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UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
LIBRARY

by the

ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE
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A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

A HISTORY

THE MODERN WORLD

1815—1910

OSCAR BROWNING

Senior Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, and
Lute University Lecturer in History

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOLUME I

CASSELL AND COMPANY, LIMITED

London, New York, Toronto and Melbourne

1912

"D
35-?

EARL CURZON OF KEDLESTON
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED

HIS AFFECTIONATE FRIEND
THE AUTHOR

PREFACE

THE present book has no pretensions to originality or research.
It is a plain account of the political events of ninety-five years,
more than seventy of which have passed during the writer's life-
time and nearly seventy within his recollection. During thirty
years spent in teaching history at the University, there are few
of the occurrences here narrated about which he has not lectured
or written, or which he has not discussed with students. These
lectures, writings, and discussions, together with the best authori-
ties he could find, form the sources of this book, and they are so
intertwined that the author has felt himself justified in abstaining
from more particular reference. It has often been said that the
study of contemporary history, so important for the education
of a politically-minded nation, is neglected amongst us. Perhaps
the present volumes may assist in supplying this defect.

In preparing this work for the press, the writer has been
materially assisted by his first Eton pupil, Mr. Charles Edward
Buckland, C.I.E., sometime Secretary to the Government of
Bengal.

CONTENTS

BOOK I

CHAPTER PAGE

1. ENGLAND, 1815-20 i

2. FRANCE ......... n

3. THE CONGRESS OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE .... 23

4. GERMANY ......... 32

5. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL ....... 41

6. ITALY AND NAPLES ....... 53

7. CONGRESS OF TROPPAU . . ... .64

8. THE RISING OF GREECE ...... 75

9. SPAIN AND FRANCE ....... 89

10. THE CONGRESS OF VERONA ...... 98

11. FRENCH INTERVENTION IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL . . 105

12. THE CARNIVAL OF REACTION ON THE CONTINENT . .118

13. GREECE, 1822-5 126

14. THE PHILHELLENES ....... 134

15. THE ACCESSION OF NICHOLAS I. AND THE TREATY OF

LONDON 144

16. NAVARINO 153

17. THE RUSSO-TURKISH WAR, 1828-9 . . . .166

18. THE INDEPENDENCE OF GREECE 178

19. THE TERROR IN PORTUGAL ...... 185

20. CHARLES X 197

21. THE REVOLUTION OF JULY 212

22. THE CREATION OF BELGIUM. ..... 224

23. THE REFORM ERA IN GREAT BRITAIN . . . .235

CONTENTS
BOOK II

CHAPTER PAGE

1. ENGLAND, 1832-41 . . . . . . . 249

2. THE CITIZEN KING . . . . . . 266

3. THE END OF POLAND .... . . . 285

4. TROUBLE IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL . . , . 290

5. Pius IX . . . . . . . . 300

6. PRESIDENT Louis NAPOLEON *';<• . . - . . 309

7. THE REVOLUTION FEVER IN 1848 . . . ' . 318

8. THE FIRST STRUGGLE FOR A NEW ITALY ; .. . 326

9. HUNGARY: THE EFFORT FOR INDEPENDENCE . Y 334

10. THE COUP D'ETAT . . . . . . , .- , 342

11. ENGLAND, 1846-52 . . . . - • . 350

12. THE SECOND EMPIRE . ., . . , ..,. ,: 364

13. ALMA, BALAKLAVA, AND INKERMAN ., . . , 379

14. THE CRIMEAN WAR : THE CONDITIONS OF PEACE . 393

15. THE CAPTURE OF SEBASTOPOL . . . ^ , . . 403

16. THE PEACE OF PARIS . . . . •.. . . ,. 413

17. THE INDIAN MUTINY . . , . . . ^ . . 424

A HISTORY OF
THE MODERN WORLD

BOOK I

CHAPTER I
ENGLAND, 1815-20

THE fall of Napoleon consequent upon his defeat at Waterloo Napoleon's
marks an epoch in the history of the world. Whatever moral Position
judgment we may pass upon the conquered Emperor, there can l
be no doubt that he was one of the giants of the human race, com-
parable with Julius Caesar, Alexander and Hannibal in ancient
times, with Charles the Great in medieval, and with Louis XIV.,
Frederick and Peter the Great in modern annals. Dominated by
the spirit of order, with a passionate hatred of seeing things badly
done when they might be done well, gifted with untiring energy
of mind and body, he created an empire which covered a large
part of Europe, which was a model of administration, and which,
like the Empire of Rome, has left a signal mark on all the nations
which were subject to it.

His departure from the scene produced the following effects :
It removed a picturesque personality, which has not yet ceased
— and probably never will cease — to impress the imaginations of
men ; it left a condition of exhaustion, due partly to the over-
activity which the stimulus of the great monarch had called into
existence, and partly to the obstinacy with which his efforts had
been combated ; and it was followed by a desire to undo every-
thing that he had done, and to follow a line of action the exact
contrary to that which he had pursued. Therefore the early years
of the century which we have undertaken to describe are drab
and dull, flaccid and impotent, obscurantist and reactionary.
We cannot rightly estimate the value of Napoleon's career with-
out considering what preceded and what followed. The French
Revolution had destroyed in France not only all government,
but all the materials from which a government could be con-

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

After
Napoleon,

England's
Stability.

structed. The rank, the wealth, the genius of France had perished
under the guillotine ; religion, justice and control had been vio-
lently overthrown, liberty had run wild, authority had ceased to
exist. That Bonaparte should have created a government at all
is wonderful ; that he should have established it on these founda-
tions is a miracle of genius.

For fifteen short years as Consul and Emperor he swayed
continental Europe, and the misgovernment which succeeded him
is a testimony to the excellence of his rule. The fifteen years which
followed his fall are marked by the vices which produced the
Revolution in France and similar outbreaks in other countries.
Monarchy was again restored, the privileged classes resumed their
powers, a corrupt and selfish camarilla usurped the wisdom of the
throne, the people lost their power, the third estate became again
the nothing which it had been before 1789. The career of the
Corsican seemed to have passed like a thunderstorm, and its central
figure was slowly dying on the rock of St. Helena, forgotten for
ever, as the statesmen of Europe fondly believed. But the forces
which produced the French Revolution, which Napoleon so well
understood and so wisely controlled, were indestructible. The
advance of democratic principles could not be stayed. They had
their share in the overthrow of the government which had brought
them into existence. There could never have been a national
rising in Germany unless Napoleon had first broken the fetters
which made all national movements in that country impossible.
Spain learnt fitfully a similar lesson from the same source, and
Russia became conscious of her national strength in her efforts
to resist the invader. Fifteen years after Waterloo the storm
broke, and the eighty odd years which have succeeded the Re-
volution of 1830 are among the most remarkable that the world
has ever known.

England has played a large, even a dominant, part in the
developments of this period. She found herself in 1815 the mis-
tress of Europe, enjoying in great measure the inheritance of the
conqueror she had overthrown. She used her power, if not always
with enlightenment, at least with moderation. She refused to
take part in the Holy Alliance, she entered upon the path of demo-
cratic progress by the reform of the Constitution in 1832, she
suffered but little from the convulsions of 1848, her throne remained
unshaken while others were tottering. Professing a wise and
temperate regard for liberty, she gave assistance to other countries
who were ridding themselves of arbitrary governments ; she took
a large share in the erection of a united Italy ; her soil became

ENGLAND'S DARK DAYS

a sanctuary for exiles of all complexions, and for the remainder
of the century she bore an honoured name as the champion and
defender of the weak. In recent years the urgency of Imperial
problems has lessened her participation in the affairs of Europe,
but her whole career has been glorious, and whether she was right
or wrong in her resistance to Napoleon, history bears no finer
record than the long reign of the spotless Victoria and the short,
autumnal glory of Edward the Peacemaker.

The years which immediately succeeded the Peace of Vienna A Period of
are amongst the darkest in our history. Peace brought distress Gloom.
rather than prosperity. The war, in many ways, had not been
unfavourable to the well-being of the country. Capital had been
invested in Britain as the only place in which it could be safely
stored, the carrying trade of the world had fallen of necessity
into the hands of the mistress of the seas, nearly all the profit on
the huge over-expenditure had found its way into our hands, and
the progress of agriculture had been nearly as remarkable as
the development of our manufactures. But with the cessation
of war, expenditure due to war ceased ; all countries practised
retrenchment, and our own expenditure fell in three years from
£106,000,000 to £53,000,000. There was no longer a Continental
demand for our manufactures ; prices fell and, with prices, wages.
Our National Debt exceeded £800,000,000, spent in the struggle
against the Revolution and Napoleon. There was a deficit of
£10,000,000 in the revenue of the year. Farms were thrown
out of occupation, the ranks of the unemployed were swelled by
the reductions in the army and the navy. Bankruptcies increased
in number every day, landlords received no rents, and tenants
could sell no corn. Estates offered for occupation rent-free were
rejected. This distress was intensified by an entire failure of the
harvest of 1816. Distress led to riots, and riots led to cruel acts
of repression. If Napoleon had known of this at St. Helena he
might have felt that his ruin had been in some measure avenged.

Some of the more serious riots took the form of the destruction Birth of
of machinery, and the more notable of the machine destroyers Radicalism.
were known by the name of Luddites. Ned Ludd was a half-witted
fellow in a Leicestershire village, who was the butt of the village
lads. One day, pursuing his tormentors, and being unable to
catch them, in a passion he broke two stocking-frames, and from
this all breaking of stocking-frames was said to be the work of
Ludd and all destroyers of machinery were called Luddites. It
was natural that a political remedy should be sought for this evil,
and the party that charged themselves with the duty of finding

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

March of
the " Blan-
keteers."

a remedy took the name of Radicals. The name, now harmless,
was then a red rag to all moderate people, as the term Socialist
so often is at the present time. Radicals were regarded as the
enemies of the human race, and every effort was made to suppress
them. Even those who undoubtedly held Radical opinions were
afraid to use the odious appellation. Every rioter was a Radical,
and every Radical was supposed to be a rioter and a rebel. A
meeting of Radicals held in the Spa Fields, in December, 1816,
led to a riot, in which a mob, marching under a tricolour flag,
plundered a gunsmith's shop and fired at respectable citizens.
They were, however, opposed by a determined Lord Mayor and
gradually dispersed.

So far as the Radicals had a definite programme it was embodied
in a demand for annual parliaments, universal suffrage, vote by
ballot, abolition of property qualification for candidates, and
payment of members. These five points, afterwards increased to
six, formed the People's Charter, and the persons demanding them
were called Chartists. There was nothing very formidable in
these proposed reforms ; three of them we have already, and the
others may possibly come. Unfortunately the task of dealing with
the disorders was entrusted to one of the worst Ministries ever
known in England. Liverpool and Castlereagh knew nothing of
conciliation, and met the natural consequences of discontent with
penal laws of increasing severity. At the beginning of 1817 the
Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and special Acts were passed
by which the refusal of a seditious meeting to disperse was punish-
able by death ; safeguards were provided for the security of the
person of the Prince Regent ; and all attempts to tamper with the
allegiance of the army and navy were severely punished. This
was the last time that the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended
in England.

These violent measures to repress disorder naturally increased
it, and incendiary fires and riots, which soldiers had to be called
out to suppress, occurred in every quarter of the country. One
of the most picturesque demonstrations was the march of the
" Blanketeers," which originated in Manchester. Some four or
five thousand men, each provided with a blanket, and some of
them with arms, set out to march to London with a petition for
the Prince Regent. They were met by the Life Guards at
Stockport ; about five hundred of them reached Macclesfield, and
not more than twenty crossed the borders of Staffordshire.

Later, signs of increasing prosperity appeared. There was
an abundant harvest, the price of wheat fell, and with it the

AN ANTI-PRESS CAMPAIGN

prices of other articles of food. National confidence increased.
Consols, which in January, 1817, were as low as 62, rose in August
to 81. Trade steadily improved.

The Ministry, however, pursued their policy of repression, The Press
directing their efforts now against the liberty of the Press. Lord Fettered.
Sidmouth considered the Press to be the worst enemy to the
Constitution, and this opinion was shared by many excellent
people. In all countries and in all ages an unrestricted Press has
done great mischief. Seasons of war and tumult bring grist to
the pressman's mill ; a great war produces a great fortune for a
newspaper, and it is natural that the Press should make slight
endeavours to instigate conditions so favourable to its prosperity.
Repression, however, causes more evils than license, and the healthy
atmosphere of freedom is by far the most efficient remedy for the
evils which it may in some cases help to produce.

In March, 1817, Lord Sidmouth, as Home Secretary, sent a
circular letter to the Lords Lieutenants of the counties, urging
them to prevent as far as possible the circulation of blasphemous
and seditious pamphlets and letters, and saying that the apprehen-
sion of persons charged with the publication of literature of this
nature would be in accordance with law. The legality of this action
was very doubtful, but the Ministry was so strong in Parliament
that questioners were silenced. These new batteries were first
directed against a contemptible rag entitled The Black Dwarf,
which had the hardihood to libel the Ministry. The printer and
publisher, named Wooler, received the honour of a State prosecu-
tion ; but the jury were not unanimous in their condemnation of
him, and the Ministry suffered a defeat. The case of Wooler was
the forerunner of the more famous trial of William Hone, a little
bookseller in the Old Bailey, who had published parodies on the
Catechism, the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and other parts
of the Prayer Book. At the first trial he was acquitted amidst
general applause ; on a second trial, the jury only deliberated for
two hours ; on a third, after half an hour, he was declared not
guilty. Popular enthusiasm was strongly in his favour, and a
subscription was raised for his family.

When Parliament met in January, 1818, the Habeas Corpus General
Act was restored. The prosperity of the country gradually Emotion of
increased, and the price of wheat fell. But a General Election was 1
at hand. The Parliament, returned in 1812, had run its natural
course, and it was hoped that in the new contest the Ministry
would lose and the Opposition gain. At a General Election in
our own day every seat is contested, but at that time more than

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

half the seats were at the disposal either of the Government or of
some individual, so that little more than a hundred seats were in
dispute. No great change took place, but the numbers of the
Opposition were raised from 140 to 173. The rising prosperity
of the country was shown by the resumption of cash payments by
the Bank of England. Theoretically, every bank-note represents
a corresponding amount of gold, and may be exchanged for that
amount at any moment. But in 1797, the darkest period of the
French War, this had been found impossible, and bank-notes were
given a compulsory circulation. It was now possible to return
to the former procedure, and in 1819 an Act was passed which
ordered the entire resumption of cash payments to any amount
after May ist, 1821. At the present day every note issued by
the Bank of England represents an equivalent amount of gold
stored in the Bank's coffers, so that no promise to pay is made
unless there is sufficient money to meet the promise. This provi-
sion may not be necessary. In foreign countries, when notes are
at par, only a sufficient amount of gold is retained to secure this
result. But it is essential to the security of national trade that
there should be no fluctuation in the value of paper money, and
the certainty of the existence of this reserve in the Bank of England
produces a national confidence which nothing else could bring
into existence.

Petcrloo. Notwithstanding these favourable symptoms, an event now
occurred which stirred the feeling of the nation to the depths.
On August i6th, 1819, a popular meeting was summoned at Man-
chester, for the purpose of electing what was called a Legislational
Attorney, that is to say, a person who could represent the town in
petitioning the Speaker, and so perform a duty which would have
belonged to the member for Manchester if such a person had
existed. The meeting was held in St. Peter's Fields, a space of
open ground on the outskirts of the town, which had been used
before for Radical meetings and by the " Blanketeers " in 1817.
Hunt, the leader of the Radicals, was to speak. Pains had been
taken to conduct the meeting with some show of military order,
and the town authorities had taken steps on their side to prevent
disturbance by moving troops into the town, enrolling special
constables, and calling out the Yeomanry. Shortly after day-
break fifty or sixty thousand persons, male and female, marched
to St. Peter's Fields, under banners bearing inscriptions such as
" Liberty or Death ! " " We will conquer our enemies," " No
Corn Laws," and " Hunt and Liberty." Wagons had been placed
in the centre of the field for the use of the speakers, and the

"MASSACRE OF PETERLOO"

county magistrates were assembled in a house close to the place
of meeting. Hunt began to speak, and the Chief Constable was
ordered to arrest him. This it was impossible for him to do, and
the Yeomanry and the Hussars were sent for. The Yeomanry
became scattered among the crowd, and the Hussars were ordered
to extricate them. The trumpet sounded the charge, the soldiers
swept the crowd before them till they were huddled up in a
confused mass at the other end of the field. The ground was
covered with hats, shoes, sticks, musical instruments, and other
relics of the confusion, and amongst them lay the bodies of those
who were too much injured to walk away, some women being
among the sufferers. Hunt quietly surrendered to the Chief
Constable and was removed in custody, and by six o'clock every-
thing was tranquil. Such was the " massacre of Peterloo," a
name fashioned in jest, after the great national victory of
Waterloo.

It was difficult to decide whether this meeting at Manchester Public
was legal or illegal. Lords Eldon and Redesdale declared it to be Meetings
an act of open treason. The law officers of the Crown advised
the Premier that the meeting was of such a character as to justify
the magistrates in dispersing it by force ; but, if these authorities
were correct, the old right of public meeting was destroyed and it
was treason for a thousand persons to meet together to demand
the reform of the House of Commons. The Prince Regent sent
his commands to the Ministry to convey his appreciation and high
commendation of the conduct of the magistrates and civil authori-
ties at Manchester, as well as of the officers and troops, both
regular and Yeomanry, whose firmness and effectual support of
the civil power had preserved the peace of the town on that critical
occasion. Such members of the Cabinet as were in town com-
mitted themselves to hasty approval of the magistrates and the
troops. It was found, however, that evidence against the rioters
did not warrant a prosecution for high treason ; the charge had to
be withdrawn and to be changed into one of conspiring to alter
the law by force and threats. The prisoners were committed for
trial on this charge, and in the following year were sentenced to
various terms of imprisonment.

Great indignation at the conduct of the Ministry was shown
throughout the country. Meetings were held at Westminster,
York, Bristol, Liverpool, Nottingham, and other towns. The
Common Council of London passed a series of resolutions affirm-
ing the legality of the Manchester meeting, and their strong
indignation at the unprovoked and intemperate proceedings of

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

the military, which they regarded as highly disgraceful to the
character of Englishmen and a daring violation of the British
Constitution. These opinions were embodied in an address which
was presented to the Prince Regent in person. He replied to it
in a tone of angry remonstrance.

The "Six The most important of the protesting meetings was held in
Acts." Yorkshire. The requisition asking the High Sheriff to call it was
signed by Lord Fitzwilliam, as Lord Lieutenant of the West Riding ;
the meeting was attended by 20,000 persons, and demanded an
inquiry into what happened at Peterloo. Lord Fitzwilliam was
present in person. Before a week had elapsed he received a letter
saying that the Prince Regent had no longer occasion for his
services as Lord Lieutenant. Parliament met on November agth,
and its meeting was signalised by the passing of the repressive
measures known as the " Six Acts." This policy, inaugurated by
the Tories, was unfortunately supported by a section of the Whigs,
notably by Lord Grenville and Lord Buckingham. The " Six
Acts " were very different in character : some of them noxious,
some of them harmless, or even salutary. The first two, pre-
venting delay in the administration of justice in case of misde-
meanour, and forbidding the training of persons in the use of arms
and the practice of military evolutions, were reasonable enough ;
the first, indeed, as altered by Lord Holland, removed a weapon
of persecution which had often been used against rioters. The
remaining four Acts were of an obnoxious character ; the first
authorised the seizure of seditious and blasphemous libels, and
made banishment the punishment for a second conviction ; the
second authorised Justices of the Peace in certain disturbed coun-
ties to seize and detain arms. The latter was only a temporary
measure, but an attempt to confine the right of search to the day-
time was rejected by a large majority. The former proved entirely
useless ; its provisions were never enforced, and ten years later
it was repealed. By the fifth of these " Six Acts " certain small
publications were subjected to the stamp duties enforced in the
case of newspapers, a restriction of the liberty of the Press which
the Opposition were powerless to prevent. The last Act was the
most stringent of all. It aimed at the prevention of seditious
assemblies. Excepted from its operations were certain meetings
summoned by Lords Lieutenants or Sheriffs, borough meetings
called by Mayors or corresponding officials, and meetings convened
by five or more Justices of the Peace. With these exceptions all
meetings for the consideration of grievances against Church or
State, or for the purpose of drawing up petitions, except in

DEATH OF GEORGE III

the parishes where the individuals actualty resided, were pro-
hibited.

No person who was not an actual resident in the place was
allowed to attend such a meeting, nor could it be held unless
previous notice had been given to a neighbouring magistrate,
who might prevent the meeting if he pleased. No persons
carrying arms or banners were allowed to attend.

By these measures the power of meeting would be confined
to the privileged classes ; ordinary persons could only attend
meetings in their own parishes, and professional orators would be
entirely excluded from them. In addition, a meeting could only
be convened by the mayor in a corporate town, and at this time
Manchester, Birmingham, and other large towns were not only
unrepresented in Parliament, but also were not corporate. Thus
persons residing in them were prevented, both outside and inside
Parliament, from expressing their opinions on political questions.
The Opposition were powerless to prevent these tyrannical measures
from being passed, and they could only succeed in limiting their
operation to five years.

The death of George III., which happened at this time, was an The Cato
event of no importance. Bereft of reason, sight, and hearing, Street
he had been seen occasionally, as a phantom with a long, white ConsPiracy-
beard, at the windows of Windsor Castle. But, owing to the
decease of the King, Parliament was prorogued and immediately
dissolved. The new reign opened in circumstances of darkness and
gloom. The Ministers were so unpopular that a conspiracy was
formed to murder them. The head of the conspirators was Arthur
Thistlewood, a well-known Radical, fifty years of age — a military-
looking man of fair height, with sallow complexion, dark hair, and
dark, hazel eyes. He had just come out of prison, and he now
proposed to assassinate the whole Cabinet, to take a few pieces of
artillery which happened to be in London unguarded, to set fire
to a large bank and some public buildings, to seize the Tower and
the Mansion House, and to establish a provisional government.
Thistlewood was joined by Ings (a butcher), Bush (a shoemaker),
Davidson (a man of colour), Adams (a retired soldier), Hiden (a
cowkeeper), and others. It was announced in the newspapers
that the Cabinet were to dine with Lord Harrowby on February
23rd, at his house in Grosvenor Square. The house was to be
attacked by fourteen men. One was to ring the bell on the pre-
tence of delivering a note, and the conspirators were to rush in.
Hand-grenades were to be thrown in at the windows, and the
Ministers who were not killed by them were to be assassinated.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Ministers had for some time past received full information about
the plot from one of the conspirators ; they knew that arms, bombs,
and hand-grenades were stored in a loft over a stable in Cato
Street, a small thoroughfare running parallel to the Edgware Road.
Warrants were now issued, and the place was attacked by the
police. Twenty-five conspirators were discovered, just preparing
to set out for Lord Harrowby's house. As the police climbed
the ladder to the loft, the first of them was stabbed to the heart
as he entered, and many of the conspirators escaped, including
Thistlewood. He was, however, captured next day and was tried
for high treason, found guilty, and condemned to death. He was
hanged, with four other conspirators, in front of the debtors'
door, Newgate, on May ist, 1820. The corpses were beheaded
after death, but the bodies were not quartered, as the sentence
had provided. Thistlewood died with spirit. At the news of
the plot, terror spread through the kingdom. It was compared
in atrocity with the famous Gunpowder Plot in the reign of
James I. It was laid to the charge of the Radical reformers,
and the name of Radical became more hateful than ever. The
plot was only the work of a few, but misery and discontent must
have risen to a high pitch before such remedies could be con-
templated.

CHAPTER II
FRANCE.

WHEN Louis XVIII. returned to Paris, after the Battle of Waterloo, A New
he found himself reigning over a new France. The old order of France.
things had been swept away by the Revolution ; equality had
taken the place of privilege. Napoleon had founded an Imperial
democracy, in which a career was open to talent, in which pro-
motion even to the highest offices was independent of family, of
fortune, and of faith. The land was freed from burdens, and was
divided equally among the children after the death of its possessor.
Society rested on a basis in which all forms of aristocracies, spiritual
as well as temporal, had ceased to exist. This fabric was held
together by the most perfect machinery of centralised authority
which the world has ever seen — an authority which even now
endures, and which has held France together in the shock of
revolutions, in the vicissitudes of rulers, in disaster and in
prosperity. But for the institutions of Napoleon, France of
the present day could not exist. Louis followed the advice of
Fouche to rest in the bed of the great Emperor ; the system of
centralised government received some modification, which did not
alter its character. Paul Louis Courier could with reason com-
plain that authority and not law was the dominant force in France.

It became necessary, however, as a concession to modern ideas, L* Charte.
to reconcile the two conflicting principles of authority and liberty.
Even Napoleon, on his return from Elba, had thought it wise to
grant a Constitution — " La Benjamine " of Benjamin Constant —
a step which he had much better have deferred till he was firmly
established on his throne. The Bourbons gave the nation La
Charte, a charter of liberties, which was due rather to the gener-
osity of the sovereign than to the triumph of the people. Although
it acknowledged all titles of nobility, both old and new, it made
all Frenchmen equal before the law. It did away with exemption
from taxes ; it recognised all religions, but the Catholic religion
was declared to be the religion of the State ; judges were made
irremovable, and while the executive remained in the hands of the
King, legislative power was divided between him and the Chambers.
A Constitutional Government had been established, but Article 14

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

still gave the sovereign power to issue such ordinances and regu-
lations as might be necessary for the execution of the laws and the
security of the State, and, fifteen years later, this proved to be the
ruin of the Bourbon monarchy.

The Rise of Louis XVIII. was a clever and cultivated man, adroit and
**™ subtle, who in the prime of life might have shown himself a com-

petent sovereign ; but at the age of sixty he was confined to his
arm-chair by gout, and his predominant wish was to die King of
France. He had during his exile held with unshaken tenacity the
consciousness of his rank and his destiny, and had never in poverty
and abasement abated an iota of his kingly majesty. His heir,
the Comte d'Artois, was of a different stamp. In his absence from
France he had learnt nothing and forgotten nothing ; a libertine
turned saint, he lived entirely under priestly influence ; he was
benevolent but narrow, easy-going but obstinate, possessed by
the delusion that the nightmare of Liberalism would pass away, and
that the good old days of absolute government would return. He
accepted the Charte with reluctance, and insisted on the white flag
of the Bourbons instead of the tricolour of the Empire being the
banner of the new monarchy. " Monsieur/' as he was called, had
two sons, the Due d'Angouleme, whose devotion to his father
prevented his sterling qualities from being appreciated, and the
Due de Berri, whose turbulent and unstable character deprived
him of all political influence. Angouleme was married to Marie
Therese, the only daughter of Louis XVI., a woman of masculine
energy, but of hard and narrow mind, whose reddened eyes and
hollow cheeks were the result of her confinement in the Temple.
In the background stood Louis Philippe, Due d'Orleans, and
son of Philippe Egalite, who perished on the scaffold. He was a
remarkable man, gifted with an extraordinary memory ; his occu-
pation as a teacher in Switzerland had taught him much. He had
acted as doorkeeper to the Jacobin Club ; he had lived through
the Terror ; he had experienced the splendour of the old regime
and the tortures of exiled poverty. He knew how to bide his
time. Raised to the throne, he gave France eighteen years of
good government, until he was ruined by his lack of prestige and
the stubbornness of his temper.

After Waterloo the four Powers — England, Russia, Austria
and Prussia — who had brought about the fall of Napoleon, would
not relax their hold on the country which they had defeated ; they
supported the Bourbon king, but they had no confidence in France.
The ambassadors of these four countries met every week to regu-
late the affairs of the country, and they might have committed

THE "WHITE TERROR"

serious errors had they not been held in check by the solid
sense and manly moderation of the Duke of Wellington, who
commanded the army of occupation.

The most important members of the Ministry were Fouche Fouche and
and Talleyrand, two enigmatical characters, whose riddle the indus- a eyrand-
try of a hundred years has as yet failed to solve. Fouche could not
have attained the position he held if he had not possessed some
good qualities to balance the contemptible vices which are indelibly
associated with his name. But he was a regicide ; the King and
Artois would scarcely speak to him ; the Duchesse d'Angouleme
would not admit him to her house. Talleyrand, one of the ablest
statesmen known to history, is extremely difficult to characterise.
The servant of every government in turn, alternately the friend and
the enemy of the priesthood to which he belonged, the Republic
which he represented, the Empire which he first obeyed and then
destroyed, the saviour of France at Vienna, her worthy ambassador
in London, he stands as a type of a versatile genius, without
principles or morality, ready and content to pluck the jewel of
personal safety from the fire of danger and disaster. Still, the
careful student of his career is tempted to believe that love of
France was his dominant motive, and that he served each master so
long as his conduct was compatible with security and common sense,
and left him when extravagance and exaggeration were likely to
incur disaster. The characters of most men are double ; in those
whom destiny places in positions full of moment for the race, this
duplicity becomes as important as it is difficult to disentangle.

The other members of the Ministry need not, for the present, The "White
concern us. Moderate in themselves, they were powerless to Terror."
prevent the outburst of royalist ferocity, known by the name of
the " White Terror," to distinguish it from the " Red Terror " of
Robespierre. The friends of the restored monarchy, especially in
the south of France, were eager to execute their vengeance on the
defeated Bonapartists. The plunderings and massacres began in
Marseilles, and were continued in Autun, Carpentras, Nimes, Uzes,
and the neighbouring towns. The forces of the King were power-
less to put down the bandits marching under the white flag, who
were the instruments of these excesses. The fever spread to the
rest of France, but in a milder form ; there were no murders in
the west, only robberies and imprisonments ; in the east and north
the Bourbonists contented themselves with denunciations, and in
these parts order was preserved by the presence of foreign troops.

At the same time the King felt that he must pay some tribute
to the prevailing sentiment, and Fouche was deputed to draw up

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

a list of the proscribed. It contained the names of Carnot, Maret,
Bar ere, Ney — who engaged to bring back Napoleon to Paris in
a cage — and Labedoyere, who joined the Emperor with his troops
at Vizille. Every effort was made to save Labedoyere, but he
was shot on the Plain of Crenelle on August igth, 1815. The
election resulted in the return of a strongly Royalist Chamber, and,
as a natural consequence, Fouche and Talleyrand lost their places.
Fouche had to content himself with the post of Minister at Dresden,
but Talleyrand was made Grand Chamberlain, with a large salary.
Richelieu's The new Prime Minister was the Due de Richelieu, a much-

GoYemment. travelled and deeply-experienced man, who, in the enforced exile
of the emigration, had created Odessa and developed the province
of which he was governor. His friendship with the Emperor
Alexander enabled him to obtain favourable terms for his country
in the payment of the indemnity, and in this way he supplied the
loss of Talleyrand. The place of Fouche was taken by Decazes,
a young lawyer who had been President of the Paris Assizes under
the Empire. Affable, versatile, and courteous, with an agreeable
face and a sympathetic manner, he naturally became the favourite
of the Court. Louis loved him like a child and loaded him with
honours, while the aristocrats of the Faubourg St. Germain lost
no time in greeting the rising sun.

The new Ministry met the Chambers on October 7th. The new
House of Representatives was strongly Royalist, to the great joy of
the King, who called it the Chambre Introuvable : the priceless, the
unique — a word which cannot adequately be translated into our
tongue. The name adhered, as it was used quite as much for ridicule
as for praise. The Royalists were, however, of two complexions :
one division, of which Pasquier, de Serre, Royer-Collard and
Beugnot were the leaders, saw the necessity of reuniting the new
France with the old, and of moderating the zeal of the " Ultras."
These latter, stimulated by Monsieur, were enthusiastic supporters
of throne and altar. Coming from the provinces, they were at
first without discipline, but they soon found a leader in Villele.
In the upper Chamber the old nobility of France sat side by side
with the offspring of Napoleon's marshals, or with these marshals
themselves. Three measures of a reactionary character were
brought forward by Ministers. The first was directed against all
injurious expressions in word, writing, or picture against the
King and his family, attacks on the Charte, and other similar
offences. The second authorised the imprisonment, without a
trial, of anyone who had offended against the person or authority
of the King or his family, or against the security of the State ;

"PURIFICATION" OF FRANCE

such offences were to be denounced to the police by a number of
subordinate officials, but the law was to expire at the end of the
session, unless it was renewed. The third law provided for the
establishment of a provost marshal's jurisdiction in every depart-
ment, to take cognisance of all attacks upon the Government,
and the law was to have a retrospective action.

These laws were not only passed by the second Chamber, but "Purifica-
were made more severe in their passage. In their zeal for the *lon
Crown, the members of the Chamber went further than the Ministers
themselves. A discussion followed upon the exceptions to be
made to the general law of amnesty, which had been passed at
Cambray on the return of Louis. Labourdonnaye demanded the
death of all who had taken part in the restoration of the Hundred
Days. The regicides of the Convention, amnestied by the Charte,
were to lose their pardon if they had taken any share in the govern-
ment of Napoleon. Transportation and confiscation of property
were the natural penalties, but Labourdonnaye clamoured for the
guillotine ; the rebels must be frightened, their leaders must lose
their heads, the shedding of a little blood would stop streams of
gore. Richelieu felt that it would be very difficult to stem
the rising tide of fanaticism. Ney, who had escaped death in a
hundred battles, fell in a Paris street under the fire of twelve of
his countrymen. The law of amnesty was hotly debated ; the
Ministry were saved, but only by the skin of their teeth. Europe
was full of poverty-stricken exiles, wandering miserably from place
to place ; in the Netherlands, Republicans and Bonapartists
found a secure asylum. The purification of the army demanded
many victims ; the prisons were crowded with general and inferior
officers awaiting their trial. The administration underwent a
similar process ; from the prefect to the council clerk, all were
subjected to a searching examination ; the provost marshals found
plenty of occupation. Executions, indeed, had come to an end ;
but fines, imprisonments, and hard labour took their place.

The propaganda of the Clericals became gradually stronger, influence of
and they found an active leader in the Comte d'Artois. The the Comte
Pavilion Marsan, the part of the Tuileries in which he lived, was d'Artois«
opposed to the Pavilion de Flore, the residence of the King. The
two brothers were scarcely on speaking terms. The policy of the
Ultras was shown more clearly in the debates about the franchise
and the budget, as the first of these questions had not been deter-
mined by the Charte, but had been left for future consideration
and legislation. In these discussions Villele gradually assumed a
prominent place. Beginning life as a sailor, he had learned the

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

cautious avoidance of political storms. He was an enemy of un-
controlled fanaticism ; he possessed a plain and practical wisdom,
which gave its influence by clearness and acuteness, without any
gifts of oratory or presence. His hope of victory lay in indefatig-
able work and sane compromise. He drew up a scheme by which
the members of the Chamber were chosen by a double election and
were themselves to have a high qualification of age and property.
In the cantons, the voters must be twenty-five years old, and pay
direct taxes of at least fifty francs ; in the departments they must
be thirty years old, and pay direct taxes of three hundred francs.
The candidates must be forty years old and pay taxes to the amount
of a thousand francs. These propositions did not receive the appro-
bation either of the Moderates or of the Ultras, and the plan finally
proposed by the Chamber was not likely to gain the favour of any
party. Similar questions of principle arose in the debates on the
budget, the recognition of obligations incurred during the Hundred
Days, the proportion between direct and indirect taxes — the first
of which would fall most heavily on the rich, the second on the
poor — the propriety of confiscating communal property, whether
land or woods, roused violent differences of opinion. An agree-
ment was at length arrived at, and the Ministry was able to present
to the Peers an almost unanimous proposal. The proposal made
by the Chambers for the conduct of elections was rejected by the
upper house, and a scheme drawn up by Villele, by which matters
were left for the time being in their present condition, was accepted
by the Tories. The King was disgusted by the defeat of his
Ministry, but was forced to submit. The budget was passed by
the Peers and, after an attempt made by the Ultras to abolish
divorce and to place the Church in a position of independence of
taxation, the session closed.

Anti- These disputes were watched with deep interest by the great

Bourbon powers, whose armies still occupied the soil of France. They feared,
0 ' on the one hand, lest the violence of the Ultras should produce a
new Revolution, and, on the other, lest a weakness in the finances
should hinder the payment of the debt. Confidence, however, pre-
vailed ; and in January, 1816, the foreign garrison in Paris, which
had been reduced to two English brigades, was entirely withdrawn.
Wellington, with his usual good sense, warned Louis against the
pernicious influence of Monsieur, but his action gave offence to both
parties. Louis was not disposed to accept advice, and the Ultras
renewed the cry of " Perfidious Albion."

In May, 1816, a conspiracy took place in Grenoble, by which a
man of little importance, named Didier, attempted to upset the

ROYALIST FEROCITY

throne of the Bourbons and to establish either the Due d'Orleans
or the King of Rome in its place. The plot ended in failure, and
Didier escaped to Savoy ; but General Donnadieu, a violent Royalist,
who commanded at Grenoble, exaggerated its importance. In his
heated imagination the number of rebels rose from four thousand
to seven thousand, from seven thousand to fifteen thousand, and
from fifteen thousand to the whole population of the province.
The Department of the Seine was declared in a state of siege, Don-
nadieu and the prefects were invested with discretionary powers,
the garrison of Grenoble was strengthened, and house-searchings
and imprisonments became the order of the day. Fourteen
wretched people were shot in one day, and seven more on another.
Didier, surrendered by the King of Sardinia, was executed. When
Donnadieu had been made a viscount, decorated with the Order
of St. Louis, and received a gift of £40,000, it was discovered that
the plot had never existed, and that the throne had never been in
danger. But Royalists were delighted to have such an oppor-
tunity of annoying their enemies, and wished for similar plots all
over the south of France. Military courts were roused into activity,
admirals and provost marshals vied with them in energy. The fire
spread to Paris ; three conspirators were executed in the Place
de la Greve, in the guise of parricides, their heads covered with
black veils, robed in white sheets. A huge crowd saw their heads
chopped off, and threw their hats into the air with shouts of
" Vive le Roi ! " Similar scenes occurred in the departments,
and it is impossible to ascertain the number of victims who perished.
The true conspirators were those who sought to find conspirators
everywhere, and who, armed with authority, saw in their own
enemies the enemies of the King, and, if they could not find them,
created them by persecution.

The intemperance of the Ultras could only be met by the Fail of
dissolution of the Chamber. The proclamation ordering this was the
prepared in secret, with the help of Decazes. It fell like a thunder-
bolt in the Pavilion Marsan ; and Louis, to avoid disagreeable
argument, lay in bed. In the elections the Ultras were completely
defeated, except in the west and south. The new Chamber met
on November 4th, 1816. The King addressed them as a father to
a band of brothers, but the family to which he spoke was torn by
bitter hatred. It was a struggle for life and death, and the ordinary
forms of politeness were forgotten. Hatred of Decazes drove
Talleyrand to support the extreme party. Attempts were made
by Monsieur to attract the English Tories to his side, but without
success. Canning visited Paris to see things with his own eyes,
c 17

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

but he was not caught by flattery. On the other hand, Richelieu
endeavoured to obtain a diminution of the foreign garrison, but
it was strongly opposed by Wellington, and France had still to
maintain 150,000 unwelcome guests.

In the new Chamber the Ultra-royalists, whose leaders were
Villele, Labourdonnaye, Corbiere, Bonald and Castelbajac, were
inferior in numbers to the combined majority of the Centre and
the Left. The Right Centre was led by Royer-Collard, the head
of the Doctrinaires, who was chosen Vice-President of the Chamber
and was supported by the majority of the Ministers and a number of
high officials, which included Guizot and Mole. The principal mem-
bers of the Ministry after the Due de Richelieu were Decazes and
Laine, to whom was shortly added Pasquier, as Minister of Justice.
A New The object of the Ministry was to pursue a middle course between

Franchise. Liberalism and reaction. The franchise question was settled by
Laine, in a proposal founded on the previous discussions. The
right of voting was confined to men of thirty years of age who paid
direct taxes to the amount of three hundred francs. The elections
were to be held at a single place in each department, by scrutin
de liste, and by a majority of votes. The returning officers were
nominated by the King ; they were to choose their own scrutineers
from the oldest of the voters, and the secretary from the youngest.
These propositions naturally met with opposition. Some were
devoted to the principle of a double election, and were adverse to
the meeting of all the electors in a single spot ; but the main resist-
ance to this plan came from the Ultras. Fievee said : " The King
names the returning officer, the returning officer appoints the
committee, the committee nominates the electors, and the con-
stituents are mere spectators." By the stress of circumstances the
extreme Tories were driven to urge the claims of the working classes.
At length the measure was passed by a small majority, in January,
1817. It had yet to receive the approval of the Peers. The
President said that it was too democratical. Talleyrand, on
the other hand, denounced it as a product of oligarchy ; Artois and
his son Angouleme presented a protest against the Bill, composed by
Chateaubriand. Polignac, Montmorency, the Duke of Fitzjames,
and other aristocrats predicted that a revolution would arise from
the predominance of the middle classes. On the other hand, La
Rochefoucauld, Boissy d'Anglas, Macdonald, Marmont, Mole and
Broglie came to the rescue, and they were supported by the King,
so that the Bill passed and received the royal assent. Unfortun-
ately, exceptional coercive legislation and the censure of the Press
still remained. The session closed at the end of March, 1817.

THE HOPE OF FRANCE

The Ministry now turned their attention to tne number of
French exiles who in Belgium and other neighbouring countries
were designing schemes against the Bourbon house. Some looked
to the Prince of Orange, the eldest son of the King of Holland, as
a possible ruler of France. He was married to a sister of the
Tsar, and the assistance of his brother-in-law, Alexander, would
be of great service to him. Bonapartism was perhaps an even greater
danger. Thousands of discharged soldiers looked with enthusiasm
to the exile of St. Helena. The funeral of Massena gave an occa-
sion for hostile demonstrations. The appearance of an impudent
forgery, entitled, " A Manuscript from St. Helena/' increased the
excitement. Villele said to the Austrian Ambassador, " Napoleon
never had so many adherents since his fall ; the discontented,
the ambitious, the Liberals, the revolutionaries, all sects are his
creatures and march under his banner." Threats and suspicion
resumed their sway, and the unfortunate exile on the rock had to
suffer for their delusions. It was feared that the exiles across the
Atlantic would found a kingdom for Joseph in South America,
whence he could sail for the liberation of his brother. Napoleon's
mother, his sister Pauline, his brothers Lucien and Jerome, his
step-daughter Hortense, his sister Caroline Murat, were anxiously
watched. Lucien was not allowed to accompany his son Charles
on a visit to Joseph in America. Prince Eugene was hardly pro-
tected by his connection with the Russian house and the affection
of the Tsar ; the little King of Rome was made a scapegoat in
Vienna. It was seriously believed that Napoleon might escape.

