
fome, relifliing, and more nutritive, it multiplies more, thrives equally
in different climes, does not require fo much culture, is not fo delicate
as corn, iVands not in need, like rice, of a moift foil, nor is it hurtful to
the health of the cultivator. They had feveral fpecies of maize, dif-
fering in fize, colour, and quality from each other. Of maize they
made their bread, which is totally different from that of Europe in
tafle and appearance, and in the manner of making it, which they for-
merly had, and ftill continue to ufe. They put the grain to boil in
water with a little lime ; when it becomes foft, they rub it in their
hands to ftrip off the Ikin ; then pound it in the Metlatl [h), take out
a little of the pafte, and flretching it by beating it with both hands,
they form the bread, after which they give it the laft preparation in the
Comailt. The form of the bread is round and flat, about eight inches in
.diameter, and one line or more in thicknefs ; but they make their loaves
or cakes Itill fmaller and tliinner, and for the nobles they make them as
thin as o,ur thickeft paper. It was cuflomary alfo to mix fomething
{^) See the full letter of Cortes, the hlilory of Bernal Diaz, and the relation of the ano-
nymous conqueror.
(lì) The Spaniards call (ho Jlctlitl melate, the Conialli cornai, of which we fhall prefently
fpcaV, and tlie Atolli afclt.
elfe
HISTORY OF M E X I C O. 433
elfe with the bre;id to make it flill more wholefome and reUlhing. For BOOK. v;i.
pjrfoiis of ranA and circumllances, they ufed to make brcid ot red maize,
m'xing with it th- beautiful flovver coatzmtecoxocbhl, and feveral me-
dicinal h^rbs, to diminish its heat to the ftomach. This is the fort of
bread which the Mexicans, and all the other nations of thofe extenfivc
regions, have ufed until our time, preferring it to tlie befl: bread of
wheat. Their example has been i nitated by many Spaniards ; but
to fpeak impartially, this bread, although it is extremdy wholcfoinc
and fubll.'.atiàl, and when frcfh mule of a good taft.-, becomes rather
dlfigree ible when ftale. The making of bread, as well as the prepar-
ing and drelTing of every kind of meat, h;^s always among thofe nations
been tlie peculiar occupation of th^ir women. They were the perfons
who made it for tlieir families, and who fold it in the market.
Befides bread, they made many other meats and drinks of maize,
with different ingredients and preparations. The atolli h a gruel of maize,
after it has been boiled, well-ground, dilfolved in water, and flraincd.
They put the ilrained liquor over a fire, and give it another boiling
until it becomes of a certain thicknefs. The Spaniards think it infi-
pid to the tafle, but they give it commonly to fick perfons, as a mofl
falutary food, fweetening it with a little fugar, inftead of honey, which
is ufed by the Indians. To them it is fo grateful they cannot live witli-
out it. It was formerly and ftill is their breakfaft, ami with it thev
bear the fatigues of agriculture, and other fervile odices in which they
are employed. Hernandez defcrihcs eighteen fpecies of atolli, which
differ both with regard to the feafbning ingredients, and the manner of
preparing them.
Next to maize, the vegetables moft in ufe were the cacao, the cliia,
and the French bean. Of the cacao they made fever*! common drinks,
and among others that which they called Choco.'ati. They ground
equal quantities of the cacao and the feeds of Pocòotl, put them both
with a proportionable quantity of water into a little pot, in which they
Jlirred and turned them with that littl; indented initrument of wood,
which the Italians call frullo, the Spaniards irulinillo, and the Eng-
liih milUng-jUck ; then they poured o^ the floating oily part into an-
other vcfTel.
Vol. I. Jv k k Into
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Into the remainder they put a handful of pafte of boiled niaize, and
boiled it for a certain time, after which they mixed it with the oily
part, and took it when it was cool. This is the origin of the famous
chocolate, which the cultivated nations of Europe have ufed in imita-
tion of them, as well as the name and inftruments for making it ; al-
though the name is a little corrupted, and the drink altered according
to the language and tjfte of each nation. The Mexicans ufed to put
in their chocolate, and other drinks whicli they made of the cacao, the
'Tlììxochitl, or vaniglia, the flower of the XoclnnacaztU {ji) , and the fruit
of the MccaxochitliJ), and fom-Stimes alfo honey, as the Europeans put
fugar, both to render it palatable and more wholefome.
Of the feed of the chia they made a moft refrefliing drink, which
is ftill very common in that kingdom ; and of this feed alfo, with maize,
they made the chianzotzoolatelli, which was an exquifite drink much
ufed by the ancients, particularly in time of war. The foldier, who
carried with him a little bag of flour of maize and chia, thought himfclf
amply provided. When necelTary, he boiled the quantity he wifhed for,
mixing, a little honey of the maguei with it ; and by means of this de-
licious and nourifliing beverage (as Hernandez calls it), endured the
ardour of the fun and the fatigues of war.
The Mexicans did not eat fo much fledi as the Europeans ; never-
thelefs, upon occafion of any banquet, and daily at the tables of the
lords, different kinds of animals were ferved up ; fuch as deer, rabbets,
Mexican boars, Tz<z^, Techichi, which they fattened as the Europeans
do hogs, and other animals of the land, the water, and the air, but the
moft common were turkeys and quails.
The fruits moft ufed by them were the mamei, the tlilzapoti, the
cochitzapotl, the chictzapotl, the ananas, the chirionoja, the ahuacatl, a
anona, the pitahaja, the capoliu, or Mexican cherry, and different
[k) The tree of the Xoch-nacaztli has long, ftrait, narrow leaves, of a dark green colour..
Its flower confifts of fix petals, which are purple within, green without, and plealingly odor-
ous. From the rofemblance of their figure to an tar, they were called by this name among
the Mexicans, and by the Spaniards orejucla, or little car. The fruit is angular, and of a
bloody colour, and grows within a pod of fix inches in length, and about one inch thick. It
is peculiar to hot countries. The fiower was greatly valued, and never wanting in the markets.
(I) The Mecaxochitln a fmall flexible plant, whofc leaves are large and thick, and the fruit
«fcnibles long pepper.
fpe-
Wine.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O. 435
fpecles of Tune, or Indian figs, which fruits well fupplicd the want of book vii.
pears, apples, and peaches. ' "^ ^
Amongll: all their plenty of foods the Mexicans were deftitute of
milk, and fat, as they had neither cows, flieep, goats, nor h.ogs.
With refpedl to eggs, we do not know that they eat any, except thofe
of turkeys and iguanas, the flefli of which they likewil'e did and flill
eat.
The ufual feafoning to their food, befides fait, was great pepper and
tornate, which have become equally common among the Spaniards of
that country.
They drank alfo feveral forts of wine, or beverages fimilar to them, Sect.lxv
of the maguei, the palm, of the rtems of maize, and of the grain alfo,
of which lafl, called chicha, almoll all the hiftorians of America make
mention, as it is the kind mod generally ufed in that new world. The
moft common with the Mexicans, and alfo the beft was that of the ma-
guei, called o£ili by them, and by the Spaniards pulque (w). The me-
thod of making it is this. When the maguei, or Mexican aloe, arrives
at a certain height and maturity, they cut the ftem, or rather the leaves
while tender, of which the ftem is formed, fituated in the centre of
the plant, after which there remains a certain cavity. They fhave the
internal furface of the large leaves which furround the cavity, and col-
Ibfl the fwect juice which diftils from them in fuch abundance, that
one lingle plant generally yields, in the fpace of fix months, fix hun-
dred, and in the whole time of its fruitfulnefs more than two thou-
fand pounds of juice («).
They gather the juice from the cavity with a long narrow gourd,
which ferves inftead of a more artificial contrivance, and pour it into
a veflel until it ferments, which it ufually docs in lefs than twenty-
{m) Pulque is not a Spanifli nor Mexic.in word, but is taken from tlie Araucan language
which is fpokc ill Chili, in which the Pulcu is the general name for the beverages thefe In-
dians ufe to intoxicate themfclvcs ; it is difficult to fay how the term has parted to Mexico.
{ti) BetancOurt fays, that a maguei makes in fix months twenty arrohai of pulque, which
are more than fix hundred Italian pounds. He might know this well, having been lor many
years a recior among the Indians. Hcrnandcx afliims, that from one finglc pl.int are cxtraifled
fifty rtw/ori-. The Caftilian anfora, which is fmallcr than the Roman, contains according to
the calculation of Mariana, five hundred and twelve ounces of wine, or common water, ."-up-
pofing that the pulque does not weigh more than water, fifty o'lforc will be more than two
thoufand poundi.
K k k 2 four
436 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. four hours. To aflift the fermentation, and make the beverage ftronger,
^"^ "' ~~' they infufe a certain herb which they name Ocpatli, or remedy of wine.
The colour of this wine is white, the tafle a little rough, and its
ftren^th fufficient to intoxicate, though not fo much as that of the
grape. In otiier refpcd1:s it is a wholfome Hquor, and valuable on
nuny accounts as it is an excellent diuretic, and a powerful remedy a-
gainrt: the diarrhoea. The confumption made of this liquor is furprif-
ing as it is uleful. for the Spaniards become rich by it. The revenue
produced by that alone which is confumed in the capital amounts an-
nually to three hundred thoufand crowns ; one Mexican rial only-
being paid for every twenty-five Caftilian pounds. The quantity of
pulque, which was confumed in the capital in 1774, was two millions
two hundred and fourteen thoufond, two hundred ninety-four and half
arrobas, or upwards of fixty-three millions eight hundred thoufand
Roman pounds, exclufive of that which was fniuggled in there, and
that which the privileged Indians fell in the great market-place,
o ^ The Mexicans were lefs fingular in their drefs than in their food,
Lxyi. Their ufual habit was quite fimple, confifting folely of the niaxtlatl
and tiimatliin the men, and of the cuciti, and the hiiepUU, in the women.
The maxtlatl was a large belt or girdle, the two ends of which hung
down before and behind to cover the parts of Ihame. The tihnatli
was a fquare mantle, about four feet long ; the two ends were tied up-
on the breaft, or upon one Ihoulder, as appears in our figures. The
cuciti, or Mexican gown, was alfo a piece of fquare cloth, in which,
the women wrapped themfelves from their waifts down to the middle,
of the leg. The hue fìlli was a little under veft, or waiftcoat, without
flceves.
The drefs of the poor people was made of the thread of the maguei,
or mountain palm, or at beft the cloth of coarfe cotton ; but thofe of
better flation wore the fineft cotton, embellilhed with various colours,
and figures of animals, or flowers, or wove with feathers, or the fine
hair of the rabbit, and adorned with various little figures of gold and
loofe locks of cotton hanging about the girdle or maxtlatl. The men
ufcd to wear two or three mantles, and the women three or four vefts,
and as many gowns, putting the longed undermoft, fo as that a
part of each of them might be i'ctw. The lords wore in winter waift-
coats
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 437
coats of cotton, interwoven with foft feathers, or the hair of the rab- book. vir.
bit. Women of rank were, bcfides the huepilli, an upper veil, fome- " — " — -~'
thing hke the furplice or gown oi our ecclefiaftics, but larger and
with longer lleeves (5).
Their ihoes were nothing but foles of leather, or coarfe cloth of the
maguei, tied with llrings, and only covered the under part of the foot.
The kings and lords adorned the llrings with rich ribbands of gold
and jewels.
All the Mexicans wore their lidir long, and were diihonoured by Sect.
TWIT
being Ihaved, or having it clipped, except the virgins confecrated to ornaments,
the fervice of the temples. The women wore it loofe, the men tied
in different forms, and adorned their heads with fine plumes, both
when they danced and when they went to war.
It would be difficult to find a nation which accompanied fo much
fitnplicity of drefs, with fo much vanity and luxury in other ornaments of
their perfons. Befides feathers and jewels, with which they ufed to
adorn their cloaths, they wore ear-rings, pendants at the under-lip,
and many likewife at their nofes, necklaces, bracelets for the hands and
arms, and alfo cei tain rings like collars about their legs. The ear-
rings and pendants of the poor were fliells, pieces of cryllal, amber,,
or fome other fhining little flone } but the rich wore pearls, e.iieralds,
amethyfls, or other gems, fet in gold.
Their houfhold furniture was by no means correfpondent to this paf- Sect.
fion for perlbnal finery. Their beds were nothing elfe than one po^Jj^l!}*
or two coarfe mats of rufhes, to which the rich added fine palm mats, "«"'c and
and fheets of cotton ; and the lords, linen wove with feathers. The ni(;ms!,^"
pillow of the poor was a ftone or piece of wood ; that of the rich, pro-
bably of cotton. The common people did not cover themfelves in bed
with any thing elfe than the tilmatli, or mantle, but the higher ranks
and nobles made ufe of counterpanes of cotton and feathers. At
diiiner, inflead of a table, they fprcad a mat upon the ground ; and
they ufed napkins, plates, porringers, earthen pots, jugs, and other
veflels of fine clay, but not, as we can difcover, either knives or forks.
Their chairs were low feats of wood and ruflies, or palm, or a kind
(0) Wc have fpokcn elfewhere of the h.ibits of the kings, prici^s, and military perfons.
of
438 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VII. of reed called icpaiU (p). No houfe wanted the met^.ati, or comalU.
The metlatl was the floiie in which they ground their maize, and
the cacao, as is reprefentsd in our figure of their mode of making
bread. This inftrument is ftill extremely common in all New Spain,
and over the greateft part of America. The Europeans have alfo a-
doptcd it, and in Italy and elfewhere the chocolate- makers ufe it to
grind the cacao. The com.alli was, and fWl is, being as much ufed as
the nictlatl_ a round and rather hollow pan, which is about an inch,
thick and about fifteen in diameter.
The drinking vellels of the Mexicans were made of a fruit fimilar
to gourds, v/hich grow, in hot countries, on trees of a middi'ing fize.
Some of them are large and perfeilly round, which they call Xica!li{q),
and others fmalk-r and cylindrical, which they give the name of Teco-
matl. Both thefe fruits are folid and heavy : their rind is hard, woody,
and of a dark green colour, and the feeds are like thofe of gourds.
The xicalli is about eight inches in diameter j the tecom.atl is not fo
long, and about four fingers in thicknefs. Each fruit when divided in
the middle made two equal vefl'els ; they cut out all the feed, and gave
them a varnilh with a particular mineral earth, of a pleafing fmell,
and of dltTerent colours, particularly a fine red. At prefent they are
frequently gilt with filver and gold.
The Mexicans made ufe of no candlefticks, nor wax, nor tallow \
candles, nor of oil to make light ; for although they had many kinds '
of oil, they never employed it otherwife than in medicine, in paint-
ing, and in varniflies ; and although they extracted a great quaiitity of
wax from the honey-combs, they either did not know, or were not at
the pains to mike lights with it. In maritime countries they made
iife of ihining beetles for that purpofe ; but in general they employed
torches of ocotl, which, although they made a fine light, and yielded
(f) The Spaniards corrupt the word into Eijuipales,
(q) The Spaniards of Mexico called the Xicalli Xicara. The Spaniards of Europe adopt-
e J this word to fignify the little cup for taking chocolate, and thence came tl>e Italian Chicchera.
Bomare makes mention of the tree Xicalli, under the name of Calebaffier d' Ameriqiie, and
fays, that in New Spain, it is known under the names of Choynr, Cujcte, and Hygttero ;
but this is a miftake. The name Hibucro (not Hygncro) was that which the Indians of the
liland of Hifpaniola gave to this tree ; the Spanifli concjucrors made ufe of it formerly, but no
ufe was made oi it afterwards in New Spain. None of the other trees were ever heard of
by us in ihole countries.
an
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
an agreeable odour, fmokcd and foiled their habitations with foot.
One of the European cuiloms which ihey chiefly prized upon the ar-
rival of the Spaniards, was that of candles ; but ihofe people had cer-
tainly little occafion for candles, as they devoted all the hours of the
night to repofe, after employing all thofe of the day in bufinefs and
toil. The men laboured at their different profelTions, and the women
baked, wove, embroidered» prepared vidtuals, and cleaned their houfes.
All daily made orifons to their gods, and burned copal in honour of
them, and therefore no houfe, however poor the ppireifor, wanted idols
or cenfers.
The method which the Mexicans and other nations pniiftifed to kin-
dle fire, was the fanie which the ancient fhcpherds of Europe em-
ployed (r), by the fridtion of two pieces of wood. The Mexicans
generally ufed the achiote, which is the rjucou of the French. Botu-
rini athrms, that they ftruck fire alfo from flint.
After a few hours of labour in the morning they took their brcak-
faft, which was mofl commonly atolli, or gruel of maize, and their
dinner after mid-day ; but among all the hiftorians of Mexico, we Iiave
found no mention of their fupper. They ate little, but they drank
frequently, either of the wine of the maguei, or maize, or of chia, er
fome other drink of the cacao, and fometimes plain water.
After dining, the lords ufed to compofe themfelves to fleep witli the S n c t.
fmoke of tobacco {s). This plant was greatly in ufe among the Mexi- The ufe of
cans. They make various plaflers with it, and took it not only in
fmoke at the mouth, but alio in fnuff at the nofe. In order to fmoke
it, they put the leaves with the gum of liquid amber, and other hot,
warm, and odorous herbs, into a little pipe of wood, or reed, or fume
{r) Caiiilit )7!oru!f laitnis ; heJcrx., is! om/ia ev qiilliis i^nlarla fitnit. F..\pioratonii:t hoc iifus in
cajiris Pajior unique reperii ; quoniam ad excuticndtim ignem nan fimpcr lapidis eft occa'io. Territur
trgo Uvnum I'g'io, ignemque concipit altritii, cxcipientc materia aridi fomitis, f:-iigi, I'cl foliorum fa-
cilimè concptum. I'linius Hift. Nat. lib. xvi. c.40. The fame thing is obfcrvcd in the fcconil
book of the Qiicftiones Naturalcs of Seneca, and alfo in other ancient writers.
(s) T'rtw./ftf, is a name taken from the /7rt/V/«f language. The Mcxicaiiò had two fpccies of
tobacco, very different in the fizc of the plant and the leaves, in the figure of the flower and
the colour of the. feed. The fniallcft, which is the common one, was called by thom Picie//,
and the largali i^aujeiì. This laft becomes as high as a moderate tree. Its flower is not di-
vided into five parts like, that of the PA7f//, but only cut into fix or fcvcn angles. Thcftr
plants vary much according to clime, not only in the qu;ilif. I'f thr tobacco, but alfo in the
lue of the leaves and other circumiiauccs, on which account fcvcral authors iiave multiplied
the fpccits.
8 oilier
tub. u'co.
440 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
IJOOK ^'II. other more valuable iublLince. They received the fmoke by fucking
the pipe and (hutting the noftrils wich t'leir finger?, ih that it might
pafs by the breath more eafily towards the lungs. Who would have
believed that the u!e of tobacco, which neceffity made thofe phlegma-
tic nations invent, would have beconie the vice or cuftom of al.nofi: all
the nations of the world ; and that fo humble a plant, of which the
Europeans v/rote and fpoke- fo unfavourably, would have made one of
the greateft revenues of the kingdoms of Europe ? But what ought to
excite f!:ill greater wonder, is, that although the ufe of tobacco is nov/
fo common among thofe nations who formerly defpifed it, it is now fo
rare aniong its inventors, that there are extremely few of the Indians
of New Spain v/ho take it in fmoke, and none at all who ufe it in fnuff.
c^ p (. ^, As the Mexicans wantei cmdles to make light, they alfo were with-
LXX. Quf fQ^p to vv-a!h with, although tliere were animals from which they
iiirtead oF mi<-^ht have obtained it (t) ; but they fupplied that deficiency by a fruit
'^' and a root. The fruit v/as that of the copalxocoti, a tree of mode-
rate fize, which is found in Michuacan, Yucatan, Mizteca, and elfe-
where (.v). The pulp, that is under the rind of the fruit, which
is white, vilcous, and very bitter, makes water white, raills a froth,
and ferves like foap to wafli and clean linen. The root is that of th?
amolli, a Imall plant, but very common in that country, for whicii
Saponaria Americana feems to be a more proper nam.e, as it is not ver/
dilììmilar to tlie Saponaria of the old continent; but the amolli is more
ufed to wadi the body now, and more particularly the head, than for
cloaths (-V.) .
We have now given all that we think worthy of credit and public
relation concerning the political ceconomy of the Mexicaos. Such
was their government, their laws, their cufLoms, and their arts, when
the Spaniards arrived in the country of Anahuac, the war and memor-
able events of which make the fubjed: of the following books.
(t") We have beard that an excellent foap is obtained fr im the (pail, or Zorri^iio.
(«) Hernandez makes mention of i: under the name of C pulxocoit, but (ays nothing of
its detergent ([uality ; Betancourt fpeaks of it under the name ot the fonf-tree, by which it is
known among the Spaniards ; and V^ilmont defcribes it undrr the name of Saz>«>iiir, and Sa-
ponaria Americana, The root of this tree alfo is ufed inrtcad of foap, but it is not fo good as
the fr;iit.
(x) There is a fpecies of amolli, the root of which dyes hair the colour of gold. We faw
tkis fingular cffeiS produced upon the hair of an old man.
APPEN-
PENO
X.
THE MEXICAN CENTURY.
ears.
I. TOCHTLI.
II. Acati.
III. Tecpatl.
IV. Calli.
V. Tochtli.
VI. Acati.
VII. Tecpatl.
VIII. Calli.
IX. Tochtli.
X. Acati.
XI. Tecpatl.
XII. Calli.
XIII. Tochtli.
I. ACATL.
II. Tecpatl.
III. Calli.
IV. Tochtli.
V. Acati.
VI. Tecpatl.
VII. Calli.
Vili. Tochtli.
IX. Acati.
X. Tecpatl.
XI. Calli.
XII. Tochtli.
XIII. Acati.
Years.
I. TECPATL.
II. Calli.
III. Tochtli.
IV. Acati.
V. Tecpatl.
VI. Calli.
VII. Tochtli.
VIII. Acati.
IX. Tecpatl.
X. Calli.
XI. Tochtli.
XII. Acati.
XIII. Tecpatl.
I. CALLI.
II. Tochtli.
III. Acati.
IV. Tecpatl.
V. Calli.
VI. Tochtli.
VII. Acati.
Vili. Tecpatl
IX. Calli.
X. Tochtli.
XI. Acati.
XII. Tecpatl.
XIII. Calli.
The years wrote with large charadlers are thofe from which the four
CmM periods of thirteen year^, of which their century was compofed.
began.
Vol. I.
L 1 1
MEXI-
442
A
N
D I X.
MEXICAN YEARS
From the Foundation to the Conqueft of Mexico, compared
with Chriftian Years.
Thofe printed with large Charav51ers are the firft of eveiy Period.
Thole marked with an Afteriik are fecular Years.
Mexican Years.
Cliriflian Years.
II. Oalh
III. lochth
IV. Acati
V. Tecpatl -
VI. Calli
VII. Tochtlì
VIII. Acati -
IX. Tecpatl
X. Calli
XI. Tochtli
XII. Acati -
XIII. Tecpatl
I. CALLI -
lì. Tochtli -
III. Acati
IV. Tecpatl
V. Calli
VI. Tochtli -
VII. Acati
VIII. Tecpatl
IX. Calli
X. Tochtli -
XI. Acati -
XII. Tecpatl
XIII. Calli -
*I. TOCHTLI
II. Acati
326
327
328
329
330
331
332
333
334
335
336
337
33BrV
339
340
341
342
343
344
345
347
347
348
349
350
351
Mexican Years. Chrill
ian Years.
111. Tecpatl - 1
352^^;
IV. Calli - - ]
ISl(d)
V. Tochtli -
'354
VI. Acati -
^Z^S
VII. Tecpatl
^35^
VIII. Calli
^357
IX. Tochtli
1358
X. Acati
1359
XI. Tecpatl
1360
XII. CalH -
1361
XIII. TochtU
1362
I. ACATL
'3^3
II. Tecpatl
1364
III. Calli - - ]
'365
IV. Tochtli
1366
V. Acati
[367
VI. Tecpatl
1368
VII. Cain -
1369
Vili. Tochtli
^37°
IX. Acati -
^37^
X. Tecpatl
1372
XI. Calli -
'373
XII. Tochtli
'374
XIII. Acati
'375
I. TECPATL
[376
II. Calli . -
'377
III. Tochtli
1378
(a) Foundation of Mexico. (l>) Divilìon of thofe of Tenochcho and Tlatelolco.
(i) Acamapiizin, firft king of Mexico, (</) Quarjuauhpitzahuac, firftking of Tlatelolco,
IV. Acati
A P
N D I X.
443
Mexican Years.
Cliriliiau Years.
Mexican Years. Chiifl
iaii Yeari.
IV. Acati -
- '379
XII. Calli -
'4' 3 f'J
V. Tecpatl -
VI. Calli -
- 1380
- 1381
Xni. Tochtli
I. ACATL -
I4I4
I4I5
VII. Tochtli
Vili. Acati
- 1382
- 1383
II. Tecpatl
III. Cali -
I4I6
I4I7
IX. Tecpatl
X. Calli
- 1384
- 13^5
IV. Tochtli -
V. Acati
I4IS
1 41 9
XI. Tochtli
XII. Acati -
- 1386
- ^3^7
VI. Tecpatl
VII. Calli
1420
1421
XIII. Tecpatl
I. CALLI -
II. Tochtli -
III. Acati -
- 1383
- 1389 r^y
- 1390
- 1391
VIII. Tochtli
IX. Acati
X. Tecpatl
XI. Calli - 1
'423 fU
[424
425 fm)
IV. Tecpatl -
V. Calli
- 1392
- 1393
XII. Tochtli
XIII. Acati
[426 fn)
[427
VI. Tochtl -
- '394
I. TECPATL
[428,
VII. Acati -
VIII. Tecpatl
IX. Calli -
- '395
- 139Ó
- '397
II. Calli
III. Tochtli
I v.. Acati -
'425
'430
'43'
X. Tochtli -
- '398
V. Tecpatl -
'432
XI. Acati -
- ' 399 f/J
VI. Calli
'433
Xn. Tecpatl
XIII. Calli -
1400
- 1 40 1
VII. Tochth
VIII. Acati - 1
'434
435
*I. TOCHTLI
II. Acati
III. Tecpatl
IV. Calli
V. Tochtli -
VI. Acati -
- 1402
- 1403
- 1404
- 1405
- '407
IX. Tecpatl - ]
X. Calli - - 1
XI. Tochtli - ]
XII. Acati - - ]
XIII. Tecpatl - ]
I. CALLI - - 1
436 fo)
437
438
439
440
'44' fpj
VII. Tecpatl
Vili. CilU -
IX. Tochtli -
X. Acati
1408
- 1409
141 1
II. Tochtli - - ]
III. Acati - - ]
IV. Tecpatl - - 1
V. Calli - - 1
442
443
444
445
XI. Tecpatl
1412
VI. Tochtli - - I
446 (y)
(r) Hiiitiilihuitl, fccond king of Mexico. (/) Tlac.itcotl, feconJ king of Tiatclolco.
(g) Ixtlilxochitl, king of Acolhuacan. {h) Chimnlpopoca, third king of Mexico.
(/) Tczozonioc, the tyrant. {I) Maxthiton, the tyrant.
(/) Itzcoatl, fourth king of Mexico. (m) Conquell of Azcapozalco.
(«; Nczahualcojotl, kinj; of Acolhuacan, and Totocjuihuatzin king of Tacuba.
(0) Montezuma llhuicamina, fifth king of Mexico.
Tiatclolco. (<^) Inundation of Mexico.
L 1 I 2
{p) Moquihuix, fourth king of
VII. Acati
444
E
N D I X.
Mexican Years.
Chriùian Years.
Mexican Years.
Chrllìian Vc*ri!,
VII. Acati -
- H47
II. Calli
- 1481
Vili. Tecpatl
- 1448
IH. Tochtli -
- 1482 00
IX. Calli -
- 1449
IV. Acati -
- 1483
X. Tochtli -
- 145°
V. Tecpatl -
1484
XI. Acati -
- 1451
VI. CaHi
. 1485
Xn. Tecpatl
- 1452
VII. Tochtli
- i486 («)
XIII. Calli -
- 1453
Vili. Acati -
- h87(^)
*I. TOCHTLI
- H54
IX. Tecpatl
- 1488
II. Acati
- H5S
X. Calli
- 1489
III. Tecpatl
- 1456
XI. Tochtli
- 1490
IV. Calli
- 1457 (0
XII. Acati -
- H91
V. Tochtli -
- HS^
XIII. Tecpatl
- 1492
VI. Acati -
- 1459
I. CALLI -
- H93
VII. Tecpatl
1460
IL Tochtli -
- M94
VIII. Calli -
1461
HI. Acati -
- H95
IX. Tochtli
1462
IV. Tecpatl -
- 1496
X. Acati
- H(>3
V. Calli
- H97
XI. Tecpatl
- 14^4 0)
VI. Tochtli -
- 1498 (£)
XII. Calli -
- 1465
VII. Acati -
- H99
XIII. Tochtli
1466
VIII. Tecpatl
1500
I. ACATL -
- 1467
IX. Calli -
1501
II. Tecpatl -
- 1468
X. Tochtli -
- 1502(C)
III. Calli
- 1469 (0
XL Acati -
- ^503
IV. Tochth -
- 1470 {")
XII. Tecpatl
- 1504
V. Acati
- I47I
XIII. CaUi -
- 1505
VI. Tecpatl -
- H72
1. TOCHTLI
- 1506
VII. Calli -
- H73
IL Acati
- ^5°7
Vili. Tochtli
- H74
IH. Tecpatl
- 1508
IX. Acati -
- H75
IV. Calli
- ^S09{D)
X. Tecpatl
- H7Ó
V. Tochtli -
1510
XI. Calli
- 1477 W
VI. Acati -
- 1511
XII. Tochtli
- 1478
VII. Tecpatl
1512
XIII. Acati -
- 1479
Vili. Calli -
- 1513
I. TECPATL
- 1480
IX. Tochtli -
- 1514
(r) F.imous war of Cuctlachthin. (j) Axajaeatl, fixtli king of Mexico.
(/) Chimalpopoca, king of Tacuba («) Nezahualpilli, king of Acolhuacan.
(.»■; Tizoc, feventh king of Mexico. (y) Ahuitzotl, eighth king of Mexico,
(z) Dedication of the greater temple. (j) Tot. quihuarzin, fecond king of Tacuba.
(B) New inundation of IMexico. (C) IMonteiuma Xocojutzin, ninth king of Mexico.
(jD) Memorable event of the princefs I'apantzln.
8 X. Acati
N D I X,
445
X. Acati
XI. Tecpatl -
XII. Calli -
XIII. Tochtii
I5I5
I. ACATL
1516(E)
II. Tecpatl
I5J7
III. Calli
I5I8
1520 (G)
1521(H)
The exa(Stnefs of this Table will appear from our Second Difler-
tation.
(£' Cacamatzin, king of Acolhuacan. (F) Entry of the Spaniards into Mexico.
[(G) Cuitlahuatzin, tenth king, and Qiuuhtemotzin, eleventh king of Mexico, death of
Montezuma, and defeat of the Spaniards. (//) The taking of Mexico, and fall of
ìLi. empire.
MKXl-
446
N
D I X.
MEXICAN CALENDAR,
From the Year I Tochtli, the firft of the Centut7.
Modern Style
ATLACAHUALCO Firfl Month.
Feflivals.
February 26
27
28
March i
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
1 1
12
13
15
]6
17
Mexican Days.
I. CIPACTLI
II. Ehècatl
III. Calli
IV. Cuetzpalin
V. Coati
VI. Miquiztli _
VII. Mazatl
VIII. Tochth
IX. Atl
X. Itzcuintli
XI. Ozomatli
XII. Mahnalli
XIII. Acati
I. OCELOTL
II. Quauhtli
III. Cozcaquauhtli
IV. Olin
V. Tecpatl
VI. Quiahuitl
VII. Xochitl
The great fecular feftival.
Feflival of TlalocateuSlU, and
the other gods of water, with
the facrifice of infants, and
the gladiatorian facrifice.
Nodurnal facrifice of fattened
prifoners.
TLACAXIPEHUALIZTLI Second Month.
I»
19
20
21
22
23
24
VIII. Cipadtli
IX. Ehècatl
X. Calli
XI. Cuetzpalin
XII. Coati
XIII. MiquiztH
I. MAZATL.
The great feftival of Xipe, god
of the goldfmiths, with fa-
crifices of prifoners and mi-
litary exercifes.
Fail of the owners of prifoners
for twenty days.
The days marked in large chara<fi:ers are thofe which began the fmall
periods of thirteen days.
March
N D
Modern Style.
Mexican Days.
March 25
II.
Tochtli
26
Ill
Ad
27
IV.
ItzcuintU
28
V.
Ozomàtli
29
VI.
Malinalli
30 VII. Acati
31 I Vili. Ocelotl
April I ; IX. Quiuhtli
2 X. Cozcaquauhtli
3 XI. Olin
4 XII. TecpatI
5 XIII. C^Liiahuitl
6 1. XOCHITL.
I X.
Fedivate.
447
Feftival of the god Chicoma-
catl.
Feflival of the god Tcqu'tztli-
matchuatl.
Feflival of the god Chancoti^
with nodlurnal facrifices.
TOZOZTONTLI Third Month.
7
II. Cipadli
8
III. Ehècatl
9
IV. Calli
10
V. Cuetzpalin
1 1
VI. Coati
12
VII. Miquitzli
'3
Vili. Mazatl
H
IX. Tochtli
15
X. A ti
16
XI. Itzcuintli
^7
XII. Ozomatli
18
XIII. Malinalli
19
I. ACATL
20
II. Ocelotl
21
III. Quauhtli
22
IV. Cozcaquauhtli
23
V. Olin
24
VI. TecpatI
25
VII, Quiahuitl
26
VIII. Xochitl.
Watch kept by the miniflers of
the temples every night of
this month.
The fecond fellival of tiie gods
of water, with facrifices of
children, and oblations of
flowers.
Feflival of theVoddefs Coatli-
cue, with oblations of flow-
ers, and a procefTion.
HUE I-
44»
N D
X»
HUEITOZOZTLI Fourth Month.
Wodcin St) It.
April
May
27
28
29
I
2
4
5
0
7
8
9
10
1 1
12
13
H
15
16
Mexican Days.
IX. CipaaU
X. Ehècatl
XI. Calli
XII. Cuetzpalin
XIII. Coati
I. MIQUIZTLI
II. Mazatl
III. Tochtli
IV. Atl
V. Itzcuintll
VI. Ozoaiatli
VII. Malinalli
VIII. Acati
IX. Ocelotl
X. Quauhtli
XI. Cozcaquauhtli
XII. Olin
XIII. Tecpatl
I. QUIAHUITL
II. Xochitl
Fedirai».
Watch kept in the temples, and
a general fall.
Feftival of Ccnteot!, with facri-
fices of human viólims ani
quails.
Solemn convocation for the
grand feftival of the follow-
ing month.
Fail in preparation of the fol-
lowing fellival.
T O X C A T L Fifth Month.
^7
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
III. Cipadtli
IV. Ehècatl
V. Calli
VI. Cuetzpalin
VII. Coati
VIII. Miquiztli
IX. Mazatl
X. Tochth
XI. Atl.
XII. Itzcuintli
XIII. Ozomatli
I. MALINALLI.
II. Acati
III. Occlotl
IV. Quauhtli
The grand feftlval of T'ez-catlì-
poca, with a folemn peni-
tential procelfion, the làcri-
fice of a prifoner, and dif-
miffion of all the marriage-
able youth from the temple.
The firft feftival of Htiitzilo-
pocbtli. Sacrifices of human
viiftims and quails. Solemn
incenfe-offering of Chapo-
potli, or bitumen of Judea.
Solemn dance of the king,
the priefls, and the people.
June
N D I
X.
449
Modem Style.
June I
n
3
4
5
Mexican Days.
V. Cozcaquauhtli
VI. Olin
VII. Tec pati
IX. Xochitl
Fedivals.
ETZALCUALIZTLI Sixth Month.
7
8
9
o
I
2
:>
4
5
6
7
8
9
20
21
22
23
24
25
X. Cipaftli
XI. Ehècatl
XII. CalU
XIII. Cuctzpalin
I. COATL
II. MiquiztU
III. Mazatl
IV. TochtU
V. Atl
VI. Itzcuintli
VII. Ozomàtli
Vili. Malinalli
IX. Acati
X. Ocelotl
XI. Quauhtli
XII. Cozcaquauhtli
XIII. Olin
I. TECPATL
II. Qulahuitl
III. Xochitl
The third feftival of the gods
of water, with facrilices and
a dance.
Punifliments of priefts negli-
gent in the fervice of the
temple.
TECUILHUITONTLI Seventh Month.
July
26
27
28
29
30
I
2
3
4
5
IV. Cipadlli
V. Ehècatl
VI. Calli
VII. Cuetzpalin
VIII. Coati
IX. MiquiztU
X. Mazatl
XI. Tochtli
XII. Atl
XIII. Itzcuintli
Fcrtival of Huixtocihuatl, with
facrifices of prifoncrs, and a
dance of the priefts.
Vol. I.
M ni ni
July
45°
APPENDIX.
Modern Style.
July 6
7
8
9
IO
1 1
12
13
14
15
Mexican Days.
I. OZOMATLI
II. Malinalli
III. Acati
IV. Ocelotl
V. Qnauhtli
VI. Cozcaquauhtli
VII. Olia
VIII. Tecpatl
IX. Qiiiahuitl
X. Xochitl
Feftivals
HUEITECUILHUITL
16
Eighth Month.
O
Auguft
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
I
2
3
4
XI. Cipaftli
XII. Ehècatl
XIII. Calli
I. CUETZPALIN
II. Coati
III. Miquiztli
IV. Mazatl
V. Tochtli
VI. Atl
VII. Itzcuintli
VIII. Ozomatli
IX. Malinalli
X. Acati
XI. Ocelotl
XII. Quauhtli
XIII. Cozcaquauhtli
I. OLIN
II. Tecpatl
III. Quiahuitl
IV. Xochitl
The fecond feftival of Centeofl,
with the facrifice of a female
flave ; illumination of the
temple, dance, and alms-
giving.
Feflival of MaciditochtU.
TLAXOCHIMACO Ninth Month.
Feflival of MacicilcipaBli.
V. Cipaaii
VI. Ehècatl
VII. Calli
Vili. Cuctzpalin
IX. Coati
Augufl
N D
X.
45'
MoJoin St
•le.
Mexican Days.
Augull
IO
X. Mlquizili
I I
XI. ALiz.,tl
12
XII. To.hJi
13
XIII. Atl
H
I. rrzcuiNTLi
15
II. Ozomàtli
1Ó
III. Malindli
17
IV^ Acati
18
V. Ocelotl
19
VI. Quauhtli
20
VII. Cozcaquauhtli
21
VIII. Olili
22
IX. Tecpatl
23
X. Qiiiahuitl.
24
XI. Xochitl
Fc'iv.:ls.
The fecond feftival of H7iit%i-
hpochtli, with facrifices of
prifoncrs, oblations of flow-
ers, renerai dance, and fb-
lemn banquet.
Feitival of yacatcuJlIiy god of
the merchants, with facri-
fices and entertainments.
XOCOHUETZI Tenth Month.
September
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
10
1 1
12
13
XII. Cipaaii
XIII. Ehècatl
I. CALLI
II. Cuetzpalln
III. Coati
IV. Miquiztli
V. Mazatl
VI. Tochtli
VII. Atl
VIII. Itzcuinth
IX. Ozoniatli
X. Malinalli
Xf. Acati
XII. Ocelotl
XIII. Quauhtli
I. COZCAQUAU-
TLI
II. Olin
III. Tecpatl
IV. Quiahuitl
V. Xochitl
Tlie feflival of XhihteuSlU,
god of fire, with a folemn
dance, and facrifice of pri-
foners.
All feftivals ceafe during thofe
five days.
M m m 2
O CH-
452
ry
N D I X.
OCHPANIZTLI Eleventh Month.
Modern St}le.
September
Odober
H
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
1
Mexican Days:
VI. Cipadli
VII. Ehècatl
Vili. Calli
IX. Cuetzpalin
X. Coati
XI. Miquiztli
XII. Mazatl
XIII. Tochtli
I. ATL
II. Itzcuintli
III. Ozomatli
IV. Malinalli
V. Acati
VI. Ocelotl
VII. Quauhtli
VIII. Cozcaquaiihtli
IX. Olin
X. Tecpatl
XI. Quiahuitl
XII. Tochtli
Feflivals.
Dance preparatory to the fol-
lowing feftival.
Feftival of Tetcohian, mother
of the gods, with the facri-
fice of a female flave.
The third feafl of the goddefs
Caiteotl'm the temple Xiuh-
calco, with a procelhon and
facrifices.
TEOTLECO Twelfth Month.
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
1 1
12
13
14
15
16
^7
18
XIII. Cipaaii
I. EHECATL
II. Calli
III. Cuetzpalin
IV. Coati
V. Miquiztli
VI. Mazatl
VII. Tochtli
VIII. Atl
IX. Itzcuintli
X. Ozomatli
XI. MaUnalli
XII. Acati
Xin. Ocelotl
I. QUAUilTLI
Feftival of Cbhtcnahiiitzcuintli,
Nahiiaìpì//i, and Centcotl, gods
of the lapidaries.
Odober
Modem Stvlc.
Otìober
19
20
21
22
23
Mexican Days.
II. Cozcaquauhtli
III. Olili
IV. Tecpatl
V. Quiahuitl
VI. Xochitl
N D I X.
1 FeTivalt.
Watch kept for the following
feftival.
Feftival of the arrival of the gods,
with a great fupper and facri-
fices of prilbners.
453
TEPEILHUITL Thirteenth Month.
November
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
1 1
12
VII. Cipadlli
VIII. Ehòcatl
IX. Calli
X. Cuetzpalin,
XI. Coati
XII. Miquiztli
XIII. Mazatl
I. TOCHTLI.
II. Atl
III. Itzcuintli
IV. Ozomatli
V. Malinalli
VI. Acati
VII. Ocelotl
Vili. Quauhtli
IX. Cozcaquauhtli
X. OHn
XI. Tecpatl
XII. (^iahuitl
XIII. Xochitl*
Feftival of the gods of the mouh -
tains, with the facrifices of four
female Haves and a prifoner.
Fellival of the god Tochinco,
with the facrifice of a pri-
foner.
Feftival of NappateuSlU, with
the facrifice of a prifoner.
Feftival oi Ccfitzontotochtin, god
of wins, with the facrifice
of three flaves of three difi'er-
ent places.
Q^U E C H O L L I Fourteenth Montii.
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
I. CIPACTL
II. Ehècatl
III. Calli
IV. Cuetzpalin
V. Coati
VI. Miquiztli
VII. Mazatl
The faft of four days, in prepa-
ration for tlie following fef-
tival.
Feftival of MixcoatI, god of the
chace ; a general chace ; pro-
cefìion and facrifice of ani-
mals.
* Here ends the firft cycle of two hundred and fixty days, or twenty periods of thirteen days.
November
454
A
E N D I X.
Mole'rn Style. 1
November
20
21
22
23
24
25
2Ó
27
28
29
3°
December
I
2
Mexican Daj-s.
VIII. Tochtli
IX. At!.
X. Itzcuintli
XI. Ozomatli
XII. Maliiralli
XIII. Acati
I. OCELOTL
II. Quauhdi
III. Cozcaquiiuhtii
IV. Olin
V. Tecpatl
VI. (^aiahuitl
VII. Xochitl
Fi-fl'iviih.
Feftival of T^lamatz'mcatl,
laci'ifices of prifoners.
wi
th
PAN QJU ETZALIZTLI Fifteenth Month.
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
1 1
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
VIII. Cipadlli
IX. Ehècatl
X. Calli
XI. Cuetzpalin
XII. Coati
XIII. Miquiztli
I. MAZATL
II. Tochtli
III. Atl
IV. Itzcuintli
V. O^omatli
VI. Malinalli
VII. Acati.
VIII. Ocelotl
IX. Quauhtli
X. Cozcaquauhtli
XI. Olin
XII. Tecpatl
XIII. Quiahuitl
I. XOCHITL
The third and principal felii'/al
of H.u'U%uopochtU and his
companions. Severe faft, fo-
lemn proceffion. Sacrifices of
prifoners and quails, and t'le
eating of the llatue of palle
of that god.
ATE-
E N D I X.
A T E M O Z T L I Sixteenth Month.
Fellivals.
Modern St)
Ic.
iMexican Days.
L?ccember
23
24
II. Cipadlli
III. Ehècatl
25
IV. Calli
26
V. Cuctzpalin
27
VI. Coati
28
VII. Miquiztli
29
Vili. Mazatl
3°
IX. Tochtli
31
X. Atl
January
I
2
Xf. Itzcuintli
XII. Ozomatli
3
XI li. Malinalli
4
I. ACATL
5
II. Ocelotl
6
III. Quauhtli
7
8
IV. Cozcaquauhtli
V. Olin
9
10
VI. Tecpatl
VII. Quiahuitl
II
Vili. Xoohitl
Faft of four days in preparation
of the following felHval.
The fourth feftival of the gods
of water, with a proceliion
and facrifices.
T I T I T L Seventeenth Month.
12
13
H
15
16
^7
18
10
20
21
22
23
24
IX. Cipadlli
X. Ehècatl
XI. CaUi
XII. Cuctzpalin
XIII. Coati
I. MIQUIZTLI
II. Mazatl
III. Tochtli
IV. Atl
V. Itzcuintli
VI. Ozomatli
VII. Malinalli
VIII. Acati.
Fedirai of the goddefs Ilama-
tciiciH, with a dance and {x-
facrifice of a female llavc.
Fcftival of MiBlanteuBliy god
of hell, with the nodlurnal
facrifice of a prilbner.
The fccond feftival of JiWa-
tencìlìy god of tlie merchants,
with the facrifice of a prilbner.
January
45^
A P P E N
D I X.
Rlodern Style.
Mexican Days.
Feflivals
January 25
IX. Occlotl
2Ó
X. Quauhtli
27
XI. Cozcacjuauhtli
28
XII. Olili '
29
3°
31
XIII. Tecpatl
I. OyiAHUITL.
IL Xochitl
I Z C A L L I
Eighteenth Montli.
February i
2
III. Cipadli
IV. Ehècatl
V. Calli
4
5
VI. Cuetzpalin
VII. Coati
6
VIII. Miquiztli
7
IX. Mazatl
8
X. Tochtli
9
XI. Ad
10
XII. Itzcuintli
General chacc for the lacrifices
1 1
XIII. Ozomatli
of the next feilival.
12
I. MALINALLI
13
II. Acati
14
III. Ocelotl
• 15
16
IV. Quauhtli
V. Cozcaquauhtli
17
VI. Olin
The fecond feftlval of Xiu.b-
18
19
VII. Tecpatl
Vili. Qi-iiahuitl
tcuBli, god of fire, with fa-
crifices of animals.
20
IX. Xochitl.
Renewal of fire in the houfes.
N E M O N T E M I, or ufelefs Days.
21
X. Cipadli
During thefe days there was no
22
XI. Ehècatl
fertival.
23
XII. Calli
24
Xill. Cuetpalln
25
I. COATL
The following year II. Acati, begins with II. Miquiztli, and conti-
nues in the fame order.
E XP LA-
E N D I X. 457
3.
EXPLANATION of the Oblcure FIGURE
I. Cf the fgures of the Mexican Century.
IN the wheel of the Mexican century are four figures, thirteen times
repeated, to fignify, as we have already mentioned, the four periods
(by fome authors called indiBions), of thirteen years, of which their
century confiftcd. The four figures are, firil, the head of a rab-
bet, cxprelTive of that quadruped; fecondly, a reed; thirdly, a knife
or the point of a lance, reprefenting a flint ftone ; fourthly, a part of a
building, fignifying a houfe. The years of the century are counted by
beginning at the upper twift of theferpent, and defcending towards the
left. The I. figure, with a fmall point, denotes I. rabbet; the fecond,
with two points, fignifies II. reed ; the third, with three points, fignifics
III. flint ; the fourth, with four points, IV. houfe ; the fifth, with five
points, V. rabbet ; and (o it continues until the twift upon the left,
where the fecond period begins with the figure of the reed, and termi-
nates in the lower twifl: ; and theii the third period commences.
II. Of the figures of the year.
The firfi: figure is that of water, fpread upon a building to denote
tl)c firft inonth, whofe name Acahualco, or Atlacahualco, fignifies,
the ceafing of water; becaufe, in the month of March the winter rains
ceafe in northern countries, where the Mexican or Toltecan calendar
took its origin. They called it alfo ^uabuitiehua, which fignifies the
budding of trees, which happens at this time in hot countries. The
Tlafcalans called th.is month Xiloinaniliztii, or the oblation of ears of
maize; becaufe in it they offered to their gods thole of the pail year,
to obtain profperity to the feed, which abuut this time began to be
fown in high grounds.
The figure of the fecond month, appears at firrt fight to be a pavi-
lion, but v.e believe it is rather a human ikin ill defigned, to exprefs
that which is meant by the name Tlacaxtpehualitzli, v/hich they gave
to this month, or ilclnning of men, on account ot the barbarous rite
Vol. I. N n n of
45
S APPENDIX.
of fkinning human viftlms, at tlie feftival of the god of the goldfmiths.
Tlie Tlafcalans called this month Coailhuit!, or general feftival, and
reprefented it by the figure of a ferpent wound about a fan, and an
AjaccxtU. The fan and tlie Ajacaxth denote the dances which were
then made, and the coiled ferpent lignifies their generality.
Tlie figure of the third month is that of a bird upon a lancet. The
lancet fignifies the fpilling of blood, which was made during the nights
of this month; but we do not know what bird it is, nor what it
means.
The fourth monili is reprefented by the figure of a fmall building,
upon which appear fome leaves of ruHies, fignifying the ceremony
which they performed in this month of putting rulhes, fword-grafs,
and other herbs, dipped in blood, which they Ihed in honour of their
gods, over the doors of their houfes.
The Tlafcalans reprefented the third month by a lancet, to fignify
the fame kind of penance ; and the fourth month by a large lancet, to
denote that during it they did fiill greater penance.
The figure of the fifth month is that of a human head, with a neck-
lace under it, reprefenting thofe chaplets or wreaths of crifp maize
which they wore about their necks, and with which they adorned alio
the idol of Tezcatlipoca, from whence the month took the name of
"Toxcatl, as we have faid above.
The fixth month is reprefented by an earthen pot or jug, fignifying
a certain gruel, which they took then called Etzalii, from which the
month took the name of Etzaiquahztli.
The two figures of the feventh and eighth months, appear defigned
to fignify the dances which they made then, and becaufe the dances of
the eighth month were the greateft, the figure alfo which reprefents it
is greater. Near to thefe figures appear lancets, denoting the aufteri-
rlties pradlifed preparatory to thefe feftivals. The Tlafcalans repre-
fented thofe two months by the heads of two lords, that of the month
Teaiilhuitontliy or little fellival of the lords, appears a young nian,
and that of the month Huchcciiilhultly or grand fellival of the lords,
feems an old man.
The figures of the nintli and teiith months, are evidently expreflive
of the mourning which they put on, and the lamentation which they
made..
APPENDIX.
Biade for their dead, which obtained the ninth month the name of
Mkcailhuit], or fellival of the dead, and the tenth Hiicuniccailhuitl, or
great feflival of the dead ; and becaufe tlie mourning of the tenth
month was the greater, the figure of it alfo is larger. The Tlafcalans
painted for each of thele two months a ikuU with two bones, but the
ikiill of the tenth was the hirger.
The figure of the eleventh month is a broom, by which is fignified
the ceremony of fweeping the pavement of the temples, which was in
this month performed by all ; from whence the name Ochpaniztli. The
Tlafcalans painted a hand grafping a broom.
The figure of the twelfth and thirteenth months is that of a parajite
plant, called by the Mexicans pachili, which in this feafon twines
about oaks, and from them the twelfth month took its name; becaufe
in the next month this plant is grown up, the figure of it is larger,
and the month takes the name of Hueipncbtli. Thefe names, although
more ufed by the Tlafcalans, were alfo employed by the Mexicans ;
we have, however, adopted the names Teotleco and Tepcilhuitl in this
hiilory, as being more commonly ufed by the Mexicans.
The figure of the fourteenth month is very fimilar to that of the fe-
cond ; but we know nothing of its meaning.
The Tlafcalans ufed to reprefent this month by the figure of that
bird which fome have called Fhi?nni!/igo, and the Mexicans ^ecby/li,
which name the Mexicans gave alfo to the month ; becaufe, at this
time, thefe birds reforted to the ?vlexican lake.
The figure of the fifteenth month is a piece of a Mexican ftandard,
fignifying the one which was carried at the Iblemn proceffion of Huit-
zjlopochtli, made in this month. The name Fanqiict-zaUt-xtU, by which
it was called, fignifies no more, as we have already faid, than the mount-
ing the ftandard.
The figure of the fixteenth is that of v/.iter upon a ftair, fignifying
the defcent of water, expreffed by the name Atemoztii, which was
given to this month, either becaufe this is the feafon of rain in north-
ern countries, or becaufe at this time they held the feftival of the gods
of the mountains and water, to obtain the neceflary (bowers.
'1 he figure of the fevcnteenth month, is two or three pieces of wood
tied with a cord, and a liand, which, pulling the cord forcibly, binds
N n n 2 tlic
459
46o APPENDIX.
the wood, denoting the confriiftion occafioned by the cold of this fca-
fon, which is the meaning of the name lititl. The Tkfcalans paint-
ed two flicks cafedj and firmly fixed in a plank.
The figure of the eighteenth month is the head of a quadruped up-
on an altar, fignifying the facrifices of animals which were made dur-
ing this month to the god of fire. The Tlafcalans reprefented it by
the figure of a man holding up a child by the head ; this makes an in-
terpretation which fome authors give of the name IzcaHiy very proba-
bly, as they fiy that word means, rij'en from the dead, or jicw crea-
tion.
The figure of the moon, which is in the centre of the wheel, or
circle of the year has been copied from a Mexican painting, from
which it appears, that thofe ancient Indians knew well tliat the moon
has her light from the fun.
In fome wheels of the Mexican year which we have feen, after the
figures of the eighteen months, there followed five large points or dots
denoting the five days called Nemontemi.
III. Of the figures of the month.
Authors differ greatly in opinion concerning the fignification of Ci~
~ fatili, the name of the firft day. According to Boturini, it fignifies a
ferpent ; with Torquemada, the fword-fi(h ; and with Betancourt, the
tiburon. In the only wheel yet publifhed of the Mexican month,
which is that by Valades, the figure reprefenting the firft day, is al-
moft totally fimilai- to that of a lizard, which appears in the fourth
day. As we do not know the truth, we have put the head of a tibu-
ron, according to Betancourt.
The fecond day is called EhecatJ, or wind, and is reprefented by a
human head blowing witli the mouth.
The third day is called Calli, or houfe, reprefented by a final! building.
The name of the fourth day is Cuetzpaii?i, or lizard, and the figure
is that animal.
The name of the fifth day is Coati, or ferpent, and the figure is that
animaL
The
N D I X. aO
401
The name of the fixth month is Miquiztl/, that is, death, reprefent-
eii by a Ikull.
The feventh day is called Mazatl, or flag, reprefented by the head
of that quadruped, as the eighth day is by that of the rabbet 'tochtll,
and fo it is called.
The name of the ninth day is Atl, or water, and is reprefented by
the figure of that element.
The tenth day is named ItzcuintU, that is, a certain Mexican
quadruped, fimilar to a little dog, and the figure of it is that little
animal.
The eleventh day was called Ozo/natli, or ape, reprefented alfo by the
figure of that animal.
The twelfth day was called MaiinalH, the name of a certain plant
of which they made brooms, and is reprefented by the figure of the
fame plant.
The thirteenth day is named Acati, or reed, and is reprefented by a
reed.
The fourteenth day is named Ocelot!, tyger ; and the fifteenth ^auhtU,
eagle, reprefented by the heads of thefe animals.
The fixteentli day is Cozcaquauhtli, the name of a Mexican bird, de-
fcribed in the firfl book of this hiftory, and reprefented by the figure
of it, though it is very imperfeft.
The feventeenth day is Olin tonatiuh, or motion of the fun, repre-
fented by the figure of the fame luminary.
The eighteenth day is Tecpatl, or flint, and the figure of it is the
point of a lance, which ufed to be made of flint.
The nineteenth day is ^iahu'ttl, rain, and is reprefented by a cloud
raining.
The twentieth day is Xcchkl, flower, and the figure that of a flower.
In the centre of this wheel we have put the figure of the fifteenth
month, in order to reduce it to a determined month.
I v. Of the figures of cities.
The firft figure is that of an opuntia, or nopal upon a flonc, the
fyn.bol ci the city of Tenochtitlatiy or Mexico. Tcnocbtitlan means
the
402 APPENDIX.
the place where the opuntia is in the llone, alkiding to what we have
ah'eady faid refpeding the foundation of this great city.
The fecond figure is that by which tliey expreil'ed a gem. The
name Chalco means in or upon the gem (y).
The third figure is the hinder part of a man clofe to a rufli plant,
and the fourth is the fanie clofe to a flower, fignifying the cities of
'Tollantzwco and Xocbitzincho, the names of which fignify, at the
end of the place full of ruflies, and at the end of the flowers, or flow-
ery field : and almoll: all the names of places which have tiie termina-
tion in tzinco, and which are numerous, have a fimilar fignification,
and are reprefented by fimilar figures.
The fifth figure is a little branch of the tree Hiiaxin upon a nofe,
in order to reprefent the city of Huaxjacac, a name compofed of Hu-
axhi iwàjacatl, and means upon the point or extremity of the little
tree Huaxi?i ; becaufe although» jc'cai!, fignifies pioperly the nofe, it
alio is ufed to fignify any other point. As 1'epejacac, the name of
two places means, upon the point of the mountain.
In the fixth figure appears an earthen pot upon three ftones, as the
Indians ufed to place it, and ftill do fo, in order to keep it over fire,
and in the mouth of the pot is the figure of water, to reprefent the
city of Atotonlico (.^), v/hich n;ime fignifies, in hot water, or the place
of the baths.
The feventh figure is that of water, in which appears a m.an with
liis arms opened, in token of rejoicing, reprcfenting the city of Ahui-
lis,-a:pan, called by the Spaniards Oriz.iba, the name of which means,
in the water of pleafure, or in tlic chcariul river.
The eighth figure is ahb that of water in a mouth, reprcfenting the
city of Ateneo [a). This nam.e is compounded of At!, water, of Tcntli',
lip, or m.etaphorically bank, Ihore, edge, 6cc. &c. and tlie pre-
poution, or article co, which means i/i, fo that Ateneo n\eans upon
(y) Acofta fays, that CAi/co ir.cans, in the mcKUhs, but the JJoxican nnmc fiunifying the
mouih is Carnati, and when rhey wr.iild lav, in the moutfs, thry expitfs it Ciimac.
(s) 'I'heic were, and ate many phicc.-, c.iUcd Ateneo, but the moll confidcrablc was that
whieh appears clofe to Tezctico, in ourchait ot the l.ikco w Me>.ico.
(rt) On the -.6th day of Februaiy of the above mt-ntioncd year, the year according to ihc
meridian of Alexandria, which was built three centuries alter, properly began. (^^ Curt,
lib. tv. c. 2 1. l;. i' La Lande Alhonomic, n. 1597.
the
APPENDI. 463
the bank, fliore, or edge of tlic water; and ali the places which have
fuch a name are fitiiated upon the bank, ol: Ibme lake or river.
The ninth figure is that of a "vkxican mirror, to repre]"eiit the city
of Tehuillojoccan, which term fignifies, place of the mirrors.
The tenth figure is tiiat of a hand in the adt of counting by the fin-
gers, to reprcfent the village of Nrpohualco, wliich word lignifies, the
place where they count, or the place of enumeration.
The eleventh figure is that of an arm holding a filli, reprefenting the
city of Michmalojan, which word fignifies, place \yhere the filli are
taken, or place of filhing.
The twelfth is a piece of an edifice, with the head of an eagle
within it, to reprcfent the city of ^aubtincban, which fignifies, houle
of eagles.
The thirteenth figure is that of a mountain, fuch as they ufed to paint
in their pidtures, and a little above a fmall knife, to reprcfent the city
of Tlacotepec, which name fignifies, the cut mountain.
The fourteenth figure is that of a flower, and beneath it five of thofe
points by which they ufed to exprel's numbers from one to twenty.
With fuch a figure they reprefented the place called Maciiilxocbitl,
which fignifies, five flowers.. This name is ftill ufed to fignify a day
of the year ; and it is probable, that the foundation of that place hav-
ing been laid on fuch a day it obtained fuch a name.
The fifteenth figure is the game of football, reprefenting the city of
I'lachco, called by the Spaniards T'^z/Z-^?, which name fignifies the place
where they played at this game. Thofe two fmall round figures in
the middle are two mill-flones, pierced in the center, which were
ufed in that game. There were at lead two cities or villages of this
name.
The figure of the fixteenth, reprefents the place oiTecotzaiihtla^.
fignifying the place abounding with ochre..
V. Of tbc fgiires of the Mexican kiiigs..
Thefe figures are not portraits of the kings, but fymbols of their
eames. In all of them appears a head, crowned in the Mexican fiiyle,
and each has its mark to fhew the name of the king reprefented by it.
8 Accwia^
464 APPENDIX.
Acamapìtxìny the name of the firli: king of Mexico, l-gnifies, he
who has reeds in his fiit, which ahb appeals in the figure.
Huitzilihpiti, the name of the fccond king fignifies, feather of tlie
little flower-fucking bird j and therefore the head of that little bird is
reprefented, though imperfeftly, with a feather in its mouth.
Chimalpopoca, name of the third king, means, fìnoaking fliield,
which is reprefented in his figure.
• Itzcoatl, name of the fourth king, means, ferpcnt of itzli, or armed
with lancets, or razors of the ftone itzli, which is reprefented by the
fourth figure.
Ilhuicamina, the fumarne of Montezuma I. the fifth king of Mexi-
co, means, he who flioots into the iky, and theretore an arrow is
reprefented fliot at that figure, by which tiic Mexicans ufed to fignify
the iky.
Axajacatl, the name of the fixth king, means alfo a miarlh-fly, and
fignifies the face or afpedi; of water, and therelore a face is reprefented,
above which is the figure of water.
T^i%oc, the name of the feventh king, fignifies, pierced, and therefore
he is reprefented by a perforated leg.
ylhuhzotl, the name of the eighth king, is alfo that of an amphi-
bious quadruped, mentioned in our firil book, and is therefore repre-
fented by the figure of that quadruped ; and to Ihew that this animal
lives in the water, the figure of that element appears on its back and
tail.
Moteuc%oma, the name of the ninth king, means, angry lord j but
we do not underftand the figure of it.
The figures of the two lafh kings Cuitlahimt-zin and Sli!auhtemot%iit,
a;- wanting ; but we do not doubt but that that of ^laubtemotzm, fig-
nifies, a dropping eagle, as the name has that meaning.
VI, Of the figure of the ddiigc, and the confu/wn of tongues.
The water fignifies the deluge ; the human head, and the bird in the
water, fignify the drowning of men and animals. The ihip, with a
man in it, denotes the vefTel in which, according to their tradition,
one
APPENDIX. 465
one man, and one woman, were fiived to prefervc tlie human race. The
figure in one corner is that of the mountain Colhuacin, near to whicli,
according to their account, the man and the woman who were faved
dilembarkcd from the deluge. In all the Mexican paintings, in which
mention is made of that mountain, it is reprefented by the lame figure.
The bird upon the tree reprefents the pigeon, which, as they fay, com-
municated fpeech to men, as they were all born dumb after the deluge.
Thofe rods which iflue from the mouth of the pigeon towards men,
are the fymbols of languages. Wherever the Mexican paintings al-
lude either to languages or words, they employ thefe rods. The
multitude of them in one figure, fignifies the multitude of thofe which
were thus communicated. Thofe fifteen men, who receive the lan-
guages from the pigeon, reprefent fo many families feparated from the
reft of mankind, from whom, as they account, defcended the nations
of Anahuac.
LETTER from Abbe Don Lorenzo Hervas, to the
Author, upon the Mexican Calendar.
Ab. Hervas, author of the ii:ork entitled^ Idea of the Univerfe, hav-
ing read this ivork in mannjcript , and made fome curious and learned
obfervations on the Mexican Calendar y communicated them in thefol"
loiving letter, which we trujl will prove acceptable to our readers.
T7ROM the work of your Reverence I learn with infinite pain, how
much the lofs of thofe documents which afliflcd the celebrated
Dr. Siguenza to form his Ciclography ; and the Cav. Boturini to pub-
lilh his Idea of the General Hijiory of New Spain, is to be regretted;
and at the fame time I am farther confirmed in my opinion, that the
ufe of the folar year was contemporary, or, perhaps, anterior to the
Deluge, as I attempt to prove in the eleventh volume of my work, in
which is inferted The Extatic Journey to the Planetary World, where-
in I propofe fome reflexions on the Mexican Calendar, which I /hall
here anticipate and fubmit to your cenfure.
Vol. I. O o o The
466 APPENDIX.
The year and century have, from time immemorial, been regulated
by the Mexicans with a degree of intelHgence which does not at all
correfpond with their arts and fciences. In them they were certainly
extremely inferior to the Greeks or Romans ; but the difcernment
which appears in their Calendar, equals them to the moft cultivated
nations. Hence we ought to imagine, that this Calendar has not been
the difcoveiy of the Mexicans, but a communication from fome more
enlightened people ; and as the laft are not to be found in America, we
muft feek for them elfewhere, in Afia, or in Egypt. This fuppofition
is confirmed by your affirmation ; that the Mexicans had their Calen-
dar from the Toltecas (originating from Afia), whofe year, according
to Boturini, was exactly adjufted by the courfe of the fun, more than
a hundred years before the Chriflian era ; and alfo from obferving that
other nations, namely, the Chiapanefe, made ufe of the fame Calendar
with the Mexicans, without any difference but that of their iymbols.
The Mexican year began upon the 26th of February, a day cele-
brated in the era of Nabonaflar, which was fixed by the Egypti-
ans 747 years before the Chriftian era ; for the beginning of their
month 'Totò, correfponded with the meridian of the fame day. If
thofe prlefts fixed alfo upon this day as an epoch, b^caufe it was cele-
brated in Egypt {a), we have there the Mexican Calendar agreeing with
the Egyptian. But independent of this, it is certain, that the Mexi-
can Calendar conformed greatly with the Egyptian.
On this fubjedt Herodotus fays {è)y that the year was firfl regulated
by the Egyptians, who gave to it twelve months, of thirty days,, and
added five days to every year, that the circle of the year might revolve
regularly : that the principal gods of the Egyptians v/ere twelve in
number, and that each month was under the tutelage and protection of
one of thefe gods. The Mexicans alfo added to every year, five days,
which they called Nemontemi, or ufelcfs ; becaufe during thefe they
did nothing. Plutarch lays {c), that on fuchdays the Egyptians cele-
brated the feftival of the birtii of their godi*.
(0) On the 26th day of February, of the above mentioned year, the year according to the
meridian of Alexandria, which was built three centuries after, properly be^an. Q. Curt.'Kb,
iv. c. 21. See La Lande A'.Ironomic, n. 1597.
(^) Herod, lib. ii. cap. i. aad 6. (c) Tlut. de Ifidc & OfiriJe.
It
APPENDIX. 467
It Is certainly true, that the Mexicans divided their year into eigh-
teen months, not into twelve like the Egyptians; but as they called
the month miztli, or moon, as you have oblerved, it feems undeniable,
that thefr ancient month hud been lunar, as wjll as that of the Egypti-
ans and Chinefe, the Mexican month verifying that which the fcrip-
tures tell, that the month is obliged for its name to the moon. The
A'lexicans, it is probable, received the lunar month from their an-
ceftors, but for certain purpofes afterwards inflituted another. You
have affirmed in your hiftory, upon the faith of Boturini, that the
Miztecas formed their year into thirteen months, which number was fa-
.cred in the Calendar of the Mexicans, on account of their thirteen
principal gods, in the fame manner as the Egyptians confecrated the
number twelve, on account of their twelve greater gods.
The fymbols and periods of years, months, and days in the Mexi-
can Calendar, are truly adniirable. With refpedt to the periods it ap-
pears to me, that the period of five days might not improperly be
termed their civil week, and that of thirteen their religious week. In
the fame manner, the period of twenty days might be called their civil
month : that of twentv-fix their relÌ2Ìous month ; and that of thirty
^ -,
their lunar and aftronomical month. In their century, it is probable^
that the period of four years was civil, and that of thirteen religious.
From the multiplication of thefe two periods they had their century,
and from the duplication of their century, their age of one hundred
and four years. In all thofe periods an art is difcovered not lefs ad-
mirable than that of our indiótions, cycles, &c. The period of civil
weeks was contained exadly in their civil and agronomical nionth ,
the latter had fix, the former four, and the year contained feventy-
three complete weeks ; in which particular our method is excelled by
the Mexican ; for our weeks are not contained exadlly in the month,
nor in the year. The period of religious weeks was contained tvvice
in their religious month, and twenty-eight times in the year ; but in
the latter there remained a day over, as there is in our weeks. Froni
the periods of thirteen days, multiplied by the twenty characters of the
month, the cycle of two hundred and fixty days was produced, of
which you have made mention ; but as there remained a day over the
twenty-eight religious weeks of the (blar year, there arofe another cycle of
O o o 2 two
468
A P P E N D I X.
two hundred and fixtv d.iys, in fuch a manner, that the Mexicans could,
from the firil day of every year, diflinguHh what year it was. The pe-
riod of civil months, mukiphed by the nuniber of days, (that is eigh-
teen by twenty), and the period of Kmar months, innkiphed by the
number of days, (that is, twelve by thirty), give the fame produól,
or the number three hundred and fixty ; a number certainly not lefs
memorable, and in ufe among the Mexicans than among the moft an-
cient nations; and a number, which from time immemorial, has
ruled in geometry and aftronomy, and is of the utmofl particularity on
account of its relation to the circle, which is divided into three hun-
dred and fixty parts, or degrees. In no nation of the world do we meet
with any thing fimilar to this clear and diftind method of Calendar.
From the fmall period of four years, multiplied by the above men-
tioned cycle of two hundred and fixty years, arofe another admirable
cycle of one thoufand and forty years. The Mexicans combined the
fmall period of four years with the period above named week of thir-
teen years ; thence refultcd their noted cycle or century of fifty-twa
years ; and thus with the four figures, indicating the period of four
years, they had, as we have from the dominical letters, a period, which,
to fay the truth, exceeded ours ; as it is of twenty-eight years, and the
Mexican of fifty-two; this was perpetual, and ours in Gregorian years
is not fo. So much variety and fimplicity of periods of weeks, months,
years, and cycles, cannot be unadmired ; and the more fo, as there is im-
mediately difcovered that particular relation which thefe periods have to
many different ends, which Boturini points out by faying : " TheMexi-
" can Calendar was of four fpecies ; that is, natural, for agriculture j
•' chronological, for hiif or/ ; ritual, for feftivals ; and aftronomical,
" for the courfe of the ftars; and the year was lunifolar." This year,
if we do not put it at the end of three Mexican ages, after feveral cai -
culations I am not able to find it.
Boturini determines by the Mexican paintings the year of the con-
fufion of tongues, and the years of the creation of the world ; which
determination appears not to be difficult, becaufe as the eclipfes are
noted in the Mexican paintings, there is not a doubt but the true epoch.
(</) A luna figQum dici fefti ► , . Menfis fccundura nomen ejus eft. Eccl. xllil.
of
APPENDIX. 469
of chronology may be obtained from them, as P. Souctet obtains
the Chinefe from the folar ecHplb which he fixed in the year 2155, be-
fore t!ie Chriftian era. An ecHpfe well circumftantiated, as P. Briga
(e) Romagnoli proves at length, may aflift us to fix the epoch of
chronology in the fpace of twenty thoufand years, and although in the
Mexican paintings, all the circumflances of eclipfes are not defcribed,
yet the defedi of them is remedied by many eclipfes which are marked
there. The Mexican lords therefore, who ftill preferve great number
of paintings, might by lludy of them adduce many lights to chro-
nology.
Reipefting tiie fymbols of the Mexican months and year, they dif-
cover ideas entirely conformable with thofe of the ancient Egyptians.
The latter diflingui/hed, as appears from their monuments, each month
or part of the zodiac, where the fun flood, with charadleriftical figures
of that which happened in every feafon of the year. Therefore we
fee the ligns of Aries, Taurus, and the two young Goats (which now
are Gemini), uled to mark the months of the birth of thofe animals j
the figns of Cancer, Leo, and Virgo, with the ear of corn, for thofe
months, in which the fun goes backward like a crab ; in which there
is greater heat, and in which the harvefts are reaped. The fign of
the Scorpion (which in the Egyptian fphere occupied the fpace
which at prefent is occupied by the fign of Libra), and that of Sagitta-
rius, in the months of virulent, or contagious dillempers, and the
chace j and laflly, the figns of Capricorn, Aquarius, and Pifcis, in
thofe months in which the fun begins to afcend towards others ; in
which it rains much, and in which there is abundant fifliing. Thefe
ideas at leaft are fimilar to thofe which the Mexicans alfociatcd with their
clime. They called their firft month Acahnalco, that is, the ceffation
of the waters, which began on the 26th of February, and they fym-
bolize this month by a houfc, with the figure of water above it; they
gave alfo to the fame month the name of ^lahiiiilchua, that is, the
moving or budding of trees. The Mexicans afterwards diftinguifhed
their firfl month by two names, of which the firll Acahuaico, or the
cef&tion of the waters, did not corrclpond with their climate where the
(c) Scicntia Eclipfium ex Europa in Sinas, Pars iii. c. z, fctfl. 20.
rains
4/0
APPENDIX.
rains came in OAober ; but it agrees with tlie fields of Sennaar, and
the northern climes of America, from whence their anceflors came ;
and from that the origin of this name appears evidently to be very an-
cient. The fecond name, that is, Qiiahuitlcluia, or budding of the
trees, agrees much with the word Ktmatb, ufed by Job to fignify the
Pleiades (f)., which, in his time announced the fpring, when tlie
trees begin to move. The fymbol of tlie fecond Mexican month was
a pavilion, which indicated the great heat prevalent in Mexico in April,
before the rains of May come on. The fymbol of the third month
was a bird which appeared at that time. The twelfth and thirteenth
month had for their fymbol the plant paSlU, which fprings up and ma-
tures in thefe months. The lymbol of the fourteenth month was ex-
preiTed by a cord, and a hand which pulled it, expreflive of the bind-
ino- power of the cold in that month, which is January j and to this
iame circumftance the name Tititl, which they gave it alludes. The
conftellation Kejil, of which Job fpeaks to fignify winter, fignifies in
the Arabic root (which is Kefal) to be cold and ajleep, and in the text
of Job it is read, " Couldft thou break the cords or ties of Kefil ?"
Leaving a-part the evident conformity which the fvmbols and ex-
preffions of Ipring and winter have with thofe of Job, who, in my
opinion, flourilhed a lliort time after the Deluge (as I fay in my ele-
venth volume), it ought to be noted, that thefe fymbols, which are
excellent for preferving the year invariable, demonflrate the ulè of
the intercalary days of the Mexicans ; otherwife it would happen that
in two centuries, the fymbol of the month of cold would h\\ in the
month of heat. Thus it is found, from the Mexican paintings, that
in them the conqueft of Mexico was marked in the ninth month called
Tlaxochlmaco ; from thence it ought to be concluded, that the interca-
lary days were in ufe. The fame deduftion might be made from fee-
ing that the Mexicans, at the entry of the Spaniards, preferved that
order of months, which, according to the fignification of their names,
agreed with the feafons of the year, and the produtìions of the earth.
Farther, to afcertain how the Mexicans regulated their leap years, and
•if their year was juflj an exadl examination and comparifon ought to
i/) J"^> '^^'■'P' '^' '*'• 9' *"^ chiip. xxxv'iii. V. 31.
be
APPENDIX.
be made of fome event known to us, which has been marked by them.
You have, for example, fixed the death of Montezuma on the 29th
of June, 1520 : if in the Mexican paintings this is found in the fe-
venth day, Cuet%palin, of the feventh month, we muft infer their year
to be juft, and that the leap years were interpofcd eveiy four years ; if
it correlponds to the fourth day CipaSilJ, it would be a fign that their
year was juft, and that the leap years were added after the century ; if
it Ihould correfpond with the feventh, Ozomatlì, then it mufl hz con-
cluded that their leap years were put after the century, and their year
was as eroneous as ours was at that time. The propofed example is
grounded upon the Calendar, at the end of your fecond volume ; this
I did for the fake of perfpicuity : but to make an exacft calculation, it
would be necertary to fee that your Calendar corrcfponds with the firll
year of the Mexican century, and that the year 1520, was the four-
teenth year of tlie century ; whence the name of days would have
taken a very diAerent order from that which is propofed for more
clearnefs.
Laftly, the fymbol which you have put for the Mexican century,,
convinces me, that it is the fame which the ancient Egyptians and Chal-
deans had. In the Mexican fymbol, we fee the fun as it were eclipfed
by the moon, and furrounded with a ferpent, which makes four twills,
and embraces the four periods of thirteen years. This very idea of tlie
ferpent with the fun has, from time immemorial in the world, figni-
fied the periodical or annual courfe of the fun. We know that in
aflronomy, the points where eclipfes happen have, from time imme-
morial been called, (as P. Briga fg) Romagnoli has noted), the head
and tail of a dragon. The Chinefe, from falfe ideas, though conform-
able to this immemorial allufion, believe that at eclipfes a dragon is
in the a<fl of devouring the fun. The Egyptians more particularly
agree with the Mexicans ; for to fymbolize the fun they employed a
circle, with one or two ferpcnts ; but ftill more the ancient Perfians,
among whom their Mitras (which was certainly the fun), was fymbo-
lized by a fun (b) and a ferpent ; and from P. Montfaucon (ij, we are
(j) Vol. cited, p, 4. luv, iii. c. 2.
(A) Sco Banicr Mjtliy logic, vol. ii, book \s-, cap. Iv, vol. iii. bcok vii. c. xii. Pluche,
HJllory of the Heavens, vol, i. c. ii, ftct. I. Goguct, Origin of Sciences, &c. vol, i. Diflert, 2.
(;•) Tom. i. p. J78.
given^
471
472
A P P E N D .. X.
given, in his Antiquities, a iriOJiument of a fcrpent which furround-
ing the ligns of the Zodiac, cuts them, by lOiinig iticif in v.irious
modes about them. In addition to thefe inconteftible examples, the
following reflexion is moft convincing. There is not a doubt that the
fymbol of the ferpent is a thing totally arbitrary to fignify the fun,
with v.'hich it has no pln'Hcal relation ; wherefore then I aik, have fo
many nations difperfed over the globe, and of which fome have had
no reciprocal intercourfe, unlefs in ti^e firft ages after the deluge,
agreed in ufmg one fame fymbol fo arbitrary, and chofe to exprefs by
it the fame objeiH ? When we find the v/ord facco in the Hebrew,
Greek, Teutonic, Latin languages, &c. it obliges us to believe that it
belongs to tlie primitive language of men after the deluge, and whea
\ve fee one fame arbitrary fymbol, fignifying the fun and his courfe,
ufed by the Mexicans, the Chinefe, the ancient Egyptians, and Per-
fians, does it not prompt us to believe the real origin of it was in the
time of Noah, or the firfl men after the deluge ? this fair conclufion
is flrongly confirmed by the Chiapanefe Calendar (which is totally
Mexican), in which the Chiapanefe, according to Monfig. Nugnez de
la Vega, bifhop of Chijpa, in his Preface to his Synodal Conftitutions,
put for the firft fymbol or name of the firft year of the century a Vo-
tali, nephew of him who built a wall up to heaven, and gave to men
the languages which they now fpeak. Here is a fadl connedled with
the Mexican Calendar, relative to the building of the tower of Babel
and the confufion of tongues. Many fimilar reflexions are fuggefted
by the obfervations and remarks which occur in your hiftory, &c.
Cefena, July 31, 1780. So far the letter of Sig. Ab. Hervas. What-
ever may have been the truth refpedling the ufe of the folar year among
thefe firft men, in which difpute I do not mean to engage, I cannot be
perfuaded that the Mexicans, or the Toltecas, have been indebted to
any nation of the old continent for their Calendar, and their method
of computing time. From whom did the Toltecas learn their age of
one hundred and four ye rs, their century of fifty-two, their year of
eighteen months, their months of twenty days, their periods of thir-
teen years and thirteen days, their cycle of two hundred and fixty days,
and in particular their thirteen intercalary days, at the end of the cen-
tury, to adjuft the year with the courfe of the fun ? The Egyptians
8 were
APPENDIX.
were the greatefl: ailronomers of thofe remote times, but they adopted
no intercalary fpace to adjuft the year with the annual retardation of
the foJar courfe. If the Tohecas of themfeh'es difcovered tliat re-
tardation, it is not to be wondered at if they difcovered other things
which did not require fuch minute and proHx aftronomical obferva-
tions. Boturini, of whofe teftimony Ab. Hervas avails himfelf, fays
exprefly ^upon the faith of the annals of the Toltecas, which he
faw, that the ancient aftronomers of that nation having obferved in
their native country Huehuetlapallan, (a northern country of America),
the excefs of about fix hours of the folar, over the civil year which
was obferved among them, corredted it by the ufe of intercalary days,
more than one hundred years before the Chriltan era. With refpeA to
the conformity between the Mexicans and Egyptians, we fliall treat of
it in our Diil'ertations.
Anmadverfions of the Author on the Work entitled. Lettere Ame-
ijiiCANE, or American Letters.
Some of the obfervations made by Ab. Hervas have alfo been made
by the learned author of the American Letters, a work full of erudi-
tion, recently publiflied in the Literary Magazine of Florence, and come
to us at the time the laft iheets of this volume were printin»;. The
author, in oppofing the abfurd opinions of M. de Paw, from a jull
though imperfed: idea of the culture of the Mexicans, difcourfes iii ge-
neral very intelligently of their cuftoms, their arts, and, above all,
their aftronomical knowledge, explains their calendar and their cycles,
and in thefe points compares them with the ancient Egyptians, as was
done in the laft century by the learned Mexican, Siguenza, to prove
their conformity and the antiquity of the population of America. In
the perufal of thefc letters, I have had the pleafure of feeing fome of
my own fentiments fupported and explained ; although the author has
committed mahy miftakes, and fljewn more acrimony againft the Spa-
nifti nation than is confiftent with candour and impartiality. Tiic
alteration of the Mexican names in his work, is a trcfpafs upon
all the rules of literary propriety and accuracy with rerpe>5l to ety-
moloev.
Vol.. L P p p In
47:
4? 4
APPENDIX.
In the ninth letter of the fecond part, where he fpeaks of the MexU
can year, he cites Gemelli, and accnfes him, though falfely, of arx
error. Gemelli fays, that the Mexican year at the commencement of
their century, began upon the loth of April j but that every four years
it anticipated one day on account of our biffextile ; fo that at the end
of four years it began upon the 9th of that month ; at the end of
eight years it began upon the 8th, and fo it went on anticipating every
four years, one day, unto the end of the Mexican century, where by
the intcrpofition of the thirteen intercalary days, omitted in the pro-
grefs of the century, the year returned to begin upon the loth of April^
This, adds the author of the Letters, is a contradicflion of fadt, as the
year at the end of the four years fliould have begun upon the i ith,. and
not the ninth, and thus every four years it ought to have increafed a
day ) and in fuch cafe, the corredlion of thirteen days after the end of
fifty-two years became fuperfluous, or without the retroceffion of a day
every four years, the difference of the folar year, at the end of the
cycle fhould have been double, that is twenty-fix days.
We wonder much that an author, who appears to be a good calcu-
lator, fliould err in a calculation fo fimpleand clear. The year 1506,
was a fecular year among the Mexicans. Let us fuppofe for the fake
of perfpicuity, that their year began as ours on the firft day of Janu-
ary. This firfi; year of the Mexican century, compofed like ours of
■565 days, ended as ours on the 3 ill of December, and in like man-
ner the fecond year correfponding to 1507; but in 1508, the Mexican
year ought to finilh a day before ours ; becaufe ours being biflextile,
or leap year, had 366 days, whereas the Mexican had only 365 y
therefore the fourth year of the Mexican century correfponding to 1 509,
ought to commence a day before ours, that is on the 3 1 fi: of December
1508. In the fame manner, the eighth year, correfponding to 151 3,
ought to commence on the 30th of December, 1512, for the fame
rcafon of that year having been biflextile. The twelfth year, corref-
ponding to 1 517, ought to begin on the 29th of December 1516, and
fo forth, unto the year 1557, the lafi: of the Mexican century, in
which the Mexican year ought to anticipate ours as many days as there
were biflextile years. Thus in the 52 years of the Mexican century,
there
POSTERITY OF KING MOTEZUMA. (44O
MOTEZUMA IX. king of Mexico, married with Miahuaxochitl
his niece.
Don Pedro ycf.ualrcahuatzin Motezuma, married Donna Caterina
Sluauxochitl his niece.
i
D. Diego Luis Ihmfemotzin Motezuma, married in Spain Donna
Francifca de Cueva.
D. Pedro Tefifon Motezuma de Cueva I. Count of Motezuma, and
Tula, and vifcount Iluca, married Donna Jeroma Porras.
D. Diego Luis Motezuma and
Porras IL Count of Mote-
zuma, 6cc. married Donna Luifa
Jofre Loaiia and Carilla, daugh-
ter of the count of Arco.
I
Donna Maria Jeroma Motezuma
Jofre de Loaifa III. coun-
tefs of Motezuma, &c. mar-
ried to D. Jofeph Sarmiento
de Valladares, who was viceroy
of Mexico, and I. duke of A-
trifco.
Donna Faufta
Dominica Sar-
miento, Mo-
tezuma IV.
countefs of
Motezuma,
died a child in
Mexico in
J 697.
Donna Melchi-
orra Sarmiento
Motezuma, V.
countefs of Mo-
tezuma, died
without ilfue, in
17 17, by which
the eftates of
Motezuma re-
verted to Donna
Tcrcfa Nieto de
Sylva, daughter of
the I. marquis of
Tenebron.
Donna Terefa Francifca Motezu-
ma aiid Porras, married to D.Die-
go Cifncros de Guzman.
Donna Jeroma de Cifneros Mo- ■
tezuma, married to D. Felix
Nieto de Silva, I. marquis of
Tenebron .
I
Donna Terefa Nieto de Sylva and
Motezuma, II. marchionefs of
Tenebron, and VI. countefs of
Motezuma, married to D. Gaf-
par d'Oca Sarmiento and Zuniga.
D. Jerom d'Oca Motezuma, 6cc.
III. marquis of Tenebron, and
VII. count of Motezuma, mar-
ried Donna Maria Jolepha dc
Mendoza.
I
D. Jerom d'Oca Motezuma and
Mendoza, VIII. count of Mo-
tezuma, IV.. marquis of Tene-
bron, and grandee of Spain, now
living.
There are other branches of this moft noble line in Spain as well
as Mexico.
Vol. I. (K k k) DE 3-
<442)
DESCENDANTS OF FERDINAND CORTES.
T^ Fernando Cortez, conqueror, governor, and captain-general of
■*~^* Mexico, I. marquis of the valley of Oaxaca, had, in fecond
marriage, Donna Jeroma Ramirez d' Arrellano and Zuniga, daughter of
D. Carlos Ramirez d' Arrellano, II. count of Aguilar, and Donna
Jeroma de Zuniga, daughter of the count of Benares, eldefl fon of D.
Alvaro de Zuniga, I. duke of Bejar. Their fon was
I.
D. Martinez Cortez Ramirez d'Arrellano, II. marquis of the Val-
lev, married his niece. Donna Anna Ramirez d' Arrellano. Their
ifl'ue were
II.
D. Fernando Cortez Ramirez d'Arellano, III. marquis of the
Valley, married Donna Mencia Fernandez de Cabrera and Mendoza,
daughter of D. Pedro Fernandez Cabrera and Bobadilla. II. count of
Chinchon, and Donna Maria de Mendoza andCerda, fifter of the prince
of Melito. D. Ferdinand had but one fon, who died in childhood ;
and was fucceeded by his brother.
2. D. Pedro Cortez Ramirez d'AiTcllano, IV. marquis of the Valley,
married Donna Anna Pacheco de la Cerda, lifter of the II. count of
Montalban. Died without illue, and was therefore fucceeded by his
fifter,
3. Donna Jeroma Cortez Ramirez d'Arrellano, V. marchionefs of
the Valley, married to D. Pedro Carillo de Mendoza, IX. count of
Priego, afliftant, and cap tain -general of Seville, and great major domo
to queen Margaret of Auftria. Their daughter was
III.
Donna Stephania Carillo de Mendoza and Cortez. VI. marchionefs
of the Valley, was the wife of D. Diego of Arragon.. IV. duke of
Terranova, prince of Cartel Vetrano, and of S. R. J. marquis of
Avola and Favora, conftable and admiral of Sicily, commander of
Villafranca, viceroy of Sardinia, knight of the illuftrious order of To-
fon d'Oro. Their only daughter was
IV. Donna
DESCENDANTS OF FERDINAND CORTES. (443)
IV.
Donna Juana d'Arragon Carilla de Mcndoza and Cortcz, V. Da-
chefs of Terranova, and VII. marchionefs of the Valley, great cham-
bermaid to queen Luifa of Orleans, and afterwards to queen Ma-
riana of Aulirla, married to D. Heólor Pignatelli, V. duke of
Montelione, princ-e of Noja, marquis of Cerchiara, count of Borelloi
Catalonia, and Santangelo, viceroy of Catalonia, grandee of Spain,
6cc. Their only fon was
v..
D. Andrea Fabrizio Pignatelli d'Arragon Carillo de Mendoza and
Cortez IV. duke of Montelione. VI. duke of Terranova. VIII. mar-
quis of the Valley, grandee of Spain, great chamberlain of the
kingdom of Naples, knight of the order of Tofon d'Oro, married
Donna Terefa Pimentel and Benavides, daughter of D. Antonio Al-
fonfo de Quinones, XI. count of Benavente, of Luna, and Ma-
jorca, grandee of Spain, &c. and Donna Elifabetta Francifca de Bena-
vides, III. marchionefs of Javalquinto, and Villareal. Their daugh-
ter was
VI.
Donna J Pignatelli d'Arragon Pimentel, Carillo de Men-
doza and Cortez, VII. duchefs of Montelione, VII. duchefs of Terra-
nova, IX. marchionefs of the Valley, grandee of Spain, &c. v/ife of
D. Nicolas Pignatelli, of the princes of Noja and Cerchiara, prince
of S. R. I. knight of Tofon d'Oro, &c. viceroy of Sardinia and Siw
cily, &c. Their fon was
VII.
D. Diego Pignatelli d'Arragon, &c. VIII. duke of Montelione,
VIII. duke of Terranova, X. marquis of the Valley,, great admiral
and conftable of Sicily, knight of Tofon d'Oro, grandee of Spain, and-
prince of S. R. I. 6cc. married Donna Margarita Pignatelli, of the
Dukes of Bellolguardo. Their fon was
VIII.
D. Fabrizio Pignatelli d'Arragon, &c. IX. duke of Montelione,
IX. duke of Terranova, XI. marquis of the Valley, grandee of Spain,
prince of S. R. I. &c. married Donna Coflanza Medici, of the princes
of Otajano. Their fon was
IX. D. IIcc-
(444)
DESCENDANTS OF FERDINAND CORTES.
IX.
D. Hedor Pignatelli d'Arragon, &c. X- duke of Montellone, X.
,duke of Terranova, XII. marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, grandee
of Spain, prince of S. R. I. living at prefent in Naples, and married
with Donna N. Piccolomini, of the dukes of Amalfi.
Of that noble couple whom we have placed under Number VI.
were born four fons, Diego, Fernando, Antonio, and Fabrizio ; and
,as many daughters, Rofa, Maria Terefa, Stephania, and Caterina.
I. Don Diego was heir of the marquifate of the Valley, and the
dukedoms of Montelionc and Terranova. 2. Don Ferdinand mar-
ried Donna Lucretia Pignatelli, princefs of Strongoli, whofe fon
D. Salvatore took to wife donna Julia Maftrigli, of the dukes of Ma-
rigliano. 3. D. Antonio, married in Spain, an only daughter of
■the count of Fuentes. Of this marriage was born D. Jerom Pig-
jiatclli d'Arragon, Moncayo, &c. count of Fuentes, marquis of Gofco-
Juela, grandee of Spain, prince of S. R. I. knight of Tofon d'Oro, of
St. Jago, ecc. anìbafìador from the court of Spain to the courts of
England and France, and prefident of the royal council of military or-
ders ; whofe Ion, now living, has married the only daughter and heii-
«fs of Calimiro Pignatelli, count of Egniont, duke of Bifaccia, &c.
knight of Tofon d'Oro, and lieutenant-general of the armies of his
molt Chriflian majefty. 4. D. Fabrizio took to wife Virginia Pignatelli,
filler to the princefs of Strongoli, whofe fon, D. Michael, is marquis
of Salice and Guagnano. 5. Rofa was given in marriage to the prince
,of Scalea,. 6.. Maria Terefa, to the marquis of Weflerlo, Seiior Boe-
mo. 7. Stephania, to the prince of Bifignano. S. Caterina, to the
•count of Acetra.
A P P E N-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
there are thirteen biilextile ; the laft year of -the century, therefore,
ought to anticipate ours by thirteen days, and not twenty-fix. Cori--
fequcntly, the interpofitioh of the thirteen days to adjull the year at the
end of the century with the courfe of the fun was net fn perfiuous. So'
that Gemelli faid properly as to the anticipation of the day, although he
erred in fiying that the Mexicans began the year upon the i oth of April,
as it began aa vv£ have often repeated on the 26th of February.
The author of the Letters believes, that the Mexicans began their year
at the vernal equinox. Wc are of the fame opinion as totlitir agro-
nomical year ; but we have not ventured to affirm it as we do not
know it. The ancient Spanifli hiftorians of Mexico were not allrono--
nomers, and were lefs attentive to explain in tlieir hiftories the pro-
grefs of the Mexicans in fciences than their fuperftitious rites. The
Mexican Cyclograpby, compofed by the great aftronomer Siguenza, af-
ter a diligent ftudy of the Mexican paintings, and various calculations
of the eclipfes and comets marked in their paintings, has not reached-
us.
We cannot pardon the Author of the Letters the injuflice he does
this great Mexican in his third Letter of the fecond volume, where he-
fpeaks, on the fliith of Gemelli, of the pyramids of Teotihuacan.
Carlos Siguenza, fays that author, imagines thefc pyramids anterior to
the deluge. This is not true ; how could Siguenza imagine thcfe pyra-
mids anterior to the deluge, if he believed the population of /\merica
pofterior to the confufion of tongues, and the firlt fettlers defcendants of
Nephtuim, grand nephew of Noah, as Boturini attefts, whofiw fome
of the works of Siguenza ? Gemelli alfo, on whofe teftimony the author
of the Letters refts, gives exprefs contradidion to this particular in his
fixth volume, fecond book, and eighth chapter. " No Indian bijlorian,.
fays this traveller, " has been able to in-uejiigate the time of the ereSlion
" of the pyramids of America-, but D. Carlos Siguenza imagined them'
" very ancient, and built a little time after the Deluge." Nor has Ge--
melli properly explained the opinion of Siguenza; for Dr. Eguiara,
treating in the Biblioteca Mexicana, of the works of Siguenza, and
amongft others of that which he wrote upon the peopling of America,,
fays, that in that work he fixed the firfl peopling of the new world-
paulo'
475
476
N D
X.
pallio pojl Babylonkam confufionem» that is, a little after the time which
Gemelli has mentioned.
With refpedt to fome other more important points treated of in thofb
Letters, we fhall fpeak of them in our Diflertations, in which we
iliall fometimes concur, and at other times differ in opinion with the
author.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
THE
HISTORY
O F
MEXICO.
COLLECTED FROM
SPANISH and MEXICAN HISTORIANS,
FROM
MANUSCRIPTS, and Ancient PAINTINGS of the INDIANS.
ILLUSTRATED BY
C H A R T Sj and other COPPER PLATES.
TO WHICH ARK ADDED,
CRITICAL DISSERTATIONS
ON THE
LAND, the ANIMALS, and INHABITANTS of MEXICO.
By Abbé D. FRANCESCO SAVERIO CLAVIGERO.
Tranflated from the Original Italian,
By CHARLES CULLE N, Efq.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
V O L. II.
LONDON,
Printed for G. G. J. and J. Robinson, No. 25, Pater-nofter Row.
MDCCLX-XXVri.
CONTENTS.
BOOK VIII.
JTIRST veyagcs of the Spaniards to the coajl of Anahuac, I. — CharaHtr of the pr'nuifial con-
queror i of Mexico, 4. — ViSlory of the Spaniards in Taha/io, 7. — Armament and Koyage
of Cortes, 8. — Account af the famous Indian Donna Marina, 9. — Arrival of ihi armament at
the pert of Chakbicuechaii, II. — Montezuma's uueajine/i, embajfy, and prtfcnts to Cortes, ir.
"—Prefent from Montezuma to the Catholic king, i 7. — Emhajfy from the lord of Chcmpoalla, and
its cotfcquences, 18. — Imprifonment of the royal lainijlirs in Chiahititxlla, 22. — Confederacy of
the Tolonacas ivith the Spaniards, 2'^.—~Fou'idation of Vera CruTi, 24. — Nczv embajjies and
prefents from Montezuma, 2^.— Breaking of the idols of Chempoulla, z6. — L: tiers from the
armament lo the Catholic king, 28. — Signal ccndu^ of Cortes, 29. — .March of the Spaniards to
Tlafca'a, ib. — Alteration in the Tljfalans, their refolition concerning the Spaniards, 3 1 . — War
of Tlafala, 35. — Ne".\} embajics and prefents from Monte-^uma ta Cortes, jq.— Peace and con-
federacy of the Tlafcalans ivith the Spaniards, 4 ) .^EmbaJJy of prince Ixllilxochitl, and league
nuith the HurxotrJncus, 43. — StibmiJ/ion of Tlafala to the Catholic king, ib. — Entry of the Spa-
niards into TLifcala, 44. — Enmity between the Tlnfcalans and Cholulans, 47. — Entry of the
Spaniards into Cholula, ^i.^— Slaughter committed in Cholula, 50. — Submijjion of the Cholulans
and 7cpeacl.'ifc, 53. — Xnv embafy and prifent from the king of Mrxico, 54. — Revolutions in
Jotonacapan, ^^.—M.irch of the Spaniards to Tlalina'ialco, 56. — f'ift of the king of Tezcuco
10 Cortes, 59. — f'ift of the princes of Tezcuco, and entry of the Spaniards into that court, 6 1 .—
Entry of the Spaniards into Iztapalapan, 62 —Entry of the Spaniards into Mexico, — — ()■>
B O O K IX.
Firfl conference, and ne'M prcfents from Montezuma, 6-j. —-F'ift of Cortes to the king, yo.—De-
fcripiion of the cily of Mexico, jl. — EffeOs of Cortes' s zeal for religion, 74. — Imprifonment
ef Montezuma, "j^.— Life of the king in pri fon, 80. — Punijhment of the lord of Nauhtlan, and
neiu iufults to Montezuma, ii. ^Attempts of the king of Acolhuacan againfl the Spaniards, 8c. •
—Imprifonment of that king and other lords, 8&.—Submifion of Montezuma and the nobles to the
king of Spain, 90. — F irfl homage of the Mexicans to tie croivn of Spain, 91.^ — Uneafntfs of
the nobler, and neiv fears of Munlezuma, 92. — Armament of the governor of Cuba againfl
Cvrtes, (j^.—yiilory over Narvaez, 97. — Slaughter of the nobles and infurreSion of the people^
<)(),— Skirmifres between the Mexicans and Spaniards, 103. — Speech of the king to the peojle,
and its effcH, 105. — Terrible engagement In the temple, 107. — Death of Montezuma, and other
lords, 1 10. — Dffeat tf the Spaniards in their retreat, I x^.— Fatiguing mai ch of the Spaniards,
I X"].— Famous battle of Otompan, ib. — Retreat of the Spaniards to Tlafcala, 1 20. — EleHion if
a king in Mexico, 121. — Embajfy from king Cuitlahuatzin to Tlafcala, 123 — Baptfm of the
fur lords of Tlafcala, 125. — Dfconlent among the Spaniards, I 26. — War of the Spaniards
etgai.i/l the Ttpeaehefe, ib. — War of ^auhquechollan, 128. — War of Itzocan, 131. — War of
X<datzincc, Tecamachalcc, and Tochtrpcc, 132. — Havoc made by tbe f mall-pox. Death of
Cuiilahuatiin,andprince Maxixcalz.in, andelcBion of ^uauhlemotzin, in.— Exaltation of prince
Ccanacotziu, and dtath of Qmuitzcatzin, ■ — — 13^
Al BOOK
O N T E N T S.
BOOK X.
ReviciM aiiii march of the Spanijii army to Tczcuco, j^^.'— Entry of the Spaniards info that court.
RcTolulioni there, 139. — Dangerous expedition agninj} Iztapalapaa, 142. — Confederacy of Otom-
fan, and other cities, ivilh the Spaniard', \\i, — Traifporting cf the materials of the hrigan-
tincs, 146. — Expeditions againji Xaltocan and Tlacnpan, \\-],— -Expeditions eigainfi Huax-
tfpcc, Jaubtepec, and Jacapichtia, 149. — Friiitlcfs ncgocialion ivith the court of Mexico, 151.
—March of the Spaniards through the fottthern mountains, 152. — Conqueji of ^aithnahuac,
153- — Conqueft of Xochimilco, 154. — March of the Spaniards round the lakes to Tezcuco, 157.
— Confpiracy againft Cortes, 157. — Laft preparations for the ftege of Mexico, 1 58. — Di/pof-
tion of the artny in the fcge of the capital, l^q.'^PiiniJl?me>!t of Xicotcncatl, 160. — Firf Hof-
tilities and beginning of the fege, \i:z. — Tirfl entry of the befiegers into the capital, 163. — /«-
creafe of the auxiliary troops of the Spaniards, \6y .—Neiv entries into the city, 168. — Confediracy
of fever al cities of the lake agaixfi the Spaniards, i8g. — Operations of Aivarado, and brafe'y
cf Tzilacat^in, \~l.— Treachery of the Xcchimilcas, and other people, lyz.—P'iffo'y of the
Mexicans, ib. — Engagement cf the briganlines andflratagems of the Mexicans, 1 76. — Fruitlefs
embajfy to the king of Mexico, 177. — Expeditious agaivfi the Malinalclefe and Matlazincas,
178. — Memorable anions of tie general Chechemecail, 181. — Slaughter made in Mexico, and
bravery of fame ivomen, 18:. — Dcp'.oralle fiate of the Mexicans, 185. — Fruitlefs attempts to
tnake them furrendcr, 1S6. — 'Nev; confici and horrid flaughtcr of the Mexicans, 187. — l.afl
ajfautt, and taking of the city and kings, 188, — Prferity of Montezumiu, \ . — Poftcrity of
DISSERTATION I.
/^ Oncertiing the firfl peopling-of Jinterica, and in particular that of Mexico, 200.— Who ivere its
firfl peopler:-, zo't,, — Howi men and animals pajjid to /imcricn, 210
Dissert. II. On the principal epochs in the bijlory of Mexico, ___.. -. 225
DiSEEKT. III. On the land of Mexico, 2-13. — The pretended inundation of America, 245.— '/"/»«
climate and foil of Mexico, ■ 254
Dissert. IV. On the animals ofMexicc, 277. — The animals native to Mexico, and thofe Iranfported
there from Europe, 505. — Catalogue of American quadrupeds, 3:6. — Species acknoivlcdged hy
Bujon, ibid. — '■Jhe jpe>.ies ivhich he has 7iot dijlinguijhed, hut cotfufed <ivith others jlmilar to
them, 322. — 'The Jpccics of luhich he is ignorant, or unjufily denies to America, 323
Dissert, V. On the phyfiial and moral conftitution of the Mexicans, 327. — Their corporeal and
me/.tal qualities, - -■ — _____ . yi%
Dissert. VI. On the degree of civilization and refinement of the Mexicans, 363.— 7/># txiant of
money, 364. — The ufe of iron, 367. — T he art of building Jhips, bridges, and (f making lime, 370.
The rxaut of letters, 372 — The arts of the Mexicam, 383. — The language and laivs of tic
Mexicans, 394. — Catalogue of European and Creole authors ivho have written in the languages
ef New Spain, 412. — Authors of Grammars and Visionaries of the/e languages, — ^ 4 14
DisstRT. VII, On the boundaries and population oj the kingdoms of /Ivahuac, 4J6
Dtiil.s.T.Ylll. On the religion of tie Mix'eam, - ■-- . ■ ■ 4.36
l,li!l.ViT.lX. 0,1 the Origin of tie French evil, • • 448
THE
THE
HISTORY
O F
M E X I
O.
BOOK VIII.
The arrival of the Spaniards upon the Coaji of Anahnac. The uneaji-
nefs, embajjies, and prefents of Montezuma, Confederacy of the Spa-
niards with the Nation of the Totonacas, their War and Alliance
•with the Tlafcalans j their Severity to the Cholulans, and their folemn
Entry into Mexico. Account of the celebrated Indian Donna Marina.
Foundation of Vera Cruz, thefrji Colony of the Spaniards.
THE Spaniards, who ever fince the year 1492, had difcovered BOOK vili,
the New World, under the conduft of the celebrated Genoefe ' ^ '
Chrillopher Columbus ; and, in the fpace of a few years, fubjeélcd to the Fini voyage
crown of Cadile the principal iflands of the Antilles, nwde frequent <^[ the Spa-
• • r \ J-/- niards to the
cruiles from thence to difcover new countries, and barter E uro|Kan toys coaftof Ana-
tor American gold. In the year 1517, amongft other adventurers, Fran- '""''^.'
cifco Hernandez, of Cordova, weighed anchor from the port of Ajaruco,
now called the Havanna, with one hundred and ten foldicrs, and proced-
ing to tlie wellward by the advice of Antonio Alaminas, one of the mofl-
*oL- ^^' B famous
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK VIII, famous and Ikilful pilots of that time, and then veering to the fouthward,
difcovered, in the beginning of March, the eaftern cape of the pen-
infula of Yucatan, which they called Capo Catoche. They coafted
along a part of that country, admiring the beautiful edifices and lofty
towers which appeared upon the coall, and the (^) different coloured
habits which the Indians wore ; objects never before feen in the New
World. The Yucatanefe, on their part, marvelled at the fize, the
form, and decorations of their veflels. At two places where the Spa-
niards landed, they had fome fkirmifljes with the Indians, in whichj
and by other diftrefles that attended them, they loft the half of their
foldiers, and their captain himfelf received twelve wounds, which in a
few days occafioned his death. Having returned precipitately to Cuba,
with the accounts of their expedition, and fome gold which they had
robbed from a temple and brought with them for fliew, they awoke the
avaricious paffions of Diego de Velafquez, formerly a conqueror, and
then governor of that iiland ; upon which he next year fitted out his
relation Juan de Grijalva, with four veffels, and two hundred and forty
foldiers. This commander, after haviiig difcovered the iiland of Co-
'/umel, a few miles dillant from the eaftern fhore of Yucatan, coafted
along all that country, which lies from thence to the river Panuco,
exchanging little glafs balls, and fuch like trifling wares, for gold,,
which they anxioully fought, and the provifions they required.
(a) Dr. Robertfon fays, in book iii. that the Spaniards lanJeJ, and aihuiiicitig into the
tffvntry {of Yucatan), ohj'ervai, ivitf> amazement, large bùufes built of Jtone. 'Ihus he fpeaks
where he recounts the voya},'e of Hernandez. But a few pages after, fpeaking of the
voyage of Grijalva, he writes thus : Many -vil'ages iwre faltered along the Jl.'ore, among
K^h'u-h, they (the Spaniards) could difcern houfes of jli>ne, -ivhieh at a diflance appeared i\<hite
*nd mavnificent. In the heat of their imagination, they reprcfented to themfelves that thefe ivcre
Jo many cities adorned <ivith toivers and eupotai. Among all the hiliorians of IMexico, we
have not found one who has faid, that the Spaniards imagined there «ere cupolas in Yu-
catan. This idea belongs to Robertfon» not to them. They thought they faw high'
towers and large houfes, as, in facf, they were. The temples of Yucatan, like thofe of Ana-
huac, were built for the moft part in the form of towers, and were very lofty. Bernal Diaz,
an author of the utmoll veracity, aad an eye-witnt-fs of all that happened to the Spaniards in
tiitir firft voyages to Yucatan, when he fpeaks of the difcrabarkment they made in their
firft voyage to the coall of Campeachy, fiys thus : Theyy the hidians, conduHed us to fome
hcufs, "Mhich ivere large and tolerably well built of jlonc and lime. From which it appears.
they not only faw the buildings at a diOancc, but approached to them and entered them. The
ufc of liine h;iving bci-n fo common .nmong thofe nations, it is not wonderful that the prai'iice
of whitenng them alfo WMS common. Sec our fcventh book. At any rate we cannot com-
prehend, how a hoiLfc at a dilbnce fliould fcem white if it really was not lo.
When
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
When they arrived at that little illand, which they called Sf. Juan BOOKViii.
de Ulna fò), httle more than a mile diftant from the fliore of Ch.il-
chiuhcuecan ; the Mexican governors of thofe coafts, confounded at
the fight of velfels fo large, and men of fo Arange an afpedt and
figure, confulted together what they fhould do on the occafion, and
determined to repair in perfon to the court to give intelligence to the
king of fo extraordinary an occurrence. But in order to convey to him
a more perfed: idea of the particulars, they caufed the veli'els, artillery,
arms, drefs, and appearance of the new people to be reprefented in
fonie meafure by their painters ; after which, they fet off without
farther delay to the court, to relate what had arrived upon the coall,
prefenting to the king, along with the paintings, fome little balls of glafs,
which they had got from the Spaniards. Montezuma was extremely
difturbed on hearing their account ; but, to avoid any ralh ftep in an
affair of fuch confequence and alarm, he held a council with Caca-
matzin, king of Acolhuacan, his nephew, Cuitlahuatzin, lord of Iz-
tapalapan, his brother, and other twelve perfonages, his ordinary
counlèllors. After a long conference they concluded unanimoufly, that
he who had landed upon that Ihore, with fo great an army, could be no
other perfon than ^letzalcoatl, the god of air, who had for many years
been expedled in that country j for there prevailed among thofe nations,
as we have already mentioned, an ancient tradition, that fuch a deity,
after having, by his beneficence and innocence of life, acquired the
efteem and veneration of the people in Tollan, Cholula, and Onohu-
alco, had difappeared to them, promifing to return after a certain pe-
riod, to govern them in peace, and render them happy. The kings
of thofe countries confidered theinfelves the viceroys of that god,
and truftees of the crown, which they were to cede to him whenever
he made his appearance. This immemorial tradition, a variety of
(b) They gave to this illand the name of S. Junn ; becaufe they arrived there on the
day of S. Precurfor, and bccaufc this was the name of the commander. They called it Ulua
alfo, becaufe thoy found there two human victims recently facrificcd, and upon demanding-,
by means of ligns, the reafon of fuch barbarity, the Indians pointing towards the country of
the wcl>, anfwcred Jcolhua, jlioU-ua, meaning to be undcrrtood, that they did it by order of
the Mexicans ; as all the inhabitants of the Mexican vale were called Acolhuas by the people
at a dillancc from the capital. On this liitlc idand there is at prefent a good fortrefs to de-
fend the cjury into the port of f'lra Cruz.
B 2 marks
4 HISTORYOFxMEXICO.
BOOK vili, marks obferved by them in the Spaniards conforming with thofe which
their mythology afcribed to Quetzalcoatl, the furprifmg largenels of the
vefìels compared with their Uttle Ikiffs and canoes, the loud noife and
force of the artillery, refembling fo ftrongly that of the clouds, all
together awed and infpired them to believe it was the god of air who
had arrived upon their coafls, with all the apparatus of thunder, light-
ning, and divinity. Moved by this perfuafion, Montezuma ordered five
perfons of his court to repair immediately to Chalchiuhcuecan, to make
congratulations, in the name of him and the whole kingdom, to this
fuppofed power of the air, on his happy arrival in that land, and to of-
fer him in homage a large prefent ; but, before he difpatched them, he
previoully fent orders to the governors of the coafts, to place centinels
on the high mountains of Nauhtlan, Quauhtla, Mid:lan, and Tocht-
lan, that they might obferve the motions of the armament, and fend
fpeedy advice of every thing which happened to the court. The Mexi-
can ambaifadors were unable, in fpite of their utmoft expedition, to
overtake the Spaniards, who, when they had finiflied their commerce
on that coaft, continued their courfe along fhore, as far as the river of
Panama, from whence they returned to Cuba with ten thoufand fequins
in gold, part acquired in exchange for toys, part obtained in a prefent
made to the commander by a lord of Onohualco.
Sect II The governor of Cuba was much difpleafed that Grijalva did not
Charatìers of plant a colony in that new country, which was reprefented by all to
tonqiierors be the moft rich and happy in the world. Upon this he immedi-
«f ^ieilco. g^^jy £tte(] out another larger armament, for the command of which
feveral of the principal colonifts of that ifland contended; but the go-
vernor, by the advice of his confidants, committed it to Ferdinand
Cortes, a perfon of noble birth, and fufficiently rich to be able to
fupport, with his own private capital, and the afTiftance of his friends,
a confiderable (hare of the expences of the expedition. lie was born
in Medellin, a fmall city of Eftremadura, in the year 1485. By the
father he was Cortes and Monroi, and by his mother Pizarro arid Altami-
rano, uniting in himfelf the blood of thofe four lineages, which were
the moft renowned and ancient of that city. At the age of fourteen,
he was fent by his parents to Salamanca, 'va order tliat by learning the
Latin tongue, and the civil law, at that famous univerfity, he might
become
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 5
become the fiipport of his family which was reduced to poverty j but BOOKVUI.
it was not loa:- oc.ore his mihtary genius diverted him froai ftudy, and
led him to the New World, aittr the example of many illuftrious
youths of his nation. He accompanied Diego V^elafquez, in the
conqueft of the iHdnd of Cuba, where he gained much wealth and ac-
quired confiderable authority. He was a man of great talents, dilcern-
ment, and courage, dextrous in the ufe of arms, fruitful in expedients
and refources to carry his projeds into execution, and highly ingenious
in making himfelf be obeyed and refpedted even by his equals ; great
in his dchgns and aólions, cautious in operations, modefl: in fpeech,
fteady in his enterprifes, and patient in adverfity. His zeal in religion
was by no means inferior to his conilant and inviolable fidelity to his
fovereign j but the fplendor of thofe and other good qualities which
placed him in the rank of heroes, was fuUied and darkened by fonie
actions unworthy of his greatnefs of foul. His immoderate love of
the fex engaged him perpetually in criminal connexions, and had for-
merly been attended with many difficulties and much danger. His
too great ardour, or rather obftinacy, in enterprifes, and the fe:ir of
fruflrating his hopes of fortune, made him fometimes wanting in jus-
tice, gratitude, and humanity; but, perhaps, there never was a gene-
ral and conqueror, brought up in the fchool of the world, in v/hom
the virtues were not foiled by his vices. Cortes was of a good dature
and well proportioned, robuil and aflive. His chefl: was rather pro-
minent, his beard black, and his eyes fparkling and amorous. Such
is the portrait of the fiimous conqueror of Mexico, which the fiiit
hiftorians who knew him have left us.
As foon as he found himfelf honoured with the poft of general of
the expedition, he ufed the utmofl diligence in preparing for the voy-
age, and began to allume the flyle of a great lord, both in his carriage
and in his attendants ; fully fenlible of the influence fuch a conduct
has in dazzling the vulgar, and creating authority. He immediately
ereifted the royal ftandard before his houfe, and publifli.'d a proclama-
tion through the iQancl to enlift foldiers. Men, the mort: confpicuou^j
of ill that country, both in rank and office, were emulous to put
thcmlelves under his command, namely, Alonzo Hernandez dc
forto-
6 . H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOKViri, Portocarrero, coufin of the count de Medellin, Juan Velafquez de
Leon, a near relation to the governor, Diego Ordaz, Francifco de
Montejo, Francilco de Lugo, and others, whom we fliall name in the
courfe of our hiftory. Amongft all thefe, Pedro de Alvarado de Bada-
jos, Chrifloval de Olid de Baeza, in Andalulia, and Gonzales de San-
doval de Medellin, merit particular mention, as they were the firfl
commanders of the troops employed in that conqueft, and thofe who
made the mofl diftinguilhed figure : all three warriors, extremely cou-
rageous, enured to the fatigues of war, and fkilled in the military art,
though otherwife different in charadler. Alvarado was a young man
of handfome fliape, and extreme agility, fair, graceful, lively, popular,
addided to luxuries and pleafures, greedy of gold, of which he flood
in need to fupport his love of grandeur, and, as fome authors affirm,
unlcrupulous how he obtained it, inhumane and violent in his con-
dudt in fome expeditions. Olid was flout limbed, dark, and double.
Both of them were very ferviceable to Cortes in the conqueft ; but
they proved ungrateful to him afterwards, and met with a tragical end.
Alvarado died in New Gallicia, killed by a horfe which tumbled from
a precipice. Olid was beheaded by his enemies in the fquare or mar-
ket-place of Naco, in the province of Honduras. Sandoval, a youth
of a good family, was fcarcely twenty-two when he enlifled in the ex-
pedition of his countryman Cortes. He was well-fliaped, manly in
flature, and of a robufl complexion, his hair was of a chelhut colour
and curly, his voice flrong and thick ; a perfon of few words but ex-
cellent deeds. Cortes lent him on the molt difficult and dangerous
expeditions, in all of which he came off" with 1 uccefs and with honour.
In the v/ar againft the Mexicans, he headed a part of the Spanifh army,
iind at the fiege of the capital, he had more than thirty thoufand men
under his command, continually enjoying from his good conduct the
favour of the general, the refpeól of the Ibldiers, and even the love of
his enemies. He founded the colony of Medellin, on the coafl of
Chalchiuhcuecan, and that of Spirito Santo, on the river Coatzacualco.
He was commander of the garrifon of Vera Cruz, and ibme time go-
vernor of Mexico; and in all his employments his equity was confpi-
cuous. He was conftant and affiduous in labour, obedient and faith-
ful
8
History of m e x i c o. , 7
fui to his general, kind to the foldiers, humane {c) to his enemies, and BOOKViil.
entirely free from the prevailing contagion of avarice. In fhort, in all '"^ "*^ ^
the feries of conquerors, we do not find a mere accompliiiied or praife-
worthy charader, as there was no one among them who knew fo well
how to unite prudence and difcretion with the ardour of* youth, bra-
very and intrepidity with humanity, modefty with merit, and humility
with fuccefs. He died in the flower of his age at a place of Andalufia,
on his way to tlie court of Spain with Cortes.
As foon as all the preparations for the voyage were made, the gover- Sect. III.
nor of Cuba, from the fu^eeftions and infinuations of the rivals of Anmmcnt
' oo _ ^ ami voyage
Cortes, recalled liis commiffion, and ordered him to be imprifoned ; oi Cortes.
but thofe who were charged with his apprelienfion had not courage to
attempt it, from feeing fo many refpedlable and brave men united to
fupport the part of their new general ; lb that Cortes who had not
only fpent all his own capital in preparations, but alfo contradted large
debts, retained his poll in fpite of his enemies ; and having all things
in order and readincfs, weighed anchor from the port of Ajaruco upon
the loth of I'ebruary, 1519. The armament confifted of eleven vef-
fels, five hunJrcd and eight foldiers, divided into eleven companies,
one hundred and nine feamen, fixteen horfes, ten pieces of cannon, and
four falconets. They fteered under the dire>5tion of the pilot Alami-
(c) Dr. Robinfbn accufes Sandoval of that horrid txample of feverity made of the Par:u-
chefi, where the Spaniards burned li\ty lords and four hundred nobles, under the eyes of their
children and kiiidrod, and cites the teliimony of Cortcz and Goinara ; but Cortes neither af-
lirnis that Sandoval executed that punilhment, nor even names it. Bernal Diaz, whofe autho-
rity in this point is more to be depended on than Gomara, fays, that Sandoval after he had
conquered the Panucliefe, and taken twenty lords, and feme other perfons of note prifoncrs,
wrote to Cortes tij know his determination with rcl'peft to thrm ; and Cortes, in order to make
their condemnation more julliliable, fubinitted the procefs to Diego de Ocampo, juclj^e of that
province, who, after having lieard their confcfiion, fcntenced them to be buincd, which judg-
ment was executed. Bi-rnal Dial does not e.vprefs the number ot thofe who were condemned;
Cortes fays, that including lords ard other principal peifons» four hundred were burned. Such
a Icntenec w,is no doubt cruel .ukI fevere ; but Robcrtfon, who calls many reproaches on the
Spaniards, ou^ht to have evinced his Impartiality by dcclarint; the motives which they had to
adt fo violently againil the Panuchcfc. 'I he latter having fubjerìed themfelves to the crown of
Spain, renounced their obedience, and, rur.ning to arms, difturbcd that whole province ; thej^
killed four hundred Spaniards, forty of wliom they burned alive and eat the others. Such
atrocious doings arc not fufficicnt to excufc the Spaniards, but they certainly extenuate the fc-
verity of their condu.'>. Robertfon read etjually in Gomara of the rebellious deeds of the
Panuchrj'e, and the rigour of the Spaoiardst but ha conceals the former and cxaggerate3 the lat-
ter.
nos.
8 HISTORY OFMEXICO.
BOOK VIII. nos, to the ifland of Cozumcl, where they recovered Jerom de Aguilar,
" ' ' a Spaniih dean, who, in going from Darien to the ifland of Hifpaniola
a few years before, had been fliipwrecked on the coafl of Yucatan,
and was mads a (lave to the Indians. Hearing of the arrival of the
Spaniards at Cozumel, he obtained liberty from his mafler, and joined
the fleet. From long commerce with the Yucatanefe, he had learned
the Maja language which is fpoken there, on which account he ob~
taincd the office of interpreter to Cortes.
Si-cT. IV. From Cozumel they proceeded along the coafi: of the peninfula of
yiftory of Yucatan to the river Chiana, in the province of Tabafco, by which
the Span lavds . :
in Tabaico. they advanced into the country, in barges and the fmallell'veflels, un-
til they reached a grove of palm-trees, where they landed under pre-
tence of wanting water and provifions, direded their courfe to a large
village, which was not quite two miles dillance, combating all the
way with a croud of Indians, who annoyed their progrefs with arrows,
darts, and other offcnfive weapons, and forcing through the paliliidoes
which they had placed for their defence. The Spaniards having made
themielves mafters of the village, made frequent excurfions aniong the
neighbouring places, in which they had many dangerous fkirmiOies,
until at lalt there happened a decilive engagement on the 25th day
of March. The battle was fought on the plains of Ceutla, a village
but a little dillance from the other. The army of the enemy was
much fuperior in number; but in fpite of their multitude they were
entirely defeated, on account of the fuperior difcipline of the Spaniards,
the advantage of their arms, and the terror ftruck into the Indians by
the iize and fire of their horfes. Eight hundred of the enemy remain-
ed dead upon the field. Of the Spaniards, one was killed, and more
than fixty wounded. This viftory was the beginning of the fuccels
of the Spaniards, in memory of which they founded a finali city there,
which they named Madonna dcUn Vìtlorìa (J J, and \\ms afterwards for
a long time the capital of that province. They endeavoured to jufiify
their hofiilities by the repeated proteflatlons which ihcy made to the
{,!) Tic city of \i.'>ori:i wus dcpopiil:i;rd entirely :ib(ii t th ' n iddic of the laft century, en
account of the frequent invufions of the F.nglifli. Another fmalL city was -.Lficrw.irds founded
at a greater dirtance from the coi rr, which tlicy culled /7//rt/?'('/'/.7_/'( ; but the capital of this
j; pvince, where the govf rnor rclidcsj is Tliuoiialja/i.
natives
HISTORYOF MEXICO. 9
natives before they came to any engagement, that they were not come EOCKm;:.
into their co*intry to do them any injury as enemies, but Iblely as na- ^-^"^^"^^
vigators necelTitateJ to procure, by the exchange of their merchandizes,
the provifions which they required to continue their voyage; to which
protefts, the Indians anfwered with a rtiower of arrows and darts.
Cortfs took fclemn poirethon of that country in the name of his Ibve-
reign, with a flrange ceremony, though agreeable to the cavalier cuf-
toms and ideas of that century. He put on his fhield, un/lieathed his
fword, and gave three Rubs with it to a large tree which was in the
principal village, declaring, that if any perfon durll oppofe his polfef-
fion, he would defend it with tliat fword.
To conhrm more formally the dominion of his king, he al^embled
the lords of that province, and perfuad.-d them to render him obedience,
and to acknowledge him as their lawful fovereign ; and to imprefs them
with an elevated idea of the power of his king, he made before them
a difcharge of the artillery, and by artifices impofed upon them the be-
lief, that the neighing of the horfes was a mark of their indignation
at the enemies of the Spaniards. They all appeared to acquielce in the
propofals of the conqueror, and liftened with wonder and pleafure to
hear the firfl truths of the Chriflian religion, which Bartolomeo de
Olmedo, a learned divine, and chaplain to the expedition, declared to
them by the interpreter Aguilar. They prcfented afterwards to Cortes,
in token of their fubmiflion, fome little articles of geld, feveral gar-
ments of coarfe liiien, as they made ufe of no others in that province,
and twenty female Haves, which were divided among the officers of
his troops.
Amcng thefe was a young girl of noble birth, beauty, quick genius, «; e ct. v.
and ereat fpirit, a native of Painalla, a village of the Mexican pro- ^'^'■"«"nt "^
^ ^ ' 1 /- I TT r t 111 - 1 the tamous
Vince or Coatzacualco/'ty. Her lather had been a feudatory of the ln.i;an Don-
crown
nj \j
uniui.
fr) la a manufc-ript hirtory, which was in the library of the collen;? of Sr. Peter .nad St.
P.iiil of the Jtùiits of Mexico, it is faid, that 1). Marina was born in ll'.iilurhi, a village of
Co.it zac iialco. Gomara, who is copied by Hcrrcni and Torquemada, lay 5, flie was a naiiie ot
X.ilixco, and taken from thence by fome merchants of Xicallanco, and carried to their coii(v
(ry ; but this i; mod probably falfc ; as. Xallxco is more than nine hundred miles dillant fiom
Xicallanco, and it is not known tliat there was any commerce between thefe two provinces fo
remote from each other. Bernal Diaz, who lived a lon,:r time in Coatzaciialco, and knew tlie
inother and brother of Marina, confirms the truth of our atwinir, and avers to have heard it
Vol. H. C from
IO H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK vili, crov/n of Mexico, and lord of feveral places. Her mother having
been left a widow, married another noble, by whom fhe had a fon.
The love which they bore to this fruit of their marriage, induced thena
to pretend the death of their firft-born child, thit the inheritance
might fall wholly to the lafi. To make it appear credible, they deli-
vered her up privately to ibme merchants of Xicallanco, a city iituated
upon the borders of Tabafco, at a time when the daughter of one of
their flaves had died, for Vv'hofe death they made as much mourning
as if it had been the death of their own. Thefe merchants gave her
av/ay, or fold her to their neighbours of Tabafco, who, laflly, pre-
fented her to Cortes, unfufpicious that that fingular flave fhould con-
tribute by her fpeech to the conquell of aU that land. Befides the na-
tive language of her own country, Ihe underflood the Maja language
which was fpoke in Yucatan and in Tabafco, and in a little time fhe
learnt the Spanifli. Infl:ru(5ted readily in the tenets of the Chriflian
religion, flie was folemnly baptifed with other flaves by the name of
Marina ((/y. She was always faithful to the Spaniards, and her fer-
vices to them can never be over- rated ; as fhe was not only the inftru-
ment of their negociations with the Mexicans, the Tlafcalans, and the
other nations of Analauac, but frequently faved their lives, by warn-
ing them of dangers, and pointing out the means of efcaping them.
She accompanied Cortes in all his expeditions, ferving fometimes as aa
interpreter, fometimes as a counfellor, and fometimes to her misfortune
.'.s a miflrefs. The fon which fhe had by that conqueror, who was
called Don Martin Cortes, knight of the militar) order of St. Ja-
go, on account of fome ill-grounded fufpicions of rebell'on, was
put to the torture in Mexico, in the year 1568; his iniquitous and
barbarous judges paying no regard to the memory of the unequalled
fervices rendered by the parents of that illuflrious fufTerer to the Ca-
tholic king and all the Spanifli nation (gj. After the conquef\ fhe
was
from Marina herfelf. A tradition alfo, which is (lill prcferved in Coatv.acuaico, conforms to
what we have faid.
(/) Ihe Mexicans adapt the name Marina to their language, ani hy Mali/itziii, whente
-came the name Malimhi, by which (he is known among the Spaniards of Mexico.
(?) Thole nho gave the torture to Don Martin Cortes, and put the marquis of the Vale,
his 'brother, in prifon, were two formidable judges fent to Mexico by Philip II. The chief
of thofc judges called Mugnoz, made fuch barbarous decifions, that the king being moved by
S the
PI I S T O Pv Y O F M E X I e O. ii
was married to a refpeiftable Spaniard, named Juan de Xaramillo. Dur- bookvi i.
ing the long and hazardous voyage which rtie made in company witli
Cortes to the province of Honduras, in 1524, (he had occalion in
palling through her native country to fee her mother and her brother,
who prefented themfelves before her, bathed in tears and covered with
confufion, as they dreaded that from her being in power and profper-
ity, under the prote<ftion of the Spaniards, flie would revenge the wrongs
which had been done to her in her infancy ; but llie received and ca-
refied them with great afFeóUon, from the naturally generous difpofi-
tion of her temper, which equalled the other excellent talents llie pof-
felled. We have tliDught proper not to omit thofe incidents of a wo-
man who \vas the hrll Chriilian of the Mexican empire, who makes
fo dillinguifhed a figure in the hiftory of the conqueft, and whofe
name has been and is fbill fo celebrated, not lefs among the Mexicans
than the Spaniards.
Cortes having made himfelf fecure of the tranquillity of Tabafco,
and perceiving that it was not the country to yield gold, refolved to
profecute his voyage and feek for a region more rich than it ; but as
the kllival of the palms drew near, he was defirous of giving the na-,
tives of Tabafco fome idea of the folemnity of the Chrifhian religion.
That day mafs was celebrated with all the poflible forms of facred
duty ; the branches were blefled, and a folemn procefTion, with mar-
tial mufic, was made, at all which the Indians were prefent, and lif-
tened with iiftonin:iment and awe.
This function being performed, and leave taken of the lords of Ta-
bafco, the armament put to fea, and fleering to the weflward, after
coarti ng along the province of Coatzacualco, and crolli ng the moutii
of the river Papaloapan, it entered the port of St. Juan de Ulua, on
Holy Thurfday, the 2irt: of April. They liad hardly caft anchor,
when they faw from the fliore of Chalchiuhcuecan two large canoes
rowing towards their admiral, in which were many Mexicans fent by
the governor of that coaft, to know who they were who had arrived
in that ne;v armament, and what they wanted, and to offer them all
rhe complaints of the Mexican» againft him, recalled him to the court, and gare him fo fevere
and fo harfli a reprimand, that he grew melancholy and died.
C 2 the
,2 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VIII. the affiftance which they required for the profecution of their voyage:
a piece of attention which (hewed the vigilance and hofpitahty of that
nation. Having come on board of the commander's ihip, and pre-
fented themfelves to Cortes in forms of ci\iHty, they explained their
comniillion by means of Donna Marina and Aguilar, as from her not
underltanding the Spanifh, nor he the Mexican, it was necelTary at
thefe firft conferences with the Mexicans, to employ three languages
and two interpreters. Donna Marina explained to Aguilar in the
Maja tongue what the Mexicans faid to her in their language, and
Aguilar repeated it in Spanifh to Cortes. This general courteoufly re-
ceived the Mexicans, and knowing how acceptable the European toys
had been to them the year before, anfwercd, that he had come into
that country for no other purpofe than to traffick with them, and to^
treat with their king about fome affairs of the utmoft importance, and
in order to conciliate their favour, he made them tafte fome Spanifli'
wine, and prefented them with fome fmall trifles which he judged
would be worthy their acknowledgment {/j).
On the firft day of Eafler, after the Spaniards had landed, and dif-
embarked their cavaliy and artillery, and had, with the afììftance of the
Mexicans, made barracks of the branches of trees upon that fandy
fhore, where at prefent Ifands the city of new Vera Cruz, two Mexi-
can governors of tliat coaft, named Teuhtlile and Cuitlalpitoc (/), ar-
(^h) Torquemada fays, that Montezuma having been apprifeJ of the new armament which
hii centincls, who were placed on the m untains, hud obferved, immediately difpatchcd hn
ambaifadors to pay worfliip to the imagined god Qiietzalcoatl ; they proceding with the utmoll
expedition to the port of Chalchiiihcuecan, went inllantly on boaxd of the admiral, on the
very day of the arrival of the Spaniards ; that Cortes, attending to their error and willing to
profit by it, received them fitting upon a high throne that had haftily been formed, where he
iuffered himfelf to be adored, to be cl ithed in the faccrdotal habit of Quetzalcoatl, a neck-
lace of gems to be put about hij neA, and a helmet or vizor of gold, fet with gems, to be put
on his head, &c. but this is unquelHonably filfe. The fleet departed from the river of Ta-
bafc) on Holy Monday, and ai rived on Thurfday at the port of Ulua. The inoun'ains of,
T'lchtlan and Miiftlan, from whence the fleet could moft quickly be difcovcred, are not lefs
than three hundred miles diftant from the capital, nor are they lefs than two hundred from
the pore of Ulua : fo that hiul it even been poffible to have difcried the fleet the verv dav on
which it left Tabufco, it was impodible tor the ambair.id:)rs to ha^c arrived thereon ! huriday.
Befidcs, there is no memorv' of fucban event in any author, it lather appear» from the account
ct Bernal Diaz to be tot illy fal'c, and that the Mexicans uere now fenfible of their error into
which they had been led hy tiie (ini fleet which had appeared there.
(.7 Bernal Diaz writes TeiiJdi inftead of Teuhilile, and Fitulpiioqnl in place of Cuitlelpi-
toe, Keneia callo it P::alj>:tocy and Soils, and Robcrtfun, who thouL^ht to amend it, FJi/.i/ac.
rived
IT I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 13
rived there with a great retinue of attendants. Ceremonies of civility BOOKVJir.
and refpe<ft being exchanged on hotli fides, before any conference took
pLice, Cortes, not kls for the lake of profpering his future defigns,
than of giving that idolatrous nation fonie idea of the Chriftian reli-
gion, ordered that mafs ihould be celebrated in tl^eir prefence. On
this occafion, therefore, it was fung with all poflible folemnity for the
firfl time in the dominions of Mexico.
He invited them afterwards to dine with him and his officers, in
order to obtain their good will towards him by courtefies. As foon
as they rofe from table, he led them afide to communicate his preten-
fions to them. He told them that he was a fubjeél of Don Carlos of
Auftria, the greateft king of the Eaft, whofe bounty, grandeur, and
power, he extolled with mofb magnificent praifes ; and added, that this
great monurch knowing of that land, and of the lord who reigned
there, fent him to make him a vifit in his name, and to communicate
to him in perfon fome affairs of great importance ; and that therefore
he would be glad to know when it would ple:ife their lord to hear his
embafly. " You are fcarcely arrived in this land," anfwered Teuht-
lile, " and yet you delire immediately to fee our king. I have liftened
*' with plcaiure to what you have told me concerning the grandeur and
" bounty of your fovereign,. but know, that our king is not lefs boun-
'* tiful and great ; I rather wonder that there fliould exifl another in
" the world more powerful than he ; but as you alfert it, I will make
** it known to my fovereign, from whofe goodnefs I trufi:, that he will
" not only have pleafure ia receiving intelligence of that great prince,
*' but will likewife do honour to his ambalfador. Accept in the mean
" time this prefent which I offer you in his name." Upon which tak-
ing out from ^ petlacalli, or little bafket of v.oven reeds, feveral ad-
mirable pieces of workmanihip of gold, he prefented them to Cortes,
with various works of feathers, ten loads of garments of fine cotton,
and a confiderable quantity of provifions (kj..
{k) Solis and Robertfon ma'<c Tciihtlilc general of -he aim'ts, anil deprive Viim of the ci-
vil government of that cial>, whereas wc know the cont':iry from Bernal Diaz, Gomara, and
wher ancient hiftorims. Thofc authors fay bflidcs, that in the bcginr/ing Tciihtlilc oppofed
Cortes in his defign of going to the covirt, bat it api :e;ir3 from the teftimony of ancient and
better hiùorians, he did not oppofc him until he had a pofitive order fiom his king to that pur-
pofe..
Cor tea
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Cortes accepted the prefent with lingular demonftrations of gr.iti-
tiide, and returned for them thin^^s of fmall value, though equally
prifed by them, either becaufe they were entirely new in that country,
or from the brilliancy of their appearance. Teuhtlile had brought
many painters with him, in order that by dividing the objecils among
them of which the armament confifted, they might in a fliort time copy
them all ; and that\their king might have the pleafurc of beholding,
with his own eyes, all the wonders which they had to relate to him.
Cortes perceiving their intention, in order to furni/li their painters
with a fubject capable of making a grander impreffion on the mind of
their king, commanded his cavalry to mufter on the beach, and go
through fome military evolutions, and tlie artillery to be difcharged in
a volley. Both orders were obferved, and the exhibition attended to
with all the flupor and amazement imaginable by the two governors,
their numerous retinue, and croud of follov/ers, which as Gomara
alfirms, confifted of more than four thouland Indians. Teuhtlile took
notice of a gilded vifor, or mask, which, from its refemblance to that
belonging to one of the principal idols of Mexico, he demanded from
Cortes that they might ihew it to their king ; and Cortes granted it,
on condition of having it returned to him full of gold dml, under
a pretence that he defired to fee whether the gold, which was dug
from the mines of Mexico, was the fame as that of his native coun-
try(/).
As foon as the paintings were fini(hed, Teuhtlile took a friendly
leave of Cortes, propofing to return in a few days with the anfvver of
his fovereign, and deputing Cuitlalpitoc in his place, that he might pro-
vide the Spaniards with every thing neceflary, he departed for Cuit-
lachtlan, the place of his ufual relidence ; from whence he carried in
perfon the intelligence, the paintings, and prefent from the Spanilh
general, as Bernal Dias and Torquemada affirm, or he fent them all as
Solis conjeiftures by the pofts, or couriers, who were ftationed on the
highways, always ready to run v/ith difpatches.
(/) Some hifloriins fay, that Cortes in dcnvinding the vifor to he filled with tjold, pretend-
cà that he and his companions fuffered a certain dileafe of the heart, which they i'aid, could
not be cured by any other remedy than this precious metal, but that imports little as to the
fubflancc of the fad.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 15
It is eafy to imagine tiie u.-ieajinefs and perplexity into which Mon- BOOKViir.
tezuma was tlirown by the news of that armament, and the diflindl in- UneiifinciTóf
formation he had of the character of thole Itrangcis, the fire of their Montezuma,
horfes, aid rhe deli:rud:ive violence of their lams. As he w>:s emi- , ^"l*''^^^/
' and prcUnt
nently f jperftitious, he made his gods be confulted with refpedl to 'ent by iiim
their preteniions, and he received for anfwer as is reported, that he
ought never to admit that new people into his court. Whether this
oracle, as fome authors are perfuaded, came from the devil, who deli-
vered it, in order to keep every path lliut to the gofpel, or as we ap-
prehend from the prieil?, for the common benefit of themfelves and
the nation, Tvlontezuma refolved from that time to refute admifiion to
tlie Spaniards ; but that he might appear to ait with propriety, and to
follow the diótates of his own genius, he fent an embalTy to them witii
a prefent entirely worthy of his royal magnificence. The ambaflador
was a great perfonage of the court, not a little fimilar in flature and
ihape to the Spanilh general, as an eye-witnefs has reported {m). Seven
days were hardly elapfed after the departure of Teuhtlile, before he re-
turned, accompanying the ambaflador, conducing alfo more than an
hundred men of burden, who carried the prcfcnt («). As foon as the
ambaflador was come into tlie prcfence of Cortes, he touched the earth
with his hand, and then lifted it to his mouth, according to the cuf-
tom of thofe nations, offered {0) incenfe to the general and other ofii-
cers who were befide him, laluted them refpedlfully, and fitting down
{m) Bernal Diaz.
{n) Bernal Pi:iz calls ih's amhaffsinr .^jn/ifailor., but fuch a name neither is nor can be
Mexican. Robcrtlun fays, that the lami- officers who had liithcrto treated with Cortes, were
charged to bear ihe royal anfwer to him, and makes no mention of the ambaffador; but both
Bernal Diaz, an cyc-witnes, and other Spmifli and Indian hiftoriaiis affirm wh.it we have faiJ.
Solis, in conlidcration of the flioit interval of fcvcn days, and the diliance of fcvcnty leagues
between that port and the capital, could n it be perfuaded that an ambaflador came at that
time ; but having f;;!d a little bciore, that the Mexican pofts weie more diligent than the Eu-
ropean pods, it is not wonderful that in one day, or a little more, they fliculd have carried
intelligence of the fleet <> ihe court, and tlie ambalfador fliould have come in four or five days
after in a litter, borne on the fiH)uldcrs of the fame pofts, as was the cuHom amon<^ thofe peo-
pi'. As the tad is not improbabl.-, wc oiiglit rather to believe Bernal Diaz, who was an eye--
witnefs.