France was doomed to suffer other calamities. A cold and wet Famine
summer caused a famine. Bread rose to a franc a pound, and the and Riot*
peasants had to live on roots. This gave rise to riots : corn-ships
were attacked, markets were plundered, granaries robbed. The
White Terror was not at an end ; it broke out anew in Lyons, where
the military governor, Camuel, set himself to emulate the exploits
of Donnadieu. A riot caused by his severity broke out in June,
1817. The tocsin sounded in the villages ; the king's busts were
destroyed ; the tricolour was displayed. The disturbance lasted
only a week, but now was the time for Camuel's vengeance. He
sent his soldiers throughout the country, to arrest hundreds of
peasants. The provost marshal was in fullest activity. The guillo-
tine was carried about from village to village. Thousands of persons
sought safety in flight, and no one knew when the Terror would
come to an end. The Government profited by their experiences
of the villainies of Donnadieu ; they sent Marshal Marmont to
inquire and, after some time, he discovered that the reports of

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Camuel were false. He went so far as to say that Camuel's head
alone could atone for the murder of innocent victims and the
destruction of social order. Lyons breathed again and regarded
Marmont as her liberator, but the Pavilion Marsan grumbled and
vowed vengeance against him and his assistant, Fabvier.
The This period saw the rise of the Doctrinaires, a small, but united,

Doctrinaires. party whose principles resembled in some respects those of the
English Whigs. Their leader, as we have said, was Royer-Collard,
who had been in his youth secretary of the Paris Commune and a
member of the Council of Five Hundred. He was expelled from
one on the loth of August and from the other on the i8th of Fruc-
tidor. He had been appointed by Napoleon Professor of the
History of Philosophy, a post which he used to familiarise French-
men with the doctrines of Kant. He was thoroughly unselfish ;
the strength of his classical style, the patriarchal simplicity of his
life, his powerful voice, impressed the Chamber with the idea of
his personality, but the dogmatic and sometimes sarcastic character
of his speeches lost him many friends. His most able supporters
were Camille Jourdan, de Serre, Remusat and the Due de Broglie.
The influence of the Doctrinaires showed itself in the discus-
sion of the law on the freedom of the Press. The Charte had
promised to secure the free expression of opinion ; but the law of
November Qth, 1815, had established a censure for periodical pub-
lications, and was to last till the beginning of the year 1821. The
Ministry proposed slight modifications, which did not satisfy either
of the parties. The Doctrinaires, forming the Left Centre, advo-
cated that all Press trials should be submitted to juries, freely
chosen. This was supported by Beugnot, Camille Jourdan and
Royer-Collard. Laine reproached the Doctrinaires with an exag-
gerated respect for English methods ; Decazes was inclined to
support them. It was eventually agreed that the censure of poli-
tical publications should continue only till the close of the following
session. The jury was given up, but the Doctrinaires violently
opposed the deposition of a copy of a forthcoming work in the office,
answering to our Stationers' Hall, which made it possible to suppress
a work before it was published. On this question they gained
their point, and the Ministry was defeated. But the Peers came
to their assistance. Chateaubriand, Polignac, Broglie and Boissy
d'Anglas thundered against the new law, and the censure was con-
tinued. The King was disgusted with the Doctrinaires, and his
feelings were shared by Richelieu and Laine.

More important was the question of army reform, to which the
new Minister for War, the famous Marshal Saint-Cyr, now laid his

SAINT-CYR'S ARMY SCHEME

hand. The conscription of Napoleon had become such a terrible
burden that the Bourbons could not continue it, and it was con-
demned by the Charte. But free-recruiting proved inadequate to
the needs of the army. Saint-Cyr introduced a compromise. He
provided that if free recruiting did not produce an army of 150,000
men, the gaps were to be filled by ballot among men of twenty
years of age, who were to serve for six years, but might provide
substitutes. The number of these conscripts was not to exceed
40,000. The army was strengthened by a reserve of veterans, who
were to serve for another six years, but not outside the frontiers
of France. Promotion was to be by merit, and the influence of the
Crown in that matter was to be diminished.

Saint-Cyr's Bill was well received, even by the Left, but was Army
violently opposed by the Ultras, who were afraid that the veterans Reform
would consist mainly of Napoleon's soldiers ; they detested the AccePted*
principle of promotion by merit. Villele was more reasonable,
but still an opponent of the scheme. Saint-Cyr defended his Bill
with spirit, and repelled the attacks against the veterans of Napo-
leon. They had earned deathless glory on the field of battle ;
they had given their lives for the honour of France. Should their
country now reject their services ? Should she, in her time of
need, cease to be proud of the men whom Europe had never ceased
to admire? He could not believe it. The King could not allow
such devotion to be unemployed. Saint-Cyr's noble words filled
and inspired the Chamber with enthusiasm, and resounded through
the whole of France. He was supported by the Doctrinaires — in-
deed, his speech had been composed by Guizot. The Bill was passed
by a large majority. It was bitterly opposed by the Peers on the
ground that it diminished the royal prerogative. Talleyrand said
that in future the President of the United States would have more
power than the King of France. Monsieur threw his whole strength
against it. He urged his brother to dismiss all the Ministers except
Richelieu and Laine, and possibly Decazes. He threatened him-
self to go to Fontainebleau or Spain. He said : "I know that I
have duties towards the King, but I also have duties towards the
monarchy, and I will not suffer the Ministry to destroy it."
Wellington used his moderating influence with success. The law
was passed, but an amusing incident occurred. The King, who
supported the Ministry, prolonged his customary walk, in which
he was attended by the violent opponents of the Bill, in order that
they might not vote against it. But their friends, in their turn,
prolonged the debate, and these courtiers arrived at the Chamber,
breathless and dust-covered, in time to record their opposition.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Foreign

Debts

Settled.

Opposition
to Saint-
Cyr.

The measure remained for a long time the bulwark of the military
strength of France.

Another question of great importance was the settlement of
the relations between the Government and the Pope. In this the
Ultras were defeated, and the Liberals gained a signal victory.
There remained the question of the foreign occupation and of the
foreign creditors. A promise had been made at the Peace that
the foreign creditors should be satisfied, but it was not known
how much their claims amounted to. The sum of 180,000,000
francs, which was admitted, had been swollen to 1,390,000,000 francs,
a great part of which was composed of frivolous and groundless
claims. The Prince of Anhalt Bernburg demanded payment for
4,000 horsemen whom his ancestor had lent to Henry IV.
in the Huguenot wars. Richelieu offered a yearly payment of
10,000,000 francs, which was not nearly enough. England counselled
moderation. The Emperor Alexander came forward as a mediator.
He committed the conduct of the business to Wellington, and the
dispute was eventually arranged by a series of compromises, which
left much heart-burning and discontent behind them. The session
ended on May i8th, having placed the military forces of France
on a sane basis, and advanced the prospects of the liberation of
the territory.

The Ultras continued to grumble. They were especially opposed
to the policy of Saint-Cyr, who reformed the military schools, and
was too favourable to the veterans of Napoleon. The Pavilion
Marsan could not abide him ; the salons of the Faubourg St.
Germain demanded his dismissal, and the Duchesse de Bern would
not receive him in her house. They were equally opposed to the
educational reforms of Royer-Collard. The battle was conducted
in the Press, where Lamennais, Chateaubriand and Fievee thun-
dered in the Debats or the Qiwtidienne, whilst Benjamin Constant
and the Liberals replied in the Minerva. Such was the condition
of France at the opening of the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle. The
reconciliation of the old and the new France had not yet been
effected. The Ultras had not surrendered the hopes of retarding
the principles of the restoration ; the country at large was deter-
mined not to be deprived of the fruits of the Revolution. The
wounds of Leipzig and Waterloo had not been healed ; English-
men and Germans were still regarded with suspicion. But the
time would arrive when the destinies of France should again be
committed to her own keeping.

CHAPTER III
THE CONGRESS OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE

IN the Treaty of November 20th, 1815, which was the foundation Questions
of the superintendence of the four Powers over the affairs of Europe, f°r the
it was contemplated that meetings, either of princes or ministers, Con^ress*
should be held from time to time to discuss important common
interests. As early as 1817 Metternich had been asked to summon
such a Congress, and Aix-la-Chapelle was mentioned as a suitable
place, because it was so well controlled by the Prussian police.
The place was agreed upon, but the Congress itself was postponed
till the autumn of 1818. As the evacuation of France was the
most important question to be discussed, it was necessary that
she should be represented, but all other Powers except the four
were excluded. The four Powers were not united, as there was
a strong difference of opinion between Austria and Russia. Met-
ternich wished to maintain the principle of the Treaty of Chaumont
and to place the public order of Europe under the governance of its
signatories. Great changes, he urged, were threatening the peace of
Europe : she must have a master. Before 1814 she had obeyed the
despotism of Napoleon ; unless she was to fall under the influence
of democracy she must be governed by an oligarchy, and such
an oligarchy was provided by the union of the Powers. Pozzo
di Borgo pointed out, on the other hand, that this would mean
the isolation of Russia and the tutelage of France ; that the exist-
ence of the Four Powers League would call a counter league into
existence, and Europe would be divided into two warring camps.
It was better to accept the principles of the Holy Alliance as
the foundation of the political system of Europe. The common
enemy of all was the Revolution. Metternich was alarmed by the
mysticism and liberalism of Alexander, the one inspired by Frau
von Kriidener, the other by his tutor Laharpe. He saw the dis-
quieting influence of Russia on Spain, Italy and Switzerland.
Capodistrias, Alexander's Minister, whom Metternich met at
Carlsbad, to some extent relieved these apprehensions. He assured
him that the maintenance of a peaceful order was the main object
of the Emperor's policy.

Aix-la-Chapelle began to fill. Although the Congress was

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

confined to the five Great Powers, other countries had agents and
reporters at the scene of action. The heads of the great banking
houses, Rothschild, Bethmann, Baring and Parish, were present,
seeking for prospective business. Journalists, artists, and adven-
turers of all kinds completed the motley crowd. Austria was
represented by Metternich, Prussia by Hardenberg and Bernstorff,
Russia by Capodistrias and Nesselrode, England by Castlereagh
and Wellington, and France by Richelieu. Gentz was secretary,
and was in a heaven of delight. He declared that this Congress
was the culmination of his career. The evacuation of France was
determined upon in the first stage of the proceedings. The army
of occupation was to leave before November 20th, at latest ; of
the 265,000,000 francs which remained unpaid of the war con-
tribution, 100,000,000 was to be paid immediately and the re-
mainder in the first six months of 1819. The question of admit-
ting France to an equal place with the other Powers was more
difficult. Russia worked for it ; Austria and England were against
it. Eventually it was agreed that France should be admitted to
the alliance, as a sign of brotherly goodwill ; but the four Powers
should renew their league by a secret protocol for the security
and peace of Europe.

The army of occupation began its homeward march. The Tsar
and the King of' Prussia held a parting review at Sedan, and then
made a visit to Paris. They went incognito, but were well received
and were invited to dinner by Louis. When they returned to Aix-
la-Chapelle the formality of admitting France to the alliance was
completed. A declaration drawn up by Gentz seemed to promise
the advent of a golden age :

" The Allies solemnly recognise that their duties to God and
to the peoples whom they govern make it an obligation for them,
as far as in them lies, to exhibit to the world an example of justice,
unity, and moderation, and they consider themselves happy in
being able to direct, for the future, all their powers to the protec-
tion of the arts of peace, the development of the internal pros-
perity of their dominions, and the revival of those religious and
moral sentiments whose influence has been, of late years, weakened
by the misfortunes of the age/'

These fine-sounding words prepared the way for the foundation
of a Holy Alliance which, if carried out, would have made the
epoch in which we live miserable. The five Great Powers bound
themselves to intervene for the maintenance of social order if,
in any European country, legitimate authority was threatened and
their assistance were asked for. On the other hand, the granting

THE CONGRESS AND NAPOLEON

of a Constitution by a sovereign would not justify intervention.
The Tsar was glad enough to accept a mutual guarantee for his
European possessions, and Austria saw in the proposed alliance a
defence against Russian conquest and Prussian militarism. But
England could not undertake these obligations without the authority
of Parliament, so the scheme was not carried out.

The dissensions in France between the Liberals and the Ultras A Financial
still continued. The Liberals proposed a reorganisation of the Crisis,
National Guard, which provided for the admission of all tax-payers
and their sons who were in possession of civil rights. Massena,
who commanded that body, prophesied that it would become a
hotbed of Jacobinism, threatened to resign his office, and was
with difficulty prevented from doing so by the King, Angouleme
and Metternich. He said, however, to Vincent that the Election
Law and the Recruiting Law were destroying the monarchy. The
Ultras sought to recover their ground, by founding a paper called
the Conservative as a counterpoise to the Minerva. It was written
by Chateaubriand, Lamennais and Bonald. It supported the
aristocracy and the Church. It, however, had little effect on the
elections. A number of Liberals were returned, and Lord Stewart
expressed a fear that the government would pass into the hands
of robbers. Matters were made worse by a financial crisis. The
Bank of France was obliged to restrain her discounts, and a panic
followed which caused many failures and interrupted trade. To
meet these threatening dangers the old Quadruple Alliance was
renewed on November I5th. The object was declared to be the
prevention of new revolutionary movements which were threaten-
ing France. To spare the feelings of France the existence of the
protocol was kept secret, but it was communicated privately to
Louis XVIII. A military convention was signed on the same
day to provide for martial action if it should be found to be
necessary.

Among the other questions discussed at the Congress were The Congress
some which aifected Germany alone, and some of more general and
significance. These comprised the quarrel between Spain and her NaP°leon'
South American colonies, the dispute between Spain and Portugal,
the suppression of the Barbary pirates, and the suppression of the
slave trade. England was specially active in the last reform. In
1817 she had paid to Spain a sum of £40,000 to induce her to
suppress the slave trade in all her dominions from May 30th, 1820.
The fate of Napoleon also engaged the attention of the Congress.
His aged mother begged the Congress not to allow her son to perish
in exile. Las Cases said to them : " Come to the assistance of the

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

unhappy victim ; a few days longer, and it will be too late." To
these representations the Congress turned a deaf ear. It destroyed
all hopes of release, and supported all the measures of Sir Hudson
Lowe. It declared all communications with the prisoner to be
criminal. The Emperor of Russia, on whom the Bonapartists had
fixed their hopes, expressed himself more strongly against Napoleon
than any other sovereign. Even Castlereagh found the expres-
sions too severe.

The Congress The last days of the Congress were devoted to the affairs of
Dissolves. Prussia, a country in which Metternich seemed to discover traces
of coming Liberalism. He denounced the freedom of the German
Universities and the institution of students' congresses. He looked
with suspicion on the athletic exercises introduced by Father Jahn.
He procured the prohibition of an athletic festival at Bonn, and
declared that the whole institution must be rooted out. He also
expressed his dread of a Prussian Constitution. At length the
Congress broke up ; the Tsar and the Emperor travelled slowly
home. A few remained behind to finish various matters of busi-
ness, but by the end of November Aix-la-Chapelle had resumed her
old-world aspect. Metternich was able to announce to Europe
that the agreement between the Cabinets had never been more
complete. He seemed unaware that they were standing on the
crust of a volcano.

Resignation We must now return to the affairs of France. On his
of Richelieu. return from Aix-la-Chapelle, Richelieu, although comforted by
the approaching liberation of the territory, was much troubled
by the internal condition of his country. He saw the flood of
Liberalism rising, and did not know how to meet it. He was
convinced that the partial renewal of the Chambers, which was the
occasion of an annual conflict, should be done away with, and
that a complete re-election after three or five years should take
its place, but he could not make up his mind on what principle
the franchise should be based. In these circumstances the
Chambers met on December loth, 1818. The relations between
Richelieu and Decazes became more and more strained. The
King strove in vain to reconcile them. At length Richelieu saw
that no conclusion was possible except his own retirement, and he
resigned office before the end of the year. He left it a poor man ;
a national subscription was raised for his support, but he accepted
it only to give it to the hospitals of Bordeaux.

The new Prime Minister was General Dessolles, a worthy soldier
who had remained true to the monarchy during the Hundred Days.
He also undertook the department of Foreign Affairs. Decazes

RISE OF LIBERALISM IN FRANCE

became Home Secretary. Saint-Cyr, the creator of the new army,
remained Minister for War. Baron Louis, a friend of the banker
Laffitte, presided over the finances. But Decazes was the real
Prime Minister, the trusted confidant of the King, the man with
the strongest personality. He could not, however, prevent a
breach between the upper and lower Houses. The peers demanded
a revision of the electoral law, in the direction of a more aristo-
cratic government. A protest against such a measure arose
from the whole country, and Decazes shrank from taking so dan-
gerous a step. The only remedy was the creation of new peers.
Sixty members were added to the upper House, most of whom
represented the Bonapartist traditions. This coup d'etat found
many to condemn it ; Angouleme regarded it as the beginning of
the funeral of his family. The Great Powers disliked a step which
might again bring France as a factor in the affairs of Europe, and
even Wellington could not view with equanimity the promotion
of so many officers and soldiers of the fallen Emperor.

The breath of Liberalism began to stir. A new Press Law, Election of
which modified the severity of the hateful law of November gth, Gregoire.
1815, was drawn up with the help of Guizot, Royer-Collard and
Barante. It was an improvement upon the past, but was by no
means in accordance with modern ideas, but it was eventually
passed. An attempt of the Liberals to allow the return of those
who were suffering from a sentence of banishment, including the
regicides, was met by the Minister de Serre with a decided " Never."
Their exclusion from the country was eternal and irrevocable. The
session ended on July lyth, 1819, the relations between the parties
being more uncomfortable than before. This was shown in the
partial election of a fifth of the Chamber, which took place in
November. Decazes had hoped to preserve a tone of modera-
tion, but he was disappointed. The Ultras, indeed, suffered a
serious check, losing eighteen seats ; but there was a large addi-
tion to the ranks of the Liberals, consisting mainly of adherents
of Napoleon. But the greatest shock was the election of Gregoire
in the Department of the Isere. He had once been an abbe and
a constitutional bishop ; but, as a member of the Constituante
and of the Convention, he had shown himself bitterly radical and
anti-clerical. He had once said that princes were in the moral
order of things what monsters were in the natural order, and this
had never been forgotten. He had not been a regicide, as he was
absent from Paris at the time of the Revolution, but there is no
doubt that he would have been if he had been present at the
voting. His worthy career as Bishop of Blois, his pious and

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

benevolent character, his retired life at Auteuil under the Restor-
ation, had not modified the hatred of his enemies, but it is a
curious fact that he owed his election to the votes of the Ultras,
who preferred a Jacobin to a Ministerialist.

The Doctrinaires, under the leadership of de Serre, now devoted
themselves to the task of Constitutional reform. The Chambers
were to have the name of " Parliament of France/' and were both
to have the power of initiative. The reading of speeches was for-
bidden ; the peers were given a more distinguished position, but
the age for their participation in public affairs was reduced by five
years. The debates were to be made public. The number of the
lower House was raised from 258 to 406, to be elected for seven
years, and renewed by a complete election. The age of candi-
dates was reduced from forty to thirty years, and the qualifica-
tion from 1,000 francs, paid in direct taxes, to 600. They were
to be chosen partly by departments and partly by arrondissements,
corresponding to the county and borough elections in England.
The electors had to be residents in their districts and thirty years of
age ; the qualification for departmental electors was fixed at 400
francs, for arrondissements at 200. Electors who qualified for both
had a double vote — one, as we would say, for the county and one
for the borough. No one could be proposed as a candidate who
was not known to at least twenty electors. Other provisions were
intended to procure purity of election. The change in the numbers
of the lower House was provisionally accepted, but the new scheme
did not meet with approval. The Liberals disliked the double
franchise given to the wealthier electors, and the Ultras the viola-
tion of the Charte. Further, the slavish imitation of English models
made the plan unpopular and exposed it to ridicule. Saint-Cyr
and Louis were not in favour of these proposals, and it was at first
thought that their opposition might be overcome by the creation
of a large coalition Cabinet, over which Richelieu should preside.
But the plan failed. They retired from office, and their places
were taken by Pasquier, Latour Maubourg and Roy. Pasquier
became Prime Minister. This change did not receive much favour
in France. The Doctrinaires did not like it, and they were not
appeased by the restitution of the peers who had been driven out
after the Hundred Days and the recall of all the exiles, except
the regicides. At the same time it gave satisfaction in London,
Vienna and Berlin. The opening speech of the King on November
29th, 1819, deplored the conflict of parties. A storm soon arose
on the question of Gregoire. It was doubtful whether he was
legally elected, as the law provided that out of three members

MURDER OF THE DUC DE BERRI

two at least must be residents in the district, and the Is ere
had exhausted the right of electing strangers before they
had chosen Gregoire. But the Ultras would not hear of
arguments ; they insisted on the rejection of the priest, and
this was eventually carried amid enthusiastic shouts of " Vive
le Roi!"

The ministry had met the attacks made upon them very feebly. Surrender
Pasquier alone spoke powerfully in their defence. The Ultras of Decaze*»
had such a detestation for Decazes that the most violent of them
joined the Left in their assault upon him. The Great Powers
began to be alarmed at the condition of the country, and feared
the death of the King and the accession of Charles. Decazes
attempted to save the situation by a change in the Reform Bill
proposed by de Serre. Instead of two categories of voters, he
proposed to establish three, the first consisting of electors for
departments who paid 900 francs in taxes, half of this for land ;
the second, who paid 500 francs ; and the third, who paid 300.
This would give the great landowners a more powerful preponder-
ance. De Serre gave a reluctant consent to these alterations, but
his health compelled him to leave Paris, and Decazes was deprived
of a powerful ally. Baited on all sides, he surrendered his three
categories and came back to the original two. The members of
the Chamber were to be increased to 430, 258 being chosen
by the arrondissements and 172 by the departments. At
last the King gave his consent, and the scheme was to be
laid before the House. But an event occurred which over-
threw all calculations and turned men's thoughts into a different
channel.

On February I3th, the Due and Duchesse de Berri were leaving Murder of
the Opera House to meet their carriage, when a man rushed for- the Due de
ward and pierced the duke's heart with a dagger. The unfor- Berri>
tunate man was carried into one of the rooms in the theatre, and
the doctors said that there was no hope. He lived through the
night, and in the morning was visited by the old King, his uncle.
With his dying breath he begged that his murderer might be for-
given, and entreated his wife to spare herself for the sake of the
child which was yet unborn. He died as day was fading. The
murderer, Louvel, was an artisan who had long cherished the idea
of freeing France from the Bourbons. A clamour arose for coercive
laws, and responsibility for the murder was cast upon the weak-
ness of Decazes. Two measures were proposed by the ministry :
the first, a provision for the military trial of suspects ; the second,
an extension for five years of the censorship of the Press. This

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

was not thought sufficient, and the persecution of Decazes con-
tinued. He sought, in vain, the support of the Left. He was at
last deserted by Monsieur, who had, at first, promised to help him.
Artois and his sons and daughter-in-law threw themselves at the
king's feet and besought him to dismiss Decazes. Long did he
hesitate, and only gave in when they threatened to leave Paris
and the kingdom. The Due de Richelieu returned to power. The
Ultras were jubilant. They said : " Decazes had to choose between
the scaffold and exile ; he chose exile." Chateaubriand declared,
in conversation : " Decazes is fallen ; his feet slipped in the blood
which he has shed."

Repressive Villele and Corbi&re, the more moderate members of the Right,
easures. ^ nQ^. approve of t^js extravagant language. They wished to
secure a majority for Richelieu, by union with the Right Centre,
for he could not return in the support of the Doctrinaires. Of
the two coercive laws proposed by Decazes, that of the censorship
was brought before the Peers, and that of arbitrary imprisonment
before the Commons. They were debated with considerable heat.
An observer said : " The Chamber is no longer a deliberative
assembly ; it is a noisy pit, divided between two cabals who
endeavour to wrest from each other the support of a vacillating and
weak centre. A continuous hum of murmuring, constant calls to
order, sudden interruptions, were the lot of every speaker."
Passions were still further stirred by the revolutionary outbreak
in Spain, which occurred at this time. These disturbances were
renewed when the Press Law had to pass the Commons and
the Suspect Law the Peers. By the end of March they both got
through, but public opinion was not in their favour. Several
Liberal papers — among them the Minerva — ceased publication, and
even the Conservative put an end to its existence.

Electoral The discussion of the Electoral Law still remained to be dealt
Riots> with. The scheme of Decazes was withdrawn, and a new Bill
was laid upon the table. There was a pitched battle between the
forces of old and new France. De Serre returned from the south,
and was able to take part in the debates. Lafayette defended the
tricolour flag, which the Ultras denounced as the oriflamme of dis-
order. Riots took place in Paris, first directed against the Liberals,
but continued with the danger of rousing the Bonapartists and
Republicans. From the 4th to the yth of June the streets of Paris
were in confusion. Blood flowed on both sides. Cries of " Vive
la Charte ! " were answered by cries of " Vive I'Empereur." At
length, when all parties were weary of the conflict, an Electoral
Law was passed which secured a double election and a certain

A REACTIONARY MOVEMENT

preponderance of the wealthier electors. This was finally passed
on June zgth, 1820. The victory was, on the whole, in favour of
the Ultras. De Serre expelled Royer-Collard, Camille Jourdan,
Bonald and Guizot from the Council of State. Villele saw
the prospect of the ministry open before ' him. A reactionary
movement had begun, the result of which no one could
foresee.

CHAPTER IV
GERMANY

Austria and THE wars of the Revolution and those of Napoleon had profoundly
Prussia. modified the internal condition of Germany. Old institutions were
swept away, and the ground was prepared for a nation of the
modern type. This clearing, however, had not been complete ;
the Emperor and the Diet had disappeared, but the Emperor
and the Empire of Austria had taken their place. Germany was
now governed by thirty-eight sovereigns in place of three hundred,
and the ecclesiastical princes had entirely disappeared. Three
great states — Bavaria, Wurtemberg and Baden — had been founded
in the south, but many small princes still remained in the north.
The left bank of the "Rhine, which had been directly subject to
French rule, still possessed the benefit of the Code Napoleon, with
the blessings of a regular and uniform administration, while the
sovereigns of southern Germany had not altogether lost the inspira-
tion of the Power which created them. Nor were the thrones of
Germany entirely national : the King of Denmark reigned in
Holstein, the King of England in Hanover, and the King of Holland
in Luxemburg. Many Germans had ardently desired the unity
of the country, but how was it to be effected, and who was to
be the head of it ? Two great Powers were striving for this
position, and the rivalry between them has only been settled in
our own day.

At the Congress of Vienna Germany felt the necessity of form-
ing a new state which should hold a distinguished and responsible
position in the councils of Europe, and should be able, if necessary,
to resist the attacks of France, formidable even under the restored
Bourbons. But the precise character which this state should
assume was a matter of long and serious debate. Baron Stein,
one of the principal liberators of Germany, was anxious to restore
the Empire, with a Directory of the chief princes to manage affairs
of common interest. But the Emperor of Austria did not desire to
establish a form of government in which the influence of the King
of Prussia would be superior to his own, while the smaller German
princes were averse to surrendering any portion of the independ-
ence which they had gained by the dissolution of the Empire in

THE GERMANIC CONFEDERATION

1806. After long discussion, on June i8th, 1815, the very day of
the Battle of Waterloo, an act of confederation was agreed between
the sovereign princes and the free towns, which united them in
a permanent alliance called the Germanic Confederation (Der
Deutsche Bund), the object of which was destined to be the safe-
guarding of external and internal security and the independence
and integrity of the states of which it was composed.

The constitutional organ of the Confederation was the Federal Duties
Assembly, known in Germany as the Bundestag, which sat per-
manently at Frankfort, and was attended by representatives from
each state, under the presidency of Austria. In the discussion of
ordinary affairs the eleven largest states had a vote each, and the
rest six votes between them. Important matters were decided in
what was called a " Plenum," in which, out of sixty-nine votes,
Austria and the five kingdoms, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover
and Wiirtemberg, had four votes each, the five states next in import-
ance three each, the next three two, and all the rest one each. It
was the business of the assembly to draw up the fundamental
laws and organic institutions of the Confederation, with reference
to all its affairs — foreign, military and domestic — but each state
retained its own army, its own government, and its diplomatic
arrangements. There was no great Federal tribunal, such as,
under the old Empire, had existed at Wetzlar, and the Confedera-
tion sent no ambassadors to foreign Powers. The princes remained
practically sovereigns, and the Bundestag was only a congress of
their ambassadors.

The Federal Assembly ought to have met on September ist, 1815 ;
but the first meeting did not take place till November 5th, 1816. It
was held in the palace of the Prince of Thurn and Taxis, in the
Eschenheimer Gasse at Frankfort, the home of the Austrian
Embassy, and met generally twice a week. As the Confederation
had no arms of its own it used those of Austria, and it had a
thoroughly Austrian complexion. It soon became a byword for
inertness and inefficiency, but it was too restive for Metternich, who
warned the members against over haste and the dangers of a
meddlesome disposition. Nothing could be done without the
unanimous consent of all the members. In order to veto it was
only necessary to abstain from voting, a method which was largely
followed by the smaller states. The slowness of its operations
was notorious. The officials of the Imperial Court of Justice
claimed the arrears due to them from the dissolution of the
German Empire in 1806 to the year 1816, but the claims were not
satisfied till the year 1831 ; the war debt contracted between 1792

» 33

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

and 1801 was not paid till 1843 ; the obligations incurred in the
Thirty Years' War were not finally liquidated till 1850 ; the for-
tresses for which France had paid in 1815 were not built in 1825,
because the Bundestag had not made up its mind as to the
comparative merits of Ulm and Rastadt.

Varied Each sovereign prince was master of the Government of his own

Government dominion, and could give his people what constitution he pleased.
The various Governments which prevailed may be divided into three
classes. In the first, which was pure absolutism, the prince reigned
alone with his functionaries, and without any control or any meet-
ing of Chambers. Such was the government of Austria and Prussia,
and of some of the northern princes, notably the Elector of Hesse,
who summoned his Chambers in 1816, but dismissed them imme-
diately afterwards and governed by himself. The greater part of
the northern princes adopted the principle of Landstdnde, or assem-
blies of estates, formed of the notables of the country, who met
for the purpose of voting supertaxes and guaranteeing loans, with
a certain power of asking for the redress of grievances, but no
efficient power of redressing them. A few princes, especially in
the south, gave their countries a written constitution after the
model of France, but in these the prince always remained sovereign,
he chose whom he pleased for ministers, and reserved to himself
the power of violating laws. The Grand Duke of Saxe- Weimar,
the friend of Goethe, had taken the lead in this liberal move-
ment, had given his subjects a constitution and placed it under
the guarantee of the Confederation. His Chambers had some real
power, and he abolished the censorship of the Press. Efforts were
made to follow this example, but self-government did not come
to birth till after many struggles and long debates. Eventually
constitutions of a more or less liberal character were established
in Bavaria in May, 1818 ; in Baden in August, 1818 ; in Wiirtem-
berg in 1819 ; and in Hesse-Darmstadt in 1820.

" Holy The results of the Congress of Vienna were a bitter disappoint-

Alliance" ment to all German Liberals. A system of reactionary govern-
ment was established in nearly all the members of the Confedera-
tion. This was owing to the predominant influence of Austria,
and Austria was controlled by Metternich. Germany had risen
against Napoleon with all the enthusiasm of youth. The period of
illumination, the risings of 1813 and 1814, are classical examples
of a nation striving to secure freedom of government. But as a
reward for its devotion to, and its sacrifices in, the cause of liberty
it found itself without a national existence, cut up into tiny states,
ground down by officials, by police, and by privileged classes, with-

GERMAN ASPIRATIONS

out political rights or equality before the law. The Holy Alliance
was not the kind of result which the War of Liberation had been
conducted to attain. It appeared to the German people as an
ill-omened conspiracy of princes against the rights and liberties of
their subjects. It did not receive the approval of the two sections
of German patriots, either those who desired a restoration of the
German Empire, with reformed institutions, or those who pre-
ferred a constitutional government upon the English model. The
throng of the disaffected was swelled by the mediatised princes
who had lost their sovereign power, and by the nobles who had lost
their privileges. Prussia had taken the lead in the national rising
against Napoleon, and the hopes of the patriots had been fixed on
her ; but she betrayed their expectations and attached herself
to the cause of Metternich and reaction. Her unstable and impul-
sive king, Frederick William III., neglected and slighted the men
who had been most forward in the assertion of national liberty,
while statesmen of a reactionary complexion were decorated with
titles and honours. The time for framing a liberal constitution
was indefinitely postponed.

The love of liberty, which seemed to be merely smouldering or students'
even extinguished in the German people, still glowed in the hearts Union.
of a small body of enthusiastic youths, the students of the German
universities. They detested and despised the cowardly compro-
mises and the half-hearted humility with which political affairs
were conducted, and proclaimed themselves the hope of the Father-
land. Arndt, the maker of their songs, became their chosen leader.
With him they clamoured for a united Germany, for the freedom
which God had given them, for the bravery and .piety of their
forefathers ; with him they detested coquetting with the foreigner.
Their other leader was Father Jahn, the inventor of Turnen, the
German gymnastics. He was a German of the old type, who
taught them by example and precept to steel their muscles, to run
long distances, to train their bodies as if for an Olympic victory.
With the motto " Frisch, frei, frohlich, fromm," dressed in un-
bleached tunics, hardened by moderation in food and drink, they
spread abroad the noble art of " turning," and sought to re-establish
the equality of human education. The first Turnplatz was estab-
lished in the neighbourhood of Berlin, but they soon sprang up
all over the country. The universities of Kiel and Jena gave Father
Jahn an honorary degree ; but it would probably have been better
if he had never lectured : his example was better than his sermons.

An idea arose of giving to the whole body of German students
that unity which it was not yet possible to give to the German

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

nation. Thus took its rise the Burschenschaft, or Association of
Students, which was to include the youth of all the universities of
the Fatherland. A German student in his freshman's year is
called afuchs, or fox ; in his second a bursch, or man, as it may be
translated. The students used their political freedom to form a
community characterised by a scientific and progressive patriotism,
with a strict morality founded on religion.

The Jena The Jena Burschenschaft was founded on June lath, 1815,

Celebrations. six days before the Battle of Waterloo. The night passed in
singing Arndt's patriotic songs, and the banner which was waved
over them was the black, red and gold tricolour, now the flag of
united Germany, the colours having been those of Liitzow's free
corps. Giessen caught the enthusiasm from Jena, and it soon
spread through the universities of the Fatherland. In 1817, the
three hundredth anniversary of the German Reformation was
celebrated with great enthusiasm. As a part of this celebration, a
festival was held on October i8th, the anniversary of the Battle of
Leipzig, at the castle of the Wartburg, near Eisenach, where Luther
was confined for safety, and where he was believed to have fought
with the devil. The Catholic universities were naturally excluded,
and in Prussia Berlin alone answered to the call ; but the assembly
was numerously attended. Prayers and Luther's hymn, " Ein*
feste Burg," opened the proceedings. Speeches were made, songs
were sung, and at the close of the festivities the books of Kotzebue,
Haller, and the other writers who had defended absolutism were
burned in a bonfire consisting of pigtails, corsets, corporals' sticks,
and other emblems of the military regime. The students met
again on the following day, in the great hall which had witnessed
the shame of Tannhauser. There were more speeches and more
songs, and, after determining to publish a students' journal at Jena,
the young men separated with many embraces and tears, after the
German fashion. Those who took part in this festival remembered
it as the May Day of their youth. But their rulers thought other-
wise. Munich began the battle and Dresden followed. Metter-
nich and Gentz warned fathers not to entrust their sons to such
dangerous seminaries as Jena. The King of Prussia joined the
ranks of the opposition. But Karl August remained firm. The
only step he took was to forbid the appearance of the student
journal.

It is difficult to restrain enthusiasm within due limits, however
respectable may have been its origin. The hatred of the students
was directed against two so-called Russian spies, who had made
themselves conspicuous in denouncing the excesses of the Burschen-

ASSASSINATION OF KOTZEBUE

schaft. These were Stourdza, a Moldavian magnate, and Kotze-
bue, a well-known German writer, who supported the privileges of
princes and nobles. Kotzebue had been a violent opponent of
Napoleon. He was now being paid by the Tsar to send him
periodical reports on the literary condition of Germany. He
treated the new movement of the students with the most irritating
contempt, and a war arose between the journals on either side,
the details of which need not detain us. In the meantime, Karl
August invited the students to Weimar, to celebrate the birth of a
grandson by a torchlight procession, and a general German Bur-
schenschaft was founded, which was described as the free union
into a whole of all the German youths who were receiving serious
education at the universities, based on the relations of the German
youth to the coming unity of the German people.

Karl Foller, one of the founders of the movement at Giessen, Assassina-
became at this time Professor of Roman Law at Jena, and defended tion of
assassination as a legitimate defence against tyranny. All this
worked in the mind of a student named Sand, the son of an official
in the law courts at Wunsiedel, who had made up for the enforced
idleness of a sickly childhood by overwork. A theological student
in Tubingen, he had taken part in the campaign in France in 1815,
and then gone to Erlangen. He represented the Erlangen students
at the Wartburg, and then attended the university of Jena. Al-
ready, in May, 1818, he cherished the idea of killing Kotzebue and
some other traitors with the sword. The murder of the man who,
in his mind, was the embodiment of everything which he detested
became a fixed idea. He took a solemn leave of his friends at the
beginning of March and went to Mannheim, to which place Kotze-
bue had removed from Jena. On March 29th, 1819, he approached
the unsuspecting victim with a letter and, crying out, " Traitor to
the Fatherland ! " stabbed him as he was reading it. He had
originally intended to escape, but when the son of the murdered
man rushed upon him with a cry of horror, he turned the dagger
upon himself. He fell to the ground from loss of blood and, cry-
ing out to the assembled crowd, " Long live the German Father-
land 1 " again attempted suicide. He survived, however, to be
executed on May 20th, 1819, persisting in the nobleness of his
action.

Such was the political inexperience of the Burschenschaft that
this gruesome scene was glorified into an act of heroism. Sand
was compared with Brutus, Harmodius and Aristogiton. Even
grave professors shed a tear of pity over the murderer. But it
led to the persecution of the democrats, and attempts at consti-

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

tutional reform which had been made in Prussia, Bavaria, Baden,
and other German States were now indefinitely shelved.

Metternich Metternich heard of Kotzebue's murder at Rome, where he was

staying with the Emperor Francis. It seemed to him more
dangerous than any number of revolutions in Italy. He dreaded
the education of a generation of revolutionists in Germany unless
strong measures were adopted. However, with characteristic cyni-
cism, he used the general horror which the deed excited to strike a
fatal blow at constitutional reform and the freedom of the Press.
Matters were made worse by the attempt, on July ist, of Karl Loning,
a chemist at Schwalbach, to assassinate Ibell. Prime Minister of
Nassau. Frederick William III., King of Prussia, had long been
tempted by the signs of disorder which surrounded him. A meet-
ing took place at Teplitz, in which the aged Hardenberg, the
Minister of Prussia, bowed before the stronger will of Metternich.
What was called a " Punctuation " was drawn up on August ist.
It was really a declaration of the principles on which the courts
of Austria and Prussia were determined to conduct themselves in
the internal affairs of the German League. It was determined to
hold a conference of the ten larger German Powers at Carlsbad,
which was not far from Teplitz, from August 6th to August I3th.
In this fatal week much harm was done.

The thirteenth article of the Act of Confederation had conceded

mfsslon "°m~ to a^ *ke German States the power of making provincial constitu-
tions. Metternich and Gentz could not abrogate this article, but
they proceeded to interpret it. They drew a distinction between a
Parliament of Estates and a Parliament of Deputies. The first
was ancient, historical, German, and divine ; the second modern,
revolutionary, French, and inconsistent with the German Federa-
tion and the principle of monarchy. Besides this interpretation of
Article 13, resolutions were passed at Carlsbad to limit the free-
dom of the Press and to restrict the excesses in universities and
schools. A central committee was established at Mainz to hold in
check all demagogic and revolutionary movements. This " Black
Commission," as it was called, sat at Mainz for ten years, and
created more conspiracies than it discovered. The Carlsbad resolu-
tions were adopted by the Bundestag on September 2Oth. Metter-
nich had triumphed, and the German people bowed their necks to
the yoke of slavery ; but these short-sighted and unconstitutional
measures became in due time the parents of a more dangerous
revolution.

The announcement of these decrees caused consternation
throughout Germany. Niebuhr predicted that the establishment

GERMAN DISAPPOINTMENT

of these conditions between government and subjects could only
produce a life without love, without patriotism, without joy, and
full of misunderstanding and discontent. Stein declared that the
most important step for the peace of Germany was to put an
end to the reign of arbitrary government. Dahlmann and Rotteck
made powerful protests. Schlegel resigned his professorship at
Bonn, on the ground that it was better to jump out of the window
than to be thrown out. The decisions of Carlsbad began to be
put into effect. The Moderates lost all hope of a peaceful settle-
ment. Republican ideas began to make their appearance for the
first time. German princes, from whom so much had been expected,
had now come forward as the sworn enemies of popular freedom.
The noble, patriotic feeling of the War of Liberation had ended in
smoke ; the blood of Leipzig and Waterloo had been shed in vain.
Prussia led the van in reaction as she had before in liberty. The
Turnhallen — the gymnastic halls — were closed ; the German tri-
colour was proscribed ; Father Jahn had to take refuge in Switzer-
land ; distinguished professors were deprived of their offices, and
were subjected to police supervision ; the sermons of Schleiermacher
were delivered in the presence of official censors, and the sale of a
new edition of Fichte's Address to the German People was for-
bidden. Even Stein and Gneisenau did not escape rebuke. To
whisper " German nation " was a crime ; to work for it was high
treason. Informers were highly rewarded. The Burschenschaft of
Jena met for the last time in the Rosensaal at Jena, and sang that
noble hymn, set to the most pathetic of melodies, which still lives
as the high-water mark of German students' songs, and declares in
dignified verse, " We had built a stately house ; our house is ruined,
but the spirit lives in all of us, and our fortress is God."

After the Carlsbad Congress all the members of the Confedera- The
tion were summoned to meet at Vienna, where the discussions lasted Vienna
from November, 1819, to May, 1820. Their results did not satisfy Conference.
Metternich, but the sovereign rights of princes were insisted upon ;
the latter were declared to be independent of Parliamentary
control, and the duty was impressed upon the central authority
of preserving internal order if it should be endangered. Freedom
of expression was not to be admitted in the Chambers nor in the
Press.

The years which we have described, full of sad experiences
and disappointed hopes, naturally produced a feeling of depres-
sion. Each member of the European family seems to have been
less prosperous and successful in achieving the results of progress
than its efforts deserved. But the outlook was more hopeful if

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

we regard the European family as a whole. Science, art and
literature made great advance in the early years of the restoration,
and we find signs of similar improvements and achievements in
the social and political spheres. Metternich, Castlereagh, and
those who agreed with them believed in the existence of a great
European conspiracy which would prove the ruin of the world.
Wellington saw, in the events of Peterloo, signs of coming danger,
and Metternich was filled with dismay at the murder of Kotzebue,
and at the obvious activity of the revolutionary spirit in Germany,
Italy, France and England. The morose and haunting terror
which inspired those who, for the time being, had the destinies of
Europe in their hands was the cause of coercion and persecution.
But, as a counterpoise, there was arising a real, though secret,
understanding between all liberally-minded people, without dis-
tinction of nationality. As early as 1818 Beranger had sung of
the " holy alliance of peoples " against their ungrateful sovereigns.
A year later Borne said :

A Silent " There is, in truth, a conspiracy, extending not only all over

League Germany, but over the whole of Europe. The conspirators do not
hood!* " know eacn other ; they never see or speak with each other ; they
have no signs, no common methods, no common objects to hold
them together, and yet they are brothers — brothers, I mean, in
sentiment. This league is not directed against the power of
princes, but against the holding of power in the hands of State
officials. It is directed against a condition of lawlessness, against
arbitrary government, and, notwithstanding all the police arrange-
ments of Europe, it will effect its end."

The members of this secret league of spiritual sympathisers
were filled with pleasure at the unexpected revolutions in Spain,
Portugal and Italy, and by the rising of the Greeks. They, how-
ever, perhaps overrated the significance of these events, and
expected too much from them. Our narrative must now turn its
attention to these revolutionary movements, which were more
startling and more picturesque, if not intrinsically more important,
than those which we have so far described.

CHAPTER V
SPAIN AND PORTUGAL

THE movement of the French Revolution in its progress over The
Europe affected Spain last. She remained asleep in an awaken- *lon and
ing Europe. The reforms of Charles III., who attempted, in the
eighteenth century, to redress the crying evils of government,
education, agriculture and commerce, had disappeared without
leaving a trace of their short existence. Spain combined great
differences within herself with a common resistance to the external
world. The haughty Castilian was distinct from the excitable
Andalusian, the rough citizen of Aragon from the hardworking
Galician, but they all joined hands in their opposition to outside
influences. They bore in stolid silence the tyrannous rule of the
King, the camarilla, the nobles, and the clergy.

Napoleon was compelled by the force of circumstances to Constitution
inspire new life into this dying body, and to remedy the Mezentian of 1812«
marriage of the family compact. But he was a foreigner and
the nation was against him. In Great Britain's struggle against
Napoleon she took as her allies the worst characters in the Penin-
sula, associated herself with monks and robbers, and regarded
as enemies the most intelligent and most enlightened members of
the community. Wellington, with his never-failing insight, recog-
nised that he was fighting for a lost cause. In the midst of the
struggle an attempt was made at Cadiz to call into existence a
national democracy, which was equally opposed to the priest-
ridden tyranny of the old regime and the enlightened militarism
of French rule. The Cortes of Cadiz contained two parties — the
Tories, called Serviles by their opponents, and the Liberals. The
latter preponderated, and drew up the famous Constitution of
1812, which was a copy of the French Constitution of 1791. This
Constitution was the model towards which the Liberal spirits
of Europe looked for many years. The Cortes declared them-
selves sovereign and indissoluble, and abolished the censorship
of the Press, seignorial rights, and other privileges of the nobles.
The Constitution declared that the sovereignty resided in the
nation : the King was placed at the head of the executive, but
he was to act in all things by the advice of his ministers. Legisla-

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

tion was the prerogative of the Cortes, and the King was given
a suspensive veto. Parliament consisted of a single Chamber,
elected at two stages by universal suffrage ; the deputies were
chosen for two years, and were not re-eligible, and the ministers
did not form part of the assembly. While the Cortes were not
sitting their powers passed to a permanent deputation. No
member of the assembly was allowed to accept any office from
the King.

Some parts of the legislation of Cadiz were undoubtedly
beneficent. Exemption from taxes founded on privilege was
abolished, universal military service was introduced, a proper
system of education was established, and the burden of feudal
rights was also greatly alleviated. Yet there was little real
approach to toleration. The Catholic religion was recognised as
the one true religion of the Spanish people, and the exercise of
other religions was forbidden. Some effort was made to reduce
the number of monasteries, the Inquisition was done away with,
but heresy became a crime. These measures were opposed by the
clergy and the nobles, and the party of the Serviles grew more
powerful. Unfortunately, Wellington, in his hatred of Jacobinism,
played into the hands of the reactionaries. In the Cortes sum-
moned at Madrid in January, 1814, the Liberals were in a minority
and were opposed by Wellington.

Return of Ferdinand VII /s return to Spain was most disastrous. He
Ferdinand ^3 ^een ba(jjy educated in a corrupt and quarrelsome Court, he
feared the strong and bullied the weak. During his confinement
at Valen£ay, Talleyrand's object had been to amuse him : he
never read, and wearied even of picture-books. He spent much
time in embroidering with his own hand a robe of white silk for
the statue of the Virgin at Valengay. His confessor, Ostolaza,
announced this with pride to the Spanish people, and the news
aroused great enthusiasm. His subjects were never tired of
praising his innocence and virtue.

The Treaty of Valengay had provided that Ferdinand should
not be free until he had reached Madrid and taken the oath to
the Constitution. Up to that time the powers of the Regency
were to continue, but this provision became a dead letter. The
moment he crossed the frontier, on March 22nd, 1814, he was
received with acclamation, and San Carlos, the retrograde minister,
was always at his side. He was advised by Palafox, the defender
of Saragossa, not to swear to the Constitution ; and Count Monti jo,
Palafox's brother-in-law, wished for the unlimited power of the
Crown. The Serviles presented him with a document which

"SWEET, HOLY FERDINAND"

denounced the Constitution and the Cortes as the work of the
devil. As it happened, the Liberals were apathetic, and, at the
beginning of May, Ferdinand took the bold step of denouncing
the Constitution and the Cortes. He called himself the father
of his loyal nation, and promised security for freedom and safety
of person and property. He showed his sincerity by introducing
the censorship of the Press and by arresting at night some fifty
of the most prominent Liberals. The people of Madrid applauded
their " sweet, holy Ferdinand," and the prisoners were insulted
by the crowd. His journey from Aranjuez to Madrid was a
triumphal progress. Reaction set in apace. The Liberals and
the Josefinos were persecuted with much barbarity by guerilleros,
towns and villages were burned, the country was laid waste, and
bridges and fountains were destroyed. The Spanish people relapsed
into a state of semi-civilisation.

San Carlos and Macanaz were ministers, but the power was A Retro-
in the hands of a camarilla, consisting of the King's lackeys and
chamberlains, who delighted him with their jesting, the Duke
of Alagon, the captain of the guard, his physicians, his buffoon,
and his confessor. It was responsible for the decrees enforcing
domiciliary visits and arrests, and formed the fountain of honour.
Its members grew rich by exactions and extortions. One of their
first steps was to re-establish the monasteries, to free the clergy
from taxation, to renew the Inquisition. Besides the official
Gazette, only two newspapers were permitted to be published — the
Atalaya, edited by the sanguinary monk, Augustin da Castro, and
the Procuador, controlled by the head of the secret police. Then
the Jesuits were readmitted, and half their property was restored.
The Council of Castile was recalled with the Duke of Infant ado at
its head, the municipalities were stripped of their independence,
and captains-general were placed at the head of the provinces.

Still worse was the persecution of the Liberals, whom Welling-
ton in vain endeavoured to protect. Tried and acquitted by the
regular courts, the King arbitrarily intervened, and with his own
hand wrote a decree of condemnation on December I7th, 1814,
by which they were banished, or imprisoned, or deported to the
unhealthy presidios of Africa. These sentences were immediately
carried out, and the prisoners were not allowed to provide clothes
or linen. Among them were some of the most distinguished
Spaniards, members of the Regency like Agar and Circar, members
of the Cortes like Argiielles, Martinez de la Rosa and Herreros,
poets like Quintana.

Some signs of discontent appeared in Cadiz in the autumn of

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

1814, but they were crushed by a revolutionary tribunal. The
disaffection in the army was not so easy to subdue. Some regi-
ments remained for months without pay ; the men had no straw
to sleep upon ; and soldiers of Liberal opinion, however distin-
guished, were persecuted. Generals Valdez and Porlier were
arrested, Villalba and O'Donoju were banished, Alava was attacked,
and Espoz y Mina was deprived of his command. The latter tried
to seize Pamplona and to read the Constitution from its ramparts,
but he was forced to take refuge in France, where he was pro-
tected. Secret societies were formed, and Diaz Porlier, implicated
in one of them, was executed in October, 1815. General Lacy
also attempted an insurrection and was executed in Majorca.
Spain's Macanaz and San Carlos were overthrown by the camarilla.
^an ^ar^os was succeeded by Cevallos, who had served Godoy
and Ferdinand, Joseph Bonaparte, and the Patriots. But the
ministers were continually changed, according to the whim of the
Sovereign, who lived in a fool's paradise, caring about nothing
except the satisfaction of his humours, the tales of informers, and
the opening of private letters. The condition of the country was
terrible ; from Somosierra to Madrid the land was a desert, unre-
lieved by trees, gardens, or houses ; here and there a ruined hut
or a few dirty villages served but to accentuate the solitude.
Except the great roads which led from Madrid to Bayonne, Lisbon,
Saragossa, Barcelona, Valencia, and Seville, only a few permanent
ways were practicable for carriages. There were no inns, and bands
of brigands, composed of guerilleros, starving soldiers, and unpaid
workmen from the royal docks, abounded.

The mass of the people had no education. Many believed in
miracles and amulets, ghosts and devils. According to the census
of 1791 there were, in the Province of Cordova, 109 monasteries,
but only forty-nine elementary schools ; out of 10,500,000
inhabitants, with 3,700,000 children under sixteen, only 425,000
were receiving education. But matters had grown worse during
the next generation. Secondary education was entirely in the
hands of the clergy, the universities were occupied with barren
scholastic learning, students begged their bread as wandering
musicians or strolling players. Commerce was crushed by mono-
polies and holidays, and Church festivals undermined all energy.
At such a juncture it was almost inevitable that Spain should
begin to lose her colonies, which had been to her a source of wealth
and strength.

Napoleon's conquest of the Mother Country inflamed the
desire for independence which had long existed in the Spanish

MADRID'S MUSHROOM MINISTRIES

colonies. Juntas had formed themselves in the Caracas, Buenos
Ayres, New Grenada and Chile, with the ostensible object of
recognising the right of Ferdinand VII. , while in Mexico the
Indians were against the Government. The Cortes, with their
Liberal Constitution, had whetted the wish for separation ; but
this movement was checked by the return of the rightful Sovereign*
For a time they were allowed to hope for reforms, but there suc-
ceeded a White Terror fiercer and more intolerant than that of
Spain itself. Military governors, sent by the King, surpassed
each other in merciless extortion, in fiendish tortures, in barbaric
executions. Outward obedience was established ; but the fire of
rebellion smouldered, especially in La Plata ; while San Martin,
Paez and Bolivar secured the independence of Chile and
Venezuela. These feelings were fostered by the Americans and
the Portuguese.

Meanwhile, in Madrid, one mushroom ministry followed another, A Military
and the fruitless attempts at reform appeared actually to increase
bad government. The discontent which smouldered in the whole
nation was most strongly felt at the expedition which was being
collected at Cadiz for the purpose of reducing the northern colonies
in South America. The troops were fired by their proximity to
the birthplace of the Constitution of 1812 ; they knew that their
expedition might result in disaster and death. They had little
to eat, their pay was intercepted by the greed of officials, their
sense of grievance was fanned by their officers, Quiroga, Arco,
Aguero, and the brothers San Miguel, and the revolted colonies
corrupted them with gold. They chose for their leader Quiroga,
who was then undergoing a mild imprisonment. He was to escape
on New Year's Day, 1820, and march to the island of Leon ; but
he was prevented by rain, and only reached his destination on
January 3rd. He took the town of San Fernando and captured
the Minister of Marine, but refrained from laying siege to Cadiz,
and a rising in the town proved unsuccessful.

On the same day, Colonel Rafael del Riego, a young Asturian,
was more successful. On January ist, 1820, he proclaimed the
Constitution of 1812, and was able to join Quiroga on January
6th. The national army which they commanded had no cavalry
or artillery ; many deserted, and there were few recruits. Cadiz
remained impregnable. On January 27th, Riego set out with 5,000
men to march through Andalusia, proclaiming everywhere the
Constitution of 1812, but finding few supporters. His expedition
was a failure ; after fruitless marches he was compelled, on
March nth, to disband his troops.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Submission But collapse in the south was compensated for by a vigorous

of the King. rjsjng m ^e north. On February 2ist a revolt in Corunna
established a Junta and the Constitution of 1812, and other places
in Galicia, Ferrol, Vigo, Pontevedra and Tuy followed this
example. The commandant of Santiago, Count San Roman,
retired to Orense on March 5th. There was a rising in Saragossa,
the capital of Aragon. In Barcelona, Castafios, the conqueror
of Baylen, put himself at the head of the movement, and in
Pamplona the Viceroy, Ezpeleta, did likewise ; but their aim
was to control the agitation and use it for democratic purposes.
The King was obliged to bow to the storm, and on March 7th issued
a decree promising the immediate calling of the Cortes. But
this concession was too late, and General Ballesteros informed
his Sovereign that the army was no longer to be relied upon. At
midnight of the same day the alarmed King, in order to avoid dis-
turbances, and to meet the universal will of the people, declared
his readiness to accept the Constitution of 1812.

Next morning the news was received in Madrid with general
rejoicing. The Constitution was exhibited in the great square,
and carried about the streets as a sacred relic for the adoration
of the people, while the constitutional King was hailed with
applause as he drove in the Prado and Don Carlos was greeted
with hisses. In the Cafe Lorenzini, which was their headquarters,
however, the agitators expressed their doubts as to the sincerity
of the Sovereign. It was true he had punished political offenders,
but he had done nothing else. Six men, chosen by the people,
undertook to demand the restoration of the Constitutional Council
of 1814, and also exacted from the King an oath of adherence
to the Constitution. The Inquisition was prohibited and its
victims were released from prison, finally, a provisional Junta
was set up to assist the Government until the Cortes should meet.
The King's uncle, the Cardinal de Bourbon, was made Presi-
dent, and Ballesteros was his representative. Since the King
had made an absolute surrender, the ninth of March was cele-
brated as the day of returning liberty.

Massacre Similar scenes took place in the provinces. The Radicals

at Cadiz. triumphed at Saragossa ; at Pamplona, Mina, who had come from
France, supplanted Ezpeleta ; at Barcelona, Castafios was deposed
in favour of General Villa Campo. Riego heard of the revolu-
tion in the solitudes of the Sierra Morena, returned to Cordova,
proclaimed the Constitution along with O'Donoju, and soon
afterwards entered Seville in triumph. The universal joy was
damped by a terrible event, which took place at Cadiz. On

TRIUMPH OF SPANISH DEMOCRACY

March nth, the fete of the Constitution was to be celebrated in
the city square. Three deputies were sent by Quiroga to repre-
sent his army, and they joined the crowd in the plaza, where
every window was hung with tapestry and flags. Suddenly the
soldiers of the regiment " del Lealdad " and of the Guides, issu-
ing from their barracks, fired upon the people. Many of them
were deserters from Quiroga and probably had been urged to
this infamy by General Campana. The mob dispersed and ran
away, the soldiers following and massacring without mercy,
treating the town exactly as if it had been taken by assault.
These diabolical scenes were repeated on the following day, and
eventually the killed amounted to 460 and the wounded to
upwards of a thousand.

A Liberal Ministry was established, many of its members A
being taken from dungeons. Argiielles, from his eloquence in Democratic
the former Cortes called " the Divine," became Minister of the C
Interior, and Garcia Herreros Minister of Justice. Those who
had been previously persecuted were now honoured with office.
The poet Quintana obtained a seat in the Junta which was to
direct the censure of the Press ; Riego and three of his companions
were made field-marshals. The purification of the Government
was carried out in every branch of political and municipal adminis-
tration, the army at Cadiz was broken up, every Spaniard was
required to swear allegiance to the Constitution, and the
Afrancesados, to the number of 6,000, were allowed to return
to Spain.

When the Cortes met, on July Qth, the party of the Moderates
greatly preponderated. To it belonged the President, the Arch-
bishop of Seville, and the Vice-President Quiroga. Not a single
grandee of Spain was elected ; very few of the landed nobility
were returned, and only three bishops. Martinez de la Rosa
was the leader of the Moderates, and next to him were Calatrava,
an experienced statesman, and the Marquis Toreno, a man of
light and learning. Nevertheless, the new Government found
its efficiency much impeded by the character of the Constitution,
which, in the desire to secure the partition of powers, had
excluded the ministers from the assembly. The party of the
Exalt ados, though not equal to the Moderates either in number
or talents, made up for this by activity and rhetoric. They were
led by Romero Aluente, from Aragon, and Moreno Guerro, who
had been secretary to Ballesteros.

At the end of August, Riego came to Madrid with the inten-
tion of telling the King and the ministers some unwelcome truths,

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

and was received with enthusiasm by the clubs. On Sunday,
September 3rd, after a triumphal progress through the town, he
was honoured by a banquet in the Font ana d'Oro, the excitement
being increased by news of the revolution in Portugal. He then
proceeded to the theatre to see the play of " Henry III. of Castile,"
which was full of political allusions. A Riego hymn, analogous
to the Garibaldi hymn of a later date, was greeted with applause,
as was also the " Tragala, perro " (" Swallow it, you hound ") —
the " ga ira " of Spain — Riego standing up with his whole staff
and joining in the chorus. These excesses turned public opinion
against the Exaltados. The clubs were placed under strict sur-
veillance, and Riego was deprived of his command in Galicia and
sent to Oviedo. He left Madrid on September 6th.

Suppression The next great agitation was caused by the law against reli-
Monasteries S*ous communities, brought forward at the beginning of October,
with regard to the brotherhoods of mendicant friars. It limited
their numbers, forbade their organisations under General
Superiors, and promised those who left them a yearly pension.
On the other hand, the houses of all other Orders, including the
military Orders of Calatrava and Alcantara, were suppressed,
and the foundation of new Orders was forbidden. Only eight
Orders of special historical interest were excepted from these
decrees. Their property was used for the liquidation of the
national debt, and their archives, books, and works of art were
given to public museums. Though convents of nuns were un-
touched, they were placed under the surveillance of bishops.
Shortly before this a law had been passed, directed against primo-
geniture in the transmission of great landed property and estates,
and the creation of trusts. These statutes, taken together, were
attempts to liberate the soil of Spain, to break up the large tracts
of country which were controlled either by non-resident magnates
or by the chilling influence of the dead hand.

Hitherto the King had posed as a friend of the Revolution,
although he hated it in his heart. By the Constitution he was
allowed an interval of thirty days for recording his acceptance
of a law, and was now urged to reject the proposed measure about
religious Orders by the papal nuncio — his confessor, Cirilo, who
threatened him with the pains of hell — by Don Carlos, and the
Queen. On the other hand, the ministers were supported by
the French Ambassador, and declared that the King was lost
if he vetoed the Bill. They offered, however, to add to the
number of eight Orders already exempted. At length, when
the ministers threatened to resign, and Ballesteros said that the

"THE CONSTITUTION OR DEATH!'

troops could not be depended upon, the King gave his consent,
but secretly determined upon revenge.

Ferdinand now retired to the Escurial, from which he refused T^
to move. He ought to have closed the Cortes in person, but Yields<
excused his absence on the ground of ill-health. The Cortes
ended their session on November gth, leaving a provisional com-
mittee to act during the recess. The King took a decisive step
on November i6th by removing Vigodet, Captain-General of
Madrid, from his post, and giving it to Carvajal, a bitter enemy of
the Constitution. In answer to this stroke the King was pressed
to dismiss his first Chamberlain, Count Miranda, and his con-
fessor, Saez, and to summon an extraordinary Cortes. Madrid
seemed ready for a revolution, or for a march on the Escurial to
bring the King back. The King yielded and recalled Vigodet, and
dismissed Miranda and Saez.

On returning to Madrid on November aist, the monarch was The " Sons
received with coldness. When he appeared on the balcony of the of Padilla.
palace, cries were raised of " The Constitution or Death ! " " Long
live Riego ! " and the book of the Constitution was held aloft
and kissed. The Queen burst into tears, and the King was
beside himself with rage. The Exaltados lifted their heads again,
Riego being appointed Captain-General of Aragon and his inti-
mate friends, Galliano and Beltran de Lis, promoted to similar
posts. The Serviles were persecuted, and Father Cirilo, the
confessor, and the Duke of Infantado were banished. The Exal-
tados founded a new society of the Communeros, a name which
recalled memories of the great rising of the sixteenth century and
its leader Padilla. The " Sons of Padilla," as they were called, were
compelled to swear, on entering the club, to avenge themselves
on tyrants and to kill every traitor. The club possessed news-
papers and had branches in all the provinces. The whole coun-
try was in a terrible condition, full of beggars and brigands.
There was no money for mending roads or bridges ; a few children
were taught the Constitution by heart, but hundreds of thousands
could neither read nor write ; credit disappeared ; a new era
might be at hand, but dark clouds heralded its dawn.

A similar course of events was taking place in Portugal. The Portugal's
Peninsular War had brought disaster to that country. The Conditi011'
population had decreased by 200,000 ; the number of in-
habited houses had been reduced by thousands. Not only was
agriculture in a backward state, and the olive plantations and
vineyards neglected, but the tenants of lands belonging to the
Crown, the high nobility, the orders of knighthood and the
E 49

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Portugal
and Brazil.

Disaffection
in Portugal.

Anti-English
Conspiracy.

monasteries groaned beneath their heavy burdens. The roads
were bad, the rivers unregulated, and large tracts of country were
given up to sheep and goats, while as for commerce it could hardly
be said to exist.

When the French entered Portugal in 1807 the Prince Regent
and the Royal Family set sail for Rio de Janeiro, carrying with
them large sums of money. His first act in the new country was
to open all Brazilian ports to friendly and neutral vessels, and a
close alliance was entered into between Portugal and England.
Brazil was made a kingdom on December i6th, 1815, and in the
following year John VI., after the death of his mother, succeeded
to the Crown. All this was unfavourable to Portugal, which was
treated like a step-child instead of like a favoured son. Trade
between Portugal and Brazil was reduced by one half, and
instead of the 800 ships which entered the Port of Rio every
year under the Portuguese flag, there were now only 200. The
effects of the Methuen Treaty pressed heavily upon Portugal,
Great Britain took her wines, but Portugal obtained all her woollen,
cotton, and linen stuffs from the United Kingdom.

The intellectual condition of Portugal was as bad as the
economical. In 1812 there were only sixteen printing establish-
ments in the whole country, and only twelve bookshops. The
elementary schools, founded by the enlightened Pombal, numbered
873, but the average attendance of children was only ten. The
Regency had little power, because their hands were tied from Rio,
and the chief authority lay in the hands of the military com-
mander, Marshal Beresford, who was assisted by several English-
men. There was no navy to speak of, but the army amounted
to 59,000 men, a ruinous burden. Beresford' s letters to Wellington
depict the country in sombre colours. He said the soldiers had no
bread, and he feared an attack from Spain. Wellington did his
best to encourage him, asserting that without him Portugal would
be lost. But Beresford had all the stiffness of an Englishman of
the Regency, and his unpopularity was extended to his country-
men. The Portuguese hated the heretical meddlers who had come
to save the country and were now destroying it. The centre
of disaffection lay in the army, and in 1817 some regiments,
destined for Banda Oriental, mutinied.

A conspiracy was formed between certain Portuguese officers
and some civilians, who desired to liberate their country from
foreign rule, and took Lieutenant-General Gomez Freire de Andrade
as their leader. This was discovered by Beresford, who informed
the Regency, and a number of arrests were made. Freire and

5°

REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS IN PORTUGAL

several others were condemned and executed ; Freire's body
was burned and his ashes were thrown into the sea. After this
matters proceeded from bad to worse, and, in the spring of 1820
Beresford went to Rio to represent the state of affairs and to
procure money.

The leaders of the revolution took advantage of his absence, independ-
and on August 24th, 1820, there was a rising in Oporto, under ence
Sepulveda. A provisional Junta was formed, and Count Antonio Proclaimed»
Silveira was elected President. On September I5th, which was
always kept as a holiday to celebrate the departure of the French,
a rising took place in the garrison of Lisbon under Count Resenda.
Cries were raised of " Long live the King and the Constitution ! "
and at night the whole of the city was illuminated. The Revo-
lutionary Government of Oporto and that of Lisbon now united.
When Beresford returned to the Tagus on October loth, he found
there was no place left for Mm. He alleged the orders of the
King, but was informed that the Portuguese nation had reclaimed
its independence. He was entreated not to land, even as a private
person, and sailed for England on the Arabella packet. The
departure of Beresford was followed by a coup d'etat, caused by a
wish to introduce the Spanish Constitution. Then there arose
a party in favour of uniting Portugal and Spain under the same
constitutional King. This was headed by the Jurist, Manoel
Fernandez Thomaz, who was connected with the Spanish Charge
d' Affaires, Pando, " the Apostle of Liberalism.'' Texeira and
Cabreira, jealous of Sepulveda, on November nth surrounded
the palace, where the Junta was sitting, with soldiers and cannon.
Accordingly the Junta determined to accept the Constitution of
Spain, and to give the command of the navy to Texeira, receiving
four of his supporters into the Junta.

This step was found to be in advance of public opinion. The
corporation and magistrates protested against it and were sup-
ported by a majority of the officers of the army, 150
officers and nearly all the civilians resigning their posts. On
November I7th its ancient form was restored to the Junta, and
it was agreed that the Cortes should be elected according to the
Spanish system, one member for every 30,000 inhabitants, but
that no other part of the Constitution should be adopted until
the Cortes had considered the matter. Silveira now withdrew
from motives of health.

The Cortes met on January 26th, 1821. It was by no means
Radical in character. The clergy were largely represented, and
the Archbishop of Bahia was made President. The Regency

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

took an oath to maintain the Catholic religion and to support the
throne and the name of Braganza. This, however, was on the
condition that John VI. should recognise the revolution and the
action of the Cortes. He received these proposals favourably,
and talked of returning to his country. The Cortes proceeding to
draw up the new Constitution without waiting for his consent,
the Liberals won a victory over the Corcundas — " the Humpbacks,"
as the Portuguese Serviles were called from their habit of con-
tinually " bowing and scraping." The royal power was strictly
limited, and on March ZQth the civil, military, and eccelesiastical
authorities swore allegiance to the Constitution.

Return of Now, however, opposition to the Constitution arose on the
the King. sj£e of the clergy and nobility. The Patriarch of Lisbon refused
to take the oath to the Constitution and was confined in the
monastery of Bussaco and afterwards banished. In the mean-
time the condition of the country continued deplorable. Brigand-
age was so rife that families did not dare to leave Lisbon to go
to their country seats ; commerce was at a standstill ; justice
was delayed, some criminals having been kept seven years in
prison without being brought to trial. The folk of Lisbon did not
conceal their opinions : they broke the windows of the Papal
Nuncio and attacked the house of the Austrian Ambassador,
because they would not illuminate in celebration of the King's
consent to the Constitution. The Revolution now seized Brazil,
and it was fanned by the Crown Prince Pedro. Count Palmella,
perhaps the most experienced of Portuguese statesmen, advised
his sovereign to yield. The King sailed for Portugal, leaving Pedro
in Brazil as Regent, reached Lisbon on July 8th, 1821, and
swore obedience to the principles of the Constitution.

CHAPTER VI
ITALY AND NAPLES

ITALY had been called into life by Napoleon. An Italian by Restoration
origin, with strong Italian sympathies, he was the first statesman of Yic*°*
to imagine the possibility of Italy's governing herself, and the n
country which he created still honours his memory. After his fall
and the triumph of Austria and the principles of Metternich, there
were still some who did not surrender the ideal which Napoleon
set up, but there were differences of opinion as to the manner in
which it should be realised. Some were in favour of a federa-
tion, some of a republic, but no one foresaw what actually came
to pass— a unitary State under the leadership of Piedmont.

Indeed, the government of Victor Emmanuel I. was not such
as to excite enthusiasm. He was penetrated with feudal ideas.
During the reign of Napoleon, he had retired to the island of
Sardinia, but at the court of Cagliari, where there were not enough
tables and chairs to go round, the laws of the greater and lesser
entrees were strictly observed. When he returned to Turin there
was no improvement. The ancien regime was ruthlessly restored.
All who were suspected of revolutionary tendencies were driven
from office, and twelve most distinguished professors were dis-
missed from Turin University as Jacobins. The army was
purified of Napoleonic elements, guilds were restored, the names
of streets were altered, Napoleon's road over Mont Cenis was
blocked up, partly from association, partly lest revolutionary
ideas should be imported from France. The nobles and clergy
were replaced in 'something of their old position.

The first ministers of the Restoration were Cerruti and Musso,
narrow-minded men, devoted to the past. Musso gave way to
St. Marsan, and Cerruti to Vidua, who, however, soon made room
for Borgarelli, a follower of Cerruti. Discontent first began to
show itself in Genoa, which, having been a republic, was joined
to Piedmont by the Treaty of Vienna. The old families of Doria,
Durazzo and Serra withdrew to their villas, and flourishing fac-
tories had to make way for monks and nuns. But a better spirit
was shown by the summoning to the Home Office of Prospero
Balbo in September, 1819. Strivings towards a Constitution

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

made themselves felt, and were supported by the Duke Dalberg,
the French ambassador, whose wife, a Brignole of Genoa, gave
him influence over the best society of that city. His house,
whether at Turin or at Genoa, was the centre of Liberal thought.
His dispatches expressed the opinion that a Constitution would
be the most powerful influence for binding together the several
parts of the Piedmontese kingdom and securing independence
against Austria. In 1820 the Sardinian Government succeeded
in effecting his recall, but before he went he adjured Balbo to
follow in his footsteps.

The Hope The heir to Victor Emmanuel was his brother, Charles Felix,
of Young but at tjie liter's death the crown would pass to the House of
Carignan, the head of which was Prince Charles Albert. He was
supposed to be favourable to Liberal ideas ; indeed, Metternich
endeavoured to prevent his accession by repealing the Salic Law
and promising the transference of the crown to the Duke of
Modena. But the rights of the House of Carignan had been
safeguarded by the Treaty of Vienna.

Charles Albert had lost his father at the age of two, and his
mother, a Princess of Courland, was called by Victor Emmanuel
the " Jacobin Princess/' He had been educated, first in France
and then in Geneva, and in this school had learnt to estimate
the ancien regime at its true value. He received his commission
as lieutenant at the hand of Napoleon, and this the King could
never forget. Accordingly, he was placed under strict surveil-
lance, and in revenge seemed to lose himself in frivolity, being
regarded rather as a Don Juan than as a Hamlet. Dalberg said
of him, " His heart is corrupt, he despises mankind, and he does
no serious business." At the age of nineteen he was married
to a Tuscan princess, and his Liberal sentiments became more
apparent. To Gino Capponi, who was attached to his suite in
Florence, he said that the Germans must be driven out of Italy,
and he adopted the motto of his ancestor, Amadeus VI., " Je
atans mon astre." Naturally, the young Liberals looked towards
him with hope, and even beyond the frontiers the patriots of
Lombardy and Tuscany marked him as their future leader, while
from distant lands of exile prophetic voices designated him as
the Marcellus of Italy.

No one was more jealous of him than Francis IV., Duke of
Modena, son of the Austrian Archduke Ferdinand and Beatrice
of Este. In the Congress of Vienna he had claimed the ancient
territories of the House of Este, the Legations, Genoa, and the
Duchy of Milan. He sought to overthrow the succession of the

ITALY'S RULERS

House of Carignan. Even Metternich was alarmed at his ambi-
tious views. Francis governed his territories as an unscrupulous
tyrant, recalled the pre-revolutionary laws, entrusted education
to the clergy, and built monasteries ; but he did not restore the
confiscated property of the Church. He favoured the nobles,
but did not give back their possessions. He was a man of great
strength of will, stubborn and unscrupulous, and had inherited
Massa and Carrara at the .death of his mother.

The Duchy of Parma was governed by the wife of Napoleon, Governments
Marie Louise, who had resumed her rank as an Austrian arch- °* thf
duchess. She ruled with some enlightenment, and her legislation Duchies*
is worthy of note. She maintained with the Church the Con-
cordat of 1 80 1, her taxes and her censorship of the Press were
moderate, Parma could boast of its University and its library,
she encouraged schools and other beneficent institutions, and
she built the mighty bridge over the rebellious Taro. Neipperg,
a man of horrible character, assisted her in these enterprises.
Such advantages consoled her subjects for the presence of an
Austrian garrison in Piacenza.

The Duchy of Lucca, which had prospered under Napoleon's
sister, Elisa Bacciochi, was now ruled by another Marie Louise,
the sister of Ferdinand of Spain. She built seventeen monas-
teries ; on the days of Church festivals all commerce and traffic
in the streets of Lucca was stopped. She spent the revenues of
her territory on herself, and the only good features of the reign
were the improvement of the harbour of Via Reggio, the regula-
tion of the Serchio, and the foundation of a university. By
the Treaty of Vienna Lucca was eventually to pass to Tuscany
and the Duchess was to receive Parma by way of a compensa-
tion. But Napoleon's Marie Louise did not die till 1847.

The Duke of Tuscany was Ferdinand III., the brother of the
Emperor of Austria. He did his best to appease Metternich,
and was assisted by his Secretary of State, Count Vittorio Fos-
sombroni, a distinguished minister, an engineer, economist, and
statesman. His motto was, " The world goes by itself." He
had worthy colleagues in Prince Neri Corsini, who represented
Tuscany at the Congress of Vienna, and Leonardo Frullani, who
gave the finances a surplus of sixteen million lire.

Unfortunately, the French code was abrogated and a sus-
picious police was established. There was but little self-govern-
ment in the municipalities, and scarcely anything was done for
education. On the other hand, commerce and manufactures were
free ; roads were made ; the marshes of the Chiana were drained ;

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

the condition of the peasants, who were principally small farmers,
was good ; manufactures of silk, glass, and leather reared their
heads ; the harbour of Leghorn was improved ; the Universities
of Pisa and Siena were restored ; the Academy of Delia Crusca
resumed its labours. Rossini illuminated the operatic stage ;
little money was spent on the army ; Giampietro Vieusseux
was allowed to establish his reading-room at Florence ; the
Antologia was established on the model of the Edinburgh Review.
Foremost in this work was Gino Capponi, who, with the help of
Vieusseux, made Florence the home of Italian Liberals. Con-
falonieri, the friend of Capponi, not blind to the faults of the
Grand-Ducal government, found, in the valley of the Arno, his
favourite home in the midst of a courteous, kind and prosperous
community.

Government We hear, on good authority, that Rome was a city of material
by Priests. an(j moraj rum f^ pOpe> pms VII., was a good man, and his
chief secretary, Consalvi, a wise and respectable statesman ; and
the Pontiff had some sympathy with modern ideas. Unfortunately,
it was thought necessary at Rome, as elsewhere, to do away with
all traces of the Napoleonic government, which was in many
respects enlightened and instinct with the spirit of the age.
Pius VII. was quite ready to forgive and forget, but in the cir-
cumstances in which he was placed it was difficult to do so.
Consalvi had been ambassador at the Congress of Vienna, which
had assured the possession of the Marches and the Legations to
the Holy See. After his return the Pope issued a motu proprio
on July 6th, 1816, which gave a new constitution to the papal
dominions. It attempted to reconcile the old and the new, a
difficult, if not an impossible, problem.

But a fundamental error was made by placing the whole
machine of government in the hands of the priests. These
arrangements were strongly condemned by Niebuhr, who was at
that time Prussian Ambassador at Rome. He said that the place
of a brilliant aristocracy, endowed with fortune and not devoid
of education, was taken by an uneducated proletariat, paid for
their services, and that things became worse every day. The
populace soon became aware that the cassock had no magic to
turn those who wore it into honest and capable officials, and
Consalvi complained to Metternich that the government of the
priests caused great discontent. But the reforms of Consalvi,
however inadequate, met with the opposition of the older car-
dinals, who formed the party of the " Zelanti," led by Mattei,
della Genga, Somaglia, and Severoli, and the great Roman families

THE EVIL CONDITION OF ROME

were opposed to him because he had destroyed their feudal
privileges.

Education and justice were in evil plight ; the one was in the Triumph of
hands of priests, even of Jesuits, and the other consisted of Brigandage.
reminiscences of the Code Napoleon, modified by canonical law
and the apostolic constitutions. Crime was very rife ; in the
beginning of 1820 there was one criminal in 220 of the popula-
tion, and more than 5,000 had been condemned to penal servi-
tude. Brigandage, which the French had not been able to put
down, now assumed larger proportions. The brigands of Italy
had a political complexion and answered to the guerilleros of
Spain and the klephts of Greece. The division of Italy into
small states encouraged their development. It was not possible
to go from Rome to Albano or Frascati without an escort. The
neighbourhood of Velletri and Terracina was especially dangerous,
and the mountain village of Sonnino was reckoned the headquarters
of the brigands. When all other means failed a formal treaty was
made with them. All the brigands were to give themselves up
as prisoners to the Papal States for a year ; after that they should
be left alone. However, only three carriages full of men and
women found their way to Rome : amongst them was one who
prided himself on having killed sixty victims. Eventually Sonnino
was razed to the ground, not without the opposition of the Pope.
About agriculture the less said the better. The Campagna was
a desert, full of wild buffaloes, guarded by cowboys with long
spears. The population was decimated by fever. Commerce
was at a standstill, exaggerated import duties encouraged smug-
gling, and the harbours of Civita Vecchia and Ancona could not
vie with Leghorn. Rome, however, was the capital of art and the
resort of foreign painters. Cornelius and Overbeck came from
Germany, Thorwaldsen from Denmark, while Canova brought
to the Vatican the spoils rescued from Paris. They formed the
nucleus of the Vatican collection, of the Museo Chiaramonti, and
the Braccio Nuovo. The excavations begun by the French were
continued, and the Pincian Hill was laid out as a promenade.

But there was a dark side to the picture. Niebuhr tells us that
the Romans " vegetated," that the nobles lived in idleness and
the satisfaction of the most degrading lusts, that the masses were
sunk in laziness, vacillating between self-indulgence and super-
stition, surrounded by police spies. Beggars, dishonest shop-
keepers, a priest-ridden populace complete the picture. Even
the bitter opponents of Napoleon admitted that his fall had
been the greatest misfortune for the Holy City. The finances

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Growth of

Secret

Societies.

Birth of the

Carbonari

and

Calderari.

were run by the banker Torlonia. To receive the Emperor of
Austria in 1819 it was necessary to borrow money from the
mother and sister of Napoleon, Madame Mere and Pauline
Borghese. It was time an equilibrium should at last be estab-
lished, but only a quarter of the Napoleonic debt was acknowledged.
The chief source of income was the demoralising lottery. The
taxes were let out to farmers, who made enormous profits.
Niebuhr says, " No part of Italy, perhaps no part of Europe,
except Turkey, is governed like the States of the Church."

Such a condition naturally formed a hot-bed of secret
societies and conspiracies. If free countries have parties, unfree
countries have secret associations. They were not confined to
the Liberals. The Concistoridli and the Sanfedisti were ardent
supporters of the Church ; their object was the annihilation of
the infamous Liberals. High officials of the Church supported
the Fratelli, who were bound by a terrible oath to suffer their
right hand to be cut off, their throats to be severed, and their
souls to be damned to everlasting hell before they would betray
their cause. A species of civil war broke out, in which the
dagger was often concealed beneath the crucifix and the rosary.

The great Liberal organisation was that of the Carbonari,
the " Charcoal-burners," founded, it is said, by Queen Caroline
on the occasion of the French invasion of Italy in 1808. They
were favoured by Murat, and, after the fall of Napoleon, repre-
sented anti- Austrian tendencies. Alison says the society " had
comparatively few partisans in the rural districts where ancient
influences had retained their ascendancy, but in the towns, among
the incorporations, the universities, the scholars, the army and
the artists, it had spread almost universally, and it might with
truth be said that among the 642,000 persons who, in Italy, were
said to be enrolled in its ranks, was to be found nearly all the
genius in religion and politics of the land." In the spring of 1817,
when the serious illness of the Pope seemed to forbid a change of
Government, there was a rising of the Carbonari in Macerata,
which was put down by Cardinal Pacca.

In Naples, the original home of the Carbonari, they were
opposed by the C alder ari, the " Kettlers," who hated the " Charcoal-
burners " as the kettle hates the charcoal. King Ferdinand IV.,
who had so long been confined to Sicily, when he came to Naples,
promised to forget the past, a policy suggested to him by his
ministers Medici and Tommasi, whose moderation caused them
to be hailed with the name of " Jacobins." By their influence
the Code Napoleon remained unaltered. Murat 's officers served in

UNION OF NAPLES AND SICILY

the army, and hopes were held out of a Constitution. In 1812 a
Constitution, on the English model, had been given to Sicily by
Lord William Bentinck, which was certainly not well suited to
the circumstances of that country. In December, 1816, the
Governments of Sicily and Naples were united, and the Constitu-
tion ultimately fell to the ground, to the joy of Metternich.

The King was proclaimed as Ferdinand I., King of the Empire Ferdinand I,
of both Sicilies, and the change was an ominous one for the island. of Bi«uy«
Vineyards were grubbed up, arable land was turned to waste,
to escape the grinding taxation ; the system of irrigation intro-
duced by the Arabs was destroyed ; roads were scarcely to be
found, and those that did exist were rendered impassable by
brigands ; the interior of the island was a waste, without wood,
water, or ways. The power of the feudal barons increased, and
the population were oppressed by poverty, ignorance, and crushing
taxes. The Latifundia, the secular pest of the peninsula, reigned
supreme. The indolent landlord spent his extorted rents in the
large towns, while the speculating factor, to whom he had leased
the land, sucked the blood out of the people. Things were some-
what better in the confined mountain valleys, and in the narrow
strip of country where, in the midst of oranges and lemons, there
was a growth of vines, locust-beans, and vegetables. Here the
peasant proprietor, or rather metayer, could flourish in peace. At
the same time the standard of comfort was not high. Father,
mother, brothers and sisters all slept in the same room, in com-
pany with the pig, the goat, and the mule. These circumstances
did not prevent them from giving birth to the most charming of
popular songs, and to the melodies which lend their beauty to
the Cavalleria Rusticana.

If such was the condition of Sicily, the hopes of Naples were The
soon undeceived. Those who had been faithful to the monarchy Condition
received all the posts. The conscription was restored with slight of NaPles>
differences. Political offenders were punished as murderers, and
murderers were acquitted, if their politics were right. The in-
famous Prince of Canosa was made head of the police ; a liber-
tine and a drunkard under the shadow of piety, he favoured the
sect of the Calderari, and persecuted the " Charcoal-burners." He
was dismissed with a rich pension in June, 1816. Other socie-
ties raised their heads. Amongst them were the Determined,
in the Province of Otranto, led by a bloodthirsty priest, Ciro
Annichiarico. He was crushed by the English general, Church,
afterwards so prominent in Greece, who stormed Annichiarico' s
camp on February ayth, 1818, and shot the ringleaders in public.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Those were the days of notable bandits, such as Gaetano Vardarelli,
and Fra Diavolo, who lives in opera.

It goes almost without saying that lack of justice, disorder
in the finances, economical misery, absence of trade, and degrada-
tion of education were rife on every hand. Settembrini describes
one of the best schools in the kingdom as a prison for some hun-
dreds of children, who spent the greater part of the day kneeling
or sitting, while they were instructed in the Catechism or in Latin.
A Concordat was signed on February i6th, 1818, which enhanced
the privileges of the Church, the number of bishoprics being
increased and richly endowed, and the monasteries being for the
most part restored. Colletta says of this measure that in a single
day it annihilated the progress of a century.

influence The first impulse towards a better state of things was given

of the by General William Pepe. He was born at Squillace in Calabria,
and with his elder brother Florestan had fought in 1799 for the
Parthenopolitan Republic, and afterwards in the Italian legion.
He had served Joseph Bonaparte, when the latter was King of
Naples, and, after fighting under the French flag in Corfu and Spain,
had distinguished himself in the army of Murat. Beginning as
a Republican, he had become a partisan of constitutional monarchy,
and did not hold aloof from conspiracies for this object. At the
close of 1818 he was sent to extinguish brigandage in the districts
of Foggia and Avellino. He possessed high military qualities,
but had a certain sympathy with the Carbonari. He hoped that
the King, when he recovered from his illness, would grant a Con-
stitution, but contented himself with cutting off his pigtail,
which at an earlier time would have been regarded as a sign of
Jacobinism.

In the spring of 1819 the Emperor Francis and Metternich
paid a visit to Naples. They had planned a visit to Avellino to
review the militia, and Pepe formed a scheme for arresting them
with the help of the Carbonari, a story which would be hard to
believe if it did not rest on his own testimony. But the contem-
plated visit was not paid. Still, the principles of the Carbonari
continued to make way amongst the officers and soldiers. Shop-
keepers, tradesmen, and advocates all looked with hope to the
red, black, and blue tricolour of the Charcoal-burners, and believed
that the happiness of their country lay in a Constitution. Only
a slight shock was needed to cause an explosion, and that was
found in the success of the Spanish Revolution. Many an officer
longed to play the part of a Quiroga or a Riego. The town of
Nola, which lies between Naples and Avellino, was occupied at

THE CARBONARI REBELLION

this time by the cavalry regiment called Bourbon. Two lieu-
tenants, named Morelli and Silvati, stimulated by a priest named
Menichini, one of the most active Carbonari in the place, deter-
mined to mutiny, and to hoist the tricolour. In the night of
July ist-2nd, 1820, about 140 soldiers followed them, together
with Menichini and a dozen townsmen. They marched to
Avellino, shouting as they marched " For God, the King, and the
Constitution." They halted at Mercogliano, not far from Avellino
and Morelli, and persuaded de' Concili, who was commanding at
Avellino in Pepe's absence, to join them. On July 3rd the Spanish
Constitution was proclaimed in Avellino and de' Concili was
appointed Commander.