(<•) The offering of incenfe to the Spani ird-, although it was merely apiece of civil cour-
tcfy, and the name Tricu^in (lord, or gcnilcnicn), by M'liivh they are addrefled, being fome-
what fimilar to that ot Teteo '.jjodsj, ir.adc them believe that they were imagined to be gods b/
the JNIexicans..
upon
i6 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOKVIII. upon a feat which Cortes placed for him, pronounced his harangue,
which was a congratulation to that general in the name of his king,
upon his happy arrival in that coanrry, an intimation of the pleafure
he had received in knowing that men fo gallant and brave hi\d landed
in his kingdom, and in hearing the news which they had brought
from fo great a monarch, and to exprefs how acceptable his gift had
been : upon which, in token of his royal pleafure he had fent him that
prefent. Having faid this, he made fome fine mats and cotton cloths
be fpread upon the ground, upon which were placed in order and form
the whole fubftance of the prefent. It coniiiled of various works of
gold and fdver, llill more valuable on account of the wonderful work-
manfhip than of thofe precious metals, among which fome vvcre gems
admirably fet, and others figures of lions, tygers, apes, and other ani-
mals; of thirty loads or bales of the very finsfi: cotton, ot v.;rious co-
lours, and in part interwoven with the moil beautilul feathers ; of fe-
veral excellent works of feathers, embelliflied with many little figures
of gold, and a vifor full of gold in dull, as Cortes defired, valued at
fifteen hundred fequins ; but the moft valuable things of the whole
were two wheels, the one of gold, the other of filver ; that of gold,
reprcfenting, as we have faid already, the Mexican century, had thj2
image of the fun engraved in the middle, round which were difi^erent
figures in bafs relief. The circumference ot it was thirty palms of
Toledo, and the value of it ten thoufand fequins fpj. The one of
filver, in which the Mexican year was reprefented, was ftill larger,
with a moon in the middle, furrounded alio v/ith figures in bafs re-
lief. The Spaniards v\ere not lefs amazed than pleafcd v/ith the view
of fuch riches. " This prefent," added the ambaflador, addreffing
himfelf to Cortes, " my fovereign fends for you and yoar companions ;
" as for your king, he will in a fliort time fend fome jewels of inefii-
" mable value. In the mean while, you may remain upon this iliore
" as long as it may be agreeable, to repofe after the fatigues of fo long
" a voyage, and to provide yourfeives with necelTaries to return to
" your native country. If you defire any other thing of this country
(f) Tl ere is a great difTcicncc amen;; authors refpefling the value of tlic plate ; hut we
give II ore f:ii;h to fcrnal Diaz who knew it well, than tv one whc u;-.p to hiive his (hare in
{he pieltnt from Montezumu.
"for
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. ,7
** for your fovereign, it diali be given you immediately ; but cvith ref- BOOKVin.
" pedi to your demand of vifiting our court, I am charged to dilluade vou ' ^ '
" from fo dilHcult and hazardous a journey, as the way to it lies through
" uninhabited defarts, and the countries of enemies." Cortes received
the prefent with the mort: particular expreflions of gratitude for the
royal beneficence, and made the bert: returns to it in his power; but
without abandoning his requelì:, he begged of the ambaflador to repro-
fent to the king the dangers and dirtreiles which they had fufFcred in
their navigation, and the dlfpleafure which his fovereign would leel
when he found his hopes frullrated ; that befides, neither dangers nor
fatigues were fuflicient to divert the Spaniards from their undertakings.
The ambadador agreed to make this report to the king, and politely took
leave of Cortes along with Teuhtlile ; Cuitlalpitoc being left behind
with a vail number of people, in a hamlet which they had formed of
fmall huts, at a little diilance from the camp of the Spaniards.
Cortes, in the midft of all that profperity which he had hitherto
met with, perceived that he could not long remain at that ftation ; for
belides the inconvenience of heat and infed:s, whicli fwarm upon that
ihore, he was apprehenfive of fome damage to his fliips from the north
wind, to which that harbour is cxpofed ; on which account he dif-
patched two veflels, under the command of Montejo, to coall along
the fliore, towards Panuco, and find another more fecure port. Tiiey
returned in a few days with the intelligence of having found, thirty-fix
miles from Ulu.i, a fufficicnt harbour, near to a city placed in a Ibong
fitu.ition.
In the mean time, Teutlhlle returned to the camp of the Spaniards,
and after takinj^ Cortes afide with the interpreters, he told him, that nr'"V^'"^'
his lord Montezuma gratefully accepted the new prefent which he had '"'''* preiKnt
lent liim ; and that that which he hatl lent on his part now was de- licking,
ftined for the great king of Spain ; that he wifhed him all fort of hap-
pinefs, but that he defired no more melfages to be lent to him, nor to
hear any farther propofitions of a vifit to his court. The prefent for
the Catholic king confifted of various works of gold, which were elli-
mated to be worth fifteen hundred fequins, ten bales of moll curious
robes of feathers, and of four gems, fo highly valued by the Mexicans,
Vol. II. D that.
i8 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOKVIII. that, accordiiiG; to what TeuhtHle himfelf aflinned, each was worth a
load of gold. That undifcerning king flattered himtelf that he (hould
induce the Spaniards by his liberality to abandon that country, and did
not refleél that the love of gold is a paffion which grows by what it
feeds on. Cortes was mortified with the refufal of the king ; but he
did not give up his intention, tlie native conftancy of his temper being^
ftrengthened by the alluring profpeót of riches.
Teuhtlile, before he departed, obferved, that the Spaniards on hear-
ing the Ihoke of the bell for Ave Mary, kneeled down before a holy
crofs, and in wonder at it, aiked why they adored that piece of wood.
Upon this Olmedo took occafion to explain to him the firft articles of
the Chriftian religion, and reprefented to him the abomination of wor-
fliipping idols, and the inhumanity of their facrifices. But his dif-
courfe was not comprehended, and the attempt proved fruitlefs.
The following day the Spaniards found themfelves fo deferted by the
Mexicans, that there was not one to be feen on all the coaft ; this was
unqueflionably the effed: of the order given by their king to recall all
the people with the provifions deftined for thofe flrangers, if they per-
fifted in their daring refolution. A novelty of this kind caufed a fud-
den confternation among the Spaniards, as they dreaded every moment
the whole power of that vaft empire might pour down upon their mi-
ferable camp. Upon which, Cortes made their provifions be fecured
ill the fliips, and ordered his troaps to be armed for their defence.
It is certain that Montezuma, upon this as well as on many other oc-
cafions, might eafily have totally deftroyed thofe few ftrangers who
were to bring fo many misfortunes upon him ; but providence pre-
ferved them to become the infìiruments of his views in that new world.
We do not mean to juftify the delign and condud: of the conquerors,
but neither can we avoid tracing in the feries of the conqueft the def-
tiny which prepared the ruin of that empire.
Sect IX ^'^ ^^^ ^^"^^ ^^y' during this ftate of fufpence of the Spaniards, two
EmbaflTy of foldiers who kept guard without the camp, faw five men coming to-
Chempoaila, wards them, different in fome degree from the Mexicans in their drefs
and Its coil- ^^^ j^ their ornaments, who upon bein? conducted to the Spanifh ee-
lequences, ... r &
neral, faid in Mexican, as their own language was not underftood, that
they were of the nation of the Totanacas, and fent by the lord of Chem-
poalla»
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
poalla, a city twenty-four miles diftant from that place, to pay his re-
fpedts to them, to know who they were and whence they came, and to
requeft them to repair to that city, where they would be kindly re-
ceived ; adding, that they had not approached the camp fooner for fear
of the Mexicans. The lord of Chempoalla was one of thofe feuda-
tories, who lived impatient under the Mexican yoke. Having heard
of the vidtory obtained by the Spaniards in Tabafco, and their arriva^
at that port, he thought the occafion the mofl favourable to throw off
the Mexican yoke, with the affiftance of fuch brave people. Cortes,
who wiflied for nothing more earneftly than fuch an alliance, after in-
forming himfelf fufficiently of the fiate and condition of the Totona-
cas, and the wrongs they fuffered from the great power of the Mexi-
cans, anfwered, with thanks to the Chempoallefe chief for his cour-
tefy, and a promife to vifit him without delay.
He immediately publiflied his departure for Chempoalla ; but be-
fore that, it was necefTary to overcome fome obftacles to it, which his
own foldiers threw in the way. Some adherents to the governor of
Cuba, tired out with the hardlhips which they fuffered, intimidated by
the dangers which now prefented themfelves, and become defirous of
repofe, and longing for the conveniencies and comforts of their homes,
moft earneftly conjured the general to return to Cuba, exaggerating
the fcarcity of their provifions, and the raflinefs of fo great an un-
dertaking, as to oppofe, with fo fmall a number of foldiers, the vaft
power of the king of Mexico ; efpecially, after they had loft on thofe
fands thirty-five men, part of thofe by the wounds received in the bat-
tle of Tabafco, part from the unwholfomenefs of the air of that fhore.
Cortes, by means of prefents and promifes, and alfo by means of a lit-
tle feverity opportunely exerted, and other arts fuggefted to him by his
fertility of genius, fo well managed his corps, that he not only paci-
fied the difcontented, and induced them to remain willingly in that
country; but, proceeding farther in his negotiacions, brought it about
that the army, in the name of the king, and without any dependance
on the governor of Cuba, fliould confirm him in the fuprcme civil
and military command ; and that on account of the expences already,
and hereafter to be laid out by him upon the armament, a fifth part
of the gold which might be acquired fhould be affigned to him ;
U 2 after
20
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK VIII. after the fhare belonging to their king was deduced. He alfo created
map-iftrates, and appointed all other officers proper for a colony, which
he intended to plant on that coaft.
Having furmounted thcfe difficulties, and taken fuitable meafures
for the execution of his great defigns, he began his march with the
trooDS. His intention was not only to recruit the (Ircngth of his fa-
tif^ued people, who had fuffered from that unhealthy fiiore, and to feek
new alliances, but likewife to chufe a good fituation for the foundation
of the colony, as Chenipoalla was upon the way to Chiahuitztia {q), the
new harbour difcovered by Montejo. The little army marched with
a part of the artillery towards Chempoalla in cautious order, well pre-
pared to defend itfelf, if they ftiould chance to be attacked either by
the Totonacas, of whole fincerity they were not perfeólly fccure, or by
the Mexicans whom they fuppofed they had offended by their refolu-
tion ; a caution which no good general ever thought fuperfluous, and
which was never neglected by Cortes in times of the greateft profper-
ity, always of ufe to maintain military difcipline, and in general necef-
fary for fecurity. The fhips proceeded along fliore to the port of
Chiahuitztia.
When they arrived within three miles of Chempoalla, twenty re-
fpedable Chempoallefe inhabitants came out to meet the army, and
prefentcd to Cortes a refreffiment of ananas, and other fruits, in the
hame of their lord, and made his excule that he had not come in per-
fon to meet him, as he was prevented from doing fo. They entered
the city, in the order of battle, being fufpicicus of fome treachery
from the inhabitants. A light horfeman having advanced as far as the
greater fquare of the city, and feeing a baftion of the palace of that
lord, which, on account of its having been frefh whitened and well
polKhed, made a bright reflexion of the fun, he imagined it was filver,
and returned full fpeed to acquaint the general of it. This incident is
fufficient to fliew, how much the mind may be deceived and deluded
by the predominence of any particular paffion. The Spaniards pro-,
ceeded through the ftreets, not lefs delighted than amazed at feeing
{q) Solis and Robertfon give to Chiahuitztb the name of ^liabijlan, which neither is nor
san be Mexican...
fuch.
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 21
fiich a city, the largeft which they had feen in the New V/odd, fofull BOOKVIII.
of inhabitants and beautiful gardens. Some, on account of its large-
nefs, called it Seville, and others Fillaviciojh, on account of its plea-
fan tnefs (/•)
\Vhen they arrived at the greater temple, the lord of that flate came
to receive them at the entrance j though inaifliveon account of his im-
moderate fatnefs, he was a perfon of difccrnment and fome genius. Af-
ter having faluted according to the cuftom of that country, and offered
incenfe to the general, he took, leave, promifing to return as foon as
they had repofed after the fatigues of their journey. The whole Spa-
nifli troop were lodged in large handfome buildings, within the enclo-
fure of the temple, which were either built on purpofe for the accom-
modation of ftrangers, or deftined for the habitation of the minifters
of the idols. Here they were well entertained, and provided with
every thing they wanted at the expence of that lord, who returned to
them after dinner, in a portable chair or litter, accompanied by a num-
ber of nobility. In the fecret conference which he had with him,
Cortes, by means of his interpreters, boafled the grandeur and power
of his fovcreign, by whom he was fent into that country, and charged
with leverai commifilons of the utmofl importance, and amongfl:
others, an injundlion to fuccour and relieve opprefTed innocence. " If
" therefore," he added, " I can ferve you in any thing with my per-
" fon and my troops, name it to me, I will do it chearfully." On
hearing thefe propofals, the Chempoallcfc chief fetched a deep- figh,
which was followed by a bitter complaint of the misfortunes of his
nation. He told him, that the fiate of the Totonacas had, from time
immemorial, been free, and governed by lords of their own nation ;
but within a few years fi nee, had been oppreffed with the rigorous
yoke of the Mexicans, who, on the contrary, from a humble com-
mencement, had raifcd themfelves to fuch a pitch of grandeur, by a
(»•) VVc cannot iloubt of the ancient grcatnefs of Chcmpoalla, confidering the tcftimony of
authors who faw it, and the extent of its ruins, it is iinpi ifible to conclude any thing about
it, from the account given by i orquemadn, as in one place he makes the inhabitants a-
mount to twenty or thirty thoufand, in another place to lifty thoufanJ one hundred and eleven,
and in the Index to \ i,\. I. to an hundred and (ifiv ihonfand. To L'iieMipo;illa the fame thing^
occurred which happened to all the other citi-;s ot i.^ Nca orld, that is, that with difcaf'-s,
and rhc vexations of tàje fixtetiiih century, it graiiuail; dwindled uutil at lail it was eutiieiy
depopulated.
flrni
22
tìiSTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK vili,
Sect. X.
Imprifon-
ment of five
royal minif-
ters in Chia-
huitztla.
firm and ftcady alliance with the kings of Acolhuacan and Tlacopan ;
that they had rendered themfelves mafters of all that land ; that their
power was exceflive, and their tyranny in proportion ; that the king
of Mexico engroffed to himfelf the gold of his fubjeds, and that the
receivers of the tributes, befides other cruelties and oppreflion, de-
manded of the tributaries their Tons for facrifices, and their daughters
for violation. Cortes appeared moved with compafTion for his misfor-
fortunes, and offered to give him his affiitance in every thing ; defer-
ring until another occafion to treat of the manner of doing it ; as he
was then preflèd to go to Chiahuitztla to examine into the ftate of his
veflels. At this vilit the Chempoallefe chief made him a prefent of
fojne works of gold, which it is faid were worth a thoufand fequins.
The next day four hundred men of burden prefented themfelves to
Cortes, being fent to him by that lord to tranfport his baggage ; and
it was then he learned from donna Marina the cullom which prevailed
among thofe nations, to furnifli of their own accord, without any mo-
tive of interefl, fuch people of burden to every refpeóbable perfon who
pafled through their city.
From Chempoalla, the Spaniards advanced to Chiahuitztla, a fmall
city, fituated upon a fleep and rocky mountain, a little more than
twelve miles from Chempoalla towards the north, and three from the
new port. Here Cortes had another conference with the lord of that
city, and the lord of Chempoalla, who, for this purpofe, made him -
felf be tranfported hither. At the fame time that they were deliber-
ating upon the means of releafing themfelves from the Mexican yoke,
there arrived at that city, with a great retinue, five noble Mexicans,
the receivers of the royal tributes, who exprefled the utmoft indigna-
tion againfi: the Totonacas, for having dared to receive thefe ftrangers
without the royal confent, and demanded twenty human vidlims to fa-
crifice to their gods in expiation of their crime. The whole city was
difturbed, and particularly the two lords, who confidered themfelves
the mod guilty. Cortes having learned from donna Marina the caufe
of their difquiet, found an extraordinary expedient to relieve them from
their embarraflment. He fuggefted to the two lords the bold defign
of apprehending the royal receivers and putting them in prifon ; and
though at firfl they refufed to do fo, from its appearing too rafh and
dangerous
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
23
dangerous an attempt, they at lafl: yielded to his entreaties. Theyac- BOOKVin.
cordingly imprifoned thofe five nobles, who hid entered their city with ^— ~^' ^
Co much pride and with lb much dildain for the Spaniards, that they
had not even deigned to looic at them as they paffed by them.
The Totonacas had hardly taken this ftcp, when, encouraged by it,
they almoft would have proceeded to Tacrifice them that very night,
had they not been difl'uaded from it by Cortes, who having conciliated
by that mcafare the love and refpedt of the Totonacas, intended to
gain the good- will of the Mexicans by liberating the prifoners. His
artful double condudl lays open his difpofition j but it cannot be com-
mended, except by thofe courtiers who know no other fyftem than the
art of deceit, and who, regardlefs of honour, purfue interefl alone in
their adions. Cortes gave orders therefore to his guards, to take at
night two of the Mexicans out of the prifon, and bring them fecretly
before him, (o as they might not be obferved by any of the inhabi-
tants of the city. The order was obeyed, and the Mexicans found
themfelves fo much obliged to the Spanifli general, that they made
him a thoufand acknowledgments, and advifed him not to truft to the
barbarous and perfidious Totonacas. Cortes charged them to explain
to their fovereign his great difpleafure at the attempt of thofe moun-
taineers againft his minifters ; but as he had put them two at liberty,
he would alfo fet the others free. They departed immediately for the
court, efcorted by fome Spaniards, in a vefi'el from thence to the bor-
ders of the province ; and Cortes, the day after, pretended extreme
anger at the guards through whofe negledl the prifoners had efcaped;
and that the fame accident might not happen again, he propofed to
fecure the others in a more clofe prifon ; and to make this be believed,
he made them be conduced in chains aboard his vefi"els, from which
he foon after fet them at liberty like the firft.
The report foon fprcad through all the mountains of the Totonacas, Sect. XI.
that they were relieved from the tribute which they paid to the King 0^"^^^^'^^
of Mexico, and that if there were any other receivers of the tributes. "=*"s with
there they lliould let it be known immediately, that they might be ards. '^^^'
feized. At the found of this intelligence, the fwcet liope of liberty
revived in the whole nation, and feveral other lords came fpeedily to
that city to thank their fuppofcd deliverer, and dehberate upon meafures
8 to
24 n I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O,
r.00K\'Ill. to fecure their liberty. Soirse perfons, vv'ho had not yet baniihied from
> ^ . their minds the fear of the Mexicans, propofed that they fliould alk
pardon of tlie king for the outrage committed upon his minifters; but
from the fiiggeftions of Cortes, and the lords of Chcmpoalla and
Chiahuitztla, the oppoiite fcntimcnt prevailed : it was refolved there-
fore to free themfclves from the tyrannical dominions of the Mexicans,
with the afllllance of thofe brave llrangers, by putting a formidable
army under the command of the Spanidi General.
Cortes, having fufficiently aflhred himfelf of the fincerity of the
Totonacas, and informed himfelf of their force, feized this favourable
moment to brins: that numerous nation under obedience to the Catho-
lie king. This ait was celebrated in the prefence of the notary of the
army, and with every other legal folemnity.
Sect. XII. This affluir being happily concluded, Cortes took leave of thofe lords.
Foundation • r, • • r i i • i • i
otVeiaCruz. to put another project HI execution, ot the greateit miportance, which
he had formed fome time before ; that was, to plant a flrong colony
on this coaft, which (liould be a retreat for them in times of dilafter, a
fortrefs to hold the Totonacas to the fidelity which they had fworn to
the Spaniards, a place of defcentfor the new troops which might arrive
there either to their affiftance from Spain, or the Antilles, and a maga-
zine for the ftores which might be lent to them by their countrymen,
or which they might defire to fend to Europe. This colony was
■ founded therefore in the country of the Totonacas, in a plain which
lies at the foot of the mountain of Chiahuitztla, twelve miles from Chem-
poalla towards the north, and adjoining to the new harbour (j). They
called it Villarica (or rich city) of Yttà Cruz, on account of the great
appearance of riches they had (ctn there, and becaufe they had dif-
embarked them on Holy Friday ; and this was the firlf colony of the
(i) Almoft all Hiftorians have committed a miftake concerning the founding of Vera Cruz ;
as they fay the firft colony of the Spaniards was Ant'igna, or the ancient iettlcmcnt on the river
of that name ; and believe that there were only two places of that name, that is, ancieut
Vera Cruz and the new Vera Cruz, fettled on the fame fahds where Cortes difcmbarked : but
without doubt there have been three places of the name of \'era Cruz. The firil fettled in
1 5 19, clofe to the port of Chiahuitztla, which retained afterwards only the name of/7/-
larka; the fecond, the ancient Vera Cruz, fettled in I'^i'i, or 4; and the third, the New
Vera Cruz, which ftill preferves the name of Vera Cruz, and was fettled, by order of the Count
of Monterus, Viceroy of Mexico, towards the end of the i6th, or the beginning of the 17th
century, and had from Philip III. the title of city given it in 1615.
Spaniards
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
2S
Spaniards on the continent of North America. Cortes was the firfl BOOKViir,
*■ »
who put a hand to the fettlement to encourage his people by his own
example ; and, in a fliort time, with the afliftance of the Totonacas,
they built a fufficient number of houfes, and a fmall fortrefs capable of
refifting the arms of the Mexicans.
In the mean time the two receivers, whom Cortes fet firfl: at liberty, sp^t. xili.
had arrived at Mexico, and h.id informed the kina: of all that had hap- Ne^embaffy
,.^•1-1 • r i>- ^" prefent
pened, befliovving high praifes on the SpaniOi general. Montezuma, from Monte.
who was preparing to fend an army to chaltife the infolence and teme- ^"""^*
rity of thofe ftrangers, and drive them out of his dominions, be-
came pacified with the intelligence, and feeling his obligations to the
Spanilh general for the fervice done to the royal miniflers, fent two
princes, his nephews, accompanied with a numerous retinue of nobi-
lity and others, with a prefent of works of gold worth upwards of à
thouiìxnd fequins. They returned thanks in the name of the king to
Cortes, and at the Hime time complained of him for having entered fo
fiir into friendfliip with the rebellious Totonacas, that that nation had
had the infolence to refufc to pay the tribute which they owed to their
fovereign. They added, that folelyon account of fuch guefls, an army
had not been fent to punifli the rebellion of thofe people, but that in the
end they would not remain unchallifed. Cortes, after having fignified
his gratitude in the mofl: becoming exprefTions, endeavoured to vindicate
himfelf from the accufation of fricndHiip with the Totonacas, by the
necellity he was under of fèeking provifions for his troops, after he
was abandoned by the Mexicans. He faid alfo, that with refpedl to
the tribute, it was impofTible that a nation could ferve two mafl:crs ;
that he hoped foon to be at court to fatisfy the king more completely,
and make him fenfible of the fincerity of his condudt.
The two princes, after having beheld \Vith great wonder a'id delight
the military exerciles of the Spanifli cavalry, returned to the court.
The lord of Chempoalla, who was extremely difpleafed with that em-
bafly, in order to ftrengthen the alliance with the Spaniards, prcfented
eight virgins richly drefled to Cortes, that they might marry with his
ofliccrs ; and amongti: them was one of his nieces, which he deligned
for the general himfelf. Cortes, who had frequently difcourll-d with
him on the fubjedl of religion, told him, he could not accept them.
Vol. II. E unlcfs
26
HISTORY O F M E X I C O.
BOOKVIII.
Breaking of
the idols of
Chempoalla.
unlefs they fliould firft renounce idolatry, and embrace Chriilianify ,
and upon this occafion explained to him anew the principles of the
Chriftian religion, and reafoned with all his ftrength on the abfurd
worihip of their falfe deities, and efpecially againft the horrid cruelty
of their facrifices. To this warm expoftulation the Chempoallefe chief
replied, that although they moll; highly valued his friendfliip, they could
not however comply with his rcqueft, to abjure the worlhip of their
gods, from whofe hand they received health, plenty, and all the blelT-
ings they had, and from whole anger, when provoked by ingratitude,
they mull: dread the fevereft puniihment.
The military fire of Cortes was ftill more inflamed by this anfwer.;
upon which, turning to his foldiers, he faid to them, " Come on, foldiers;
" what do we wait for ? How can we fuffer men, who pretend to be
" our friends, to pay that worlhip to ftatues and bale images, which
♦* is due to the only true God ? Courage, foldiers ; now is the
" time to fliew that we are Spaniards, and that we have, inherited
" from our anceftors, an ardent zeal for our holy religion. Let us
" break the idols, and take from the fight of thole infidels fuch vile
*' incentives to their fuperftition. If we obtain that end, we will do
" our God the greateft poffible fcrvice in our power. If we die in the
" attempt, eternal glory will recompenfe the facrifice of our lives."
The Chempoallefe chief, who from the countenance of Cortes, and the
movements of his foldiers, clearly perceived their intention, made a
fign to his people to prepare themfelves for the defence of their gods.
The Spaniards already began to afcend the flairs of the temple, when
the Chempoallefe chief, confufed and enraged, cried out to them to guard
againft that attempt, unlefs they defired that the vengeance of their
gods fhould immediately pour down upon them. Cortes, incapable
of being intimidated by thefr threats, anfwered, that he had already
frequently admoniflied them to abandon their abominable fuperftition y
that fince they had not chofen to take his counfel, which was fo advan-
tageous for them, he would no longer hold their friendfhip ; that if
theTotonacas themfelves were not refolvcd to take away thofe detell-
able images, he and his people would brea!: tlicm, and that they
muft guard cautioully againft fhevving any hoftility towards the Spa-
niards, otherwife they would immediately charge upon them with
fuch
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 27
fuch fury, that they would not leave a native ahVe among them. To book vili,
thefe threats Marina added another mere efficacious, which was, that " — "^ '
if they oppofcd the intention of ihofe (Grangers, inftead of being alHed
with the Totonacas againfl tlie Mexicans, they would join the Mexi-
cans in alliance againfl the Totonacas, and then their ruin would be
inevitable. This motive diverted the chief from the firft diftates of his
zeal, and the fear of the Mexican amis prevailing over the fear of his
gods, he told Cortes he niight do as he pleafed, for they had not cou-
rage themfelves to put a facrilegious hand to their images. The Spa-
niards no fooner obtained this permilTiou, than fifty of the foldiers
mounting rapidly into the temple, took up the idols from the altars,
and threw them down the ftairs. The Totonacas in the mean while
filed a fhower of tears, and covered their eyes that they might not fee
the facrilege ; praying their gods at the fame time, in a mournful voice,
not to punifh the nation for the temerity of thofe ftrangers, as they
were unable to prevent it, without falling a facrifice to the fury of the
Mexicans. Neverthelefs fome of them, either lefs timid and cowardly,
or more jealous of the honour of their deities, difpofed themfelves to
take revenge of the Spaniards, and would certainly have engaged with
them, if the Spaniards, by feizing the lord of Chempoalla and four
principal pricfts, had not compelled them to rellrain the fury of
their people.
After this daring a(5l, where prudence was blinded by enthufiafm,
Cortes commanded the priefts to bring the fragments of the idols be-
fore him, and throw them into a fire. He was immediately obeyed ;
upon v/iiith, being full of joy and triumph, as if, by breaking the
idols, he had entirely banifhed idolatry and fuperftition from thofe
people, he told their chief he was now willing to accept the eight vir-
gins which had been offered him ; that from that time he would con-
fider the Totonacas as his friends and brothers, and in all their exi^n-
cjes would aflift them againft their enemies ; that as they could never
more adore thofe deteftable images of the demon their ene ny, he
would place in the fame temple an image of the true mother of God,
that they might worfliip and implore her protedion in all their necef-
fities. He then expatiated, in a long difcourfe, upon the fandity of
the Chrillian religion ; after which he ordered the Chempoallefe mafons
E 2 to
28
H I S T O p. Y OF iM E X I C O.
iiOOKViii. to cleanfe the walls of the temples of thole difgaftful flains of human
blood, which they preferred there as trophies of their religion, and to
polifh and whiten them. He caufed an altar to be made after the
mode of Christians, and placed the image of the moft holy Mary there.
He committed the care of this fanftuary to four Chempoallcfe priefls,
provided they (hould go always drefled in white, iuftead of that black
melancholy habit which they wore in virtue of their former office. In
order that they might never want lights before that facred image, he
taught them the ufe of wax, which the bees wrought in their moun-
tains ; and that they might not in his abfence replace the idols, or
otherwife profane that fanftuary, he left one of his foldiers, named
Juan Torres, behind, who, on account of his age, was of little fer-
vice in war. The eight virgins, as foon as they were fufflciently in-
flrudled, received holy baptiim.
From Chempoalla Cortes returned to the new colony of Vera-Cruz»
where he had the good fortune to recruit his little army with two
other officers and ten foldiers, who had landed there from Cuba j
and a little time after he was joined by fix other men, who had been
taken by a vefTel belonging to Jamaica,
Cortes, before he undertook the journey to Mexico, thought pro-
per to tranfmit to his fovereign an account of all that had happened to
him ; and that the news might be more welcome, he fent at the fame
time all the gold which had been acquired by the armament, inducing
all the foldiers and officers to yield up their fhares for that purpofe.
In this letter Cortes aimed at prepoffeffing the king againft the repre-
fentations which might be made by the governor of Cuba, Two
other letters were alfo written to tlie king, one fubfcri!)ed by the
magiftrates of the new colony, the other by the principal officers of
the expedition, in which they requeued his acceptance and approbation
of what they had done for him, and to confirm the offices ot General
and chief judge, already conferred by their fuffiages, on Cortes, whom
they recommended with the mofl warm praifes. Thole two letters,^
with the prefent of gold, were fent to Spain by the two captains
Alonfo Hernandez de Portocarrero and Francifco de Montejo, who fet
fail on the lóthof July, 1539.
Sect, XV,
Letters of
Cortes and
the armament
to the catho-
lick king-
The
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
29
The two commiffioners above mentioned were hardly departed when BOOK viir.
Cortes, who was continually revolving fonie creat delÌ2;n in his mind, o*~'''"^vT7t
' , _ ' _ ^ o & ^ » Sect, XVI.
put a plan in execution, which alone would have been fufficient to Celebrated
have proved his magnanimity of foal, and immortalifcd his name. In Coìt"s"
order to deprive his foldiers of every means, and coniequently of every
hope of return to Cub^, and to reinforce his little army with all tht;
failors, after punifhing two foldiers with death, who had treacheroufly
confpired to fly off in one of the vellels, and inflicted a lefs rigorous
chaftifement on three of their accomplices, he prevailed by argument
and entreaty on fome of his confidents, and one of the pilots, in whom
he placed the utmofb trult, to pierce one or two of the veU'els fecretly,
to perfu.ide every one that they had foundered from being worm-eaten,
and to make a report to him that the others were no longer fit for fer-
vice on the fame account, having lain three months clofe in port.
Cortes availed himfelf of this deceit that his people might not confpire
againft him, finding hin.felf reduced to the hard necefiity to conquer or
die. Every thing was done according to his command, and with the
confent of all his people, after having brougiit the iails, cordage, and
every thing elfe which could be of uie, on iliore. '* Thus," fays Ro-
bertfon, " by an effort of magnanimity, to which there is nothing
" equal in hlflory, five hundred men agreed of their own free-will to
" fhut themfelves up in an enemy's country, full of powerful and un-
" known nations, deprived of every means of efcape, having no
*' other refource left than their perfeverance and valour." We do not
doubt, that unlefs Cortes had executed this defign, the bold un-
dertaking which he was then meditating would have been impoffi-
ble J for the foldiers would have been led to ihun the obftacles of
danger which every way encountered them, by flight, and tlie ge-
neral himfelf mufl have been compelled to follow them.
His mind being relieved from this anxiety, having ratified the alliance g,,,j.^ XVII.
with the Totcnacas, and given proper orders for the fecurity and ad- ^l;u-ch of the
,, ..... <\f- bpaniaids to
vancement or the new colony, he prepared ior his journey to Mexico, tin- country
He left fifty men in Vera-Cruz under the command of Juan d'Efca-
lantc, one of tlie beft officers of the annament, charged the Chem-
poallefe to aflifl: the Spaniards to complete the building of tlie fortrefs,
and to fupply them with all the provifions they required. He fet out
himfelf on the i6th of Auguft with four hundred and fifteen Spani(h
in fan-
oft he 'f laJf»
so H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
r.ooKV II. infantry, fixteen horfes, two hundred T7(2;;;j;;;(7, or men of burden, to
tranfport his baggage and artilkiy, and fome troops of Totonacas,
amongft which were forty nobles, whom Cortes carried with him as
auxiliaries in war, and lioflages of that nation.
He travelled through Xalapan and Texotla, and after having crofied
with infinite fatigue ÙHVie dclart mounta-ns, of a fevere temperature of
air, he arrived at Xocotla (/'), a large city, conufting of beautiful
buildings, among which arofe thirteen temples, and the pAlace of its
lord, which was built of ftone and lime, and compofed ox a number
of excellent halls and chambers, being the moft complete fabrick they
had as yet fecn in the New World. The king of Mexico owned iu
this place, and the hamlets contiguous to it, twenty thoufand vafials,
and had five thoufand Mexicans garrifoned in it. Olintetiy which wùs
the name of the lord of Xocotla, came out to meet the Spaniards,
and lodged them commodioufly in that city ; but with refped: to pro-
vifions, there appeared at firll fome fcarcity, until from the informa-
tion of the Tctonacas they received a high opinion of their bravery
and the power of their arms, and tlieir horfes. In the conference
which he had with the Spanilh general, each boafted to the other of
the grandeur and power of their refpeftive Sovereigns. Cortes incon-
iiderately demanded of him to acknowledge obedience to the Catholic
king, and to pay homage to his Sovereignty in fonìe quantity of gold.
•' I have enough of gold," anfwered Oiintetl, " but cannot give it
*' without the exprefs order of my king." " I will foon," laid Cortes,
make him order you to give it, and all that you have. If he lliall
command me, returned Olhitetl, I will not only render up my gold,
and all my eftate, but even my perfon. But that vs'hich Cortes could
not obtain by threats from this chief, he got through pure liberality
from two other refpedtable perfons of that valley, who having come on
purpofe to vifit him, prefented Idrii fome necklaces of gold, and {t\tn
or eight flaves. Cortes found himfelf in ibme perplexity here with re-
gard to the route he lliould purfue to Mexico. The lord of Xocotla
and the commander of the Mexican garrifon advifcd him to proceed
through Cholula ; but he judged the advice more fmcere which the
(/) Bernal Diaz and Soils call this citv Zocotinn, which couKI eafilv occafion an error, as it
would be eafy to confound it with Zacntian, fituateJ at the diftancc of thirty miles from Tlaf-
cala, towards the north.
Toto-
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 31
Totonacas gave him, to pals through Tlafcala. And in fadl it will booKVIII.
appear, that if he had gone llraight to Cholula, he and his whole force * — "^ '
muft have been deftroyed. In order to obtain permifTion from the
Tlafcalans to pafs through their country, he fcnt four of the Chem-
poalefe, whom he carried with him, as mcfTingers to their fenate; but
they, as appears hereafter, did not dehver their emball.iy in the name
of the Spaniards, but of the Totonacas, either becaule they had been
fo ordered by the Spanilh general, or becaufe they themlelvcs con-
fidered it moil proper to do fo.
From Xocotla the Spanilh army proceeded to Iztac/naxt it/an, the po-
pulation of which extended for ten or twelve miles in two uninter-
rupted lines of houfes upon the two oppofite banks of a fniall river,
which runs through the bottom of that long and narrow valley ; but
the proper city of Lztacmaxtiilati, compofed of good buildings, and in-
habited by fix thoufand people, occupied the top of a lofty fteep moun-
tain, the Lord of v.hich w?s one of thofe two perfons who vilited and
made prefents to Cortes in Xocotla. To the naturally difficult accefs
of the place were added flout walls, with barbacans and ditches (,7) ;
for, on account of its being 0:1 the frontiers of the Tlafcalans, it was
more expofed to their invahoas. There the Spaniards were well re-
ceived and entertained.
In the mean while the requeft of their embafTy was difcufling in the S>.ct.xviil.
fenate of Tlafcala. All that great city was in alarm at the intelligence ot the lenate
of fuch ftranirers, and particularly at the account of which the Chem- »* «he ikf-
11 /- r Ì • r I - c.ilaus upon
poallefe gave of their afpect, their bravery, the fize of their vefl'els, the the affairs of
agility and ftrength of their horfes, and the dieadful thunder and de- ^aL *'^"'"
flru'ilive violence of their artillery. Xicotencatl Maxicatzin, General
of the army of tlie republic, Tlekul, Xolotzin, and Citlalpocatzin,
were the four lords or chiefs wlio at that time governed the republic.
The ChempoalLefemeirengers {x) weregracioully received, and lodged in
the houle appropriated for amb lifidors ; and after they had repofed and
dined were introduced into the fenate to explain their embally. There,
(11) Cones, iir his fecoiid letter, compares the fortrefs of h.incmaxtitin» to the bcft in Sp:iin.
(a) Bernal D-iz fays, that the mefTciigcrs were on'.y tivo in number, and that as foou a%
tlcy arrived at Tl.ifcala they were put in prifon ; but Cortes liinifelf, who f.nt them, affirms,^
that they were four in number ; and from the context of his letter, it appcrirs tliat Bernal
Diaz was ill iiiturmed ot what paflcd in 'ilafcala. The account given by this writer bcin<'-
contrary to th;it of other ancient hiftorians, both Spaniflj and Indian, has k'd many ;;uthori»
and Robertfon among die reft, into errors.
after
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
after having bowed mod profoundly, and faluted with all the other ne-
ceffary ceremonies, they delivered themfelves to this purpofe : " Moll
*' great and valiant chiefs, may the gods profper you, and grant you vic-
*• tory over your enemies. The lord of Chempoalla, and all the nation
" of Totonacas, offer their rcfpeds to acquaint you, that from the quar-
" ter of the Eafl: there are arrived in our country in large (hips certain
'* bold adventurous heroes, by the affiilance of whom we are now freed
" from the tyrannical dominion of the king of Mexico. They acknow-
*• ledge themfelves the fubjedls of a powerful monarch, in wliofe name
" they come to vifit you, to communicate intelligence to you of a true
" God, and toafilft you againfl your ancient and inveterate enemy. Our
" nation, following the didates of that ftri£l friendlliip which has always
" fubfilled between it and this republic, counfel you to receive thofe
*' ftrangers as friends, who, though few in number, are equal in wortli to
" many." Maxicatzin anl'wered, in the name of the fenate, that they
thanked the Totonacas for tlieir intelligence and counfel, and thofe
brave Grangers for the afliftance which they offered them, but that
they required fome time to deliberate upon a point of fuch importance j
that in the mean time they would be pleafed to return to their abode,
where they would he treated with the diftindtion due to their charadler
and birth. The amballadors having returned, the fènate entered into
confideration of the embafly.
Maxicatzin, who was highly efteemed among them, both for his
prudence and benevolence of difpolition, fiiid. That they ought not
to refufe the advice given them by friends lb faithful to them, and fo
hoftile to the greateft enemy of the republic ; that thofe ftrangers,
according to the marks which the Champoallefe gave of them, ap-
peared to be thofe heroes, who, agreeable to their tradition, were to
arrive in that country ; that the earthquakes which had been felt a
little before, the comet which was then feen in the heavens, and
feveral other events of thofe Lift years, were indications that the time
of the fulfilment of that tradition was at hand ; that if they were
immortal, it would be in vain for the republic to oppofe their
entry. " Our refulal," he added, " may be produótive of the moft
" fatal misfortunes, and it would be a fLibjed of malicious pleafure to
*• the king of Mexico, to lee thofe whom the republic would nor
" gracioufly receive into their dominions, introduce themfelves by force :
8 " that
HISTORY OF M E X I C O. 33
" th?.t he was therefore of opinion thev Hiould be friendly received." — EOOKVITT.
Although this opinion was liftcned to with great applaiife, it was im-
mediately oppjied by Xkotsncatl, an old chiff of great authority on
account of his long experience in civil and military affairs. " Our
'' l-.iw," he faid, " enjoins us to receiveftrangers, but not eneinits,
" who may c;.ulè dilaOers to the ftite. Thofe men who demand en-
** trance into our city, appear to bs rather monflers calf up from the
** fea, becaufe it could not endure them in its waters, than gods de-
" fcended from heaven, as fome have vainly imagined. Is it pofnbje
'* they can be gods, who fo greedily covet gold and pleafures.? And
" what ought we not to dread from them in a country fo poor as this
*' is, where we are even deftitute of fait? He wrongs the honour of
'* the nation cin thinks it will be overcome by a handful of adven-
" turers. It they are mortal, the arms of the TlafcaJans will tell it to
" all the regions round ; if they are immortal, there will always be tinie
" to anp;.ife their anger by homage, and to iniplore their mercy by
" repentance. Let their demand, therefore, be rejeded ; and if they
" dare to enter by force, let our arms repel their temerity." — This
contrariety of fentiment in two perfons of fo great refpecft divided the
li^inds of the other fenators. Thofe who were the friends of com-
merce, and attached to a life of peace, adhered to the opinion of
Maxicatzin, while thofe who were of a military difpofition embraced
the propofal of Xkotenccztl. Temihltecatl, one of the fenators, fu»-
gefted a middle courfe, which would reconcile the tv/o parties. He
propofed that a civil and friendly anfwer fliould be fent to the chief of
thofe Grangers, granting them permiffion to enter; but at the fame
time that orders fliould be given to Xicotencati, the fon of the old
Xiotcncdtl, to go out with the troops of the Otomics belonging to
the republic, to oppofe their paiiage, and to try their ftrcn^th. — •
" If we remain vidtors," laid ^rewiloltecatl, " we will do our arms im-
" mortal honour; if we are vanquiflied, we will ;,ccufe the Otomies,
" and charge them with having undertaken the war without our or-
" ders {y) ." Such refources and expedients though frequent, efpe-
cially among cultivated nations, are not the lefs contniry to the good
(y) W'c have mentioncJ fwinci ly, that many Ctomies had taken refuge in TIafcula, from
thctvrannv of the ^Icsicans, and h-.id fcrveJ the republic fait'ifcilh-.
' Vol. 11. F. ' faith
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
faith reciprocally due between men. — The fenate agreed to the coun-
fel of Temiloltecati ; but before the mellengers were difpatched with
their anfwer, the propofed orders were given to Xicotencatl. This was
an intrepid youth, an enemy to peace, and enthufiaftic for military glory,
who eagerly accepted of the commiffion, as it furnifhed him with a
moft eligible opportunity to difplay his bravery.
Cortes, after having waited eight days for the determination of the
fenate, imagining that the delay was the confequence of that flownefs
attending the majefty of potentates, and not doubting, from what the
Chempoallefe had told him of being well received by the Tlafcalans,
left Iztacmaxtitlan with all his army, which, befides the Totonacas and
Spaniards, was compofed of a confiderable number of Mexican troops
of the garrifon of Xocotla, and marched in regular order as ufual to
the great wall, which on that quarter feparates the ftates of Tlafcala
from thofe of Mexico; the defcription and dimenfions of which we
have given in the preceding book, where we treated of the fortifica-
tions of the Mexicans. It was conftrufted by the Tlafcalans to defend
themfelves from the invafions of the Mexicans on their eaftern frontiers,
in the fame manner as they had formed ditches and entrenchments for
the fame purpofe in the quarter of the weft. The entrance of the
walls, which was wont to be guarded by the Otomies, at this time
when it was moft neceflary, upon fome account or other, of which we
are ignorant, was left without any garrifon, by which accident the Spa-
nici army entered without any oppofition into the territory of the re-
public, which they could not otherwife have done without fpilling a
sreat deal of blood.
This day, which was the 31ft of Auguft, fome armed Indians
fliewed themfelves at a diftance. The cavalry, which was advanced
before the army, in endeavouring to come up with them to gain intelli-
o-ence of the refolution of the fenate, had two horfes killed, and three-
others and two men wounded ; a lofs moft fenfibly felt in fo fmall a
troop of horfe. A body then appeared, imagined to confift of about
four thouland men, which was immediately charged upon by the Spa-
niards and allies, and in a (liort time defeated, with the death of fifty
Otomies. A little after arrived two of the Chempoallefe meflengers,
with fome Tlafcalans, who paid their compliments to Cortes in the
8 name
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
35
name of the fenate, and made him acquainted with the permiflion BOOKViii.
which was granted him to go with his army to Tkfcala, blaming the * ' '
Otomies for the hoflihties which they had fuffered, and offering to pay
him for the ho.fes which they had killed. Cortes pretended to believe
them, and declared his gratitude to the fenate. The Tlafcalans took
their leave, and carried their dead off the field to burn them. Cortes,
on his part, buried the two horfes which had been killed, that the
fight of them might not encourage the enemy to new hoftilities.
The following day the Spanifh army marched to the neighbourhood
of two mountains, where there were fome fteep grounds and preci-
pices. There the other two Chempoallefe meffengers, who had re-
mained flill in Tlafcala, arrived bathed in fweat and tears, accufing the
Tlafcalans of treachery and cruelty ; for that, regardlefs of the rights
of nations, they had ill ufed, imprifoned, and deftined them for facri-
fices, which fate they efcaped by fetting each other free. This ac-
count of the Chempoallefe was certainly falfe, as it was altogether
impoflible, not to fay difficult, for victims to liberate themfelves, not
only on account of the clofenefs of the cage which confined them, but
alfo the vigilance of the guards which watched them ; and ftill more
fo, becaufe there is no memory among thofe nations that the Tlafcalans
had ever failed in the refpedt due to the charadters of ambaffadors, and ef-
pecially where they were lb ibiótly conneóled in friendrtiip as they were
with the Totonacas. What appears more probable is, that the fenate,
after it h^d fent back the two firft meflengers, detained the other
two to difpatch them after they had tried the ftrength of the Spanifli
troops ; but that the two lad, grown impatient of delay, abfented
fecretly, and endeavoured to excufe their flight with thefe pretences.
The Chempoallefe had hardly finidied their ftory, when a Tlafcalan Sect. XIX,
fquadron, confifting of about a thoufand men, made their appearance; ^^j^'*'^^^*''
and, as they drew near the Spaniards, began to throw flones, darts, and
arrows at them. Cortes, after having protefted to them, before the
notary royal of the army, by means of three prifoners, that he liad not
come to do them any hurt, and having entreated them not to treat,
him as an enemy, perceiving that nothing would avail, he gave orders
to repulle them. The Tlafcalans retreated gradually until they brought
the Spaniai^ds to the fteep grounds where they could not make ufe of
F 2 their
36 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK VIII. their horl'es, and where a large army ox"" the enemy expefted them, con-
cerning the number of which authors have been various in their opi-
nioiis {z). There a terrible contefl began, in which the Spaniards
thought they mull have been totally dellroyed. But having formed
themfelves afreih, in the bell manner they could, and being encouraged
by the example and exhortations of their genrral, they extricated them-
felves from that dangerous fituation ; and coming again into the plain,
they made fuch havock of the enemy \vith their artillery and horfes,
that they forced them to retreat. Of the Tlafcalans a vaft number
were wounded, and not a few lay dead on the field. Of the Spaniards,
although fifteen were dangeroufly wounded, one only died the next day.
On this occafion a famous duel happened between an officer of the
Tlafcalans and one of the Chempoallefe nobles, who had been fent
with the mefliige from Cortes to the Tlailalans. They fought for
fome time moll bravely in fight of the two armies, until at lafl: the
Chempoallefe noble prevailed ; and having thrown his antagonifl to
the ground, cut off his head, and bore it in triumph to his camp.
The victory was celebrated with acclamations and martial mufic. The
place where the battle was fought was called Teoatzinco, or place of
the Divine Water, and is ilill known in that country. ,
That night the Spanilh army fixed their camp upon a hill, where
there was a tower, about eighteen miles from the capital of Tlafcala.
They eredted barracks for the accommodation of the troops, and formed
entrenchments for their defence. In this place the Spaniards remained
encamped until the peace with the Tlafcalans.
Cortes, in order to compel the Tlafcalans, by hoftilities, to accept
of peace and the friendlliip which he offered, made an excurfion on the
-^d of September, with his cavalry, a hundred Spanifh infantry, three
hundred Chempoallas, and three hundred Mexicans of the garrifon of
l-zltcmaxtitlan, fet fire to five or \\x hamlets, and made four hundred
prifoners, whom, after having carelfed and entertained them, he fet at
liberty, charging the principal perfons among them to go and ofier
(2;) Bunal Diaz fays, that the army of the Thucalans c< ndlled of about forty thouHuui
men. To Cortes they appeared to exceed a hundred thoufand. OtNer hilioiiaiis have faid
thirty thoufand. It is difficult to coinptue the number of a hirge army by the eye, efDecially
u'hen they do not prefcrve the order of European troops» la order to avoid an error, we liave
faid fiiiiply that the army was numerous.
peace.
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 37
peace, in his name, to the chiefs of that nation. They immediatdy EOOKViir.
went to the young Xicotencatl, who was encamped, with a large army, ' ^ '
fix miles dillantfrom that hill. This fiery youth anfwered, that if the
Spaniards wilh-d to treat of peace, they might go to the capital, where
they would be lacrificed as vidtims to their gods, and their fielh he
made food for the flafcahns ; that, as to himieif, he would come the
next day in perfon, to give them a decilive anfwer. This refoliition
being communicated to the Spaniards by the fame melfenger, railed
fuch an alarm among them, that they prepared themfelves that night
for death by the confeilion of the facrament, without however omitting
the necellary difpofitions for their defence.
The following day, the 5th of Septen^.ber, the Tlafcalan army
appeared not Itfs terrible, from the immenfc multitude of their num-
bers, than beautiful to view, from the infinite variety of their plumes,
and other military ornaments. It was divided into ten fquadrons, each
of ten thoufand men ; every one carried its proper ftandard. In the
rear-guard, according to the cuftom of thai nation, was placed the
common llandard of the republic, which, as we have already men-
tioned, was a golden eagle with expanded wings. The prince Xico-
ttncall, in or(!er to make it underflood how little he valued the arms
of the Spaniards, and that he fcorned to take them by famine, but meant
to conquer them by battle, font them a refrelhment of three hundred
turkeys and two hundred ball^ets oiTa-ncilIi, to recruit their flrength
for the engagement. A little after he detached two thoufind brave men
to enter the camp of the Spaniards by affault. This attack was fo violent
ar.d fudden, that they forced the entrenchments, entered the camp, and
encountered man to man with the Spaniards. 1 he Tlafcalans might
now have proved conquerors, not only from the fuperiority of their
numbers, but alfo from their bravery ai^d the nature of their arms,
which were pikes, lances, fwords, and darts, with double and triple
points, if a difcord among themfelves had not rendered the vidtory
eafv to their enemies. The fon of Chichimeca Teui^li, who com-
manded a body of troops belonging to his father, having received fome
infulc in words from tlie arrogant Xicotencatl, conceived fo much in-
dignation againft him, that he challenged him to a fingle combat,
which (hould determine their courage and their fortune ; but having
been
38 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOKVIII. been refufed this latisfaftion, in order to be in fome meafure revenged,
he withdrew from the field with the troops which were under his com-
mand, and prevailed upon thofe of Tlehuexolotzin to follow him. In
fpite of this disjuntìion of the army, the battle was obftinate and
bloody. The Spaniards after having bravely repulfed the force which
had aflaulted their camp, marched in order of battle again ft the body
of the Tlafcalan army. The havock made by the artillery upon the
crouded multitude of the enemy, was not fudicient to put the Tlafca-
lans to flight, nor prevent them from filling up with expedition all the
vacancies left by the dead ; on the contrary, by their fteadinefs and in-
trepidity, they threw the Spaniards into fome confufion, notwithlland-
ing the cries and reproaches of Cortes and his captains. At length,
after fome hours of engagement, the Spaniards returned vidlorious to
their camp, although the Tlafcalans did not defift from frequent
aflaults upon them during the whole of that day. Of the Spaniards,
one man was miffing, andfixty were wounded; likewife all the horfes.
Of the Tlafcalans, great numbers were killed, but not a fingle dead
body was to be feen by the Spaniards, owing to the diligence and adli-
vity with which they carried them otf the field of battle.
Xicotencatl, difgufted at the unhappy ilTue of this expedition, con-
fulted the diviners of Tlafcala, who reported that thole ftrangers being
the children of the fun were invincible during the dayj but, as foon
as night arrived, by want of the genial heat of that luminary, they
were deprived of ftrength to defend themfelves. In confequence of this
oracle, that general refolved to make another afiault upon the Spanish
camp during the night. In the mean while, Cortes fallicd out afrefh
to commit hoftilities in the neighbouring villages, of which he burned
ten, and among thofe one of three thoufand houfes, and returned with
feveral prifoners.
Xicotencatl, that the blovv might not fail which he meditated upon
the Spaniards, took pains firft to gain information of the ftrength and
difpofition of their camp. He fent therefore fifty men to Cortes with
a prefent, accompanied with many expreflions of kindnefs and cour-
tefy, charging them to obferve every thing minutely : but they were
unable to do this with diffimulation fufficient to prevent its being dif-
covered by Teuch, one of the three principal Chempoallefe, who im-
mediatey
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
39
mediately intimated his fufpicion to Cortes. This general having call- BOOKViri
ed fome of the Ipies afide, forced them by means of threats to reveal
that Xicotencatl was preparing to attack them the following night,
and that they were fent on purpofe to obferve, at what part of the
camp they could moft eafily make their entry. Cortes having heard
this confefTion («), made the hands of all the fifty be cut off, and fent
them back to Xicotencatl, defiring them to let him know that come
when he would, by day or by night, he would always make him fcn-
fible that they were Spaniards j and the circumftances appearing to fa-
vour the battle expe(5ted before the army had made all their prepara-
tions for the alTault, he fct out about the clofe of the night with a con-
fiderable number of troops and his horfcs, to v/hich he ordered little
bells to be hung at the armour of their breafts, and went to meet the
enemy, who were jufl beginning their march towards the Spanifh
camp. The fight of the punilhment executed upon the fpies, and
the found of the little bells in the filence and darknefs of the night,
raifed fuch a tremor among the Tlafcalans, that they fuddenly flarted
into confufion and diforder, and fled different ways, while Xicoten-
catl himfelf, deferted and alone, returned in fliame to Tlafcala. Upon
this Maxixcatzin took occafion to inculcate his firft counfel, adding to
the arguments he had already uled, the lad experience of fo many ex-
peditions which had ended unfuccefsfuUy -, he accordingly moved
their minds to peace.
While this affair was agitating in Tlafcala, the Mexicans were deli-
berating what courfe fhould be taken with thofe ftrangers. Monte-
zuma having heard of the vidtories of the Spaniards, and apprehcnfive
of their confederating with the Tlafcalans, fummoned the king of
Tczcuco, his nephew, the prince Cuitlahuatzin. and his other coun-
fcllors, explained the ftate of aff"airs to them, difclofed his fears, and
demanded their advice. The king of Tezcuco adhered to his former
opinion J which was, that thofe ftrangers fhould be courtcoufly treat-
ed in every place through which they paffed ; that they fhould be
kindly welcomed at court, and their propofitions heard, as well as thofe
of any other vailal, the king ftill preferving his fupreme authority, and
exacting the decorum and refpeót du3 to the majefty of the throne j
(a) Some hiftoii.ms fi)', that the fing'ts only of the TIafcalan fplcs were cut OiT; but Cor-
tes himfelf fuys, that he made their haiiJ> be cut off.
that
8fct. XX.
New embuf-
fici iiiid pre-
fents from
Montezuma
to Cortes.
40
HISTORY O I' M E
B0OKVi;i. t|-iat if' they fhould defign any thing againit the psi the kiiig, or
the flute, force and Ibverity fliould then he empio id-againll: them.
"File prince Ciiitlahuatzin repeated what he had i'lld in the tirH: coii-
i'ercnce, vvliich was, that it did not leem expedient to admit thole
llrangcrs into the court.; that a valuaDie prefent iiiould bi lent to their
chief, that he fhouid be alktd v\hat things of that country he demand-
ed for the great lord in wliofe name he came, and that lie ftiouid be
oifered the friendlhip and correlpondence of the Mexicans, but at the
fame time he lliould again be importuned to return to tus n.itive coun-
try. Among the reft of the counfellors, Ibnie adopted the opinion ot
the king of Tezcuco, [omc that of the lord of ìztapalapan, whiie
others fided with Montezuma. This unibrtunate king law every v/here
objedfs and motives of terror. Tlie coni'ederacy which he dreaded of
the Thfcalans with the Spmiards kept him in the utmofc uneafinels.
On the other hand, he was apprehend ve of the alli.ince of Cartes with
the prince Ixtlilxochitl, his nephew and Kvorn enemy, who Ircm the
time that he had confpired againd the king of Tezcaco his brother,
had never laid dow.i his arms, and was at this very junifture at the
head of a formidable army at Otompan. Thole caufes of alarm were
ftill m.ore augmented by the rebellion of feveral provinces who had fol-
lowed the example of the Totonacas.
He fent therefore fix ambaffadors to Cortes, with a thoufand curious
cotton drellcs, and a large quantity of gold and beautiiul feathers, and
charged them to congratulate hììv. in his name upon his vidories, to
make him offers of ftill more confiderable prefents, and to diduade
him from the journey to Mexico, by reprefenting to him the ditlicuity
of the way, and other obftacles not eafy to be furmounted. The am-
bailadors immediately departed, with a retinue of more than two hun-
dred men, and having arrived at the Spanilli camp, executed with
puntìuality the whole of their commilììon. Cortes received them
with all the refpedf due to their characSter, and acknowledged himfelf
infinitely oliged to the bounty of fo great a monarch j but he purpofely
detained the ambaiiadors, in hopes that in the time of their ftay fome
occaiion of engaging with the Tlafcalans might prefent itfelf, by which
the Mexicans might be imprelied with an idea of the brave-.y of his
troops, and the iupcriority of the European arms ; or that if peace
liiouid be made with tlie republic, they ndght be witrieiTes of the fo-
verity
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
4'
verity with which, he intended to reprimand the Tlafcalans for their ob- BOOKViir.
llinacy. It w.is not long before tiic occafioii which he lb much de-
fired prefented itfelf. Three divifions of the enemy came down upon
the Spanilh camp with terrible howls, and a tempcft of darts and ar-
rows. Cortes, although he had that day taken a purgative medicine,
mounted on horfeback, and went intrepidly again it the Tlafcalans, who
were defeated without much trouble in the light of the Mexican am-
bafì'adors.
The partisans of the old Xicotencatl being at lafl perfuaded that Sect. XXI.
the war with the Spaniai-ds was by no means advantageous to the re- coii'fl^deracy
public, and fearing befides that they might form an alliance with the "^ '''^ Tiaf-
*. -I /-111 ^ 1 r y ^ calnns with
Mexicans, unanimoully relolved to make peace, and chofe the fame the Spani-
general who had fought again ll them to mediate between them. Xi-
cotencati, though at lirft he refufcd to do fo, from being afliamed of
the unhappy iiiue of the war, was at laft obliged to charge himfelf
with the commidion. He was accompanied to the camp by a noble
and numerous retinue, ialuted Cortes in the name of the republic, ex-
cufed themfelves for the hollilities already fliewn, from having believed
him to be the ally of Montezuma, not only on account of the fuperb
prefents fent him from Mexico, but aho the large troop of Mexicans
who followed him ; promifed him a firm peace, and an eternal alliance
with the 1 lalcalans, and prefented him a little gold, and fome bales
of fine cotton, apologifing for the fcantinefs of their offers, with the
poverty of their country occafioned by their conftant wars with the
Mexicans, who prevented their commerce with other provinces. Cor-
tes omitted no demonllration of refpcdl towards Xicotencatl ; he niade
an appearance of being latisfied with his excufes, but required that the
peace fliould be hncerc and permanent ; for that if they ever broke it,
he would take fuch revenge as would make an example of them to
other nations.
Peace being concluded, and Xicotencatl having taken his leave,
Cortes ordered mafs to be celebrated as a thankfgiving to the Almighty.
Every one will be able to imagine the difpleafure the Mexican anibaf-
fadors mu(l have received in feeing fuch an accommodation take place.
They complained of it to Cortes, and blamed his ealy credulity in the
promiles of men fo perfidious as the Tlafcalans. They told him, that
Vol. II. G ' thofe
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
thofe appearances of peace were defigned for no other purpofe than to
infpire him with confidence to enter their capital, that they might
there, without hazard, execute that which they had not b^en able to
accomplifh by arms in the field ; that it was fit he fhould contrafl: the
condudl of their fenate with that of the court of Mexico : the Tlaf-
calans after having, with the femblance of peace, granted them per-
miflion to enter their country, had yet not defifted from making war
upon them, until they found all their aims and oppofition fruitlefs.
From the Mexicans, on the contrary, they had fuffered no hoflilities,
had rather met with the moft different reception, the greateft refpedt
and attention in every place of their dominions where they had pafled,
and from their fovereign the moft diftinguilhed proofs of benevolence
and friendfliip. Cortes anfwered, that he never meant by fuch con-
nexion to do wrong to the court of Mexico, to which he acknow-
ledged himfelf under high obligations ; as he was defirous of peace
with all parties ; that befides he did not fear any thing from the Tlaf-
calans, if they chofe to become his enemies ; that as for him and the
other Spaniards, it was the fame thing whether they were attacked in
a city or in the country, by night or by day, as they were Ikilled to
conquer at all times, and in all places ; that even on account of that
very infinuation which they had thrown out againft the Tlafcalans, he
was defirous of repairing to their city, to have an opportunity there of
taking exemplary vengeance on their perfidy.
The Tlafcalans were extremely diftant from any fuch difingenoufnefs
as was imputed to them by the Mexicans ; for from that moment in
which peace was decreed by the fenate, they continued the moft faith-
ful allies of the Spaniards, as will appear in the fequel. The fenate
defired to have Cortes at Tlafcala with all his troops, to confirm more
effedtually their ftipulated friendlliip, and to treat ferioufly of a confe-
deracy againft the Mexicans, and had already, by means of their mef-
fengers, invited that general to accept of accommodation in their city ;
profefllng the utmoft regret at feeing fuch illuftrious friends of the re-
public fuflfering fo many inconveniences.
The alliance with the Tlafcalans was not the only fruit which the
Spaniards reaped from their vidtories. In the fame camp where he had
received the Tlafcalan ambaffador, he was favoured with two other
embaf-
43
BOOK. vili.
StcT. XXII.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
embaflies from the republic of Iluexotzinco, and the prince Ixthlxo-
chitl. The Huexotzincas, who had formerly been vaffils of the
crown of Mexico, and the enemies of the Tlafcalans, had deUvered
themfelves from the dominion of the Mexicans, and confederated with
•the Tlafcalans their neÌ2;hbours, and now they imitated their example
in making offers of alliance and confederacy to the Spaniards. The
prince Ixtlilxochitl fent ambafladors to Cortes, to congratulate him on
his vidtories over the Tlafcalans, and to invite him to make a journey
to Teotlalpan, where he propofed to unite his forces with thofe of
the Spaniards againft the king of Mexico. Cortes, as foon as he was
informed of the rank, pretentions, and forces of that prince, readily
accepted his alliance, and engaged to afiifl: to place him upon the throne
of Acolhuacan.
At the fame time the ambafllidor, who was expefted from Mexico,
returned from that court with a prefent of jewels and gold, worth fif-
teen hundred fequins, two hundred coftly habits of feathers, and new
fuggeftions from that monarch to divert the Spanifh general from his
journey to Mexico, and from any friendfliip with the Tlafcalans. Such
were the vain efforts of pufillanimity in Montezuma, while the great
quantity of gold he daily expended in prefents to thofe ffrangers, was
but fo much more in purchafe of the chains which were foon to fetter
his liberty.
Six days had elapfed fince the peace made with Tlafcala, when the
four lords of that republic, in order to induce the Spaniards to remove
to Tlafcala, made themfelves be tranfported in portable chairs or lit- the republic
ters, with a numerous attendance to their camp. The mutual demon- ^^^^ catholic"
ftrations of joy and refpedl were extraordinary on both lldes. That •""S-
famous fenate, not contented with ratifying the alliance, of their own
accord acknowledged obedience to the Catholic king, which was the
more acceptable to the Spaniards, the more the Tlafcalans had prized
their liberty, which they had enjoyed from time immemorial. They
complained with much fhew of affedlion, of the diffidence of Cortes,
and prevailed upon him by their entreaties to refolve upon his depar-
ture for Tlafcala the next day.
There was now a deficiency of fifty-five Spaniards of the number
who had enlirtcd in Cuba, and thofe remaining were for the moft part
G 2 wounded
Sect.
XXIII.
SubmilJlon of
44
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
to 1 lalcala.
BOOKVIII. wounded and difpirited ; and fuch difcontent and apprehenfions began
•*— ""v — -^ to Icize the fokliers, that they not only fpoke dilrefpedltully of their
chief in private, but alfo conjured him to return to Vera Cruz; but
Cortes encouraged them, and by powerful arguments toucliing their
honour, and his own example of iortitude and lirmnefs in dangers and
fatigue, he rekindled in them frefh zeal for his undertakings. At length
they all feemed to conceive hopes of fuccefs, from the confederacies
they had made, to the projedls of their general.
Sect. The Mexican ambalfadors whom Cortes Ifill detained with him, re-
■p ^.^'Y'k fi-ded to accompany him to Tlafcala ; but he perfuaded them to go along
Spaniards in- With him, promifing them, that they (hould be perfedily fecure under
his proteftion. Having removed their doubts, he marched his army
in good order and preparation for every event. In the cities of Te-
compantzinco and Atlihuetzian, they were received with all poflible
courtefy, though not in a ftyle equal to the magnificent entiy they
made into the capital, from which the four lords of the republic came
out to meet the Spaniards with a numerous concourfe of the nobility,
and fo great a croud of inhabitants, that fome have affirmed they a-
mounted to a hundred thoufand people; a calculation, by no means
improbable, confidering tlie populoufnefs of Tlafcala, and the fur-
priling novelty of thofe extraordinary ftrangers, who awakened the cu-
riolity of all that extenfive region. In all the flreets of the city were
formed, according to the ufage of thofe nations, arches of flowers and
branches, and a confufed mulic of inflruments and acclamations re-
founded from all fides, accompanied with fuch jubilee and rejoicing,
that it appeared to be rather the celebration of the triumph of the re-
public than of that of its enemies. This day, ftill commemorated
in Tlafcala, was the 23d of September, 151 9.
That city was then one of the moft confiderable in the country of
Anahuac, Cortes, in his letters to Charles V. affirms, that in gran-
deur, populoufnefs, buildings, and abundance of the neceflaries of life,
it exceeded Granada when that was taken from the Moors ; and
that at the market, of which he gives a defcription, there daily all'em-
bled about thirty thoufand merchants and people of bufinefs. The
fame conqueror attefts, that having obtained an order of the fenate to
make the houfes and inhabitants be numbered which were in tlie city,
the
IirSTORYOFMEXICO. 45
the villages, and humlets of the republic, there were found upwards BOOKVIII.
of fifty thouliind houfes, and more than five hundred thoufand inha-
bitants.
The Tlafcalans had prepared, for the Spaniards and all their allies, a
handibme and commodious dwelling. Cortes delired that the Mexi-
can amballiidors might be lodged in apartments near to his own, not
only in refptdl to them, but alfo to banifh from their minds any dif-
truft of the Tlafcalans. The chiefs of the republic, in order to give
the Spaniards a new proof of the fincerity of their friendfliip, prefent-
ed to Cortes thirty beautiful young women. Cortes refufcd them at
firft, alledging, that the Chriftian law forbid polygamy ; but after-
wards, to avoid giving offence, he accepted fomeof them as companions
to Marina. In fpite of this refuHil, tiiey prefented him fbon after five
virgins of the firft nobility, whom Cortes accepted for the fake of
rtrengthening his friendlhip with the republic.
Encouraged by this fuccefsful beginning, Cortes became deiirous of
perfuading the chiefs of the republic and the nobles, to abandon their
fuperftitious rites, and acknov/ledge the only true divinity ; but al-
though his reafons were periualive, and they confefled the power of
that God whom the Spaniards adored, they could not, however, be
induced to renounce their abfurd deities, bccaufc they believed them dit-
penfers of human felicity. " Our god Camaxtle," theyfaid, " grants us
" victory over our enemies ; our goddefs Matlalcueje lends rain to our
" fields, and defends us from the inundation of Zahuapan [ó). To each
" of our gods we are indebted for a part of the happinefs of our lives,
" and their anger, if provoked, might draw down upon the fiate the
" mod fevere punifliment." Cortes, ftimulatcd by a zeal too ardent and
violent, was defirous of treating the idols of Tlafcala in the fame man-
ner as he had fuccefsful ly done thole of Chempoallan ; but Olmcdo,
and other perfons of relpedl, dilluaded him from fo ralli an attempt,
reprefenting to him, that fuch an a<lt of violence, befides not being
conducive to the promulgation of tlae gofpel, might prove the ruin cf
the Spaniards in a city lb populous, and attached to fupcrftition. Nc-
verthelefs, he d.d not ceafe, during twenty days which he flopped
(A) A liver of Tl.ifcala.
there
40
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
BOOK VIII. there, to reproach them with the cruehies of their liicrificcs, and to
*.— -v—.^ inculcate the purity of his fyftem of moraUty, the faUenefs of their dei-
ties, ..and the exiftence of a fupreine Being, who governs all natural
caufes, and" watches with moil admirable providence over the preferva-
tion of his creatures. Thoie exhortations, made by a perfon of fo
great authority, and of whom the Tlafcalans had formed a very elevat-
ed idea, although they did not produce all the effeit defired, had con-
fiderable influence, and lo far moved the fenate, that they confented
to break, the cages, and fet at liberty all the prifoners and flaves which
were to be facriiiced to their gods on folemn feflivals, or other public
occafions of the fiate.
Thus every day the alliance with the Tlafcalans was more firmly
eflablilhed, in fpite of the repeated fuggeftions of the Mexican ambaf-
fadors to break it. Cortes, though well perfuaded of the iincerity of
the Tlafcalans, had given orders to his troops to hold themfelves ai-
wavs prepared for whatever might happen. The fenate was offended
at this, and complained bitterly of his diffidence, after fo many mani-
fefl proofs of their good faith ; but Cortes excufed it, by protefling,
that he did not fo from any diffidence of the Tlafcalans, but becaufe it
was the pradfice of the Spaniards : this anfwer fatisfied the fenate, and
the difcipline of his foldiers pleafed them fo much, that Maxixcatzin
propofed to introduce it among the troops of the republic.
At length Cortes having procured, during the time he flayed in
Tlafcala, a diftinft information of the city of Mexico, of the forces of
that kingdom, and every other particular which could farther his pro-
jedts, determined to continue his journey ; but before he fèt out, he
prefented a great number of the moft beautiful habits which he had
received from Montezuma, to the Tlafcalans. He was doubtful of the
route he fhould purfue to that city. The Mexican ambaffadors pro-
pofed that he fliould go by Cholula, where there was good accommo-
dation prepared for all his people. The Tlafcalans oppofed that inten-
tion, by reprefenting the perfidy of the Cholulans, and advifed him to
proceed by Huexotzinco, a fiate confederated equally with them and the
Spaniards, but Cortes refolved to go by Cholula, not only to pleafe the
ambaffadors, but alfo to fhew the Tlafcalans the little regard he paid
to the force of his enemies.
The
H I S T O R Y O F xM E X I e O. 47
The Cholulans had been formerly the allies of the Tlafcalans ; but BOOK.VJII.
upon the arrival of the Spaniards were confederated witli the Mexicans, ^"sl^TTf
and the fworn enemies of that repablic. The caufe of fo ereat an ,- ^.^Y-
' o linimty l)C*
enmity had been the iieifidy of the Cholulans. In a battle with the twenthc
Mexicans, while they were yet the allies of the Tlafcalans, being in andcThoru-
the vanguard of the army, by a fudden evolution they put themfelves '*"'*•
in the rear, and, attacking the Tlafcalans behind while the Mexicans
were upon their front, made a great flaughter of them. The hatred
which this deteftable treachery had raifed in the breafts of the Tlafca-
lans made them anxious for an opportunity of revenge, and no time had
appeared more favourable than now, when they were become confe-
derated with the Spaniards. In order to infpire Cortes with diilike to
them, and induce him to make war upon that fiate, they acquainted him
with its condudt towards him ; that they had not fent any meflengers
with compliments to him, whereas the Hucxotzincas had done fo, al-
though their fiate was at a much greater diflance. They informed
him alfo of the meflage which they faid they had received from the
Cholulans, reproaching them for their alliance with the Spaniards ;
calling them bafe and cowardly, and threatening them, that if they
fhould attempt any thing againft their facred city they (hould all perifh
by being drowned j for among their other errors, they were perfuaded,
that whenever they chofe they could, by rafing the walls of the fanc-
tuary of Qiietzalcoatl, make fuch large rivers fpring from thence, as
would in a moment overflow the city ; and although the Tlafcalans
dreaded fuch a cataftrophe, the defire of revenge overcame their
fears.
Cortes, moved by thefe fuggeftions, ient four noble Tlafcalans to
Cholula, to know why they had not paid the fame regard which was
fhevvn to him by the Hucxotzincas. The Cholulans laid their excule on
the ennùty of the Tlafcalans, in whom they never could repofe any
confidence fcj. This anfwer was brought by four common people,
(f) Torquemada adds, that the Cholulans retained the principal meflèngcr of the Tlafca-
lans, and with favate cruelty fl-.iytd his face and arms, and cut off his handi ; but this ac-
count is unqueHionably fali'e, for fo atrocious a proceeding could not remain unknown to the
Spaniards ; but neither Cortes, Uernal Diaz, nor any other of the fird hillorians mention it.
Cortes would not ha. e omitted it in his letter to Charles V. to judify the fevcrity of his chaf-
tifemcDi of the Cholulans,
8 which
48
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOKVIir. which was confidered as a manifeft demonftration of dilrefped. Cortes
being advertifed of it by the Tlafcalans fent four of the Chempoallefe,
to tell the Cholulans that the embafly of a monarch fo great as the
king of Spain, ought not to have been entrufted to fuch low meflen-
gers, nor were they themfelves worthy to hear it ; to let' them know,
that the Catholic kino- was the true lord of all that country, and that
in his name he came to demand homage of thofe people ; that thole
who fliould fubmit to him would be honoured, and the rebels puniihed
according to their defert ; that therefore they ihould make their ap-
pearance within three days in Tlafcala, to give obedience to their fove-
reign, otherwife they would be treated as enemies. The Cholulans,
although it is to be fuppofed they treated fo arrogant an embafly with
burlefque, in order to diffemhle their malicious intention, prefented
themfelves the next day to Cortes, requefting him to cxcufe their omif-
fion, occafioned by the enmity of the Tlafcalans, declaring themfelves
not only the friends of the Spaniards, but alfo the valfals of the king
of Spain.
Having determined his route through Cholula, Cortes fct out with
all his people, and a confiderable number of Tlafcalan troops {d),
all which he foon difcharged, exxept fix thoufand men, whom he
chofe to accompany him. A little way before they arrived at Cholula,
the principal lords and priefls, with cenfers in their hands and mufical
inftruments, came out to meet him, and after having paid the ufual
ceremonies of refpeót, they told the general, that he might enter with
all his people and the Totonacas j but they could not admit their ene-
mies the Tlafcalans. To this Cortes confented through complaifance,
and the Tlafcalans remained encamped without the city, imitating in
the difpofition of their camp, the order of their centinels, and other
things, the military difcipline of the Spaniards. At the entry of the
Spanhli army into Cholula, a fimilar croud of people was colleded,
and the fame ceremonies, acclamations, and refped, were obferved,
though not with the fame fmcerity, as in Tlafcala.
(,/) Cortes fays, that this army of the Tlafcalans confirted of more than one hundred and
forty-nine thojfand men. Bernal Diaz affirms, as an undoubted faOi, which was well known to
him, that it confilled only of fifty thoufand men. This number appears the moft probable.
Sect.
XXVI.
Entry of the
Spaniards in-
to Cholula.
Cholula
H I S T O Pv Y O F M E X I e O. 49
Cholula was then a populous city, eighteen miles diftant from Tbfcala BOOK viii.
towards the Ibuth, and about lixty from Mexico towards the call, and
not lefs celebrated for the commerce of its inhabitants than its religion.
It was fituated, as it is at prefent, in a beautiful plain, and at a fmall
diftance from that group of mountains which furround the valley of
Mexico towards the eaft. Its population at that time, as Cortes afiirms,
occupied about forty thoufand houfes, and there were as many in the
circumjacent villages which were in the nature of fuburbs to it. Its
commerce confided in manufactures of cotton, gems, and plates of clay,
and it was much famed for its jewellers and potters. With refpedl
to religion, it may be faid, that Cholula was the Rome of Anahuac.
The celebrated Quetzalcootl having palled fo rriany years in that city,
and fhewn fo much afFed:ion to his fubjedls, was the caufe that after
his apotheoiis, it was confecrated by the moft particular worfliip.
The furprillng multitude of tejnples which were there, and in particu-
lar the greater temple, ere<fled upon an artificial mountain, which is
flill exifting, drew innumerable pilgrims, not only from the neigh-
bouring cities, but likewife from the moft diilant provinces, to per-
form their devotions at that imagined holy fpot.
Cortes was lodged, with all his troops, in fome large buildings,
where, during the two firft days, they were abundantly fupplied with
provifions j but very foon they began to grow fcanty, until at laft there
was nothing furniflied by the, city but wood and water. This was
not the only proof of their fccret machinations and intentions ;
for every moment they difcovered new indications of the treachery
which they meditated. The Champoallefe allies obferved, that they had
made holes and dug pits in the ftreets of the city, in which they had fixed
fharp ftakes, and covered them with earth, which it appeared was
done for no other purpofe than to wound and difable the liorfes. Eight
men, who came from the camp of the Tlafcalans, apprifcd them that
they had feen crouds of women and children coming out of the city;
a certain fign among thofe nations of fome impending commotion.
Befides, it was found out, that in fome of the flrcets they had formed
entrenchments, and coUedled great heaps of flones upon the tops of the
houfes. Laftly, a Cholulan woman of rank, Avho had become enamoured
of the beauty, the fpirit, and difcretion of Marina, intreated her to fave
Vol. II. . II herfelf
Sect.
XXVII.
Slaughter
muJe inCho-
lula.
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
herfclf in her houfe from the danger which threatened the Spaniards ;
upon which Marina took occalion to inform herfelf of the whole plan
of the confpiracy, and imrnediately told Cortes of it. He heard from
the muLith of the fame perfon, that the Cholulans, with the alTiftance
of twenty thouiand Mexicans {e), who were encamped near the city, had
concerted to malfacre all the Spaniards. Not contented with thefe dif-
c©\'eries, he charged Marina to ufe all her art to bring two priefts to
his dwelhng, who coniirmed all that had been communicated to her
bv her female friend.
Cortes, finding himfelf in fuch hazard of utter deftrudlion, refolved
to adopt the moll effectual means for his fafety. Pie ordered the prin-
cipal perlons of the city into his prefence, and told them, that if they
had any quarrel againft the Spaniards, to declare it frankly, as became
men of honour, and he would give them fuitable fatisfaftion. They
replied, that they were already fatisfied with his conduót, and ready to
ferve him ; that v^'henever he chofe to depart, he lliould be abundantly
■provided with every thing that was neceffary for his journey, and alfo
troops of war for his fecurity. Cortes accepted their offer, and fixed
the next day for his departure. The Cholulans were content, as it
appeared that every thing would turn out favourable to their treacher-
ous defign ; but in order to enfure that ftill more, they facrificed to
their gods ten children, five of each fex. Cortes called together his
ofiicers, unfolded to them the perfidious intentions of the Cholulans,
and ordered them to give their fentiments. Some were of opinion that
their danger fliould be fliunned, by retreating to the city of Huexotzrnco,
which was hardly nine miles diftant, or to Tlafcala ; but the m.ijority
referred thcmfelvcs to the determination of the general. Cortes gave
the orders which feemed to him moft fuited to his purpofe, protefling
that they could never be fecure in Mexico unlefs they puniihed that de-
ceitful city with feverity. He ordered the auxiliary troops of Tlaf-
cala to ftorm the city at fun -rife the next day, and to cut off every citi-
zen without pardon to any one except women and children.
The day at length arrived, which wreaked difafter on Cholula. The
Spaniards prepared their horfes, their artillery, their arms, and formed
(,) Bernal Diaz fays, that the Mexican army, according to what be knew, confifled of
twenty thou fand men. Cortes affirms, that the lords of Cholula conteded to him, that that
army was not compofed of lefs than fifty thoufind men.
them-
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 51
themlelvcs in order, in a fquare of their dwelling, which was defigned BOOK^'III.
for the principal theatre of the approaching tragedy. The Cho-
lulans repaired thither at break of day. The chiefs, with about forty
nobles, and tiie baggage men entered into the halls and chambers to
lift up the equipage, when fuddenly guards were placed to prevent
their efcape. The Chohilan troops, or at leaft great part of them,
entered into the fquare along with the principal lord of that city, at the
requell, it is probable, of Cortes himfelf, who, mounting on horfc-
back, fpoke to them in this manner : " Cholulans, I have endeavoured
" to make you my friends ; I have entered peaceably into your city,
" and here you have received no wrong from me, nor any of mv
'* friends ; but, on the contrary, that you might have no fubieót of
'* complaint, I confented that the auxiliary troops of the Tlafcalans
" ihould not be admitted here : befides, I have requefted you to fay freely,
" if we had done you any injury, that you might have fatisfadlion ; but
" you have, with deteflable perfidy, under the appearance of friend-
" ihip, laid a fcheme to betray me, and deflroy me and my people. I
" know the whole depth of your bloody defigns." Then calling afide
fcur or five Cholulans, he alked them what had induced them to re-
folve on fo execrable an attempt ? They replied, that the Mexican
ambafllidor, to render an aL;reeable fervicc to their fovereign, had en-
ticed them to meditate their deftrudiion. Cortes then, with a counte-
nance full of indignation, thus addrcfied the ambafiadors who were
preftnt : " Thofe wretches, to excufe their crimes, impute the trea-
" chery to you and your kiiTg ; but I neither believe you capable of
" fuch infamy, nor can I perfuade rayfelf that the great monarch Mon-
" tezuma would treat me like a cruel enemy, at the very time he is
" giving me the fincereft: proofs of his fricndfhip j r.nd as he could op-
" pofe me with open force, that he would employ traitors to anticipate
" him ! Be allured, that I will pay regard to your perfons in the flaugh-
" ter and blood we ihall flied. To-dav, thofe traitors fhall perifl),
" and their city Hiall be convulfed. I call heaven and earth to witnefs,
" that it is their perfidy which arms our hands for revenge, unnatural
'* to our hearts."
Having Ipoke this, and made the fignal of attack by the difcharge of
a mufkct, the Spaniards fell with fuch fury upon thofe niifcrable vic-
II 2 tims.
HISTORY OF M E X r C O.
. tims, that they did not leave one alive of all thole who were in the
fqaare. The ftreanis of blood which flowed about, and the painful
yeds of the wounded and dying enemy, would have been futììcient
to have Ihocked and waked pity in every breall; that was not fired with
the fury of revenge. Having terminated the tragic fcene within, the)'
illued out to the ftreets, and flieathed their fwords in the bodies of all
the Cholulans they met. The TIafcalans, on their part, entered the
city like fiimiilied lions, their fiercenefs growing with the thirfl of the
blood of their enemies, and eagernefs to pleafe their new allies, A
ftroke, fo keen and unexpected, put the citizens immediately into dif-
order; but having formed themfelves into feveral different fquadrons,.
they made for fonie time a vigorous refiftance, until at laft, perceiving
the havock which the artillery made, and feeling the fuperiority of the
European arms, they went again into confufion. The greater part of
them fought their lafety in flight ; fome had recourfe to the fuperfti-
tious hope of razing the walls of the temple to deluge the city : but,
finding that expedient totally fruitlefs, they endeavoured to fortify
themfelves in their houfes and temples. But neither did this avail,
for the enemy fet inirant fire to every houfe where they met with any
refillance. The houfes and towers of the temples were in flames ; the
flreets difcovered nothing but bloody or half-burnt carcafes, and no-
thing was heard but the infulting menacing clamours of the confede-
rates, the feeble groans of dying men, curfes, and imprecations on the
victors, and complaints to their gods why they had abandoned them in
fuch calamities. Amongfl: the many who fled to the towers of the
temples, there was but one which furrendered to the vidlorsj all the
refi: were either burnt to allies, or met a death lefs painful, by precipi-
tating themfelves from thofe heights.
By means of this horrid flaughter, in v/hich upwards of fix thoufand
Cholulans (f) perilhed, the city became depopulated. The temples and
lioufes were plundered, the Spaniards feizing all the gems, gold, and
filver, and the TIafcalans all the apparel, feathers, and fait. This tra-
(f) Las Cas has grofly disfigured this event of Cholula. The revenge of the Spaniards
was perhaps too rigorous, but their provocations were flrong. He relates it, as we find it»
among the moft faithful hiftorians who were prefent, or were informed by the ancient Spaniards
and Indians,
gedy
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
S3
g^dy was hardly fini/hed, when there appeared near Cholula an army
of twenty thoul'and men, fent by way of fuccour by the republic of
Tlafcalii, under the command of general Xicotencatl. It was proba-
ble that this was owing to Tome difpatcli having been fent the night
before to the fenate, by the chiefs of the Tlafcalan troops, cncamptd
without the city. Cortes returned thanks for the fupply, prcfcnted to
Xicotencatl and his officers a part of the booty, and requefted him to
return with his army to Tlafcala, as it was not now neceffary ; but he
retained the fix thoufand men who had aflifted him in the punifliment
of Cholula, that they might accompany him in his journey to Mexico.
Thus did the alliance of the Spaniards with the Tlalcalans become
gpadually more firm and eftablilhed.
Cortes having returned to his dwelling, where forty of tlie Cholulan
-nobility remained in a manner prifoners, he was requefted by them to
give way to mercy, after fo much rigour, and to permit one or two of
them to go and recall the women, children, and other fugitives, who
were wandering in terror and difmay through the mountains. Cortes,
being now moved to pity, commanded a cefliition of arms, and pub-
lilhed a general pardon. Upon the report of this proclamation, fud-
denly fome were feen to rife from among the dead wl">o had counter-
feited death in order to efcape it, and troops of fugitives coming from
the mountains to the city, fome bewailing the lofs of a fon, fome a
brother, and fome their hu(bands. Cortes ordered the dead bodies to
be carried off from the temples and the llrcets, and fet the nobles who
were prifoners at liberty. A few days after, that city was again fo well
peopled it appeared to want none of its inhabitants. Here Cortes
received the compliments of the Huxeotzioncas and theTlafcalans, and
an oath of allegiance to the crown of Spain from the Cholulans thcm-
felves, and the Tepejachefc nation, he adjufled the differences between
the two republics of Tlafcala and Cholula, and re-cftabliflied their
ancient friendfhip and alliance, which continued firm ever after. At
length, in order lo comply with the duties of humanity and religion,
he made all the cages of the temples he broke, and iet all the prifoners
and ilaves at liberty who were deftincd for the facrifices. He ordered
the greater temple to be cleaned, and railed tliere the llandard of the
crofs, after giving the Cholulans, as he did to all the other people
among whom he ftopped, fome idea of the Chriflian religion.
8 The
r.ooKviii.
S F C T^
XXVIII.
Subiniffion of
the f.'holu-
l:ins and
Tepcpfachefe
fo the crow I»
of Spain.
54 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOKVIII. The Spanirti general, elated by his fucceffes, or pei^haps defirous of
Sn-T.xxix. intimidating Montezuma, charged the Mexican ambaffadors to tell their
Newembafly niaflcr, that notvvithftandinP' he had formerly intended to enter peace-
from the king ably iuto Mexico, On feeing and conlidering what had happened in
Cholula, he was now determined to enter as an enemy, and to do him
every evil he could. The ambafladors anfwered, that before he took a
refolution of that kind, he ought to make a more lì:ri6t enquiry into the
condudl of the Cholulans, to certify himfelf of the good intentions of
their fovereign ; that, if he thought proper, one of them would go to
the court, and lay his complaints beiorc the king. Cortes confented
to it, and after fix days the amballador returned, bringing a large pre-
fent to the general, coniilling of ten plates of gold, worth five thoufand
lequins j one thoufand five hundred habits, and a great quantity of
provifions; thanking him, in the name of his fovereign, for the puniih-
ment inflióted on the perfidious Cholulans ; and protefling, that the
army raifed to furprile the Spaniards on their journey, conlilled of the
Acatzinchefe and Itzocanefe nations, the allies of Cholula, who,
although the fubjeóls of the crown of Mexico, had taken up arms
without any order from their fovereign. This was confirmed by the
afi'everations of the ambafladors, and Cortes made an appearance of
being perfeólly fatisfied.
It is not an eafy matter to clear up the truth in this particular, neither
can we avoid blaming the forwardnefs of fome authors in aiferting fo
freely what they do not know. Why fliould the Cholulans, who
were allowed by all to be a falfe deceitful nation, be given more credit
than the Mexicans, and Montezuma himlelf, who from the eminence of
his rank and charafter, was more worthy of faith ? The invariably pacific
difpofition of that monarch towards the Spaniards, having attempted
no holliile ftroke on many and thofe favourable occafions which occur-
red, to opprefs them ; and the nioderation with which he always
fpoke of them, which no authors deny, make the excufe made by tlie
Cholulans improbable : but, on the other hand, it aflumes an air of
truth from fome, though indirect proofs, of the enmity of Montezuma,
and in particular from hoftilities committed upon the garrifon of Vera
Cruz by a powerful feudatory of the crown of Mexico.
HISTORY O F M E X I C O. 55
^laubpopoca, lord of Nauhtlaii (called by the Spaniards Alincri.i), a bookviii.
city lituated upon t'ne coaft of the Mexican gulf, thirty-fix miles to- sTct^XXX
wards the north from Vera Cruz, and cle>le to t'ne confines of the Revolutions
ivlexican empire in tnat quarter, had orders rrom iVlontezuma to reuuce pa„.
the Totonacas to their wonted obedierice, as foon as Cortes had retired
from that coaft. He, in compliance with thofe orders, demanded of
thofe people with threats, the tribute which they were accufiomed to
pay to their fovereign. The Totonacas, rendered infolent from the
favour of their new allies, anfwered with arrogance, that they would
no longer pay homage to him who was no longer their king. Quauh-
popoca, perceiving that his requeils had no influence in bringing
again under fubordination men who had fo much confidence in their new
allies, and no refpeóì for their fovereign, having put himfelf at the head
of the Mexican troops which were in the garrifons of thofe frontiers,
began to make incurfions into the fettlements of Totonacapan, pu-
nilhing them by holVilities for their rebellion. The Totonacas
made their complaints to Juan de Efcalante, governor of the garrifon
of Vera Cruz, and intreated him to put a Itop to the cruelty of the
Mexicans, engaging alfo to afllft him with a large number of troops.
Efcalante fent an embaffy to the Mexican chief to difiliade him from
hoftilities, which he imagined could not be approved of by the king
of Mexico, who had Hicwn fo much defire to favour the Spaniards, the
proteftors of the Totonacas. Quauhpopoca anfwered, that he knew
better than him whether the punifhment of thofe rebels was or was not
agreeable to the Mexican king ; that if the Spaniards intended to fup-
port them, he, with his troops, would meet him on tiie plain of
Nauhtlan, that arms might decide their contefl:. The governor could
not brook this anfwer ; upon which he marched immediately to the
appointed place with two horfes and two fniall pieces of cannon, fifty
Spanilli infantry, and about ten thoufand Totonacas. Upon the firfl
onfet of the Mexicans, the Totonacas were inflantly thrown into con-
fufion, and the greater part took to flight ; but to the utter fliame of
their cowardice, the fifty Spaniards courageoufly continued the battle,
doing no little damage to the Mexicans. They, having never expe-
rienced the violence of the artillery and the European mode of engage-
ment, retreated in terror to the neighbouring city of Nauhtlan. The
Spaniards
56 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOKVIII. Spaniards purfued them with fury, and fet fire to fonie houfes ; but
the vidtory coft the Spaniards the Hfe of the governor, who died of his
wounds in three days after ; and of fix or {even foldiers, and a number
of Totonacas. One of thefe foldiers^ who had a large head and fierce
afpect, was taken prifoner and fent to Mexico by Quauhpopoca, but
having died of his wounds in his way to that city, they only carried his
, head to Montezuma, the appearance of which fo fliocked and daunted
that king, that he would not have it oftered to his gods in any temple
of the court.
Cortes received intelligence of thefe revolutions before he left C ho -
lula fgj } but did not think proper to mention them nor difcover his
uneafinefs, left it might have dilcouraged his foldiers.
Sect. XXXI. Having nothing more to do in Cholula, he purfued his journey to
theSpankirds ^^^^-^^ico with all his Spaniards, fix thoufand Tlafcalans, and fome
toTlalitia. Huexotzincan and Cholulan troops. At Izcalpan, a village of
Huexotzinco, fifteen miles diftant from Cholula, the chiefs of Huex-
otzinco, came again to pay their refpetìs to him, and to advertife him,
that there were two ways of going to Mexico ; the one, an open and
well-made road, which led to fome precipices where there was reafon
to apprehend fome ambufcades of the enemy 3 the other was newly
ilopped up, and obllrudted with trees cut down on purpofe, which
however was of the two the Ihorter and more fecure route. Cortes availed
himfelf of tliis intimation, and in Ipite of the Mexicans, made the ob-
llacles in tliis way be removed, under pretence that the difficulty was
rather an incitement to the courage and fpirits of the Spaniards ; and
continued his journey through that great wood of pines and oaks, until
he afcended to the top of a high mountain, called Ithuaico, between the
two volcanos Popocatepec and Iztaccihuatl, where they found fome
large houfes built for the accom.modation of the merchants of Mexico.
There they were able to judge of the bold undertaking of the captain
Diego de Ordaz, who a few days before, in order to difplay to thofe
people the courage of his nation, mounted, along with nine other
foldiers, to the highefl fummit of Popocatepec, although he could
not fee its mouth, or the vent of that great volcano, on account of
(ff) All, or nearly all hiftorians fay, that intelligence of this revolution reached Cortes
when he was in Mexico ; but Cortes affirms, that he had it in Cholula.
the
H I S T O R V O F M E X I e O. si
the deep fnow which lay there, and the clouds of fmoke and aflies BOOKViii.
which it threw up from its bowels. (/6)
From the top of Ithualco the Spaniards got their firfl: view of the
beautiful valley of Mexico, but with very different imprellions from
the profpeft ; feme of them delighted in the fight of its lakes, its plea-
fant lying plains, its verdant mountains, and numerous and fplendid
cities, which were fituated within and around thofe lakes ; others re-
vived their hopes of enriching iheiiifelves with the plunder of fo great
an extent of country as they there difcovercd; but the more prudent of
thofc adventurers, on beholding fo populous a territory, retie^fled on
the temerity of encountering the perils before rhem, and were fud-
denly fo checked by their apprehenfions, that they would have imme-
diately returned to Vera Cruz, had not Cortes, by making uie of his
authority and the reafons fuggcfted by his fruitful genius, infufed into
them frefh ardour for the undertaking.
In the mean while Montezuma, in confternation at the event of
Cholula, retired to the palace Tlillancalmecatl, deflined for occaiions
of grief, and continued there eight days, fafling and obferving the
ufual auflerities, in order to obtain the prote<flion of his gods. Froni
this place of retirement he fent four perfons of his court with a prefent
to Cortes, and new prayers and entreaties to difluadc him from his
journey; offering to pay an annual tribute to the king of Spain, and
to give four loads of gold to the Spanilh general (/), and one to each
of his captains and foldiers, if they would, from that place where they
might be found by his amballadors, depart for their native country.
In fuch apprehenfions and terror did the fmall body of Spaniards keep
this fuperftitious prince ! He could not have made ule of more dili-
gence and arts to Ihun their fight, had he forefeen all the misfortunes
(^') Bernal Di.iz, .inJ :iiinort all hiflori.ins, fay tliat Ordaz afccnded to the top of Popoca.
tcpec, and obfcrvcd the mouth of that famous mountain ; bi;t Cones, who knew better, fays
not. Nothwithll.inding Oidaz obtained fiom the Catholic king a volcano to be put ia his
fliicld of arms. This great undertaking was referred for Montajjiio, r.nd others Spaniards,
who, after the conqucll of Mexico, not only obfervcd the dreadful mouth of tliat volcano,
but entered there, at the utmoll rifk of their lives, and got out from it a large quantity of fu'-
phur to make powder for their fire-armi.
(; ) The ordinary load of a Mexican having been about fifty SpaniHi pounds, or ri?l;t
hundred ouncc=, we may conjeéVure, conlidcring the number of the Spaniards, that w'hnt
Montezuma was willing to give f.hem to difluade them from their journey to the court, was
equal to more than three millions of fequins.
Vol. II. I they
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
they were to bring upon him. The ambaffadors joined Cortes at
Ithualco ; the prefent they brought him confiiled of leverai worKs of
gold, which v/ere valued at fifteen hundred fequins. Corles lliewed
them every Dollible refpeA and attention, and anfwered by returning
thanks to the king for the prefent and his magnificent promilès, to
which he would be able to return good fervices ; but at the fame time
declaring, that he could not return back without making himfelf
blameable for difobedience to his fovereign, and promihng not to be
the means on his part of the finallefl: injury to the ftatc ; and that, if
after having explained to his majeity the embaffy which he bore, and
which he could not truft with any other perfon, he fliould not ap-
prove of the longer ftay of the Spaniards in his dominions, he would
without delay fet out on his return to his native country.
Montezuma's uneafinefs was increafed by the fuggellions of the
priefts, and particularly by the account which they gave of fome fay-
in'TS of their falle oracles, and fome terrible vifions which they faid
they had during this time. He was at laft thrown into fuch alarm and
conflernation, that, without waiting for the ifiue of the laft embafiy
to the Spaniards, he held a new council with the king of Tezcuco,
his brother Cuitlahuatzin, and fome other perlbns whom he ufed to
advife with, all of whom maintained their former opinions ; Cuitla-
huatzin, that of not admitting the Spaniards to enter the court, and
to make them by gentlenefs or force to quit the kingdom ; while
Cacamatzin was for receiving them as ambafladors, as the king had
ftrength enough to crufh them, if they Ihould militate either againfl:
his royal perfon or the ftate. Montezuma, who had hitherto con-
llantly adhered to the opinion of his brother, now embraced that of
the king of Tezcuco, but at the fame time he charged this fame king
to go to meet the Spaniards, and to endeavour to difiuade the general
from his journey to the court ; Cuitlahuatzin then turning to the king
his brother, faid, " The gods defire, O king, that you do not rcceive
" into your houfe thofe who will drive you from it, and that you
•' would remedy the evil while you ftill have time and means to do it."
" What Ihall we do," returned the king, " if our friends, and what
" is more our gods, inftead of favouring us, profper our enemies ? I
" am refolved, and wilh that all would be relolute, not to fly nor
Hiew
n I S T O R V O F xM E X I e O. 59
" fiiew any cowardice, happen what will — but I pity the aged and bookviii.
*' the young, who have no flrength and can make no defence !"
Cortes having diiiniired the Mexican ambafliidors, moved with his
troops from Ithualco, and proceeded through Amaquerriccan and Tlal-
man, Ico, two cities about nine miles diftant from each other, and fitu-
ated near the b.ife of thofe mountains. Amaquemecan, with its ad-
jacent hamlets, contained two thoufand inhabitants {k). At thofe
places the Spaniards were well received, and feveral chiefs of that pro-
vince vihted Cortes, and prefented him gold and fome Haves ; they
complained bitterly of the oppreflion they fuffered from the king of
Mexico and his minifters, in the fame terms made ufe of by thole of
Chempoalla and Chiahuitztla, and at the fuggeftion of the Chempoallefe
and Tlafcalans, who accompanied Cortes, entered into a confederacy
v/ith the Spaniards for the recovery of their liberty. In Hiort, the
farther the Spaniards advanced into the country, the more they con-
tinued to increafe their forces ; like a rivulet, which, by the accef-
fion of other ftreams, fwells in its courfe by degrees into a large river.
From Tlalmanalco the army marched to Ajotzinco, a village fituated
upon the fouthern bank of the lake of Chalco (/), where there was a
harbour for the vefTels of merchants who trafficked with the countries
to the fouthward of Mexico. Curiofity to view the quarters of the
Spaniards coil very dear to fome of the Mexicans, for the Spaniih cen-
ti nels imagining them to be fpies, from the apprehenfions they were
conftantly under of fome treachery, fliot about fifteen of them that
night. The following day, juft as they were ready to marcii, fome
Mexican nobles arrived with intelligence, that the king of Tezcuco S e
C T.
VYYIT
was come to vifit the Spanilli general in the name of the king of viiitoifthe
Mexico his uncle. It was not long before the king himfelf ioined """^ °^ T"'
^ ° -' ciico to Cor-
them, borne in a litter, adorned with fine feathers, on the flioulders ^"'
of four of his domeftics, and accompanied by a numerous and brilliant
(/■) Amaquemecan, called by the Spaniards Mecamcca, is at prefent a village no otherwifc
noted ihan for having been the birih-placc of the celebrated nun Joan Agnes of the Crofs,
a woman of uondcrful genius and uncommon learning.
(/) Solis confounds Amaquemecan with Ajotzinco ; Amaquemecan was never fituated, as he
fjys, on the border of the lake, but at twelve milci diTtsiice from it, upon tlie lide of a moun-
tain.
I 2 retinue
6ù H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK vili, retinue of Mexican and Tezcucan nobility. As foon as he came in
fight of the Spaniih general, he alighted from the litter and began
walking on foot, preceded by fome of his fervants, who induftrioufly
removed out of his way every thing which could either offend his feet
cr his fight. The Spaniards were aflonillied at this pomp, and from
thence began to form conjedures of the parade and grandeur which
muft attend the king of Mexico. Cortes went to the door of his dwel-
ling to meet him, and faluted him with a profound bow, which was
returned by the king in touching the earth with his right hand and
then lifting it to his mouth. He entered with an air of lordlinefs and
majefty into one of the halls, fat himfelf down, congratulated the ge-
neral and his officers on their happy arrival, and iignified the particular
pleafure his uncle the king of Mexico had in forming a friendfliip and
correfpondence with the monarch of the Eaft, by whom they were fènt
into that country ; but at the fame time, he exaggerated the difficulties
neceflary to be overcome in order to go to court, and requefted Cortes
to change his refolution if he defired to pleafe the king. Cortes an-
fwered, that if he returned back without delivering his embafly he
would fail in his duty, and would give the utmoft difpleafure to his
fovereign who had fent him, and particularly when he had found him-
felf fo near to the court after having furmounted the dangers of fo long
a journey. If it is Jo, faid the king, loe will fee each other at court ;
upon which taking polite leave, after being prefented with fome Eu-
ropean toys, he left behind him a part of the nobility, that they might
attend Cortes on his journey.
From Ajotzinco the Spaniards marched to Cuitlahuac, a city found-
ed upon a little ifland in the lake of Chalco, which, though fmall,
was accounted by Cortes the moft beautiful he had hitherto feen.
This city communicated with the main land by means of two large
commodious roads, conflrudled on the lake ; the one to the fouth,
which was two miles in length ; the other to the north, which was
more than tv/o miles in length. The Spaniards paffed along, delighted
to fee the multitude and beauty of the cities fituated on the lake, the
temples and towers which rofe above the other buildings, the trees
and fhrubbery which beautified the inhabited places, the fields and
floating
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 6i
floating gardens of the lake, and the innumerable little veflels plying bOoKVIII.
upon it; but at the lame time, not a little timorous at feeing them- ' '>'~— '
felves furrounded by an iinmenfe crowd of people, which coUeóted
there from all places to obferve them ; on which account Cortes com-
manded his people to proceed in good order and to be prepared for
accidents, and cautioned the Indians not to obftrudt the way nor come
too near the ranks, unlefs they chofe to be treated as enemies. In
Cuithhuac they were well accommodated and entertained. The lord
of that city complained in fecret to Cortes of the tyranny of the king
of Mexico, entered into a confederacy with him, and informed him of
the moft convenient way to go to the court, and the confternation
into which the oracles of the gods, the phenomena in the heavens,
and the fuccefs of the Spanifli arms, had thrown Montezuma.
From Cuitlahuac they proceeded by the other road of the lake Sect.
. XXXIII.
towards Iztapalapan, but in the way Cortes was entertained with a new Viikolthe*
piece of good fortune. The prince Ixlilxochitl finding that Cortes Tezcuco^and
was not to make his journey through Calpolalpan, where he was entrance of
• • r 1 • /- 1 ] f ■ 1 IT . 'h* Spaniards
waitmg tor him, reiolved to meet him on the road to Iztapalapan : into thit
he marched with a confiderable number of troops, and paffed clofe to '^°"'^'*
Tezcuco : this having been known to the prince Coanacotzin, his
brother, who, fince the rupture which, as we have already mentioned,
happened three years before between them, had been totally alienated
from him, either moved by fraternal affedlion, or led on by the hopes
of the greater advantages to be derived from the union of both their
interefts, came alfo to meet with him upon this road : here they mutu-
ally exchanged fentiments, were reconciled, and united together in order
to make a confederacy with the Spaniards. They travelled together
until they came to Iztapalatenco, where they joined the ilrangers.
Cortes, upon feeing fo many armed troops, was a little unealy, but
being informed of the rank of the perfons who were come to find him,
and the motive of their coming, he went out to meet them, and the
ufual compliments having palled between them, the two princes in-
vited him to the court of Tezcuco, to which he allowed himfelf to
be ealily perfuaded to go, from the great fervicc he liopcd to gain by the
prince
62 HISTORY OFMEXICO.
BOOK VIII.' prince Ixtlilxochitl, whofe attachment to the Spaniards was now
flrongly apparent.
Tezcuco then, though fomewhat inferior to Mexico in fplendour
and magnificence, was the largeft and moft populous city of the coun-
try of Anahuac : its population, including the cities of Huexotla, Co-
atlichan, and Ateneo, which were fo near as to appear like its luburbs,
occupied one hundred and forty thouland houfes : to the Spaniards it
feemed twice as large as Seville. The grandeur of the temples and
royal palaces, the beauty of the ftreets, the fountains and gardens^
furnifiied ample variety of fubjedl for their admiration. Cortes entered
into this great city accompanied by the two princes and many of
the Acolhuan nobility, amidll: an infinite concourfe of people. He
" . was lodged with all his army in the principal palace of the king, where
the treatment to his perfon was fuitable to the dvvelling. There the
prince Ixtlilxochitl explained his pretended right to the kingdom of
Acolhuacan, and his complaints againll his brother Cacamatzin and
the king of Mexico his uncle. Cortes promifed to put him in pof-
fefilon of the throne, as foon as he had finished his negociations in
Mexico ; and, without Hopping in that court, he marched towards
Iztapnlapan.
Sect. Iztapalapan was a large and beautiful city, fituated toward? the point
Entiyofthe of that finali peninfula which is between the two lakes of Chalco to
Spaniards ^^^ foutli and Tczcuco to the north : from this peninfula a road led
into Iztapa- _ ^
lapan. fo the little ifland of Mexico, which was paved for more than {even
miles, and made on the lake masiy years before. The population of
Iztapalapan confiiled then of more than twelve thouland houfes, built
chiefly on feveral little iflands contiguous to each other and the fame
peninfula, clofe to which were innumerable floating fields and gardens.
This city was then governed by the prince Cuitlahuatzin, brother of
Montezuma, and his immediate fucceflbr in the crown of Mexico,
who, together v.'ith his other brother Matlatzincatzin lord of the city
of Cojohuacan, received Cortes with the fame ceremonies ufed by the
other lords through whofe cities he pafled. He was complimented in
an elegant harangue, and he, and his troops which accompanied him,
lodged in his own palace. This was an cxtcnfive and molt cap.icious
8 edifice
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
edifice of flone and lime, freili built, and not yet completed : bcfides
many ludls and chambers of excellent accoinmoddtion, the roofs of
which were cedar, and the walls covered with fine cottoi tapeflry, and
bolides many large fquares where the allied troops weie quartered, it
had a garden of furprizing extent and btauty, already defcril)ed by us
when we treated of the agriculture of the Mexicans. After dinner the
prince condudled his guefts to this garden, where they received great
recreation, and were imprefied with a very elevated idea of .Mexican
magnificence. In this city the Spaniards obfervcd, that inilead of
murmurings and complaints as elfewhere, they heard nothing but
praifes of the government ; fuppofed to have been owing to the
neighbourhood of the court, which made the inhabitants more cau-
tious in fpeaking.
The next day the Spaniards marched along that road which united,
as we have already mentioned, Iztapalapan with Mexico, which was
interfedied by feven fmall canals for the paflage of boats from one lake
to tke other, and over thefe were wooden bridges for the convenience
of paffengers, which lifted up eafily when it was neceOary to obftrud:
the paiTage of an enemy. After having pafled through Mexicaltzinco,,
and viewed Colhuacan, Huitzilopocho, Cojohuacan, and Mixcoac,
cities all fituated upon the borders of the Lke, they arrived, amidll: aa
immenfe concourfe of people, at a place called Xoloc, where this and
the road of Cojohuacan met each other. In the angle formed by
thefe two roads, which is not more than half a league diftant from the
capital, there was a baftion with two little towers, furrounded by a
wall more than ten feet high, with battlements, two entrances,, and a.
draw-bridge ; a place moft memorable in the hiftory of Mexico, from:
having been the camp of the Spanilh general in the fiege of that great
city; there the army made a halt, to receive the compliments of more
than a thoufand Mexican nobles, all uniformly dreflèd, who, in palling
before the Spanilh general, made a bow with the ul"u.d ceremony of
touching the earth and killing the hand.
Thele compliments being over, in which the fpace of an hour wns. cect.
confumed, the Spaniards continued their courfe, all in as regular order Eut-v ott'he
as if they had been going to the field of battle. A little way before Spaniards
J ° '^ ' into Mexico J
tiijy
64 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK vili, they reached the city, Cortes was informed that the king of Mexico
reception was coming to meet him; and a Httle after he appeared, with a mofl
a'i"d no^bililvf numerous and nobie attendance. Three nobles preceded, each holiing
• up in his hand a golden rod, as the infignia of inajefty, by which the
people were advertifed of the prefence of their fovereign. Montezuma
came richly clad in a litter covered with plates of gold, which four
• nobles bore on their (houlders, under the Iliade of a parafol of green
feathers embroidered with fancy v/orks of gold; he wore hanging
' from liis llioulders a mantle adorned with the richefl: jewels of gold
and precious ftones, on his head a thin crown of the fame metal, and
upon his feet fhoes of gold tied with firings of leather worked witli
gold and gems ; he was accompanied by two hundred lords, drell in a
ftyle fuperior to the other nobles, but all barefooted, two by two,
keeping clofe on each fide to the walls of the houfes, to fliew the
refpedl they bore to their fovereign. As foon as the king and the
Spanidi general i'lw each other, both alighted, Cortes from his horfe,
and the king from his litter, who began to walk leaning on the arms
of the king of Tczcuco and the lord of Iztapalapan. Cortes, after
having made a profound bow to the king, approached him to put about
his neck a fmall cord of gold, on which were fbrung glafs beads which
appeared like gems, and the king bowed his head to receive it (;;/) ;
Cortes was alfo going to embrace him, but the two lords did not per-
. mit it. The general expreffeJ in a fliort fpeecli, as the circumflances
required, his benevolence, his refpeól, and the pleafure he had in the
knowledge of fo great a monarch. Montezuma anfwered him in few
words, and having performed the ufual ceremony of touching the e.irth
and killing the hand, he in returii for the prefent of the glafs beads,
gave him two necklaces of beautiful mother of pearl, from which hun-f
fome large cray-filh of gold in imitation of nature: he charged the
prince Cuitlahuatzin to condu<5l Cortes to his dwelling, ani lie him-
felf retired with the king of Tezcuco.
{/!i) Soli», in his account of that meeting, makes four miilakcs : i. He fays, that the pre-
fent made by Cortes was not a band or chain of glafs. 2. That thofc two lords who accompa-
nied Montezuma did net permit Cortes to put it about his neck. 3. That they did it with fnme
difdaii , 4. That they were reprimanded by the king. The whole vt this is falfc, invented at
capric, and contrary to the account given by Coites hiinfclf.
They
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 6$
The nobility as well as the populace, who, from the tops, doors, BOOKViif.
and x^àndowi of the houfes, were cblerving all that palTed, were equally "^ •— •^
furprized and aftoniflied at the fight of fo many cxtr<K)rdinary objc^fts
prefented to their eyes, and the unheard of complaifonce of the king,
which contributed much to raife the chara<fler of the Spaniards. Tlie
latter, full of wonder at feeing the grandeur of the city, the magnificence
of the buildings, and the multitude of inhabitants, marched along
that grand and fpacious way, which, without varying the leafl from a
right line, continued the road of Iztapalapan, built upon the lake, to
the fouthern gate of the greater temple, admiration alternately giving
way to fear in their minds for their fate, feeing £o fmall a number
of them in the center of a ftrange and populous kingdom. Thus they
travelled on for near a mile and a half within the city, unto the palace
deftined for their reception, which formerly belonged to king Axaja-
catl, not far diflant from the weftern gate of the fame temple. Here
Montezuma, who had gone before, waited for them. When Cortes ar-
rived at the gate of that palace, Montezuma took him by the hand,
led him into a large hall, made him fit down upon a foot-ftool fimilar
in form to thofe of the altars of the moderns, and covered with a fine
tapeftry of cotton, and clofe to a wall alfo covered with a tapeftry
embroidered with gold and gems ; and, taking leave of him, faid to him
" You and your companions are now in your own houfe, refrefli and
" repofe yourfelves ; I will return fliortly."
The king went to his palace, and Cortes immediately ordered a
volley of all the artillery to be fired, in order to awe and intimidate
the Mexicans by the found : in the mean while, he went to fee all th«
chambers of the palace where his people were to lodge. This edifice
was fo large, that both the Spaniards and their allies, who, together with
their women and fervants whom they brought with them, exceeded fe-
ven thoufand in number, were accommodated in it ; every where there
was the greateft cleanlinefs and neatnefs, almoft all the chambers had
beds of mats, of rurties, and palm, according to the cuftom, and other
mats in a round form for pillows, with coverlets of fine cotton, and
feats made of fingle pieces of wood ; fome chambers had the floor co-
vered with mats, and the walls alfo covered with tapeftries of cotton
of various colours. The walls were moderately thick, and at certain
Vol. II. jK, dillances
66 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK vili. <Jjftances there were little towers ; the Spaniards therefore found every
thing which, they could wifli for their fecunty. The indefatigable
and cautious general immediately diftributed his guards, placed a bat-
tery of his cannon facing the gate of the palace, and took as much
care to fortify himfelf as if he had expedled to be allaulted that night
by his enemies. That day there was a magnificent entertainment
prepared for Cortes and his officers, and ferved by the nobility, and
for the reft of the army were brought various and abundant provifions^
though of an inferior quality. This day, not more memorable to
the Spaniards than to the Mexicans, was the eighth day of November,
1519, feven months after their arrival in the country of Anahuac.
B O OK
[ 67 ]
BOOK IX.
Conferences of king Montezuma with the Spantjh general ; imprifonment
of the kmgs of Mexico and Acolhuacan, and other lords', cruel puijhment
of Sluauhpopoca ; attempts of the governor of Cuba againjl Cortes, and
the defeat of Panflo Narvaez ; the killing of many of the nobles, and
infurreSlion of the people againji the Spaniards ; battle of Otompan,
and retreat of the Spaniards to Tlafcala ; eleBion of king Cuitla-
huatzin ; vitlories of the Spaniards in Tepejacac, in Xaltatzinco^ in
Tecamachalco, and in ^cauquechollan ; havoc made by the fmall-pox ;
death of king Cuitlahuatzin, and the princes Maxizcatzin and Cui-
cuitzcatzin ; elcSlion in Mexico of the king ^aubtemotzin.
A
FT ER the Spcniards had dined and ordered eveiy thing necef- BOOK IX.
fary for their fecurity, the king returned, acccompanied by nianv Sect. i.
of the nobiUty to vifit them. Cortes came to meet him alon? with FiriUonter-
■' _ _ _ ° enee and ncv/
his officers, and both parties entered together into the principal hall, prefents ot
where they quickly placed another footftool clofe to that of the Spa- Montezumi,
nifli general. The king prefented to him many curious pieces of
work of gold, filver, and feathers, and more than five thoufind very
fine drefles of cotton. Having atlaft fat himfelfdown, he made Cor-
tes fit down alfo, while every other perfon remained ftanding. Cortes
in lofty expreflions protefted his gratitude to him, and as he was pro-
ceeding in his difcourfe Montezuma interrupted him, with thefc
words : " Brave general, and you his companions, all my domeflics
" and courtiers are witnefTes of the pleafure I have received from your
" happy arrival at this court ; and if, hitherto, there has been any
" appearance of a wifh to oppofe it, (o much has only been done to hu-
" mour my fubjeds. Your fame has enlarged objedts and alarmed
" minds. It was reported that you were immortal gods; that you
" came mounted on wild hearts of tremendous fize and fiercenefs;
K 2 " and
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
and, that you darted thunder with: Vi^hkh the\earth trembled : Come
rekted, that you were mcufter^ thrown up by the {ex ; that the
inlatiable thirft-.of gold made you abandon your native country;
tliat you were gc^^tjy addided -to p.lealureS ; and luch gluttons, that
one of you eat as. much, as ten of us : but all thefc errors are difli-
pated by the experience wliich my fubjefts have had of you ; now
it is known tlaat you. are mortili men like us, although differing in
complexion and beard ;; we have now feen with our own eyes that
thofe wild beafts fo renowned, are only flags more corpulent than
ours ; and, that your pretended thunder and lightning are only a
more artificial fpccies of Ihooting tubes, whofe balls are puftied with
more force, and do more hurt than ours : with regard to your per-
fonal qualifications, we are -well informed by thofe who have had
communication with you, that you are kind and generous, that you
patiently endure misfortunes, that you are not difpofed to feverity,
unlefs againfl thofe who provoke your anger by hoftilities, nor
make ufe of your arms but in defence of your perfons.
" I do not doubt that you will in like manner have baniflied from
your minds, or that you foon will banifii, thofe falfe ideas with which
you may have been imprefled by the flattery of my vaflals or the adu-
lation of my enemies : fome of them may have told you that I am
one of the gods, and that I put on at pleafure the form of a lion,
a tyger, or any other animal j but now you fee (taking hold with
his fingers of the Ikin of his arm) that I am of fleOi and bone like
other mortals, although more noble by birth and more powerful
from the elevation of my rank. The Chempoallefe, who, under
your protection, have renounced obedience to me (although their
rebellion fhall not pals unpunilhed) will have made you believe,
that the walls and roofs of my palaces are of gold, but your own eyes
have now undeceived you : this is one of my palaces, and you here
fee that the walls are made of ftoneand lime, and the roofs of wood.
I will not deny that my riches are great, but they are exaggerated by
my fubjeds : fome of them will have complained to you of my
cruelty and tyranny j but they term the lawful exercife of the fu-
preme authority tyranny, and call that cruelty which is but the ne-
ceflary rigour of juilice.
" Abandoning,
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. $9
" Abandoning therefore all faJfe conceptions occafioned to either BOOK IX,
**^ of us by unjuft reprefentations, I accept the embaily of your kin^
*' who fends you ; I refpedt his friendlhip, and offer all my kingdom
*• to his obedience ; fince from the figns we have obferved in the hea-
" vcns, and what we have feen in you, the psriod feems to be arrived
** when th? prediftions of our anceftors are to be fulfilled, that is, that
*' there were to come from the quarter o£ the Eaft, certain men dif-
** ferent in habit and in cuftoms from us, who were to becoaie lords
** of all tliis countr)' ; for we are not the original people of this land.'
** It is not many years fince our anceftors came here from the regions
** of the North, and we have not ruled thefe people but as the vice-
** roys of Quetzalcoatl our god and lawful fovereiga,"
Cortes anfwered, by th^mking him warmly for the fingular kind-
nefles he had hitherto received from him, and for the honourable idea
he had formed of the Spaniards. He told hin\ he was fent by the
greateft monarch of Europe, who, although he might afpire to fome
thing higher in virtue of his being the defcendant of Quetzalcoatl,
neverthelefs, he contented himfelf with ertablilliing a confederacy and
perpetual friendlhip with his majefty and his fucceffors ; that the end
of his embafly was not to take away from any one that which he pof-
feffed, but that of announcing a true religion, and communicating fome
important information which would improve his government, and ren-
der his valfals happy ; this he would do upon another occafion, if his
majefty would vouchfafe to hear him. The king afiented to his propo-
fal, and having informed himfelf of the rank and condition of every
one of the Spaniards, he took leave, and fome little time after he fent
them a large prefent, confifting of fome works of gold, and three
bales of fine feathers, drefles for each of the officers, and two bales of
drefVes of fine cotton for each of the foldiers. This profperous beginning
might have fecured to the Spaniards the quiet poffeffion of all that vaft
monarchy, if they had conducted themfelves with prudence equal to
their courage (n).
(«) The learned and judicious Acofta, treating of the firft confcrcncfc with Jlontczuma,' m
book vii. chap. 15. of his Hiftory fays, " M:itty are of opinion, that confidering the ftatq of
" things on that firft day, it would have been eaiy for the Spaniards to h;ivcdonc with the kirig ,
" and the kingdom whatever they pleafid, and to have communicated to them the law of Jéfus
" Cbrid with peace and contentment to all." &c.
8 The
H I S T O r! Y O F MEXICO.
The next day Cortes being defirotis fo pay his vilit to the king, fent
'^TT'JTìì'. to demand an audience, and obtained' it fo fpeedily, that thole who
Viikof Coi-- brought him the anfwer of the king were the perfons themfelves
king. appointed to introduce ambalTadors, and were to conduci him and in-
ftrudt him in the ceremonials of that court. Cortes drelled himleh" in
his moft fplendid habit, and took along with him the captains Alva-
varado, Sandoval, Velafquez, and Ordaz, and alfo five foldiers. They
proceeded to the royal palace, amidll an immenfe multitude of people,
and as foon as they reached the firil gate, the perfons who accompa-
nied them ranged themfelves in two files, one on each fide of them,
as it was deemed a want of refpedl to majefty to enter in a crowded
manner. After pafling through three courts, and fome halls, to the
lafl antichamber in order to come at the hall of audience, they were
politely received by feveral lords who kept guard, and were forced to put
off their flioes, and to cover their pompous dreflTes with fome coarfe
•garments. When they entered the hall of audience, the king made
fome fteps towards Cortes and took him by the hand, and giving a
look of kindnels to all the refi, he made them all fit down. Their
conference was long on different fubje*5ls. The king alked feveral
quefi:ions concerning the government and natural productions of Spain ;
and Cortes, after having fatisfied him in every thing, artfully led the
difcourfe upon matters of religion. He explained to him the unity of
God, the creation of the world, the feverity of the judgments of God,
the glory with which he rewards the iuft, and the eternal punithments
to which he condemns the wicked. Then he fpoke of the rites of
Chrillianity, and in particular of the pure and unbloody facrifice of the
mafs ; to draw a comparilbn between it and the inhuman facrifices of
the Mexicans, declaiming warmly againfi: the barbarous cruelty of facri-
ficing human viólims, and feeding on their flefli. Montezuma anfwer-
ed, that with refpedl to the creation of the world they were of one
fentiment ; as that which Cortes had jufi: faid had been communicated
to him by his ancefi;ors ; that as to the rell: he had already been in-
formed by his anibafladors of the religion of the Spaniards. I, how-
ever, he added, do not doubt of the goodnefs of the God whom you
adore; b ;t if he is kind to Spain, our gods are equally fo to Mexico,
• as the experience of many centuries has fliewn to us. Spare your-
u felves
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
felves therefore the trouble of endeavouring to induce me to leave their
worlhip. With regard to our facrificcs, 1 do not know why we are
to be blamed for facrificing to the gods thofe men who, either on ac-
count of their own crimes, or from their fate in war, are deftined to
death. But although Cortes did not fucceed in converting him to the
Chriftian religion, he obtained a promife, as has been affirmed, that there
never fliould be any human flelh prepared for the royal table, either be-
caufe the reafon urged by Cortes againfl it, wakened in his mind the hor-
ror natural at fuch food, or becaufe he was defirous of fhewing compli-
ance with the Spaniards infome of their demands. On this occafion alfo
he difplayed the royal beneficence towards them, prefenting to Cortes,
and his four officers, feveral labours of gold, and ten bales of fine
dreffes of cotton, and a golden necklace to every foldier.
Cortes having returned to his quarters (for thus we may hereafter,
name the palace of Axajacatl where the Spaniards were lodged, he be-
gan to refleft on the danger which furrounded him in the heart of a
city fo ftrong and populous, and rcfolved to conciliate the minds of the
nobles by good condu(fi, obfequious and kind manners, and ordered
his people to behave themfelves with fo much guard and difcretlon that
the Mexicans might have nothing to complain of : but while he appeared
to watch with diligence to keep peace, he was revolving in his mind
mofl daring and ralh defigns, totally adverfe to tranquillity j and in or-
der to bring them to maturity,, it being necefTary to inform himfclf
with his own eyes of the fortifications of Mexico, and the forces of tho
Mexicans, he demanded permiflion of the king to vifit the royal pa-
laces, the greater temple, and the fquare of the market. The king
chearfully granted his requeft, unfulpicious of the crafty general, nor
forcfaw tiie confequences of his great indulgence. The Spaniards fiw
all they wiihed to fee, and found every where new fubjedls of admi-
ration.
The city of Mexico was then fituated, as we have already faid, upon Sf. ct. hi..
a fmall ifland in the lake of Tezcuco, fifteen miles to the weftward 5'f{',;^'Pi|^"^f ,
from that court, and four to the eaftward from that of Tlacopan. Mexico..
For the convenience of pafling to. the main land, there were three
great caufcvays of earth and ftone, raifed in the lake. That of Iztapa-
lapan.
'fz H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK IX. lapan, towards the fouth, upwards of feven miles j that of Tlacopaii,
towards the weft, about two miles ; and that of Tepejacac, towards
the north, of three miles in length (/>) ; and all three fo broad, that
ttn men on horfeback could pafs abreaft. Belides thefe three roads,
there was another fomewhat narrower for the two aqueduds of Cha-
poltepec. The circumference of the city, exclufive of the fuburbs,
meafured more than ten miles, and the number of houfes were at leaft
fixty thoufand ( j-). The city was divided into four quarters, and each
quarter into feveral diflridts, the Mexican names of which are flill pre-
fcrved among the Indians. The dividing lines of the four quarters, were
the four broad roads, leading from the four gates of the area of the greater
temple. The firft quarter called Tecpan, now St. Paul, comprehend-
ed all that part between the two roads leading from the fouthern and
eaftern gates. The fecond Mojotla, now St. John, the part between
the fouthern and weftern roads. The third Tlaquechiuhcari, now St.
Mar}', the part between the weftern and northern roads ; and the
fourth Ahacualcoy now St. Sebaftian, the part of the city between the
roads which led from the northern and eaftern gates. To thofe four
parts into which the city was divided from the time of its foundation,
the city of Tlatelolco was added as a fifth, fituated towards the north-
weft, having been united after the conqueft of king Axajacatl to Te-
nochtitlan, and both together formed Mexico.
(/) Dr. Robcrtfon puts inflead of the road of Tepejacac, that of Tezcuco, which, in the
part where he dcTcribes Mexico, he jilaces towards the north-weft, and when he fpcaks of the
polis of the Spanifli forces at the fiege of that capital, he places it towards the eaft : though
he has alieady faid, that there was no road upon the lake towards the eaft : but there never
was, nor could be, any road on the lake from !\Iexico to Tezcuco, on account of the prodigi-
ous depth of its bed in that part ; and if there could have been any, it would not have been only
three miles as this author affirms, but fifteen miles in length, which is the diliance between
them.
(^) Torquemada affirms, that the population of the capital amounted to one hundred and
twenty thoufand hoifes ; but the anonymous conqueror, Gomara, Hcrrera, and other hillo-
rians, agree in the number of fixty thoufand houfes, not that of fixty thoufand inhabitant-,
as Robertfon fays ; for no ancient author computed them fo few in number. It is true, that
in the Italian tranllation of the relation of the anonymous conqueror we read fcjfaitte mila abi-
tanti; but this has been, without doubt, a millake of the tranflator, who having, perhaps,
found in the originaly>/&«/a w/V A'/W/jo/, tranflated it fixty thoufand abitanti, vihtn he ought
to have iAA fuochi ; becaufe, othenvife Cholula, Xochomilco, Iztapalapan, and other fuch
cities would be made greater than Mexico. But in the above mentioned number the fuburbs
are not included. It appears that Torquemada included the fuburbs, but flill his calculation
appears cNCClfive.
Around
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. ■ y-^^
Around the city there were many dykes and refervoirs for collecfting BOOKVIII.
water when it was necefliiry ; and within it fo many canals, that there
was hardly a diflridl wliich could not be approached by boats ; a cir-
cumftance which did not lefs contribute to embellifli the city, and to
make the tranfportation of provifions, and all other commodities of
trafHck eafy, than to give the citizens fecurity from the attempts of
their enemies. Although the principal ftrcets were broad and ftrait,
of many others, fome were mere canals, where there was no pall-
ing but in boats ; others were paved and free of water, and fome had
a fmall channel between two terrailès, which ferved for the conveni-
ence of palfengers, and for the unloading of vellels, or were little gar-
dens planted with trees and flowers.
Among the various buildings of the city, befides n»ny -temples and
magnificent royal palaces, of which wc have already fpoken, there
were other palaces, or great houfes, which the feudatory lords had con-
ilruded for their habitation during the time which they were occafion-
ally obliged to refide at court. Almofl: all the houfes, except thofe of
the poor, had balconies with parapets, and fome of them even battle-
ments and towers, though much fmaller than thofe of the temples :
fo that upon the whole, the Mexicans provided for their defence in their
Hreets and houfes as well as their temples.
Befides the large and famous fquare of Tlatelolco, where the prin-
cipal market was held, there were other little market-places diflributed
through the city, where they fold ordinary provifions. There were
alfo in diiferent places fountains and filli -ponds,' particularly near to
the temples, and many gardens, part laid out on the natural level of
the earth, and part railed into high terrafles.
The many and great buildings, neatly v*'hitened and polillied, the
lofty towers of the temples, fcattered through the four quarters of tlie
city, the canals, trees, and gardens, foniicd an aflemblage of objedls fo
beautiful, that the Spaniards appeared never latisfied v/ith viewing it,
particularly when they beheld it from the upper area of the greater
temple, which not only commanded a profpedt of all the extent of
Mexico, but alio of the lake, and the beautiful and populous cities
around it. They were not lefs aftonillied at feeing the royal palaces,
and the wonderful variety of plants and anim.als which were reared
Vol. II. L there]
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
there ; but nothing flruck their rninds with more amazement than the
large fquare of the market. There v/as not a Spaniard who did not
extol it with fingular praifes, and fome of them, who had travelled
through almoft all Europe, declared, as Bernal Diaz reports, that they
had never feen in any place of the world, either fo 'great a number of
merchants, or fuch variety of merchandize fo well ordered and dif-
pofcd.
Sect. IV. When the Spaniards mounted the greater temple, they found the
Effefts of kins there, who had anticipated their arrival, in order to prevent, by
gious zeal, HIS prelcncc, any attempt or violence agamit his gods, Arter navmg
obferved the city from that great height, at the inftance of the king
himfelf, Cortes demanded permiflion to fee the fandtuaries which the
king granted to him after confulting the prierts. The Spaniards en-
tered there, and contemplated, not without compaffion and horror,
the blindnefs of thofe people, and the horrid {laughter which fuperfti-
tion committed at their facrifices. Cortes then turning to the king,
faid, " I wonder, prince, that a monarch, fo wife as you are, can adore
thofe abominable figures of the devil as gods." " If I had known,"
anfwered the king, " that you would have fpoken difrefpeflfully of our
" gods, I fliould not have yielded to your requeft." Cortes, feeing
him fo much incenfed, begged his excufe, and took leave to withdraw
to his quarters. " Go in peace," faid the king; " for I will ftay here
" to appeafe the anger of our gods, which you have provoked by your
" blafphemy."
Notwithftanding this circumftance of difguft, Cortes not only ob-
tained psrmiffiion from the king to build within the enclofure of his
quarters a chapel in honour of his god, but alfo the workmen and ma-
terials for the building, in which they celebrated mafs, although with-
out wine, and the foldiers daily afTembled there to perform their devo^
tions. He fixed alfo, in the principal court, a great crofs, that the
Mexicans might fee the high veneration in which they held that fym-
bol of their religion. He was nioreover defirous of confecrating the
very fandluary of Haitzilopochrli to the worfliip of his god, but at
that time he was reftrained by refpeft for the king and thepricftsj but
he accompliilied this purpofe fome months after, having acquired a
greater
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
greater authority by the imprifonment of the king, and other actions not
more prudent or lets rafli, as will prefently appear.
H^ broke the idols which were worfliipped there, made them clean
and adorn the fandluary, placed a crucifix and an image of the mother of
God in it, and placing himfelf upon his knees before thofe facred images,
he thanked the Almighty for having granted leave to adore him in
that place, fo long deftined to cruel and deteftable idolatry. His
pious zeal made him frequently repeat to Montezuma his arguments
for the truth of his religion ; but although Montezuma was not dif-
pofcd to embrace it, moved however by his fuggeflions, he com-
manded that from that time forward no human victims fliould be facri-
ficed ; and although he did not agree with the Spanifh general in re-
nouncing idolatry, he continued to carefs him, and no day pafled without
his making fome prefent to, and fliewing new civilities to tlie Spaniards.
The order which the king gave refpedling the facrifices were not
flridly obferved, and that great harmony, which had hitherto fubfill:ed,
was difturbed by the daring attempts of the Spanifh general.
Six days were hardly elapfed after the entr)'* of the Spaniards into Skct. \\
Mexico, when Cortes, finding himi'elf, as it were, ijifulated in the ,!||,',^t o7k"in
centre of an immenfe myriad of people, and confidering how danger- ^Moiuczum:
ous their fituation would become, if the mind of the king fliould ever
change, which event might happen, was perfuaded there was no otlier
condudl to be followed for their fecurity than to make himfelf mafter of
the perfon of the king; but fuch a meafure being extremely repugnant
to jurtice and reafon, which demanded from him both refpedl to the ma-
jefty of that monarch, and gratitude for his great beneficence, he fought
for pretences to quiet his confcience, and to fliield his honour; for which
purpofe he found none fo fitting as the revolutions at Vera Cruz, the
intelligence of which he had kept fecret in his breafl: till this time, but
being willing now to avail himfelf of it, he revealed it to his officers,
that they might take into their ferious confideration v/hat would be
moft proper and effeólual to deliver themfelvcs from fuch imminent
danger; and, in order to juftify his attempt, and excite the Spaniards
to execute it, he made fome principal perfons of the allies be called
(whofe information ought always to be fufpicious, on account of their
bitter enmity to the Mexicans), and demanded of them if they had ob-
L 2 ferved
-?6 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IX. lerved any thing new in the inhabitants of that court ? They reph'ed,
that the Mexican populace was then amufed with the pubh'c rejoicings,
which the king had ordered, to celebrate the arrival of fuch noble
Grangers ; but that amongll the nobility they perceived a fufpicious
look ; and, among other thing?, they had heard them fiiy, that it
would be eafy to lift up the bridges upon the canals, which feemed to
indicate fome fecret confpiracy againft the Spaniards.
Cortes could not lleep from uncàfmefs that whole night, and pafTed
it traverfmg his quarters in deep meditation. A centinel told him,^
that in one of the chambers there was a door which had been frefli
walled up. Cortes made it be opened, and upon entering they found
feveral chambers, where the treafure of the deceaied king was depofited.
He faw there many idols, a great quantity of works of gold, of gems, of
feathers, of cotton, and feveral other things which were paid by the tri-
butary provinces, or prefented by the feudatory lords to their fbvereign.
After beholding with amazement fo much riches, he made the door
be again walled up, and left in its former ftate.
The next morning he called together his captains, reprefented to
them the hoftilities committed by the lord of Nauhtlan upon the
garrifon at Vera Cruz and the Totonacas their allies, which the allies
themfelves laid would not have been oiFered without the expreis order
or permiffion of the king of Mexico, He painted, in flrong colours,
the danger in which they then flood, and declared his defign to them, ex-
aggerating the advantages which were to be expeifted from the execution
of it, and diminifhing the evils which it might occafion. Their opinions
were various. Some of them rejedted the proportion of the general as
rafh and impradticable, and faid, that it would be fitter to afk permifllon
from the king to retire from the country, lìnee as he had endeavoured,,
with fo much earneflnefs, and fuch large prefents, to turn them from
their refolution of coming to Mexico, he would promptly conlent to
their departure. Some of them thought, that although it was neceflary
for them to depart, yet they imagined that it would be proper to do
it fecretly, in order to give the Mexicans no opportunity of betraying
them in any manner ; but the greater part of them having, it is pro-
bable, been previoufly bialTed by the general, embraced his propofal,
rejecting the others as more dangerous and ignominious. " What will
." they
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
" they fay of us ?" they allced, " when they fee us'gofuddenly from a
" court where we have been crowned with honour j who will not be
" perfuaded that it is fear which chafes us away ? If we ever lofe the
" reputation of courage, what fecurity can we promife ouifelvcs,
" either in thofe places of the Mexicans through which we mufl pafs,
" or among our allies, who will no longer be reftrained by refped: for
" our arms ?" At laft, the refolution v/as formed to take Montezuma
in his palace, and to bring him prifoner to their quarters ; a refolution
moft barbarous, however, and wild to exccfs, fuggefted by apprehen-
fions for their fate, and their part uniform experience of fuccefs,
which, more than any thing elfe, encourages men, and leads them
gradually on always to fome flill more daring undertaking.
For the execution of this dangerous plan, Cortes put all his troops
in arms, and ftationed them at proper places. He commanded five of
his officers and twenty-five of his foldiers, in whom he placed chief
confidence, to repair two by two to the palace, but in fuch a manner
that they might all meet there at once, as if by accident ; and having
previoufly obtained leave of the king, he v/ent himfelf with his inter-
preter Marina, at the ufual hour of his vifit to him. He was
introduced with the other Spaniards into the hall of audience, where the
king, far from fufpedting what was to happen, received them with his
wonted kindnefs. He made them fit down, prefented them to fome works
of gold, and befides prefented one of his daughters to Cortes. Cortes,
after having exprcfi'ed his gratitude, in the moft polite terms., apolo-
gifed for not accepting her, alledging that he was married in Cuba, and
according to the ChrilHan law, he was not permitted to have tw'o
wives ; but at laft he received her into his company, to avoid giving
difguft to- the king, and to have an opportunity of making her a
Chriftian, as he afterwards did. Ta the other officers al fo he gave
fome daughters of Mexican lords of thofe he had in his feragllo.
They converfed afterwards, for fome time, on various fubjedls ; but
Cortes, leeing that thofe difcourfes diverted him from his objed:, told
the king that his vifit then was mide to communicate to him the pro-
ceedings of his vafial the lord of Nauhtlan : he complained of the
hoftililios committed by that lord on the Totonacas, on account of
their fricndfhip witli the Spaniards ; of the war made on the Spaniards
at.
HISTORY OF MEXICO,
at Vera Cruz, and the death of Efcalante the governor, and lix foldiers
of that garrifon. " I (he added) muft- give an account to my fovereigii
" of the death of thofe Spaniards ; and in order to be able to give him
" proper fatisfaition, I have made enquiry into fo fmgular an event.
" All confider you the principal author of thofe revolutions ; but I
" am far from thinking fo great a monarch capable of fuch perfidy as
** to perfecute me as an enemy in that province, while at the fame time
*' you are heaping favours upon me in your court." " I do not
*' doubt (replied the king) but thofe who accufe me of the war of
" Nauhtlan are the Tlafcalans, my fworn enemies j but I proteft I had
" no influence in it. Quauhpopoca has proceeded to do fo without my
" orders, and rather againft my inclination ; and that you may be
" aflured of the truth, I wall make him immediately come to court,
" and put him into your hands." He immediately called two of his
courtiers, and delivering to them a certain gem, which he always wore
hanging at his arm, and ferved in place of a feal as a fign of his com-
mands, he ordered theni to go with all pollible fpeed to Nauhtlan to
bring Quauhpopoca from thence to court, and the other principal
perfons who were concerned in the death of the Spaniards, and gave
them authority to raife troops, and take them by force if they fhould
refufe to obey.
The two courtiers departed immediately to execute their conimiffion,
and the king (aid to Cortes, " What can I do more to affure you of
*' my fmcerity?" " I have no doubt of it (anfwered Cortes) ; but
" in order to clear up the error into which your vaffals have likewife
" fallen, that the affair of Nauhtlan had been executed by your orders,
" we wilh for a ftrong proof of it, which will manifefl: your benevolence
" towards us; and no one feems more adapted for this purpofe than that
** of your condefcending to live with us until the guilty perfons appear,
" and manifefl: your innocence by their confeffion. That will be fuf^
*' ficient to fiitisfy my lovereign, to juftify your conduifl, to honour
" and Hielter us under the Ihide of your maiefl:y." In fpite of
the artful words in which Cortes endeavoured to dilguife his daring
and injurious pretenfion, the king immediately penetrated his mean-
ing, and was cufturbed. " When was there ever an inftance (he faid)
" of a king tamely fuffering himfelf to be led into prifon ? And although
'* I was
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
" I was willing to debafe m} felf in (o vile a manner, would not all my
" valliils in:mediately arm themiclves to let nie tree ? I am not a man
*' who can hide myfelf, or fly to the mountains; without fubjedling
" mylelf to fuch iiitamy, I am here now ready to latisfy your com-
*' plaints." " The houle, prince (returned Cortes), to which we invite
" you, is one of your palaces ; nor will it excite the wonder of your fub-
*' jedts, who are accuftomed to your change of habitation, to fee
" you now go to inhabit the palace of your deceafed father Axajacatl,
*' from a- motive of fliewing your benevolence towards us. In cafe
" your fubjedts afterwards fliould dare to do any thing againfl you or
" us, we have enough of courage, ftrong arms, and good weapons, to
" repel their violence. In other refpcds I engage my faith you
" (hall be as much honoured and attended upon by us as by your own
" fubjedts." The king perfevered in his refulal, and Cortes in his im-
portunity ; until at laft, one of the Spanifh officers, extremely daring
and impetuous, not brooking this delay to the execution of their pro-
ject, faid, in paflion, that they fliould leave difcourfing, and refolve to
take him by force, or put him to death. The king, who difcerned in
the afpedt of the Spaniard, what was his purpofe, eagerly demanded of
Marina what that furious ftranger faid? " I, prince (flie anfwered
with mildnefs and difcretion), " as your fubjeót, defireyour happincfs;
" but as the confidant of thofe men, know their fecrets, and am ac-
" quainted with their chara«fter. If you condefcend to do what they
" require, you will be treated by them with all the honour which is
*' due to your royal perfon ; but if you perfift in your refufal, your life
" will be in danger." That unhappy king, who from the time that
he had the firft intelligence of the arrival of the Spaniards, had been
ftruck with a fuperftitious panick, and had become daily more pu-
fillanimous, feeing himfelf in fuch ditiiculty, and being perfuaded that
before his guards could come to his fuccour he might perifli by the
hands of men fo daring and rcfolute, at lad yielded to their importu-
nity. " I am vvilling to trufl myfelf with you ; let us go, let us go,
" lìnee the gods thus intend;" and immediately he ordered his litter to
be prepared, and he got into it, in order to be tranfported to the quar-
ters of the Spaniards.
8 Our
8'o H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O,
BOOK IX. Our readers will probably, on reading and confiderlng all the cir-
'""'"'"'^'^ cutnflances of this extraordinary event, icel the fame diipleilure we feel
in giving the relation ; as the Spaniards cannot but appear to have been
the feverefl inftruments fate ever made uie of to tarther the ends of
Providence in the difcovery and connetition of the new with the old
continent. '
Montezuma, at length, left his palace never to return to it again.
He departed, declaring to his courtiers, for certain realbns, after con-
fultation with his gods, he was going to pafs fonie days, of his own free
will, with thofe ftrangers, commanding them to publifh it through
all the city. He went with all the pomp and magnificence with
which he ufually appeared in public, and the Spaniards kept clofe to
him, guarding him, under pretence of doing him honour. The news
this lingular event immediately fpread through the whole capital, and the
people affembled in crowds ; fome were affcòled fo as to weep, and others
threw themfelves upon the ground in defpair. The king attempted to
confole them, telling them, that it was with his own pleafure, that he
went to be among his friends ; but being apprehenfive of fome dif-
order, he gave orders to his minillers to chace the rabbis from the
flreets, and threatened death to any one who caufed any commotion or
dillurbance. Having arrived at the quarters, he careffed the Spaniards,
and took the apartments that pleafed him moft, which his domeflics
quickly decorated with the fineft tapeflry of cotton and feathers, and
the bed furniture of the royal palace. Cortes placed guards at the
entry to thofe apartments, and doubled thofe which were ufual for the
fecurity of their quarters. He intimated to all the Spaniards and all
the allies, that they were to treat him and ferve him with all the
refpefl: which was due to majcfty, and permitted the Mexicans to
vifit him vvhenever they pleafed, provided there were but few at a
time; fo that he wanted nothing that he had in his own palace but
liberty.
Sect. VI. Here Montezuma was allowed to give free audience to his vailals,
, . "' . heard their petitions, pronounced fentences, and governed the kine-
kinv; in pn- . ' b o
foil. dom with the affiftance of his minifters and counfellors. His domef-
tics fcrved him with the lame diligence and punduality as ufual. A
band of nobles waited upon him at table, ordered in ranks of four at
a time.
I
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
a tini'", carrying the difhes railed up in their hands for the fiiki of BOOKIY.
crte.it.ition ; alter havhig chofe what he hked, he divided the reft
among the Spaniards who alTifted and the Mexican nobles wlio attend-
ed him : not contented with this, his generofity made him diftribute
frequent and magnificent prdents among the Spaniards,
Cortes, on his part, fhewed fo much earneftncfs that his people
n^ould pay him tlie refpecfi: which was due, that he ordered a Spaniard
to be whipped for anfwering die king rudely, and would have made
him be hanged, as fome hiilorians affirm, if the king himfelf h.id not
interpofed in his behalf. But if the foldier was deferving of cliaftife-
ment for infulting the majefty of that king by a rude word, what pu-
nilliment did he merit who had fo outrageouHy deprived him of his
liberty ? Every time that Cortes went to vifit him he obferved the
fame ceremony, and paid him the fam^ compliments which lie had
been ufed to do when lie went to the royal palace. In order to amufe
him in prifon, he made the foldiers go through the military exercifc,
or made them play at games before him ; and the king himfelf fre-
quently condcfcended to play with Cortes and the captain Alvarado,
at a game which the Spaniards called bodoque, and fliewed himfelf
happy to lofe in order to have an opportunity of exercifing his libe-
rality : once after dinner he loft forty pieces of unwrought gold,
which, as near as we can guefs, was equal to one hundred and fixty
ounces at leaft.
Cortes perceiving his liberality, or rather prodigality, told him one
day that feme knavifli foldiers had ftolen fome pieces of gold from the
treafury of his deceafed father Axajacatl, but that he would make them
immediately reftore the whole of their theft. " Provided," faid the
king, " they db not touch the images of the gods, nor any thing dc-
" ftined for their worfhip, they may take as much as they pleafc."
Having got this permilfion, the Spaniards took out foon after more
than a thoufand fine habits of cotton ; Cortes commanded them to be
replaced, but Montezuma oppofed it, faying he never took back what
he had once given away. Cortes alfo imprifoned fome foldiers, becaufc
they had taken out of the fame treafiire a certain quantity of liquid
aniber ; but, at the defirc of the king, they were again fet at liberty.
Montezuma, not contented with yielding up his riches to the Spani-
VoL. II. M ards.
82 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK IX. ards, prcfented to Cortes another of his daughters, whom the general
accepted, in order to marry her to Chriftopher Olid, camp-m.iiter to
tiie Spanifli troops. This princels, as well as the other formerly pre-
fented, were immediately inllrudcd and baptized, without any oppo-
fition from their father.
Cortes, having no longer any doubt of the friendly difpofition of
the king, which had been manifefled not only by his extraordinary
liberality, but alfo by the pleafui-e he took in living among the Spani-
ards, after fome days of confinement allowed him to go out of the
quarters, and exhorted him to go as often as he pleafsd to amufe him-
felf with the chace, of which he was immoderately fond. That de-
bafed monarch did not refufe this miferable ufe of his liberty ; he went
frequently, fometimes to the temples to perform his devotions, fome-
times to the lake to catch water-fowl, fometimes to the wood of
Chapoltepec, or fome other place of pleafure ; always guarded, how-
ever, by a ftrong company of Spanifh foldiers. When he went upon
the lake, he was efcorted by a vafl: number of boats, or by two brigan-
tines, which Cortes had caufed to be built as foon as he entered that
capital (r). When he reforted to the woods, he was accompanied by
two thoufand Tlafcalans, befides a numerous retinue of Mexicans,
who always were in attendance to ferve him ; but he never paiTed a
night out of the quarters.
Sect. VTT. Upwards of fifteen days had elapfed fince the imprifonment of the
o"th^lor'd of king, when the two meffengers returned from Nauhtlan, conducing
Nauhtlan, . Quauhpopoca, his fon, and fifteen other nobles, accomplices in the
fuitstothe death of the governor Efcalante. Quauhpopoca came richly drefTed,
^'^'^' in a litter : when he arrived at the quarters he pulled off his flioes,
according to the ceremony of the palace, and covered himfelf with a
coarfe habit ; he was introduced to the audience of the king, and
having obferved the ufual forms of refpeil, he faid, ** Behold, mod
" great and powerful prince, your fervant obedient to your commands,
" and ready to comply in every thing with your defire." " You
" have condudled yourfelf not a little ainifs in this point," returned
(r) In order to fct forth at once the life of Montezuma while in prifon, we recount here-
fome events which happened poflerior to otliers, v.hich aie full to be related.
the
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 8^
the king, with difdain, " by treating thofe ftrangers, whom I have book tx.
" received hke friends into my court, as enemies; and your temerity
" has been excelììve, in blaming me as the author of fuch proceedings j
" you (hall therefore be punilhed as a traitor to your fovereign."
Quauhpopoca endeavoured to excufe himfelf, but the king would not
liften to him, and made him be immediately delivered up to Cortes,
with his accomplices, that, after the crime was examined into, he might
punifh them as he fliould think proper. Cortes put the neceflary
queftions, and they openly confeflcd the fadl, without at firft blaming
the king ; until being threatened with the torture, and believing their
punilhmcnt inevitable, they declared that what they had done v/as
enjoined by the king, without whofe orders they would not have dared
to attempt any thing againft the Spaniards.
Cortes, after hearing their confeffion and pretending not to believe
their excufe, condemned them to be burned alive before the royal
palace, for being guilty of treafon to the king. He repaired immedi-
ately to the king's apartment, with three or four of his officers, and a
foldier who carried irons in his hands ; and, without omitting even
upon this occafion the ufual ceremony and compliments, he faid to the
king, •' The delinquents, prince, have now been examined, and all of
" them have confefl'ed their guilt, and blame you as the author of the
*' death of my Spaniards : I have condemned them to the punifhment
" which they, and which you alfo, deferve, agreeable to their confef-
" fion ; but, in confideration of the many kindnefles you have rendered
" us hitherto, and the regard you have manifefted for my fovereign
" and towards my nation, I am willing to grant you the favour of your
" life, although I cannot avoid making you feel a part of the punifhment
" which you merit for your crime." Upon faying this, he, in an
angry tone, commanded the foldier to put the irons upon his legs, and
without deigning to hear a word from him, turned about and de-
parted. The ftupcfadtion of the king at feeing this outrage offered to
his perfon was fo great, that it left him no power of refiftance nor any
words to exprefs his afflidtion : he remained for fome time in a ftate of
infenfibility ; his domeftics who attended fignified their grief in filent
tears ; and throwing themfelves at his feet, eafed the weight of the
irons with their hands, and endeavoured to prevent their contaft with
M 2 his
84 H I S T O R Y O F IVI E X I C O.
BOOK IX. his legs by placing bandages of cotton between them. As he returned
to hiinfelf, he broke out into fome expreiiions of impatience, but he
foon calmed again, attributing his mileries to the fupreme difpenfations
of his gods.
This bold aftion was hardly performed, when Cortes proceeded to
execute another not lels prefumptuous. After having given orders to
the guards not to admit any Mexican to fee the king, he commanded
Quauhpopoca, his fon, and the reft of his accomplices, to be led to
puniihment ; they were conducted by the Spaniards themfelves, all
armed and formed in order of battle, to keep the people in awe in
cafe they fhould be willing to oppofe the execution of their fentence.
But what could that fmall troop of men have done againft the immenfe
multitude of Mexicans who alfembled to be fpeiflators of the event?
The fire was kindled before the principal palace of the king. The
fuel made ufe of was a great quantity of bows, arrows, darts, lances,
fwords, and iliields, which were taken from an armoury ; for Cortes
had demanded thefe of the king, that he might rid himlelf of the
uneafinefs which the fjghtof fo many arms occaiioned. Quauhpopoca,
tied hand and foot and placed upon the pile where he was to he burned,
again protefted his iruiocence, and repeated tlxat what he had done was
by the exprefs order of his king j he then made prayers to his gods,
and encouraged his companions to bear their fufferings. The fire
being kindled they were all in a few minutes confumed, {s) in fight of a
numerous multitude, who made no commotion becaufe they were
perfuaded as is probable that this punifhment was executed by order
of the king : and it is to be imagined that the fentence had been,
publiihed in his naiBe.
(.j) Solis, when he makes mention of the fentence of Cortes againft Quauhpopoca, fpeaks^
thus : " Juzgofe militarmente la caufa, y fe Ics dio fenfencia de inuerte, con la circunliancia,
" de q«e fuiiTen CjtienWos pHblicamente fus cuerpos." Wherein, without mentioning the
fpecics of punlflmient to which they w ere condemned, he makes it be underilood, that the pri-
foners were not burned, but their dead bodies only. This is not at all confident with the
fincerity which is requifite from an hiflorian. He ftudicd to diffembk whatever did not con-
form with the panegyric of his hero ; but his dillimulatron-is of but little confequencc, while
not only other hillorians, but even Cortes himfclf ailinns it opeily, in his letter to Charles W
Sec in particular Herrera, in his Lecad II. book viii. chap. 9..
This
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 85
This ccndu(fi: of Cortes is by no means to be juftified, fince befidcs book IX.
arrogating to himfclf an authority which did not belong to him, if he *" ^'*"*^
believed the king had been the antho;- of the revolutions at Vera Cruz,
why condemn to death, and to io cruel a death, men who had no other
guilt than that of executing pundually the orders of their fovereiga?
If he did not bJieve the king guilty, why fubjeól him to fo much
ignominy, in contradidlion 'to the refped: due to his character, the
gratitude which might naturally have been felt for his bounty, and
the jullice claimed by his innocence ? It is probable, that C^uauhpo-
poca had an exprefs order from the king to bring the Totonacas again
under obedience to his crown, and that being unable to execute that
order without embroiling himfclf with the Spaniards, who protected
the rebels, he carried things to the extremity which we have fsen.
As foon as the criminals were puniihed, Cortes went to the apart-
ment of the king, and laluting him with exprelfions of affedtion, and
boafting the favour which he had done him in granting him his life,
he made his fetters be taken off. The joy which Montezuma then
felt, was proportioned to the anguiOi the ignominy had excited ; he
loft all his fears of having his life taken from him, and received this
phantom of liberty as an incomparable benefit j he was Co fallen in
dignity and fpirit, that he embraced Cortes with the utmofl afFeftion,
cxprelTcd his gratitude to him in the ftrongeft terms,, and that day
rtiewed extraordinary complaifance to the Spaniards and his own vallals.
Cortes took off his guard, and told the king that whenever he pleafed
he might return to his palace ; well allured, however, the king would
not accept his offer ; for he had frequently heard him fay, that it
would not be fitting for him to return to his palace while the Spaniards
were in his court. He was unwilling to quit the quarters, on accourkt
of the dangers the Spaniards would be in whenever he abandoned them ;
but it is alfo probable, that his own perfonal danger likcwjfe prevented
him from refuming his liberty, for he was not ignorant how much he
had offended and difguflcd hi^ vaffals, by his debafenient of fpirit and
excefs of fubmiffion to the SpanLirds.
It is alfo probable, that the puniOiment of Qnauhpopoca excited Sfct. viir
feme ferment among the nobility,- for, a few days after, Cacamatzin -'^"f"ips"f
king of Acolhuacan, unable to brook the authority which the Spani- Acoihat.acaa
J againil the
ardS Spaiùaidi.
86 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK IX, ards were gaiiiing in Mexico, and afliamed to fee the miferab'e fitua-
tion of his uncle Montezuma, fent to tell him, — that he fliould re-
member that he was a liing, and not to make himfelf the ilavc of
thofe ftrangers : but finding that Montezuma refufed to attend to his
counfel, refolved himfelf to make war upon the Spaniards. Their
ruin would have been inevitable, if the efleem of Cacamatzin with
the Mexican and Tezcucan fubjefls had been eqvxal to his intrepidity
and i-efolution ; but the Mexicans fufpeóled, that under findion of zeal
for the honour of his uncle he difguifed fome lurking ambition and
defign to ufurp the crown of Mexico ; among his own fubje«5ts of
Tezcuco he was not very popular, on account of his pride and the
injury he dad done his brother the prince Cuicuitzatzin, who, to fliua
being perfecuted, had taken fhelter in Mexico, and was more accej>t-
able to the people on account of his more affable difpofition.
Cacamatzin therefore went to Tezcuco, and having called together
his counfellors and the moft refpedlable perfons of his court, reprefent-
ed to them the deplorable ftate of Mexico, owing to the unequalled
audacity of the Spaniards, and pufillanimity of the king his uncle;
the authority which thofe flrangers were acquiring, the outrages offer-
ed to the king by the imprifonment of his perfon as if he had been
a flave, and the infult rendered to their gods by the introdudion of
the worfliip of a flrange deity into that kingdom j he exaggerated the
evils which might refult from fuch beginnings to the court and king-
dom of Acolhuacan : " It is time now," he faid, " to fight for our
" religion, for our country, for our libertv, and for our honour, be-
" fore the power of thofe men is increafed by reinforcements from
" their own country or new alliances in this." At lall he enjoined
them all to fpeak their opinions freely. The majority of his
counfellors declared for war, either in complaiiance to their king or
becaufe they were all of the lame opinion, but fome aged refpediable
perfons told the king plainly, that he fhould not fuffer himfelf to be
led away by the ardour of youth ; that before any refolution was taken
it ought to be remembered, that the Spaniards were warlike refolute
men, and fought with arms lliperior to their's ; that he fhould not
confider the relation between himfelf and Montezuma fo much as
the alliance of the latter with the Spaniards ; that a fnendfhip of that
8 nature.
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 87
nature, of which there were the cleareft and moft certain proofs, would BOOK IX
nuke him facrifice ajl the interefls of his family and his country to " '
the ambition of thofe Grangers.
■ In fpite of thofe reprefentations war was refolved upon, and imme-
diately they began to make preparations for it with the utmoll fecrecy ;
but ftill not fufficient to prevent the intelligence of it from reach-
ing Montezuma and Cortes : this general became extremely uneafy
at it, but refledling that all his daring dcfigiis h>.d fucceeded, he
refolved to v/ard off the blow, by marching with his troops to make
an aflault upon Tezcuco. Montezuma diii'auded him from fo dan-
gerous a flep, informing him of the ftrength of that capital and the
immenfe number of its inhabitants. Cortes determined, therefore^
to fend an cmbafly to that king, calling to his recolleiStion the friend-
fliip formerly agreed u.ion between them in Ajotzinco when he came
to meet him in tlie name of his uncle, and alio to tell him to refletì:
that it was not eafier to undertake war than difficult to fucceed in it,
and that it would turn out to better account for him to keep up a good
correfpondence with the king of Caftile and the Spanifh nation. Ca-
camatzin anfwered, that he could not regard men as friends who
injured his lionour, wronged his blood, difdained his religion, and
opprelTed his country ; that he did not know who the king of
Caftile was, nor was it of any importance for him to know it ; that if
tliey would efcape the ftorm which was now ready to pour upon them
they (hould immediately quit Mexico, and return to their native
country.
Notwithflanding this firm anfwer, Cortes repeated his embally;
but being again anfwered in the fame tone» he complained to Mon-
tezuma ; and, in order to engage him in the affair, he feigned to luf-
ped even him of having fome influence in the bollile defigns of his
nephew. Montezuma cleared himfelf from fufpicion by the mofl
fincere proteflations, and offered to interpofe his authority. He fent
to tell Cacamatzin to come to Mexico to vifit him, and that he would
find means to accommodate the difTercncc. Cacamatzin, amazed at
feeing Montezuma more intercffcd in favour of thofe who deftroyed
his liberty, than of his own relation who was zealous to rcilore it to
him, anfwered, that if after fuch infamous treatment he had a fpark
r.f
88 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IX. of honour left, he would be afliamed of fesiiig himfelf made the Have
of four ruffians, who, while they cajoled with fair words, heaped
a<5ls of aftVont upon him ; that fince neither zeal for the Mexican
religion and the gods of the Acolhuans, whom thofe flrangers had
blafphemoufly infulttd, nor the glory of his anceitors, obicured and
debaled by his own pulillanimity, could move him, he himfelf was
difpofed to aid his religion — to vindicate his gods — to preferve the
kingdom, and recover the honour and liberty of him and every Mexican
fubjedt; that he would indeed fee him at Mexico, not however with his
hands in his bofom, but weilding his fword, to wipe off and cancel with
the blood of the Spaniards the difgrace which flained the nation.
E^i"ition of Montezuma was extremely alarmed by this anfwer, fearing that,
the prime either from the revenge of the Spaniards or the fury of king Cacamat-
Ciiiciiitzcac- ., til I--- /-I Ì ■ n
zia. zm, he would become the vidbm or the approaching Irorm ; upon
which account he refolved to adopt t!ie lad refource to prevent it, and
fave his ow:ì life by treachery. He therefore gave fecret orders to
fome Mexican officers, who ferved in the guard of his nephew the
king of Acolhuacan, to exert their utmoft efforts, and without delay,
to feize his perfon and condudl him with the greateft care to Mexico,
becaufe it was of importance to the nation at large. He fuggefted to
them the manner of doing it, and probably alfo made them fonie gift
and promifed them fome reward to encourage them in the undertak-
ing. They again folicited other officers and domeliics of the king
Cacamatzin, whom they knew to be difpofed to fuch a faction, and
by the affiftance of the lafl they obtained all that Montezuma defired.
Among other palaces of the king of Acolhuacan, there v/as one built
upon the edge of the lake, in fuch a manner that by a canal, which ran
under it, velTels could come out or go in to it. There, as Cacamatzin
was then refiding at this palace, they placed a number of veflels with
armed men, and in the darknefs of the night, which favours all con-
fpiracies, they fuddenly feized upon the king, and, before any perfons
could come to his affiflance, put him into a veflcl and conveyed him
with the utmoft expedition to Mexico. Montezuma, without paying
any refpedt to the charader of fovereign nor his relation with Cacamat-
zin, delivered him up immediately to Cortes. This general, by what
appears from his condudl, had not the leafl idea of the refpeiSt which
^ is
V ^ >
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 89
is due to majefty even in the perfon of a barbarian, put him in irons, BOOKix.
and confined him under a ftron^^ guard. The reflexions to be made
on this, and other extraordinary events in this hiftory, are too obvious
to require any interruption of the courfe of our relation with them.
Cacamatzin, who began his unhappy reign with the dilTenfion of
his brother Ixthlxochitl and the difmemberment of the ftate, con-
cluded it with the lofs of his crown, his liberty, and his life. Mon-
tezuma determined, with the confent of Cortes, that the crown of
Acolhuacan fhould be given to the prince Cuicuitzcatzin, who had
been entertained by Montezuma in his palace from the time that, in
order to avoid the perfecutions of his brother Cacamatzin, he had
taken refuge in Mexico and put himfelf under his protedtion. This
eleótion did great wrong to the princes Coanacotzin and IxtlilxochitI,
who, by having been born of the queen Xocotzin, had a better right
to the crown. The motive does not appear which made Montezuma
refufe Coanacotzin, although with refpedl to IxtlilxochitI it is certain
that he was afraid of increafmg the power of fo troublefome an enemy.
However it was, Montezuma made Cuicuitzcatzin be acknowledged
king- by the nobles of Tezcuco, and accompanied him, along with
Cortes, to the velici in which he was to crofs the lake, and recom-
mended to him the conftant friendlhip of the Mexicans and the
Spaniards, as he was indebted to them bath for his crown.
Cuicuitzcatzin repaired to Tezcuco, accompanied by many nobles
of each court, and was received there with acclamations» triumphal
arches, and dances, the nobility tranfporting him in a litter from the
veiTel to tlie royal palace, where the cldeft noble made him a long
difcourfe in the nauie of the whole nation, congratulating him and
exhorting him to love all his vafTals, and promifing to treat him as a
f.ither and to revere him as their fovereign. It is impoffible to exprcfs
the grief which this event occafioned to Cacamatzin, who found
himlelf in the flower of youth, being ftiil no more than twenty-five
years of age, deprived of the crown which three years before he h.^d
inherited from his father, and reduced to the confinement and Iblitudc
of a prifon by the very king whom he had purpofed to make free, and
thofe Grangers whom he had dcfigned to drive out of the kingdom.
' Vol. II. N Corles
S CT. X.
Suhmi^notTof
jV'onteEiimii
ani the Mex-
Kaii nobility
tT the crown
of Spain.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Cortes had now got into Jiis ppvver the two rooft potent kings of
Anahuac, and it was not long before he took alfo the king of Tlaco-
pan, the lords of Iztapalapan and Cojohuacan, both brothers of Mon-
tezun;?> two fons of this fame king, Itzquauhtzin lord of TIatelolqo,
a high-priefl: of Mexico, and feveral more of the moft refpedable
perfonages into cuftody, although we do not know the particu-lars of,
their iniprifonment ; but it is probable, that he proceeded to take them
one after another, as. they came to vilit Montezuma.
The general, encouraged by his varipus fuccefl'es, and feeing the
king of Mexico totally devoted to his will, told him, it wasnow time.-
for his fubjeds to acknowledge the. king of Spain their lawful fov©^.
reign, who was defcended from the king and god Quetzalpoatl. Mon-
tezuma, who had not courage to contraditì: him, aflembled the principal
nobility of the court and the neighbouring cities ; they cameall readily
to receive his orders, and being met in a large hall, of the Spanifli
quarters, the king made them. a long difcourfe, in which he declarpd.
the affection he bore them as a father, from .whom confequently they .
ought not to fear that he would propofe any thing to them which
was not juft and advantageous : he called to their memory the ancient
tradition concerning the devolution of the Mexican empire on, the.
c'efcendants of Quetzalcoatl, whole viceroys he and his aiceftors had
been, and the phenomena obferved in the elements, which, according ta
the interpretation of the priefts and divines, fignified that the time was
now arrived when the oracles were to bi fulfilled : he then proceeded to -
compare the marks obferved in the Spaniards with thofe of the tradi-
tion, from whence he concluded that the king of Spain was evidently
the lawful defcendant of Quetzalcoatl, to whom therefore he yielded
\ip the kingdom and owned obedience, and exhorted them all to do
thq fame (j) . In pronouncing himfelf the fubjeit of another king he
felt
(i) The cii-cumftances of the above mentioned aflTembly., of the homagq .rendered to tha...
ling ot Sp.iin, -and of the ord«,r intirnatcJ f om Montezuina to Cortes to depart from the.
court, is related by hi ori. us with inch variety, that nj two o.t them are 'oiind to agree, in
the narration of theie events wc chiefly iollr),v tUe accounts of Cortes and Be n.il Diaz, who
were b th e\ e witnefles. Solis affiriu.s,,»hat .tnc acknowleà^mcpt mad? \yy Montezivma jvas,*
jne^_^f U(l(jc, iò..t Ix hcvcr lad any mtcTttion \pjulj. I vjhat be^Tomi/eJy that his aim was to bafiett
the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
felt his fpirit fb wounded, that his voice failed him and teafs Ti'cre fub-
ftitutcd for words. The forrows of the king were flicceeded by fuch
bitter fobs from the whole alfembly, ■ that they a^edled and drew the
pity of the Spaniards. To thefe emotions a melancholy filcnce fuc-
ceeded, which was at length broken by one of the mofl refpedlabie
Mexican chiefs, with thefe words : " Since, the time,. O prince, is ar-
'* rived when thofe ancient oracles are to be fulfilled, and the gods
" incline and you command that we become the fubjedls of another
*' lord, what elfe have we to do but to fubmit to the fovereign will of
*' heaven intimated to us from your mouth."
Cortes then th.anked the king and all the lords who were prefent for
their ready and fmcere fubmilfion, and declared that his fovereign did
not prefume to take the crown from the king of Mexico, but only to
make his fupreme dominion over that kingdom be acknowledged, that
Montezuma would not only continue to govern his fubjedts, but would
alfo exercife the fame authority over all thofe people who fhould fub-
mit themfelves to the Spaniards. Having difmilfed the affembly,
Cortes ordered a public memorial of that adt to be made with all the
folemnity which he thought neceflary, in order to fend it to the court
of Spain .
• Having thus happily accompliflied his purpofe, he reprefented to p^^(,*^/[^' ''^*
Montezuma, that fmce he had acknowledged the dominion of the king of the isiex.
=of Gallile over thofe countries, it was neceflary to manifefl his fub- croJn ot
miffion by the contribution of fome gold and filver, in confequence ^P*'"*
of the right which fovereigns had to exadt fuch homage from their
Tafl'als, in order to fupport the fplendor of the crown, to maintain
their minifliers, the expences of war, and the other nccefllties of the ftate.
Montezuma, with truly royal munificence, gave him up the treafure
tht àtparlure of the Sfanitnds, and to tempo'izc for the fccrcl purporcs of bis ambition, ivi hout any
rigardfor his v.-ords or engagement ; "but if the act of Montezuma was a mere artifice, anJ he
did not mean to efiecfl what he promifcd, <vhy in owhing himfclt'thc vafTal of another monarch
did he ficl (o much anguilh, tliat it cut his voice fliort and drew tears from his cyt's, as this
author hinifelf fays. If he only meant to hallen the departure of the Spaniards, thrre was no
occafion for fitch a faint. How often, with a finglc becV to his vafliih, could he have facri-
ijccd the Spaiùarde to his gods, or fpaiing thcirlives, have made them be bound and conducted
to the porr, that thence they might refumc their courfe to Cuba ? The whole of Montezuma's
iconduct wis entirely inctinlirtenl withtht intcrrtiotrs which Solis afcribes jo him.
N 3 of
Sect. XII.
Difcontent
of the Mex-
ican nobles,
and new fears
of Montezu-
ma.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
of his father Axajacatl, which was preferved, as we have already fard,
in the fame palace, from which nothing had been taken by Cortes
hitherto, although it had been exprefsly permitted him by the king to
take whatever he pleafed. The whole of this treafure fell into the
hands of the Spaniards, together with all that had been contributed by
the feudatoiy lords of that crown, which amounted to fo much, that,
after deducing a fifth part for the king of Spain, Cortes had as much
as was neceffary to pay all his debts, contracted in Cuba in raifing his
corps and equipping the armament, and to reward his officers and fol-
diers, leaving flill behind enough for future expences. For the king
they appropriated, befides a fifth part of the gold and filver, fome par-
ticular pieces of w^ork preferved entire on account of their wonderful
workmanfliip, which, according to the valuation made of them by
Cortes, were worth more than one hundred thoufand ducats ; but the
greater part of this wealth was loft, as we fliall find hereafter.
The Spaniards exulted to fee tliemfelves the mailers of fo much wealth;
at fo fmall a coft ; and a kingdom fo great and opulent, fuhjedied to their
fovereign with fo little trouble; but their profperity was now at its height,
and, according to the condition of human affairs, it was neceflary that
their fuccefles fhould be chequered with adverfities. The Mexican
nobility, who had hitherto pwreferved a refpedlful filence in deference ta-
the will of their fovereign, feeing him thus fallen and degraded, the king
of Acolhuacan and other perfons of rank put in chains, and the nation
fubjedled to the dominion of a ftrange monarch whom they knew not,
began firft to whifper, then to fpeak out with, more freedom, to blam.e
their own patience, to hold afiemblies, and. at laft» as is reported, to
levy troops to free their king and their nation from fuch ignominious
oppreffion. Montezuma was fpoken to by fome of his- favourites,,
who reprefented to him the pain his misfortunes and difgrace gjve his
vaflals, who confidered his power to be almoft expiring and the fplen-
dour of his dignity obfcured, and the ferment which began to rifè
not only among the nobles but alfo among the common people, who
were grown impatient of feeing themfelves fubje:i:ed and condemned
to facrifice to a ftrange king the harveft of their labours : they exhort-
ed him to difpel the fears which had taken pofleffion of him, and
HISTORY OFMEXICO. 93
to refume his wonted authority j fince, if he would not do it, his valTils BOOK IK.
would, as they were determined to drive thofe infolent and deltrudive
guefts from the kingdom. On the other hind, the priefts exaggerated
the injuries which religion fufFered, and intimidated him with the
threats which, they faid, the gods in anger had made, to deny the ne-
ceflary rain to the fields, and their proteftion to the Mexicans, if he
did not difmifs thofe men who were fo difdainful of their worlhip*
Montezuma moved by thofe reprefentations of his favourites, and
menaces of his gods, afliamed of being reproached for his cowardice,
and afFe(5led by the difgrace of his nephew Cacamatzin, whom he had
always loved with particular tendernels, and the difhonour which had
befallen his brother Cuitlahuatzin, and other perfons of the firfl: nobi-
lity, although he did not confent to the defign of taking away the lives
of the Spaniards, to which fome advifed hiin, refolved, however, to
tell them openly, that they mufl depart from that kingdom; He one
day, therefore, fent for Cortes, who being apprifed of the fecret confer-
ences which the king had had with his minifters, his nobles, and priefts,,
felt many apprehenfions ; but diflembling his uneafinefs of mind,,
he repaired immediately to the king accompanied by twelve Spaniards.
Montezuma received him with lefs cordiality than ufual, and freely
laid open his refolution. " You cannot," he faid, " doubt of the great
" attachment I bear you, after fo many and clear demonftrations of it.
" Hitherto I have willingly entertained you in my court, have even
*' been fo delirous of the pleafure of your company and converfation,
" as to remain here and live amongftr you. As for my own part, I
" would retain you here- without any change, daily making you expe-
** rience fome frefh proofs of my good will towards you ; but it can*.
•* not be done ; neither will my gods permit it, nor will my fubjedts
" endure it. I find I am threatened with the heavleft puniftiments of
" heaven if I let you remain any longer in my kingdom ; and fuch
" difcontent already prevails among my vafTals, that unlefs I quicklv
" remove the caule, it will be altogether impoflible to pacify them..
" Wherefore it is become necefiary for my own, as well as yours, and
" the good of all the kingdom, that you prepare yourfelves to return to
" your native country." Cortes, although extremely mortified and
diftrefTed, diflcmbled yet his feelings, and affumsd great ferenity of
COUHr-
94
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BO ox. IX. countenance, anfwered, that he was extremely ready to obey him;
but as they wanted velTels to tranfport them, on account of thofe
which they had come in from Cuba having become ufelefs, they re-
quired time, workmen, and materials, to make others. Montezuma,
full of joy at the readinefs with which he was obeyed, embraced him, and
told him, that it was not necelfary to precipitate his departure ; that he
might build his veifels ; that he would fupply him with the necellàr)'
timber, and people to cut it, and tranfport it to the harbour. Immediately
he gave orders to a number of carpenters to cut the neceffary timber from
a grove of pines, which was at a fmall diftance from the port of Chia-
huitztlan, and Cortes, on his part, fent fome Spaniards there to fuper-
intend the woodcutters, expedling, in the mean time, that fomething would
change the iT:ate of affairs in Mexico, or that fome new reinforcement
of Spaniards would be fent to him from the iflauds or from Spain (/).
Eight days after this refolution had been taken, Montezuma fent for
Cortes a fecond time, and this general was again rendered uneafy. The
king told him, that it was no longer necelfary to build veilels, for that
a fliort tiuie ago eighteen veilcls, limilar to thofe which had been de-
ftroyed, had arrived at the port of Chalchiuhcuecan, in which he
might embark with all his troops ; that he iliould therefore haflen his
departure, as it was of importance to the welfare of the kingdom.
Cortes dilfembled the joy which he received from fuch intelligence,
and offering fecret thanks to heaven for having fent him fuch timely
afliftance ; he anfwered the king, that if that fleet was making
its voyage towards Cuba, he was ready to depart, but that otherwil,e
it would be requifite to continue the building of his veffels. He fiw
and examined the paintings which had been fent to the king of this
new armament by the governors upon the coaft, and he did not doubt
that it was Spanilh ; but very far from imagining that it was fent a-
gainft him, he perfuaded himfelf that it was his commiflioners whom
he had lent home the year before to the court of Spain, who were re-
(/) Almoft all tlie Spanifii hiftoriatis fay, that wlttn the king made Cortes be cslled to 'inti-
mate to him the order to depart, he had levied an army to make him be obeyed by force if ne-
celfary ; but there is a great ditfcreiicc of opinion amoufj them, tis fome affimi that there were
an liuiidred thoufiind men in arms ; others fay, only half that number ; and others laflly fay
onl Jive thoufand. We are perfuaded that fome troops were in readinefs, but not by the order
of the king, but of fame of the nobles, who had taken a more aftlve part in this matter.
turned.
galnftCoiKi.
HISTORY OF M'''E^ X'l CO; 9^?
turned, and brought with them the royai difpatthèSi and a large nutn- book ix.
ber of troops for the conqueft. v— -v— ^ '
This pleafing confolation lafted until the letters of Gonzalez de Sail- Sect. xiii.
doval, governor of the colony of Vera Cruz arrived, which acquainted ^e"!^erno'
him that that armament, confifting of eleven (hips, and {evdn. brigan- of Cuba a-
tines, of eighty-five horfcs, eight' hundred infantry, and upwards ofi
five hundred feamen, with twelve pieces of artillery, and plenty of wàr^
like ammunition under the command of Panfilo Narvaez, was fen t byi
Diego Velafquez, governor of Cuba, againft Cortes himfelf, as a rebel;'
vafTal, and traitor to his fovefeign. He received this unexpefted blow ia'
the prefence of the king Montezuma, but, without (hewing the fmalleft
marks of emotion in his countenance, he gave the king to undetftand,
that thofe who had arrived at the port of Chilchiuhcuecan were new
companions fent him from Cuba. He made ufe of the fame diflimulation
to his own Spaniards, until their minds were prepared for the truth.
It is beyond a doubt, that this was one of thofe fingular occafions
on which Cortes difplayed his unfhaken fortitude and magnanimity.
He found himfelf on the one hand threatened by all the power of the
Mexicans if he remained at the court ; and on the other, he faw an
army levied againft himfelf, compofed of his own countrymen, far fu-
perior to his own force ; but his fagacity, his unremitting activity and
induftry, and wonderful courage, diverted all the evils which hung over
him. He endeavoured, by means of letters, and fome mediators in
whom he chiefly trufted, to gain the mind of Narvaez, and to bring
him to refledtion ; propofing various meafures to him, and reprefent-
ing to him the advantages which the Spaniards would derive from the
union of their armies and the co-operation of their forces ; and, on the
contrary, the difafters which might be occafioned by difcord to them
both : Narvaez, by the advice of three deferters from Cortes, had al-
ready difembarked with all his fleet upon the coaft of Chempoalla, and '
put himfelf in quarters in that city ; the lord of which, knowing them'
to be Spaniards, and believing that they came to unit? with Cortes his
fnend, or fearful of their power, received them with the greateft ho-
nour, and proviJjJ them every thing they wanted. Montezuma alfo
believing the fimc thing in the bejinning, fent rich prefects to Nar-
vaez, and gave orders to hiS govenio.s to offer hiiu the fame civilities
8 which
96^ HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IX. which they had already fliewn .to Cartes; but in a few days after; in,
fpite of the great diffimulation of Cortes, and although he ufed every
eifcrt to hihder fuch intelhgence- from- reaching the king or his vaffals,
the want of harmony between them was dil'cerned.
Montezuma had now the fairefl opportunity to deflroy them both,
if he had harboured in his breaft thofe bloody defigns which fevenil hif-
torians have imputed to him. Narvaez endeavoured to alienate him
from Cortes, and thofe of his party, accufmg them all of treafon, and
promifing to puniih their unheard of audacity in imprifoning fo great a
king, and to free not only the king himfelf, but the whole nation from
their opprelTion ; but Montezuma was fo far from plotting any thing
againft Cortes from thefe fuggeftions, that, on the contrary, when this
general made him acquainted with the expedition he intended againrt:
Narvaez, Montezuma expreffed great unealinefs at the danger to which
he expofed himfelf with troops fo inferior in number, and offered to
raife immediately a great army to his afliftance.
Cortes had now ufed every pofTible means to bring about a peaceable
accommodation, which would unqueflionably have been advantageous
for both armies, but without any other effed than that of producing
fteHi menacee and dii'dain from the fierce and arrogant Narvaez. Find-
ing himieif therefore x:ompelled to make war upon his countrymen,
and not willing, on account of his diffidence and diftruft of the Mexi-
cans to avail himfelf of the affiftance which Montezuma offered, he
requefted the fenate of Tlafcala to raife four thoufand warriors to go
along with him, and fent one of his foldiers, named Tobilla, a man
well iTcilled in the art of war, to Chinantia, to demand two thoufand
men from that warlike nation ; and alfo to procure three hundred pikes
of the kind made ufe of by thefe Indians for the purpofe of refifl-
ing the cavalry of Narvaez, as they were both longer and flronger than
thofe of the Spaniards. He left in Mexico one hundred and forty fol-
diers (*), with all their allies, under the command of Pedro d'Alva-
rado, recommending it to them to guard and treat the king well, and to '
(?/) Bernal Diaz fays, that the Spaniards left behind in Mexico were eighty-three in num-
ber. In the modern editions ut Cortes's letters, they are laid to have been five hundred ; but
the ancient editions fay one hundred and forty, which appears to have been the truth, conli-
derlng the total amount of the Spanilli troops. The number of live bundled is evidently falfc,
and coatradittts Cortes in his own account.
main-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
mMiitaia harmony between them and the Mexicans, particularly the
•royal ianiily and the nobility. Upon taking leave of the king, he told
ii-ihi, that he left in his place the captain ^Tonatiuh (as Aivarado was
eaMed by this name of the fun among the Mexicans, becaufe he was
-fair), who was charged to ferve his majefty in every thing ; that he
reque'flcd him to continue his protedlion to the Spaniards ; that he was
going to find that captain who was lately arrived, and to do every thing
poilible for putting his royal commands into execution. Montezuma,
after having made new proteftations to him of his good-will and at-
tachment, furnilhed him plentifully with provifions and men of bur-
then to tranfport his baggage, and took leave of him with the utmofl
frien'dlliip.
Cortes fet out from Mexico in the beginning of May, in the year
1520, after having been fix months in that capital, with feventy Spa-
niards, and fome Mexican nobles, who chofe to accompany him a part
of the way. Several hiftori.ms are perfuaded that the Mexicans went
to become fpies, and to give the king an account of every thing which
happened j but Cortes did not confider them as fuch, although neither
did he place much confidence in them, tie made his journey tlirough
Cholula, where be was joined by the captain Velafquez, who was re-
turned from Coatzacualco, having been fent there by Cortes to fearch
for a more commodious harbour for the fliips. There Cortes alio re-
ceived a confiderable fupply of provifions, which were fent him by the
fenate of Tlafcala ; but he had not the four thoufand men he demand-
ed ; either becaufe they durfl not enter into new wars againft tlie Spa-
niards, as Bernal Diaz ariirms, or becaufe they v/ere unwilling to re-
move themfelves fo far from their native country, as is reported by
othe;- hiftonans ; or from feeing Cortes with forces fo inferior in num-
b:;r to thofc of his enemy, they dreaded another defeat in the expedi-
tion. Some days before he arrived at Chempoalla, Cortes was joined
by the foldier Tobilla, with three hundred pikes from Chinantla, and iu
Tapanacuetla, a village about thirty miles diliant from that city, hd
was joined by the famous captain Sandoval with fixty foldicrs from the
garrifon of Vera Cruz.
At length after having made new propofals to Narvaez, and having Sbct. xiv.
didributcd fome gold among the partisans of this arrogant general, còrtf7over
Vol. II. O Cortes Nuivac».
98 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK IX. Cortes entered into Chempoalla at midnight with two hundred and fifty
(a-) men, without horfes, or any other arms than pikes, fwords, (hields
and daggers, and marching without the fmalled noife or rumour to the
greater temple of that city, where his enemy were quartered, he made
fo furious an aflault, that, before break of day, he rendered himfelf
mafter of the temple, of all his enemies, the artillery, arms, and horfes,
only four of his foldiers being killed, and fifteen of the enemy, though
many on both fides were wounded (j). He made himfelf be acknow-
ledged captain -general and fupreme magiftrate by them all, put Nar-
vaez and Salvatierra, a refpedlable officer, and fworn enemy of Cortes,
both in irons in the fort of Vera Cruz, and made the fails, rudders,
and compafTes of the (liips, be brought on fhore. The light of the
morning of that day, which was Whitfuntide, the 27th of May, had
hardly appeared, when the two thoufand troops from Chinantla arrived
in good order, and wxU armed (z), but they came only to, be witnefTes
of the triumph of Cortes, and the ihame of the party under Narvaez,
to fee themfelves conquered by fo few enemies, who were lefs
armed than they. The fuccefs of this attack was in a great meafure
owing to the unparalleled bravery of Sandoval, who, with eighty men,
mounted into the temple in the midft of a ftorm of arrows and balls,
attacked the fandluary where Narvaez was fortified, and feized his
perfon.
Cortes now finding himfelf mafter of eighteen vefTels, and almoft
two thoufand men of Spanilh troops, with nearly a hundred horfes,
and great fufficiency of ammunition, thought of making new expedi-
tions on the coaft of the Mexican gulf, and had already appointed the
commanders who were to head them, and the people who were to be
under their orders, when unlucky news arrived from Mexico, which
obliged him to repair in haAe to that capital.
(a) Bernal Diaz fays, that Cortes v/cnt to Chempoalla with two hundred and fix men ;
Torquemada makes two hundred and fixty-fix, befides five captains ; but Cortes, who knew
better than them, affirms, they were two hundred and fifty.
(y) Authors are not agreed as to the number killed in that affault, we put the number
which appears the moft probable, according to the account of the different authors.
(z) tome authors fay, that the Chhitintlans were prefent at the alTault made on the quarter»
of Narvaez ; but Bernal Diaz, who was prefent, affirms the contrary. Cortes does not make
laention of them.
D
uring
I
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
During the time Cortes was abfent from Mexico, the feftival of tlic
incenfing of HuitzilopochtH happened, which was held in the month ^^^Tr xv
Toxcaf/, which that year began on the 13th of May. This feftival, MaiTacre of
the moft folemn of all which yearly occurred, was ufually celebrated nohiiity, ml
with dances by the king, the nobles, the priefts. and the people. Tlie of'thj'^*"e"'"e
nobility requefted captain Alvarado to confent that the king might go
to the temple on this occafion to perform his devotion. Alvarado ex-
cufed himfelf from granting the requeft, on account of the orders
given him by Cortes, or becaufe he fufpedled the Mexicans would me-
ditate fome revolution when they iud the king with them, well know-
ing how eafily public rejoicings are changed into tumults and diforder.
They adopted the defign, therefore, of making that religious dance in
the court of the palace {a), or quarter? of the Spaniards, either by the
diredion of that captain, or by the order of the king himfelf, that he
might be prefent according to cuftom. When the day of the feftival
arrived, many men of the firft nobility aflembled in the court, (the
number [b) of whom is not known), adorned with various ornaments
of gold, gems, and feathers. They began to dance and to fing to the
found of mufical inftruments ; and in the meanwhile, Alvarado fta-
tioned fome foldiers at the gate. When he faw the Mexicans become
heated, and pofTibly alfo weary with dancing, he gave a fignal to his
men to attack them ; they immediately charged with tiie utmoft fury
upon thofe unfortunate vi^ftims, who were unable to make any reiift-
ance, as they were unarmed and fatigued, nor was it poflible for them
to efcape by flight, as the gates were guarded. The flaughter was ter-
rible, and the cries piteous which t!ie dying uttered, and the copious
blood which was ftied. This fatal blow was moft fenfibly felt by the
Mexicans, for they loft by it the flower of their nobility ; and, to per-
(<j) The hiftorinns of the conqueft fay in general, that the dance was made in the lowi r
area of the greater temple, but it is not probable, that the immenfe crowd of people which
muft have alTemblcd there, would have permitted fo horrid a llaughicr to have been made of
the nobility, efpecially, as the armories were there from whence they could have taken out
as many arms as they required to oppofc the attr-mpt of thofe lew I'raigers ; nor is it cndiliie,
ihat the Spaniards would run fuch an evident riik of their oW'i detlruifiion. Cortes and Ber-
nal Diaz, make no mention of the place of the dance. Acof^a ftys, that it was made in the
palace, nor could it have been in any other than that which the king was then inhabitioir.
(b) By Gomara, the nobles who were prc-fcnt at th:." dance a^e reckoned fix h'.indrcd, by
•thcr hii^orians more than a thojf^nJ, and by Las Cafai i.iore than f.vo thoufand.
O 2 pctuatc
,ioo HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IX. petuate the memory of it among their defcendants, they compofed
dirges and elegies on the fubjedl, which they preferved for many years
after the conqueli:. When the horrid tragedy was ended, the Spani-
ards ftripped the dead bodies of all the riches with which they were
adorned.
The motive is not known which induced Alvarado to commit an ac-
tion fo abominably inhuman. Some have faid he was influenced alone
by his infatiable thirft for gold {c). Others affirm, and which is more
probable, that it having been whifpered that the Mexicans defigned at
this feilival to flrike a decifive ftroke on the Spaniards, to deliver them-
fclves from opprellion, and fet their lord and king again at liberty
whom the Spaniards had imprifoned, he prevented them, thinking,
according to the vulgar adage, he vv-ho attacks, conquers. However
the cafe was, his conduci cannot be defended neither from the charge
of imprudence nor cruelty fJJ. ■
The common people were irritated by a blow which touched them
fo deeply, and treated the Spaniards ever after as the mortal enemies of
their country. Some Mexican troops aiTaulted their quarters with fuch
impetuolity, that they broke down a part of the wall, undermined the
palace in different places, and burned their ammunition, but they were
repelled by the fire of the artillery and mufketry, by which the Spa-
niards had an opportunity of repairing the wall. That night the Spa-
niards repofed purely from the f^tigues of the day, but the day after tiie
aflault was fo furious, that they thought they mufh have perifhed,
and certainly not one of them would have remained alive, five or fix
(i) The Mexican hiflorians, Sahagun, in his hilloiy, Las Cafas, in his formidable ac-
count ot the deflruttion of the Indies, and Goniara, in his Chronicle, affirm, that the ava-
rice of Alvarado was the caufe of the fluughter committed on the Mexican nobility ;. but we
cannot believe it without ftror/ger proofs. Gomara and Las Cafas have unqueflionably fol-
lowed Sahagun in this opinion, and he mu(l have received it from the Mexicans, who, being the
enemies of the Spaniards, are not to be frufted in this matter.
{d) It is altogether incredible that the Mexicans (he u Id upon occafion of the dance, have
plotted againft the Spaniards, that treafon which foms hillorians have fnppofed, arni fl-ill more
that they had adlually prepared the vcflels in which they were to boil the tirih of th^■ Spani-
ards, as Torqtiemada fays. Thefe are lablcs invented to jultify Alvarado. ^Vhat ap,' irs the
mod probable folution of this event is, that the Tlafcalans out of the gnat ha'":^ they
bore to the Mexicans, infpired Alvar.ido with fufpicions of this pretended tiL- 1 ■ - , -"rhe
hiftory of the conqueli furniflies us with m.-my examples of fuch kind of artful uefigning. con-
duit in the Tlafcahuis. ^
li I 3 T O R Y O F M E X I e O. Joi
of them being already killed, had not the king fliewn himlelf to the ^^^^l^^'
croud of afl'dulters, and by his authority reflrained their fury. Refpecit
to the prefence of their fovereign checked the multitude from con-
tinuing the attack upon the Spaniih quarters ; but it did not make
them defili from other hoftilitics j they burned the four brigantines
which Cortes had ordered to be built, in order to fave himfelf in them
provided he could not at any time make his efcape by the roads made
upon the lake, and refolved to deftroy the Spaniards by famine de-
nying them provifions, and contriving to hinder the introdudion of
any to them, by drawing a ditch all round their quarters.
In this fituation the Spaniards found themfèlves in Aiexico, when
Alvarado fent advice to Cortes, requefting him by two different mef-
fàges, carried by the Tlafcalans, to halten his return, unlefs he chofe to
let them all perifli. The fame thing was defired by Montezuma, who
acquainted him how diftreifed he was at the infurredlion of his vaffals,
which, however, had been occafioned by the rafh and bloody attempt
of the captain Tonatuih.
Cortes after having given orders to tranfplant the colony of Vera
Cruz to a more convenient fituation, near the port of Chalchuihcue-
can (although this was not then executed), marched with his people
by long journeys towards the capital. In Tlafcala, he was magni-
ficently lodged in the palace of the prince Maxixcatzin. There he
made a review of his troops, and found them coniifl of ninety-fix
horfes, and thirteen hundred Spanifh infantry, to which two thoufand
Tlafcalans were added by the republic. With this army he marched
into Mexico on the 24th of June. He met with no oppofition to his
entry, but very foon he was fenfible of a ferment among the people,
not only from feeing few or none of them in the flreets, but alfo by
their having raifed fonie bridges from the canals. When he entered in-
to the quarters with the rejoicing which is eafy to be imagined on both
fides, Montezuma came to meet him in the court with the moli: ob-
fequious demon ftrations of friendlhip ; but Cortes, either grown info-
lent from the victory obtained over Narvaez, the number of people
under his command, or being perfuaded that it was neccffary to affedt
to believe the king blameable for the difturbance made by his vaffals,
8 palled
102 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IX. pafTed along without paying any attention towards him. The king,
pierced to the heart at feeing himfelf [o dildainfuUy treated, retired
to his apartment, where his affliftion was ftill increafed by the infor-
mation brought by his fervants that the Spanilh general had exprelTcd
himfelf in words moft injurious to his majeily {e).
Cortes reprimanded the captain Ah'arado with great feverity, and
would certainly have infli(5ted upon him the punifliment he deferved, if
the circumftances of the time and the perfon had permitted. He forefaw
the great ftorm which was now to pour upon them, and he thought it
would have been imprudent to have created himfelf an enemy, upon
an occafion of fo much danger, of one of the bravefl captains he had
in his army.
With the new troops which Cortes brought to Mexico, he had an
army of nine thoufmd men, but there not being accommodation for
them all in the quarters, they occupied fome of thofe buildings which
were within the enclofure of the greater temple, and the neareft to the
quarters. From their multitude alfo the fcarcity of provifions, already
occafioned by the want of a marlcet, was augmented, for the Mexicans,
in hatred to the Spaniards, would no longer hold any. Cortes there-
fore fent to tell Montezuma, with ftrong threats, that he fhould give
orders for a market to be held, that they might provide themfelves
with every thing neceffary. Montezuma anfwered, that the perfons
of the greatelt authority to whom he could trufl the execution of fuch an
order, were all, as he was, in prifon j that fome of them muft be fet
at liberty, that his wilh might be accompliibed. Cortes let the prince
Cuitlahuatzin, the brother of Montezuma, out of confinement, not
(c) The hiflorian Solis is not difpofed to believe that this mark of contempt was (lieirn by
Cortes to Montezuma ; and in order to vindicate that general, he wrongs B. Diaz, who
affirms, it as having been an eye-witnels ; snd Herrera, who relates it on the fupport of good
documents. He iindefervedly accufes B. Diai of partiality againft Cortes ; and ofHeirera
he fays, that it is to be fufpecfted that he ehofe to adopt the account of B. Diaz, for the pur-
pofe of making ufe of a fcntencc of Tacitus ; ambition, he adds, àangerous to hijiorians, but to
none more than Solis himself; for every impartial and well-itiformed perf(jn in the hiilory of
Mexico will perceive, in reading the works of Solis, that this author, inliead of adiufling the
fer.tcnces to the relation, on the contrary, adjulls the relation tq the fentences. Laftly, as
he adduces no better reafons than thofe offsred by B. Diai, we ought to give more credit to
the latter as an eye-witncfs of the h.(\,
forefeeing
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 103
forefeeing that the liberty of that prince would be the caufc of ruia to BOOK ix.
the Spaniards. Cuitlahuatzin never returned to the quarters, nor rc-
eftablirticd the maricct, either becaufe he would not favour the Spaniards,
or becaufe the Mexicans would not confent to it, but com|^>eHed him
toexercife his poft of general. In hO:, it was he who from that time
commanded the troops, and direfted all the hodilities againft t!ie
Spaniards, until at lall:, by the death of his brother, he was elodcJ
king of Mexico.
On the day on which Cortes entered into Mexico, there was no move- Sect. xvi.
ment made by the people; but the day after they began to fling ,„-ccn"the'
and fhoot fo many llones at the Spaniards, that they appeared, as l^ieNìc^nsnnd
-, ^ 11 -> ,- 11 thcSpaniarns
Cortes fays, like a tempelt ; and lo many arrows, that they covered huhecapiul.
the pavement of the court and the terraces of the palace; and the num-
ber of the afìliulters was fo great, that they co\'ered all the ground of
the ftreets. Cortes did not think, it proper to fland wholly upon his
defence, left thatfliould be afcribed to cowardice, and infpire the enemy
■with more courage. He made a fally out upon them with four hun-
dred men, part Spaniards and part Tlafcalans. The Mexicans retired
with little lofs, and Cortes, after having made fire be fet to fome of the
houfes, returned to his quarters ; but finding that the enemy continued
their hoftilities, he made the captain Ordaz go out with two hundred
foldlers againft them. The Mexicans affedled to be put into confu-
fion, and to fly, in order to draw the enemy to a diflance from their
quarters, in which they fucceeded ; for fuddenly the Spaniards found
themfelves furrounded by the Mexicans on all fides, and attacked by a
body of troops in front and another behind, but in fuch a tumultuous
manner, that their diforder impeded tlieir action. At the fame time
appeared a numerous rabble on the tops of the houfes, who kept up a
conftant fhower of arrows and ftones. The Spaniards found them-
felves now in imminent danger, and this occafion was certainly one of
thofe on which the brave Ordaz difplayed his fkill and courage. The
conteft was moft bloody, but with no great lofs to the Spaniards, who,
with their guns and crofs-bows cleared the terraces, and with their
pikes and fwords repelled the multitude which deluged the ftrects,
and at Lift were able to retiic to their quatters, leaving many Mexicans,
though not more than ei^jiit vi' thiir own people, killed; but they
wore
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
were almoft all wounded, and even Ordaz himfelf. Àmongft the dlflrelTes
luffered by the Spaniards from the Mexicans that day, the fetting fire
to different parts of the quarters was one, and the fire was fo violent in
fome places, that the Spaniards were obliged to throw down the v.-all,
and defend the breach with the artillery, and a number of foldiers
whom they ftationed there, till night, when the enemy gave them op-
portunity to rebuild the wall and take care of the v/ounded.
The following day, the 26th of June, the affault was more terrible,
and the fury of the Mexican's Hill greater. The Spaniards defended
themfelves with twelve pieces of artilleiy, which committed uncom-
mon havock upon their enemy; but as the nuniber of them was in-
finite, they covered the fight of tlie dead v/ith frefli fubflitutes in
their nlace. Cortes perceiving their obftinacy, fallied out v/ith the
greater part of his troops, and proceeded fighting his way through one
of the principal flreets of the city, took pofieffion of fome of the
bridges fet fire to fome houfes, and after continuing in aftion almoft
the whole day, he returned to the quarters with more than fifty Spa-
niards wounded, leaving innutnerable Mexicans dead in the ftreets.
Experience had made Cortes fenfible, that the gieatefi: annoyance
his troops met with was from the terraces of the houfes ; to fhun
which in future he ordered three machines of war to be confìrruóted,
called by the Spaniards Mantas, fo large that each of them would carry
twenty armed foldiers, covered with a ftrong roof to defend them from
the ftones thrown from the terraces, furni(hed v/ith wheels alfo to
make them eafy to move, and little windows or port-holes for the
difcharge of their guns.
V/hile thofe machines were conflrutìing, great changes took place
at court. Montezuma, having afcended one of the towers of the
palace, obferved from it one of the above mentioned engagements,
;;nd amongft the multitude his brother Cuitlahuatzin, commanding the
Mexican troops. At the fight ot fo many objcds of misfortune, his
mind was feized with a croud of melancholy thoughts. On the one
hand, he faw the danger he was in of lofing both his crown and his
life; and on the other, tlie deftrudlion of the buildings of his capital,
the ilaughter of his vaffals, and the fuccefs of his enemies j and found
there was no other remedy to all tlaofe evils but the immediate depar-
ture
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 105
tuie of the Spuniards. In tliefe meditations he palled the night, a.ud book ix,
the d.'y following he fent ciuly for Cortes, and fpoke to him on the ' '
fubjeiV, praying him earneltly not to defer any longer his removal
from that city. Cortes required no fuch in treaty to relblve upon his
retreat from it. He found provifions were fcanty in extreme; food
•was given to the foldiers by meafure, and that fo little, it was
fuHicient only to fupport life, not the ftrength neceflaiy to oppofe fuch
enemies as inceilantly hr.ralfed them. In lliort, he faw it was impof-
fible to render himfelf mafter of that city as he intended, nor could
he even fubfift: there. But, on the other hand, he felt no fmall regret
to abandon the undertaking he had begun, lofing in one moment, by
his departure all the advantages which his courage, his indufliy, and
his good fortune had gained him; but fubniitting to the circumilances
of his lituation, he anfwered the king, that he was ready to depart for
the peace of the kingdom, provided his fulijcds would lay down their
arms.
This conference was hardly ended, when " To arms" was cried ^':''-'^: ^y^-
through the quarters, on account of a general affault of the Me.xicans. aUiieistothe
On every fide they attempted to mount the walls, on purpofe to enter P^°^''^*
while fome troops of archers, conveniently ported, fhot an immenfs
multitude of arrows, to check the oppofition made by the befieged,
while fome of the befiegers puflied fo llrenuoufly forward, that, in
fpite of the artillery and mufkets, they got wi^thin the quarters, and
began to fight man to man with the Spaniards, who, thinking them-
felves now almoft vanquiflied and overpowered by the multitude,
fought with defperation. Montezuma, obferving this moment of the
conflirt, and his own immediate danger, rcfolved to let himfelf be
feen, in order to reftrain by his prefence and hii voice the fury of his
fubjerts. Having for this purpofe put on the royal enfigns, and :».t-
tended by fome of his minifters and two hundred Spaniards, he mount-
ed on a terrace and fliewed himfelf to the people, his minirters mak-
ing a figrial for filence, that they might hear the voice of their fove-
vereign. At the fight of the king the affault ceafed, all were mute,
and fome in reverence kneeled down. He fpoke in an audible voice,
and addrefied them to the following eftedt : " If the motive which
" induces you to take arms again H: thofe ftrangers is your zeal for my
Vol. II. P " liberty.
o6
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
BOOK IX.
liberty, I thank you for the love and fidelity you fliew me ; but you
deceive yourfelves in thinking mc a prilbner, for- it is in my own
option to leave this palace of my late father, and return to my own,
whenever I chufe it. If your refentment is caufed by their ftay in
this court, I acquaint you that they have given me afTurance, and I
aflure you, that they will depart as foon as you will lay down your
arms. Quiet therefore your emotions ; let your fidelity to me ap-
pear in this, unlefs what I have heard is true, that you have fworn
to another that obedience which you owe to me ; which I cannot
believe, nor can you ever do, without drawing the vengeance of
heaven down upon you."
The people remained filent for fometime, until a Mexican {^f), more
daring than the reft, raifed his voice, calling the king cowardly and
effeminate, and fitter to manage a fpindle and a iliuttle than to govern
a nation (o courageous ; and reproaching him for having, from his
cowardice and bafenefs, fufi:'ered himfelf to be made the prifoner of
his enemies : and not content with reviling him with words, taking
a bow in his hand, he fliot an arrow at him. The common people,
who are always apt to be moved by the firft impuife which is given
them, quickly followed his example ; reproaches and contumelious
language were heard on every fide ; and lliowers of ftones and arrows
poured tov/ards the quarter where the king ftood. The Spanifh
hiftorians f^y, that although the perfon of the king v/as covered with
two fliields, he was wounded by a blow from a ftone on the head,, by
another in the leg, and by an arrow in the arm. He was immediately
carried by his fervants to his chamber, more wounded in foul by anger
and vexation, than hurt by the facrilegious weapons of his fubjeds.
In the mean while, the Mexicans perfifted in their attacks, and
the Spaniards in their defence, until fome nobles called Cortes to that
faine place where the king had received his wounds, in order to treat
with him about certain articles, of which we do not find any hiftorian
give a proper and clear account. Cortes demanded of them why they
were inclined to treat him as an enemy, having done them no wron^-?
" If you would avoid farther hoftilities (faid they), depart immediately
(/) Acoda fays, that the Mexican who fpoke thcfe infults to the king was Qiiauhtcmotziu,
his nephey/, and the lati king of Mexico.
" from
HISTORY OF MEXICO,
107
" from this cityj if not, we are rcfolved to die, or to kill you all." bookix.
Cortes replied, that he did not complain to thcixi becauCe he was afraid ' ^ '
of their arms, but becaufe he was pained to be obliged to kill fo many,
of them and deftroy fo beautiiul a city. The nobles went away,
repeating their menaces.
The three warlike machines being at length finirtied, Cortes went
out with them early on the 28th of June, and proceeded through one
of the principal ftreets of the city with three thoufand Tlafcalans and
other auxiliary troops, with the greater part of the Spaniards, and ten
pieces of artillery. When tliey came to the bridge over thf firft canal,
they drew the machines and fcaling-ladders near to the houfcs, in order
to drive the crowds from the terraces ; but the llones were fo many and
fo large which were thrown at the machines, that they broke through
them. The Spaniards fought courageoufly until mid-day, without
being able to take pofleffion of the bridge ; on which account they re-
turned in fliame to their quarters, leaving one man killed, and carry-
ing back many wounded.
The Mexicans having been greatly encouraged by this laft event, Skct.xvII.
five hundred nobles fortified themfelves in the upper area of the greater ^'^"'^''^ *"?*•
•i r o rragcmcnt in
temple, well furniflied with arms and proviiions, and from thence the tc-mpie.
began to do great damage to the Spaniards with ftones and arrows,
while other Mexican troops attacked them by the ftreets. Cortes fent
a captain with a hundred foldiers to drive the nobles from that flation,
which, being fo very high and neighbouring, entirely commanded the
quarters ; but having made three different attempts to afcend there,
they were vigoroufly repulfed. The general then determined to make
the affault upon the temple himfelf, although he itili fuffered from a
ffvere wound he had received in his left hand ever fince the firft
engagement. He tied his fliield to his arm, and having caufed the
temple to be furrounded by a luflicient number of Spaniards and
Tlafcalans, began to afcend the ftairs of it with a great part of his
people. The nobles who were now befieged difputed their afcent
with great courage, and overturned fome of the Spaniards ; in the
mean while, other Mexican troops having entered the lower area,
fought furioufly with thofe who furrounded the temple. Cor:es_,
though not without the utmoft fatigue and difficulty, at laft gained
P a the
io8 II I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IX. the upper area along with his party. Now came on the greateft heat
^'—^'v- — and danger of the conteft, which lalled upv/ards of three hours. Part
of the Mexicans died by the point of the fword, and part threw
themfelves down to the lower floors of the temple, where they con-
tinued the fight until they were all killed. Cortes ordered the fandlu-
ary to be fet on fire, and returned in good order to the quarters.
Forty-fix Spaniards loft their lives in this adion, and all the reft
came off wounded and bathed in blood. This fpirited affault was
one of thofe in which the opponents fought with the greateft courage
en both fides, and on that account the Tlafcalans as well as the Mexi-
cans reprefented it in their paintings after the conquefi:(^).
Some hirtorians have added the circumftance of the great danger in
which, according to their account, Cortes was of being precipitated
from the upper area by two Mexicans, who being refolved to facrifice
their lives for the good of their country, feized Cortes in their arms
upon the edge of it in order to drag him along with themfelves in their
filli from thence, trufling to put an end to the war by the death of that
general ; but this fadt, of which neither Cortes nor Bernal Diaz, nor
Gomara, nor any other of the more ancient hiftorians make mention,
is rendered fill! more improbable by the circumflances added to it by
fome modern authors (/').
Cortes having returned to the quarters, had a frefh conference
with fome refpedlable perfons among the Mexicans, reprefenting
to them the lofTes they fuftained from the Spanifli arms. They
anfwered, that it was of no importance to them provided the Spani-
ards were deflroyed ; tliat if they were not all cut off by the Mexicans,
{g) The difTcrcnces of opinion nmong hillorians refpei'iing the order and circiiinftances of
the engagements which happened in thole days, is incxprellible. We follow the account givea
by Cortes, conCdering him the bell authority.
(/j) Solis fays, that the two IVIexicans approached ou their knees to Cortes, in the «.<? of implor-
ing his mercy, and 'ivithout JeLiy threiu theml'clves Jo',.vir.Viiri!s iviththeir prev in their hands iii-
cre.iftng the 'violence of the effort 'with their itat'iral '-.veigl'! ; that Cortes gut clear of them and rebnlfcd
them, though not ivilhoiit diffìciiìiy. We find it rather diflicult to believe Cortes poflelTed of fiuh
furpriling force : the very humane gentlemen Raynal and Robertlbn, moved with compailion
it would appear, for the danger Cortes was in, have provided feme kiiiJof nnknown battlements
and iron rails, by which he faved himfelf until he got clear of the Mexicans ; but neither did
the Mexicans ever make iron rails, nor had that temple any battlements. It is wondrriul that
thefe author?, fo incredulous concerning what is attclled by the Spanifli and Indian writers
fliould yet believe what is neither to be fouud among the ancient authors nor r-robable h\
itiel:,
they
HISTORYOF MEXICO. 109
they would infallibly perifh by famine fliut up in their quarters. Cor- BOOK IX.
tes having obferved that night Ibme inattention and waiit of vigilance
among the citizens, fallied out with fome companies of foldiers, and
proceeding through one of the principal ftreets of the city, he fct fire
to more than three hundred houfes (/).
The next day his machines being repaired, he went out with them
and the greateft part of his troops, and diresTted his courfe along the
great road of Iztapalapan with more fuccefs than before ; for in fpite
of a vigorous reliftance from the enemies in their intrenchments made
to defend them from the fire of the Spaniards, he took pofTeflion of
the four firft bridges, and fet fire to fome of the houfes upon that
road, and made ufe of the ruins to fill up the ditches and canals,
that there might be no difiiculty of pafTage if the Mexicans Hiould
raife the bridges. He left a futhcient garrifon upon the polls which
he had taken, and returned to quarters with many wounded, leaving
ten or twelve dead behind him.
The day after he continued his attacks upon the fame road, took
the three bridges which remained, and charging the enemy wiiicii
defended them, he at lall: got upon the main land. Whilft he was at-
tending to fill up the laft ditches, to facilitate as is probable his re-
treat from that capital by means of that fame road by which he had
been now feven months entered, he was told that the Mexicans were
Willing to capitulate ; and, in order to hear their propofitions, he
returned in halle to tlie quarters with the cavalry, leaving the in-
fantry to guard the bridges. The Mexicans intimated that they were
ready to defili from all hollilities ; but, that the capitulation might
take place, it was necelTary to have the high-pried, who had been
made prifoner by the Spaniards when they made the afiault upon the
temple : Cortes fet him at liberty, and a fulpenfion of arms took place.
This appears to have been a mere flratageni of the eJedtors to recover
the chief of their religion, for whofe pcrfon they had occafioa to
anoint the new king whom they had chofcn, or were going now to
chufe ; for Cortes had hardly obtained a ceflation of arms, when
fome TlalCalans arrived with the news that the Mexicans had retaken
(;) licrnal Diai fays, that it was a gre it fatigue to make them burn, from their being covered
with terraces imd Itp-iratcJ iroin ';ach othtr.
the
no
HISTORY
MEXICO.
BOOK IX. the bridges and killed fonie Spaniards, and that a great body of war-
riors were coming againft the quarters; Cortes v/ent immediately to
meet them with the cavalry, and making way through them with the
utmoft difficulty and danger, he recovered the bridges, but whillì: he
was retaking the laft, the Mexicans had again taken the four iirft,
and had began to draw out the materials with which the ditches had
been filled up by the Spaniards. The general returned at length to
regain them, and then retired to the quarters with his people, who were
now all weary, melancholy, and wounded.
Cortes, in his letter to Charles V. reprefents the great danger he was
in, that day, of lofing his life, and afcribes it to particular provideffce
that he efcaped from among fuch a multitude of enemies. It is cer-
tain, that from the moment they rofe againft the Spaniards, they
'ivould have been able to have deftroyed them with all their allies, if
they had obferved a better order in fighting, and it there had been
more agreement amonc^ the inferior officers who led on the attacks ;
but they could not agree among themfelves, as will appear hereafter,
and the populace were merely adluated by their tumultuous fury. On
the other hand, it is not to be doubted, that the Spaniards muft have
appeared to them to have been made of iron ; for they neither yielded
to the diftrefs of famine, nor to the neceffity of fleep, nor to continual
fatigue and wounds ; after having employed all tlie day in combating
with their enemies, they fpent the night in burying the dead, curing the
wounded, and repairing the damages done to their quarters during the
day by the Mexicans, and even in the little time which they allowed
for repofe, they never quitted their arms, but were always ready to
rife before their enemy. But the hardinefs of their troops will appear
ftill more extraordinary in thofe terrible engagements which we fhall
prefently relate.
On one of thofe days, probably the thirtieth of June, died, in the
Deathofkino- Quarters of the Spaniards, the king Montezuma, in the fifty-fourth
Montezuma, year of his age, in the eighteenth of his reign, and the feventh month
lords. cf his imprifonment. With regard to the caufe and the circumftances
of his death, there is fo great a difference and contradidion among
hiflorians, it is altogether impoffible to afcertain the truth. The
Mexican hiitorians blame the Spaniards, and the Spanilh hiflorians
accufe
XIX.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. ui
accule the Mexicans of it (4), We cannot be perfuaJed that the BOOK IX.
Spaniards fhould refolve to take away the life of a king to whom they
owed fo many benefits, and from whofe death they could only expcdt
new misfortunes. His lofs was lamented, if we are to credit Bernal Diaz,
an eye-witnefs and moft faithful writer, not lefs by Cortes and every
one of his officers and foldiers, than if he had been their father. He
(hewed them infinite favour and kindnefs, whether it had been from
natural inclination or fear ; he always appeared to them to be their
friend at heart, at leafl there is no reafon to believe the contrary, nor
was it ever known that he fpoke like an enemy of them, as they
themfelves protefled.
His good and bad qualities may be gathered from an account of his
anions. He was circumfpeft, magnificent, liberal, zealous for juftice,
and grateful for the fervices of his fubjecfls ; but his referve and di-
stance made the throne inaccellible to the complaints of his people.
His magnificence and liberality were fupported by the burdens laid on
his fubjeds, and his jullice degenerated into cruelty. He was exa6l
and punctual in every thing appertaining to religion, and jealous of the
worfliip of his gods and the obfervance of rites (/). In his youth he
was inclined to war and courageous, and came oiF conqueror, accord-
ing to hiflory, in nine battles ; but in the laft year of his reign, do-
meftic pleafurcs, the fame of the firft vidories of the Spaniards, and,
above all, fuperftition, weakened and debafed his mind to fuch a degree,
that he appeared, as his fubjefts reproached him, to have changed his
fex. He delighted greatly in mufic and the chace, and was as dex-
trous in the ufe of the bow and arrow as in that of the fhooting-tube.
He was a perfon of a good fiatare, but of an indifferent complexion,
and of a long vifage with lively eyes.
(i) Cortes and Gomara affirm, that Montezuma died of the blow from the (lone u-Ith vvhich
his people hit him on the head, Solis fuys his denth was occaiiont-d by his not having his
■wound drefled. Bernal Diaz adds to this oinilTion and ncj^lcft, his voluntary abftincncc from
food. The chronicler Herrcra fays, tha» the wound was not mortal, but that he died oi a broken
heart. Sahagun, and other Mexican hiftorians, affirm, that the Spaniards killed him, and one
of them mentions the circumflance of a foidicr ha hig pierced liim with an ccl-fpcar.
(/) Solis fays that Montezuma hiiiiily bnit his nai-, ihat is bowed his head to his gods ; that
he had a higher idea of himfelf than of them, &c. He adds alfo, that the ile-vil fwvcurcd !-im
^viiL'freijuittt vijits. Such credulity does not become the greater hilloriographor of tht Indies.
a He
112 " HIS T O R Y O F hi E X I C O.
BOOK IX. He left at his death fcveral fon?, of whom three periiheJ that un-
lucky night of the defcit'ofthe Spaniards, either by the hands of the
■' SparfiarHs themfelve^,' as the Mexicans a*firm, or by the hands of the
* Mexicatis, as the Spaniards report. Of thofe who furvived, the moft
remarkable was Johiiàlicahuatzin, or Don Pc^ro Mctc-^uma, and of
' hlai defcended tlie Counts Montezuma and Tula. Montezuma hai
^this fon by Miahiiaxochitl, the daughter of Ixtlilcuechahuac, lord
of Tollan, By another wifp-he had Tecuichpotzin, a beautiful priu-
cefs, from whom defoènded the two noble houles of Cano Montezuma
and Andreda Montezuma. The Catholic kings granted fingular
privileges to the poflerity of Montezuma, on account of the unparal-
leled fervice rendered^ by that monarch in voluntarily incorporating a
kingdom fo great and rich as Mexico with the crown ot Cailile.
Neither the repeated importunities made to him by Cortes, nor the
continual exhortations of Olmedo, particularly in the lall days of
his life, were futlicient to prevail upon him to embrace Chriftianity.
As foon as the king died, Cortes communicated intelligence of his
death to the prince Cuitlahuatzin, by means of two illullrious perfoas
who had been prefent ?t his death, and a little after he made the
royal corpfe be carried oat by fix nobles, attended by leverai prielb,
who had likewife been in prifon (;/;). The fight of it excited much
mourning among the people; the lall; homage which they pay to their
fovereign, extolHng his virtues to the Itars, whom a fliort time before
they could find pofleffed of nothing but weaknelles and vice. The
nobility, after fliedding abundance of tears on the cold body of their
unfortunate king, carried it to a place of the city called Copaico (;/),
where they burned it with tiie ufual ceremonies, and buried the allies
('n) Torqiiemada, and other authors, lay, that Montezuma's dead body was thrown into
the Tci'majoc, along with others; but from the accounts of Cunes and B. Diaz, it is certain that
it was carried out of the quarters by the nobles.
(«) Herrera conjeflures that Montezuma was buried in Chupoltepec, becaiife the Spaniards
heard a gieat mourning towards that quarter, Solis affirms pofitivcly, that it was bur'cd in
Chapojtcpec, and that the kpulchre of the kinps was there ; but thi» is totally contrary to the
truth, bccaufe Chapoltepec was not Icfs than ihrec miles dilLint from the Spanifli quarters :
it U"as therefore iii)po!iible that the Spaniards flioulj have overheard the mourning which was
made there, efpecially when they were in ihe center of a populous city, and at a time of fo
r.iuch tumult and noife. The kings, bclide^, had no fixed place of burial ; and it i> alio cer-
tain, from the depofitions of the ^le.xicans, that Montezuma's afties were buried at Capaico,
of
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. X13
with the utmoft relpcd and veneration, although ibme low illiberal BOO'C ix.
Mexicans treated the ceremony with ridicule and abiife.
Upon this fame occafion, if there is any truth in what hilk)rians
relate, Cortes ordered the dead bodies of Itzquauhtzin lord of Tlate-
lolco, and other imprifoned lords, of whofc names there is no mention,
to be thrown out of the quarters into a place called Tehuajoc, all of
whom had been put to death, as they affirm, by order of Cortes,
although none of them afllgn a reafon for fuch a condudt, which,
even if it was juft, can never be cleared from the charge of impru-
dence, as the fight of fuch llaughter muft necefTarily have exafperated
the anger of the Mexicans, and induced them to fufpedt that the fo-
vereign likewife had been facrificed by his command [0). However it
was, the people of Tlatelolco carried off' the dead body of their chief
in a veflel, and celebrated his funeral rites with great lamentation and
mourning.
In the mean time, the Mexicans continued their attacks with flilJ
more ardour. Cortes, although he made great flaughter of them and
came off" always conqueror, yet faw that the blood fpilt of his own
foldiers was a greater lofs than the advantages obtained by his vidtories
compenfated ; and that at laft the want of provifions and ammunition,
and the multitude of his enemies, would prevail over the bravery of
his troops and the fuperiority of his arms : believing, therefore, the
inimediate departure of the Spaniards indifpenfibly neceffary, he called
a council of his captains, to deliberate upon the method and time for
executing fuch refolution. Their opinions were different. Some of
them faid that they ought to depart by day, forcing their way by arms,
if the Mexicans oppofed them : others thought that they fliould de-
part by night ; this was the fuggeftion of a foldier named Roteilo, who
pretended fkill in aftrology, to whom Cortes paid more deference than
was proper, having been induced to do fo by having feen fome of his
predictions accidentally verified. It was refolved, therefore, tlie vain
obfervations of that wretched foldier being preferred to the dictates ol
(tfl Cooccruiiig the death of thofe lords, no mention »s mnde by Cortes, 6. Diaz, Gomaii,
Hcrrcrii, andSolis ; but Sahagun, Torqucmeda, Betancourt, and ttif Mexican hiiloriuns, rcpoii
it as certain. .In rcfpc^l to the latter, and the fidelity due to hiflory, wc recite the event,
though one of great imprububility.
Vol. II. Q^ military
Sect. XX.
Terrible de-
feat fuffered
by the Spa-
niards in their
letrear.
HISTORYOF MEXICO.
military flcill and prudence, to depart during the night, with all poffible
ferrecy : as if it had been poffible to conceal the march of nine thou-
fand men, with their arms, their horfes, their artillery, and baggage,
from the detedlion of fo numerous and watchful an enemy. They
fixed the night of the firft of July for their departure {/>), a night the
Biort: unlucky and memorable to the Spaniards, from the great {laugh-
ter they fuffered, on which account they gave it the name of nache
trijie, by which it is liill known in their hiftories. Cortes ordered a
bridge of wood to be made, which could be carried by forty men, to
ferve for the paffing of ditches. He then made all the gold, filver,
and gems, which they had hitherto amaffed, to be brought out, took
the fifth part of it which belonged to the king, and configned it to the
officers belonging to his majefty, declaring the impoffiibility which he
found of preferving and faving it. He left the refi to his officers and
foldiers, permitting each of them to take what he pleafed ; bu-t at
the fame time, he warned them how much fitter it would be to abandon
it all to the enemy ; for, when free of that weight, they would find
lefs difficulty to fave their lives. Many of them, rather than be dif-
appointed of the principal obje(5l of their defires, and the only fruit of
their labours, loaded themfèlves with that heavy burden, under the
weight of which they fell victims at once to their avarice and the re-
venge of their enemies.
Cortes ordered his march in the greatefl filence of the night, which
was rendered flill darker by a cloudy Iky, and more troublefome and
dangerous by a fmall rain which never ceafed falling. He committed
the van guard to the invincible Sandoval, with fome other officers,
and two hundred infantry and twenty horfes ; the rear guard to Pedro
de Alvarado, with the greater part of the Spanifh troops. In the
body of the army the pritbners were conduced, with the fervants and
baggage people, where Cortes took alio his ftation, with five horfes
and an. hundred infantry, in order to give fpeedy relief wherever it
ihould be neceffary.. The auxiliary troops of Tlafcala,, Chempoalla^
{p) B. Diaz fays, that the defeat of the Spaniards happened on the night of the tenth of
July ; but we believe this to have been a millakc of the printer, as Cortes affiims, that in their
retieat, they arrived at Tlafcala on the tei.th of July ; and from the journal of their march
kept by this conqurror, it is evident that their defeat could not have happened on any other
day than the firli of July,
and^
V
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 115
and Cholula, which amounted then to more than feven thoufand men» EOOK IX.
were diftributed among the three divilions of the army. Having firft
implored the prote(5tion of Heaven, they began to march by the way
of Tlacopan. The greateft part of them palled the firft ditch or canal
by the afliftance of the bridge which they carried with them, without
meeting any other refiftance than the little which the centinels
who guarded that poft were able to make; but the priefts who
watched in the temples having perceived their departure, cried loudly
" to arms," and roufed the people with their horns. In an inilant
the Spaniards found thcmfclves attacked by water and by land, by
an infinity of enemies, who impeded their own attack by their number
and confuhon. The encounter at the fecond ditch was moft terrible
and bloody, the danger extreme, and the efforts of the Spaniards
to efcape moft extraordinary. The deep darknefs of the night, the
founds of arms and armour, the threatening clamours of the com-
batants, the lamentations of the prifoners, and the languid groans of
the dying, made impreflions both horrid and piteous. Here was heard
the voice of a foldier calling earneftly for help from his companions,
another imploring in death mercy from Heaven : all was confufion,
tumult, wounds, and flaughter. Cortes, like an adlive feeling gene-
Tal, ran intrepidly here and there, frequently paffing and repafling
the ditches by fwimming, encouraging fome of his men, afiifting
others, and preferving the remains of his harraffcd little army, at the
utinoft rilk of being killed or made prifoncr, in as much order as poffible.
The fecond ditch was fo filled with dead bodies, that the rear guard
paffed over the heap. Alvarado, who commanded it, found himfelf at
the third ditch fo furioufly charged by the enemy, that, not being able
to face about to tliem, nor fwim acrofs without evident danger of pe-
riftiing by their hands, fixed a lance in the bottom of the ditch, grafji-
ing the end of it with his hands, and giving an extraordinary fpring to
his body, he vaulted over the ditch. This leap, confidered as a pro-
digy of agility, obtained to that place the name which it ftill prcferves
of Salto à' Alvarado, or Alvarado's leap.
The lofs fuftained by the Mexicans on this unlucky night was un-
queftionably great : concerning that of the Spaniards, authors are, as
Qj2 in
ii6 ri I S T O R Y T-O F M E X I C O.
1BOOKIX. Jii other affnirs, of various opinions {^)j wc are apt to think the com-
putation true which has been made by Goniara, who appears to have
made the moft diHgent enquiries, and to have informed himfelf both
fròiti Cortes and rlie other conquerors-; that is, there fell, befides
four hundred and fifty Spaniards, more than four thoufand auxiliaries,
and among them, as Cortes lays, all the Cholulans : almoft all the pri-
foners the men and women who were in the fervice of the Spaniards, were
killed {/•), alfo forty-fix horfes ; and all the riclies they had amafled,
all their artillery, 2nd all rhe manufcripts belonging to Cortes,
containing an account of every thing which had happened to the
Spaniards until that period, were loft. Among the Spaniards who were
mifììng, the moft coniiderable perfons were, the captains Velafquez
de Leon, the intimate friend of Cortes, Amador de Laviz, Francifco
Moria, and Francifco de Saucedo, all four, men of great courage and
merit. Among the prilbners who v/ere killed was Cacamatzin, that
unfortunate king, and a brother and fon, and two daughters of Mon-
tezuma [s), and a daughter of prince Maxixcatzin.
In fplte of his greatnefs of foul, Cortes could not check his tears at
the fight of fuch calamity. He lat down upon a ftone in Popotla, a
village near Tlacopan, not to repofe after his toil, but to weep for
the lofs of his friends and companions. In the midft of fo many dif-
afters, however, he had at leaft the comfort of hearing that his brave
captains Sandoval, Alvarado, Olid. Ordaz, Avila, and Lugo, his inter -
(fl) Cortes fays, that one hundred and fifty Spaniards perillied ; but he either defiynedly
kflened the number for particular endì, or there «as fome millake made by the copylll or firlt
printer of that letter. B. Diaz numbers eight hundred and fevent)^ to have fallen ; but in
this account he includes, not only thofe who were killed on that unlucky night, but alfo thole
who died before he reached Tlafcala. Soils reckons only upon two hundred, and Torquemada.
tivo hundred and ninety. Concerning- the number of auxiliary troops which periflied then,
(Honiara, Herrera, Torquemada, and Betancourt, are .igreed. Solis fays only, that more than
two thoufand Tlafcalans were milled ; but in this he docs not agree with the computation made
by Cortes, or other authors.
(r) Ordaz affirms, that all the prifoners were killed ; but he ought to have excepted Cui-
cultzcatzin, whom Cortes had already placed on the throne of Acolhuacan ; bccaufe we know,
from the account of Cortes, that he was one of the prifoncrs, and on the other hand,, it is certain
that he was killed afterwards in Tezcuco.
(j) Torquemada affirms, as a well certified point, that Corte=, a few days after he took Ca-
camatzin, made him be ftrangled in prifon. Cortes, B. Diaz, Betancourt, and others, fay that
he was killed along with the other prifoners on that memorable night,
8 preters
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
p'reters Aguilar and Donna Marina, were fafe, by means of whom he
chicHy trulled to be able to repair liis honour and conquer Mexico.
The Spaniards found themfclves io deje<ftcd and enfeebled with Sect. XXI.
fatigue, and with their wounds, that if the Mexicans had purfued them, m^'ch o/^the
not one of them could have efcaped with life ; but tiie latter had hardly Spuim; Js.
arrived at the laft bridge upon that road, when they returned to their city,
either becaufe they were contented with the flaughter already committed,
ór having found the dead bodies of the king of Acolhuacan, the royal
princes of xMexico, and other lords, they were employed in mourning
for their death and paying them funeral honours. They would have ob-
ferved the fame condudt with their dead relations or friends ; for they
left the flreets and ditches entirely clean that day, burning all the
dead bodies, before they could infe(fl the air by corruption^
At break of day the Spaniards found themfelves in Popotla, fcattercJ
about, wounded, wearied, and affli*!led. Cortes having allemhledand form-
ed them in order, marched through the city of Tlacopan, ftill harrafTed
by fome troops of that city and of Azcapozalco,, until they came to-
Otoncalpolco, a temple fituated upon the top of a fmall mountain nine
miles to the weft of the capital, where at prefent ftands the celebrated
Cindtuary or temple of the Virgin de los remedies, or fuccour. Here
they fortified themfelves as well as they could, to defend themfelves
with the lefs trouble from the enemy, who continued to annoy them
the whole day. At night they repofed a little, and had fome refredi-
ment furnillied them by the Otomies, v/ho occupied two neighbouring
hamlets, and lived impatient under the yoke of the Mexicans. From
this placis they direfted their ccnufe towards Tlafcala, their only re-
treat in their misfortunes, through Quauhtitlan, Citlaltepec, Xoloc,
and Zacamolco, annoyed all the way by flying troops of the enemy.
In Zacamolco they were fo famidwd, and reduced to fuch dillrels,
that at fupper they eat a horfe which had been killed that day by the
enemy, of which the general himfclf had his part. The Tlafcalans
threw themfelves upon the earth to eat the herbs of it, praying for
afliftance from their gods >
The day following, when they had juft began their march by the Sect. xxn,.
mountains of Aztaquemecan, they faw at a diftance in the plain of tic ot'Ocom^
Tooan, a little way from the city of Otompan, a nunaerous and bril- P-^''-
liant
ng HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IX. liant army, either of Mexicans, as authors generally report, or, as we
think, probable, coinpoled of tlie troops of Otompan, Calpolalpan,.
Teotihuacan, and other neighbouring places, affembled at the defire
of the Mexicans. Some hillorians make this army confifl of two
hundred thoufand men, a number computed folely by the eye, and
probably increafed by their fears. They were perfuaded, as Cortes
himfelf attefts, that that day was to have been the lafl of all their
lives. This general formed his languid troops, by enlarging the front
of his maimed and wretched army, in order that the flanks might be
in fome manner covered by the fmall wings of the few cavalry he had
left ; and with a countenance full of fire he addrefTed them : " In
" fuch a difKcult fituation are we placed, that it is neceffary cither to
" conquer or die ! Take courage, Callilians ! and truft, that He who
" has hitherto delivered us from lb many dangers, will preferve us alfo
"in this !" At length the battle was joined, which was extremely
bloody, and lafled upwards of four hours. Cartes feeing his troops di-
minilli andina great meafure dlfcouraged, and the enemy advance ftill
more haughtily notwithflanding the lofs they fuftered from the Spanifh
arms, formed a bold and hazardous refolution, by which he gained the
viftory and put the mlferable remains of his army in fecurity. He re-
colledled to have often heard, that the Mexicans went into diforder
and fled whenever their general was killed or they had lofi their ftand-
ard. Cihuacatzln, general of that army, clothed in a rich military
habit, with a beautiful plume of feathers on his helmet, and a gilded
fhield upon his arm, was carried in a litter upon the llioulders of fome
foldiers ; the flandard which he bore was, according to their ufage, a
net of gold fixed on the point of a IhifF, which was firmly tied upon his
back, and rofe about ten palms above his head (/) : Cortes obferved it
in the center of that great multitude of enemies, and refolved to fl:rike
a decifive blow; he commanded his brave captains Sandoval, Alvarado,
Olid, and Avila, to follow behind, to guard him from attack, and
immediately, with others who accompanied him, he pulhed forward
through that quarter where his attempt appeared mort prai51:icable with
fuch impetuofity, that he threw many down with his lance and others
with his horfe. Thus he advanced through the lines of the enemy,
(/) This f>.rt of f an.lard \va; called by the Mexicans TìabuixmalìaxefìllU
until
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
119
until he came clofe up with the general, who was accompanied by fomé BOOK IX.
of his orficers, and with one ftroke of his lance extended him on th6
ground. Juan de Salamanca, a brave foldier, who attended Cortes,
difmounting quickly from his horfc, put an end to his life, and feiz-
ing the plume of feathers on his head prefented it to Cortes («). The
army of the enemy, as foon as they faw their general killed, and the
ftandard taken, went into confulion and fled. The Spaniards, encou-
raged by this glorious a(5tion of their chief, purfued, and made great
flaughter of the fugitives.
This was one of the moll famous vldiories obtained by the Spanifh
arms in the New World; Cortes dirtinguiflied himfelf in it above all
the reft ; and his captains and foldiers fald afterwards, that they had
never feen more courage and aftivity difplayed than upon that day ;
but he received a fevere wound on the head, which daily growing worfe,
brought his life into the utmoft danger. Bernal Diaz juftly praifes the
bravery of Sandoval, and fiiews how much that gallant officer contri-
buted to this vid:ory, encouraging them all not lefs by his example than
his words. The Spanirti hiftorians have alfo highly celebrated Maria
de Eftrada, the wife of a SpaniHi foldier, who, having armed herfelf
with a lance and fliield, ran among the enemy, wounding and killing
them with an intrepidity very extraordinary in her fex. Of the Tlaf-
calans, Bernal Diaz fays, that they fought like lions, and amongft
them Calmecahua, captain of the troops of MaxJxcatzin, particularly
diftinguifhed himfelf. He was not, however, lefs remarkable for his>
bravery than for his longevity,, living to the age of one hundred and
thirty years.
The lofs of the enemy was undoubtedly great in this defeat, but
greatly lefs than feveral authors repreient it, who make it amount to
twenty thoufand men ;. a number rather incredible, according to the
miferable ftate to which the Spaniards were reduced, and the want of
artillery and other fire-arins. On the contrary, the lofs of the Spani-
ards was not fo fmallas Solis reports it (x), for almoft all the Tlafca^
lans
(u) Charles V. granted fome privileges to Juan dc Salamanca, and ainonj others a fhicld
of arms for his houle, which had a pUimc upon it in memory of the one which he had take»
from the general Cihuacatzin.
(a) Solis, in order to exaggerate the vii'iory of Otonipan fays, that amongft die troops un-
der Cortes fomc were wounded, of whom two or three Spaniards died in Tlafcala: but this
author
120 H r S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IX. lans periflied, and many of the Spaniards in proportion to the number
'""""^'^'"^ of their troops, and all of them came off wounded.
The Spaniards, tired at length with purfuing the fugitives, refumed
their n)arch towards Tlafcala hy the eaflern part of that plain, remain-
ing that night under the open Iky, where the general himfelf, after
the fatigue and wounds he had received, kept guard in perfon for their
greater fecurity. The Spaniards were now not more than four hundred
and forty in number. Befides thofe who had been llain in the en-
gagements, preceding the unfortunate night of their departure from
Mexico, there perhhed during it and the fix days follo\^'ing, as Bernal
Diaz, an eye-witnefs affirms, eight hundred and feventy, many of
wiiom h3^•ing been made prifoners by the Mexicans, were inhumanly
facrificed in the greater temple of the capital,
s K c r. The next day, the 8th of July, i C2o, they entered, making
Keturn'of'the ejaculations to heaven, and returning thanks to the Almighty, into
.^panianis m- ^^ dominions of Tlafcala, and arrived at Hueiotlipan (r), a confider-
able city of that republic. They feared flill to find fonie change ia
the fidelity of the Tlafcalans, well knowing how common it is to fee
men abandoned in tlieir misfortunes by their deareft friends : but they
Avere ioow undeceived by meeting with the molT: fincere demonftrations
of efteem and compaflion for the difafters they had undergone. The
four chiefs of that republic had no fooner intelligence of their arrival,
than they came to Huejotlipan to pay their compliments to them, ac-
companied by one of the principal lords of Huexotzinco, and many
of the nobility. The prince Maxixcatzin, though fevèrely afflióted by
the death of his daughter, endeavoured to confole Cortes with hopes
iuthor, folely attentive to the ornament of his rtyle, and the panegyric of his hero, took lit.
tie note of numbers. He athriiis, that Cortes, after the defeat of Narvaez, carried eleven
hundred men with him to Mexico, who with other eighty that, according to his account, re-
mained with Alvar.ido, make eleven hundred and eighty. In the engagements, preceding
the defeat of the Spaniards at Mexico, he makes no mention of any death. In the defeat he
reckons two hundred only to have been killed ; and, in his account of their iourncy to Tluf-
cala, he fpeaks of no other but the two or three who died in Tlafcala of the wounds they had
received at Otompan. Where then arc, or how have the other five hundred nnen and upwards
difappcared, which are wanting to make up the number of eleven hundred and eighty. \Vc
have a very different idea given us of the battle of Otompan from thofe who were prcfent at it,
as appear- from the letters of Cortes, and the Hiiicry of Berna! Diaz.
( y ) Huejotlipan is called by Cortes and Hcrrcra Ci,alipar., by Bernal Diaz Gnaiiap^r, and
by Solis Gualifar.
of
H I S T O R Y O F M E X 1 e O. 121
of revenge, which he allured him he might obtain from the courage of BOOK ix.
the Spaniards and the forces of the republic, which from that time he
promifcd him, and all the other chiefs made offers to the fame purpofe.
Cortes returned them thanks for their kind wifhes and offers, and lay-
ing hold of the llandard which he had taken the day before from the
Mexican general, he prefented it to Maxixcatzin, and gave to the other
lords fome other valuable fpoils. The Tlafcalan women conjured
Cortes to revenge the death of their fons and relations, and vented
their grief in a thoufand imprecations againft the Mexican nation.
After repofmg three days in this place, they proceeded to the capital of
the republic, diilant about fifteen miles, for the more fpeedy cure of their
wounded, of whom, however, eight foldiers died. The concourfe of
people at their entry into Tlafcala was great, and perhaps greater than
when they made their firfl: entry into that city. The reception which
Maxixcatzin gave them, and the care he took of them were becoming
his generofity of mind, and demonftrative of the llncerity of his friend-
lliip. The Spaniards acknowledged themfelves every day more and
more obliged to that nation, the friendlhip of which, by being pro-
perly cultivated, proved the moll effectual means not only for the con-
quell of the capital of the Mexican empire, but alio of all the pro-
vinces which oppofed the progrefs of the Spanilh arms, and for the
fubduing of the barbarous Chichimecas and Otomies, by whom the
conquerors were long harraffed.
While the Spaniards were rcpofing after their fatigues and recover- Sect.xxiv.
ing of their wounds in Tlafcala, the Mexicans were employed in re- pioccedines
pairing the evils done to their capital and their kingdom. The loffes °* •*"^ '''"S
!••• 1-11 11-1- 1- r • Cuitlalniat-
and mjuries which they had lullained m the fpace ot one year, were zininMLxi-
truly heavy and diflreffing ; for, befides immenfe fums of gold and fil-
ver, gems, and other precious things, expended partly in prefents
to the Spaniards, partly in homage to the king of Spain, of which
they recovered but little, the fimc of their arms was obfcured, and
the refpe'fl of the crown of Mexico diminillied ; the Totonacas, and
other people, had renounced their obedience ; all their enemies had
grown more infolent ; their temples were materially damaged, and their
religion fpurned at ; many houfes of the city were totally demoliflied,
and above all other grievances, they had lofl: their king, feveral royal
Vol. II. R per-
co.
122
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK IX. perfonages, and a great part of the nobility. To thofe reafons for
defpondence and difguft at the Spaniards, thofe which were caufed by
their own civil war were added, for the knowledge of which we are
indebted to the manufcripts of a Mexican hiftorian who happened to
be at this time in the capital, and furvived a few years the ruin of the
empire. At the time the Spaniards were fo much diftreffed in the ca-
pital by famine from the hoftilities of the Mexicans, feveral lords of
the firft nobility, either in order to favour the party of the Spaniards,
or, what is fully more probable, to give fuccour to the king, who, by
being among them was necelliirily an equal fufferer with them, fscretly
fupplied them with provifions, and perhaps, declared themfelves openly
in their favour, in confidence of their own perfonal authority. From
this caufe arofe a fatal diffeniion among the Mexicans, which could
not be terminated without the death of many illaftrious perfons, and
particularly fome of the fons and brothers of Montezuma, according to
the account of the above hillorian.
The Mexicans found the neceflity of placing at the head of their na-
tion a man capable of re-eflablifhing its honour, and repairing the lolTes
fuftered in the laft year of the reigi of Montezuma. A little before,
or a little after the defeat of the Spaniards, the prince CuitLhuatzin
was eleiled king of Mexico. He, as we have faid already, was lord
of Iztapalapan, the particular counfellor of his brother Montezuma,
andTlachcocalcatl, or general of the army. He was a perfon of great
talents and fagacity, agreeable to the teftimony of Cortes his rival, and
liberal and magnificent like his brother. He took great delight
in architecture and gardening, as appears from the fplendid palace
he built in Iztapalapan, and the celebrated garden which he planted
there, in whofe prailes no ancient hiftorian is filent. His bra-
very and militury fkill acquired him the higheft efteem amongft the
Mexicans; and fome authors affirm, from particular information of his
character, that if he had not met an early death, t'le capital would ne-
ver have been taken by the Spaniards (z). It is probable, that the fa-
crifices
(z) SoUs gives Ciiitlahuatzin the name of !^itdahaca, and fays, that he lived on the throne
but a few days, and thofe were futlicieiit to make the- memory of his name amongft his coun-
trymen be for ever cancelled from his cowardice ani infignificance. But this is falfe, and con-
trary to the accounts given by Cones, Eernal Diaz, Gomara, and Torquemada, authors who
were
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 123
crifices made at the feftival of his coronation were thoic Spaniards BOOKix.
whom he liimfelf had taken prilbncrs in the ni:^ht of their defeat.
As foon as the feilival of his coronation was over, he employed |Jl„*ì,yj;;y^f^ "
himfelf to remedy the difafters fiiffered by the crown and the empire, the kin- Cu-
TT 1 -11 11 J iijij itlaluiatziii to
He gave orders to repair the damaged temples, and to rebuild the de- theihifca-
moliOied houies, augmented and improved the fortifications of the capi- '''"^•
tal, fent embalTies to the different provinces of the empire, cncoura:^-
ing them to tlie common defence of the frate againll thole hoftiic
Grangers, and promifed to relieve thofe who would take up arnis in
behalf of the crown, from all their tributes. He fent alfo ambadadors
to the republic of TUfcala, with a confiderable prefcnt of line feathers,
habits of cotton, and fome fait, who were received with due honour,
according to the laws eftabliOied aniong the polifhed nations of that
country. The purport of the embafiy was to reprefent to that fenate,
that altliough the Mexicans and TIalcalans had hitherto been the inve-
terate enemies of each other, it was now become neceffary to unite
themfelves together as the inhabitants originally of one country, as peo-
ple of the fame language, and as worfliippers of the fame deities, againfl
the common enemy of their country and religion ; that they had al-
ready fcen the bloody flaughter which had been committed in Mexico,
and other places, the lacrilege to the fandbuarics, and the venerable
images of the gods, the ingratitude and perfidy fliewn to his brother and
predeceifor, and the moft refpedlable perfonages of Anahuac ; and laftly,
that infatiable thirft in thofe ftrangers for gold, which impelled them to
violate every facrcd law of friendlhip ; that if the republic continued to
favour the perverfe defigns of fuch monflers, they would in the end
meet with the fame recompence which Montezuma had for the huma-
nity with which he received them into his court, and the liberality
which he excrciled fo long towards them : the TIalcalans would be
execrated by all nations for giving aid to fuch iniquitous ufurpers, and
were better informed than Solis. How could the memory of his name ainongrt the Mexicans
be cancelled, while it was prefervcd indelibly among the Spaniards, they having confiderej
him as the pcrfon who was the caufc of their defeat on the firll of July, as they themfelves
tcilify ? Cortes was fo mindful of him, and felt fo muih rcfcntmcnt tor thofe difalkrs, that
when he found he had forces fufficient to undertake the liege of Mexico, being deiir'us (( re-
venging himfelf on that king, but not being able to get revenge on his perlbn, he took it upon
his favourite city. This was the motive, as Cortes himfelf fays, of his expedition agiiinll
Iztapalapun.
R 2 the
124 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK IX. the gods would pour down all the vengeance of their anger upon them
for confederating with the enemies of their worfliip. If, on the con-
trary, they would as he prayed, declare themfelves the enemies of thofe
men who were abhorred by heaven and earth, the court of Mexico
would form a perpetual alliance with them, and from that time for-
ward have a free commerce with the republic, by which they would
efcape the mifery to which they had been hitherto fubjedted : all the
nations of Anahuac would acknowledge their obligation to them for fo
important a fervice, and the gods, appeafed with the blood of thofe vic-
tims, would fhower down the nccertliry rain upon their fields, ftamp
fuccefs upon their arms, and celebrate the name of Tlafcala through all
that land.
" The fenate, after having llftened to the embafTy, and difmifTed the
ambaffadors from the hall of audience, according to their cuftom, en-
tered into confultation upon that important queftion. To fome among
them the propofols of the court of Mexico appeared juft and confiftent
with the fecurity of the republic ; they exaggerated the advantages which
were offered to them ; and on the other hand, the unlucky iffueof the
undertaking of the Spaniards in Mexico, and the flaughter made o5 the
Tlafcalan troops which had been under their command. Amongft the
reft the young Xicotencatl, who had always been the bitter enemy of
the Spaniards, raifed his voice, and endeavoured, with all the reafons he
eould urge, to perfuade the fenate to the Mexican alhance ; adding, that
it would be much better to preferve the ancient cuftoms of their
fathers than to fubmit to the new and extravagant policy of that
proud and imperious nation ; that it would be impofllble to find a fitter
opportunity to rid themfelves of the Spaniards than then, when they were
reduced in number, feeble in ftrength, and dejecfted in mind. Maxix-
catzin, who, on the contrary, was fincerely attached to the Spaniards,,
and poffeffed of more difcernment of the laws of nations, alio of a dif-
pofition more inclined to obferve them, arraigned the fentiments of Xi-
cotencatl, charging him. with abominable perfidy in counfelling the fe-
nate to facrifice to the revenge of the Mexicans, men who had juft felt
the rod of adverfity, and fought an afylum in Tlafcala, trulting in ths
promifes and proteftations of the fenate and the nation. He continued,
that if they flattered themfelves with receiving the advantages which
the.
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 125
the Mexicans offered, he on the contrary hoped for greater from the bravery BOOK IT.
of the Spaniards ; that if there was no motive to place confidence in them,
they ought Hill lefs to confide in the Mexicans, of whofe perfidy they
had fo many examples ; laftly, that no crime would be capable of pro-
voking fo llrongly the anger of the gods, and obfcuring the glory of
the nation, as fuch impious treachery to their innocent guefls. Xico-
tencatl prefled his counfel upon the fenate, prefenting to them an odious
pidure of the genius and cuftoms of the Spaniards. So great an alter-
cation enfued, and tlieir minds became fo much heated, that Maxix-
catzin, tranfported with paflion, gave a violent pufli to Xicotencatl,.
and threw him down fome fteps of the audience chamber, calling him
a feditious traitor to his country. Such an accufation made by a per-
fon fo circumfpevSl, fo refpedted and loved by the nation, obliged the
fenate to imprifon Xicotencatl.
The refolution which they came to was, to anfwer to the embaffy
that the republic was ready to accept the peace and friendfliip of the
court of Mexico, when it did not require fo unworthy an adt, and a
crime fo enormous, as the ficrifice of their guefts and friends ; but
when the ambafTadors were fought for, to have the anfwer of the fenate
delivered to them, it was found they had already departed in fecret
from Tlafcala : for having obferved the people a little unquiet upon
their arrival, they were afraid that fome attempt might have been
made againft the refpedt due to their charadler. It is therefore proba-
ble that the fenate fent Tlafcalan meffengers with their anfwer to the
court. The fenators endeavoured to conceal from the Spaniards the
purport of the embaffy, and all that had happened in the lenate j but,
in fpite of their fecrecy, Cortes knew it, and with juftice thanked
Maxixcatzin for his good offices, and engaged to confirm him in the
favourable idea he entertained of the bravery and friendfliip of the Spa-
niards.
The fenate, not content with thofe proofs of its great fidelity, ac-
knowledged frefli obedience to the Catholic king ; and what was ilill
more flflttering to their guefts, the four chiefs of the republic re-
nounced idolatry, and were baptized, while. Cortes and his officers
flood their godfathers, and the fundion was celebrated by Olmedo with,
great rejoicing and jubilee through all Tlafcala..
Cortes
HISTORY O F
I C O.
BOOK IX.
S.CT.XXVI.
New difcon-
tents and
tears among
fome of the
Spaniards .
Sect.
XXVII.
War of the
Spaniards a-
gainll Tepe-
jacac.
Cortes was now freed from the danger to which his life was expofed
from the blowhe had received on his head in the laft batik ; and the reft of
the Spaniards, except a few who died, were cured of their wounds by tlie
affiftance of the Tlafcalan furgeons. During the time of his ficknefs,
Cortes thouj^ht of nothing eUe than the means he muft ufe to conduft
his undertaking of the conqueft of Mexico to a profperous end ; and
to further this, he had ordered a coaliderable quantity of timber to be cut
for the conftrudion of thirteen biigantinesj but while he was forming
thofe grand projefts, many of his foldiers were indulging very different
thoughts in their minds. They beheld their number diminifhed, them-
felves poor, ill accoutred, and unfurnifhed with horfes as well as arms.
They could not chafe from their thoughts the terrible conflid: and tra-
gic night of the lirll of July, and were unwilling to expofe themfelves
any more to new adventures. Their prefent ideas, and future appre-
henfions, were both too much for them -, and they blamed their general
for his obftinacy in fo raih an undertaking. From murmurs in private,
they proceeded to make a legal requeft to him, defirous of prevailing
on him, by a variety of arguments, to return to Vera Cruz, where
they could procure frefli troops, and a fupply of arms and provifions,
for the purpofe of attempting the conqueft with greater hopes, as at
prefent they deemed it impoffible. Cortes was much troubled at this
alteration of their fentiments, which threatened to fruftrate all his
deftgns ; but exercifing his talent to perfuade his foldiers to his own
pleafure, he made them a pointed energetic fpeech, which , had effed
enough to make them give up their pretenfions. He reproached them
for that bud of cowardice he faw fpringing in their minds, awakened
their fentiments of honour, by a flattering recital of their glorious
actions, and the proteftations full of ardor and courage which they had
frequently made him. He made them fully fenfible how much more
difficult it would be for them to return to Vera Cruz than to remain at
Tlafcala ; afllued them of the fidelity of that republic, of which they
feemed a little doubtful. Laftly, he prayed them to fufpend their
refolution, until they (hould fee the event of the war, which he de-
figned to make upon the province of Tepejacac, in which he hoped to
find new proofs of the fincerity of the Tlafcalans.
The lords of the province of Tepejacac, which bordered on the
republic of Tlafcala, had declared themfelves the friends of Cortes, and
fubjeds
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 127
fubjecls of the court of Spain, ever fmce that terrible mafllicre which BOOK IX.
the Spaniards had made in Cholula ; but feeing afterwards that the Spa-
niards were worfted, and the Mexicans vidlorious, they put thcm-
felves again under obedience to the king of Mexico ; and, in order to
conciliate his fav-Our, they killed fome Spaniards who were on their
journey from Vera Cruz to Mexico, and unapprifed of the tra-
gedy which had happened to their companions there ; they admit-
ted a Mexican garrifon into their territory, and occupied the road which
led from Vera Cruz to Tlafcala ; and, not even contented with that,
they made fome incurfions into the lands of that republic. Cortes
propofcd to make war upon them, not lefs to punifh their perfidy
than to fecure the road from that pori for the fuccours he expedled
from thence. He was infligated ?Jfo to this expedition by the young
Xicotencatl, who had been fet at liberty by the mediation of the Spa-
nili! general himfelf, and that he might remove every fufpicion
againfi: him concerning what had pafled in the fenate, offered to
affift him in that war with a ftrong army. Cortes accepted his offer ;
but before he took up arms, he in a friendly manner demanded fatif-
fadion of the Tepejacans, and advifed them to quit the Mexican caufe,
promifing to pardon the trefpafs they had committed in murdering thofe
Spaniards ; but his propofition having been rejefted, he marched againll
them with four hundred and twenty Spaniards and llx thoufand Tlafcalan
archers, while Xicotencatl was levying an army of fifty thoufand men.
In Tzimpontzinco, a city of the republic, fo many troops afTcm-
bled from the ftates of Huexozinco, and Cholula, that it was ima-
gined their number amounted to a hundred and fifty thoufand.
The firft expedition was againft Zacatepec, the place of the confe-
deracy of the Tepejacans. The inhabitants of it laid in ambufcade for
the Spaniards. They fought on both fides with great courage and
obftinacy, but at laft tiie Spaniards were viiflors, and a confiderablc
number of the enemy left dead on the field {a). From thence the army
marched againft Acatzinco, a city ten miles to the fouthward of
(a) Several lirtcrians fay, that the night after the battle o^ Zaialcfitc the allies of the Spa-
niards had a grrat flipper of human flcih ; part roailcd on fpits of wood, part boiled in fifty
thoufand pots. But this appears a comi'lete f.iblc. It is not probable that Cortes, or Bernal
V>\:\z, flioiild have oinitted an event in thrir relations of fo remarkable a nature, particularly
Diaz, who is gcaerally too prolix and tedious in his recital of fuch afis of inhumanity.
Tepejacac,
r2S H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK IX. Tepejacac, into which the Spaniards entered triumphant, after gaining
a battle little lefs ditiicult than that of Zacàtepec. From Acatzinco
Cortes fent detachments to burn feveral places in that neighbourhood,
and to fubjeit others to his obedience ; and when it appeared to be
time to attack the principal city, he fet out with all his army for
Tepejacac, where he entered without any reiiftance from the citizens.
Here he declared many prifoners taken in that province to be flaves,
and made the mark of a feal upon them ^^•ith a hot iron, according to
the barbarous cuftom of that century, allotting the fifth part of them
to the king of Spain, and dividing the reft among the Spaniards and the
allies. He founded there, according to the manner of fpeaking of the
Spaniards in thofe days, a city which he called Segura della Frontera,
the founding of which confifted in eftablifliing Spanifli magiftrates
there, and eredting a fmall fortification {b.)
Sect. The Mexican troops, garrifoned in that province, retreated from it,
A\^f o/^^' "°^ having fufficient ftrength to refift the power of their enemies ; but,
Quauhque- at the fame time, there appeared at the city of Quauhquechollan {c),
diftant about four miles from Tepejacac, towards the fouth, an army
of Mexicans fent there by king Cuitlahuatzin, to hinder t]:ie paflage of
the Spaniards by that quarter to the capital, if they now fliould attempt
it. Quauhquechollan was a confiderable city, containing from five to
fix tboufand families, pleafantly fituated, and not lels fortified by
nature than by art. It was naturally defended on one fide by a fleep
rocky mountain, and on another fide by two parallel running rivers.
The whole of the city was furrounded by a ftrong wall of ftone and
lime, about twenty feet high and twelve broad, with a breaft-work all
round, of about three feet in height. There were but four ways to
enter, at thofe places where the extremities of the wall were doubled,
forming two fenaicircles, as we have already reprefented in the figure
given in our eighth book. The difiiculty of the entrance was increafcd
by the elevation of the fite of the city, which was almoft equal to the
height of the wall itfelf ; fo that in order to enter, it was necefiary to
afcend by fome very deep fteps.
{h) The city of Tepejacac, or Tepcaca, as tha Spaniards call it, is Oil! exiiling ; but the
name o^ Scgiira della Frontera was foon forgotten. Charles V . gave it the title and honour of
SpariilhCity in 1545. At prefent, it belongs to the marqulfatc of the valley.
(f ) QnauhquechoUan is called by the Spaniards Guaqueechula, or Huacachula. At prefent,
it is a plcalant Indian village, abounding with good fruits.
The
HISTORY O F M E X I C O.
The lord of that city, who was partial to the Spaniards, feiit an
cmbaffy to Cortes, declaring his lub:iìi["iìon to the king of Spain, who had
been already acknowled-^eJ fovcrcign of all that land, in the celebrated
aflcmbly held by king Montezuma with the Mexican nobility, in the
prefence of Cortes ; that» although defirous, he was not permitted by the
Mexicans to manifefl his fidelity ; that, then there were a great number
of Mexican officers in Quauhquechollan, and thirty thouland men of
war partly in that city, partly in the places around it, for the purpofe
of preventing any confederacy with the Spaniards : neverthelefs, he re-
quefted him to come to his ailiftance, and free him from the vexations
which he fuffered from thofe troops. Cortes was plcafed with the
intelligence, and immediately fent with the fame meffengers a party of
thirteen horfes, two hundred Spaniards, and thirty thoufand auxiliary
troops, under the commatid of captain Olid. The meflengers, ac-
cording to the order of their lord, undertook to conduci the army
by a "way little travelled, and appriied captain Olid that when they
came near to the city, the Qnauhquecheilans were to attack with fome
armed bodies the quarters of the Mexican officers, and to endeavour
to feize or kill them, in order that when the Spanifh army entered the
city, it might be eafy for tiiem to defeat the enemy without their lead-
ers. But twelve miles before the army reached Quauhquechollan, the
Spanish commander became fufpicious that the Huexotzincas might be
fecretly confederated with the Quauhquechollans and the Mexicans, in
order to deftroy the Spaniards. His fufpiciòn, occafioned by fecret
information, and rendered ftill more ftrong by the numbers of the
Huexotzincas, who of their own accord joined the army, obliged him
to return to Cholula, where he made fome of the moft refpedlable per-
fons among the Huexotzincas and the ambalTadors of Qiiauhquechollan
be feized, and fent them under a fl:rong guard to Cortes, that he might
make enquiry into this fuppofed flratagem.
Cortes was extremely vexed at this proceeding againft fuch faithful
friends as the Huexotzincas : neverthclefs he carefully examined them,
difcovered the innocence and fidelity of both parties, and obferved, that
the late difafters had made the Spaniards more timorous, and that fear,
as ufual, had induced them to carry their fufpicion farther than was
proper or neccflary. He gave kind treatment and made prefents to the
Voi,. II. S Quauh-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Quauhquechollans and the Huexotzincas ; and, accompanied by them,
he marched for Cholula, with a hundred Spanlfh infantry and ten horfes,
having refolvcd to execute this enterprife in perfon. He found the Spa-^
niards in Cholula apprehenfive, but he foon encouraged them, and then
marched for Quauhquechollan, with all his army, which confilled now of
three hundied Spaniards and upwards of a hundred thoufand allies : fuch
Avas the readinefs of thofe people in taking arms to free themfelves from
the yoke of the Mexicans. Before he arrived at Quauhquechollan,
Cortes was informed by the chief of that city, that all the purpofed
meafures had been taken ; that the Mexicans were confiding in their
centinels polled upon the towers of the city, and on the road ; but that
the centinels had already been fecretly feized and confined by the citi-
zens.
The Quauhquechollans no fooner faw the army which was coming
to their affiltance, than they attacked the quarters of the Mexican offi-
cers \vith fuch fury, that, before Cortes entered the city, they prefeated
him forty prifoners. When the general entered, three thoufand citi-
zens were affaujting the principal dwelling of the Mexicans, who,
though greatly inferior in number, defended themfelves fo bravely that
they could not take the houfe, although they had rendered themfelves
mafters of the terraces. Cortes made the aiTault, and took it ; but in
fpite of the efforts lie made to feize any one of them, from whom he
might learn fome intelligence of the court, the Mtxicans fought with
fuch obAinacy, that they were all killed, and he with ditficulty obtain-
ed fome few particulars from a dying officer. The other Mexicans,
who were fcattered through the city, fled out precipitately to incor-
porate themfelves with the body of the army, encamped on a high ground
which commanded all the environs. They immediately formed in order
of battle, entered the city, and began fetting fire to the houfes. Cor-
tes affirms, that he never faw an army make a more beautiful appear-
ance, on account of the gold and the plumes with which their armour
was adorned. The Spaniards delend^d the city with their cavalry and
many thoufands of allies, and forced them to retreat to a high and aimofl
inacceffible ground ; but being likewife thither purfued by their enemies,
they betook themfelves to the fummit ot a very lofty mountain, leav-
ing numbers dead on the field. The conquerors, after having facked
the Mexican camp, returned to the city loaded with fpoils.
The
f f ! S T () R Y OF M E X I C O. 131
The army refted thrte cbys in Qj^jauhqiitc'noìlan, and on the fourtli B-.OK l>:.-
niarciicd tovvaidi Itzocan (J), a city contaiiung from fhrc^ to tour sTc-^KXDC
thoufarjd families, funate- o,i the fide ot a mountain, about ten miles Waiofltjj-
CIA*
from Qu.mhqueclioilin, Surrounded by a deep river and a fmail wall.
It llreeti were well difpofed, and its temples (o numerous, that Cortes
imagined them, including fmall and large, to be more than a hundred in
nuniber. The air of it is hot, from being fituated in a deep valley,
flmt in by high mountains ; and its fo'l, like that ofQuauhquecIioUiUi
fertile, and fliaJcd by trees bearing tlie mod beautiful blofl'oins and
excellent fruits. A prince of the royal blood of Mexico governed the
ùitc at this time, to whom Montezuma had given it in fief, after
having put its lawful lord to death, for fome mifdemeanor of which
we are ignorant; and there was now in it a garrifon of from five to fix
thoufand Mexican troops. All thefe particulars having been commu-
nicated to Cortes, he was induced to make an expedition againfl Itzo-
can. Plis army was fo much increafed, that it amounted, according
to his own arìirniation, to about the number of a hundred and fifty
thoufand men. He ftonned the city on that fide where the entrv
was lead ditnculf. The Itzocanefc, feconded by the royal troops, made
at firft fome rciiffcance ; but having been at lafl overcome by fuperiority
of force, they went into confufion, and fled by the oppofite part of
the city : and, having crofild the river, they raifcd the bridges to
prevent the purfiiit of the enemy. The Spaniards and the allies, in
rpite of the ditticulty of getting acrofs the river, chafed them four
miles, killing fome, making others prifoners, and funking terror and
difmay to the whole, Cortes, having returned to the city, made all
the iandhii^rits be fet on fire, and by means of fome prifoncrs recalled
the citizens who were fcattered through the mountains, and invited
them to return without fear to inhabit their houfcs. The lord of
Irzocm had abfent^'d from the city, and fet out for Mexico, whenever
the army of the enemy came in fight. That was fuHicitnt to the nobi-
lity to declare the fiate vacant, particularly as in all prob.ibilit) he was
not very acceptable to them ; on which account they agreed, with the
authority and under the protei5tion of Cortes, to give it to a fon of the
lord of Qnauhcjuechollan and a daughter of that lord who was put to
(</) Iczocan U cnlleJ Izucai' by the Spnniuixis.
S 2 death
132
HISTORY OF IVI E X I C O.
Sect. XXX
War of X;i-
latzinco, Te-
cam .chalco,
and i ochte-
pec.
BOOK IX. death by Montezuma ; and bccaufc he was flill a youth of few years,
his father, his uncle, and two other nobles, were appointed his tutors, .
, The fame of the vidlories of the Spaniards fpread fuddenly through
all the country, and drew the obedience of many to the Catholic king.
Befides QuauhquecholLin,,Itzocan, and Ocopetlajoccan, a large city at a
little diflance from the two firft, fome lords came to pay homage to
the crown of Cadile, from eight places of Coaixtlahuacan, a pai-t of the
great province of Mixtecapan, more than a hundred and twenty miles
diftant towards the fouth from the city of Quauhquechollan, courting
with emulation the alliance and friendfhip of fuch brave flrangers.
Cortes, having returned to Tepejacac, made war, by means of his
captains, on fome cities who had fhewn hoftilities to the Spaniards.
The inhabitants of Xalatzinco, a city at a litle diftance from the road of
Vera Cruz, were conquered by the brave Sandoval, and the principal
perfons carried prifoners to Cortes, who, upon feeing them humble
and penitent, fet them at liberty again. Thofe of Tecamachalco, a
city of confiderable fize, of the Popolocan nation, made a (lout refift-
ance ; but at laft they furrendered, and two thoufand of them were
made flaves. Againft Toch tepee, a large city upon the river Papa-
loapan, where tliere was a Mexican garrifon, he fent a captain, named
Salcedo, with eighty Spaniards, of whom not one returned alive to
bring the general the news of their defeat. This lofs was fenfibly
felt by Cortes, and on account of the few Spaniards he then had, was a
very heavy one; but, in order to revenge it, he fent two brave cap-
tains,. Ordaz and Avila, with fome horfes and two thoufand allies
againfl the garrifon, who, notwithftanding the great courage with
which the Mexicans defended themfclves, took the city, and killed a
number of the enemy.
The lofs of thofe eighty foldiers was not the only thing which
diftrciTed Cortes. Thofe who a little time before had conjured him to
return to Vera Cruz, perfifled now fo obftinately in their demand, that
he was obliged, to grant them permiffion -not to return to Vera Cruz,
to wait for fome reinforcement, but to Cuba, in order to be at a greater
diftance from the dangers of war, it appearing a lefs evil to that judi-
cious and dilccrning leader to diminiiii the number of his troops than
to keep dlfcontented men, who, by their want of fpirit, would relax
8 the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
the courage and damp the minds of the reft j but this lofs was quickly
and abundantly fupplied by a confiderable number of foldiers, who
arrived witli horfes, arms, and ammunition, at the port of Vera Cruz ;
one party being fent by the governor of Cuba to the alTidance of Nar-
vaez, the other by the governor of Jamaica, to the expedition of
Panuco : who all willingly joined themfelves to Cortes, converting
thofe very means, which were employed by his enemies for his ruin,
into inftruments of his fuccefs.
The conquefts of the Spaniards, and the number of their allies, fo Sect.xxxi.
aggrandifed their name, and procured fuch authority to Cortes among bv^the'fmafl^
thofe people, that he was the umpire in all their differences, and they i".'^': ^^^}^
repaired to him as if he had been the fovereign lord of all the region, lahuuzin and
to obtain confirmation of the inveftiture of vacant ftates, and in parti- Mailxcauin
cular thofe of Cholula and Ocotelolco in Tlafcala, both vacant by deaths ^"J*^ fic'^^ion
occafioned by the fmall-pox. This fcourge of the human race, totally Quauhtemot-
unknown hitherto in the new world, was brought there by a Moorilli ^"^
flave belonging to Narvaez. He infeded the Chempoallefe, and from
thence the infedion fpread through all the Mexican empire, to the
irremediable dertrudion of thofe nations. Many thoufands periflied
and fome places were utterly depopulated. They whofe conftitu-
tion furmounted the violence of the diftemper, remained fo disfigured
and marked with fuch deep pits in the face, that they raifed horror in
every pcrfon who viewed them. Among other difafters occafioned by
this diforder, the death of Cuitlahuatzin, after a reign of three or four
months, was moft fenfibly felt by the Mexicans, and the death of
prince Maxixcatzin by the Tlafcalans and Spaniards.
The Mexicans chofe Quauhtemotzin, nephew of the deceafed Cuit-
lahuatzin, for their king, as no brother of the two laft kings was fur-
viving. This was a youth of about twenty-five years, of great fpirit j
and although not much pradifcd in the art of war, on account of his
age, he continued the military difpofitions of his predecefibr. He
married his coufin Tecuichpotzin, daughter of Mojitezuma, and for-
merly wife to his uncle Cuitlahuatzin.
The death of Maxixcatzin was greatly lamented by Cortes, as much
on account of the particular friendlhip formed between tbem, as to
him it had been principally owing that there was fo much harmony
between
134
H I S T O R Y O F MEXICO.
KOpH IX. between tlie TLifcahiiis and the Spaniards. H-ivin^; rendered the road
* ^ ■ of Vera Cruz pen'ctftly lecure, ar-d f'-nt the captai a Ordaz to the court
of Spain, with a diiìinót account in writing, uddrerièd to Charles V.
of all that had hitherto happened ; ' and the captain Avila to the ifland
of Hifpaniola, to iolicit new fuccours for tiie conqiuft of Mexico,
lie departed from Tcpejacac for Tiafcaia, entered there, dreffed in
mourning, and made other demonlbations of grief lor tlie death of
his friend the prince. At the requeft of the Tialcalans thcmfelves, and
in the name of the Catholic king, he conferred the vacant ftate of Oco-
telolco, one of the four principal flatcs of that republic, on the fon of
the late prince, a youth of twelve years, and, in honour of the merits
of his father, he armed him as a knight according to ihe cullom of
Cadile.
v^JvVt About this fame time, though from a very different caufe, the death
Exaltation of of the priucc Cuicuitzcat;:in happened, vv'hon Montezuma and Cortes
nacouin °ai'd had placed on the throne of Acolhuacan in the room of his unfortunate
death of tu). brother Cicamatzin. He was not permitted to enjoy Ion >; his borrowed
dignity, for he who had given him the crown very fooii deprived hiiii
of his liberty. He departed from Mexico among the other prifóiiérs
that night of the defeat of the Spaniards j but he had then the fortune,
or perhaps rather misfortune to efcape, as he was foon tolofe his life in
amore ignominious manner. He accompanied the Spaniards in their
engagements as far as Tlafcala, where he remained, until having become'
either impatient of oppreffion or defirous of recovering the throne, he
fied in fecret toTezcuco. At this court his brother Coanacotzin was then
reigning, to whom, after the death of Cacamatzin the crown in right
belonged. Cuicuitzcatzin had hardly made his appearance when he
was made prifoner by the royal minilfcrs, who gave fpeedy advice to
their king of it, who was then abfent at^lexico. He communicated
it to king Quauhtemotzin his coufin, who cpnfidering that fugitive
prince a Ipy of the Spaniards, thought. he ihould be put to death.
Coanacotzin, either to pleafe that monarch, or to take away irom Cui-
cuitzcatzin any opportunity of attempting to recover the crown to
the prejudice of his own right and the peace ot the kingdom, executed
that fentence upon him.
BOOK
[ 135 ]
BOOK X.
March of the Spaniards to Tezcuco ; their negociations with the Mexi-
cans ; their excurjions and battles in the environs of the Mexican
lakes ; expeditions againjl Ixcapichtlan, Slyauhnahuac, and other cities •
conJiru6l:'jn of the brigantines ; confpiracy of fame Spaniards again/i
Cortes J revieiv, divifion, and pofts^ of the Spanifj army ; fiege of
Mexico J iniprifonment of king ^tauhtenntzin, and fall of the Mexican
empire.
CORTES, who never quitted the thought of the conqueH: of BOOK x.
Mexico, attended moft diligently, while in TLifcala, to the buildin» "secV f'
cf the brigantines and to the difcipline of his troops. He obtained of ^^^^'^^ and
the fenate a hundred men of burden, for the tranfportation of the fails, Spaniniarmy
cordage, iron, and other materials of tlie veflels, which he had unri"-o-ed ^^ ^«^^"'-'"•
the preceding year on purpofe to equip the brigantines j for tar he
extraded a large quantity of turpentine from the pines on the great
mountain Matlalcueje. He gave notice to the Huexotzincas, Cho-
lulans, Tepeiachefe, and other allies, to prepare tlieir troops and
coUeil a large ftorc of provifions of every kind for a numerous army,
which was to be employed in befieging Mexico. When it appeared
to him to be time to march, he made a review of his troops,
which confirted of forty horfe and five hundred and fifty infantry.
He divided this fmall body of cavalry into four troops and the infantry
into nine companies, fonie of tiiem armed with guns, fome with crofs-
bows, fome with fwords and (Lields, and others with pikes. From
the horfe on which he was mounted, while he was reviewing his troops
and orderi.ig the ranks, he made them this fpecch : " My friends and
" brave companions ! any difcourfe which I might make to animate
" your zeal would be altogether fuperfluous, as we all acknowled'J-e
" ourfelves bound to repair the honour of our arms, and to revenge
*' the
HISTORY O
MEXICO.
the death of tlie Spaniards and our allies : let us gu to the conqueft of
Mexico, tlie mcft glorious enterprize which can prelent itfclf to us
through life; let us go, to punilii, with one ftroke, the perfidy,
the pride, and the cruelty of our enemies ; to extend the dominions
oi our fovereign, by adding this large and rich dom.iin to them ; to
pave the way to religion, and open the gates of heaven to many millions
of fouls ; to gain with the labour of a few days a competence for
our families, and to render all our names immortal ; motives all ca-
pable of encouraging even the moft daftardly minds, as well as your
generous and noble hearts : I fee no difficulty before us, which your
bravery may not overcome : our enemies are indeed numerous, but
we are fuperior to them in courage, in difcipline, and in arms ; be-
fides, v.x have fuch a number of auxiliaries under our command, that
we might conquer with their affiftance not one only, but many cities
equal to Mexico : however fbrong it may be, it is not yet fo powerful
as to withlland the attacks we fliall make upon it by land and water :
laftly, God, for whofe glory we fight, has fliewn a difpofition to
profper our defigns ; his providence has preferved us in the midfi;
of all our difafters and dangers, has fent us new companions in the
room of thofe we have loft, and converted to our benefit the means
which our enemies employed for our ruin : what may we not expeft
in future from his mercy ? let us confide in him, and not render
ourfelves unworthy of his pi'otedtion by diffidence and pufiUani-
mity."
The Tlafcalans, who endeavoured to imitate the difcipline of the
Spaniards, thought proper alfo to make a review of their troops before
Cortes. The army was preceded by their martial mufic of horns,
iea-fliells, and other fuch wind-inftruments, after which came the
four chiefs of the republic, armed with fword and fliield, and adorned
with- moft rich and beautiful plumes, which rofe more than two feet
above their heads ; they wore their hair tied with fillets of gold, pen-
dants of gems at their lips and ears, and fhoes of great value upon
their feet ; behind them came their four fhield-bearers, armed with
bows and arrows ; next the four principal ftandards of the republic
appeared, each with its proper enfign wrought of feathers ; then pafied
in regular ranks of twenty each the troops of archers, carrj'ing at certain
diftances,
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
diftances the particular ftandards of their companies, every one of
which was conipofed of three or four hundred men. They were
followed by the troopi, armed with fwords and fhields, and lalUy, by
the pikemen. Herrera and Torquemada affirm, that the archers
amounted to fixty, the pikemen to ten, and the others armed with
fwords to forty thoufand in number. Xicotencatl, the younger, made
alfo an addrefs to his troops, after the example of Cortes, in which
he told them, that ihe next day, as had already been intimated, they
were to march with the brave Spaniards againfl: the Mexicans, their
inveterate enemies; that although the Tlafcalan name was fufficient
to intimidate all the nations of Anahuac, they mufl exert themfelves to
acquire new glory from their adtions.
Cortes, oa his part, alTembled the principal lords of the allied flates,
and exhorted them to conftant fidelity to tlie Spaniards, exaggerating
to them the advantages they might hope for, from the ruin of their
enemy, and the evils they might dread, if ever from the fuggeftions
of the Mexicans, or the fear of war, or ficklenefs of mind, they fliould
violate their promifed faith. He then publiihed a military proclama-
tion for the condudt of his troops, containing the following articles :
I ft. No perfon fhall blafpheme againft God, nor the bleffed Virgin,
nor againft the faints.
zd. No perfon fliall quarrel with another, nor put his hand to his
fword, nor any other weapon, to ftrike him.
3d. No perfon fhall game with his arms, or his horfe, or iron tools,
4th. No perfon (hall force any woman, under pain of death.
5th. No perfon fliall take away the property of another, nor punifli
any Indian, unlefs he is his flave.
6th. No perfons fliall make excurfions from the camp without our
permiflion.
7th. No perfon fliall make any Indian prifoner, nor plunder his
houfe, without our pemiiflion.
8th. No perfon fliall ill ufe the allies, but, on the contrary, mufl:
exert every means to maintain their friendfliip.
And becaufe it is of no fervice to publKh laws, if the obfervance of
them is not zealoufly attended to, and delinquents puniflied, he ordered
Vol. II. ' T two
J38 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK X. two Moors, his flaves, to be hanged, becaufe they ftole a turkey and
two cotton mantles. By thefe, and other limilar punifhments, he
made his orders be regarded, which greatly contributed to the prefer-
vation of his troops.
After he had made all the difpofitions which he thought would con-
duce to the happy ilfue of his enterprife, he at length marched with all
his Spaniards, and a conliderable number of the allies, on the 28th of
December, 1520, having firft heard mafs, and invoked the Holy Spirit.
Ide did not then choofe to take the whole army of the allies with him,
which had been reviewed the day before, both on account of the diffi-
culty which there would be to maintain fo numerous an army in
Tezcuco, and becaule he thought it necefliiry to leave the greater part
of them in Tlafcala to guard the brigantines, when it fliould be time
to tranfport them. Of the three roads, which led to Tezcuco, Cortes
chofe the moft difficult, being wifely perfaaded that the Mexicans
would not expert him there, and his march would confequenily be more
fafe. He proceeded therefore by Tetzmellocan, a village belonging to
the fiate of Huexotzinco. On the 30th, they difcovered, from the
higheft fummit of thofe mountains, the beautiful vale of Mexico,
partly with gladnefs, becaufe there lay the objedt of their defires ; partly
with fome difguft,, from the remembrance of their difafters. In be-
ginning to defcend towards that vale, they found the way obftruóled
with trunks and branches of trees laid acrofs it defignedly, and were
obliged to employ a thoufand Tlafcalans to clear it. As foon as they
reached the plain, they were attacked by fome flying troops of the
enemy ; but upon fome of them being killed by the Spaniards, the reft
fled. That night they quartered in Coatepec, a place about eight
miles diftant from Tezcuco ; and the day following, as they wers
marching towards that capital, in fome doubt and anxiety concerning
the difpofition of the Tezcucans, but at the fame time refolved not to
return without having taken fome revenge of their enemies, they faw
coming to them four refpedlable perfons unarmed, one of them with a
little golden flag in his hand j and Cortes recoliefting that this was
an enfign of peace, he advanced to confer wiih them. Thefe four
meffengers were fent by king Cainacotzin to compliment the Spanifh
general, to invite him to the court, and to requeft him not to com-
mit
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
139
mit any hoftilities in his flates, which prefented him the R^g, contain- rooK K.
ing thirty -two ounces of gold. Cortes, notvvithflanding this <hew of '" — v-— '
friendlliip, reproached them for the death they had a few months be-
fore been the caufe of to forty- five Spaniards, five horfes, and three
hundred Tlafcalans, who accompanied them loaded with gold, filver,
and arms for the Spaniards who were then in Mexico, and executed
with fuch inhumanity, that they had hung up the Ikins of the Spa-
niards, with their arms and habits, and thofe of the horfes with their
armour, as trophies in the temples of Tezcuco. He added, that although
it was impofiible to compenfite the lofs of his people, they muft at lead
pay the gold and filver which they had robbed from them ; that if they
did not make the due fatisfadion, he would, for every Spaniard they had
killed, flay a thoufand Te^cucans. The mefl'engers anfwered, that
the Mexicans, and not the Tezcucans, under whofe orders the Zolte-
pechefe had adled, were blameable for that ; but, notwithftanding, they
would ufe every endeavour to make all be reflored to him ; and leav-
ing taken polite leave of the Spanifh general, returned ia hafle to
Ttzcuco with the news of the near arrival of the Spaniards at that
court.
Cortes entered with his army into Tezcuco, on the laft day of that Sect. u.
year. Some nobles came out to meet him, and condu«5led him to one ,?""T °| '.''*
' , _ _ _ opaniards la-
of the palaces of the late king Nezahualcxjjotl, which was fo large, that to Tezcuco,
not only the fix hundred Spaniards were lodged in it, but, according t,ons7n'tiut:
to what Cortes fays, it could have accommodated fix hundred more, couit.
That general foon perceived the concourfe of people in the flreets
remarkably diminilhed, as he thought he did not fee the third part of
of the inhabitants which he had fcen upon former occafions, ar.d par-
ticularly obferved that the women and children were out of the way,
which was a raanifell token of fonie evil difpofition in that court. Ja
order to Icllen the diftruft of the citizens, and avoid any accident to
his own people, he pubiiflied a proclamation, in v.hich he forbad,
under pain of death, any of his foldicrs to leave their quarters without
his perminion. After dinner, they cbferved from the terraces of the
palace a great number cf people r.bandcning the city, fome witlidrav/-
ing to the neighbouring woods, and ethers to different places around
the lake. The night following, tlic king Coanacotzin ubfcntcd,
T 2 tranfport-
140 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK X. tranfporting himlelf to Mexico by water, in Ipite of Cortes, who de
figned to have taken him, as he had formerly done, his three bro ■
thers Cacamatzin, Cuiciiitzcatzin, and Ixthlxochitl. Coanacotzin
could not purfue any other meafure; for how was it poflible he could
think himfelf fecure among the Spaniards, after having k.t\\ what had
happened to his brothers, and Montezuma his uncle ? And particu-
larly being apprehenfive that many of his own fubjefts would take
occaficn to declare themfelves his enemies, fome from their fear of the
Spaniards, or the particular interelT: of their families ; others, to revenge
the death ot Cuicuitzcatzin, and place Ixthlxochitl on the throne.
The revolutions which happened in that court fufficiently juilified
the refolution he formed. Cortes was hardly three days in Tezcuco,
when the lords of Huexotla, Coatlichan, and Ateneo, three cities fo
near, as we have already mentioned, to Tezcuco, that they appeared
like its fuburbs, prefented themfelves to him, intreating him to ac-
cept their alliance and friendlliip. Cortes, who dehred nothing more
earncftly than to augment his party, received them kindly, and pro-
mifed his proteftion. The court of Mexico, as foon as it knew of
this change, fent a fevere reprimand to thofe lords, telling them, that
if their motive for adopting fo bafe a meafure was the fear which they
had of the power of their enemies, it was fit for them alfo to know,
that the Mexicans had ftill greater forces, by which they would foon
fee the Spaniards, with their favourite allies the Tlafcalans, totally
cruQied; that if they had been obliged to it, for the intereft of the
ftates and polTeihons which they owned in Tezcuco, they might come
to Mexico, where they would be alTigned better lands. But thofe
lords, inftead of being intimidated with the reprimand, or yielding to
the promifes made them, feized the meffengers, and fent them to
Cortes, He demanded of them the purport of their embafly ? To
\vhich they anfwcred, that as they knew thofe lords to be in his favour,
they had come to intreat them to be mediators for peace between the
Mexicans and the Spaniards. Cortes affefted to believe what they
told him, fct them at liberty and charged them to tell their fovereign,
that ae did not wi(h for war, nor v/ould not wage it, if he was not
compelled by hoftilities from the Mexicans ; that therefore the king
ihould attend, and guard againil offering any injury to the Spaniards,
otherwife
HISTORY OF MEXICO. H.»
cthcnvife thev would become his enemies, and infallibly ruin his BOOK X.
capital.