Pepe was then in Naples, and the first idea was to send him Gen. Pepe
to quell the insurrection. But the King did not agree to this, J°ins the
and Carrascosa, an old Muratist, was despatched instead. Pepe, Rebels°
resolving to side with the insurgents, who were collected at Monte-
forte, took with him two regiments of cavalry and one of infantry,
and marched towards the rebels. The King, frightened, promised
to grant a Constitution within eight days, and in the meantime
retired from the Government and nominated his son, the Duke of
Calabria, Viceroy in his stead. On July ist the Viceroy proclaimed
the Spanish Constitution, with the consent of the King, but
reserved the right to make certain modifications. Pepe himself
would have preferred the French Charte to the Constitution of
Cadiz, but he had no choice. He was entrusted with the general
command of all Neapolitan troops, and a provisional Junta was
appointed. As a test of sincerity, all political offenders were
liberated from prison. On July gth Pepe entered Naples with
20,000 troops, having de' Concili on one hand and Napoletano on
the other. At the head of the Nola Carbonari rode the priest
Menichini, armed with sword and musket. They surged round the
palace, while the Duke of Calabria appeared on the balcony with
his family, wearing the tricolour. After the march past, Pepe was
graciously received by the Duke and the King, who lay quivering
in bed. In the evening the town was illuminated.

Metternich was horrified. Dreading the excesses of a half-
civilised people, hot-blooded as Africans, whose last word is the
dagger, he prophesied that blood would flow in streams, a prophecy
which was not fulfilled, for Pepe prevented excesses. The salt
tax was reduced by one half. The new Minister for Foreign Affairs,
the Duke of Campochiaro, had represented Murat at the Congress
of Vienna, while Zurlo and Ricciardi, Ministers of the Interior
and Justice, had occupied the same posts under King Joachim.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The King
Plays the

Traitor.

The Sicilian
Revolution.

The provisional Junta was also of a Liberal complexion. On
July I3th the King swore, in the palace chapel, fidelity to the
Constitution. Tears flowed from his eyes, and he declared that
he swore this time from the depth of his heart. All the soldiers
and the militia followed his example.

Pepe's brother Florestan, who was of cautious temperament,
had his doubts as to the sincerity of this manifestation, and left
the Junta. Dissensions soon began to show themselves, and a
mutinous regiment had to be coerced by force. The leaders of
the Carbonari and of the Muratists did not agree. Pepe had to
hold the balance, but he disagreed with Carrascosa and was driven
more and more to the side of the Carbonari. The King played the
traitor : he told the French Ambassador that his illness was only
a pretence, addressed secret messages to Vienna and St. Peters-
burg, and sent Metternich a protest against the oath, which he
said he had taken with the knife at his throat.

In the meantime a far more terrible revolution broke out in
Sicily. The Spanish Constitution was proclaimed in Messina,
political prisoners were released, and order was preserved. But
things went differently in Palermo when the news of the accept-
ance of the Constitution arrived on July I4th. On that day, the
eve of the national festival of St. Rosalia, a ship arrived from
Naples, in which all the passengers and the crew wore the Car-
bonari tricolour. This was immediately adopted, with the addi-
tion of a strip of yellow, and next day an insurrection broke out.
General Church ordered the soldiers to barracks, but he was dis-
obeyed, his house being stormed and his furniture burned. On
the following morning the people armed themselves with muskets
and committed serious excesses. On July I7th there was fight-
ing in the streets, the Viceroy, Roselli, being compelled to fly for
his life. A reign of terror ensued. Princes Cattolica and Aci
were dragged from their hiding places and barbarously murdered,
and the latter 's villa was razed to the ground. Not till July i8th
was a provisional Government established, with the Prince of
Villafranca at its head. These risings were imitated throughout
the country. Messina and Caltasinetta refused to obey the orders
of Palermo, and the whole island fell a prey to civil strife.

The news of this outbreak caused dismay in Naples ; Florestan
Pepe was sent with 9,000 men to restore order. He offered
reasonable terms, but they were rejected. Nothing was left for
him but to attack Palermo on September 26th. Not till October
5th did he come to an agreement with the insurgents on board
a British vessel, the venerable Prince of Palermo acting as repre-

THE REPRESSION OF SICILY

sentative of the Sicilian people. It was agreed that Pepe should
be put in possession of the fort, that the Neapolitan Constitution
should be proclaimed, and that the Prince of Palermo should be
President of a new Junta.

But the Parliament of Naples had met on October ist. The Repression
mainland alone was represented in it, not Sicily. It consisted of of Sicily-
seventy-two members, chiefly lawyers, doctors, priests, and offi-
cials, and only two nobles. Giuseppe Poerio was a member, as
was also Pasquale Borelli. Parties were well assorted ; indeed,
the members changed their plans every day. The King left
Capodimonte to open the House, and solemnly renewed his oath
to the Constitution. William Pepe, with great solemnity, resigned
the command of the army. The first step was to recall Florestan
Pepe and to disown his action, saying that he had exceeded his
instructions. Pepe resigned his place to Colletta. The breach
between the two Sicilies became worse and worse. The Neapoli-
tan Parliament confiscated the property of the Sicilian barons
and gave it to the people, without any compensation ; abolished
the High Court of Justice in Palermo ; made the Sicilians
realise that their claims to independence were disregarded, and
maintained a large force to garrison Palermo and to hold it in
check.

CHAPTER VII
CONGRESS OF TROPPAU

Metternich's FERDINAND VII. 's submission to the revolution caused great
Fears. dismay in Paris, where public opinion had been already excited

by the murder of the Due de Berri and the fall of Decazes.
Richelieu, his successor, was in favour of intervention, but this
was opposed by Great Britain, Wellington being in this matter
in full agreement with Castlereagh. The French Government
conceived the project of sending Latour du Pin to Madrid, to urge
the King to alter the Constitution so as to bring it into clear
harmony with the French Charte, but this idea was given up.
Alexander of Russia was less courteous. A Russian Note, dated
May 2nd, 1820, signed by Nesselrode, was circulated, lamenting
that the King had allowed himself to be drawn into revolutionary
courses. He referred to the conclusion of the Congress of Aix-
la-Chapelle, and threatened the interruption of friendly relations
between Spain and the allies. This note was not favourably
received, either by Great Britain or Austria. Metternich was
sufficiently frightened, but he seemed to prefer common action
with Prussia. His attitude, however, was altered by the out-
break of the Revolution in Naples. On July 23rd he sent a note
to the Courts of Turin, Modena, Lucca, Florence and Rome, say-
ing that, by the Treaty of Vienna, Austria had been appointed
guardian of the peace of Italy, and was prepared, if necessary, to
employ force.

Metternich, no doubt, feared the spread of the constitutional
and national spirit. He said that the Carbonari had no other
end in view than the complete unity and independence of Italy,
although these objects were at present very far from the domain
of practical politics. At the same time dangerous symptoms of
discontent were evident in Rome. Niebuhr writes of a union
between certain priests and Jacobins, based upon a common
hatred of Consalvi, supported by ambitious cardinals, who
dreamed of their college being changed into a senate, which might
exercise a firm control over a lower house. There were signs of
revolutionary excitement in Lombardy and Piedmont and Clubs
of Independence were formed in Turin, Alessandria and Coni.

THE CONGRESS OF TROPPAU

Metternich would willingly have intervened himself. He said at
a later period to the Duke of Modena, " If we could have marched
20,000 men straight to the Po, we could have crushed the rebellion
in Naples at once, and the world would have blessed us." But
this was not done. Fossombroni was entirely opposed to an occu-
pation of Tuscany, and the Roman Chancery did not welcome an
Austrian intervention.

Prussia and Great Britain did not object to armed interven- LOUis XYIII.
tion by Austria, but it was different with regard to France and on Italy.
Russia. It would have been tempting for France to anticipate
Austria and to place herself at the head of the revolutionary move-
ment in Italy, had she not feared the stirring up of a revolution
in both countries. Following another direction, Louis XVIII.
issued a note saying that, as head of the Bourbon family, and as
the prince who was the first to give to his own subjects the liber-
ties which all others seemed to desire, he felt it his duty to call
the attention of his allies to the serious condition of Italy. He
was of opinion that there ought to be an intervention in Naples,
and he approved of Austria's arming, but he felt that these steps
should be made legitimate by a common declaration of all five
Powers. Richelieu wrote to Capodistrias on August loth that
it was necessary to make it plain to the people that it was not a
question of making war against any particular principles, but of
suppressing a military revolt, whose monstrous tyranny would
throw Europe back into barbarism.

The Russian Emperor was only too glad to summon a con- The
gress of princes and ministers, who could speak in the name of Gathering
Europe ; but Metternich did not desire to have his hands tied, at Troppau.
He would have preferred to hold the meetings at Vienna ; but
Troppau, in Austrian Silesia, was selected as being easily reached
from Warsaw and Berlin. The British Ministry, occupied by
the trial of Queen Caroline, refused to be bound by any
conclusions agreed to at Troppau. The Emperor of Austria
arrived at Troppau on October i8th, 1820, and the Tsar joined
him two days afterwards ; but the King of Prussia could not
arrive till November 7th, though he sent the Crown Prince, his
son. Austria was represented by Metternich and Gentz, Russia
by Nesselrode and Capodistrias, Prussia by Hardenberg and
Bernstorff, France by Count Caraman, and Great Britain by Sir
Charles Stewart.

It was the first practical application of the principles of the
Holy Alliance. The British Government took no part in the
deliberations, but did not firmly oppose the measures decided

F 65

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

" The Child
of the
Miracle."

The Powers'

Treatment

for

Revolution.

upon. The danger of an Austrian intervention caused great
excitement at Naples. Campochiaro, the Minister, informed
Consalvi that if he allowed the Austrians to pass through his
territory, the Neapolitans would reply by invading the Papal
States. There was some thought of altering the Constitution to
bring it more into harmony with the Charte ; but the majority,
hardened by the interference of Austria and by the enthusiasm
of the Carbonari, resolved not to lay hands upon the " holy "
document.

Just at this time the French dynasty was strengthened by the
birth of the Due de Bordeaux on September 29th, 1820, " the
child of the miracle/' There was also a conspiracy in favour
of the tricolour flag. Both events strengthened the hands of
Metternich. His programme consisted of a march of Austrian
troops into Naples. This was opposed by Laferronnays, who
wrote to Paris, " In the eyes of Metternich I am certainly regarded
as a Carbonaro." The Russian Note, dated November 2nd, on
the other hand, aimed at suppressing all revolutionary move-
ments which might disturb the peace of Europe. At the same
time, Capodistrias expressed some degree of favour for a Con-
stitutional Government, and desired to gratify national wishes.
Metternich knew of no national desires, only those of Carbonari
and Muratists ; the Powers must not become the instrument of
either party. They must say " the present condition of things
must cease and be replaced by one in which the free will of the
King and his wisdom must be fully acknowledged." Capodis-
trias did not contest the points further.

An agreement between Austria, Prussia and Russia was at
length brought about on November 7th, when the Russian Note of
November 2nd was accepted in spirit. Great Britain, however,
stood aloof and Stewart protested, and the attitude of France was
doubtful. Metternich having proposed to invite the King of Naples
to attend the Congress, the Tsar agreed, and a provisional protocol
was signed between the three Powers on November igth. It laid
down some political principles of Russian origin. The first of
these ran, " When in States which belong to the system of Euro-
pean Alliances a change of government is brought about by an
insurrection, and other States are threatened, this State is excluded
from the Alliance until it can give security for order and
stability." It was also the duty of the other allies to bring the
offender back, first by remonstrance, and failing that by force, so
that an Austrian occupation of Naples was legitimate. They also
agreed to invite Ferdinand to meet them at Laibach, which was

METTERNICH'S TRIUMPH

more convenient than Troppau. France refused to agree to this
protocol, and Great Britain protested.

The invitation to the King reached Naples on December 6th, The King
and caused great confusion. The King knew that he must have ^j*™^
the consent of Parliament to his departure, and he sought the Naples,
assistance of A'Court and Fontenay, the British and French
Ministers. The Crown Prince, who was appointed Viceroy, said
that the King would never be allowed by Parliament to travel
unless he gave an amnesty and promised to uphold the Constitu-
tion— conditions to which the King agreed.

A change of Government now took place, with the Duke of
Gallo as Prime Minister. The new Cabinet expressed its entire
confidence in the King's intentions and gave leave for his
departure, naming his son as Viceroy. The King made a solemn
agreement, before the deliberative body and a deputation of
Parliament, not to be false to the Constitution, and left Naples
on a British vessel on December I3th. When he got out of sight of
land, he said, " Here I am in Paradise." At Leghorn he entered
a Church of Pilgrimage to give thanks for his escape, writing to
Louis XVIII. that he had only yielded because he feared the
dagger of the assassin. In reality he had never been in danger.

Troppau was shut up in snow and frost, and the monarchs From
were glad to leave it, spending two days in Vienna on their Troppau to
way to Laibach. Metternich claimed to have scored 85 per cent. Laibach«
over the Constitution-loving Capodistrias, and Alexander cooled
towards him. Nevertheless, Metternich declared for the prin-
ciple of the close union of monarchs, and the suppression of the
freedom of the Press, that scourge of society, which had been
unknown till the second half of the seventeenth century. He
detected great dangers in the rise of the middle class and of the
cultured classes who assisted it. If he did not altogether convert
Alexander, he at least succeeded in weakening the tie between
him and France. The Tsar said to Laferronnays, " Every Govern-
ment is guilty or blind that does not co-operate to get rid of the
godless sect who desire to upset every throne and to destroy the
order of society." Pozzo di Borgo said to Caraman, " Do you
wish us to declare war against Austria in order to have the pleasure
of giving a Constitution to Naples ? "

The Congress of Laibach met in January, 1821, in a better
climate than the last. Count Ruffo-Scilla was present, represent-
ing the King of Naples, an enemy of the Constitution and a tool
in the hands of Metternich. All the Italian Governments were
invited to send representatives, and all accepted, with the excep-

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

tion of Lucca and Parma. Blacas represented France. Ferdinand
came late, but surpassed himself in denouncing everything to
which he had sworn allegiance. Two letters were prepared for
the King to sign — one public, in which he communicated to his
son the decision of the Powers ; the other private, in which he
announced the approach of an Austrian army as a guarantee.
Corresponding instructions were sent to the Ambassadors of
Austria, Prussia and Russia in Naples. In the Conference
Metternich had his way, but not without difficulty. Capodistrias
would not consent and was, to use Metternich's expression, " like
the devil in holy water." The Tsar was completely overcome
by Metternich's tea-parties, and became reconciled to Ferdinand's
breaking his word. He talked about sending Russian and
Prussian troops in the wake of the Austrians.
Great Although the French Plenipotentiaries did not sympathise

Britain with these views, they did not wish to break up the concert of
Stands Aloof. ,-, , , . XT _£ . ,

Europe, and agreed to sign the common Note. The fact was that

the Ultras had, in November, 1820, obtained a great victory in
France, and they consequently favoured the programme of the
Powers, and regarded intervention as a sacred duty. Great
Britain took a different line. However much the Tory Ministers
might desire the success of Metternich, parliamentary considera-
tions did not permit them to lend him their open support. Of
the Italian governments, Sardinia, Tuscany and Modena were in
favour of an Austrian intervention ; but Consalvi, on behalf of
the Pope, was far more cautious. Gallo, the constitutional Prime
Minister of Naples, behaved in an extraordinary fashion. He
remained in Gorz till January 30th, when everything was com-
pleted. He was then admitted to the sittings, where he heard
the Government of which he was head denounced as an abomin-
able government, the work of delusion and crime. Ruffo watched
the scene through a hole in the door. Gallo made no objection ;
he agreed not only to take the letters to Naples, but to do what
he could to render them effective.

Metternich's Sixty thousand Austrian troops, under the command of General
"Principles." Frimont, set out to cross the Po. The occupation of Naples was
limited to three years. With the assistance of Gentz, Metter-
nich drew up " Principles of a fundamental law for the kingdom
of the two Sicilies," the document being secretly communicated
to Russia and Prussia. It divided the government of the two
countries and gave them a common Council of State, but
separate Consultas in Naples and Palermo, chosen by the King.
A certain amount of local government was conceded, much to

AUSTRIAN OCCUPATION OF NAPLES

the King's disgust. This Constitution was finally accepted on
February 22nd, 1821. Metternich had thus gained a complete
victory.

Now arose the question whether a similar intervention should Ferdinand's
be undertaken in Spain, but this was too much for the allies. Retupn«
Pasquier wrote to Madrid : " We consider that every interven-
tion of foreign Powers, so far from setting the King free from his
terrible position, will only have the effect of driving the revolu-
tionary party to the worst excesses. Only if Spain attacks us
will we defend ourselves." The conference broke up on Feb-
ruary 26th without mentioning Spain. A new conference was
to be called to decide the direction of the Neapolitan occupation,
the two Emperors remaining in Laibach to await the result.
Ferdinand departed slowly, accompanied by Blacas and three
representatives of the great Powers. They intended to stay in
Florence by the way. A proclamation called upon all his sub-
jects to receive the army of his exalted allies with open arms, as
it was only intended to protect the true friends of God and the
Fatherland.

This was not the opinion at Naples. The Regent promised Turmoil
to abide by his oath, but said that he feared he should be looked in NaPIes«
upon in Europe as a rebel. In the meantime Gallo arrived and
brought the news from Laibach. The Regent said that he would
not separate himself from his people. Parliament met on Feb-
ruary 1 3th. The mob rose and murdered Giampietri, who was
said to have rejoiced over the coming of the Austrians, and war
seemed imminent. Rome was afraid of an invasion of the Nea-
politan Carbonari, and Niebuhr placed the plate, the archives,
and the pictures of the German Embassy in safe custody. The
feeling in Naples became more and more bellicose, and the Regent
asked Ludwig XVIII. to mediate. But the Neapolitan army
was very badly prepared. Of the whole force, a third, 12,000
men, was in Sicily ; arms, provisions, and money were deficient,
and there were dissensions among the leaders. Still they made
ready for defence. An army corps, consisting of 10,000 regulars
and 20,000 militia, under William Pepe, was to defend the north ;
another of 18,000 regulars and 22,000 militia, under Carrascosa,
the south ; and other defensive posts were occupied.

In the meantime the Austrian army marched through Tuscany The
and the States of the Church, and approached the Abruzzi. Pepe Austrian
attacked the Austrians at Rieti on March yth, 1821, but was AdYance*
defeated and his army dissolved, he himself seeking refuge on a
Spanish ship. The combat of Rieti was the beginning and end

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

of the campaign. The Austrians could hardly believe their suc-
cess and advanced and occupied Aquila. Carrascosa's army lost
all discipline, and Capua was surrendered on March 2oth. Fon-
tenay wrote from Naples, " In Naples there is no army and no
government ; personal hatred is roused, all parties complain of
treachery/' The Austrians entered Naples, decorated with olive
branches, on March 24th, and the funds rose 8 per cent. At this
critical moment arrived the news of a revolution in Piedmont.
The Emperors at Laibach heard of the victory of Rieti on March
I3th, and of the revolution on March I4th.

Revolution The foremost mover of the revolution was Santorre di Santa

in Piedmont. ROsa, an intimate friend of Charles Albert of Carignan. He was
of an enthusiastic nature, devoted to his country, and a friend
of Cesare Balbo, the son of Prospero Balbo, the Liberal minister.
He was in communication with French ministers, his aim being
to give Italy a Constitution and unite it against the enemy. The
hopes of the Liberals turned to the Prince of Carignan. On
the evening of March 6th, 1821, Prince Charles Albert of Carignan
received Santa Rosa, Colonel St. Marsan, Major Collegno, and
Captain Count Lisio in strict secrecy. They told him that every-
thing was ready for fighting for freedom and against Austria, and
they begged him to place himself at their head. They knew that
Victor Emmanuel was on the point of departure for Moncalieri,
and they proposed that the garrison should rise in his absence.
The Prince, a young man of twenty-two, dazzled by these
propositions, gave his consent. But on the following day he
changed his mind and withdrew his consent.

However, on March loth, a rising took place in Alessandria.
The citadel was seized, the Italian tricolour floated from its walls,
and a provisional Giunta was formed, which took for its motto,
" Long live the King ! Long live the Spanish Constitution ! Long
live Italy ! " The reformers demanded a King of Italy, Italian
federation, and Italian independence. This gave hope to the
other conspirators in Turin, and Santa Rosa hastened to Ales-
sandria. The Giunta proclaimed, " The nation is in a state of
war against Austria ; the Italian army will be placed on a war
footing." Victor Emmanuel returned to Turin in the evening of
March loth. He was in favour of moderate measures and inclined
to grant a Constitution, but could not bear to draw upon himself
the wrath of the Eastern Powers. But disturbances broke out
in Turin, and on March I2th the citadel hoisted the Italian tri-
colour. The people shouted, " Long live the Constitution ! "
The King now abdicated in favour of his brother Charles Felix,

PIEDMONT'S NEW KING

the Duke of Genevois, who was staying in Modena, where he
had greeted his father-in-law, King Ferdinand, on his way back
to his dominions. Till his return the Regency was entrusted to
the Prince of Carignan.

On March I3th the King and his family set out for Nice. The Regent's
Carignan was in great difficulty, for none of the previous Ministers
would serve under him. Still, he was forced by popular and
military pressure to proclaim the Spanish Constitution on March
2ist, 1821, which was regarded as the panacea for all evils, pro-
vided Charles Felix would consent to it. A provisional Giunta
was also formed. The Regent was, in fact, in the greatest pos-
sible embarrassment, having really no idea of declaring war against
Austria, and hoping, indeed, to recall the troops to their allegi-
ance. But Binder, the Austrian Ambassador, thought it safe to
leave Turin, and reached Milan by way of Geneva. Of course, the
Liberals were discontented with Charles Albert. They expected
thanks instead of amnesty, and disliked his proscription of the
Italian tricolour. The patriots sent from Milan — the young
Marchese Pallavicino and his friend, Gaetano de Castiglia — were
not well received, either by the General della Torre at Novara or
at Turin. Charles Albert gave them an audience, but begged them
to place their hopes rather on the future than on the present.

Charles Felix, the new King, took a strong line, and denounced The Tsar's
the Constitution. He summoned Carignan to Novara, but the
young man preferred to resign, and withdraw to Tuscany, reaching
Florence on April 3rd. Such was the news which was brought
to Laibach by successive posts. The Tsar was full of fury, and
eager to set 90,000 Russian soldiers on the march. He cried, " Let
us save Europe : it is the will of God." Metternich suspected
that France had a hand in the unrest. " France," he said,
<l stands at the head of all revolutionary movements in Europe.
It is hard to say which is the worse — the Government or the
Jacobins." There were risings in Venice, and suspected Liberals,
like Maroncelli, Laderchi, Romagnosi and Silvio Pellico, were cast
into prison. Straff oldo wrote to Metternich from Milan, " We have
no party for us, and are in a bad way till the troops arrive."

But the abdication of Carignan gave hope to Laibach. Many
of the Liberals, however, escaped to Switzerland, and Santa Rosa
did not lose courage. He said, on March 23rd, in an order of the
day, " Place your banners on the Po and the Ticino, for Lombardy
awaits you." He declared that the King was not his own master,
being in the hands of the Austrians. Count Mocenigo, the Ambas-
sador of Russia in Turin, tried to mediate. He proposed submis-

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Austria

Occupies

Piedmont.

Reaction
in Naples.

sion to the King, with some hope of an amnesty and some kind of
Constitution, and the Giunta was ready to accept this. But
neither Santa Rosa nor Charles Felix would give consent, and the
attempt at mediation failed.

Austrian success in Piedmont was complete. Bubna sent to
his Emperor the keys of the citadel of Alessandria, and Austrian
garrisons occupied Casale and Tortona. There was no occasion
for Russian interference, the allies agreeing to a temporary occu-
pation of Piedmont by Austria. By treaty signed between the
Eastern Powers and Sardinia on July 24th, 1821, the army of
occupation was limited to 12,000 men. Metternich failing to
induce Victor Emmanuel to withdraw his abdication, Charles
Felix accepted the crown, but deferred his visit to his dominions
until his country had been purged by the punishment of the
Liberals. He committed this charge to Count Revel, who per-
formed his office with moderation, only two officers being
executed. The Universities of Turin and Genoa were closed
for a year, and the police superintendence was then sharpened,
while no reforms were inaugurated.

Metternich had his spies in the Sardinian capital. Charles
Albert remained in Florence with the reputation of a traitor, but
Charles Felix did not fare much better in the eyes of the other
party, because he refused to alter the Sardinian succession. The
utmost he would admit was the recognition of the child Victor
Emmanuel, born March I4th, 1820, as King, with the Duke of
Modena as Regent. Influences were used to prevent Carignan
from throwing himself into the Liberal gulf. He became con-
verted, and tried to expiate lust by penitence, but Charles Felix
still regarded him as a concealed Carbonaro.

The reaction in Naples was carried out in much rougher
fashion. A provisional Government was established to take
matters in hand till the King should return. All decrees issued
between July 5th, 1820, and March 23rd, 1821, were declared
null and void. Anyone found in possession of arms was shot ;
the most distinguished officers, members of Parliament, and
officials were imprisoned ; William Pepe and General Rossaroll
were condemned to death ; a Carbonaro prisoner, handcuffed,
was placed on a donkey, and led through the streets of Naples,
with the emblems of his society, and was scourged as he went.
Even Metternich counselled moderation. The King returned to
his capital on May I5th, 1821, and spent his time in visiting the
churches, while he imprisoned, scourged, and executed his sub-
jects. An Act of Amnesty was published, which was a dead letter.

METTERNICH'S POWER

The best spirits in the country left it. It has been estimated
that half the books in the Neapolitan libraries were destroyed
as dangerous, and the introduction of suspected books was for-
bidden. Education was placed under the strictest surveillance.
No one was safe against the emissaries of Canosa, who used accusa-
tions of high treason to gratify private hatred and vengeance.
Metternich and the ambassadors could do little to check their
outrages! Happily the Austrian soldiers of occupation intro-
duced a better state of things, as they took the place of the
Neapolitan army. The conditions of their sojourn were even-
tually regulated by the Treaty of October i8th, 1821, between
Ferdinand and the Eastern Powers.

Before the two Emperors separated at Laibach they issued a Austria's
declaration, dated May izth, 1821, drawn up by Pozzo di Borgo. Prominence.
In this instrument they claimed to have saved Europe from a
conspiracy of general overthrow, and praised their own firmness
and unselfishness. They said that " their forces, whose only
object was to fight against and to arrest the revolution, came to
subjected peoples to assist their freedom rather than thwart their
independence." In these declarations Russia, Austria and Prussia
separated themselves entirely from their former allies, Great
Britain and France, and formed a group by themselves. In this
group Austria took the most prominent place. The black-and-
yellow banner with the double eagle waved from one end of the
peninsula to the other. Even the Papal Government received a
garrison of 2,000 into the citadel of Ancona. But, as the material
authority of Austria increased, so her moral authority declined.
The best children of Italy regarded the Emperor of Austria not
as a benevolent protector, but as a cruel jailer. Neapolitan
patriots, such as Poerio, Borelli Colletta, Arcovito, were carried
off to Graz, Brunn, and Prague, and Silvio Pellico and Maroncelli
languished in the dungeons of Spielberg. Even Metternich
scarcely realised what a treasure of hatred he was laying up for
himself in Italian hearts, and claimed to have converted the Tsar
from black to white. When he returned to Vienna he received
the office of Chancellor on May 25th, 1821.

From this time he was the true ruler of Austria, and to a large Metternich's
extent of Europe, till his fall in 1848. Devoted to the conduct Position in
of foreign policy, he did not desire that his plans should be Eur°Pe*
obstructed by any movements of internal reform. He was good-
looking and had the manners of a finished courtier, combined
with a personal charm which fascinated those with whom he was
brought into contact. But he was essentially an opportunist,

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

endowed with a frivolous and superficial nature. He had no
settled scheme of action, no strong sense of duty, no fixed moral
principles, no fund of political knowledge, no statesmanlike instinct.
His rule of conduct was to set himself against everything which
tended either to exalt or improve the condition of humanity. He
was a spirit who always said " No," or who acted it without
saying it. He had the dawdling way, the indifference, the shallow-
ness, the immorality, and the hardheartedness of a Talleyrand,
but he lacked those high qualities of courage, of insight, of sanity
in the conduct of great affairs which place his French rival almost
in the front rank of statesmen. Napoleon not only controlled
his age, formed a new France, and went far to form a new Europe,
but by his very superfluity of intellect he created an opposition
to himself which might suffice to clothe a characterless spirit
with the appearance of reality. Metternich found this shell and
occupied it. It was a sufficient programme for him to undo the
work of the great Emperor and to check every impulse which
might again awaken into activity.

Death of At this time the man died, the guiding principles of whose life
Napoleon. were mos| opposed to the measures which have been described,
and the hatred of whose career had brought about the fatal re-
action of obscurantist tyranny. He who would estimate the work
of Napoleon at its true value must consider, first, the ruin of the
French Revolution, on which foundation he was able to build the
firm fabric of a well-ordered State ; and, secondly, the reaction
which followed his fall, when the misery of Europe was caused by
the effort to undo what he had done and to act on the principles
which he had laboured to overthrow. Still, the news of his death
caused but little excitement. Manzoni wrote his famous ode,
" The Fifth of May." The tutor of the Duke of Reichstadt won-
dered that his pupil should shed such bitter tears over the memory
of a father whom he had never known, and many hardened
veterans joined their tears to those of " the Eaglet/' The Regent,
on being told that his " greatest enemy " was dead, imagined they
meant his wife, and exclaimed, " When did she die ? " The time
for a revulsion of feeling had not yet come. But to-day there is
no more fascinating personality than Napoleon, no more difficult
riddle than his character.

The flame of revolution was not quenched by the pedants of
Laibach, any more than they had extinguished the reputation of
the great Emperor. Far in the East, in the ancient home of
freedom, it burst again into life, and we must now relate the story
of the Independence of Greece.

CHAPTER VIII
THE RISING OF GREECE

MARKED impulse to the revolt of Greece against the Turkish "The
Government was given by the foundation of a society called Lea£ue °*
Hetairia ton philicon— " The League of Friends." The Con- !
gress of Vienna had done nothing to improve the rule of the
Rayahs, and this new society was founded by a merchant named
Shuphas, from Arta, a freemason named Xanthos, from Patmos,
and a Bulgarian named Tzakaloff. Their object was to unite
all Greek Christians resident in Turkey, in the hope of driving the
Crescent from Constantinople and erecting the Cross in its place.
They believed that they would have the support of Russia, but
in this they were disappointed. Their hope of gaining over Servia
was shattered by the murder of Kara Georg, and his successor,
Milos, was too cautious to encourage them. Still, they continued •
to make proselytes in Roumelia, the Morea, and the islands on
both sides of Greece. They appointed committees, under the
title of Ephories, and established a Directory of eight persons at
their head. Prince Alexander Ypsilanti joined them in Southern
Russia, and Gregory Sutsos in Wallachia.

In need of a supreme protector, they appointed Capodistrias,
the confidential adviser of the Emperor Alexander, who was a
native of Corfu. But Capodistrias, an experienced statesman,
was too cautious to be led away, and he rejected the overtures
of Xanthos, the emissary of the Hetairia. They now turned to
Alexander Ypsilanti, whose father had been Hospodar of Wal-
lachia and Moldavia in the time of Napoleon. He was a special
favourite of the Tsar, and a good and brave soldier, but had
neither the knowledge nor the will to play the part of a states-
man. His brother had already joined the Hetairia, and when
asked by Xanthos, he consented to put himself at their head.
There is little doubt that he was encouraged by Capodistrias to
expect the support of Russia.

Ypsilanti, having been appointed " General Ephor " by the
Hetairia, left Kiev in July, 1820, and went to Odessa. It was
necessary to decide when the first rising should take place, whether
in the Morea or in the Danubian Provinces. Ypsilanti was in

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

favour of the latter course, as the flame of insurrection might
more easily spread to Servia, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Montenegro.
But in a council of war, held in the churchyard of Ismail, on
October I3th, 1820, it was decided to begin the struggle in the
Morea. Ypsilanti was to sail thither from Trieste in a Grecian
ship. But for some reason he gave up this scheme and deter-
mined to raise the banner in the Provinces.

All Pasha Mahmoud II., the reigning Sultan, was a powerful ruler, and
of Janma, ^a(j determined to reduce to subjection his independent vassals,
Mehemet Ali of Egypt and Ali Pasha of Janina, so graphically
described in the verse and prose of Byron. Ali had raised him-
self to this position from being a wandering brigand, and now
ruled with an iron hand Epirus, Thessaly, and part of Macedonia
and Central Greece. He was in the habit of exhibiting in his
palace court the heads of the enemies he had executed. His
rise was not favourable to the independence of Greece, for he hated
the Klephts, and especially the Suliotes. During the Napoleonic
War he hoped to gain possession of Santa Maura and Corfu, and,
in 1819, acquired Parga, which was deserted by the British. Yet
his army was largely composed of Greek soldiers, and Janina was
a centre of Greek education and Greek commerce. At this time
a quarrel broke out between the Sultan and himself. Ali was
deserted by his troops and his children, but received some assist-
ance from the Greeks and the Suliotes.

Ypsiianti's In the spring of 1821, Ypsilanti, with his brothers, Nicholas
Failure. an(j George, crossed the frozen Pruth, and entered Jassy in triumph
on March 7th. He issued a proclamation calling upon all Greeks
to assemble between Marathon and Thermopylae to fight against
the degenerate descendants of the Persians, promising the help,
not only of the Suliotes and the whole of Epirus, but also of the
Servians. He concluded with the words, " Arise, my friends, and
you will see a great Power defending our rights." This allusion
to Russia was unauthorised. The proclamation fell flat, the
inhabitants of the Provinces having no enthusiasm for the Grecian
cause. They had been badly treated by Greek officials, and looked
upon Ypsilanti as a stranger, a Byzantine who wished to raise
the resources of the Provinces to strike a blow against Turkey.
Ypsilanti had no great qualities as a military leader. Instead of
securing Braila, he marched slowly with his small army towards
Bucharest, which he entered on April gth. He was well received
there until he asked for a Constitution. From Jassy he addressed
a letter to the Tsar, who was at Laibach, begging him to assist in
the liberation of Greece. But the atmosphere of Laibach was not

RISING IN THE MOREA

favourable to revolution. Capodistrias was ordered to reply that
rebellion and civil war, agitations and secret plots would never
secure the freedom of a country or a people, and Ypsilanti was
ordered to return to Russia.

Now the Turkish army began to march into Moldavia. On Capture and
May 1 3th the Pasha of Braila captured the trenches in front of Death of
Galacz, which were defended by a small body of Greeks under YPsllantl«
Athanasios. On May 27th he took Bucharest, and on June igth
Ypsilanti was defeated by the Turks at Dragatschan and, after
a somewhat undignified flight, taken prisoner by the Austrians.
It is said that Capodistrias was of opinion that he ought to be
tried by court-martial and shot. He was, however, imprisoned
in an unhealthy cell at Munkacz, until in 1823 the entreaties of his
mother secured him more tolerable confinement in Theriesien-
stadt. He was released at the entreaty of the Tsar Nicholas in
1827, but died in Vienna in the following year. The cause for
which he perished was victorious, but he left a name glorified in
poetry rather than in history. His followers were defeated, and
the rising in the Principalities came to an end ; the inhabitants
were left to the vengeance of the Turks. The guilty and the
guiltless, the stranger and the native, were alike robbed and mur-
dered. The Pasha of Braila ordered that even women with child
should not be spared, that they might not bring little rebels into
the world.

Simultaneously with the unfortunate enterprise of Ypsilanti Revolt in
came a rising in the Morea, a country formed by Nature for the
guerilla warfare. Yet the attempt was a hazardous one. The
Greek population of the Morea in 1820 was 458,000, of whom
50,000 were Mussulmans, in possession of four-fifths of the cul-
tivated soil. The whole of the Greeks in the Turkish Empire
did not exceed 3,000,000, who were, for the most part, thinly
scattered and mixed up with other nationalities. It was impos-
sible they should succeed without extraneous help. The Pasha
of the Morea was named Churchit, and had succeeded Ali Pasha.
The soul of the rising had its place in the Greek clergy, but they
were reluctant to begin a hopeless struggle, and, at a meeting
held in February, 1821, in the monastery of Vostitza, decided
to postpone the movement until they could be sure of foreign
help.

Just at this time Churchit was removed in order to take the
field against Ali, the rebellious Pasha of Janina. His successor
summoned the heads of the Greek clergy to a meeting at Tri-
politza, with the view of arresting them and keeping them as

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Greece's
National
Hero.

Rising in '
the Islands,

hostages. The most influential saw through the device and
refused to attend. This imprudent action of the Pasha hastened
insurrection. A Suliote attacked some Turkish troops at the end
of March. Zaimis, Primate of Kalavryta, gave the signal in his
district at the beginning of April. Petros Mavromichaelis, known
generally as Petrobey, the Lord of Mainotes, led his followers
from the mountains of Messenia. He joined Kolokotronis, the
famous Klepht leader, and together they stormed Kalamata, the
capital of Messenia, on April 4th. On the same day there was a
rising in Patras, which was taken by the insurgents on April 6th.
This revolt, which soon spread over the whole of the Morea, had a
terrible character. It aimed at the entire destruction of the
Mohammedan population and the seizure of their property. The
chorus of a popular song said, " Away with the Turks from the
Morea, away with them from the whole world ! " The Turks fled
for refuge either to Tripolitza or to the fortified places on the
coast. Nevertheless, they had the advantage of discipline. The
first terror over, they recovered themselves and recaptured Tri-
politza and Patras. Churchit sent from the camp before Janina
some thousands of seasoned Albanians, under Mustapha Bey, to
quell the rebellion. Mustapha, finding Patras already recovered,
relieved Acrocorinthus and Nauplia, marched from Argos to
Arcadia, and entered Tripolitza on May izth.

But Kolokotronis did not lose courage. He became the
national hero of Greece, with his mingled character of savagery
and cunning, of energy and eloquence, of ostentation and sim-
plicity. He was a huge, sinewy man, with a neck like a bull's,
fiery eyes, wearing a great moustache under his eagle nose, a
gleaming helmet, a red fustanella, pistols and dagger in his girdle,
now cursing, now joking, the very ideal of a pirate king. He
practised all the arts of guerilla warfare, and on May 24th won
the Battle of Valtetsi. Mustapha determined to storm this place
with his Albanians, but met with unexpected resistance from
the Mainotes. Kolokotronis attacked him in the flank, and, on
the following day, Mustapha was forced to retire behind the walls
of Tripolitza. A mound was made of 400 decapitated Moslem
heads. This success encouraged similar bands of Greeks to
similar triumphs, and Tripolitza was in danger.

Then the islands began to rise. First came the Albanian
islands of Psara, Hydra and Spezzia. Spezzia furnished a fleet
of fifty-two vessels, supplied by rich families, which blockaded
the Peloponnesus and took two Turkish men-of-war. On Easter
Monday a Spezziote vessel sailed into the harbour of Psara, bear-

THE STRUGGLE IN GREECE

ing the standard of freedom, a dark blue flag with the Cross above
the Crescent, and summoned it to independence. Hydra was
not long behind. The example of these islands was followed by
Samos, by the majority of the Sporades, and by the whole group
of the Cyclades, Roman Catholics excepted. In Crete the
Christians rose against their Turkish lords, and the Sphakiotes
broke out of their mountain-nests. Chios was more reluctant.
It was an earthly paradise, served as pin-money to a Turkish
princess, was favoured before all others, and enjoyed a consider-
able measure of self-government. The inhabitants, contented and
sluggish, had no wish to exchange the joys of security for the
perils of rebellion. The peasants were satisfied with their wine
and fruit gardens, and the self-governing villages were engaged
in producing mastic for the Sultan's harem. The towns, flourish-
ing in commerce, desired only to be let alone. But the wealth
of Chios attracted the cupidity of the insurgent fleet. The call
to independence met with no response, and the fleet sailed home
again. Soon afterwards it gained a signal success by burning a
Turkish ship at Eresos, in Lesbos, on June 8th. The result was
that the Turkish fleet returned to the Dardanelles, and the Greeks
considered themselves to be masters of the sea.

In Eastern Hellas, on the slopes of Parnassus, the Klepht, Death of
Panurias, raised the standard of rebellion and compelled Salona Diakos.
to capitulate. On April 25th the youthful Diakos, with his Pali-
kars, captured the castle of Livadia, sent his troops to Thebes
and Talanti, and roused the Greeks as far as the waters of the
Spercheios. Diakos, driven back by the soldiers despatched by
Churchit, found himself at last, with fifty followers, in the neigh-
bourhood of Thermopylae, now altered in character from its ancient
condition by the floodings of the Spercheios. Diakos fought
with a heroism worthy of ancient times. When nearly all had
fallen, he was dragged, streaming with blood, before the Turkish
general, and was offered pardon if he would change his religion.
He preferred death by impalement, and suffered this torture with
firmness on May 6th.

His death was avenged by Odysseus of Ithaca, who had been Odysseus
in the service of Ali Pasha at Janina, but had returned to his of Ithaca.
island when the storm broke on his master disguised as a trader.
He heard of the fate of Diakos in Salona. He determined to
attack the Turks, although they offered him the command in
Eastern Greece if he would join them. They raised the siege of
Salona ; but, marching eastwards through the valley of the
Cephissus, conquered Livadia on July 8th, and tried to reduce

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Turkish
Methods in
Greece.

Russia's
Efforts on
Behalf of
Greece.

Euboea and Attica. They succeeded in relieving the Acropolis
of Athens, which was blockaded by insurgents.

During the spring the west had remained quiet, but Hydriote
and Spezziote ships had carried the insurrection to Mesolonghi
and Anatoliko. On June 2ist the capture of Brachori, the capital
of Aetolia and Acarnania, kindled revolt. Thessaly also had
begun to arm, as well as Chalchidice, in the south of Macedonia,
where the Klephts and the monks of Mount Athos united against
the bloodthirsty Bey of Saloniki. These efforts were crushed by
the failure of Ypsilanti.

The Turks met this rebellion in their usual fashion. They
imprisoned and executed prominent Greeks in Constantinople,
and proclaimed a religious war. Janizaries attacked the Giaours
in the villages on the Bosphorus, and rape and ruin raged in
Buyukdere under the eyes of foreign ambassadors. On April
22nd the Greek Patriarch was hanged at the door of his own
cathedral, and other Greek Metropolitans suffered the same fate.
The Christian population of Asia Minor was murdered or sold
into slavery. In Smyrna the foreign consuls could not save the
Christian Greeks from destruction. Similar excesses were rife in
Cyprus, Cos and Rhodes.