The alliance of thofe cities was of no fmall importance to Cortes,
but of all things it was mofl neceflary to bring that court in his favour,
both on account of the numerous nobility which it contained, and
their influence on the other cities of the kingdom. From the firft
moment he entered that city he fludied to gain their minds by every
civility and courtefy, and enjoined the fame thing to his people, for-
bidding mofi: foverely all kinds of hollility towards the citizens. He
difcovered, from the beginning, a party of the nobility favourable to
the prince Ixtlilxochitl, whom he ilill kept confined for fome pur-
pofe in Tlafcala. He made him be brought to court by a ftrong party
of Spaniards and Tlafcalans, prefented him to the nobility, and got
them to acknowledge him king, and crown him with the fame
ceremonies and rejoicings ufually made for their lawful fovereign.
Cortes promoted his advancement as much to revenge himfelf of the
lawful king Coanacotzin, as becaufe the kingdom was dependent
upon him. The people accepted him, either becaufe they durll not
oppofe the Spaniards, or perhaps becaufe they were tired of the govern-
ment of Coanacotzin. Ixtlilxochitl was a youth of about twenty- three
years j from the time of the firft entry of the Spaniards into Tlafcala
he had declared himfelf openly for the Spaniards, had prefented him-
felf to Cortes with offers of his army, and invited him to make his jour-
ney to Mexico by Otompan, where he was then encamped ; but, in
fpite of his friendly intentions and obfequioufnefs, he was made pri-
foner by the Spaniards, when they came off in defeat from Mexico, and
was confined in Tlafcala until he was called to the throne. The cir-
cumftances of this event makes us believe, that his imprifonment was
an honourable opprefTion of his liberty, coloured with one of thofc
fpecious pretexts, which are ufually invented by artful politicians, when,
on account of fome particular diffidence and diftruft, they wifli to render
thcmfelves fecure. From long habit with the Spaniards he had become
fimiliarifed with their cuftoms and manners. On the throne he had
but the appearance of majefty; he was much lefs the lord of his fub-
jeóts than minifter of the pleafure of the Spaniards, to whom he rendered
grc.it fervices, not only in the conqueit of Mexico, in which he
8 ferved
142
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
BOOK X, ftrved with his perlbn and troops, but alfe in the rebuilding of that
^"-""^''—^ capital, for which he lurnifiiv^d Ionie thoufaPids of architeds, mafons,
and labourers. He died extremely young, in 1523, and was fuc-
ceeded in the fovereignty of Tezcuco by liis brother Don Carlos, of
whom afterwards we Ihall make honourable mention. By the ad-
vancement of Ixtlilxochitl, and the civilities lliewn him by Cortes,
the party of the Spaniards was confiderably augmented, and all thofe
families of Tezcuco which had abfented from tear of hoftilities from
thofe flirangers, finding themfelves now fecure, gladly returned to their
hcufes.
Cortes was refolved to keep his quarters in Tezcuco, and had there-
fore bufied himfelf in fortifying the royal palace, where his troops were
lodged. He could not take any meafure more conducive to his pur-
pofes. Tezcuco, the capital of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, and a
city of great extent, abounded with every fort of provifion for the fup-
port of an army. It had good houfes for their habitations, excellent
fortifications for their defence, and plenty of artificers for every kind
of labour they required. The dominions of Tezcuco alfo, from bor-
dering on thofe of Tlafcala, rendered the neceffary communication
with that republic more eafy ; the neighbourhood of the lake was of
great importance for the conrtruftion of the brigantines, and the advan-
tageous fituation of that court gave the Spaniards a knowledge of all
the movements of their enemies, without expofing them to their at-
tacks.
Sect. Ill, After having arranged matters in Tezcuco, Cortes refolved to make
Dangerous ^^ aflault ou thc city of Iztapalapan, to revenge himfelf upon it and
gainii izta- its citizens, for the offences received from their ancient lord Cuitla-
pa apan. huatziu, whom he knew to be the author of the memorable defeat of
the firll of July. He left a garrifon of more than three hundred Spa-
niards, and many allies, under the command of Sandoval, in Tezcuco,
and marched himfelf v/ith upwards of two hundred Spaniards, and more
than three thoufand Tlafcalans, and a great many of the Tezcucan no-
bility. Before they arrived at Iztapalapan, they were met by fome
troops of the enemy, who feigned to oppofe their entry, fighting partly
on land, and partly by water, but retiring as they fought, with a rtiew
of not being able to withfland the attack. The Spaniards and Tlaf-
calans
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
H3
calans thus employed in driving the enemy before them, entered the rook X.
city, the houfes of which they found in a great meafure unpeopled, the ^ v—— <
citizens having withdrawn wit'i their wives and children, and the
greater part of their goods, to the houfes which they had upon the lit-
tle iflands in the lake; but there they were purfued by their enemies,
who fought alfo in the water. The night was now well advanced, and
the Spaniards, who were rejoicing at the vidlory which they believed
they had obtained, were bufied in facking the city, and the Tlafcalans
were fetting fire to the houfes ; but their gladnefs foon changed into
terror, for by the fame light of the burning of the city, they obferved
the water overflow the canals, and begin to lay the city under water.
As foon as the danger was difcovered, a retreat was founded, and the
city was in hafte abandoned, in order to return to Tezcuco ; but in
fpite of their diligence they came to a place where there was fo much
water that the Spaniards paffed it with difficulty, and fomc of the
Tlafcalans were drowned, and the greateft part of the booty loft.
Not one of them would have efcaped with life, if, as Cortes affirms,
they had continued three hours longer in the city; for the citizens, in
order to drown all their enemies, broke the mole of the lake, and en-
tirely deluged the city. The next day they continued their march along
the lake, ftill harrailed by the enemy. This expedition did not prove
very agreeable to the Spaniards; b-ut although they loft their plunder,
and many were wounded, only two Spaniards and one horfe died. The
lofs of the enemy was a great deal more ; for, befides the ruin of their
houfes, upwards of fix thoufand of them, agreeable to the account
made by Cortes, were flain.
The difguft, which tliis expedition gave to Cortes was foon com- sect. iv.
Denfated by the obedience which he received by means of their ambaf- ^'^w confe-
r J ■' deiacic» with
fadors from the cities of Mizquic, Otompan, and others in that quar- the Spani-
ter, alledging, in order to obtain his favour, that thofe ftates having
been folicited by the Mexicans to take arms againft the Spaniards,
would never confent. Cortes, who was continually increafing his au-
thority, the more he augmented his part}', required from them, as a
necellary condition for the obtainmcnt of his alliance, that they rtiould
fcize all the meflcngers which were fent to them from Mexico, and all
the Mexicans who arrived at their cities. They, though not without
the
H I S T O H V MEXICO.
the greatert: difficulty, bound themfcives to do Co, and from that time
forward were conftantly faithful to the Spaniards.
This confederacy was immediately followed by that with Chalco, a
ccnfiderable city and ftate on the eaftern border of the lake of fvveet
water; for Cortes knowing that the Chalchefe were difpofed to adhere
to his party, but dared not declare themfelves for fear of the Mexican
garrifon in their ftate, fcnt Sandoval there with twenty horfes, two
hundred Spanifli infantry, and a number of allies ; but, previoufly, he
ordered fomc Tlafcalan troops to march, who were defirous of carry-
ing home to their own country that part of the booty which they had
brought off from Iztapalapan.and from thence to return towards Chalco,
and drive the Mexicans from that ftate. Sandoval gave the van-guard
to the Tlafcalans ; fome Mexican troops, who were in ambufli, charged
fudderily upon them, threw them into diforder, killed fome of them,
and took their booty ; but the Spaniards coming up, defeated the Mexi-
cans and put them to flight. Having recovered their booty, the Tlaf-
calans continued their journey in fafety, and Sandoval marched towards
Chalco ; but long before he arrived at the city, the greateft part of the
Mexican garrifon came to meet him, which, as fome hillorians af-
firm, confifted of twelve thoufand men. A battle was fought, which
lafbed two hours, and concluded with the flaughter of many Mexicans,
and the flight of the reft. The Chalchefe, apprifed of the viftory,
came with great rejoicing to meet the Spaniards, and introduced them
in triumph into their city (e). The lord of that ftate, who had died
a fliort time before of the fmall-pox, had, in the laft moments of his
life, warmly recommended it to his two fon s to confederate with the
Spaniards, to cultivate their friendfliip, and adopt Cortes for a father.
In confequence of his laft defire, thofe two youths repaired to Tez-
cuco, accompanied by the Spanifh army, and many Chalchefe nobles,
prefented the value of one hundred and fifty fequins in gold to Cortes,
and eftabliftied the alliance, to which they were always faithful. The
(<•) Solis, in his account of this event, cninmits two geographical errors : firft, he fuppofes
the city of Chalco coiitif;iious to Otoinpan, whereas the court of Tezcuco, and other confiiler-
able cities of the kingdom of AcoUmacan are between them, as we have fliewn in our geo-
_griiphiciil chart of the Mexican lakes. Secondly, he fays, that the flatcs of Chalco and Tlaf-
cah bordered upon each other, whereas there is a wood of fifteen mil«s ioiig, und a part of
the dominions of Hvieaotzinco between them.
caufe
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 145
caufe of rebellion, fo frequent among the people of that empire, was book x.
in fome the fear of the Spaniili arms, and the power of their allies ;
and in others, their hatred to, and impatience under, the Mexican
yoke. It is mipoliible to expcdt conflant fidelity from fubjedls who
are rather influenced by terror than kindnefs. No throne can be
more unliable than that which is fupported by force of arms more than
by the love of the people. Cortes, after careding the two Chalche/e
youths, divided the flute between them, either at their own requell,
or the fuggeftions of the nobility. He conferred on the eldefl: the prin-
cipal city, and fome other places ; and on the youngeft he fettled I'lal-
manalco, Chimalhuaca, and Ajotzinco.
The Mexicans did not ceafe to make incurfions into the flates which
had confederated with the Spaniards, but the diligence ufed by Cortes
in' fending fuccour to them, made their attempts generally fruitlefs.
Amongft others, the Chalchefe came in the fpace of a few days to re-
queft the affiflance of the Spaniards ; for they had learned that the
Mexicans were preparing to ftrike a fevere blow upon that fiate which
had recently renounced fubjedlion to them. Cortes could not at this
time comply with their demand j for having now finifhed all the labour
of the mads, the planks, and other apparatus of the brigantines, he had
occafion for all his troops to tranfport them fafely to Tezcuco., He
advifed the Chalchefe, however, to make an alliance with the Huexot-
zincas, theCholulans, and theQiiauhquechollans. They objeéled to fuch
a confederacy, on account of their ancient enmity to thofe people. The
Chalchefe were hardly departed, when three meffengers came feafon-
ably to Tezcuco from Huexotzinco and QuauhquechoUan, fent by thofe
lords to exprefs their apprehenfions, on account of certain fmoke,
obfervcd by the centincls whom they had pofled on the tops of the
mountains, which was a ftrong indication of war, and to offer their troops
to his command whenever he chofe to make ufe of them. Cortes
availed himfelf of this favourable opportunity to unite thofe flates in
alliance with that of Chalco, obliging them to lay afide for their com-
mon benefit any refentment fubfifling between individuals. This alli-
ance was fo firm, that from that time forward they mutually afilfled
each other againfl the Mexicans.
Vol. II. U It
tiaes
146 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOIiL X. It being now time to tranfport the timber, fails, cordage, and iron,
sfc^iC^. for the brigantines, Cortes fent Sandoval with two hundred Spa-
Traniport of nijjf^Js ap^j fifteen horfes for that purpofe, charo;ing him to go firft
the materials . .
ofthebrigau- to Zoltcpec, and take ample revenge on thofe citizens for the flaughter
of the forty-five Spaniards and three hundred Tiafcalans, of whom
we have already made mention. The Zoltepechefe, when they per-
ceived this ftorm coming upon them, deferted their houfes to fave
their lives by flight, but they were purfued by the Spaniards, and many
of them killed, and others made (laves. From thence Sandoval march-
ed to Tlafcala, where he found every thing ready for the tranfport
of the finifhed materials of the brigantines. The firfl brigantine was
built by Martino Lopez, a Spanifh foldier, who was an engineer in
the army of Cortes, and was put to proof in the river Zahuapan.
After that model the other twelve were built by the Tiafcalans. The
tranfport of them was executed with great rejoicing and expedition by
the Tiafcalans, the load appearing to them of little weight, which was
to contribute to the ruin of their enemies. Eight thoufand Tiafcalans
carried on their backs the beams, lails, and other materials, necellàry
for the conftrudiion of the brigantines ; two thoufand were loaded with
provifions, and thirty thoufand were armed for defence, under the
command of the three chiefs Chichimecatl or Chichimecateudlli, Ajo-
tecatl, and Teotepil or Teotlipil. This convoy occupied, according
to Bernal Diaz, upward of fix miles of fpace, from van to rear.
When they fet out from Tlafcala, Chichimecatl commanded the van-
guard, but whenever they got without the dominions of the republic,
Sandoval gave him the rear-guard, fearing fome attack from the enemy.
This occafioned great difgufi: to the TIafcalan, who boafted of his bra-
very, alledging, that in all the battles in which he had ever been con-
cerned, he had always, in example of his ancellors, takea the moil
dangerous poil ; and Sandoval was obliged to make ufe of argimients
and entreaties to pacify him. Cortes, arrayed in his mofl fplendid
apparel, and accompanied by all his othcers, cartie to meet them, and
embraced and thanked thofe TIafcalan lords lor their kind fervices.
Six hours were ipent in entering into Tezcuco in the beil order, and
with.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
with t'ac ciyof C.jlli!:! GajiUe! T I afe ala ! Tlafcala ! in the midlT: of
the jiyjfc of the mihtary inufic.
The general Chichimecatl was hardly arrived, when, without tak- ^^^'^:. y^-
Expedition
ing any rell after the fatigue of his journey, he requelted Cortes to agaimi the
employ him and his troops againft the enemy. Cortes, who waited for tòcan°and*
nothing elfe than the arrival of the auxiliary troops of Tlafcala, to exe- Tlacopan,
cute an expedition which he had been meditating for fome time, after
leaving a ftrong garriibn in Tezcuco, and giving the proper orders for
the completing of the brigantines, fet out on his march in the beginning
of fpring 1 52 1, with twenty-five horfes, and fix fmall pieces of artil-
lery, three hundred and fifty Spaniards, thirty thoufand Tlafcalans,
and a part of the Tezcucan nobility ; and becaufe he was afraid that the
Tezcucans, whom he did not altogether trufi, might give fccret advice
to the enemy and frullrate his defigns, he left Tezcuco without pub-
lilhing the objeòl of his expedition. The army travelled twelve miles
towards the north, and remained that night under the open fky. The
next day it proceeded to attack Xaltocan, a flrong city fituated in the
middle of a lake, with a road leading to it, cut like thofe of Mexico,
with feveral ditches. The Spanilh infantry, aflifi:ed by a confiderable
number of the allies, pafied the ditches, through a thick fhower of
darts, arrows, and ftones, by which many were wounded ; but the
citizens not being able to endure longer the flaughter which the Spa-
nilh arms made of them, abandoned the city, and faved themfelves by
flight. The conquerors plundered the city, and fet fire to fome of the
houfes.
The day following tliey proceeded towards the large and beautiful
city of (^auhtitlan, as Cortes juftly calls it, but they found it depo-
pulated J the citizens having been terrified by what had happened to
Xaltocan, and betaken themfelves to fonie place of fecurity.
From thence they pafied to Tenajocca, and to Azcapozalco, and be-
caufe they met with no refift:ance from any of thofe three cities they
did them no hurt. At laft they came to the court of Tlacopan, the
limit which Corte? had propofed to himfelf for the expedition, where
he meant to folicit fome accommodation with the court of Mexico,
and if that lliould not fucceed, to inform himfelf in the neighbour-
hood of its defigns and preparations. He found the citizens of that
U 2 place
148 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK X. place difpofed to difpute his entrance. They attacked the Spaniards
' ' with their ullial fury, and fought courageoufly for fome time ; but at
length becoming unable to withftand the fire of their guns, and the
impetuofity of the horfes, they retreated to the city. The Spaniards,
on account of its being late, lodged in a large houfe of the fuburbs.
The next day the Tlafcalans fet fire to many houfes of the city, and,
during fix days, which the Spaniards remained there, they had conti-
nual flcirmiflies, and fome famous duels were fought between the Tlaf-
calans and the citizens of Tlacopan ; but they both fought with ex-
treme bravery, and vented the hatred which they bore each other in a
thouland reproaches, Thofe of Tlacopan called the Tlafcalans the
damfels of the Spaniards, without whofe proteftion they never would
have dared to advance fo near to that city. The Tlafcalans anfwered
in their turn, that the Mexicans, and all their partizans, rather ought
to have the name of women given them ; being lo fuperior in number
and yet never able to fubdue the Tlafcalans. The Spaniards themfelves
did not efcape from infults of this kind. They were ironically invited
to enter Mexico to command there like lords, and to enjoy all the
pleafures of life. " Do you think Chriftian," they faid to Cortes,
** that things will go on in the fame way as they did laft time ì Perhaps
" you imagine there is another Montezuma reigning in Alexico de-
" voted to your pleafures ? Enter, enter the court, where you will
" all be made a lacrifice to the gods." During the engagements,
which they had in thofe fix days, the Spaniards entered that fatal
road and approached to thofe memorable ditches, where, nine months
before they had been fo cruelly defeated. They found there a terrible
refinance, and in an inftant they apprehended to be utterly deftroyed ;
for by being bufied in purfuing fome Mexican troops who had come
defignedly to infult tliem, and lead them into danger, they found
themfelves unexpedledly attacked, from both quarters on the road, by
fuch a numerous enemy, that they with difficulty retreated, combat-
ing moft furloufiy until they came to the main land. In this conflidt
five Spaniards were killed and niany wounded. Of the Mexicans,
many were flain in this and the other engagements. Cortes, difo-ufl-
«d with the ill fuccefs of his expedition, returned with his army by the
fame road to Tezcuco, fuffering new infults from the enemy in his
8 march.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
149
march, who afcribed his retreat to fear and cowardice. The Tlafca- BOOK X.
lans, who accompanied the Spaniards in their expedition, having a- ^^ '^ ^
mall'ed a large quantity of fpoils, demanded permiffion ot Cortes to
carry them into their own country, which was readily granted.
Sandoval, who, in the abfence of Cortes, had taken care of that Stcr. vil.
poft, departed from it two days after the arrival of that general with ^'^^''ainft h'u.
twenty horfes, three hundred Spaniards, and a great number of allies, axtepcc.
to the fuccour of the Chalchefe, who were apprehenfive of a flrong
aflault from the Mexicans ; but having found a great number of the
troops of Huextotzinco and Quauquechollan, who were come to their
alliftance, and knowing that the greateft damage was done to that city
by the Mexicans, who were in the garrifon of Huaxtepec, a city fitu-
ated in the mountains, fifteen miles to the fouthward of Chalco, he
proceeded there. On their march they were attacked by two great bo-
dies of the enemy, but they quickly defeated them ; this was owing
in a great meafure to the immenfe multitude of allies, whom the Spa-
niards took with them. They entered into Huaxtepec, and lodged
themfelves in fome great houfes of that city, to reft themfclves and
cure their wounded ; but immediately they had a new alTault from the
Mexicans, and were compelled to take up arms again to repulfe them.
Having defeated and purlued them upwards of three miles until they
were entirely routed, they returned to the city, where they halted two
days. Huaxtepec was a city at that time famous not only for its ex-
cellent manufad:ures of cotton, but alfo for its wonderful garden, of
which we have already made mention.
From Huaxtepec Sandoval fent meffengers to offer peace to the In-
habitants of Jacapichtla, a very ftrong place about fix miles diftant,
fituated on the top of a mountain, almoft inaccefiible to cavalry, and
defended by a competent garrifon of Mexicans ; but his propofals be-
ing rejeded, he marched towards tiiat city, determined to ftrike a blow
there, which would humble their pride, and for ever deliver the Chal-
chefe from the evils which harralled them continually from that quar-
ter. The Tlafcalans, and other allies, were intimidated by the fight
of fo much dilHculty and danger ; but Sandoval, animated by that great
fpirlt which dilplayeJ itfclf in all his adions, refolved to conquer or
die. He began to afccnd with his infantry, having to furmount at tiie
fame
150 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK X. fame time both the ruggednefs of the mountain, and the multitude of
the enemy, who defended it with a fliowcr of darts, and frones, Ibme
of which were of immoderate fize, and although they broke in filling
on the rocks between, wounded the Spaniards with the fragments ; but
nothing could reftrain them from entering the city bathed in fvveat and
blood, after which example the aUies did the fame. The fatigue and
their wounds inflamed their indignation {o much, that they attacked
the enemy with the utmoft fury ; who, to efcape from their (Words,
fled down the precipices of the mountain. So much blood was fpilt,
tliat it purpled a little ftream which ran there, and changed its waters
fo, that for more than an hour the conquerors could not ufe it
to quench the thirft which diftrelTed them {/) ; " This," fliys Cortes,
** was one of the moft Tignai victories, in which the Spaniards gave the
" ftrongefl: proofs of their courage and conftancy." This day coll the
life of Gonzalo Dominguez, one of the braveft foldiers Coi-tea, had,
and whofe lofs was mofl: feniibly felt by them all.
The Mexicans were fo enraged at the flaughter committed at Jaca-
pichtla, that they fent twenty thoufand armed men, in two thoufand
veffels, againft Chalco. The Chalchefe implored as before the affift-
ance of the Spaniards, and their mefl!engers arrived juft as Sandoval
returned from Jacapichtla, with his army fatigued, exhaufled, and
wounded. Cortes, afcribing too inconfiderately thofe repeated hofliilities
of the Mexicans againft the Chalchefe to fonie negledl of that unparal-
leled commander, without firft enquiring into his conduót, hearing, or
allowing him a moment of repofe, commanded him to march immedi-
ately to Chalco with the foldiers who were leaft wounded, to the alTift-
ance of thofe allies. Sandoval was extreniely dilgufl:ed with the flight
offered him by his general, at the tiine he ought rather to invc expell-
ed the greateft praifes ; but he had as much prudence in diflemblino-
his fenfe of this injury, and as much readinefs to obey, as he had fhewn
courage in that arduous enteprize. He fet out without delay for
(/) Bernal Diaz ridicules Gomara for this account of the waters having been fo difcolourcd
with blood : but Diaz was not prefent at this expedition, and we ought therefore to "ive more
faith to Cortes, who fays, the (laughter which the Spaniards made of the enemy and
which the enemy made of themfelves by precipitating themfelvcs from that eminence was
fo great, that all who were prefent affirm, that a little river which furrounded almoft all that
place, remained for upwards of an hour fo tinged with blood that they could not drink of it.
Chalco :
HISTORYOF MEXICO. 151
Chalco ; but when he arrived there he found the buttle over, in whicli BOOK I\.
the Chalchd'e remained vidlorious, with the aflillance of their new
allies of Heuxotzinco and Qnauhquechoilan ; and although they fuf-
tained a confiderable lofs, they killed a number of the enemy and made
forty prifoners, among whom were a general of the army and two
perfons of the firft nobility, who were configned by the Chalchefe to
Sandoval, and by him fent to Cortes. This general having difcovered
his error, and being well informed of the irreprehejifible conduci of
Sandoval, endeavoured to appeafe his jull refentment by particular
marks of honour and efleem.
Cortes being defirous of an accommodation with the court of Sect.vhi,
Mexico, both in order to avoid the fatigue and dillrefles of war, and ^ochtìon of'
to make himfelf mailer of fo beautiful a city without ruining it, re- Cortes with
folved to fend thofe two perfons who were prifoners with a letter to Mexico,
king Quauhtemotzin ; which, although it could not be underllood by
the court, as they were totally ignorant of the charadlers of it, would
however be a credential and token of his embafly. He explained the
contents of the letter to the melTengers, and charged them to reprefent
to their fovereign, that he pretended to nothing more than that the
king of Spain fhould be acknowledged lord of that land, agreeable to
what had been granted by the Mexican nobility in that refpedlable
aflembly which was held in Mexico, in prefence of Montezuma ; that
they fliould remember the homage which the Mexican lords then did
to the great monarch of the Eaft ; that he wiflied to eflablilh a peace,
and to make a perpetual alliance with them, and was not difpofed ta
war unlefs conftrained to it by their hoflilities ; that it would grieve
him to fpill fo much Mexican blood, and deftroy fuch a large and beau-
tiful city J that they thenifelves were witnelTcs of the bravery of the
Spaniards, the fupcriority of their arms, the multitude of their allies,
and the fuccefs of their enterprizes -, that they fliould finally refledl
within themfelves, and not oblige by their obftinacy a war to be con-
tinued to the utter ruin of the court and the empire.
The fruit of this embaffy was foon difcovered in the lamentations of
the Chalchefe, who knowing of the great force which was levying
againft their Hate, came to implore the alllftance of the Spaniards i
ilxewing
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
fliewing to Cortes, painted on a cloth, the cities which were arminj;
againft them by order of the king, and the routes which they were
to take. While Cortes was preparing his troops for this expedition,
melTengers arrived at Tezcuco from Tuzapan, Mexicatlzinco, and
Nauhtlan, cities fituated on the coafi: of the Mexican gulf beyond the
colony of Vera Cruz, to offer obedience in the name of their chiefs to
the king of Spain.
Sect. IX. On the fifth of April Cortes fet out from Tezcuco, with thirty
SpM'in"army horfes, three hundred Spanilh infantry, and twenty thonfand allies,
through the leavino the command of that place and the care of the brigantines to
iouthern ° . ^ - ,
iiiountaiiis. Sandoval. He went llrait to Tlalmanalco, and irom thence to Chi-
malhuacan {g), where he increafed his army with other twenty thou-
fand men, and who, to revenge themfelves on the Mexicans, or from
the hopes of fpoil, or from both motive-Sj came froni different places
to ferve in that war. Direding his way according to the route marked
in the Chalchefe paintings, he travelled through the fouthern mountains
towards Huaxtepec ; he law near to the road a fleep mountain, the top
of which was occupied by a vaft number of women and children, and
the fides by innumerable warriors, who, trufting to the natural ifrength
of that place, made game of the Spaniards with howling and whifiling.
Cortes, unable to endure this mockery, attacked the mountain on three
fides i but they were hardly begun to afcend with the greateft difficulty
through a Ihower of darts and flones, than he ordered a retreat j for,
befides that he perceived the attempt to be rafli and more dangerous
than fruitful, an army of the enemy came in fight, marching towards
the fame place, with an intent to attack tiie Spaniards behind, when
they were moll engaged in the aflault. Cortes immediately made againft
them, with his troops v/ell formed. The battle lafted a Ihort time,
for the enemy foon finding their inferiority of ftrength, quickly aban-
doned the field. The Spaniards purfued them upwards of an hour and
a half, until they were entirely routed. Tlie lofs of the Spaniards on
this occafion was almoft nothing, but in the affault of the mountain
eight were killed and many of them wounded.
(g) There were, and (1111 are, two places of this name ; the one fituated upon the borderof
the lake of Tezcuco, clofe to the peninfuh of Ir-tapalapan, and c:illed fimply Chimalbuacan ;
the other, which is in the mountains tc the fouthwaid of the vale of Mexico, is called Chimal-
hiiasan Qhako\ and it was to this laft phico that Cortes wont.
The
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 153
The thirll which dilireflcd the army, and the intimation \7hich rook; X'.
Cortes had of another mountain three miles off limilarly occupied, ' ' '
forced him to march towards that part. He obferved on one fide of
the mountain two lofty rocks, defended by many warriors ; but they,
thinking that tlie Spaniards would attempt the alfault on the fide
oppolite, abandoned the rocks, and repaired where they apprehend-
ed molt danger. Cortes, who knew well how to profit by all con-
junftures which either fortune, or the imprudence of his enemies
prefentcd, ordered one of his captains to endeavour to occupy one of
the rocks with a competent number of men, while he employed the
befieged on the oppofite quarter. He began then to afcend, thougli
not without the utmofl: difficulty ; but when he had reached a poft as
high as that taken by the enemy, he fiw the Spanilh {i.-\g hoilled
upon one of the rocks. The enemy finding themfelves attacked on
both fides, and having already began to feel the lofs wiiich the fire-
arms occafioned aniong them, fiuTcndered. Cortes treated them with
the utmofl: humanity ; but demanded from them, as a condition necef-
fary to obtain his pardon, that they Ihould induce thofe alfo wlio
occupied the firfl: mountain to furrender alfo, v/hich they accordingly
did.
Cortes, finding thefe obllacles removed, proceeded through Huaxte- Sect. x.
pec, Jauhtepec, and Xiuhtcpec, to the large and pleafant city of Quauii- Q^'àùhnu -"
nahuac (/' ), the capital of the nation of the Tlahuicas, upwards of thirty '*"^^'-
miles diftant from Mexico, towards the fouth. This city was very
flrong from its natural fituation j being on one fide furrounded by lleep
mountains, and on the other by a hollow about (even perches deep,
through which ran a little river. The cavalry could not enter there
except by two ways, which were unknown to the Spaniards, or by the
bridges which had been raifed as foon as they had appeared. Wiiile
they were feeking a convenient place to begin the aflìiult, the Quauh-
(/)) The name Quauhnaluiac has been ftranc^cly altered by th-: Spaniards ; Cortes calls this
city CoaJuabateJ, iHinal Uiaz Comijtl/aca, Solis 'Jluottabacn, &c. That oi Vu^ina'.uiia prcvaik-J
afterwards, by which it ii known among the Spaniards at prclVnt ; but the Indians llill retain
the old name Q^iauhnahuac. It is one of the thirty piaci s which Charles V. gave to Cortes,
a[»J if at prcfcnt part o! the ellaies of the duke of Montclcon, at marijuis of tlie valle} of
Oaxaca.
Vol. II- X nahuachefe
HISTORY OF M E X I CO.
nahuachefe fliot an incredible number of arrows, darts, and flones at
them. But a courageous Tlafcalan having obferved, that two great
trees, which grev/ on the oppolite fides of the hollow inclining towards
each other, had crolfed and mutually interwoven their branches, he
made a bridge of them to pafs to the other fide j and his example was
quickly followed, though with great difficulty and with great danger,
by fix Spanifh foldiers, and afterwards by many Spaniards and Tlaf-
calans(/). This a6l of intrepidity fo intimidated thofe who defended'
the afiault in that quarter, that they immediately retreated, and went to
join the other citizens, who, at another part of the city, were oppofing
the troops led by Cortes ; but while moft employed in the defence,
they found themlclves unexpedtedly attacked by thofe troops, who,
following that courageous Tlafcalan, were now entered by the unde-
fended part into the city. Terror made the citizens give up refiftance,
and put them to flight precipitately tiirough the mountains j while the
allies, without any oppofition, burned a great part of the city. The
lord of it, who had fled with the refi:, fearing to be overtaken ia
the mountains by the Spaniards, took occafion to furrender himfelf,,
declaring that he had not done it before becaufe he waited till the
rage of the Spaniards fliould be exhaufted on the city, and by being
fatisfied with other hoftilities, might abftain from treating his perfon
cruelly.
Sect. XT. After fomc repofe the army left Ouauhnahuac, loaded with fpoils,
ConqueO of -f ' 1111 ^ r
Xochimilco. direfting their way towards the north, through a large wood of pines,,
where they endured a great thirft, and the. day following found them-
felves near the city of Xochimilco. This beautiful city, the largeft
next to the three royal refidences of all thofe in the Mexican vale, was
founded upon the border of the lake of Chalco, a little more than
twelve miles diftant from the capital : its inhabitants were numerous,
its temples many, its buildings magnificent, and its gardens floating
on the lake Angularly beautiful, from whence it took its name of Xo-
(/) Soils, without mnking mention of that Tlafcalan, attributes all the glory of that aflion to-
Bernal Diaz ; in which particuhir he contradids Cones, and other hillorian:,. Bernal Diaz
himfelf, who, in the relation of this event, djes himfelt all the honour he can, boalis of having
been one of thofe who did not rcg.ird the ri(k of their lives, and palled the depth on the
branches of the trees ; but by no means tajtes the honour to himfelf of having been the firll
who paired or fuggelled the attempt.
chimi] CO
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 155
Ghimilco [i] : it had, like the capital, many canals or ditches, and for
fear of the Spaniards, they had now feveral entrenchments. As foon
as they faw the enemy approach, they railed the bridges of the canals,
to make the entry more dithcult. The Spaniards divided their army
into three fqiiadrons, to attack the city by as many places, but every
where they met with a flout refiftancc, and could not take the firft
ditch until after a terrible engagement of more than half an hour, in
v/hich two Spaniards were killed and many wounded; but having at
laft overcome thofe obftaclcs, they entered the city, purfuing the in-
habitants, v/ho perfevered till night, fighting in the veflels in which
they had made their retreat. Tliey frequently heard voices among the
combatants who demanded peace, but the Spaniards underflanding that
thofe cries were made with no other view than to gain time to place
their fimilies and goods in fecurity, and to receive the fuccour which
they expedled from Mexico, preiTed them ftill harder; until, finding
all refiftance dropt, they retired to repofe and cure the wounded : but
they had hardly began to draw their breath a little, when they faw
themfelves attacked by a great number of enemies, who came formed
in order of battle by the fame road by which the Spaniards had entered.
They were now reduced to great difficulties, and Cortes himfelf was
in imtninent danger of becoming a prifoner of the enemy; for his
horfe having fallen from fatigue, as he fiys, or being cut down by the
blows from the Xochimilcas, as fome hiftorians report, he continued
fighting on foot with his lance ; but being overpowered by the enemy,
he would not have been able to have faved himfelf from ruin, if a brave
Tlafcalan (/), and after him tvvo of his own fcrvants, had not feafon-
ably come to his relief.
The Xochimilcas teiig at laft defeated, the Spaniards had leifure to
repofe a little after the fatigues of the day, in which fome of their foldiers
had been killed, and alinoft all of them wounded, and the general
himfelf and the principal officers Alvarado and Olid among the reft.
{i) Xochimiko means gardens anJ fields of flowers.
(/) Hcrrera and Torcjuemada fiiy, that the day after the great hazard Cortes liad been in of
being made prifoiu-r, hf fought for the Tlafcalan who had refcucd him, but could not find him
either dead or alive ; on which hccoiuu, from the devotion which the general paid to St. Peter,
he became pcrfuadcd that, that apolilc had been the perfon who faved him.
X 2 Fquj.
BOOK X.
156 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
EOOK X. Four Spaniards, made prifoners, were conduced to the capital, and fa-
crificed witliout delay, and their arms and legs lent to different places to
encourage the iubjedts againrt: the enemies of the fiate. It is beyond
a doubt, that on this, as well as on other occafions, Cortes might ealily
have been put to death by the enemy, if they had not had fb much
anxiety to take him alive to facrifice him to their gods.
The news of the taking of Xochimilco threw the court of M,\\ico
into great ccnfternation. KingQuauhtemotzin affembled fbme military
chiefs, and reprefented to them the lofs and danger occafioned to Mexi-
co by the capture of fo confiderable a place, the fervice they would render
their gods and the nation in retaking it, and the courage and flrength
which was neceflary to overcome thofe daring and deftruólive flrangers.
They immediately gave orders, therefore, to raife an army of twelve
thouland men, to be lent by land, and another to be fent by water;
which were fb fpeedily executed, that the Spaniards had hardly repofed
after the fluigues of the preceding day, when Cortes was advifed by his
centinels of the march of the Mexicans towards that city. This gene-
ral divided his army into three divifions, and gave his captains the
neceflary orders ; he left fome troops to garrifon the quarters, and
commanded that twenty horfe with five hundred Tlafcalans fliould pafs
acrofs the enemy's front, to occupy a neighbouring little mountain,
and wait there his final orders for the attack. The Mexican com-
manders advanced full of pride, making great oftentation of fome Eu-
ropean fwords which had been taken from the Spaniards on the night
of the firfl of July. The battle was begun without the city, and when
it appeared proper time, Cortes ordered the troops poflied on the little
mountain to attack the rear of the Mexicans. They finding them-
felves attacked on every fide, went into diforder and fied, leaving five
hundred dead on the field. The Spaniards, on their return to their
quarters, found that the body of men left there had been in great
danger from the great number of Xochimilcas who had encountered
them. Cortes, after having been for three days in Xochimilco in fre-
quent fkirmiihes with the enemy, made the temples- and houfes be fet
on fire, and went to the market-place, which was without the city, to
order his people for their march. The Xochimilcas being perfuaded
that his departure was the eftedt of fear, fell upon the rear-guard with
great
HISTORY OF MEXICO. i^y
great clamour ; but tliey were foon fo feverely repulfed by the Spaniards, BOOK x.
that they never dared again to attack them. "" ^ '
Cortes advanced with his army as far as Coiohuacan, a large city Sect.xii.
. , ' b J March ot the
fituated upon the bank or the lake, fix miles diftant from Mexico to- Spaniards
wards the fouth, with a view to obferve all thole poits, and make the hke^to'xtz-
fitter difpofitions for the fiegc of the capital. He found the city eva- ^uco.
cuated, and the next day he fet out from it, to examine the road which
led from that city to the road of Iztapalipan. He found an entrench-
ment made there by the Mexicans, and ordered his infantry to attack
it, who, in fpite of the terrible refiftance of the enemy who defended
it, took it ; ten Spaniards being wounded, and fome Mexicans killed.
Cortes having mounted the trench, fuv the road of Iztapalapan dark-
ened with an innumerable enemy, and the lake covered with fome
thoufands of boats, and after having obfervcd every thing necefTary to
his purpofe, he returned to the city, whofe houfes and temples he
caufed to be fet on fire.
From Cojohuacan he marched the army to Tlacopan, though har-
rafled on the way by fome Hying troops of the enemy, who attacked
the baggage. In one of thofe fcufHes, where Cortes was in great dan-
ger, they took two of his fervants prifoners, who were conducflcd to
Mexico and immediately facrificed. Cortes arrived at Tlacopan in af-
flidion at this misfortune, but his difpleafure was greatly increafed
when he beheld from the upper area of the greater temple of that court,
along with fome other Spaniards, that fatal road wherein fome months
before he had loft fo many of his friends and foldiers, and confidercd
attentively the great difficulties which muft be overcome before he
could render himfelf mafter of the capital. Some of his oriicers fug-
gefted to him, to fend his troops by that road to commit fome hofti-
lities on the Mexicans; but he did not chufe to expofe them to fa
great rilk ; and, witliout remaining longer in that city, he returned by
Tenajoccan, Quauhtitlan, Citlaltepec, and Acolman, to Tezcuco,
having made a circuit in this expedition roivnd all the lakes of the
Mexican vale, and obfervcd what eftbrts and exertions were neceflary
to execute the great enterprize in his mind with luccefs.
In Tezcuco Cortes continued all the preparations for the fiege. The ^'"'J-.'^^'^»
' ., Ill- Confpiracy
brigan tines were equipped, and a. canal formed, a mile and a half long, a-aiuii Cor»-
fulHcicntly '"'•
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
fufllciently deep, and furniflied on both fides with a fence, to receive
the water of the lake into which the brigantir.es were to be launched,
and a machine conftrudted to launch them. The troops which Cortes
had under his command were almoft without number, and likewife
that of the Spaniards was confiderably augmented by fome who a
few days before had arrived at the port of Vera Cruz, in a veflel from
Spain loaded with horfes, arms, and ammunition. Every thing ap-
peared to promife a happy ilTue, at the moment the enterprize was in
the greatefl danger of being totally fruflrated and ruined. Some Spanifh
foldiers, p;irtirans of the governor of Cuba, incited either to hatred of
Cortes, or envious of his gloi-y, or, what feems ftill as probable, from
fear of the dangers which threatened them in the liege of the capital,
fecretly agreed to take away his life, and thofe of his captains Alvarado,
Sandoval, and Tapia, and all thofe who appeared to be mofl attached
to the party of the general. The confpiratois had not only determined
the time and manner of fecurely executing the blow, but elefted alfo
thofe on whom the vacant ports of general, judge, and captains were
to be conferred ; when one of the accomplices, having repented of the
deed, feafonably revealed the treafon to Cortes. This general immedi-
ately made Antonio de Villafaua, the chief of the confpirators, be feized,
committed his examination to a judge, and he having freely confefl'ed the
crime, was according to juftice hanged from a window of the quarters.
With refpeót to his accomplices, Cortes prudently dilfembled, alTedting
not to believe them culpable, and afcribing the infatr.y imputed to them
by the confelTion, to the malice of Villafnia ; but, in order that in future
he might not be expofed to lb inuch rilk of his life, he formed a body-
guard of feveral foldiers whofe fidelity and courage he had tried, who
attended him day and night, and watched continually over the fafety
pf his perfon.
Kect. XIV. Having thus crufhed, by the punilhmcnt of the ringleader, that per-
'^ar^tionfr* ^^^^°"^ confpiracy, Cortes applied himfelf with the utmolT; a<flivity to
thcficgcof put the lafi: hand to his great undertaking. On the twenty-eighth of
April, after the celebration of the mats of the Holy Spirit, at which all
the Spaniards communicated, and the brigantincs were given benedic-
tion by a prieft, they were launched into the water, and immediately
difplaying th:;ir fails, began to plough the lake under a diicharge of the
artillery
Mexico.
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 159
artillery and fmall arms, which was followed by the finglng of Te book x.
Deum to the mufic of military inftrunients. All thofe demonftrations '^ -'——'
of fatisfadlion were in confequence of the great conndence Cortes had
in the brigantines for the fuccefs of his enterprise, without which
perhaps he would never have been able to have conduifled it to a happy
end. He afterwards made a review of his army, and found it to con-
fifl of eighty-fix horfes, and more than eight hundred infantry, three
large iron cannon, fifteen fmaller of copper, a thoufand Caftilian
pounds of gunpowder, and a large quantity of balls and arrows^* the
number and flrength of his little army having been doubled by the
fupplies of that year from Spain and the Antilles. In order to encou-
rage them, he made them an harangue fimilar to that which he had.
delivered to them when he left Tlafcala. He fent meiTengers to this
republic, to Cholula, Huexotzinco, and other cities, to let them know
that the brigantines were now completed, and requefting them to fend
within ten daya as many chofen troops as they could mufler, for that
now the time was come for giving {xtgt to that proud city, which had
for fo many years opprefTcd their liberty. Five days before the feaft of
Pentecoft, the army of Thfcala arrived at Tezcuco, confiding, accord-
ing to wh.it Cortes affirms, of more than fifty thoufand men, under
the command of feveral famous chiefs, among which came the young
Xicotencatl and the brave Chichimecatl ; who were met by Cortes and
his people. The troops of Huexotzinco and Cholula pafied thither
through the mountains of Chalco, agreeable to tlie orders given
them. In the two following days came other troops from Tlafcala and
other neighbouring places, v.hich, together with thofe above mentioned,
made more than two hundred thouland men, as is attelled by their
leader and conductor Alfonfo d'Ojeda.
On the Monday of Pentecoft, twentieth of May, Cortes muftered Sect. xv..
his people in the greater market-place of Tezcuco, to make a divifion of tC'a'my
of his army, to appoint tlie commanders, to afllgn to each the ft.ition intiiefic^^cof
where they were to form their camp, and the troops which were to be
immediately under them, and to publilh afrcfli the military proclamation
formerly puhlilhed in Tlafcala. He ordered Pedro de Alvara.lo to re-
main in camp in the city ot Tlacopan, to prevent any alfiftance coming
through that quarter to the Mexicans, and affigned.him thirty horfes
8 and.
the capilal.
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
and one hundred and fixty-elght foot Ibldiers, difliibuted into three
companies under as many captains, with twenty thouland Tlafcalans
and two .pieces of artillery, , . Chriftopher Olid was created qamp-
maller, and chief of the divifion deflined for, the ,c^t)r, of Cojohuacan-,
and alTigned thirty -three horfes, one hundred and iixty-eight foot loldiers,
under three other captains, with two pieces of artillery, and more than
twenty-five thouland allies. To Gonzales de Sandoval he gave twenty-
four horfes, one hundred and. fixty-three Spanjih infantry, under two
captains with two cannons, and the allies of Chalco, Huexotzinco, and
Cholula, who were more than thirty-thouland in number, and ordered
him firft to go and deflroy the city of iztapalapan, and then to encamp
himfelf wherever he thought he could molt effeólually hem in the Mexi-
cans. Cortes, in fpite of the remonllrances made iiim by his captains
and foldiers, took the command of the brigantines, where he thought
his aflillance would be moft necellary. He diftributed among the
thirteen brigantines three hundred and twenty-five Spaniards and thir-
teen falconets, afligning to each brigantine a captain, twelve foldiers, and
as many rowers ; Jo that the whole army deftined to begin the fiege of
the capital, confiJled of nine hundred and feventeen Spaniards, and more
than feventy-five thouland auxiliary troops (//v) ; which number was fooa
after increafed, as we Ihall find, to two hundred thouland and more..
All the other troops which had repaired to Tezcuco, either remained
there to be employed when it was necellary, or returned to their own
places of abode, as they were not too dillint from the capital to be
fpeedily fummoned whenever it was requihte.
Olid and Alvarado departed together with their troops from Tezcuco,
Puniniment to go to thclr refpctìive pofls affigned them by the general. Among
catl."^° ^"" the higher ranks of Tlafcalans who accompanied Alvarado, were the
young Xicotencatl, and his coufin Pilteuctli. In a quarrel which
happened, the latter was wounded by a Spaniard, who, regardlels
of the orders publilhed by the general, or the refped: due to that perfon,
was near occafioning the defertion of the Tlafcalans. This outrage dif-
(m) Solis fnys, thnt Bernal Dinz complains often that tlie allies gave them more hidrance
than alTillance ; but this i; totali)' falle-, for Bernal Diaz on the contraiy frequently favs, that
the allies were of great affiilance, and fought couraseoullv ngainrt the INIcxicans ; " The Tluf-
•• calanB our friends," he fays, in chap, 151. " alilfled us greatly during; the whole war, like
•' brave people."
gufied
Sect. XVI.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. i6i
guftei them extremely, and made them exprefs their difl'atisfadion in BOOK X.
an open manner. Ojcda, their leader, endeavoured to pacify them, and
gave permillion to Piltcudtli to return to be cured in his native countiy.
Xicotencatl, who, on account of his rank as well as his relation to Pil-
teudtli, was moftfenlibleof the infult, finding nootherway to be revenged,
fecretly abandoned the army, and, with Ibme other Tlafcalans, took the
road to Tlafcda. Alvarado gave immediate advice of this to Cortes,
who ordered Ojeda to overtake and feize him ; and after being taken
made him be publicly hanged in the city of Tezcuco («), as Herrera and
Torquemada fay, or in a place near to it as Bernal Diaz affirms ; it
having been firfl: publiflied by a herald, that the caufe of his condemn-
ation was his having deferted, and excited the Tlafcalans againft the
Spaniixrds. It is probable that Cortes would not have rilked the execu-
tion of fuch a fentence, if he had not firfl obtained, as Herrera ex-
prefsly affirms, the confent of the fenate of Tlafcala ; which was not
ditlicult, confidering their feverity in punilhing crimes even when
committed by the moft eminent perfons, and the particular hatred alfo
which they bore to that prince, whofe pride and arrogance of charaóler
they could not endure. So alarming a punilhment, which ought na-
turally to have inflamed the minds of the Tlafcalans againll the Spaniards,
Intimidated tliem to fuch a degree, as well as the other allies, that from
that time forward they obferved more pundlually the articles of war,
and kept under more fubordination to thofe ftrangers who were their
leaders ; the Spaniards profiting even from their faults and mifconducft :
but the Tlafcalans were not afraid to make many demonftrations of their
clleem and veneration for that prince, bewailing his death and diftribut-
ing his cloaths as precious relics among themfelves, and celebrating,
as is probable, his funeral with ufual honours. The family and pro-
perty of Xicotencatl were adjudged to the king of Spain, and brought
(n) Cortes docs not make mention of this event : it is jirobiible he had particuLir motive» for
concialing it. Solis thinks it impolllblc that Xicottncatl was pimiftied in Tczcuco ; " Bccaiifc
" Cortes would have rifkcJ too much by the cxectitionof fo violent a Icntence under the eyes
•' of fo many I lafcalans, who would naturally liavc been fliocked and difguftcd at fo i^iio-
♦« miniuus a punilhment being infliified on one of the firft men of their nation." But Cor-
tes rifkcd a great deal mure, when he imprifoncd Monteiuma in his own court, and under
the eyes of a much fuperiot n'.nnber of Mexicans, who inuU have been ctjually fenlible ol tlic
outrage done to the full m.:n of theii n tion.
Vol. II. Y to
i62 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK X. to Tezciico. In his family were thirty wives, and amongft his pro-
perty a large quantity of gold.
Alvarado and Olid continued their march towards Tlacopan, where
their objeft was to break the aqueducSl of Chapoltepec, to cut off the
water from the Mexicans : but they were unable to execute this mea-
fure without furmounting a powerful refiflance from the enemy, who,
having forefeen the blow, had made preparations both by land and
water for their defence. They were foon defeated, and the Tlafcalans
Sect. XVII. in purfuiug them killed twenty, and m.\de feven or eight prifoners.
ties of °thè'' Having fo fuccefsfully accomplilhed this flep, thofe two commanders
Spaniards, rcfolved to go by the way of Tlacopan, to take fome ditch by affaultj
ningofthe but fo great was the multitude of Mexicans who came againil them,
ficge of ^^ ^Q thick the fhower of arrows, darts, and ftones, which were
Mexico. '
fhot at them, that eight Spaniards were killed and more than fifty
wounded, and they with difficulty were able to retreat in fhame to
Tlacopan, where Alvarado encamped, according to the order of the
general, and Olid marched to Cojohuacan on the thirtieth day of May,
confecrated that year to the folemnity of Corpus Domini, on which
day began, according to the coaiputation made by Cortes, the fiege
of Mexico.
While Alvarado and Olid were employed in filling up fome ditches
which were made upon the border of the lake, and were repairing fome
palTages for the convenience of the cavalry, the commander Sandoval,
with the number of Spaniards above mentioned, and with more than
thirty-five thoufand allies, marched from Tezcuco on the thirty-firft of
May, with an intent to take the city of Iztapalapan by allault, againil
which Cortes was particularly bent. Sandoval made his entry there,
committing terrible devaflation and havoc by fire upon the houfes and
by his arnis upon the inhabitants, who in terror attempted to fave their
lives by water. Cortes, in order to attack at the fiune time that part
of the city which was contiguous to the water, after having made the
whole lake be founded, embarked with his people in his brigantines,
and proceeded by means of fùls and oars towards Iztapalapan. He
flruck ground near to an infulated little mountain, at a finali diftance
from that city, the top of which was occupied by a numerous enemy,
refolved to defend themfelves and annoy the Spaniards as much as pol-
8 fible.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
fible. Cortes difcmbarked there, and, with. one hundred and fifty men,
furmounting the lleepnefs and difficuhy of theafcent and the refinance of
the enemv, took the mount and killed all tlie Mexicans who defended it.
But they had hardly taken poirclhon of it, when they perceived a fleet
of boats coming againfl them, which had been fummoned there by a
fignal of fmoke, that, on the firft appearance of the brigantines,
was made from that little mountain and from fome temples in tliat
neighbourhood. The Spaniards immediately re-embarked and ftood
without moving upon their defence, until at length b,-ing favoured
with a frelli breeze which fprung up fuddenly, and increafing the velo-
city of the brigantines, with the impiilfe of the oars, they rulTied vio-
lently upon the boats, breaking fome of them to pieces and overfetting
others. Some of the enemy were killed by balls and many were
drowned ; all the others fled, and were purfued for eight miles by the
brigantines, as far as the capital.
The commander Olid, as foon as he difcovered from a temple of
Cojohuacan the engagement of the brigantines, marched with his troops
in order of battle along the road which led to Mexico, took fome
ditches and trenches, and killed a number of the enemy. Cortes, on
his part, colleóted that night all his brigantines, and went with them to
attack the baftion, which, as we have already mentioned, was eredled
in that angle which was formed by the jun(f]:ion of the road of Cojo-
huacan with the road of Iztapalapan. He made the attack by land as
well as water, and in fpite of the bravery with which it was defended
by the Mexican garrifon pofted there, he took it, and made a horrid
flaughter, with two large pieces of cannon, of the multitude which co-
vered the lake as well as the road. That place, called by the Mexicans
Xoloc, appeared extremely advantageous to Cortes for the eftablifliment
of his camp, and it certainly would not have been eafy to have found
another more fuitable to his defigns ; for, by means of it he became
mafter of the principal road and that part of the lake where the greatefl
fuccours could enter to the city, and befides that of the road of Cojo-
huacan which formed a communication with the camp of Olid. The
fmall diftance of that place from the camps of Cojohuacan and Tlaco-
pan was of great importance to Cortes, in giving his orders with expe-
'^' z dition.
i64 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
BOOK X". dition, and to render affiftance when it proved neceflary. In fhort, its
vicinity to Mexico contributed to make every attack, more eafy.
There he affembled his brigantines, and abandoning the expedition
againil Iztapalapan, formed a refolutlon to give very foon a commence-
ment to his operations. He ordered to his camp one half of the troops of
Cojohuacan, and fifty chofen foldiers from the troops under Sandoval.
That night he heard a great body of enemies coming towards his
camp. The Spaniards, knowing that the Mexicans were not ufed to
combat by ni'ht unlefs when they were fecure of vidlory, were at firfl
appreheniive ; but, although they received fome hurt from the enemy,
they obliged them by the fire of their artillery and mufkets to retire to
the city. The next day they found themfelvcs attacked by a prodigi-
ous multitude of warriors, who enlarged their number in the imagination
of the Spaniards with dreadful howls. The fupply expefted from Co-
johuacan being arrived, Cortes made a fally with his people in order of
battle. They fought with great courage and obftinacy on both fides,
but the Spaniards and their allies took one ditch and an intrencliment,
and did fo much damage to the Mexicans with their artillery and horfes,
that they were compelled to retreat to their city ; and becaufe, by that
part of the lake which was to the weft of the road, they were much
annoyed by the veffels of the Mexicans, Cortes made one of the ditches
be enlarged, that the brigantines might pafs there, which immediately
charged impetuoufly upon them, purfued them as far as the capital, and
fct fire to fome houfes of the fuburbs. ^ •'''^ ^'-
In the meanwhile, Sandoval having fuccefsfully terminated, though
not without infinite peril, the expedition of Iztapalapan, marched with
his troops towards Cojohuacan. On his way thither, he was attacked
by the troops of Mexicaltzinco, but he defeated them, and let fire to
the city. Cortes, apprifed of his march, and alfo of a great ditch
which had been recently made in that road, fent two brigantines to
facilitate the paffage to the army. It marched towards Cojohuacan, and
Sandoval came with ten cavalry to the camp of Cortes. When he ar-
rived there he found the Spani;u-ds in combat with the Mexicans : the
fatigue of the journey and the battle of Mexicaltzinco was not fufficient
to reftrain him from engaging : he joined battle with his ufual courage,
but while fighting he was pierced in the leg by a dart, and many other
Spaniards
H I S T O R Y O F M. E X I e O. 165
Spaniards were wounded with him. Thofe advantages, if we may call BOOK x.
them fo, are little in comparifon with the lofs which the Mexicans ful'-
taincd tliat day, or the dread which the fire of tTie artillery excited in them ;
which was fo great, that for fome days they dui ft not come near theSpanifh
camp. The Spaniards continued for fix days in continual Ikirmilhes j the
brigantines failing round the capital, fct fire to many houfes of thefuburbs,
and in their expeditions difcovered a large and deep canal, by whicii
they could eafily enter the city. This was in futiu-e a circumftanc.e of
great advantage to the Spaniards.
Alvarado, on his part, hemmed in the Mexicans as much as pofliblc,
by taking at different encounters fome ditches and intrenchments on
the road of Tlacopan ; but fome of his men were killed, and many
wounded. He obferved, that by the road of Tepejacac, fituatcd to-
wards the north, provifions were continually introduced to the city,
and perceived alfo, that by that road the befieged could eafily efcape,
when they found they could no longer refift the befiegers. He com-
municated this obfervation to Cortes, who commanded Sandoval to go
with one hundred and eighteen Spaniards and a very ftrong army of
allies to occupy that place, and intercept the fupplies which fhould
come that way to the enemy. Sandoval obeyed, though ftill unreco-
vered of the wound in his leg, and took poffeflion without oppofition
of that ftation, by which meiins every communication of the Mexicans
with other cities by land was cut off (tf).
This being done, Cortes determined to make an entry the next day
into the city, with more than five hundred Spaniards and more than
eighty thouland allies from Tezcuco, Tlafcala, Chalco, and Huexot-
zinco, leaving fome cavalry with ten thoufand allies to guard the
camp ; ordering Sandoval and Alvarado to enter there at the fame
time, each by his different road, with tlicir troops, which were not Ids
:'jinv;
(<•) Doftor Robcrtfon fays, that Cortes dcfi-rcd to attack the city at three difl'ercnt places ;
from Tezcuci-, on the call tide of the lake ; from 'I'acuba, on tlie well ; and Iron» Cuzocan,
(that is, Cojohuacan), in the fouth ; thofc cities, he add;, commanded the principal caufé-'
ways which led to tiic capital, and were built tor its dt fence : but this is an error ; becaufe m ,
the ealhvard there was not, nor could be, any nad which led to tlie capital, on account of the
depth ot the lake. Sandoval did not encamp in Tcicuco, fiom whence it was impolfiblc to"
Mtack Mexico, but in Tepejacac, tuwar.is the north.
than
Sect.
XVIII.
Firft entry of
the befiegers
into Mexico.
i66 H I S T O R Y 0 F :M. E :^ I C O.
BOOK X. i[y2.n eighty thoufand in number. Cortes marched along his road, with
his numerous army well marfhalled and flanked by the brigantines ; but
had advanced only a fliort way when they met with a broad deep ditch
and intrenchment more than ten feet high. The Mexicans courage-
oufly oppofcd their paflage, but being beat back by the artillery ftotn
the b'-igantines, the Spaniards palled, purfuing the enemy as far as the
city, where they found another great ditch and a flrong and high in-
trenchment. The force of the water in this ditch, the monllrous
fwarms of the enemy who allembled to defend it, their dreadful and
menacing airs and the unceafing lliower of arrows, darts, and ftones,
which they difcharged, llaggered for fome time the refolution of the
Spaniards ; but having at length, with the fire of all the artillery and
other arms, driven thofe from the intrenchments who defended them,
the army palled and advanced, taking other ditches and intrenchments,
unto the principal fquare of the city, which was full of people. In
fpite of the havoc they faw made on the multitude by a large cannon
planted in the entrance of the fquare, the Spaniards dared not to enter
there, until the general himfelf, reproaching them for their ignominious
fear and charging intrepidly upon the enemy, infufed new courage into
his foldiers. The Mexicans, intimidated by fuch great intrepidity,
fled for (helter within the inclofure of the greater temple, and finding
themlelves attacked there alio, they took refuge in the upper area of
the temple, whither they were Hill purfued ; but all on a fudden the
Spaniards found themlelves attacked behind by other Mexican troops,
and reduced to fuch difficulty, that not being able to withftand the fury
of the enemy neither within the inclofure nor without in the fquare,
they were obliged to retire to the road by which they had entered the
city, leaving the piece of artillery in pofleffion of the enemy. A little
time after, three or four horfes came fealbnably into the fquare, and
the enemy being perfuaded that the whole cavalry was coming againft
them, went into confufion from the fear they had of thofe large and
fiery animals, and ignominioufly abandoned the temple and the fquare,
which were immediately occupied by the Spaniards. Ten or twelve
Mexican nobles, were fortified in the upper area of the great temple;
but, in fpite of their obftinate refiftance, they were vanquifhed and
killed by thofe who attacked them. The Spaniili army in its retreat
fot
troops.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
fet lire to the largeft and mofl beautiful hoiifes on the road of Iztapa-
lapan, though not without thautmofl danger, on account of the im-
petuofity with which the Mexicans attacked the rear, and the annoy-f
ance they lUffered from the terraces. x'Uvarado and Sandoval made
great havoc of the Mexicans with their troops, and the allies received
on this day great encomiums from the Spanifh general.
Tlie forces of the Spaniards were daily fo much increafed with frefh Sect. xix.
fupplies, and with the alliance of new cities and whole provinces ; tiò'u^of "he"
that although there were not in their three camps at firft more than auxiliary
ninety thoufand men, in the fpace of a few days they amounted to
two hundred and forty thoufand. The new king of Tezcuco, in order
to manifefl his gratitude to Cortes, endeavoured to gain the whole
nobihty of his kingdom to his party, and equipped an army of fifty
thoufimd men, which he fent to the affiftance of the Spaniards, under
the command of a prince, his brother j a youth, of whofe bravery all
ancient hiftorians give tellimony, and, amongfl others, Cortes himfelf,
who boafts of the feafonablenefs and importance of his aid. That
prince remained with thirty thoufand men in the camp of Cortes, and
the other twenty thoufand were diftributed in the camps of S.^ndoval and
Alvarado. This fupply of the king of Tezcuco was quickly followed
by the confederacy of the Xochimilcas and the Otomies, the moun-
taineers, with the Spaniards, which new troops added twenty thoufand
men to the army of Cortes.
There was nothing wanting to this general for the completion of
the fiege, but the prevention of the fupplies which were introduced
by water into the city. Retaining feven of the brigantines, he there-
lore fent the other fix towards that part of the lake which was between
Tlacopan and Tcpejacac, that there they might be ready to aflìft the
camps of Sandoval and Alvarado, when thofe commanders ihould re-
quire it i but while not employed by them, they were to cruize two
by two, and endeavour to intercept all the velfels which were tranf-^ '
porting either men or provi lions to the city.
Cortes, finding he had now a fulficient number of allied troops, de-
termined, in the courJe of three days to n-ake an entry into the city.
He gave the ncceliary orders lor this purpofc, anil on ;he d.iy appointed
he niaixhcd v/ith the greater part oi his cavali}, with three hundred
infantry.
i68
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK X,
» , '
SgcT. XX.
New entries
into the city.
infantry, {even brigantines, and innumerable multitudes of allies.
They found the ditches open, the intrenchments thrown up, and the
eneniy well prepared to refill them ; but notwithftanding this, they
took all the ditches and intrenchments, which were formed between
them and the principal fquare of Tenochtltlan. Here the army made
a halt, Cortes not permitting them to proceed forward, without leaving
all the difficult pafles which they had taken levelled ; but while ten
thoufand of the allies were bufied in filling up the ditches, others fet
fire to and demolilhed fome of the temples, houfes, and palaces, and,
amongft others, that of king Axajacatl, where the Spaniards were for-
merly quartered, and the celebrated palace of birds of Montezuma.
After having committed thofe holfilities with great difficulty and dan-
ger, on account of the efforts which the Mexicans made to hinder
them, Cortes founded a retreat, which was happily effedled, although
the rear-guard was inceflantly harralfed by the troops of the enemy.
The fame thing was performed by Sandoval and Alvarado in their
quarter. This was indeed a day of great fiitigue to the Spaniards and
their allies, but likewife of unfpeakable affliftion to the Mexicans, as
much on account of fo many beautiful edifices which were deftroyed.
as the fcorn and mockery they fuffered from their own vafTals who were
leagued with the Spaniards, and from their mortal enemies the Tlafca-
lans, who, while they combated, fhewed the arms and legs of the
Mexicans whom they had (lain, and threatened to eat them that night
to their fupper, as in fadl they did.
The next day, in order to give no time to the Mexicans to dig the
ditches which had been filled up, or repair the intrenchments which
had been beat down, Cortes fet out early from his camp, in the fame
manner as the preceding day ; but, in fpite of his diligence, the Mexi-
cans had already renewed the greater part of the fortifications, and de-
fended them fo obftinately, that the army of the befiegers could not
take them till after a moft furious engagement of five hours. The
army puflied forward, and took two ditches on the road of Tlacopan ;
but the day being now near finilhed, they retired to their camp, fight-
ing all the way with the troops of the enemy, who fell upon the rear-
guard. The armies of Sandoval and Alvarado had fimilar contefts, the
befieged being obliged to oppofe, at the fame time, three moll numer-
ous
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
ous armies, fuperior to them in arms, in horfes, in the brigantines, and
ill military dilcipline. Alvarado, on h;s fide, had now demoliflied all
the houfes, from one end to ;he other, on bpth fides of the road of
Tlacopan {e), for the habitations of the capital were continued on that
road unto the continent or main land, according to the accounts both
of Cortes and Bernal Diaz.
Cortes \vould willingly have faved his troops the trouble and fatigue
of daily repeating their engagements to take the fame ditches and
intrenchments, but he could not leave a garrifon to preferve thofe acqui-
fitions, without facrificing it to the fury of the enemy, nor was he
willing to encamp within the city, as fome of his captains advifed him ;
for, befides the incellant afiault which they mull: have endured
from the enemy, they could not from thence fo eafily as from the poll
of Xoloc prevent fupplies from coming into the city.
While fuccours were daily diminiihing to the befieged, thofe of the be-
fiegers were gradually increafingj and at this very juncture they received
one which was as advantageous for them as it was hurtful to the
enemy. The inhabitants of the cities fituate upon the border and lit- Spaniards
tie iflands of the lake of Chalco, had been hitherto the enemies of the
Spaniards, and could have done much damage to the camp of Cortes,
if their troops had attacked it from one part of the road, while at the
fame time the Mexicans had attacked it from another ; but they had
not attempted any hoftilities againfl: the Spaniards, perhaps becaufe they
referved thcmfelves for fome very favouring occahon. The Chalchefe,
and other allies, who did not like the neighbourhood of fo many
enemies, endeavoured to draw them over to their party, fometimes by
promifes, fometimes by threats and vexations ; and their importunity,
and perhaps alfo the fear of revenge from the Spaniards, had fo much
influence, that the nobles of Iztapalan, Mcxicaltzinco, ColhuBcan,
Huitzilopochco, Mizquiz, and Cuitlahuac, which cities formed a con-
fiderable part of the Mexican vale, came to the camp to make a con-
federacy with the Spaniards. Cortes was extremely glad of their alliance.
Sect. XXI.
Confederacy
of fcveral ci-
ties on the
lai, e with the
(f) Thefe houfes were not built on the road Itft-lf, but upon little illaiids near to it, on both
fides. We do not find that there was any othvr buikiin»; upon the road bv.t a temple, lltu.ited
on that part where the road broadened out, and formed a little fiiuare. This tcmplt was taken
\)y Alvarado, who kept a garrifon there almoft the whole time of the ficgc.
Vol. II. Z and
ijo H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e a.
BOOK X. an4 requeued of them that they would not only aflift him with their
^""'''^^^ ' troops, and veflels, but likewife tranfport materials for the eredtion of
huts along that road j for it being now the i^ea[on of rain, his people
fufFered much from the want of habitations.
His demand was fo readily complied with, that they fènt immediately
a large body of troops, the number ot which is not known, to be under
the command of Cortes, and three thoufind veflels to aflift the brigan-
tines in their operations. In thefe they tranfported the materials, with
which they built fuch a number of barracks, that all the Spaniards, and
two thoufand Indians employed in their fervice, were conveniently ac-
commodated ; for the majority of the allied troops were encamped in
Cojohuacan, four miles diilant from Xoloc ; and, not content with
giving this afliftance, they brought many provifions to the camp, par-
ticularly filh and cherries in great quantities.
Cortes, finding himfelf fo well reinforced with troops, entered two
or three days fucceflively into the eity, making dreadful flaughter cf
the citizens. He was inclined to imagine that the befieged would
necefTarily furrender, feeing fuch an exceflive number of troops armed
againfl them, and having experienced the ruinous effects of their ob-
ftinacy : but in this he was miftaken, for the Mexicans were deter-
mined to lofe their lives fooner than their liberty. He refolved there-
fore to make continued entries into the city, in order to compel them
by hoflilities to afk for that peace which they had refufed. He formed
two armaments of his velfels, each confifting of three brigantines and
fifteen hundred fmall boats, ordering them to proceed towards the
city, to fet fire to its houfes, and do the Mexicans all the mifchief in,
their power. He gave orders to Sandoval and Alvarado to do the fame
on their fide, while he with all his Spaniards, and eighty thoufartd.
allies, by what appears, marched as. ufual by the road of Iztapalapan.
towards the city, but virithout being able to gain, neither in this nor
other entries which he made in thofe particular days, any other advan-
tage than that of gradually reducing the number of the enemy, de-
molhhing fome of their buildings, and advancing daily fome little way
farther for the purpofe of opening a communication with the camp of
Alvarado, although then it was not in his power toelTeót it.
Alvarada
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
171
Alvaradoard all his troops, feconded by the brigan tines, had already taken BOOK I Y.
polletTion of a temple, which flood in a little fquare in the road of 11a- sTct.xxii.
copan, in which he maintained from that time a garrifon, in fpite of the ^J^ "ad""
violent alìàults of the Mexicans. He had alfo taken fome ditches and and braverv
entrenchments, and knowing that the greatell force of the enemy was zin.
in Tlatelolco, where the king Qnauhtemotzin refided, and numbers of
the inhabitants of Tenochtitlan had reforted, he directed his operations
towards that quarter; but although he fought frequently with all his
force both by land and water, he could not advance where he wiOied,
from the gallant oppofition of the befieged. In thofe engagements many
perilhed on both fides. In one of the firlt contells a ftrong and cou-
rageous warrior of Tlatelolco, difguifcd like one of the Otomies-, with
an Ichcabtipilii, or breaft-plate of cotton, and with no other arms
than a ihield and three ftones, made his appearance, and running mofl
fwiftly towards the befiegcrs, he threw his three Hones fucceflively
with fuch dexterity and with fuch force, that with each he knocked
down a Spaniard, exciting no lefs indignation among them than fear
and wonder in the allies. They endeavoured, by every means, to get
him into their hands, but could never take him, for in every engage-
ment he appeared differently drefled, and in each occafioned much lofs
to the bcfiegers, having as much fwiftncfs in his feet to make his
efcape as force in his arms to ftrike his blows. The name of this
celebrated hero of Tlatelolco was T-zilacatzin.
Alvarado, elated with fome advantages obtained over the Mexicans,
ftrove one day to puHi forward as far as the market-place : he had al-
ready taken fcvcral ditches and intrenchments, and among others, one
which was fifty feet broad, and more than fcven feet deep; but for-
getting, through his luccefs, to make it be filled up, as his general had
enioincd, he advanced with forty or fifty Spaniards, and fome allies.
The Mexicans having obferved this negleól, foon poured in numbers
upon them, and defeated and put tliem to fiight, and in repaffing the
ditch, killed fome of the allies and made four Spaniards prifoners^ who
were inftantly facrificed in fight of Alvarado and his people, in the greater
temple of Tlatelolco. Cortes was extremely troubled at this dififter, as
it mufl: have increafed the courage and pride of the enemy, and went im-
mediately to Tlacopan, to give a fevere reprimand to Alvarado for his
Z 1 difobe-
172
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK X.
Sect. XXIII.
Treachery of
the Xochi-
milcas ;ind
Other people.
Sect XXIV.
ViiStoiy of
tlicMeiicans.
diibbedience and raflmefs j but when he was informed how couragcoufly
he had conduded hiinfelf that day, and taken pollcihon of the moll
difficult polls, he gave him only a kind admonition, and inculcated his
former orders refpeóling the manner of making his entry.
I'he troops of Xochimilco, Cuitlahuac, and other cities on the lake,
which were in the camp of Cortes, willing to profit by the opportu-
nity wliich prefented itfclf in the entries which the Spaniards made, to-
plunder the houles of the capital, availed themfelves of a mod abo-
minable piece of treachery. They fent a fecret embafly to king Quauh-
temotzin, declaring their inviolable fidelity to the crown, and com-
plaining of the Spaniards, becaufe they had forced them to take arms
againft their natural lord^ and adding, that they defigned on their
next entry to unite with the Mexicans againft thofe enemies of their
country, to kill them all, and thus put an end to his calamities.
The king praifed their refolution, appointed them the pofts which
they were to occupy, and alfo returned them gifts in reward of their
pretended fidelity. Thofe traitors entered the city as ufual, and feign-
ing at firll to turn their arms againft the Spaniards, began afterwards
to plunder the houfes of the Mexicans, killing thofe who oppofcd them,
and imprifoning the women and children ; but the Mexicans foon dc-
tedling their perfidy, fell upon them with fuch mercilefs fury, that al-
moft every one of them atoned for his treachery with his life. A great
many of them were killed in the conteft, and the others, who venere made
prifoners, were immediately facrificed by order of the king. This
treafon appeal's to have been both defigned and executed by the very
loweft of the populace of thofe cities^ who are always guilty of fuch
meannefTes.
Twenty days were now paft In which the Spaniards had made con-
tinual entries into the city. Some captains and foldiers weary of fo^
many repeated engagements, the fruits of which appeared ftill very di-
ftant to them, complained to the general, and earneftly conjured him,
to exert all the forces he had in one decifive blow» which would end
all his dangers and fatigues. The defign formed by them was to ad-
vance as far as the center of Tlatelolco, where the Mexicans had af-
fembled all their forces, and attempt to ruin them in one night, or at
leali bring them to a furrender» Cortes, who well knew the immi-
8 nent
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
nent danger of this enterprize, flrove to divert them from it with all
his arguments ; but thole being of no avail, nor being able to rcjedt a
meafure which had been almoll generally adopted, yielded at laft to
their importunities. He ordered Sandoval to join Alvarado with one
hundred and fifteen Spaniards and ten horfes, to put the cavalry in
ambuicade, and carry off the baggage under pretence of making a de-
parture, and abandoning the ficge of the city, in order that the Mexi-
cans, by being induced to purfue them, might be attacked by the ca-
valry in their rear ; to aim at gaining pod'eiiion, by the afllftance of fix
brigantines, of that great diich where Alvarado was defeated, making it
be filled up and levelled ; to advance not a fiep without leaving the
road well accommodated for a retr^-at, and then to enter in a body into
the fquare of the market.
On the day fixed for the general aflault, Cortes marched with twenty-
five horfes, with all his infantry, and more than an hundred thoufand
allies. His brigantines, with more than three thoufand canoes, form-
ed the two wings of his army on both fides of the road. He entered
the city without oppofition, and quickly divided his army into three
parts, that they might each, by three difi'ercnt roads, arrive at the fame
time in the fquare of the market. The command of the firfl divifion
was given to Julian Alderete, treafurer to the king, who was the per-
fon that had moft earneflly prefled Cortes to undertake this expedition ;
and he was ordered to proceed through the principal and largefl road
with feventy Spaniards, {even horfes, and twenty thoufand allies. Of
the other two roads, which led from the great road of Tlacopan to the
fquare of the market, the lead confined, was affigned to the captains
Andrea de Tapia, and George Alvarado, brother of P. de Alvarado,
with eighty Spaniarus, and upwards of ten thoufand allies; and the
narrowed and moft difficult, the general charged himfelf with, having
one hundrcu foldiers, and the body of the auxiliary troops, leaving the
cavalry and artilleiy in the entry to each road. The parties entered all
at one time, and engaged courageoufly. In tlie beginning the Mexi-
cans made foir.e refiftance, but afterwards feigning cowardice, they re-
trcited, ' VnJoning the ditches to the Spaniards, in order tliat, allured
by the liopcs of victory, they might run themfelves into greater dan-
gers. Some Spaniarus puihed forward to the flreets near to the fquare
of
174 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK X. of the market, unwarily leaving behind them a broad ditch badly fill-
ed up, and when they were mofl ardently advancing, and ftriving who
fhould firft enter into that fquare, they heard the formidable found of
the horn of the god Painalton, which was blown by the priefts in
cafes of public and preiìing necelfity, to excite the people to arms.
Immediately fuch a multitude of Mexicans aflembled, and poured with
fuch fury upon the Spaniards and allies, that they threw them into
confufion, and compelled them to return precipitately back towards
the ditch, which was apparently filled up with faggots, and other light
materials ; but when they attempted to pafs, it funk witli the weight and
violence of the multitude. Here the diarpeil con Aid: and greatefi: peril of
the fugitives happened ; for being unable at the fame time to defend them-
felves and pafs by fwimming, they were wounded and taken by the Mexi-
cans. Cortes, who with the ufual diligence of a good general, had advanc-
ed to the ditch when his defeated troops arrived there, endeavoured to
flop their flight by his cries, that their diforder and confufion might not
increafe the flaughter made of them by the enemy ; but words are not
capable of reftraining the flight of a difordered multitude to whom fear
adds wings. Pierced with vexation at the difafters of his people, and
regardlefs of his own perfonal danger, he approached to the ditch to
fave all thofe he could. Some were got out difarmed, fome wounded,
and fome almofl: drowned. He at lad put them into fome order to
proceed towards the camp, he himfelf remaining behind with from
twelve to twenty men to guard their rear ; but they had hardly began
to march, when he found himfelt in a narrow pafs furrounded by the
enemy. That day would certainly have been his laft, in fpite of the
extraordinary bravery with which he defended himfelf, and with his->
life all hopes would have fled of the conquefl of Mexico, if the Mexi-
cans, inftead of vviihing to kill him, which was frequently in their
power, had not eagerly ftrove to take him alive, to honour their gods
with the facrifice of fo illuftrious a violini. They had already feized
him, and were leading him off for this piirpofe, when his people, ap-
prifed of his being a prifoner, came fpeedily to relieve him. Cortes
owed his life and his liberty to a foldier of his guard, called Chriftoval
de Olea, a man of infinite courage and great dexterity in arms ; who,
upon another occafion, had refcued him from fimilar danger, and up-
on
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
on this favcd him at the rilk of his own life, by cutting off with one
ftroke of his fword, the arm of that Mexican who had taken him.
Cortes was indebted in hke manner for his liberty to the prince D. C.
Ixtlilxochitl, and to a brave Tlafcalan, named Temacatzin.
The Spaniards at lafl, though not without the greatell difficulty,
and a number of wounds, got upon the great road of TIacopan, wheji
Cortes was able to rally them, and took himlelf the rear-guard with
the cavalry ; but the boldnefs and fury with which the Mexicans pur-
fued them were fuch, that it appeared impoffible for them to efcape
with their lives. The divifions which had entered by the other two
roads, had alfo had terrible encounters; but, becaufe they had been
more careful in filling up the ditches, their retreat was lefs difficult
when Cortes ordered them to march to the greater fquare of Tenoch-
titlan, v/hcre they all colleéted. From thence they difcovered, with
the utmofl mortification, the fmoke of copal arifing from the ftoves
of the greater Temple, which the Mexicans were burning as a thankf-
giving for the victory they had obtained ; but the vexation was flill
llronger, when they faw the heads of fome Spaniards thrown towards
them by the Mexicans, to difpirit them, and when they heard a report
that the commanders Alvarado and Sandoval were (lain. From the fquare
they proceeded by the road of Iztapalapan, to their camp, ftill purfued
by a multitude of the enemy.
Alvarado and Sandoval had made an effort to enter into the fquare of
the market by a road, which led from that of TIacopan to Tlatelolco,
and had advanced their operations fo far as to a poft at a little diftance
from that fquare, but upon feeing the facrifices of the Spaniards, and
having heard the Mexicans fay, that Cortes and his captains were kill-
ed, they retired, though with the greateft difficulty ; for the enemy,
with whom they had been engaged, were joined by thofe who had de-
feated the troops of Cortes.
The lofs fuftained by the befiegers on that day was ieven horfes, a
number of arms and boats, and a piece of artillery, upwards of one
thoufand allies, and more than fixty Spaniards, part killed in battle,
part made prifoners, and immediately lacrificed in the greater temple
of Tlatelolco, in fight of the troops of Alvarado. Cortes received a
wouadi
176 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOOK. X. wound in his leg, and not one of the bcfiegers hardly came off with-
'^"^ '^^"^ out bein^ either wounded or otherwife difcomftted.
The Mexicans celebrated the viftory for eight fucceflive days with
illuminations and mufic in their temples ; they fpread the fame of it
through all the kingdom, and fent the heads of the Spaniards through
all the provinces of the empire who had rebelled again 11: the crown, to
recall them to obedience, to which many were induced. They dug
the ditches again, repaired the intrenchmentSj and put the city, ex-
cepting the temples and houfes ruined by the enemy, info the fiate
it was in before the fiege commenced.
Sect. XXV. In themean while the Spaniards kept themfelves upon the defence
Engagements j,., their camps, curing their wounded, and recruiting themfelves for
gjntinjs and futurc combats ; but in order alfo that the Mexicans might not avail
thTMesi-°'^ themfelves of their idle lefs, Cortes ordered the brigantmes to go two
cans. i3y two to cruize upon the lake. The Mexicans, fenfible of the
fuperiority of the Spanifh vellels and arms, and though not able to
equal the lalT;, they endeavoured in fome meafure to match the brigan-
lines. They had for this purpofe conllruded thirty large vellels, called
by the Spaniards periaguas, well finiflied, and covered with thick
planks, to enable them to combat in them without fo much danger of
being damaged. They determined to lay an ambufcade for the brigan-
tines in one of the fmall woods, or thickets of reeds, formed by the
floating fields of the lake, and fixed in leverai places large ftakes under
water, that the brigantines might llrike upon them and founder, or at
leali be made lefs capable of defence. Having prepared their ambuf-
cade, they fent out two or three little ordinary velfels from among the
reedy places of the lake, that they might, by attrafting the notice of
the brigantines, lead them in their flight towards the place of the
ambufcade. The Spaniards, as foon as they faw them, gave them
chace, but while they were in the heat of the purfuit, the brigantines
ftruck upon the ftakes, and at the fame time, the thirty large veflels
came out, and attacked them on every quarter. The Spaniards were
in great danger of lofing not only their velTels, but their lives ; but
■while the fmall guns kept the enemy in play, fome expert fwimmers
had time to clear the flakes, upon which being freed from this hin-
drance.
HISTORY OF xM E X I C Q.
drance, they were able to make ufe of their artillery to drive off the
enemy.* The brigantines were a good deal damaged, the Spaniards
wounded, and of the two captains who commanded them, one was
killed in the fight, and the other died in three days of his wounds.
The Mexicans refitted their veiTels to repeat the ftratagem, but Cortes
being fecretly informed of the place where they lay, difpofed himfelf
a countcr-ambufcade of fix brigantines, and profiting by the exa'mple of
the enemy, he ordered one brigantine to cruize near the place where the
Mexican veffels were in ambulh. Every thing fucceeded as he had
planned, for the Mexicans, upon feeing the brigantine, puilied out im-
mediately from their ambufcade, and when they imagined themfelves
moft certain of their prev, the other five brigantines came out impe-
tuoufly againft them, and began to play off their artillery, with the firfl:
fire of which they oveifet fomc of the enemy's veffels and routed the
reft. The greater part of the Mexicans perilhed in the attack, fome
were made prifoners, and aniong them fome nobles, whom Cortes
thought immediately of employing to follicit fome accommodation
with the court of Mexico.
Thofe noble prifoners were accordingly fent to tell king Quauhte-
inotzin that he fliould reflect how much the forces of Mexico were
daily diminiffiing, while, at the fame time, thofe of the Spaniards were
augmenting : that at the laft they would be obliged to yield to fuperior
ftrength ; that although the Spaniards did not enter the capital to com-
mit hoftilities, in order to reduce them, it would be fufficient alone to
hinder them from receiving any fupplies ; that they might ftill Ihun
the difafters which awaited them ; that if they would accede to pro-
pofitions of peace, he would immediately ceafc all hoftilities ; the
king Ihould remain in quiet poffeflion of his crown, with all his gran-
deur, power, and authority, which he had hitherto enjoyed ; that his
fubjeds fliould remain free, and mafters of all their property, without
any thing being demanded from his majefty, or his fubjcfts, but the
homage due to the king of Spain, as the fupreme lord of all that em-
pire, whofe right had been already acknowledged by the Mexicans
themfelves, as founded on the ancient tradition of their anceftors ;
that if on the contrary he perfifted in war, he would be deprived of his
crown, tlie greater part of his vaflàls would lofe their lives, and their
Vol. II. A a large
Sect.XXVI.
Fruklefs cm-
bafly to the
kingot MciU
CJ.
178
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK X.
S P CT.
XXVI I,
Expedition»
againft the
Malinalchefe'
and Matla-
zincas.
large and beautilul city totally deftroyed. The king confulted with
his coLinfellors, with the generals of the army, and the heads of their
religion ; he explained to them the fubjecfl of the embaffy, the fiate
of the capital, the fcarcity of provifions, tlie afflictions of his people,
and the ftill greater evils which threatened them, and commanded tlveia
to fpeak their opinions freely. Some of them, forefeeing the illue of
the war, were inclined to peace j others, inlligated by hatred to the
Spaniards, or the fen timents of honour, adviled war. The priefts,
whofe authority in this, as well as in other matters, was highly ref-
peóted, declared flrongly againft peace ; alledging feveral pretended ora-
cles of their gods, whofe indignation ought to be dreaded if they yield-
ed to the claims of thofe cruel enemies of their worrtiip, and whofe
protedlion ought to be implored with prayers and facrifices. This opi-
nion at laft prevailed, from the fuperftitious fear which had feized their
minds ; and, accordingly, they anfwered the Spanifli general, that they
would continue the war, for they were determined to defend themfelves
to the lafl breath. If they had not been moved to this refolution by
fuperflition, but by a fenfe of honour, from the love of their country
and native liberty, they would not have been fo blameable ; for, al-
though they faw their ruin inevitable in continuing the war, they had
not much hope of bettering tlieir fortune by means of peace. The
experience of pafl: events did not permit them to confide in the pro-
mifes which were made them ; on which account they mufk have re-
prefented to themfelves, that it was more confiflent with ideas of ho-
nour to die with their arms in their hands in defence of their native
country and liberty, than to abandon all to the ambition of thofe
ftrangers, and reduce themfelves by a furrendex to a wretched fiate o£
flavery.
Two days after the defeat of the Spaniards, fome melTengers fent
from the city of Quauhnahuac arrived at the camp of Cortes, to com-
plain of the great injuries done them by their neighbours the Malinal-
chefe, who, according to tlieir affirmations, were going into confede-
racy with the Cohuicas, a very numerous nation, on purpofe to de-
flroy Quauhnahuac, becaufe they had become the allies of the Spani-
ards, and afterwards to pafs the mountains to make an afTault, with a
large army, on the camp of Cortes. This general, although he felt
him-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
!iimfelf rather in a fiate to demand afllftance than to give it, neverthe-
lefs, for the reputation of the Spani(h arms, and to prevent the blow
which was threatened, fent the captain Andrea de Tapia with the mef-
fengers, two hundred Spanidrds, ten horfes, and a large number of
allies, with orders to unite thetnfejves with the troops of Quauhna-
huac, and to do every thing wliich he thought would conduce to the
fervicc of his king, and the fecurity of the Spaniards. Tapia exe-
cuted all that was enjoined him by the general, and in a place fituated
between Qiiauhnahuac and Malinalca, had a pitched battle with the
enemy, defeated, and piirfued them to the foot of the mountain, on
whofe top the city of Malinalco flood. He could not, according to
his wifh, make an affault upon it, as it was inaccelfible to his cavalry,
but he laid the country wafle, and the ten days being now expired,
which was the time of abfence prefcribed him, he returned to the
camp.
Two days after, mefTengers from the Otomies of the valley of Tol-
loccan arrived at the fame camp, praying aid againfl the Matlatzincas,
a powerful and warlike nation of the fame valley, who kept them con-
tinually at war, had burned one of their fettlements, made many of
them prifoners, and befides had agreed with the Mexicans to attack
with all their forces the camp of Cortes, by the way of the main land
while the Mexicans attacked them from the city. In the entries which
th? Spaniards had made into Mexico, they had fometimes heard the
Mexicans threaten them with the power of the Matlatzincas, and Cortes
now perceived, from the account of the Otomies, the great danger he
would run, if he fhould give the enemy an opportunity of putting their
defign in execution. He would not trufl this expedition to any other
than the brave and gallant Sandoval. This indefatigable officer, al-
though he had been wounded on the day of the defeat of Cortes, had
adted for fome days as general, inceifantlv going round the three camps,
making the befl difpofition for their fecurity. Scarcely fourteen days
elapfed after the defeat of Cortes, when he marched towards the valley
of Tolloccan with eighteen horfes, a hundred Spanilli infantry, and
fixty thoufand allies. In their way they faw fome marks of devaflation
committed by the Matlatzincas, and when they entered the valley, they
found a kttlemcnt newly laid in ruins, and faw the troops of tlie enemy
A a 2 loaded
i9.o HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
BOOK X. loaded with fpoils, which however they quickly abandoned as loon as
' " ' the Spaniards appeared, in order to be fooner ready for b:ittle. They
palied a river which crofles the valley, a);d Hood upon its border wait-
ing lor the Spaniards. Sandoval forded it intrepidly with his army,
attacked the enemy, put them to flight, and chaced them for nine
miles into a city, where they took refuge, leaving more than a thou-
fand of them dead on the field. Sandoval laid fiege to the city, and
forced the enemy to abandon it, and betake themfelves to a fortrefs
built on the top of a fteep mountain. The viftorious army entered the
city, and, after having plundered it, fet fire to the buildings ; and be-
caufe it was then late in the day, and the troops wearied, they referved
the allault of the fortrefs till the following morning, when, however,,
although expeding to meet with a ftrong oppofition, they found
the fortrefs evacuated. Sandoval determined, as he returned, to pafs
through fome fettlements whicli had alfo declared themfelves hoftile to
the allies of the Spaniards ; but he had no occafion to make ufe of
arms againft them, for they were fo intimidated at feeing fo great an
army, which was much augmented by numerous troops of the Oto-
mies, that they immediately furrendered. Sandoval treated them with
the greateft mildnefs, and requeued of them that they would perfuade
the nation of the Malatzincas to enter into friendlhip with the Spa-
niards, by reprefenting to them the advantages which they would,
derive from it ; and, on the contrary, the misfortunes which might
fpring from their enmity to them. Thofe expeditions proved of the
utmoil: importance, for four days after Sandoval had returned, feveral
Matlatzincan, Malinalchefe, and Cohuixcan lords, arrived at the camp
of Cortes, to make an excufe for their hoftilitics, and to eflablifli a
confederacy, which was moft flrengthening to the Spaniards, and
eminently prejudicial to the Mexicans.
From the fide of the main land, or continent, the Spaniards had no
more enemies to alarm them, and Cortes had under his diredtion fuch an
exceffive number of troops, that he was able to have employed in the
fiege of Mexico more people than Xerxes fent againft Greece, if from
the nature of the lite of that capital, fuch a multitude of befiegers
would not have been rather a hindrance. The Mexicans, on the con-
trary, found themfelves forfaken by their friends and their fubjedts,
furrounded
HISTORT OF MEXICO.
i8i
furrounded by enemies, and opprefled by famine. That unfortunate BOOK X,
capital had armed againft it, the Spaniards, the kingdom of Acolhua-
can, the republics of Tlafcala, liuexotzinco, and Cholula, almofl all
the cities of the Mexican vale, and the populous nations of the To-
tonacas, Mixtecas, Otomies, Tlahuicas, Cohuixcas, Matlatzincas, and
others ; fo that, befides external enemies, more than half of the em-
pire had confpired againft its ruin, and the other part flood neuter in
its caufe.
While the commander Sandoval vva? difplaying his courage againfl
e M.I
again ft
Sect.
theM.t! 'zincas, the general Chichimecatl gave a fignal inilance of his Memorable
the Mexicans. This famous general, when he faw that tlie ^''^"'" °U^.*
° general Chi-
Spaniards, after their defeat, ftood upon the defeniive only, refolved to chimecatl.
make an entry into Mexico with his Tlafcalans alone. Hefet out with
this view from the camp of Alvarado, where he had conftantly been,
ftationed fmce the beginning of the liege, accompanying the Spaniards
in all their engagements, and every "where fignalizing his bravery..
He took on this occafion all the ditches in the road of Tlacopan, and
leaving four hundred archers as a guard to the moft dangerous pafs,
that they might fecure his retreat, entered with the main body of his
troops into the city, where he bada terrible encounter with the Mexicans,
in which many were killed and wounded on both fides. The Mexicans
flattered themfelves they would have been able to have defeated them
in their retreat, as they pafied the ditch ; but by the arms of the arch-
ers pofted there on the oppofite bank, he pafTed it fafcly with his
Tlafcalans, and returned full of glory to the cam.p.
In order to revenge this audacious attempt of the Tlafcalans, the
Mexicans one night attacked the camp of Alvarado ; but having been
heard in their approach by the centinels, the Spaniards and allies ran
to arms. The engagement lafted three hours, during which time
Cortes having heard from his camp the cannonade, and fufpeding the
caufe of it, it appeared to him to be a proper time to make an entry
into the city with his people, who were now cured of their wounds.
The Mexicans, who had gone to Tlacopan, not being able to over-
com.e the refiftance made by the Spaniards, returned to :hc city, where
they found Cortes with hio army : they f ught with fpirit, but with-
out any conliderable advantage bung gaiiicd by either party.
At
l82
• VP
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
BOOK X. At tKIs fame time, when there was the greatefl neceflity of arms and
ammunition, a vefTel arrived at Vera Cruz, and which brought new^
fupplies to the Spaniards, by which they were put in a fiate fit to con-
tinue their operations. The prince D. C. Ixtlilxochitl had advifed the
Spanifli general not to exhaufl: himfelf in new aflaults, in which his
army might fufFer too much ; that without expofing himfelf to fuch
an evil, or ruining the beautiful edifices of the capital, he would be
able to make himfclf mafter of it, merely by hindering the introduftion
of any fupplies i for the more numerous the befieged were, the fooner
they would confume the few provifions they had left. Cortes was not
inattentive to the acutenefs of this advice, and valued it the more, as
it came from a perfon, who from youth and intrepidity of temper,
might rather have defired an occafion of difplaying his bravery : but he
could only adhere to it for a few days. Becoming foon weary of the tedi-
oufnefsof thefiege, he re-commenced former hoftilities, though not with-
out firft making propofitions of peace to the Mexicans, drawing a com-
parifoa to them between his and their forces, and repeating the rea-
fons which he had formerly urged. The Mexicans anfwered, that
they would never lay down their arms until the Spaniards fet oft to
their own country. ,
Cortes now feeing the refolution of the Mexicans, after forty-five
^. days of liege, and that the more he made overtures of peace the more
niadeinMex- obfliuately they rejeded them, determined not to make another flep
bravery o/ ^"*° ^^^ ^^^Y* without dcflroying every building on either fide of the
fonje women, road, not only to prevent the mifchief which the troops fuffered from
the terraces, but likewife to force the befieged, by conflant hoflilities,
to accept of his propofitions. He applied, therefore, and obtained from
his allies, fome thoufands of their villagers and pcafants, furnlflied
with inflruments fit for demolifhing buildings and filling up ditches.
For fome days following he made leverai entries into the city, with
his Spaniards and brigantines, and upwards of a hundred and fifty
thoufand allies, demolifliing every houfe, filling up all the ditches,
and diminifliing the number of his enemies by death, although not
without the utmofl peril to his own perfon and his people ; for he was
nearly made a prifoner, when he was relieved by his own foldiers, and
his troops were fometimes obliged to efcape the fury of the enemy
by
Sect.
XXIX.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O, 183
by flight. Some Spaniards and allies perished in thofo encounters, and BOOK. X.
two brigantines were almoft captured by a fleet of canoes j but a third
coming up to their afìiftance, extricated them from the danger.
In thole entries leverai Spanifh womea made themfelves famous by
their bravery (^) : they voluntarily accompanied their hufbands to war,
and, from the continual hardOiips they underwent and the examples of
valour which they had always before their eyes, were in a manner be-
come foldiers : they kept guard, marched along with their huftxinds,
armed with breaft-plates of cotton, fliields,- and fwords, and threw
thtmfelves intrepidly into the midft of the enemy, adding in fpite of
their fex to the number of the befiegers.
On the twenty-fourth of July they made a new entry into the city
with a greater number of troops than on the preceding days ; and,
vigoroufly bent on conqueft, the Spaniards at lafl: got poflefiion of that
road by which the large road of Iztapalapan communicated with that
of Tlacopan ; the objedt which Cortes had fo ardently longed to ac-
complilli, for the free communication of his with the camp of Alva-
rado. They took by aflault and afterwards filled up feveral ditches,
and burned and deftroyed many buildings ; among others, a palace of
king Quauhtemolzin, which was a vail: and ftrong edifice furrounded
with intrenchments. The Spaniards that day remained mafters of three
of the four quarters of the capital, the befieged being now reduced to
the part of Tlatelolco, which, on account of there being more water in
it, was more ftrong and fecure.
From a Mexican woman of rank, taken in the laft aflault, the Spa-
rirti general learned the miferable fiate of the city, through the fcarcity
of provifions and the difcord prevailing among the befieged : for the
king, and his relations, and many of the nobles, were determined to
die rather than furrender ; while the people were difcouraged and weary
of the fiege. Her account was confirmed by two deferters of inferior
rank, who were impelled by hunger to come to the camp of Cortes.
Upon gaining this intelligence, Cortes refolved not to let a day pafs
without entering the city, until he took or ruined it ; he therefore re-
turned with his army on the twenty-fifth, and got poflclfion of a large
(y) Thofe «omen were Maria dc Ellrada, whofe courage we have formerly mentioned,
Beatrice Bcnoudcz de Valafco, Juanna Martin, Elizabcta Rodtrigucz, aud Beatrice PaUcios.
road,
184 H I ST O R Y OF MEXICO.
BOOK x: road, ia which there was fo gfe:^t a^ditch that the -whole day was not
time lufficicnt to ilop or fill it up. They demoliflied or burned all the
lioufes of that quarter, in fpite of the refiilance of the enemy. The
Mexicans, on beholding the allies bufied in rafing the houfes, cried
put to them;, .".Demoliih, ye traitors ! lay thofe houfes . in ruin, foj:
*' afterwards you ;will have the labour of repairing them." " We,-"
anfwered the allies, *' will unquellionably rebuild them, if you fhoul4
"be conquerors; but if you fliould be conquered, yourfelves mufl re-
^' build tliem, and your enemies inhabit them." The Mexicans being
«nable toj-epair the buildings, made little fortifications of wood on the
roads to annoy the befieged from them as they had done from the terraces f
and to impede the motions of the Cavalry, they ftrowed tlie fquare
with large ftones ; but the befiegers made ufe of them to fill up the
ditches.
In the entry which was made on the twenty-fixth, two large ditches
were taken, which had been recently dug by the Mexicans. Alvarado
in his quarter was daily advancing firther into the city, and on the
twenty-feventh puflied fo far, taking leverai ditches and intrenchments,
that he came at laft to occupy two towers neighbouring to the palace
where king Quauhtemotzin refided ; but he could' proceed no fiirther
on account of the great difficulty he found from other ditches, and the
gallant reliftance of the enemy, who obliged him to retreat, charging
furioufly upon his rear-guard. Cortes having obferved an extraordinary
fmoke which arofe from thofe towers, made by way of fignal, and fuf-
pedling that which had adlually happened, entered as ufual into the city,
and employed the whole day in repairing every bad ftep. He wanted
but one canal and one intrenchment to come at the fquare of the mar-
ket; he determined to pufh on until he got there, which at laft he ef-
fedled ; and then, for the firft time after the commencement of the fiege,
his troops met with thofe of Alvarado, to the inexpreflible latisfadlion
of both. Cortes entered with fome cavalry into the fquare, and found
innumerable people there, lodged in the porticos, the houfes of that
diftrift not being fufficient to contain them. He mounted the temple,
from whence he obferved the city, and perceived, that of the eight
parts of which it confifted, only one remained to be taken. He ordered
his people to fet fire to the lofty and beautiful towers of that temple,
8 where.
Mexicans.-
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O. 185
where, as in the greater temple of Tcnochtitlan, the Idol of the god of BOOK X.
war was adored. The Mexican populace, on feeing the great flame
which arofs from tlience and feemed to reach the clouds, uttered deep
lamentations. Cortes, moved with pity at feeing fo great a body of
people reduced to the utmolt diftrelTes, commanded all holHlities to ceafe
for that day, and new propofals to be made to the befieged, if they
would furrender ; but they anfwered, that they never would, and that
while but one Mexican remained alive he would continue the defence
till death.
Four days having; palled without hoftilities, Cortes entered anew '^^ct-Xxx.
J o r ' Lamentable
into the city, and encountered with a large croud of miferable creatures, ftate ot the
of men, women, and young children, emaciated and almoft dying of
hunger; the famine being fo great, that many of them lived folely
upon herbs, marfli roots, infedts, and even the bark of trees. The ge-
neral, compaffionating fuch wretches, ordered his troops not to do thevn
any hurt, and pafled on to the fquare of the market, where he found
the porticos filled with people who were unarmed ; a certain token of
the defpondcncy of the people and their difpleafure at the obllinacy
of the king and the nobles. The greater part of that day was em-
ployed in negpciations for peace ; but Cortes finding that nothing
would avail, ordered Alvarado to advance with an armed body through
a great road where there were more than a thoufand houfes, while he
with all his army made an attack in another quarter. The llaughter
which they made of the befieged that day was fo great, that there were
upwards of twelve thoufand killed and taken prifoners. The allies
raged fo cruelly againft thefe unhappy vidims, that they fpared neither
age nor lex, the fevere orders of the general being of no effect to con-
trol them.
The next day Cortes returned with all his forces, but commanded
them to do no hurt to the befieged, moved not lei's by the compafiion
whicli the fight of their mifery excited than the hope lie had of in-
ducing them to furrender. The Mexicans feeing fuch a hoft of ene-
mies come againft them, and among them their own fubjedls who had
formerly ferved them and now threatened them with ruin, finding
themfclves reduced to the moll dillrefilng fituation, and viewing before
their eyes fo many objeds of afflidion, having hardly a place to fet a
Vol. II. Db foot
iSó H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
BOO K X, foot upon, except the dead bodies of their citizens, vented their anguifh
^ "•" -^ in horrid cries, and demanded death as the only cure for their pitch'
of mifery. Some of the common people requefted Cortes to treat with
fome nobles who defended an intrenchment about an accommoda-
tion : Cortes went to them, but with little hopes of fuccefs to his pro-
pofnions t they happened to be fome of thofe perfons who could no-
longer endure the feverity of the liege. When they faw Cortes advancing
towards them, they called out with the accents of defperation, " If you
" are the child of the fan, as fome do imagine, when your father is S>
*' fwift that in the fliort fpace of a day he finifhes his airy courfe, why
" are you fo tedious in delivering us from all our calamities by death ?
" We would die, that we may pafs to heaven, where our god Huitzilo-
" pochtli waits to give us the repofe and reward ourfatigaes andfervices
" and facrihces to him have earned." Cortes made ufe of varioas
aro-uments to move them to a furrendcr ; but, as they anfwered that it
was not ir» their power, nor had they any hop*i of perfuading the king
to it, he withdrew, in order to make a folicitation to the fame purpofe-
by means of an illuflrious perfon whom he had three days before made
a prifoner ; he was an uncle of the king of Tezcuco ; him he charged,
though wounded, to go to Tlatelolco to confer on the fubjeift with the
king : but he faw no other fruits of his embaffy than the clamours of
the people repeated, with which they demanded their deaths.. Some.
Mexican troops made a- defperate aflault on the Spaniards, but they
were fo enfeebled by the want of common fuftenance, that their effort»,
made little imprellion,. and the repulfe of their enemies was too Urong
to be with flood'.
Sect.XXXI. Cortes returned tiie day following to the city, expecting every mo-
Furtherfnm- ,yjgpj. ji-j^j; the Mexicans would furrender : and, without allowing any
lels attempt CO _ .
brinrr the fii^irt to be done them-, he diredled his way to fome prrfoas of emi-
a ruarender? nence ftatioued in an intrenchment, who were krrown to hi.ii from the
firft time he had been' at that court, and demanded of them why they
would defend thcmieves fo-obftinately, being unable for inore reiiftaace,
and finding themklves in luch a fiate that with oae blo.v h^coulJ take
away every life among them-. They anfwered, that they faw mofc clear-
ly that their ruin' was iniìvit.'lle, and they would willingly have pre-
vented it, but it did not lie with them to determiiie the point. They
o^cred
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 187
oftered however to petition the king to hllen to propolitions of peace, book X.
They accordingly went inin-iediately to the palace, and in a Ihort time ^ ^
alter returned, faying that it was fo late in the day, the king could not
come, but that they did not doubt he would meet with Cortes in the
fame place to-morrow. There was in the center of this place a large
fquare terrace, where the Mexicans made their theatrical reprefcnta-
tions, as we have already mentioned." Cortes ordered tapeftries and
little ftools or chairs to be placed on this theatre, on piirpofe to hold
t!ie delired conference, and a good entertainment to be provided for
the king and the nobility who might accompany him. The day being
arrived, he fent notice to the king that he waited for him at that
place ; but the king returned five refpcdtable perfons, to apologife for
his not coming in perfon, on account of an indilpofition he had, and
becaufe he could not place confidence in the Spaniards. Cortes received
them with the greateft bsnignity, gave them an elegant banquet, and
fent them back to the king, to requeft him in Cortes's name to come
to that interview without fear ; as he pledged his faith to pay due rc-
fpeót to his royal perfon, that his prefence was abfolutely neceflary,
and nothing could be concluded without him ; and accompanied this
cmbaflv with a prefent of provifions, which at this juntìure was the
more valuable. The ambafladors, after difcovering in the courfe of
the entertainment the great necefilties they fufFercd, retired, and about
two hours after returned, bearing Cortes a pjel'cnt of the fmcil gar-
ments, which were fent him by the king, and a repetition of his former
cxculcs. Three days were fpent in thofe ncg x'iations, to no eft'cdt.
Cortes had given orders to the allies to remain wifhout the city, as Sict.
the Mexicans had requefted him not to allow tb.em to be prefent when Teinbie ton-
he held a conference with the king ; but liavine now left ever\' hope of «' f> a"J '">•'-
° '-' . •'. ' , lut ih.f.i'liicr
an accommodation, he recalled all the troops of his cjmp, in which ot theMcxi-
there were upwards of one hundredi and fifty thoufand men, and thofc
aUo of the camp of Alvarado ; and with all thoic forces colleded he
began to ftorm fome ditches and intrenchments, v.hich were the
ilrongeft fortifications remaining to the Mexicans, and at the fame
time Sandoval with his army attacked the city in the quarter of the
nofth. Of all days this was the moll unfortunate for that tity, as
pn it the Mexican blood was moft laviih.ly jpilt ; the wretched citi^
inoii.,1 ^ b 2 . z*^"«»
cans.
i88 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
BOOK X. zens having now neither arms to repel the muhitude and fury of their
^"^ ^ ~^ enemies, flrength to defend theinfelves, nor fpace to fight upon ; the
ground of the city was covered with dead bodies, and the water of
every ditch and canal purpled with blood. Nothing was to be feen
but flaughter and ruin, and nothing was heard but piteous moans and
cries of defperation. The allies grew ftill more cruel againft that
miferable people, and gave the Spaniards more trouble to check their
fiercenefs and inhuman rage, than to combat with the enemy. The
havoc made of the Mexicans that day was fo great, that, according to the
account of Cortes himfelf, the number of vió1:ims exceeded forty thoufand.
ÌSect. The intolerable flench arifine from fo many unburied dead carcafes.
Lad anhiiit' obliged the befiegers at this time to withdraw from the city : but the
andtakin;- of j^y after, being; the thirteenth of i.^u2;un:, they returned, to siive thelafl
tlie city and J ' t> to > ./ » t>
king; alTault to that diftrid of Tlatelolco which yet remained in the pofTef-
fion of the Mexicans. Cortes carried three pieces of artillery with him,
affigned to each captain the place where he was to make the aflault,
and commanded them to make every exertion to force the befieged to
throw themfelves upon the water towards towards that place where he
expedted Sandoval with the brigantines, which was a fort of harbour en-
tirely furrounded with houfes, where the veflels of the merchants ufed
to come on fhore when they came to the market of Tlatelolco ; and,
above all, to endeavour to feize the king Quauhtemotzin, as that was
fufficient to render them maflers of tlie city, and to put an end to the
war: but, before he proceeded to this decillve blow, he made new
attempts to bring about an accommodation. He was induced to this,
not only from compaflion on fo many wretched people, but likewife
from the defirc of making himfelf mafter of the royal treafures and thofe
of the nobility ; for if this laft part of the city was taken by aiTault,
the Mexicans, when bereft of every hope of faving their riches, might
throw them into the lake, that the victors might not enjoy them ; and
in cafe that was not done, they would be feized by the allies, who,
from being innumerable and more acquainted with the houfes, would
leave little or nothing to the Spaniards in the diforder and confufion of
the affault. He, for this purpofe, went to an eminence to fpeak with
fome refpeftable Mexicans who were well known to him, reprefented
to them their extreme danger, and requefted them to make new appli-
cations
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 189
cations to the king, to confent to that conference v/lijch he Co much BOOK
defired for the good of the kingdom, himfelf, und all his fubjefls ; for
that, if he perfifted in his purpofe of defending hiinfiJf, he was dcterinin-
ed not to leave a Mexican alive that day among th^m. Two of thofe
nobles took upon them to perfuade the king, but ihey were no fooner
gone tlian they returned, accompanying the Clhiiacoatl, or fupreme
magiftrate of the court. He was received by Cortes with m ;ny tokens
of cordi;.lity and refped:; but, with an air of fovereignty, by which it
appeared he defigned to fliew his mind fuperior to all calamities, he laid
to Cortes, " Spare me, O general ! the trouble of foliciting a confer-
" enee for you vvith my king and lord Quauhtemotzin : he is refolved
" to die rather than appear before you : I cannot exprefs to you how
" painful his refolutioa is tome; but there is no remedy : you, how-
** ever, will follow the counfel you think proper, and adt agreeable
" to your defigns." Cortes told him to go and prepare the citizens
for the death which they would foon fuffer.
In the mean time, numerous bodies of women and children and low
people came to furrender themfelves to the Spaniards, haftening to
extricate themfelves from the impending danger ; fome of them, how-
ever, periflied, in attempting to fwim acrofs the ditches, for want of
{Irength. Cortes ordered no injury to be offered to thofe who furrender-
ed, and ftationed fome Spaniards in different places, to check by their
authority the barbarous cruelty of the allies ; but in fpite of his orders,
more than fifteen thoufand men, women, and children, periflied in the
hands of thofe furious and inhuman troops.
The nobles and warriors who remained obflinate in their refolution
to defend themfelves to the laft moment, occupied the terraces of the
houfes and fome of their paved roads. Cortes obferving that it was
late, and that they did not chufe to furrender, made fome fhots of ar-
tillery be fired upon them ; but that not being fufficient, he difcharged
an arquebufe as a fignal for the affault. All the befiegers made the
attack at once, and preffed fo hard upon the feeble and harraffed citi-
zens, that finding no place within the city to fly to, to defend them-
felves from the fury of fo numerous an enemy, many threw themfelves
into the water, and others came to furrender themfelves to the con-
querors. The Mexicans had prepared vcffels, to fave themfelves by
flight
HISTORYOF MEXICO.
flight from the fury of the enemy ; but Cortes having been aware of
this refource for efcape, had given orders to S .ndoval to take po^relTioh
with the brigaiitines of the port of Tlatelolco, and to feize every bark.
In fpite of the utmofh dihgence employed by SandovJ, inM^y ekapcd,
and among others, the one which carried the royal pcrfonagco. This
aófive commander hiving difcovered it, ordered Garcia de Ilolguin, the
captain of the fwifteft brigantine, to give chace ; he m ide fuch fpeeJ that
in a ihort time he came up with it, and the Spaniards were preparing
to fire into it, when they ceafed their oars and threw down t leir arms
in token of furrender. In that large vefTel^'or piragua, were the king
of Mexico Quauhtemotzin, the queen Tecuichpotzin his wife, Coana-
cotzin the king of Acolhuacan, Tetlepanquetzaltzin the king of Tla-
copan, and other perfons of rank. The brigantine boarded them, and
the king of Mexico advancing towards the Spaniards, faid to' the cap-
tain, " I am your prifoner : I have no favour to afk, but that you will
'* fliew the queen my wife and her attendants the refpcdl due to their
" fex and rank." And, taking hold of the queen by the hand, he
paffed with her into the brigantine. Obferving afterv\'ards, that the
Spanilh captain looked anxioully after the other veflels, he told him
that he needed not doubt, that as foon as they all knew that their
fovereign was prifoner they would come to die with him.
The captain Holguin condudlcd thofe illuftrious perfons to Cortes,
who was then upon the terrace of a houfe in Tlatelolco. He received
them with every mark of refpeft and humanity, and made them fit
down. Quauhtemotzin, with much greatnefs of mind, told him ^
(** 1 have done, brave general ! in defence of myfelf and my fubjeéls,
:**lEvery thing which the honour ol- my crown and regard for my peo-
*' pie demanded ; but, as my gods have been againll me, I fee myfelf
'* jiow deprived of my crown and my liberty : I am now your prifoner ;
** at ^your pleafure difpofe of my perfon :" and putting his hand upon
a dagger which Cortes wore at his girdle, he added, " with this dag-
*• ger take that life from me which I have not lolT: in the defence of
" my kingdom." Cortes ftrove to confole him, with many arguments,
declaring that he did not confider him as his prifoner, but the prifoner
of the greateft monarch of Europe, from whofe clemency he ought to
trull, that-, not only the liberty which he had loll, bi'it alfo the throne
;'i';_j'a of
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 191
.of his llluftrious anceftors, which he had fo worthily occupied and B- O
defended, would be rertored to him. But what folace could he have
from fuch declarations, or what confidence could he put in the words
cf Cortes, who h.id always been his ene.iiy, and aitcr having feen that
though the friend and protestor of Montezuma, both were not fuffici-
cnt to fave to that monarch his crown, his liberty, or his life ? He
dtfired of Cortes, that he would do no hurt to his fubjeds ; and Cor-
tes in return defired of him, that he would command them all to fur-
render. Both gave their orders, and both were inftantly obeyed. It
was ordered alfo, that all the Mexicans fhould leave the city without
arms or baggage ; and, according t®- the affirmation of an eye-witnefs
of the utmoft fmcerity (;), for three days and three nights all the three
roads leading from the city were feen full of men, wDmen, and chil-,
dren j feeble, emaciated, and dirty, who went to recover in other places
of thè empire. The fetid fmell, which fo many thoufand putrid bodies
emitted, was fa intolerable, that it occafioned fome ficknefs to the
general of the conquerors. The houfes, the flreets, and the canals,
were £ui\ of disfigured carcafes ; the ground of the city was in fome
places found' dug up by the citizens, who fearched under the earth for
roots to feed on, and many trees were fliipped' of their bark, to fupply
the exigencies of famine.. Tiie general caufed the dead bodies to be
buried, and large quantities of wood, to be burned through all the
city, as much in order to purify the infe(£ted air as to celebrate his
vidory. '
The news or tRe taking of the capital fpread quickly through all
the bnd ; moll of the provinces of the empire acknowleged obedience
to Cortes, though fome few for two years after continued to war upoa.
(r) '» Es Tcrdad y juro amen que toda la laguna y cafas y baibacoas eftaban llenas dc
cucrpos y cabczas lie homlT.'s muerfos ; que yo no sò.de que maiieja lo efcriba ; pues en
las calle» y en Ics mlfmos patios de Tlatelolco no habia ctras colas y no podiamos andar, fino,
crtre ciicrp 's y cabcrz:is di- Indios'muertos. Yo iie Icido la dcftnicion de [crufalem ; mas fi
cfi dia hu o tinta mortanlad corno i-fta ya no lo sì-, ""&>.■. B^ rn:il Diaz, chap. icb. ot hi»
hiOory. Such 'xprciTions, froi i an cyc-witnefs of great linceriiv, who was not given to fxaff.'
geratl'iD, convey -i» us a jull idea cf hat horrid flau^hter. 'v\ c fuipeifl that the- Mcvicans Icff
thc dead bodies inhuricd, that tlic ftench of them might drive away the belicgcrs ; as otherwife
it is prcbabl. that, on account of their llriCt attention to funeral litcb, they would hava re-
Qovcd thcjn all.
the
kfz H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
•?00K X. the Spaniards. The alUes returned to their native dillrióìrs, joyful be-
yond mesiiure with their prey, and gratified in extreme to have fliaken
and convuUed that court whofe dominion they never could brook, and
whole arms kept them in perpetual uneaiinefs ; never perceiving, that
with their own hands they had been forming the cliains wiiich were
to fetter their liberty, and that when that empire was flillen, all the
other nations of the region niuft be degraded and enflaved.
The plunder was greatly inferior to the hopes and expeilations of
the conquerors. The garments and apparel which they found in the
capital were divided among the allies : thofe works of gold, filver, and
feathers which, on account of the fingularity of their workmanfhip
were preferved entire, were fent as prefents to the emperor Ciiarles V.
all the reft of the gold, which was melted, hardly amounted to nine-
teen thoufand two hundred ounces {s) ; not only becaufe the Mexicans
threw the greater part into the lake (/), but alfo becaufe individuals
both Spaniards and allies, endeavoured in plundering, to recompenfe
themfelves fecretly for their hardfliips and toils.
The taking of that capital happened on the thirteenth of Auguft,
1 52 1, one hundred and ninety-fix years after the foundation of it by
the Aztecas, one hundred and fixty-nine years after it was eredted into'
a monarchy, which was governed by eleven kings. The fiege of
Mexico, fomething refembling in the difafters and flaughters with
which it was attended that of Jerufalem, lafted feventy-five days ;
during which time, of two hundred thoufand and more allies, fome
thoufands periflied ; and of nine hundred Spaniards, more than one
hundred were killed and facrificed. The number of the Mexicans
killed is not known ; but according to the account of Cortes and Ber-
nal Diaz, and what other hiftorians fay on that fubje(5t, it appears that
(;) Corti»s fays, that the gold which was meked down weighed one hundred and thirty
thoufand cafillanos, equal to nineteen thoufand two hundred ounces. There were among the
fpoils fent to Charles V. pearls of an enormous fize, mofl valuable gems, and fome curious
works of gold. The fiiip in which they were carried was taken by I. Florin, a famous French
pirate, and the treafure was fent to the court of France ; which authorifed fuch depredations,
under the not lefg famed than frivolous pretence, that the moil Chriftian king was a fon of
Adam as well as the Catholic king.
(/) Bernal Diaz fays, that he faw fome thisgs of gold got up out of the lake, and amongft
others, a fun fimiiar to that which Montezuma feut to Cortes when he was on the coail of
Chalchiuhcuecan.
8 the
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
the flain exxeeded one hundred thoufand in number, \^'ith rerpe(fl to
tliofe who died by famine, or ficknefs occafioned by the brackilli water
which they drank and the infeótion of the air, Cortes himfelf atfirms
they were more than fifty thoufand. The city appeared one complete
ruin. The king of Mexico, in fpite of the magnificent promifes of
the Spanidi general, was in a few days put ignominioufly to the torture,
which he bore with unlhaken firmnels, that he might declare where
the immenfe riches of the court and temples were depolited («) ; and,
in three years after, was hanged, together with the kings of Tczcuco
and Tlacopan, on account of fome fufpicious circumftances in their
condudt (to). The Mexicans, and all the nations that contributed to
their ruin, notwithftanding the humane and benevolent difpofitions
of the Catholic kings, reinained abandoned to mifery and opprelfion,
and the contempt not only of the Spaniards, but even of the lowed
African flaves and their infamous defcendantG.
Thus, it has been faid, in conducing the Spaniards, a polifhcd
nation of Europe, to overturn the rude monarchy of the Mexicans, in
America, did Providence punifii the latter for the injuflice, cruelty, and
fuperftition of their anceftors. But there the vivStors, in one year of
mercilefs malTacre, facrificed more human viiflims tp avarice and am-
bition, than the Indians during the exirtence of their empire devoted
(») The torture given to king Quauhtemotzin, was burning his feet flowly after they vrcr»
anointrd with oil. An intimate friend of the king votuntarily fliarcd his fuffcrings, and died
under the torment. Bernal Diaz alfo adds, that the king of Thicopan was tortincd along with
him. Cortes, in fpite of his abhorrence oi this aci, was driven to it by the fiiggciiions and
infinuations of fomc avaricious Spaniards, who fufpecied that he had intended not to put the
king to the torture in order to poflcfs hinilclf fecrctly of all the royal trtafure.
(•.!•) Quauhtemotzin king of Mexico, Co.inacotzin king of Acolhuacan, and Tetlcpanquet-
zaltzii) king of 1 lacopan, were hanged upon a tree in Izancanac, the capital of the province
of ^callan, on one of the three days preceding Lent of the year 1525. 1 he occafion of their
death was, fomc difcourfe tliey had among thtmfclves relative to their misfortunes, in which
they ir.linuated how eafy it would be for them if ihey inclined to kill Cortes and the Spaniards
and to recover their liberty and their crowns. A Mexican traitor, in order to gain the favour
of the Spanifli general, c imniunicatcd what had been faid, b.it altered the fenfe of the words,
and rcprefentcd the cafual remarks of converf ition as a formed confpiracy againft him. Cortes,
who was then on his journey towards the province of Coniajahua, with a few Spani.ud- almoft
exhauftcd by fatigue, and upw.ads of th'ce thoufand Mexicans whom he carried along with
him, was pcrfuaded there was no way of fliunning the danger which thrc.itcned him, but putlin'^
the three kings ro death, " This li'ntcncc, ' fays Bernal Diaz, " was extremely uiijull, and
*• much blamed by all who v.rrc travelling v.iih him that day." It occalioned fomc wafchin"-8
and melancholy to Cones.
Vol. II. C c in
H I S T O Pv y OF MEXICO.
in chafte worfliip to their native gods : there the legiflative art of Eu-
rope correóled the bloody pohcy of American tribes, and introduced
the minillry of jiilHce, by defpoihng Indian caziques of their territories
and tributes, torturing them for gold, and enilaving their polfcrity :
and there the mild parental voice of the Chrillian religion was fuborn-
ed to terrify confounded fwages with the malice of a ftrange, and by
them unprovoked, God ; and her gentle arm in violence lifted up, to
raze their temples and hofpitable habitations, to ruin every fond relic
and revered monument of their anceftry and origin, and divorce them
in an:!;uilh from the botom ot their country.
A P P E N-
APPENDIX:
CONTAINING
DISSERTATIONS
O N
THE I,AND, THE ANIMALS, AND THE INHABITANTS OF
MEXICO:
IN WHICH
The Ancient History of that Country is confirmed, many Points of
Natural History ilkiflrared, and numerous Errors retutcd, which
have been publifhcd concerning America by ibmc celebrated modern
Authors.
C c 2 INTRO-
[ ^v ]
INTRODUCTION.
TH E DifTertations which we enter upon are both ufeful and nc-
cedary, to illuflrate the ancient hiftory of Mexico, and confirm
the truth of many points maintained in it. The firft Diirertation is
requifite, to fupply the defective knowledge we have refpedling the
fiifl population of that new woild. The fccond, though tedious and
kfs calculated to interefl, ought not to be omitted, in order that we
may know the foundations of our chronology ; and will prove ufeful
to whoever may hereafter write the hiftory of M.xico. All the others
are equally important, to guard incautious readers from the miftakes
and deceptions they would otherwife be led into, by the crowd of
modern authors, who, without pofTeffing fufficient knowledge, have
not been aihamcd to write on the land, the animals, and inhabitants
of America.
Any perfon who reads the work of M. de P. mud entertain a thou-
fanJ ideas contraiy to the fincerity of our hiftory. He is a philofo-
pher of the prefent fafhion, and learned ; particularly on certain fub-
je<fi:s, where it is his misfortune to be wife ; and ignorance \^'ould have
been his blifs. He mingles infult and buffconry in his difcourfes ;
enters without refpedt into the houfe of God, and fheds malevolence
and invedlive from his pen without reverence for truth or feelings for
innocence. He decides railily, and in a magifterial tone -, incelfantly
cites the writers of America, and declares his work to be the fruit of
ten years toil. This he means (hould recommend him with many
readers of this philofophic age, who efteem nothing but philofophy,
and think thofe men philofophers only who latirize religion and talk in
the language of impiety.
The attempt made by M. de P. is to perfuade the world, that in the
vaft region of America all nature has degenerated ; in the plants, in the
animals, and in the inhabitants. The er.rth, incumbered with lofty
mountains and rocks, and in the plains deluged witli ftagnant a;:d cor-
8 • rupted
98 H I S T O R Y OF M E X I C O.
rupted waters, or covered witli woods fo vafb and {o thick, that the
fun's rays never penetrate them, is, he fays, generally barren, and more
abounding in poifonous plants than all the reft of the world : the air
unwholefome, and more cold than that of the other continent : the
climate unfavourable to the propagation of animals : all the animals
native to thefe countries were fmallcr, more deformed, feeble, cow-
ardly, and flupid, than thofe of the ancient world ; and thofe which
were tranfported there foon degenerated, as well as all the plants tranf-
planted there from Europe : the men hardly differed from the beafts,
except in figure ; but even in this, many marks of degeneration ap-
pear ; their colour olive, their heads extremely hard and armed with
coarfe thick locks, and the whole of the reft of their bodies totally
deftitute of hair : they are brutal and weakly, and fubjecft to many vio-
lent diforders, occafioned by the infaliibrity of their climate ; but how-
ever their bodies may be foimed, their minds are ftill more imperfeifl ;
they are fo irretentive in memory, that tliey forget to-day what they
did yefterday ; they can neither refleft nor order their ideas, nor are
capable of iniproving them, nor of thinking, becaufe their brains cir-
culate only grofs vifcous humours ; they are infenfible to the defires
of love, or any other palTion ; their floth holds them funk in a favage
ftate J their cowardice was made manifeft at the conqueft ^ their moral
vices are correfpondent to their phyfical defefts ; drunkennefs, lying,
End pederafty, were comn^on in the iflands, in Mexico, Peru, and over
all the new continent ; they lived without laws ; the few arts they
knew were very rude; agriculture was totally neglefted by them,
their architedure pitiful, and their utenfils ftill more imperfeft :
in the whole new world were only two cities, Cuzco in North, and
Mexico in South America, and even thefe conftituted but miferable
hamlets, &c.
This is a flight fketch of the monftrous picture which M. de P.
draws of America : we do not give it at length, nor fay how other au-
thors, as ill informed or ftrongly prejudiced as he is, have reprefentedit :
it would wafte too much time to copy their abfurdities and errors •
neither do we intend to mi.ke the apology of America or the Ameri-
cans ; that would require a very voluminous work : to write an error,
two lines are futiicient ; two pages, or two flieets Uiay not be fufficient
to
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
to refute it : wc fhall, tlierefore, reply to thofe only which afFcft the
truth of our hiftory : we have chofen the work of M. dc P. becaule
in it the errors of moft others are coIle(ftcd.
Although M. de P. is the principal author to whom we dired: our
animadverfions, we (lull have occafion to remark upon others, and,
among thofe, on Count de Buffon. We have the utmoft efteem
for this celebrated author, and confider him the moO: diligent, the
mcft accurate, and moft eloquent naturalift of the age ; perhaps there
never was in the world one who made fuch progrefs in the knowledge
of animals as he has done ; but as the fubjedt of the work he has un-
dertaken is fo vaft and fo various, it is not wonderful that he has
fometime s erred, or forgot what he has written with refpeft to America,
where nature is fo inexhauftible ; the miftakes, therefore, or proofs we
may adduce of his errors, can have no influence on the reputation of
one fodefervedly refpedted by the learned world.
In the quotations of the Kiftory of Quadrupeds of count de Buffon,
we made ufe of the Paris edition, in thirty-one volumes, twelves, con-
cluded in the year 1 768. In thofe of the work of M. de P. we have
ufed the London edition of } 771, in three volumes, including the
anfwcr made him by Don Pernety, and reply of M. de Paw.
199
DIS-
DISSERT.
I.
( 200 )
DISSERTATION I.
On the Population of America, and in particular that of
Mexico.
NO problem in hiliory has been more difficult of folution than the
population of America, or has occafioned a greater diverfity of
opinions. Ancient philofophers were not more divided concerning
the fuprcme good than the moderns about this. To examine them all
would be a fruitlels labour. Neither do we intend to eftabliih a new
fyftem, having no foundation to fupport one : we mean fimply to
oiter and fubmit to the judgment of the learned a few conjeftures,
which we prefume may not be ufelefs. In order to proceed with
clcarnels and precihon, we fhall divide our general fubjedt into feveral ,
parts, and explain our fentiments on each feparately.
SECT. I.
At -what Teriod America began to be peopled.
BETANCOURT, and other authors, are perfuaded, that the new
world began to be peopled before the deluge. That certainly might
have happened, becaufe the fpace of one thoufand fix hundred and fifty-
fix years elapfed from the creation of the firft man until the deluge,
according to the chronology of the Hebrew text of Genefis, and our
common reckoning; and flill more, the fpace of two thoufand two
hundred and forty-two, or two thoufand two hundred and fixty-two
years, according to the computation of the Seventy, was certainly
enough to people oil the world, as has been already demonftrated by
fome writers ; at leafl after ten or twelve centuries, fome of thofe
families which fcattered themfelves towards the mofi: eaftern parts of
Afia, might pafs to that part of the world which we call at prefent
America, whither it was, a8 we believe, united to the other, or fepa-
rated
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 201
rated by a finali arm of the fea from it. But how do thofe authors DISSERT-
prove that America was peopled before the deluge? Becaufc they fay
there were giants in America, and the race of giants was antideluvian.
Becaufe God, others will fay, did not create the earth to remain unin-
habited ; and it is not probable that, after creating America for that
purpofe, he would leave it fo long without inhabitants. Admitting
the facred text to be taken in the vulgar fcnfe, and that the giants
were men of extraordinary fize and bignefs, this would by no means
confirm fuch opinion, becaufe we read in the facred writings alfo
of giants pofterior to the deluge. Neither does the text of Ifaiah
prove any thing in favour of that opinion, becaufe although God
created the earth to be inhabited, no one can divine the time prefixed
by him for the execution of his defigns.
The traveller Gemelli fays, on the evidence of fome ancient pidures
of the Mexicans, that the city of Mexico was founded in the year
II Calli, correfponding to the year 1325 of the creation of the world,
that is, more than three hundred years before the deluge ; but this
erroneous abfurdity was not an error of his mind, but a flip of his pen,
as' plainly appears from the context of his narration ; wherefore he is
unjuftly reprobated by Mr. de P. who alfo accufes Siguenza of the
fame error, whereas we are very certain this mofi: learned Mexican was
of a very difl^erent opinion. It is true, that the city of Mexico was
founded in the year II Calli, and that that was the year 1325, not of
the world, however, but . of the vulgar era, which the above men-
tioned traveller certainly meant to have written.
It is therefore ufelefs to inveftigate whether America was peopled
before the deluge, becaufe on one hand although we were able to dif-
cover it, on the other we are certain, that all men perifhed in the
deluge. We are therefore obliged always, after that general inundation,
to feek for new peoplers of America. We know that fome writers cir-
cumfcribe the deluge to a certain part of Afia; but we know alfo that
that opinion is contrary to the Sacred Writings, to the traditions of the
Americans, and phyfical obfervations.
Dr. Siguenza believed the population of America began not lon^
after the difperfion of nations. As we have not the manufcripts of
that celebrated Mexican, we are ignorant on what foundation he rerted
Vol. II. Dd his'
2 IO II I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, his opinion, which was very conformable to the tradition of the Chla-
panefe. Other autliors, on the contrary, beUeve that population very
modern, bccaufe the writers of the hiftory of the Mexicans and Peru-
vians did not find among thofe nations any memory of their particular
events farther back than eight centuries. But thofe authors con-
found the population of Mexico made by the Chichimecas and the
Aztecas, with that which their anceftors had made many ages before
in the northern countries of America, nor diflinguifli the Mexicans
from other nations who occupied that country before them. Who
can afcertain when theOtomies, Olmecas, Cuitlatecas, and Michuacanefe
entered into the country of Anahuac ? It is not fuprifing that fome
writers of Mexico could not find any memorials more ancient than
eight centuries ; Cmce, befides the lofs of tlie greater part of the hiftorical
monuments of thofe nations, as they did not know how to adjufl:
the Mexican years with ours, they frequently committed grofs ana-
cronifms; but they who had procured greater abundance of the ancient
and feledl paintings, and knew a little better how to trace the chrono-
logy of thofe people, fuch as Seguenza and Ixtlilxochitl, found records
certainly more ancient, and ufed them in their valuable manufcripts.
We do not doubt tliat the population of America has been very
ancient, and more fo than it may feem to have been to European au-
thors. I . Becaufe the Americans wanted thofe arts and inventions, fuch,
for example, as thofe of wax and oil for light, which, on the one hand,
being very ancient in Europe and Afia, are on the other mofl: ufeful, not to
fay necefiary, and when once difcovered, are never forgotten. 2. Becaufe
the polidied nations of the new world, and particularly thofe of Mexico,
preferve in their traditions and in their paintings the memory of the
creation of the world, the building of the tower of Babel, the confu-
fion of languages, and the difperfion of the people, though blended
with fome fables, arud had no knowledge of the events which hap-
pened afterwards in Afia, in Africa, or in Europe, although many of
them were fo great and remarkable, that they could not eafily have
gone from their memories, 3. Becaufe neither was there among the
Aniericans any knowledge of the people of the old continent, nor
among the latter any account of the palTagc of the former to the ncv
world. Thefe reafons, we prefume, give fome probability to our
opinion.
SECT.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
zri
SECT.
II.
DISSERT.
I.
Who ivere the Feopkrs of America.
THOSE who queftion the authcrity of the facred writings fay the
Americans derive not their origin from Adam and Noah, and beheve,
or feign to beUeve, that as Gpd created Adam that he might be the
father of the Afiatics, alfo made before or after him other men, that
they might be the patriarchs of the Africans, Europeans, and Ameri-
cans. This does not arraign the authority of the facred writings, fays
ajnodern author [a), becaufe although Mofcs makes mention of no
other firfl patriarcli than Adam, it was owing to his having undertaken
to write the hidory of no other people than the Ifraelitcs. But tiiis is
contrary to the tradition of the Americans, who in their paintings and
in their hymns called themfelves the defcendants of thofe men who
efcaped from the general deluge. The Toltecas, Mexicans, Tlafca-
lans, and all the other nations were agreed on this point. They all
fiid that their anceftors came from clfewiiere into thofe countries ;
they, pointed out the road they had come, and even preferved the
names, true or falfe, of thofe their firll progenitors, who, after the
eonfuilon of languages, feparated from the reft of men.
F. Nunez de la Vega, bifliop of Chiapn, fiys, in the preface to his
Synodal Cofijli tut ions, that in the vifit whicli he made to his diocefc
towards the end of the laft century, he found many ancient calendars
of the Chiapanefe, and an old manufcript in the language of that
country, made by the Indians themfelves, in which it was laid, ac-
cording to their ancient tradition, that a certain perfon n^^mtàVotan (^l>),
was prefent at that great building, which was made by order of his
uncle, in order to mount up to heaven; that then every people was
given its language, and that Votan himfelf was charged by God to
iruike the divilion of the lands of Anahuac. The prelate adds after-
wards, that tlicrc was in his time in Teopixca a great fettlcir.ent of
{a) Tlie niitlior of a mifcniMc little performance, entitled, Le P/jilc/oflr Dc-~reur, printed
at Brrlin, in the year 1775.
(b) Votan is the chief of thofe twenty famous men who<e names were given to the twenty
d^iys of the Ciiiapar.cfc month.
D d 2 that
204 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT. ti;jat diocefe, a family of the fumarne of Votan, who were the reputed
delcendants of that ancient populator. We are not here endeavour-
ing to give antiquity to the populator of America on the fiith of the
Chiapanefc, but merely to fliew that the Americans conceived thein-
felveij the defcenuents of Noah.
Of the ancient Indians of Cuba feveral hiftorians of America relate,
that when they were interrogated by the Spaniards concerning their
origin, they anlwered, they liad heard froin their anceflors that God cre-
ated the heavens, the earth, and all things ; that an old man, having
forefeen the deluge with which God defigned to chaflife the fins of
men, built a large canoe, and embarked in it with his family, and many
animals ; thi.t when the inundation ceafed, he fent out a raven, which,
becaufe it found carrion to feed on, never returned to the canoe ; that
he then fent out a pigeon, which foon returned, bearing a branch of
Hoba, a certain fruit of America, in its mouth ; that when the old
man faw the earth was dry, he difembarked, and having made himfelf
fome wine of the wood-grape, he became intoxicated and fell afleep ;
that then one of his fons made ridicule of his nakednefs, and that another
fon pioufly covered him ; that, upon awaking, he blelled the latter, and
curfed the former. Laltly, that they drew their origin from the
curfed fon, and therefore went almoft naked j that the Spaniards, as
they were well clothed, defcended perhaps from the other.
The Mexicans ufed to call Noah Coxcox, and I'eocipaBli ; and the
Michuacanefe, Te%pi. They ufed to fay, " That there was once a
great deluge, and that Tezpi, in order to fave himfelf from being
drowned, embarked in a fhip formed like an ark, with his wife, hia
children, and many different animals, and feveral feeds of fruits; and
that as the v/.^tcr abated, he fent out that bird which bears the name
of aura, which remained eating dead bodies, and then fent out otiicr
birds, who did not return either, except that little bird (the flovver-
fucker) which was much prized by them on account of the variety of
the colours of its feathers, that brought a fmall branch with it ; and
from this family they all believed they drew their origin. If therefore
we refer to the facred writings, or the traditions of thofe Americans,
we muft fcek for the peoplers of America among the defcendanis of
Noah.
But
H I S T O R Y O F M E X r e O. 205
But who were they ? Which of the fbns of Noah was the root of LIS ERT.
the American nations ? D. Siguenzn, and the very ingeaious Mexican
Siller J. Agnes de la Cruz, believed or conjcdlored, tlut the Mexi-
cans, and other nations of Arahuac, were the defcendants of Naph-
tuhim, fon of Mczraim, ard nephew of Cham. Boturini was of opi-
nion, that they duicended not only from Naphtuhim, but likewifc from
h:s other five brothers. The learned Spaniard Arias Montano was
perfuaded that the Americans, and particularly the Peruvians, be-
longed to the pofterity of Ophir, fourth fon of Shem. The reafons
of this author arc fo weak that they do not merit niention. Of thofe
of Siguenza we (hall fpeak prefently.
The other authors, who have not been willing to carry their inqui-
ries fo far into antiquity, have fouglit for the origin of the Americans
in different countries of the world. Their opinions are fo numerous
and different, it is not eafy to recite them. Some think they find the
anceftors of the Americans in Afia, others trace them in Africa, and
others from Europe. Among thofe who imagine they have found
them in Europe, fomehave fuppofed their anceflors the Grecians, others
the Romans, others the Spaniards, others the Irilh, others the Cour-
l2nders,and fome the Ruffians. Among thofe v/ho report them originally
from Africa, fome make them the defcendants of the Eg)'ptians, fome
of the Carthaginians, and fome of the Numidians. But there is no
where greater variety of fentiment than among thofe who believe the
population of America due to Afia. The Ifraelites, the Canaanites,
the AfTyrians, the Phoenicians, the Perfians, the Tartars, the Eaft
Indians, the Chinefe, the Japaiiefe, all have their advocates among the
hiflorians and philofophers of the two lart centuries. Some, however,
not content to look for the populators in tlie known countries of
the world, draw the famous ille Atlantida out of the waters of the ocean,
to fend colonies from it to America. But this is not extraordinary ;
iince there are authors who, in order to do wrong to no people, believe
the Americans tlie defcendants of all the nations of the world.
So great a variety and extravagance of opinion is owing to a perfuafion,
that to make one nation be believed to have fprung from another,
no inore is neccfliiry than to find fome affinity in the words of their lan-
guages, and fome fiinilarity in their rites, culloms, and manners. Such
R arc
2Q4 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
,DIS9ERT. are the foundations of tiie above mentioned opinions, collrded and
illultrated with a great Ihew of erudition, by the Dominican Garcia,
and thofe learned Spaniards who reprinted his work with additions :
which thofe who pleafe may confult, as we have no time to refute
tlicm. r
iVVe cannot, however, dilpenfe with the mention of the opinions of
D. Siguenza, adopted alfo by the fimous bifhop F. P. Daniel Huet,
as it appears to us to be the beli: founded. Siguenza was perfuaded,
that the nations which peopled the Mexican empire belonged to the
poflerity of Naphtuhim, and that their ance(]:ors, having left Egypt not
long after the confufion of tongues, travelled to wards, America. The.
reafons on which he grounds this opinion ace mentioned only in the
Bibliotheca Mexicaiia. As we are deprived of his excellent manu-
fcripts, we can only cite them, as Eguiara did, in the Bibliotheca.
above mentioned. ■ .
Thofe reafons, from what appears, are firft, the confQrmity of thofe Ame-
rican nations with the Egyptians in the conilruftion of pyramidal edi-
fices, and the ufe of hieroglyphics in the method of computing time, in
their drefs, and in fome of their cuftoms ; and, lallly, the refemblance of
the word Teotloi the Mexicans to the Theuth of the Egyptians, which
occalioned bilhop Huet to adopt the fame fentiment v/ith Siguenza.
If this opinion is propofed as a conjeiilure, we fliall not contradidt it ;
but if it is offered as a truth on \vhich we are to depend, the proofs
do not appear fufhcient.
Siguenza conceived that the children of Naphtuhim fet out from
Egypt towards America not long after the confufion of tongues j it
would therefore be necelfary to make the comparifbn of the cuf-
toms of the Americans with thole of the firfl Egyptians, not of their
defcendants who dwelt in Egypt many years after, and Irom whom the
Americans are not believed to be defcended. But who can imagine
that the Egyptians, immediately after the difperfion off the people, be-
gan to build pyramids, and make ufe of hieroglyphics, and that from»,
thenceforvv'ard they ordered and arranged their years and months in
tlxe form they had afterwards ? All thofe things were certainly po-
fterior to that epoch, nor was it necelliiry to have kin the pyr.utiids of
Egypt to make the Americans think of building fuch kind yf edifices;
_ for '
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 207
for the mountains alone were futficient to fuggefl them : whoever defire'- DISSERT,
to build an edifice to imniortahze his name, will eafily think of making ^^^ ^'
it in the form of a pyramid; becaufe no other fort of building can be
raifed to the fame height with fo little expence and trouble, as tiie
higher it rifes the tewer materials in proportion are required. Befides,
. tlie Mexican edifices were entirely different from thofe of Egypt. The
latter were truly pyramidal, the former not; they were compofed of
three, four, or five fquareor oblong bodies, of which the higher was lefs
in amplitude than the lower; thofe of the Egyptians were in general
hollow, thofe of the Mexicans folid ;. thefe ferved for the bafes of their
fanftuaries, thofe for the fepulchres of their kings. The temples of
the Mexicans and other nations of Anahuac, were of a fpecies fo fiji-
gular, that we do not know they were ever ufed by any other peo-
ple of the world : on which account they ought to be confidered as
•an original invention of the Toltecas or fome other people more ancient
than them.
In the mode of computing time, the Mexicans were much more
fimilar to the Egyptians j that is, of the latter Egyptians, not of the
former, of whofe method ws know nothing. The Egyptian folaryear
was compofed of tjiree hundred and fixty-five days, like that of the
Mexicans : the one and the other contained three hundred and fixty-five
days in their months, and as the Egyptians added five days to their laft
month Mejbri, fo did the Mexicans to their month Izcalli, in which
particular they agreed with the Perfians j but in other refpedls, there
was a great difierence between thenxj the Egyptian year confifled of
twelve n;onths and thefe of thirty days, the Mexican year confided of
eigi>teen months and thefe of twenty days {c). The Egyptians, like
many other nations of the old continent, counted by weeks; the
Mexicans by periods of five days in their civil and thirteen days in their
religious year.
Tiie iMexicans, like the Egyptians, employed hieroglyphics ; but
how many other nations have done the fame to conceal the myfterics
of their religions ; and if the Mexicans learned hieroglyphics from the
Egyptians, ,vhy had they not alfo the ufe of letters from them ? Be-
(f) We fpeak of the religious year of the Mexicans, for of their civil or aftronomlcal year
wc have no account,
caufe
^(,S H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, caufe letters, it may be faid, were invented after their fcparation ; but
;_ I' ^ how is it known that before they feparated they had made the inven-
tion of hieroglyphics ?
The drefs of the firft Egj'ptians may have probably been the fame as
that of the other fons and nephews of Noah; at leaft we have no rea-
fon to think otherwife. Refpe£ting the political cuftoms of thofe firfl
men we know nothing. The moft ancient Egyptians, of whom we have
anv certain marks, were thofe who lived in the times of the patriarch
Jofeph. If we mean to make a comparifon of their ufages mentioned
in the facred books with thofe of the Mexicans, inftead of any fimi-
larity, we fhall find the ftrongeft difference between them. Laftly, we
do not pretend to demonftrate the opinion of Siguenza to be falfe, but
only to Ihew that it is not a truth upon which we can fafely rely.
The extravagant M. de P. fays, that the Mexicans derive their origin
from the fouthern Apalachites ; but he neither does nor can oiFer any
reafon to make fuch a fuppofition probable j and, although it were
true, the difficulty would remain ftill unrefolved with regard to the
origin of the Apalachites themfelves. It is true, that author finds
little difficulty, as he fometimes gives us to underftand that he is not
unfavourable to the romantic fyftem of La Peyrere.
With refpeél to the opinion we have ventured to form ourfelves,
we (liall explain it in the following conclufions.
I. The Americans defcended from different nations, or from different
fimilies, difperfed after tlip confufion of tongues. No perfon will
doubt of the truth of this, who has any knowledge of the multitude
and great diverfitv of the American languages. In Mexico we have
already found thirty-five: in South America there are ffill more
known. In the beginning of the lafl: century the Portuguefe counted
fifty in Maragnon. It is true, that there is a great affinity between
fome of thofe languages, which fhews that they are fprung from
the lame parent, namely, the Eudeve, Opata, and Tanahumara, in
North America, and the Mocobi, Toba^ and Abipona in South
America ; but there are many others alfo, as different from each
other as the Illyrian from the Hebrew. We can fafely affirm, that
there are no living or dead languages which can differ more among
each other than the languages of the Mexicans, Otomies, Tarafcas,
Mayas,
H I $ T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 209
Mayas, and Miztecas, five languages prevailing in different pro- dissert.
vinces of Mexico. It would therefore be abfurd to fay, that Ian- . _^'
guages fo different were different dialeóls of one original. How is it
poffible a nation fhould alter its primitive language to fuch a degree,
or multiply its dialedls fo varioufly, that there fliould not be, even
after many centuries, if not fome words common to all, at leaff an
affinity between them, or fome traces left of their origin ?
Who can ever believe what we read in the hiffory of Acofca ? That
the Aztecas, or Mexicans, having arrived after their long peregrination
in the kingdom of Michuacan, were allured by the agreeablenefs of the
country, and became defirous of eftablifliing themfelves in it ; but as
the whole nation could not fettle there, their god Huitzilopochtli con-
fen ted that fome of them might ftay, and fuggefted to the others,
when thofe who were to remain went to bathe in the lake of
Pazcuaro, to fteal their cloaths from them and purfue their journey ;
that thofe who bathed finding themfelves robbed of their garments
and fooled by their companions, were fo provoked, that they not only
refolved to remain there, but to adopt a new language j and that thence
arofe the Tarafca language. The account adopted by Gomara, aiid
other hiflorians, is ftill more incredible : that, of an old man called
Iztac Mixcoatl and his wife Itancueitl were born fix children, each with
a different language, called Xol/jua, Tenoch, Ohnecatl, Xicallancatly
Mixtecatl, and Otomitl, who were the founders of as many nations,
which peopled the country of Anahuac. This allegory by which the
Mexicans fignified that all thofe nations drew their origin from one
common flock, was made a fable of by the above mentioned authors,
from ignorance of its meaning.
II. The Americans do not derive their origin from any people now
cxifting in the ancient world, or at lead there is no grounds to affirm
it. This inference is founded on the fame argument with the pre-
ceding, fincé if the Americans defcended of any of thofe people, it
would be poffible to trace their origin by fome marks in their lan-
guages in fpite of the antiquity of their feparation : but any fuch traces
have not been difcovered hitherto, although many authors have fearched
with the utmofl attention, as appears from the work of tiie Dominican
Garcia. We have Icifurely compared the Mexican and other Americaii
Vol. II. E e languages"
210 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT, l.'.nguages witia many others which are now living, and with thofe
which are dead, but have not been able to difcover the leaft affinity
between any of them. The refemblance between the 'Teotl of the
Mexicans and the Theos of the Greeks, has induced us fometimes to
couipare thofe two languages, but we have never found any agreement
between them. This argument is ftrong in refpeót to the Americans,
as tliey iliew great firmnefs and conflancy in retaining their languages.
The Mexicans preferve their language among the Spaniards, and the
Otomies retain their difficult dialeót among Spaniards and Mexicans,
after two centuries and a half of communication with both.
If the Americans defcended from different families difperfed after
the confufion of tongues, as we believe, and have been feparated lìnee
then from thole others who peopled the countries of the old continent,
authors will labour in vain, to feek in the language or cufloms of the
Afiatics for the origin of the people of the new world.
SECT. III.
From what part and how the inhabitants ajid animals paffed to
America.
THIS is the fecond and moft difficult point in the problem of the
population of America, on which, as on others, authors are va-
rious in opinion. Some of them attribute the population of the
new world to certain Phoenician merchants, who, in traverfing
the ocean, landed there by accident. Others imagine that the fame
people, whom they fuppofe to have paffed from the old continent t8
the ifle Atlantida, from thence got eafily to Florida, and from that
great country gradually fcattered themfelves over America. Others
believe that they paffed there from Alia, by the Straits of Anian; and
others, that they were tranfported there from the northern regions of
Europe, over fome arm of the frozen fea.
Feijoo, a Spanifh Benedidtine, thought a few years ago to propofe
to the world a new fyffcem ; and what is this new fyftem ? That
America was united in the north to the old continent, by which both
mea
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 211
nien and animals paiTed there. But this opinion is as ancient as Acofla, DISSLKT.
who, one hundred and forty-four years before Feijoo, puhHlhed it iu t ',.._>
his Hi flory of America: befidcs, it is not fufficient to fulve all the
diiliculties refpefting the paflage of animals, as we Hiall fee hereafter.
The count de Buffon, notwithftanding his great genius and pointed
accuracy, contradi(5ts himfclf openly in this point. He fuppofes the
two continents united by oriental Tartary, and affirms that by it the
firfl inhabitants palled to America, and alfo all thofe animals which
have been found common to both continents ; fuch as I'uffabs,
called in Mexico cibolos, wolves, foxes, martins, deer, and other qua-
drupeds, which agree with cold climes j but that there could not be in
America neithe lions, tygers, camels, elephants, nor any of thofe eighteen
fpecies of apes which are found in the old continent ; and, in fliort, no
quadruped peculiar to hot climes could be common to both con-
tinents, bccaufe they were not able to refift the cold of northern coun-
tries, by which they muft pafs from one to the other world. This he
repeats incelTantly through all his natural hiftory, and on this account
he denies antelopes, goats, and rabbits to America. He thinks thofe
quadrupeds American only which live in the hot countries of the
new world, among which he numbers thirteen or fourteen fpecies of
American apes, divided by him into the two claffes oi Scpayus ■\x\iX
Sagomi ; of thofe, he adds, there were none in the old continent, as
there were none of the eighteen fpecies of the old continent in the
new world. What then was the origin of thofe and other quadrupeds
really American ? This doubt, which occurs frequently in the natural
hiftory of that great philofopher, remains undecided until the laft
volume but one of the hiftory of quadrupeds, in which he fays (a'),
♦' As it cannot be doubted that all animals in general were created in
** the old continent, we muft admit them to have pafled from it to the
" new; and muft fuppofc alfo, that thofe animals, the deer, wild-
** goat, "^wàìHouffettcs, inftead of having degenerated like others in the
V new world, have on the contrary ariived at perfedHon there, and from
*' the fuitablenefs of the clime excelled their own nature. There havin^^
* O
" been fo many animals found in the new world, which have no likc-
(./) inn. N;u. torn, x^ix, Difcouifc on the Defeneration of Animals.
R e 2 «' nefs
212 HISTORYOFMEXICO,
DISSERT. « nefs to any of the old world, fliews fufficiently clear, that the
^ " origin of thofe animals which are proper to the new world ought
" not to be afcribed to fimple degeneration. However great and pow-
" erful we may fuppofe its effedts, we cannot realonably be perfuaded
" that thefe animals have been originally the fame as thofe of the old
" continent j and unqueftionably it is more confiftent with reafon to
*' believe, that the two continents were formerly contiguous and
" united, and that thofe fpecies which retired into the regions of the
** new world, becaufe they found its climate and produftions more
" agreeable to their nature, were there fliut up and feparated from the
''others, by the irruptions of- the fea which divided Africa from
" America ((")," &c. &c. From this difcourfe of count de Buffon we
conclude, i . That there is no animal properly American j becaufe all
of them went from the old continent, where they were created. 2.
That the argument founded on the nature of the animals repugnant
to cold, is of no weight to fliew that the animals could not pafs to
the old continent ; becaufe thofe animals which could not pafs by the
northern countries from their nature, could pafs by that part where
, America and Africa were formerly united, as that author believes. 3.
That by the way in which the Sapayus and Sagoini paffed to the new
world, in like manner could elephants, camels, lions, tygers, ecc.
Omitting many other opinions unworthy of mention, we fhall fub-
init our own i not with a view to eftablilh any new fyflem, but to
offer materials for other abler pens, and to llluilrate fome points of
our hiftory.
I. The men and animals of America pafled there from the old con-
tinent. This IS confirmed by the facred writings. Mofes, who de-
clares Noah the comn^on ftock cf all men after the deluge, fays ex-
prefsly, that in that general inundation of the earth all its quadrupeds,
[e) We rcqueft our readers to compare what the count dc Buffon Hiys concerning the an-
cient union Oi Af'iica and America, uith tliat which he writes in the eighteenth volume, «here
helpcaVs cf the iion. " The American lion," he fays, " cannot be defcended from the lion
of the old continent, becaufe the latter only inhabits between the tropics ; and nature hav-
ing, it appears, fliut up all the paflages by the north, it could not pafs from the fouthcriv
parts ot Alia and Africa into America, as thefe two continents are feparated by immenfe feas ;
«xn which account we otight to infer, that the American lion is an animal proper and peculiai'
to the new world."
birds.
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 213
birds, and reptiles, perilhed, except a few individuals which were dissert
faved in the ark, to generate their I'pecies. The repeated expreffions !•
which the lacred hiftorian ufes to fignify its univerfaUty, do not permit
as to doubt, that all quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, which are in the
world, delbended from thofe few individuals which were faved from
the general inundation.
II. The firft peoplcrs of America might pafs there in vefTcls by fea,
or travel by land, or by ice. 1. They might either pafs there in
veflels defignedly, if the arm of the fea which feparated the one conti-
nent from the other was fmall j or be accidentally carried upon it by
winds. There is not a doubt that the firfl peoplcrs of the new world
might arrive there in the fame manner in which, many centuries after,
the pilot or mariner did to whom, in the opinion of many authors,
Columbus owed the firft hints which incited him to his glorious
and memorable difcovery (/"). 2. They might pafs there by land
on the fuppofition of the union of the two continents. 3. They might
alfo make that paffage over the ice of fome frozen arm of the fea.
No perfon is ignorant how vaft and durable the frozen parts of the
northern feas are : it would not therefore be wonderful, that a ftrait of
the fea between the two continents lliould have been frozen for fome
months, and that men had paffed over it, either in fearch of new coun-
tries or in purfuit of wild beafts. We are, however, only mention-
ing what could have happened, not what pofitively did happen.
III. The anceftors of the nations which peopled the country of
Anahuac, of which alone we are treating, might pal's from the nor-
thern countries of Europe into the northern parts of America, or rather
from the mofl: eaftern parts of Afia to the moft wefterly part of Ame-
rica. This conclufion is founded on the conftant and general tradition
of thole nations, which unanimoully fiy that their anceftors came into
Au.-hu.ic liom the countries of the north and north- welt. Tliis tra-
dition is confirmed by the remains of many ancient edifices built by
thoic p;;ople in their migrations, which we have already mentioned,
(/) Some authors affimi, that the mariner who gave intelligence to Columbus of the new
countries in tl e c/, was a native of Andaluli;i : fome fay he was of I'ifcay, and others that
he wa a l'ortu-rucre ; others de y the i,\(\ entiv I ■. ! lowcver the cafe was, it is certain that
hii'ory rccoril,, I'lany inftauces ol vellcls ha. 1:13 been driven by '.vinds ai;d carried many de-
grees out of their touifc,
8 cni
I.
214 H I S T O R Y O F M E XI C O.
DISSERT, and the coiniiiou belief of the people in the north. Befides, from
Torquemada and Betancourt we have a clear proof of it. In a journey
made by the Spaniards, in the year 1606, from New Mexico unto the
river which they call T^hzon, fix hundred miles from that province, to-
wards the north-wefl, they found there fome large edifices and met with,
feme Indians who fpoke the Mexican language, from whom they were
told, that a few days journey from that river towards the north was
the kingdom of ToUan, and many other peopled places, from whence
came thofe who peopled the Mexican empire ; and that by the fame
peoplers thefe and other like buildings had been erected. In faft, the
whole people of Anahuac have ufually affirmed, that towards the north-
wefl; and the north, there were the kingdoms and provinces of Tollan,
Teocolhuacan, Amaquemecan, Aztlan, Tehuajo, and Copalla, names
v/hich are all Mexican, and the difcovcry of which, if the population
of the Spaniards fliould fpread into thofe parts, will throw great light
on the ancient hiftory of Mexico. Boturini foys, that in tlie ancient
paintings of the Toltecas, was reprefented the migration of their ancef-
tors through Afia and the northern countries of America, until they
cilaUiflied themfelves in the country of Tollan, and even endeavours
to afcertain in his General Hifliory the route they purfued in their tra- -
vel ; but as he had not opportunity to compofe the hiflory which he
defigned, we can fay no more of this matter.
Thofe countries in which the ancellors of thofe nations eftablinied
themfeh'es, being lituated towards that part where the moft weflerly
coaft of America approaches to the mofl eafterly part of Afia, it is
probable that by that part they palled from the one to the other con-
tinent; either in veflels, if the ilrait of the fea then divided them
which is there at prefent, according to the diicoveries of the Ruffians,
or by land, if the continents were united, as we Ihall prefently find.
The traces which thofe nations left of themlelves from time to
time, lead us to that very Itrait which is undoubtedly the lame which
was difcovered by the navigators of the fixteenth century, and called
by them the Straits ofAniaìi {£) .
(g) In the charts of America publifticd in the Lift century, the flrait of Ani;in was iifually
ilcfcribcd, though with much Jift'ercnce in the reprclcntation of it. For fome years paft it
iva been omiited, from an opinion that the account of it was fabulous ; but fince the difcove-
rics of the Ruffians fome geographers have begun again to give it a plate.
With
HISTORYOF MEXICO. 215
With refpe6t to the other nations of America, as there is no tra- dissert.
dition among them concerning the way by which their anceftors came
to the new world, we can f,\y nothing of them. It is poiiible, that
they all pafTed by the lame:;way in which the anceftors of the Mexi-
cans pafled ; and yet perhaps they may have paded by foaie other very
different route. We coi>jcd:ure, that the anceftors of the nations which
peopled South America went there by the way in wh'ch the annnals
proper to hot countries paffed, and that the anceftors of thofe nations
inhabiting all the countries which lie between Florida and the moft
northern part of Ajiierica,, palled t-here from the north of Europe.
The difference of charadter which is dilcoverable in the three above
mentioned clafles of Americans, and the fituation of the countries
which they occupied, make us fufpe(5l that they had different origins,
and that their anceftors came there by different routes ; but ftill this
is a mere fufpicion and conjedlure.
Some authors affign another part for the paffage of the firft peoplers,
which is the iiland Atlantida ;. the exiftence of which, contradidled by
Acofta, was maintained by Siguenza, by what appears from the ac-
count of Gemelli, and lately fupported with great fliew of erudition by
the celebrated author of tlie American Letters. If there were not fo
many fables mixed with the account of that, ifland which Plato gives
in Timeus,. the authority, of fo grave a philofopher might induce us to
alient to his opinion. We Ihall, therefore, omit this conteft, and
come to the moft difficult point of our problem.
IV. The quadrupeds and reptiles of the new world paffed there by
land. This fadt will be made moft manifeft, by demonftrating the
improbability and inconfiftcncy of other opinions. 1 he great dodlor.
of the church Auguftin, was of opinion, that the wild beafts and.
deftrudlive animals which are in the illands might have been tranfported
there by the angels. But this folution, although it cuts off every,
difficulty in the paffage of wild beafts to the new world, would jiOt be
acceptable in the century in which we live.
The fame dodtor fuggefts three other folutions to the difficulty : the
wild beafts, he liiys, mi^ht pafs by fwimming to the ifles ; they might
be tranfported there by men for the ùke of hunting ;,and they might,
alfo have, been formed there by nature as they were in the bcginnning,.
But
2IÓ H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. But none of tliefe folutions are fufficient to remove the difficulties
which are in the way of the paflage of the wild beads to the new
world; for as to the firft, it is certain that whatever ftrait there was
between the two continents, it is quite ridiculous to think that animals
which are not deftined to go into the water or accuftomed to fwim-
ming, would attempt fuch a pafTage : it is true, that fome might have
paffed by fvvimming, as the bears go from Corfica to France ; but who
would believe this of fo many American apes, that are totally unfitted
for fwimming ; or the Perico ligero, or floth, which is fo flow and dif-
ficult to move ? Befides, what could induce fo many wild animals to
abandon the land and encounter the dangers of the fea?
It is not lefs incredible, that thofe animals were tranfported there by
men in fliips, efpecially if we fuppofe their arrival on the coafts of Ame-
rica to have been accidental and fortuitous. If fuch voyage was under-
taken from defign, they might have carried fome fquirrels and curious
apes with them for amufement, fome rabbits, hares, and techichis, that,
after multiplying, they might ferve for food, and fome deer, martins, and
even tygers, for their iTcins to clothe them; but to what purpofe carry
wolves, foxes, American lions, &c. which, inftead of being of any ufe,
might prove deftrudive to them ? For the chace ? But might they
not have enjoyed this recreation without any injury from animals lefs
ferocious ? And if, laftly, we fuppofe thofe firft peoplers fo foolifla as
to carry fuch pernicious animals to new countries to hunt them, we
cannot ftill think them to have been fo mad as to take alfo fo many
fpecies of ferpents, for the pleafure of killing them afterwards.
With refpeft to the third folution, that God had created the animals
in America, as he had created them in Afia, that would unqueftionably
cut off every difiiculty, were it not contradiótory to facred hiftory.
There remains another folution of the paffage of beafts, which is the
fame that we mentioned in treating of men. It may be imagined that
beafts might pafs over fome frozen ftrait of the fea ; but can any perfon
perfuade himfelf, that feveral fpecies of voracious animals ftiould tranf-
port themfelves to thofe regions deftitute of every thing which could
ferve for their food ; and that others, whofe natures were repugnant to
cold, fliould dare to venture, in die rigor of v.'inter, over regions of
ice ?
J».
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 217
As it is not probable t' at the beafts of the new world pafled to it DISSERT,
hy fwimming, or over ice, nor that they were tranfported either by
men, or by angels, nor created afrefli by God, we ought to believe
that the quadrupeds, as well as the reptiles vvhiJi are tbund in A:ne-
rica, pafled to it by land, and of courfe that the two continents were for-
merly united. This is the opinion of Acofta, Grotius, Buffon, and other
great men. We are far from adopting the fyftem of count de Buffon
in its full extent : he cannot perfuade us, however eloquent his philo-
Ibphy and great his learning, that that which is now land has once
been the bed of the fea ;, or, that the old continent has been fabjedl to
a general, inundation, diftindt from that of Noah, and more larting than
it. In the feries of forty centuries and upwards, comprehended in
the hiflory of the lacred writings, there is no chafm or void by which
\;'e could account for this fuppofed inundation. In our third Diller-.
tation we fliall fhew there are no grounds to believe that the new con-
tinent has fuffered any inundation different from that of Noali.
There is not a doubt, however, that our planet has been fubjedl to
great viciiTitudes fince the deluge ; ancient and modern hilWies con-
firm the truth which Ovid has lung in the name of Pythagoras :—
FUi ego quodfuerat quondam fohdijjijna Ullusy.
Ejfe /return ; "oidifaSlas ex cequore terras.
At prefent they plough thofe lands over which fhips formerly failed,
and now they fail over lands which were formerly ploughed : earth-
quakes have fwallowed fome lands, and fubterraneous fires have
thrown up others : the rivers have formed new foil with their mud :
the fea retreating from the fliores, has lengthened the land in fbme
places ; and advancing in others, has diminiflied it : it has feparated
fome territories which were formerly united, and formed new flreights
and gulfs. We have examples of all thefe revolutions in the p.ift cen-
tury. Sicily was united to the continent of Naples, as Eube;i, now
the Black Sea, to Bocotia. Diodorus, Strabo, and other ancient authors,
fay the f.ime thing of Spa'n. and Africa, and atììrm that by a violent
irruption of the ocean upon the land between the mou'-tains Abyla and
Calpe, that communication was broken, and the Mediterranean fea was
Vol. II. F f formedi
ii8 H I S T O R y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, ibrmed. Among die people of Ceylon there is a tradition, that a fimi-
. ' , liir irruption of the fea feparated their ifland from the peninfula of
India. The fame thing is believed by thofe of Malabar, with refpe(ft
to the ifles of Maldivia, and by the Malayans with refpedt to Sumatra.
It is certain, fays the count de Buffon, that in Ceylon the earth has lofi
thirty or forty leagues, which the fea has taken from it j on the con-
trary, Tongres, a place of the Low Countries, has gained thirty leagues
of land from the fea. The northern part of Egypt owes its exigence
to inundations of the Nile (-6). The earth which this river has
brought from the inland countries of Africa, and depofited in its in-
undations, has formed a foil of more than twenty-five cubits of depth.
In like manner, adds the above author, the province of the Yellow
River in China, and that of Louifiana, have only been formed of
the mud of rivers. Pliny, Seneca, Diodorus, and Strabo, report in-
numerable examples of fimilar revolutions, which we omit, that our
Diflertation may not become too prolix; as alfo many modern revo-
lutions, which are related in the theory of the earth of the count de
Buffon, and other authors. In our America, all thofe who have ob-
ierved with philofophic eyes the peninfula of Yucatan, do not doubt
that that country has once been the bed of the fea; and, on the con-
trary, in the channel of Bahama many indications fhew the ifland of
Cuba to have been once united to the continent of Florida. In the
ftreight which feparates America from Afia many iflands are found,
which probably were the mountains belonging to that tracSt of land
which we fuppofe to have been fwallowed up by earthquakes ; which
is made more probable by the multitude of volcanos which we know
of in the peninfula of Kamtfchatka. We imagine, however, that the
finking of that land, and the feparation of the two continents, has been
occafioned by thofe great and extraordinary earthquakes mentioned
in the hiifories of the Americans, which formed an sra almofl as
(/)■) Faro or Farion, an ifland of Egypt, which, according to what Homer mentions in his
Odyfley, was diftant one day and one night's fail from the northern land of Egypt, uas fo
iKar to it in the times of the celebrated Cleopatra, that it was hardly {even furlongs off: for
fo much was the length of the bridge which that queen ordered to be made for the Rhodians,
in order to facilitate the communication between that ifland and the continent. Herodotus,
Ariftotle, Seneca, Pliny, and other ancient authors, make mention of this remarkable augmen-
tation of the territory of Egypt.
memorable
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
219.
I.
memorable as that of the deluge. The hiftories of the Toltecas fix DISSERT,
fuch earthquakes in the year 1 Tecpatl ; but, as we know not to what
century that belonged, we can form no conjedure of the time that
great calamity happened. If a great earthquake Ihould overwhelm the
ifthmus of Suez, and there fhould be at the fame time as great a fear-
city of hiftoiians as there were in the firft ages after the deluge, it would
be doubted in three or four hundred years after, whether Ada had ever
been united by that part to Africa, and many would firmly deny it.
V. The quadrupeds and reptiles of America pafl'ed by different places
from the one continent to the other. Amongft the American beafts,
there are fome whofe natures arejaverfe to cold; fuch as apes, dantes,
crocodiles, ecc. There are others, whofe difpofitions lead them to cold
countries, as martens, rein-deer, and gluttons. The former could not
go to America by the frigid zone, becaufe in that cafe they would be
afling violently againft their genius, and would notfurvive the paffage.
The apes which are in New Spain pafi'ed there certainly by South
America (/). The center of their population is the country under the
equator, and between it and the fourteenth or fifteenth degree of lati-
tude J in proportion to the diflance from the equator their numbers de -
creafe, and beyond the tropics there are none to be found, except in
fome diftrióts which from fome particularity of fituation are as hot as
the equinocflial lands. Who, therefore, can imagine tliat fuch fpecies
©f animals iiiould have travelled to the new world through the rigid
climate of the north ? It may be fiid, that it is not improbable that
they were tranfported by men, as they were valued for their extravagant
refemblance and ridiculous imitations of men. But befides that, the
argument which this forms in regard to apes, may be adduced with
refpeifl to many other quadrupeds which have no value to make them
be coveted, but rather many bad qualities to make them be avoided ; it
is not to be believed, that men would have conduced with them fo
many fpecies of apes as there are in America ; and far lets, fome,
(/) Don Ferdinand d'Alba Ixtlilxochìtl, an Indian well informed in the antiquities of his
nation, fays in hÌ3 Univerfal Hiltory of New Spain, that there were no apes in the country
of Anahuac ; that the tirfl which appeared there came from the quarter of the South, after the
period of the j^reat winds. The Tlafcalans ma' e a lable of this event, and fay, that the world
was deftroyed once by wind, and that the tew men who furvived were transformed into apes.
F t 2 which
220 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, which iniì:eLid of being agreeable, are on the contrary of a brutal afpe*5t
and ferocious difpofition, namely, thofe called zamhos ; and, provided
men had been determined to have taken two individuals at leaft of every
fpecies, they could never arrive either by the feas or the countries of the
north, although their condudlors had endeavoured to defend them from
the cold. They muft, therefore, have tranfported them from the hot
countries of the old continent to the warm countries of the new world,
over a fea fubje<fl to a clime not dilTimilar to that of the native country
of thofe quadrupeds, that is by the countries of the fouth of Afia to
the fouth of America, over the Indian and Pacific Oceans, or from the
weflern countries of Africa to the eaftern countries of America, over
the Atlantic Ocean. If men, therefore, tranfported thofe beafts from
the one to the other world, they did it acrofs thofe feas. But was this
navigation cafual or defigned ? If cafual, how and wherefore did tiiey
conduci fo many animals with them ? If it was defigned, and with a
determined purpofe to pafs from the one to the other world, who gave
them intelligence of it ? Who fliewed them the fituation of thofe
countries ? Who pointed out their courfe ? How did they venture to crofs
fuch vafh feas without the compafs ? In what veffels ? If they landed
there happily, why does there not remain among the Mexicans fome
niem.ory of their conftrudtion ?
Befides, in the torrid zone of the new world crocodiles are common
animals which require a hot or temperate clime, and live alternately
on land or in fweet water; how did fuch animals pafs there ? Not by
the north, certainly ; becaufe their nature is ftrongly averfe to cold-
neither were they tranfported by men, we may fafely fay ; as little can
we think by fwimming two thoufand miles through the fait waters of
the ocean.
There remains no other folution, but that of admitting an ancient
union between the equinodial countries of America and thofe of Africa,
and the continuation of the northern countries of America with thofe
of Europe or Afia; the latter for the paffage of beafls of cold climes,
the former for the paffage of quadrupeds and reptiles peculiar to hot
climes. For the reafons we have already fubmitted, we are perfuaded,
that there was formerly a great trad of land which united the now moft
eaftern
HISTORY OF MEXICO, 221 '
eaflern part of Brazil to the mort: we/lern part of Africa ; and that all DlSSERT.
that fpace of land may have been funk by fome violent earthquakes,
leaving only fome traces of it in the ides of Cape de Verd, Fernando
de Norona, Afcenfion, St. Matthew, and others; and many f^uid-
banks difcovered by different navigators, and in particular by de
Buache, v/ho founded that fea with great care and exaftnefs [k),
Thofe iflands and fand-banks may probably have been the higheft part5
■of that funken continent. In like manner we believe that the moft
weflerly part of America was formerly united by means of a fmaller con-
tinent to the mofl eaflerly part of Tartary, and perhaps America was
united alfo by Greenland with other northern countries of Europe.
Upon the whole, from all we have faid, vve cannot but believe that
the quadrupeds and the reptiles of the new world parted there by land,
and by different parts, to that continent. All other fyrt:ems are fub-
jeót to heavy difficulties ; even this is not without fome, but they arc
not altogether infurmountable. The greatell confifts in tlie apparent
improbability of an earthquake fo great as to fink a fpace of land of
more than one thoufand five hundred miles, which, according to our
fuppofition, was that which united Africa to America, and funk it fo
much as to the depth, obferved in fome of the places of that fea. But
we do not afcribe that flupendous revolution to one fingle fliock, as
there are in the bowels of the earth fuch extenfivemafi"cs of combuftible
matter, the inflammation of one could eafily communicate to others, "
(in the fame mannner as Gafl'endus explains the propagation of light-
ning) and the violent concuffion of the air, contained within thofe
natural mines, could at once fliake, agitate, and overwhelm a fpace of
land of two or three thoull^nd miles. This is not iinpoflible, nor im-
probable, nor is hiflory unfurniflied with examples of it. The earth-
quake which v/as felt in Canada, in the year 1663, overwhelmed a chain
of mountains of freellone more than three hundred miles long, the
whole of that immenfe trac^t remaining changed into a plain. How
great then muft the, convulfion have been' which was occafioned by
(i) M. de Buaclic, in the year 1737, prefcntcd tothe Royal Academy ofSciencca of Pnris the •
hydrographical charts of that fea, made according to his (^bfervatioiji, which were examined' >
and approved of by the Academy. The celebrated author of th.aAmctic0>i Lelters has iuftrtcd
a draft of tHofc charts in the fccond voluiiie of Im work/ ' ' '"
■ciJiii thofe
222 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, thofe extraordinary and memorable earthquakes, mentioned In the hlf-
.^^ '_ ^ tories of America, when the world was thought to have been coming
to an end !
It may be objedled to our fyflcm, that if beafls pafTed by land from
the one continent to the other, it is not eaiy to divine the caufe
why fome fpecies paffed there without leaving a lingle individual in
the old continent ; and, on the contrary, that fome entire fpecies fliould
remain in the old continent, and not a iingle individual of them pafs
to America. Why, for exaniple, did the fourteen fpecies of apes,
which are now in ,AmericaV pafs there, and not the eighteen fpecies
whi(-h count Buìffon enumerates in Afia and Africa, although they arc
all of one clime, and were equally at liberty and freedom to pafs ?
How came the lloths to pafs, which are fo fluggifli, and not the antelopes
which are fo fwift ? If the beafts proceeded from Armenia towards
America, the fpecies deflined for America mufl: neceiTarily have per-
formed a journey of fix thoufand miles, fpreading from Armenia
through Mefopotomia and Syria to Egypt, from thence through the
center of Africa to the fuppofed fpace of land which formerly united
the two continents, and from that, laflly, to Brafil ; and although to
other beafls there appears no difficidty of their having made that pro-
grefs in ten, twenty, or forty years, neverthelefs with refpedl to the
floths, it is not to be comprehended how they could, even in conftant
motion, execute this in lefs than fix centuries. If we give credit to the
count de Buffon, the floths cannot advance more than a perch in an hour
or fix Parifian feet, wherefore, to make a progrefs of fix thoufind miles,
they would require about fix hundred and eighty years and more, if we
believe what Maffei, Herrera, and Pifoii have written, who affirm, that
that miferable quadruped can hardl) go the length of a flonethrow
in fifteen days or a fortnight.
This is what may be objedied to our fyflem, but fome of the above
mentioned arguments are more forcible again ft all the other opinions,
except the one which employs the angels in the tranfportation of
beafls. If they were men who tianfported beafls, why, inflead of
wolves and foxes, did they not carry horfes, oxen, flieep, and goats ?
And why did not they leave a fpecies of each individual in the old
continent ? If fuch animals are fuppofed to have pafled by fw^immin
g>
then.
H I S T O R Y O F xM E X I e O. 223
then the dlfikulty of the fea paflage to land animals conies in the way. DISSERT.
If all the animals are fuppoled to have pafied, even thofe of South
America by the north, then, inflead of making a journey of fix thou-
iànd miles, they mufl have mi-de one of more than fifteen thouland,
for which length of way their floth would have h^d occallon for more
than one thoufand feyen hundred and forty years.
We anfwer then to the above objedions, i . That as all the quadru-
peds of the earth are not yet known, we cannot fay how many are in the
one or in the other continent. The count de Buffon numbers only two
hundred fpecies of quadrupeds. Bomare, who wrote a little after that
author, makes them two hundred and fixty-five ; but to fay how many
4nore there niay be, until we have examined the inland regions of
Africa, of a great part of Tartary, the country of the Amazons, North
Louifiana, the countries beyond the river Colorado, the country of the
Apaches, the Salamon ifles. New Holland, 6cc. which countries make
a confiderable part of our globe. It is not wonderful that the animals
of thefe unknown countries are flill flrangers to us, when thofe of
countries which have been known, and inhabited for thefe two hun-
dred and fixty years by the Europeans, are yet unnoticed by zoologifls.
The count de Buffon, although he is the mofl informed on this fubjeft,
omits fome quadrupeds of Mexico, places many out of their native
country, and confounds others together, as we fliall fhew in our Differ-
tation on animals. But with relpedl to the animals which are cer-
tainly not original in America, fuch as camels, elephants, and horfes,
feveral reafons may be afligned for this want. PolTibly thofe animals
did pafs to the new world, but were deftroyed by other wild beafls,
or extirpated by fome diflemper. Perhaps they never did pafs there.
Some, fuch as elephants and rhinocerofes, the multiplication of which
is flow, flopped in the fouthcrn parts of Afia and Africa, becaufe they
found a cimiate agreeable and fuitable to their natures, and had not
occafion therefore to go further for paflures or food. It is true, that
many authors are perfuaded that the great bones dug up near the river
Ohio, and other places of America, have belonged to elephants, which
would argue their ancient exiflence in that continent ; but as modern
zoologifls are not agreed with refpetll to the fpecies of quadruped to
which fuch bones may have belonged, no argument from them can
8 be
224
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
be deduced againft us (/). Laftly, other beads did not pafs to the new
world, perhaps becaufe men detained them. But however the mat-
ter may be, the pafìage of fome beafls and not of others proves nothing
againft our fyftem.
With refpeél to the calculation above mentioned, of what time the
floth would require to move from America to Brazil, it raifes no
inconvenience ; for if it had occafion for more than a thoufand years,
on the fuppofition we made of the union of the two continents con-
tinuing all that time it might arrive there at laft. The count de
Buffon declares, that authors have exaggerated rhe flownefs of the
floth j and Mr. Aubenton acknowledges, that it was not fo flow as the
turtle. Befides, it being a harmlefs animal, it may have been traniJ-
ported by men.
(/) MuUer faid, that thofe bones belonged to certain large quadrupeds, which he called
Mammouts. The count de Buifon, trufting too much to him, computed that thofe quadrupeds
were feven times larger than elephants. Some have believed that thofe bones belonged to the
fea-horfes, fome to other fea-animals ; and, laftly, fome have thought they belonged to fome
unknown quadrupeds that iire now extindi : but they may, from what appears, hive belonged
to giants of the human as well as of any other race.
DISSEi^,
[ 225 ]
DrISSERTATION II.
On the Principal Epochs of the Hijlory of Mexico.
TH E different opinions of authors concerning the chronology
of the hiftory of Mexico, obhge us to examine with attention
the epochs of the principal events. If we had done this in the body
of our hiftory, it would have interrupted the narration with unfeafon-
able difputes. The variety of fentiments among writers on this
head, arifes from their not having adjufted the Mexican years with
ours. We have laboured with great diligence to inveftigate the truth,
and we think we have in great p:irt fucceeded, as we fliall endeavour to
iliew in the prefent differtation, which will, however, prove little in-
terefting to thofe who have no tafte for, or curiofity in points of chro-
nology.
SECT. I.
On the Epoch of the Arrival of the Toltecas^ and other Nations in the
Country of Anahuac,
WE do not treat now of the firft peoplers, but only of thofe nations
who make a confpicuous figure in our hiftory. Authors in the firfl
place difagree about the order of the arrival of fuch nations ; as the
Chechemecas for example, who, according to Acoftj, Goniara, and
Siguenza, were the firft to arrive in that country, and, according to
Torquemada, the third were the fourth, if we believe Boturini. Nor
are they lefs difcordant about the arrival of every other nation.
None of them doubt that the Toltecan nation was very ancient. It
appears from the hiftories of the Chechemecas, that they did not ar-
rive in Anahuac until after the ruin of the Toltecas, whofe buildings
they met with in their travels, and remains of whom t'ley found on
the banks of the Mexican lakes, and other places. In this point To-
rquemada, Betancourt, and Boturini are agfved. Acofta and Gomira
make no mention of the Toltecas, becaufe perhaps thofe auchois wiiotn
Vol. II. G g they
226 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, they confulted omitted to fpeak of them, as their knowledge of them
was but httle aiiu oblcure.
With refpedl to the time of their arrival in Anahuac, Torquemada
fays, in book III. of his hiflory, that it happened in the year 700
of the vulgar era ; but from what he writes in book I. it appears to
have happened in 648. Boturini makes them one century more an-
cient, as he believed that in 660 Ixtlalcuechahuac, tlie fecond king
of that nation, was reigning in Tula. From their pictures we
know, that they left Huehuetlapalhn in the year I Tecpatl ; that,
after having travelled one hundred and four years, they fettled in
Tollantzinco, and then in Tula ; and that their monarchy commencing
in the year VII Acati lafted three hundred and eighty-four years. Aftec
comparing thefe epochs of theToltecas with thofe of the Chechemecas,
their fucceflbrs, we are perfuaded that the departure of the former
from Huehuetlapallan happened in 544, and that their monarchy began
in the year 667. Whoever will trace back towards that time, the
feries of Mexican years contrafled with Chriftian years, fet forth at
the end of our firft volume, will find the year 544 of the vulgar
era to have been I Tecpatl, and the year 667 to have in like manner
been VII Acati. There is no reafon to anticipate thefe epochs, nor
can they be poftponed without confounding thofe of other later nations.
That monarchy having begun then in 667, and lafted three hundred
and eighty-four years, the end of it, and ruin of the Toltecas, ought
to be fixed in the year 1051.
Between the ruin of the Toltecas and the arrival of the Chechemecas;
Torquemada allows but nine years ; this interval is too fmall, becaafe
the Chechemecas found, as the fame author fays, the edifices of' the
Toltecas in ruins ; and it is improbable that they would have gone to
ruin in only nine years. Befides, we cannot fix the beginning of the
Chechemecan monarchy in that century, without increafing the num-
ber of their kings, or prolonging their lives immoderately, as Tor-
quemada has done. Who can beUeve that Xolotl reigned a hundred
and thirteen years, and hved two hundred ? That Nopaltzin his foa
lived one hundred and feventy ; that Techotlala, his great great grandlbn
fhould reign one hundred and fourj and Tezozomoc, his dcfcendant,
fhould reign in Azcapozalco one hundred and fixty, or one hun-
dred
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 227
dred and eighty j'cars ? It is true, that a man of rohuft conftitution, ^^"'?,'-'^^i;
affiftcd by fobriety of life, and fo mild u clime as that of Mexico, might ^. — v-—^
arrive at fo advanced an age; and in that countiy there are not a
very few examples of men who have prolonged their life beyond the
regular time prefcribed to mortals. Calmecahua, one of the- Tlafcalan
captains who aiTifted the Spaniards in the conquell of Mexico, lived one
hundred and thirty years. Pedro Nieto, a Jcfuit, died in the year 1536
at the age of one hundred and thirty-two years. Diego Ordoiiez, a
Francifcan.. died in Sombrerete aged one hundred and feventcen (w),
making preachings to the people until the laft month of his life^. Wc
could make a long catalogue of thofe v/ho in the two centuries pafl.
have exceeded one hundred years of life in thefe countries. Particu-"
larly among the Indians there are not a few who reach ninety and one
hundred years, prefcrving to old age their hair black, their teeth firm,
and their countenance frefli ; but as there have been fo very few who
fince the tv/enty- third century of the world have prolonged their lives
to one hundred and fifty years, that they are regarded as prodigies, wx;
cannot affent to the extravagant chronology of Torquemada, fupport-
ed only perhaps on the evidence of fome painting or hillory of the
Tezcucans, and particularly as that author himfelf confelfes that that
nation kept no account of years. We believe, however, without hefi-
tation, that the arrival of the Chechemecas in Anahuac happened in
the twelfth century, and probably towards the year 1 170.
Eight years had fcarcely elaj-)(èd after Xolotl, the firfl Checliemecan
king, was eftabliOied inTenajuca, when new people arrived there, con-
ducted, as we have already faid, by fix chiefs. We do not doubt
that thefe new people were the fix tribes of the Xochlmilcas, Te-
panecas, Colhuas, Chalchefe, Tlahuicas, andTlafcalans, feparated from
the Mexicans in Chicomoztoc, and arrived in the vale of Mexico not
all at once, but in the order and diflance of time we have mentioned.
It is certain that when the Acolhuas arrived a few years after, they
found the city of Azcapozalco already founded by the Tcpanecas, and
Colhuacan by the Colhuas. It is known befides, that thefe tribes
came to that country after the Chechemecas, as their arrival happened
{m) Diego Ordonez lived in religion one hundred and four years, and in the pricflhood al-
moil nincty^Hve. In his kft preaching he took leave of the people of Sembrerete with tliofe
^y'ords of St. Pu.il ; " Bonum certamen ccrtavi, curfum confummari, 8cc."
' ■ . G g 2 in
228 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, in that interval between the arrival of the Chechemecas and that of the
If.
1. V / Acolhiias.
There is no memory of any other people who came into Anahuac
about that time, except thofe tribes concluded by the above mentioned
chiefs. Acofta makes thefe tribes almoft three centuries more ancient,
as he fays they arrived on the banks of the Mexican lake in the year
902, after a peregrination of eighty years; but this chronology does
not accord well with hiltory, from which it appears that when Xolotl
arrived at the vale of Mexico with his colony of Chechemecas, he found
the banks of that lake depopulated, and the arrival of this colony could
not happen before the middle of the twelfth century, according to what
we have faid.
The year of the arrival of the Acolhuas is not known ; but we do
not doubt that it has been towards the end of the twelfth century,
becaufe they came a few years after the arrival of thofe fix tribes ; and
befides, it is evident from hiflory itfelf, that Xolotl furvived their ar-
rival fome years.
The lafl; nation, or tribe, which arrived at Anahuac was that of the
Mexicans. Among fo many hiilorians confulted by us, we have not
found one of a contrary opinion except Betancourt, who makes the
Qtomies come after them.
Acofta fixes the arrival of the Mexicans on the banks of the Mexi-
can lake in the year 1208, becaufe he affirms that they arrived there
three hundred and fix years after the Xochimilcas, and other tribes
of the Nahuatlaca?, who he believes arrived in 902. Torquemada,
according to the calculation made by Betancourt founded on his account,
dates the arrival of the Mexicans in Chapoltepec in the year 1269. An
anonymous Mexican Hiflory cited by Cav. Boturini, fixes the arrival
of that tribe in Tula in the year 11 96, and upon that epoch it appears
that feveral Indian hiflorians are agreed. Befides, this chronology
agrees perfectly with all the other epochs ; on which account we have
adopted it as the moll probable, and almoft certain. On this fuppo-
fition it is neceflary to fay, that the Mexicans arrived at Tzompanco in
the year 1216, and at Chapoltepec in 1245 ; becaufe it is known that
they flayed at Tepexic in Tula nine years, and in other places, before
they arrived at Tzompanco, eleven years. In Tzompanco they fojourn-
8 ed
HISTORY OF M E X I C O. 229
cd fevcn years, and in other places, before they arrived at Chapoltepec, Dissert.
twenty-two years. After having been eighteen years in Chapoltepec,
they paflcd to Acolcb, in 1262, where they remained fifty-two years,
and from thence they were condu(fled ilaves to Colhuacan in 1314.
With refpedt to the Otomies tliere is a great difference of opinion
among authors : fome confound them with the Chechemecas, namely
Acofta, Gomara, and the greater part of the Spanifh authors. Tor-
quemada, in book I. diftinguilhes them exprefsly, but in other places
he confounds them together. Betancourt, after having copied the re-
lation of Torquemada, in every thing relative to the Toltecas, the
Chechemecas, and other nations, fpeaking of the reign of Chimal-
popoca, third king of Mexico, fiiys, that in his time the Otomies ar-
rived in Anahuac, and eftablifhed themfelves principally in Xaltocan.
This anecdote from Betancourt is deferving of notice ; for he un-
doubtedly took it from the writings of Siguenza, although he docs not
ufuiilly depart from Torquemada, unlefs it is to follow that learned
Mexican ; but he errs in chronology when he fixes the arrival of the
Otomies in the year VI Tecpatl, which he believes to have been the
year 1381. He is certainly deceived, for as it appears from the chro-
nological table put at the end of our fecond volume, the year 1381
was not VI. Tecpatl, but VI Calli 3 neitherwas Chimalpopoca reigning
at that time, but Acamaptizin, as we fliall fhortly fliew. If the arrival
of the Otomies in the Mexican vale (not in the country of Anahuac,
where they were fettled many years before) happened in tlie year VI
Tecpatl, and under the reign of Chimalpopoca, that mufl: certainly
have been in the year 1420. There being no mention of the Ototnies
before this epoch, and they having been found lefs civilifed than other
nations, fcattered about in feveral provinces, and in places furrounded
by other nations of different languages, inclines us to believe, that
they began to live in fociety under the dominion of the Tepanecas
exadlly at that time, and afterwards under that of the Mexicans and
Tlafcalans. We are perfuaded tlwt on account of having found the
land occupied by other nations, they could not, like the others, eflab-
liih themfelved all in one country, although the greater part of that
nation peopled that part of land which is to the north-wefl, and north
of the capital, where at firft they lived fcattered about like the wild
beafls..
The
II.
2;o HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT. The caufe of the Otomies having been confounded with the Che-
chemecas by many hiftorians, may be gathered from the fame hiftory.
At the time the ancient Chechemecas were rendered civiUzed by the
Toltecas and Nahuatlacas, many famiUes of that nation abandoned
themfelves to a favage hfe in the country of the Otomies, chufing the
exercife of the ciiace rather than the fatigues of agriculture. They
retained the name of Chechemecas, and the others who were brought
to civiHzation began to be called AcoUnias, honouring themfelves
with the name of a nation which was efleemed the moll polilhed.
Of the Otomies, thofe who adopted a civil life retained the name of
Otomies, by which they are known in hiftory ; but the others, who
were fpread in the woods, and mingled with the Chechemecas, would
never give up their barbarous liberty, and were by many called Che-
chemecas, from the name of that celebrated nation ; on which ac-
count fome writers, treating of thofe barbarians, who for more thaa
a century after the conqueft, harafled the Spaniards, diftinguifti the
Mexican Chechemecas from the Chechemecas of the Otomies ; for
the one fpoke the Mexican language, and the others that of the
Otomies, according to the nation whence they drew their origin.
From all that we have hitherto laid, we may conclude with the
greateft probability poflible in fo obfcure a fubjeót, that the order and
time of the arrival of thofe nations in the country of Anahuac was as
follows :
The Toltecas, in the year 648.
The Chechemecas, about the year 1170.
The firft Nahuatlacas, about 1 178.
The Acolhuas, tov\'ard the end of the twelfth century.
The Mexicans arrived at Tula in the year 1 19Ó, at Tzompanco in
the year 121 6, and at Chapol tepee in the year 1245.
The Otomies entered the vale of Mexico, and began to form into fo-
cieties in the year 1220. '
We know well that the Tepanecas boafted of their city of Azca-
pozalco being fo old, that according to Torquemada they counted
.one thoufand five hundred aad fixty-one years from the foundation of
it to the beginning of the laft century : fo that they imagined it to
.have bjsen founded immediately after the death of our Saviour % but
the
II.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 231
the error of this opinioa appears manifeft, from the hiftories of DISSERT,
other nations, which make the Tepanecas Uttle more ancient in Ana-
huac than the Mexicans, and alfo from the feries itfclf of the chiefs of
Azcapozalco, whofe portraits were preferved unto our time in an an-
cient edifice of that city. They did not count more than ten princes
from the foundation of their city, unto the memorable deftruftion of
their fiate, occafioned by the combined arms of the Mexicans and
Acolhuas, which happened, as we fliall find, in the year 1425 : on
which account it would be neceiTary to allow to each of their fove-
reigns one hundred and forty years of reign to fill up that period.
The Totonacas, on their part, reported themfelves more ancient thaa
the Chechemecas ; for the boall: of antiquity is a weaknefs common to
all nations. They relate, that having been at firft, for Ibme time, ef-
tablilhed on the banks of the Tezcucanlake ; from' thence they went
to people thofe mountains, which took from them the name of Tote -
nacapan j that there they were governed by ten lords, each of whom
governed the nation precifely eighty years, until the Chechemecas hav-
ing arrived in Anahuac, in the time of the fecond- lord of that nation;
named Xatoncan, at length fùbjetìed them to their dominion ; and that
laftly they were the fubjedts of the kings of Mexico. Torquemada,
who relates this account of the Totonacas, in the third book of his
Indian Monarchy, adds, that this is certain and confirmed by authentic
hiftories worthy of faith ; but whatever he may fay, it is certain that
tlie time of the arrival of that nation in Anahuac, neither is nor can be
known, and that the ftoiy of the ten lords, who governed the nationi
each precilely eighty years, is only fit to amufe children.
Still lefs is it known when the Olmecas and Xicallancas arrived^
Boturini fays, that he could find.neither pidlure nor monument concern-
ing thefe nations, although he believes them more ancient than the:
Toltecasj, but Itili it is unqueftionable that they were not the moft'
ancient.
We do not here make mention of any other nations, becaufe their
antiquity is abfolutely unknown ^ but we do not doubt, confidcring
what we have already explained and fet forth, that the C'liapa-
nefc were amongfl tlie moft ancient, and perhaps the firft of all lajfe-
who f copied the country of Anahuac.
SECT..
434 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DIS ERT.
U.
SECT. II.
Concerning the Correfpondence of the Mexican Tears with ours, and the
Epoch of the Foundation of Mexico.
ALL the Mexican as well as Spanifli writers, who have made men-
tion of the Mexican chronology, are agreed refpedting the method which
thofe nations had of computing their centuries and their years, ex-
plained by us in book VL of our hiflory, and in the latter part of the
end of vol. IL Whenever, therefore, we find the correfpondence of
any one Mexican year with any one Chriftian year, the correfpondence
of all the reli will eafily be known. If, for example, we know that
the year 1780 was the II Tecpatl, as it really was, we are certain that
the year 1781 was the III Calli; the year 1782, was IV Tochtli, &c.
All the difficulty confifls in finding a Mexican year the correfpondence of
which with a Chriflian year is abfolutely certain and indubitable ; but
we find this difficulty furmounted, by being affijred not lefs from the
ancient pidlures of the Indians than by the teftimony of Acofta, Tor-
quemada, Siguenza, Betancourt, and Boturini, that the year 151 9, in
which the Spaniards entered into Mexico, was I Acati, and of confe-
quence that the year 151 8 was XIII Tochtli, the year 15 17 XII Calli,
6cc. fo that there is no room for doubt of theexadtnefs of our table,
put at the end of volume IL refped:ing the correfpondence of Mexi-
can with ChrLftian years. Thofe authors who difagree with it, have
erred in their calculation, and contradidled themfelves. Betancourt, in
order to make us comprehend the manner which the Mexicans had of
computing years, prefents us with a table of Mexican years, contrafted
with Chriftian years, from the year 1663 unto 1688, but this table is
erroneous from beginning to end ; for the author fuppofes the year
1663 to have been the year I Tochtli, which is demonflrated to be falfc
by the continuation of our table to that year. He affirms that 1 5 1 9 was
a fecular year ; by the admiffion of this error, his chronology cannot but
be lalfe throughout. If the year 151 9 was I Acati, as he fuppofes,
with other writers, we ffiall find, by going backwards in our table,
that 1507 was not a fecular year, but 1506 was. In order to confirm
his
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
-Jv>
his chronology, he adduces the teftimony of his friend and fellow- DISSERT,
countryman Sigaenza, who, he fays, found that the year 1684 hid ^^•
been IX Acati. If this -was the cafe, his calculation would certainly
be right; but although we do not doubt his veracity in the citation
of Siguenza, we have reafon to believe that this learned Mexican cor-
redted his chronology ; nor could he do otherwife, when he knew
that the year 1519 had been I Acati, a certain foundation and begin-
ning on which all the Mexican chronology ought to reft, and from
which it is clearly deducible that the year 1684 had not been IX
Acati, but X Tecpatl. Torquemada, in his third book, treating of
the Totonacas, fays of a noble of that nation, that he was born in
the year II Acati, and that the year before 151 9, in which the Spa-
niards arrived in that country, was, among the Mexicans, the year I
Acati. When Torquemada wrote this he was either dreaming, or
abfent in mind ; for he knew well that the year among the Mexicans
which comes after I Acati, is not II Acati, but II Tecpatl, and fuch
was the year 1520, of which he fpeaks.
Suppofing then that the year 15 19 was I Acati, and that the corref-
pondence of the Mexican with the Chriftian years is known, it is not
very difficult to trace back the epoch of the foundation of Mexico. All
hiftorians who have confulted the paintings of the Mexicans, or who
have been informed by them by words, agree in faying, that that cele-
brated city was founded by the Azetcas, in the 14th centuiy j but they
differ a little as to the year. The interpreter of Mendoza's colledtion
fixes the foundation of it in the year 1324. Gemelli, following Siguen-
za, makes it in i 325. Siguenza, cited by Betancourt and an anonymous
Mexican, cited by Boturini, in 1327. Torquemada, according to the
calculation made by Betancourt, from his account, in 1341 ; and Arrigo
Martinez, in 1357. The Mexicans make the foundation in the year
II Calli, as appears from the firft painting of the collef^ion of Men-
doza and others, cited by Siguenza. It being certain, therefore, that
that city was founded in the a 4th century, and in the year II Calli,
that cannot have been in 1324, nor in the year 1327, or 1341,
or 1357, becaufe none of thofe years was II Calli. If we go
back from the year 1519 to the 14th century, we Ihall find in it
two years II Calli: that is 1325, and 1377. But the foundation
could not have happened in this laft year; for then it would be ne-
VoL. II. H h ccflary
234
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, ceflary to fhorten very much the reign of the Mexican monarchs, in
V I , contradidion to the chronology of the ancient paintings. Nothing
remains to be offered therefore but that that celebrated capital was
founded in 1325 of the vulgar era: and this was moil certainly the
opinion ofSiguenza; for Gemelli, who had no other inftruótion on this
fubjedl but that which was given him by that learned Mexican, places
the foundation of this city in 1325, which he fays was the year II Calli,
If at iirft he was of a different opinion, he changed it afterwards on
perceiving that it would not have agreed witli that fixed principle,
namely, that the year I Acati was certainly the year 15 19.
SECT.
III.
Oil the Chronology of the Mexican Kings,
IT is difficult to illuftrate entirely the chronology of the Mexican
kings, on account of the difagreement between authors. We will
avail ourfelves of fome certain points, to clear up thofe which are
uncertain. In order to give our readers fome idea of the divcrfity of
opinions, it will be fufficient to prefcnt the following table, where we
mark the year in which, according to Acofta, the Interpreter of Men-
doza's colledlion, and Siguenza each of the kings began to reign.
Acofta.
The Interpreter.
Siguenza
,
Acamapitzin
13S4
-
-
1375
3 May
1361
Huitzilihuitl
1424
-
-
1396
19 April
1403
Chimalpopoca
1427
-
-
1417
24 February
1414
Itzcoatl
H37
-
-
1427
_ _ _
1427
Montezuma I.
1449
-
-
1440
13 Auguft
1440
Axaj acati -
1481
-
_ _ -
1469
21 November
1468
Tizoc
^M7
-
-
1482
30 Odiober
1481
Ahuitzotl
1492
-
- - -
1480
13 April -
148Ó
Montezuma II.
^S°Z
-
-
1502
15 September
1502
Acofta, and after him Arrigo Martinez, and Herrera, not only difigree
with other authors in chronology, but alfo in the order ot the kuigs,
pkc.ng Tizoc on the throae before Axajacatl; whereas the contr ry is
evident, not lefs from the teftnnony of the Mexicans tlian tliac oi other
Spanilh
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 235
SpaniHi authors. Gomara perplexes the reigns of the lords of Tula DISSF.rt^
with thofc of the kings of Colhuacan and the Mexican kings. Tor- v-— ^-^.^
quemada points out the years of botli, and his chronology difagrees
with that of other authors. Solis makes Montezuma II. the eleventh
of the Mexican kings; but v/e know not how lie fupportcd fo
flrange a paradox. De Paw, in order to ihew his extravagance of
genius even in this does not ennumerate more than eight kings of
Mexico, but it is certain and indubitable that the Mexicans had the
nine kings above mentioned, and after them Cuitlahuatzin and Quauh-
temotziii. Some authors do not reckon the two Lft among their
kings, becaufe they reigned for fo fhort a time; but having been law-
fully elecTted and peaceably accepted by the nation, they have as much
right to be counted among the kings of Mexico as any of their an-
cellors. Acofla lays, he does not make mention of them becaufe they
had nothing but the name of king, as in their time the whole of the
kingdom almoft was fubjetl to the Spaniards ; but this is abfolutely
falfe, becaufe when Cuitlahuatzin was eledted, the Spaniards had only
the province of the Totonacas under them, and they even were rather
allies than fubjeds. When Quauhtemotzin was eleded, they had
added to that province five other flates, and fome fmall places in that
neighbourhood ; but all thofe dates, compared with the reft of the
Mexican empire, were lefs to it than Bologna is to tiie whole papal
territory.
To invcftigate the chronology of thefe eleven kings, it is neccfTary
to adopt another method, beginning with the laft, and continuing in
a retrogade courfe to the commencement of the monarchy.
Quauhtemotzin. This king finiflied his reign on the thirteenth
of'Auguft, 1521, having been made prifoncr by the Spaniards juft as
Mexico was taken. The day of his cleilion is not known, but from
the accounts of Cortes it is to be inferred, that he was elcdlcd in
October or November of the preceding year; wherefore he could not
have reigned more than nine or ten months.
. Cuitlahuatzin. This king, fucceflbr of,his brother Montezu-
rtia.afcended tlic throne on the beginning of July, 1520, as appears by
the account given by Cortes. Some SpaniOi authors fay that he did not
i^ign above Ibrty da)'S ; others fay, that he reigned fixty ; but froiu tliat
H h 2 which
236 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISjEIIT. which Cortes heard faid by a Mexican ofiicer in the war of Quauh-
^,^-^-1^^ quechoUan, it is to be conckided, that that king was alive in October.
We do not therefore doubt that his reign was at leaft three months.
Montezuma II. It i? known that he reigned feventeen years and
more than nine months, and that he began to reign in September, 1 502,
and died in the latter end of June, 1 520. The reafon why fome authors
have fixed the beginning of his reign in 1503 was, becaufe they knew
that he had reigned feventeen years, and made no account of the nine
months after them.
Ahuitzotl. Acofla allows this king eleven years of reign. Mar-
tinez, twelve; -Siguenza, fixteen ; and Torquemada, eighteen. I be-
lieve we can trace back the years of his reign, and the time of his
exaltation, from the epoch of the dedication of the greater temple.
This happened, without doubt, in i486, as feveral authors agree.
On the other hand it appears, that king Tizoc having hardly began
this building, Ahuitzotl continued and finifhed it, which he could
not do in the fame year in which he began it, nor in two or three years,
it having been fo vaft an edifice as we know it was. Neither could he,
in fo fhort a time, have made the war which he did in countries fo diftant
from each other, and procure that furprifing number of vidims which
were facrificed on that great feftival. We believe, therefore, that the
commencement of his reign cannot be fixed after 1482, and neither
can it be anticipated without confounding the epochs of his predecef-
fors, as we fhall prefently fee. Having begun therefore to reign in
1482, and finifhed in 1502, we ought to allow him nineteen years
fome months, or about twenty years of reign.
Tizoc. No perfon doubts that the reign of this monarch was
extremely fhort, and no author gives him more than four years and a
half of life upon the throne. We could refolve the time of his
reign, and that alfo of his predeceffor, from that of Nezahualpilli,.
king of Acolhuacan ; for that king having been fo celebrated, and had
fo many hiftorians at his court, we have certain accounts of his reign.
Nezahualpilli died in 15 16, after having reigned in Acolhuacan forty-
jfive years and fome months ; the commencement of his reign therefore
muft be fixed in 1470. It is known alfo, that the eighth year of the
reign of Nezahualpilli vi^as the firft of Tizoc, fo that tliis laft mufl
8 have
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 237
have begun his reign in 1477, and reigned four years and a half, as DT'sert.
feveral hiflorians fay. Torquemada fays, that he reigned lefs than
three years ; but this author contradids himfclf openly, not only in
this but in many other parts of his chronology, for as he adopts the
above mentioned calculation of the reign of Tizoc, he ought to have
fixed his death in 1480, and confequently to have given Ahuitzotl not
eighteen but twenty-two years of reign.
AxALACATL. it is known that this king began to reign fix years
before Nezahualpilli, that is, in 1464, and that he finiihed, as we have
faid, in I477> when his fuccelTor Tizoc afcended the throne. From
that it is deducible that he reigned thirteen years, as Siguenza and
other hiflorians affirm. Acofla does not give him more than eleven
years, nor the interpreter of Mendoza's coUedtion more than twelve.
It is moft probable that the thirteen years were not completed.
Montezuma I. All affirm, that this famous king completed twen-
ty-eight years on the throne. Some give him a year more, becaufethey
reckon the months which he reigned more than the twenty-eight years,
another year, which has not been reckoned by others. He began
therefore to reign in 1436, and finiflied in 1464. In his time the
Toxihumolpia, or fecular year, was celebrated, not in the fixteenth
year of his reign, as Torquemada fays, but in the eighteenth, or
1454-
Itzcoatl. Almofl all hiftorians give thirteen years of reign to this
great king. Acofta and Martinez only give him twelve. The rcafon
of this difference is the fune as that above mentioned, that is, Itzcoatl
not having completed the thirteen years on the throne, Acofta and
Martinez paid no attention to the odd months over the twelve years,
whereas the others made a complete year of them. He began to reign
in 1323 j he could not begin either fooner or later, for he afcended
,the throne a year after Maxtlaton ufurped the throne of Acolhuacan.
Maxtlaton reigned three years, and with him the reign of the Tepa-
necas finilhed. The following year, that is, three years after Itzcoatl
had began to reign, Nezaliualcojotl was eftabliflied on the throne of
Acolhuacan, which had been ufurped by the Tepanecas. It is known
befides, thatNezahualcojotl reigned forty-three years and fome months;
he having finilhed therefore in 1470, it appears that the commence-
ment
238 II I S T O 11 Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, ment of his reign ought to be fixed in 1420, the ruin of the Tcp.inecas
in 1425, the beginning of the reign of Itzcoatl in 1423, and that of
the tyranny of Max t lato n in 1422.
Chimalpopoca. This unhappy king was confounded by Acofla,
Martinez, and Herrera, with his nephew Acohiahuacatl, fon of Huitzi-
lihuitl ; from whence thefe authors allow Chimalpopoca only ten
years of reign, and make him die by the hands of the Tepanecas ; but
the contrary appears from the paintings and relations of the Indians,
cited by Torquemada, and partly feen by ourfelves. Siguenza, by
inattention, falls into a contradidion ; for he fays that Chimalpopoca
was the younger brother of Huitzilihuitl : of this king he affirms,
that he began to reign at eighteen years of age, and that he reigned
lefs than eleven, fo that he muft have died before he was twenty-nine
years of age; and Chimalpopoca, who immediately fucceeded him,
muft have been at leafl twenty-eight when he began to reign ; not-
withftanding Siguenza makes him afcend the throne at forty years and
upwards. In the colledtion of Mendoza this king is not given more
than ten years of reign. Torquemada and Siguenza give him tliirteen,
which account is certainly the moll probable, confidering the feries of
his actions and events : but Betancourt following Torquemada, makes
many notable anacronifms on this fubjeél. He fixes the eledlion of
Chimalpopoca in the time of Techotlalla, king of Acolhuacan ; let
• us fuppofe that it was in the laft year of this king : Techotlalla was
fucceeded by Ixtlilxochitl, who reigned feven years. Ixtlilxochitl by
Tezozomoc, who tyrannifed over that empire nine years, and to him
Maxtlaton fucceeded, in whofe time Chimalpopoca died. According
to thofe fuppofitions adopted by Torquemada and Betancourt, we mull
give Chimalpopoca at leali fixteen years of reign, refulting from the
{even of Ixtlilxochitl and the nine of Tizozomoc ; which is contrary
to their own chronology and that of other hiftorians. If we chufe to
combine the chronology of the kings of Mexico with that of the kings
of Tlatelolco, agreeable to the calculation of the above mentioned
authors, there will hardly remain nineteen years to be divided between
the two kings Chimalpopoca and Itzcoatl, as we fliall afterwards find.
Granting therefore thirteen years of reign to Chimalpopoca, according
to the opinion of mofb hiflorians, we ought to fix the beginning of it
in
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 239
in 1410. Maxtliiton fucceeded to Tizozomoc, his father, a year before DI^sert^
' IT
the death of Chimalpopoca, that is, in 1422. Tizozomcc kept the
crown of Acolhuacan nine years ; having died in 1422, his tyranny
began therefore in 1413. With refpedl to IxtHIxochitl, the lawtul
king of Acolhuacan, we know that he reigned feven years until 141 3,
when his life, together with his crown, was taken from him by the
tyrant Tizozomoc j he began therefore to reign in 1406.
HuiTziLiHUiTL. Refpedting the number of years which this mo-
narch reigned hiftorians are extremely different in opinion. Siguenza
fays, ten years and ten months. Acofta and Martinez give him thir-
teen ; the Interpreter, twenty-one. Toqucmada attefls, that among the
Mexican hiftorians whom he confulted, fome give him twenty-two
years and others twenty-fix ; but we have no doubt that the true
number of years is that mentioned by the Interpreter; becaufe we know,,
from the kiftorical paintings of the Mexicans, that the thirteenth year
of this king was a fecular year, which, according to our chronological
table, muft have been the year 1402; he began therefore to reign in
1380. Plaving died in 141 o, as appears from what we have faid con-
cerning the reign of Chimalpopoca, we ought to allow Huitzilihuitl
twenty-one years of reign.
AcAMAPiTziN. Suppofingthe chronology of the preceding kings
to be juft, and the epoch of the foundation of Mexico to be eftablifhed,
we have little to fiiy with regard to the reign of this king. Torque-
inada affirms, that the paintings and manufcript hiftories fix the elec-
tion of Acamapitzin in the twenty-eighth year after the foundation of
Mexico. He was eledted therefore in 1352, or in the beginning of
1353, and his reign muft have laded thirty-feven years, or fomething
lefs. The interregnum which happened after the death of this king
was of four months, as Siguenza lays; whereas all the others were
but of a few days..
SECT. IV.
Concerning the Epochs of the Events of the Conquef.
I T is not very difficult to trace the epochs of the events of the con-
quefl:, becaufe we find them in general mentioned by the conqueror
Cortes,
240
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DIS?ERT. Cortes, in his letters to Charles V. but many anacronifms being com-
mitted by the Spaniih hillorians, either becaufe they did not confult
. thole letters, or becaufe they were indifferent about knowing on what
days the moveable feftivals happened in thofe years of which Cortes
fometimes made mention, it is neceffary to fix fome points of chro-
nology, omitting others of fmaller importance, to avoid proving tedi-
ous to our readers.
The arrival of Cortes's armament on the coaft of Chalchicuecan
happened, as every one knows, on Holy Thurfday, 15 19. This was
on the 2 1 ft of April, for Eafter was that year on the 24th.
The entry of the Spaniards into the city ofTlafcala did not happen,
as Herrera and Gomera fay, on the 23d of September, but on the i8th,
as Bernal Diaz, Betancourt, and Solis write. This is eafily demon-
ftrated by making a calculation according to the account given by
Cortes of the days which the Spaniards ftaid in Tlafcala and Cholula,
and thofe which they employed in their journey to Mexico. Bernal
Diaz iays, that before they entered Tlafcala they were twenty-four
days in the territories of that republic, and afterwards twenty in that
city; as is alfo confirmed by the letters of Cortes. They entered
Cholula on the 14th of Oftober, and into Mexico on the 8th of
November. Six days after Montezuma was made prifoner, as Cortes
himfelf affirms. This general remained in the capital until the begin-
ning of May following, at which time he went to Chempoalla, to
oppofe Narvaez. He aflaulted and gained a victory over his enemy on
the Sunday of Pentecoft, which that year (i 520) happened on the 27th
of May. The infurreclion of the Mexicans, caufed by the violent
proceedings of Alvarado, happened on the great feftival of the month
Toxcatl, which began that year on the 13th of Mav. Cortes returned
to the capital after his viftory, on the 24th of June, as everyone
attefts. In the accounts of the events which occurred in the laft
days of June, and the firft days of July, we find fome confufion and
anacronifms among hiftorians. We have followed Cortes in his letters,
which contain the moft authentic account of the conqueft.
The death of Montezuma appears to have happened on the 30th
of June, for he died, according to Cortes, tliree days after he received
the wound from a ftone. This happened while thofe two machines
of
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 241
of war were conftrudiiip, of which wc have made mention in our hif- DLSSiniT-
. II.
tory : thefe were conflrudted on the night of the 26th of June and the
day following, as is to be gathcied from the account of this conqueror.
We cannot fj.x the death of Montezuma therefore later nor fooner than
the 30th, without perplexing the feries of events.
The firft of July we make the noche trijie, tiut is, the night when
the Spaniards came off defeated, for Cortes gives feven days to their
journey from Mexico to Tlafcala, and affirms that they entered there
on the 8th of July. Diaz and Bctancourt fay, that the Spaniards left
Mexico on the loth, and entered on the lóth into the lands of that
republic ; but in this particular the greatefb faith is due to Cortes. The
events which happened from the 24th of June to the iirft of July will
appear many, conlidering the Ihortnefs of the time : but it is not won-
derful that in circumftances of fuch didiculty and danger atìions fiiould
multiply, as the faving of lives called forth the greatefl efforts.
The war made by the Spaniards in Quauhquechollan happened in
the month of October, by what appears from the account of Cortes.
This epoch becomes of importance to us, in order to know the time
which Cuitlahuatzin reigned, for a Mexican captain, of whom Cortes
gained information of the fiate of the court, gave him intelligence of
the diligence ufed by that king in preparations againft the Spaniards.
Thofe who do not allow Cuitlahuatzin to have reigned more than
forty days, rejedl that information as a fiillehood ; but as they alledge
no reafon to convince us of its fliUity, we ought to believe it.
Concerning the day on which the ficge of Mexico began, and the
time of its duration, authors in general are miftaken. They fay for
the fi rft part that the fiege lafled ninety-three days; but they have
not made the calculation cxadlly, for Cortes made the review of his
troops in tlie great fquare of Tezcuco, and anigned the ports which
the three divinons were to occupy on the Monday of Pentccolt, in tiie
year 1521. But although we fliould fuppole, contrary to the truth of
hirtory, that on the lame day of the review the fiege was begun, tiiere
would not be ninety-three, but only eighty-five days j for that Mon-
day happened on the 20th of May, and it is univerflilly known that the
fiege terminated with the taking of the capital on the 13th of Au-^ult.
if they reckon the holUUtics committed on the cities of the lake to
V^oL. II. I i be
242 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, be part of the fiege, they ought to fix the beginning of the fiege on the-
_J.^_^ firft day of January, and count not ninety-three days, but feven months
to it. Cortes, who in this point merits more faith than any other
hiftorian, fays exprefsly, that the fiege commenced on the 30th of May,,
and lafted feventy-five days. It is true, that the letter itfelf of Cortes
might occafion an error, for there it is given to be underilood, that
on the 14th of May the divilions of Alvarado and Olid were in- Tacuba,.
from whence the fiege began ; but this is a manifeil error in the
cyphers, for it is certain that thofe two officers did not go to Tacuba till
after the review of the troops j and we know from Cortes, and other
hillorians, that this happened on Monday of Pentecofl, the 20tli of
May. "'''
Torquemada fays, in book IV. cap. 46. that the Spaniards entered
into Mexico, for the firft "time, on the 8th of Novea:iber ; but in.
chap. 14. of the fame book he affirms, that this entry happened on
the 22d of July 3 that they remained there one hundred and fifty days,,
ninety-five days in friendfliip with the Mexicans, and forty at war. with
them, which was occafioned by the {laughter made there by Alvarado,,
on the feflival of the month Toxcatl, correi^ionding, as he believes, to
our April, &c. The feries of anachronifms, errors, andcontradidlions,
contained in the chapter above cited of this author, is fufiicient to give,
us an idea of his prepolicrous chronology.
DISSER-
[ '43 ]
DISSERTATION III,
Ofi the Land of Mexico,
WHOEVER reads the horrid defcription which fomc Euro-
peans give of America, or hears the injurious flandcr with
which they fpeak of its foil, its climate, its plants, its animals, and
inhabitants, will eafily be perfuaded that malice and unnatural ran-
cour have armed their pens and their tongues, or that the new world
is truly a curfed land, and deftined by heaven for the punifliment
of malefatìors. If we reft faith in count de Buffon, America is an
entirely new country, fcarcely arifen out of the waters which over-
whelmed it («), a continual marfli in its plains, a land uncultivated
and covered with woods, even aftefhaving been peopled by Euro-
peans more induftrious thajj- -Americans, or incumbered with moun-
tains that are inacceflible,.and leave but a fmall territory for cultivation
and the habitations of men ; an unhappy region, lying under a fordid
flcy, where all the animals that have been tranfported from the old
continent are degenerated, and thofe native to its clime are fmall,
deformed, weak, and deftitute of arms for their defence. If wc credit
Mr. de Paw (who in a great meafure copies the fentiments of count
de Buffon, and where he does not copy, multiplies, and exaggerates
errors) America has been in general, and is at prejent a very barren
country, in which all the plants of Europe have degenerated, ex-
cept thofe which are aquatic and fucculcnt. Its ftinking foil bears
a greater number of poifonous plants than all tha other parts of tlie
world. Its lands, either overloaded with mountains, or covered with
woods, prefent nothing to the eye but a vaft and barren defert ; its
climate is extremely unfavourable to the greater part of quadrupeds, and
XTVoft of all pernicious to, men who arc degenerated, debilitated, and
vitiated in a furprifing manner in all the parts of their organization (;/;).
•(») H.ft. Natur. torn. vi. (r.) Rcchcrclies Plijlofophiques, parte i.
I i 2 The
244
HISTORY O F M E X I C 0.
DISSERT. The hiftoriographer Herrera, although In many refpc^s jadlclous
end moderate, when lie makes a comparifon of the chmate and foil of
Europe with America, fhews himfelf emiitently ignorant even of the
firft elements of geography, and utters futh abfurdities as v^-Duld not
be tolerated in a child. " Our hemijphere, he fays, is better than the
new one with rcJ'peSi to clime. Our pole is mo?- e embeUiJl:j:d \cith JtarSy
becaufe it has the north to 2i degrees, with many refpkndantjlars. By
which he fuppofes, firft, that the fouthern hemifphere is new, though
fo many centuries are pad fince it has been known in Afia and Africa.
Secondly, that all America belongs to the fouthern hemifpl:kere, and that
North America is not connedied with the fame pole and flars of the
Europeans. We have, lie adds, another pre-eminence, which is, that
the fun is Jeven days longer toivards the tropic of Cancer than- towards
that of Capricorn ; as if the excefs of the fun's ftay in the mortheni
hemifphere was not the lame in the new as in the old continent. It
appears that our good hifloriographer was perfuaded, that the greater
love which that luminary bears to beautiful Europe, was the caufc of
his longer ftay in the northern heniifphere. A thought truly gallant,
and fit for a French poem, and from \\hence it comes, proceeds
our chronicler, that the Ardile is colder than the Antarólic ' part,
becaufe It enjoys lefs of the fun. But how can there be lefs of the fun
enjoyed in the Ardlic part, v>ihen this luminary is (tvtn days longer in
the northern hemifphere ? Our land extends from weji to eaji, and is
therefore more accommodating to human life than the other, which grow-
ing narrow from weji to eajiy. enlarges too much from one to the other
pole ; for the land which lengthens itfelf from wef to eajl is at a more
equal dijiance from the cold of the north, and the heat of the fouth. But
if the north is the region of cold, and the fouth that of heat, as our
chronicler fuppofes, the equinoctial countries, according to his prin-
ciples, would certainly be the beft calculated for human life, from
being thofe which are equidiftant from north and fouth. In the other
hemifphere our author concludes, there were no dogs, afles, flieep,
or goats, and no lemons, oranges, figs, nor quinces, Sec.
Thefe, and other fuch abfurd notions of leverai authors, are the
effects of a blind and Immoderate partiality to their own country, which
makes them afcrlbe to it certain Imaginary pre-eminences over all others
in
II I S T 0 R Y O F M E X I e O. 245
in the world. It would not be difficult to oppofe to their Inveftives dissert.
the great praifes which many veiy celebrated Europeans, better in-
formed than them, have beftowed on thofe countries; but befides that,
it would be foreign to our purpofe, it would be difguftful to our read-
ers • we fliali therefore content ourfelves with examining in this Dif-
Icrtatioa tiliat which has been written againfl the land of America m
general, or againft thct of Mexico in particular.
SECT. L
On the pretended Inundation of Ameriea.
. ALMOST all that M. Buffon and M. de P;|w have written
againll the land, of America, refpeding its plants, its animals, audits
inhabitants, is founded on the fuppofition of a general inundation,
different from that which happened in the time of Noah, and much
more recent, on account of which that vail country remained a long
time under water. From this recent inundation arifes, fays M.
Buffon, the malignity of the climate of America, tlie fferility of its
foil, the imperfeftion of its animals, and the coldnefs of the Ameri-
cans. Nature had not had time to put her defigns in execution, nor
to take all her extenfion. Tiie lakes and. the marfhes left by that
inundation, according to the affirmation of M. de Paw, occafion the
cxceffive humidity of the air which is the caufe of its inialubrity, of the
extraordinary multiplication of infedts, of the irregularity and fmallnefs
of the quadrupeds, of the fterility of the foil, of the barrennefs of
the women, of the abundance of milk in the breads of the men, of
the flupidity of the Americans, and a thouland other extraordinary
pha:nomena which he- has obferved much more diftinftly from his
clofet in Berlini than; we who have paffed fo many years in America.
Thefe twoauthorS) thoitgh they are agreed with refpcdt to an inundation,
differ with refpeft. to the time of it ; for M. de Paw believes it to
have been much more ancient than M. Buffon does.
This fuppofition; however, is ill founded, and the inundation pre-
tended to have happened to the new v/orld is a chimera. M. de
Paw
^5 H rs T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. Paw endeavours to fupport it on the teftimony of Acofta, on the
}^y_, ahnoft infinite number of lakes and marllaes, on the veins of heavy me-
tals, which are found almoil on the furface of the earth, on the marine
bodies which are found heaped together lying in the mod Fow inland
places, on the deftrudlion of the great quadrupeds, and, laftly, on tlie
unanimous tradition of the Mexicans, Peruvians, and all the favages
from the land of Magellan to the river St. Lawrence, who all teftify
of their anceftors on the mountains during the time the valleys were
laid under water.
It is true that Acofta, in book I. chap. 25 of his hiftory, doubts
whether that which the Americans fay of the deluge ought to be un-
derftood of that of Noah, or of fome other particular one which hap-
pened in their land, as thofe of Deucalion and Ogyges in Greece; and
it appears alio that he inclines to adhere to this opinion, which he
fays has been adopted by fome judicious men : but, notwithflanding, in
book V. chap. 19, fpeakingof the firft conqueft of the Incas, he gives
us tounderftand that he firmly believed, that it ought to be underflood
of the deluge of Noah. " The pretext, (he fays) under which they,
conquered and rendered themfelves mafters of the land was that of
feigning that after the imiverjal dehge (of which all thofe Indians had
knowledge) they had new peopled the world, itvtn of them ifluing
from the cave of Pacaritambo, and that all other men therefore ought
to render them homage as their progenitors." Acofta, therefore, knew
that that tradition of the Americans rcfpeded the univerfal deluge, and
that the fobles with which it was blended had been invented by the
Incas to eftablifli the right of their empire. What would that author
have faid, if he had had thofe proofs in favour of the tradition which
we have ? The Mexicans, as their own hiftorians affirm, make no
mention of the deluge, without commemorating alfo the confufion of
tongues and the difperfion of the people, and thofe three things were
reprefentcd by them in a fingle painting, as appears from that picture
which Siguenza had from D. F. d'Alba Ixtliixochitl, and he from
his noble anceflors, a copy of which has been given in our hiftory.
The fame tradition has been found among the Chiapanefc, the XJaA-
Cfllans, the people of Michuacan, of Cuba, and the Indians of the
continent, with the circumilance of a few men, with fiime animals
havino:
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
24f
having been £ived in a veflel from the deluge, and to have fct at Uberty DISSERT,
firft a bird, which did not return again to the vcffel, becaufc it re- ^^^'
mained eating carrion, and afterwards another, which returned with
a green branch in its mouth : this renders it evident, that they did
not fpeaic of any other deluge than that which drowned all the earth
in the time of the patriarch Noah. All the circumflances which
have difguifed or changed this moit ancient and univerfal tradition
among nations, have either been allegories, fuch as thofe of the feven
caves of the Mexicans, to fignify the (even different nations which
peopled the countiy of A;,ahuac, or the fidions of ignorance or am-
bition. None of thofe nations believed that men were faved upon the
mountains,, but in an. ark or velfcl, or, if pollible, any one thought
otherwile, it was certainly becaufe the tradition of the deluge, after
fo many centuries, had been changed. It is therefore abfolutely
falfe that there was an unanimous tradition of an inundation peculiar
tx) America, among all thofe people who dwelt between the land of
Magellan and the river St, Lawrence..
The lakes and the marflies which appear to Mr. Buffon and Mr.
de Paw inconteftible marks and traces of this- pretended inundatien,
are unqueftionably the effedls of the great rivers, the innumerable
fountains, and the very plentiful rains of America. If thofe lakes and
marlhes had been made by that inundation, and not by the caufes wc
have athgned, they would, after fo many ages, have been confumed and
dried up by the continual evaporation) which the heat of the fun
produces, particularly under the torrid zone; or at lead: they would
have been confiderably diminilhed ; but no diminution is obfervable,
except in thofe lakes, from which human indultry has diverted the
rivers and torrents which difcharged themfelvcs into them, as in thofe'
of the vale of Mexico. We have Ccen and obferved the five principal-
lakes of New Spain, which are thofe of Tezcuco, Chalco, Cuifco, Paz-
cuaro, and Chapalla, and are confident that they have not been formed,
nor are preferved, . but by plentiful rain-waters, rivers, and fountains.
All the world is acquainted, that no rains are more copious and violent
nor any rivers fo great, as thofe of America. Why then invent inun-
dations while we have caufes at hand more natural and certain ? If
the lakes were proofs of an inundation,, wc ought rather to believe it
to
8
248- H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DÌ5SR11T. to have happened in the old than in the new continent, becaufe
}}'__^ all the lakes of America, including even thofe of Canada, which are
the largeft, arc not comparable to the Black, White, Baltic, and Caf-
pian feas, \vhich though vulgarly called feas, are, however, according
to Buffon himfelf, true lakes, formed by rivers Vv'hich pour into them.
If to thofe we add the lakes of Lemano, Onega, Plellcow, and many
others, extremely large, of Ruffia, Tartary, and other countries (/>), we
will foon difcover how much they, who have fo exaggerated the lakes
of America, had forgotten the nature of their own continent. The
lake of Chapalla, which, in the geographical maps, is honoured with
the magnificent name of Mare Chapallicum, or fea of Chapalla, which
we have alfo fcen and coafted round three times, is hardly a hundred
miles in circumference. But if the rivers Don, Wolga, Borylthenes,
Danube, Oder, and others of the ancient continent, though lefs by
far than the Maragnon, the river of Plata, that of Maddalena, St.
Lawrence, Oroonoko, Millillippi, and others of the new world, are
neverthelefs extremely fufficient, according to what Buffon fays, to
form thofe lakes which are fo great, that they have always been efleemed
feas, wlrat wonder is it that the monftrous rivers of America make
fmaller lakes and marihes ? Mr. de Paw fays, that thofe lakes appear
receptacles of water, which have not yet been able to iffue from thofe
places formerly overflowed by a violent agitation given to all the ter-
raqueous globe. The ni:merous volcanos of the Afidcs, or American
Alps, and of the hills of Mexico, and the earthquakes which are in-
ceffantly felt in one part or other of thofe Alps, let us fee that that
land is not vet at repofe even in our day. But if that violent agitation
Avas general over the terraqueous globe, how came the lands of Peru
and Mexico to be inundated, which are fo highly elevated above the
level of the fea, as Buffon and de Paw both confefs, and not the
lands of Europe, which are fo very much lower ? Whoever has
obferved the ftupendous elevation of the inland countries of America,
will not eafily perfuade himfelf that the water could rife io as to
cover them without inundating Europe. Befides, we may alfo £iy,
{,j) Bom.irc enumerates thirty- eight hikes in the cmtons of Su-itzcrhmJ, and fays, that
into that of Harlem vcflels of great fuc enter. The lake of Aral Iri Tartary has, according
to the fumi; a>uhor, a hunilrexi tcagues of length and iifty of breadth.
that
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
249
that Vefuvlus, Etna, Hecla, and the numerous volcanos of the Mo- DISSERT,
luccas, the Philippine iflands, and Japan, and thefrequentearthquak.es
of thofe iflands, and of China, Perfia, Syria, Turkey, 6cc. let us alfo fee
that even the old world is not yet at repofe in our day (r).
The veins of metals, adds de Paw, which are found in fome places
on the furface of the earth, appear to indicate, that the foil was once
overflowed, and that the torrents carried away part of it. But would
it not be better to fay, that fome violent eruptions of fubterraneous
fires, which appear manifefl: in the many volcanos of the Cordilleras,
deflroying the furface of fome foils, left the veins of metals almofl
naked ?
The finding of marine bodies heaped together in fome inland places
of America, if it Ihould prove the pretended inundation would prove
ftill more ftrongly a greater inundation of the old continent; for
whereas there are few places in America in which thefe maflfes of fea-
fliells, and other petrified marine bodies, are found ; Europe, on the
contrary, is almofl: full of petrifications of fuch bodies, which demon-
flrates with certainty that it was formerly overflowed by the fea (j-)..
Every perfon knows the wonders and the calculations which feveral
French natural philofophers have made of that immenfe quantity of
fhells which arc I'cen in Tourain, and nobody is ignorant either that
fuch kind of petrified marine bodies are found alfo in the Alps. Why
then ought we to conclude, from fome marine bodies having been found
in fonìe places of America, that that country lufl^ered an inundation,
and not fl:ill more confidently conclude, thatEurope has fufi"eredan inun-
dation from fuch bodies having been found in i\ìì\ greater abundance
in many places of it ? If the tranfportation of tliofe bodies to inland
places of Europe is to be afcribed to the waters of the univerfal deluge,
(r) M. dc Paw himfelf, after having made mention of Vefuvius, Etna, Hecla, and the
volcanos of Liparis, fpeaks thus : " Amontfft the great volcanos arc reckoned the Paranucitn,
in the iflund of Java; the Canapis, in the iUand of Banda ; the Balaluaii, in the ifland of
Sumatra. The ifland of Ternate lias a flaming mountain, the irruptions of which are not •
inferior to thofe of Etna. Of all the iflands, fmall and large, which compofc the empire of"
Japan, there is not one which has not a volcano that is not more or lefs confiderable ; and
alfo the Philippine iflcs, the Azores, the Cape de VcrJ iflands, &c." Letter III. Sur Ics
ykìjjìliidei tin noire Globe.
(j) Burguct, in his Trcatijl- en Pttrcjicattons, and Torribia, in his IntroJu8ion to tl/c Naturnl
Hijiory ofy.paiii, gives US a very lonjj account of the places of Europe and Afia, where petri-
fied marine bodies arc found.
. Vol. II. K k why
III.
250 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, why ought they not to be afcribed to the fame caufe in America {f)i
On the contrary, if the waters of the univerfal deluge were not thofe
which carried the above mentioned marine bodies into the inland places
of Europe, but thofe of a pofterior inundation : if Europe is in ge-
neral, according to what Buffon fays [u ), z new countiy : if it is
not long fmce it was covered with woods and marflies, why do we not
fee in Europe, and why were there not feen two thoufand years ago,
thofe flupendous effedls of the inundation which thofe authors fee in
America ? Why have the animals of Europe degenerated like thofe of
America ? Why are not the Europeans cold in conftitution like the
Americans ? Why are or have not the women of both the one and the
other part of the world been equally barren ? Why, if Europe was
overflowed like America, and more fo, and for a much longer time
than it, as is clearly deducible from the arguments of Buffon, has
its foil remained fertile, and that of America barren ? Why are the fkies
of Europe fo mild, thofe of x'lmerica fo inclement ? Why to Europe
fhould all the bleffmgs have been deftined, to America all the evils ?
Whoever would be better informed refpeóting thofe difficulties, may
read Buffon on the inundation of Europe.
The laft argument of M. de Paw is taken from the extindlion or de-
flruftion of the great quadrupeds in America, which he fays are the
firfl to perifli in water. This author believes that anciently there were
elephantSj camels, fea-horfes, and other large quadrupeds in America,
but that they all pcriihed in this fuppofed inundation. But what per-
fon will not wonder that elephants and camels, who are fo fwift, fliould
(t) One of the highefl mount;iiiis of America is the 'Dc%cal>i-zàclo, fituated among the alps of
Chili, upwards of five hundred miles from the fea. Its perpendicular height above the level of
the fea is, according to Molina, a learned and diligent hiliorian of that kingdom, more than
three miles. On the top of this very lofiy mountain is found a great quantity of petrified
marine bodies, which certainly iCould not have been carried to that ftupendous height bv the
waters of any partial inundation, different from the deluge which happened in the time of
Noah. Neither can it be faid that that fummit might formerly have been the bed of the fea,
and gradually have been r-ifed by fubtcrraneous tires, bfaiini; along with it thofe marine
bodies ; bec;mfc although this cafe is not improbable in ibme places, which we fee but a little
elevated above the level of the fea, and we e-i^n think it may frequently have happened, not-
wiihdanding, in a height fo extraordinary as this, it appears eritirely incredible : fo that thofe
marine bodies, found on that fummit, ought to be confidered as unqucltionable proofs and
indubitable traces of the univerfal deluge.
(«) Tom. Theorie dc la Terre. ,
perifli.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 251
perifli, and that thelloth, which is fo flow, and unable to move, llioulJ DISSERT,
efcape ? that they could not, as well as men, betake themfelves to the «_v-^
mountains, either by fwimming, at which they are moft dexterous, or
by availing themfelves of the fwiftnefs of their feet, which is fo great,
that in one day, according to the account of Buffon, they go one
hundred and fifty miles ; and yet the floths could find leifure to afcend
to the tops of the mountains, which, according to the account of the
fame author, can hardly move a perch in an hour ? Although we
fhould admit that fuch quadrupeds have been formerly in America,
we are not obliged to believe that their deftrucllon has been occafioned
by the fuppofed inundation, becaufe it might be afcribed to other
caufes very different. M. dc Paw himfelf afiinns (a-), that if
elephants were tranfportcd to America, as the Portuguefe have at-
tempted, they would meet with the fame fortune with camels ; that
they would not propagate, although they were left in the woods to
iheir ov/n inftindt ? becaufe the change of aliment and clime is infi-
nitely more fenfibly felt by elephants than all other quadrupeds of the
largefl kind. He likewife declares in another place, that the caufes
which operate to the deftrudtion of thofe animals, that is, the quadru-
peds of the new world, are difticulties of a high degree, and at the fame
time one of the mod interefting fubjetìs of the natural hillory of the
terraqueous globe. Why then does he decide fo pofitively, tliat the
fuppofed inundation was the caufe of their extirpation ?
Buffon endeavours to pcrfuade us of the recent inundation of Ame-
rica by feveral arguments, to which we will anfwer in a few words ►
If this cont'ment is as ancient as the other, he fnys, fpeaking of Ame-
rica, why have fo few men been found there ? The men who have been
found there cannot be called few, but in refpe^fl to the very extenfive
country which they have inhabited. Thole who lived in focieties, as
the Mexicans, the natives of Michuacan, the Acolhuas, and others
who occupied all that very extenfive traft of the country, which lies
between nine and twenty-three degrees of latitude, and two hundred
and feventy-one and two hundred and ninety-four of longitude, were
bodies of people as numerous as thoie of Europe, which we (hall flievv
( .V ) Rechcrchcs riiilofophlqucs, parte i.
K k 2 in
252 H I S T O Tv Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, in another diflertation (v). Thofe who lived mdre difperfed, formed
fmaller nations or tribes, becaufe their fmalkr multiplication has
been always a neceflary effed: of favage life in all countries in the
world. " If favages are Ihepherds, fays Montefquieu, they require a
" great country to be able to fubfift in a certain number. If they are
*' hunters, as the favnges of America were, they exift in flill fmaller
** numbers, and in order to maintain themfelves, form a ftill lefs popu-
*' lous nation."
Why returns Mr. Buffon to afk, were they almoft all favage and
difperfed ? It is not fo. How can it be faid they were all favage and
difperfed ; whilft we know that the Mexicans, the Peruvians, and all
the people fubjeól to them, lived in focieties ; which, as Mr. Buffon
himfelf confefles, were extremely numerous, and cannot be called new.
The other nations continued favages, from a violent attachment to li-
berty or feme other caufe of which we are ignorant. In Alia, al-
though it is a moil ancient country, there are itili many nations that
are favage and diiperfed. Why, he fays, have thofe who were united
in focieties, hardly counted two or three hundred years iince they af-
fembled ? This is another error. The Mexicans hardly counted
two hundred years from the foundation of their capital ; the Tlaf-
calans fomething more from the eilabliihment of their republic,
but tjiofe nations, and the others fubjecfted to them, lived in fo-
ciety from time immemorial, as well as the Toltecas, Acolhuas, and
Michuacanefe. Neither Buffon, de Paw, nor Dr. Robertfon, can
diflinsuiih the eilabliihment of thofe nations in Anahuac, from
the fettlements which they had many centuries before in the northern
regions of the new world.
" Why, he again afks, were thofe nations who lived in fociety igno-
" rant of the art of tranfmitting to pofterity the memory of events by
** means of durable figns, conlldering that they had found the manner
{y) Thefe argviments of the count de Buffon againfl the antiquity of America, are found
in the lixth volume of his Natural Hiftory ; but a little before, in the fame volume, he fays
thus : " There have been difcovered in Mexico and Peru, civilized men, and cultivated people,
fubjeft to laws, and governed by kings ; they pofleflcd indù dry, arts, and a fpecies of religion ;
they lived in cities in which order and government were maintained under the authority of a
fovcreign. Thefe people, are certainly very numerous, and cannot be faid to be new," &c.
" of
II I S T O R Y O P M E X I e O. 253
** of communicating together at a diftance by means of knots on cords ?" f^lSSERT,
What then were the pitìures and characters of the Mexicans, and the
other pohOied nations of Anahuac, if not durable figns, deftined to per-
petuate the memory of events ? See what Acofta has faid on this fub •
jed:, in the vith book of chap. 7. of his hiftory, and what we fay in
our dilTertation on the culture of the Mexicans.
Why, he continues, had they not domefticated animals, nor em-
ployed any other than the Llama (z) and Paco, which were not do-
meftic, faithful, and docile, like ours ? Becaufe there were no others
which could be domeflicated. Does Mr. Buffon think that they
fhould have domefticated tygers, Pume, wolves, and other fucli wild
hearts ? M. de Paw reproaches the Americans for their little in-
duftry, in not having employed the rein-deer as the Laplanders have ;
but thofe animals were not to be found but in countries extremely
dillant from Mexico j and the favages in whole lands thofe animals were
found, would not make ufe of them, becaufe they had no occafion for
them, or it did not come into their minds to domefticate them. Befides,
the propofition of Mr. Buffon taken in fo general a fenfe, is certainly
falfe ; as he himfelf fays that the alco, or techiche, a quadruped fimi-
lar to a little dog, which is common to both Americas, was do-
mefticated by the Indians. In the fiime manner the Mexicans domef-
ticated rabbits, ducks, turkeys, and other animals.
" Laftly, their arts, concludes Mr. Buffon, were as rude as their
*' fociety, their talents inferior, their ideas not yet developed, their ov-r
" gans rough, and their language barbarous:" the errors contained in
thofe words we fliall effeftually refute in the following differtations."
We mufl, therefore, upon the whole, deny that pretended inun-
dation, as one of thole philolbphical chimeras invented. by the unquiet
geniufes of our century : fince among the Americans there has been no
memory of any other inundation than that univerfal deluge of which
the Scriptures make mention. We would, on the contrary, fay, that if
it was true that the deluge of Noah did not overflow the whole earth,
(r) Llama, not Lama was, according to what Acofta fays, the generic name of the four
fpccics ot quadrupeds of that kind ; but at prcfcnt it is ufed only to fijnify the one which the
Spaniards called Carnus, that is, the ram of Peru. The other three fpeeies arc the Paco, the
Guanaco or Huannacp, and the Ficugna. The name Llama is pronounced Lyama,
no
254 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, no country might be fooner fuppofed to have been exempted from that
'^' calamity than Mexico ; for befides its great elevation above the level
of the fea, there is no inland country where petrified marine bodies
are more rare.
SECT. II.
On the Climate of Mexico,
IF we were to employ ourfelves to refute all the abfurd notions
which M. de Paw has written againfl; the climate of America, a large
volume, inflead of a differtation, would beneceflary. Let it fuffice to
fay, he has colledled all that has been faid by feveral authors, right or
wrong, againfh different particular countries of the New World, in or-
der to prefent his readers with an alTemblage of ficftions that is mon-
flrous and horrid, without confidering, that if we were to follow his
fleps, and undertook to make a fimilar reprefentation of the different
countries of which the old continent is compofedj. (which w^ould not
be difficult) we would make a defcription flill more hideous than his j
but as it would be foreign to our purpofe we will confine ourfelves
to treat of the climate of Mexico.
This country, as it is extremely extenfive, and divided into fo many
provinces, different in their fituation, is neceffarily fubjedied to a va-
riety of climates. Some of its lands, fuch as the maritime, are hot,
and in general moifl and unhealthy ; others are like all inland places,
temperate, dry, and healthy. The latter are extremely high, the for-
mer very low. In fome the fouth wind, in others the eaff, and in
others the north wind prevails. The greatefl cold of any of the in-
habited places, does not equal that of France or even Caflile ; nor can
the greatefl heat be compared to that of Africa, or the dog-days in
many countries of Europe. The difference betwen winter and fummer
is fo little in any p.ut, that the moft delicate perfons wear the fame
cloaths in Augufb and January. This and a good deal more which
we have already faid, refped:ing the mildnefs and fweetnefs of that
climate is fo notorious, that there is no need of arguments to fup-
port it.
M. de
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 255
M. de Paw in order to demonftrate the malignity of the Amc- DISSFRT.
rican climate, adduces firft the fmaUnefs and irregularity of the animals
of America. Secondly, the fize and enormous multiplication of the
infedls, and other little animals. Thirdly, the difeafes of the Ameri-
cans, and particularly the venereal diforder. Fourthly, the defedls of
their natural conflitution. Fifthly, theexcefs of cold in the countries
of America, in comparilbn of thofe of the old continent, fituatcd at an
equal dirtance from the equator.
But this fuppofed fmallnefs and lefs ferocity of the American ani-
mals, of \vhich we lliall treat hereafter, inftead of the malignity, de-
monftrate the mildnefs and bounty of the clime, if we give credit to
Builbn, at whofe fountain Sig. de Paw has drank, and of whofe
teftimony he has availed himfelf againtt Don Pernetty. Buffon who
in many places of his Natural Hiilory produces the fmallnefs of the
American animals as a certain argument of the malignity of the cli-
mate of America ; in treating afterwards of favage animals, in torn.
II. fpeaks thus : " As all things, even the moft free creatures, are
fubjedl to natural laws, and animals as well as men are fubjedted to the
influence of climate and foil, it appears that the fame caufes which
have civilized and polilhed the human fpecies in our climates, may
have likewife produced fmiilar effedis upon other fpecies. The wolf,
which is perhaps the fierceft of all the quadrupeds of the temperate
zone, is however incomparably lefs terrible than the tyger, the lion,
and the panther of the torrid zone ; and the white bear and hyena of
the frigid zone. In America, where the air and the earth are more
mild than thofe of Africa, the tyger, the lion, and the panther, are not ter-
rible but in the name. They have degenerated, if fiercenefs joined to cru-
elty, made their nature; or, to fpeak more properly, they have only fuffcr-
ed the influence of the climate : under a milder iky their nature ahb has
become more mild. From climes which are immoderate in their temper-
ature are obtained drugs, perfumes, poifons, and all thole plants whofe
qualities are ftrong. The temperate earth on tlie contrary, produces
only things which arc temperate; the mildeft herbs, the moft wholc-
fo.nie pulfe, the fweetcft fruits, the mofl: quiet animals, and the moil hu-
mane men are the natives of this happy clime. As the earth inakcs the
plants.
256
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, plants, the earth and plants make animals ; the earth, the plants, and the
^^^1_ J animals make man. The phy ficai qualities of man, and the animals
which feed on other animals, depend, though more remotely, on the
fame caufes, which influence their difpofitions and cuftoms. This
is the greateft proof and demonftration, that in temperate climes every
thing becomes temperate, and that in intemperate climes every thing
is exceffive ; and that fize and form which appear fixed and deter-
minate qualities, depend notwithftanding, like the relative qualities,
on the influence of climate. The fize of our quadrupeds cannot be
compared With, that of an elephant, the rhinoceros, or fea-horfe. The
largeft of our birds are but fmall if compared with the oflrich, the
condore, and cafoare." So far Mr. Buffon, whofe text we have co-
pied, becaufe it is of importance to our purpofe, and entirely contrary
to what M. de Paw writes againft the climate of America, and
Buffon himfelf in many other places.
If the large and fierce animals are natives of intemperate climes, and
fmall and tranquil animals of temperate climes, as Mr. Buffon has
here effablillied ; if mildnefs of climate influences the difpofition and
"cufloms of animals, Mr. de Paw does not well deduce the malignity
of the climate of America from the fmaller fize and lefs fiercenefs o£
its animals ; he ought rather to have deduced the gentlenefs and fweet-
nefs of its climate from this antecedent. If, on the contrary, the
fmaller fize and lefs fiercenefs of the American animals, with refpedt
to thofe of the old continent, are a proof of their degeneracy, arifing
the malignity of the clime, as Mr. de Paw would have it, we ought
in like manner to argue the malignity of the climate of Europe from
the fmaller fize and lefs fiercenefs of its animals, compared with thofe
of Africa. If a philofopher of the country of Guinea (hould under-
take a work in imitation of M. de Paw, with this title, Recherches
PbiloJ'ophiquis Jlir les Eiiropeens, he might avail himfelf of the fame
argument which M. de Paw ufes to demonffrate the malignity
of the climate of Europe, and the advantages of that of Africa.
The climate of Europe, he would fay, is very unfavourable to the
produftion of quadrupeds, which are found incomparably fmaller, and
more cowardly than ours. What are the horfe and the ox, the largefi:
of its animals, compared with our elephants, our rhinocerofes, our
fea-
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 257
fea-horfcs, and our camels ? What are its lizards, either in fize or DISSERT.
. . III.
intrepidity, compared with our crocodiles ? Its wolves, its bears, the
moft dreadful of its wild beafls, when befide our lions and tygers ?
Its eagles, its vultures, and cranes, if compared with our oftriches,
appear only like hens. In order to avoid prolixity, we omit other
fuch obfervations which might be made againfl Europe, ftill adhering
to the materials and words of M. de Paw. What Buffon and de
Paw would anfwer to that African philofopher, we will now anfvver
to thofe philofophers of Europe; fince their arguments either do
not prove, that the climate of America is bad, or lay that the cli-
mate of Europe is bad, or at leali that the African is better than
the European climate.
From the fcarcity and fmallnefs of quadrupeds M. de Paw pafìes
to the enormous fize, and prodigious multiplication of the infe(5ls, and-
other noxious little animals. " The furface of the earth, he fays,.in-
" fedled by putrefadtion, was over-run vv'ith lizards, ferpents, reptiles,
'* and infetìs monftrous for fize, and the activity of their poiion, which
" they drew from the copious juices of this uncultivated foil, that was
" corrupted and abandoned to itlJf, where the nutritive juice became
" Iharp, like the milk in tiie breaflof animals which do not exercife the.
" virtue of propagation. Caterpillars, crabs, butterflies, beetles, fpi-
" ders, frogs, and toads, were for the moll: part of an enormous cor—
" pulence in their fpecies, and multiplied beyond what can be imagined.
" Panama is infefted with ferpents, Carthagena with clouds of enor-
" mous bats, Portobello with toads,, Surinam with kakerlacas 01 cuca-
" racbas, Guadaloupe, and the other colonies of the iflands, with bee-
" ties, Quito witli niguas or chegoes, and Lima with lice and bugs..
" The ancient kii.gs of Mexico, and the emperors of Peru, found no
" other means of ridding their liibjedts of thofe infects, which fed upon
" them, than the.impofition of an annual tribute, of a certain quantity
" of lice. Ferdinand Cortes found bags full of thciii in the palace of
" Montezuma." But this argument, lull tliroughout of fallity and ex-
aggerations, proves nothnig agamft the climate of America in general,,
much Icfs againfl that of Mexico. There being fome lands in Ame-
rica,, in which, on account of their heat, humidity, or want of in-
habitants, large infedts are found, and cxccliively multiplied;, will
Vol. II. L 1 prove
258 II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, prove at moft that in fome places the furface of the earth is infeded,
TIT
as he fays, with putrefaftion ; but not that the foil of Mexico, or that
of all America is ftinking, uncultivated, vitiated, and abandoned to
itfelf, as is weakly averted by IVI. de Paw. If fuch a deduction
were juft, he might alfo fay, that the foil of the old continent is bar-
ren, and flinksj as in many countries of it there are prodigious mul-
titudes of monftrous infeéts, noxious reptiles, and vile animals, as in
the Philippine Illes, in many of thofe of the Indian archipelago, in
feveral countries of the fouth of Afia, in many of Africa, and even in
fome of Europe, The Philippine Illes are infefted with enormous
ants, and monftrous butterflies ; Japan with fcorpions ; South of Afia
and Africa, with ferpents; Egypt, with afpsj Guineaand Ethiopia, with
armies of ants ; Holland with field-rats ; Ukrania, with toads, as M. àe
Paw, himfelf affirms ( / ). In Italy, the Campagna di Roma (although
peopled for fo many ages), with vipers, Calabria with tarantulas, the
fhores of the Adriatic fea with clouds of gnats ; and even in France,
the population of which is fo great and fo ancient, whofe lands are fo
well cultivated, and whofe climate is fo celebrated by the French, there
appeared, a few years ago, according to Mr, Buffon, a new fpecies of
field mice, larger than the common kind, called by him Surmulots,
which have multiplied exceedingly, to the great damage of the fields.
Mr. Bazin, in his Compendium of the Hiftory of Infeóts, numbers
feventy-feven fpecies of bugs, which are all found in Paris and its
neighbourhood. That large capital, as Mr. Bomare lays, fvvarms
with thofe difguflful infedts. It is true that there are places in
America where the multitude of infeéls, and filthy vermin, make
life irkfome ; but we do not know that they have arrived to fuch
excefs of multiplication as to depopulate any place, at leaff there
cannot be fo many examples produced of this caule of depopulation
in the new as in the old continent, which are attefled by Theo-
phraftus, Varrò, Pliny ( /' ), and other authors. The frogs depopu-
lated one place in Gaul, and the locufts another in Africa. One of
the Cyclades, was depopulated by mice; Amiclas, near to Taracina,
(/) Defenfe des Recherches Philofophiques, fur les Americains, chap. 15.
i^k) Pliny Hill. Natur. lib. viii. cap. ig.
by
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 259
by ferpents ; another place, near to Ethiopia, by fcorpions and poifon- DISSERT.
ous ants ; and another by fcolopendras ; and not fo diftant from our
own times, the Mauritius was going to have been abandoned on ac-
count of the extraordinary multiphcation of rats, as we can remember
to liave read in a French author.
With rcfpeft to the fize of the infe(fl:s, reptiles, and fuch animals,
M. de Paw makes ufe of the teftimony of Mr. Dumont, who, in his
Memoirs on Louiliana, fays, tliat the frogs are fo large there that they
weigh thirty-feven French pounds, and their horrid croaking imitates
the bellowing of cows. But who can trufl to that author, particular-
ly after knowing what Mr. de Paw fays, (in his anfwer to Don Pernetty,
cap. 1 7) that all thofe who have written about Louifiana from 1 lene-
pin, Le Clerc,and Cav. Tonti, to Dumont, have contradicted each other
fometimes on one and fometimes on another fabje<ft. We wonder how-
ever, that M. de Paw Ihould have had the boldnefs to write that thefe
monfters do not exift in the reft of the world. We know extremely
well that there are neither in the old nor new continent frogs of
thirty-feven pounds in weight ; but there are in Afia and. Africa fer-
pents, buttertlies, ants, and other animals of fuch monftrous fize, that
they exceed all thofe which have been difcovered in the new world.
In what place of America has a ferpent of fifty Roman cubits in length,
been [ten, fuch as that which was ihewn by Augullas to the Romaa
people at the public fpedlacles, as hillorians affirm (/), or fo grofs as
that which was killed in the Vatican in the time of the emperor Clau-
dius, and attefted by Pliny, an author almoll cotemporary, in the
belly of which an entire child was found. But, above all, where has
there been feen, even in the inoft folitary woods of America, a ferpent
which can in any manner be compared with that mofi: enormous and
prodigious one of one hundred and twenty feet in length, (ccn in
Africa at the time of the firft Punic war, and killed with war ma-
chines by the army of Attihus Regulus, the lldn and jaw-bones of
wliich were preferved in a temple of Rome, until the war of Numan-
tia, according to the teftimonics of Livy, Pliny, and other Roman
hiftorians ? We know very well that fomc American hiftorian fays,,
(/) Suetcnius in Oi-'lav'uno Csf-irc.
L 1 2 that
26o K I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DiSvSERT. that a certain gigantic fpecies of ferpents is to be found in the woods,
. _' . which attratfc men with their breath, and fvvallow theirs up; but we
know alfo that feveral hiftorians, both ancient and modern, report tlie
fame thing of the f:?rpents of Afia, and even fomething more. iSlegaf-
thenes, cited by PHny, faid, that there were ferpents found in Afia, fo
iarge, that they fwallowed entire ftags and bulls (-•;?). Metrodorus,
cited by the fame author, affirms, that in Aiia there were ferpents
which, by their breath, attrafted birds, however high they were, or
quicJc their flight. Among the moderns, GemelU, in vol. V". of his
Tour of the World, when he treats of the animals of the Philippine
ifles, fpeaks thus: " There are ferpents in thefeiflands of immoderate
** fize ; there is one called Ibkin, very long, which fufpending itfelf
'* by the tail from the trunk of a tree, waits till ftags, bears, and alfo
^* men pafs by, in order to attradt them with its breath, and devour
" them at once entirely :" from whence it is evident, that this very
ancient fible has been common to both continents («).
Mr. de Paw would perhaps fay, that thefe monftrous animals were
formerly feen in the old continent when its clime was not yetperfeded.
But when that which the ancients wrote is compared with that which
we know of Afia and Africa at prefent, who is there that will not perceive
that the climate of thofe countries is at prefent, for the moft part,
what it was two thoufand years ago ; that there is the fame heat, the
fime drynefs or humidity, the fame kind of plants, animals, and men,
&:c. Befides, even in our days, various forts of monftrous animals have
been feen in thofe regions which infinitely furpafs thofe analagous to
them in the new world. In what country of America could M. de Paw
find ants to equal thofe of the Philippine iflands, called Sulum, refpeéling
which Hernandez {o) affirms, that they are fix fingers broad in length,
(w) Megafthenes fcribit, in India ferpentcs in tantam magnitudinem adolefcere, utfolidos
.hauriant cervos taurofque. Metrodorus circa Rhyndacum amnem in ponto ut fupervolan-
tes quamvis alte perniciterque, allies hauftu raptas abforbeant. Notaelt in Puiiicis bcUis ad
flunien Bagradam anRegulo imper. baleftis tormentifque ut oppidum aliquod espugnata Terpens
CXX pedum longitudinis. Pellls ejus maxilloequc ufque ad bellum Numantinum duravere
Romse in temple. Faciunt his fidem in Italia appellatx bos in tantem amplitudincm exe-
untes ut Divo Claudio, princ'pe otcifa; in Vaticano folidus in alvo fpedatus fit infans. I'fin.
Hift. Nat. lib. viii. cap. 14.
(«) See Bomare on the Minia of Africa, and the Reiulerah of Ceylon.
(») Hern, Hift. Infeftor. N. Hifp. cap, 30.
and
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 261
'and one in breadth ? Who lias ever leen in America butterflies Co krcre DISSKRt.
I TT
as thofe of Bourbon, Ternate, the Philippine illes, and all the Indian
Archipelago ? The largcfl: bat of America (native to hot fliady
countries) which is that called by Button vampiro, is, according to
him of the fize of a pigeon. La Rovgcttc, one of the fpecies of Ada,
is as large as a raven ; and the Rcajl'ttc, another fpecies of Afia, is as big
as a large hen {p). Its wings, when extended, meafure from tip to
tip three Parifian feet, and according to Gemelli, who meafured it
in the Philippine illes [q), f: x palms. Mr. DufFon acknowledges the
cxcefs in fize of the Aliatic bat over the American fpecies, but denies
it as to number. Gemelli fays, that thofe of the Ifland of Luzon were
fo numerous that they darkened the air, and that the noife which they
made with their teeth, in eating the fruits of the woods, was heard at
the diflance of two miles (/). M. de Paw fays, in talking of fer-
pents (-f), *' it cannot be alHrmed that the new world has fliewn any
" ferpents larger than thofe which Mr. Adanfon faw in the deferts of
" Africa." The greateft ferpent found in Mexico, after a diligent fearch
made by Hernandez, was eighteen feet long; but this is not to
be compared with that the Moluccas, v/hich Bomare fays, is
thirty-three feet in length (/) ; nor with the Atiacandaja of Ceylon,
which the fame author fays is more than thirty-three feet long [ti) ;
nor with others of Afia and Africa, mentioned by the fame author.
Laftly, the argument drawn from the multitude and fize of the Ame-
rican infeds is fully as weighty as the argument drawn from thefinall-
nefs and fcarcity of quadrupeds, and both defedi the fame ignorance,
or rather the fame voluntary and ftudied forgetfulnefs of the things of
the old continent.
With refpedl to what Mr. de Paw has fiid of the tribute of lice In
Mexico, in that, as well as in many other things, he difcovers liis
ridiculous faith. It is true that Cortes found bags of lice in the maga-
[p) BufTon, Hill. Nat. torn. xix.
{q) Gemelli, torn. V.
(r) What Gemelli fays rcfpefting the fuiprifing noife of the bats of the ifhinil of Luzon
is confirmed by fcveral perfons worihy of credit, who have been foine years in that iilaud.
(;) Defcnfc des Recherch. Philofoph. chap. zz.
(/) Bomare Didiion. Univ. d' Hillolre N;itur, W.Coukuvre.
(k) là, \ , Anacandaja,
zLnes
202 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, zines of the palace of king Axajacatl, It is alfo true, that Montezuma
K-^-^^^-L^^ impofed fuch a tribute, not on all his fubjefts however, but only on
thofe who were beggars, not on account of the extraordinary multitude
of thofe infedls, as Mr. de Paw affirms, but becaufe Montezuma,
who could not fuffer idlenefs in his fubjeóts, refolved that that mifer-
able fet of people, who could not labour, fhould at leafl be occupied
in loafing themfelves (x). This was the true reafon of fuch an extra-
vagant tribute, as Torquemada, Betancourt, and other hiflorians relate,
and nobody ever before thought of, that v»^]iich Mr. de Paw affirms
merely becaufe it fuited his prepofterous fyftem. Thofe difgufting
infedls poinbly abound as much in the hair and cloaths of American
beggars, as of any poor and uncleanly low people in the world ; but
tliere is not a doubt that if any fovereign of Europe was to exadt
fuch atribute fremi the poor in his dominions, not only bags but great
veffels might be filled with them.
Laflly, to referve the examination of the proofs of the bad climate
of America, founded on the difeafes and defedls of the phy ficai con-
ftitution of the Americans to another Difitrtation, in which we will
demon ftrate the errors and puerile prejudices of Mr. de Paw, let us
attend to what he fays on the excefs of cold in the countries of the
new world with refpedt to thofe of the old, which are fituate at aa
equal diflance from the equator. " Comparing," he fays, " the ex-
*' periments made with thermometers in Peru, by MefT. Condamine and
" d'Ulloa with thofe of the indefatigable Mr. Adanfon in Senegal, it- is
" eafily underftood, that the air is lefs hot in the new than in the old
" world. Upon calculating, with the greateft poffible exaélnefs, the
" difference of temperature, I believe it will be found equal to twelve
" degrees of latitude ; that is, it is as hot in Africa at thirty degrees
*' from the equator as at eighteen degrees from the fame line in Ame-
" rica. The liquor did not mount to (o great a height in Peru in the
" torrid zone as it mounted in France at the greateft heat of the fummer.
" Quibec, although it is in 'the fame latitude almofl with Faris, has an
** incomparably niore fevere and cold climate than it. The difference
(a) It is certiiirv that Montezuma was extremely attentive to cle.mlinefs, as well as an.
cntniy lo idkncfs ; it is theiefore extremely probable that from both thefe motives he was
induced to impofc that exiraordiiiary tiibutc.
** between
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 263
" between Hudfon's Bay and the Tliames, fituate both in the fame dissert.
" latitude, is equally fenlible."
Although we flioulJ grant all this to Mr. de Paw, it would
not alTifl him to demonftrate the malignity of the American clijne.
Why would he deduce the badnefs of clime from the excels of cold in
the lands of x^merica, and not rather deduce the badnefs. of climate of
the old continent from the excefs of heat in countries equidiftant from
the equator ? Mr. de Paw can form no argument in this point
againft America, which the Americans cannot powerfully retort againil
Europe, or againft Ahica. But all the obfervations made by him are
not futHcient to eftablilh, as a general principle, that the countries of
the new world are colder than thofc of the old continent fituatedin the
fame latitude ; and flill lefs to make it be believed that there is as much
heat in the old continent at thirty degrees of latitude as in the new
world at eighteen degrees. Mr. de Paw fays ("yj, that the cold be-
yond the eightieth degree in the old continent ought to become in No-
vember fo deftru(5tive to men that no mortal could live there; there-
fore no men fhould be able to live in America beyond the feventy-
feventh degree. How then does he affirm, that in the country of the
Efquimeaux there are inhabitants found beyond the feventy-fifth de-
gree of latitude ? And if the feeble Americans can fubfift in that la-
titude, we may believe that the hardieft Europeans would be able to
bear the cold of the eightieth degree. Farther, if this principle were
true, it would be as cold in Jerufalem, lituated in little kfs than thirty-
two degrees, as in Vera Cruz, which is fituated in little lefs than
twenty degrees ; which idea none but iMr. de Paw is capable of
entertaining. In like manner other abfurd confequences mip-ht be
deduced, particularly if we were to adopt the calculation of Dr.
Michel), who, according to what Dr. Robertfon fays, concluded,
after thirty-three years obfervation, that the difference between the
climate of the old and that of the new world is from fourteen to fifteen
degrees, that is, it is as hot in the countries of the old continent at
twenty-nine or thirty degrees as in the countries of the new continent,
which arc at fifteen degrees. It is certain that as there arc niany
(_)■) Rccherchcs Philofophiqucs, partili, fcift.i. p. milii 304.
C countries
III.
264 II I S T O p. Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, countries in America more cold than others of the old continent equi-
diftant from the equator, there are alfo others more hot. Agra, the;
capital of Mogul, and the port of Loretto in California,, are nearly in
the fame latitude, and ftill the heat of that Afiatic city is not compa-
rable to that of the Ameri-can port. Hue, the capital of Cochin-
china and Acapulco, are almofl; equidiflant from the equator, and.
yet the air of Hue is cool in comparifon of that of Acapulco.,
That other proportion of Mr. de Paw is equally falfe and impro-
bable, namely, that in the center of the torrid zone the liquor of the.
thermometer does not rife to fo great a height as it does in Paris in the
greateft heat of funimer. If that was true,, the difference between the.
American and European climates would, not be only twelve degrees, as,
Mr, de P. would make it, but forty-nine, that is as much as the differ-
ence of latitude between the center of the torrid zone and Paris. It
is true, that according to the obfervations made in Quito and compared,
with thofe made in Paris, the heat of that equinoftial city never,
equals that of Paris in the. fummer ; but it is equally certain, that^
according to the obfervations- made by the fame academicians with the.
fame thermometers, in the city of Carthagena, which is not the cen-
ter of the torrid zone, but ten degrees from it, that the ufual heat of
this city is equal to the greateft heat of Paris, agreeable to the tefli-
mony of Ulloa, one of the obfervers (2;).
There are many reafons, beiides vicinity to or diffance from the
equator, which make a country hot or cold. The elevation of the
foil, the neighbourhood of fome lofty mountain covered with fnow,,
abundance of rains,^ &c. contribute much to the coolnefs of the at-
mofphere, ;. and, on the contrary, low ground, fcarcity of water,,
drowths, 6cc. muftincreafe the heat. Cividad Real, the capital of the
diocefe of Chiapa, becaufe it is fituated on a high ground, is cool ; and.
the city of Chiapa, of the Indians, at a little diliiance from it, is ex-
tremely hot, becaufe it is fituated very low. Chachicomula, a large.
village, fituated at tb^ foci.t of the very lofty mountain. Ozizaba, . i&
(z) In the year 1735, at Cartha;;;ena, the liquor of the thermometer of Reaiiiiiur kept at
102- J, without any variation, except that fnm'-times itfdl to 102.J, or rofe to 1026. At-
Paris, the lame year, it never rofe higher than J025 j, in the greateft heats of July and Aiigulh
VUta Reiat-kn del Fia^-e a la Amer'ua Meridional-, part i. tora t,
coo].
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 265
cool, but Vera Cruz, placed in the fame latitude, is very hot ; and what dissert.
is more, the air of Cividad Real is cool in the latitude of 16Ì, and that v ^J >
of Loreto, in California, in lat. 25^-, is very hot.
The obfervations made by M. de Paw convince us that the
climate of America is not fo various as that of Europe j that the in-
habitants of the new world are not like thofe of the greater part of
Europe, obliged to endure the alternate extremes of exceflive cold, and
intolerable heat. The more uniform a climate, the more eafily are
men familiarized to it, and efcape thofe pernicious effe^Sls which fol-
low a vicitiitude of feafons. In Quito the thermometer does not
rife fo high as it does in Paris in the fummer; but neither does it fall
fo low as it does in the temperate climes of Europe in winter. What
can be more defirable in a climate than a temperature of air which is
equally diftant from either extreme, fuch as that of Quito, and the
greater part of Mexico ? What climate more fweet and kind to life
than that in which the delights of the country are enjoyed all the year,
and the earth is continually adorned with herbs and flowers ; where the
fields are covered with corn, and the trees loaded with fruit ; the herds
and the flocks fpare man his fatigues, and have no need of his pro-
vifion to maintain them, or his roof to refift the inclemency of the wea-
ther } neither fnow nor froft compel him to keep near a fire, nor do
burning heats in fummer check his increafe ; but conflantly experi-
encing-the bounty of nature towards him, he enjoys equally in all fea-
fons the focial converfe of his fellow-creatures, or the innocent recre-
ations of the country. This is the idea entertained by man of a per-
fect climate ; and the poets, therefore, when they flrove to extol
the happinefs of certain countries, ufed to fay, that a' perpetual fpring
reigned in them ; as Virgil faid of his Italy, ( ^7 ) and Horace of the
Fortunate Ifles (^), to which he invited his countrymen. Thus the an-
cients reprefented the Elyfian fields ; and alfo in the Holy Writings,
in order to convey fome idea of the felicity of heavenly Jerufalem, it
is faid, that there, there is no heat nor cold.
(a) Hie ver aflidiuim atquc albinis mcnfibus xftas ;
Bis gravida pecudes, bis poniis utilis arbos. Virg. Georg, ii.
(i) Ver ubi longum, tcpidafquc pracbct
Jupiter brumas. Horat. lib. ii. ode 4.
Vol. II. M m Acorta,
266 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT; Acofla, whofe hiltory is called by M. de Paw an excellent ivork,
^'^' and who was acquainted with the climes of both continents, and at the
fame time was not partial to America, nor had any interefl in extolling
it, treating of the American clime, he fpeaks thus {c) : " When I per-
" ceived the mildnefs of the air, and fweetnefs of the climate of many
" countries of America, where it is not known what thing winter is
" that contrails, or fummer which relaxes with heat ; where a mat is
" fufficient for defence from every inclemency of the weather ; where
" it is fcarcely necellary to alter cloathing through the whole yearj
" confidering, I fay, all this, I have many times thought, and I even
" think at this moment, that if men would difengage themfelves from
" the fnares which avarice lays for them, and abandon ufelefs and vexa-
•' tious pretenfions, they might lead in America a life ©f tranquillity
" and pleafure ; for that which the poets fing of the Ejylian fields, or
" the famous Tempe, and that which Plato told, or feigned, of his
" iiland Atlantida, are both to be found in thofe lands, &c," Qther
hiftorians fpeak the fame thing as Acofta of America, and particular-
ly of Mexico and its furrounding provinces, the inland countries of
which, from the illhmus of Panama unto the 40th degree of latitude
(for thofe beyond that degree of latitude have not yet been difcovered),
enjoy a mild air, and a climate favourable to life, excepting a few
places, whichj either by their being low, are moifl and hot, or by be-
ing very high, are rather fevere in climate. But how many in the old
world are not fevere and noxious ?
SECT. III.
On the ^ialities of the Land of Mexico.
IT is certain, fays Mr. de Paw, th>it America in general has been,
and is at prefent, a very barren country ; but it is rather more certain
that this is in general a grofs error; and if M. de Paw wifhes to alTure
himfelf of it, he may obtain information from many Germans, lately
(f) Stor. Nat. e Mor, lib. ii. cap, 34.
come
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 267
come from America, where fome of them have been for many years,
and are at prefent in Auflria, in Bohemia, in the Palatinate of the
Rhine, and even in Priiflia ; or he may re- perù fe that excellent work
of Acofta, and he will find there, in book ii. chap. 14. that if there
is any land in the world to which the name of Paradife may be ap-
plied, it is that of America. This is the expreflion of a learned, ju-
dicious, and impartial European, born in Spain, one of the bell coun-
tries in Europe j and fpeaking, in book iii of the countries of the
Mexican empire, he fays, that New Spain is the beft country of all
thofe which the fun furrounds. Certainly Acofla would not fpeak
thus of America in general, and of New Spain in particular, under
which name the continent of Spanilli North America is comprehended,
if America were in general a barren country. Many other Europe-
ans fpeak not lefs favourably of America, and particularly of Mexico,
whofe teftimony we muft omit, to avoid feeming prolix to our read-
ers {a). From the fame motive we (hall omit alfo what Mr. de Paw
has written againft other countries of the new world, as it would be
impoflible to examine the complaints made by him againft each of
them, without filling a large volume; we Ihall therefore confine our-
felves to what belongs to Mexico.
MelTieurs Buffon and de Paw are perfuadcd that all the territo-
ry of America is compofed of inacceOible mountains, impenetrable
woods and waftes, watry plains and marflies. Thofe philofophers have
read in the defcriptions of America, that the famous Andes, or Ameri-
can Aljis, formed two large chains ,of lofty mountains, covered in part
wfth fnow; that the vaft defart of the Amazons confifts of thick
woods; that Guayaquil, and fome other places, are moift and marlliy;
and fo much they have thought fufficient to warrant them to fav, that
America is nothing but mountains, woods and marlhes. Mr. de
(,/) Thomas Gages, the oracle of the Englifli and French, with refped to America, fpeaking
of Mexico, fays as follows. " 11 ne manque ricn a Mcxiquc de tout ce qui jicnt rendrc une
ville heurufc ; et fi ccs ecrivains qui ont employe leurs plumes a louer Ics ]>iovince» dc Gre-
nade en Kfpa_c;nc ct dc Lombardie et de Tofcanie en Italie dont lis font despaiadis tencflrps^
auroient vu ce nouveau monde et la ville dc Mcxiquc, lis fc di'diroiont i)iiiitot de tout ce
qu'ils ont dit cn faveur dc ces licux la." Parte i. chai). 22. Thus docs an author who could
fcarccly fpeak favourably of any thing, reprefcnt Mexico.
M m 2 Paw
DISSERT,
III.
268 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. Paw read in the hiftory of Gumilla that which the author fays
about the method which the Indians of Oroonoko had of preparing
the terrible poifon of their arrows ; and in the hiilory of Herrera, or
other authors, that the Canibals, and other barbarous nations, made ufe
of poifoned arrows ; and this was enough for him to fay, that the new
continent produces a greater number of poifonous herbs than all the
refi of the world. He read that neither corn nor the fruits of Europe
grow in very hot countries j atid that was fufficient for him to fay,
that peaches and apricots have only borne fruit in the ifland of Juan
Fernandez {e), and that corn and barley have not thriven but in a
few countries of the North. Such is the logic adopted by Mr. de
Paw through all his work.
But of all that he fays againfl America, nothing holds true with
refpedl to Mexico. There are certainly very lofty mountains in Mexi-
co, eternally covered with fnow : there are large woods, and alfo fonie
marfhy places in it ; but the fertile and cultivated foil forms beyond
comparifon the far greater part of it, as is well known to all thofe
who have vifited that country. In all that immenfe fpace of land,
where wheat, barley, maize, and other kind of grain and pulfe with
which that country abounds, are fown at prefent ; they formerly lowed
maize, pepper, beans, cacao, chia, cotton, and fuch hke plants, which
ferved for the fuftenance, clothing, and luxuries of thofe people, who
having been fo numerous as we have already mentioned, and fliall
elfewhere demonftrate, could not have been able to have provided for
their neceflities, if the country had been nothing but mountain, wood,
and marfii. Mr. de Buffon, who in his hrft vol. lays, that America
is nothing but a continued marlh, and in vol. v. affirms, that the
inaccefiible mountains of America fcarcely leave any fmall fpaces for
agriculture, and the habitation of men, in the fame vol. v. confefles
(t-) In order tc fliew liow extremely diftant Mr. de Paw is from the truth, we mud
here obferve, that on the mifciaMf iil.aid of Juan Fuiiandez, where he fays that peaches ripen
well, they on the contrary are fmall, and very indift'erent, according to the information we
have had from Abbé D. G. Garcia, who was there fcven months, and particularly while
the feafon of fruit lafied. On the other hand, in almoft all the temperate and cold
countries of Spanifii America, where he imagines peaches do not grow, they thrive furprif-
ingly ; and in many place?, pirticalarly of Chili, audit» fons of New Spain, they ripen
better than in Europe,
that
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 269
that the people of Mexico and Peru were very numerous. But if dissert.
thofc people who occupied a very large part of America were very nu-
merous, and lived as he fays in Ibcietics, and under the controul of
laws, America is certainly not a continued marlh : if thofe people
fupported theinfelves, as is certain they did, on corn and fruits which
they cultivated, the fpaccs are not fmall which the mountains leave
for agriculture, and the habitation of men.
The multitude, variety and excellence of the plants of Mexico,
leave us in no doubt of the very fnigular fertility of its lands. The
pafture grounds, fays Acofta, of New bpain are excellent, and
breed, accordingly an innumerable quantity of horfes, cows, fheep,
and other anhnals. It is ahb as abundant in fruit as in any kind of
grain. In ftiort, there is no grain, pulfe, kitchen-herbs, or fruit,
which does not thrive in that fuil. The wheat, which Mr. de Paw"
fcarcely allows to fome countries of the North, does not grow in ge-
neral in the hot lands of New Spain, as it it does not in the greater
part of Africa, and many other parts of the old continent ; but in
the cool and temperate lands of that kingdom it thrives well, and
is more abundant than it is in Europe.
It is futHcient to fay, that the quantity gathered in the diocefe of
Angelopoli is fo great, that with what remained, after all its numer-
ous inhabitants were provided, they fupplied the Antilles, and the
fleet of fhips which formerly came to Havanna, under the name of
Armata de Earlovento. In Europe there is but one feed-time,
and one harveft. In New Spain there are feveral. ♦• In thofe
" lands," fays the European author Torquemada, who was there
many years, and travelled through the whole kingdom, " where they
" cultivate wheat, in every feafon of the year may be k.Qi\ one crop
" reaping, another ripening, another flill green, and another fow-
ijig," which plainly demonftrates the wonderful fertility of the foil.
The fame author makes mention of feveral lands which yielded
feventy, eighty, or an hundred for oncj and as great a multiplication
of wheat has been itQVi in fome fields of thofe countries by us (f) -,
which,
[f) We have been in a country of America, where the land yielded cotnmonlv fifty for
one, and fomctimes an hundred for one. In Cinaloa, although it it a cold country, the
laiid, we have been credibly infoiiiicJ, yields two hundred for one. Our learned irienJ,
the
270 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, which, fpeaking in general, is certainly greater than that of Europe,
III
< '
and with lefs cultivation, as is well known to European fuperinten-
dants of agriculture who have been in that part of America. What
we fay of wheat we can alfo fay of barley, although this is not fown
but in proportion to the confuniption there is made of it, in the fup-
port of horfes, mules, and hogs. We might fay ftill more of maize,
- which is tlie grain peculiarly native to America.
Mr. de Paw pretends that all the plants of Europe have dege-
nerated in America, except aquatic and juicy plants ; and to prove
this abfurd notion, he lays that peaches and apricots have borne fruit
in the illand of Juan Fernandez only. Although we fliould grant that
thofe fruits grow in no country of America, it would not avail him
to prove what he intends to prove, but even this particular is as falfe
as his general propofition. Acolfa, treating of thofe fruits in par-
ticular, fays, " Peaches, quinces, and apricots grow well in Ame-
rica, but beft in New Spain /^^^y." In all New Spain, except the
hot countries, thofe fruits, and all others tranfplanted from Europe,
have thriven and grow in abundance [/.>). " Laftly," lays Acofta,
fpeaking of America in general, " Almolt every thing good which is
" produced in Spain grows there, fometimes better, and fometimes
" not J wheat, barley, lallads, kitchen-herbs, pulfe, 6cc.V(/) If
he had Ipoke only of New Spain, he would have omitted that
almoji.
" There is alfo another advantage," fays Acofta, " which is, that
" the things of Europe are better in xA.merica than thofe of America
*' are in Europe." But this may appear but a fmall advantage to
Mr. de Paw. It alone would be fufficieat however to demonftrate
that, if there is any preference, it is to be given to America. In
New Spain, many European authors attefl, and all who have been
the Abbé Molina in his Hiftory of Chili, fays, that the land of that kingdom ufimlly yitlds
an hundred and fifty for one. The plenty of grain is fo great, that it is fold at five paoli
the foncvn, and every year about thirty veffcls loaded wiih it come to Peru.
(?) Àcofta, lib. iv. cap. 31. Peaches arc fo plentiful in New Spain, that they are fold
by twenties ; and for the fmulleft currency there, two, three, or four twenties are given.
In the kingdom of Chili, they count twelve different fpecics of peaches, fome of which are
fo large as to weigh a pound Spanifli, or fixtecn ounces. Molina Stor del Chili.
(i; Pears are alfo fold in twenties at Mexico ; .and there are upwards of fifty fpecies of
.them.
(;') Acofla, lib. iv. cap. 31.
there
III.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 271
there know, that wheat, barley, and every grain of Europe ; peas, dissert,
beans, and every other pu he; lettuces, cabbages, turnips, afparagus,
and other fullads and root.-, and every fort of kitchen herbs ; peaches,
apples, pears, quinces, and other fruits ; carnations, rofes, violets, jef -
famines, fweet-bafil, mint, marjoram, balm gentle, and otlier flowers
and odorous plants brought from Europe, all profper there : but in
Europe the plants of America do not, nor cannot in general coiiie
to perfe(Stion. Wheat grows in the lands of Europe, but much
fmaller, and not fo good as that of America. Of the n^any delicious
fruits of the new world, fome, fuch as the mufa and ananas, have
thriven in the gardens of the princes of Europe, by means of hot-
houfes, and great care and attention, but not fo well flavoured, or in
fuch abundance, as in their native climes. Others ftill more valu-
able than thefe, fuch as the chirimoya, the maniey, and chicoza-
pote have not yet, as far as we know, been made to grow, notwith-
flanding the ftudied efforts of European induftry for that purpofe.
The caufe of this great difference between America and Europe is that
which Acolla mentions : that in America there is a greater variety
of climate than in Europe; from whence it is more eaiy to give
each plant a temperature proper for it. As it is not an argument
of the flerility of Europe, that the plants proper to America do not
thrive in it, neither is it an argument of the fterility of fome coun-
tries of America, that fome plants of Europe do not thrive in
thein J becaufe tton omnia fert omnia tellus. Hie fegctes ibi proveniunt
felicitis uva. On the contrary, the hot countries in which wheat
and European fruits do not ripen, are yet the moft plcafant and fruitful.
We do not doubt that if a comparifon is made of America with
the old continent, they will be found equal in their produdions : for
Afia and Africa have lands and climes luited to all the plants of America,
which, on account of the differences of their nature, could not fuc-
ceed in Europe. But what advantage is it to Europeans that Alia
has abundance while it is at fo great a diftance ? On the contrary,
the Mexicans being furrounded by countries of every fort of climate,
enjoy all their different fruits. The market of Mexico, hke that of
many other cities of America, is tlie emporium of all the gifts of na-
ture. There we find apples, peaches, apricots, pears, grapes, cher-
ries»
272 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT, j-jgg^ camotes, xicamcs, and other numerous fruits, roots, and fa-
vory herbs, which cool and temperate climes yield ; ananas, mu-
fas, cocoas, anonas, chirimoyas, mameys, chicozapotes, zapotes, and
many others which hot countries produce; melons cucumbers,
oranges, pomegranates, and others which cold or hot countries
equally produce. At all feafons of the year their market is abun-
dantly provided with variety of excellent fruits, even at thofe times
when the Europeans mufl: content themfelves with their chef-
nuts, or at mdfl with apples and grapes, which their induflry has
preferved. Through all the year, even in the feverity of winter, veflels
enter their market by one of the innumerable canals of the city, load-
ed with fuch variety of fruits, flowers, and herbs, that it feems as if
all the feafons of the year offered their pVodudlions at once ; the. moft
valuable plants of Europe, as well as all the native producftions of
Mexico being colledled there; which all Europeans who have vifited
that part can teftify.