Strogonov, the Russian Ambassador, protested against the enor-
mities, but gained no hearing. Indeed, the Russians found them-
selves taunted with such insults that on June 5th their ambassador
broke off his relations with the Divan and sent a complaint to St.
Petersburg. The Tsar, no longer under the immediate influence of
Metternich, felt a deep sympathy with the sufferings of the
Christians, and attended in person the funeral of the Patriarch
of Constantinople. Frau von Kriidener, the soul of the Holy
Alliance, persuaded him that he was the instrument destined by
Providence to achieve the victory of the Cross over the Crescent*
Her efforts were supported by Capodistrias. Russia declared that
the Greek cause was the cause of Europe, and that Turkey had
forfeited her rights to a common existence with the Christian
Powers. The Tsar demanded, by an ultimatum, dated June
28th, the restoration of Christian churches, security for the per-
formance of Christian worship, and for a peaceful future. The
refusal of the Porte would be regarded as an open defiance of the
Christian world. Russia would feel herself bound to defend her
brother Christians, in the name of their common Christianity,
and the Russian Ambassador would be ordered to leave Con-
stantinople immediately.

This note served as an ultimatum against Turkey and as a

GREECE ABANDONED BY THE POWERS

manifesto to the rest of Europe ; but it did not meet with a very
warm response. Metternich regarded the matter with his usual
cynicism, viewing the Hetairists and the Carbonari as men of the
same kidney, hot-headed disturbers of the peace of the world.
That three or four hundred thousand persons, beyond the frontiers
of Austria, should be hanged, strangled, and impaled was a matter
of no importance to Austria. ' The Turks cut up the Greeks, the
Greeks chop the Turks' heads off — that is the only news we find
in the papers." The views of Metternich were shared by the
British Ministry, and especially by Lord Strangford, the British
Ambassador. He was opposed to all success of the Greek pat-
riots, and regretted that Metternich could not keep a tighter hold
on the Ionian Islands. These islands, in fact, did their best to
support the insurrection. The brothers Metaxas, friends of Kolo-
kotronis, landed in the Morea, disguised in British uniforms, and
called their troops the Army of the Ionian Islands. Great Britain
was afraid lest Russia might obtain Constantinople. Castlereagh,
now Lord Londonderry, supported to the best of his power the
policy of Metternich.

Strogonov presented his ultimatum on July i8th, and received Greece
the answer that the Sultan would rather be buried under the *bandoned
ruins of his seraglio than be dependent on the favour of Russia.
He accordingly demanded his passport and left for Odessa on
August loth. Metternich was in despair. The Emperor Francis
expressed his agreement with Metternich. " The evil we have to
fight lies rather in Europe than in Turkey. If the unity of the
other Powers is disturbed the insurrection will spread. You have
only to look at the people who are enthusiastic for so-called
Christian interests to have no doubt as to their real designs. In
Germany, Italy, France, Great Britain, there are people who
believe in no God, and respect neither His laws nor those of man.
In the solidarity of the Courts lies the best force of resistance
against the evil which threatens us." The Tsar began to waver,
and war with the Porte did not immediately follow the recall of
Strogonov. In France, Richelieu was reluctant to take a strong
line, and left the crusade against the Crescent to the favour of
the Ultras. In Prussia, Ancillon had at first favoured the insur-
rection of Greece, but he was opposed by Bernstorff, who, under
the influence of Metternich, took the other side. It was obvious
that no serious intervention against the Porte could be expected
from Russia.

In October, 1821, Metternich met George IV. and London-
derry at Hanover. The King overwhelmed him with flatteries,
G 81

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Four Points
for Turkey.

Demetrius
Ypeilanti as
Commander-

in-Chief.

declared his adhesion to the Austrian system, and used strong
language against the Tsar and Capodistrias. Metternich and
Londonderry agreed upon common action at Constantinople.
Then Count Lieven appeared, who had just left Alexander. He
gave them to understand that Alexander had not altered the
opinions he had formed at Laibach, and Metternich left Hanover,
convinced that he had completely succeeded in the object of his
journey. But the attitude of Russia remained doubtful. In
St. Petersburg there were obvious preparations for war. Maps
and geographical instruments were prepared, tents and transports
got ready, Admiral Grieg and General Diebich were drawing up
schemes for the campaign. Even Nesselrode thought it possible
that Russia would draw the sword.

Austria and Great Britain agreed to press upon the Porte the
acceptance of four points, taken from the Russian ultimatum.
These were : —

1. Restoration of the churches.

2. Protection of the Christian religion.

3. Separation in punishment between the guilty and the

innocent.

4. Evacuation and reorganisation of the Danubian Princi-

palities.

The Turks at first showed some signs of concession, but soon
became conscious that their opponents were not in earnest. The
appointment of Sadik to the post of Reis Eff endi marked a recru-
descence of stubborn resistance. Liitzow, the Austrian Minister,
when he pressed the acceptance of the four points, received no
support from Strangford. Sadik said that he could not evacuate the
Danubian Principalities and establish a Hospodar until the rebel-
lious Greeks had given up their chimerical hopes of establishing
the kingdom of their ancestors. The other points he was ready
to carry out as far as possible. It grew more and more apparent
that a peaceful solution would be found impracticable.

On June 7th, 1821, a meeting was held in the monastery of
Kaltetsi, at which a committee of six was established, with Petro-
bey as president, which was given unlimited power in civil and
military affairs. On June 22nd there landed at Astros, in the Gulf
of Argolis, Demetrius Ypsilanti, brother of Alexander. His arrival
had been anxiously expected ; he was active and determined, but
had not a commanding presence. He was appointed Commander-
in-Chief, and General Thomas Gordon, who had fought in Russia
and Germany against the French, was associated with him.
Demetrius had, however, little authority, being opposed by the

DISUNION AMONG THE GREEKS

priests, while the defeat of his brother Alexander seriously affected
his position. In September he directed an expedition against
Kara AH, the Turkish Kapudan-Bey, or High Admiral. Kara
Ali was expecting assistance from Mehmed and Omer Brionis,
who, however, were prevented from passing the Isthmus of
Corinth, and, despairing of saving Tripolitza, Kara All left the
Morea. This city was in a desperate position, and on September
27th overtures were made for its surrender. On October 5th,
before the conditions of capitulation were settled, besiegers broke
into the walls and opened one of the gates. A scene of murder
and violence ensued, and Kolokotronis had great difficulty in
saving his Albanian friends. Women and children were thrown
from the windows, and when at last the citadel surrendered, 10,000
victims had perished. Two thousand unarmed persons who had
escaped from the city were murdered in the ravines of Moenalus.
When Ypsilanti and Gordon returned, on October I4th, they found
a heap of smouldering ruins, and were quite unable to restrain
the wild indiscipline of their followers.

There were constant disputes between the clergy and the Tpsilanti's
military. The Primates and the chiefs of the citizens sided with Difficulties,
the clergy, and Petrobey, the Mainote, threw his weight into the
other scale. Kolokotronis could hardly hold his own against them.
The Primates would not pardon the rescue of the Albanians, and
Petrobey was jealous of all the plunder which the soldiers had
secured. Ypsilanti was forced to abandon an expedition which
he had planned against Patras, and his attacks upon Nauplia were
repulsed. Acrocorinthus was taken on January 26th, 1822, in
consequence of a mutiny of the Albanians, who formed part of the
garrison. Nor did he succeed better in his attempts to establish a
national government. He had summoned an assembly to meet
in Argos, for the plague-stricken Tripolitza was impossible for the
purpose ; but time slipped by and no one attended. In the mean-
while another effort towards national government had been made
beyond the Isthmus of Corinth, at the instigation of Alexander
Mavrocordatos and Theodore Negris.

Prince Mavrocordatos sprang from a Phanariot family, and A Pro-
was passionately devoted to the cause of Greece. He joined the
Hetairia in 1820 and published a pamphlet in which he predicted
the fall of Turkey. He compared that country to a sick man who
prefers death to the amputation of a withered limb. He advo-
cated the partition of Turkey, giving the Principalities and Servia
to Austria, the southern coast of the Black Sea to Russia, Cyprus
and Crete to Great Britain, and the rest to Greece. When he heard

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

of the insurrection he sacrificed his fortune to the cause and
landed on September 3rd at Mesolonghi. Ypsilanti received him
with pleasure, but Kolokotronis laughed at his spectacles and
frock-coat. Theodore Negris had been attached as Secretary to
the Turkish Embassy at Paris. When he heard of the rising in
the Morea, he went thither instead of taking up his post in France.
Difficulties broke out between these two men and Ypsilanti, and
they determined to act for themselves. Negris went to Salona,
Mavrocordatos to Mesolonghi. There he collected a small con-
stituent assembly. The Constitution of Western Hellas was com-
pleted on November i6th, 1821. A provisional Government was.
formed in the shape of a Gerusia of ten members. Its duty
was to preserve justice and to continue the War of Independence.
It was only to hold its power until a National Government
should be formed.

Constitution On the other hand, a Constitution for Eastern Hellas was
of the Morea. promulgated on November 28th, 1821, of a much more elaborate
character, based on French and American models. It established
a national senate and contemplated a constitutional king. The
supreme authority was given to an Areopagus of twelve members,
who were to hold only provisional authority. The Constitution
of the Morea dates from December i2th, 1821. It was drawn up
under the influence of Ypsilanti and Kolokotronis, the first being
nominated President of the Peloponnesian Gerusia, the upper
House of Parliament, the second Commander-in-Chief. In its
modesty it resembled rather the Constitution of Mesolonghi than
that of the more ambitious Areopagus of Salona.

Soon afterwards Ypsilanti and Kolokotronis left the National
Assembly at Argos, to undertake the reduction of Acrocorinthus,
and the members feeling themselves oppressed by the presence
of the Turkish garrison at Nauplia, determined to remove to
Piadha, on the Gulf of ^E'gina. They held their meetings in an
orange garden, close to the ruins of the ancient Epidaurus. Here,
on January I3th, 1822, fifty-nine representatives of Greece declared
the independence of the Hellenic nation. They then promul-
gated a law under the name of the " Organic Law of Epidaurus."
It is said that Gallina, an Italian refugee, brought with him a
printed collection of modern Constitutions, and that these had
considerable influence upon their work. The inhabitants of Hellas
were secured in equality before the law, in promotion by merit,
protection of property, freedom, equality of taxation, toleration of
other religions besides the Greek Catholic Church, abolition of tor-
ture and confiscation of property, and the promise of a legal code.

The

" Organic

Law of

Epidaurus."

GREECE'S APPEAL TO EUROPE

Considerable discussion arose as to whether Greece should be
recognised as a monarchy or as a federal republic. Korais, the
famous Greek scholar, declared himself for a monarchy. The
Constitution of Epidaurus left the matter undecided. It created
an executive and a deliberative body. The executive body con-
sisted of five members, who should eventually be elected by the
people. This Directory, with a President at its head, was to
nominate the ministers and other officers, to command the army and
navy, and to conduct diplomatic operations with other countries.
The number of the legislature was left for the present undefined.
This was all very well upon paper, but it was doubtful how far
it would be successful in practice. There was jealousy between
the Gerusia of the Morea and the Areopagus of Eastern Hellas,
while both gave up their connection with the original Hetairia.
The new Government adopted a fresh flag, an owl on a white-and-
blue field, instead of the phoenix of the Hetairia. Before it
separated, on January 27th, the National Assembly addressed an
appeal to Europe. It said, " Our struggle, far from being founded
on the basis of a demagogy or a revolution, is a national and
holy war, and its only object is to revive the light of freedom, of
prosperity, and of honour, which all legally-governed peoples of
Europe enjoy." It decided to meet in future at Corinth.

Some successes attended the Turks. Janina fell by treachery, Fall of
and the great Ali was murdered on February 5th, 1822. This put Janina
an end to the alliance between the Albanians and the Greeks.
Churchit now set himself to subdue the insurrection. His plan
was to attack it on two sides, to overcome the Suliotes, to reduce
Acarnania and ^Etolia to obedience, then to sail to Patras. In
the east another army was to reduce that region and then to make
its way to the Isthmus. Both armies were to unite in the con-
quest of the Morea. Kara Ali, now made Kapudan Pasha of
the fleet, was to destroy the Greek navy and to reduce the islands.

Upon the unhappy Chios fell the first blow. Here Lykurgus Massacre
of Samos had landed on March 22nd with a body of 2,500 men. in Chios.
The Turkish garrison withdrew into the citadel, while the Samians
plundered the Custom House, burnt mosques, and murdered
Turkish prisoners. They raised the banner of independence and
compelled the towns to give their money to the cause. Lykurgus
set up a revolutionary Government and conducted himself as
master of the island. The Sultan avenged this insult by execut-
ing three of the hostages who had been recently sent from Chios,
and imprisoning Chian merchants who lived in Constantinople.
Kara Ali landed 7,000 Turkish soldiers on April nth. Lykurgus

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

" Victory to
the Cross ! "

Dark Days
for Greece.

managed to escape, but those who were not equally fortunate
were ruthlessly butchered. Murder was only checked by the lust
of loot. The slave markets of Asia and northern Africa were full
of Chiotes sold into slavery. Girls were wrenched from their
mother's arms, husband was separated from wife, brother from
sister. Of a population of 100,000, only a few thousands remained.
The massacre of Chios produced a powerful effect in Europe, and
sympathisers were relieved when they heard of the vengeance
exacted by Miaoulis, the Hydriot.

On the night of June i8th " a thousand lamps proclaimed the
feast of Bairam throughout the boundless East." Kara Ali had
invited a number of officers to dinner, the ships were illuminated,
and music swelled over the waters. The Psariot, Kanaris, rammed
a fireship into the admiral's vessel, and fled, crying, " Victory
to the Cross ! " The wind carried the fire over the flagship, with
its crew of 3,000. Kara Ali, scorched and wounded, was brought
to Chios, where he died on the scene of his crimes. His ship blew
up, and the rest of the fleet sailed away to the Dardanelles. The
Turks in Chios wreaked their vengeance on the mastic villages,
which had hitherto been spared, but Kanaris escaped to Psara.

It looked as if the cause of Greek independence would fail.
In Eastern Hellas everything went badly. Odysseus quarrelled
with the Areopagus, and Ypsilanti had to retire into the Morea.
Mehmed Dramali was named Viceroy of the Morea, and set out to
conquer it with an army of 30,000 men, numerous artillery, and
6,000 cavalry. In the first week of July he reached and overcame
Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, and Attica, but was too late to relieve
Athens. However, he found the Isthmus unprotected. The
Greek Government fled to Argos, leaving their archives and treasure
behind. On July 25th he entered Argos and expected soon to
have the Morea at his feet. The Suliotes under Marco Botsaris
were hard pressed by the Turks, and begged for assistance from
Mavrocordatos. A corps of Philhellenes had come to their assist-
ance, embracing officers of foreign countries, who, schooled in war,
were now regretting their days of inactivity. There were Germans,
French, Poles, and Italians, commanded by Doria of Genoa.
Reinforcements arrived from other quarters, so that on June 22nd
Mavrocordatos led an army of 3,000 men from the Gulf of Art a
to the Valley of Komboti. Still the little band was not free from
the canker of jealousy and treachery. Battle was given at Peta
in the neighbourhood of Art a on July I7th, when the Turkish
governor of Art a led 7,000 men to the storming of the Greek
position. Count Normann, a Wiirtemburger, did his best in the

INTERVENTION OF THE POWERS

command, but was lamed by the treachery of Gogos Bakolas, an
Albanian of the school of All. The defeat of the Greeks was com-
plete, and the fronts of the Philhellene battalions lost their lines.
Suli was captured, and the independence of Western Hellas was
threatened. The cause of Greek independence trembled in the
balance.

At this critical moment the sentiments of the Tsar, Alexander, The Tsar
underwent a change. He sent Tatischev to Vienna to consult Intervenes.
with Metternich. He was ready to modify the Four Points, pro-
vided that the Powers would declare that he was justified in the
withdrawal of his ambassador. Metternich was willing to agree
to this, but denied Russia's right to intervene in Greek affairs,
and had no wish to weaken the sovereignty of the Sultan over
Greece. He proposed, in a memoir of April igth, 1822, that the
Powers should confine themselves to securing the freedom of
religion, the safety of person and property, the establishment of
regular justice, and the proclamation of an amnesty. All this
must be arranged diplomatically with the Porte, preferably at
Vienna. He expected to obtain the concurrence of Great Britain,
France, and Prussia in these proposals. Metternich was, in
fact, engaged in a struggle with Capodistrias, in which he felt
confident of success.

Lord Strangford now threw himself into the breach. He Britain
possessed exceptional authority with the Porte, and could say Pleads for
many things which others could not utter. After many struggles
he, at the end of April, persuaded the Porte to assent to the evacua-
tion of the Principalities and the nomination of a Hospodar, and
two Hospodars were nominated in July — Gregory Ghika and John
Stourza. The Porte, however, refused to be checked in the sup-
pression of the Greek revolt. " Leave us to our own business ; we
have the treaties, and have fulfilled every duty. We have no
need of foreign help, and our successes speak for us. The inhabi-
tants of the Morea are giving in ; they are pardoned, and their
property is protected. What do you wish for more ? We refuse
to walk in leading-strings like little children." If Strangford
spoke of the massacre of Chios, the Turks retaliated with the
massacres of Tripolitza, Navarino, Corinth and Athens. Strang-
ford offered himself as plenipotentiary of the Turks in Vienna.
Their last word, on August 27th, was, " We are ready to
sacrifice everything to Great Britain except our honour and our
independence."

It was believed that Russia would be represented at the
congress by Capodistrias, but Metternich declared that he was

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

not afraid. " The man is dead, and I fear neither dead men nor
ghosts." However, on July 25th, it was announced that the
Tsar would attend the congress without Capodistrias, who had
for motives of health requested leave of absence for an indefinite
period. The initiated knew that this implied his fall. The Tsar
was heard to say, " I had allowed myself to be carried away by
the general enthusiasm for the rescue of Greece, but I have not
lost sight of the impure origin of the Greek rebellion, nor the
danger which my intervention would bring to my allies. Egotism
is no longer the basis of policy. The fundamental principles of
our truly Holy Alliance are pure." The attention of the Tsar
had been drawn from the East to the West, for the revolution in
Spain shed a new light over the revolt in Hellas.

CHAPTER IX
SPAIN AND FRANCE

AT the opening of the year 1821 the prospects of the Constitu- Unrest in
tional Party in Spain were by no means favourable. The days of Spain.
Argiielles' ministry were numbered. He regarded the Serviles
as more dangerous than the Exalt ados. On January 2gth a Royal
chaplain, by name Vinuesa, was arrested, a plan for a coup d'etat
was discovered among his papers, and the town council of Madrid
demanded his punishment. The King was insulted when he
drove abroad, and quarrels broke out between the militia and
his bodyguard, which he was obliged to send away from the palace
and to promise to disband. The King turned angrily upon the
Ministers, accusing them, before the town council, of treachery, and
threatening to arrest them, crying, "I see death before my eyes,
but I will not die until I have had my revenge." When the Cortes
met on March 1st the King broke out into abuse of the Ministry
and dismissed them. However, he allowed the Cortes to appoint
their successors until assistance could arrive from abroad. The
heads of the new Ministry were Feliu and Bardaji, both Moderados,
but disliked alike by the Serviles and Exalt ados, who were at this
time much exercised by the advance of the Austrians into Naples
and Piedmont. The party of reaction gained strength in the
mountains and on the plains, and 2,000 Basques marched from
their fortresses against the militia of Vittoria.

Rioting arose in Madrid when it was known that Vinuesa had
been condemned to ten years' banishment instead of to death,
and the rioters broke into his prison on March 4th and murdered
him. The club, Font ana de Oro, declared that all Serviles should
perish like Vinuesa. The King agreed no better with his new
Ministers than with their predecessors, and was pressed by the
extreme party to break with them. For a time he hesitated, fear-
ing the violence of the mob ; but at the end of June he dissolved
the Cortes, having previously sent a message to Pasquier and
Pozzo di Borgo in Paris, begging them to come to his assistance.

The French Government was not disposed to assent to these
overtures. They recalled Laval from Madrid and sent in his place
the Comte de Lagarde, who was favourably regarded by the King.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

But he had instructions to hold out no hope of help. Pasquier
repeatedly said, " The best service we can do the King is to make
him understand that he must find safety in Spain itself. He
must endeavour to obtain the confidence of one of the parties
and base his authority on the wealthy section of the nation."
The Serviles redoubled their activity. Some who had fled to
Paris preached a crusade against the Government of their country,
others settled in Bayonne and tried to stir up an insurrection
in the Basque provinces. The Ministers complained of this
conduct to the French Government.

Riego's ^ On the other hand, Spain became the asylum of political

Popularity. refugees from Naples, Piedmont and France. They were well
received by Riego in Aragon ; indeed, his conduct was so indis-
creet that he was relieved of his command. The news of this
produced a riot in Madrid, so that military force had to be
employed. Busts of Riego were carried about the streets in
procession, as if he were a saint, while curses were uttered against
the ministry. The disorders spread to the provinces. A Servile,
General Venegas, had been sent as Governor to Cadiz, but the
people rose and insisted on his recall. Seville and the principal
towns of Andalusia joined in the demonstrations. Moreno
followed suit, and Corunna declared herself for Liberalism.

Ministers had expected support from the extraordinary Cortes
which met in the autumn, but they were defeated by a motion of
Calatrava on December I5th. This gave new confidence to the
Exaltados. Radical clubs were formed, called Descamisados —
" the Shirtless " — corresponding to the Sansculottes — " the Trouser-
less " — of the French Revolution. The King was not anxious to
get rid of his Ministry at the bidding of the Radicals, but
they fell on January loth, 1822. The extraordinary Cortes con-
cluded their sittings a month later. The King and his deputies
took leave of each other with mutual compliments. Indeed,
national peace was restored, but under the ashes the fire still
smouldered. The general result was to give confidence to the
Serviles. Toreno cried, " If the King would only mount his horse,
he could extinguish the Cortes with a single word." Guerillero
parties came together in the Basque provinces, and bands of
Royalists appeared before Pamplona and Bilbao. But the Ser-
viles had no more strength or unity than their opponents.

We have already seen that the Ultras gained a victory in the
French parliamentary elections of the autumn of 1820. Richelieu
had met this by including Villele and Corbiere in the Ministry,
hoping to satisfy the extreme party. But he soon found that

"The
Shirtless.'

THE PA VILLON MARSAN

it was difficult to separate the wheat from the tares. This became
evident in dealing with two measures, which concerned the land
grants and the pension list of Napoleon and the pension fund of
the clergy. The Ultras could not bear to saddle the country with
grants to the murderers of the Due d'Enghien and the friends
of revolution, while General Foy defended the cause of his com-
rade in arms. But it was eventually determined that the grants
should only extend to the lives of the widows and children of
the recipients. A considerable sum was in hand as a surplus of
the money appropriated to clerical pensions, and it was pro-
posed to spend this in founding twelve new bishoprics and
increasing the incomes of existing priests. But the Ultras
demanded thirty new bishoprics, and, in the discussion which
followed, Bonald denounced civil marriage as favouring concu-
binage. Similar differences of opinion arose regarding the law
of the censorship of the Press.

As a result of all this, Villele and Corbiere broke with The
Richelieu. The Comte d'Artois was the head of the Ultra party, "Congrega-
which had its seat in his residence, the Pavilion Marsan, and was lom
known as " the Cabinet Vert/' He had promised his support to
Richelieu, but the temptation of being a party leader was too
strong for him. He put forward Marshal Victor, Due de Belluno,
as a candidate for the Ministry of War, and when the King and
Richelieu refused this, Villele and Corbiere resigned their places
and Chateaubriand retired from the Embassy at Berlin. At
this time, also, the " Congregation " became a political force and
" Congregationist " a political expression. The name was first
given to those who frequented the teaching of a Jesuit father in
the seminary for foreign missions in Paris ; but out of this there
arose a movement in the factories, workshops, prisons and schools
to protect the young from infidelity. Civil and military authori-
ties began to take a prominent part in religious processions, and
were compelled to go to confession. This was stimulated by
the Cabinet Vert, of which Montmorency and Polignac were
members. The influence of the Congregation was greatly exag-
gerated by public opinion. It was regarded as a powerful secret
society for the uprooting of everything Liberal. It was really a
name for a political party of a reactionary character. The Pavil-
ion Marsan made use of Madame de Cay la, the King's mistress,
for the purpose of influencing his opinion in an Ultra direction.

Richelieu was confident of the strength of his position ; he Death of
kept up a friendly correspondence with Villele, and depended Richelieu,
on the increasing prosperity of the country, the increase of the

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Pavilion

Marsan
Ministry.

The

Carbonari
in France.

revenue, the rise in the funds, and the solemn promise of assist-
ance which he had received from " Monsieur," the Comte d'Artois.
However, when the renewal of a fifth of the Chamber took place,
the Right, the Ultras, received a large accession of strength. So,
when Parliament met on November 5th, an alliance was formed
between the Ultras and the Liberals, based upon an agreement
with regard to the foreign policy of the country. The King, at
first, roused himself to support his Ministry, but he soon fell back
again into a condition of apathy, while Madame de Cayla exerted
herself to win his sympathies for the Pavilion Marsan. Eventu-
ally Richelieu resigned on December i2th, 1821, and when he
died, a few months later, though the courtiers did not attend his
funeral, he was mourned by the country as a worthy son of
France.

The new Ministry was entirely the work of the Pavilion
Marsan. Vincent, the Austrian Ambassador, wrote to Vienna,
" Monsieur stands to-day at the head of the Government."
Villele took the portfolio of Finance, Corbiere the Home Office,
and Peyronnet, a friend of Madame de Cayla, was made Minister
of Justice. Then followed aristocrats, who also belonged to the
Congregation. Montmorency was at the Foreign Office, Clermont-
Tonnerre at the Admiralty. Victor, who had a strange influence
over Monsieur, was made Minister of War. Montmorency had
been a comrade of Lafayette in America and elsewhere. The
Post Office, the Ministry of Police and the police prefectures
of Paris were all given to Congregationists. Chateaubriand was
sent to London in the place of Decazes.

The new Ministry proceeded to take strong measures with
regard to police supervision and the freedom of the periodical
Press. This brought to an end the alliance between the Liberals
and the Ultras, which had caused the overthrow of Richelieu.
Benjamin Constant cried, " The Charte is violated : the Ministry
has forgotten its oath and is endangering the throne." Among
the peers, Barante, Broglie, Lanjuinais and Boissy d'Anglas
distinguished themselves by their defence of the freedom of the
Press, while Talleyrand and Mole sharpened their tongues, and
the dismissed Ministers supported the Opposition. This want of
moderation stirred the Radicals to action, and a branch of the
Carbonari was established in France, which found adherents in
the army and the capital. Leroux and Buchez were members,
and also Ary Scheffer, the painter.- Lafayette became honorary
president of the French Vendite, and there was a recrudescence
of Republicanism after the death of Napoleon, but some still

REVOLUTIONARY METHODS IN FRANCE

looked to the Duke of Reichstadt. Lafayette advised the
summoning of a constituent assembly.

In December, 1821, a rising took place in the military school Military
at Saumur, and this was repeated in February, 1822, while the Unrest.
ist of January saw a mutiny in the garrison of Belfort. This
gave the Ultras an excuse for refusing concessions and for stronger
measures. Labourdonnaye said, " Every day we hear of calls to
insurrection, which are only the echoes of our debates. Here
they proclaim Napoleon II., there a Republic. This is not the
time to demand a larger freedom, but to strengthen the hands
of Government."

In the supplementary elections the Liberals won in Paris, but Repressive
the Ultras in the country generally. The summer session, which Measures.
lasted from June 4th to August i8th, was marked by stormy
debates. Four non-commissioned officers, of the garrison of La
Rochelle, were executed for being members of a Vente ; General
Berton, who was responsible for the second rising at Saumur, was
guillotined ; an artisan of Thouars who harboured him, and
another who carried a tricolour before him, met with the same
fate. The Moderates were disgusted with this severity. What
made the matter worse was the suspicion that agents provocateurs
had been employed. The Ultras continued their course of
violence. Education was attacked. The Abbe Frayssinous,
Bishop of Hermopolis in partibus, was made Grand Master of
the University ; he was not a fanatic, but he demanded orthodoxy
in all teachers. Sylvestre de Sacy, a Jansenist, was driven from
his post on the Board of Education, and Guizot and Cousin were
suspended from their chairs. The fccole Normale was closed, and
the medical faculty of Paris was suppressed. It was reopened
in 1823, with the loss of eleven of its most learned professors.
The Liberal Press was subjected to persecution.

It was natural that the attitude of the French Government to France
foreign politics should undergo a change. Since the reaction in and Spain.
1821, the yellow fever had made its appearance in Catalonia. In
order to prevent its spreading into France a military cordon was
established in the passes of the Pyrenees. This was regarded as
a threat by the Spanish Liberals. Although the fever disappeared
in the winter, the military cordon was still maintained and, indeed,
became an army of observation. The Serviles began to look upon
the French generals as their best friends, and King Ferdinand
rejoiced at the victory of the Ultras. He expected the soldiers
of Louis XVIII. to liberate him from the yoke of the Jacobin
faction. He asked that his former Minister, Eguia, who was now

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

in Bayonne, might be supported by the French Government,
but Montmorency was not prepared to go so far.

Spain The political position of Spain went from bad to worse. In

Loses her ^ new cortes the Exaltados had a decided majority. Riego
was made President of the Chamber, but there was great diffi-
culty in finding a Prime Minister until at last Martinez de la Rosa,
a Moderado, was persuaded to accept the post. King Ferdinand,
however, detested all constitutional government, and aimed at
restoring his former absolute power. The peasants, stirred up
by the Serviles, declared themselves on the side of the monarchy,
and the Exaltados feared outbreaks. In these circumstances it
was almost impossible to pass reasonable laws, while the finances
of the country were in a terrible condition. A deficit was
announced of 200,000,000 reals. -The army was a source of
enormous expense, chiefly caused by the inordinate number of
officers. A still worse blow was struck by the defection of the
colonies from the mother country. A republic had been estab-
lished in Buenos Ayres ; New Grenada and Venezuela had joined
together to form the united free State of Colombia ; Mexico,
Chile and Peru declared their independence.

Failure of a All these miseries were contemplated by the King with satis-
coupd'ttat. faction, and the occasion seemed ripe for a coup d'etat, which
was to take place on May 20th, the King's name-day. But the
preparation for it was insufficient. It had been intended that
the garrison of Madrid should march upon Aranjuez, but this
plan was given up because no officer of high rank could be found
to take part in it. The Serviles had more success in Valencia,
where, on the same day, a number of rebellious artillerymen took
possession of the citadel and chose the notorious Elio as their
leader. The common danger united for the time both Moderados
and Exaltados. They pressed the King to return to his capital,
which he entered in the early morning of June 27th.

Military Three days later, on June soth, some soldiers of the Royal

Revolt. Guards murdered one of the officers, Landaburus, who was
known to have Radical opinions. The Guards then prepared to
attack the infantry and the militia, and had the King placed
himself at their head he might have gained the day. But he
lacked the courage for such a step. In fact, he removed four
battalions of the Guards to the hunting palace of El Pardo, leaving
only two battalions in Madrid. This juncture might also have
been utilised by the King for the restoration of his own authority.
Luiz Fernandez de Cordova advised him to go to the Pardo or
some such place in the neighbourhood of Madrid, and with his

CRISIS IN MADRID

guard form a nucleus for the troops who were devoted to his
interests. But Cordova wished that the coup d'etat should result,
not in an absolute monarchy, but in a moderate constitution.
The King, however, again refused to commit himself.

Relations were thus strained on both sides. Riego tried to The Palace
persuade the permanent Deputation of the Cortes to adopt rigor- Besieged.
ous measures, and ordered the commandant of the artillery to
throw a few bombs into the palace. On the other hand, no one
knew what might be expected from the regiments at the Pardo.
Up to the present moment Martinez de la Rosa and his colleagues
had preserved an attitude of unshaken firmness. They had gone
every day to the palace to keep the King company, under the
protection of his two battalions of Guards, and were branded
as traitors by the Exaltados. At last, very early in the morning
of July yth, the Royal Guards from the Pardo marched into
Madrid, where they were opposed by the militia under the com-
mand of San Miguel. One of the battalions ran away. The three
others pressed on into the Plaza Mayor and the Puerte del Sol,
but were received with murderous fire. They also bolted. A
few reached the Palace, where their comrades on guard had
received no orders to assist them. The palace was now the centre
to which every one -moved — militia, soldiers, the mob, Morello,
Ballesteros and Riego. Cannon were placed at the ends of the
streets. The courtiers feared the palace would be stormed, but
at the request of the King firing ceased. A capitulation was
drawn up, by which the battalions which had marched in from
the Pardo were to be disbanded and the two others were to be
allowed to return to their barracks with arms and baggage.
These last hesitated to obey, but they were compelled to submit.

In this crisis the King behaved with characteristic meanness. The King's
The night before the attack he had detained the ministers, with Meanness,
the exception of the Minister for War, in the palace, giving them
nothing to eat, and exposing them to the insults of the servants.
If the Guards had conquered, their heads would have fallen. Now
that the attack had failed, the King entreated Martinez de la
Rosa to remain at his post. He thanked the garrison and the
militia for their patriotic conduct, and then betook himself to
bed. He said to Brunetti and Lagarde, the Austrian and French
Ambassadors, " As our project has failed, you must do something
for me ; you must make haste and send an army to Spain." He
was not afraid of the guillotine, but trembled before the knife of
the assassin.

The conquerors used their victory with a moderation which

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

excited the admiration of the foreign ambassadors. Riego vied
with Morello in preserving order. The proposal for a regency put
forward by the Council of State and the Deputation of the Cortes
was finally rejected. Officers of high rank declared they would
rather be hewn in pieces than suffer any attack upon the throne.
The trial of the Guards exhibited the conduct of the King in a
shameful light, but no notice was taken of it, as he dismissed of
his own accord some of the worst of the palace officials. But one
thing was certain — the Ministry must be changed. Martinez de
la Rosa told the King that as a Spaniard he would defend him
with his musket in his hand, but that he would no longer serve
him as a minister. Still the King hesitated to commit the seals
to the Exaltados.

The At last San Miguel accepted the portfolio of Foreign Affairs.

Northern jje ha(j once been head of the staff to Riego, but commanded
surgen s. ^ tt j^y ,, m^ja battalions on July yth. He was an eloquent
political speaker and a poet, but unfit for his new office. His
colleagues included all the " patriots." Lopez Banos, the
hero of the Isla de Leon, became Minister of War ; Navarro,
Minister of Justice, was called the Danton of the Cortes. They
began to press hardly both on the Moderados and the Serviles,
and the hated Elio was executed in Valencia. One of the first
duties of the new Ministry was to deal with the rising in the north.
The insurgents had gained possession of the fortress of Seo de
Urgel, at the foot of the Pyrenees, and had established a regency
there on August I5th. It consisted of three prominent Serviles —
Mata Florida, the notorious Minister of Justice of Ferdinand,
the fanatical Archbishop of Tarragona, and Baron d'Eroles, who
commanded the Army of Faith. After solemn high mass, they
proclaimed Ferdinand as an absolute king. They declared all
laws passed since the promulgation of the Constitution to be null
and void ; proposed to summon a Cortes of the old kind ; and
called upon Spaniards on both sides of the ocean to give their
consent and obedience. They also sought for assistance from
foreign countries. They described themselves to Louis XVIII.,
the Comte d'Artois, and Montmorency as the defenders of the
sacred cause, and asked for 2,000,000 francs, the loan of two
Swiss regiments, a transport ship, and a frigate. They were
joined by peasants and artisans, who clamoured for the destruc-
tion of the " godless blacks," as the Liberals were called in
Spain, and General Quesada raised the standard of absolutism
in Navarre. All Catalonia, with the exception of Barcelona, was
in revolt. A junta of rebels was formed in Aragon. Mina was

THE POWERS AND SPAIN

summoned from Leon to undertake the command beyond the
Ebro against these intemperate Royalists and, in such circum-
stances, it was necessary to confine the King in the palace at
Madrid.

What was the attitude of the Powers in this juncture ? Metternich's
Hervey, who had succeeded Wellesley in the summer of 1821 Attitude-
as British Minister, was favourable to the Liberals. He had
•assisted the militia who were wounded on July yth. He took
a different line from that of the rest of the Diplomatic Corps.
On the other hand, the Tsar was ready to send 40,000 men, as
the contingent of a European army, to march through Austria,
Italy, and the South of France, over the Pyrenees. Metternich
pursued a middle course. He told the Tsar that Great Britain
would never agree to his proposals, and that an armed interven-
tion would only make matters worse for Ferdinand. When he
heard of the failure of July 7th, he deeply lamented the cowardice
of the King, but he did not share the feelings of the Tsar. He
had no desire to see a renewal of the friendship between France
and Russia, which he thought might end in the introduction of
a Spanish Charte.

France was not indisposed to intervene, under certain condi- France's
tions. The King must sacrifice some of his authority, and then Conditions,
approach the French frontier with a body of trustworthy soldiers.
Louis XVIII. warned him against too great stiffness and stubborn-
ness, and after July 7th Ferdinand was more ready to yield, and
on July 24th, to the surprise of Lagarde, he promised to restore
the " Cortes of Estates." But he demanded immediate assist-
ance to obtain his freedom.

Lagarde had promised him 15,000,000 reals ; the King demanded
2,000,000 more, and waited impatiently for the day when French
bayonets should gleam from the summit of the Pyrenees. The
French Ultra press urged the ministry to save the prisoner of
Madrid from the fate of Louis XVI., but Villele put a curb on the
eagerness of Montmorency. He had indeed sent assistance to the
regency of Seo de Urgel, although he had denied the fact in the
Chambers, but Villele insisted that this should cease in future.
France must maintain her position of armed neutrality, nor permit
the passage of foreign armies through her territories. Everyone
was now looking towards the coming congress, at which it was
generally known that Spanish affairs would form an important
part of its deliberations.

CHAPTER X
THE CONGRESS OF VERONA

Metternich's AT the close of the Congress of Laibach it had been resolved to
Prophecy. hold another in the following year, and, since it seemed that the
affairs of Italy would be the most prominent subject of discus-
sion, it was intended to hold the congress in Florence. But the
risings in Spain and Greece altered the complexion of affairs, and
as Austria wished to remain at the head of the European concert,
the place of meeting was fixed at Verona in her territory. Metter-
nich prophesied that the Congress of Verona would make an
epoch in the history of the world. The Tsar had promised to
attend the preliminary debates in person. Montmorency, Bern-
storff, and Londonderry were also expected, but news arrived
that on August I2th, 1822, Londonderry, better known as Castle-
reagh, had perished by his own hand. He was succeeded by
George Canning, who occupied an entirely different position in
foreign politics. Wellington was to go to Verona in place of
Londonderry, but he was bound by the instructions of the Cabinet.
Alexander was still embittered against the Liberals of Spain.
He said that Spain was the headquarters of Jacobinism, which
threatened destruction to every part of Europe. He held up the
Austrian intervention in Naples as an example to be imitated. In
these views he was supported by Pozzo di Borgo, whom he had
summoned from Paris. Chateaubriand was appointed French
plenipotentiary at Verona, and with him were Laferronays and
Caraman. Montmorency was only to be present in case of need.
Villele was made a Count and placed at the head of the French
Ministry, a step which seemed to promise moderation. As
Wellington passed through Paris, and represented to him the
danger of a Spanish war, Villele gave him unexpected assurances
of peace. He said that France would not act unless her frontiers
were attacked, or unless Ferdinand were either deposed or mur-
dered. He would not permit any congress to give orders to
France, or compel her to allow the transit of foreign troops. When
he approached the subject of a European Congress, Wellington
said that he would give no promises, as the British Government,
which was answerable to Parliament, would not undertake

The

Plenipoten-
tiaries

THE CONGRESS OF VERONA

uncertain obligations. Wellington had used similar language at
Vienna. He assured the Tsar that there was not the same danger
of revolutionary infection in Spain as in Naples, and asserted that
intervention in the internal affairs of a country could only be
justified by the most pressing necessity. Montmorency was
restrained by the instructions of Villele ; however, he showed
that he regarded a war between France and Spain as inevitable,
and sought in this contingency the support of the other Powers.
Metternich found it difficult to satisfy the wishes both of
Great Britain and Russia. His plan was to restore a Cortes
of Estates, with some alterations. He dreaded an armed inter-
vention, and would not agree to a Russian army passing the
Pyrenees.

The Congress of Verona opened in the middle of October. It Personalities
was accompanied by the dances, dinners, and reviews which ** the
seemed indispensable to the congresses of those days, and rivalled
in brilliancy the Congress of Vienna. The two Emperors were
there, accompanied by Metternich and Nesselrode, and Frederick
William III., with his sons William and Charles. Alexander von
Humboldt honoured it with his presence ; Hardenberg came for a
short time, but soon left his place to Bernstorff ; the Italian princes
had sent representatives ; Montmorency arrived, but was subor-
dinate to Chateaubriand ; Wellington and Strangford were the
observed of all observers. Countess Lieven was the Aspasia of
the assembly, for which Rossini composed some lovely melodies.
The old Roman amphitheatre was full of reigning princes and
their ministers.

The affairs of Spain first claimed attention, and the proceed- The Congress
ings were opened by a memoir of Metternich's, in which he and sPain-
explained his views. He had a difficulty in picking his way
through the conflicting interests of Europe, but came to the con-
clusion that the cabinets should agree upon a common line of
action. Montmorency now exceeded his powers by producing a
memoir, which ended with three questions : —

1. If France should be compelled to withdraw her
ambassador from Madrid, would the other Powers follow
her example ?

2. Would they give their armed support to France in her
efforts to check revolutionary movements elsewhere ?

3. Would they give France any measure of material
support if she should ask for it ?

The three Eastern Powers were naturally well disposed to these
proposals, but Wellington held himself aloof.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Isolation of

Great

Britain.

Differences
Among the
Powers.

There followed a scene of confusion. Metternich did his best
to discover a compromise, but the task was extremely difficult.
Alexander would not hear of half -measures. He said, " I will
not leave Verona till I have ended this business. We have made
an alliance against the revolution, and must attack it where it
seems most dangerous." He found fault with Villele's weakness,
and did not think Montmorency strong enough. On October 3oth
a meeting was held to deliver the answer to Montmorency's note.
The Tsar expressed his delight that France had recognised the
necessity of stifling the revolutionary outbreak in Spain, and he
would give the assistance which Montmorency asked for. Metter-
nich also answered Montmorency's questions in the affirmative,
but proposed that the Allies should confer as to their extent,
character and direction. Bernstorff was more cautious. But
Wellington took an entirely different line. He said that, since
April, 1820, the British Government had neglected no opportunity
of recommending the Allies to refrain from every intervention in
the internal politics of Spain. The object of their policy was the
maintenance of peace. He hoped that peace would be preserved
between Spain and France ; but, if this should not be the case,
he should take no responsibility on himself. Thus there came
about a deep breach between the Eastern Powers and Great
Britain, which had been concealed at Troppau and Laibach. This
was due to the death of Castlereagh and the influence of Canning
and, to some extent, of Wellington himself.

The first formal meeting of the congress was held on October
3ist. Metternich shadowed forth an alliance between Russia,
Austria and Prussia, and spoke of a peaceful intervention in
Spain, to encourage the several parties of the nation, and in this
he thought Great Britain might assist. Wellington, however,
protested against any action with regard to Spain that might
seem to be of the nature of a threat, and declined to mediate
between France and Spain. It was determined to adjourn the
conferences. In the meantime instructions for the ambassadors
of the other four Powers were to be drawn up and communicated
to Wellington.

The four Powers set to work. The protest of Wellington had
tended to unite them, but they still differed among themselves.
Metternich was ready to take some measures, but he saw that
the result of these would be the breach of diplomatic relations.
Bernstorff was agitated by similar difficulties. The Russians
denied that this breach might take place as preparatory to war.
Pozzo di Borgo declared that if France hesitated he would go to

100

WELLINGTON AGAINST THE POWERS

Paris and put himself at the head of the Spanish Royalists and
compel the Government to act. Chateaubriand and Laferronays
were disposed to a formal action, as was Montmorency, who,
however, hesitated to engage his Government. He told the
Eastern Powers that France could not promise to withdraw her
ambassador from Madrid, even if they should do so ; that every-
thing he proposed was subject to reference to Paris.

The protocol of the four Powers was ready on November igth. " The
It designated as casus foederis an attack of Spain upon France, Hottest
a rebellion against the Government, the deposition of King
Ferdinand, legal action against him or the princes of the Royal
house, any attempt to alter the succession. The following day,
November zoth, was described by Gentz as the hottest and most
important day in Verona. Wellington refused to place his signa-
ture to the protocol, urging that it would only serve to irritate the
Spanish Government. It was impossible for the British Sovereign
to hold the same language as his allies. All that Great Britain
could do would be to moderate the excitement which was sure
to arise in Madrid. These words from the mouth of Wellington,
an undoubted Tory, produced a very powerful effect, and marked
the separation of Great Britain from the Alliance. Montmorency
went to Paris to press his views, and Chateaubriand came into
the foreground. He had been regarded by his colleagues rather
as a man of letters than as a statesman, and wrote to a friend, " I
do but little, and regard myself rather as a poet by the grave of
Juliet than as plenipotentiary to a European congress." He
held constant interviews with Alexander, with whom he took
long walks. These two enthusiastic natures had a sympathy for
each other, and both yearned to destroy the dragon of revolution
beyond the Pyrenees. At the same time Chateaubriand knew
quite well that the congress would never make war.

Villele was much discontented at the turn which the congress France and
was taking. He did not look with satisfaction at a breach with Spain.
Spain. He knew that it would lead to the increase of British
influence in the Peninsula, which would be used to gain possession
of Cuba, or of the commerce of the New World. Lagarde informed
him that the new ambassador, William A'Court, was obtaining
strong influence with the Spanish Ministry, and was drafting a
treaty of commerce. At the same time the influence and power
of the Royalist regency at Seo de Urgel was declining. All this
disposed Villele to caution and to the maintenance of " peace with
honour." The Ultras, however, repeated their violent language,
and, after the elections of November zoth, they won consider-

IOI

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

ably in power. Out of eighty-six seats the Liberals only secured
eight, Benjamin Constant, their leader, being defeated. Mont-
morency was well received by the King, and was made a duke,
but he did not carry the Ministry with him. Villele would not
agree to the recalling of the French Ambassador from Madrid. He
allowed that the delivery of the notes should be postponed ; but
on December I2th the Eastern Powers determined not to permit
a postponement of more than eight days.

Metternich's Metternich was also in great embarrassment. He realised the

Embarrass- danger of an intervention in Spain, but was dragged in tow by
the fiery zeal of Alexander. He knew that France would never
permit the passage of Russian troops. At the same time, his
deepest feeling was that activity in Spain might excuse negligence
in the Levant. The affairs of the East had, at first, been neglected
in the Congress of Verona. Strangford and Gentz were secretly
well disposed to Turkey. Tatischev, one of the Russian pleni-
potentiaries, however, urged the acceptance of the terms pre-
viously proposed by Metternich, including the evacuation of the
Principalities and the nomination of Hospodar. He also asked
that the limitations, which prevented the navigation of the Black
Sea, should be removed. The Porte had attempted to injure the
trade of Southern Russia, by preventing Sardinian, Spanish,
Portuguese, and other vessels from entering the Black Sea, which
they had hitherto been able to do under the Russian flag ; also
it became necessary to prevent Greek merchant ships from enter-
ing the Black Sea and being afterwards turned into warships.
The measures taken by the Porte had sensibly increased British
commerce in the Black Sea, and Canning was not anxious to lose
this advantage. The consequence of all these proposals was that
Alexander was more disposed to follow the lead of the other Powers
in his dealings with the Porte.

Greece and This change greatly disappointed the Greeks and their friends.

the Congress. in the autumn the provisional Government of Greece had deter-
mined to bring their case before the congress. They sent Count
Andrea Metaxas and Jourdain, a French Philhellene, to present
their views, and to hand a note to the assembled plenipotentiaries.
It said : " Streams of blood have been shed, but the cause of the
Cross is triumphant. The Greeks will never lay down their arms
until they have secured their independence. They will not listen
to any arrangement which has not been made with the concurrence
of their own representatives. If this declaration is not accepted
it must be regarded as a protest, which the whole of Greece lays
at the feet of the divine justice, trusting to Europe and the great

102

REPRESSION OF ITALY

family of Christians." Metaxas and Jourdain were detained at
Ancona in quarantine, and the note was forwarded to Verona,
where it was regarded as impertinent. It was left unanswered,
and the Papal Government was asked to inform the envoys that
it would be useless for them to continue their journey, as they
would be stopped at the Austrian frontier. Metternich also com-
plained that Greek refugees and Philhellene rebels were allowed
to remain at Leghorn. He treated the Greek patriots as if they
were Carbonari.

In Italy the course of bloodthirsty vengeance still continued. Metternieh's
Silvio Pellico and Maroncelli were exposed, laden with chains, in Threat *o
the Piazetta of Saint Mark, in Venice, and publicly condemned
to a long imprisonment. In Modena nine patriots were sentenced
to death, and one, a priest, was executed. It was idle for Italian
Liberals to expect any satisfactory settlement from the congress.
However, it was determined that Piedmont should be gradually
evacuated, and the garrison of Naples was reduced. Metternich
threatened the further interference of the Powers, which the
Italian States themselves strongly objected to. He also spoke of
the establishment of a Central Commission of Enquiry, to keep a
constant watch over the Italian Governments, but this was not
brought into action. The influence of Austria and Metternich
over the Italian peninsula remained practically undisturbed.
Charles Albert, Prince of Carignan, still remained a great difficulty.
Metternich thought, not of deposing him from succession, but of an
abdication in favour of his son Victor Emmanuel, who was then an
infant. Charles Albert was supported by the Grand Duke of
Tuscany, his father-in-law, by the French Government, and by
the Tsar. Wellington and Bernsdorff gave their adhesion to the
same view. At last Metternich was brought to see that the
deposition of the Prince of Carignan would not only be a crime,
but a political mistake, as it would aim a serious blow at the
principles of legitimacy.

A declaration made by Wellington on November 24th, in The "Monroe
favour of the Spanish colonies, caused dismay among the Powers. Doctrine"
He said that Great Britain had determined to consider the de Originated-
facto Governments of the revolted Spanish colonies as belligerent,
and that she would have to go further and recognise one or more
of these Governments in order to protect her commerce from
piracy. Great Britain had been compelled to this step by the
previous message of President Monroe, dated March 8th, 1822, which
recognised the independence of the Spanish colonies, and laid the
foundation of the " Monroe doctrine." Canning could not allow

103

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

the Americans to usurp the whole of the South American trade.
The other four Powers protested. Metternich said, speaking in
the name of his Emperor, that His Majesty, true to the principles
on which the order of society and the preservation of legitimate
government repose, could not recognise the independence of the
Spanish- American provinces, and his Catholic Majesty had formally
renounced their sovereignty. Bernstorff did not conceal his dis-
like of " governments whose existence depends only on revolt
and anarchy." The Tsar recommended a reconciliation between
the mother country and the colonies, which did not prejudge
the question of their independence. Chateaubriand warned the
congress from recognising a form of government which evidently
differed from that prevailing in Europe. He asked for an arrange-
ment which might secure to everyone the advantage of commerce,
and reconcile the rights of legitimacy with the claims of policy.
Wellington only remarked that his Government had done its best
to reconcile Spain and her colonies, but did not retract a word of
the declaration. It was obvious that the independence of the
Spanish colonies would soon be recognised by Great Britain.
The "Holy The congress closed in the middle of December. The three
Alliance" Powers sent a circular to their ambassadors, which may be
regarded as its testament. It spoke of a happy settlement of
affairs in Italy, of the unanimous rejection of the rebellion in the
East of Europe, of the miserable condition of the Peninsula, as an
example of revolutionary crime against the eternal laws of the
moral order of the world. It said that there was no doubt that
the system followed by the Sovereigns was in complete harmony
with the strength of ruling Powers and the well-understood
interests of peoples. All governments were warned to lend their
support and constant aid to suppress the disturbers of the public
peace, who in more than one country were aiming at revolution,
destruction, and a condition of complete impotence. It was
obvious the Holy Alliance was at an end. Great Britain had
completely broken with it, if indeed she had ever belonged to it,
and France was only able to give it a half-hearted and divided
support.

104

CHAPTER XI
FRENCH INTERVENTION IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL

IN Paris parties were divided in opinion between peace and war. Wellington
Villele, supported by the commercial classes, was at the head of as Mediator,
the peace party ; the Comte d'Artois and the party of the Pavilion
Marsan were at the head of the other. The latter hoped that
Montmorency would have his way at Verona, and on December
4th, Pozzo di Borgo was sent to support him. On December gih
Wellington appeared to be on the side of the Moderates. At
Verona he had declined to mediate between France and Spain,
but now, under the influence of Canning, he offered to mediate,
although there was not much chance of mediation being accepted.
When he left Paris, on December 20th, he was under the impres-
sion that peace could still be preserved. Four days later the
offer of British mediation was rejected.

The French Cabinet met on Christmas Day, 1822. The instruc- France
tions of the three Powers had been sent two days before, and all Decides for
the Ministers, except Villele, determined to support their views Intervention,
and to recall the French Ambassador from Madrid. Unexpectedly,
however, Louis XVIII. took the side of Villele. " The relations,"
he said, " between the other Powers and Spain are not so intimate
as ours. They can surrender Spain and her King to the Revolu-
tion and the influence of England without neglect of duty, but if
I recall my ambassador I must send an army of 100,000 men to
assist my nephew." He procured the rejection of the dispatch
which Montmorency had drafted for Lagarde. Upon this Mont-
morency resigned, and Villele appeared to have triumphed over
the Ultras. But the dispatch sent, although it did not actually
present an ultimatum or recall the ambassador, threatened a
step of this kind.

Chateaubriand was appointed to succeed Montmorency, as a
concession to the three Powers. He had for some time eagerly
desired the post. When in office he attempted to conciliate
Villele, the King, and Canning, but he was really more eager
than Montmorency for a breach with Spain. He warned his
countrymen that they must choose between war or revolution,
and his ambition urged him to attempt where Napoleon had failed.

105

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Spain's
Reply to
the Powers.

France
Decides for
War.

His dream was to induce the King of Spain to accept something
like a constitutional government, and to establish two or three
Bourbon monarchies in Spanish America, as a counterpoise to the
United States and to Great Britain ; to modify the Peace of
Vienna, by securing better frontiers for France in the East, with
the help of the Tsar, and to place the Restoration and the great-
ness of France on a firm basis.

We now come to the answer given by Spain to the notes of
the four Powers. The French note was answered with modera-
tion. San Miguel complained that France protected Spanish
rebels, and declared the unalterable devotion of the country to
the Constitution of 1812. He demanded the disarmament of
the French Army of the Pyrenees and the driving out of the Serviles
refugees. The answer to the other three Powers was couched in
stronger tones. The note and the answer were communicated to
the Cortes on January Qth, 1823. There was a great outburst of
indignation against foreign interference, but no distinction was
drawn between France and the other Powers. The diplomatic
commission was ordered to prepare a note expressive of the willing-
ness of the Cortes to protect the Constitution and the throne.
Galliano and Argiielles fell into each other's arms with tears. On
January nth the address was passed unanimously, and Madrid
was illuminated.

The ambassadors of the three Powers demanded their pass-
ports, the Austrian being the last to leave, on January i6th. The
French Ambassador remained at his post, but warned San Miguel
that he should depart unless a speedy and decisive change took
place in Spain. At last Chateaubriand declared that a longer
delay would be an insult to the Allies and an encouragement of
the revolution, and, on January i8th, Lagarde demanded his
passports. He, however, suggested that King Ferdinand and the
Due d'Angouleme might meet on the banks of the Bidassoa, and
make a peace, two conditions of which should be the modification
of the Constitution and a political amnesty. If this were done,
not only would the French troops retire, but the French army and
navy would be placed at the disposal of Spain. This, however, was
a mere dream. A last attempt to prevent war was made by Great
Britain. Lord Fitzroy Somerset, afterwards Lord Raglan, was
sent to Alava to see what he could effect. On his arrival at Madrid
on January 2ist he found that all hope of a change of the Constitu-
tion was in vain, and that no material help could be promised
from Great Britain. This failure encouraged the war party in
France. War was brought nearer by a raid of Bessieres, who was

106

BRITAIN SIDES WITH SPAIN

at the head of some rebels in Aragon. He broke into Castile,
defeated the royal troops at Brihuega on January 29th, and caused
terror in Madrid. Generals were sent against him independently
of their political opinions — Ballesteros, a supporter of the Com-
muneros ; Morello, who was suspected of complicity in the July
revolution of 1822 ; and Abisbal, who had often changed sides.
Bessieres departed, but the evil impression of his raid was not
dissipated.

When Louis XVIII. opened the French Chambers on Britain for
January 28th, Chateaubriand had triumphed. The aged King Spain,
announced that 100,000 Frenchmen were ready to march to
preserve the Spanish throne for a descendant of Henry IV., and
to reconcile this splendid empire with Europe. The Due
d'Angouleme, protected by the god of Saint Louis, would
command the army. The object of the expedition was to enable
Ferdinand VII. to deal with his people in absolute freedom.
The Ultras were delighted, but Canning said to Laferronays in
London, " You wish them to undertake a crusade for political
theories. Do you not know that the British Constitution is the
fruit of numerous victories, which subjects have gained over
their rulers ? " The British Press repeated the same sentiments.
The assurance of British neutrality was expunged from the
King's Speech at the opening of Parliament on February 4th,
and the Spanish Ambassador, expelled from Paris, was received
with acclamation in London.

In Parliament, Lansdowne, Ellenborough and Mackintosh Brougham
denounced the action of France, and even Lord Liverpool could *nd the
not defend her. Brougham was very bitter about the " Three G^^men
Gentlemen of Verona/' The same views were supported in the Of Verona."
French House of Peers by Talleyrand, Broglie, Dalberg and Mole—
and in the Lower House by Foy, Sebastiani, Duvergier de Hauranne.
Villele let slip an expression which seemed to imply that he was
afraid of the Eastern Powers. A similar debate arose when credit
was asked for 100,000,000 francs. Chateaubriand's avowal that he
wished to save Ferdinand from the fate of Charles I. and Louis
XVI. was answered by Manuel, which caused a riot. Manuel was
suspended from the Chamber on March 4th, and the whole of the
Left followed him. Chateaubriand laughed at the farcical conduct
of the Liberals, " who could not get together four chimney-sweeps
to take part in a revolution." Attempts were made, however, to
influence the French soldiers, notably by Paul Louis Courier and
Beranger.

Fabvier, a bitter enemy of the Bourbons, took a stronger line.

107

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

He got together a corps of Italian refugees in London, strengthened
by English Radicals. He went to Madrid and made a compact
with the Ministers, receiving a promise of 4,000,000 reals. They
laid it down that the cause of freedom was common to all men,
and they would stand together in the conflict between the Cabinets
and the peoples of Spain, Portugal, France and Italy. From
Madrid, Fabvier went to Irun, and then to the corps of observa-
tion, where he tried to win some officers over to his side. Fabvier
got together, on April 6th, a small number of Piedmontese and
about 130 French, on the Spanish side of the Bidassoa. Here he
unfolded the tricolour and sang the Marseillaise. But a few well-
directed shots scattered his company, and next day the Due
d'Angouleme crossed the Bidassoa and entered Irun. Metternich
was not pleased at the forward action of France ; he did not desire
to see the Cortes Constitution changed into a French Charte
and would have preferred to abolish it altogether. On the other
hand, Alexander was delighted, and began to form a corps of
observation in Poland.

Canning's Great Britain stood more decidedly aloof than ever. Canning

Protest. declared his neutrality, but he also said that Great Britain must
safeguard her own interests, and that she could not allow either
the extension of the French frontiers, or the renewal of the Family
Compact, or an intervention in Portugal. On April I4th he
declared in Parliament that the invasion by France was a crime,
and he wished with all his heart that the Spanish people might
win. In Spain the Government and the Cortes removed from
Madrid to Seville.

The French The French plan of campaign was to act rapidly, in order to
in Spain. avoid the danger of a guerilla rising among the people. The chief
army, under the Due d'Angouleme, was to press forward to
Vittoria and seize the line of the Ebro. It was then to march by
way of Burgos to Madrid, which was left in charge of the untrust-
worthy Abisbal. Marshal Moncey was to act in Catalonia against
Mina, General Molitor in Navarre against Ballesteros. General
Bourmont was to oppose Morello and Quiroga in Asturias and
Galicia, where there was also a body of volunteers under Robert
Wilson. Mina and Quiroga were the only two who were formid-
able. Angouleme took Vittoria and Burgos without any trouble,
Ballesteros surrendered Saragossa and retired to Valencia, Morello
waited for events, and Abisbal was corrupted by French gold.
There was no sign of a guerilla rising. The French were welcomed
by the nobles, the priests, and the monks, and other classes of the
population. They were regarded as liberators. They paid for

108

THE REGENCY IN SPAIN

everything they took, and in this respect were a great contrast to
the " Army of Faith/'

On May I5th Abisbal declared his adhesion to the recall of the Rcyaijst
King, the amendment of the Constitution, a change of ministry, and Reaction,
an amnesty. He was, however, accused of treachery, and sought
safety in flight. The soldiers had to be withdrawn from the capital,
and a capitulation was signed with Angouleme, who entered Madrid
on May 24th. Before he crossed the frontier, Angouleme had issued
a proclamation, declaring that the country would be governed
by the Spanish authorities in the name of Ferdinand. A provi-
sional Junta had been established, with Eguia at its head. This
was now dissolved and a Regency put in its place. The Due
d'Infantado was made President, but it contained a number of clerics.
Reaction took place ; the religious Orders were restored as they
had been before March 7th, 1820, and the Jesuits were recalled.
This was very unpleasant, both to Angouleme and Villele, who
were in favour of moderate measures and opposed to the restora-
tion of absolute monarchy. At the same time, the policy found
favour with Chateaubriand, the Comte d'Artois, and the Ultras
generally, as well as probably the three Eastern Powers.

The King of Naples, stirred up by Metternich, now began to The King
press his claims as the next heir to the Spanish throne. He had of Naples'
protested against the provisional Junta under Eguia ; he now Claim,
protested against the Regency. Metternich was afraid the French
Government would capitulate to the Revolution. However, the
personality of the King of Naples was too contemptible to arouse
enthusiasm, and the Regency was recognised by the three Powers,
but new ambassadors were sent to Madrid, including Talaru
for France. The Regency continued the policy of a White Terror.
They allowed the eastern bandits, who bore the name of the
" Royal Volunteers/' to plunder, steal and to imprison Liberals as
they pleased. San Miguel, on his retirement from the Ministry,
went to the camp of Mina, and his place was taken by Calatrava.
The Cortes, now at Seville, determined to retire behind the walls
of Cadiz, the birthplace of the Constitution and the revolution.
They persuaded the King, with great difficulty, to accompany
them, only prevailing by threats of revolution.

Immediately on their departure, on June I2th, the Serviles
broke out with cries of " Long live the Absolute King ! Long live
the Inquisition ! " However, their reign was short-lived, for on
June 2 ist the French entered the town. The White Terror still
raged in the provinces. In Cuenca, Bessieres arrested the members
of the Cortes and the provisional Junta, and three hundred persons

109

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

were imprisoned in Valladolid. In Saragossa the houses of the
Blacks, or Liberals, were stripped of everything. Bandits and
fanatical monks wandered about as defenders of throne and altar.
Angouleme and the French garrison repressed these excesses at
Madrid, but they were encouraged by the Regency. On June 22nd
the Regency issued a decree which condemned, with confiscation of
property, all the members of the Cortes who had taken part in
the removal of the Court to Cadiz, and on July 2Qth they de-
prived all Spaniards who had served in the militia of their pay,
their pensions and their decorations.

The Angouleme fixed his headquarters in Andalusia at the end of

Ordinance of July. Morello capitulated at Lugo on July loth, Ballesteros on
Andujar. jujy 2gt^ They were promised freedom from persecution and
a safe return. These conditions were not observed, and Angouleme,
losing patience, issued an ordinance from Andujar on August 8th,
which forbade the Spanish authorities to imprison anyone with-
out the consent of the French commanders. All political prisoners
were to be liberated and a censorship of the Press was established.
The Regency was furious at this step and threatened to dismiss
Oudinot, the Commandant of Madrid, if he published the ordin-
ance. The ambassadors showed themselves very weak. Chateau-
briand wrote to Talaru : " Before the world you must support
everything that is done by the French Government, but you must
secretly endeavour to smooth everything over."

As a fact, the Ordinance of Andujar was never published in
Madrid, and produced little effect elsewhere. An address was
sent from Navarre to the Regency, saying that they would rather
turn Spain into a field of corpses than suffer the shame of a foreign
yoke. Angouleme came to the conclusion that it was impossible
to do any good in Spain, and modification of the Constitution of
1812 was not to be thought of. He wrote on August 3rd : " What-
ever we may do, absolutism will always triumph. The bitterness
between parties is too great for it to be otherwise." Talaru
wrote : " We may stir the surface of Spain with the modern ideas
of Europe, but beneath are the people in whom it has been the
same ever since the time of Ferdinand and Isabella. We may
change old institutions, but the new will never take root."
The King ^n August 1 7th Angouleme sent a despatch from his head-

Released, quarters at Santa Maria, near Cadiz, recommending Ferdinand,
in the name of Louis XVIIL, to grant an amnesty and to recall the
old Cortes, and at the same time to tell the Cortes that unless the
King were set free within five days he would attack the town.
Answer was returned that the freedom of the King was only limited

FERDINAND'S TREACHERY

by the pressure of the French army, and that the restoration of a
Cortes which had not met for three hundred years was compatible
neither with the honour of the Crown nor the welfare of the people-
The fort of Trocadero was stormed on the night of the 3Oth~3ist
August, and the French became masters of the Island of Saint
Luis. On September 28th the King was set free and allowed to
go to the French headquarters, to make what terms he could.
Before he went he promised, with his free will and on the pledge
of his kingly word, a general and complete amnesty, without excep-
tion, recognition of the debts of the constitutional governments,
maintenance of the rank of officers, protection of the militia against
persecution, and, further, if the present form of government should
be altered, a Constitution which should secure to Spaniards their
freedom and property. On October ist he sailed across the bay
to Puerto de Santa Maria. Here he was met by Angouleme and
Talaru, the Due d'Infantado, Saez, a number of Royal Volun-
teers and monks, and a crowd of the populace, who cried out,
" Long live the Absolute King ! "

Ferdinand paid little attention to Angouleme, but devoted Ferdinand's,
himself to his confessor, Saez, who was made universal minister. *
Decrees were issued which annulled all laws, treaties, and pro-
ceedings of the so-called constitutional government. Next day
Angouleme pressed him for moderate measures and a generous
amnesty, but he replied, " We will see ; the popular opinion is for
absolute government." Ferdinand now went to Jeres. Here he
banished all Spaniards who had sat in the Cortes after the reception
of the Constitution, or had held an important office, or had been
officers in the militia. Never in their lives were they to come
within fifteen miles of Madrid or any other Royal residence. The
Liberals took to flight en masse. Argiielles, Galliano, Isturiz,
Calatrava, Quiroga, Alava, and many others withdrew to England.
Even Chateaubriand was terrified and saw that Spain would
fall back into anarchy unless the reaction were checked. He
threatened to withdraw the French troops across the Ebro, and
reminded the King that he owed the French 30,000,000 francs.
Louis XVIII. wrote to Ferdinand solemn words of warning, and
even the ambassadors of the three Powers took fright. The war
was at an end and Angouleme returned to France.

Riego was executed on November yth. The King and Queen
entered Madrid on November I3th, but there was no mention
either of reform or of amnesty. A slight improvement was effected
by the dismissal of Saez and the appointment of Casa Trujo as
Minister of Foreign Affairs on December 2nd. In the beginning.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Position

of 1824 treaties were signed with France which secured the presence
of a force of 45,000 men under General Bourmont ; but the country
was, as Chateaubriand confessed, given up to complete anarchy.

Such was the result of an armed intervention intended to
fight the anarchy of the revolution in the name of Legitimacy.
It had succeeded in overthrowing a weak and tottering form
of government, without establishing in the country the firm
foundations of prosperity, morality, or enlightenment. It had not
prevented the return of a wilful absolutism, which favoured the
stupidity and superstition of the masses. All hopes of reform on
ancient lines were idle ; a thoroughly Bourbon throne was again
restored. Still, the Eastern Powers regarded the fall of the Cortes
as a triumph for the thrones of Europe, a triumph which was not
desecrated by any limitation of the authority of the King.

The fortunes of Portugal were profoundly influenced by those
in Portugal. of Spain. The Constitution, which dated from September 23rd,
1822, was incomplete, and did not serve to improve the moral
and physical conditions of the people. The number of mur-
ders continued to be very large. Desertions from the army
were frequent, and the budget of 1822 showed a large deficit.
The authors of the Constitution were bitterly disappointed at the
defection of Brazil ; they had hoped it would serve to unite the
colonies with the mother country. The Regent Dom Pedro
became Emperor, his father having, on his departure from Brazil,
advised him to take the crown for himself if he could not succeed
in keeping it for him. His accession to the crown and the
independence of Brazil date from October I2th, 1822. In Portugal,
the nobles and the clergy were bitter enemies of the Constitution.
The clergy were enraged at the suppression of the Patriarchate
and the secularisation of the monasteries. In the army many of
the officers were jealous of Sepulveda, and disorders among the
soldiers took place in Lisbon amidst cries of " Down with the
Constitution ! "

The Corcundas, or " Hump-backed," the counterpart of the
Spanish Serviles, found their support in Ferdinand's sister, Queen
Carlota, wife of King John VI. Her palace of Queluz was a centre
of discontent, and her hopes were placed on Dom Miguel, her
second son. He, indeed, took the oath to the Constitution, but the
Queen refused to do so. She might have been expelled from the
country, but she was banished instead to the remote palace of
Ramalhao. There she lived in a state of penance, praying for
her misguided country and receiving secret visits from Dom Miguel.
The Liberals were most irritated by the conduct of the Eastern

112

Banishment
of Queen
Carlota.

THE REVOLUTION IN PORTUGAL

Powers. They disapproved of the intervention of Austria in
Naples, and of the attitude of France towards Spain. They even
conceived the idea of making an offensive and defensive alliance
with Spain against France, and only gave up the idea in conse-
quence of the opposition of Canning. They disagreed with the
resolutions of the Congress of Verona. When William Tell was
performed at the Opera, a lieutenant-colonel cried from his box,
" May all the tyrants of Europe be brought to destruction ! "
The army was mobilised, the Liberal journals denounced the Holy
Alliance, and the clubs clamoured for war to the knife against the
despots.

On the other side, Count Amarante carried the province Tras os Revolution-
Mont es against the constitutional government in February, 1823, ary Move-
and he was joined by his uncle Silveira. A Regency was formed, p6^®"!
similar to that of Seo de Urgel, with the Archbishop of Burgos at its
head. The insurrection was put down by the Government, and
Amarante and Silveira took refuge in Spain, where they attached
themselves to Angouleme and the Royalists. The counter-revolu-
tion was strengthened by the success of the French arms in Spain.
A party of Moderates arose in the Cortes, who supported a change
in the Constitution, the establishment of the King's veto and of
the bicameral system. But their leader, Fernandez Thomaz, died,
and there was no one to keep the Exaltados in check.

Pepe, who had fled from Naples, was now in Portugal, and Dom Miguel
he promised the Portuguese that, if they could secure the assist- as
ance of Spain, he would endeavour to bring about a rising in his tlonist'
own country. The entry of the French troops into Madrid stirred
the reactionary party to more energetic measures. Amarante
returned to Lisbon, and Rego, who had conquered him, was deprived
of his command for negligence. Colonel Sampayo, who was dis-
trusted by the Liberals, was dismissed on May 27th, 1823. But
he was supported by the regiment which he commanded, and
declared for the absolute monarchy, with an amnesty and some-
thing of a constitution. He was soon joined by Dom Miguel, who
wrote to his father that he could no longer put up with the
degradation of the throne, and believed that he was serving
him by setting the nation free. The Cortes placed Sepulveda at
the head of the army ; but, fearing for his life, he left Lisbon on
May 29 th and joined Dom Miguel. Almost the whole of the
garrison followed him, with bands playing and banners flying.

The last hope of the Cortes lay in the King, who issued a
proclamation threatening his rebellious son with condign punish-
ment. But the cavalry regiment which Sepulveda had left behind
' 113

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

to guard the palace declared for the counter-revolution, crying,
" Down with the Constitution ! " forced the terrified King to
enter his carriage, and carried him off to Dom Miguel's head-
quarters in Villafranca de Xira. From this place the King was
forced to issue another proclamation, in which he denounced the
Constitution as the fountain of anarchy, civil war, and the dis-
solution of the Empire, and promised political arrangements of
a more salutary character. The government of the Cortes was
at an end, and ministers resigned their places. The prominent
Liberals sought refuge on board an English vessel, and Pepe fol-
lowed their example. The sittings of the Cortes were suspended
on June 2nd.

Triumph of It is possible that the Corcundas originally wished to establish
the Counter- a regency for Queen Carlota, but that was made impossible by
RCYO u ion. ^ j£jng separating himself from the Cortes, which was probably
the action of Sepulveda. At the same time, John VI. was joined
by so many Moderates that he could not assume absolute power.
In a proclamation of June 3rd he promised a Constitution which
should be free from all principles incompatible with the peaceful
existence of the Government. He entered Lisbon on June 5th,
Dom Miguel riding proudly before him. The counter-revolution
had triumphed in Portugal even before it had succeeded in Spain.
This was due to the French intervention in that country. Hyde
de Neuville, French Ambassador at Lisbon, favoured the sending
of Portuguese ships to take part in the blockade of Cadiz, and
Portuguese troops to assist in the siege of Badajoz.

These plans were crushed by the appearance of a British
squadron in the Tagus. But the success of Angouleme was joy-
fully celebrated at Lisbon, and when the ambassador of Ferdinand
arrived there John VI. spoke to him of the power of the Divine
blessing which had rescued both countries from an evil influence.
The supporters of Legitimacy felt that they had triumphed over the
revolution, now for ever discredited. The victory of the reaction
in Portugal was not marked by the excesses which branded it in
Spain. At the same time the reactionary party was not idle.
All who during the last two years had been prominent on the
Liberal side were banished or imprisoned or deprived of their
offices. Even Sepulveda was attacked, whereas Silveira, Amarante
and Sampayo were richly rewarded. The freedom of the Press
was abolished, the Patriarchate was restored, and the monasteries
were re-endowed. All civil and military officials had to sign an
undertaking that they would not belong to any secret society,
such as the Freemasons or the Carbonari, but punishment in case

114

BRITISH INTERVENTION IN PORTUGAL

of infringement, instead of death, was banishment to Africa or a
heavy fine.

On June i8th, 1823, shortly after the entry of John VI. into Portugal's
Lisbon, a Junta had been appointed, under the presidency of Constitution.
Palmella, Minister of Foreign Affairs, for the discussion of a con-
stitution which was to resemble the French Charte and reconcile
the exercise of royal power with the security of popular rights.
Nothing, however, was done, the movement being strongly opposed
by Dom Miguel and the Queen. Spain warned Portugal not to
set a bad example by renouncing the restoration of complete
monarchical authority. The Eastern Powers did not desire that
the French Charte should be imitated. They pointed out that
there was no similarity between the condition of France in 1814
and the present position of Portugal. Even Hyde de Neuville
was not in favour of transplanting to a southern soil the consti-
tution of his own country, and his opinion was supported by
Chateaubriand. Palmella lost confidence, and in 1824 it became
clear that the only reform would be the restoration of the old
Cortes of Estates.

The Queen and Dom Miguel were opposed even to this, and
in the Ministry itself there were two parties, one headed by
Palmella, Minister of Foreign Affairs, the other by Pamplona,
Minister of War, who had received the title of Count Subserra.
Palmella was devoted to Great Britain. In the summer of 1823
he had desired a landing of British troops in Portugal, and in the
autumn of the same year he had worked for a British guarantee
of the peace of Portugal, but both proved unattainable. How-
ever, a British fleet anchored in the Tagus, and Wellington advised
Palmella to place Marshal Beresford, who had returned to the
Tagus, at the head of the Portuguese army.

Subserra, on the other hand, took the side of France. He Murder of
had fought under Napoleon in Spain and Russia, and had lived
long in France. He detested the British, and declared that he
would resign his office if Beresford entered the Portuguese service.
He was regarded by the people as a traitor, but the King looked
upon him with favour. Apparently he had defended him at Villa-
franca against the intrigues of Dom Miguel and the Queen. Yet,
although they differed in these matters, Palmella and Subserra
agreed as to the necessity of an amnesty and a policy of reconcilia-
tion. They were on the point of publishing an amnesty when
a deed of violence rendered it impossible. On February 2Qth,
1824, the Marquis Louie, a devoted friend of Subserra, was found
murdered in the neighbourhood of the Palace of Salvaterra, where

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Dom

Miguel's

Revolt.

British and
French
Influence
in Portugal

the King was keeping carnival. On the walls of Lisbon one might
have read, " Louie is dead ; Subserra will follow in a week." It is
probable that the murder was instigated by Dom Miguel. The
King, fearing Subserra would be the next victim, concluded that
only Beresford was strong enough to command the army and to
save the State. Beresford sought an audience of the King and
accused Subserra of betraying the country to France.

This event was followed, on April 30th, 1824, by a rising of
Dom Miguel. He called upon the army and the people to annihi-
late the devilish sect of the Freemasons, and told his father that
he had resolved to summon the soldiers to arms. He placed his
headquarters in the Rocio Square, and ordered the soldiers to
assemble there. He arrested about two hundred persons, includ-
ing Palmella and most of the Ministers, and blockaded the road
to the King's palace, Bemposta. He was supported by the
Patriarch, and the Queen arrived from Queluz. The plan was to
murder Subserra and force the King to abdicate. Subserra sought
refuge in the house of Hyde de Neuville, who contrived to reach
the King, who summoned Dom Miguel to his presence. Here he
told wonderful stories of a far-reaching conspiracy, but he was
persuaded to dismiss the troops and release Palmella. The King
appeared on the balcony of the palace and was received with
acclamation, and the city was illuminated. But it was easier to
arouse the storm than to allay it, and terror reigned in Lisbon.
The King issued a decree on May 3rd, in which he excused the
action of his son ; but on May Qth the latter sought refuge on an
English frigate, the Windsor Castle, where he met Beresford, the
ambassadors, Palmella and Subserra. Dom Miguel was deprived
of his command, and the prisoners who filled the jails were
liberated. Lisbon breathed once more. Dom Miguel threw him-
self at his father's feet and asked for forgiveness, and on May I3th
went on his travels. It was not so easy to get rid of Queen Carlota,
the cause of all the mischief, even though her brother Ferdinand
advised her to submit. She went to bed and refused to stir.

Palmella and Subserra were now able to resume their work
of atonement. On July 5th they issued a decree of amnesty, and
another decree, dated the same day, established the old Cortes
of Estates. This was opposed by the ambassadors of the Powers,
who feared even the moderate instalment of self-government, and
the summoning of the Cortes was deferred to the Greek Kalends.
The struggle between France and Great Britain for the mastery
of Portugal continued. Beresford was found intolerable, and had
to leave the country. Wellington wished to protect the King with

116

BRAZIL DECLARED INDEPENDENT

a body of 2,000 Hanoverians, but this was prevented by the
jealousy of the French. Then followed a change in the British
representation. Thornton, who was thought to be too submissive
to French influence, was recalled, and the more energetic A'Court
established in his place. A'Court worked to upset Subserra, who
lost powerful support by the recall of Hyde de Neuville at the
beginning of 1825. Subserra was accused before the King of
having plundered the public treasury. A'Court promised to
protect John VI. against any movement of Dom Miguel, and on
January I5th, 1825, the Ministry of Subserra came to an end.

By this time Dom Pedro had established himself as Emperor Independ-
of Brazil. The independence of that country was warmly sup- ence of
ported by Canning and strongly opposed by Subserra. This was, Brazili
indeed, the cause of the latter's fall. A'Court said, " We must
make up our minds whether Count Subserra is to prevail over the
interests of two worlds." A treaty was eventually signed on
August 29th, 1825, by the offices of Sir Charles Stewart, who was
sent by Canning to Lisbon and Rio, which determined the inde-
pendence of Brazil. A treaty of commerce between Great Britain
and Brazil, which abolished the slave trade, was drawn up but
was not ratified till 1827. By this arrangement the financial
condition of Portugal was greatly improved, and Brazil took over
a portion of the Portuguese debt. Commerce began to revive ;
the troops received their pay and the civil servants their salaries ;
the Finance Minister was enabled to discover new sources of
income ; and the game laws were subjected to a commission of
inquiry. All this tended to diminish the evil effects of the counter-
revolution, the course of which in Spain, Italy and France was
not so fortunate.

CHAPTER XII
THE CARNIVAL OF REACTION ON THE CONTINENT

"The Apos- IN Spain the reaction went much farther than in Portugal. A
tolical." party called " the Apostolical " made its appearance, consisting of
extreme Ultras. Under their influence Calomarde was appointed
Minister of Justice, and they terrified the King by threatening to
raise his brother, Don Carlos, to the throne. The Eastern Powers
tried in vain to stop their excesses. Their work having been done,
they found themselves neglected and put aside. Chateaubriand's
advice to Talaru to behave as if he were King of Spain was mere
idle talk. When Pozzo attempted to accentuate the influence of
Russia he roused the jealousy of Austria, and Metternich com-
plained of his childish vanity. Talaru quarrelled with Bourmont,
who commanded the French army of occupation and favoured the
Apostolicals. The general had to be recalled, and relations became
less strained. The act of amnesty, promised to the Powers, was
delayed, and Talaru was obliged to threaten the withdrawal of the
army of occupation before it was issued. When it appeared on
May 2Oth, 1824, it contained so many exceptions as to be almost
a nullity ; indeed, it afforded pretext for fresh persecutions. But
even the very name of amnesty excited the wrath of the Apos-
tolicals. In Aragon the guerillero Capape called his associates
to arms, in order to liberate the King from the hands of the
Freemasons and the French.

The Acting under the advice of Calomarde, the King continued the

Terrorising system of terror. A certain number of Liberal refugees, setting
Spam. Qu£ jrom Gikrajtar, ha(j taken the town of Tarifa, which they held
for a fortnight, until it was captured by the French. About a
hundred of these insurgents were either shot or hanged. De la
Cruz, the Minister of War, who was hated by the Apostolicals, was
arrested one night and imprisoned, and was succeeded by the
bloodthirsty General Aimerich. A new Intendant of Police devoted
his energies to the extirpation of the Liberals. Every instrument
of terror was put into practice, including domiciliary visits. One
man, who was in possession of a portrait of Riego, was sentenced
to imprisonment for ten years in an African fortress. A man
who, when drunk, exclaimed " Long live the Constitution ! " was

118

SPAIN'S DEPLORABLE CONDITION

condemned to death. Freemasons and Communeros paid the
penalty of their opinions with their lives. It is impossible to
estimate the total victims of the White Terror, but it is reckoned
that in Catalonia alone, up to the autumn of 1825, 1,800
officers and soldiers of the Constitutional army fell victims to
the fury of the populace. The allied Powers found themselves
again impotent. They talked of withdrawing the French army of
occupation. Some improvement was effected by the resignation
of Ugarte in March, 1825, who was appointed ambassador at
Turin, and Zea Bermudez, who had been ambassador in London,
and became Prime Minister in July, 1824, now began to do some
good.

It was not till June, 1825, that matters showed signs of A Benighted
improvement. Aimerich was dismissed, and his place taken by Country,
a more moderate successor. An attempt of the Apostolicals to
excite disturbances with the assistance of Bessieres proved a
failure. The risings were put down, and Bessieres himself was
shot. But Zea Bermudez could only maintain his position till
October, 1825, when he was succeeded by the Due d'lnfantado.
The financial condition of the country was deplorable. Public
security could scarcely be said to exist, and travellers were obliged
to bribe the brigands in order that they might journey in safety.
The education of bull-fighters was thought more important than
that of scholars. The possession and importation of books and
drawings without the permission of the authorities was forbidden,
corporal punishment being inflicted for any breach of this regula-
tion. Only two newspapers were allowed to publish political
news, and English and French newspapers were stopped on the
frontier. The army and navy could not be said to exist. A decree
of March i8th, 1825, fixed the peace establishment at 100,000
infantry and 18,000 cavalry ; but the men existed only on paper,
and if they had been mustered there would have been no money
to pay them. In their place was a body of " Royal Volunteers/'
a horde of fanatics without discipline, whose number was estimated
at 200,000. The navy possessed 600 officers, for the most part
unfit for service. Of the three ships of the line, one dated from
1755 and another from 1771. A frigate was launched in 1826,
but her timbers were so rotten as to make her unseaworthy.

As to the South American colonies that had been entirely lost
to Spain, the allies of Verona had intended to plant the banner of
Legitimacy in the New World. Chateaubriand dreamed of estab-
lishing two monarchies in that continent, and the Eastern Powers
were not reluctant to assist him ; but Canning, speaking with the

119

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

voice of England, positively refused. He had already supplied
the colonies with British consuls to protect British commerce,
and in October, 1823, had informed Polignac, the French
Ambassador, that any intervention in the quarrel between Spain
and her colonies would hasten the recognition of the latter by
Great Britain, and that it was a matter of indifference to his
cabinet whether they were governed as republics or as monarchies.
The famous message of the American President, Monroe, delivered
at the opening of Congress on December 2nd, 1823, declared that
any attempt of the Allies to extend their system to any part of
America would be regarded as a menace to France and to the
security of the United States.

Freedom for Canning declined to take part in a conference of the Great
Coioidei Powers, held at Paris on December 26th, 1823, to consider the
affairs of the revolted colonies, and pursued the same policy in
February, 1824. Chateaubriand asked, with reason, whether the
continental Powers would be willing to draw the sword if Great
Britain declared for the independence of the colonies and allied
herself for that object with the United States. Whilst an expedi-
tion was preparing in Madrid to sail from Cuba to reduce the so-
called rebels, an announcement was made by the British Cabinet,
on January ist, 1825, which recognised the independence of Buenos
Ayres, Colombia and Mexico. It was the answer to the treaty
between France and Spain which extended the French occupa-
tion for an unlimited period. Canning said that he had called the
New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old. There
was nothing left for Spain and the Allies but to vent their
indignation in useless complaints.

In France there was but little sympathy for the Spanish
colonies, even amongst the Royalists. The public mind was so
fully occupied with the success of the military promenade from
Iran to Cadiz that it could think of nothing else. The throne of
the Bourbons seemed to be finally established by the triumph of
the army. The Ultras were naturally in high spirits. A mild
form of White Terror made its appearance, and some spoke of
sending the Charte to keep company with the Cortes. All this
increased the unpopularity of Villele, who was made responsible
for the recall of the Due de Belluno, the darling of the Ultras, who
were not appeased by the appointment of his successor, the Baron
de Damas, a returned emigre. The Chambers, which hitherto
had been subject to only partial renewal, were dissolved on
December 24th, 1823, and the new elections resulted in a whole-
sale defeat of the Liberals. They numbered, together with the

1 20

FALL OF CHATEAUBRIAND

Left Centre, only nineteen, Lafayette and Manuel being among
the victims. The Government had used every device to secure a
victory, recommendation, intimidation of officials, falsification of
electoral lists. The bishops had been no less active than the
ministers and prefects. The Chambre introuvable was at last
retrouvee. But the Quotidienne declared that the work of Royalists
was not complete ; it was only beginning.