Nor is that land lefs abundant in plants of medicinal nature.
To be fatisfied of this truth, it will be fufficient to look into the
work of the celebrated naturalifl Hernandez ; in which nine hundred
plants, that are for the moll; part produced in the neighbourhood of
Mexico, are defcribed and defigned, whofe virtues have been afcer-
tajned by experience ; befides three hundred others, the ufes of which
are not mentioned ; and without doubt there are innumerable others
yet undifcovered. Mr. de Paw, on the contrary, fays that America
produces a greater number of poifonous plants than all the reft of the
world. But what does he know of the plants which are bred in the
inland countries of Africa and Afia, to enable him to make a compari-
fon ? The foil of America is fo fertile, that it is not to be wondered at
if there is abundance of every fort in it. But to mention the truth,
we do not know that one twentieth part of thofe poifonous plants
which are produced in the old continent have been difcovered in New
Spain.
With refpecft to gums, refms, oils, and other juices which the
trees yield either fpontaneoufly or with the aid of human induftry.
New Spain, fays Acofta, excels : there are whole woods of acacia,
which yields the true Arabian gum; but from its plenty it is not
fufficiently
5
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
273
lufficlently valued. There is bcfides balllim, iiicenfe, copal of many DIS'^ERT.
fpecies, liquid amber, tecamaca, oil of fir, and many other juices va-
luable for their fragrant odours, and medicinal virtues.
Even thofe very woods with which the land of America is
covered, as Buffon and de Paw affirm, dcmonftrate its fertility.
There have been, and there are iHll, in thefe moll; extenfive
regions, great woods ; but there are not fo many as that a journey of
five or fix hundred miles may not be made without meeting one of
them ? And what kind of woods are they ? for the moft part confift-
ing of fruit-bearing trees, fuch as the mufa, mamey, apple, orange, and
lemon, in tlie woods of Coatzacualco, Mifteca, and Michuacan ; or
of trees valuable for their wood or their gums, fuch as thofe which
feparate the vale of Mexico from the diocefe of Angelopoli, and thofe
of Chiapa, of the Zapotecas, dec. ; befides pines, oaks, adies, ha-
zels, firs, and a great many others, common to both continents.
The trees peculiar to that land are in ftill greater number, and
of more value. There are whole woods of cedar, as we have already
mentioned. The conqueror Cortes was accufed by his rivals before
Charles V. of having ufed for the palace which he made be built in
Mexico, feven thoufand beams of cedar; and he excufed himfelf by fay-
ing that it was a common wood in that country. It is in fadt fo very
common, that they make the flakes for the foundation of houfes in
the marfliy places of the capital, of this wood. There are alfo woods
of ebony, that fo juflly celebrated tree, in Chiapa, Yucatan, and Co-
zumel ; of brafil wood in hot countries, and the odorous wood of
aloes in Mifteca. The Tapincoi-en, the Granadillo or red ebony, the
Camote, and others which we have mentioned in our hiflrory, afford
better timber than is to be had in Europe. Laftly, to avoid a tedi-
ous enumeration, we refer the reader to Acofla, Hernandez, Xime-
nes, and other European authors who have been in New Spain, al-
though all they fay is not fufficient to convey a competent idea of the
fertility of that land. Acofla affirms, that " as well in refpedl to
" number as to variety of trees produced by nature, there is a greater
*' abundance in America than in Afia, Africa, and Europe. "(X)
(*) Acofla, lib. iv. cap. 30.
Vol. II. N n The
274 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
I^ISSERT. T|-je nature and quality of a foil is beft difcovered by the plants
which it fpontaneoufly produces witiiout the afiiftance of art. Let us
compare, then, the produdtions of Europe with thofe, not of Ame-
rica, but only of New Spain. " The reafon of there being fo many
" favages in America," lays Montefquieu(/), " is that the land there
" produces of itfelf many fruits on which they can feed." I believe
that thole advantages would not be obtained in Europe if the land
were left to itfelf without culture ; it would produce nothing biit
woods of oaks and other ulelefs trees. " Examining," fays M. de Paw,
" the hiftory and origin of our plants, our kitchen-herbs, our fruit-
" trees, and alio our grains, we find they are all foreign, and have
" been traiifplanted from other climes to our own. We can eafily
" imagine the mifery of the ancient Gauls, and even that of the
" Germans, in whofe land no fruit-trees were produced in the time of
" Tacitus. If Germany was to reftore the foreign vegetables which
" are not originals of its foil or climate, almofl none would remain,
" nor would it preferve among its feeds which ferve for nourilhiment
" any but the wild poppy and the wild Vena[^m)." What Mr. de
Paw openly confelles refpefting Germany and Gaul, might alfo be
faid of the other countries of Europe, and alfo of Greece and Italy,
which fupplied the ethers. If Italy was obliged to reftore all thofe
fruits which do not belong originally to its foil, what would remain
but acorns ? Thele terms, f malum PerJIcum, malum Medicum, Ajjyriumy
Piinicum ,Cidonium , mix Pontica, &c.J ferve to keep us in remembrance
that thofe fruits came from Afia and from Africa. " It is known,"
fays Mr. Bufching («), " that the bell and moft beautiful fruits pafled
" from Italy into thofe countries which produce them at prefent.
" Italy received them from Greece, from Afia, and from Africa.
" Apples came to her from Egypt, and Greece; apricots from
" Epirus J the pear from Alexandria, Numidia, and Greece;
" the lemon and orange from Medea, Allyria, and Perfra ; the fig
" from Alia; the pomegranate from Carthage; the chefnut from
" Catania in Magnelia, a province of Macedonia; almonds from
" Afia to Greece, and thence to Italy; the walnut from Perfia;
" olives
(/) Montefquieu L'Efprit des Loix, lib. xviii. chap. g. [m) Reclierch Thilifoph.
part i. (?/) Bufching Gcogvaph. torn. i.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 27^
" filberts from Ponto ; olives from Cyprus ; plums from Armenia'; DISSEUT.
" the peach from Perfia ; quinces fcom Cidonia in Candia to Greece,
" and thence to Italy."
Pliny fays, that men at firrt: fed upon nothing but acorns {0). This,
though falfe with refpcvfl to men in general, appears to be true with
refpedl to the firft peoplcrs of Italy, at leaft fuch was the opinion of
the ancients, as their writings fliew. Pliny adds, that even in his
time many people, from the want of grain, were efteemed rich in pro-
portion to the qua:,tity of acorns which they had, of the flour of
which they made bread, as they do at prefent in Norway of the bark
of the pine, and in other northern countries of bones of fifhcs ;
which is no fmall indication of their mifery. Bomare declares that
all the beauties of European gardens are foreign (/>), and that the
inoft beautiful flowers they have come from the Eaft (q). Mr. de
Paw makes a more general confellion of the ancient mifery of the
Europeans, where he affirms that the ufeful plants which they have
at prefent paffed from the fouth of Afia into Egypt, from Egypt to
Greece, from Greece into Italy, from Italy into Gaul, and from
thence into Germany (r) ; fo that the foil of Europe, with refped:
to native and original produdlions, is one of the pooreft and mofl:
barren in the world. On the contrary, how fruitful and abundant
the American foil is, and efpecially that of Mexico, in native plants
proper for nouriOiment and cloathing, and the other necefTaries of life,
may be learned from reading the European authors who have written
of the natural hiflory of that new world.
This is the anfwer to that ridiculous comparifon which Herrera
makes in his firft Decad mentioned in the beginning of this diflerta-
tion. " In America," " he fays, " there were not, as in Europe,
** either lemons, oranges, pomegranates, figs, quinces, melons,
" grapes, olives, fugar, rice, or wheat." The Americans will then
fay, firft, that Europe had none of thofe fruits until they were tranf-
planted there from Afia and Africa; fecondly, that at prefent thefe
fruits grow in America as well as in Europe, and in general better of
(0) Plin. Hid. Nat. lib. ii. 2. cap. 56. {/>) Bomare Didtion. Univ. d'Hiftoric Nat.
V. Piante. (^)Id V. Flcur. (r) Recherch. Pliilifoph. part i.
N n 2 their
276 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, their kind and in greater plenty, particularly oranges, lemons, me-
lons, and fugar canes ; thirdly, that if America had not wheat, Eu-
rope had not maize, which is not lefs ufeful or wholefome ; if Ame-
rica had not pomegranates, lemons, &c. it has them now : but
Europe never had, has, nor can have, chirimoyas, Ahuacates, mufas,,
chicozapotes, 5cc.
Finally, Mr. de Buffon, and Mr. de Paw, and other European
philofophers and hiflorians, who inveigh fo much again ft America for
its barrennefs, its woods, its marlhes, and delerts, will pleafe to re-
member, tliat the miferable countries of Lapland, Norway, Iceland,
Nova Zcmbln, Spitzbergen, and the vaft horrid deferts of Siberia,
Tartary, Arabia, Africa, and others are countries of the old conti-
nent, and make at leaft the fourth part of its extent. Yet what
countries are thofe ? Let us attend to the eloquent defcription which
Buftbn gives of the deferts of Arabia : " a country, he fays, without
" verdure, and without water ; a fun always burning, an atmofphere
" always dry, fandy plains, mountains ftill more parched, over which
" the eye roams in vain to fix upon a fingle living objeól; a land, if we
" may fay fo, pale and excoriated with the winds, which prefents no-
" thing to the fight but bones, fcattered ftones, and rocks in pyramids
" or in ruins ; a dcfert entirely bare, in which the adventurous travel-
" ler never bates under the iliade, where there is nothiag that can be
" made companiable to him, or preferve his remembrance of living
" nature: a folitude greatly more frightful than that of the woods; for
" the trees are at leaft animated fubftances, which afford fome con-
" folation to man, but here he finds himfelf alone, detached, more
*' naked and more bewildered, in places that are wafte and without
" boundary ; all the foil which he views appears to him like his fe-
** pulchre ; the light of the day, more melancholy than the fliades of
" night, does not return but to make him fee his nakednefs and impo-
" tence, and fet before him his horrible fituation, lengthening to his
" fight the limits of the void, and enlarging around him the abyfs of
" immenfity which feparate him from the habitable world ; a fpace fo
" immeafurable, that in vain he would attempt to pafs it; for hun-.
.V:ger, thirft, and- burning heat, fliorten the moments which remain tot
•* him between ddperation and death {s)."
(i) BiifTon Hiih Nat. torn. sxii.
DISSER-
e ^77 3
DISSERTATION IV.
Of the A7iimals of Mexico,
ON E of the arguments moft infifled on by Buffon and de Paw, to
illuftrate the unhappy nature of the American foil, and tlie malig-
nity of its dime, is the pretended degeneracy of animals, both of thofe
which are native to that land, and thofe which have been tranfported
there from the ancient continent. In the prefent Dili'ertation we
fhall examine their proofs, and detedl fome of their errors and coa-
tradidions.
SECT. I.
Of the Animals proper to Mexico..
ALL the animals which are found in the new, have pafled there
from the old world, as we have eftabliflied in the firft Diilertation j
and it is confeffed alfo by Mr. Buffon himfelf, in the twenty-ninth
volume of bis Natural Hifl:oryj and it ought likewife to be credited,
if we rely on the authority of the facred writings in this point.
We call thofe animals proper to Mexico which were found there-
by the Spaniards; not becaufe they draw their origin from that land,
as we are given to underftand by Mr. de Paw in all his work, and by
Mr. Buffon in the firft twenty-eight volumes of his Hiftory; but only
to diffinguifh thofe animals which, from time immemorial, were bred
in thofe countries, from thofe others which were afterwards tranfported
there from Europe : we fhall therefore call the latter European, the
former American.
The firll: ground of difparagement to America, with the count de
Buffon, is the fmall number of its quadrupeds, compared with thofe of
the old continent. He reckons two hundred fpecies of quadrupeds
hitherto djfcovered over all the globe, of which one hundred and
thirty belong to the old continent, and only fcventy to the new world.
And
S
273 II I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. y^,-|(-| jf y^,^ j.jj|^g from this number the fpecies which are common to
both continents, w<: (hall hardly find, he fays, forty fpecies of quadru-
peds properly American. From thefe premifes he infers that in Ame-
rica there has been a great fcarcity of matter (^?).
But why would he take from the feventy fpecies of quadrupeds
America has, tiiofe thirty which are common to both continents, as
they, from their very ancient habitation in thofe countries, are as
much American as the others ? Befides, if thofe animals, which he calls
properly American, had been created originally in America, witli
greater (hew of probability he might have athrmed the fuppofed fcarcity
of matter in that part of the world. But all hearts having been Afiatic
in their origin, as he himfclf confelfes, we do not fee his grounds for
drawing fuch a conclufion. " Every animal," fays Buffon, " when
abandoned to its own inflinfl, feeks a zone and a region adapted to
its nature [/j)." Hence the caule of the fmall number of fpecies of
quadrupeds in America ; becaufe, upon fuppofition that animals after
the deluge, when abandoned to their own inftin(5l, fought a zone and a
region fuitable to their natures, and found it in the countries of the
old continent, they had no occafion to make fo long a journey as to
America : if the animals, inftead of being faved on the mountains of
Armenia, had been colledled on the American Alps, by the fame way
of reafoning the number of Ipecies of quadrupeds in the old continent
would have been lefs, and the American philofopher would have been
liable to cenfure, who, from fuch an incident, would have endeavoured
to infer the prodigious fcarcity of matter, and barren niggard llcy of
that which we call the old continent.
But although all thofe quadrupeds were adlually original in America,
we ought not from thence to infer the fuppofed fcarcity of matter,
becaufe a country cannot be faid to have a fcarcity of matter which
has the number of fpecies of its quadrupeds proportioned to its extent.
The extent of America is the tliird part of the whole earth, therefore
it cannot be faid that there is a fcarcity of matter there, when it has
a third part of all the fpecies of quadrupeds. The fpecies of quadru-
peds, according to Buffon, are two hundred, of which America has
(a) Hift, Nat. torn, ixiii. (i) Ibid. toir. xxir,
feventy.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 279
feventy, which is fomething more than a third ; it cannot therefore be
faid that there is a Icarcity of matter there.
Hitherto we have reafoned on the fuppofition that what Mr. Buffon
has faid was true with relpetì: to the number of fpecies of quadru-
peds ; but who is certain of this, as the real diftinguilhing charatìer
of fpecies has not yet been difcovered ? Mr. Buffon, as well as feve-
ral other naturalilts who have written aftt-r him, believe, that the
fole indubitable proof of the fpecific difference of two animals, fimilar
to each other in many circumllances and properties is, that of the male
not being able to cover the female, and of producing by means of ge-
neration another individual that is fruitful and fimilar to themfelves.
But this proof of diverfity of fpecies, bcfides. that it fails in fomc
animals, is, with refpecft to others, very ditlicult to be determined.
To ihew the incertainty of it, let us put an afs and a mare together,
and a mafliff and a greyhound together, two breeds of dogs extremely
different. From this laff couple is bred a dog, which partakes of maftiff
and greyhound ; from the firfl: is produced a mule, which partakes
alfo of the afs and the mare. I wilh to know why the afs and the
marc are two different fpecies of quadrupeds, and the maftiff and
the greyhound are only varieties of one fpecies. Becaufe this lall
couple, fays Buffon, generates a fruitful individual, the other not.
But how? Mr. Buffon, in the twenty-ninth volume of his Hillory,.
freely affirms, that the mules not being able to conceive is not be-
caufe they are abfolutely impotent, but only on account of the e.\ceffive
heat and extraordinary convulfions which they fuffer in coition. Mr.
Bomare (c), after having cited the teftimony of Ariftotle, who
reports, in his Hillory of Animals, that in his time the mules of
Syria fpringing from horfes and affes, produced young mules fimi-
lar to themfelves, adds, " This fatff, related by a philofopher fo
worthy of faith, proves that mules are animals fpccifically fruit-
ful in themfelves, and in their pofterity." Similar cafes, fliew-
ing the fruitfulnefs of mules, are to be found attefted by many
authors, ancient as well as modern, worthy of credit ; and fome cafe»
{e) Diction, d' Hiftoirc N.it. V. Mulct.
have
DISSERT.
IV.
28o H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DIS-ERT, have happened of this kind in our own time in Mexico {d). There
^^' is no other dinimilarity therefore between thofe two pair of qua-
drupeds, except that the births of the bitches generated by that
couple of dogs are more frequent than thofe of the mules.
Befides, who has informed Mr. Buffon, that the Gibboii and Ma-
goto, the Mammon and Pappion (four forts of apes), do not copulate
together, and produce a fruitful individual ? The author has not
made any experiment of it, nor cited any otber naturalift who had ;
and notwithftanding he decides that all the above mentioned quadru-
peds are fo many different I'pecies. The diftin-ftion of the fpecies of
quadrupeds adopted by him is tlicrefore very doubtful and uncer-
tain, and we cannot know whether certain quadrupeds, which he rec-
kons different fpecies, are not one fmgle fpecies ; and on the contrary,
if others which he believes to be one fpecies, may not be fpecifically
different.
But leaving this afide, it would be fufficient to caufe a great diffi-
dence of the divifion which Mr. Buffon has made of quadrupeds, to
perceive the contradidlions which appear in this and the other parts of
his hiilory, though in other refpeóts it is extremely valuable. In the dif-
courfe which he gives in the twenty-ninth volume, on the Degeneracy of
Animals, he affirms, that if we are to enumerate the quadrupeds proper
to the new continent, we fhall find fifty different fpecies ; and in the
enumeration which he makes of the quadrupeds of both continents,
he fays, that thofe of America hardly make forty fpecies. In the
above enumeration he reckons the tame goat, the fliamois goat,
and wild goat, three different fpecies ; and in vol. xxiv. treating of
thofe animals, he fays, that thofe three quadrupeds, and the other fix
or feven fpecies of goats which are diftinguilhed by different names,
are all of one and the lame ipecies. So that we ought to abate the
eight or nine fpecies from the one hundred and thirty which he num-
bers in the old continent. In the above mentioned enumeration he
counts the dog, the moufe, and marmotte ; and adds, that no one of
(^d) Amongfl; others worthy of mention are the repeated binhs of a mule got by an afs
and a mare, on the farm called Forcjl ofZurittt, near to the city of Lagos, thr property of
D. F. G. Riibalcaba. This mule conceived by an afs, and brought forth a mule in 1762, and
another in 1763.
thofe
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 281
thofe quadrupeds was in America ; but treating afterwards of the ani- dissrrt.
mais common to both continents, he fays, that the marmots and ^•
mice are common to each continent, ahhough it is difficult to decide
if fuch American quadrupeds are of the fame fpecics with thofe of the
old continent; and in vol. xvi. he affirms, that mice were carried to
America in European veflels. With refpedl to dogs, which, in the
above enumeration, he denies to America, he grants them to it in
vol. XXX. for he affirms that the XohitzcuintU , the Itzcuhitepot'ZyOtlty
and Tcchichi, were three different breeds of the fame fpecies of dogs
with thofe of the old continent. This llcetch is fufficient to fliew
that Mr. Buffon, notwithftanding his great genius and great diligence,
fometimes forgets what he l>as written.
Amongfl the one hundred and thirty fpecies of quadrupeds of the old
continent, he enumerates feven fpecies of bats common in France and
other countries of Europe, five of which, that were hitherto unknown
and confounded with others, were lately difcovered and diliinguiffied by
Mr. Daubenton, as he affirms in vol. xvi of his Hiftory. If then in learn-
ed France, where fo many centuries have been paffed in the (ludy of natural
hiftory, five fpecies of bats were hitherto unknown, what wonder is it
that in the vail; regions of America, where no fuch able naturalifls have
gone yet, and where but lately that fludy has been in elleem, fliould
remain many fpecies of quadrupeds ftill unknown ? We do not doubt
that if there had been fome Buffons and Daubentons in the new world,
they would have been able to have counted a few more quadrupeds
than he numbers from Paris, where he cannot be informed refpeding
American animals, as he is about thofe which are European. We feel
extreme regret that a philofopher fo celebrated, fo ingenious, fo
learned, and fo eloquent, who has endeavoured to write of all the qua-
drupeds of the world, diftinguiihes their fpecies, families, and breeds,
defcribes their character, difpofition, and manners, numbers their
teeth, and even meafures their tails, iliould at the fame time ffiew
himfelf ignorant of the mofl: common animals of Mexico. What qua-
druped is more common or more known in Me:4ico than the coyote Ì
All the hiftorians of that kingdom make mention of it, and Hernandez
gives an exadt and minute defcription of it in his Hirtoryj which is
moft frequently cited by Buffon ; yet this author makes not the Icafl
Vol. II. O o mention
282 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, niention of it under that or any other name {e). Who does not know
that the rabbit was a quadruped exceflively common in the provinces
of the Mexican empire, under the name of Hochtli ? That the figure
of it was one of the four charadlers of the Mexican years, and that the
hair of its belly was woven into waiftcoats for the ufe of the nobles in
winter ? Notwithflanding Mr. Buffon will make the rabbit one
of thofe quadrupeds which were tranfported from Europe to America ;
but, among all the European hiftorians of Mexico, we have not found
one who thinks fo -, on the contrary, all fuppofe, that it has from time
immemorial inhabited thofe countries, and we do not doubt that the
Mexicans, as often as they read this fingular anecdote, muft fmile at the
count dc Buffon.
Hernandez enumerates, in his Hiflory of Quadrupeds, four Mexi-
can animals of the clafs of dogs, mentioned by us in book I. of this
hiftory : the firft, the Xoloitzcuintli, or hairy dog ; the fecond, the
Itzcumtepozotli, or hunch -back dog; the third, the Techichi, or eat-
able little dog } and the fourth, the Tepeitzcuintli, or little mountain
dog. Thefe four very different fpecies of dogs have been reduced by
the count de Buffon to one fingle fpecies. He fays, that Hernandez
was deceived in what he wrote of the XohitzciiintU, for no other
author makes mention of it, and therefore it ought to be believed that
that quadruped was tranfported there from Europe, fince Hernandez
himfelf affirms, that he iaw it firfl in Spain, and that it had no name
in Mexico, as Xoloitzcuintli is the proper name of the wolf, given by
Hernandez to that other quadruped ; that all thofe dogs were known
in Mexico by the generic name of AIco^ Here, in a few words, we
have a mafs of errors. The name AlcOy or Alleo, neither is Mexican,
nor ever was ufed in Mexico, but in South America. That of
Xoloitzcuintli is not the name of the wolf, nor do we know that it
was ever called fo by any one at Mexico. The Mexicans call the
{è) The iiiiimals of the o!d continent, whicli moft referable the Cojote, are the Chacal,
the Adive^ and the Ij'atis; but it is different from them. The Chacal is of the fize of a fox,
the Cojote is twice a^ large. The Chacals go always in herds of thirty or forty together ; the
Cojotes, in general, alone. The Adive is ftill fiiialler and weaker than the Chacai. The Ifatis
is pecular to the frigid zone, and fhuns the woods ; but the Cojote loves the woods, and inhar
bits warm and temperate countries.
wolf
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 283
wolf Cuetlachtli, and in fome places where they do not fpeak Mexican dissert.
properly, they call it Tecuarii, which is a generic name for wild ^'"
hearts. It is evident befides, from the very text of Hernandez, which
we here fubjoin ffj, that neither the Xoloitzcuintii was tranfported
from Europe to Mexico, nor was fuch a name given to it by Hernan-
dez, but that it was the name by which the Mexicans tliemfelves ufed
to call it. Hernandez had ken that quadruped in Spain, becaufe it
had been tranfported therefrom Mexico, as he mentions himfelf, where
he had alfo feen in the gardens of Philip II. feveral Mexican plants.
But why has no author made mention of the Xoloitzcuintii ? becaufe
neither before nor fincc his time has any one undertaken to write a hi -
flory of Mexican quadrupeds ; and the hillorians of that kingdom have
been contented to mention fome of the commoneft animals. Moreover
every wife and impartial perfon (hould necelfarily give more credit
to Hernandez in the Natural Hiftory of Mexico, as he employed him-
felf in it fo many years by order of king Philip II. and as he obferved
with his own eyes the animals of Mexico, of which he wrote and in-
formed himfelf from the fpeech of the Mexicans themfelves, whofe
language he learned, than to the count de Buffon, who, although more
ingenious and more eloquent, had no other lights concerning Mexican
animals than thofe which he procured from the works of Hernandez,
or from the relations of fome other author, not fo deferving of credit
as that learned and fkilful naturalifl.
The count de Buffon would make the Tept'ifzcuinfh' o£ Hernandez,
the glutton, a quadruped which is common in the northern countries
of both continents ; but whoever will compare the defcription which
the count de Buffon makes of the glutton with that which Hernandez
gives of the Tepeitzcuintli, will inmiediately difcern the mofl: ftriking dif-
ference between thofe two quadrupeds {g). The glutton is, according to
the count de Buffon, a native of the cold countries of the North, the
tepeitzcuintli, of the torrid zone ; the glutton is, according to count
(f) Piter canes notos noflro orbi qui omncs pene ab Hifpanis tranflati ab Indis in his
plagis hodie educantur, tua alia offcndas genera, quorum priinuni antequam hue nic confu-
rcm, vidi in Patria, cateros vero ne<]uc confpexcrain ncque adhuc to delates puto. Primus
Xoloitzcuintii vocatus alios corporis vincit magnitudine, &:c. Hern. Hill. Quadiup. N. Hifp.
tap. 20.
{£) Buffon, Hift. Nat. torn, xxvii. Hernandez, Hifl. Quadrup. N Hifp. cap. sxi.
O O ^ de
284 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSFRT. (^e Buffon twice as large as the badger. The tepeitzcuintli is, as
Hernandez fays, parvi cams magnitudine The glutton is fo named
on account of its incredible and dreadful voracity, which even im-
pels it to dig up dead carcaffes to eat them; Hernandez fays
nothing of any fuch quality in the tepeitzcuintli, and he certainly
would not have omitted what conftitutes its chief charadler : on the
contrary, he affirms that the tepeitzcuintli becomes domeftic, and
feeds upon the yolks of eggs and bread foaked in hot water ; but a
beaft fo carnivorous as the glutton could never fupport itfelf on fuch
diet. In fhort, to omit other arguments of their diverfity, the
fldn of the glutton is, as count de Buffon fays, as valuable as that of
the zibelline {IS)-, but we do not know that the ikin of the tepeitz-
cuintli was ever efteemed or made ufe of.
The xoloitzculntli therefore being different from the wolf and the
tepeitzcuintli from the glutton, and thofe four American quadrupeds
of the clafs of dogs, being very different from each other in fize, in
difpofition, and many other remarkable circumftances, notwithftanding
that they couple together, and can procreate a third individual, which
is fruitful, we ought to conclude that they are four different fpecies ;
and therefore ihefe three fpecies, which count de Buffon has unjuffly
taken from America, ought to be reftored to it.
We fhould never finiih if we were to mention all the miftakes
of this author refpedingAmerican quadrupeds : but merely to fliew
that the number of feventy fpecies afcribed by him to America is not
juft, but different, and even contrary to what he has written in the
courfe of his Hiflory, we fhall fubjoin to this differtation a \A. of
American quadrupeds taken from that hillory, to which we Hiall add
the quadrupeds which he confounds with others which are different,
and thofe which he has entirely omitted ; from which it will appear
how far he has been from the truth, in fiying that in America there has
been a prodigious fcarcity of matter. For in order to determine fuch a
fcarcity, it is not enough to know that the f^iecies are few in number,
but it would be neceffary alfo to demonftrate that the individuals of
(/•) Bomare fays, that the fkin of the glutton is more valued by the people of Kamtfchatka
than the zibelline ; and that in Sweden it is much in demand, and very dear,
fuch
IV
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 285
fuch fpecies are alfb few in nuaiber ; for if the individuals of the DISSERT,
feventy fpecies of American quadrupeds arc more numerous than thofc
of the one hundred and thirty fpecies of the old continent, although
the nature of them were lefs various, ftill it -would not prove a great-
er fcarcity of matter. It would be necellary, bcfides, to demonlìratc,
that the fpecies of reptiles and birds are fewer, and alfo the individu-
als lefs numerous, as both of thefe ferve to fliew the abundance or fcar-
city of matter ; but no one is fo ignorant of the country of America, as
to need to be informed of the incredible variety and furprifmg number of
American birds. We lliould wilh to know why nature, which has been
fo nigardly of quadrupeds to America, as count de Buffon and Mr. de
Paw report, has been fo prodigal of birds ?
Thele authors, not contented with diminifliing the fpecies of Ameri-
can quadrupeds, attempt alfo to lefTen their Itature : " All the animals
** of America," fays count de Buffon (/), " both thofe which have
" been tranfported by man, fuch as horfes, ailes, bulls, flieep, goats,.
" hogs, dogs, &c. and thofe which palled there by themfelves, fuch.
" as wolves, foxes, deer, and alcos, are confiderably fmaller in
fize than they are in Europe :" and this, he adds, is the cafe ivii/j-
out any exception. This aflonifhing effecfl he afcribes to the niggard
flcy of America, to the combination of the elements, and other natural
eaufes. " There was not," fays Mr. de Paw, " one large animal
" under the torrid zone of the old continent. The largeft quadruped
" amongft the natives of that country which exifls at prefent in the new
" world between the tropics, is the tapir, which is about the fize of
a calf ('^)." " The moft corpulent beaft of the new continent,"
lays count de Buffon, " is the tapir, which is about the fize of a
" fmall mule ; and next to it the cabiai, which is about the fize of
" a middling hog."
We have already demonflrated, in the preceding Differtation, that
although we llìould grant to thofe philofophers the fuppofed fmnlliiefs
of American quadrupeds, nothing could from thence be concluded
againft the land or climate of America : as according to the princi-
ples cftablilhed by Mr. de Buffon already , quoted by us, the larger
(/) Hift. Nat. torn xviii. {k) Rechcrch. Philofoph. part Hi. feft. z,
kind
286 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, kind of animals are peculiar to intemperate climes, and the fmaller
kind to climes which are mild and temperate ; and if the advan-
tages of climate are to be deduced from the fize of quadrupeds,
we would unqueftionably fay, that the climate of Africa and the
fbuth of Afia is much better than that of Europe. But if in
America, when it was firft dilcovered by the Europeans, there were
no elephants, rhinocerolTes, fea-horfes, camels, &c. they were how-
ever once there, if we give credit to de Paw, Sloane, Du Pratz,
Lignay, and feveral other authors, who affirm the ancient exif-
tence of thefe great quadrupeds in America, founded on the dif-
covery of bones, and entire fkeletons of immenfe fize, which were dug
up in different places of the new world ; likewife, it we believe what
count de Buffon has written in the eighteenth volume of his Hiftory,
there was formerly an animal feven times larger than the elephant,
called by Mr. MuUer the Maminont {/) ; but in Europe there never
was, nor can there be, any quadruped of luch a fize. There were
no horfes, affes, or bulls [m) in America until they were tranf-
ported there from Europe ; but neither were thefe in Europe until
they were tranfported there, or brought from Afia. All animals
drew their origin from Afia, and thence fpread through other coun-
tries j the neighbourhood of Europe, and the commerce of the Afia-
tics with the Europeans, facilitated the paflage of thefe animals into
Europe ; and with thefe alfo were introduced there fonie cuffoms and
inventions ufeful to life, of which the Americans were deprived, on ac-
count of their diftance from thofe countries, and the want of commerce.
When count de Buffon affirmed, that the largefl quadruped of the
new world was the tapir, and the next the cablai, he had entirely loft
memory of the morfe, fea-calves, bufflers, rein-deer, alcos, bears, and
{!) According to the account given by Muller of this quadruped, it fliould be one hun-
dred and thirty-three feet in length, and one hundred and five in height. The count de
Buflbn i'peaks thus of it in vokime xvi. "The mon&rous m^mmotrf, whole enormous bones
« we have frequently confidered, and which we have conceived to be at Icaltfix times larger than
" thofe of the biggeft elephant, exills no more." In volume xxii. he fays, that he is afflired
that thofe immenfe bones have belonged to elephants feven or eight times larger than the' one
whole Ikelcton he had examined in the royal mufeum of Paris : but in his new work entitled
Epothes {it: la Nature, he again affirms the former exigence of that enormous quadruped in
America.
4ni) When we fay there were no bulls in America, we allude only to the common fpecjes
employed in agriculture ; for there were hifontes ; which the count de Buffon fometimes thinks
to be the common fpecies ; at other times he is doubtful of it.
the
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 287
others. He himfelf confefles («) that the fea-calf feen by lord HISSERT.
Anion and Rogers in America, and by them called the fea-lion, was
incomparably larger than all the fea-calves of the old world. Who
would compare the cabiai, which is not larger than a middling hog,
with the buftlers and alcos ? The bufflers are equal in general to the
common bulls of Europe, and often exceed them in fizc. Let us at-
tend to the defcription which Bomare makes of one of thefe quadru-
peds tranfported from Louifiana to France, and meafured exactly by
that naturalift at Paris, in the year 1769 {0). There was an immcnfe
multitude of thefe large quadrupeds in the temperate zone of North
America. The alcos of New Mexico are of the fize of a norie.
There was a gentleman in the city of Zacatecas, who made ufe of
them for his chariot inftead of horfes, according to the teflimony of
Betancourt ; and fometimes they have been feiit as prefents to the
king of Spain.
The univerfal pofition of the count de Buffon, that all the quad-
rupeds common to both continents are fmaller in America without any
exception, has been proved falfc by fevcral European authors who
have feen thefe animals j and even by count de Buffon himfelf, ia
other places of his Hiftory. Dr. Hernandez fays of the mjztli, or
American lion, that it is larger than the lion of the fame fpecies of
the old continent. Of the tyger lie affirms the fame(/>). Neither
the count de Buffon, nor Mr. de Paw have a juft idea of this wild
animal. We faw one a few hours after it was killed by nine fliots :
but it was much larger in fizc than we are made to believe by Mr..
Buffon. Thofe authors, fince they do not truft the accounts of
Spaniards, ought at lealt to give credit to Mr. Condamine,, the learn-
ed and impartial French author, who fays that the tygers k^n. by him
in the hot countries of the new world did. not appear to him to differ
(a) Hiff. Nat. toin. xxvii.
{0) D'^'tion. d'Hill. Niit. V. BUbn. Bonmre calls that Ainei'ic.in animal on account of its.
great fiac the fololT.il cjuatlnipcj ; he fays that its length from its fnout to the beginning oif.
its tail m- afuieit by its flanks w.is nine feet and two inches ; its height ftom ihe fuinmit ot it»
back to its hoot", five fee: and four inches ; its thicknefs meafured over the hunch of its bick
ten feet in circumference. He adds that he underllood from the owner of that animal, that
the females were itili larger.
(/) Vulgar!» eft huic orbi tygris, fed noftrate major. Hlil. Quad. N. Hifj'. cip. x,
from-.
288 H ì S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, from the African tygers, neither in the beauty of their colours, nor
^^" in their fize. Of the Mexican wolf Hernandez fays, that in figure,
colour, and difpofition, as well as in fize it refembles the European
wolf, except that it has a larger head ( 5' ) . The fame thing he af-
firms of the common deer, and Oviedo alfo of both the common and
other deer. The count de Buffon, notwithflanduig the univerfality of
the pofition which he has laid down without any exception, concerning
the fmaller fize of American quadrupeds, treating, in volume xxix.
of the degeneracy of animals, he fays, that deer are among the
quadrupeds common to both continents thofe alone which are more
large and ftrong in the new than they are in the old world ; and fpeak-
ing, in volume xvii. of the hdra of Canada, he confeffes that they
are larger than thofe of Europe ; and the fame thing he fays of the
American beaver : although he allowed no exception to his prin-
ciple, he {lill admits thofe of the deer, lodra, beavers, and fea-
calves. If to thefe we add the tygers, the lions without hair, and
the flag, according to the teflimony of Hernandez and Oviedo, we
ihall find at lead eight fpecies of quadrupeds common to both conti-
nents which are larger of their kind in the new than they are in the
old world. To thofe above mentioned we ought alio to add thofe
quadrupeds which are equally large in both continents ; as the latter
as well as the former demonftrate the falfity of fuch a general prin-
ciple. Hernandez affirms, that the Mexican wolf is of the lame fize
with the European. Count de Buffon fays, that there is no differ-
ence between them, except that the Mexican wolf has a finer Ikin,
and five toes in its fore feet, and four in its hind feet. With refpedl
to bears, there are at prefent many perfons in Europe who have feen
the bears of Mexico and thofe of the Alps. We do not believe that
among all of thefe witneffes there will be found one who has ac-
knowledged that the European bears are the larger of the two. For
ourfelves at leafi: we can declare, that all thofe we have it^w in Mexi-
co appeared to be larger than thofe which we have feen in Italy (;•).
(<■/) Forma, colore, moribus, ac mole corporis Lupo Noftrati limilis eft Cuctlachtll, atqueacco
ejus, ut mihi videtur, Ipecici, fed ampliore capiti. Ibid. cap. xxiii.
(r) The count de Buffon dillinguiflies the fpecies of black from that of brown bears, and
i\ftirms. that the black bears are not at all ferocious; but the Mexican bears, which arc "all
black, are extremely tierce, as is notorious in Mexico, of which alfo we can bear tcftimony.
c It
IV.
HISTORY OF MEXICO., 289
It is therefore no juft alTertion that all the animals of the new DISSERT.
world are without exxeption Imallcr than thofe of the old. The
count de Buffon fpoke at random when he affirmed in another place
that the animals were all nmc/j fmaller, and that nature had in the
new world made ufe of a different fcale of dimenfions («). It is eafy
alfo to demonftrate the miftake of Mr. de Paw, when he fays that
all the quadrupeds of America are a lixth lefs than their correfpon-
dents in the old continent. The Tuza of Mexico is analogous to the
European mole, but is larger according to what count de Buffon fays.
That Mexican quadruped called by count de Buffon coquaìiine, and
liy us tlalmototii, is analogous to the European fquirrel, and yet according
to the lame author is of twice its fize. Tlie cojote, analagous to the
chacal, is of twice its fize. The llama, or ram of Peru, analogous
to the European ram, is beyond comparilbn larger, 6cc. But thofe
philofophers are fo eager to depreciate and undervalue its animals, that
they even find fubjeél for cenfure in their tails, in their feet, and
in their teeth. " Not only," fays count de Buffon, *' has their
*' been a fcarcity of matter intime new continent, but likewife the
" forms of its animals are imperici:, and appear to have been neo--
" le<5led. The animals of South America, which are thofe that
" properly belong to the new continent, are almoll all deprived of
" tulks, horns, and tails : their Ihape is extravagant, their limbs dif-
" proportionate, and ill fct ; and fome of them, like the ant-killcrs
•' and floths, are of fo miferable a nature, that they have hardly abi-
" lity to move, and to eat." '* The animals native to the new
" world," fays Mr. de Paw, " are in general of an ungraceful form;
" fome of them fo aukwardly made, that thofe who firft made defigns
" of them could hardly exprefs their charaders. It has been obferved
•' that the greater p.rt of them want the tail, and have a particular
" irregularity in their feet. This is remarkable in the tapir, the ant-
" killer, the llama of Margraf, in the lloth, and the cabcay. The of-
" triches, which in our continent have not more than two toes,
" united by a membrane, all have four in America, and thofe fepa-
" rated."
(/() Ilift. Nut. torn xxviii.
Vol. II. P p Such
ago
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
IV
DISSERT. Such a mode of reaibning is rather a cenfure of the condudt of pro-
vidence than of the clime of America, and not unhke the fceptical opi-
nions attributed to king Don Alphonlb the Wile, refpedting the difpo-
iition of the heavenly bodies. If the firfl individuals of thofe ani-
mals came not fo from the hand of the Creator, but the clime of
America has been the caufe of their fuppofed irregularity, whenever
thofe animals fliould be tranfported to Europe their forms would
o-row perfect, and their difpofition aud inilind: alfo ; at leaft after
ten or twelve generations thofe miferable animals which the ma-
lio-nant clime of America has deprived of their tails, their horns, and
tlieir tulks, would recover them under a more benignant clime. No,
thofe philofophcrs would fay, becaufe it is not fo eafy to recover from
nature what is loft, as to Iole what Ihe has given ; fo that although
thofe poor animals would not in the old continent recover their tails,,
their tulks, or their horns, ftill it mull be allowed that the climate
of America has been the caufe of their lofmg them. Be it fo. At
prefent, however, we Ihall not treat of irregularities which confili ia
any deficiency but of thofe where there is an excefs of matter. We
allude at prefent to the oftriches, which, according to Mr. de Paw {x),
have from a vice of nature, two extraordinary toes in each of their feet ;
but that we may not quit the quadrupeds, we lliall mention the
Unau, a fpecies of American lloth, which amongft other of its irregu-
larities, has got forty-fix ribs. " The number of forty-fix ribs ia
" an animal of fo fmall a body," fays Mr. de Buffon, " is a kind of
" error or excefs of nature ; for no animal even among the largeft,
" or among thofe which have the longell body in proportion to their
" thicknefs, has fo many. The elephant has not more than forty, the
" horfe thirty- fix, the badger thirty, the dog twenty-fix, and man
" twenty-four." If the firll Unau which ever was, had the fame
number of ribs given it by the Creator which its pollerity have at
prefent, the reafoning held by Mr. de Buffon is a cenfure of Provi-
dence ; and when he fays that that exceffive number of ribs has been
an error of nature, he means an error of Providence, who is efficient
(.r) Mr. de Paw is deceived with regard to the number of toes of the oflrich of America, for
it h:u no more than three ; alrhcugh in the hinder part of its feet it has a round and callous
iwelling «liich fervei ìd plr.cc of a talon, and by the vulgar is thought to be a toe.
nature.
r'
lì
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
291
nature. We are certain fuch an idea is far from the elevated mind of DISSERT,
the count de Buffon; but the fpirit of philofophy, which runs through
all his works, leads him fonietimes into rather exceptionable expref-
fions {a). If, on the contrary, thofc philofophers believe, that the
Unau held originally a number of ribs proportioned to the fize of its
body, and that the malignant clime of America did increafe them
gradually afterwards, we oughtto believe, that if that fpecies of quadru-
ped was tranfported to the old continent, and was bred under .a more
favouring (ky, it would at lad be reftored to its primitive perfection.
Let the experiment be made ; let two or three males of this ungrace-
ful fpecie«, and as many females, be tranfported there, and if, after
twenty or more generations, it is found that their number of ribs begins
to diminifh, then we fliall acknowledge th.Jt the land of America is
the moft unhappy, and its clim.itc the moll baneful in all the world.
If it happens otherwife, we will lay, as we fhall henceforward fay,
that the logic of thefe gentlemen is more contemptible than that qua-
druped, and that their reafonings are mere paralogifms. In other re-
fpedts it is truly to be wondered at in a country where there has been
fuch a fcarcity of matter, that nature ihould have made a tranf-
greflion by an excefs of it in tiic ribs of lloths, and in the toes of
oftriches.
But to fliew that thofe philofophers, while exerting themfelves to
fix the charadler of malignity on the climate of the new world, had
totally loft recolledion of the miferies of their own continent ; let us
alk them what is the moft miferable animal in America, they will
immediately anfwcr, the lloth ; becaufe this animal is the moft im-
perfect in its oganization, the moft incapable of motion, the moft
unprovided with arms for its defence, and above all, that it appears to
have lefs fenfations than any other quadruped ; an animal, truly wretch-
ed, condemned by nature to inadiivity, liftlelfiiefs, famine, and melan-
choly, by which it continually excites the compaffion and horror of
(<j) The count de Buffon, dcfirous of affigning a reafon why man reiilis the influence of cli-
mate better than the animals, fay?, in volume xviii. " Man is altngctlicr the work of
•' heaven, the animals in many refpc^^s are but produifiions of the earth." This proportion
appears a little too bold ; but we meet with many llill ftronger in his Epochcs dc la Nature.
P p 2 other
292
HISTORY O F M E X I C O.
IV
DISSERT, other Ipecies. But this clais of quadrupeds, fo famous for their mlf-
I ery, is common to both ccntinents. Count de Buffon will not believe it,
becanfs it does not fuit his fyftem, and fays, that if any floth is found
in Afia, it mufl have been tranfported there from America; but
v/hatever he m.ay fay, it is certain, from the atteflations of Klein, Lin-
nseus, BrilTon, the publiiher of the Cabinet of Seba, and above them
all Vofmaer, a learned and diligent natiiralifl of Holland {a), that
the Unau, one of the fpecies of floths, is an Afiatic animal. The
Unau of Bengal, which has been feen, bred, and exadly defcribed by
this naturaliii:, cannot have been tranfported from America ; for no
commerce between South America and Afia has ever fubfifled. Be-
fides, the Unau of Bengal differs from that of America : the former
has five, the latter only two toes to its feet. If the count de Buffon
is perfuaded that the climate of Afia could increafe the number of toes
of the American quadruped, we would then fay to thofe quadrupeds
that the climate of the old continent would be capable of reftoring the
tails, horns, and tufks, of which the pernicious climate of America
has deprived them. Whoever will read the eloquent defcription
given of the American floth by the count de Buffon, and compare it
with that given by Mr. Vofmaer of the floth pentadaSlykis of Ben-
gal, will foon perceive that this Afiatic quadruped is as miferable as
• thofe of America.
But let us philofophically examine v/hat thofe authors fay refpeóting
the fuppofed irregularity of thofe quadrupeds. Real irregularity in ani-
mals is feme difproportion of their limbs, or fingularity in the form,
or in the difpofitions of fome individuals with refpedt to the generality
of their fpecies, not that which is obfcrved in a new fpecies com-
pared with one which is known. It would be extremely abfurd to
confider the techichi an irregular animal, becaufe it does not bark.
This is an American quadruped, which, from its refemblance to Eu-
ropean dogs, was called dog by the Spaniards : not becaufe it was of
the fame fpecies : and from thence role the fable propagated by not a
few authors, that in America dogs were mute. Wolves are extreme-
(<; Dejhlftloti de plujiaas Animau.x. A work iirinted at Amflerdam.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
29:
IV
V .^ '
ly fimilar to dogs, but they do not bark. If the firfl Spaniards who dissert.
went to Mexico had not feen wolves in Europe, when they faw thofe
of Mexico they would have reported, that there were large dogs there
wliich could not be tamed, and that tiiey did not bark, but howled.
And this would have furnilhed count de Buffon and- Mr. de Paw
witli a new argument to prove the degeneracy and irregularity of
American animals.
The argument of Mr. de Paw concering American oflriches has
no more weight. The Toiiyoii is an American bird fpecifically dif-
ferent from the oftrich ; but becaufe it is large, and very fimilar lo
that African bird, it has been vulgarly called oftrich. This is fuffi-
cient to make Mr. de P.iw affirm that there is irregularity in tliofe
American birds; but if we fhould allow that the Touyou is truly an
oftri'^h he could not make out his pofition. He would make us be-
lieve the American oftrich irregular, becaufe inftcad of having only
two toes united by a membrane like the African, it has four feparate
toes. But an American might fay that the African oftrich is rather
irregular, becaufe inftead of having four feparate toes, it has only
two, and thofe united by means of a membrane. " No," Air. de
Paw would reply in rage, " it is not fo : the irregularity is certainly
" in your oftrichcs, becaufe they do not conform with thofe ,of the
** old world which are the original fpecies ; nor with ths reprefentation
" which the moft famous naturalifts of Europe have left us of fuch
" birds." " Our world," the American would return, " which you
" call new, becaufe three centuries ago it was not difcovered by you^
" is as ancient as yours, and our animals are cotemporary with yours.
** They are under no necefiity of conforming with your animals, nei-
*' their are we to blaiiie that the fpecies of our animals have been un-
" known to your naturalifts, or confounded by a fuperficial know-
".ledge of them. Therefore either your.oftriches are irregular bc-
" caufe they do not conform with ours ; or at Icaft ours ought not
" to be called irregular becaufe they do not conform with yours.
" Until vou demonftrate to us by inconteftible proofs, that the firft
•' oilriches came from the hand of the Creator with only two toes
(c ) In Peru the oftrich is known by the name of Suri,
** united
294 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. " united by a membrane, you v/ill never perfuade us of the irregu-
t ^ ' ■ " larity of our Touyou." This mode of argument, whicli is with-
out doubt unanfwerable, is fufficient to defeat the fyftems adopted by
thofe philofophers, arifing from flight and indigeiled ideas, and flrong
prepofleflions in favour ot the old continent.
Thofe philofophers are not more happy in their difcourfes on the
tails of quadrupeds than in their obfervations on the feet of oftri-
ches. They fay direftly, and without any regard to truth, that the
greater part of the quadrupeds of the new continent are totally defti-
tude .of tails ; which, like all the other effedbs obfcrved by them in
thofe unfortunate countries, they afcribe to the mifery of the American .
fky, to the infancy of nature in that part of the world, to the fatality of
the climate, and other combinations of the elements. ' Thus thofe
celebrated philofophers of this enlightened century reafon. But there
being, according to count de Buffon, feventy fpecies of American
quadrupeds, it v/ould be neceflary that at leali forty of them were
without tails in order to verify what Mr. de Paw has faid, that the
majority of them were deprived of this member ; and many more
would be requifite to prove true, that almoft all the quadrupeds were
unfurnifhed with tails as count de Buffon afHrms. However, ani-
mals of this defcription in America, as we fhall prefently find, are
only fix in number, therefore the propofition is a monftrous hyper-
bole, not to fay an idle falfshood.
It appears that in the time of Pliny no other animals were known
to be without tails but man and the ape. If fince that time there
had been no other animal unfurnifhed with fuch member difcovered
in the old continent, count de Buffon and M. de Paw would have
been right in taxing the American quadrupeds with it j but from the
Hiflory of count de Buffon it is evident, the fpecies without tails are
n")ore numerous in the old continent than in America. Here follows
a lift of both, extrad:ed from the Hiflory of count de Buffon.
Quadrupeds without tails in the old continent.
1 . The Pongo, or Orang Outang, or Satyr or Man of the Woods.
2. The Pithecus, or Proper Ape.
■3. The
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
3. The Gibbon, another fpecles of ape.
4. The Cynocephalus, or Magoto.
5. The Turkilh dog.
6. The Tanrec of Madagafcar.
7. The Loris of Ceylon.
8. The Indian Pig.
9-
10.
II.
295
12.
14.
I.
2.
3-
4-
5-
6.
The Rofg!n\ '^'^° ^P'^^"' °^ S'-eat bats of Afia.
The golden mole of Siberia,
To which the three following fl:iould be added :
The five- toed floth of Bengal, defcribed by Vofmaer.
The Klipda, or baftard marmot, of the Cape of Good Hope^
defcribed by Vofmaer.
The Capiverd, or Capivard of the Cape of Good Hope, defcribed
. by Bomare.
In America.
The Unau fpecies of floth.
The Cabeay, or amphibious hog.
The Aperca of Brafil.
The Indian pig.
The Saino, Pecar, or Cojamet/.
The Tapeto.
DISSERT.
IV.
< .^ »
Therefore in the old continent there are at leaft fourteen fpecies or
quadrupeds {d) unfurnilhed with tails, and in Anierica only fix, of
which we might except the two laft, as they are uncertain {e). In all
the thirty volumes of the Hiflory of Quadrupeds of count de Buffon,
(d) To the fourteen fpecies above mentioned we might add the Unau Dydaflylus of Ceylon
mentioned by fcvf ral authors, and the Porte-mufc, defcribed by Mr. Aubenton and Bomare -
but we omit the firll, bccaufe we are not certain that it is difteient from the Loris of Buftbn -
wc pafs the fecond alfo, bccaufe it may have fome little tail, although the diligent M. d' Au-
benton did not find it.
(e) The Pecar is d< fcribcd by OviedtS, Hernandez, and Acolla, under the names Saino and
Cojametl ; but they fay nothing of its want of a tail. We have been informed by accurate and
diiìintì perfons, who have fccn many Pecars, that they had a tail, although it was fmall.
With rcfpctft to the Tapcto, the ccunt de Buffon believes it to be the CitH of Hernandez. But
all Mexicans know that the Cidi of Hernandez is the hare of Mexico, and we are certain it
-bas a tail like the common hare of Europe.
we
296 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT.' we have found no other American animal without a tail except
^ J , thofe above mentioned : and notwithftanding he ventured to affirm that
in the new world almoft all the animals were deprived of tails ; it
appears from hence that fuch univerfal propofitions are as eafily offered
as they are difficult of proof.
If the clime of America is fo pernicious to the tails of animals, how
comes it that while four fpecies of apes of the old continent are depri-
ved of fuch a member, namely, the Pongo, the Pithecus, the Gibbon, and
the Cyjiocephalus , all the fpecies of apes of the new world have them, and
fom.e, fuch as the Saki, have tails fo long that they are twice the length
of their bodies ; why do fquirrels, Coquallims, ant-killers, and other
fuch quadrupeds, abound in. America, which are furnillied with fuch
enorn:ious tails in proportion to their bodies ? Why has the marmot
of Canada, although it is of the fame fpecies with that of the Alps,
a larger tail, as count de Buffon himfelf confefles ? Why have the deer
of America, although fm.aller than thofe of the old continent, a longer
tail, as the fame author affirms ffj ? If the climate of America was
ever poilefled of feme principle deftrudlive to tails of animals, thofe
which Columbus tranfported there from Europe, and the Canary Ifles,
in 1493, would have by this time lofi all tail, particularly hogs, which
carried fuch fliort tails there, or at leaft they would have been remark-
ably fhortcned after two hundred and eighty-eight years ; but among
all the Europeans who have kti\ the fheep, horfes, oxen, &c. bred in
America, and thofe which were bred at the fame time in Europe, there
has not been one writer who could find any difference between the
tails of the one and the other.
This fame argun^ent is equally valid againfl what count de Buffon
fays upon the want of horns, and tufks in the greater part of American
quadrupeds, as the oxen, the ffieep, and goats, preferve v>ithout change
their horns, the dogs and hogs their teeth, and the cats their nails, as
all thofe who have i'^ttn and compared them with thofe of Europe can
teflify. If the clime of America was fo deflrudtive to the teeth and
horns of animals, a number of them would have been lofi, at leali: by
the pofterity of thofe quadrupeds of Europe, v/hich were tranfported
(/) Hift, Nat. torn, xviii.
there
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
29,7
there almofl three centuries ago, and much more the generations of dissep,T.
wolves, bears, and other fimilar quadrupeds, which pafied there from
Afia, perhaps in the firft century after the dckige. If, on the contrary,
the temperate zone of Europe is n^ore propitious to the teeth of animals
than the torrid zone of the new world, why did nature give to the
latter, and not to the former, the tapir and crocodile, which in num-
ber, fize, and Iharpncfs of their teeth, exceed all the quadrupeds and
reptiles of Europe ?
Lafhly, If there are fome animals in America without horns, with-
out teeth (g), and without tails, it is not owing to the climate or
niggard ficy of Anierica, or any imaginary combination of the elements,
but becaufe the Creator, whofe works and whofc counfels we fhould
humbly revere, chofe it fo, that fuch variety might ferve to embellilli
the univerfe, and maice his wifdom and his power more confpicuous.
What gives beauty to fome animals would i-ender others deformed. It is
perfedlion in a horfe to have a large tail, in the ilag to have a fmall
one, and in the Pongo to have none at aii.
With refpeil to wh-t cUr philofophers fay of the uglinefs of the ani-
mals cf America, it is true, that among fo many, there are fome whofe
forms do not correfpond with the ideas which we entertain of the
beauty of bealls ; but who has allured us, that our ideas are juft, and
not imperfeft, and occafioned by the narrownefs of our minds ? And
how many animals could wc not find in the old continent fliill worfe
formed than any beafc of America ? What quadruped is there in
America which can be compared, in the deformity and difpropo; tion,
of its limbs with the elephant, called by the count de Buffon a mo/i-
Jler of matter \Jj)i Its vaft mafs of flelh, higher than it is long, its
(o) Amonc; ;ill the quadrupeds of tlic nru' world, the ant-killcrs alone arc deflitute of teeth,
like the Pangolino and Taiagino of the Eall Indies, which quadrupeds are covered with fcales
in ead of hair. All thofe quadrupeds which feed on nothing but ants have no occafion for
teeth ; but they are furnillicd by the Creator with a long tongue, with which ihey can dcxter-
oufly lick up the ants and fwallow them.
(h) En confidcrant cet animal, (f.iys Eomarc of the elephant) relativcment à l'idee, qui
nous avons de la julìcflè des proportions, il fumble mal-proportloné a caufe de fon corps gres
et court, des fes jambes roides ct mal-formécs, des fes pieds rends ct tortus, de fa tcte groflb,
dc fes petits ycux ct des fcsgrandes orcilles ; on pourroit d ri auffi que I'habit dont il cfl couvcrt
eft encore plus mal taillc et plus mal fair. S.i trompc, fes dcfenfes, fes picds Ic rcndent aufli
extraordinaire que la grandeur de fa taillc.
Vol. IL Q^q difgufi:-
IV
298 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT, difeuftful flcin without hair and farrowed with wrinkles ; its enor-
nious trunk inftead of a nofe ^ its long teeth placed without its mofl
hideous mouth, and turned upwards, contrary to what is obferved in
other animals, in order to increafe the deformity of its face j its vaft
polygonous ears ; its thick, crooked, and proportionably fmall legs ;
its unformed feet, with toes fcarcely diftinguifhed j and laftly, its
diminutive eyes and ridiculoufly fmall tail to a body fo immenfe, are all
circumflances which render the elephant a mofl: irregular quadruped.
We challenge our phllofophers to find in the new world an animal
more difproportianed, or whofe form is more ungraceful. Similar
refledlions arife from viewing the camel, the Macaco, of which
count de Buffon fays that it is hideovjly deformed, and more fo than all
other animals of the old continent ; we dare not, however, blame the
clime to which they belong, nor cenfure the Supreme Artificer who
formed them.
What our philofophers fay with refpefl to the fmaller ferocity of
American wild beafiis, inftead of aifiiling them to prove the malignity
of that clime, ferves only to demonftrate its mildnefs and bounty.
** In America," fays count de Buffon, " where the air and the land are
" more mild than thofe of Africa, the tyger, the lion, and the pan-
" ther are terrible only in name . . . They have degenerated, it fierce-
" nefs joined to cruelty made their nature; or, to fpeak more pro-
" perly, they have only fuffered the influence of the climate." What
more can be defired in favour of the climate of America? Why,
therefore, does he ever adduce the fmaller ferocity of American animals
as an argument of their degeneracy occafioned by the malignity of that
clime? If the climate of the old continent fliould be efteemed better
than that of the new world, becaufe under the former the wild beafts are
found more terrible, for the fame reafon the climate of Africa ought to
be efteemed incomparably more excellent than that of Europe. This
argument, which we have already made ufe of, might be carried much
farther to the confufion of our philofophers.
But thofe authors have not a juft idea of American animals. It is
true that the Miztii, or Mexican lion, is not to be com.pared with the
celebrated lions of Africa. The latter fpecies either never did pafs
into the new world, or was extirpated by man ; but the former does
not
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
299
not yield to thofe of its fpecies, or the lion without hair of the old DISSERT,
continent, according to the teftiniony of Hernandez, who knew both
the one and the other. The Mexican tyger, whether it is or is not
of the fame fpecies with the royal tyger of Africa, as that is of no
importance, has furprifmg ftrength and ferocity. There is no qua-
druped, among thofe of Europe or America, which can be oppofed
to it. It intrepidly attacks and tears men, deer, horfes, bulls, and
even the moft monftrous crocodiles, as Acofta affirms. This learned
author vaunts both its intrepidity and fwiftnefs. G. de Oviedo,
who had travelled through many countries of Europe, and was not
ignorant of natural hiftory, fpeaking of thofe American tygers, fays,
" They are animals very flrong in the legs, well armed with
" claws, and fo terrible, that, in my judgment, none of the greateft
" royal lions can rival their ftrength and ferocity." The tyger is the
terror of the American woods ; it is not poffible to tame it or catch it
when it is grown up : thofe which are taken when young are not to
be kept without danger, unlefs they are fliut up in the ftrongeft
cages of wood or iron. Such is the character of thofe animals which
are called cowardly by Mr. de Paw and other authors, who were un-
able to diftinguifla the fpecies of quadrupeds with fpotted ll^ins.
It is however certain, that thofe authors fliew themfelves as cre-
dulous of everything they find written concerning the fize, ftrength,
and intrepidity of the royal tygers of the old continent, as they are ob-
ftinate in denying faith to what eye-witneifes fay of American tygers.
Count dc Buffon believes, upon the attcftation of we do not know what
author, that the royal tyger is from thirteen to fourteen feet in length,
and five in height ; that it will engage with three elephants, kill a buffii-
loe, and drag it wherever it pleafes, and other fimilarabfurdities, which
can only gain belief from thofe who are prejudiced in favour of the
old continent. If fome authors deferving of faith lliould relate of the
American tygers a fev/ of the particulas which are told of Aliatic ty-
gers they would be confidered as idle exaggerating boafters (/). The
account which Pliny(^) gives of the artifices of hunters in robbing the
(/■) It is fufficient to obffivc the little cndit given hy tlicfc autliors to tlic tcllitnony ot'
Mr. Caiidamine, notwithrtanding the elleciii in which they held that learned inathamati-
cian.
(i) Nat. Hill. lib. viii. cap. 18.
Q^q 2 tyger
30O H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O,
DISSERT, tyger of its young, and the coolnefs of temper with which it carries them
IV
of again one by one, and that which Bomare relates [i) of ihe combat
in the year 1764, in Windfor foreft, in England, between the flag and a
tyger brought from India to the duke of Cumberland, in which the
flag came off conqueror, fliews us that the ferocity of thofe Aliatic
wild bealls is not fo great as count de Buffon and Mr. de Paw repre-
fent it.
The American wolves are not lefs flrong nor bold than thofe of the
old continent, as all who have had any experience of them both know.
Even flags, which as Pliny fays, are very tranquil animals, are fo daring
in Mexico, that they frequently attack the hunters ; this fadl is tefli-
fied by Hernandez, and is notorious in that kingdom ; we have feen
in our own dwelling the vicious nature of a flag, which had be-
come almofl domeflic, fhew itfelf moft cruelly upon an American girl.
But let the American quadrupeds be fmaller in fize, more ungrace-
ful in form, and more pufillanimous in their nature ; let us grant to
thofe philofophers tliat from fuch a pofition the happinefs of the cli-
mate of the old continent is to be deduced ; they will not flill per-
fuade us, that it is a full proof and a certain argument of the ma-
lignity of the American climate, while they do not fhew us in the rep-
tiles and birds of America (/) the fame degeneracy which they
fuppofe in quadrupeds. Mr. de Paw fays of American crocodiles,,
whofe ferocity is notorious, that it appeats from the obfervations of
Mr. du Pratz, and others, that they have not the fury and impetu-
ofity of thofe of Africa. But Hernandez, who knew both the one
and the other, found no difference between them (/;/). Acofla fays,
that thofe of America are extremely fierce, but flowj but this
llownefs is not in a progrefiive line forwards, in which motion they are
(/t) Bomare Diftion. d'Hlftorie Nat. V. Tigre.
(/) The count de Buffon might fay, as he obferves in vol. xviii. that we ought not to
confider the birds wilh refpeft to climate in this particular, becaufe it being eafy for them to
pafs from one climate to another, it would be almoft impollible to determine which belonged
properly to the one or to the other. But as the caufe of the pafTage of birds is the cold
or the heat of the feafons, which they wifti to avoid, on this account the American birds
have no occafion to leave their continent, becaufe there they have countries of every fort
of clime to flielter themfelves from every hurtful fcafon, and where they can always find
their food. We ar<; altogether certain, that the Mexican birds do not travel to the old
continent.
(m) Hern. Hift. Nat, Ub.ix. cap. 3.
mofl
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 301
moft fwlft and adive, but in turning only, or bending from one fide DISSERT,
to another, as is the cafe with the crocodiles of Africa, on account of
the inflexibility of their vertebra. Hernandez affirms that the Acu-
etzpalin or Mexican crocodile flies from thofe who attack it, but pur-
fues thofe who fly from it, although the former cafe h:ippens more
feldom than the latter. Pliny fays the fame thing of African croco-
diles (;z). In fliort, if we compare what Pliny fays of the latter with
what Hernandez fays of the former, it will appear that there is not
even a difference of fize between them [0).
Witli regard to birds, Mr. de Paw makes mention only of oftri-
ches, and that (o negligently as we have fliewn. He certainly ds-
figned to be filent on this fubjedt, difcovering that on this fide his
caufe was loft, for whether we confider number or variety of fpecies,
intrepidity, or beauty of plumage, and excellence of fong, the old
continent cannot be compared with America as to birds. Of their
furpriling multitude we have already fpoken. The fields, the
woods, the rivers, the lakes, and even inhabited places are filled
with innumerable fpecies. Gemelli, who had made the tour of the
world, and kcw the beft countries of Afia, Africa, and Europe, de-
clares that there is not a country in the world which can compare,
with New Spain in the beauty and variety of its birds (/>). See what
is faid by the hiftori.ins of New France, Louifiana, Brafil, and other
countries of the new world, on this fubje<5t.
Of the ftrcngth and courage of American birds many European
authors worthy of credit make mention. Hernandez, who had (o
much experience of birds of prey, in the court of Philip II. king of
Spain, at the time when hawking was moft in vogue, and had obferv-
ed alfo thofe of Mexico, confefTes when he talks of the Slnaubtotliy.
or Mexican falcon, that all the birds of this clafs are better and more
(n) Terribilis hacc contra fu2;aces belkia eft, fugax contra infequcntes.- Plin. Hift. Nat.
lib. viii. cap. 25.
(») Pliny fays that the African crocodile is ofrcn more than eighteen cubits, or twenty-
fcven Roman feet in length. Heniande/. affinns tliat the Mexican crocodile is ufually more
tfian feven paces long. It he fpeaks of Caftilian paces, they :nake almoft twenty-eight Roman
feet; if he fpeaks of Roman paces, they will make thirty-five feet, fo that the difl'erence is
trifling, or it there is any it is in favour of the American crocodile.
(^) Ella e tanta la 'vaghezza e la •varietà degli uccelli della N. Spagna cha non v*e paefe al
mondo, the nt abbia pari. Giro del Mondo, tom. vi. lib. ii. cap. g,
coara-
302
HISTOP.Y OF MEXICO.
DlSSErvT. courageous in New Spain, than they are in the old continent (^). On
^^ ■ account of the excellence of the Mexican falcons having been known
and acknowledged, Charles the V. ordered that every year fifty hawks
fhould be fent to him from New Spain, and as many from the ifland
of Hifpaniola, as the hiftorian Herrera attefts ; and Acofta relates,
that the falcons of Mexico and Peru, becaufe they were much
efteemed, were fent in prefents to the grandees of Spain. Acofta alfo
fays, that the condors, or Mexican vultures, are of an inmienfe
fize, and have fo much ftrength, that they not only tear a ram, but
even a calf ^ and D. A. Ulloa teftifies, that a ftroke of their wing
will knock down a man (r). Hernandez fays, that the Itzqimuhtli, or
royal eagle of Mexico, attacks men, and even the fiercefl quadrupeds.
If the climate of America had taken from the quadrupeds their
flrength and courage, it would without doubt have produced the fame
efFed on birds : but from the teftimony of the above mentioned writ-
ers, and other European authors, it is manifeft that they are not
feeble or pufillanimous, but that they excel thofe of the old continent
in intrepidity and ftrength.
With refpeót to the beauty of birds, thofe authors do not refufe the
fuperiority to America, although in other refpeóts they have fo eager-
ly depreciated the new world. Whoever would form to himlelf a
competent idea of them, may confult Oviedo, Hernandez, Acofta,
Ulloa, and other European authors, who have i^CQn the birds of Ame-
rica. In New Spain, fays Acofta, there is a great plenty of birds
adorned with fuch beautiful plumage, that they are not equalled by
any in Europe.
It is true, fay many European authors, that American birds are fu-
perior in beauty of plumage', but not in excellence of fong, in which they
are exceeded by thofe of Europe. So think two modern Italians (j-) :
but
(y) Fatcor accipitrum omne genus apud banc r.ovam Hifpaniam, Jucatanicamve proviiiciam
repertum pra;flantuis effe atque animofius vetere in orbe natia. Hernandez de Avibiis N. Hifp.
eap. 92.
(r) Tlie condor is fo large as to meafure from fourteen to fixteen feet from tip to tip of the .
wings when extended. Bomare fays it is common to both continents ; and that the Swifs
call it the iaemmcr-geycr ; but notwithftanding this, it is certain that no bird of prey has been
found yet on the old continent equal in fize and ftrength to the condor of America.
(s) The author of a certain Differtation metaphyfical and political, Sulla Proportzione tie'
Talenti
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
203
but however learned they are in certain fpeculative fubjefts, they are DISSERT»
equally ignorant of the produdlions of America : it will be fufficicnt,
in order to confute thofe authors, to fubjoin the teftiuiony of Hernan-
dez to this point (/) ; who, after having heard the finging of the belt
nightingales at the court of Philip II. heard for many years the cent-
%ontU or polyglots, the cardinals tigrcts, the cuitlaccochis, and other in-
numerable fpecies of vulgar linging birds in Mexico unknown in Eu-
rope, beiides the nightingales, calderines calandras, and others com-
mon to both continents. Among the finging birds moft efteemed in
Europe the nightingale is the moft celebrated, but it fings ftill better
in America, according to the affirmation of Mr. Bonure. The night-
ingale of Louifiana is, he fays, the fame with that of Europe ; but
it is more tame and familiar, and lings the whole year, and has a
more varied fong. Thele are three coaliJcrable advantages which it
poflefles over the European bird. But although there were not in
America either nightingales, calandras, or any one of thofe birds which
areefteemed in Europe for their fong, the centzontii or polyglot alone
would be fufficient to excite the envy of any country in the world. We
are free to declare to our Anti-american philofophers, that what Her-
nandez fays of the excellence of the polyglot over the nightingale is
extremely true, and agreeable to the opinion of many Europeans who
have been in Mexico, and alfo of many Mexicans who have been in
Europe. Befides the fingular fweetnefs of its fong, the prodigious va-
riety of its notes, and its agreeable talent in counterfeiting the differ-
ent tones of the birds and quadrupeds which it hears [li) ; it is lefs
Talenti e del loro Ufo, in which he has written mod prcpofterous particulars refpeeTing America,
and (hewn hiinfclf as ignorant as a child of the land, the eli. nate, the animals and the inhabi-
tants of that new world. The other is the author of fome beautiful Italian f ibles in one of
which an American bird holds a difcourfe uith a nightingale.
(/) In cavcis quibus detinctur, fuavlffimecantat ; nee c(l avis ulla, ai'.iinalvc cujus vocem non
rcddat luculi:ntillime ct cxquillitillime aemulctur. ()uid ? Philoniclairi noltram longo finiciat in-
tervallo, cujus fuavillimum concentum tantoperc laudant celcbrantquc, vttulli auftores, et
quidquid avicularum apud noflrum orbem cautu auJitur fuaviinaium. Hernandez dc Avibus
N. Hifp. cap. 30 de centzontlatole five centzontii.
Linnjcus calls the centzontii orphcus. Otlier authors call it mocquenr, the mocking-blrJ, or
Bellardo.
{11) Mr. B.irrington, vice-prcfiJent of the Royal Society of London, fays, in a curious work
he has written on the linging of birds, and prclcntcd to that learned academy, that he heard a
polyglot w. ich C'-unterfcited in the fpacc of one finglc minute, the linging of the lar!., thej
chaffinch, the black-bird, the fparro'.v, and the thrufli.
3°4
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, fliy than the nightingale, and more common, as its fpecies is one of
the moft numerous. If we were difpofed to reafon in the manner of
Mr. de Paw, we could, in order to demonflrate the benignity of the
American chme, add, that feme birds which are not valued in Eu-
rope for their finging, fing much better in America. The fparrows,
fays \^aldecebro, an European author, which do not fmg in Spain, are
in New Spain better than calderines {x).
What we obferve of finging birds may be applied alfo to thofe
which imitate the human voice ; for in Afia and Africa the fpecies
of parrots are neither lb many nor fo numerous as they are in Ame-
rica.
But as we are difcourfmg of birds, we will, before we end this fub-
je<St, make an obvious reflection. There is not an American animal
which draws fo much reproach upon it from our philofophers as the
(loth, on account of its aftonifhing indolence and inability of motion.
But what would they fay if there was a bird of this nature ? This
would certainly be the moft irregular animal in the world, for fuch
an inadivity or flownefs is more prepofterous in a bird than a quad-
ruped. But where is this bird ? In the old continent, and has been
defcribed by count de Buffon ; who fays that the Dronte, a bird of the
Eail: Indies, larger than the fwan, is among birds what the lloth is
among quadrupeds : it appears, he (ays, a turtle in the cloathing of a
bird; and nature in granting it thofe ufelefs ornaments, wings and
tail, fecms to have intended to add embarraffment to its weight, and
irregularity of motion to the inaftivity of its body, and to make
its cumbrous largenefs flill more afflicting, by putting it in remem-
brance that it is a bird.
From what we have fiid we cannot avoid concluding, that the fliy
of America is not niggardly, nor its climate unfavourable to the genera-
tion of animals ; that there has been no fcarcity of matter, nor has
nature made ufe of a different fcale of proportions in that region : that
what count de Buffon, and Mr. de Paw have faid of the fmallnefs, of the
irregularity and defetìs of American quadrupeds is erroneous, or rather a
ferics of errors : and tliough it was true, it would be of no affillance
(.v) In a work entitled Goiierno tic las Airs, lib. v. cap. 29. But we haye alicady obferr-
td, thai the Mexican fjxirrow, though refcjiiblin^, is dittticnt from, the true fparrow.
to
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 305^
to prove the malignity of the climate of America. But we fliall now dissert.
IV
enquire whether they have done lefs wrong to the new world in what v ^J »
they fay of the fappofed degeneracy of quadrupeds tranfported there
from Europe.
SECT. II.
Of the Animals tranj^orted from Europe to America.
ALL the animals tranfported from Europe to America, fuch as
horfes, afles, bulls, iTieep, goats, hogs, and dogs, are, fays count de
Buffon, conf der ably f mailer there than they are in Europe, and that, with-
out onefngle exception. If we feek for the proof of fo general, or rather
an univerfal alTertion, we fliall find no other in all the hiftory of that
philofopher, than, that cows, flieep, goats, hogs, and dogs are fmaller
in Canada than they are in France. The European or Afiatic animals,
fays Mr. de Paw, that were tranfported to America immediately after its
difcovery, have degenerated, their corpulence has diminiflied, and they
have loft: a portion of their inft:in6t and genius : tlie cartilages or fibres
of their flefh have become more rigid and more grofs. Such is the gener-
al conclufion of Mr. de Paw. Let us now attend to the proofs. Firft:,
The flefli of oxen in the ifland of Hifpaniola is fo fibrous than it can
hardly be eaten ; fecondly, the hogs in the ifland of Cubagua changed in
a fliort time their forms to fuch a degree, that they could hardly be
known again ; their nails grew fo much that they were half a palm
in length. Thirdly, Sheep fufl'ered a great alteration in Barbadoes.
Fourthly, Dogs tranfported from tlieir own countries lofe their voice,
and ceafe to bark, in the greater part of the regions of the new con-
tinent. Fifthly, The cold of Peru incapacitated camels carried there
from Africa, in their organs of generation. Such are the arguments
which thofe philofophers ufe to afccrtain the degeneracy of animals of
the old continent, in the new world ; arguments which, if they were
true, would not be fufficient to prove fo univerfal a pofition : becaufe
of what importance is it that the flefli of oxen is fo fibrous in the
ifland of Hifpaniola, if in all the other parts of America it is good, and
R r in
3o6 H I S T O R Y O F ' M E X I C O.
DISSERT. ;,^ many, particularly in all thofe of Mexico which are fituated on
u -i^-.i.^ the coall of the Pacific Ocean, equal to the befl: in Europe, and
poffibly better ? What fignifies it that flieep have undergone ibmc
change in Barbadoes, and other hot countries, if, in the temperate
countries of Mexico and South America they continue the fame as they
came there from Spain ? What does it avail that hogs have become dif-
iigured in Cubagua, a miferable little ifland, deprived of water and
every thing neceflary for life, if in other parts of America they have
acquired, as Mr. de Paw fays himfelf, an extraordinary corpulence
and their flefh has become fo improved, that the phyficians there, pre-
fcribc it to the fick in preference to all other meat. If the hogs^
having grown disfigured in Cubagua, it does not prove that the clime
of America is not the mofl fuitable to them, why fliould the flieep
having fuffered fome change in Barbadoes, the flefh of oxen having
become more fibrous in Hifpaniola, and fome quadrupeds having
grown lefs in Canada, ferve to prove that the clime of America in. ge-
neral is unfavourable to the generation of animals, to their corpulence
and inn:in(5l ?
If fuch logic was to be tolerated, we could adduce much ftronger
arguments againft the climate of the old continent without making ufe
of any other materials than thofe that are furnifhed to us by count dc
Buffon In his Natural Hiftory. Camels have never multiplied, as he
fays, in Spain, although that clime of all the climes of Europe is
the leaft contrary to their nature. Oxen have degenerated in Barbary,
and in Iceland they have loft their horns. Sheep, fays count de Buf-
fon, have degenerated in our country from their firft exiftence in it^
and in all the hot countries of the old continent they change their wool
into hair. Goats have grown fmall in Guinea and other countries.
In Lapland dogs have become extremely fmall and deformed, and thofe
of the temperate climes when tranfported into cold climes ceafe ta
bark, and after the firft generation are born with ftrait ears. From the
accounts of travellers it is certain that maftiffs, grey-hounds, and
ether breeds of dogs of Europe tranfported to Madagafcar, Calcutta».
Madeira, and Malabar, degenerate after the fecond or third genera-
tion, and that in excefiive hot countries, fuch as Guinea and Senegal,
this degeneration is more rapid ; as in the fpace of three or four years
they
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
507
tliey lofe their hair, and their voice. Stags in mountainous coun- D1SSER.T;
tries which are hot and dry, fuch as thole of Corlica and Sar- . _ '
dinia, have lofi a half of their corpulence. If to thefe and other
accounts given us by count de Buffon w^e were to add thofe of many
other authors, what examples fliould we not have of the degeneracy of
animals in the old continent, more numerous and true than thofe of
our philofophers ? But that we may expofc the exaggeration and fal-
fity which belong to their examples let us examine one by one the
fpecies of Afiatic and European animals tranfported into the new world
which by them are faid to have degenerated.
CAMELS.
AMONG all the quadrupeds tranfported to America, fays Mr.
de Paw, the camels are unqueftionably thofe which have thriven the
leaft. In the beginning of the fixteenth century fome of them were
tranfported from Africa to Peru, where the cold difablcd the organs
neceflary for their production, and they left no pofterity. Setting
afide the chronological error into which he falls, as being immaterial
to our purpofe (%), if it was cold that deliroyed the fpecies of camels
in America, the fame thing would have happened in the European
northern countries, where the cold is beyond comparifon greater than
in any country whatever of Peru. If cold was the caufe of their ex-
tirpation, let Mr. de Paw blame thofe who fettled thofe quadrupeds
in places unfuitable to their nature, and not America, where there gre
lands that are hot and dry, and proper for the fubfiftence of Ca-
mels. The fame experiment which was made in Peru with camels,
was alfo made in Spain, and with the fame want of fuccefs j but ftill
there are no perfons who will doubt that the clime of the latter is
one of the molt mild and temperate in Europe. Count de Buffon
fays, that if proper precautions were taken, thofe animals would fuc-
ceed not only in America but in Spain : and there is no doubt that
they would profper very well in New Gallicia. Bcùdes, it is flilfe
(a) Hid. Nat. torn, xviii. ()<) Rcchcich. Philofoph. part. i.
{%) Camels were not tranfported to Peru in the beginninsj of the fifteenth century, bccaufe
that country was not then difcovcrcd ; but towards the niiJdlc of that century, as Hcrrera
(bcwi in his Dccadcj.
R r 2 that
3o8 II I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
^^^n/^"^*' *^^' ^^^ camels which were tranfported to Peru did not leave any pof-
terity; for Acofta, who went there fonie years after, found that they
had multiplied, though but a little {z),
OXEN.
THIS is one of thofe fpecies of animals which our philofophers
imagine to have degenerated in America ; which effeót they attribute
to the clime. But if poflibly in Canada the oxen have loft part of
their corpulence, as count de Buffon affirms, and if their flefh has be-
come fibrous in Hifpaniola, as Mr. de Paw would inlinuate, this at
lealt is not the cafe in the greater part of the countries of the new
world, in which the multitude and fize of thofe animals, and the
goodnefs of their flefli, demonflrate how favourable the climate is to
their propagation. Their prodigious multiplication in thofe countries
is attelled by many authors both ancient and modern. Acofta re-
lates (5), that in the fleet in which he returned from New to Old
Spain, in 1587, about fixty years after the firil bulls and cows had
been tranfported to Mexico, they carried with them from that
country fixty-four thouùnd three hundred fixty ox hides; and from
Hifpaniola alone, which Mr. de Paw believes fo unfavourable to the
propagation of thofe quadrupeds, thirty-five thoufand four hundred and
forty-four ox hides. We do not doubt, that if the number of bulls and
cows carried from the old continent to the new, was compared with
the number of hides returned by America to Europe, there would be
found more than five millions of hides for every one of thofe animals.
Valdeobro, a Dominican Spaniard, who lived fome years in Mexico,
towards the middle of the laft century, relates, as a fad: which was no-
torious that the cows belonging to D. G. Ordugna, a private gentleman,
yielded him in one 3'ear thirty-fix thoufand calves [a), which produce
could not arife from a herd of lefs than two hundred thoufand bulls and
cows taken together. At prefent there are many private perfons who
are owners of herds of fifty thoufand head of cattle. But nothing can
ihew the allonidiing multiplication of thofe quadrupeds fo well as the
cheapnefs of them in thofe countries in which they areneceffary for the
{z) Hiftor. Nat. y Mor. lib. iv. cap. 33.
^a) In his work entitled Gnhlerno de Animales-, lib. iv. cnp. 34.
5 fubfift-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
309
iubfiftence of man, and the labours of the field, and where, on account DESSERT.
of the abundance of filver, every thing is fold dear(f). In fliort, v,.„,_l
oxen have multiplied in Mexico, in Paraguay, and other countries of
the new world more than in more ancient Italy («').
With refpedl to the fize of American oxen it is eafy to gain perfecft
information, as Ihips loaded with their flcins frequently arrive at Lilbon
and at Cadiz {e). Let Mr. de Paw, therefore, or any perfon who
maintains the degeneracy of European animals in the new world, mea-
fure fifty or one hundred of thofc hides, and if they are found fmallcr
than thofe of the common oxen in Europe, we fliall immediately con-
fefs, that the climate of America has fhortened their bodies, and there is
a fcarcity of matter there ; on the contrary, they ought to confefs that
their information and intelligence is falfe, their obfervations ill found-
ed, and their fyftem vifionary and chimerical : but that they may under-
flnad why we ought not to truft to their kp.owledge, G. Oviedo, who \Vas
one of the firfl: peoplers of the ifl.md offliipaniola, and fojourned there
fome years, difcourfing of the oxen of that illand, the flefli of which,
Mr. de Paw fays cannot be eaten becaufe it is fo fibrous, fays that
" the herds there are more numerous, and more beautiful, than any
" in Spain ; and as the air in thofe regions is mild and never cold, the
** oxen never become meagre, nor is their flelh ever of a bad talte."
Count de Buffon aHìrms that cold countries are more favourable than
((■) In the country round Mexico, the capital of New Spain, although it is well peopled,
a pair of oxen for the plough are fold for, icn fecjuins, and bulls by wholefale at forty-live
paolis each. In the country round Guadalaxara, the capital of New Galicia, a pair of good
oxen arc worth from fix to feven fequins, a cow twenty-five paoli. In many other countries of
that kingdom, thofc animals arc fold for lefs. In many places of the provinces on the river of
Plata a cow is to be had for five paoli. According to an account wc have obtained from a per-
fon of credit, well acquainted with the jirovinccs on the above river, the oxen which aie in
herds amount to about five millions in number, and it is computed there are about two millions
running wild in the woods.
{•I) Timeus, a Greek author, and Varrò, both cited by Aulu8 Gellius (Noi>. Attic; lib. ii.
cap I.) have faid that Italy was fo called from t' e abundance of oxen in it, which in the ancieiu
Greek language were called iVaXoi : whence (Jcllius affirms that italia fignifics armcniojijjima.
(t) Every perfon knows that no country has more commerce with Spain in ox-hidcs than
P.araguay, from whence vcflels are fent erti rely loaded with them. We have been inforn-.cd
by pcrfonsot credit who were experienced in that country, that the (kins that were carried from
(hence to Spain, are at leaft three zfaras (a Spanili» nieafure) long, and many are four, or more
than ten Parifian feet. There arc not, wc conceive, three countries in Europe where oxen
jjrow to fuch a fize.
hot
3IO H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DIS^SERT. hot to oxen ; but this is not the cafe in New Spain : as although
^ V ' the oxen of cold and temperate countries may be excellent, yet the
oxen of warm countries are better. The flefli of thefe animals in
maritime lands is fo admired, that it is fent to the capital by way of
prelent from places at tuo and three hundred miles diAance.
SHEEP.
COUNT dc Buffon confefTes (e) that flieep have not fucceed-
ed fo well in the hot as in the cold countries of the new continent ;
but lie adds, that although they have multiplied confiderably, they
are, notwithflanding, more meagre, and their flefh is lefs juicy, and
lefs tender than it is in J^urope, from which it appears that he has
«ot been well infornicd. In the hot countries of the new world
flieep in general do not thrive, and the flelh of wethers is not good ;
at this, however, we need not wonder, as the hot climes in the old
continent are fo pernicious to flieep that, as count de Buffon himfelf
fays, they become clothed with hair inftead of wool. In the cold and
temperate countries of New Spain they have multiplied fuperiorly to
bullSj their wool in many places is as fine as the wool of the flieep in
Spain, and their tlefli as well tailed as any in Europe; which all thofe
who liave vifited thole countries can teftify. The multiplication of
flieep in America has been furpriling. Acoflia relates ffj that before
he went to America, there were in that countiy individuals polfeffing
feventy, and fometimes one hundred thoufand flieep ; and at prefent
there are perfons in New Spain who own four and five and even feven
hundred thoufand flieep fg). Valdebro fays {6) that D. Diego
Muiioz Camargo, a Tlafcalan noble, of whom we have made men-
tion in our account of the v/riters of the ancient Hifliory of Mexico,
obtained from ten flieep an increafe of forty thouland in the fpace
(e) Hift. Nat. torn, xcvii.
(f) Stor. Nat. c Mor. lib. iv. 33.
(g) The Europeans who have not been in Amenca are extremely apt to be incredulous with
regard to what we fay of the number of oxen, horfes, flieep, and goats, which many American
farmers have upon their ellates ; but having been long in that country, we afiert no more than
we know to be truth,
(A) In his work of Gob-icruo tic Anlmaic-, lib. iv. cap. 34.
of
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 311
often years. How therefore could the climate be pernicious to their DISSERT,
propagation, if they multiplied fo exceflively ? With refpedl to fize,
we declare fincerely, we have iccn no rams in Europe larger tlian
thofe of Mexico.
GOATS.
THE count de Buffon, altiiough fo much difpofed to revile the
animals of America, confelfes, notwithllanding, that the goats have
profpered well in the climes of America, and that their multiplication
is greater tiiere than in Europe {/j) ; for whereas in Europe they bring
but a fmgle kid, or two at mofh, at a birth, in America they bring
three, four, and fometimes five. Mr. de Paw, who very juftly gives to
the count de Buffon the title of the Pliny of France, and refers to his
authority on the fubjedt of animals, as to one who has made a review
of all the animals of the earth, ought to have confidered and weighed
thefe and other confeffions of that learned philofopher, before he un-
dertook to write or fpeculate concerning the animals or the produd:ions
of America.
HOGS
»- •
OUR philofophers are not agreed upon this fubjed: ; for whereas
the count de Buffon places hogs among the animals which have dege-
nerated in America, Mr. de Paw on the contrary affirms, that thefe are
the only animals which have acquired in the new world an extra-
ordinary corpulence, and whofe flefh has been improved. This con-
tradicftion arofe without doubt from the not diftinguifliing as they ought
to have done the different countries of America. It may be, there are
fome places u'.ikown to us where the hogs have loft fomething of their
fize : but it is certain that in New Spain, the Antilles, Terra-firma,
and other places of America they are as large as thofe of Europe; and
in the ifland of Cuba there is a breed of hogs twice as large as thofe of
Europe ; which all who have been in thofe countries muft have witneff-
ed. Our philofophers may, if they ple.\fe, have information from many
European authors, who have feen the hogs of Toluca, of Angeloooli
(A) Hift. Nat. tow Nvlii.
in
312 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT. In Jifew Spain, of Carthagena, of Cuba, &c. refpedting their excef-
five multiplication, and the excellence of their flelli(/).
OF HORSES AND MULES.
O F all the refledtions thrown out by the count de Buffon and
Mr. de Paw againft the animals of the new continent, there is no
inftance where they have done flronger injuftice to America, and to
truth, than in the fuppofed degeneracy of horfes there. Of them
Acofta fays {k), " that in many countries of America, or in the greater
** part, they have profpered and profper well, and fome breeds are as
" good as the befl: of Spain, not only for the courfe and for parade,
" but alfo for journeys and labour." A teftimony of this kind from a
European fo critical, fo impartial, and fo well verfed in the things of
America and Europe, is of more weight than all the declamations of
thefe philofophers againft the new world. The lieutenant general
D. Antonio Ulloa, a learned Spanifh mathematician ft ill living f/J
fpeaks with aftoniihment of the American horfes which he faw in
Chili and Peru ; and celebrates thofe of Chili for their pace, thofe
which are called aguilillas for their extraordinary velocity, and thofe
called farameros for their wonderful agility in running in chace of the
ftag with riders upon them, down the fides, and up the fteepeft
rocky parts of the mountains. He relates, that on one of thofe horfes
called agiiUUlas which, he adds, was none of the fleeteft of his kind,
he has frequently gone upwards of fifteen miles in fifty-feven or fifty-
eight minutes. In New Spain there is an incredible plenty both of
horfes and mules. The multitude of them may be conjeftured from
their price j at the time of the conqueft an ordinary horl'e was worth
a thoufand crowns, at prefent a good one may be purchafed for ten or
((■) It will fuflice to read what Acofta has written in lib. iv. cap. 38. of his Hiftory. " It
" is certain," favs he, " that hogs have multiplied nbundantiy through all America, Their
•' flefli is eat frefli in many places, and cileemed very wholelbme, and as much fo as that of
" the flieep ; namely in Carthagena. ... In fome places they are fattened with corn, and be-
♦' come estremelv fat. In others they make excellent lard :;nd bacon of them, namely in To-
*' luca of New Spain, and in Paria." The count de Buffon, in the fame, volume xviii. in
which he clafles the hog among the animal? which have degenerated in America, fays pofitively,
that the hogs tranfporteJ to America have thriven there well,
l^k) Hift. Nat. y Mor. lib. iv. cip. 33.
(/) Voyage to South America, part. I. lib. vi. cap. 9.
twelve
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
3'3
twelve (/;;). Their fize is the fame as that of the common horfes of dissf.rt.
Europe. In Mexico there is feldoni a horfe to be fcen (o fmaJl as the ^"^ '
breed of Sclavonia which we fee in Italy, and ftill feldomer fo fmall as
thofe of Iceland and other countries in the Noith, as Andcrfon, or
thofe of India as Tavernicr and other authors reb.te. Their hardinefs
is fuch, that it is a frequent cullom with the inhabitants of thofe coun-
tries to make journies of feventy, eighty, or more miles at a good
pace the whole way, without flopping or changing their horfes, how-
ever fatiguing the road. Saddle hoifc?, although they are geldings
for the moft part, have a prodigious fpiiit. Mules, which through
the whole of that country ferve for carriages, and for burdens, are
equal in fize to thofe of Europe. Thofe for burdens which are cort-
dudled by drivers, carry a load of about five hundred pounds weight.
They do not travel more than twelve or fourteen miles a-day, accord-
ing to the cuflom of that country; but in this manner they make
journies of eight hundred, a thoufand, and fifteen hundred miles.
Carriage mules go at the rate of the pofts of Europe, although they
draw a great deal more weight on account of the baggage of paflengers.
Saddle mules are made ufe of for very long journeys. It is common
to make a journey on a mule from Mexico to Guatemala, which is
about a thoufand miles diftance, over a track of country that is moun-
tainous and rough, at the rate of three or four ftages a-day. The
above fads which we have inferted to Ihew the miftakes of our philo-
fophers, are public and notorious in that kingdom, and agreeable to
the report of feveral European authors. But nothing in our judgment
can be a flronger indication of the plenty and excellence of American
horfes than the following obfervation which we have had occafion to
make. Among the various things which arc oidcred from Spain, at
great expence, by the Spaniards eftablilhcd in America, from the at-
tachment they preferve to their native country,' we do not know (at
leaft with regard to Mexico) that for thefe two hundred years part;,
- (m) In New Gallicia a middling horfc is to bshad for two fcqiiins, a mule for three, or two
and a half, and a herd of twenty-four mares with a llallion for twenty-five fcquins. In Chili, for
h.ili ;i feqitin or a crown may be purchafcd one of thofe horfes that trot, \*hidi are much ndniircd
for their h;udincf3 and activity in running', nnd a marc may be bought for^ n t'j',:allv fmall
confidcralion. ) .Lji^uyiil ( ,
Vol. II.
Ss
th<rv
314 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT, they have imported any horfes j and on the contrary, we are certain
that American horfes have frequently been fent to Spain as prefents to
the grandees of the court, and fometimes to the catholic king himfelf.
DOGS.
AMONG the abfurd opinions entertained by Mr. de Paw, which
arc not a few, his ideas refpedting dogs are not the leaft extraordinary :
*' Dogs," he fays, (//) " when tranfported from our countries, imme-
" diately lofe their voice, and ceafe to bark in the greater part of the
*' regions of the nevv continent." The Americans meet a number of
things to make them fmile in the work of Mr. de Paw, bat in read-
ing this paffage it may provoke their loud laughter. Although we
fhould grant to Mr. de Paw that dogs have degenerated in many
places, nothing could from thence be inferred againft the new, which
could not be equally well applied to the old world : for, according as
Mr. de Buffon affirms, dogs when tranfported from the temperate
into the cold climes of the old continent lofe their voice, and when
tranfported into extremely hot climes, they lofe not only their voice,
but alfo their hair. This affertion of the count de Buffon is fupport-
ed by the experiment made on European dogs tranfported into Afia
and Africa, whofe degeneracy, he fiys, is fo quick in Guinea and
other very hot countries, that after three or four years they remain en-
tirely mute and bald. Mr. de Paw does not dare to fay fo much of
the dogs tranfported to America; but even that which he affirms Is
moil: falfe. In what countries of America have dogs loft their voice ?
On the faith of what author has he dared to. publifh fuch a fable ?
The greater part of the countries of America to which European
dogs have bsen tranfported are fubjeifled to the king of Spain, and In
none of them has fuch an accident happened to dogs. Neither
among the European authors who have obferved and noted the pecu-
liarities of America, nor among the many Americans lately arrived
from the countries of Spaniih America, have we found one to confimi
this anecdote from Mr. de Paw. That, however, which we know both
('/) Rcch«rch. Philofoph. part i,
2 fron^
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
315
from fevcral writers of America, ami many perfons acquainted with r)issERT.
thofe countries, is, that dogs never run mad either in Peru, Qu^ito,
or in other countries of the new world. Mr. de Paw perhaps read,
that in fome countries of America there were dogs which did not bark,
and this was enough for him to publilh that European dogs when
tranfported to America foon loft their voice. In like manner it might
be faid, that figs when tranfplanted from Europe to America become
immediately thorny, becaufe the nocbtli or tuna has thorns, and from
fome refemblance to the fig was called by the Spaniards Indian fig, in.
the fame way as they called the techichi, the little dog of Mexico, be-
caufe it refembled a little dog ; but neitluer is this quadruped a real
dog, nor that fruit a true fig. It is eafy to be betrayed into fuch
errors when the ideas of men wander in fpeculation, and the pafilons
help their going aftray. The count de Buffon, on the contrary,
afiirms (<?) that European dogs have profpered in the hot as well as
the cold countries of the new world : in which affirmation he grants
certainly a great fuperiority to the clime of America over that of the
old world.
CATS.
OUR philofophers fay nothing in particular concerning the dege-
neracy of cats in America : but they ought to be comprehended in theiF
univerfal afl"ertion. Neverthelefs count de Buffon, who in the paffage
above quoted does not admit any exception in that which he fays of
the degeneracy of animals in America, treating afterwards of cats ia
particular, after boafting thofe of Spain as the beft of all, he afBrms
that thefe Spanifii cats tranfported to America liave preferved their fine
colours, and have not in the leafl degenerated (/»).
Thefe are the quadrupeds (^) tranfported from the old to the
new continent, all of which, except caincls, have multiplied excefiive-
(0) Hiftoire Nat. torn. x.
(p) Id. toni. xi.
{q) The count dc Buflfon ailds to the above incniioncd quadrupeds tranfportfd to Americii
the Guinea pig and the rabbet; but alfirms that thofe two fpccics have profpered. With
refped to mice it would certainly be a grCiU diftrcfs to America it' they could not live in that
cliinnte.
S S 2 ly,
3i6 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. ly> 3nd have preferved without alteration their corpulence, their figure,
^^'' and the perfedion of their originals ; which is confirmed partly by
the coiifeffion of thefe philofophers themfelves, partly by the de-
pofitions of European authors who are impartial, judicious, and well
experienced in thofe countries ; and partly by the notoriety alfo of
what we have alledged, and which we truft cannot be confuted.
We do not doubt that candid readers will be fenfible from what we
have fet forth of the miftakes and contradidions of thefe philofophers
occafioned by their ridiculous attempt to difcredit the new world, the
fallacy of their obfervations, the infufficiency of their arguments, and
the rafhnefs of their cenfure.
CATALOGUE OF AMERICAN QUADRUPEDS.
S E C T. I.
Species acknowledged and admitted by the Count de Buffon,.
(The Number added to each Species refers to the Volume in which-
the author fpeaks of it.)
AcouTi, a fmall quadruped of Paraguay and Brazil, fimilar to the
rabbet. The tioie name in the Paraguefe tongue is Acuti, ij.
Ai, a fpecies of floth furnifhed with a tail, 26.
Akouchi, a fmall quadruped of Guiana, 30.
Alce, vulgarly called Greai-beaji [a), by the French Elan, by the.
Canadians Orignae, 24.
Al CO, amongft the Peruvians Alleo, among the Mexicans Tecbichiy.
a mute eatable quadruped fimilar to a Httle dog.
Apar, fpecies of Tatù or Armadillo, furnifhed with three moveable
bands, 21.
Ape RE A, a quadruped refembling the rabbet, but without a tail, 30.
BuFFLER, or hanch-backed bull, called in Mexico Cibolo, a large
quadruped of North America, 23.
{a) In America they call the Tapir or Danta the Great-leali,
Ca-
HISTORY OFMEXICO; , 317
Cabassou, a fpecles of Tatù, covered with two plates or fliells, and DISSERT,
twelve moveable ban Js, 21. .
Cascai, or capibara [/>) , an amphibious quadruped fimilar to the
hog, 25.
Cachicamo, a fpecles of Tatù, covered with two plates, and nins
moveable bands, 2 1 .
Chamois, 24.
Chevrueil, 29.
Beaver, 17.
Stag, h.
Chinche, a fpecies of American polecat (r), 27,
Go ait A, a fpecies of cercopithcctis, or ape furnilhed with a tail, ^o,
Co A so, a fpecies of polecat.
Coati, or rather Cuatiy a fmall and curious quadruped of thefouth-
ern couiitries of America, 17.
Coendu', or r^thcr Ciiandu, the porcupine of Guiana or Paraguay,
called in Oronoko Arura, 25.
CojoPOLLiN, (not Cayopollin, as count de Buffon writes it) a fmall
quadruped of Mexico, 21.
CoNEPATA, in Mexican conepatl, the fmallefl: fpecies of polecat, 27.-
CoQUALLiNO, (thefe count de Buffon calls the Co%ocotecuillm of Mexi-
co) a quadruped fimilar to the Squirrel, but different, 26.
CoucuAR, ox Cuguar, a Ipotted wild heart: of the tyger kind, 19,
Fallow-deer, 12, 29.
Encobertado, Tatù, covered with two plates or fhells and lì»
bands, 21.
ExQuiMA, ■3.i\^t(:\t% oi cercopithecus, 30;
Falanger, the name given to a fmall quadruped, fimilar to the
moufe, 2Ó.
(3) The Cablai of Buffon is called Capibara or Capiguara by the Tucumanefe nation, Ca'-
pliba or Capibara by the Paraguefe, Cappiva by the Tamanachefe, by the Chiquitani Oijuisr
and by otbernations C/'/rtco, Ci^uiri, Irabubi.
(f) Chinchcw the Spanifli for bug ; from whence it feems the name of this infefl was given,
likcwi.e to the polecat, on account of the intolerable fmell it emits behind; but wc do not
doubt that count de Buffon has rather altered the name Chimhe, by which the polecat is
known in Chili ; for we do not find the name Chincht ufed to fignify that quadruped in any;
country of America.
FeRv
3i8 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSER.T. F®i^ ^E Lance, a fpecies of Ht fo called by Buffon, on accouirt
J^* . of a membrane which it has fimilar to the iron of a lance, 27.
Filandro of Surinam, a quadruped fimilar to the Marofa and Tla~
ciiatzin, but different, 30.
Ant-killer {J), a quadruped of the hot countries of America, 20.
Glutton, called by the Canadians Carcaju, a wild beali ox north-
ern coutries, 27.
Jaguar (7)', or American tyger, 19.
Jaguarete fgj, or rather Jaguarete, a wild beali of the tyger
kind, 18.
IsATis, a wild beali of cold countries, 27.
Lam EN TIN, fo the French call the Maiiati, a large animal of thefea,
of lakes, and rivers, claffed by Buffon among quadrupeds, although
it can hardly be called bipes, or rather bimaniis, 27.
Sea-lion, fo Lord Anfon called the greater fea-calf, which in
Chili has the name of Lame, 27.
Common hare, 13.
Lynx, 19.
Llama, not lama, as Buffon writes it, wox glama, as Mr. de Paw
writes, the Peruvian ram, 26.
Lontra, called by the Peruvians Miquih, 14.
Common Wolf, called by the Mexicans Cz^f/Zr/f-^///, 14, 19.
Sea-wolf, or fmaller fea-calf, 27.
Black-wolf, different from the common wolf, 19.
Mapach, a curious quadruped of Mexico, 17.
Marcai, or Tyger-cat. This name may have been taken from the
Mbaracaja of the Paraguefe, 27.
Marikina, or lion-ape, 2. {pedes of cercopit/jecus, 30.
Marmosa, a fmall and curious quadruped of hot and temperate
countries of America, 21.
[e) The Ant-killer is called by the Spaniards efo ormigi/ero, or ant-bear, although it is as
unlike to a bear as a dog is to a cat. Buffon diftinguiflies the fpecies of them in America. The
firft is called by him fimply Fóurmillur, the fecond lammannoir^ and the third Tamantlua,
The Peruvians call them Hucumari.
( f) y^K"" ^" *^^ Guarani language is the common name for tygers and dog). The Pcruvl-
»nt call the tygers Uturuncu, and the Mexicans Ocelotl.
(^) Tke generic name for tygers in the Guarani language is Jaquar-ctt,
Mar-
IV.
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 319
Marmot, called by the Canadians Mi/i?*', 26. DISSERT.
Mi CO, the fmallefl: fpecies of the cercopttheci (/6), 30.
Morse, a large amphibious animal of the fea, 27.
OcELOTL, or leopard-cat of Mexico, 27.
Ondatra, (rat jiiiifque du Canada) a quadruped iimikr to tlie
moufe, 20.
B:iowN-BEAR, 17.
Black-bear, fpecifically different from the brown, 17.
Paca, a quadruped fimilar to the pig in hair and grunting, but in
head like a rabbet. In Brazil PacUy in Paraguay Pag, Quito P/f«-
rii, and Oronoko Acciiriy 2 1 .
Pa CO, a quadruped of South America of the fame kind, not however
of die fame fpecies, with the Llama. The Indian name is All-
paca, 26.
Pecari, a quadruped which has upon its back a humorous gland
which ftinks, by many fuppofed to be its navel. The true names
of it in different countries of America, are thofe oi faina y cojametl,
tatabro, and pachira (/) 20.
Pekan, or American marten, 27.
Petit-gris a quadruped of cold countries fimilar to the fquirrel, io
called by Buffon, 20.
Pilori, [rat muj'que des Antilles) a fmall qnadruped fimilar to the
moufe, and different from the Ondatra, 20.
PiNCHis, (with Buffon, Finche) a fpecies of fmall cercopithecus, 30.
Pol at uc A, a quadruped partly like a fquirrel, called by the Mexi-
cans ^limichpatlan, or flying- rat, 20.
Indian-pig, (in French pore de IndcJ a fmall quadruped of South
America refembling the pig and rabbet, without a tail, 16.
Puma, or American lion, called by the Mexicans Miztli, and in Chili
Pagi, 18.
(h) Meo in Spanifii is the generic name of the cercopithtci, but Buffon only applies it to the
fmalleft fpecies.
(;) Oiclotl ill Mexican is the name of the tyger ; but Buffon applies it to the Leopard cat.
(/; It is not improbable that the Pecari has been To called by Buffon Irom piichira, which is
the name given to this (juadruped in Oronoko. Buffon calls it alfo TayaJJou, but TnjazH, as it
fliould be written in the Guarani tongue, is the common name for all the fpecies of hogs,
QuiR-
-20 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
J
DISSERT. QuiRQuiNCHo, a fpccies of Tatù covered with a lliell and eighteen
bands {m).
Rein -DEER, in Canada Caribu, 24.
Sai (/»/), a. fpec'ies of cercopk/jecus, 30.
Saimiri, or rather Crt/w/r/, a curious fpecles of cereopithccus, 30.
Saki, a fpecies of a';r<5/>/V/6trz/j with a long tail, 30.
Saricovienne, particular Lontra of Paraguay, Brazil, Guiana, and
Oronoko. In Paraguay it is called Kija, and in Oronoko Cairo,
and Nevi, 27.
Sayu, (perhaps C^w) ^ {ptc'izs of cercopitheciis, 30.
Water-rat, 30.
Suricate, quadruped of South America, which, like the Hyena, has
four toes to every foot, 26.
Svizzero, called by the Mexicans 'TLjlmQtotH, a quadruped in form
like the fquirrel, but different in its mode of life, and almofl twice
as large, 20.
Taira, or weafel of Guiana.
Tamandua, or rather 'Tamanduciy the middling fpecies among the
Ant- killers, 26.
Tamannoir, the largefl fpecies of the Ant-killers, 26.
Tapet, or Tapeto, a quadruped of South America, refembling both
the hare and rabbit. The true name in the Guarani language is Ta-
piiti, 30.
Tapir {a\ a large quadruped of America, called by the Spaniards
Anta, Dania, and Granbejìia, and in other American languages,
Tapii, Tapiira, Bcori, 'Tlacaxolotl, &c. 23.
Tarsie RE, a quadruped fomething like the Marmofa and Tiacuatzin,
29-
{'") ^irqu'.ncho, amongft the Peruvians, Ajotochtli, amongft the Mexicans, Tatù amongfl
the Paraguefe, [and armadillo among the Spaniards, are all generic names of thefe fpecies of
quadrupeds. Buffon confines the name ^urchintho not Cirquhicon as he wiites it to one fingle
^ecies ; as alfo that of Ajotochtli.
(«) Cai, not Sai as Buffon writes it, is in the Guarani tongue the generic name of all the
Cercopithecus ; but he confines it alfo to one fpecies.
(0) We willingly adopt the name Tapir, becaufe it is already in ufe among modern zools-
giils, and is not otherwifc equivocal. That of Great-hcajl is proper to the Alee ; that of Anta
et Daflta is likewife given to the Zebu, a tjuadruped ef Africa very different from the Tapir.
Tatu^
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
3^^'
Tatueto, a name given by count de Buffon to that fpecies of Tatù dissert.
which is covered with two fhells and eight bands, 21.
Tlaguatzin, a curious quadruped, the female of which carries its
young, after having brought them forth, in a bag or membrane
which it has under its belly. In different countries of America it
has the following names, C/juc/ja, Churcha, Mucamuca, Jariquc,
Fara, and Auare. The Spaniards of Mexico call it Tlacuache. Some
naturalifls have given it the improper name oi Filandro, and others,
the extremely proper one of Diaelfus. Count de Buffon calls it
Larigue and Carigue, changing the name Jarique, by which it is
known in Brafil. 2 1 .
Toporagno (in the Spanifh mufarana). 30.
TuzA, not Tucan, as count de Buffon writes (/>) ; in Mexican, Tozan ;
a quadruped of Mexico, of the mole kind, but larger and more
beautiful. 30.
Vampiro, great bat of America.
Uarina, with Buffon, Ouarine [q] i great-bearded cercopithecus ^
called in Quito Omeco. 30.
VisoN, or American polecat. 27.
UiSTiTi, fpecies of fmall cercopithecus, 30.
Unau, a fpecies of floth without tail, (r) 26.
Common Fox. 14.
Urson, quadruped of cold countries, fimilar to but different from
the beaver. 25.
ZoRRiLLo, or Zorriglio, a fpecies of polecat (j). 27.
{f) We know not if the Tuza is of the fame fpecies of quadruped which the Peruvians call
7upu tupu.
{q) The count dc Buffon doubts whether the Alitala which is a cercopithccus of a large
fize, is of the fame fpecies with the Uarina ; but we alFure him it is certainly of the fame fpe-
cies, and therefore wc have not put down the Alunta, (which he writes Alouate^ in this cata-
logue.
(r) The count de Buffon juflly dillinguiflies two fpecies of the floth, the one fiirniQicJ wiili
a tail, the other not ; becaufe befidcs this they bear other different charaificrs. In Quito they
cai! the floths i^uillac or ^ligUac, and in Oronoko Proto. The Spaniards call them P^ris^^^
which means flothfulnefs, and Perico ligtro, or fwift dog, by w ay of antiphrafii.
(j) Zorrilh, or little fox, is the yjcneric name which the Spaniards give to Polecats. T)i«
TVJexicans call tliem Epaii, In Chili Chinghc-, and in other countries of South America M.iju-
rito, Agnaluja, &C.
Vol. II. T t From
322 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT. From this catalogue v/e fee that the count de Buffon, who could
not find more than feventy fpecies of quadrupeds in all America, in
the progrefs of his Natural Hiflory acknowledges and diflinguifhes at
leaft ninety-four ; we fày at leaji, as befides thofe above mentioned we
ought to mention the common hog, the ermine, and others, which,
deitied by Buffon to America in fome places of his hiffory, are granted
to it in others.
SECT. IL
Species which Count de Buffon has confounded with others that are
different.
The Guanaco with the Llama or Gliama (/).
The Vicugna with the Paco.
The Citli with the Tapete or Tapiiti («).
The Huiztlacuatzin, or Mexican porcupine, with the Cuandu or
porcupine of Guiana (a").
The Tlacocelotl with the Ocelot! fyj.
The Tepeitzcuintli, or mountain dog of Mexico with the Glut-
ton fz).
The Xoloitzcuintli, or bald dog with the Wolf.
(t) Befides other charafleis of dil1in£lion between the Llama, the Guanaco, the Vicugna,
and Paco, they have never been known to copuhitc though put together in one phicc. If this
circumftance is fufficient to allow us to infer a difference of fpecies between the dog and tkc
wolf, quadrupeds very fimilar in external figure and internal organization, what ought we to
conclude refpefting four quadrupeds which are more diflerent from each other than the dog is
from the wolf?
(u) To render ourfclves certain of the diiference between the CitU and the Tapete it is fuffi-
cicnt to compare the dcfcriptions which Hernandez and Buffon give of each,
{x) See what we have faid in the firft book of our Hiftory concerning the differcnca between
the Mexican oflrich and that of Guiana.
(yj The count de Buffon is defirous of perfuading us that the Tlacocelotl and Occlotl are but
one fame animal ; the Infl the male, the other the female ; that Occlotl is the fame name with
Tlacocelotl excepting the fyncope. We might as well lay that Cam's is not difTercnt from
Semicanis, and that T^rii is the fame as Semitygrii, becaufe tha Mexican Orc/o// is the fame thing
with T\:^ris and 77rtri«ir/<j// means nothing but Scmltygris. The count de Buffon is not bhmieabls
for not knowing the IMexican language; but neither ought he to be excufed' for deciding on
matters in which he was ignorant. Hernandez, who faw and examined as a natnralili both
thofe two wild animals, certainly deferves the greater credit.
{%) See what we have faid rcfpcfting thefc thr^e laft quadrupeds in our fourth Diflbrtation.
The
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
323
The Itzcttintcpozotli, or hunch-backed dog, with the Ako or TecliI- DISSERT,
chi. We ought therefore to add thefe eight fpecies, which he has
confufed with others, to the ninety-four above mentioned, which will
make one hundred and two.
SECT. III.
Species mikno^ion, or unjujlly denied by the the Count de Buffon to
America.
AcHUKi, cercopithecus of Quito, furniflied with a long fnout and
very lliarp teeth, and covered with hair like briftles. Manufcript
in our poflefì'ion.
Ahuitzotl, fmall amphibious quadruped of Mexico, defcribed by
us in our firiT: book.
Amiztli, an amphibious quadruped of Mexico, defcribed by
us (a).
Cacomiztle, a quadruped of Mexico, fimilar to the pole-cat in its
mode of living, but different in fliape, defcribed in our firft book.
Dog of Cibola, or dog of burden, a quadruped of the country of Cibola,
fimilar in form to a mafliff, which the Indians employ to carry bur-
dens. Several hiftorians of Mexico mention this flron? animal.
Ch I CH I CO, cercopithecus of Quito, fo fmall that it can be held ixi the
hand. It is found of different colours. MS.
Chillihueque, a large quadruped of Chih', fimilar to the Guanaco,
but different. Hiftory of Chili, by Molina.
Chinchilla, fpecies of woolly field-rat, mentioned by many hif-
torians of South America.
Chin CHI MEN, or fca-cat, an amphibious quadruped of the fea of
Chili. Nat. Ilifl. of Chili.
CiNocEPHALUs Ccrcopithecus, a quadruped of Mexico, of which
Hernandez, Briffon, and others make mention.
CojoTE, (in Mexico Cojotl) a wild bcaft defcribed in this hiftory.
(«■) In 3 note of the Jìrft book of our Hlilory we f.iij that the Awh./li appeared to us the fame
qiradriiprd with thut called by Buffon Saricoiùe-r:c ; but on farther reflection and confìderatlon
we have found ihofe two quudruped; fpecifically different,
T t 2 Com-
^24 H I S t O R Y O F M E X I e O,
ly^ Common Rabbet, called by the Mexicans Tó<r^///.
CuL, or Peruvian rabbet, a fmall quadruped, fimilar to the Indian pig,
of which feveral hiftorians of Peru make mention.
CuLPEU, a particular fpecies of large fox in Chili. Hiil. of Chili.
Degù, or dormoufe of Chili. Ibi3.
Sea-hog, a particular fpecies of amphibious hog of Chili. Ibid.
Ferret of Chili and Paraguay, called in Guumi Jaguaro/.'ajie. Ibid,
and MS. with us.
Honey-cat. Thus the Spaniards name a quadruped of the province
of Chaco, in South America, fimilar in form to the cat, which lies
in watch for birds upon trees, and is extremely fond of the honey
of bees. MS. with us.
Guanque, a fpecies of field-rat, of a blueifii cafl, in Chili. Nat,
Hifi:. of Chili.
HoRRo, great ccTcopif/ji'cus of Quito and Mexico, all black but the
neck, which is white. It cries loudly in the woods, and when
upright on its feet meafures the height of a man. MS. wi;h us.
Huemul, cloven footed horfe of Chili. Hifi:. of Chili.
Jaguaron, in Guarani Jaquarzf, an amphibious wild animal of
Paraguay, called by Ibme naturalifi:s the water- tyger. MS. with
us.
KiKi, quadruped of Chili, of the weazel kind. Hifi;. of Chili.
Ma J AN, quadruped fimilar to a hog, which has a round body, and its
brifi:les fticking up. It inhabits Paraguay. MS. with us.
Pisco-CusHiLLo, or avis cercopithecus^ cercopithecus of Quito,
which is covered from the neck to the tail with a certain kind
of feathers. MS. with us.
Common Hedge-hog of Paraguay. MS. with us.
Rat, mofi: common in America before the Spaniards landed there,
and called by the Mexicans Sluimichin. Defcribed by us.
The common Field-rat of Mexico and other countries of Ame-
rica.
Taje, a quadruped of California, of which mention is made both
in the printed hifiory and in manufcripts of that peninfula. The
I'aje is unqueflionably the Ibexoi Pliny, defcribed by count de Buf-
fon under the name Bouquetin,
Taitetu
HISTORYOFMEXrCO. 325
Taitetu a quadruped of Paraguay, of the hog kind, the female dissert.
of which brings forth two young which are united together by ^^'
means of the navel-ftring. MS. by us.
White Badger of New York, defcribed by Briflbn.
Thopel-lame, an amphibious quadruped of the fea of Chili, a fpe-
cies of fea-calf, more fimilar ftill to the lion than that fecn by lord
Anfon. Hiftory of Chili.
Tlalcojote, in Mexico Tlalcojotl, a common quadruped of Mexi-
co, defcribed in book i.
Common Wiute Field Mouse of Mexico.
Common Field Mouse of Mexico and other countries of America.
Mouse of Maule, a quadruped of that province, in the kingdom of
Chili, fimilar to the Marmot, but twice as large. Hift of Chili.
Tree LE, or Trefoil, a large quadruped of North America, defcribed
by Domare.
Viscacha of the fields, a quadruped fimilar to the rabbet, but fur-
nifhed with a large tail turned upwards. Acofla and other hiftorians
of South America mention it.
Viscacha of the mountains, a quadruped extremely beautiful, of the
fame kind with that of the fields, but different in fpecies. MS.
by us.
UsN AG UA, ov Cercopitbecus noSiurnus oi Quito. MS. &c.
Thefe forty fpecies, added to thofe one hundred and two above
mentioned, inake one hundred and forty-two fpecies of American
quadrupeds. If ,we add to thofe, horfes, affes, bulls, fheep, goats,
common hogs, and Guinea-pigs, dogs, cats, and houfe mice, tranf-
ported there fince the conquefi:, we (hall have at prefent an hundred
and fifty-two fpecies in America. Count de Buffon, who in all his Na-
tural Hiftory does not enumerate more than two hundred fpecies of
quadrupeds in the countries of the world hitherto difcovered, in his
work entitled, Epoches de la Nature, reckons now three hundred; fo
large has the increafe been In the fpace of a few years ! But now that
they are three hundred, America, although it does not make more than
a third part of the globe, has notwithflanding almofl one half of the
fpecies of its quadrupeds. We repeat almojl, becaufe we have omitted
2 all
IV.
326 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT- all thofe of which we are in doubt whether they are different from
thofe defcribed by Buffon. Our principal aim in forming this cata-
logue has not been to flaew the miflakes of the count de Buffon in his
enumeration of American quadrupeds, and the error of his opinions
concerning the imagined fcarcity of matter in the new world, but
to be of fome fervice to European naturalifls by pointing out to them
fome quadrupeds hitherto unknown, and removing in fome degree
thofe difficulties which have been occafioned by indiftinil appellations
of them. They might defire to have exadl defcriptions along with
them, and even in this we fhould be willing to contribute every thing
in our power, were it not foreign to our purpofe.In order to make this
catalogue, belides the great ftudy in which it has engaged us, we have
obtained written informations from perfons of learning and accuracy
of knowledge, experienced in different countries of America, for whofe
obliging communications we owe them the greateft acknowledge-
rncnts.
D I S S E R-
I IV J
DISSERTATION V,
On the Fbyfical afid Moral Conjiitution of the MeKicans,
IN Mexico and the other countries of America four clafles of men
may be diftinguiflied. Firfl, The proper Americans, commonly
called Indians, or thofe who are defcended of the ancient peoplers of
that new world, and have not mixed their blood with the people of
the old continent. Secondly, The European Afiatics and Africans
eftabliflicd in thofe countries. Thirdly, The fona or defcendants of
them who have been called by the Spaniards Criollos, that is Creoles,
although the name principally belongs to thofe defcendants of Euro-
peans whofe blood has not been mixed with that of the Americans,
Afiatics, or Airicans. Fourthly, The mixed breeds called by the
Spaniards cajias, that is thofe who are born or defcended of an Euro-
pean and an American, or from, an European and an African, or from
an African and American, &c. All thofe clafTes of men have been
fated to meet with the contempt and defamation of Mr. de Paw.
He fuppofes or feigns the climate of the new world to be fo malignant
as to caufe tlie degeneracy of not only the Creoles and proper Ameri-
cans who are born in it, but alfo thofe Europeans who refide there,
although they have been born under a milder Iky, and a climate more
favourable, as he imagines, to all animals. If Mr. de Paw had wrote
his philofophical refearches ia America,, we might with reafon appre^
bend the degeneracy of the human fpecies under the climate of Ame-
rica ; but as we find that work and many others of the fame flamp
produced in Europe, we are confirmed by tliem in the truth of the
Italian proverb taken from the Greek, Tutto il mondo e pacfe. But leaving
afidcthe prejudices and prepofleflions ofthatphilofopherandhis partizans
apainft the other clafles of men, we IhaU only treat of that which he
has written againft the native Americans, as they are the moft injured
and the lead defended. If in tlie writing of this Difiei tation we had
givea
328 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT, given way to interefl or paffion, we would rather have undertaken the
^' defence of the Creoles, which, befides that it would have been more
eafy, fhould naturally have intereiled us more. We are defcended of
Spanifli parents, we have no affinity or relation to the Indians, nor can
we hope for any recompence from their mifery-: our motive is the
love of truth, and the caufe of humanity.
SECT. I.
Of the Corporeal ^alitics of the Mexicans.
MR. de Paw, who finds fault with the ftature, the formation, and
the fuppofed irregularities of the animals of America, has not been
more indulgent towards its men. If the animals appeared to him a
fixth part lefs in fize than thofe of Europe, the men, as he reports, are
alfo fmaller than the Caftilians. If in the animals he remarked the
want of tail, in the men he complains of the want of hair. If in the
animals he found many flriking deformities, in the men he abufes the
complexion and fnape. If he believed that the animals there, were not
fo ftrono- as thofe of the old continent, he affirms, in like manner, that
the men are feeble in extreme, and fubjedl to a thoufand diilempers oc-
cafioned by the corruption of the air and the flench of the foil.
Concerning the flature of the Americans he %s, in general, that al-
though it is not equal to the ftature of the Caflilians, there is but lit-
tle difference between them. But we are confident, and it is notorious
through the whole of New Spain, that the Indians who inhabit thofe
countries, lying between nine and forty degrees of north latitude,
which are the limits of the difcoveries of the Spaniards, are more than
five Parifian feet in height, and that thofe who do not reach that fta-
ture are as few in number amongft the Indians as they are amongft the
Spaniards. We are certain befides, that many of thofe nations, as the
Apaches, the Htaqueje, the Pimefe, and Cochrmies, are at leaft as tall as
the talleft Europeans ; and we are not confcious, that in all the vaft
extent of the new world, a race of people has been. found, except the
Efquimaux, fo diminutive in fiatare as the Laplanders, the Samyeds,
and
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 329
and Tartars, in the north of the old continent. In this refpeól, there- dissert.
fore, the inhabitants of the two continents are upon an equality. ._ _ '_ ^ _^
In regard to the regularity and proportion of the limbs of the Mexi-
cans, we do not need ^to fay more than wc have already faid in our
firfl: book. We are perfuaded, that among all thofc who may read
this work in America, no one will contradict the defcription we have
given of the fliape and charaftcr of the Indians, unlefs he views them
with the eye of a prejudiced mind. It is true, that Ulloa fays, in
fpeaking of the Indians ef Quito, he had obferved, " that imperfedl peo-
*' pie abounded among them, that they were either irregularly diminutive,
*' or monftrous in fome other refpeft, that they became either infenfible,
*' dumb, or blind, or wanted fonie limb of theif body :" but having
ourfelves made fome enquiry refpeéling this Angularity of the Quitans,
we were informed by perfons dcfcrving of credit, and acquainted with
thofe countries, that fuch defedts were neither caufed by bad humours,
nor by the climate, but by the miftaken and blind humanity of their
parents, who, in order to free their children from the hardlhips and
toils to which the healthy Indians are fubjedled by the Spaniards, fix
fome deformity or weaknefs upon them, that they may become ulelefs :
a circumftance of mifery which does not happen in other countries of
America, nor in thofe places of the fanie kingdom of Quito, where
the Indians are under no fuch oppreffion. M. de Paw, and, in agree-
ment with him. Dr. Robertfon, fays, that no deformed perfons are to
be found among the favages of America j becaufe, like the ancient La-
cedemonians, they put to death thofe children which are born hunch-
backed, blind, or defeftive in any limb ; but that in thofe countries
where they are formed into focieties, and the vigilance of their rulers
prevent the murder of fuch infants, the number of their deformed
and irregular individuals is greater than it is in any other country of
Europe. This would make an exceeding good folution of the ditfi-
cn1ty if it were true : but if, poflibly, there has beei\ in America a
tribe of favages who have imitated the barbarous example (a) of the
celebrated Lacedemonians, it is certain that thofc authors have no
(</) That inhuman practice of killing children which were born deformed, was not only per-:
mitted in Rome, but was prefcribcd by the laws of the Twelve Tables. Paler infignm ad fit-
Jormitatcm fiicrum cito nccato, ;
Vol. II. U u grounds
33<
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, grounds to impute fuch inhumanity to the reft of the Americans ; for
t__ J , ^ that it has not been the practice, at leaft with the far greater part of
thofe nations, is to be demonftrated from the atteftations of the authors
the beft acquainted with their cuftoms. Befides, in all the countries
of Mexico, or New Spain, which make at leaft one fourth of the new
world, the Indians lived in focieties together, and afl'embled in cities,
towns, and villages, under the care of Spaniih or Creole magiftrates
and governors, and no fuch inftances of cruelty towards their infants
are ever feen or heard of; yet deformed people are fo uncommon,
that all the Spaniards and Creoles, who came from Mexico to
Italy, in the year 1768, were then, and are ftill much furprifed ta
obferve the great number of blind, hunch-backed, lan^e, and other-
wife deformed people, in the cities of that cultivated peninfula. The
caufe of this phenomenon, which fo many writers have obferved
among the Americans, muft therefore be different from that to which
the above mentioned authors would impute it.
No argument againft the new world can be drawn from the colour
of the Americans ; becaufe their colour is lefs diftant from the white
of the Europeans than it is from the black of the Africans, and a great
part of the Afiatics. The hair of the Mexicans, and of the greater
part of the Indians, is, as we have already faid, coarfè and thi'ck ;
on their face they have little, and in general {i>) none on their arms
and legs : but it is an error to fay, as M. de Paw does, that they are
entirely deftitute of hair in all the other parts of their body. This is
one of the many paflages of the Philofophical Refearches, at which
the Mexicans, and all the other nations, muft fmile to find an Euro-
pean philofopher fo eager to diveft them of the drefs they had from
nature. Ke read, without doubt, that ignominious defcription, which
Ulloa gives of fome people of South America (r), and from this iin-
gle premife, according to his logic, he deduces his general conclufion.
{i) We fay, in genera!, becaufe there arc Americans in IMexico who are bearded, and
have hair on t!icir :>.rrrs and liiiibs.
(f) Ulloa, in the defcription which he gives of the Indians of Quito, fays, that hair nei-
ther groH s upon the men nor upon the women when they arrive at puberty, as it dees on
the reft of mankind ; but whatever fingularlity may attend the Quitans, or occafinn this ciicum-
fiance, there is no doubt that among the Americans in general, the period of puberty is accom-
panied with the fume fyinptoms as it is among other nations of the world.
The
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 331
The very afped of an Angolan, Mandingan, or Congan, would have dissert.
Hiocked Mr. de Paw, and made him recall that cenfure which he pafl'cs
on the colour, the make, and hair of the Americans. What can be
imagined more contrary to the idea we have of beauty, and the perfec-
tion of the human frame, than a man whofe body emits a rank fmell,
whofe ikin is as black as ink, whofe head and face are covered with
black wool, inftead of hair, whofe eyes arc yellow and bloody, whofe
lips are thick and blackifli, and whofe nofe is flat ? Such are the in-
habitants of a very large portion of Africa, and of many illands of
Aha. What men can be more imperfedt than thofe who meafure no
more than four feet in flature, whofe faces are long and flat, the nofc
comprefled, the iricies yellowilli black, the eyelids turned back to-
wards the temples, the cheeks extraordinarily elevated, their mouths
monftroufly large, their lips thick and prominent, and the lower part
of their vifages extremely narrow ? Such, according to count de Buf-
fon {(/), are the Laplanders, the Zemblans, the BoratiJines, the Sa-
mojeds, and Tartars in the Eall:. What objects more deformed than
men whofe faces are tt)0 long and wrinkled even in their youth, their
nofes thick and comprefl'ed, their eyes fmall and funk, their cheeks
very much raifed, the upper jaw low, their teeth long and difunited,
their eye-brows fo thick, that they Ihade their eyes ; the eye -lids thick,
fome brillles on their faces inflead of beard, large thighs and fmall legs ?
Such is the pidure count de Buffon gives of the Tartars, that is of thole
people who, as lie fays, inhabit a tradt of land in Afla, twelve hun-
dred leagues long and upwards, and more than (c\q.v\ hundred and fifty
broad. Amonglh thefe the Calmucks arc the mofl: remarkable for
their deformity, which is fo great, that, according to Tavernier, they
are the moll brutal men of all the univerfe. Their faces are lb broad
that there is a fpace of five or fix inches between their eyes, according
as count de Buffon himfelf affirms. In Calicut, in Ceylon, and other
countries of India, there is, fay Pyrard and other writers on thofe re-
gions, 3 race of men who have one or both of their legs as thick as the
body of a man ; and that this deformity among them is almoll here-
ditary. The Hottentots, befides other grofs imperfedions, have that
f<^ Hift. Nat. torn. vi.
U U 2 lUOil-
332 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, inonftrous irregularity attending them, of a callous appendage extend-
ing from the os pubis downwards, according to the teftimony of the
hiftorians of the Cape of Good Hope. Struys, Gemelli, and other
travellers affirm, that in the kingdom of Lambry, in the iflands of
Formofa, and of Mindoro, men have been found with tails. Bomare
fays {e), that a thing of this kind in men is nothing eke than an
elongation of the as coccygis ; but what is a tail in quadrupeds but
the elongation of that bone, though divided into dillindl articula-
tions (f) ? However it may be, it is certain, that that elongation
renders thole Aliatics fully as irregular as if it was a real tail.
If we were, in like manner, to go through the nations of Afia and
Africa, Ave fliould hardly find any extenfive country where the colour
of men is not darker, where there are not ftronger irregularities obferved,
nnd groffer defedls to be found in them, than M. de Paw finds fault with
in the Americans. The colour of the latter is a good deal clearer than that
of almoii all the Africans, and the inhabitants of fouthern Afia. The
fcantinefs of beard is common to the inhabitants of the Phillippine
Illands, and of all the Indian Archipelago, to the famous Chinefe, Ja-
panefe, Tartars, and many other nations of the old continent. The
imperfedlions of the Americans, however great they may be reprefented
to be, are certainly not comparable with the defeéls of that immenle
people, whofe charaéìer we have fketched, and others whom we
omit. All thefe circumftances might have retrained the pen of
M. de Paw, but they flipped his memory, or he lliut out the recollec-
tion of them.
M. de Paw reprefents the Americans to be a feeble and difeafed fet of
nations : Ulloa, on the contrary affirms, that they are healthy, ro-
buft, and flrong. Which of the two merits the greater credit ? M.
de Paw, who undertook at Berlin to review the Americans without
knowing them ; or Ulioa, who refided amongft them for fome years,
and converfed with them in different countries of South America ;
M. de Paw, who employed himfelf to degrade and debafe them, in order
to eftablilh his abfurd fyftem of degeneracy, or Ulloa, who, though
(e) Dii^ion. de Hiftoire. Nat. v. Homme.
(_/■) Ste Heilier. Aiv.a, i\e Oj/iiu: trunci.
by
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
333
by no means favourable in general to the Indians, was not bent on DISSERT.r
forming any fyftem, but only on writing what he judged to be true ?
The impartial reader will decide this queilion.
M. de Paw, in order to demon (Irate the weaknefs and diforder of
the phyfical conftitution of the Americans, adduces feveral proofs,
which we ought not to omit. Thele are, i . That the firfl: Americans
who were brouglit to Europe went mad during their voyage, and their
madnefs continued till death. 2. That grown men in many parts cf
America have milk in their breafts. 3. That the American women
are delivered with great facility, have an extraordinary plenty of milk,
and the periodical evacuation of blood is Icanty and irregular. 4. That
the leafl: vigorous European conquered in wreftling any American
whatever. 5. That the Americans could not bear the weight of a
light burden. 6, That they were fubjetft to the venereal diftemper,
and other endemic difoafcs.
With regard to the firfl proof, we deny it as being altogether fiilfe
and inconiiflent. Mr. de Paw fays, on the faith of the Fleming Dap-
pers, that the firft Americans whom Columbus brought with him in.
1493, were going to kill themfelves during the voyage, but that having
been bound in order to prevent them from doing fo, they run mad, and
their madnefs laded while they lived ; that when they entered into Bar-
celona, they frightened the citizens to fuch a degree with their howls,
their contorlion?, and their convulfive motions, that they were thought
to be delirious. We have never {een the work of Dappers, but we have no
doubt that his account is a firing of fables ; for we do not find, that either
any of his cotemporary authors, nor thofe who wrote in the years imme-
diately following, make any mention of fuch an event ; but, on the
contrary, from what they fa^, it is ealy to demonftrate the falfity of
his llory. Gonzalez Hernandez Oviedo, who was in Barcelona
when Columbus arrived, faw, and knew thofe Americans, and was-
an eye-witnefs of what happened, fays nothing of their madnefs, their
howls, and contorfions, which he would not naturally have omitted
had they been true, as he was rather unfavourable to the Indians, as
we have laid before, particularly when he was minutely relating their
entry into that city, their baptifm, their names, and in part their end.
He fays, that Columbus brought with him, from the illand of Ilif-
pani ola,.
334 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, paniola, ten Americans, one of which died on the paflage, three re-
mained fick in Palos, a port of Andalufia, where, as he imagines,
they died foon after, and the other fix came to Barcelona, where the
court was then held , that they were well inftrudled in the Chriftian
dodlrines and baptifed : Peter Martyr, of Aighera, who was alfo in
Spain when Columbus arrived, makes mention of the Indians (/J)
which that famous admiral brought with him, but does not fay a word
about their madnefs : on tlie contrary, he relates, that when Cortes
returned to Hilpaniola, he carried back three of the Indians with him,
2.S all the others had died by tiiat time, from change of air and food (/) ;
and that he employed one of them to gain information of the (bate of the
Spaniards whom he had left in that ifland. Ferdinand Colombus, a learned
and diligent writer of the life of Chrillopher Columbus his father, who
happened alfo to be in Spain at that time, makes a minute detail of the
voyages and anions of his glorious parent, fpeaks of the Indians whom
he had feen, and relates nothing more of them than P. Martyr. The
account given by Dappers, therefore, is flilfe, or at leaft we will fay,
that madmen learned the Spanifli language, that the Catholic kings
chofe madmen to be with them, to amufe them with their horrible
howls J and laftly, that Columbus, the prudent Columbus, made uic
of one of thefe madmen, to gain information of all that had happened
to the Spaniards in Hifpaniola while he had been abfent.
The anecdote of milk in the breafls of the Americans is one of the
moft curious which we read in the Philofophical Refearches, and mofl
worthy to excite our fmiles, and the mirth of all the Americans : but
( i) Sommar, della Stor. delle Ind. Occid. cap. 4.
(/) To the caiifes of the death of thofe Americans, mentioned hy P. Martyr, may be add-
.ed the extraordinarj' hardfliips they futlered in that horrid voyage, the circumftances of which
arc to be found in the letters of Columbus, publiflicd by his Ion. From the number of thofe
who died, mentioned by Martyr, an exception ought to be made of that American whom the
prince Don John retained with him, as he did not die till two years after, according to the
teftlmony of Oviedo. But although they had all died on the voyage, or become frantic and
mad, it fliould not caufe any wonder, confidcring what is recited by M. dc Paw himfelf, in Part
iil. feft. 2. of his Refearches : " Les academiciens Francois," hcfays, enleverent au de lade
" Torneo deux Lappons, qui, obfcdps et martyrises par ces philofophes, moururent de de-
" fcfpoir en route." Neither the country which the Laplanders left, nor the voyage which they
had to make, can be comp.ired with the country and the voyage of thofe Americans ; nor can
we imagine the Spanlfli failors, of the fifteenth century, fo humane as the French academi-
cians of the eighteenth»
it
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 335
it is neceflary to confcfs, that Mr. de Paw has ftiewn more moderation DISSERT,
than many others whom he has quoted. The celebrated naruralift j
Johnfton, affirms, in his Thaumatographia, on the faith of we know
not what travellers, that in the new world almoft all the men abound
with milk in their breafts. In all Brafil, fays the author of the Hif-
torical Refearches, the men alone fuckle children, for the women have
hardly any milk. We do not know whether moft to admire the ef-
frontery and impudence of thofe travellers who invent and publifli
fuch fables, or the excefs of fimplicity in thofe who repeat them. If
there had ever been a nation of the new world, in which fuch a phe-
nomenon had been obferved (which M. de Paw cannot prove), that cer-
tainly would not have been fufficient to fay, that in many places of
America milk abounds in the breafts of men j and much lefs to af-
firm, as Johnfton does, of almoft all the men in the new world.
Thofe lingularities, which Mr. de Paw remarks in the Americr.n
women, would be moft acceptable to them if they were true; for no-
thing certainly could be moie defirabk to them, than to be freed
from the pains and difficulties of child-bearing, to abound with that
liquor which nourilhes their children, and to be fpared the inconve-
niencies which are occafioned by thofe periodical and difagreeable
evacuations ? But that which would be efteemed by them a circum-
ftance of happinefs, is reported by M. de Paw as a proof of their de-
generacy ; for that eafe of delivery, he fays, fhews the expanfion of
the vaginal pafTage, and the relaxation of the mufcles of the matrix,
on account of the fluids being-too copious : their abundance can only
proceed from the humidity of their conftitutions, and that, otherwife,
they do not conform with the women of the old continent ; whereas
thej', according to IVI. de Paw's legiflation, are the model of all the
world. Surely it muft excite the v.onder of every ont, that whereas
the author of the Hiftorical Refearches remarks fuch a IcarcJty of
milk in the American women, that the men are obliged to fuckle their
own children j the author of the Philofophical Refearches on the con-
trary, ftiould attribute to them fuch an extraordinary abundance of it ;
and who is there, that ia reading thele and other fimilar contradic-
tions and tales puhHlhed in Europe, particularly a few years back,
will not difcover that the travellers, hiftorians, naturalifts,. and philo-
fophers-
33'
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
SISSERT. fophers of Europe, have made America the magazine of their fables
and fiitions ; and in order to render their works more entertaining,
from the marvellous novelty of their pretended obfervations, have af-
cribed to all the Americans, whatever fingularities have been obferved
in one individual, or perhaps in none ?
The American women are fubjeól to the common fentence of nature,
and are not delivered without pains ; poffibly, not with fo much appa-
ratus as attends the women of Europe ; becaufe they are lefs delicate,
and more accuftomed to the inconveniencies of life. Thevenot fays,
that the Mogul women are delivered with great eafe, and that the day
after they are feen going through the ftreets of the cities, and yet
there is no reafon to find fault with their fruitfulnefs, or their confti-
tution.
The quantity and quality of milk in the American women in Mexi-
co, and other countries of America, are well known to the European
and Creole ladies, who take them commonly as wet-nurfes to their
children ; they find that they are wholfome, faithful, and diligent, in
fuch fervice. Nor does it matter to fay, that the ancient Americans
are talked of, and not the moderns, as M. de Paw has fometimes re-
plied to his adverfary Don Pernety ; fince befides, that his propofitions
againfl: the Americans are all meant of the prefent day, as it is manifeft
to every one who has read his work, that diflinftion has no place in
many countries of America, and particularly in Mexico. The Mexi-
cans ufe, for the mofl part, the fame food which they fed upon before
the conquefl. The climate, if poflibly it is changed in fome regions,
from the cutting down of the woods, and the draining of ftagnant wa-
ters, in Mexico is fiill the fame. Thofe who have compared, as we
have, the accounts of the firft Spaniards, 'with the prefent ftate of that
kingdom, know that the fame lakes, the fame rivers, and, in general,
the fime woods, ftill fubfilt.
With refpedl to the tnefifes of the American women, we can give
no account, nor do we know who can. M. de Paw, who has from
Berlin feen fo many things of America, has, perhaps, found, in fome
French author, the manner of knowing that which we neither can,
nor chufe to enquire into. But granting that the menftrual evacuation
of the American women is fcanty and irregular, it argues nothing
againfl
5
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
'■37
againH; their conftitution, as the quantity of that evacuation depends, DISSERT,
as count de BufFon juflly obferves, on the quantity of tlaeir aliinent, aid
infenfible perfpiration. Women who eat much, and take little excr-
cile, have abundant menfes. In hot countries, where perfpiration is
more copious than it is in cold, that evacuation is more fparing. If
the fcantinefs of fuch evacuation can proceed from fobriety in eating,
from the heat ot the chme and exercif^, why produce it as an argu-
ment of a bad conlHtution ? Befidcs, we do not know how to recon-
cile that fcantinefs of the meiifes with the fuperabundance of fluids,
which M. de Paw fuppofes in the women of America, to be a confequcnce
of the diforder of their phyiical conftitution.
The proofs abovementioned of the weaknefs of the Americans, are
not better fupported. M. de Paw fays, that they were overcome in
wreftUng by all the European?, and that they funk under a moderate
burden ; that by a computation made two hundred thoufand Americans
were found to have perifhed in one year from carrying of baggage.
With refpedl to the firft point, it would be necelfary that the experi-
ment of wreftling was made between many individuals of each conti-
nent, and that the vidtory ihould be atteited by the Americans as well
as the Europeans. But however that may be, we do not pretend
to maintain, that the Americans are fhonger than the Europeans.
They may be lefs ftrong without the human fpecies having degenerated
in tiiem. The Swifs are ftronger than the Italians, and flill we do
not believe the Italians are degenerated, nor do we tax the climate of
Italy. The inllance of two hundred thoufand Americans havii:g died
in one year, under the weight of baggage, were it true, would not
convince us fo much of the weaknefs of tlie Americans, as of the in-
humanity of the Europeans. In the fame manner that thofe two hun-
dred thoufand Americans perifhed, two hundred thoufand Pruffians
would alfo have perifhed had they been obliged to make a journey of
between three and four hundred miles, with a hundred pounds of
burden upon their backs ; if they had collars of iron about their necks,
and were obliged to carry that load over rocks and mountains; if thoic
who became exhaufted with fatigue, or wounded their feet fo as to im-
pede their progrefs, had their heads cut off that they might not retard
the pace of .the reft; and if they were not allowed but a fmall morfei
\ OL, II. X X of
IV.
338 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, of bread to enable them to fuppoit fo fevere a toil. The fame au-
thor {m) from whom M. de Paw got tjie account of the two hundred
thoufand American.? who died under the fatigue of carrying baggage,
relates alfo all the above mentioned circumftances. If that author there-
fore is to be credited in the laft, he is alfo to be credited in the firft.
But a philofopher who vaunts the phyfical and moral qualities of the
Europeans over thofe of the Americans, would have done better, we
think, to have iupprefTed fadls fo opprobrious to the Europeans them-
felves. It is true, that neither Europe in general, nor any nation of it
in particular, can be blamed for the excefles into which fome individuals
run, efpecially in countries fo diftant from the metropolis, and when they
ad againft the exprefs will and repeated orders of their fovereigns; but
if the Americans were difpofed to make ufe of M. de Paw's logic, they
mif^ht from luch premifes deduce univerfal conclufions againft the old
continent in the fame manner, as he is continually forming arguments
againft the whole of the new world, from what has been obferved. in
fome particular people, or poflibly only in fome individuals.
He allows the Americans a great agility of body,, and fwiftnefs ia
running ; becaufe they are accuftomed from childhood to this ex-
ercife : neither then ought he to deny them ftrength ; for, as it is
clear from their hiftory and from their paintings, that as foon as they
could v.alk, they were habituated to carry burdens, in which occupa-
tion they were to be employed all their lives ; in like manner no other
nation ought to be more vigorous in carrying burdens, becaufe no
other exercifed itfelf fo much as the Americans in carrying loads on
their backs, on account of their want of beafts of burden («), with
which other nations were provided. If Mr. de Paw had feen, as we
have, the enormous weights which the Americans fupport on their
flioulders, he would never have reproached them with feeblenefs.
But nothing demonftrates fo clearly the robuftnefs of the Americans
as thofe various and lafting fatigues in which they are continually en-
gaged. Mr. de Paw fays [0), that when the new world was difco-
(?«) Las Cafas.
(>i) Although the Peruvians had beafts of burden thefe were not fuch as could ferve them in
tranfporting- thofe large (lones which were found in fome of their buildirg?, and in thofe of
Mexico : having no machines cither for aflifting them in that work, it inufl have been done
folely by the ftrength of men.
(a) Defence de Recherches. cap. xii.
vered.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
339
vered, nothing was to be Ceen but thick woods -, and that at prefeiit DISSERT
there are fome lands cultivated, not by the A.mericans however, but by v__-v-~-.
the Africans and Europeans ; and that the foil in cultivation is to the
foil which is uncultivated as two thouland to t^vo millions. Thefe
three ailertions are preci fely as many errors. To referve, however, what
belongs to the l.ibours of the ancient Mexicans for another Dificrtation,
and to fpeak only of latter times, it is certain that fince the conquell
the Americans alone have been the people who have fupported all the
fatigues of agriculture in all the vaft countries of the continent of
South America, and in the greater part of thofe of South America
fubjedl to the crown of Spain. No European is ever to be Ccen em-
ployed in the labours ot the field. The Moors, who, in compari-
fon of the Americans, are very few in number in the kingdom of New
Spain, are charged with the culture of the fugar-cane and tobacco,
and the making of fugar ; but the foil deilined for the cultivation of
thofe plants is not with refpeél to all the cultivated land of that coun-
try in the proportion of one to two thoufand. The Americans are
the people who labour on the foil. They are the tillers, the fowers,
the wecders, and the reapers of the wheat, of the maize, of the rice, of
the beans, and other kinds of grain and pulfe, of the cacao, of the va-
nilla, of the cotton, of the indigo, and all other plants ufeful to the
fuftenance, the clothing, and commerce of thofe provinces ; and with-
out them fo little an be done, that in the year 1762, the harvefl of
wheat was abandoned in many places on account of a ficknel's wiiicli
prevailed and prevented the Indians from reaping it. But this is not
all ; the Americans are they who cut and tranfport all the necelfary tim-
ber from the woods ; who cut, tranfport, and work the ftones ; who
make lime, plaifter, and tiles ; who con l1:ru6l: all the buildings of that
kingdom, except a few places where none of them inhabit; who
open and repair all the roads, wlio make tiie canals and fluices, and
clean the cities. Tiiey work in many mines of gold, of filvcr, of
copper, &c. they are the flicpherds, hcrdfmen, weavers, potters,
balket-makers, bakers, couriers, day-labourers, &c. ; in a word, they
are the perfons who bear all the burden of public labours. Thefe are
the employments of the weak, dallardly, and ufclefs Americans, while
X X 2 the
V.
340 HISTORY OFMEXICO.
DISSERT, the vigorous M. de Paw and other indefatigable Europeans are occu-
pied in writing inveftives againft them.
Thefe labours, in which the Indians are continually employed, cer-
tainly atteft their healthinefs and ftrength ; as, if they are able to
undergo fuch fatigues, they cannot be difeafed, nor have an exhaufted
flream of blood in their veins, as M, de Paw infinuates. In order to
make it believed that their conftitutions are vitiated, he copies what-
ever he finds written by hillorians of America whether true or falfe,
refpedling the difeafes which reign in fome particular countries of that
great continent j and efpecially concerning the venereal diftemper,
which he conceives to be truly American. With refpeót to the vene-
real diforder, we fliall treat of it at large in another Diifertation : con-
cerning other difeafes, we grant, that in fome countries in the wide coni-
pafs of America men are expofed more than elfewhere to the diftempers
which are occafioned by the intemperature of the air, or the pernicious
quality of the aliments ; but it is certain according to the aflertion of
many refpedlable authors acquainted with the new world, that the Ame-
rican countries are for the moft part healthy ; and if the Americans were
difpofed to retaliate on M. de Paw and other European authors who write
as he does, they would have abundant fubjedt of materials to throw dif-
credit on the clime of the old continent, and the conftitution ot its inhabi-
tants in the endemic diflem.pers which prevail there, fuch as the elephan-
tiaf.s and leprofy of Egypt and Syria (/>), the verben of fouthern Afia,
the dragoncello or worm of Medina, the pircal of Malabar, the yaws
or Guinea-evil, the tiriaji or morbus pedicularis of Little Tartary,
the fcurvy and dyfentery of northern countries, the plica of Poland,
the goitiers of Tyrol and many alpine countries, the itch, rickets, the
fmall-pox [q), and above all the plague, which has fo often depopu-
lated
{p') The elephant I (if, s, an endemic diieafe of Eg3'pt, and entirely unknown in America, was
fo common in Europe in the thirteenth century, that there were, according to what Mathew
Paris fay?, an exaft writer of that time, nineteen thoufand hofpiials for it,
(j) i he fmali pox was carried to America by the Europeans, and made as great a havoc
there as the venereal difeafe did in Europe. The rickets is a diftemper unknown in the new
world ; this we conceive the principal caufe of there being fewer deformed and imperfeft
fliaped people there than in Europe. The itch exilis either not at all, or fo rarely, that dnring
many yearò refidence in different countries of Mexico, we never faw one infeftcd with that dif-
eafe, nor ever heard of any one who was. The vomito prletOtWiHui appears to be an endemic dif-
temper
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
341
lated whole cities and provinces of the old continent, and which DISSERT,
annually commits immenfc havoc in the Eaft : the moft terrible fcourge v ' . >
of the human race, but hitherto warded off from the new world.
Laftly, The fuppofed fecblenefs and unfound bodily habit of the A-
mericans do not correfpond witli the length of their lives. Among
tliofe Americans whofe great fatigues and excellive toils do not anticipate
their death, there are not a few who reach the age of eighty, ninety,
and an hundred years ; and, v.'hat is more, without there being ob-
ferved in them that decay which time commonly produces in the hair,
in the teeth, in the flcin, and in the mufcles of the human body.
This phenomenon, fo much admired by the Spaniards who refide in
Mexico, cannot be afcribed to any other caufe than the vigour of
their conftitutions, the temperance of their diet, and the falubrity of
their clime. Hillorians, and other perfons who have fojourncd there
for many years, report the lame thing of other countries of the new
world. But if poilibly there is any region where life is not fo much pro-
longed, at lead there is no one where it is fo much fhortened as in Guinea,
in Sierra Leona, in the Cape of Good Hope, and other countries of
Africa, in which old age commonly begins at forty j and he who
arrives at fifty is looked upon as an odtogenary is with us (r). Of
them it might be faid with fome fhew of reafon, that their blood is
wafled, and their phylical conftitution is overthrown.
temper alfo, is extemfly modern, and is not felt except in fome places of the torrid zone fre-
quented by Europeans. The fir't who were feized with it were the failors of fome European
veflels, who iiumcdiutely after the bad diet they had during their voyage, eat greedily of fruit,
and dran:^ i nmoderatcly of brandy. Ulloa affirms, that in Carthagena, one of the moft un-
healthy phices of America, this diftemper was not known before the yrar 1729, and that it be-
gan among the crews of the European vcfleU, which arrived there under the command of D.
D. Giui'iniani.
(r; The Hottentots, fays Buffon, arc fliort livers, for they hardly exceed forty years of
age, Drack attcfts that certain nations inhabiting the frontiers of the Ethiopian diftri<5ls, on ac-
count of the fcarcity of aliment, feed on falted locufts, and that this wretched food produces a
horrid efTeCt; when they arrive at the age of forty, certain flying infefls breed upon their bodies,
which ioon occafion their deaths, by devouring firii their belly, then ihcir bicaft, and lalily
their very bones. Thefe, and the kind of infefls by which, as M. de Paw himfclf confcflcs,.
the inhabitants of Little Tartary are dedroycd, arc certainly greatly worfe than thofe worms-
which, he fays, arc found amongft fome people of America.
SECT.
342
DISSERT.
V.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
SECT. II.
On the mental ^alkies of the Mexicans.
HITHERTO we have examined what M. de Paw has laid con-
cerning the corporal qualities of the Americans. Let us now fee
Vv'hat are his fpeculations concerning their minds. He has not been
able to difcover any other charaders than a memory fo feeble, that to-
day they do not remember what they did yellerday ; a capacity fo blunt,
th.tt tliey are incapable of tliinking, or putting their ideas in order; a
difpofition fo cold, that they feel no excitement of love ; a daftardly
fpirit, and a genius that is torpid and indolent. In (hort, lie paints
the Americans in fuch colours, and debafes their fouls to fuch a degree,
that although he foaietimes inveighs againfl: them, that they put their
very rationality in doubt, we do not doubt, that if he had then been
confulted, he would have declared hiuifelf contrary to the opinion of
rationaiijis. We know well that many other Europeans, and, what is
ftill more wonderful, many of thofe children or defcendants of Euro-
peans who are born in America, think as M. de Paw does ; fome from
ignorance, fome from want of refledtion, and others from hereditary
pirejudice and prepoiltlTion. But all this and more would not be fuf-
ficient to belie our own experience and the teftimony of other Euro-
peans whofe authority have a great deal more weight, both becaufe they
were men of great judgment, learning, and knowledge of thefe coun-
tries, and becaufe they gave their tellimony in favour of flrangers a-
gainft their own conntrymen. The alteflations and arguments which
we could adduce in favour of the mental qualities of the Americans
arefo numerous, that they would fill a great volume; we fhall, how-
ever, to avoid prolixity or confufion, confine ourfelves to a few, which
are worth a thoufand others.
Zummarraga, firfi: bilhop of Mexico, a prelate of happy memo-
and highly efleemed by the catholic kings, for his learning and ir-
reproachable life, his paftoral zeal and apoftolic labours, in his let-
ter written in the year 1531, to the general chapter of the P. P.
Fran-
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 343
Franclfcans, afìembled in Tolofa, fpeaks thus of the Indians : " They J^ISSERT.
" are temperate and ingenious, particularly in the art of painting.
" They are not ungifted with mental talents. The Lord be praifed
" for all." If M. de Paw does not value the teflimony of this moft
venerable prelate, whom he calls a bigot and barbarian, in right of that
authority wliich he has arrogated to himfclf to injure thofe whofe {cn~
timents are not conformable to his extravagant fyftem of degeneracy,
let him read what Las Cafas, the firft bifliop of Chiapa, has written,
who knew them well, from having rcfided many years in different
parts of America. He in a memorial prefented to Philip II. fpeaks of
them thus : " The Americans alfo are people of a bright and lively
*' genius, eafy to be taught and to apprehend every good do6trine, ex-
" tremely ready to embrace our faith and virtuous cufloms, and the
" people of all others in the world who feel leali: embarraffment in it."
He makes ufc almofl of the fame expreflions in his refutation of the
anfwers of Dr. Sepulveda ; " The Indians have," he fays, " as good
" an underftanding and acute a genius, as much docility and capacity
** for the moral and fpeculatlve fciences, and are, in moft in (lances, as
** rational in their political government, as appears from many of their
*' extremely prudent laws, and are as far advanced in the knowledge of
" our faith and religion, in good cufloms and civilization where they
" have been tutored by perfons of religious and exemplary life, and
" are arriving at refinement and polifli as fafl as any nation ever did
** fmce the times of the apoftles." Since M. de Paw believes all that
which this learned exemplary prelate wrote againft the Spaniards, al-
though he was not prefent at the greater part of the fadis which he
relates, he ought much more to believe that which the lame bilhop,
depofes in favour of the Americans, as an eye-witnefs and refident among
them J as there is much lefs requifite to make us believe that the
Americans are people of a good genius and difpoiition, than to per-
fuade us of thofe horrid and unheard of cruelties of the Spanilh con-
querors.
But if he does not admit the teflimony of that great bifhop, becaufe-
he efleems him, though wrongfully, to have been a cheat, and ambi-
tious hypocrite, he may read the dcpofition concerning them of the
firfl billiop of Tbfcala, Garces, a mofl learned man, and highly and
juflly
344 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT, juflly efteemed by his famous patron Ant. de Nebrija, the rcllorer of
Y , letters in Spain. This renowned prelate in his Latin Letter to pope
Paul IIL written in 1536, after ten years continual commerce with,
and obfervation of the Americans, among many- praifes which he be-
ftows on their difpofitions, and the gifts of their minds, he extols
their genius, and in fome degree raifes it above that of his country-
men, as may appear from the palTage of his letter which we have fub-
joined here below (j). What perfon is there -who would not give
greater faith to thofe three bilhops, who, befides their probity,
their learning, and charadter, had long commerce with the Ame-
ricans, than to other authors who either never faw the Americans,
or viewed them v/ithout refleilion, or paid improper and unjuft de--
ference to the informations of ignorant, prejudiced, or interelled men ?
But laftly, if M. de Paw refufes the depolitions of thefe three wit-
nefles, however refpedlable, becaufe they were ecclefiaifics, to whom
he thinks \veaknefs of mind attached, he cannot, but fubmit to the
judgment of the famous biihop of Angelopoli, Palafox. Mr. de
Paw, though a Prulfian and a philofopher, calls that prelate the ve-
nerable fervant of God. If he gives fo much faith to this venei'abkfer^
vant of God in what he wrote againft the Jefuits in his own caufe,
why not believe him in what he has written in favour of the Ameri-
cans ! Let him read the work of this prelate, compofed in order to
demonftrate the difpofition, genius, and virtues of the Lidians.
Notwithllanding the implacable hatred which M. de Paw bears to
the ecclefiaftics of the Roman church, and to the Jefuits in particular,
he praifes the Natural and Moral Hiifory of Acofta, and calls it very
julfly an excellent work. This judicious, impartial, and very learned
Spaniard, who faw and obferved with his own eyes the Americans in
Peru as well as Mexico, employs the whole fixth book of this ex-
cellent work in demonftrating the good fenfe of the Americans by
Is) " Nunc vero de horum figillatim hominum ingenio, quos vidimus ab hinc decennio,
" quo ego in Patria convefatus eorum potui perfpicere mores ac ingenia perfecutari, teftifieans
" coiam te, Beautiffime Pater qui Chriili in terris Vicariuni agis quod vidi qucd audivi et ma-
" nus noftrx contreiTtaveiunt de his piogenitis ab ecclelia per qualecumque minifterium meum
'' in verbo vita: quod fingula fmgulis refcrendo, id eft paribus paiia, rationis optima» compotes
" funt ct integri feiifus ac capitis fed infupcr noftratibus pueri iftorum et vigore fpiritus et fenfu-
" um vivacitate dcxteriore in omni agibili et intclligibli pi-xllantiorcs reperiti ntur.".
an
5
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 345
lun explanation of their ancient government, their laws, their hlllories DISSERT.-
in paintings and knots, calendars, &;c. To be informed of his opi- ^^
iiion on this fubjed, it will be hilficient to read the firll chapter of
that book. We requeft M. de Paw, as well as our readers, to read it
attentively, as there are matters in it worthy of being known. M. de
Paw will difcover there the origin of the error into whicli he, and
many Europeans, have fallen, and will perceive the great difference
there is between viewing things while the fight is dimmed by paflion
and prejudices, and examining them with impartiality and cool judg-
ment. M. de Paw thinks the Americans are belHal ; Acofta, on the
other hand, reputes tliofe perfons weak and prefumptuous who think
them lo. M. de Paw fays, that the moll acute Americans were infe-
rior in induftry and fagacity to the rudeft nations of the old continent.
Acofta, extols the civil government of the Mexicans above many re-v
publics of Europe. M. de Paw finds, in the moral and political con-
dudl of the Americans, nothing but barbarity, extravagance, and bru-
tality ; and Acofla finds there, laws that are admirable and worthy of
being preferved for ever. To which of thefc t\s'o authors our greateft
faith is due, the impartial reader will decide.
We cannot here avoid the infertion of a paflage of the Philofophical
Refearches, in which the author difcovers his turn for defamation as well
as enmity to truth. " At firft, he fays, the Americans were not be-
*' lieved to be men, but rather ilityrs, or large apes, which might be
** murdered without remorlc or reproach. At lafl, in order to add in-
** fult to the oppreflion of thofe times, a pope made an original bull,
" in which he declared, that being defirous of founding bilhopricks
•' in the richeft countries of America, it pleafed him, and the Holy
•' Spirit, to acknowledge the Americans to be true men : in fo far, that
" without this decifion of an Italian, the inhabitants of the new world
*' would have appeared, even at this day, to the eyes of the faithful, a
" race of equivocal men. There is no example of fuch a deciiion,
" fince this globe has been inhabited by men and apes." We fliould
rejoice that there was no other example in the world of fuch calum-
nies and infolence as thofe of M. de Paw, but that we may put the
complexion of this pafl'age in its true light, we ihall give a copy of
that decifion,. after having. explained, the occafion of It.
Vol. II. Y y Some
340 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT. Some of the firft Europeans who eftabliflied themfelves in x\merica,
not lefs powerful than avaricious, defirous of enriching themfelves to
the detriment of the Americans, kept them continually employed, and
made ufe of them as flaves ; and in order to avoid the reproaches which
were made them by the bhhops and miffionaries who inculcated huma-
nity, and the giving liberty to thofe people, to get themfelves inllruded
in religion, that they might do their duties towards the church and their
families, alledged, that the Indians were by nature flaves and incapable
of being inftrutìied ; and many other falflioods of which the Chronicler
Herfera makes mention againft them. Thofe zealous ecclefiaftics being
unable, either by their authority or preaching, to free thofe unhappy
converts from the tyranny of fuch mifers, had recourfe to the Catholic
kings, and at lafl obtained from their juftice and clemency, thofe laws
as favourable to the Americans as honourable to the court of Spain,
that compofe the Indian code, which were chiefly due to the in-
defatigable zeal of the bilhop de las Cafas. On another lide, Garces,
bifliop of Tlafcala, knowing that thofe Spaniards bore, notwithftand-
ing their perverfity, a great refpecft to the decifions of the vicar of
Jefus Chrift, made application in the year 1 586, to pope Paul III. by that
famous letter, of which we have made mention ; reprefenting to him the
evils which the Indians fuffered from the wicked Chriftians, and pray-
"ing him to interpofe his authority in their behalf. The pope, moved
by fuch heavy remonflrances, difpatched the next year the original
bull, a faithful copy of which we have here fubjoined (/), which was
not
(r) Paukis p-.ipn III univerfisChriliiFidelibus prefentesLitterns inlpccTiiris Salutem &; Apol>o-
licam Benedictionem — " Veritas ipfa, qux nee falli, nee falltrc poteii, ciiin Pntdicatoics Fidei
•' ad officium pia;dic.itionis dellinaret, dixiflc dignnfcitur : Euu'cs docete omnes gentrs: omiies d'xit
" abfque omni deleft», cum omnes Fidei difciplina c:ipaces exiflant. Quod vidcns & invidens
'* ipiius humani genesis a:mukis, qui bonis opcribu.-, ut pereant, fcmptr adi'crfatur, nioduir»
•« excogitavil hai'tenus inauditum, quo impediict, ne Verbum Dei Gentil us, ut falvae licrcnt,
*♦ pra:dicaretur : ut quofdam fuos fatcUites commovit, qui faara cupiditatem adimplcre cupi-
•• entes. Occidentales & Meridionales Indos, &c alias Gentcs, qua; temporibus idis ad nof-
" tram notitiam pervenerunt, fub pratextii quoJ Fidel Catholic.-e expertes exifiiint, uti brut.»
" animatia, ad noilra oblequia redi^endos cfTc, paiiim alTerere pr.-efumant, & cos in fcrviiutem
•* redigunt tantis affliOtionibus illos urgentes, quantis vix bruta animalia illis fcrvientla iirgeant,
-" Nos igitur, qui cjuldem Domini no'.iri vices, licet indigni, gerimus in terris, & Ovcs gregis
•• fui nobis commiffas, qux extra ejus Ovile flint, ad ipfum Ovile foto nixu exquirimtis, at-
" tendentes Indos ipfoi, utpotc veros homines, non fohini Chriftianae Fidei capaces exilìere
** fed, ut nobis inuotuit, ad Fideni ipf.im promptiffinie currcie, ac volentes fimer his congrtiis
♦• remediis providuc, pra:di(ftos Ir.dos & omnes alias gent^:? i;d noiìtianri Chriflianorum in poftc-
•' ruta
HISTORY OF MEXICO
347
not made, as is manifeA, to declare the Americans free men ; for fuch DISSERT.
a piece of weaknefs was very diftant from that or any other pope : but v ^J »
folely to fupport the natural rights of the Americans againll the at-
tempts of their oppreffors, and to condemn the injullice and inhu-
manity of thofe, who, under the pretence of fuppofing thofe people
idolatrous, or incapable of being inftrudted, took from them their pro-
perty and their liberty, and treated them as Haves and hearts. The
Spaniards, indeed, would have been more pitiable than the rudeft fa-
vages of the new world, if tliey had waited for a decifion from Rome
before they would acknowledge the Americans to be true men. It is
well known, that long before the pope difpatched that bull, the Ca-
tholic kings had earneftly recommended the inflrudiion of the Ameri-
cans, had given the mofl: careful orders that they Ihould be well treat-
ed, and that no wrong fliould be offered either to their property or their
perfons ; and had fent feveral bilhops to the new world, and fome
hundreds of miffionaries at the royal expence, to teach thofe fatyrs the
faith of Jefus Chrift, and train them in the Chriftian mode of life. In
1531, fix years before that bull was out, the French mifuonaries alone
had baptized in Mexico more than a million of thofe fatyrs j and in
1534, the feminary of the Holy Crofs was founded in Tlatelolco, for
the inftrucftion of a confiderable number of thofe large apes, where
they learned the Latin language. Rhetoric, Philofophy, and Medicine.
If at firfl the Americans were elleemed fatyrs, no body can better prove
it than Chriftopher Columbus their difcoverer. Let us hear, there-
fore, how that celebrated admiral fpeaks, in his account to the Catho-
lic kings Ferdinand and Ifabella, of the nrft fatyrs he faw in the
illand of Haiti, or Hifpaniola. " I fwear," he fays, " to your ma-
•.' jefties, that there is not a better people in the world than tiiefe,
" more affedlionate, affable, or mild. They love their neighbours as
" themfelvcs ; their language is the fwecteil, the foftefl, and the mofl
«' rum deventuras, licet extru (idem Chiifti exiftant, fua libertate & dominio luijufmodi uti, &.-
•' potiri, & gauderc libere & licite poflc, nee in i'er\itutcm redigi dcberc, ac tiuicqiiid fcciis
•« fieri coiitigi-rit irritum & inane, ipfofque Indos, &i alias Gcntcs Verbi Dei pratdicationc, &
«• excmplo bona; vitae ad dirtam Fideni Cluifti invitandos fore. Audoritate Apoflolica per pr«-
" fcntcs litems decernimus, i- drclaiainus, nou obftantibiu pr.tmiflis, cnelcrifqvie contiariis qiii-
'• biifcunqxie." — Datum Roma; anno i^jy- IV. Kon. luii. Pontilicatiis aoftii ;inno III. Quella,
fi non altra e quella famofii bolla, per la quale s'è tytto un iì grande Ichianwzzo.
y V 2 chcar-
OT
8 tì' I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
lilSSERT. «< chearful 'f for they always fpeak fmiling ; and although they go
" naked, let your naajefties believe me, their cufloms arc very be-
<* coming ; and their king, who is ierved with great majelty, has
" fuch engaging manners, that it gives great plealure to fee him, and
" alfo to confider the great retentive faculty of that people, and their
*• defire of knowledge, which incites them to afk the caufes and the
'• effefts of things («)." As M. de Paw employed ten continued years
to fearch into the aftairs of America, he ought to have knowii, that
in the countries of the new world lubjed:ed to the Spaniards, no other
biihopricks are founded there than thole which the Catholic king has
conftituted. To him belong, from the patronage given him over
American churches by pope Julius II. in 1508, the foundation of bi-
fliopricks, and the prefentation of bifhops. To affirm, therefore, that
Paul III. would acknowledge the Americans to be true men, in order
to found biihopricks in the richeft countries of the new world, is but
the calumny of an enemy of the Roman church ; for if he was not
blinded by enmity, he would rather have perceived the zeal and hu-
manity which the pope difplays in that bull.
Dr. Robertlbn, who, in a great meafure, adopts the extravagant
notions of M. de Paw, fpeaks thus of the Americans, in the Vlllth
book of his Hiftory of America. " Some miffionaries aftonillied
" equally at their llownels of comprehenfion, and at their infenlibility,
•' pronounced them a race of men fo brutirti, as to be incapable of un-
" derllanding the firli: principles of religion." But what miffionaries
thefe were, and how mudi their judgment is to be trufted, can be
underftood from no body better than Garces, in the above men-
tioned letter to pope Paul III. Let the pallage which we have here
fubjoined be read (.v), it will appear from it, that the realbns of luch
an
(..:) Cap. xxxii. of the Hiftory of Chr. Columbus, written by his fon.
{x) Qiiis tarn impudenti animo ac perfricata fronte incapaces fidei aflbrere .ludet, quos mc-
clianlcaram artium capacilTimos intucmur, ac quos etiam ad niiniflcriuni nollrum redados bo-
iix indolis» fidclis, Si folertes experimur ? Et fi quando. Beiuinimc Pa?cr, Tua SatK'Utas ali-
<luem rclijjiofinn virum in hanc dcclii»arc fentcntiam audieiit, ctfi e.\imia intepjritate viti, vcl
dignitatc fulgere vidcat;u- is, non ideo quicquam ilii liac in re pra;llet aurtoritatis, fid euni-
dem parum aut nihil infudafle in illorum converfione certo certius arbitrciiM-, ac m eorum ad-
difccnda lingua, aut invcftigandis ingeniis parum ftudtiiflc perpcndat : nam qui in his caritats
chriftiana laborarunt, non fruftra in cos jaftave retia caritatis affirmant ; iilì vero quf folitu-
dini dediti, aut ignavia pracpediti nt-mlnem ad Chrifti eultum fiu induflria redu:xerunr, ne in-
citjparì
2
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
349
an error, were the igjiorance and floth of tliofe mirtioiuries ; and we DrsSERT.
add, the fahe ideas tliey had imbibed from their infancy. Las Cafis,
AcolVa, and other grave writers on America, lay the fame thing as
Garces.
" A council held at Lima," continues Dr. Robertfon, " decreed,
** that on account of this incapacity they ought to be excluded from
" the fjcrament of the Eucharift. And though Paul III. by his fam-
" ous bull, ilfued in the year 1537, declared them to be rational crea-
** tures, entitled to all the privileges of Chriftians ; yet, after the lapfe
" of two centuries, during which they have been members of the
" church, fo imperfedt are their attainments in knowledge, that very
" few pollcfs fuch a portion of fpiritual difcerment, as to be deemed
" worthy of being ad nittcd to the holy communion Even after
" the moft careful infbrudtion, their faith is confidered feeble and du-
" bious, and though fome of them have been taught the learned lan-
" guages, and have gone through the ordinary courfe of academic edu-
*• cation with applaufe, their frailty is fo much fufpeiled, that no In-
" dian is ever ordained a prieft, or received into any religious order."
In a few words, here are four errors at leaft. i. That a council of
Lima had excluded the Indians from the ficrament of the Eucliarift,
on account of their imbecility of mind. 2. That Paul III. declared
the Indians rational creatures. 3. That very few Indians poflcfs fuch
a portion of fpiritual difcernment as to be judged worthy to approach
to the facred table. 4, That no Indian is ever ordained a prieft.
With refpedt to the firfl, it is true, that in an aflen.bly held at Lima,
in the year 1552, which was called Prhmiin conciUnm Limce, though
it was not a council, nor had ever any authority of a council, it was
ordained that the Eucharift flxould not be adminiilered to the Indians
until they were perfectly inftruiled and perfuadcd in things of faith;
cnlpnri pofiiiit quod iiiutiles fucrjnt, quod proprii ncgligcntl.-c vitium eft, id InfiJeriiiin imbe-
cillitati iidfcribiiiit, vcramqiic fuam dcfidiain falHc incapatitatli iinpolitionc dcfendunr, ac noa
niiiiorcm tulpam in excufatione coinnnttiint, <|iK\m eiat ilia, a qua libciari conantur. Lsdit
nainque Uimmc iftud liomiuiiin gcii'.is talia aHcicntium liane Iiuloium mircrriinam tmbam t
nam aliquos rt li^iidloi viros ritrahiint, nc ad cddcni in fide inftrucndos proficifcantur : «juam-
obrcm nonnulli Hilpanuium q\ii ad illos dtliillandos acccdunt, hoium frcti judicio illos neg-
ligerò, perdere, ac macìarc opinari folcnt non clic llajiti^'m. ^.v i-t'c<-b Jiil'ani Gareès F.f.
TLij'. ad Paul/im III. Pout, Max.
id bc^
33°
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, becaufe that lacrament is the food of the perfcd, but not becaufe they
^1 . were elleeuied weak, of uiiderllanding. This is clear from the hrll
provincial council vulgarly called the fecond, held in Lima in the year
l^6j, which ordered priefts to adminifter fuch lacrament to all the
Indians who found themfelves difpofed for it {y). But notwithltand-
ijig that order to make thoie eccieiiallics comply, of which Acofla
j-uilly complained, the fecond council of Lima held in 1583, at which
S. Toribio Mogrobejo prefided, endeavoured to remedy thofe difor-r.
ders by the decrees which we here fubjoin (s), from which it is to
be feen, that they for the lame realbns equally denied ti\e eucharjft.
to the Indians and to the Moors, who were llaves brought from Afri-
ca : that the true reafons for denying it were, in the judgment of the,
council, the negligence or lloth, and the indifcreet and milaplied .
zeal of thole ecclefiaftics, and that the council found itfelf obliged to
put a remedy to lo great a dilorder by new decrees and levere punirti-
ments. We know well alfo, that thofe refpetìable decrees were not
exadllv executed, and it became neceflary for the diocefan fynod of
Lima, Plata, Paz, Arequipa and Paraguay, to inculcate them afrefli;
( v) Qiiamquam omncs Chiirtiani adulti utriufque fexus teneantiir Santiffimuin Euchiiiftix
Sacramentum accipere fingulis annis fai te m in Pafchate, hiijus tamen Provincix Antillites cum
aiiiinadvertereiit ^entem banc Indoruni & reccntem effe Se infantilen in fide, atque id illorum
faluti expcJire judicarent, flatncrunt ut ufcjiie dum tidem perfcrie tencrcnt, hoc divino (iicra-
niento, quod eft pcrfeftorum oibus, non communicaientiir, excepto fi quis ei percipicndo latis
idoneus videretur. . . . Placuit huic Santìa; Synodo monete, piout ferie monet, omaes Indoruni
Parochos, ut quos audita jam confeffione perfpexerint, huic ca;lellcm cibum a reliquo corpomli
difcernere, atque eumedcm devote cuperc & pofcere, quoniam fine caufa ncmincm divino iili-
minto privare poffiimus, quo tempore c-eteris Chriftianis folent, Indis omnibus adminiltreut.
Cone. Lim. I. vulgo II, cap. 58.
(=) C.-Elerte viaticum, quod nulli ex hac vita migranti ncgat ]\Iatcr Ecclefia, multis abhinc-
annis Indis atque jEthiopibus, caeterifque perfonis mifcrabilibus praebcri debere Concilium
Limenfe confliuit. Sed timen Sacerdotum phiiium vel negligentia, vel zelo quodam prapof-
tero atque intempeftlvo ill s nihilo magis hodic prxbetur. Quo fit, ut imbecilles anims- tanto
boiio, tamque neceffirio priventur. Volcns igitur S.nifta Svnodus ad executionem perducere,
qiix Chrifto duce ad falutem Indorum ordinata funt, feverc praecipit omnibus Parochis, ut ex-
treme laborantibus Indis atque i'Ethiopibus viaticum niinillrarc non pra;tcrmittant, dummodoin
eis debitam difpofitionem agnofcant, nempe fidcm in Chriflum, & pocnitcntiam in Deum fuo
modo ..... I'orro Parochos qui a prima hujus decreti promulgatione negligentes fticrint,
novcilat fc, prastcr divina; ultionis judicium, ctiam poenas Arbitrio Ordinarioi uni, in quo confci-
entix onerantur, daturos : atque in Vifitationlbus in illos dc hujus flatuti obfervatione fpcciali-
ter inquirendum. Cone. Lim. II. tv/'^o III. Aft. z. cap. ig.
Ja Pafchate iiiltem eucharilliam minifirare Parochus non pr;ttermittat lis, quos & f^tis in-
flruftos, & correzione vitae idoneos judicaverit : ne & ipfc alioqui ecclefiafticJ prscepti viola-
ci reus fit. Ibid, cap, 20<
but
V.
H I S T O R Y O F MEXICO. ^p
but that demon ftrates the obftinacj' of the eccleliaftics, not the want DISSHRT,
of capacity in the Americans.
With refpedt to the bull of Paul III. we have already fhewn that it
was not intended to declare the Americans men, but, on account of
their right to all the privileges of men, to condemn their oppreffors.
In regard to the third errorof Dr. Robertfon which we have mentioned
above, omitting p.t prefent what belongs to other countries of America
as it is not neceifary here j it is certain and notorious, that in all New
Spain the Indians are obliged as much as the Spaniards to receive the
Eucharill at E.iftcr, except thofe of remote countries, who are admit-
niitted or not to the facred table according to the judgment of the mif-
fionaries. In the three audiences into which New Spain is divided,
there are, fays l<.obertfon, at lead two millions of Indians {a). We
are confident that this number is much inferior to the truth ; but be
it fo and no more. The Indians therefore, are not very few in number
who poflefs fo great a portion of fpiritual dif(:ernment as to be judged
worthy of approaching to the facred table, unlefs two millions appear
very few to him, or he thinks thofe bilhops and priefts ra(h, who not
only admit but even oblige thofe Indians to communicate. But when
we add to thofe the Indians of many provinces of South America who
are equally obliged to receive the facred Eucharift, the number will be
greatly increafed.
His fourth error, in which he affirms that no Indian is ever ordained
prieft is not lefs grofs, It is fubjed of wonder, that a writer who
colleifted fo great a library of writers on America, and for whom fo
many accounts of the things of the New World were obtained from
Madrid, fhould have been fo ill informed on this as well as on other
points. Dr. Robertfon will pleafe to know, therefore, that although
•the firft provincial council held in Mexico in the year 1555 forbid
that the Indians fhould be ordained, not on account of their inca-
pacity, but becaiife it was thought the lownefs of their condition
might draw fome dii'credit on the ecclefiaftical fiate, neverthelefs
the third provincial council, held in 1585, which was the moft cele-
brated of all, and whofe decifions are ftill in force, permitted them
to be ordained ^riefts, provided there was great care taken in admit-
i~>
(a) Hiftory of Ainc(ic3, Book viii.
ting
352
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, ting them into facred orders. But it is neceiliuy to obfei've, that
^' the decrees of each council comprehend equally, and under the fame
conditions, both the Indians and Mulattoes that are there, who are
born or delcended of a European father and an African mother, or on
the contrary; and nobody, we believe, doubts of the talents and capa-
city of the Mulattoes to learn all the fciences. Torquemada, who
wrote his hiilory in the firil years of the lafh century, fays, that
they did not uie to admit the Indians into religious orders, nor to or-
dain them priefls, on account of their violent inclination to drinking ;
but he himfelf attefts [J) that in his time Indian priefts were extremely
fober and examplary : lb that it is at leaft a hundred and feventy years ago
fnice the Indians began to be made priells. From that unto the pre-
fent time the American priells have been fo numerous in New Spain,
that they might be counted by hundreds : among thofe there have been
many hundreds of redtors, feveral canons and doólors, and as re-
port goes, even a very learned bifhop. At prefent there are many
priefts, and not a few redtors^ among whom have been three or four our
own pupils. If in a point of this nature fuch grofs errors have been
committed by Dr. Robertfon, what may we not apprehend from him
in others which cannot fo eafily be cleared up and certified to an au-
thor, who writes at fo great a diftance from thofe countries without
ever having feen them ?
We have had intimate commerce with the Americans, have lived for
fome years in a feminary deftined for their inftruólion, fiiw the erec-
tion and progrefs of the royal college of Guadaloupe, founded in
Mexico, by a Mexican Jefuit, for the education of Indian children,
had afterwards fome Indians amongft our pupils, had particular know-
ledge of many American reftors, many nobles, and numerous artifts ;
attentively obferved their charai51er, their genius, their diipofition,
iind manner of thinking ; and have examined befideswith the utmoft
diligence their ancient hiftory, their religion, their government, tlieir
laws, and their cuftoms. After fuch long experience and ftudy of
.them, from which we imagine ourfelves enabled to decide without
danger of erring, we declare to M. dc Paw, and to all Europe, tiiat
the mental qualities of the xA.mericans are not the leaft inferior to thofe
(^) Toiqucm.iila, lib. xvji. can. n.
of
HISTORY OFMEXICO. 353
of the Europeans, that they are capable of all, even the moil abftraft dissert.
fciences, and that if equal care was taken of their ediication, if they
we^e brought up from childhood in feminaries under good maftcrs,
were protedted and ftimulated by rewards, we fliould fee rife among
the Americans, philofophers, mathematicians, and divines who would
rival the firil in Europe. But it is a little difficult, not to fay impof-
fible, to make great progrefs in the fcier.ces, in the midfl of a life
of mifery, fervitude, and opprelTion. Whoever contemplates the pre-
fent ftate of Greece will not be apt to believe that thofe great men
flouriflied there whom hiftory records, were we not convinced of it
by their immortal works, and the voice of all ages. But the obflacles
which the people of Greece have to furmount before they can be-
come learned are not comparable to thofe which the Americans al-
ways had, and Hill have to overcome. Neverthclefs, we wilh M. de
Paw, and fome other perfons who think as he does, could be prefent
without being obferved in thofe allemblies or councils which are held
by the Americans on certain days to deliberate on public affairs, that
they might hear how thofe fatyrs of the new world difcourfe and
harangue.
Laflly, The whole ancient hiftory of the Mexicans and Peruvi-
ans evinces to us, that they knew how to think and order their
ideas, that they are fufceptible of all the paffions and imprelìions of hu-
manity, and that the Europeans have had no other advantage over them
tlian that of having been better inftrudtcd. The civil government of
the ancient Americans, their laws, and their arts evidently demon -
ftratc they fuffered no want of genius. Their wars Ihew us that their
fouls are not infenfible to the excitements of love, as count de Buffon
and M. de Paw think ; fince they fometimes took up arms in his caufe.
In regard to their courage, we have explained, when' we fpoke of
their charadler, what we have obferved in the prefent, and what we
judge of tlie ancient Americans on this head. But as Mr. de Paw
ulledges the conqueft of Mexico as a convincing proof of their cowar-
dice, it may be proper to ciilightcn his ignorance, or rather to
ilrcn2:thcn his little faith.
" Cortes," he fays, " conquered the empire of Mexico with
" four hundred and fifty vagabonds and fifiecn horfes, badly arincd ;
Vol. II. Zi: his
V.
354 n I S T O R Y OF MEXICO.
DISSERT. " his miierable artillery confifted of ùx falconets, which would not
" at the prefent day be capable of exxiting the fears of a fortrefs de-
•'' fended by invalids. During his abfence the capital was held in awe
" by the half of his troop?. What men ! what events !"
" It is coniimied," lis adds, " by the depohtions of all hiflorians
" that the Spaniards entered the firffc time into Mexico without mak-
*"' ing one fmgle difcharge of their artillery. If the title of hero is
*' applicable to him who has the difgrace to occafion the death of a
** great number of rational animals, Ferdinand Cortes might pretend
" to it ; otherwife I do not fee what true glory he has acquired by the
" overthrow of a tottering monarchy, v.'hich might have been deftroyed
" in the fame manner by any other affaffin of our continent." Thofe
pafiages of the Philofophic Refearches detect that M. de Paw was igno-
rant of the hiftory of the conqueft of Mexico, or that he fuppreffes
what would openly contradidt- his fyftem ; fince all who have read
that hiftory know well, that the conqueil of Mexico was not made ^\'ith
four hundred and fifty men, but with more than two hundred thou-
fand. Cortes himfelf, to whom it was of more importance than to
M. de Paw to make his bravery confpicuous, and his conqueft appear
glorious, confefl'es the exceflive number of the allies who were under
his command at the fiege of the capital, and combated with more
fury againft the Mexicans than the Spaniards themfelves. Accord-
ing to the account which Cortes gave to the emperor Charles
V. the fiege of Mexico began with eighty-feven horfes, eight hun-
dred and forty-eight Spanifli infantry, armed with guns, crofs-bows,
fwords, and lances, and upwards of feventy-five thoufand allies,
of Tlafcala, Huexotzinco, Cholula, and Chalco, equipped with va-
rious forts of arms ; with three large pieces of cannon of iron, fif-
teen fmall of copper, and thirteen brigantines. In the courfe of the
fiege were affembled the numerous nations of the Otomies, the Co-
huixcas, and Matlazincas, and the troops of the populous cities of the
lakes J fo that the army of the befiegers not only exceeded tvfo huji-
dred thoufand but amounted to four millions according to the letter
from Cortes ; and befides thefe, three thoufand boats and canoes,
came to their affiftance. We therefore afk M. de Paw if it appears to
him to have been cowardice to have fuftained, for full feventy-fivc days,
the
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 355
the fiege of an open city, engaging daily with an army Co large, and in DISSERT,
part provided with arms fo fuperior, and at the fame time having to
withftand the ravages of famine? Can they merit the charge ©f
cowardife, who, after having loft feven of the eight parts of their city,
and about fifty thoufand citizens, part cut off by the fword, part by
famine and ficknefs, continued to defend themfelves until they were
furiouQy affaultcd in the laft hold which was left them (/>).
" It is certain," lays M. de Paw, " by the depolitions of all
" hiftorians, that the Spaniards entered the firft time into Mexico with-
" out making a fmgle difcharge of their artillery." If this argument
is peculiar to the logic of M. de Paw ; if the Mexicans were cow-
ards becaufe the Spaniards entered into Mexico without a fingle dif-
charge of their artillery, it might as well be faid that the Prufììans are
cowards becaufe the ambaffadors of feveral courts of Europe enter
into Berlin without difcharging even a fufil. Who does not know
that the Spaniards were admitted into that city as the ambaffadors of
the monarch of the Eaft ? Hiftorians all recount this as well as Cor-
tes himfelf, who feigned himfelf the ambaffador of the Catholic king.
If the Mexicans had been willing to oppofe him then as they did the
fecond time, how would the Spaniards have been able to enter witii
only fix thoufand men, when their fecond entry was fo difficult with
two hundred thoufand {^) ?
With refpedt to what M. dc Paw adds againft Cortes, we do not
mean to make the apology of this conqueror, neither can we endure
the panegyric which Solis has written in place of a hiftory ; but as
an impartial perfon, well informed of all his military aótions, we
muft confefs, that in courage, conftancy, and military prudence, he
rivals the moft famous generals ; and that he poffeffed tliat fpecies of
heroifm which we acknowledge in Alexander and the Cicflirs, in
( f>) All that we have here faid rcfpcrting the ficge and conqucll of Mexico is taken from the
letter of the conqueror Cortes to Chailcs V.
(j) " It is not Icfs certain," f;iys Acofta, " that it was the aid of the Tiafcalans which ob-
" taincd to Cortes his vi(floric6, and the conqucrt of Mc:;ico ; anJ-without them it would have
" been impolTilile to have made Iilmfelf inader of that place, nor to have contini.cd longer
" there. Thofe who make little of the Indian.-, ai'.J think tlie Spaniards could have conquered
" any country or nation by the fupcriority of their arms, valour, and horl'es, arc jjrofslv dc-
" ceived."
Z Z 2 \vhoin
3 56 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT.' whom we praife their magnanimity in fpite of the vices with which it
was blended.
The caufe of the rapidity with which the Spaniards conquered Ame-
rica has been partly mentioned by M. de Paw : " 1 confefs," he fays,
" that the artillery was a deftrudlive and all-powerful engine, which ne-
" cefTarily fubdued the Mexicans," If to the artillery we add the other
fuperior arms, horfes, and difcipline on the part of the conquerors, and
the divifions which prevailed among the conquered, it will be feen that
there is no reafon to charge the Americans with pufillanimity, or to
wonder at the violent convulfion of the nev/ world. Let M. de Paw
imagine, that at the time of the noify and cruel faftions of Sylla and
Marius the Athenians had invented artillery and other fire arms, and
equipped only fix thoufand men with them, joining themfelves not to
thearmy of Marius, but only to fome part of his troops, and underta-
ken the conquefl of Italy; does not M. de Paw think that they
would have fucceeded in fpite of all the power of Sylla, the courage
and difcipline of the Roman troops, their numerous legions and caval-
ry, the multitude of their armies, their machines and the fortifications
of their city ? What terror would the horrid found of the artillery,
and the deftrudive violence of the balls, not have ftruck to the minds
of the boldeil centurions, when they faw whole ranks of men carried
off by them ? What then muft the effedl have been on thofe nations
of the new world who had no arms nor cavalry, no difcipline, ma-
chines, or fortifications like the Romans ? That, on the contrary-, which
is truly to be wondered at, is, that the brave Spaniards, with all their
difcipline, artillery, and arms, have not been able, in two centuries,
to fubdue the Araucan warriors of South America, though armed only
with clubs and lances, nor x\\& Apaches ^^Vi. North America, armed with
bows and arrows; and above all, what appears incredible, but is not-
withftanding certain, five hundred men of the nation of the Seris,
have for many years been the fcourge of the Spaniards of Sonora and
Cinaloa.
Lafi:ly, omitting many other abfurd opinions of M. de Paw againfl:
the Americans, we fliall only now take notice of the injury which
he does them of the groflefi; kind in regard to their cuftoms. There
are four principal vices with which he charges the Americans, glutr-
tony, drunkennefs, ingratitude, and pederafty.
We
HISTORY O F M E X I C O. 357
We never heard of the Americans being reproached with gluttony DISSERT,
until w'c met with that paffage in Mr. Condamine, cited and adopted
by M. de Paw. We have found no author, who was the leail in-
ftrudted in the affairs of America, who did not praife the temperance
of the A morirà lis in eating. Whoever pleales may on this point con-»
fult Las Cafas, Garces, the anonymous conqueror, Oviedo, Gomara,
Acofta, Herrera, Torquemada, Betancourt, &c. All hiftorians mention
the wonder of the Spaniards at the temperance of the Indians ; and,
on the contrary, the wonder of the Indians to fee the Spaniards eat
more in one day than they did in a week. In Ihort, the fobriety of
the Americans is fo notorious, that to defend them on this fubjcft
would be fuperfluous. Mr. Condamine perhaps faw in his travels on
the river Maragnon, fome famiilicd Indians eat very greedily, and
from them was perfuaded, as happens often to travellers, that all the
Americans were gluttons. It is certain that UUoa, who was in Ame-
rica with Mr. Condamine, remained there a longer time, and got
more knowledge of the cuftoms of the Indians, fpeaks of them in a
manner quite contrary to that French mathematician.
Drunkcnnefs is the prevailing vice of thofe nations. We confefs it
fincerely in the firft book of this hiftory, explain its effetfts, and
point out the caufe of it ; but we add alfo, that it did not prevail in
the country of Anahuac before the Spaniards came there, on account
of the great feverity with which that vice was punilhed, though in
the greater part of the countries of the old continent it is ftill incor-
rccfled, and ferves as an excufe for more heinous crimes. It is cer-
tain, from the inquiries made by authors into the civil government of
the Mexicans, that tlicrc were feveral laws againft drunkenneis in
Mexico as well as Tezcuco, in Tlafcala, and other ftates, which wc
have Cecn reprefented in their ancient paintings. The fixty-third
painting of the colledlion made by Mendoza reprefents two youths of
both fcxes condemned to death for having intoxicated themfclvcs, and
at the fame time an old man of feventy, whom the laws permit, on
account of his age, to drink as much as he pleafi."3. There are few
ftates in the world whofe fovereigns have Ihewn greater zeal to prevent
excefi'es of this kind.
In
V.
3^8 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
Dlss^ERT. Ill the above mentioned book alfo we have reported the common
error refpeding the gratitude of the Indians : but as what was faid
there will not be fufficient to convince thofe who are prepofTefled
againft them, we liiall here relate an inflance of gratitude which will
of itfelf be enough to diffipate this prejvidice. In the year 1556 died,
In Uruapa, a confiderable place of the kingdom of Michuacan, on a
vifit to his diocefe at the age of ninety-five, Vafco de Quiroga, foun-
der and firft bifliop of that church, who, after the example of St.
Anibrofe, was tranflated from the fecular jurifdidlion to the epifcopal
dignity. This celebrated prelate, worthy of comparifon with the
firfi: fathers of Chriftianity, laboured indefatigably in favour of the
people of Michuacan, inftrucSling them as an apoflle, and loving them
as a father J he ereóted temples, founded hofpitals, and affigned to
each fettlement of the Indians a branch of coinmerce, that the mutual
dependance upon each other might keep them in ftronger bonds of
union, perfeA the arts, and provide a manner of life for every one.
The memory of fuch benefits is, after more than two ages, preferved
as fredi in the minds of the Americans, as if their benefador was
yet living. The firft care of the Indian women, as foon as their
children begin to have any judgment, is to give them an account of
their Tata Don Vafco : for fo they ftill call him on account of the pi-
ous refped they bear to his memory. They communicate a know-
ledge of him by means of pidtures of him, explaining all that he did
in favour of their nation, and never pafs before his image without
kneeling. This prelate alfo founded, in 1540, a feminary in the city
of Pazcuaro for the inftruftion of youth ; and enjoined the Indians of
Santa Fe, a place fettled by him on the bank of the lake Pazcuaro,
to fend every week a man to ferve in the feminary. He was obeyed, and
for two hundred and thirty years paft an Indian has never been wanted
to attend upon the feminary without any neceflity to force or even call
them, from their zeal to make a return by fuch fervice for the benefits
which that worthy prelate conferred on them. They preferve his
bones with fuch veneration in the city of Pazcuaro, that once as the
chapter of the cathedral of Valladolid attempted to tranfport them
there, the Indians became uneafy, and prepared to oppofe it by force
of arms, which they would have certainly done had not the chapter,
9 in
H I S T O R Y O F M E X r e O. 359
in order to prevent any fuch dllbrder, abandoned their refolution. DISSERT,
Can there be imagined a more conclulivc proof of the gratitude of a » - \ .. ^
nation ? Similar demonftrations of the fame difpofition have been
given by the Indians in many places of tlie kingdom, where they
wilTied to retain the mifTionaries who had inflrudted them in their
faith. Thofe inflances, which happened in the two lafl centuries, may
be learned from the third volume of Torquemada, and the Mexican
Theatre of Betancourt. Of thofe which have occurred in our own
times there are many living witnelfes ; and we can teflify fome our-
felves. If the Americans ever fliew themfelves ungrateful to their
patrons, it is becaufe the continual experience of evils from them
renders even their benefits fufpicious : but whenever they are convin-
ced of the fmcere benevolence of their benefadlors, they are capable of
making a facrifice of all their pofleffions to gratitude. All who have
ihcn and obferved with impartiality the manners of the Americans
confirm this charadler.
But of all the remarks made by M. de Paw againft the Americans,
nothing has been more injurious than his affirmation that pederafty
was much a vice in the iflands, in Peru, in Mexico, and in all the
new continent. We cannot conceive how M. de Paw, after having"
vented fo horrid a calumny, had confidence to fay in hi» reply to Don
Pcrnety, that all his work of Philofophical Rejearches breathes huma-
nity. Can it be humanity unjuftly to defiime all the nations of the
new world with a vice fo opprobrious to nature ? Is it humanity to be
enraged againft the Inca GarcilafTo becaufe he defends the Peruvians
from fuch a charge ? Although thofe were refpecfted authors who
afcribed this crime to all the people of America, there being many
refpedled authors who fay the contrary, M. de Paw, according to the
laws of humanity, ought to have abftained from fo grofs an accufation.
But Jiovv much more ought he to have avoided it when there is not
£ny writer of authority on whofc tcftimony he can fupport fo univerfal
an afiertion. He may find fornc authors, as the anonymous conqueror,
(iomara, and Herrera, who have accufed fome Americans of fuch a
vice, or at moft fomc people of America 3 but he will find no hiftori-
an of credit v/ho has dared to fay that pederafty was much a vice in
the ijlivids, in Peru, in Mexico, and in all the new continent > Oa
the
360 H I S T-O R Y OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, the contrary, all the hiftorians of Mexico fay unanimoufly, that fuch
a vice was held in abomination by thofe nations, and make mention of
the fevere puniiliments prefcribed by the laws againft it, as appears
from the works of Gomara, Herrera, Torquemada, Betancourt, and
others. Las Cafas, in his memorial to Charles V. prefented in 1542,
attefts, that having made a diligent enquiry in the Spanifli iflands,
Cuba, Jamaica,- and Porto Rico, he found there was no memory of
fuch a vice among thofe nations. The fame thing he affirms of Perii,
Yucatan, and all the countries of America in general ; in fome one
place or other, he fays, there may be fome addidled to that crime ; but he
adds, the whole new world, however, mufl not be taxed with that
vice. Who then has authorifed M. de Paw to defame, in a point fo
injurious, the whole of the new world ? Although the Americans
were, as he believes, men without honour, and without fliame, the
laws oi" humanity forbid him to calumniate them. Sucli is the excefs
into which his ridiculous eagernefs to depreciate America leads him,
and fuch are the confequences of his unnatural logic, that he con-
ftantly.^^deduces from particular premifes univerfal concluilons ! If pof-
fibly the Panuchefe, or any other people of America, were infeifled with
that vice, is it from thence to be affirmed that pederally was much a
vice in all the«new world ? The Americans might as well defame in
the fame manner the whole old continent, becaufe among fome ancient
people of Afia and among the Greeks and Romans it was a notorious
vice. Befides, it is not known that there is any nation at prefent in
America infeóled with that vice ; whereas we are informed by feveral
authors, that fome people of Afia are flill tainted with it ; and that
even in Europe, if what Mr. Locke and M. de Paw iay is true, among
Turks of a certain profeffion, another vice more execrable, of the fame
kind, is common ; and that inftead of being feverely punithed for it,
they are held, by that nation, in the light of faints, and receive the
higheft marks of refpecl and veneration.
Amongft the crimes charged to the Americans by M. de Paw
fuicide is included. It is true that at the times of the conquefl many
hanged themfelves, or threw themfelves down precipices, or put an
end to themfelves by abftinence ; but it is not thcleafl wonderful that
men who had become defperate from continual harallaaent and vexa-
tions.
» PS T OR Y O F M E .X I C O. 3Ó1
tions, tvlio thought their gods had ah:indoned, and the elements con- DISSERT,
fpired againft them, (hould do that which was frequent with the Ro-
mans, the Franks, and ancient Spaniards, the modern E nglilh [x),
French, and Japanefe, for a llight motive ; for fome falfc idea of ho-
nour, or fome caprice of paffion ? Who could perfuade himfelf that a
European would reproach the Americans with fuicide in an age in
which it is become a daily event in England and France (j/), where
the jufl: ideas we have from nature and her religion, are banillied from
the mind, and arguments inveated, and books publilhed, to vindicate
it ? So great is the rage for defaming. America and the Americans.
- A iiraite paffion feems to have affedled that Spaniard who formed
the general Index of th& Decads of Herrera, inconfideratcly imputing
to all the Americans what Herrera fays in his work of fome individuals,
with various exceptions. We copy here what we have read in tiiat
Index. " The Indians," he fays, " are very flothful, very full of vices,
"great drunkards, by nature lazy, weak, lyars, cheats, fickle, inconltant,
*' have much levity, cowardly, nafty, mutinous, thievifli, ungrateful,
" inexorable, more vindidlive than any other nation, of fo low a nature,
" &c. that it is doubtful if they are rational creatures j barbarous, bef-
*' tial, and led like the brutes by their appetites." This is the language
of M. de Paw, and other moft humane Europeans ; fo it appears they
do not think themfelves obliged to believe the truth with regard to
the people of the new world, nor obferve the laws of fraternal charity,
publiflied by the fon of their own God in the old world.
But it would be eafy for any American of moderate genius, and fome
erudition, who was defirous of retaliating upon thofe authors, to com-
pofe a work with this title, Philofophical Enquiries concerning the In-
habitants of the Old Continent. In imitation of the method purfued
by M. de Paw, he would colled whatever had been written of the
barren countries of the old world, of inaccelfible mountains, of marfhy
plains, of impenetrable woods, of fandy deferti, and malignant climes ;
©f difguflful and noxious reptiles and infeds, of ferpents, of toads,
(;i:) We have been informed by a peifon who was at the fame time in London, that afuicide
left in writing, that he killed himfelf to get free of the tiouble of di effing and undrefling him-
felf every day.
(ji) Wc know in one of thefe laft years, there have been one hundred and fifty fuicides com-
mltied in the city of Paris alone.
Vol. II. A a a ef
362 HISTORY O-'F M EjXiI C O;
DISSERT, of fcorpiohs, of'knbi' of fì-Ogs, of fcblopendras, of beetles, of bugs
^' and lice ; of quadrupeds, irregular, fmall, without tails, imperfect and
pufiilanimous ; of people, degenerated, ill-coloured, irregular in fla-
tufé, deformed in fliape, of bM-'<:oìilì:itutions, daflardly minds, dull
genius, and cruel difpohtions. - When he came to the article of vices,
ivhat abundance of materials would -bee. ready foe his, work ! What
examples of bafenefs, perfidy, cruelty, fupérffition, and debauchery;
what exceffes in every kind of vice. The.hiilory of the Romans
alone, the mofi: celebrated nation of the ancient world, would furnifli
him with an incredible quantity of the moft horrid depravities. He
would be fenfible, that fuch defeóts and vices were not common to all
the countries, nor all the inhabitants of the. ancient continei^t ; but
that would not fignify, as he muft follow his model .in M. de Paw,
and make application of his logic. This work would, unqueftion-i
ably, be more valuable, and more worthy of Ifaith than that of M: de
Paw i for as this philofopher does not cite againll America and the
Americans any but European authors, that American writer, on the
contrary, would, in his curious work, refer to, and quote only the
authors of the fame continent againft which he wrote.
ri ob .
J JÌrùxIj .
lo Sui io
D I S S E R.
e 363 ]
D -^ SSERTATION VI.
Of the Culture of the Mexicans,
MR. de Paw, perpetually incenfed agalnfl the new 'world, dissert.
terms all the Americans barbarians and favages, and efteems ^^'
them inferior in induftry and fagacity to the coarfeil and rudeft nations
of the old continent. If he had confined himfelf to fay, that the
American nations were in great part uncultivated, barbarous, and
beaftly in their cufloms, as many of the moft cultivated nations of
Europe were formerly, and as feveral people of Afia, Africa, and even
Europe are at prefcnt j that the mofl civilized nations of America were
greatly lefs poliilied than the greater part of the European nations ;
that their arts were not nearly perfeded, nor their laws /o good, or
fo well framed ; and that their facrifices were inhuman, and fome of
their cufloms extravagant, we would not have reafon to contradidl him.
But not to diftinguifli between the Mexicans and Peruvians, and the
Caribs and Iroquefe, to allow them no merit or virtues, to under-
value their arts, and to depreciate their laws, and place thofe induftrious
nations below the coarfeil; nations of the old continent, is obftinate per-
fjflence in an endeavour to revile the new world and its inhabitants,
inftead of purfuing, according to the title of his book, the inveftiga-
tion of truth. ^ "»^"^->'
We call thofe men barbarous and favage, vvhò, led more" by caprice
and natural will than guided by reafon, neither live in fociet}',' nor
have laws for their government, judges to determine their differences,
fuperiors to watch over their conduct, nor exercife the arts which
are neceflary to fupply the wants, and remedy tlie miferies of life j
thofe, in ihort, who have no idea of the Divinity, or, " at leafl,
have not eftabliflied any worfliip by which they acknowledge. him.
The Mexicans, and all the other nations of Anahuac, as well' as tiie
Peruvians, confefled a fupreme omnipotent Being, although their belief
A a a 2 was
3-64 HISTORY Ò F " M E X I C O.
^^SSERT. ■^vas like that of other idolatrous people, mixed with errors and fupcr-
ftitioii. They had priefts, temples, lacrifices, and eltablifhed rites,.
for the uniform worfhip' of the Divinity. They had a king, gover-
nors, and magiftrates; they had numerous cities, and amoflexten-
five population, as we fliall make appear hereafter. They had laws
and cuftoms, the obfervance of. which was attended to by their magi-
ftrates and governors. They had commerce, and took infinite care to-
enforce juftice and equity in contradls. Their lands were diilributed,.
and" every individual was fecured in the property and poifeffion cf his
foil. They exercifed agriculture and other arts ; not only thofe necef-
I'ary to life, but alfo thofe which contributed, to luxury and pleafure
alone. What more is neceflary to defend nations from the imputation
of being barbarous and favage ? Money, iiiys M. de Paw, the ufe o£
iron, the art of writing, and thofe of building flyips, conftruéìing
bridges of ftone, and making lime. Their arts were imperfeóland rude;
their language extremely fcarce of numeral terms and words fit to ex^-
prefs univerfal ideas, and their laws muft be reckoned nonej for laws,
cannot be where anarchy and defpotifm reign.
SE C T. L
Of the Want of Money. ^
MR. de Paw decides that no nation of America was cultivated or
civilized, becaufe no one. made ufe of money ; and to fupport this af-
ièrtion he quotes a paflage from Montefquieu : " Ariftippus," fays this
politician [a), " having been fliipwrecked, made by fwimming to the
" neighbouring fhore ; he faw upon the fand fome figures of Geometry
" drawn, and became full of joy,, being perfuaded that he was thrown
" among a Greek people, and not any barbarous nation. Imagine to your-
*' felf that by fome accident you are placed in an unknown country ; if
*' you find any money there, do not doubt that you are arrived among
*,' a polifhed people." But if Monteiquieu juflly infers the civiliza-
tioa of a country from the ufe of money, M. de Paw does not well.
)(rt) Efpiit des Loix, liv, xviij. chap; 13.
deduce
fi I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 365
deduce the want of civilization from the deficiency of money. If we dessert,
are to underftand by money, a piece of metal, with the ftamp of tlie
prince, or tiie public, it is certain that the want of it in a nation is
no token of barbarity. " The Athenians," favs the fame author, Mon-
tefquieu, " becaufe they had no ufe of the metals, employed oxen for
*' money, as the Romans did iheep j" and from thence took its origin,
as we all know, the word /»a'«/zAz ; as the Romans put the ftamp of
a iheep on the firft money they coined, which they employed after-
wards in their contradls. The Greeks were certainly a very cultivated
nation in the times of Homer, lìnee it was impoflible that in the midft
of an uncultivated nation, a man fhould fpring up capable of compof-
ing the Iliad and the OdyfTey, thofe two immortal poems, which, after
twenty-feven centuries, are ftill admired, but have never been equalled.
The Greeks, however, at this period, did not know the ufe of coined
money, as appears from the works of that renowned poet, who, when-
ever he means to fignify the value of any thing, exprefles it no other-
wife than by the number of oxen or flieep which it was worth ; as
in the Vllth book of the Iliad, when he fays, that Glaucus gave hix
arms of gold, which were worth an hundred oxen, for thofe of
Diomede, which were of copper, and not worth more than nine.
Whenever he fpeaks of any purchafe by contrae, he mentions it no
otherwife than by barter, or exchange. And therefore in that ancient
controverfy between the Sabinians and Proculians, two feills of law-
yers, the firft infifted that a real purchafe and fale could be made
without a price, fupporting this pofition by certain paffages of Honier,
where thofe are laid to buy and fell who only exchange. The Lace-
demonians were a civilized nation of Greece, although tiaey did not
ufe money j and among the fundamental laws publilhed by Lycurgus,
was that law of not carrying on commerce otherwile than by means
of exchange (i!^). The Romans had no coined money until the time of
Servius Tullius ; nor the Perfians until the time of Darius Hyftafpes ;
and yet the nations which preceeded thofe epochs were not called bar-
barous. The Hebrews were civilized at leaft from the time of their
judges, but we da not find that ftamped money was in ufe among
{b) Era) Ungula non pecunia fed compcnfatione mcrcium /ufTit. Juftin, lib. iii.
tliera
VI.
VI.
366 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT, them until the time of the Maccabees. The want of coined money,
therefore, is no argument of barbarity.
If by money is underftood a fign reprefenting the value of all mer-
chandize, as Montefquieu defines it (c), it is certain, that the Mexi-
cans, and all the other nations of Anahuac, except the barbarous
Chechemecas and Otomies, employed money in their commerce.
What was the cacao, of which they made conftant ufe in the market
to purchafe whatever they wanted, but a fign reprefenting the value of
all merchandize. The cacao had its fixed value, and was reckoned by
numbers ; but to fave the trouble of counting it, when the merchan-
dize was of great value and worth, many thoufands of the nuts, they
knew that every bag of a certain fize contained three Xiquipilli, or
twenty-four thoufand nuts. Who will not acknowledge, that the ca-
cao is much fitter to be made ufe of as money than oxen or flieep,
vv'hich the Greeks and Romans made ufe of, or the fait which is at
prefent employed by the Abyfiinians ? The oxen and flieep could not
be employed to purchafe any thing of fmall value, and any ficknefs,
or other misfortune, which might befall thofe animals, would impo-
verifli thofe who had no other capital. " Metal has been adopted for
" money," fays Montefquieu, " that the fign may be more durable.
*' The fait which the Abyfiinians ufe has this defedi that it is conti-
*' nually diminifliing." Cacao, on the contrary, could pafs for any
merchandize, was tranfportable, and guarded more eafily, and preferved
with lefs danger and with lefs care.
The ufe of cacao in the commerce of thofe nations, will appear,
perhaps, to fome perfons, a mere exchange ; but it was not fo : for
there were leverai fpecies of cacao, and the Tlalcacahuatl, fmall cacao,
which they ufed in their diet and beverages, was not ufed as money:
they employed other fpecies, of inferior quality and lefs ufeful for food,
which were in confl:ant circulation as money [d'), and ufed in no other
way al moll then in commerce. Of this fort of money, all hif-
torians of Mexico, Spanifh, as well as Indian, make mention. Of the
(f) L'Efprit de Loix.
(</) In the capital itfclf of Mexico, wheic from eighteen to tv.enty thoufand crowns (pefos,
fuci-tes) annually coined in gold and lilver, the poor people iVill make ufe of the cacao to pur-
chafe fm:ill articles in the market.
6 Other
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 367
other four fpecies, which v/e fpoke of in our Vllth book of this hif- i^issert.
tory, Cortes and Torqueniada both give an account. Cortes, in his
hù. letter to the emperor Charles V. athrms, that having made inqui-
ries concerning the commerce of thofe nations, he found that in
Tlachco, and other provinces, they trafficked with money. If he had
not meant to be underftood to fpeak of coined money, he would not
have reflrióted the ufe of it to Tlachco, and fome other provinces ;
becaufe, he knew very well, without making fuch enquiries, that at
the mnrkets of Mexico, where he had been frequently prefent, they
employed, inftead of money, the cacao, and certain little cloths of cotton,
called by them Fatolquachtli^ and gold in duft enclofed in goofe quills.
It is therefore fomewhat fufpicious, notwithftanding what we have
faid in our former book, that there was alfo coined money among
them, and that both thofe thin pieces of tin which Cortes mentions,
and thofe pieces of copper, in form of T, mentioned by Torque-
mada, as two fpecies of money, had fome ftamp upon them autho-
rlfed by the fovereign, or his feudatory lords.
To hinder any frauds in commerce, nothing but common articles of
food could be fold out of the market-place, which was kept, as we
have already faid, in the greateft order that can be imagined. There
were mcafures fixed by the magiftrates ; the commiffaries we mention-
ed formerly, were continually obferving all that happened ; and the
judges of commerce were charged to take cognifance of all difputes be-
tween the merchants, and punirti every trefpafs which was committed;
arid notwithftanding it muft be faid, that the Mexicans were inferior
in induftry to the rudeft people of the old continent ; among whom
are fome, that after fo many centuries, and the example of other na-
tions of their own continent, do not yet know the advantages of
money.
SECT. II.
On the Vfe of Iron.
The ufe of iron is one of thofe things which M. de Paw requires
to call a nation cultivated ; and from the want of it he believes all the
Americans barbarians. So that if God had not created this metal, all
men
368 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. i-,^g,^ mulT-, according to the fentiments of this philofopher, have o£
'leceility remained barbarous. But in the fame place of his work
where lie reproaches the Americans with barbarity, he furniflies us all
tlie ar2:uments we could delire to refute it. He affirms, that in all the
extent of America there are found but few mines of iron, and thofc
fo inferior in quality to thofe of the old continent, that it cannot even
be iTiadc ufe of for nails. He tells us, that the Americans were in
pofl'elTion of the fecret, now loft in the old continent, of giving cop-
per a temper equal to that of fteel : that Godin fent, in 1727 (proba-
bly I747> as in 1727, he was not gone to Peru), to the count de
Maurepas, an old ax of hard Peruvian copper ; and that count Caylus
having obferved it, he difcovered that it equalled the ancient arms of
copper in hardnefs, of which the Greeks and Romans made ufe, who
did not employ iron in many of thofe works in which we employ it at
prefent ; either becaufe then it was more fcarce, or becaufe their tem-
pered copper was better in quality than our fteel. Laftly, he adds, that
the count de Caylus, being furprifed at that art, became perfuaded that
(though in this he is oppofed by Mr. de Paw), it was not the work of
the beaftly Peruvians, whom the Spaniards found there in the times of
tlie conqueft, but of fome other more ancient and more induftrious nation.
From all this, obferved by M. de Paw, we draw thefe four important
conclufions : i. That the Americans had the honour of imitating the
two mofi: celebrated nations of the old continent in the ufe of copper.
2. That their conduft was wife in not making ufe of an iron fo bad,
that it was not even fit for making nails, but by making ufe of a fort of
copper to which they gave the temper of fteel. 3. That if they did not
know the very common art of working iron, they were in polleffion
of that more Angular fl-iill of tempering copper like fteel, which the
European artifls of this enlightened century have not been able to re-
ftore. 4. That the count de Caylus was as much deceived in the judg-
ment which he formed of the Peruvians, as M. de Paw has been in his
refpedting all the Americans. Thefe are the lawful inferences to be
drawn from the do6trine of this philofopher, on the ufe of iron, and not
that of want of induftry which he pretends to deduce. We fliould be
glad to know from him, if there is more induftry required to work
iron as the Europeans do, than to work without iro.i every fort of
itone
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O/ 369
ftonc and wood, to form feveral kinds of arms, and to make without r)lSSERT.'
iron, as the Americans ufed to do, the moft curious works of gold, of
filver, and of gems. The particular afe of iron does not prove great
induftry in the Europeans. Invented by the firfl men, it pafTed eafily
from one to another; and as the modern Americans received it from
the Europeans, in the fame manner the ancient Europeans had it from
the Afutics. The firlt peoplers of America certainly knew the ufe of
iron, as the invention of it was cotemporary with the world ; but it
is probable, that that happened which we have conjedured in our firfl
Dilfertation, that is, not having found at firfl the mines of that metal in
the northern countries of America where they had fettled themfelves,
the memory of it was loft to their defcendants.
But, finally, if thofe are barbarians who know not the ufe of iron,
what mufl they be who know not the ufe of fire ? In all the vafl re-
gion of America, no nation has been found, nor, tribe fo rude, which
did not know the art of kindling fire, and employing it for the
common purpofes of life; but in the old world people have been
found fo barbarous, that they neither ufed nor had any knowledge
of fire. Such have been the inhabitants of the Marian Iflands, to
whom that element was totally unknown until the Spaniards arrived
there, as the hifi:orians of thofe ides attefl : yet M. de Paw would '
perfuade us that the American people are more fivage than all the fa-
vagcs of the old world.
In other rcfpeds, M. de Paw is as wrong in what he fays of the
iron of America as in what he thinks of the copper. In New Spain,
Chili, and many other countries of America, numerous mines of good
iron have been difcovered, and if it was not prohibited to work them,
in prejudice of the commerce of Spain, America could furnirti Europe
all the neceffary iron in the fame manner as flie fupplies it with gold and '
filver. If M. de Paw had known how to make his enquirias concern- '
ing America, he would have learned from the chronicler Herrera, that ■
even in the ifiandof Hifpanibla, there is a better iron there than in Bif-
cay. He would have found alfo from the fame author, that in Zaca-.
tula, a maritime province of Mexico, there. are two forts of copper; ^
the one hard, which is ufed ihilead of iron, to make a,ve3, hatchets, andijs
other inflruments of war and agriculture,- and the other flexible and more- ''
Vol. II. B h b com-
-37«
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
riSSERT, common, which they ufe to make pots, bafons, and. other vefl'els, for
dome/lie ufe; fo that they had no occaTion for the boafted fecrct of
hardening copper. Our fincerity alfo compels us to defend in the fame-
manner the true progrefs of American induftry, and to rejedl. thofe
imaginary inventions wliich are attributed to the new world. The
fecret of which the Americans wore really in poffeilion of is tiiat which:
we read in Oviedo, an eye witneis, and a perfon Ikilled and. intelligent
in metals. " The Indians," he lays, " know very well how to
"; gild coppeir velfels^ or thole of low gold,, and to give them fo ex-
"j.^dlent and bright, a iColour, that they appear to. be gold of twenty-
*'.two carats f,nd more : this they do by means of certain herbs. The
** gilding is fo well executed,, that if a goldfmith of Spain or Italy pof—
" failed the fecret he would efleena himfelf very rich,"
S- E C T. in.
On the Art of building Ships., end Bridges, and of inaking Lime..
^IF'0.ther nations deferve the reproach of being ignorant how to
build fliips, it is certainly not due to. the Mexicans ; as not having ren-
dered themfelves mafters of the fea-coafts, until the lafl years of their
monarchy they had no occafion nor convenience for contriving, any fuch
flrucftures. The other nations, who occupied the fhores of both feas be-
fore the Mexicans gained dominion over them, were fatisfied with the
boats which were in ufe among them,, for filhing,.and comjTierce with:-
the neighbouring provinces,; becaufe, being free from ambition and;
avarice, which have been the hrft incentives to long navigations, they
did not think of ufurping the ftates lawfully poflelTed by other nations,
nor defired to tranfport from diilant countries thofe precious metals
for which tliey had no demand. The Romans, although they had
founded their metropolis near to the lea, remained five hundred years
without conllrudting large vcflels(t'), until the. ambition of enlarging
(0 Appius ufed every poffible dilligence to come to the aid of the Mamertines. In order
to accoraplifli this he thought of paffiiig the. flralt of Meffina, but the enterprife was rafli, even
dangerous, and according to all prudent appearances impoffible. The Romans had no naval
armament, but mere barge;, or veffels coariely conftrufled, v.'hich might be compared with
the. canoes of the Indians, RpUin, Rom. Hift. lib, ii,
tlieir
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
371
their dominions, and making themfelves maflers of Sicily, prompted them DISSERT,
to build fliips to pais the ftrait which divided them from it. What won- , ^^'
der is it then if thofe nations of America, who felt no fuch impulfes
to abandon their native country, did not invent veficls to tranfport
themfelves to diflant lands ? It is certain, that the not having con-
ftrudled Hiips does not argue any want of indullry in them who had no
interefl; in the invention. ''■ ''^ -
Thus it is with regard to the invention of bridges. M. de Paw af-
firms, that there was not a Angle ftone bridge in America at the
time it was difcovcred, becaufc the Americans did not know how to
form arches ; and that the fccret of makino; lime was alto'^ether
unknown in America. Thefe three affertions are three very grofs
errors. The Mexicans did know how to make bridges of flone, and
among the rcm?.ins of their ancient architedturc are to be (cen at pre-
fent the large and flrong pilallers which fupported the bridge wliich
was upon the river Tula. The remains of the ancient palaces of
Tezcuco, and ftill more their Temazea/ù'^ or vapour baths, fliew us the
ancient ufe of arches and vaults among the Mexicans, and the other
nations of Anahuac. Diego Valades, who went to Mexico a few years
after the conqueft, and remained there thirty years, gives us, in his
Cbrijiian Rhetoric, the image of a fmall temple which he faw, and
therefore leaves no fort of doubt in this matter.
\Vith refpeél to the ufe of lime, it requires the forwardnefs of M.
•de Paw to be able to aflirm, as he does, that the fecret of making lime
was totally unknown in all America j fince it is certain, from the tef-
timony of the Spanifli conquerors as well as the firfl miflionaries,
that the nations of Mexico not only made ufe of lime, but that tl^ey had
the art of whitening and curioufly fmoothing and polifliing the walls
of their houfes and temples. It appears from the hiilones of B. Diaz,
Gomara, Hcrrera, Torquemada, and others, that the wall of the prin-
cipal palace of Mexico appeared to the firfl: Spaniards who entered the city
to be made of filver, from their being fo finely whitened, and Ihining with
polilh, . It Is certain, laftly, from the paintings of the Tributes which
are in Mendoza's colledion, that the cities of Tepejacac,..Tech:ima-
chalco, Quecholac, 6cc. were obliged to pay annually to the king of
Mexico four thoufand facks of lime. But although we had none of
thefe proofs, the remains of ancient edifices, ftill cxt.int in Tezcuco,
E b b 2 Miaian.
ij^a H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, rvlidlan, Guatufco, and many other places of that kingdom, would bs
, _y i , fuflicient to evince the truth of what we have afferted, and make M.
de Paw blufli at his ralhnefs and indifcretion.
In regard to Peru, although Acolla confefles that lime was not in
ufe there, and that its natives neither conftrudted arches nor bridges of
flone ; which circumflances proved fufficientfor M. de Paw to fay, that
the ufe of lime was totally unknown in all America ; notwithflanding
Acofla, who was no vulgar man, and neither exaggerated nor extenuat-
ed fads with refpedl to the Americans, gives much praife to the won-
derful induilry of the Peruvians for their bridges of to^ora or reeds at
the mouth of the lalce of Titicaca, and in other places, where the im-
menfe depth, or the extraordinary rapidity of the rivers, did not permit
them to make bridges of itone, or made the ufe of boats dangerous. He
affirms to have paffed fuch kind of bridges and boats, and a!fo the eall-
nefs and fecurity of the pafTage. M. de Paw takes upon him to fay, that,
the Peruvians did not know the ufe of boats, that they did not make
windows to their houfes, and even fufpefts that their houfes had
no roofs. Thefe are the abfurd fpeculations in the clofet of a writer
on America : he makes it very clear, that he does not know any
thing of the bejiccos of the Peruvian bridges, and that he lias formed
no idea of the rivers of South America.
SECT. IV,
Cn the Want of Letters.
N O nation in America knew the art of writing, if by it we are tO'
underfland the art of exprefllng on paper, on fkins, on cloths, or on
fome other fimilar fubftance, any fort of words by the different com-
binations of certain characters : but if the art of writing is taken for
that of reprefenting and explaining any fubjedt to abfent perfons, or
pofterity, by means of figures, hieroglyphics, and charaólers, it is
certain that fuch an art was known and much ufed by the Mexicans,
the Acolhuas, the Tlafcalans, and all the other polifhed nations of
Anahuac. The count de Buffon, in order to demonftrate that Ame-
rica
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 373
fica was a country entirely new, and the people who inhabited it alio DISSERT.
new, has alledged, as we have already faid elfewhere, that even the
nations who lived in focieties were ignorant of the art of tranfmitting
their events to poflerity by means of durable figns, although they had
found the art of communicating together at a diflance, and of writing
by making knots on cords. But this fame art which they made ufo of to
treat with thofe who were abfent could not ferve alfo to fpeak to pofterity.
What were the hiflorical paintings of the Mexicans but durable figns
to tranfmit to poflerity the memory of events to.diftant places and di-
ftant ages ? The count do Buffon fliews himfelf truly as ignorant of
the hiflory of Mexico as he is acquainted with the hiftory of naturei
M, de Paw, although he grants that art- to the Mexicans which tha
count de Buffon unjuftly denies them, makes, however, fevcral remarks
to depreciate it ; and among others- fome lb lingular we mull mention
them.
He fays that» the Mexicans did not ufe hieroglyphics ; that their
paintings were nothing but the coarfe drafts of objedls ; that, in order
to reprefent a tree they painted a tree ; that their paintings no where
fliew any undeiflanding of light and Iliade, any idea of perfpedtive,
or imitation of nature ; that they had made no progrefs in that art, by
means of which they attempted to perpetuate the memory of events-
and things pafTed ; that the only copy of hiflòrical painting faved from
the burning which the firfl miflionaries made of them, is that which
the firft viceroy of iMexico fent to Charles V. which was afterwards
publifhed by Thevenot in France, and Purchas in England; tlut this
painting is fo coarfe and ill executed, that it is not to be difceracd
whether it treats, as the interpreter fays, of eight kings of Mexico,
or eight concubines of Montezuma, &c.
M. dc Paw (hc-vvs his ignorance throughout here, and from thence
proceeds his forwardnefs in writing. Shall we give more faith to a
PrufTian philolbphcr, who has fuen only the grofs copies by Purchas,
than to thofe who have feen and carefully ftudied many origirul paint-
ings of the Mexicans ? M. de Paw will not allow the Mexicans to
have made ufe of hieroglyphics, becaufe he would not have it thought
that he grants them any refemblance to the ancient Egyptians. Kir-
cher.
374
H I S T O Pv Y OF MEXICO,
DISSERT, cher, that celebrated enquirer into, and praifer of Egyptian antiquities, in
^^' his work entitled Oedipus Egyptiacus, and Adrian Walton in his pre-
face to the Polyglott Bible, are of the fame opinion with M. de Paw;
but their opinion has no other fupport than the fame copy by Parchas :
but Motolinia, Sahagun, Valades, Torquemada, Arrigo, Martinez,
Siguenza, and Boturini, who knew the Mexican language, converfed
with the Indians, faw and diligently ftlidied many ancient paintings,
fay, that among the different modes pradbifed by the Mexicans to re-
prefent objefts, that of hieroglyphics was o;ie, and that of fymbolical
pidlures another. The lame point is attefted by Acofta and Gomara, in
their hiftories J by Eguiara, in the learned preface to the Mexicana Bibli-
otheca; and by thofe learned Spaniards who publilhed, with new ad-
ditions, the work of Garcia on the Origin of the Indiufis. Kircher was
flrono-ly refuted by Siguenza in his work entitled 'Theatre of Political
Virtues. It is certain that Kircher contradids himfelf openly ; for in
the firft volume of the Oedipus Egyptiacus, where he compares the
relio-ion of the Mexicans with that of the Egyptians, he freely con-
feffes that the parts of which the image of the God Huitzilopochtli
was compofed, had many fecret and myfterious fignihcations. Acofta,
whole hiftory is juilly elleemed by M, de Paw, in the defcription
which he gives of that image, lays, '' all this ornament which we have
*' mentioned, and the reft, which was confiderable likewile, had its
*' particular fignihcations, according to what the Mexicans declared f
and in the defcription of the idol of Tezcatlipoca expreffes himfelf'
in thefe terms : " His hair was tied with a golden cord, from the ex-
*• tremity of which hung an ear-ring of the liuiie metal, with clouds of
*' fmoke painted upon it, which lignified the prayers of the afflidled and
*' finners, who were liftened to by that God when they recommended
*' themfelves to him. In his left hand he had a fan of gold, adorned
** with beautiful green, blue, and yellow feathers, lb bright that it feemed
*' a mirrour ; by which they intimated, that in that mirrour he faw every
*' thing which happened in the world. In his right hand he had four
■** arrows to fignify the punifliment he gave to criminals for their mif-
*• deeds." What are all thofe, and other infignia of the Mexican
idols, of which we have made mention in the hxth book of this hi-
ilory,
3
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 375
ftory, but fymbols and hieroglyphics, very fimilar to thofe of the DISSERT.
Egyptians ?
M. de Paw fays, that the Mexicans did nothing elfe to reprefent a
tree but paint a tree : but what did they to reprefent day and night, the
month, the year, the century, the names of perfons ? How could they
reprefent time and other tilings which have no figure, without making ufe
cf fymbols or chara6ters ? " The Mexicans," fays Acofta, " had
*' their figures and hieroglyphics, by which they reprefentcd things in
" this manner ; that is, thofe things which had a figure were reprefented
** by their proper figures ; and for thofe which had no proper image
** they made ufe of other charailers to fignify them ; thus they repre-
" fented whatever they would ; and to mention the time in which
" any event happened, they employed painted wheels, each of which
" comprehended a century of fifty-two ye.irs, &c. (f)"
But here we have another piece of infult from the ignorance of
M. de Paw. He ridicules the fecular wheels of the Mexicans, the ex-
planation of which he fays Carreri ventured to give, in imitation of a
Caflilian profeffor called Congara, v.'ho did not dare to publifli the work
which he hadpromiled on this llibjeft : becaufe his relations and friends
affured him that it contained many errors. It would np^iear that M.
de Paw cannot write without committing errors. That profeffor whom.
Carreri or Gemelli imitates, was not a Caflili.in, but a Creole, born in
the city of Mexico ; nor was he called Coiigara, but Siguenza and Gon~
gora : he did not print his Mexican ciclography, which was the work
Gemelli made ufe of, not becaufe he feared any cenfure from the public,
but becaufe of" the exceffive expences of printing in thofe countries ;
which have alfo prevented the publication of nwny other excellent
works, not only of Siguenza, but other moli: learned authors. To
fiiy that the relations and friends of Siguenza difluadcd him from the
publication of that work becaufe they found many errors in it, is not
a mere mifiake occafioned by inattention, but appears a fidtion devifed
to abufe and miflead the public. Who has communicated to M. de
Paw fo flrange an anecdote which is altogether unknown to New
Spain, where the memory and fame of that great man is fo celebrated,
(f) Stor.N.-it. e Mor. lib. vi. cap. 7,
::,76 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e 0>
DISSERT, and where the learned lament the lofs of that and many other works
_J.„, of the fame author ? What could Siguenza fear from the publication
of -the Mexican wheels, publiflied already by Valades in Italy a cen-
tury before him, and defcribed by Motolinia, Sahagun, Gomara,
Acofta, Herrera, Torquemada, and Martinez, all Europeans, and
by the Mexican, Acolhuan, and Tlafcalan hiftorians, Iztlilxochitl,
Chimalpain, Tczozomoc, Niza, Ayala, and others ? All thofe au-
thors are agreed with Siguenza in that which refpeds the Mexicaa
.wheels of the century, the year, the month, and only differ refpedling
the beginning of the year, and the name of fome months, for the rea-
fons which we hav-e mentioned iu thefixth book of this hiftory. Be-
fides, all authors who have wrote on this fubjeft, both Spanifli and
American, who are many in ji umber, agree in fiying that the Mexi-
cans and other nations of thofe countries made ufe of fuch wheels to
I'eprefent their century, their year, and their month ; that their cen-
tury confilted of fifty-two years, their year of three hundred and fixty-
five days, divided into eighteen months of twenty days each, and five
days which they called nemontani ; that in their century they counted
four pei'iods of thirteen years, and that the days alfo were counted by
periods of thirteen j that the names and characters of the years were
only four, that is thofe of the rabbit, the cane or reed, the flint, and the
hoiife, which without interruption were alternately ufed with different
numbers.
This cannot be, fays M. de Paw, becaufe it would fuppofe them to
have made a long feries of aftronomical obfervations, and thereby at-
tained a knowledge fufficient to enable them to regulate the folar year,
iind thefe could not happen to be united with that profound ignorance
which thofe people were immerfed. How could they perfedt their
chronology while tliey had no terms to count a higher number than
three ? Therefore, if the Mexicans had really that method of re-
gulating time, they ought not to be called barbarians and favages,
but rather a cultivated and polilhed people ; becaufe a nation mult be
moil cultivated which has made a long feries of accurate obfervations
and acquired exadt knowledge in aftronomy. But the certainty of
the regulation of time among the Mexicans is fuch as not to ad-
mit of the fmalleff doubt : becaufe, if the unanimous teftimony of
the Spanilh writers refpeding the communion of the Mexicans is not to
be
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
zn
be doubted, which M. de Paw himfelf Hws is not (g), how can \vc disskrt.
doubt of the method which thole nations had to compute years and i . ^
centuries, and its conformity to the folar courfc, both fadls being at-
tefted unanimouily by the Spani (h, Mexican, Acolhuan, and Tlafca-
lan hillorians ? Befides, the depofition of the Spaniards in this matter is
of very great weight, as tliey were, as M. de Paw fays, rather inchncd
to degrade the nations of America fo far as even to doubt of their
rationaUty. It is necefliiry, therefore, to beUeve what hillorians lay of
thole wheels, and to confefs tiiat the Mexicans were not immerfed in
that profound ignorance which M. de Paw pretends. Witii regard to
what he lays of the fcarcity of words to exprefs numbers in the Mexi-
can language, we Ihall, in another place, demunllrate his error as well
as his ignorance.
It cannot be known, rcfumes M. de Paw, what was contained in the
. Mexican paintings J becaufe the Spaniards themfelves could not under-
lland them, until they were explained by the Mexicans, and none of the
latter have kno^vn hitherto enough to be able to tranllate a book ! In
order that the Spaniards Ihould have underftood the Mexican paintings,
it was not necellary that riic Mexicans Ihould know the Spanifli lan-
guage, becaufe it was fufficicnt that the Spaniards comprehended the
Mexican ; nor is there lo much neceliary to explain a piólure as tp
tranllate a book. M. de Paw fiys, that on account of the roughnefs
of the Mexican language, no Spaniard has ever learned to pronounc it,
and that, from the incapacity of the Mexicans, none of them have yet
leai"ned the Spanilh tongue : but both the one and the other aflcrtiou
are fir from being true. Of the Mexican language we fliall treat in its
place. The Caiblian has always been very common anioug the Mexi-
cans, and there are m»any amongft them who can fpeak it as well as the
Spaniards. Many of thcui have wrote their ancient hifloiy in Calti-
lian, and alio that of the Conqueft of Mexico j ibmc of whom we
have mentioned in the Catalogue prefixed to this hiftory.' Others have
tranflated Latin books into Callilian, Caltilian into Mexican, and xMexican
(Z^ " J'-' ^'"*" !»vou(\ que Ic confcntcineiit Je tous Ics Hiftortena Efpaguols uc pcrmet gueres
«'ill.' iloiitvr qiip ces diux pciiplfs Aini'i-icains '(/!<■ /1/m7(<»Aì «fi.f /\*xt';r»oj> n'culTànt duns 1*
<• fuiiwnc imincwlc lic laurs rgpi;Htition3.groiIliiM, Jt ■.|uclniies ufajjci qui ae ditlciujeiit pa»
'• bcuucouu lie tc iiu'oii nommc lu Cwnmiwiioii paiml nous." Tom. 1^, Letter I.
' ^ ' " ' ....;,■ I'. ' ; . ; v\t ( iiiij..,, :■/! ;■] , .
j/.V:oL. II. ., ^- ^ '^ ' into
SjS HISTORYOFMEXICa
^^^^;f ^'^ ■ ^^'^^ Caftilian : amongfl others deferving of mention, are D. F. Ixtlil-
xochitl, whom we have fo often cited ; D. A. Valerianes, of Azca-
pozalco, the mafter in the Mexican language to the hillorian Tor-
quemada, 6cc. We know from the Hiftory of the Conqueft, that the
celebrated Indian donna Marina, learned with great quicknefs and faci-
lity the Caftilian language, and that iTie fpoke the Mexican, and alfo
the Maya language well, which are more different from each other than
the French, the Hebrew, and the Illyrian. There having been at all
times, therefore, very many Spaniards who have learned the Mexican,
as we fhall ihew, and very many Mexicans who have learned the Spa-
nilTi, why might not the Mexicans have been able to inftrudl the Spa-
niards in the fignifications of their pictures ?
With refpeét to the copies of the Mexican paintings, publilhed by
Purchas and Thevenot, it is true that the proportions, or laws of per-
fpeftive, are not obferved in them ; but thofe grofs coarfe copies hav-
ing been cut in wood, thefe authors have poffibly increaled the defedts
of the originals ; nor ought we to wonder if they have omitted fome
things contributing to the perfed:ion of thofe piólures ; as we know
that they omitted the copies of the twelfth and twenty-fecond paint-
ings of that collediion altogether, and the images of the cities in moft
of the others ; and befides, they change the figures of the years cor-
refponding to the reigns of Ahuitzotl and Montezuma II. as we have
ah-eady mentioned. Boturini, who faw in Mexico the original paint-
ings of thofe annals, and of the regifter of the tributes which were
contained in the copies publilhed by Purchas and Thevenot, laments
the great defedis of thofe editions. It is fufficient to compare the co-
pies publiihed in Mexico, in 1770, by Lorenzana, with thofe pub-
lifhed in London by Purchas, and in Paris by Thevenot, to perceive and
know the great difference there is between copy and original. But we
do not mean to maintain the perfediion of the original, copied by Pur-
chas ; we rather doubt not that they have been imperfeft, as all the
hiftorical paintings were, in which the painters contented themfelves
with outlines, regardlefs of the proportions or colouring of objefts,
the light and fhade, or rules of perfpedfive. Nor was it poflible they
fhould obferve thofe laws of the art, on account of their extraordinary-
expedition in making pidures, as Cortes, Diaz and other eye-witnefTes
9 have
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 379
have attefled. But let us obferve the conckifions M. de Paw deduces dissert.
VI
from thence. His arguments are thefe : the Mexicans did not ob-
ferve the laws of perfpedtive in their paintings ; they could not there-
fore, by means of them, perpetuate the memory of events : the Mexi-
cans were wretched painters, therefore they could not be good hifto-
rians ; but at the lame time that he makes ufe of this fpecies of logic,
he ought alfo to have faid, that all thofe who in writing do not make
good characters cannot be good hiftorians ; for that which letters are
to our hiftorians, were the figures of the Mexican hiftorians ; and as
good hiftories niay be written with a bad charader, fo may fafts be
well reprefented by coarfe pidlures ; it is fufficient that either hiftorian
make himfelf underftood.
But this is what Mr. de Paw cannot find in the copies made by
Purchas. He declares that having compared the figures of them in dif-
ferent manners with the interpretations annexed, he could never difcover
any connedion between them ; that which they interpret to be eight kings
of Mexico, they might equally well interpret to be eight concubines of
Montezuma. But the fame thing might be faid byM. de Paw, if the book
Chiin-yum of the philofopher Confucius, written in Chinefe charadters,
was prefcnted to him, with the interpretation in French befide it. He
would compare in various modes thofe charafters with the interpretations,
and fuppofing that he could not find any connexion between them, he
might fay, that as they interpret that book of the nine qualifications which
a good emperor ought to have, they might alfo interpret it of nine con-
cubines, or nine eunuchs of fome ancient emperor, bccaufe he under-
flands almoft full as much of the Chinefe charatìers as of the Mexican
figures. If we had an interview with M. de Paw, we could explain to
him what connexion thefe figures have with their interpretation j but,
as he does not know it himfelf, he ought to take the judgment of thofe
who underft.ind them.
He believes, or would make us believe, that thofe piiflures alone
which Purchap, copied, were faved from the burning made by the firft
miiilonaries ; but this is moft erroneous, as we have already made ap-
pear againft Robertlbn in the beginning of the firll volume. The paint-
ings faved from that burning were fo many in number, that they fup-
plied the materials for the ancient hiftory of Mexico, not only to the
C c c 2 Spartifh
o8o II I S T O R Y OF M E X I C O.
J
DiSSKRf . SpdniHi writers, but alio to the Mexicans themfelves. All the works
V ' , ., of don Ferdinand Alba Ixtlilxochitl, of don Dominic Chimulpain, •
and others named in the catalogue of writers, at the beginning of this
hiftory, liave been compofed by the aihftance of a great number of an-
cient paintings. The indefatigable Sahagun, confulted an inhnity of
paintings for his hilfory of New Spain. Torquemada often cites the
pictures which he examined for his work. Siguenza inherited the
manufcripts and paintings of Ixtlilxochitl, and procured many others
at a great expence, and after having made his extradls from them, left
them at his death, together with his valuable library, to the college of
St. Peter and St. Paul, of the Jefuits of Mexico j in which library we
faw and iludied Ibme of thofe paintings. During the two laft centu-
ries, ancient paintings were frequently produced at tribunals by the
Mexicans, as titles of property, and the poifellion of lands ; and on that
account, interpreters lldlled in the fignitications of fucli paintings were
confulted. Gonzalez Oviedo makes mention of that cuflom at tribu-
nals in the times of Sebaftiano Ramirez de Fuenleal, prefident of the
royal audience of Mexico ; and as the knoxK'ledge of fuch titles was of
great importance to the decifion of fuits, there was formerly a profef-
for in the univerlity of Mexico, appointed to teach tlie fcience of
Mexican paintings, hieroglyphics, and charafters. The many pic-
tures colledted a tew years ago by Boturini, and mentioned in the Ca-
talogue of his Mufeum, publiihed at Madrid, in 1 746, demonllrate,
that not quite lb few as M. de Paw and Dr. Robertfon imagine, have
efcaped the burning by the miilionaries.
In fliort, to confirm what we have written in this hiftory, and
let M. de Paw underlfand the variety of Mexican paintings, we fhall
mention here briefiy what Dr. Eguiara has written in his learned Pre-
face to his Bibliotheca Mexicana. " I'hcre were," he fays, " among
" the Mexican pidlures thofe of the lunar courfe, called by them To-
" nalamatl, in which they publifhed their prognoflics refpedting the
" changes of the moon. One of thofe pidures is introduced by Si-
" gueriza, in his Ciclographia Mexicana, as he himlelf acknowledges
" in liis work, entitled, Libra Ajironomka. Others contained the ,
" horofcopes of children, in which they reprefented their names, the
" day and fign of their birth, and their fortune. Of this fort of
*' paint-
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 381
" paintins:, mention is made by Jerom Roman, in his Republic of the DISSF.rt.
*' IVorid, Part II. Tom. ii. Others were dogmatical, containing the
*' lyrtem of their religion ; others hiftorical, otliers geographical," 6cc.
•' It is true," adds the lame author, " that thofe paintings which were
" made for familiar and common ufc, were clear and intelligible to
*' every one : but thofe which contained the fccrets of religion were
" lull of hieroglyphics, the meaning of which could not be compre-
" hended by the vulgar. There was great difference in their paintings,
** both with refpe(5l to their authors, and tlic method of doing them,
" and the delign and ufe of them. Thofe which were made for the
" ornaments of the palaces were perfedj but in others containing
** Ibme fecret meaning, particular charadlers, and fome monllrous and
*' horrible figures were employed. The painters were numerous ; but
" the writing of charadters, the compoling of annals, and the treat-
" ing of matters concerning religion and politics, were employmenti
" peculiar to the priells." So far Eguiara.
M. de Paw will pUafe to know therefore, that among the Mexican
paintings fome were mere images of objedlis ; they had alfo charac-
ters not compofing words as ours do, but figniiicative of things like
thofe of allronomers and algebraills. Some paintings were lolely in-
tended to exprefs ideas or conceptions, and, if we may fay fo, to write ;
but in thofe they paid no regard to proportion or beauty, becaufe they
were done in halte, aiui for the purpofe of inftrudfing the .mind, not gf
pleafing the eye : in thofe, however, where they ftrove to imitate n^i,-
ture, and which they executed with that leifure which works of fuch
kind require, they Ib'idly obferved the diiliances, proportions, attitudes,
and rules of the art, though not with the perfedlion which we admire
in tiic good painters of Europe. In liiort, we wifli M. ài Pa,w would
ihew us ibme rude or half-poli(hed people of the old continent whicli
has exerted fo much induftry and diligence as tlie Mexicans to perpe-
tuate the memory of events.
Dr. Robertlbn, where he treats of the culture of the Mexicans \\\
the feventh book of his Hillory, explains the progrefs which human
iadullry makes to arrive at the invention of letters, by the combinations
of which are exprelled all the different founds of difcourfe. This fuccef-
fi,ve progrefs, according to him, proceeds from adual painting to iim-
7 P^^
J
82 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT, pie hieroglyphic, from it to allegorical fymbols, from thence to ar-
^ ^'^' J bitrary characters, and laftly to the alphabet. If any perfon would
wilh to know from his hiftory to what degree the Mexicans were arrived,
he certainly will not be able to find it ; as that hillorical reafoner fpeaks
with fo much ambiguity, that fometimes it appears that he believes
they were hardly arrived at the fecond degree, that is fimple hieroglyphic ;
and fometimes it feems that he judges them arrived at the fourth de-
gree or at arbitrary character. But, independent of what he fays, it is
certain, that all the above mentioned ways of reprefenting ideas, except
that of the alphabet, were ufed by the Mexicans. Their numeral cha-
rafters, and thofe fignifying night, day, the year, the century, the hea-
vens, the earth, the water, &c. perhaps were not truly arbitrary cha-
rad:ers. The Mexicans were arrived then as far as the famous Chinefe,
after many ages of civilization. There is no difference between the
one and the other, except that the Chinefe charaélers are multiplied
to fuch excefs, that a whole life-time is not enough to learn them.
Dr. Robertfon, far from denying, like Mr. de Paw, the fecular
wheels of the Mexicans, confefTes their method of computing time,
and fays, that their having obferved, that in eighteen months, of
twenty days each, the courfe of the fun was not completed, they added
the five days Nemontemi, " This near approach to philofophical accu-
*' racy is a remarkable proof that the Mexicans had bellowed fome
" attention upon enquiries and fpeculations to which men in their rude
" ftate never turn their thoughts {ò)." What would he have faid had
he known, as appears from the chronology of the Mexicans, that they
not only counted three hundred fixty-five days to the year, but alfo
knew of the excefs of about fix hours in the folar over the civil year,
and remedied the difference between them by means of thirteen inter-
calaiy days, which they added to their century of fifty-two years.
(bj Hift. of America, book \ii.
SECT.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 383
DISSERT.
VII.
S E C T. V.
On the Arts of the Mexicans.
MR. de Paw, after having given a contemptuous defcription of Peru,
and the barbarity of its inhabitants, fpcaks of Mexico, of which Hate,
he fays, there are as many falfities and miracles related as of Peru ; but
it is certain, he adds, that thofe two nations were upon an equality;
whether we confider their government, their arts, or their inftruments.
Agriculture was abandoned by them, and their architedlure moft
wretched : their paintings were coarfe, and their arts very imperfedt ;
their fortifications, their palaces, and their temples, are mere fidions
of the Spaniards. If the Mexicans, he fays, had had fortifications,
they would have sheltered themfelves from the mufketry, and thofe
fix poor pieces of cannon, which Cortes carried with him, would
not have overthrown in a moment fo many baftions and entrench-
ments. The walls of their buildings were only great flones, laid
loofely, one upon another. The boarted palace, where the kings of
Mexico refided, was a mere hut ; on which account, F. Cortes, find-
ing no fuitable habitation in all the capital of that fiate, was obliged
to ereil a palace for himfelf in h.ifte, which flill exifts. It is not eafy
to enumerate the abfurdities thrown out by M. de Paw on this fubjedt :
omitting, however, what belongs to Peru, we fliall exaniine wliat he
has written againfl the arts of the Mexicans.
Of their agriculture we have fpoken in other places, where we have
fhewn, that the Mexicans not only cultivated moft diligently all the
lands of their empire, but likewife by wonderful exertions of induftry,
created to themfelves new territory for cultivation, by forming thoie
floating fields and gardens on the water, which have been fo highly ce-
lebrated by all the Spaniards and foreigners, andare (till the admiration
of all who fail upon thofe lakes. We have demonftrated that not only
all the plants which were necefiary for food, for clothing and n;iedi-
ctne, but likewife the flowers and other vegetables which contributed
iblely to luxury and pleafure,. were all mod plentcoufly cultivated
by them. Cortes,, in his letters to Charles V. and Bernal Diaz, fpeak
with
VI.
J84 HISTORY O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT; with aflojiilliment of the famous gardens of Iztapalapan and Huax-
tepee, whicli they iinv ; and they are aUb mentioned by Hernandez, in
his Natural Hiftory, who ùw thefe gardens forty years after. Cortes,
in a letter to Charles V. of the 30th of Odtober, 1520, fpeaks thus :
" The multitude of inhabitants in thofe countries is fo great, that there
" is not a foot of land left uncultivated." It is being very obftinatc
to refute faith to the unanimous telHmony of the Spanilh authors.
We have fet forth, on tlie fupport of the fame teftimony, the
great Ihill of the Mexicans in bringing up animals, in which kind of
magnificence Montezuma furpalled all the kings of' the world. The
Mexicans could not have bred up. fuch an infinite variety of quadru-
peds, reptiles, and birds, without having great knowledge of their na-
tures, their inftinól, their habits of life, ócc.
Their architeilure is not to be compared with that of the Euro-
peans, but it was certainly greatly fuperior to that of molT: of .the peo-
ple of Afia and Afnca. Who would form a comparifon between the
houles, palaces, temples, baflions, aquedudls, and roads of the ancient
Mexicans, with the miferable huts of the Tartars, Siberians, Arabs,
and other wretched nations, which live between ilhe Capeode- Verd,
and the Cape of Good Hapej or the buildings of Ethiopia^, of a gres^t
part of India, and the Afiatic and African illes, except thofe of Japan ?
M. de Paw fays, the boailed palace of Montezuma was nothing elfe
than a mere hut. But Cortes, Diaz, and the anonymous conqueror, who
faw this palace lb often, affirm the dirceli contrary. " He had," lays Cor-
tes, talking of Montezuma, *' in this city of Mexico, fuch houfes for
" his habitation, lb deferving of admiration, that I cannot fuiiiciently
•' exprefs their grandeur and excellence ; I Ihall therefore only lay, that
" there are none equal to them in Spain." Thus writes this conqueror
to his king, without fear of being contradióled by his officers or foldiers,
who had alfo themfelves viewed the palaces of Mexico. The anony-
mous conqueror, in his curious and faithful relation, fpeaking of the
buildings of Mexico, writes thus : " There were beautiful houfes b?-
*' longing to the nobles, lb grand and numerous in their apartments,
" with lljch admirable gardens to them, that the fight of them filled us
" with aftonifliment and delight. I entered from curjofity four times
** into a palace belonging to Montezuma, and having pervsaded.ivijnti)
" I was
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 385
** I was weary, I came away at lafl: without having feen it all. Around dissert.
" a large court they ufed.to build fumptuous halls and chambers ; but
" there was one above all (o large that it was capable of containing up-
** wards of three thoufand perfons without the lead inconvenience: it
** 'was fuch, that in the gallery of it alone a little fquare was formed,
*' where thirty men on horfe-back might exercife." It is certain from
the affirmation of all the hiflorians of Mexico, that the army under
Cortes, eonfifting of fix thoufand four hundred men and upwards, in-
cluding the allies, were all lodged in the palace formerly poflclTed by
king Axajacatl.j and there remained ftill fufficient lodging for Monte-
zuma and his attendants, befides the. magazine of the treafures of king
Akàjaòatl. The lame hiftorians attefl the moft beautiful difpofition of
the palace of birds ; and Cortes adds, that in the apartments belonging
to it two princes might have been lodged with all their fuit, and mi-
nutely defcribes its porticos, lodges, and gardens. He fays alfo to
Charles V. that he lodged in the palace of Nezahalpilli, at Tezcuco,
with fix hundred Spaniards, and forty horfes, and that it was fo large
it could eafily have lodged fix hundred more. He fpeaks in a fimilar
manner of the palaces of Iztapalapan, and other cities, praifing their
ftrufture, their beauty, and magnificence. Such were the outs of the
kings and chiefs of Mexico.
M. de Paw fays, that Cortes made a palace be confi:ru6ted in hafl:e for
his own habitation, becaufe he could not find any one in all that capi-
tal fufficiently commodious ; but M. de Paw is in a great miftake, or ra-
ther he sfferts without truth, and condemns without reafon. It is
true that Cortes, during the fiege of Mexico, burnt and demolillied
the greater part of that great city, as he himfelf relates ; and for that
end he had demanded and obtained from his allies fome thouftnds of
country people, who had no other employment than to pull down and
deftroy the houfes and buildings as the Spaniards advanced into the
city, that there might not remain behind them any houfe from which
the Mexicans could annoy them. It is therefore not very wonderful
that Cortes did not find a convenient habitation for himfelf in a city
which he had himfelf deftroyed ; but the ruin of it was not fo ge-
neral, but that there remained a confiderable number of houfes in the
divifion of Tlatelolco, where the Spaniards might have loJged con-
VoL. II. Ddd venicntlv,
386 HISTORYOF MEXICO.
DISSERT, veniently, with a good number of allies. " Since it has pleafecJ Our
, ^^' . Lor.'," lays Cortes in his hii letter to Charles the V. " that this great
" city of Tlatelolco iliould be conquered, 1 have not thought proper
" to refide in it on account of many inconveniences ; I liave therefore
" gone, with all my pieople, to ftay at Cuyoacan." Had what M, de
Paw favs been true, it would have been fufficient for Cortes to have
faid that he did not remain in Mexico becaufe there were no houfes
left fit to be inhabited. The palace of Cortes was ereded in the fame
place where formerly that of Montezuma flood. If Cortes had not
ruined this palace, he might have lodged conveniently in it, as that
monarch had done, with all his court. It is falfe that the palace e-
redted for Cortes is ftill in exigence 3 it was burnt in the time of a
popular fedition, in 1692. But it is flill falfer that the walls of the
Mexican houfes were only loofe ilones laid one upon another without
any cement, as the contrary is proved by the teftimony of all hiftorians,
and by the remains of ancient buildings, of which we fliall fpeak in
their place. From hence it appears, that the whole pafiage above cited
from M. de Paw, is idle and fiólitious.
M. de Paw, not contented with annihilating the houfes of the Mexi-
cans, engages alio with their temples ; and in anger againft Solis,
becaufe he affirms that the temples of Mexico were not lefs than two
thoufand in number, including large and fmall, writes thus, " There
" never has been fo great a colle(flion of houfes in any city from Pe-
*' kin to Rome, on which account Gomara, lefs raili or more dif-
" cerning than Solis, fays, that computing feven chapels, there were not
" more than eight places deflined for the repofitories of the idols of
" Mexico." In order to ihew the unfaithfulnefs of M. de Paw in cit-
ing authors, we fhall infert the paf&ge from Gomara to which he al-
■ ludes. " There v/ere," fays Gomara, in chapter eighty of his
Chronicle of New Spain, " many temples in die city of Mexico,
** fcattered through the difièrent diftrifts, that had their towers, in
" which were the chapels and altars for the repofitories of the idols . . .
'* They had almoil all the fame form, fo that what we fliall fiy of the
" principal temple will fuffice to explain all the others." And after
making a minute defcription of that great temple, of which he boafts
the height, largenefs, and beauty, he adds, " Befides thofe towers,
*' which
VI.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 387
** which were formed with their chapels above the pyramid, there were dissert.
*' more than forty other towers, great and fmall, in other laiallcr
Teocalli {i), which were within the inclofure of that principal tern-
** pie, all of which were the fame in form . . . There were other Teo-
" calli or Cues in other places of the city . . . All thofe temples liad
*' houfes belonging to them, their priefts, and their gods, together
*' with every thing neceffary for their worfliip and fervice." So
that Gomara, who, according to M. de Paw, docs not enumerate in
Mexico more than eight places deflined for the repofitories of the idols,
including feven chapels, reckons clearly more than forty teniples within
the inclofure of the principal temple, befides many others fcattered
through the other diftridls of the city. Can we give any faith to M.
de Paw after fo manifeft a falfification ?
It is true that Solis was inconfiderate in afferting that number of tem-
ples for a certainty which the firfl: hiftorians mentioned only from con-
je6ture. But M. de Paw Ihews himfclf not very difcerning in including
amongft the public buildings thofe chapels alfo which the Spaniards
call temples. Of thefe the quantity was innumerable ; all thofe who
faw that country before the conqueil teilify unanimoully, that not
only in the inhabited places, but on the roads and mountains they
faw fuch kinds of buildings, which, although fmall and totally
different from our churches, were yet called temples, becaufe they
were confecrated to the worfhip of the idols. From the letters of
Cortes, as well as from the hiflory of Diaz, we know that the con-
querors hardly went a ftep in their expeditions without meeting with
fome temple or chapel. Cortes fays he numbered more than four
hundred temples in the city of Cholula alone. But there was a great
difference in the lize of the temples. Some were nothing elfe than
fmall terralTcs of little height, upon which was a little chapel for the
tutelar idol. Others were of flupendous dimenfions. Cortes, where
he fpeaks of the greater temple of Mexico, declares to the emperor,
that it is difficult to defcribe its parts, its grandeur, and the things
contained in it ; that it was fo large, that within the inclofure of that
ftroug wall which furrounded it, a village of five hundred houfes might
(/■ ) 7'eocaWf the hcufc of God, was the name which the Mexicans gave to their temple.
D d d 2 be
388 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I G O.
DISSERT, be contained. This and the other temples of Mexico, Tezcuco, Cho-
VI. . . . .
hila, and other cities, are fpoken of in the fame ftile by B. Diaz, the
anonymous conqueror, Sahagun, and Tobar, who faw them, and the
Mexican and Spanifli hiilorians, who wrote after them and inform-
ed themfelves accurately on the fubjeft. Hernandez defcribed one
by one, the feventy-eight parts of which the greater temple was
compofed. Cortes adds, that among the high towers which adorned
that great capital were forty, fo elevated that the fmalleft of them was
not inferior in height to the famous Giralda {k) of Seville. D. F. de
A.Ixtlilaochitl makes mention in his manufcripts of the tower of
nine floors, that his famous anceftor Nezahualpilli, erredled to the
Creator of 'heaven, which appears to have been that famous temple of
Tezcutzinco, fo much extolled by Valades in his work.
All this cloud of witnefles depofe againfl M. de Paw. Notwith-
flanding he cannot believe in that great multitude of temples in Mexi-
co, becaufe he fays Montezuma I. was he who gave the form of a
city to that village : from the reign of this monarch until, the arrival
of the Spaniards, no more than forty-two years elapfed, which fpace
of time is not lufficient to build two thoufand temples. Thefe three
aflerticns, make, as is ufual with this author, as many errors, i . It
is falfe that Montezuma I. gave the form of a city to Mexico, be-
caufe we know from hiftory that that court had the form of a city
from the time of Acamapitzin the flrft king. 2. It is falfe, belides,
that there intervened but forty-two years between the reign of Mon-
tezuma and the arrival of the Spaniards. Montezuma began to reign,
as we have Ihewn in Diflertation fecond, in the year 1436, and died in
1465, and the Spaniards did not come to Mexico before 1519.
Therefore, from the beginning of that reign until the arrival of the
Spaniards elapfed eighty-three years, and from the death of that king
till then fifty-five. 3. M. de Paw dilcovers his total ignorance of
the flrudlure of the Mexican temples, nor does he know what mul-
titude of workmen alTembledfor the conftrudtion of the public edifices,
and what expedition they made in building. In thofe times a whole
village has been raifed, though compofed of huts of wood, covered.
(^) The very lofty and famous fieeple of the Dome of SQville.
or
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O 389
or thatched with hay or ftraw, and the new fettlers have conduced DISSERT.
their families, their animals, and all their other property to it, in one
fingle night.
As to their fortifications it is certain and indubitable, from the
depofitions made by Cortes and all thofe who faw the ancient cities of
that empire, that the Mexicans, and all the other neighbouring nations
living ill focieties, railed walls, baftions, palifades, ditches, and intrench-
mcnts for their defence. But without the atteflations of tliofe eye-wit-
nelies, the ancient fortifications which flill exift in ^auhtochco or Gua-
atufco, and near to Molcaxac, would be fufficient to fhew the error of M.
de Paw. It is true that fuch fortifications were not comparable to thofe
of the Europeans, becaufe neither was their military archi'tedure per-
fedled, nor had they occafion to cover themfelves from artillery, of
which they had no experience or conception : but they gave plain proofs
of their induftry in inventing many different kinds of expedients to defend
themfelves from their native enemies. Whoever will read the unani-
mous depofition of the conquerors, will not entertain a doubt of the great
ditficulty they found in taking the ditches and intrenchments of the-
Mexicans during the fiege of that capital, although they had fuch an ex-
cefTive number of troops of allies, and the advantages of fire arms, and
the brigantines. The terrible defeat the Spaniards met with when
they meant to have retired in fecret from Mexico, will not fufler
a doubt to remain concerning the fortifications^ of that capital. It was
not furrounded by walls, becaule its fituation was rendered fecure by
ditches which interfered all the roads by which an enemy could ap-
proach ; but other cities which were not placed in fo advantageous a
fituation, had walls and other means of defence. Cortes himfelf gives
an exa<fl defcription of the walls of Quauqucchollan.
But it is not necefl'ary to confume time in accumulating teftimonics
and other proofs of the archite(5ture of the Mexicans, while they have-
left, in the three roads which they farmed upon the lake itfelf, and
the very ancient aquedudt of Chapoltepec, an immortal monument. of
their induflry.
The fame authors who atteft the architedlural fliill of the Mexi-
cans, witncfs alio the ingenuity of their gold-lmiths, their weavers-,,
their gem-cutters, and their artificers of works of feathers. Many
Euroj^^eans-
390 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT. Europe.ins who faw fuch kind of works were aftonifhcd at the abilities
^^' of the American artifts. Their art in cafting metals was admired by
the goldfmiths of Europe, as many European writers, then Hving, have
faid ; and amongft others the hiftorian Gomara, ' who had the works
in his hands, and heard the opinion of the SevilUan gold-fmiths con-
cerning them, who defpaired of ever being able to imitate them.
When {hall we find any one capable of making thofe wonderful works
already mentioned by us, in Book viii. Scot. 5 1 . of this hiftory, and atteft-
ed by many writers, namely that, for inftance, of carting a fifli, which
lliould have its fcales alternately, one of gold and the other of filver ?
Cortes fays, in his fecond letter to Charles V. that the images made
of gold and feathers were fo well wrought by the Mexicans that no
workman of Europe could make any better ; that in refped to jewels,
he could not comprehend by what inftruments their works were made fo
perfe(ft ; and their feather-works could not be imitated neither by wax
nor filk. In his third letter, where he fpeaks of the plunder of Mexi-
co, he fays, that among the fpoils of Mexico he found there certain
wheels of gold, and feathers, and other labours of the fame matter, fo
wonderfully executed, that being incapable to convey a juft idea of them
in writing, he fent them to his majefty that he might be aflured by his
own fight of their excellence and perfedlion. We are certain that
Cortes would not have fpoke in that manner to his king of thofe works,
which he fent him in order that he might view them, if they had not
been fuch as he reprefented. Bernal Diaz, the anonymous conqueror,
Gomara, Hernandez, and Acofla, and all thofe authors who faw them,
of them in the fame Manner.
Dr. Robertfon (/) acknowledges the teftimony of the ancient
Spanifh hiflorians, and believes that they had no intention to deceive
us J but he affirms that they were all induced to exaggerate from the
illufion of their fenfes produced by the warmth of their imagination .
Such a folution might be made ufe of to deny faith to all human
hiflorians. All therefore muft have been deceived, without excepting
even the celebrated Acofta, or the learned Hernandez, the gold-fmiths
of Seville, king Philip II. or Pope Sextus V. who were all admirers,
(/) Hiflory of America, book yii,
and-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
391
and pralfed thofe Mexican labours (w) ! their imaginations were all DISSERT,
heated, even thofe who wrote fome years after the difcovery of Mexi-
co ! Robertfon the Scotfman, and de Paw the PruOian, after two cen-
turies and a half have alone that temperance of imagination which is re-
quired to form a juft idea of things, perhaps, becaufe the cold of their
climes has checked the heat of their imaginations. " It is not from
*' thofe defcriptions," adds Robertfon, " but from confidering fuch fpe-
** cimens of this art as are flill preferved, that we mufl decide concern-
*' ing their degree of merit . . . Many of their ornaments in gold and
'* filver, as well as various utenfils employed in common life, are de~
" pofited in the magnihcent cabinet of natural and artificial produc-
*' tions, lately opened, and lam informed, by perfons on whofe judg-
" ment and tafte I can rely, thafthefe boafted efforts of their art are
** uncouth reprefentations of common objedls, or very coarfe images
" of the human and fome other forms, deftitute of .grace and pro-
** priety." And in a note he lays, " in the armory of the royal palace
" of Madrid are fliewn fuits of armour, which are called Montczu-
" ma's. They are compafed of thin lackered copper-plates. In
" the opinion of very intelligent judges they .are evidently eaflern.
" The forms of the filver ornaments upon them may be conlidered as
*• a confirmation of this. They arc infinitely fuperior in point of work-
•' manlhip to any effort of American art. Tiie only unqueliionable
** fpecimen of Mexican art that I know of in Great Britain, is a cup
" of very fine gold, which is faid to have belonged to Montezumai
" A man's head is reprefentcd on this cup. On one fide the full face,
" on another the profile, and on a third the bacie parts of the head.
" The features are rude, but very tolerable, and certainly too rude
*' for Spanifli vvorkmanfhip. This cup Wiis purchafed by Edward
*' Earl of Oxford, v/hile lie lay in the harbour of Cadiz." Thu3 far
Robertfon, to whom we anfwer, firll:, That there is no reafon to be-
lieve that thofe rude works are really Mexican ; Iccondly, That neither
do we know whether thofe perfons in whofe judgment he could confide,
maybe perfons fit to merit our faith: becaufe we have obfervcd that
Robertfon trufls frequently to the tefiimony of Gages, Corral, Ibaguez,
{m) Sec our Seventh, book k£i, 51,
Ó and
3.92 H I' 3 T O R Y O F\ M E X I C O.
•SiSBÈRT. and other fucli authors, who are entirely undcfervuig of credit.
Pofììbly thole perlbns who gave their judgment of fuch labours liad
their imaginations heated allb ; as it is eaiier, according to the ftate of
■of our degenerate nature, to, feel the imagination heated againft a na-
tion thari^iii -favour, ©fi iti r.o.vThirdly, It is more probable that thofc
arms of coppdr, believed by intelligent judges to be certianly orierir
tal, are really Mexican, becaufe. we are' «.certain, from the tcftimpny of
all the writers of Mexico, that tho'fe nations ufed fuch pktes of cop-
per in war, and that they covered their brealts, their apris, and thighs
v/ith them, to defend' themfelves from arrows j whereas we do
not know that fuch were ever in ule among th,e; inhabitants of the
Philippine illes (n), or among any other people jwhq, h'ad commerce
with them. The dragons reprefented in thQf©.^rms,,,inli:ead of con-
firming, as Robertfon thinks, the opinion, ©I", thofe who think them
oriental, rather flrengthen our- opinion, becaufe there never was any
nation in the world which ufed the images of terrible animals on
their arms fo much as the Mexicans. Nor is it matter of wonder
that they had an idea of dragons while' they had ideas of griffins,
as Gomara attefts (o). Fifthly, That although the images formed
in thefe works of gold and filver. are rude, they might Itili be ex-
cellent, wonderful, and inimitable ; becaufe in thofe works two dif-
tind: points ought to be confidered; that of the defign, and that of
the calling ; fo that the fifh, of which we have made mention above,
might be ill formed as to figure, and yet wonderful and furprifing in that
alternation in the fcales of gold and filver, done by caft work. Sixth-
ly and lafiily. The judgment of fome perlbns entirely unknown upon
thofe few doubtful works which are in the royal cabinet of Madrid,
fliould not avail againft the unanimous depofitions of all ancient wri-
ters, who certainly faw innumerable labours of this kind which were,
really Mexican.
From what we have faid, it is manifeft that M. de Paw has done
the greateft' injuftice to the Mexicans, in believing them inferior in in-
duftry and fagacity to the rudeft people of the old continent. Acofta,
{>0 Dr. Robertfcn fays, that the Spaniards had thofe arms poffibly from the Philippifte
tfles.
(«) Chronicle of New Spain, ch'p, xsi.
where
HISTORY O- F M E X 1 C O.
393
when he treats of the induflry of the Peruvians fp&iks thus : " If thofe DESSERT.
" men are beafts, let who will judge; fince I am certain, that in that
" to which they apply themfelves, they excel us." This ingeni-
ous confeffion of a European of fo much criticifm, fo much experi-
ence, and fo much impartiality, is certainly of more weight than the
airy fpeculations of any Prufllan philofopher, or all the reafoning of a
Scottifli hiftorian ; the one and the other ill informed in the affairs of
America, or prejudiced againfl it. But although we Ihould grant to
M. de Paw, that the induftry of the Americans in the arts is inferior
to that of other people in the world, he can infer nothing from
them againft the talents of the Americans, or the clime of America;
as it is certain and indubitable, that the invention and progrefs of arts
are generally more owing to chance, avarice, and neceihty, than genius.
The men the mofl induftrious are not always the moft ingenious in
arts, but often the molt neceflitous, or eager for gold, are fo. The
barrennefs of the earth, fays Montefquieu, makes men induftrious (^).
It is neceflary that they procure to themfelves that which the earth does
not yield them. The fertility of a country from the facility with
which he is fupported, begets indolence in man. " NecefTity," fays
Robertfon, " is the fpur and guide of the human race to inventions."
The Chinefe certainly would never have been lo induftrious, if the ex-
ceihve populoufnefs of their country had not rendered tlieir fupport
difficult J nor would Europe have made fuch progrefs in the arts, if
artirts had not been encouraged by rewards and the hopes of acquiring
fortune. Neverthelefs, the Mexicans could boaft of many inventions
worthy of immortalizing their name, fuch as, befides thofe of calling
metals and molale works of feathers and (liells, the art of making pa-
per (y) ; thole of dying with indelible colours, fpinning and weav-
ing the finali hair of the rabbets and hares ; making razors of Itztli (/) ;
breeding lb induftrioully the cochineal to make ufe of its colours ;
jiuking cement for the pavements of their houfes, and many others
(fi) Efprit lies Loix, !iv. x\iii. thap. j.
(,y) The invcntioh of paper is certainty inorc ancient In America thaa in Eg:ypt, from
wliencc it was communicated to Europe ; it is true, that the paper ot the Mcxlc.tns was not
comparable to the paper of the Europeans ; but it ought to be obfervcJ that tlic lormer did not
make theirs for wiiting but painting.
((•) See Hook VII. (ed. 56. of this biftory, refpefling that art.
Vol. II. E e e . not
;94
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
VI
PISSERT. not lefs valuabk, as may be known from the works of the hiftorians
of Mexico. Bat where is the wonder that fuch inventions were found
among thofe civilized nations, while, amongil other people of America,
lefs polilhed, arts of the mofl fingular nature have been difcovered ?
What art more wonderful, for example, than that of taming fca-filh,
and employing them to chace other larger iiili, as the inhabitants of
the Antilles ufed to do. This art alone, of which Oviedo (j-), Gomara,
and other authors make mention, would be fufficient to refute the
charge of want of induflry among the Americans.
SECT. VI.
Of the Languages of the Americans.
" THE languages of America, %s M. de Paw, are fo limited, and
" fo fcarce of words, that it is impofllble to exprefs any metaphyfical
** idea in them. In no one of thofe languages can they count above
*' the number three (z^). It is impoffible to tranflate a book either in-
** to the languages of the Algonquines, or Paraguefe, or even into
" thofe of Mexico or Peru, on account of their not having fufficient
** plenty of proper terms to exprefs general ideas." Whoever reads
thofe dogmatical decifions of M. de Paw, will be perfuaded, undoubt-
edly, that he determines after having travelled through all America,
after having had commerce with all thofe nations, and after having exa-
mined all their languages ? But it is not fo, M. de Paw, without
moving from his clofet at Berlin, knows the things of America better
than the Americans themfelves, and in the knowledge of their different
languages even excels thofe who fpeak them. We have learned the
Mexican, and have heard it fpoken by the Mexicans for many years ;
(i) Oviedo Stor. Gener. e Nat, lib. xiii. cap. lo. Sommario della Stor. &c, cap. 8. Go-
mara Storia Geiief. cap. 2c. The fpecies of fifii which the Indians trained to chace large
fifli, as they train hawks in Europe, to chace other birds was rather fmall, called by them
Cualcan, and by the Spaniards Rcvcrfo. Oviedo explains the manner in which they made
ufe of the fifh to ch.ice others.
(/) In the fame fctìion i. of the 5th part of the Recherches Philofophiqiics, in which he
affirms, that no language of America had terms to count more than three, he fays the Mexi-
caBS could conut as high as ten.
but
fì I S T O R Y OF xM E X I C O.
395
but never knew that it was deficient in numerical terms, and words
fignifying univerfal ideas, until M. de Paw gave us that information.
We know that the Mexicans gave the name of Cent-zontli (four hun-
dred), or rather that oiCent'z.ontlatalc (he who has four hundred words),
to that bird which is fo renowned for its fweetnefs and matchlefs va-
riety of fong. We know befides that the Mexicans anciently counted
by Xìquìpilli\ and the nuts of the cacao, in their commerce, and in
numbering their troops of war; that X'jiv i pilli wxs eight thonfand ; fo
that when they faid that an army confifted of forty thoufand, they ex-
preffed that it had five Xiquipil/i. We know laftly, that the Mexicans
had numeral words to exprefs as many tlioufands, or millions, as they
pleafed j but M. de Paw knows the diredl contrary, and there is not a
doubt but he knows better than us ; becaufe we had the misfortune to
be born under a clime lefs favourable to the operations of the intelleft.
Neverthelefs, we fliall fubjoin, to fatisfy the curiofity of our readers,
the feries of numerical terms which the Mexicans have always em-
ployed (u). It will appear thence, that thofe who had not, according
DISSERT.
VI.
to
(u) Numeral Terms of the Mexican Language.
Ce I. Nahui
4-
Chicome. 7.
Matlachtli 10.
Oiiw 2. Mocuilli
5. Chicuci 8.
ChaxtoUi iq.
Jei 3. Chicuace
6. Chiucnahui 9.
With thcfc terms differently combii
ed together with thefe three following,
Tohualli or PoaiU 20, Tuonili 400,
and XiqulpilU 8000, they cxprcf»
any quantity, thus :
Cem poalli
20
Nauhpo:illi
80
Ompoalli
40
Macuilpoalli
100
Epoalli
60
Chicuactmpoalli
12-, &C-
ISIathcpoalli ten times 20
200
Caitolpoalli fifttrn times 'o
3OJ
1 hus they proceed until they come
to 400.
Cciitzonili
400
Kachtzontli
l603
Ontzonill
8co
Macuilzontli
2000
Etzontll
IJOO
Cbicuacentzontii
8400, &C.
M;itlaczontli ten times 400
4000
Caltoltzoiitli fifteen times 4C0
6000
Thus they go on to 8000.
Ce-xiquipilli
8 .00
Nauhxiquipilli
32,000
Onxi'iuipilli 1
6000
Mucuilxiqiiipilli
40,000
Kxicjuipilli
24000 Cliicuacmxiijuipilli
48,000, &c,
Matlacxiquipim ten tiroes 8000
8o,coo
Caxtolxiquipilli fifteen times 8000
I 20,000
Cempoalsiquipilii twenty times 8coq
160,000
E c
e 2
Otnpt>i<I-
39Ó H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, to M. de Paw, numeral words to count above three, had, in fpite
^''' of his ignorance, words to count to at leaft forty-eight millions. In
like manner, we could expofe the error of M . Condannne and M. de
Paw, in many other languages of America, and even in thofe which
are reckoned the moft barbarous ; as there are in Italy at prefent per-
fous acquainted with the new world, and capable of giving an ac-
count of more than fixty American languages. Among the materials
we colletìed for this work, we have the numeral words of the Araucan
language, which although it is a niore warlike than civilized nation,
has words to exprefs millions.
M. de Paw is not lefs wrong in affirming, that the languages of Ame-
rica are fo poor, that they cannot exprefs a metaphyfical idea ; which
opinion M. de Paw has learned of M, Condamine. Time, fays this
philofopher, treating of the languages of America, duration, fpace,.
being, fubflance, matter, body, all thefe words, and many others,
have no equivalents to them in their languages ; and not only the
names of metaphyfical beings, but alfo thofe of moral beings cannot
be exprefled, unlefs imperfeélly and by long circumlocutions. But
M. Condamine knew as much of the language of America as M. de
Paw J and he certainly gained his information from fome ignorant
perfon, which is a ufual^ cafe with travellers. We are perfedlly fure
that many American languages have not that poverty Mr. Condamine
afcribes to them ; but without attending to that we fhall examine the
ilate of the Mexican.
It is very true, that the Mexicans had no words to exprefs fuch con-
ceptions, as matter, fubflance, accident, and the like; but it is equal-
ly lb, that no language of Afia, or Europe, had fuch words before the
Greeks began to refine and abftrad: their ideas, and to create new terms
to exprefs them. The great Cicero, who knew the Latin language fo
well, and flouriflied in thofe times when it was at its greatefl perfec-
Ompoalxiquipilli forty times 8coo 320,000, &c.
Centzonxi'juipilli four hundred times Sooo J.zocjOOO
Ontzonxiciuipilli eight hundred times Sooo 6,400,000
Matiact7.qnsi()uipiUi four thoufand times 8000 32,000,000
Caltoltzonxiriuipilli fix thoufand times 8000 48,000,00?, &c.
We mentioned that they had words to count as far as forty-eight millions at leaft, but thofe
above are fufliclein to confute M. de Paw.
tion.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
597
tl«n, alchougli he efteemed it more copious than the Greek, is often DISSERT*
at the greateft ditHculty in his philofophical works, to find words cor- ^''
relponding to the metaphylical ideas of the Greeks. How often was
he conftrained to create new terms equivalent in fome manner to thofe
of the Greek, bccaufe he could not find any fuch in ufe among the
Romans ; but even at this day, after that language has been enriched
by Cicero, and other learnexi Romans, who, after his example, ap-
plied themfelves to the ftudy of philofophy, many terms are wanting to
exprefs metaphylical notions, unlefs recourfe is had to the barbarous
Latin of the fchools. None of thofe languages which are fpoken by
the philofophers of Eiu-ope, had words fignifying matter, fubftance,
accident, and other fimilar ideas ; and therefore it was neceffary that
philofophers ihould adopt the words of the Latin, or the Greek. The
ancient Mexicans, becaufe they had no concern with the ftudy of me--
taphyfics, are very excufable for not having invented words to exprefs
thofe ideas j their language, however, is not wanting in terms fignify-
ing metaphyfical and moral things, as Condamine affirms thofe of
South America to be ; we, on the contrary, affirm, that it is not eaiy
to find a language more fit to treat on metaphyfical fubjeóts than the
Mexican ; as it would be difficult to find another which abounds fo
much as it in abftradl terms ; for there are few verbs in it from which
are not formed verbals correfponding with thofe in io of the Romans ;
and but few fubftantive or adjective nouns from which are not form-
ed abftradls expreffing the being, or as they fay in the fchools, the
quiddity of things : eq^uivalents to which we cannot find in the He-
brew, in the Greek, in the Latin, in the French, in the Italian, in
the Engliffi, in the SpaniHi, or Portugnefe ; of which languages, we
prefume, at leaft, to have fufficient knowledge, to make a compa-
rifon. In order to give fome fpecimen of this language to the curious
among our readers, we fubjoin fome words fignifymg metaphyfical and
moral ideas, which are underftood by the rudeft Indians (x).
The
(<•) Specimen of words in the Mexican langu.ngc, fignifying moral and metaphyficarcon-
ccptions.
Tlamantli
Jeliztii
Qiialloti
Ntltiliitli
King
NcjoInonotzalÌ7.tli
Reflexion
Efftnce
Tlachtopaittali/.tli
Forcfi«;ht
Goodnds
Ncjoltzotzonaliztli
Doubt
Truth
Tlalnamiquiliztli
Remcn,br;mcc
Ceti.
59?
DISSERT.
VI.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
The excefllve abundance of words of this nature has been the rM-
fon that the deepefl myfteries of rehgion have been explained in the
Mexican language without great difficulty, and that fome books of
,Xhe Holy Writings have been tranflated into it ; among which are thofe
of the Proverbs of Solomon, and the Apoflles ; which like thofe of
Thomas Kempis, and others, tranflated into Mexican, could not have
-^een done into thofe languages which are wanting in terms of meta-
phyfical and moral ideas. The books publillaed in Mexico on religion
are fo numerous, that of them alone might be formed a large library.
!I'o this DilTertation we fhall add a Ihort catalogue of the principal
Mexican authors, in gratitude to their labours, as well as to illuftratc
what we have advanced.
What we have faid of the Mexicans, we may, in great part, affirm
alfo of the other languages fpoken in the dominions of Mexico ; as
there are Diftionaries and Grammars of them, as well as of the
Mexican, and treatifes in religion laave been publiihed in them all.
Cetiliztti
Ometiliztli
Jcitilktli
Ttotl
Teojotl
TloqUc )
Nahuique J
Jpalnemoani
Auiacicacaconi
Cemicacjcni
Cenniancanjelitz,li
Cahuitl
Ccnjoco-ani
Cenhuclitini
Cenhueliciliztli
T lacatl
TlacajoU
Taiotl
Nanjotl
Tlalticpafthcajod
Tejolia
Teixtlamatia
TlaiTKuili/.tlt
Ixtlamachillztli
Ixuxiliztli
TIaiximarilizti
Tlancmilizcii
Unity
Eiiiity
Trjuity,, &c,
God
Divinity
He who has every thing
within himfflt.
Him by whom we live
Inconiprehenfible
Eternal
Eternity
Tiijie
Creator of all
Omnipotent
.Omnipotence
Perfnn
Perfonality
Fatherhood
Motherhood
Humanity
Soul
Mind
Wiidnm
Rcafon
Comprehcnfion
Knowledge
Thought
TIalcahualitz.li
Tlazotlaliztli
Tlacocoiiztli
Tlamauhtiliztli
Netemnchiliztli
Necocoliztli
NejoltequipachoUztU
Eilehutliztli
Qualtihuani J
Jeftihuani J
Aqnallotl
Tolchicahualiztli
Tlaixjtjecoliztli
jollomachiliztii
Tlamelahiracachicahualiztli
JoUuiciliztli
Tlapaccaihijohuiliztli
Tlanemafliliztli
Paccancmiliztli
T l.itlacajotl
Nccno.matiliztli
Tlazocamatiliztli
Nepohualiziii
Teojthuacatiliztli
N'cxicolitli
Tlatsihuiliztli
Forgetfulnefs
Lovo-
Hatred
Fear
Hops
Pain
Repentance
Defire
Virtue
Malice
Strength
Temperance
Prudence
Juftice
Magnanimity
Patience
Libcral.'ty
Gentlenefs
Benign'ty
Humility
Gratitude
Pjide
Avarice
Envy
Sioth
Thofe
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
m,
Thofe Europeans who have learned the Mexican tongue give it the DISSERT.
higheft praifes, and equal it to the Latin ; foinc to the Greek, as we
have already oblerved. Boturini affirms, that in urbanity, politenefs,.
nnd fublimiry of expreflions, no language can be compaj-ed with the
Mexican. This author was not a Spaniard, but Milanefe,. learned and
critical. He knew at leail tiie Latin, Italian, French, and Spanilh,,
and of the Mexican fo much as to be able to make the comparative
judgment. Let M. de Paw, therefore, obferve his error, and learn
not to decide on matters of which he is ignorant.