The Chambers were opened by the King in person on March Fall of
23rd, 1824. He spoke of the extension of the life of the Parlia- Chateau-
ment to seven years, and the reduction of the interest of the
public debt. The last measure met with unexpected opposition
from small investors, but was easily carried by the large majority
of the Government, only, however, to be rejected by the Peers.
Though this was a serious blow to Villele, he had no thoughts of
retiring. One result of this was the dismissal of Chateaubriand
on June 6th, as he was suspected of treachery to his colleagues,
in the matter of the conversion of the Rentes. His own memoirs
show that he was no statesman. He was vainly proud of having
effected in Spain in six months what Napoleon had not been able
to accomplish in seven years. In revenge he now threw himself
into the Opposition and converted the Journal des Debats, which
had hitherto supported Villele, into a powerful instrument of
attack. His fall was not altogether displeasing to Metternich,
but Alexander remembered with sympathy his service to the
Holy Alliance. The entire renewal of the Chambers every seven
years was carried, although some sharp-sighted Ultras perceived
that it was a weapon which was likely to be used against them.
The session was closed on August 4th.

General Damas was made Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Death of
Frayssinous, Bishop of Hermopolis, Minister of Religion and Louis XYIII«
Education. But Villele had undoubtedly lost in prestige, if not
in power, by the withdrawal of Chateaubriand. The Due de
Broglie said that the Ministry had, with the loss of its poet, lost
all its brilliancy. A still greater change was at hand. On Sep-
tember i6th, 1824, Louis XVIII. died. He had long suffered
from gout and with difficulty performed the necessary duties
of his position. The Comte d'Artois ascended the throne as
Charles X., and the government of the Pavilion Marsan became
the legitimate Government of the State.

French intervention in Spain had but little effect on the Trial of
fortunes of Italy. Reaction had preceded it, and the Austrians, Confalonieri.
who were chiefly responsible for it, acted in a double capacity,
as representatives of the great European Powers and as lords of

121

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

the Lombard and Venetian kingdoms. The trial of Confalonieri
and his associates for participation in the revolt in Piedmont
lasted for two years and a quarter, during which time the accused
were detained in prison. At last Confalonieri and six others were
condemned to death. By the favour of the Emperor this was
commuted to imprisonment for life. On January 2ist, 1824, in
the bitter cold of winter, they were publicly exposed with chains
on their hands and feet, and then conveyed to their prison in the
fortress of Spielberg. As they passed through Vienna, Metternich
paid Confalonieri a visit, in which he endeavoured to ascertain
what were the relations between Lombardy and the Prince of
Carignan. Confalonieri was promised favourable treatment if he
would give the information which Metternich desired. The offer
was refused and the prisoners continued their route to Spielberg.
Here they were confined in grave-like cells, badly fed, kept for
months without light or books, occupied in knitting stockings or
in making lint, and attended by a confessor who played the part
of a spy. Silvio Pellico has left us a description of their tortures
in his book, " Le Mie Prigione." The published records of the
trial were falsified, and when the Emperor visited Milan in May,
1825, he was led to believe that he ruled over a satisfied and
contented population.

In Naples, Ferdinand I., King of the Two Sicilies, died on
Francis I. januarv ^th, 1825, and was succeeded by Francis L, who, as Crown
Prince, had excited hopes of a better reign. As King, he con-
tinued the system of his father. The nobles were given up to
frivolous amusement, and the middle classes were kept under
by police supervision and monkish education. The deficit in the
public revenue could not be made good even by the most oppres-
sive taxes, and the interest of the public debt was increased more
than threefold. With the new reign the Austrian troops were, to
a great measure, withdrawn from Naples, but their place was
occupied by Swiss mercenaries, and the retiring troops were kept
as a menace in Lombardy and Venetia. The Emperor informed
the King that he would permit no change in the Constitution of
Naples.

Government of the smaller Italian States Lucca was ruled over by Charles

Sm^f Louis, who had succeeded his mother in 1824 and showed him-

States, setf submissive to Austria. The Duchess of Parma was Marie

Louise, the widow of Napoleon ; but the government was in the

hands of her husband, Count Neipperg, till his death in 1827. He

used his powers, on the whole, wisely and moderately. The Duke

of Modena, on the other hand, exhibited all the faults of a

122

ROME'S RETROGRESSION

tyrannous and ruthless reactionary. He made himself notori-
ous by a Press censorship which rivalled that of Naples, and by
a system of secret police directed against political agitators. He
was especially suspicious of Tuscany, where, after the failure of
the Neapolitan Revolution, Poerio, Colletta and Borelli had found
a refuge. Vieusseux's famous reading-room remained a meeting-
place for patriots, and his journal, the Antologia, gave hospitality
to their writings. The Grand Duke Leopold II., who succeeded
his father in 1824, tolerated this exhibition of Liberalism and
followed the traditions of his house in looking after the material
interests of his country. His budget actually showed a surplus of
3,000,000 lire in 1828, and he was able to begin the work of
draining the Maremma. He was seconded by his Prime Minister,
Fossombroni, who did his best to protect himself against Austrian
interference.

In Rome Pius VII. died on August 20th, 1823. Against the Reactionary
wish of Metternich, Cardinal Delia Genga, one of the party of the Tendencies
Zelanti and an adherent of Consalvi, was elected in his place and
took the name of Leo XII. Consalvi retired, and was succeeded
by Cardinal Somaglia, another of the Zelanti. The new Pope and
his minister exhibited reactionary tendencies, favouring the civil
power of the bishops and the nobles. The Jews were not allowed
to hold property, were subjected again to the Inquisition, and were
shut up in the Ghetto after dark. Compulsory vaccination was
abolished ; street lighting was done away with in the provinces
as a " French invention/' and only sanctioned in Rome because
of the presence of foreigners ; education was placed under a con-
gregation of cardinals.

It is on record that the cardinals refused to receive a present
of astronomical and physical apparatus, saying, " The Psalms
inform us that the heavens are telling of the glory of God, and
not these miserable instruments." Not less remarkable was their
zeal for the improvement of public morality. An army of spies and
informers watched over the life of the Romans. Taverns were
closed, women were ordered to wear a prescribed dress, and inn-
keepers were forbidden to serve more than a certain quantity of
wine. It was the desire of the Pope that the Jubilee of 1825
should be held in a city devoted to the practice of piety and
free from every kind of fleshly lust. But these ecclesiastical
regulations of civic life naturally produced the effect the Holy
Father was anxious to avoid. Bunsen, who had succeeded
Niebuhr as German Ambassador, reports that Rome was
one of the most immoral cities in Europe, and that the

123

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Leo XII.'s
Unpopu-
larity.

Sardinia's

Advance,

students in a church procession sang filthy songs instead of
Litanies.

The Pope was well meaning, but pursued the wrong way to
attain his ends. He visited the hospitals and supervised the
attendance on the sick. He paid the debts of debtors out of his
own purse, and released them from prison ; he established a Board
to superintend the civil servants, but this merely led to the
increase of informers and the satisfaction of private vengeance.
He placed a protective duty on foreign manufactures with a view
to encouraging home industries, but this only had the effect of
making foreign products dearer than before. The laity were
discontented with the favours shown to clerical government and
to the great families such as the Borghese, the Barberini, and the
Rospigliosi, and declined to acknowledge their restored feudal
rights, as these placed them in a worse position than ever. At
the same time the finances were well administered.

But good intentions do not make wise laws. The Pope gradu-
ally became more and more unpopular, by the mediaeval character
of his government, the monkish regulation of everyday life, and
the increasing power of the priesthood. The Legations and the
Marches became hotbeds of political sects, where the Carbonari
and the Sanfedisti watched each other with jealous hatred, and
where the strife of parties sharpened the dagger of the assassin.
Cardinal Rivarola was sent to Ravenna in 1824 with the mission
of annihilating the Carbonari, and officials, shopkeepers, lawyers,
writers, artisans were arrested in large numbers and thrown into
prison. They were tried with closed doors, without witnesses or
defence. Only two were condemned to death, but the sentences
of imprisonment affected many families in the province. Monas-
teries were turned into prisons, and the sight of victims hanging
on gallows for three or four days shocked and edified the Raven-
nese. Yet, despite these atrocities and gruesome spectacles, the
Carbonari continued to flourish as vigorously as ever.

Charles Felix, King of Sardinia, although he belonged to the
party of reaction, was more successful. His country was free
from political agitation. He paid great attention to his navy,
spent most of his time in Genoa, and when the Emperor Francis
and Metternich visited him there in the spring of 1825, they could
congratulate him on his excellent government. This was perhaps
due to the hopes which were cherished of his successor, Prince
Charles Albert of Carignan, who was now reconciled to his cousin,
had taken part in the French expedition to Spain and borne him-
self bravely in the storming of the Trocadero. This went some

124

METTERNICH AND ITALY

way to alter the opinion of Metternich with respect to him. He
was present at the interview at Genoa, when the Emperor spoke to
the Prince like a father, and Metternich gave him plenty of good
advice. Metternich wrote to St. Petersburg that the young Prince
was preparing a happy future for himself and his people.

Indeed, Metternich had reason to regard the condition of Italy
as satisfactory. He saw the Revolution annihilated in the north,
and not likely to raise its head again in the south. Austria was
strong enough to deal with it in either place. She was allowed by
treaty to garrison Piacenza, to secure the surrender of deserters,
and to make arrangements about ports and smuggling. No foreign
Power, not even France, could cross her plains. The Italians seemed
to have forgotten their dreams of national unity and even of con-
stitutional freedom, and the champions of their dreams were
spending their lives in the misery of exile or in the darkness of
a prison.

125

CHAPTER XIII

Unity of

Greek

Leaders.

The War
Renewed.

GREECE, 1822-5

IN the spring of 1822 the condition of Greece appeared to be
desperate, and after the Battle of Peta nearly the whole of western
Hellas lay open to the enemy. Mavrocordatos with difficulty
collected a few hundred armed men behind the lagoons and
entrenchments of Mesolonghi. Eastern Hellas was terrified at
the destructive march of Dramali into the Morea, and Odysseus in
Athens had difficulty in raising the courage of his countrymen.
When the Greek Government fled on shipboard and Dramali
advanced into Argolis everything seemed to be lost. There, how-
ever, disaster had brought concord into Grecian councils. Demetrius
Ypsilanti, Kolokotronis and Petrobey became friends. Ypsilanti,
made President of the legislative body, inspired the people with
something of his own courage. He fortified the citadel of Argos
and held it against Dramali till August. Kolokotronis summoned
old and young to the seashore south of Argos. The Turks, in the
burning and barren plain of the Inachos, had no provisions, and
the ships that were to relieve them did not appear.

Dramali thought of retreating to Corinth and opened negotia-
tions with Kolokotronis, who, however, was not to be deceived.
Eventually the former was forced to retire to Corinth with con-
siderable loss, and the Morea was preserved. In Corinth he was
besieged by Kolokotronis and his connections with Nauplia, Patras
and Megara were cut off. The Turkish fleet, commanded by a
new Kapudan Pasha, Kara Mehmed, did not appear till September,
and then it durst not approach the garrison of Nauplia from fear
of the Greek fireships. It retired to the Bay of Suda in Crete,
and by and by sailed to the Dardanelles. Kanaris followed it on
November loth and burned the vice-admiral's ship, and Kara
Mehmed sought safety in the Sea of Marmora.

On land the Turks were not more successful. Mehmed Kiuse
was sent from Thessaly by Churchit with 12,000 men to force his
way to the Isthmus. He reached Salona on November isth, and
dispersed the garrison of Odysseus, but he allowed himself to be
deceived by the ofters of an armistice, which weakened the fidelity
of the Albanians, who were eager for plunder. At this moment

126

GREEK SUCCESSES

Churchit, the conqueror of Janina, died. Mehmed hastened back
to Larissa, and his troops took up their winter quarters at Zituni.
Shortly after this the Turks were compelled to raise the siege of
Mesolonghi. Ships from Hydra broke through the blockade of
the Pasha of Patra and landed reinforcements. The Klephts rose
in the rear of the Turks, cut off their supplies, and threatened
their communications. An assault which the Turks attempted
during the Christmas festivities was repulsed. At last, on January
i2th, 1823, the commander, Omer Brionis, raised the siege. He
suffered considerable loss in the retreat to Epirus, four hundred
soldiers being drowned in the Aspropotamo. The defeat of Peta
was avenged, and Acarnania and Aetolia were again free.

On the side of Greece the garrison of Nauplia was compelled Further
to surrender on December I3th, 1823 ; but even before this Quarrels'
Dramali had died of fever at Corinth, and his army had been
almost annihilated. In this manner the great Turkish campaign
of 1822 came to an inglorious end. But success was not favour-
able to the Greeks. Disaster had healed their differences ; triumph
was soon to open them again. The pride of the Greek generals
was aroused by their successes, and they looked with contempt
upon the Government which had disgraced itself by cowardice.
The National Assembly, repulsed from Nauplia by Plaputas, the
brother-in-law of Kolokotronis, met at Astros, in March, 1823,
about three hundred in number. It contained deputies from
Thessaly, Crete, and more distant islands, but many came on
their own authority, while others complied with the mandate of
1821. A profound discussion between the civil and the military
parties ensued, and the Assembly sat till May loth. Petrobey,
chosen President of the Executive Council, was supported by
Andreas Zaimis, Charalampis and Count Andrea Metaxas. Mavro-
cordatos was made first Minister of Foreign Affairs, but Ypsilanti
was neglected. The fifth place in the Government and the Vice-
Presidency was offered to Kolokotronis, but he refused to receive
it out of jealousy of Mavrocordatos. The executive quarrelled
with the legislative, town with town, and family with family. This
did not give great hopes for the campaign of 1823, but the Greeks
were saved by the inefficiency of their enemies. The Kapudan
Pasha, the lame Chosrev, at the head of a large fleet, contented
himself with landing a few thousand men in Euboea, provision-
ing some places on the coast of the Morea, and leaving a few
ships in Patras. At the approach of winter he sailed back to the
Dardanelles, having accomplished nothing to hasten the fall of
Mesolonghi.

127

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Turks This town was again attacked by Omer Brionis and the Pasha
Retreat. of Skodra, and was defended by the Suliote hero, Markos Botsaris,
who fell at Karpenisi on August 2ist, 1823. The Turks deter-
mined to lay siege to Anatoliko before they attacked Mesolonghi,
but this they were unable to do. The water was too shallow for
the Turkish ships, and the town was defended by the English
Philhellene, Martin, who was an accomplished gunner. A cistern,
discovered by the explosion of a bomb, supplied the garrison with
water. The marsh fever made its appearance, the besieging
leaders quarrelled among themselves, and the pashas retreated
after burying their guns. Thus Mavrocordatos, arriving from
Hydra in December, found the work of liberation nearly accom-
plished. The operations in the east under Odysseus were less
picturesque, but he succeeded in capturing Acrocorinthus from the
Turkish garrison in November. At the same time the quarrel
between the civil and military authorities continued, and Panos,
the son of Kolokotronis, drove the legislature out of Argos on
December loth. The members met again at Kranidhi, and chose
George Konduriottis, a rich merchant of Hydra, as head of the
executive ; but its most important member was Doctor Kolettis,
who had been educated in European universities. He had been
in the service of Ali Pasha at Janina, and had there become
acquainted with the Armistice of Rumelia, which he designed to
make the nucleus of a new and more stable government.
Civil War xhe difference between the factions in Greece developed into
in Greece, c— j war Kolokotronis would not recognise the Government of
Kranidhi. He established the old executive committee at Tri-
politza, and ordered elections for a new legislative assembly. But
Kranidhi depended on the islanders, the most powerful primates
of the Morea, and on the armed Rumeliots. Panos Kolokotronis
was shut up in Nauplia, and Acrocorinthus was surrendered by
treachery. Then Kolokotronis, the father, lost a battle at
Tripolitza and was obliged to leave the town. A large sum of
money to assist the Greeks had been subscribed at the Mansion
House in London, and of this £800,000 had reached Zante. The
desire to obtain some of this money, which was intended for the
Kranidhi faction, hastened the fall of Kolokotronis. Panos sur-
rendered Nauplia on June igth for 25,000 piastres. The Govern-
ment took possession of it and proclaimed a general amnesty.
No sooner was this quarrel appeased than a second civil war broke
out which, however, ended in the victory of the Government,
directed by the prudent Kolettis. His hands were strengthened
by a further instalment of £200,000 from England. Mavrocordatos,

128

FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES IN GREECE

who had been engaged in Acarnania and ^Etolia, now accepted
the post of Prime Minister at Nauplia.

The end of Odysseus was very tragic. He had an enmity of Tragic End
old standing with Kolettis, and always worked rather for his own of Odysseus*
interests than for those of the cause. During the first civil war
he had played a waiting game. He summoned an Eastern Hellenic
Parliament to Salona, and secured the co-operation of Negris,
who joined him out of a common hatred of Kolettis. Negris,
however, died in December, 1824, and Odysseus, finding himself
neglected, became a traitor. He entered into negotiations with
a Turkish pasha in Euboea, and placed himself at the head of an
army of Klephts and Turks in Attica and Boeotia. Here he was
defeated and taken prisoner, and brought in chains to Athens,
where he was nearly stoned to death by the populace. He was
imprisoned in a tower in the Acropolis, and was found dead at the
foot of it on July I7th, 1825. Whether he had been strangled
and then thrown over or had perished in an attempt to escape
has never been determined.

Though the Government had thus been relieved of its enemies, GoYern-
it had serious difficulties to encounter, the chief of which was ment's
lack of money. No revenue could be expected from regular
sources. The English loans were granted on very hard conditions
— the security of national property, customs, and salt mines at
an interest of more than 50 per cent. ; and the money was plun-
dered by sailors, Arnauts and Palikars before it reached the right-
ful authorities. Hydriotes sold worthless hulks at the price of
sound ships, and many a capitano received payment for a hundred
rations a day when he commanded only a handful of men. The
Government offices were beset by a crowd of expectant placemen
eager to share the spoil. The Rumeliot allies proved an intolerable
burden, stealing oxen from the plough and plundering houses
to the four bare walls. Prokesch, travelling in the Morea in the
spring of 1825, found everywhere misery and poverty. He
was met by crowds of blind beggars led by children. Nauplia,
half in ruins, was a nest of robbers ; the fortifications were
nearly destroyed, and everyone seemed to live from hand to
mouth.

The Turks now conceived a new plan of action. They deter-
mined, first, to seize the islands and ruin the naval power of the
rebels, and then to lead an army into the Morea to co-operate
with another army in the north. For these purposes the Sultan
invited the assistance of his mighty vassal, Mehmed All, Pasha of
Egypt.

J 129

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

MehmedAli, Mehmed All, a native of Macedonia, began life as the pro-
of Egypt. prietor of a small tobacco shop, and had gone to Egypt in the
time of Napoleon as commander of a few hundred Albanian
mercenaries. By the murder of the Mamelukes he had paved
the way for the creation of an army on European lines, and had
amassed great riches by the establishment of monopolies and
exclusive rights, and the seizure of large territories. He used
his resources to model Egypt on a pattern of Western civilisation.
The natives, whether brown or black, were drilled in his regiments,
cultivated his fields, tilled his cotton plantations, dug his canals,
built his arsenals, barracks and magazines. European officers
placed their knowledge at the service of the despot, who had not
learned to read till he was forty-seven years of age.

The Sultan saw the growth of his vassal's power with jealous
eyes, but his assistance was now indispensable. Mehmed promised
to fit out an expedition which was to be commanded by his adopted
son Ibrahim. The Egyptians had conquered the island of Crete
after a two years' struggle in which every horror was committed.
Amongst other cruelties four hundred men, women and children
had been stifled to death by smoke in a cave otherwise impregnable.
Their next conquest was Kasos, a rocky island to the east of Crete,
the home of savage pirates. More important was the capture of
Psara by a Turkish armament under Chosrev, which was com-
pleted on July 8th. The mariners of Hydra and Spezzia set them-
selves to avenge this defeat. They collected a fleet, of which
Miaoulis was one of the commanders, Kanaris also being on board.
Chosrev having left the island to keep the feast of Bairam at
Mitylene, the garrison he had left behind was defeated on July
1 7th and the majority of his ships were destroyed. Chosrev
quickly reappeared, and the Greeks fled with their booty.

The Greek fleet prevented Chosrev's attack on Samos, but in
September the Turkish-Egyptian squadron routed their enemy
in the Roads of Budrun opposite the island of Kos. Exclusive of
transports, they numbered 100 ships, armed with more than
2,000 guns, whereas the Greek ships had only 350 guns of very
various calibre. Chosrev and Ibrahim, however, unable to agree,
soon separated, Chosrev going to the Dardanelles and Ibrahim
to the Sea of Marmora. In December the latter proceeded to
Suda Bay, in Crete, where he carefully prepared an army of 20,000
men. Reserves of equal strength were ready to support him
from Egypt. On February 23rd, 1825, the vanguard of Ibrahim,
4,500 strong, landed at Modon, on the south-west coast of the
Morea. Egyptian ships broke through the blockade of Patras

130

THE TURKISH-EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGN

and Ibrahim marched against Old and New Navarino. The
Government of Nauplia sent as many Rumeliote and Suliote mer-
cenaries as they could collect into Messenia, and the President,
Konduriotti, took the command, accompanied by Mavrocordatos.
A more inefficient commander could not have been found than the
old Hydriote merchant, who could scarcely sit upon a horse, and
spent several weeks in reaching the frontiers of Messenia. He
then went back, and left Captain Scurtis in command. On April
iQth the Greek army was defeated by the Turks, and the Rumeliote
Palikars went home in disgust to defend their own country against
Reshid Pasha.

Ibrahim continued his siege operations. Old Navarino, the Kolokotronis
ancient Pylos, was defended by Bishop Gregory of Modon, New Recalled.
Navarino by the Piedmontese Collegno. Their only means of
safety was from the sea ; in order to secure this, the Greeks had
occupied the island of Sphakteria, so celebrated in the Pelopon-
nesian War. This was, however, captured by the Egyptians on
May 8th, Santa Rosa, the hero of the Piedmontese revolution, being
one of the victims. This was followed by the fall of Old and New
Navarino at the end of the month. The way seemed opened for the
conquest of the Morea. In their despair the Greeks had no other
resource than to set Kolokotronis free, recall him to Nauplia, and
invest him with full powers. Ibrahim pressed into the mountains
of Arcadia and defeated the Greeks at Achovo on June igth. He
then advanced to Tripolitza — which offered no resistance — crossed
the passes of Argolis, and appeared with a body of cavalry
before the gates of Nauplia. This was bravely defended by the
Greek patriots, assisted by a British squadron under Commodore
Hamilton.

Ibrahim retreated to Tripolitza, from which centre he sent
plunderers and murderers in all directions. He had expected the
assistance of Chosrev, who was to attack Hydra and Spezzia,
assist in the siege of Nauplia and bring provisions to the Egyptian
army. But he did none of these things. The Greeks, however,
profited little by his inactivity. An attack on the Egyptian and
Turkish fleet in the Bay of Suda only resulted in the destruction of
a single corvette, and the attempt of Kanaris to destroy the
docks of Alexandria nearly cost him his life. The union between
Egypt, Crete and the Morea continued. Their ships being too
small to contend with the Egyptian navy, the Greeks endeavoured
to procure the assistance of a steamer, and Captain Frank Abney
Hastings, an ardent Philhellene, who had received his baptism of
fire when eleven years of age at Trafalgar, promised to give £1,000

13*

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

towards the purchase of a vessel if he were placed in the command
of her.

Deception of After some delay it was determined to build a steam corvette
the Greeks. -n Lon(jon an(j buv two more m New York. In the summer of
1825, Lord Cochrane, just returned with his laurels from South
America, offered to take command of the Greek fleet if he were
highly paid and five other steam vessels were provided. But the
Greeks were everywhere cheated and deceived. The steamship
from England did not arrive till the autumn of 1826, and two
others followed when too late to be of use ; while three vessels
built for Greece rotted at the London wharves. Of the two
American ships, one was only saved from being sold by the action
of the Congress of Washington, and this did not make its appear-
ance in 1825 or 1826. So that the Greeks had to dispense with this
assistance in the time of their deepest need.

Siege of The eyes of the world were now turned to the siege of Meso-

Mesolonghi. ionghi, where Byron had died in April, 1824. In the spring of
1825, while the Egyptians were besieging Navarino, Reshid Pasha,
the Sultan's ablest general, had led 10,000 Albanians before its
walls. He had been told on his departure, " Mesolonghi or your
head," and he did his utmost to save his head. The roads from
Epirus were blockaded, and the Klephts of Eastern Hellas were
detained beyond the ^Etolian frontiers by the siege of Salona.
He could procure a siege-train and ammunition from Patras ;
European engineers were hired to conduct the siege, and the
peasants were compelled to execute their orders. The garrison,
consisting of 4,000 men, were not alarmed, for they were com-
manded by Notis Botsaris, the uncle of the hero Markos, while
the townsmen were prepared for every sacrifice. Ships from
Hydra brought supplies and sustained their hopes of relief. Their
condition became worse when, on July loth, Chosrev drove away
the Hydriote vessels and occupied the shallow lagoon with a flotilla
of flat-bottomed boats. The town was now invested on both sides,
but the garrison would not hear of surrender, repelling two violent
attacks on July 28th and August 2nd. Even Gentz, who eagerly
desired the success of Reshid, could not gainsay their heroic
conduct.

On August 3rd, Miaoulis led his Hydriotes against the fleet of
Chosrev, assisted by the Spezziote, Andrutsos, and the Psariote,
Apostolis. The Kapudan pasha retreated to Zante, and then
sailed to Alexandria. Mesolonghi received supplies of food and
ammunition, and the lagoon flotilla was captured. Miaoulis had
succeeded so fully that he thought it safe to leave Mesolonghi and

132

SIEGE OF MESOLONGHI

pursue Chosrev. The besieged defended themselves bravely during
the autumn. Two-thirds of Reshid's army perished by fever,
hunger and fighting. An Albanian corps deserted bodily, the
rest were kept together with difficulty, and Reshid was reduced
entirely to defensive measures. But a change was to take place.
Miaoulis could not prevent Reshid from obtaining supplies and
reinforcements by way of Patras, especially as he had been
deserted by the Spezziotes. It must have been a bitter pill for
the Sultan to swallow to ask for the assistance of Ibrahim in
reducing the town, but Mehmed Ali responded with alacrity.

By the help of Chosrev, 10,000 fresh African troops had been
landed in the Morea, and Ibrahim was burning to employ them
and to effect in a short winter campaign what Reshid with his
Albanians had failed to accomplish. He sent a portion of his
troops by sea to Patras. With the main body he marched to the
Isthmus of Corinth, having left behind a small force to garrison
Tripolitza. The populace fled before him, offering no resistance.
The Egyptian navy reached the coast of ^Etolia at the end of
December, and in January, 1826, Ibrahim placed his army by the
side of Reshid's before the walls of Mesolonghi. Europe anxiously
watched the fortunes of the little town, and the destiny of Grecian
freedom hung upon the fate of the death-place of Byron,

'33

CHAPTER XIV
THE PHILHELLENES

Enthusiastic THE rise of the Philhellenes produced a profound effect on the
Rally to future and fortunes of Greece. The cause of Greek freedom was
of a nature to arouse enthusiasm in all parts of Europe, and to
identify the struggle for liberation from the Mohammedan yoke
with the cause of Liberty all over the world. Those who had
fought for this cause in their own country, even though they had
been ousted in the struggle, naturally fled to Greece, to lend their
assistance to a people who had better hopes of success and whose
oppressions were more generally obnoxious. So we find Fabvier,
Santa Rosa and Collegno fighting for the Greeks, as well as Count
Almeida, who had fled from Portugal ; General Rossaroli, who
had been condemned to death as a Carbonari in Sicily ; Poles
such as Mizewski, who fell at Peta ; and Germans like Franz
Lieber. No doubt many of these were disillusionised and dis-
appointed. They found in the barbarous Klephts few representa-
tives of Aristides and Epaminondas, but they threw the blame
not so much on the nation as on its oppressors". What else could
be expected of a people that had been subjected for four hundred
years to every kind of barbarous misgovernment ?

The general enthusiasm for the Hellenic cause led to the
foundation of Philhellenic societies in different parts of Europe.
Germany was among the first to feel the impulse. Ipitis, the body
surgeon of Alexander Ypsilanti, appeared there in 1824, and secured
the support of Frederick Thiersch in Munich, who received the
title of Praeceptor Bavarian He proposed the formation of a
German legion in Greece. At Aschaffenburg, E. L. von Dalberg,
who had commanded a regiment of the Landwehr in the War of
Liberation, offered himself as the leader of a corps of volunteers
to Greece. A society for assisting the Grecian cause with money
was formed first in Stuttgart by Schott, the friend of the poet
Uhland, and similar associations were established in Tubingen,
Freiburg, Heidelberg, Darmstadt, Frankfort and Munich. The
movement spread to Northern Germany, and Voss, the translator
of Homer, contributed a thousand gulden to the cause.

This agitation was strongly opposed by Metternich, who

PHILHELLENIC ENTHUSIASM

regarded it as toying with the revolution ; and his disgust was
increased by the suspicion that Ludwig, Crown Prince of Bavaria,
and the King of Wurtemberg were favourable to the Philhellenes.
He urged the Court of Berlin to emulate his hostility. Thiersch
was given to understand that unless he desisted from the insur-
rectionary efforts he would be removed from his post. The move-
ment, however, spread. Money was collected for the Greeks,
and expeditions were dispatched to help them. William Miiller,
the popular poet, wrote a number of Greek songs, which had an
enormous circulation and were incorporated with the literature
of the people.

The next country to obey the impulse was Switzerland, whose Switzer-
history had so much in common with the history of the Greeks, land's
Zurich became the centre of an agitation, at the head of which ResP°nse»
were Bremi, Orelli and Hirzel, and a union of the German and
Swiss Committees took place at Stuttgart in September, 1822.
The result was a loan of 150,000 gulden, and the formation of a
body of 200 volunteers, many of them of very doubtful character.
They were intended to assist the rising in Eastern Hellas, but
proved a dismal failure and returned home without having effected
anything.

The flame of Philhellenism now seized upon England, its England
progress being largely due to the murderous outrages in Chios. Joins the
Attention was called to them by Thomas Stuart Hughes. Lord MoYement.
Erskine, anticipating the action of Gladstone in the Bulgarian
massacres, wrote an open letter to Lord Liverpool, begging him
to renounce the alliance of the murderers in Constantinople and
to lead the movement for the liberation of Greece. When Canning
succeeded Castlereagh as Foreign Minister, the Tories became
better disposed to the Grecian cause, which had always been
supported by the Whigs and Radicals. A committee for assist-
ing the Greeks, formed in London at the beginning of 1823, was
joined by Erskine, Joseph Hume, Hobhouse and Bowring. The
Zurich Philhellenes hailed the co-operation of England with joy.
Captain Edward Blaquiere, the secretary of the London society,
was sent to the Morea to make inquiries, and on his return, on
September isth, 1823, published a favourable report. He said
that the National Assembly at Astros had introduced popular
education on the method of Bell and Lancaster, and that schools
had been founded in Tripolitza, Gastuni and Mesolonghi. Blaquiere
also published a history of the Greek Revolution in 1824.

But undoubtedly the most important recruit of the Phil-
hellenes was Lord Byron. He had been passionately enthusiastic

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

for the cause of liberty in Italy, and through Count Gamba, of
Ravenna, the brother of Countess Guiccioli, had been closely con-
nected with the operations of the Carbonari. When the cause of
Italian liberty seemed hopeless, he turned to Greece. He heard
of the London Philhellenic Society from Blaquiere, and was
appointed its representative. He sailed from Genoa on July i5th,
1823, in a vessel provided with arms, munitions of war, medical
appliances and money, and was accompanied by Count Gamba
and Shelley's friend, Trelawney, who afterwards married the
sister of Odysseus. On July 2Qth, 1823, in Leghorn, he received
the last greetings of Goethe, and anchored in the harbour of
Argostoli, in the island of Cephalonia, then under the protection of
Great Britain, of which Charles Napier was the governor. Byron
found himself the object of competition between the factions at
that time dividing Greece. Petrobey was anxious to obtain the
loan of a few thousand pounds, and Kolokotronis was ready to
receive him in the Morea, on condition that the hated Mavro-
cordatos was placed on the back of a donkey and flogged out of
the country. Byron, however, felt drawn to Mavrocordatos,
whom he regarded as the Greek Washington or Kosciusko. He
entered into negotiations with him, and, when Mavrocordatos
established himself at Mesolonghi at the end of 1823, Byron
sailed thither and reached the town on January 5th, 1824.
He was received with royal honours, and was lodged with
the Primate, Tricoupis. Unfortunately, he caught a chill on
April gth and died of fever ten days afterwards, on April igth,
1824.

France's The spirit of Philhellenism now infected France, receiving an

Effort for impuise from Fauriel's Popular Songs of Modern Greece. The
cause was supported by the painter Delacroix and the poet
Delavigne, and was stimulated by the news of the Egyptian inva-
sion of the Morea. A philanthropic society in favour of the Greeks
was formed at Paris in May, 1825, which numbered on its committee
men of such different views as Chateaubriand and Sebastiani,
Duke Fitzjames and the banker Laffitte. Louis Philippe, Due
d'Orleans, was one of the first subscribers. Bazaars, exhibitions
and collections in favour of the Greeks were held in nearly every
French town. With France was closely connected Genoa, where
the historian Sismondi worked for the cause. Another prominent
Philhellene was Eynard, the diplomatist, who sent 50,000 francs
to the Paris Committee. Blaquiere complained that Paris was
more active than London. In fact, Louis Philippe had great
hopes of obtaining the crown of Greece for his second son, the Due

136

GREECE APPEALS TO BRITAIN

de Nemours. Other adherents were Prince Leopold of Coburg,
the Prince of Wasa, and Jerome Bonaparte.

On the other hand, Mavrocordatos, his brother-in-law Spiridion The Greeks
Tricoupis, and the principal inhabitants of the islands and the Look to
Morea were in favour of the predominance of Great Britain.
Canning was known to be in favour of liberty on the Continent.
When in the summer a communication came from Russia, pro-
posing that peace should be made with Turkey on the basis of
a limited independence, the provisional Government begged for
the assistance of Great Britain. They were influenced in this
by the support already accorded to the Spanish colonies in
America. The feeling in favour of Great Britain was strengthened
by the conduct of Commodore Hamilton in the assault of Nauplia
by Ibrahim, and Mavrocordatos succeeded at the beginning of
August in persuading the executive council to place themselves
finally under British protection. The request was signed by
several thousand persons ; four copies were made, of which two
were sent to the Commissioners of the Ionian Islands and two to
Canning. The French and the Americans protested in vain, but
Hamilton was the idol of the ruling party.

Mesolonghi still held out. In January, 1826, Miaoulis sue- Brave
ceeded in forcing the lagoon and bringing assistance to the Defence of
besieged, but after his departure the town was invested by a
combined force of Turks and Egyptians. All suggestions of
surrender were rejected, house after house was bombarded and
destroyed, but the inhabitants vied in bravery with the Palikars.
Ibrahim had jested at Reshid's not being able to take the place,
but Reshid could now return the compliment. Ibrahim was
determined to attack the lagoons first, and Fort Vasiladhi, which
covered them, was captured on March gth. Three days later the
island of Dolma was stormed, which led to the fall of Anatoliko.
The inhabitants fled with the remains of their provisions to Arta.
The Commissioners of the Ionian Islands attempted to mediate
with the Turks, but to no purpose, and the unequal contest still
went on. The island of Klisova resisted a force seven times as
large as its garrison, which made a sortie, in which Reshid Pasha
was wounded and many Albanians and Egyptians were killed. But
no help came to Mesolonghi from the outside. The Government in
Nauplia was helpless ; Fabvier had suffered a severe check in
Euboea ; Kolokotronis sulked in the Morea ; Miaoulis tried his luck
again with a small squadron, but it was too weak to effect anything ;
hunger and sickness were helping the work of the besieger, and the
Swiss doctor, Meyer, wrote to a friend, " Our hour is at hand."

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Fall of
Mesolonghi.

Widespread
Sympathy
for Greek
Cause.

The brave defenders determined not to surrender without a
blow. They sent a message to Karaiskakis in the mountains to
attack the enemy in the rear, but he was ill with fever and his
lieutenant could only command a few hundred Klephts. In the
evening of April 22nd some musket-shots gave the signal of their
approach. But Ibrahim and Reshid were on the watch, and they
were driven back by a more numerous band of Albanians. The
garrison waited for a second signal, and when none came, and mid-
night approached, they determined to break out — old men, women,
children, sick and wounded, all indeed who could move. They
were received by a hail of musket-balls, a cry arose of " Back ! "
and the unwieldy mass now began to retreat. The enemy pressed
with them into the town, and all males were slain. Constantine
Tricoupis and Kokinis, the engineer of the fortress, fell, and with
them Philhellenes like the Swiss Meyer and the Prussian Dittmar.
The Bishop of Rogon set fire to a powder magazine and was after-
wards beheaded, half burnt. The aged Primate, Kapsalis, shut
himself up in a windmill full of cartridges, with a number of men
unarmed like himself, and blew it up, singing a hymn as the
enemy were breaking in from the roof. Some thousands of women
and children, rescued from the burning city, were sold into slavery.
In the beginning of June a handful of 1,300 fugitives from
Mesolonghi reached Salona, among them only seven women and
a few children.

The heroic fate of Mesolonghi aroused enthusiasm for the
Hellenic cause throughout the whole of the West, and its siege
became the theme of poet and painter throughout Europe. The
new King of Bavaria, Ludwig, gave 20,000 gulden towards the
Greek cause. He brought Philhellenism to the throne, and after
the fall of Mesolonghi spent 100,000 francs on the Greeks. In
Berlin, Hufeland and Neander signed an appeal in favour of Greece,
the King himself subscribing 1,200 friedrichs d'or, and noble ladies
going about with collecting-boxes. A concert given by the famous
singer, Sonntag, produced a large sum. Stein subscribed £20 a
year for the unhappy victims of the savage Ottomans, and Niebuhr
saw, not without emotion, his son Marcus empty his money-box
for the Greeks. New life was thrown into the movement in
Switzerland, and the Genevese Eynard redoubled his efforts. He
held constant correspondence with the heads of the Greek Govern-
ment, and had representatives in Ancona, Corfu, Zante, Cerigo
and Nauplia, while he kept Europe fully informed of the course of
events.

Enthusiasm was just as strong in Paris. The Duchesse de

138

THE BLACK SEA QUESTION

Broglie made collections for the Greeks, and Rossini gave concerts
for them. French workmen contributed their sous in the cause
of freedom. Philhellenism became the fashion, and Marseilles,
Lyons and Nimes vied with Paris. Chateaubriand forbade cap-
tured Greeks to be carried to the slave-markets in French ships.
Noailles proposed that the Peers should contribute a sum of money
for their liberation, and was supported by Benjamin Constant,
while Perier, Sebastiani and Hyde de Neuville rebuked the lethargy
of Villele. It is said that up to the end of 1826 the Paris Com-
mittee had contributed a million and a half of francs to the Greek
cause. But the moral support of the Greeks was even stronger
than the material. Hyde de Neuville said, " The Greeks are no
revolutionists ; they are fighting for their God and their freedom " ;
and all Europe was of the same opinion. Similar feeling
manifested itself in Stockholm, Edinburgh, The Hague and
Florence. High and low, Conservatives and Liberals, believers
and unbelievers, were at one with each other. For the first time
since 1815 there was a real European Concert.

After the Congress of Verona, the Tsar had committed all Russia and
negotiations with the Porte to the care of the Allies — that is, to Turkey-
whatever the representatives of Austria and Great Britain might
persuade the Turks to grant at Constantinople. The question
of chief importance for Russia was the evacuation by the Turks
of Moldavia and Wallachia, and the appointment of a Hospodar.
There remained the questions of the navigation of the Black Sea
and the occupation of certain fortresses in Asia Minor to which
the Turks raised ob]ections. Russia, therefore, declined to send
an ambassador to Constantinople until these matters were regu-
lated. Nor could the future condition of the Greeks be a matter
of indifference to either Russia or Turkey, although it did not
take the first place. The Turks showed some disposition to yield
in the navigation of the Black Sea, but resisted the complete
evacuation of the Principalities.

The Tsar and the Emperor of Austria met in October at
Czernowitz, the capital of Bukowina. Metternich was unwell
and had to remain behind in Lemberg. " Any war," said the
Tsar, " except the one undertaken against revolution and revolu-
tionaries would at the present moment endanger the existence of
all Governments. I dread it, as I should consider it a misfortune
for the whole of Europe. If the general interest demanded that
the Turks should be driven from Europe I should be happy to
use all my efforts to that end, but I would never attack them by
myself." The Tsar further proposed that the pacification of

J39

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Greece should be discussed at St. Petersburg, with the co-operation
of the representatives of Austria, Prussia, Great Britain and
France.

The Russian plan for the pacification of the Greeks was as
follows, contained in a memoir dated January Qth, 1824. It laid
down that the Turks would never consent to the independence of
Greece, and that the Greeks would never submit to resume their
former position. Accordingly, it was necessary to find a middle
course the results of which were to be placed under the guarantee
of the Great Powers. Three principalities were to be formed under
the suzerainty of the Sultan — Eastern Greece, from the northern
frontier of Thessaly to the sea ; Western Greece, consisting of
Epirus, ^Etolia, and Acarnania ; and thirdly, the Morea, with
the possible addition of Crete. The islands of the Archipelago
were to remain with Turkey, but their principal institutions were
to be secured. The Sultan was to receive a yearly tribute, with
permission to keep garrisons in certain places. The Greeks were
to be allowed full freedom of commerce, under their own flag,
and all officials were to be Greek. They were, further, to be repre-
sented at the Porte by the Patriarch of Constantinople, whose
independence was to be secured by international law.

This proposal was equally distasteful to Greece and Turkey.
The Greeks would accept nothing short of independence, and the
Turks objected to foreign interference in their affairs. The French
were well disposed towards it, but Berlin and Vienna gave it a
half-hearted reception. On the other hand, Canning was more
than suspected of being a Philhellene. Sir Thomas Maitland, who
died in 1824, was succeeded as Commissioner of the Ionian Islands
by Frederick Adam, well known to be a friend of the Greeks.

The St. Petersburg Conference, held in June and July, produced
little effect ; but matters were looking better in the land of the
Golden Horn, where the new Grand Vizir, Ghalib, was a man of
European culture. The Porte declared its willingness to reduce
its army in the provinces to what it was before Ypsilanti's raid.
This paved the way for the resumption of diplomatic relations
with Russia. Lord Strangford, who did not share the views of
Canning, prepared to leave his post. But even before he left,
Ghalib had expressed his discontent at the Russian plan. The
differences between Metternich and Canning grew gradually wider,
but Metternich did his best to prevent Great Britain from leaving
the alliance. Canning had selected his cousin, Stratford Canning,
afterwards Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, as the successor of Lord
Strangford at Constantinople. On his way to his mission he was

140

SECOND ST. PETERSBURG CONFERENCE

to visit Vienna and St. Petersburg, with the double purpose of
excusing Great Britain from taking part in the St. Petersburg
Conferences and of settling some differences between Great Britain
and Russia with regard to the north Armenian frontier.

In Vienna Stratford Canning had long conferences with Metter-
nich and Gentz. Gentz describes him as " the other eye of his
cousin," and the discussions proved almost barren. His reception
in St. Petersburg by the Tsar and Nesselrode was chilling, and he
was told that it was no good saying anything so long as Great
Britain would take no part in the conference.