Among the proofs on which count de Buffon would reft his fy-ftem
of the i-eccnt organization of the matter of the new world, he fays, that
the organs of the Americans were rude, and their language barbarous. -
*• Obferve," he adds " the liA of their animals, their names arefo didicult
** to be pronounced, it is wonderful that any European ever took the
" trouble of writing them>" but we do not fo much wonder at their
taking the trouble of writing them as at their negligence in copying
them. Among all the European authors who have written the natural
and civil hiilory of Mexico, in Europe, we meet with no one who has-
not fomuch altered the names of perfons, animals, and cities, that it is
impofBble to guefs at what they mean. The hidory of the animals of
Mexico parted from the ha,nds of Hernandez to N. A. Recchi, who
knew nothing, of the Mexican ; from Recchi, to the Lincean academi-
cians at Rome, who have publillied it with notes and diilcrtations ;
and count de Buffon made ufe of this edition. Among the hands of
fb many Europeans ignorant of the Mexican language, the names of
the animals could not at leaft efcape alteration. To (hew the altera-
tions which they have fuffered in the hands of count de Buffon, it v.ill
be fufficient to compare the Mexican names in the hiftory of that
philofopher, with thofe of the Roman edition of Hernandez. It is
certain, that the difficulty which we find to pronounce a language to
which we are not accuftomed, and particularly if the articulation of it
is different from that of our own, is no proof that it is barbarous.
The fame difficulty which count de Buffon finds to pronounce tlie
M(-Xtcan names, would be felt by a Mexican who would pronounce
the French names. Thofe who are accuflomed to the Spanilh lan-
guage, find great difficulty to pronounce the German and Poiii)!,
and
VI.
400
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, .jnd ellcem them the moft tough and harAi of all languages. The
Mexican language has not been our mother tongue, nor did we
learn it in infancy '; yet the Mexican names produced by count de Buf-
fon as an argument of the barbarity of that .tongue, appear to us be-
yond comparifon more eafy to be pronounced than many others taken
from other European languages, which he adopts in his Natural
Hiilory (_)') J and, perhaps, will appear fo to many Europeans who
are not ufed to either of the languages ; and there will not be wanting
perfons who will wonder that count de Buffon has taken the trouble
to write thofe names which are capable of terrifying the moll
courageous readers. In fhort, with rcfpeótto the American languages,
he out^ht to repofe in the judgment of thofe Europeans who have
known them, rather than in the opinion of thofe who have not. .
SECT. VII.
Of the haws of the Mexicans.
MR. de Paw, defirous of oppofmg that antiquity which Gemelli,
by miftake, has attributed to the court of Mexico, alledges the anarchy
of their government y and the fear city of their laws ; and treating of the
government of the Peruvians, fays, that there cannot be laws in a
itate of defpotlfm ; and although they may have once been, it is impollible
to make an analyfis of them, becaufe we do not know them ; nor can
we know them, becaufe they were never written, and the memory of
tliem neceffarily terminated with the death of thofe who knew them.
No body has made mention of the anarchy of the kingdom of Mexi-
co till M. de Paw came to the world, whofe brain feems to have a
particular organization to underftand things in a manner contraiy to all
other men. No perfon is fo ignorant of the hiilory of Mexico, as
not to know that thofe people were fubjeded to particular heads and
(y) The le-.iiler will pleafe to lead and compare the following names uliich the count de
Burtou has adiiptcJ with thofe which he has taken and altered from the iNIexican lan^ua-c :
■Baurct nianet-jc3
JSrand hirts
.dicmik-lkarzccfek
• ildgiers diur
Mifzcwchovva
Staclu 1-fch vveia
Scebeufchlafer
Sterzeczleck
Nicdr.vvicdz
Przavvlafka
Meer-fchvvein
Sczurcz, ice.
the
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e D. 401
the whole ftate to a chief who was kins: of Mexico. All hiftorians dissert.
record the great authority of that fovcreign, and the high refpeit his u— \'-~-j
vaflals bore him : if this is anarchv, then all the ftates of the world
are furely anarchifed.
Defpotifm was not introduced into Mexico until the laft years of
the monarchy : in prior times the kings had always refpeded the laws
eftablilhcd by their anceiiors, and attended zealoufly to the obfervance
of them. Even in the reign of Montezuma II. who was the only
truly defpotic king, the magiftrates governed according to the laws,
and Montezuma himfelf puniflied tranfgreflbrs feverely ; and abufed
his power only in things which ferved to increafe his wealth and his
authority.
Thofe laws were never written, but they were perpetuated in the
memories of men, not only by tradition but alfo by paintings. No fub-
jedl was ignorant of them, becaufe fathers of families did not fail to in-
ftru(ft their children in them, that they might avoid tranfgreflion, and
cfcape punifhment. The copies of the paintings of the laws were un-
queftionably infinite in number, becaufe, although they underwent a
furious perfecution from the Spaniards, we have feen many of them.
The underflanding of thofe paintings is not difficult to any perfon, who
has a knowledge of the manner in which the Mexicans ufually reprelbnted
things, tlie charadlers which they made ufe of, and their language ; but
to M. de Paw they would be as unintelligible as thofe of the Chinefe ex-
preffed in the proper characters of that nation. Befides, after the con-
quell many intelligent Mexicans wrote in European charadlers the laws
of Mexico, Acolhuacan, Tczcuco, Michuacan, &cc. ; amongrt: others,
D. F. de Alba Ixtlilxochitl, wrote in Spnnifh the eighty laws former-
ly publilhed by his anceftor king Nezahualcojotl, as we have already
mentioned. The Spaniards afterwards inveftigated the laws of thole
nations with more diligence than any other part of their hiftory, be-
caufe the knowledge of them v.'as eflentially requilite to tlic chriftian
government civil and ecclefiaftical ; particularly in refpciit to mar-
riages, the privileges of the nobility, the conditions of vaflalage, and of
Haves. They gained information from the mouths of the Indians who
were the bell: inilrudted, and they ftudied tlieir ancient paintings.
Belidcs the firlV miifionaries, who laboured fuccefsfully in this under-
Vot.. II. Fff ' taking,
402 HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DiS'^i'.RT- takinrr, D. A. Zurita one of the principal judges of Mexico, learned
^ ■ on the fubjed: of the law, and acquainted with thofe countries, made
diligent enquiry, by order of the catholic king, into their government
and compofed that very ufeful work, which we have mentioned in our
catalogue of writers of the ancient hiftory of Mexico. Thus the laws-
of the Mexicans came to be known although they were never written.
But what fort of laws ? " Many of them worthy," fays Acofla,
" of our admiration, and according to which thofe nations Ihould ftiU
" be governed in their Chriftianity." The conftitution of their fiate,
with refpeft, to the fucceffion to the crown, could not have been
better framed, as by means of it they not only avoided the inconveni-
encies of hereditary fucceffion, but thofe of elecftion alfo. An indi-
vidual of the royal family was always chofen king, both to preferve
the dignity and fplendour of the crown, and to hinder the throne
from ever being occupied by a man of low birth. As a fon did not
fucceed but a brother, there was no danger of fo high and important
a charge being expofed to the indiicretion of a youth, or the llratagems
of an ambitious regent.
If the brothers had fucceeded according to the order of their birth^
the crown would neceffarily have fometimes fallen to a perfon unfit to-
govern; and it could have happened befides, that the prefumptive heir-
might plot againft the life of the fovereign. Both thofe inconveni-
cncies were obviated by the elecflion. The eledlors chofe firil among
the brothers of the deceafed kings ; and on failure of brothers, among
the fons of former kingSj the fitteli perfoa for the command of
the nation. If it hxad been in the power of the king to have named
the eledors, he could have chofen thofe who would, have been moil
'hivourable to his defigns, and procured their votes in favour of that:
brother who was moft dear to him, or perhaps in favour of a fon,,
without adhering to the fundamental laws of the ftate j but it was
otherwife, for the eledtors themfelves were eledted by the body of the
nobility, which included the fuffrages of the whole nation. If the
office of the eleftors bad been perpetual, they uiigiit,, by an abufe of
their authority, have become the patrons of the monarchy ; but as their
declorai power finiffied with the firlf eledlion, and other new elctìors
were thofen for the next eledion, it was not eafy for ambition to ulur^
2 authority.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
4^3
authority. Laftly, To avoid other inconveniences, the real eledors were- DT^^SF.RT.
not more than four in number, men of the firfl nobihty, of known pro- ^""
bity and prudence. It is true, that after all thofe precautions, difor-
ders could not always be avoided : but what government amongll men
has apt been exjiofed to greater evils ? ,
The Mexican nation was warlike, and required a ciiief who was in^\
trepid, and experienced in the art of war ; what culloni, therefore,,
could be more conducive to fuch end, than that of not eledinj any one
king who had not, by his merits, obtained the charge of general of tlie
army ; and of not crowning him who had not, after his eledion, taken
himelf the vi(5tims which, accordine!: to their fyllem of religion , were
to he facrificed at the feflival of his coronation.
The fpeed with which the Mexicans threw off the Tepanecan yoke,
and the glory they acquired by their arms in the conquell of Azcapo-
zalco, naturally excited the rivahhip and jealoufy of their neighbours,
and particularly the king of Acolhuacan, who had been, and. was at
that time, the greateft king of all that land ; but the throne of Mexico,
being ftill in a tottering condition, required a firm prop to fupport
it. The king of Acolhuacan, who had recently recovered, by the aid
of the Mexicans, that crown which had been ufurped by the tyrant
Tezozomoc, had reafon to apprehend fome powerful fubjedt, following;
the fteps of that t\'rant, might excite a rebellion in his kingdom, and
deprive him, like his father, of his crown and hisdife. 1'hc king of
Tlacopan, who was on a newly elhiblilhed throne not very power-i
fui, had ftill more to fear. Kach of thofe kings by himlèlf. Wi)S.,Ì5!
no fiate of fecurity, and had reafon to be diffident of the other two ; bup
by uniting together, they could form an invincible power. Thev
theretbre made a triple alliance, which rendered each ot them Iccurc
with refpe<ft to the other two, and all three fo with regard to their
fubje(fh. This was the alhance which fortified the thrones of Acol-
huacan andTacuba, and paved the way for the conquells of the Mexi-
cans ; an alliance fo firm and well concerted, that it larted, until th«
arrival of the Spaniards. This fingle political arrangen^nt is fuf-
ficient to evince the difcernnicnt and figacity of thofe nations.
The judicial forms of the Mexicans aiid Tezcucans afrbrd in.uiy
ufcful political lefTons;' The diV<rt}ty ot rank in..the magiikaies .con-,
1-' fi" ?. . tribù ted
404 H I S T O R y O F jM E X I C O. ,
DIbSF.RT. tributed to good order -, their attendance in the tribunals, from the break
of day until the evening fliortened the procefs of caufes, and prevented
many clandeftine pratì:ices which might have interefled their de-
cifions. The capital punifhments prefcribed againft prevaricators of
juftice, the pundluality of their execution, and the vigilance of the
fovereigns, kept the magiftrates in check ; [and that care vv^hich was
taken to fupply them with every neceffary at the expence of the king,
rendered any mifcondud: in them inexcufable. Thole alfemblies which
were held before the fovereign every twenty days, and particularly that
general affembly of the whole of the magiftrates every eighty days, to ter-
minate all caufes then depending, behdes avoiding all the evils occa-
fioned by the delay of juftice, were produtShive of a con:imunication
between the magiftrates of their different lights, made the king
know thofe whom he had conftituted the delegates of his authority,
innocence had more refources, and the form of judicature rendered
juftice ftill more refpeftable. That law which permitted an appeal
from the tribunal of the Tlacatecatl to that of the Cihuacoatl in cri-
minal but not in civil caufes, evinces that the Mexicans, refpeding
the laws of humanity, difcerned, that there was more required to
prove a man guilty of fuch crimes than to declare him a debtor. In
the trials of the Mexicans they admitted no other proof againft
the accufed than that of witneffes. They never made ufe of the
torture to make the innocent declare themfelves guilty, nor thofe
barbarous proofs by duel, fire, boiling-water, and fucli like, that were
formerly fo frequent in Europe, and which we now read of in hi-
ftory with amazement and abhorrence. " There will be no perfon
*' who will not wonder," fays Montefquieu, fpeaking on this fub-
jeft, " that cur anceftors made the fame, fortune, and property
** of citizens depend on certain things which belonged lefs to law and
" reafon than to chance, and that they lliould have ufed conftantly
•^ *' thofe proofs which were neither connected with innocence nor
" guilt : what we now fay of thofe proofs pofterity will fay of tlie
" torture, and will never ceafe to wonder that fuch a kind of proof
" was generally in ufe, for fo many centuries, in the moft enlighten-
■" ed part of the world." An oath v/as of great weight in the trials
ef the Mexicans, as we have already faid ; becaufe, as tlaey were con-
vinced
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 405
vlnced of the terrible punlfliments inflidted by the gods on thofe who DISSERT,
perjured thcmlelves, they conceived no one would dare to oftend
againft them ; but we do not know that this kind of proof was permit-
ted to the profccutors againft the accuied, but only to the accufed to
clear hinifelf from the crime imputed to him.
The Mexicans puniOied with fcverity all the crimes which are par-
ticularly repugnant to nature, or prejudicial to a ftate, fuch as high
treafon, murder, theft, adultery, inceft, and other excelTes of this
kind ; facrilege, drunkennefs, and lying. So tar they conducted them-
felves wifely in punifliing mifdeeds j but they erred in the meafure of
the punifliment, which in fome cafes was excefllve and cruel. We
do not attempt to palliate the failings of that nation, but neither can
we avoid obferving, that the molt famous people of the old continent
have afforded fuch examples of error and vice in their legiflature, as
make the laws of the Mexicans appear comparatively more mild
and conformable to reafon. " The celebrated laws of the Twelve
*' Tables are full," fays Montefquieu, " of the moft cruel ordina-
" tions ; attend to the punilhment of fire, and other fentences,
"which are always capital." Yet this is that mofh famous com-
pilition which the Romans made from the befl they found among
the Greeks, If then tiie beA; laws of greatly poliilicd Greece were
fuch, what muft thofe have been which were not fo good .-* What
fort of legillature muft thofe people have had whom they called,
bcirbarous ? What can be more inhuman and cruel than that law of
the Twelve Tables which permitted creditors to divide the body of a
debtor who did laot pay, and each creditor to take a portion of in fatis-
fa<lHon of his debt ? This law was not publifhed in the rude be-
ginning of that renowned city, but three hundred years after its
foundation. What could be more iniquitous than that law of
the famous legiflator I.ycurgus, which permitted theft to the Lacede-
monians ? The Mexicans puniihed this pernicious crime, but not
capitally, except where the thief was unable to pay for the offence
with his liberty or with his goods. But this law was not the fame in
cafes of robbery iVom the fields ; becaule, thefe lying more expofed to
be plundered, required to be n:\ore guarded by the laws : but this very
bw which prefcribed capital punilhment againft the perfun who rob-
b-d.
7
4o6 n I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DlSSETxT, tied a certain quantity of fruit or maize, permitted neceflltous travel-
lers to eat as much as was neceilary to fupply prefent want. How
much more reafonable and juft was this law than that of the Twelve
Tables, which condemned without diftindtion every perfon to be hang-
ed who ftole any thing from the field of another.
Lying, that pernicious crime to fociety, was left unpunirtied in moft
countries of the old continent, but in Japan was frequently punilhed
with death. The Mexicans kept at an equal diflance from both ex-
tremes. Their legiflators, who difcerned the genius and turn of the
nation, perceived, that if they did not prefcribe a heavy pain againll
lying and drunkennefs, truth would be wanting at trials of julticc,
and fliith difregarded in contraóls. Experience has fhewn how pre-
iudicinl impunity in thofe two crimes has been to thofe nations.
But in the midft of their feverity the Mexicans were cautious not to
involve the innocent in punirtiment with the guilty. Many laws of Eu-
rope and Afia prefcribed the lame punifhmentagainll: thofe guilty of high
treafon, and their families. The Mexicans made the crime capital ; they
did not, however, deprive the relations of the traitor of life, but only
of liberty ; and not all of them neither, but only thofe who, con-'
fcious of the treafon, had not made a difcovery, and thereby made
themfelves criminal. How much more hnmane is this than the law
of japan. " Thofe laws," fays Montcfqueu, " by which they punifli
" a whole family for a fingle crime, or a whole diftrióì: j thofe laws
*' which do not difcriminate the innocent where there are any guilty."
We do not know that the Mexicans prefcribed any punifliment againll
thofe who fpoke ill of the government ; it appears that they did not
pay niuch regard to that liberty of fpeech in the fubjedts, which is fo
much feared in other countries.
Their laws concerning marriage were unqueflionably more decent
and becoming than thofe ol tlie Romans, the Greeks, the Perfians,
the Egyptians, and ether people of the old continent. The Tartars
marry their daughters • the ancient Perlians and Allyrians took their
mothers to wifej the Athenians and Egyptians their lifters. In
?VIexico every marriage was forbid between perfons connefted in the
firft degree of confanguinity or attinity, except thofe between brothers
2j]d fifters in law, where the brotlier in dying left a fon. That pro-
hibition
H I 3 T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 407
hibition fhews, that the Mexicans judged more juftly of matrimony DISSKRT.
than all the above mentioned nations. That exception demon llirates \_.-,- *
their humanity of fentiments. If a widow married a fecond time, lli^
had frequently the difpleafure of feeing her children little beloved by a
lather who did not give them biith : the new hivlbund little refpec^ed
by his children, who confidcred him as a flranger ; and the children of
each marriage as difcordant among themfelves, as if they were born of
different mothers. What better meafure could thole nations have
adopted, than that of marrying widows with their brothers-in-law.
Many ancient nations of Europe, imitated by not a itw of the
modern people of Afia and Africa, bought their wives ; and, on that
account, exercifedover them an authority greater thaa the Author of na-
ture has intended, and treated them more like Haves than companions.
The Mexicans did not obtairv their wives but by lawful and honour-
able pretenfions ; and though they prefented gifts to' the parents, thofe
were not given as a price for the daughter whom tliey courted, but
merely a piece of civility to gain their good will, and difpofe the pa-
rents to the contradl. The Romans, although they did not fcruple
to lend their wives (i), had, notwithftanding, a right by law to take
away their lives whenever they found them out in adultery. This ini-
quitous law, which made the hufband judge and executioner in his-
own caule, inflead of hindering adulteries, increafed parricides. A-
mong the Mexicans, that infamous commerce with wives- was not per-
mitted ; nor had they any authority over their lives. He who took
away his wife's life, was, although he caught her iu adultery, pu-
nillied with death. Tliis, they faid, wa^ to ufurp the authority of
the magiftrates, to whom it belonged to take cogniJancc of crimes, and
to chaftife criminals according to lav/. Before tliat law Julia dc Adul-
teriis was made by Auguffus, we do not know, fays Fives {a),, that a
caufe of adultery was ever tried in Rome j as much as to fay, that
that celebrated nation failed in juHice in a point oi this importance for
feven centuries.
(z.) In Rome, fays IMontcfquteUj the hufband was- permitted to lenJ his wife to another
pcffon. It is kiiou-n thut Cato I-nt his wife to Hortenlius, an.il Cito was incapable of vi<i-
latinj^ the laws of his coiiptry. Liv. xxv,
{al L'Efprit de Loi.x, liv. xx. chap. 14.
If
4o8 HISTORYOFMEXICO.
DISSERT. If, after making a companion of the laws, we fliould alfo compare
the nuptial rites of the tv/o nations, we fliould find in them both
a great deal of fuperflition ; but in other refpeóls a ftrong difference
between them ; thofe of the Mexicans were decent and becoming,
thofe of the Romans indecent and reproachable.
In regard to the laws of war, it is feldom we meet with them jufl,
among a warlike people ; the great efleem of valour and military glory»
creates enemies of thofe who are not otherwife hoftile ; and ambition
to conquer inftigates them to trefpafs on the limits prefcribed byjul-
tice. Neverthelefs, in the laws of the Mexicans, traits appear which
would do honour to more cultivated nations. They never declared
war until they had examined the motives for it in full council, and
received the approbation of the high-prieft. Bcfides, they generally
endeavoured by embafiies and mellliges, to thofe on whom war was de-
ligned, to bring about what they wiflied by peaceable meafures, before
they proceeded to a rupture. Thofe kinds of delay gave their enemies
time to prepare themfelves for defence ; and befides, the juflification
of their condudl, contributed to make it attended with honour ; as it
was efteemed very bafe to make war on an unguarded enemy without
having firll challenged them, that vidoiy might never be afcribed to
any thing elfe than their bravery.
It is true, that thefe laws were not always obferved, but they were
not therefore lefs juft ; and if there was any injuflice in the conquefts
of the Mexicans, it was certainly not lefs in thofe of the Grecians,
Romans, Perfians, Goths, and other celebrated nations. One of the
great evils attending on war is that of famine, from the wade com-
mitted by enemies on the fields. It is not poiTible totally to prevent
this evil J but if there ever has been any thing capable of moderating
it, it was certainly that ufage of the Mexicans, and other nations of
Anahuac, of having in every province a place appointed for the field
of battle. The other cullom which they had of making every fifth
day, in time of war, a day of truce and repofe, was not lefs dicftated
by humanity than reafon.
Thofe nations had formed a fpecics of Jus gc7ìtìum, by virtue of
which, if the chief, the nobility, and people, rejected the propofitions
made them by another people, or nation, and left the decifion of a point
to
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
409
to arms; if they were conquered, the chief loft his fovereign power j DISSERT,
the nobility, the fupreme right which they had over their poflelTions ; ^^'
the common people were fubjeded to perfonal fervicej and all thofe who
had been made prifoners in the heat of battle were, quafi ex delitlo, de-
prived of liberty, and the right of life. This is certainly contrary to
our ideas of humanity; but the general agreement of thofe people in
fuch cufloms rendered their inhumanity lefs culpable, and examples
much more barbarous among the moft cultivated nations of the old con-
tinent, diflipate the horror which on firft confideration is occafioned by
the cruelty of thofe people of America. Among the Greeks, fays Mon-
tefquieu («), the inhabitants of a city taken by force of arms loft their
liberty, and were fold as flaves. Certainly, the inhumanity which the
Mexicans fliewed to the prifoners of their enemy, is not to be com-
pared with that which the Athenians ufed towards their own citizens.
A law of Athens, fays the f\me author, ordained, that whenever tlie
city was befieged, all ufelefs people fliould be put to death. We fhall
not find among the Mexicans, er any other polidied nation of the new
world, a law fo barbarous as this of the moft cultivated people of an-
cient Europe. The greateft anxiety, on the contrary, of the Mexicans,
and other people of Anahuac, whenever any of their cities was be-
fieged, was to lodge their women, children, and invalids, in a place of
fecurity, by fending them to other cities, or into the mountains. By
thefe means, they protected the defencelefs members of the com-
munity from the fury of the enemy, and prevented all unneceflary
confumption of provilions.
The tribute which they paid to the king of Anahuac was exorbi-
tant, and the laws which enforced them were tyrannical ; but thofe
laws were the effeifls of delpotifm, introduced in the laft years of the
Mexican monarchy; which, at its greateft height, never reached that
excefs of monopolizing the lands of an empire, and the property ot
the fubjedls, which we juftly condemn in Afiatic monarchs ; nor were
there ever laws publillied refpedling tributes fo extravagant and fe-
vere as thofe which have been publilhcd in the old world ; as for exam-
ple, by the emperor Anaftafius, who laid a tax even on breathing ;
** Vt unufquifque pro haujlu aris pendat."
(a) L'Efpiit dc loix, Liv. XX. ch. 14.
Vol. II. G g s - But
410 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. But if we cenfure the tyrannical ambition of thofe monarchs in the
*— >-^/— ^ laws on tributes, we cannot at leali but admire and praife the refine-
ment of thofe nations, and the prudence of their legiflators in the laws
of commerce. They had, in every city or village, a public place or
fquare, appropriated for the traffic of every thing which could fupply
the Heceffities and pleafures of life ; where all merchants aflembled for
the more fpeedy difpatch of bufmefs, which they tranfadted under the
eyes of infpeiflors, or commiflaries, in order that frauds niight be pre-
vented, and all diforder in contracts avoided. Every merchandize had
its particular place, which preferved order and convenience to thofe
who wiflied to make purchafes. The tribunal of commerce, efta-
blilhed in the fame fquare, to determine difputes between dealers,
and to punifh inftantaneoufly every offence committed there, pre-
ferved tile rights of juftice inviolate, and fecured the public tran-
quillity. To thefe wife difpofitions was owing that wonderful order,
which, in the midft of fuch an immenfe crowd of merchants and
merchandize, raifed the admiration of the firft Spaniards.
Laflly, in the laws refpeóting flaves, the Mexicans were fuperior to
all the moft cultivated nations of ancient, and perhaps, modern Eu-
rope. If we compare the laws of the Mexicans with thofe of the Ro-
mans, Lacedaemonians, and other celebrated people, we fhall perceive
in the latter a barbarity that is fliocking and cruel ; in the former, the
greatefl humanity and refpeft to the laws of nature. We do not fpeak
here of prifoners of war. What could be more humane tlian that law
Ashich made men born of flaves free ; which allowed a flave a property
in his goods, and in whatever he acquired with his own indufl:ry and toil ;
which exafted of the owner to treat his flaves like men, and not like
beafl:s ; which gave him no authority over his life, and even deprived
him of the power of felling him at market, unlefs it was after he had,
in a lawful manner, declared him intradlable and incorrigible : how
different were the Roman laws ? They, from the high authority grant-
ed to them by the laws, were not only owners of all tlie property of
their flaves, but .likevvife of their lives, of wliich {ò) tliey deprived
(Ò) It IS not wonderful that the Romans granted that b.iibaroiis authority to owners over
their flaves, fince they granted it to fathers over their lawful chiklrcn r Etdo Hbiris jiijiijat
v./ff , meis, vatuinda?idiqi(t fotefias FatTÌ%
them
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 411
them at pleafure ; treated them with the greatefl inliumanity, and PISSKRT.
made them fulTcr the mofl cruel torments ; and what rtill fliews
niore ftrongly the inhuman difpolltion of this nation, while they en-
larged the authority of owners of flaves, they reftrained whatever was
in their fiivour. The law Pv/m Caninia, forbid owners to free by will
more than a certain number of flaves. By the SHanian law it \vas or-
dered, that whenever an owner was killed, all the flaves who inhabit-
ed the fame houfe fliould be put to death, or in any place near where
they could hear his voice. If he was killed on a journey, all the flaves
Tvho were with him, and alfo all thofe who fled, however manifeil their
innocence, were put to death. The Aquilian law made no diftinftiou
between the wound given to a flave, and that given to a beali:. So far
was the barbarity of the very poliflied Romans carried.- The laws of
the Lacedaemonians were not more humane, which permitted no flave
to have redrefs at law againfl; thofe \x\\o infulted or injured him.
If, in addition to what we have faid hitherto, we fliould compare
the fyflem of education of the Mexicans with that of the Greeks, it
would appear that the latter did not inftrud: their youth fo feduloufly
in the arts and fciences as the Mexicans taught their children the
cufl:oms of their nation. The Greeks endeavoured to inform the
mind, the Mexicans to form the heart. The Atiienians proftituted
their youth to the moft execrable obfcenities in thofe very fchools \vhich
were deftined for their infl:ru(ftion in the arts. The Lacedicmonians
tutored their children according to the prefcriptioiis of Lycurgus, in
ftealing, in order to make them crafty and adtive, and whipped them
feverely when they caught them in any theft ; not for the theft, but
for their want of dexterity, and being detected. But the Mexicans
taught their children, together with the arts, religion, modelly, ho-
nefty, fobriety, labour, love of truth, and refpedt tofuperiors.
Thus we have given a fliort but true pidlure of the progrefs in refine-
ment of the Mexicans taken froni their ancient hiftory; from their paint-
ings, and the accounts of the moli corredi Spanilh hillorians. Thus were
thofe people governed whom M. de Paw thinks the moll favage in the
world. Thus were thofe people governed who are inferior in induftry
and fagacity to the rudeft: people of the old continent. Thus were
thofe people governed of whoic rationality fome Europeans have
doubted.
(; g g 2 C A T A-
[ 412 1
DISSERT.
VI;
CATALOGUE
OF SOME
European and Creole Authors, who have written on the Doctrines;
of Christianity and Morality, in the Languages of
New Spain.
A. &aads {or ^ugu^inia/t. T>. ior Dominican. Y . ii>r Francifcan. ]. ior J^r/uit. T, ioi Se
ciilar Piicfi ; and (*) denotes, that the Author printed fame of his Works.
In the Mexican Language.
* A G. de Betancurt, F. Creole.
Al. de Efcalona, F. Span.
AL de Herrera, F. Spaniard.
* Al. Molina, F. Spaniard.
Al. Range], F. Spaniard.
Al. de Truxillo, F. Creole.
And. de Olmus, F. Spaniard.
Ant. Davila Padilla, D. Creole.
Ant. de Tovar Montez. P. Cr.
Ara. Baflace F. Frenchman.
Baldadlire del Caftillo,-F. Sp.
Bald. Gon-zalez, J. Creole.
Barn. Pacz, A. Creole.
Barn. Vargas, P. Creole.
Bart, de Alba, P. Creole.
Ben. Fernandez, D. Spaniard.
Ber. Pinelo, P. Creole.
* Ber. de Sahagun, F. Spaniard.
^ Car. de Tapia Ccnteno, P. Cr.
Fil. E'iez. F. Spaniard.
Fran. Gomez, F. Spaniard.
Fran. Ximenez, F. Spaniard.
Garcia de Cifneros, F. Spaniard-
Juan de la Anunciacion, A. Sp.
^
Juan de Ayora, F. Spaniard.
Juan Battifla, F. Creole.
Juan de S. Francifco, F. Span,
Jean Focher, F. Frenchman.
* Juan de Gaona, F. Spaniard.
* Juan Mijangos.
Juan de Ribas, F. Spaniards
Juan de Romanones, F. Sp.
Juan de Torquemada, F. Sp-,
Juan de Tovar, J. Creole.
Jerom Mendieta, F. Spaniards
* Jof. Perez, F. Creole.
* Ign. de Paredes, J. Creole.
* Louis Rodriguez, F.
* Mart, de Leon, D. Creole.
* Mat. Gilbert, F. Frenchman.
Mich. Zarate, F.
* Pierre de Gante, F. Fleming.
Pedro de Oroz, F. Spaniard.
■* Tori bio de Benavente, F. Sp.
In the Otomjse Language,.
Al. Rangel.
Barnaba de Vargas
* Fran, de Miranda, J. Creole,
Gio. di Dio Callro, J. Creole.
Orazio
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
4»3
Orazio Carochi, J. Milanefe.
Pedro Palacios, F. Spaniard.
Pedro de Oroz.
Scb. Ribero, F.
N. Sanchez, P. Creole.
In theTarascan Language
* Mat. Gilbert.
Juan Battifta Lagunas, F.
* Angelo Sierra, F. Creole.
In the Zapotecan Lan-
guage.
Bernardo de Albuquerque D. Sp.
and bifhop of Guajaca.
Al. Camacho, D. Creole.
Ant. del Pozo, D. Creole.
Crlft. Aguero, D. Creole.
In theMiztecanLanguage.
Ant. Gonzalez, D. Creole.
* Ant. de los Reyes, D. Span.
Ben. Fernandez, D. Spaniard.
In the Maya Language.
Al. de Solana, F. Spaniard.
And. de Avendaiio, F. Creole.
Ant. de Ciudad Real,. Span.
Bern, de Valladolid, F. Span.
Car. Mena, F. Creole. »
Jof. Dominguez, F. Creole.
In the Totonacan Lan-
guage.
And. de Olmos.
Ant. de Santoyo, P. Creole.
Crift. Diaz de Anaya, P. Creole.
In the Popoluc an Language.
Fran.Toral, F. Sp.bp. of Yucatan.
In the Matlazincan Lan- dissert.
VI.
GUAGE.' .
Andrea de Caftro, F. Span.
In the Huaxtecan Lan«
guage.
And. de Olmos.
* Car. de Tapia Centeno.
In the Mixe Language,
* Ag. Quintana, D. Creole.
In the Kiche' Language.
Bart, de Anleo, F. Creole.
Ag. de Avila. F.
In the Cakclquel- Lan-
guage.
Bart, de Anleo.
ALv. Paz, F. Creole.
Ant. Saz, F. Creole.
Ben. de Villacana*;, D. Cr«ole, '
In the Taraumaran Lan-
guage.
Ag. Roa, J. Spaniard.
In the Tepehuanan Lan-
guage.
Ben. Rinaldini, G. Neapolitan.-
There are many other languages,
as alfo many other writers ; but
we omit mentioning any but
thofe vvhofe works have been,
printed, or at leaft particularly
elleemcd by the learned.
AU*
414
DISSERT.
VI.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
AUTHORS of GRAMMARS and DICTIONARIES of
the above mentioned Languages.
Of the Mexican.
"CRAN. Ximenes, Gram, and
^ Dia.
And. de Olmos, Gram, and Dift.
Bern, de Sahagun, Gram, and
Did.
* AL de Molina, Gram, and Didl,
* Car. de Tapia Centeno, Gram.
and Did.
Al RangH, Gram.
* Ant. del Rircon, J. Cr. Gram.
* Orazio Carochi, Gram.
Bern. Mercado, J. Cr. Gram.
Ant. Davila Padilla, Gram.
* Ag. de Betancurt, Gram.
Barnaba Paez, Gram.
Ant. de Tovar Montezuma, Gra.
* Ign. de Paredes, Gram.
* Ant. de Caflelu, P. Cr. Gram.
* Jof. Perez, Gram.
Gaetano de Cabrera, P. Cr. Gram.
* Ag. de Aldana y Guevara, P. Cr.
Gram.
JeanFocher,F. Frenchm.Gram.
* Ant. Cortes Canal, Indian Prieft,
'"' Gram.
Of the Otomee.
Juan Rangel, Gram.
Pedro Palacios, Gram.
Orazio Carochi, Gram.
N. Sanchez, Did.
Seb. Ribero, Did.
Giov. di Dio Caftro, Gram, and
Did.
Of the Tarascan.
* Mat. Gilbert, Gram, and Did.
* Ang. Sierra, Gram, and Did.
Juan Battiftade Lagunas, Gram.
Of the Zapotican.
Ant. del Pozo, Gram. ,
Crift. Aguero, Did.
Of the Miztecan.
Ant. de los Reyes, Gram.
Of the Maya.
And. de Avendaiio, Gram, and Did.
Ant. de Ciudad Real, Did.
Louis de Villanpando, Gram, and
Did.
* Pedro Beltran, F. Cr. Gram.
Of the Totonacan.
And. de Olmos. Gram, and Did.
Crift. Diaz de Anaya, Gram, and
Did.
Of the Populucan.
Franc. Toral, Gram, and Did.
Of the Matlazincan,
And. de Caftro, Gram, and Did.
Of
HISTORY
Of the Huaxtecan.
And. de Olmos, Gram, and Di<fl.
Car. de Tapia, Gram, and Didt.
Of the Mixe.
* Ag. Quintana, Gram, and Did.
Of the Cakchiq^el.
Bcn.deVillacanas,Gram. andDifl,
OF MEXICO.
Of the Taraumaran.
Jerom Figueroa, J. Cr. Gram, and
Dia.
Ag. de Roa, Gram.
Of the Tepehuanan.
Jeroni Figueroa, Gram, and Di(5l.
Tom. deGuadalaxara, J. Gr. Gram.
Ben. Rinaldini, Gram.
415
DESSERT.
VI.
D I S S E R.
DISSERT.
VII.
[ 416 1^ ^ ^
DISSERTA fi ON VII.
Of toe Boundaries and Population of t^k Kingdoms of Anahuac.
T.HE miftakes of many Spanifli authors concerning the bounda-
ries of the Mexican empire, and the romantic notions of M. dc
Paw, and other foreign authors, refpefting the population of thofc
countries, have compelled us to engage in this Dillertation to afcertain
the truth ; which we fliall do as briefly as poflible.
S E C T. I.
Of the Boundaries of the Kingdoms of Anahuac.
SOLIS, following feveral ill-informed Spanifli authors, affirms that
the Mexican empire extended from the ifthmus of Panama to the
cape of Mendocina in California j Touron, a French Dominican, de-
firous, in his General Hiftory of Auierica, of enlarging thofe bounda-
ries, fays, that all the difcovered countries in North America were
fubjeól to the king of Mexico ; that the extent of that empire, from
eaft to weft, was 500 leagues, and fi'om north to fouth 200, or 250
leagues : that its boundaries were on the north, the Atlantic ocean ;
in the weft, the gulf of Anian ; in the fouth, the Pacific Ocean ;
and in the eafl, the illhmus of Panama ; but befides the geographical
errors of this defcription, there is alfo a contradiction in it ; becaufe,
if it ever were true, that that empire extended from the ifthmus of
Panama to the gulf or ftrait of Anian, the extent of it would not be
only 500, but 1000 leagues, as it would not comprehend lefs thaiì
50 degrees.
The origin of this error Is, that thofe authors were perfuaded that
there was ito other fovereign in Anahuac, but that of Mexico : that
the kings of Acolhuacan and Tlacopan were his fubjeds, and that the
Michuacanefe and Tlafcalans, alfo depending en that crown, had lat-
terly
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
417
terly rebelled. But none of thofe ftates ever belonged to the kin?- dissert.
A' T T
dom of Mexico. This appears evident from the teflimony of all the ^^ '
Indian hiftorians, and all the Spaniih writers who received their in-
formation from them ; namely, Motolinia, Sahagun, and Torquema-
da. The king of Acolhuacan had always been the ally of Mexico,
from the year 1424, but was never the fubjed. It is true, that when
the Spaniards arrived there, the king Cacamatzin appeared to depend
on his uncle Montezuma ; becaufe, on account of the rebellious fpirit
of his brother Ixtlilxochitl he required the protei ion of the Mejcicans.
The Spaniards afterwards fiiw Cacamatzin corneas ambafiò.dor from the
king of Mexico, and ferve hjrn likewife in other capacities. They faw
him ahb led prifoner to Mexico, by order of Montezuma. All this ren-
ders the errors of the Spaniards, in great meafure, very excufible; but
it is certain, that thofe demonilrations of fervices towards Montezuma
were not thofe of a vaflal to his king, but thofe of a nephew to his
uncle ; and that Montezuma, in ordering him to be taken to pleafe the
Spaniards, arrogated to himfelf an authority which did not belong to
him, and did that king a heavy injury, of which he afterwards repented.
As to the king of Tlacopan, it is true, that he was created a fovereign
by the king of Mexico, but he had abfolute and fupreme dominion
over his ftates, on the fingle condition of being the perpetual ally of
the Mexicans, and of giving them alliftance with his troops whenever it
was neceflary. The king of Michuacan, and the republic of Tlafcala,
were always rivals and profelTed enemies of the Mexicans, and there
is no memory that either the one or the other was ever fubjed to the
crown of Mexico.
The fame thing might be f.iid of many other countries which the
Spaniih hiftorians believed to be provinces of the Mexican empire.
How was it pofiible that a nation, which was reduced to a fingle city,
under the dominion of the Tepanecas, fhould, in lefs than a century,
fubdue fo many people as were between the iflhmus of Panama and
California ? What the Mexicans really did, though far iefs than the
above mentioned authors report, was truly furpriling, and would not
be credible, if the rapidity of their conquefts had not been confirmed'
by Lnconteftible proof. Neither in the narratives of the Indian hillo-
rians, nor in the enumeration of the ftates conquered by the kings of
Vol. II. H h ]i Mexico,
41
HISTORY OF M E X I C O.
VI
DISSERT-: Mexico, which is found in the colledion of Mendoza, nor in the re-
gifter of the tributary cities explained in that colledlion, can \ve find
any foundation for afl'enting to that arbitrary enlargement of the Mexi-
can dominions ; but, on the contrary, it is entirely contradidted by
gernal Diaz. He, in the xciii' chapter of his hiftory fays, *' the great
" Montezu'.ria had feveral garrifons and people of war on the frontiers
•* of his ftates. He had one in Soconufco, to defend himfelf on the
*^' fide of Guatimala and Chiapa; another to defend himfelf from the
" Panuchefe, between Tuzapan and that place, which we csM^/meria ;,
" another in Coatzacualco, and another in Michuacan (<:).''
We are certain, therefore, in the firfl place, that the Mexican do-
minions did not extend in the fouth beyond Xoconocho, and that none
of all the provinces which at prefent are comprehended in the diocefes
of Guatimala, Nicaragua, and Honduras, belonged to the Mexican
empire. In our iv'^ book we have laid, that 'Tliltototl, a celebrated
Mexican general, in the laft years of king Ahuitzotl, carried his vic-
torious arms as far as Guatimala j but there we alfo add, that it is not
known that that country remained fubjedt to the crown of Mexico ;
the contrary appears rather from hiftory to be the truth, Torquemada,.
in book ii. c. 8i. makes mention of the conqueft of Nicaragua by the-
Mexicans, but what he affirms there of an army of the Mexicans in the.
time of Montezuma, is in book iii. c. i o. attributed by him to a colony
which had gone out many years before, by order of the gods, from,
the neighbourhood of Xoconocho j wherefore his account is not to be
depended upon.
Bernal Diaz, in chap, clxvi. expreffly affirms, that the Chiapanele.
were never fubdued by the Mexicans ; but this is not to be underftood
of their whole country, but of a part only ; becaufe we know from
Remezal, Chronicler of that province, that the Mexicans had a garri-
fon in Tzinacantla ; and it is certain from the tribute liil, that Tocht-
lan, and other cities of that country, were tributaries of the Mexicans..
In the north, the Mexicans did not advance farther than Tuza-
pan, as we are told in the laft quoted pafTage of Diaz ; and we know
for certain, that the Panachefe were never fubjedled to them. In
{c) What we have to fay of the boundarks of the kingdoms of Anahuac will be better uo-
derflood by confulting our chart»,
the
VII.
II I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 419
ihe ead, we have already fixed their boundaries at the river Coatzacu- r^is^Ein,
alco. Diaz fiiys, that the country of Coatzacualco was not a province
of Mexico ; on the other hand we find, among the tributary ci-
ties of that crown, Tochtlan, Michapan, and other places of that
province. We are, however perfiiaded, that the Mexicans poflelTed
all that was to the weft of the river Coatzacualco, but not that which
was to the eaft of it ; and that this river was their boundary in that
quarter. Towards the north, their poffefilons were bounded by the
country of the Huaxtecas, who were never fubdued by the Mexicans.
Towards the north-wefl, the empire did not extend beyond the province
of Tulba i all that great traft of land which was beyond this province^
was occupied by the barbarous Otomies and Chechemecas, who had
no fociety, nor obeyed any fovercign. In the weft it is known tliat the
empire terminated at TIaximalojan, the frontier of the kingdom of Mi-
chuacan ; but on the fea-coaft is extended as far as the weftern extre-
mity of the province of Coliman, and no farther. In the catalogue of the
tributaiy cities, Coliman, and other places of that province appear, but
none that are beyond it : nor are they mentioned in the hiftory of Mexico.
The Mexicans had nothing to do with California, nor could they ex-
peft any advantage from the conqueft of a country fo diftant, fo un-
peoplad, and miferable. If that dry and rocky peninfula had ever
been a province of the Mexican empire, fome population would have
been found there ; but it is certain, that there was not a fingle hoiifc met
with upon it, nor the leaft remains or traces of inhabitants. Laftly, in
the fouth, the Mexicans had made themfclves mafters of all thofe great'
ftates, which were between the Vale of Mexico and the Pacific Ocean.
The grcateft length of their dominions was on the fea coaft from Xo-'
conochco to Coliman.
Dr. Robertfon fays, tliat the territories belonging to the chiefs of
Tezcuco and Tacuba, fcarcely yielded in extent to thofe of the fo-
vereign of Mexico (d') . But this is very far from being true, and
contrary alfo to what all tiie hiftorians of Mexico fay. The kingdom
of Tezcuco, or Acolhuacan, was bounded on the weft partly by the
(,!) There were three places of tlic name ot Ttthlion, (called by the Spaniards Tiiftia), the
fiift in the province of Chiapa, the fecond \n Xoconocho, or Soconufv'O, and the thir4 iiiiCo- ^
atzacuako.
H h h 2 lake
420
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
V
DISSERT, lake of Tezcuco, partly by Tzompanco, and other Mexican flates j
^^^' J and in the eaft, by the dominions of Tlafcala; fo that it could not
extend from vvefl to eafl, above fixty miles ; on the fouth it was bound-
ed by the Itate of Chalco, belonging to Mexico; and in the north by
the independent fiate of the Huaxtecas. From the frontier of this
country to that of Chalco, the diilance is about two hundred njiles,
which is the whole extent of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, but does
not make one eighth part of that of the Mexican dominions. The ftates
of the petty king of Tlacopan, or Tacuba, were fo fmall, that they did
not merit the name of a kingdom 3 for from the Mexican lake in^the
call, to the frontier of the kingdom of Michuacan in the weft, the extent
was not more than eighty miles j nor from the valley of Toloccan in the
fouth, to the country of the Otomies in the north, more than fifty.
The comparifon therefore made by Robertfon, of the dominions of
Acolhuacan and Tacuba, with thofe of Mexico, is erroneous.
The republic of Tlaicala, furrounded by the Mexican and Tezcu-
can dominions, and by the ftates of Cholula and Huexotzinco, was fo
confined, that from eaft to weft it had fcarcely fifty, and from fouth to
north not above thirty miles of extent. We have met with no author who
gives a greater latitude to this ftate except Cortes, who lays, that tlae
dominions of this republic were ninety leagues in circumference; but
this is a manifeft error.
With refpeól to the kingdom of Michuacan, no one, as far as we
know, has mentioned all its ancient boundaries except Boturini. This
author fays, that the extent of that kingdom, from the valley of Ix-
tlahuacan, near Toloccan, to the Pacific Ocean, was five hundred
leagues ; and from Zacatollan to Xichu, one hundred and fixty leagues j
and that in the dominions of Michuacan, were comprehended the pro-
vinces of Zacatollan, Colinian, and that province which the Spaniards
called Frovencia d' Avalos, fituate to the north- weft of Coliman. But
this author was wholly deceived in his account; for it is certainly known,,
that the kingdom of Michuacan had not its boundaries in Ixtlahuacan,
but Tlaximalojan, where the Mexican dominions reached. We know
from the lift of tributes, that the maritime provinces of Zacatollan
and Coliman, belonged to Mexico. Laftly, the Michuacanefe could
not extend their dominions as far as Xichu, without fubduing the bar-
barous
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. ' 421
barous Chechamecas, who occupied that quarter ; but we know that DISSERT,
the Lift were not fubdued till many years after the conqueft by the "^"-
Spaniards. The kingdom of Michuacan, therefore, was not fo lar^-e
as Boturiai believed it ; its extent did not comprehend more than three
degrees of longitude, and about two of latitude.
What we have faid hitherto, tends to Ihew the exadnefs of our de-
fcription, and of our geographical charts with refpecfl to the boundaries
of thofe kingdoms, founded on the hiftory of them, the regifter of the
tributes, and the teftimony of the ancient writei-s.
SECT. II.
On the Population of Aiiahuac.
WE do not propofc here to treat of the population of all America ;
that would be too large a fubjedtand foreign to ourpurpofe ; but /olely
of that of Mexico which belongs to this hiftory. There were and there
are in America, many populous countries, and there are alfo vaft:
deferts ; and they are not lefs diftant from the truth who imagine the
countries of the new world as populous as thofe of China, than they
who believed them as unpeopled as thofe of Africa. The calculation
of P. Riccioli is as uncertain as thofe of Sufimilch and M. de Paw.
Riccioli gives three hundred millions of inhabitants to America.
The political arithmeticians, fay M. de Paw, do not reckon more than
one hundred million. Sufnnilch, in one part of his work, computes
them at one hundred, and in another at one hundred and fifty millions.
M. de Paw, who mentions all thefe calculations, fays, there are not
of real Americans, more than from thirty to forty millions. But we muft
repeat, that all thofe calculations are moft uncertain as they are not
founded on any proper grounds j for if we do not know hitherto the
population of thofe countries in which the Europeans have eftabliflied
themfelvcs, fuch as thofe of Guatimala, Peru, Quito, Terra Firma,
Chili, who is capable of gueffing the number of inhabitants of the
numerous countries little or not at all known to the Europeans, fuch
as thofe which are to the north and north-weft of Coahuila, New
Mexico, California, and the river Coloradoy or Red River, in North
Ame-
422 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. America ? Who can number the inhabitants of the new world, while
he does not know the number of provinces and nations which it con-
tains ? Leaving afide therefore fuch calculations which cannot be under-
taken with the leaft degree of certainty, we fhall content ourfelves
with examining what M. de Paw and Dr. Robertfon fay on the popu-
lation of Mexico.
*' The population of Mexico and Peru," fays M, de Paw, " has
** undoubtedly been exaggerated by the Spanifli writers, w:ho are ufed
*' to reprefent objeifls with immoderate proportions. Three years after
*' the conqueft of Mexico, the Spaniards had occafion to bring fome
*' people from the Lucayos, and afterwards from the coaft of Africa, to
*' people the kingdom of Mexico. If Ihis monarchy contained in
" 151 8, thirty millions of inhabitants, why in 1521 was it depopu-
" pulated ?" We fliall never deny, that among the Spanifli writers there
are many addicted to exaggerating, as there are alfo among the Pruffians,
the French, the Englifli, and other people ; becaufe the immoderate
defire to magnify things which they defcribe is a paflion common to all
nations in the world, from which M. de Paw himfelf is not free, as he
demonflrates through the whole of his work : but to cenfure all the
Spaniards together is an indifcriminate charge moft injurious to that na-
tion, which, like every other, has a mixture of good and bad in it.
After having read, at leaft, the beft hiftorians of the cultivated nations
of Europe, we have not found two who appear comparable as to fince-
rity with the two Spaniards Mariana and Acofla, who are highly
efteemed therefore, and extolled by all writers. Among the anci-
ent hiftorians of Mexico, there have been fome, fuch as Acofta,
Diaz, and Cortes himfelf, of whofe fmcerity of relation there is no
doubt. But although each of thefe authors had not been poiTelTed of
thofe qualities which are required to merit our belief, neverthelefs, the
uniformity of their teftimonies would be an undeniable proof of the
fidelity of their accounts. Authors of little veracity dilagree among
themfelves, except when they copy each other; but this does not
happen to thofe hiftorians, who, intent only on relating what they have
themfelves feen, or found probable from information, did not regard
what others had written ; on the contrary, it appears from their works,
that at the time they they were writing, they had not the writings of
others
HISTORY OF MEXICO 423
others under their eyes. M. de Paw himicK ff J, fpeaking in one of DISSER:
his letters of that rite of the Mexicans of confecrating and eating the
llatue of palle of HiiU%ilopochtli, by him called Vitzilipulizi, and of
the rite among the Peruvians at their feftival Capac-rni/nc, writes thus
to his corrcfpondent : " I conlefs to you, that the unanimous tellimony
" of die SpanilTi writers does not allow us to doubt of it." If the
confent then of the Spanilli hiilorians, concerning what they did not
fee, does not allow us to doubt of it,, how fliould he doubt of that
which they depofe as eye-w itnellcs ?
Let us enquire therefore what the ancient Spanidi writers fay of tha
population of America. All agree in affirming,' that thofe countries
were well peopled, that there were very many large cities, and an infinite
number of vilbges and hamlets; thatraanythoufands of merchants alicm-
bled at the markets of populous cities : that they muftcred moft nume-
rous armies, &c. Cortes, in his letters, and the anonymous conqueror,
Alfonfo de Ojeda, and Alfonfo de Mata, in their memoirs. Las Cafas
in his work, entitled, the DcJlruBion of the Indies ; B. Diaz, in his
hiltory, Motolinia, Sahagun, and Mendieta, in their writings ; all eye-
witneflcs of the ancient population of America : Herrera, Gomara,
Acofla, Torquemada, and Martinez, are all of the lame opinion with
refpeift to the great populatioa of thofe countries. M.de Paw cannot
produce a lingle ancient author who does not confirm it by his tefti-
mony ; whereas, we can cite feveral authors who do not make any
mention of that fuperflitious rite of the Mexicans, namely, Cortes,
Diaz, and the anonymous conqueror, the three moft ancient Spanifh.
writers on Mexico. Notwithftanding M. de Paw affirms, that we can-
not doubt of fuch a rite, becaufe of the unanimous teftimony of the
Spaniards ; who tlien would doubt of the great population of Mexico,
or rather deny it fb ftrongly againft the uniform depofitions of all the
ancient hiftorians ? But if the population of Mexico was fo great in
15 1 8, why in 152 1 was it necelTary to bring people there from the
Lucayos, and afterwards from the coaft of Africa, to people it ? We:
confefs ingenuoully we cannot read this objedlion of M. de Pau-, with-
out being extremely offended at his affirming with, fuch hardinefs, that
(/) Tom. II. Letter i»
whichi
424 H I S T O R Yf O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, which is diredly falle, and contraiy to the accounts of authors. Where
has M. de Paw read that it was necellary to tranlport people from the
Lucayos to people Mexico ? We defy hiin to produce a fingle author
who lays lb ; we know rather the contrary from many writers. We
know from Herrera and others, that from 1493, when the Spaniards
eftabliflied themfelves in Dominica, to 1496, the third part of the in-
habitants of that large ifland periflied in war, and through other dif-
trelles. In 1507, there did not remain more than the tenth part of
the Indians which were in 1493, according to Las Cafas, an eyc-wit-
nefs ; and from that time the population of that ifland diminilhed to
fuch a degree, that in 1540, there hardly remained two hundred In-
dians ; on which account, from the beginning of the fifteenth century,
the Spaniards began to tranfport thoufands of Indians from the Lu-
cayos, to recruit the population of Hilpaniola; but thofe having like-
wife died, they began before the conqueft of Mexico to carry people
from Terra Firma, and other countries of the continent of America,
according as they difcovered them. It is known from a letter written
to the council of the Indies by the firft bilhop of Mexico, fent by Las
Cafas to the emperor Charles V. that the cruel governor of Panuco,
Nugno Guzman, fent from thence twenty-eight vellels loaded with
Indian flayes to be fold in the iflands : fo that it is far from being true,
that the Spaniards carried people from the iflands to inhabit the con-
tinent of North America ; that on the contrary they carried people from
the continent to inhabit the ifles, which the above authors exprelDy relate.
It is true, that after the conquefl: of Mexico, flaves were imported
there from Africa ; not becaufe there was any want of people; but
becaule the Spaniards required them to ferve in the making of fugar,
and to work in the mines, to which they could not compel the Ame-
ricans, on account of the laws then recently publilhed : it is, there-
fore falfe, and contrary to tiie depolition of thofe above mentioned au-
thor?, that Mexico was depopulated three years after the conqueft ; or
that it vv'as necefl^ary to bring people there from the Lucayos and Africa
Jo recruit its inhabitants. We arc rather certain, that fome colonies
were fent a few years after the conqueft, from the countries fubjed: to
the king of Mexico, and the republic of Tlafcala, to people other
lands, namely, Zacatecas, Suis, Potoli, Saltillo, &c. ecc.
8 But
H I S T O R Y O F IVI E X I e O. 425
But let us fee what thofe ancient writers fay in particular of the D'SI^F.rt.
population of Mexico. We do not know that any one of them has had >- / .
the boldnefs to exprefs the number of the inhabitants of Mexico ; whe-
ther it did or did not contain thirty millions, could have been known
from the kings of Mexico and their miniliiers ; and although the Spa-
niards might have informed themlclves from them of this particular, wc
do not find that any one of them has done fo. That which feveral of
them affirm is, that among the feudatories of the king of Mexico were
thirty who had each about an hundred thoufind fubjedts, and other three
thoufand lords who had a fmaller number of vaffals. Laurentius Surius
affirms (f) that this is certain from records which were in the royal ar-
chives of the emperor Charles W . Cortes, in his firft letter to that em-
peror, fpeaks thus : " The multitude of inhabitants in thofe countries is
" fo great, that there is not a foot of foil left uncultivated ; but notwith-
" ftanding there are many who, for want of bread, go begging through
*' the ilreets and markets." B. Diaz, the anonymous conqueror, Mo-
tolinia, and other eye-witneffes, give us fimilar ideas of the population
of Mexico. To come to the particular countries of Anahuac, we are
certain, from the depofitions of the above mentioned, and almoft all
the ancient authors, of the great population of the Mexican vale, of
the countries of the Otomies, of the Malatzincas, Tlahuicas, Cohuix-
cas, Miztecas, Zapotecas, and Cuitlatecas ; of the province of Coat-
zacualco ; of the kingdoms of Acolhuacan, and Michuacan, and the
ftates of Tlafcala, Cholula, Iluexotzinco, &c.
The vale of Mexico, although that a great part of it was occupied
by the lakes, was at leaft as well peopled as the mofl populous coun-
try of Europe. It contained forty confidcrable cities, wifich we have
already named, and are mentioned likcwife by the ancient writers. The
other inhabited places of it were innumerable, the names of which we
could alfo give, if we were not afraid of tiring our readers. The very
fincere B. Diaz, defcribing, in chap. viii. of his Hiftory, what he faw
in hi^ way through the vale towards the capital, fpeaks thus : " When
" we beheld things fo wonderful we knew not what to fay, nor whe-
'* tlier the objects before our eyes were real ; wc faw fo many great cities
(/) Siirius ia Commentino brevi rfium in oibe geilanim ab anno ijoo ad 156S.
. Vol. II. lii " fitiKucd
420 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e a
DISSERT. " fituated on the main land, and many otliers in the lake, and an in-
, ^"' ^ " finity of little veflels upon it." He fays farther, that fome foldiers,
his companions, in wonder beyond meafure at feeing fo great and
beautiful a territory, were in doubt whether what they law was the
effed of a dream, or inchantment. Ihofe and many other can-
did confeliions of Diaz are fufficient to anfwer Robertfon, who avail-
ed himfelf of certain words of that author, which he did not well com-
prehend, to make his readers believe that the population of Mexico
was not fo great as it certainly was.
Concerning the population of the ancient capital there are various-
opinions ; nor can the cafe be otherwife where an attempt is made to
judge of the populoufnefs of a great city by the eye : but all the writers-
who faw it, or were informed by eye-witnelles, are agreed in faying that
it was very great. Herrera fays it was twice as large as Milan. Cortes,
affirms that it was as large as Seville and Cordova; Surius citing
certain records which were in the royal archives of Charles V.
fays, that the population of Mexico amounted to an hundred and
thirty thouland houfes. Torquemada, following Sahagun and other
Indian hiflorians, reckons an hundred and twenty thoufand houfes ;
and adds, that in each houfe were from four to ten inhabitants»
The anonyinous conqueror fpeaks thus of it : " tliis city of Tcmif-
" titan may be about two leagues and a half or near three leagues, more
" or Isfs, in circumference; the greater part of thofe who have feea
" it judge that there are upwards of fixty thoufand fires in it, and ra-
" ther more than lefs." . This calculation, adopted by Gomara and
Herrera, appears to us to come neareil the truth, confidcring the ex-
tent of the city, and the manner of dwelling of thofe people.
But the whole of tliis is contradifted by M. de Paw. He calls the.
defcription exceffive and exaggerated, which is given of tiiis city of
America ; " which contained, according to fome authors, feventy thou-
*' fand houfes in the time of Montezuma II. fo that at that time it muft.
" have had three hundred and fifty thoufand inhabitants ; whereas it is
" notorious, that the city of Mexico, confiderably increafed' under the
" dominion of the Spaniards, has not at prefent above fixty thoufand
" inhabitants, including twenty thouH^nd negroes and mulattoes." This
is another pafi'ige of the Recherches Philojopbiqiies which will make
tlie
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
427
the Mexicans fmile. But who can avoid fmiling when they fee a DISSERT.
PrufTian philofopher, fo bent on diininidxing the populoufnefs of that . \ _ ^
American city, and angry at thofe wlio reprefent it greater than he
wiOies it ? Who will not be furprifed to hear that the number of
the inhabitants of Mexico is notorious in Berlin, when it is not many
years fince it has been known to the ecclefiaftics, who every year make
an enumeration ; we fliall therefore give M. de Paw fome certain in-
formation concerning that city of America, that he may in future
avoid thofe errors into which he has fallen in fpcaking of its popu-
loufnefs.
Mexico, he muft know, is the mofl: populous city of all thofe
which the catholic King has in his vaft dominions. From the
bills of mortality publiihed daily in the cities of Madrid and Mexico,
it appears that the number of the inhabitants of Madrid is a fourth
lefs than that of Mexico; for example, if Madrid has a hundi-ed
and fixly thoufand inhabitants, Mexico has witliout doubt two hun-
dred thoufind. There has been a great difference of opinions refpedl-
ing the number of fouls of the modern city of Mexico, as there was
alfo refpcding the ancient city, and all other cities of the firll rank;
but there being an enumeration made with great accuracy of late vears,
partly by the priells, and partly by the magiftrates, it has been found
that the inhabitants of that capital exceeded two hundred thoufand,
although they have not afcertained how much more. We may form
fome idea of its populoufnefs from the quantity o^ pulque (^) and to-
bacco which is daily confumed there (/•). Every day are brought into it
upwards of fix thoufand arrobas of pulque, that is a hundred and ninety
thoufand Roman pounds; in the year 1774, there were two millions,
two hundred and fourteen thoufand two hundred and ninety-four and
an half arrobas entered, that is more than feventy-three millions of
Roman pounds ; but in this computation we do not comprehend what
is introduced by fmuggling, nor that which the Indians who are pri-
(^) i'«/^«t- is the ufual wine, or rather beer, of the Mexicans, made of the fcrmcntcil juice
of the Maguei. This liquor will not keep above one day, and therefore what is made is daiJy
confumed.
( i^> ) Our account of the daily confuraption of pulque and tobacco in Mexico is taken from
.«he Icttrv of orieof thcchifi'accomptaiiis of that cufloin-houfe, ofthr 23d of February, 17-;.
I i i 2 vilegcd.
VII.
428 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT; vilegcd, fell in the principal fqiiare of the cits'. This amazing quan-
tity of pulque is almoft folely confumed by the Indians and Mulattoes,
the number of which is furpaffed by that of the Whites and Creoles,
few of whom make ufe of this beverage. The tax upon it amounts
annually, in the capital alone, to about two hundred and eighty thou-
fand crowns (pefos fuertes). The daily confumption of tobacco for
fmoaking, in that capital, is reckoned at one thouland, two hundred
and fifty crowns, or thereabouts; which in one year makes the furr»
of four hundred and fifty thoufand crowns and more. But it is ne-
celfary to be underflood, that among the Indians very few ufe tobacco ;
among the Europeans and Creoles very many do not ufe it, and fome
of the Mulattoes do not. Who will put greater faith in the calcula-
tions made by M. de Paw than in the regifters of the capital ? or who
will place more value on the judgment of a modern Pruffian, who is
fo extravagant refpefting the ancient populoufiiefs of that city,^ than,
on that of fo many ancient writers ^who faw it.
With regard to the city and court of Tezcuco, we know from the-
letters of Cortes to Charles V. that it contained about thirty thoufand
houfes ; but this ought to be underftood folely of the court ; for in-
cluding the other three cities of Coatlichan, Huexotla, and Ateneo,
which, as Cortes atteffs, appeared to form a leparate population, it was,
by a great deal, larger than Mexico-. Torquemada, following Saha-
gun, and the accounts of the Indians, aflirms, that the populatioa
of thofe four cities, contained an hundred and forty thoufand houfes 3
from which number, although we dedu6l an half, a confiderable
population would remain. No hillorian has told us the population of
Tlacopan, although all affirm it was confiderable. Of Xochimilca'
we know, that next to the tliree royal refidences it was the largefl
of all. Of Iztapalapan, Cortes atfirnTS, it had from twelve to fifteen
thouland fires ; of Mixcoac, he fays, that it had about fix thoufand j
Huitzilopochco from four to five thouland ; Acolman and Otompan.
each four thoufand ; and Mcxicaltzinco, three thoufand. Chalco,
Azcapozalco, Cojoacan,, Quauhtitlan, were, without comparilbn, larger
than thefe Lift; mentioned cities. All thefe, and a great many others,
were comprehended in the vale of Mexico alone : the fight of whicli
caufed
c>
H I S T O R Y O F ìM E X I e O. 429
caufed no lefs admiration than fear to the Spaniards when they firfl: DISSERT,
obferved them from the top of the mountains of that deUghtful valley. ^
They Iclt the fame aftonifliment when they faw the population of
Tlafcala. Cortes, in his letter to Charles V. fpeaks thus of that city ;
** It is fo large and wonderful, that although I omit a great deal of
*' what I could fay, I believe that little which I fay will appear incre-
" dible ; for it is much larger and more populous than Granada wheu
" it was taken from the Moors, more ftrong, has as good buildings,
** and more abundance of every thing."
The anonymous conqueror fpeaks of it in the fame manner, " There
" are," he fays, " great cities, and among others that of Tlafcala,
*' which, in fonie refpedls, refemblcs Granada, and in others, Sego-
" via, but it is more populous than either." Of Tzimpantzinco, a city
of the republic, Cortes affirms (/), that the enumeration of the houfes
having been made at his delire, there were found to be twenty thou-
fand. Of Huejotlipan, a place of the fame republic, he fays, that it
had from three to four thoufand fires. Of Cholula Cortes affirms,
that it had about twenty thoufand houfes, and as many in the neigh-
bouring villages, which were like its fuburbs. Huexotzinco and Te-
peyacac were the rivals of Cholula in greatnefs. Thefe are fonie of
the peopled places which the Spaniards faw before the conqueft ; we
omit many others, of the greatnefs of which we are certified by the
teftimony of thefe and otlier authors.
We are not lefs convinced of the population of thofe countries from,
the innumerable concourfe of people which were Ceca at their mar-
kets, from the very numerous armies which they raifed whenever it
was neceflary, and the furprifmg number of baptiilns immediately af-
ter the conqucft. With refped to the numbers at their markets, and
of their armies, we have faid enough in our hiftory on the faith of
many eye-witneffes. We might fufpe6l, that the conquerors had ex-
aggerated the number of the Indian troops, in order to make their
«onquefl appear more glorious, but tliis would appear only when they
reckoned the number of the troops of the enemy, not when they
counted their own allies, as the more the number of the latter was
( i ) Cortes fpeaks of this city without naming it, but it appears £iom the context to hav»
b<en the fame ; and Torc^vRniada mentions it exprefsiy,
increaifd
43°
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
VI
« . — J
DISSERT, increafed, their conquefts became the lefs difficult and glorious. The
conqueror Ojeda, however, numbered an hundred and fifty thou-
fand men among the allied troops of Tlafcala, Cholula, Tepeyacac, and
Pluexotzinco, in the review which was made of them in Tlafcala,
as they were going to the fiege of Mexico. Cortes himfclf affirms,
that the allied troops who accompanied him to the war of Quauque-
choUan exceeded an hundred thoufand, and that thofe which affifted
him in befieging the capital, exceeded confiderably two hundred thou-
fand in number. On the other hand, the befieged were fo numerous,
that although an hundred and fifty thoufand died during the fiege,
as we have already faid, when the capital was taken by the Spaniards,
and it u'as ordered that all the Mexicans fliould leave it, for three fuc-
ceffive days and nights the flreets and roads were filled with people
who were leaving the city to take refuge in other places, according to
the teflimony of B. Diaz, an eye-witnels. With relpedt to the num-
ber of baptifms, we are aflured, by the teftimony of the religious
milTionaries themfelves, who were employed in the converllon of thofe
people, that the children and grown perfons baptifcd by the Francilcan(/(')
fathers alone, from the year 1524 to the year 1540, were upv/ards of
fix millions in number ; who v/ere, for the mofi: part, inhabitants of
the vale of Mexico and the circumjacent provinces. In this number
are not comprehended thofe who were baptifed by the priefls, Domi-
nicans, and Augullinians, amongfl whom, and the Francifcans, were
divided thofe moft abundant harvefts ; and befides, it is certain that
the Indians were innumerable who remained obflinate in their pagan-
ifm, or did not receive the Chrifi:ian faith till many years after the
conqueft. We know alfo, from the noify contVoverfies excited there
by fome religious, and reported to the pope Paul III. that on account
of the extraordinaiy and before unfeen multitude of catechumens, the
miffionaries were obliged to omit fome ceremonies of the baptifm, and
amongfl: others the ufe of their fpittle, becaufe, from doing it fo much
they dried up and almofi: excoriated their mouths, their tongues, and
their throats.
From the difcovery of Mexico till now the number oi the Indians
has been gradually diminifhing. Befides the many thoufands which
{k) MotoHuia, one of the leligious miffionaries, baptifcd more than foiir huadrcd thoufand
Indians ; an account of which he left in writing.
perifhed
VII.
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 431
perifhed by the firiì contagion of the fmall-pox, carried there in 1520, DISSERT.
and in the war of the Spaniards, in the epidemic of 1545 eighty
thoufand perilled, and in that of 1 576 upwards of two milHons, in
the diocefes alone of Mexico, Angelopoli, Michuacan, and Guaxaca,
which is known by the bills of mortality pretented by every curate to
the viceroy. Notvvithrtanding Herrera, who wrote towards the end
of the fixteenth century, reports, on the faith of authentic documents
fent him by the viceroy of Mexico, that in the diocefes alone of
Mexico, Angelopoli, and Guaxaca, and in thofe provinces of the
diocefe of Mexico which were circumjacent to the capital, there were,,
at that time, fix hundred and fifty-five principal fettlements of In-
dians, and innumerable other fmaller ones dependent upon them ; in
which were contained ninety thoufand Indian families of tributaries.
But it is necefi'ary to be known, in thofe are not included the nobles,,
nor the Tlafcalans, and other Indians who aflifted the Spaniards in
the conqueft ; for in refpedl to their birth, or the fervices which they
rendered the conquerors, they were exempted from tributes. Herrera,
xvho was well informed on this fubjeft, aifirms, that in thofe times, four
thoufand Spanifh families, and thirty thoufand Indian houfes were
counted in the capital. From that time the number of Indians has
gradually been diminifhing, and the namber of the Whites or Spa-
niards has been increafing.
M. de Paw will anfwer according to his ftyle, that all the proofs
which we have adduced to demonflrate the population of Mexico, are
of no weight, for they are obtained from foldiers who were rude and
illiterate, or from ignorant and fuperftitious ccclefiaftics j but if this was
the charafter of all the writers we have quoted, their teftimony would
be flill of great force becaufe of their uniformity. Who can believe
that Cortes, and the other officers who fubfcribed his letters, fliould
deceive their king, where they could have been fa eafily detefted by
hundreds of witneffes, and not a few enemies ? is it poffible that fO'
many Spanifla and Indian writers fliould all agree to exaggerate the
population of thofe countries, and not one amongfl: them ihew fome
lefpeil for poflerity ? Of the veracity of the firft miffionaries there
can be no doubt. They were men of cxamplary life, and much learn-
ing, felefted from amongft many to promulgate the gofpel in the new
8 world»
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, world. Some of them had been profellbrs in the mofl celebrated uni-
VII- verlities of Europe; had obtained the firft rank in their orders, and
merited the favour and confidence of the emperor Charles V. Thofe
honours which they refigned in Europe, and thofe which they never
received in America, clearly demonftrated their difinterefled zeal ;
their voluntary and rigid poverty, their continual treaty with the great
Being of nature, their incredible fatigues in fo many long and diffi-
cult journeys on foot, without provifions, in laborious fervice, and
ftill more their exceffive charity, mildncfs, and compatTion, towards
thofe afflided nations, will make their memory ever venerated in that
kingdom. In the writings of thofe immortal men, fo many cha-
racters of fincerity are difcovered, that we are not permitted to inter-
tain the leaft doubt of their accounts. It is true, they committed a
heavy fin, in the judgment of JVL de Paw, in burning the greater
part >of the hiftorical paintings of the Mexicans, becaufe they thought
them full of fuperflition. We valued ftill more than M. de Paw
thofe paintings, and lament their lofs ; but we neither defpife the
authors of that unfortunate burning, nor curfe their memory ; becauie
the evil which their intemperate and heedlefs zeal made them com.mit
is not to be compared with the good which they did ; befides, they
endeavoured to repair the lofs by their works, particularly Motoli-
nia, Sahagun, Olmos, and Torquemada.
M. de Paw has gone fo far to lefien the population of thofe coun-
tries, that he has dared to affirm (who could believe it) in a dec-ifive
magifterial tone, that in all thofe regions there was no city but Mexico.
Let us attend to him purely for amufement. " So that as there are
*' not," he fays, " the leaft veftiges of the Indian cities in all the
" kingdom of Mexico, it is manifeft that there was no more than
" one -place which had any appearance of a city, and this was Mexi-
" CO, which the Spaniffi writers would call the Babylon of the Indies,
" but it is now a long time fince they have been able to deceive us
*' with the magnificent names they gave to the mifbrable hamlets of
*' America."
But all the authors who have written on Mexico unanimoufly affirm,
t^at all the nations of that vaft empire lived in focieties ; that they had
many well-peopled, large, well -laid out fettlemeAtSj name the cities
which
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
An
VII.
which theyfaw; and they who travelled through thofe regions two DISSERT,
centuries and a half after the conquefl, faw the fame fettlements i^ the
places mentioned by thofe writers ; fo that M. de Paw is either per-
fuaded that thofe writers prophetically announced the future popu-
lation of thofe places, or he mufl confefs that they have been froni
that time where they are at prefent. It is true that the Spaniards
founded many fettlements, fuch as the cities of Angelopoli, Guada-
laxara, Valadolid, and Veracruz, Zelaja, Potofi, Cordova, Leone,
ecc. but the fettlements made by them in the diftrifts of the Mexican
empire with refpedl to thofe made by the Indians are as one to a thou-
fand. The Mexican names given to thofe fettlements are flill preferv-
ed to this day, and demonftrate that the original founders of them
were not Spaniards but Indians. That thofe places of which we have
made frequent mention in this hiftory were not miferable villages, but
cities, and large well formed fettlements, fuch as thofe of Europe, is
certified by the united tcllimony of all writers who faw them.
M. de Paw is defirous of being fhewn the veftiges of thefe ancient
cities ; but we could fliew him more than that, the ancient cities now
exifting. However, if he chufes to fee traces of them he may go
to Tezcuco, Otumba, Tlafcala, Cholula, Huexotzinco, Chempo-
alla, Tulla, &c. where he will find fo many that he will have no
doubt of the ancient greatnefs of thofe American cities.
This great number of towns and inhabited places, although fo many
thoufands perifhed annually in the facrifices and continual wars of thofe
nations, gives us «learly to underftand the vafl: population of the
Mexican empire, and the other countries of Anahuac; but if all this
which we have faid is not fufficient to convince M. de Paw, in charity
we advife him to enter into an holpital.
What we have applied againfl M. de Paw may ferve likewife to re-
fute Dr. Robertfon, who, feeing fo many eye-witnelfes contrary to him
in opinion, recurs to a fubterfuge fimilar to that of the warmth of the
imagination which he made ufe of to deny faith to the Spanilji hifto-
rians refpe^Sling what they fiid of the excellence of the Mexican la-
bours of caft metal. Treating of the wonder which the fight of the
cities of Mexico caufed to the Spaniards in his leventh book, he fays,
" In the firlt fervcKir of their imagination, they compared Chempoalla,
Vol. II. Kkk " though
434 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. « though a town only of the fecond or third fize, to the cities of
" gfeateil: note in their own country. V/hen afterwards they vifited
" in fuccelTion Tlafcala, Cholula, Tacuba, Tefcuco, and Mexico itfelf,
" their amazement was fo great that it led them to convey ideas of theii*
** magnitude and populoufnefs bordering on what is incredible . . . For
" this reafon fome confiderable abatement ought to be made from their
" calculation of the number of inhabitants in the Mexican cities ; and
" we may fix the ftandard of their population much lower than they
" have done."
Thus Robertfon commands, but we are not difpofed to obey him.
If the Spaniards had written their hiflories, letters, or relations in toe
Jirji fervour of their admiration, we might then jultly fufpeil that
flupefaftion had led them to exaggerate ; but it was not lb ; for Cortes»
the moft ancient of thofe writers, did not write his firfl letter to
Charles V. till a year and an half after his arrival in that country ; the
anonymous conqueror wrote fonie years after the conqueftj B. Diaz,
after forty years continual refidcnce in thofe countries, and the others
in like manner. Is it poflible that \}^\% fervour of their admiration fliould
endure for one, twenty, and even forty years afterwards ? But whence
arofe fuch wonder in them ? Let us hear it from Dr. Robertfon himfelf.
*' The Spaniards, accuftomed to this mode of habitation among all
" the Indians with which they were then acquainted, were aflonifhed,
" on entering New Spain, to find the natives refiding in towns of
*' fuch extent as refembled thofe of Europe." But Cortes and his
companions, before they went to Mexico, knew very "well that thofe
people were not favage tribes, and that their houfes were not huts ;
they had heard from thofe who, a year before, had made tiie fame
voyage with Grijalva, that there were beautiful fettlements there, con-
fifting of houfes of fione and lime, with high towers to them ; as
Bernal Diaz attefls, who was an ej'e-witnefs. That, therefore, was
not the occafion of their wonder, but it was the real largenefs and
multitude of the cities which they faw. " It is not furprifing, then,"
adds Robertfon, " that Cortes and his companions, little accuftomed to
" fuch computations, and powerfully tempted to magnify, in order to
" exalt the merit of their own difcoveries and conquefts, fliould have been
*' betrayed into this common error, and have raifed theii- defcriptions
con-
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 435
" confiderably above truth." But Cortes was not fo weak, and faw DISSERT,
very well that the exaggeration of the number of his allies, far from
raifing the merit, ferved rather to diminifli the glory of his conquefts.
He often confen'es that he was affifted in the fiege by eighty, and
fometimes an hundred, and two hundred thoufand men ; and as thofc
ingenuous confellions difcover his fmcerity, in the fame manner thofc
numerous armies demonftrate the population of thofe countries. Be-
fides, Dr. Robertfon fuppofes, when the Spanifli writers wrote con-
cerning the number of the houfes of the Mexican cities, it was only
exprefled by conjecture, and the judgment which they had formed
by the eye -, but this was not the cafe, for Cortes affirms, in his firft
letter to the emperor Charles V. that he ordered the houfes, which be-
longed to the diftridt of Tlafcala to be numbered, and found there was
an hundred and fifty thoufand, and in the fingle city of Tlafcala more
than twenty thoufand.
Kkkf DISSER.
I 436 ]
DISSERTATION Vili.
On the Religion of the Mexicans.
WE have nothing to Isy in this Differtation as we had in the others
to M. de Paw, as he ingenuoufly acknowledges the refem-
blance there is between the delirium of the Americans, and that of
other nations of the old continent in matters of religion. " As," he
fays, " the religious fuperftitions of the people of America (1) have
" had a fenfible refemblance to thofe which other nations of the old con-
" tinent have entertained, he has not fpoken of thofe abfurdities, but
" to make a compàiifon of them, and in order to obferve that, not-
" withftanding the diverfity of climes, the weaknefs of the human
" fpirit has been conflant and unv:riable." If he had delivered him-
felf with the fame judgment in other refpedts, he would have faved
much contention, and preferved his work from thofe heavy cenfures
which have been made on it by many wife men of Europe. We di-
rect this Differtation, therefore, to thofe who, from ignorance of what
has paffed and pafles at prefent in the world, or from want of refledlion,
have made much wonder in reading in the hiflory of Mexico at the cru-
elty and fuperftition of thofe people, as if fuch things had been never heard
of among mortals. We fhall make their error confpicuous, and (hew
that the religion of the Mexicans was lefs fuperftitious, lefs indecent,
lefs childifh, and lefs unreafonable than that of the moft cultivated
nations of ancient Europe ; and that there have been examples of cru-
elty, perhaps more cruel, amongft all other nations of the world.
The fyftem of natural religion depends principally on that idea
which is formed of the Divinity. If the fupreme Being is conceived
to be a Father full of goodnefs, whofe providence watches over his
creatures, love and refped: will appear in the exercife of fuch religion.
( i ) In the preface to Rccherchcs PhilofopliK^ues,
If,
VII.
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 437
If, on the contrary, he is imagined to be an inexorable tyrant, his DISSI'RT.
tvorfliip will be bloody. If he is conceived to be omnipotent, vener-
ation will be paid to one alone ; but if his power is conceived to be
confined, the objefts of worfhip will be multiplied. If the fanftity
and perfeiHiion of his being is acknowledged, his protection will be
implored in a pure and holy fervice ; but if he is fuppofed fubjedt
to imperfedlions, and the vices of men, religion itfelf will iiindlify
crimes.
Let us compare the idea, therefore, which the Mexicans had of
their gods with that which the Greeks, Romans, and other nations
from whom thev learned their religion, had of their deities, and we
fhall difcover the fuperiority of the Mexicans, in this matter, over all
thofe ancient nations. It is true, that the Mexicans divided power
among various deities, imagining the jurifdi<ftion of each to be reflridt-
ed, " I do not doubt," Montezuma ufed to fay to Cortes, in their
conferences on religion, " I do not doubt of the goodnefs of the God
" whom you adore, but if he is good for Spain our Gods are equally
*• To for Mexico.
" Our God Camaxtle," the Tlafcalans ufed to fay to Cortes^
" grants us victory over our enemies ; our goddcfs Matlalcueje fends
" the ncceffary rain to our fields, and defends us from the inunda-
*' tion of Zahuapan. To each of our gods we are indebted for a part
^' of the happlnefs of our life." But they never believed their gods fo
impotent as the Greeks and R-omans believed theirs. The Mexicans
had more than one deity under the name of Centeotl who took care
of the country and the fields, and although they were fo fond of their
children they had but one god for their protedlion. The Romans, be-
fides the goddefs Ceres, had a crowd of deities for the care of the fields
alone (/«), and for the guard and education of their children upwards of
twenty, befides a number which were employed, in the generation and
(m) Sejii was charged with the graio which was newly fovvn, Proftrpina with the grain which
was iuft fprung, Norlvtus with the knots on the Ik-m, roiatirui with the eyes on buds, PattUita
with the leaves which were fprcad, Flpr^t with the flowers, SegcJIa with the new grains, La!ian-
Aa with the-graiii yet milky, j1/<»/7</<j with the ripe f; rain, Tuianus ox Tutilhia with the grain in
Ihe granar)- V to all whom we ought to add the god Surculus y.vho attended the manuring of the
Selds, Pruifui who defended the grain from the birds, Rubigo who defended it from Lnfciis,
aiMÌ the nymphs N-ifij^ who had the i.aro of its Buuitivcjuiccs.
birth.
43^ HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, birth of infants (/z). Who would believe that they would have occa«
V II
fion for their Gods merely to guard their doorg ? Forculus was char-
ged with the door pofts, Carna with the hinge, and Lamentinus with
the threfhold. " Ita," exclaims St. Auguftin, " ita non poterai, For-
" cuius fimul fores, et cardinem limenqiie fervare." So wretched was
the power of the gods in the judgment of the Romans ! Even the
names by which fonie of them were called fliew the pitiful conception
entertained of them by their adorers. What names more unworthy of
divinity than thofe of Jupiter Pitlor, Venus Calva, Pecunia Caca,
Subigus and Cloacina ? Who would ever think that a ftatue formed
by Tatius in the principal fmk of Rome was to become a goddefs with
the name of Cloacina ? This was certainly a mockery of their religion,
and rendering the very gods whom they adored, vile and contempt-
ible.
But the Greeks and Romans iliewed the opinion they had of their
gods in nothing more flrongly than the vices which they afcribed to
them. Their whole mythology is a long feries of crimes : the whole
life of their gods was compofed of enmities, revenge, incefl, adultery,
and other bafe palTions, capable of defaming the moft degenerate of
men. Jove, that omnipotent father, that beginning of all things,
that king of men and of gods as the poets call him, appears fometimes
difguifed as a man to treat with Alcumena, fometimes as a fatyr to enjoy
Antiope, fometimes as a bull to ravifh Europa, fometimes as a fwari
to abufe Leda, and fometimes in a fliower of gold to corrupt Danae,
and at other times aflumes other forms to accomplifh his guilty de-
figns. In the mean time the great goddefs Juno, mad with jealoufy,
thinks of nothing but having revenge of her difloyal hufband. Of the
fame flamp were the other immortal gods ; efpecially the dii majores,
or feledt gods, as they were called by them ; feleól, fays St. Auguftin,
(?/) The goddefs O/iis was charged with giving affiftance to the child which was delivering,
and to receive it in her lap, yaticanus to open its mouth to cry, Lcvnna to raiie it from the
ground, Cun'nia to watch the cradle, the Carmentesto announce its deliiny, J^ortuna to favour
it ill all accidents. Rumina to introduce the nipple of the mother'sbreaft into the mouth of the
child, Pot'na took care of its drink. Educa of its pap, Faventia wiped its flabberings, Venilia
had to cherifh its hopes, Volupia to attend its plcafures, ji^cnoria to watch its motions, Stimula
to make it active, Strciui to make it courageous, Numiria to teach it numbers, Camena finging.
Confi to give it counfel, Senlca refolution, Juventa had charge of its youth, and FortH'ia Bar-
ia/rt was enjoined that important oflice of making hair grow upon adults
for
H I 3 T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 439
for the funeriority of their vices, not for the excellence of their virtues. DISSERT.
■* VIII.
But what good examples could thofe nations imitate in the gods, who,
while they boafted to teach virtue to men, had nothing confecrated
but their vices ? What merits obtained deification to Leena among
the Greeks, and to Lupa Faula and Paula among the Romans, but
that of having been famous courtezans ? From thence fprung various
deities, charged with the moft infamous and fliameful employments.
But what Ihall we fay of the Egyptians, who were the firfl: authors
of fuperftition (c) ? They not only paid worHiip to the ox, dog, cat,
crocodile, hawk, and other fuch animals, but likewife to leeks, oni-
ons, and garlick, which was "the occafion of that fatyrical faying of
Juvenal, 0 fa^iSl as gente s quihus hie Jiafcimtur in hortis Numina ! and,
not contented with that, they deified likewife the moll indecent things.
That cuflom of marrying with their fifters was imagined to be author-
ized by the example of their gods.
The Mexicans entertained very different ideas of their deities. We
do not find, in all their mythology, any traces of that excefs of depravi-
ty which charafterifed the gods of other nations. The Mexicans ho-
noured the virtues not the vices of their divinites ; the bravery of Huit-
zilopochtli, the beneficence of Centeotl, T-zapotlatnian, and Opochtli,
and others, and the chaftity, juftice, and prudence of C^etzalcoatl.
Although they feigned deities of both fexe?, they did not marry them,
nor believe them capable of thofe obfccne pleafures which were fo
common among the Greeks and Romans. The A4exicans imagined
they had a ftrong averfion to every fpecies of vice, therefore their wor-
(liip was calculated to appeafc the anger of their deities, provoked by the
guilt of men, and to procure their protedlion by repentance and reli-
gious refpedl.
The rites obferved by thofe nations were entirely agreeable to the
idea they had of their gods. Supcrftition was common to them all,
but that of the Mexicans was lefs, and not fo puerile ; this the com-
parifon of their auguries will be fufficient to fhew. The Mexican di-
viners oblerved the figns or charaders of the days concerning marriages,'
journeys, 6cc. as the European aftrologers obferved the pofition of the
{0) i^os in Tcmp!a tuam Romana acccpimus Ifin. ,
Semicanefque Dcos et bilìia raovciuia lutituin. Lncanui,
flars,.
vili.
440 HISTORYOFMEXICO-
DISSERT. flars, to foretel from thence the fortunes of men. Both of them were
equally fearful of eclipfes and comets, as they fufpeóted them the
forerunners of great calamities. This fuperllition has been common
to all the people of the world. They were alfo all afraid of the voice
of the owl, or any other fuch bird. Thefe and other fuch fuperftitions
have been generalj and are ftill common to the vulgar of the old and
new continents, even in the center of moil cultivated Europe. But
all which we know of thofe American nations in this matter, is not
to be compared with that which we are told of the ancient Romans
by their poets and hiftorians. The works of Livy, Pliny, Virgil,
Suetonius, Valerius Maximus, and dther judicious authors, which
cannot be read without fmiling, lliew us to what excefs the childifh
fuperilition of the Romans arrived. No animal among the quadru-
peds reptiles and birds was not employed to foretel future events. If
a bird flew towards the left hand, if the raven croaked, if they heard
the voice of the crow, if a moufe tafted honey, if a hare pafled acrofs
the road, all thole incidents were prognoflics of fome great calamity.
Formerly there was a luflration made of all Rome for no other reafon
than becaufe an owl entered the Capitol {p). Not only anunals, but
alfo trivial and contemptible circumilances were fufficient to excite fu-
perilitious dread; as the fpilling of wine or fait, or the falling of fome
meat from table. Who would not have been amazed to contemplate
the arufpices perfons of fuch high refped; ferioufly occupied in examin-
ing the movements of the vidlims, the rtate of their intrails, and colour
of their blood, to prognofticate from thofe figns the principal events
of that famous republic ? '* I wonder," faid the great Cicero, " that
** an arufpex does not fmile when he views another of his own profef-
fion." V/hat can be more ridiculous than that kind of augury which
was called tripudhim ? Who would have imagined that a nation in fome
refpeft^ fo enlightened, and alfo fo warlike, fliould carry along vi'ith
their armies, as the mofl important thing to the fuccefs of their arms,
a cage of chickens, and dare not to begin the battle without confulting
them ? If the chickens did not tafle the food which was put before
(^) Bubo funebris et maxime abominatus publicis precipue aufpiciis. . . Capitolii ccHam ip-
fam intravit. Sex. PapcUio lilro L.. Pedanis Cofl'. piopter <juod nonis JNIurdis urbs hiftrata
«1 £0 anno. Plin. Hill. Nat. lib. X. capi 12.
them
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 441
them it was a bad omen ; if, befidcs not eating it, they efcaped out of DISSFRT.
the cage, it was vvorfej if, on the contrary, they eat greedily, the
augury was mofl happy ; fo that tlie -moft efì'eótual means to fecurc
viólory would have been to keep* the chickens without food, until
they were confulted.
To fuch excefles is the fpirit of man led, svhen refigned to the ca-
pricious diftates of paflion, or ftimulated by fears ariling from a fenfc
of his own weaknefs.
But Americans, Greeks, Romans, and Egyptians were all fuper-
ftitious and puerile in the pradlice of their religion ; not fo how-
ever, in the obfcenity of their rites, becaufe we find not the leafl
traces in the rites of the Mexicans, ofthofe abominably culloms which
were fo common among the Romans and other natiojis of antiquity.
What could be more indecent than the Eleufinian feafls which the
Greeks made, or thofe which the Romans celebrated in honour of Ve-
nus, in the calends of April, and above all others thofe very obfcene
games which they exhibited in honour of Cybele, Flora, Bacchus, and
other fuch falfe deities ? What rite could be more obfcene than that
which was obferved on the ilatue of Priapus, among the nuptial cere-
monies ? How could they celebrate the feflivals of fuch inceltuous and
adulterous gods but with fuch obfcene pradlices ? How was it poiribl,e
they fliould have been aHwrned of thofe vices which they faw fanc-
tioned by their own divinities ?
It is true, that although nothing obfcene mingled with the rites of
the Mexicans, fome of them were fuch, as on the fuppofition of tlie
Divinity of their gods would have been very indecent, namely that of
anointing the lips of the idols with the blood of the vitìims : but
would it not have been more indecent to have given them blows, as the
Romans gave the goddefs Matuta at the Matral feafls ? Confidering
the error of both, the Mexicans were certainly more rational by giving
their gods a liquor to tafte which they imagined was acceptable to them,
than the Romans by executing an artion upon their goddefs which has
been efteemed highly infulting among all nations of the world.
What we have faid hitherto, though fufficicnt to fl)cv/ that the re-
ligion of the Mexicans was lefs exceptionable than that of the Romans,
Vol, II. L 1 1 Greeks
442 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, Greeks, or Egyptians, we are fenfible that the comparifon between
them ought not to have been folely with refped: to the above articles,
but rather with refpedl to the nature of their facrifices. We confefs,
that the reh'gion of the Mexicans was bloody, that their facrifices were
mofl cruel, and their aufterities beyond meafure barbarous; but when-
ever we confider what other nations of the world have done, we are
confounded at viewing the weaknefs of the human mind, and the
feries of errors into which they have fallen from their miferable fyf-
tems of religion.
There has been no nation in the world which has not at fome time
facrificed human vi<fl:ims to that god whom they adored. We know
from the facred writings, that the Ammonites burned fome of their
fons in honour of their god Moloch, and that other people of Canaan
did the fame, whofe example was followed by the Ifraelites. It ap-
pears from the fourth book of the Kings, that Achaz and Manaffeh,
kings of Judea, ufed that pagan rite of pafllng their fons through the
fire. The expreffion of the facred text appears rather to fignify a mere
luftration or confecration, than a burnt-offering, but the hundred and
fifth Pfalm does not leave a doubt that the Ifraelites ilicrificed their
children to the gods of the Canaanites. Of the Egyptians we know,
from Manetho, a prieft and celebrated hiflorlan of that nation, cited
by Eufebius Csfarienfis, that daily three men were facrificed in Elio-
polls to the goddefs Juno alone, in like manner as the Ammonites fa-
crificed human vi6tims to their Moloch, and the Canaanites to their
Beelfegor ; the Perfians facrificed to their Mitra or fun,, the Phoenicians
and Carthaginians to their Baal or Saturn, the Cretans to Jove, the
Lacedaemonians to Mars, the Phocians to Diana, the Lefbians to Bac-
chus, the Theflalians to the Centaur Chiron and Peleus, the Gauls to
Efb and Scutate (^), the Bardi of Germany to Tuijion, and other na-
tions
(q) A certain French author, through a blind attachment to his native country, Hardily
denies that human victims were ever faciificed by the Gauls ; but he adduces no authority tf>
confute the tellimony of Pliny, Seutonius, Diodorus,. and in particular Cafar, who was well
acquainted with the Gauls, and knew their cuftoms. " Natio eft omnis Gallorum," he fays,
»' admodiim dedita rcligionibus, atque ob earn eaufain qui funt affedi gravioribus morbis, qui-
"■ quein prselio periculilque verfantur, aut pro viftimis homines immolant, aut fe immolaturos
*' vovent, adminitiris ad ea facrificia Druidibus ; qusd pro vita horainis, nifi vita homlnis red-
'* datur, non polTe aliter deorura "unmortaliunr numea placar! arbitrantur, publiceque ejufdein
gemiis
HISTORYOFMEXICO. 443
tions to their tutelar gods. Philon fays that the Phoenicians in public dissert,
calamities offered in lacrifice to their inhuman I3aal their dearefl ions,
and Curtius affirms that fuch facritices were in ule among the Tyrians
until the ruin of their famous city. The fame did the Carthaginians
with their countrymen in honour of Saturn the cruel. We know th.it
when they were vanquilhed by Agathocles, king of Syracufe, with a
view toappeafe their deities, whom they believed incenfed, tliey lacrificed-
two hundred noble children, befides three hundred youths who fpon-
taneoufly offered themfelves for facrifice, to ihew their bravery, their
piety towards the gods, and their love to their country ; and, as Ter-
tullian affirms, who was an African, and lived little latter than that epoch
of which we are fpeaking, and therefore ought to know it well, facri-
fices were ufed in Airica untd the time of the emperor Tiberius, as in
Gaul till the time of Claudian, as Suetonius reports.
The Pelafgians, the ancient inhabitants of Italy, facrificed a tythe of
their children, in order to comply with an oracle, as is related by D.
Halicarnafleus. The Romans, who were as fanguinary as they were fu-
perflitious, did not ablbin from fuch kind of facrilices. All the time
they were under the government of their kings, they facrihced voj"-
children to the goddd's Mania, mother of the Lcinrs, fertile prolperitv
of their houfes, to which they were direcfted by a certain oracle of Apollo,
as Macrobius fays ; and we know from Pliny, that human facrifices were
not forbid until the year 657 of Rome ; but notwithtlanding this pro-
hibition, thofe examples of barbarous fuperllition did not ceale; fince
Auguflus, as authors cited by Suetonius aiHrm, after the taking of Pe-
fufia, where the conful, L. Antony, had fortified himfelf, facrificed in
honour of his uncle Julius Csfar, who was by this time dciried by the
*' t;enuis habent inftituta facritii-ia. Alii immani ma;5;iiiti.iJiiie fnnuluCia halicnf j quorum co.i-
•' texta vimiiiibus membra vivis hoininibus complcnt qu-bus fuccenlii circaniventi liamin.i cx-
" aminantui' homines. Siipplicia cDrum cjui in . nto aut Latilcinio aut aliqua noxa lint com-
•' comprchenfi gratiora liiis immortalibiis efTc arb'irranrur. Scd cum ejus generis cojii.i deficit,
ptian) ad iniioccntiam fiijiplicia defccndunt. Lib. vi, de Belio Gallico, cap. j. Froni this it ap-
pears the Gauli were more cruel than the Mexicans.
(r) DCLVII. dcraum anno urbis Cu. Corn Leiituto, P. Licinio Cofi. Senatas confultu.n
factum ell, ne homo inwiolarctur. Plin. Hid. Nat lib. xxx. cap. i.
(/) Herufia capta in pUirimos anitandvcrtlt ; orare veni. ini, vel cxcufare fe conantibus una
voce occvirrcns, nioricndum clTe. t'cribunt quidam treieiitos ex JeJititiis clc^los uiriui'.jue
otdinis ad arani D. Julio cx{lrn>Stiro Idlb. MartHs vicliinaruiu more madUtos. Suciouius in
pi^aviano.
L 1 1 2 Romans,
444 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
^^ssniT. Romans, three hundred men, partly fenators and partly Roman knights,
upon an altar ereded to that new deity. Ladlantius, who was a man
well inilrudled in the affairs of the Romans, who flouriflied in the
fourth century of the church, iays expreflly, that even in his time, thofe
facrifices were made to Jupiter Latialis(^). Nor were the Spaniards free
from this barbarous fuperflition. Strabo recounts, in book iii. that the
Lufitanians facrificed prifoners, cut off their right hand to confecrate
it to their gods, obferved their entrails, and examined them for augu-
ries ; that all the inhabitants of the mountains ufed to facrifice prifon-
ers as well as horfes, offering their vidlims by hundreds at a time to
the god Mars ; and fpeaking in general, he fays, it was peculiar to the
Spaniards to facrifice themfelves for their friends. This is not very
different from what Silius Italicus reports of the Betki, his anceftors,
which is, that after they had paffed the age of youth, grown weary of
life, they committed fuicide j and which he praifes as an heroic
aftion. Who would believe, that ancient cuftom of Betica would
be revived at this time in England and France. To come to later
times, Mariana, in fpeaking of the Goths, who occupied Spain,
writes thus : " Becaufe they were perfuaded that the war would
" never be profperous when they did not make an offering of human
" blood for the army, they facrificed the prifoners of war to the god Mars,
•' to whom they were principally devoted, and ufed alfo to offer him
' ' the firft of the fpoils, and fufpend from the trunks of trees the ikins
«' of thofe whom they had flain." If thofe Spaniards who wrote the
hlllory 'of Mexico, had not forgotten this, which happened to their
own peninfula, they would not have wondered fo much at the facrifices
of the Mexicans.
Whoever would wifli to fee more examples, may confult Eufebius
of Caefarea, in book iv. de Freparattone Evangelica, where he gives a
long detail of the nations by whom fuch barbarous facrifices were prac-
til'ed : what we have faid is enough to fhew that the Mexicans have
done nothing but trod in the fleps of the moft celebrated nations of the
old continent, and that their rites were neither more cruel, nor lefs
rational. It is, perhaps, greater cruelty and inhumanity to facrifice
{t\ LatSantius, Inilit. Divin. lib. i. cap. ir.
fel-
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
445
ftllow-citizens, children, and themfelves, as the greater part of DISSERT*
thofe nations did, than to facrifice prifoncrs of war as was pradtifed
among the MexicAns. The Mexicans were never known to facrifice
Éheir own countrymen, unlefs it was tbofe who forfeited their lives by
their crimes ; or the wives of nobles, that they might accompany their
hufbands to the other world. That anfwer which Montezuma gave to
Cortes, who reproached him for the cruelty of the Mexican facrifices,.
lliews us that although their fentlments were not juft, they were lefs in-
eonfillent-than thofe of other nations who had fallen into the fame fuper-
ftitions. " We," he faid, " have a right to take away the life of our;
" enemies j We could kill them in the heat of battle, as you do your
" enemies. What injuftice is there in making them, who are con-
" demned to death, die in honour of our gods."
The frequency of fuch facrifices was certainly not lefs in Egypt, Italy,,
Spain, and Gaul, than in Mexico. If in the city of Eliopolis alone,
they annually facrificed, as Manetho fays^more than a thoufand vidiims to
the goddefs Juno ; how many muft have been £icrificed in the other ci-
ties of Egypt to the famous goddefs Ifis, and other innumerable deities,
adored by that moft fuperftitious nation ? How frequent muft they
have been among the Pelafgians, who facrificed a tenth part of their
children to their gods ? What numbers of men muft have been con-
fumed in th»ofe hecatombs of the ancient Spaniards ? And what fliall
we fay of the Gauls, who, after having facrificed prifoners of war and
malefadtors, made alfo innocent citizens die in facrifice, as Casfar relates ?
The number of the Mexican facrifices has certainly been exaggerated
by the SpaniOi hiftorians, as we have already obferved.
The very humane Roman Sj who had Icruples in obferving human
entrails, although at the end of fix centuries and a half after the
foundation of their famous metropolis they forbid the facrifices of
men, ftill permitted with great frequency the gladiatorian facri-
fices. So we call thofe barbarous combats, which, as well as fcrving
for the amufement of that fierce people, were likewife prefcribed by
their religion. Befides the great quantity of blood fpilt at the Circenfian
games, and at banquetSj there was not a little alfo llied at the fu-
nerals of wealthy perfons, either of gladiators, or prifoners v/ho were
put to death to appeafc the maiies of the deccafed; and they were
fo
J
446 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT, fo firmly perfuaded of the neceflity of fome human blood being fpilt
^ '^^' for this purpofe, that when the circumftances of the dead could not
bear the expence of gladiators or prifoners, freficce were paid, that
they might draw blood from their cheeks with their nails. How many
vidtims muft thus have fldlen by the fuperilition of the Romans, at
their funerals, efpecially as they vied with each other who fhould ex-
ceed in the number of gladiators and prifoners whofe blood was to
celebrate the funeral pomp ? It was this bloody difpofition of the Ro-
mans which made fuch havoc on the people of Europe, Afia, and
Africa, and which, befides overflowed Rome with the blood of its
own citizens, efpecially during thofe horrid profcriptions which ful-
lied the glory of that famous republic.
The Mexican were not only inhuman towards their prifoners, but
likewife towards themfelves, by their barbarous aullerities mentioned
in this hiftory. But the drawing of blood with the prickles of the
aloes from their tongues, arms, and legs, as they all did, and the bor-
ing their tongue with pieces of cane, as the moft auftere amongft them
ufed to do, will appear but flight mortifications compared with thofe
dreadful and unheard of aufl:erities executed upon themfelves by peni-
tents of the Eafl:-Indies and Japan, which cannot be read without
horror. Who will ever think of comparing the inhumanities of the
mofl: famous Tlamacazqui of Mexico, and Tlafcala, with tliofe of the
prieflis of Bellona and Cybele («) ? When did the Mexicans tear their
limbs, .or their flefh, with their teeth, or cafl:rate themfelves in honour
of their gods., as thofe prieflis did in honour of Cybele ?
Laftly, the Mexicans, not content with facrificing human vidims,
.eat alfo their flefli. We confefs in this their inhumanity furpafl'ed other
'':.■) Dcx jNIaojnx Sacerdotes, qui G«1H vocaliaiitur, vilitia fi' i amputabant, & furc)re perciti
caput rorabant cr.Itiif.jue faciem mufculofque totius corporis diflecabant : niotlibus quo-nie fe
iplos impettbant. AiiguJ}. ,le Cfj. Dc. lib. ii. cap. -,
lUe viriles fibl p.irtes aijiputat, ills lacertos fccar. Ubi iratos Deos timcnf, qui fic propitios
werentur? . . . Tantiis efl perturbata; mentis & fedibus fuis pull'ie furor, ut fic Dii placentur,
<);iemad.moUuin nc lioinines (^uLicui fa;viunt teterrimi, Se iu tabuias traditi ciudciitacis Tyralini
I.iccraveruiU aliqyorum niembra ; ;ieinÌHcm faa lacerare juiicruiu. .In regia libidinis volupta-
' tern call rati funt quidam ; fed nemo fibi. no vir effct, jubeiTC domino maiius intullt. Se ipfi
-iji tc nplis contrucidanr, vulncrlbus i'uis ac faivguijie fupplicant. Si cui int-ucri vacct qua?
,faciunt, qusquc patiuntur, iiiveniet tani indccor;j honertis, tarn i uligna Uberis, tiiin diliimllla
fanis, lit nemo fucrit dubitaturus furere eos, fi cum pauciorlbus furerentj nunc faiiitatis pa-
irodniu;n4i)fanici-uium turba eft. Seneca, Uli, D-e Suprjiii.
nations ;
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 447
nations ; but examples of this kind have not been fo rare even among dessert.
cultivated nations of the old continent, as to make the Mexicans be , ^!il
clalTed with nations abfolutely barbarous. That horrible cuftoin, fays
the hiftorian Solis, of men eating each other, was feen firft among the
barbarians in our hcmilphcre, as is confefled by Gallicia, in his Annals.
Belides the ancient Africans, whofe defcendants at this day are in part
canibals, it is certain, that many of thofe nations which were formerly
known by the name of Scythians, and alfo the ancient inhabitants of Si-
cily, and the continent of Italy,, as Pliny and other authors fay, were
men-eaters likewife. Of the Jews, who lived in the times of Antio-
chus i/jc illujlrious Appion, an Egyptian, not Greek writer, as M.
de Paw fays,, has written, that they ufed to keep a Greek prifoner
to eat him at the end of one year. Livy fays of the famous Hannibal,
that he made his foldiers eat human flefh to encourage them to war.
Pliny feverely cenllires the Greeks for their cuftom of eating all the
parts of the human body, to cure themfelves of different diflempers {x).
Is there any wonder then that the Mexicans fliould do that from a
motive of religion, which the Greeks obferved as a rule of medicine?
But we do not pretend to apologife for them on this head. Their
religion, with refpeft to Canibalifm, was certainly more barbarous
than that of the Romans, Egyptians, or thofe other cultivated nations;
but, at the fame time, in other points, it is not to be denied, that it
was lefs fuperffitious, lefs abfurd, and lefs indecent.
{x) Quis invenit fingula membM humana manderc ? Qua conjeflura Indudus ? Quani po»
teft medicina ilia originem habuifle .'■ Quis veneficia innocentiora fecit quara remedia ? Efto,.
barbari exicrnique ritus invcncnnt ; ctiatn ne Grsci fuas fecere has artes r" &c. PUn,.
}LJi. Nat. lib. sxviii. cap. i.
D I 8 S E R-
t'ìSSERTi
i 448 1
DISSERTATION IX.
On the Origin of the French Evil.
IN the prefent Differtation we have not only to difpute with M. dc
Paw, but alfo with almofl all Europeans, who are general'ly per-
fuaded that the French evil had its origin in America ; for fome nations
of Europe having reciprocally accufed each other of propagating this
opprobrious diftemper, at lafl agreed to charge it upon the new world.
We fhould certainly deferve to be taxed with rafhnefs in combating fo
univerfal an opinion, if the arguments which we are to offer, and the
example of two modern Europeans, did not render our attempt par-
donable (^). As among the fupporters of the common opinion, the
principal, the moil renowned, and he who has written mofl; copiouily
and learnedly upon the fubjeót, is Mr. Aftruc, a learned French phy-
fician, he will neceflarily be principally oppofed by us, for which pur-
pofe we (hall make ufe of thofe very materials which his work prefents
tous((^).
JS E C T. I.
^he Opmian oftkejirji Fhyficians concerning the Origin of the French Evih
DURING the firfl thirty years after the French evil began to be
known in Italy, there was not a fingle author, as we fhall mention after-
wards, who afcribed the origin of it to America. All the authors
{a) Thefe two authors are William Becket, a Surs^con of London, and Antonio Ribero San-
chez. Becket wrote three Differtations, which were inferted in vol. xxx. aad xxxi. of the Phi-
fofophicLil TraufaLÌions, to prove, that the French evil was known in England as far b ick as
the fourteenth century. Ribero wrote a Difiertation, which was printed in Paris, with this
title, J): Ter tat hit fur rOrigln tk la Maladie Vcnerlenne, dans la quelle on frouve quell n'a
point Hi porti'e tie V Ameriquc. Having read the title of this DilTcrtatioii in the Catalogue of
Spanifh books and manufcripts, prefixed to Dr. Rolertfon's Hiftory of America, we fought
•for it in Rome, in Genoa, and Venice, but without fucccfs.
(i; De Morbis Venereis, vol. ii. Vcuicc Edition.
who
HISTORY O^F .-MEXICO. 44.'
,„H eve., foine of thofe who wrote ,^ .
w1,o «rote upon it. before 'S^v^f _^ „^^„,^„„ of ,vhich will ex-
rf-ter attributed it to diifereut .iulcs.
eite Ihe fnules and pity of our r^^er . ^^^^^._,„ Ci,,,,.
riisstrrsii, -.•"-
which happened in .+83- . ;„„ ^f ^We celebrated Nicolaus
Others, in agreement «uh be op^ ^_^^^^^^^ ^.^^^ ,„d ,n„ndat.on,
Leonicenus (r), «"'bated it o the ve y ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^.^_^ ^^g^„.
«hich happened m Italy *« J^^ "^f .,,, ,„Wernty of Ferrara afcn-
G. Manardi. a learned ptofelte o ^^^^^^^^ of a Vale .tun
bed the origin of the ev,l to the mpa ^^^^^^^_^ ^ ^__^ ^^
gentleman «ho «as 1=^- ' «'^^^ „.,„ „,„3 alfo leprous «ah
to the commerce of a F'»* ?" "^ , ie,„ed Ferrarefe. athrms.
e profti.ute. , Antonia ""& Brafavola .^^^^^„_ ,^ ^^^^
'iS:^^rrpr«tfrr:.r-efsinthcmou.hofthe
-gi;;. Pallopio. . celebrar. -aen^^^^>'-^^^^
Spaniards, being fe« i" "un^ '-J^^ ^,^ ,„.„ of the «ells, of
ex'tremely numerous, one n.ght «^ ^^^^ f^„„, „,,„„ the dU-
vvhich their enemies «ere to dun
temper arofc. ,.„ ,„ element VIII. fays, he kne« from
, A^^ea Cefalpino, phyl.c»n '«^^J „,,„ ,,e Trench be-_
,hofe who «ere prelent at the war o P^^^^ .^ ^ g,.,, abundance of
fieged Somn», a place "f/' ?:" ;;,„j, ,fcaped one night m lecret.
dam, &c- o/"/'"' ' r^X irv m
Vol. ^I-
450
HIST OP. Y OF MEXICO.
pisf ERT» Leonardo Fioravanti, a learned Bolognefe phyficia.n, fays in his work,.
^^* entitled, Capricci Mediciimli^ that he was informed by the fon of one
who had been futler to the army of Ahbnfo, king of Naples, about
the year 1456, that the army of the king, as well as the French, be-
coming fliort ofprovifions froin the length of the war, the futler fup-
plied them both with dreffed human flelh, and that from thence fprung
the French evil. The celebrated chancellor Bacon, lord Verulam,,
adds [d],. that the flclh fupplied them^ was of men killed in- Barbary^
which they prepared like the tunny fiih.
As no body knew, nor could know, who v/as the firft in Europe
that fuftered that great evil, neither can we know the gaufe of it : but
let us attend to. what may have happened.
S E C T., II. -"
'The French Evil could be commimicated to 'Europe from other Countries
of the old Continent.
TO prove that the French evil could be communicated by means
of contagion to Europe, from other countries of the fame continent,
it is neceflary, but will be alfo fufficient to fhew that that evil was
firll felt in forne of thofe countries, and that they had commerce with
Europe before the new world was difcovered. Both of thefe points
fhall be fully demonflrated.
Vatablo, Pineda, Calmet, and other authors, have maintained, that
among the dillempers with which Job was aftlided, the French evil
was one. This opinion is fo ancient, that as foon as that evil appear-
ed in Italy, fome called it the evil of Job, as Battifta Fulgofio, an au-
thor then living, atteils (c'). Calmet attempts/^)' to prove his opinion
with a great deal of erudition j but as we know nothing of the com-
plaints of Job, except what is mentioned in the facred books, which
may eafily be conceived to fpeak of other diflempers then known, or
of fome one entirely unknown to us, we can therefore build little on
this opinion.
{d) Sylva Sylvarum. ccntur. i. ait. 2'.
(«; In a work eatitled, Ditta Fatìar^ue Memorabilia, lib, i. c. ^,
(/) Diflert. in Morbum Jobi.
Andre
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 451
Andre Thevet, a French geographer (g), and other authors affirm, DISSERT,
that the French evil was endemic in the internal provinces of Africa,
fituate on both fides of the river Senegal .
And Cleyer, firil phyfician of the Dutch colony, in the ifland of
Java, fays (/>), that the venereal difeafe was proper and natural to that
ille, and as common as the quotidian fever. Thuanus has aflirmed
the fame thing (/).
J. Bonzius, phylician to the Dutch in the Ealt-Indies, teftifies, that
(/é) that dilliemper was endemic in Amboyna and the Moluccas, and
that it was not neceffary to have any previous carnal commerce to catch
the infeftion. This was confirmed in part by the account of the com-
panions of Magellan, the firft who made the tour of the world in the
famous veflel, ViBory, who attcfted, as Herrera fays(/), that they
found in Timor, an illand of the Moluccan Archipelago, a great num-
ber of the iflanders infedled with the French evil ; which was cer-
tainly neither carried tliere by the Americans nor Europeans, previoully
difeafcd.
Forneau, a French Jefuit, learned, accurate, and experienced in
the affairs of China, having been afked by Mr. Aftruc (w), if the phy-
ficians of China thought the venereal diflemper originated in their
country, or brought there from other places ; anfwered, that the Chi-
nefe phyficians whom he had confulted were of opinion, that that dif-
temper was luffered there fmce the earliell antiquity; and that the
Chinefe books written in Chiiiefe charadters, which were eflcemed by
them to be ancient, faid nothing of the origin of that difeafe, but make
nicntion of it as a diftemper very ancient even at that time, in which
thefe books were written j that alfo it was neither known, nor
probable, that the diftemper was carried there from other countries.
Laftly, Dr. Aftruc fays, according to iiis opinion («), after having
examined and weighed the teftimonies of authors, that the venereal
{g) Cofmojjiaphie Univcrfclle, liv. i. cip. ii. (/>) Epift. ad Clirift. Mentzaliuin.
(/) Hift. Sui Teinporis, cap. 71.
{k) In Mtthodo mcdcntli quo in Indiis Orientalibus oportet uti lu cura morborum iilic vulgo
ac popniaritcr graflantium.
(/) Dec. III. lib. iv. cap. 1.
(m) Diflirt, de Origine Morborum Venercorura inter Siirias. Ad Cale. toni. i.
(u) DcMorbis Vcnereis, lib. i. cap. 11.
M m n) 2 dilcifc
452
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DISSERT, dileifè was not peculiar folely to the ifland Haiti, or Hifpaniola, but
alfe common to many regions of the old continent, and, perhaps, to
alitile equinoiSial countries of the world in which it prevailed from
antiquity. This ingenuous confefTion, from a perfon fo well informed
on this fubjeifl, and befides fo prejudiced againfl America, as well as the
teftinionierabove mentioned, are fufficient to demonftrate, that although
we fuppofe the French evil to have been anciently exifting in the new
world, nothing can be adduced on this fubjed: by the Europeans againft
America, that cannot be laid by America againfl many countries of the
old world, and that if the blood of the Americans was corrupted, as
M. de Paw would argue, that of the Aliatics and Africans was not-
more wholfome.
Dr. Aftruc adds, that from thofe countries of Afia and Africa, in
which the French evil was endemic, it might be communicated by
commerce to the neighbouring people, though not to the Europeans ;
becaufe, the torrid zone having been deemed uninhabitable, there was
no commerce between thofe countries and Europe. But who is igno-
rant of the commerce which Egypt had for many centuries with the
equinodlial countries of Afia, and on another fide with Italy ? Why there-
fore, might not the Afiatic merchants have brought along with their drugs
the French difeafe into Egypt, and from thence the Venetians, Genoefe,
and Pilans, carry it into Italy, as they had for along time a continual
commerce v/ith the city of Alexandria, . in the fame manner as other
Europeans carried into Italy from Soria and Arabia, the leprofy and
fmall-pox Ì Befides, among the many Europeans, who, from the twelfth
century forward, undertook to travel into the fouthern countries of
Afia, namely B. di Tudela, Carpini, Marco Polo, and Mandeville ;
amongft whom fome, as M, de Paw fays, advanced as- far as China,
might not one bring with him on his return to Europe, the infediion
from thofe Afiatic countries ? Here we do not treat of what adually
did happen, but only of that which might have happened.
The French evil might not only pafs from Afia, but alfo from A-
frica into Europe, before the difcovery of America j as the Portuguefe,
thirty years before the glorious expedition of Columbus, had difcovered
a, great piirt of the equinoftial countries of Africa, and carried on com-
merce there. Might not fome Portuguefe, therefore, infeóted thence with
the
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O^ 353
the French evil, communicate it to his country people, and in courfe DISSIUIT.
to other nations of Europe, as poflibly did happen from what we lliall
fay prefently ? Dr. Aftruc may thus obferve, by how many channels the
French ev<il might be communicated to Europe without the interven-
tion of America, aidiou^h the. ancients conceived the torrid zone in-
acceiTible.
SECT. III.
The French Evil might arife in Europe ivithout Contagiati.
BEFORE we handle this argument, it is neceflary to fay a little oa-
the nature and phyfical caufe of this diftemper. The French diftemper
is, according to phyficians, a fpecies of cachexia, in which the lymph,
and particularly the wheyifli part of it, aflumes a fingular thicknefs-
and acrim.ony. The venereal poifon, fays Aftruc (.0), is of a fait, or
rather acid fait, corrofive, and fixed nature. It occafions the conden-
fation and acrimony of the lymph, and from thence proceed the in-
flammations, warts, ulcers, erofions, pains, and all the other horrid
iymptoms known to phyficians.
This poifon, when communicated to a found man, ought not to be
confidered, fays this author, as a new humour added to the natural
humours, but rather as a mere dyfcrajia, or vicious quality of the na-
tural humours, which degenerating from their natural fiate, are changed
into acid falts.
Almofl all phyficians have been perfuaded, that this evil cannot
arife otherwite than by means of contagion communicated by the femi-
nal liquor, or by milk, or faliva, or fweat,, or by contadt with vene-
real ulcers, &c. But we prefume to maintain, that the French evil'
can pofitively be produced in man, without any contagion or commu--
nication with thofe infeded; becaufe it can abfolutely be generated in
die fame manner as it was generated in the firft perfon-who fuffered
it; fuch perfon could not get it by contagion, becaufe he would not
in that cafe been the firft who fuffcred it,, but from another caufe
very different ; therefore, by a fimilar caufe, whatever it was, forno
<'t) Ib'd. Lib. ii. cap. 2.-
cachexia^
.454
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
DlSsraiT. cachexia might have been produced without contagion, in other indi-
viduals of the human fpecies. This is true, fiiys Aftruc in America,
.or another fuch country, but not in Europe. But wherefore exempt
Europe? Becaufe, fays this author, the caufes which could at firft
have occafioned this evil in America, do not tuke place there j and
what are thofe caufes ? Let us examine them.
In the firft place Dr. Aftruc fays (/>) that the air ought not to be
jiumbered among the caufes, as although it might occafion other difor-
,ders in the iiland of Hifpaniola, it could not caufe the venereal dif-
eafe, becaufe the Europeans who for two hundred years and upwards
inhabited that illand have not contracted that diflemper but by means
.of contagion J and the air is not at prefent different to what it was
three hundred years ago : and if it fliould be different at prefent, at
leaft it was not fo in the beginning of the fifteenyth century. We
ought, therefore, to make no conclufions from the air in treating of
.the origin ©f this evil. Although Dr. Aftruc excludes the air from
the number of the caufes of the French evil, he has recourfe to it in
open contradidion to himfelf, in another place.
Two caufes alone are afligned by Dr. Aftruc ; thefe are food and
heat. As to food, he fays, that the inhabitants of HifpAniola, when
.their maize, cafava, ecc. was fcarce, fed on frogs, worms, bats, and
/uch like fmall animals. With refpcd to heat he affirms, that the
women of hot countries are much afflidled with .acrid, and, as it were,
-virulent courfes, particularly if they eat unwholefome food. On that
fuppofition the author fpeaks thus : " Multis ergo & graviffimis inorbis
" indigence infuls Haiti affici olim debuerunt, ubi nemo a menftruatis
■** mulieribus fe continebat : ubi viri hbidine impotentes in venerem
-*• obviam belluarum ritu agebantur : ubi mulieres, quoi impudentiffimas
*' erantj viros promitcue admittebant, ut teftatur Confalvus de Oviedo
" Hift. Indiar, lib. v. cap. 3. immo eofdem & piures impudentius
••* provocabant nienftruationis tempore, cum tunc incalefcente utero
(a) \ iJctur qulikm e numero caufarum expungenJus aer, qui in Hifpaniola mnrbos alios
forfan inferre poiuit, at vere luem veneream minime. Uti()ue conftar. Europrcos, qui earn
jnCulain jama :oo annis {immo f cue -ioo) incolunt luem veiicream ibidem nunquam contraxiffe
nifi coiit;i2.ionc. Eurcpxl tamen acrem ibiJc-m ducunt & eundcni, quein olim ducebant indioe-
.na?, & dubio jjrocul eodem jnodo. temperatura & conllitutum, Allruc De Morbis Vencreìs, lib. i.
.C. 12.. i
" Jibi-
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 455
** libidfne magis infanirent pecudum more. Quid igitur mirum varia, DISSERT.
** heterogenea, acria multorum virorum femina una confuta, cum a-
** cerrimo & virulento menflruofanguine mixta intra uteriim asftuantem
*' & olidum fpurcifllmarum mulierumcoercita, mora, h&terogeneitate,
** calore loci brevi computruiffe,. ac prima morbi venerei leminia con-
*' ftiturfle, quas in alios, fi qui forte continentiores erant, dimana-'
'* vere?"
This is the whole difcourfe of Dr. Aftrue on -the origin of the vene-
real diflemper, and is full from Ijeginning to end of fallity, as we ihall
prefently- demonftrate: but allowing that it was true what he fays
happened in Hifpaniola, the famo thing might have happened in
Europe ; becaufe as thofe Americans when they were in want of
maize and other food fed on frogs, worms,. &c. in like manner the
Europeans, when they were in want of wheat and other good ali-
ment, have been obliged to eat rats, lizards, and fueh little
animals, the excrements of other animals, and even bread made of
human bone», which- brought them various difordcrs. It is fufficient
to call to mind the horrid famine formerly fuffered in Europe, partly
lay fevere weather, partly by war. There have been men too there who
have, likebeafts, allowed themfelves to be led away by intemperate lu(t
to the moft execrable excefles. Tliere have always been abandoned
and jfilthy women too,-and what Plautus faid might be affirmed with re-
fpe<fl to them, Plus Jcortofum- ibi eji, quam mufcarumtum, cum ca!m-
etur maxume. Extreme acrid feminal fluids, uteri efluantes and virulent
courfes, have never been wanting either. Such caufes therefore could
have produced the French evil in Europe, as they produced, it accord-
ing to Aftruc, in America.
" No," anfwers this author ; " they could not ; becaufe the air being
** more temperate in Europe, (he has recourfe to the air, after he had ex-
** eluded it from the number of caufes of the French evil) >/j?« adeji eadem
" in virorum femine acrimonia, eadem in menjlricojanguine virulentia, idem
** in utero mulicrum fervor, quales in infula Haiti fitijjeprobatum eft : (the
" proofs of Dr. Aftruc are no others than thofe above, fet forth whence
*' he adds,) that thofe fymptoms cannot be produced there from a hmilar
" concourfe of caufes. Of difcafcs, and their caufes alfo, we ought to*
"judge, as of the generation of animals and plants. As lions are not
bvcd
456 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I C O.
DISSERT. *' bred in Europe, nor apes propagate, nor parrots build theii* ncils nor,
v,=— V-! » " many Indian or American plants grow in Europe, although they are
*' fown there J in like manner, the French evil could never be pro-
*-* duced in Europe by thefe caufes, from whence, as we have already
" laid it was, produced in Hifpaniola; becaufe every clime has its par-
^' ticular properties, and thofe things which arife in one dime fpon-
*' taneouily can by no art be produced in another ; for as the poet fays,
■«< non omnis fert omnia tellus".. '
We ihall grant many things to Dr. Aflruc which would not be
-granted to him by any other perfon. We grant that there has never
'been in Europe xhatdhM^t oi f emini arum menjlruatarum, nor thatacrif
mony nor virulence in the fluids of the human body, nor that heat in
the uterus which he fuppofes in the ifland of Hifpaniola ; although
■the contrary appears from the books of medicine publiflied in thefe
lafl: two hundred years. We grant to him that they have no examples
-there of luxurious exceiì'es ; becaufe to liim it appears too much to
•confefs therri to have been in Europe (y) ; and we grant to him alfo,
diat all the women of Europe have been mofl healthy and chafte. All
■that we grant to him, though it is contradifted by hiflory, and the
■common opinion of Europeans themfelves. Notwithflanding, we af-
firm, that the French evil could be generated in Europe without con-
tagion ; becaufe all thole diforders which Aflruc fuppofes to belong to
4he ifland of Hifpaniola, could alfo take place in Europe, although
.they never had been known there. Thofe chafl:e women induced by
violent pafTions, which are common to all the children of Adam,
■might become as incontinent and abandoned as that author fuppofes the
^Americans of Hifpaniola were. Thofe found and healthy men might
■find an aliment as pernicious as that which was the food of the natives
oi Haiti. The human fperm, which of itfelf is very acrid, as Ailruc
■lays, might, by reafon of unwholefomefood, become more and more fo,
until it hjid that degree of acrimony, which produces the venereal ail-
■ment. The menfes might become virulent, either from fuppreffion,
-or plethora, or many other caufes in the fluids or the vefl'els. It ap-
(<j) Sed eflo : demus in Europa veiwrem i-qiie iinpuram, atqiic in Hifpaniola exerceri;
.neqiic enim contra pugnare placej;, (juan^iiam ea tamf;n nimia videanuir. j^Jiruc De Morbis
Vtnerris, lib. j, cap. u.
pears
IX.
HIS TORYOP MEXICO. 457
pears from the letters of Chriftopher Columbus, quoted by his learn- dissert.
cd fon D. Ferdinand, that he landed the firfl time in Hifpaniola, on
the 24th of December, 1492, becaufe a veflfel of his miferable fleet had
ftruck upon a fand bank ; that all the time he remained there from the
24th of December to the 4th of January, they were employed in get-
ting the wood and timbers of the vefTel up from the fand, to eredt a
little fortrefs, in which he left forty men, and embarked that fame day
with the reft of his people for Spain, to bear the news of the difco-
very of that new world. All the circumftances of their arrival in that
ifland do not allow us to fufpedt, that the Spaniards had opportunity
to have fuch commerce with any of the American women as to
depart infedted by them. Tlieir mutual admiration of each other, the
fight of fo many new objeóls, and the very ihort ftay of only eleven
days, which were employed in the great fatigue of getting up the
wreck, and ere<5ling that fort in fo much hafte, after the inconveni-
encies of the longeft and the moft dangerous voyage which had ever
been performed, make a conjedlure of this kind entirely improbable.
It is not lefs improbable, from the filence of Columbus himfelf, his
fon D. Ferdinand, and of Peter Martyr d'Angheira, who in defcrib-
ing the fufferings of that voyage, lay nothing of fuch a diflempcr.
But although we fliould grant, that thofe Spaniards who returned
from the firfl: voyage were infected by the French evil, we fhould fl:ill
fay, that the contagion of Europe did not proceed from them, ac-
cording to the teftimony of fome refpedable authors then living. Gaf-
pare Torrella, a learned phylician above mentioned, fays, in his work,
entitled, Aphrodyjiacum (r), that the French evil began in Alverne, a
province of France, very difl:ant from Spain, in 1493. ^- Eulgofio or
Fregofo, doge of Genoa, in 1478, in his curious u'ork, entitled, D'lSla
Fattaque Memorabilia t and printed in 1509, affirms (j), that theFrench
evil began to be known two years before Charles VIII. came into Italy.
(r; Incepit I11C maligna atgritudo in Alvernii snno M.CCCCXCIII. & fi*: per contagio
nem pervenit, &c.
(j) Biennio antequam in Italiam Caroliis (VIII.) yenirct, nova legiitudo inter inoitalcs de-
teft:i fuit, cui ncc noincn, nee remcdia Medici ex veteriiin Aiictori:m diftiplina invenicbant,
varie, ut rcgiones erant, appellata. In Gallia Neapolitanum dixcrunt morbum, at in Italia
Gallicum appellabant. Lib. i. cap. 4. fcCt. ultimo.
Vol. II. N n n He
458 H I S T O R Y O F M E X.I C O.
DISSERT. He came Into Italy, in September 1494, therefore that evil was knows
ever lìnee 1492, or at the lateft in 1493, ^^^^ '^^> ^0"^^ years before
Columbus returned from his firft voyage. Juan Leone, once a Maho-
inetan, a native of Granada in Spain, vulgarly called Leone Africano, in
his defcription of Africa, written in Rome, under the pontificate of Leo
X. after he was converted, lays, that the Hebrews, when driven from
Spain, in the times of Ferdinand the Catholic, carried the French evil
into Barbary, and infedted the Africans ; on which account it was '
then called the Spanijh cvilij). The edi(5t of the Catholic kings ref-
pe(fling the expulfion of the Hebrews, was publilhed in March 1492,
as Mariana fays, allowing them no more than four months to fell all
their efFedls, if they did not chufe to carry them along with them ;
and in the following month, another edidl was publifhed by T. Tor-
quemada, inquifitor-general, in which it was prohibited to Chriflians,
under the heavieft penalties, to treat with the Hebrews, or to furnifh
them with provifions after the term prefcribed by the king ; fo that all
but thofe who became, or feigned to be Chriftians, were compelled to
quit Spain, before Columbus fet out to difcover America, as he did
not weigh anchor before the 3d of Auguft that year ; the French
evil, therefore, began in Europe before America was difcovered. We
find befides, among the poetry of Pacificus Maximus, a poet of Af-
coli, publiflied in Florence, in 1479, fome verfes, in which he de-
fcribes the gonorrhcea virulenta and venereal ulcers which he fuffered,
occafioned by his excefles (z/).
Oviedo, not content with afiirming, that the French evil came from
Ilifpaniola, attempts to prove it. Behold his firfl proof, i. That
horrid complaint of the biles is cured by the guaiacum better than any
other medicine ; and Divine mercy ivhere it permits evil for our /ins,
provides there, in compajjion to us, a remedy. If this argument could
{t) Hujus mali ne nomcn quklem ipfis Africaiiis notiim erat aiitequam Hifpaniaium Rex
FcrJinaiidus Judaeos onines ex Hifpania piofligaHet : qui ubi in patriam jam rcdiifl'ent, caepcrunt
miferi quidam ac fceleratiffiini .^ithiopcs cum illorum mulieiibus habere commefcium, ac fie
tandem veluti per manui peliii hxc per totam fc fparfit regioriem, ita ut vis fit familia, quse
ab hoi: malo runa-ferit libera. Id aiiteui fibi firinillime atque indubitate perfuaferunt ex Hif-
pania ad illos tt, fiiiigraffe. Quamobrem 5c illi morbo Malum Hiffauicum ^ne nomine deflitue-
rettir) indiderunt. Lib. i,
(u) Hccatalegil, lib. iii. Ad Priapum et lib. viii. ad Mentulara. We Jo not copy the
\f rfes on account ot their iudecci-cy.
hold.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
459
hold, we rtiould conclude, that Europe, rather than Hifpaniola, Was DISSERT.
the native country of the French eviJ : as many perfons know that ^^'
the mofl powerful remedy againft that diforder is mercury, which is
common in Europe, but has not been found in Hifpaniola, nor known
by the Indians : it is certain, that as foon as the French difeafe ap-
peared in Europe mercury was employed, and that Carpi, Torcila,
Vigo, Hoock, and many other famous phyficians of that time, made
ufe of it, although it was difcredited afterwards by the indifcretion of
fome empyrics, and grew for fome time into dilufe. Guaiacum was
not firft made ufe of until 1517, twenty-five years after the difcovery
of the French evil. Sarfaparilla began to be employed in 1535, and
China root about the fime time; and fa(fafras a little after.
The other proof by Oviedo, for he only offers two, is, that among
the Spaniards who returned with Columbus from his fecond voyage in
1496, was D. P. Margvirit, a Catalonian, " wha," he fays, " wasfoail-
*' ing, and complained fo much, that I do believe he felt thofe pains
'• which perfons infedled with fuch diftempers feel, though I never faw
" a pimple in his face. A few months after in the fame year, this ail-
" ment began to be felt amongft feme proftitutes ; for, at firll, the dif-
*' temper was confined to low people. It happened afterwards, that the
" great captain was fent witii a large and fine army into Italy, . . . and
" among thofe Spaniards who went in this force were many infedled with
*' this diftemper ; from whom, by means of women, &c." fuch are Ovi-
edo's proofs, which have not merited even this mention.
M. dc Paw thinks he has gained the argument, and demonftrated
the truth of the common opinion, from the teftimony ot Roderigo
Diaz de Ida, a phyfician of Seville, whom he calls a contemporary
author, as he thinks his teftimony detifive ; but Diaz was neitlier a
contemporary author, having wriiten fixty years after the difcovery of
the French evil, nor does his account merit any faith. He fiiys, that
the firll: Spaniards, when they returned with Columbus from Hifpa--
niola, in 1493, carried the contagion to Barcelona where the court
was then held ; that this city v\as the firft infected ; that it niade fucJl
havoc there, that prayers, falling, and almfgiving were appointed to
appeafe the anger of God; that Charles of France, having gone
the year after into Italy, certain Spaniards who were infedled there,
N n n 2 or
46o HISTORY OF MEXICO.'
DISSFRT. or many regiments, as M. de Paw fays, fent by Spain, to repel the
. invafion of king Charles, gave the French the infedion. But we
know from hiflory, that no regiment, either found or infeéled, nor
any other Spaniard were fent into Italy before Charles went out of Na-
ples with his army, then infeéled, to return into France. With ref-
ped to the contagion of Barcelona, we know that when Columbus
arrived, Oviedo was then at that place. But if that which the Se-
villian phyfician relates is true, Oviedo, who was fearching every
where for proofs to confirm his extravagant opinion, w'ould moft un-
queftionably have alledged the havoc occafioned there, thofe prayers,,
faftings, and charities, and not have made ufe of thofe miferable proofs
oi guaiacuWi and the complainings of Margarit. But befides, the French:
evil is ftil! more ancient than that epoch in Europe, as we have al-
ready explained.
It appears, that the phyficians of Seville in thofe times were the
worft informed with refpedl to the origin of the French evil ; as Ni-
colas Monardes, a phyfician alfo of that city, and contemporary of Diaz,
gives fo fabulous an account of it, that we cannot read it without lof-
ing all patience. He fays, " that in the year 1493, ^" ^^ ^^^ o^
*' Naples, between the Catholic and the French kings, Columbus ar-
•' rived after his firll difcovery of the ifland of Hifpaniola, and brought
** with him from that ifland a multitude of Indians, men and women,
" whom he cai-ried to Naples, where the Catholic king then was,, af-
" ter the war was over. And as there was peace between the two
*' kings, and the armies communicated, together,, when Columbus
" came there with hi& Indian men and women, the Spaniards began
" to have commerce with the Indian women, and the Indians with the
** Spaniili women, and in that manner the Indian men and women,
*■' infedted the Spanifli army, the Italians, Germans, &c." Who
could believe, that a literary Spaniard would disfigure the public fafts
of his own nation, which occurred not more than eighty years before,
fo. much that not one of his propofitions is corredi ; but when he means
to difparage America he lofes alJ regard to truth. It is certain and
notorious, that there was no war between Spain and France in 1493 5
that the Catholic king was not then in Naples, but in Barcelona, nor
recovered of his wounds which he had received from a mad perfon ^
that
TT r S T O R Y O F M E X r e 0\ 461'
that Columbus did not brine; with liim a multitude of Indian men and DIS^f.rt.
• IX
women, but only ten men ; that Columbus did never come into Italy
after his glorious expedition ; that the Indians he brought with him
tiever favv Italy.
After having made the moft diligent enquiry, we difcover no
grounds for believing the French evil came from America into Eu-
lOpe ; we rather find ourfelves induced to believe it as well as the fmall-
pox, was brought from Europe to America, i. Becaufe, neither Co-
lumbus, in his journal^ nor his fon, in the life of his renowned fa-
ther, who faw thofe countries, and noted their peculiarities, make
mention of the French evil, although fhey relate minutely the hard-
ships and fufferings of the firlì: voyages. Neither is there any men-
tion made of it in the hiftories of thofe countries written by Peter
Martyr of Anghcira (x), an author contemporary with Columbus, and
well-informed, having been prothonotarv to the council of the Indies,
and abbot of Jamaica. Oviedo, the hrft who attributed that diftem-
per to America, did not go there till twenty years after the ifland
Haiti had been inhabited by the Spaniards. What we fay of the li-
lence of tliefe authors refpecfting the Antilles, we may alfo fay of that
of the firft hiftorians of the other countries of America. 2. If Ame-
rica had been the real native country of the French evil, and if the
Americans had been the firft who fuffered it, it would have been more
prevalent there than in any other country, and the Americans would
have been more fubjeft than any other nation to that evil ; but this
is not the cafe. Of the Indians of the Antilles we can fay nothings
for it is now two centuries fince they have been totally extinft : but
among the prefent inhabitants of thofe iflands, that contagion is lefs
frequent than among the people in Europe, and fcldom appears but
where there are a great concourfe of foldiers and feamen. In the ca-
pital of Mexico, fome Whites and Indians are infeded with the vene-
real diforder, but very few in proportion to the number of the inha-
bitants. In other great cities of that vart: kingdom, the contagion is
extremely rare, and in fome it is hardly known ; but in thofe fettle-
(x) Of :iU things which were biou^ht ffom the Weft Indies belorginj; to the art of medi-
tiae. Pitrc i.- cap. 9.
I meots
402 H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O.
DISSERT, ments of Americans, where there is no refort of Teamen ©r foldiers.
IX
^J , the diflemper is never feen or heard of. With refped: to South A-
merica, we have been informed by perfons of accuracy, ilncerity,
and great acquaintance with thofe countries, befides what we have
known ourfelves, that in the provinces of Chih, and thofe of Para-
guay, that diftemper is extremely uncommon among the whites, and
never feen among the Americans. Some millionaries who have re-
fided fome twenty, others thirty years among different nations of A-
merica, agree in affirming, that they have never feen a perfon infedted
with that difeafe, nor ever known that any was.
As to the provinces of Peru and Quito, Ulloafays {y\ that although
in thofe countries the venereal diftemper is common among the whites,
and other races of men, it is very rare to fee an Indian infeóted. Ame-
rica, therefore, is not the parent of that difeafe, of that evil, as has
been vulgarly faid, nor ought fuch a diflemper, as M. de Paw would
infinuate, to be, conlidered as a confequence of the corrupted blood,
and vitiated conflitution of the Americans.
What then is the native country of the French evil ; as it neither
derives its origin from Europe nor America ? We do not know. But
in the rnidft of uncertainty if we may be allowed to conjeóture, we ì\ii~
petì that contagion to have come from Guinea, or fome other equi-
nodial country of Africa. The verv learned Englifli phyiician Syden-
hrm was of this opinion (s), and it is ftrengthened by what is affirmed
by Battifta Fulgofio, an eye-witnefs of the beginning of the French
evil in Europe. He fays, in the work which we have already cited (^),
-that :the French evil was brought from Spain into Italy, and from E-
( J ) It appears, th;it this aiitlicrlias confoLiiided the French evil with the fcurvy ; for we
'Icnow that Dr. Giulio Rondoli Pefarefe, a famous phyfician of Sièira, affirmed to a perfon of
credit, that amongft many who were thought infeiTtcd with the French evil, and whom he
curcdj he had not found any who was really infc(.'"ted with that dillempc r ; but that all were fcor-
"batic, and thit he had fuccceded in curinjy th- m, bv ulin'; the rcincdies' for the fcurvy.
{^) Sydenham aHiriiis in one of his Icttfrf, that the French evil is as foreign-to Aniericn as to
Euiope, ai;d that it was brought there by the Moois from Guinea ; but ii is not true, that the
"Moors brought it to .america, for the didcmpcr was known before theywéré ferou'ìit to HiV-
paniola. .._
(«) (J_i_i;e pciiis {ita filini vifa ell.l primo ex Hlfpania in Italiani aliata ad Hifjxinos ex /Ethio-
pia^'brevi totani terrarum orbcni comprehcndit. Falgo. Dli't. l'adorunn^ue JMemorab. lib.
i. cap. 4. '
thlopia
H I S T O R Y O F M E X I e O. 463
thiopla into Spain. Aftruc pretends that Fulgoiio means America, DISSERT.
under the name of Ethiopia. This is a curious method of folving a y ' j
difficulty. But who ever called Ethiopia America ? We know, on
the contrary, that it was common among the authors of that century,
to give the name of Ethiopia to any country inhabited by black men,
and to call fuch men Ethiopians ; Co that the natural fenfe of the
words of Fulgofio is, that the French evil was brought from the equi-
nodlial countries of Africa into Lufitanian Spain, or Portugal j but
this we dare not take upon us to maintain, unlefs we had made more
enquiries, and obtained ftronger proofs from authors of faith and
authenticity.
N I S.
"Mg i,
CI
Id
RI
Fon
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