The second St. Petersburg Conference dated from February 24th Metternich's
to April 7th, 1825. It began with a proposal from Russia that Master-
Turkey should be compelled to grant an armistice to the Greeks by s ro e*
threats of withdrawing all ambassadors from Constantinople, and
that negotiations between the Turks and the Greeks should take
place on a neutral ship in the Bosphorus, under the mediation of
the Great Powers. Metternich was afraid that a measure of this
kind might lead to a war between Russia and the Porte, which he
was most anxious to avoid, and he said, of the two alternatives —
withdrawal of ambassadors or Greek independence — he preferred
the latter. This master-stroke was intended to frighten the Porte
and force Russia to drop the mask. Nesselrode protested in
answer that Russia had no desire for Greek independence, that
she wished Greece should remain under Turkey, but with a more
peaceful existence and complete administrative independence.
The continuance of the conference only accentuated the differences
between Austria and Russia. At length, on April 7th, a protocol
was signed, by which the representatives of the Powers in
Constantinople were to put pressure upon the Reis Effendi to
admit the mediation of the Great Powers. But no sanction was
laid down in case of failure, although the Tsar would have desired,
to apply compulsion.

Metternich received the news of the conclusion of the confer-
ences at Paris with much satisfaction. He had gone there to
confer with Charles X., Villele and Damas about the Eastern
question, in which France was now taking a more active interest.
General Guilleminot had been sent to Constantinople in the spring
of 1824 with magnificent presents. He established the new French
Embassy in the Golden Horn in stately splendour, while Admiral
de Rigny was sent with a fleet to the Levant. Metternich natur-
ally supported the policy of France, as diminishing the influence
of Russia. He was in high spirits, and thought that he had
achieved a brilliant success. George IV. invited him to England,

141

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Alliance.

and Metternich believed that if he could have accepted the invita-
tion he would soon have annihilated the influence of Canning.
But Canning opposed his coming so strongly that he thought it
advisable to decline. So he went from Paris to Milan, where he
was to meet the Emperor Francis and report his successes.
Russia Meanwhile, the proposals of the St. Petersburg Conference were

Deserts the emphatically rejected by the Porte. The Reis Effendi declared,
" The Greek question is purely a domestic one ; we watch over
our Rayahs as jealously as we watch over our harems." Metter-
nich was more delighted than ever over the humilation of Russia,
and still more jubilant at hearing that the Greek Government
at Nauplia had, on August ist, 1825, placed itself under the
protection of Great Britain. He regarded this as a species
of Divine intervention which comes specially to help those who
follow what is right. He said, " What line will Mr. Canning now
take ? That is for him to decide ; but, whatever he does, it is
quite certain that he will always stick in the mud." However, in
the result Russia deserted the Alliance. On August i8th Nesselrode
announced that his master had resolved henceforth to act in the
Eastern question without reference to his allies, and with con-
sideration of his own dignity and the interests of his Empire.
Tatischev was ordered to hold no further communications with
Metternich. On the other hand, there was a rapprochement
between Russia and Great Britain which was marked by the
dispatch of Lord Strangford to St. Petersburg.

Canning took pains not to offend the susceptibilities of Russia
by too much eagerness for the Greek cause. Being asked whether
Neutrality, there was any likelihood of Leopold of Saxe-Coburg accepting the
Greek crown, he said that this would be impossible without the
consent of the Sovereigns, and their consent would certainly not
be given. In sending this answer, he begged it might not be re-
garded as a proof of unfriendliness towards Greece if Great Britain
determined to adopt an attitude of "unswerving neutrality."
Next day, August 30th, a Royal Proclamation warned British
subjects of the danger of violating this neutrality ; so, when the
document of August ist arrived from Nauplia, Canning announced
his readiness to put an end to further bloodshed, but declined the
offered protectorate.

At this time Caninng also sought to unite Great Britain with
France in putting an end to the conflict in the East. He con-
templated a junction of the British, Russian and French fleets
for the purpose of enforcing peace between the combatants. Count
Lieven, the Russian Ambassador, became on more familiar terms

142

Great
Britain's

DEATH OF THE EMPEROR ALEXANDER

with Canning and agreed that the past should be forgotten and
that the two Governments should have confidence in each other.
This change of attitude was to be communicated to Lord Liverpool
and the Duke of Wellington, but not to the King, who was sure
to report it to Esterhazy.

In this mannei, towards the end of 1825, an understanding
was completed between Russia and Great Britain. It only
required the seal of the Emperor Alexander to give it efficacy.
But his sudden and unexpected death at Taganrog, December
ist, 1825, produced an entire change in the course of Eastern
policy.

CHAPTER XV
THE ACCESSION OP NICHOLAS I. AND THE TREATY OF LONDON

Nicholas
Nominated
instead of

THE Tsar Alexander had no children and, on August 28th, 1823,
had drawn up a paper assigning the throne to his younger brother
Conistantine. Nicholas instead of to the elder brother Const antine. Constant ine
had also written a formal renunciation of the succession. He
felt that he was not fit to govern ; moreover, he had been separated
from his wife in 1820 and had no heir to the throne. He was
also anxious to marry the Polish Countess Grudzinska, whose
children would not be entitled to the succession. Alexander was
not willing to publish the document in his lifetime, but the original
was preserved in the Church of the Assumption at Moscow, and
copies were kept in the archives of the Council of State, the Senate
and the Synod. The seals of these documents were to be broken
after his death. These facts were told to the Empress Mother,
when assent had been obtained to the arrangement ; and Prince
William of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor William, heard of it
on a visit to St. Petersburg and informed his father. Nicholas, of
course, knew ah1 about it. Before his departure for Taganrog,
Alexander was advised by Prince Alexander Galitzin to make
the document public, but refused, saying, " Let us depend upon
God : He will understand how to direct matters better than we
poor mortals/'

When Alexander felt himself dying he did not say a word about
the succession, and the two general-adjutants who were present
at his death-bed, Prince Volkonski and General Diebich, regarded
it as their duty to consider Constantine as Emperor. Diebich
directed the dispatch sent to Warsaw announcing Alexander's
death, " To His Majesty, the Emperor Constantine," and asked
for his commands. When Constantine heard of the news he sur-
rendered himself to sorrow, but forbade those who surrounded
him to give him the title of Tsar. He read the renunciation to
Novolsitzov and a few others, and sent his brother Michael to
St. Petersburg with a letter affirming it. The authorities at
Warsaw were anxious to salute him as Tsar, but he shut himself
up in his palace under plea of illness and would see no one.
Nicholas was prepared to assume the sceptre, but Miloradovich,

144

AN IMPERIAL TANGLE

the Governor-General of St. Petersburg, had informed him, two
days before the news of the Tsar's death arrived from Taganrog,
that he would not allow anyone but Constantine to succeed to the
throne, and when the news came he announced that everyone
must swear allegiance to Constantine. Nicholas did so, although
his mother told him that the sealed paper should be opened first,
and all authorities in the capital followed his example.

When the Council of State assembled in the afternoon Galitzin Constantine
demanded that the document of August 28th, 1823, should be Receives
unsealed, and the copy preserved in their archives was accordingly Homa£e-
opened and read. Then Miloradovich appeared and stated that
Nicholas had already taken the oath of allegiance to Constantine.
Nicholas refused to attend the sitting, and induced all the members
of the Council of State to take the oath to Constantine. This was
done, and the document was sealed up again. The copies in the
archives of the Senate and of the Synod were not touched. The
original, which, according to Alexander's orders, had to be un-
sealed by the Archbishop and the Governor-General of Moscow,
was also left unopened. Constantine received homage in Moscow
likewise. A decree of the Senate ordered that an oath of allegi-
ance should be taken to him throughout the Empire, passports
were prepared in his name, and his portrait was exhibited in all
the windows as that of the new Tsar.

These events produced considerable confusion. Prince Sachovski Constan-
said to Miloradovich, " If Constantine holds to his resignation tine's Rc-
your taking the oath will be regarded as an act of violence." nunciation*
Miloradovich answered, " When one has 100,000 bayonets in
one's pocket, it is easy to speak with boldness." Nicholas had
immediately sent an adjutant to Warsaw to inform Constantine
of what had occurred, with a few lines in which he signed himself
' Your faithful subject." This messenger was crossed by the
Grand Duke Michael, who brought Constantine's renunciation to
St. Petersburg. The Imperial family were in great embarrassment.
They did their best to persuade Constantine to come himself to
St. Petersburg, or at any rate to make a public declaration of his
intentions, and the Empress Mother and Nicholas wrote to him to
this effect. The letter was answered on December 24th. Constan-
tine was deeply distressed that the provisions of Alexander had
not been followed, and rated the Council of State soundly for
neglect of duty. He refused either to abdicate or to issue a
proclamation, but gave Nicholas his blessing as Emperor and
referred everybody to Alexander's declaration, which he said
would explain everything.

K 145

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The

Decabrist

Revolt.

Military
Revolt
against
Nicholas.

Nicholas was determined to act, and a manifesto announcing
his succession was drawn up by Speranski. The Council of State
was summoned on December 25th to hear this from the mouth of
Nicholas. When he took leave of them he said, " To-day I entreat,
to-morrow I shall command you." On the following day the
manifesto was published and an oath of allegiance was taken to
the Tsar Nicholas. This led to the rebellion of the Decabrists, as
they were called. With Prince Trubetzkoi as their leader, they
determined to assemble as many troops as possible in the Senate
Square and seize the Winter Palace, the ministerial offices, the post,
and the banks. They hoped for a provisional government, which
should grant a Constitution with representative government and
abolish serfdom. A Diet was then to be elected which would
determine upon the election of a new Tsar. There is no doubt
that the ends of the Decabrists were as pure as their methods
were ridiculous, but they acted with incredible frivolity.

The morning of December 26th broke cold and cheerless.
Nicholas said to Alexander von Bernstoff, " This evening perhaps
we shall not be alive, but if we die we shall die in doing our duty/'
The commanding officers of the divisions, brigades, and regiments
of the Guards had been summoned. Nicholas appeared before
them and read to them his own manifesto, Constantine's renuncia-
tion, and Alexander's testament. He received from them an
assurance that they regarded him as their legitimate sovereign.
He made them answer with their lives for the safety of the capital,
and said, as he parted from them, " For myself, if I am Emperor
only for an hour, I will show myself worthy of the post."

The first sign of disaffection came from the horse artillery of
the guard. Some officers said that the Grand Duke Michael had
been removed from St. Petersburg as a supporter of Const ant ine,
and demanded that he should appear and confirm the legality of
Nicholas's accession. Michael went into the barracks and removed
all doubts. In the meantime a part of the Moscow Guard regi-
ments refused the oath. The soldiers accepted what they were
told by Alexander Bestuchev and his companions, and refused to
take the oath to Nicholas, who they believed had violently seized
the throne and murdered his brother in prison. Two generals
who tried to appease the rebels were wounded. About a thousand
men, accompanied by a crowd, marched into the Senate Square
with cries of " Hurrah, Constantine ! " There they were joined
by a battalion of the Marine Guard, a battalion of the Finland
Guard, and three companies of bodyguards. This handful of rebels
stood round the monument of Peter the Great, in a temperature

146

NICHOLAS PROCLAIMED TSAR

of 10 degrees below zero, with an east wind blowing. The soldiers
had no idea of the purpose of the revolution. They were told
to shout, " Long live the Constitution ! " and they thought it
was the name of Constantine's wife. A large crowd gazed at
the spectacle without moving a finger. Prince Trubetzkoi was
nowhere to be seen, and at Length, when Prince Obolenski took the
command, there was complete anarchy, all shouting in confusion.

This disorderly body might have been dispersed by a single Riotous
cannon-shot, but half the day passed before the order was given. J*ec®Ptlon of
Nicholas desired to avoid bloodshed, and he did not know how
far he could reckon on the support of the army. In the course
of the day he gave orders that if necessary the Imperial family
should leave St. Petersburg. Standing before the Winter Palace, he
read his manifesto and received the homage of the crowd. Those
nearest to him kissed him, and he returned their kisses. Then he
placed himself at the head of the Preobradzhensky Guard and sum-
moned the cavalry of the guard to his aid. Miloradovich, relying
on his popularity, went into the midst of the insurgents and
addressed them. They seemed to listen to him, but he was fatally
wounded by the pistol of Lieutenant Kutsovsky. Some others
were killed and stones were thrown, but as the cavalry advanced
all fled. The entrances to the square were occupied, new regi-
ments surrounded the insurgents, and, when cannon arrived, their
muzzles were pointed at the crowd.

The Grand Duke Michael made an attempt, at the risk of his Sentences
life, to persuade the soldiers of the guard to return to their duty, on the
but with no success. Then the Metropolitans of St. Petersburg and Decabrists.
Kiev appeared in full canonicals, but their voices were drowned
by the beating of drums. It began to grow dark, and Generals
Toll and Vasiltzikov urged Nicholas to fire, and the guns were
loaded. A final attempt at pacification was made by General
Suchosanet, who promised a pardon if the ringleaders were given
up, but he was fired at. Then the first shot was fired over the
heads of the crowd, but others struck in their midst, and the
insurgents dispersed in wild confusion. Many were killed in the
side streets, and several were drowned in the Neva. At 7 in
the evening Nicholas returned to his family, and attended a solemn
Te Deum. The city soon resumed its normal appearance. The
Decabrists' trials came to an end in the summer of 1826. Five of
the accused were condemned to be quartered, among them the
famous Pestel, and thirty-one were condemned to execution. But
the harshness of their sentences was mitigated by the Tsar, and
eventually only five were put to death.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Austria
and the
New Tsar.

Russian
Ultimatum
to Turkey.

Before Alexander's death Russia had deserted the European
Concert, and effected an alliance with Great Britain, the conclusion
of which was only prevented by his demise. The events which
immediately followed aroused keen interest in Vienna. Metternich
naturally desired the accession of Constantine. He said : " With
him a history would begin for Russia, in which romance would have
no place." He believed that Constantine was devoted to Austria,
detested the British, despised the French, and regarded Prussia
as possessed with the revolutionary spirit. On the other hand,
Nicholas was rather opposed to the Austrian policy. He was aware
that Count Lebzeltern, the Ambassador of Austria to St. Peters-
burg and the brother-in-law of Trubetzkoi, had been connected
with the Decabrists. Certainly he had shown himself in favour of
Constantine, and had said that the accession of Nicholas would
be a misfortune for Russia. Lebzeltern, therefore, knew that his
position was untenable, and asked to be recalled. Metternich
dreaded a war between Russia and Turkey.

An opportunity now occurred of sounding the views of Nicholas
on the Greek question. The Archduke Ferdinand of Este was sent
by Austria to congratulate Nicholas on his accession, together
with the Duke of Wellington from Great Britain and Prince
William from Prussia. The Archduke brought a suggestion that
the five Powers should propose a mediation between Greece and
the Porte, which, however, neither country should be punished
for not accepting. If Turkey showed great stubbornness, Russia
might withdraw her ambassador from Constantinople. Canning
disliked this proposal, but Metternich approved of it, and recom-
mended it warmly to the Tsar.

The Archduke was well received, and Nicholas wished to be
joined with Austria and Prussia in securing the peace of Europe.
He expressed some dislike of Great Britain, and called the Greeks
" rebels/' but he also showed an intention of putting pressure on
Turkey. " I have the necessary means," he said; " I will soon
settle the rascals." He seemed, however, to lay more stress on
the points in dispute between Russia and Turkey than on the
fate of Greece. Metternich did his best to moderate the excite-
ment of the war party in St. Petersburg, and to counsel submission
at Constantinople. On April 5th, 1826, a Russian ultimatum was
presented to the Porte. It asked for the restoration of the Prin-
cipalities in every respect to the position in which they were before
the disturbances of 1821, for the granting of the demands of
Servia, the liberation of the ambassadors who were kept in prison
at Constantinople, and the carrying out of the Treaty of Bucharest.

148

TURKEY DECLINES BRITISH MEDIATION

These demands did not cause any great excitement, but the terms
in which they were couched were peremptory. An answer was to
be given in six weeks, and failing it, the Principalities, Moldavia
and Wallachia, would be occupied by a Russian army. Metternich
used all his influence to get these terms accepted, and on May 4th
the Porte agreed to them.

As he passed through the Archipelago on his way to Constan- Stratford
tinople, Stratford Canning had met Mavrocordatos and Zopalus, a Canning's
member of the Greek Parliament, on the coast of Hydra, on Failure*
January 9th. He proposed to mediate on the terms that Greece
should receive, not complete independence, but a certain amount
of self-government, pay a yearly tribute to the Porte, and com-
pensate the Turkish landed proprietors. That the Greeks should
contemplate the acceptance of such terms shows the low state
to which they were reduced. But at Constantinople itself Stratford
Canning had no success at all. The Turks were elated by their
victories, and would not hear of the mediation of Great Britain.
Ottenfels, the Austrian Ambassador, was delighted. He wrote to
Vienna, " Never was the Porte less disposed to surrender itself to
England than now." Metternich replied : " Stratford Canning has
come to the end of his business. Instead of saving the Greeks, he
has isolated his own country/'

But Metternich was mistaken. Wellington was now in St. Peters- Agreement
burg and Count Lieven arrived there at the same time. On April between
4th, 1826, a protocol was signed between Great Britain and Russia I
in the following terms : — The two Powers were to propose to
the Porte the recognition of a position for Greece similar to that
which Stratford Canning had sketched at Hydra, and the Greeks
had practically accepted ; the Sultan was to retain his suzerainty ;
the Greeks were to pay a fixed yearly tribute, to have the right
of choosing their governors, subject to the approval of the Porte,
to have freedom of government, of commerce and of worship, and
to have permission to acquire land now held by Turks, so as to
effect a complete separation between the two nations. The limits
of the new Greece were to be defined later. There was no mention
of compulsion, but Russia and Great Britain bound themselves to
regard these points as the foundation of an arrangement between
the two parties. Both parties were to renounce for themselves any
increase of territory, predominating influence, and any special
commercial advantages.

This protocol was to be communicated confidentially to Vienna,
Paris and Berlin, with the offer of joining in it, but it became
known long before it was officially published. Nicholas protested

149

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

to Lebzeltern that he thought he deserved the gratitude of his
allies by having compelled Great Britain to forgo any selfish advan-
tage, and he used similar language to Laferronays. But, as a fact,
the Alliance had received a fatal blow by Russia uniting herself
with Great Britain, which since the Congress of Verona had gone
her own way. Canning was quite aware of this, although the
Tsar attempted to conceal it. He laid stress on the fact that the
mediation was an independent act of the two Powers, made before
they had been requested by the belligerents to exercise mediation.
Metternich was beside himself. He called the protocol a " miser-
able work/' for which he would not be responsible. It could have
no practical results : should peace be kept between Russia and
Turkey, Canning would not interfere in favour of the Greeks, but
should war break out, the fate of Greece would depend upon its
issue. The protocol had been published by The Times, but it
seemed to produce no effect.

The More attention was paid to the negotiations which were going

Treaty of on jn tne Bessarabian town of Akkerman with regard to the execu-
man< tion of the Treaty of Bucharest. The main question in dispute
was the surrender of certain fortresses in Asia Minor, which had
been occupied by Russia. The feeling in Russia was in favour of
war, and nothing remained for the Turks but absolute submission.
Indeed, at the moment Turkey found herself unarmed. She had
depended for her defence on a body of janizaries, a Praetorian
Guard who enjoyed special privileges, but were unsuited to modern
warfare, and exercised a tyrannous control over the Government.
Mehmed conceived the plan of selecting 150 men from each batta-
lion who should form the nucleus of an army drilled and exercised
by Arabs on European methods. Hearing of this the janizaries
mutinied, expecting to be supported by the populace and the
Ulemas or priests. Both, however, withheld their countenance,
and on June i6th, 1826, thousands of the rebels were destroyed
by bullet, fire and sword. The janizaries throughout the Empire
were abolished and a beginning was made of a new model army.
But, as this required time, the Turks meanwhile were powerless,
and Mehmed had no other course but to submit to the Russian
demands, and the Treaty of Akkerman was signed on October 6th,
1826. It allowed Russia to occupy the fortresses in Asia Minor
and to acquire a rectification of frontiers in Bessarabia ; promised
Russian subjects full compensation for their losses and unlimited
freedom of navigation in all Turkish waters ; and gave a firm
position to Servia in the Principalities. The Hospodars were to
be elected from the Boyars, and could not be deposed without

150

CANNING'S EFFORTS FOR GREECE

the consent of Russia. Indeed, by the Convention of Akkerman,
Russia became almost the sovereign of the two Principalities.

Canning formed the idea of keeping a strong British squadron Canning and
in the Archipelago, in order to intercept the Egyptian fleet on Turkey.
its way to Greece, and thus render Ibrahim Pasha impotent. When
Lieven returned to England, after having been raised to the rank
of prince, the negotiations between him and Canning were resumed.
The latter desired to put every pressure upon the Porte short of
actual war. This was to be effected by sending consular agents
to Greece, by recognising the provisional government of Greece,
and, in the last resort, by threatening the recognition of the inde-
pendence of the Morea and the islands. He wrote to his cousin :
" Every means, except war, will be employed to break the Turkish
obstinacy. You need not fear that the Holy Alliance will fetter
you. It no longer marches in step/'

Canning now proceeded to constitute a triple alliance for the Canning v.
liberation of Greece, between Russia, Great Britain and France, Metternich.
and for this purpose he went to Paris, where the enthusiasm of
Philhellenism was very strong. He desired to counteract the
influence which Metternich had exerted a year before, and found
Charles X., Villele and Damas ready to fall in with his views.
They proposed to turn the St. Petersburg protocol into a formal
treaty, a scheme which entirely coincided with the views of Canning,
who returned to London full of confidence, and renewed his con-
versations with Lieven. Lieven went even farther than he did.
He was empowered to agree that the signatories of the protocol
should, even without the co-operation of the other Powers, break
off diplomatic relations with the Porte if the Turks did not accept its
terms. Canning was not prepared to go as far as this. As much of the
correspondence between them as was not confidential was, at the end
of the year, communicated to the Courts of Paris, Berlin and Vienna,
with a request that they would collaborate in carrying out the pro-
tocol. Their answers soon arrived. France was quite ready to ac-
cept the proposal and turn the protocol into a treaty, but Metternich
feared to use measures by which a sovereign might be compelled to
renounce his authority over his subjects, and Bernstorff demanded
absolute unanimity from the members of the great European alliance.

The Turks showed no disposition to yield. The Reis Effendi Turks Resent
remarked that the Turks had never attempted to mediate in the British
quarrels between Great Britain and the Irish ; why, then, should Interference-
Great Britain interfere in the rebellion of the Greeks ? The
Russians were told that all their demands had been satisfied at
Akkerman. The Porte issued a manifesto on June gth, which was

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Wellington
Leaves the
Cabinet.

The

Treaty of
London.

communicated to the Great Powers and foiled all attempts in
future at foreign intervention. Stratford Canning, in despair,
advised that the cause of the Greeks should be given up, unless
the Powers were prepared to employ force, and the Russians and
French began to draw up schemes for a triple alliance.

At this juncture a change of government took place in England.
Lord Liverpool fell seriously ill and the Wellington party left the
Cabinet. Canning, with the assistance of the Whigs, formed a
new Government, more favourable to the dissemination of Liberal
opinion in Europe. One of the last official acts of Wellington was
to object to an interpretation of the St. Petersburg protocol which
might invest mediation between the Greeks and the Turks with
the character of compulsion. Canning did not entirely agree with
the attitude of Russia, but he was not unwilling to use the threat
of compulsion in certain contingencies. France endorsed the views
of Canning, but, as might be expected, Austria and Prussia held
different opinions, which they justified in various ways. But all
Metternich's attempts to discredit Canning in the eyes of the
Russians and the French totally failed.

The Treaty of London was signed on July 6th, 1827. Great
Britain, Russia and France bound themselves to put an end to
further bloodshed in Greece and to crush piracy in the Archipelago
at its fountain-head. They determined to offer an armistice to
both the belligerents. If the Porte did not accept the mediation,
the contracting Powers would take steps to show their sympathy
with the Greeks, in the first instance by establishing commercial
relations with them. If the armistice were not concluded within
a month measures would be taken to compel them to it. This
was to be done without taking the side of either belligerent. Every-
thing else was left to the instructions which were to be given to
the admirals commanding the three squadrons in the Levant.
Further consultations would be held in London to meet emergencies.

A few days later the convention, together with the secret
articles, was published in The Times, and great was the joy of
the Philhellenes. If the treaty did not fulfil their expectations,
it at least warranted the belief that the sufferings of Greece
would soon be at an end. On the other hand, Metternich regarded
the convention as an unholy action. He did not fear so much
the political freedom of the Greeks, or the triumph of a new revo-
lution in Europe, as the outbreak of war in the East. He wrote
to Ottenfels : " The treaty may lead to anything except to that
which is its object. What it certainly leads to is a war between
Russia and the Porte." As the event showed, his inference was sound.

152

CHAPTER XVI
NAYARINO

AFTER the fall of Mesolonghi, the condition of Greece was most Serious
serious. Contemptuous critics asked where was the Greece for Condition
which the Great Powers were to undertake personal responsibility. c
One symptom of the country's state was that the National Assembly
at Piadha relieved the members of the Government of their authority
and offices. In its stead they appointed eleven men, under the
presidency of Andreas Zaimis, as a temporary Committee of Govern-
ment, and created also a Committee of Surveillance, with the Arch-
bishop Germanos at its head. The Moreotes had a majority in
both assemblies. When the new Government entered Nauplia,
they found only sixteen piastres in the Treasury, and were con-
tinuously threatened by Suliote and Rumeliote marauders. Piracy
at sea and disease on shore completed their misfortunes.

In other respects, however, matters were more promising. The
numbers and enthusiasm of the Philhellenes throughout Europe
grew apace. Money began to flow into the Greek coffers, the
English loan was paid and creditors were satisfied. Moreover,
the operations of the Turks, both at sea and in the Morea,
were very weak. Mehmed began to cool in his devotion to the
Porte, having good reason to believe that Chosrev, the Kapudan
Pasha, his ancient enemy, was endeavouring to wear out his fleet.
On the other hand, Reshid Pasha was able to capture Athens.
The Acropolis was defended gallantly by Guras, and when he
was killed by a stray shot, his widow took his place, and succeeded
in rescuing the citadel from the hands of the Turks.

Warned by these events and by the fall of Mesolonghi, the Greek
Government removed from Piadha to the island of Aegina, on Victories.
November 23rd. This change was followed by new victories.
On December 6th Karaiskakis gained the Battle of Arachova,
where he completely defeated Mustapha Bey, who commanded an
army four times as strong as his own. Six days later the French-
man, Fabvier, succeeded in forcing his way through the Turkish
lines into the Acropolis. He brought the besieged a supply of
powder, which they sadly needed, but, as his retreat was cut off,
and he could not succeed in raising the siege, there were so many

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Enthusiastic
Friends of
Greece.

Church and
Cochrane.

more mouths to feed. Reshid Pasha continued the bombardment,
doing irreparable harm to the buildings, and burying the widow
of Guras under the ruins of the Erechtheum.

Another attempt was made by the Philhellenes to rescue the
Acropolis. During the autumn the Englishman, Hastings, had
arrived at Nauplia with his ship, the Karteria, which was followed
in December by an American vessel, the Hellas. Thomas Cochrane,
afterwards Lord Dundonald, was expected to take the command
of the fleet, and Richard Church to take charge of the army.
Before they arrived, Thomas Gordon, a Scot, determined to imperil
his life for the cause he loved, and was joined by the Bavarian
Colonel von Heideck, who had been sent with several officers and
sergeants by King Ludwig. Gordon's plan was to land some
thousand men at the Piraeus, protected by the guns of Hastings*
Another body was to march from Eleusis to Menidhi. This was
commanded by Colonel Bourbaki, of Cephalonia, whose son became
a distinguished general under Napoleon III.

Everything was ready for the attack in February, 1827. On
February 5th Gordon landed his troops and entrenched himself
on the hill of Munichia, but was unable to capture the convent
of St. Spiridion, which barred his passage. Bourbaki was defeated
and killed on the march by Reshid Pasha, and the Palikars of
Gordon's army fled to their ships and retired to Salamis. Reshid
was now free to turn the whole of his strength against Gordon,
who found himself blockaded. Attempts of Heideck and Karais-
kakis to cut off Reshid's communications were not entirely success-
ful, and the hopes of the Greeks now centred on the two great
Englishmen, Church and Cochrane. Church landed at Argolis on
March I3th, and was received by Kolokotronis and Metaxas with
the cry, " Here is our father ; we will obey him and our freedom
will be secured." Church, however, left them and proceeded to
the seat of government in Aegina. Cochrane, whose reputation
was known in both hemispheres, arrived in command of a brig
equipped by the French Philhellenes, and with a considerable sum
of money from the same source, Both he and Church stipulated
that, before they did anything, the Greeks should cease to quarrel
among themselves and agree upon a united command.

At this time there were two main parties in Greece. One was
headed by Kolokotronis, who was joined by the wealthy Hydriote,
Konduriotti, and had its seat at Kastri, the ancient Hermione,
in Argolis. The other, in Aegina, was led by Mavrocordatos and
Tricoupis. The latter, devoted to Great Britain, was supported
by Commodore Hamilton, and was in constant communication

DEFEAT OF CHURCH AND COCHRANE

with Stratford Canning. Kolokotronis, on the other hand, disliked
the British and looked for support to Russia, especially to Capo-
distrias, who had been the favourite of the Emperor Alexander.
The French party, who favoured the Due d'Orleans, had by
this time lost ground, but it was rather inclined to Kolo-
kotronis. Cochrane and Church spoke their mind forcibly to
both factions.

A new Assembly was summoned at Dramala, near the ruins capodistrias
of the ancient Troezen, and on April nth, 1827, Capodistrias was as President,
elected President for seven years, with the consent of all parties
and the sanction of Stratford Canning and Commodore Hamilton.
Cochrane was appointed Chief Admiral and Miaoulis placed him-
self under his command, giving up to him the Hellas. On April
1 9th Church took the oath as Commander-in-Chief. They then
set themselves to a united enterprise for the relief of the Acropolis.
Three thousand soldiers marched from the Morea, by the Isthmus
of Corinth, to Megara and Eleusis. A number of Hydriote and
Spezziote mercenaries, paid by Cochrane, under the command of
Urquhart, landed at Phalerum. Cochrane and Church consulted
with Karaiskakis as to the best means of attack. The Greek
advised the cutting-off of Reshid Pasha's supplies, but Cochrane
determined on a front attack. On April 25th he stormed the
Turkish trenches in front of St. Spiridion, but the monastery was
still held by Albanians. After three days the defenders capitulated,
but were most shamefully murdered by the Greeks. Gordon sent
in his resignation to the Government, while Cochrane and Church
protested against the outrage in vain.

Cochrane did not understand that the strength of the Greeks Death of
lay in guerilla warfare, and that they were comparatively useless Karaiskakis.
for a direct attack. Thus he and Church continued to press on
for the relief of the Acropolis, with the untoward results that
Karaiskakis was killed on May 4th, and Church and Cochrane
were completely defeated before Athens on May 6th. Reshid
Pasha put 240 prisoners to death in revenge for the massacre of
St. Spiridion. After this defeat, the Acropolis surrendered on
June 6th, and, by the intervention of the French Admiral de Rigny,
generous terms were granted to the besieged. They were to retire
with arms and baggage and be shipped on board French and
Austrian vessels. The convention was carried out honourably.
Two thousand persons — men, women, and children — marched sadly
from the scene of ancient glory to the shore.

The capture of the Acropolis set Reshid free for action in
Rumelia, and he cleared the north of Klephts as far as the frontiers

'55

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

A Constitu-
tion for
Greece.

The Powers
and the
Porte.

of Thessaly. He might then have marched through the Isthmus
of Corinth to assist Ibrahim, but the latter declined his aid. During
the winter, Mehmed AH had exacted hard terms from the Sultan.
His enemy Chosrev was required to retire from the post of Kapudan
Pasha, and the Kapudan Bey, Tahir, was established in his place.
He was to go to Alexandria and receive the orders of Mehmed
Pasha, and the island of Crete was placed under him. The command
of the whole force in Greece, naval and military, was committed to
his adopted son Ibrahim, who was strengthened by reinforcements.
Ibrahim landed in Elis, marched to Patras, and was about to
take part in the reduction of the Acropolis when he heard of the
capitulation. Cochrane, anxious to recover his reputation, made
an attack upon Alexandria, which wholly failed. Church found it
difficult to reduce the Greek captains to obedience, a number of
primates and kapitani either deserting the Greek cause or being
lukewarm in its defence.

On May iyth, 1827, a Constitution was promulgated by the
Assembly at Troezen which, although at first only a piece of paper,
contemplated a united Greece, and served as a model for the
constitution eventually adopted for the liberated Hellas. It was
probably influenced by the Cortes Constitution of 1812.

A senate was established, elected by eparchies, extending over
the whole of Greece. The president was responsible, but he had
only a suspensive veto over the decrees of the senate. He nomi-
nated six ministers or state secretaries, who were responsible to
the senate. The yearly meeting of the senate and the duration of
its sittings were determined by the Constitution. The senate was
elected for three years, with a renewal of a third every year. No
one could be a deputy for two successive terms, a very unfortunate
provision. This put an end to the idea of a divided or a tributary
Greece, such as had been formed by Stratford Canning and the
Powers. The news of the Treaty of London reached Nauplia at
the end of July. One of its conditions proposed an armistice, and
this was agreed to by the Greek Government, which removed to
Aegina on August 21 st.

On August i6th the ambassadors of Great Britain, Russia and
France handed to the Reis Effendi the collective note which offered
the mediation of the three Powers, and demanded the conclusion
of an armistice. The answer was to be given within fourteen days.
The Reis Effendi refused to receive the note, and said that the
Porte would never suffer any mediation in favour of the Greeks.
Again, on August 3ist, the ambassadors informed the Reis Effendi
that the three Powers would compel the granting of the armistice,

156

MEHMED ALI'S PRICE

and he made answer that, " To the day of the Last Judgment,
the Sublime Porte would never take cognisance of intervention,
or armistice, or peace."

What were the admirals to do now ? The Russian admiral, The
von Heyden, had not yet appeared, so that the responsibility lay Admirals'
upon Codrington and de Rigny. They were ordered to cut off all Dilemma.
supplies of soldiers, arms and provisions, between Turkey or Egypt
and Greece ; to avoid all acts of war, though, as eventualities
could not be foreseen, they were allowed a certain liberty of action,
and to apply for instructions to the Conference of Ambassadors
at Constantinople. This laid down, as the limits of their action,
the coast of the Greek continent from the mouth of the Aspro-
potamo and the Gulf of Volo to the southern point of the Morea,
the neighbouring islands of the Archipelago, including Euboea,
but excluding Samos and Crete. On Codrington asking Stratford
Canning how far he was to oppose force to force, the ambassador
told him, on September ist, that in case of necessity he was to
allow his cannon to speak.

Colonel Cradock, a British officer, had been sent by Canning Mehmed All's
secretly to Mehmed Ali, to persuade him to refuse his assistance Price for
to the Turks, and not to hinder the operations of the Convention Neutrality,
of London ; but he appeared too late. The grand fleet, with four
thousand fresh troops, munitions, money and provisions of all
kinds, had already sailed on August 5th, under the command of
Tahir, the Kapudan Bey, and Mohassem Ali, Mehmed Ali's son-
in-law. Cradock persuaded Mehmed Ali to declare himself and
Ibrahim neutral, and Mehmed consented, provided that Arabia
and Syria were handed over to him, and his independence were
recognised. Cradock did not feel authorised to agree to these
terms, although he expected that, if Mehmed Ali made himself
independent, Great Britain might then recognise him as such.
Mehmed Ali, however, promised to send some warning to Ibrahim.

The armada entered the harbour of Navarino on September The Turkish
8th, where it was impatiently expected by Ibrahim. It consisted, Fleet
probably, of two ships of the line, twelve frigates, twenty corvettes Enclosed-
and about a dozen and a half of smaller vessels and fireships, and
about forty transports. It gave Ibrahim an overwhelming force,
which it was to be feared he would use to deal a long-looked-for
and fatal blow at Hydra and Spezzia. Codrington, for his part,
without waiting for de Rigny, had sailed in pursuit, and when he
heard that it had reached Navarino, he went thither and prepared
to blockade it. He informed Ibrahim that the three Powers would
carry out the provisions of the Convention of July regardless of

'57

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Armistice

Arranged.

Codrington
Interposes.

consequences. On September 22nd de Rigny also appeared and,
together with Codrington, sent a warning letter to Ibrahim.

On the following day Codrington had an interview with Ibrahim,
and received the impression that the latter would be glad to meet
the views of the Powers, if Mehmed Ali allowed him to do so, but
felt bound to have some regard for the suspicions of the Turks
around him. On September 25th both admirals had an interview
with Ibrahim in his tent, where they found him in the midst of
the commanders of the fleet. He eventually gave his word that
he would keep the armada in the harbour of Navarino until he
could receive instructions from Constantinople and Alexandria.
In the meantime he held that he was free to provision distant
garrisons like Patras and Crete. The two admirals, content with
this assurance, raised the blockade of the harbour, leaving only
two warships. From private communications with Ibrahim, de
Rigny imagined that, even if the Sultan ordered him to fight, a
mere demonstration of the Allies would suffice to secure the
withdrawal of the fleet either to Alexandria or the Dardanelles.
Codrington was by no means so confident, but felt certain that, in
consequence of secret instructions from Mehmed Ali, a month's
practical armistice would be gained.

At the same time the Greeks were not disposed to give up the
hopes of new conquests. In the second week of September Cochrane
had appeared with a squadron before Mesolonghi, and bombarded
Fort Vasiladhi. Codrington had heard of the probable landing of
troops in Albania, which he and de Rigny thought quite inadmis-
sible, and, on September 25th, they had assured Ibrahim that
they would prevent anything that would extend the theatre of
the war. At the same time, they said that until the Porte accepted
the armistice the Greeks might move as they pleased within the
prescribed limits ; but Ibrahim was not quite satisfied with this.
At any rate, on September 30th Hastings pressed into the Gulf
of Patras with a small squadron and annihilated a Turkish flotilla
which had anchored in the Bay of Salona.

On this very day, Mustapha, a vice-admiral of Ibrahim,
sailed from Navarino to Patras with a division of the fleet, and
Ibrahim followed with a second division. When Codrington heard
that Mustapha was approaching, he stopped him with three ships
and told him that if he did not return he should fire, and Mustapha
retreated. In the night of October 3rd-4th a number of Turkish
ships sailed into the harbour of Patras. Codrington hastened
thither and opened fire, which they did not return. Ibrahim then
sailed back to Navarino. Codrington would have wished to prevent

158

BATTLE OF NAVARINO

this and to break up Ibrahim's fleet, sending the Turks to the
Dardanelles and the Egyptians to Alexandria, but his force was
not adequate. Many of his ships had gone to Malta for provisions,
de Rigny was cruising with the French squadron off Cerigo, and
Heyden had not yet appeared. The three fleets did not unite
until October I3th, when they anchored together before Navarino.

Ibrahim was at this time not present. He had received Devastation
instructions from the Porte to allow of no mediation, but to secure of thcMorea.
at all hazards the reduction of the Morea, in which Reshid Pasha
was to assist him. He had ordered three columns in different
directions, and was burning olive groves and vineyards. Hamilton
saw from the Gulf of Koroni the columns of smoke rising in the
sky, and knew that the soil was being turned into a desert.
Accordingly the three admirals sent Ibrahim an ultimatum,
demanding the immediate return of the fleet to Alexandria and
Constantinople and the cessation of hostilities in the interior.
On October i8th they determined to sail into the harbour of
Navarino and renew their demands.

Codrington must have been aware that there was great likeli- The Allied
hood of a battle, but the first shot must not be fired by the Allies. Fleet Enters
On October 2Oth, about 2 p.m., the allied fleet began to sail into
the harbour of Navarino. Codrington's ship, the Asia, leading the
way and anchoring opposite the ship of the Kapudan Bey. On
his left were two British ships of the line, on his right two French
ships, the farther being the frigate, the Siren, on which de Rigny
flew his flag. Behind him was a second line of British and French
ships ; the remainder and the whole of the Russian squadron had
not yet passed. Codrington had under his command twenty-
seven vessels with 1,298 guns, while the Turko-Egyptian fleet
numbered sixty vessels with more than 2,000 guns. But in every-
thing except numbers the allied fleet was far superior.

Mohassem Bey, who commanded in Ibrahim's absence, ordered The Turks
Codrington not to enter. But Codrington replied, " I have not °Pen Fire-
come to receive commands, but to give them.'* Before the allied
fleet reached their position, the captain of the Dartmouth asked
the commander of a Turkish fireship to make room for him to
anchor. The request was refused. A boat was sent from the
Dartmouth to cut the cable of the fireship, and it was received with
musket-shots. The Dartmouth and the Siren replied. Then a
cannon-shot was fired against the Siren, and the battle became
general. The Asia, whose pilot had been struck by Turkish bullets,
hoisted the signal for action, and her fire destroyed the ships of
the Kapudan Bey and Mohassem. She was roughly handled by

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Rejoicings
of the

Philhellenes,

The
Powers and

Navarino.

the second and third lines of the Turkish fleet, her mizzen mast
being cut in two. After three hours the battle was at an end, the
major part of the Turkish armada being destroyed. Six thousand
of its complement perished, among them nearly all the pupils of
Mehmed Ali's school. When the sun rose next day it was seen
that the narrow harbour was filled with corpses and that three
line-of-battle ships, twenty frigates, and twenty-four corvettes
had been wrecked. The Allies lost some 200 killed and wounded.
After issuing a proclamation against piracy, the three admirals
retired, Codrington to Malta, de Rigny to Smyrna, whilst Heyden
remained in the Archipelago.

The news of the battle at Navarino brought joy to the Phil-
hellenes of all countries. They did not stop to inquire whether
what had happened was in accordance with international law, or
was likely to precipitate a war between Russia and Turkey. They
saw in the event of October 2oth only the righteous punishment
of deeds of blood-curdling horror and the liberation of the Greeks
from the danger of annihilation. Stein wrote to his friend Capo-
distrias, " The curse of Heaven has fallen upon the rude, stupid
Ottoman, and an unhappy, persecuted population will be allowed
to breathe again and to hope for a happy future/' Schon said,
" In the Battle of Navarino, Heaven has for the first time since
1813 spoken with no uncertain voice." Victor Hugo exclaimed,
" Greece is free ; six years have been avenged in a single day."

But the Great Powers were not so well satisfied with the result.
Metternich was discouraged. He had hoped much from the death
of Canning, and these hopes were now dashed to the ground and
the threads of his diplomacy torn asunder. He saw in the disaster
the beginning of a new era, in which Constantinople would be
blockaded by the fleet and armies of Russia. Gentz called the
victory a horrible crime. Bernstorff thought that the peace of
the world was endangered by it, and that such a battle, without a
previous declaration of war, was the beginning of an epoch of
barbarism. At the same time he refused the invitation to act with
Metternich.

In London, opinions were divided. The Whigs rejoiced, but
the Tories were alarmed. Codrington was made a K.C.B., but
was required to explain his conduct. Canning would probably
have used the victory to procure the recall of Ibrahim, but similar
energy was not to be expected from Lord Goderich. Lieven pro-
posed a blockade of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, but the
Ministry hesitated to consent. In Paris the joy was pure and
undiluted. The King expressed himself delighted with the victory,

160

TURKEY'S WEAKNESS

and hoped it would have a good effect upon the approaching elec-
tions. The nation was proud of the success of French arms, on
which fortune seemed to smile after a long interval. But the
greatest jubilation took place in St. Petersburg. The Tsar wrote to
congratulate Codrington, and gave him a Russian order. Nessel-
rode wrote to Tatischev, " What will our friend Metternich say
to this unparalleled triumph ? He will again chew the cud of his
wearisome old principles and dilate upon order and law. Long
live force : it rules the world to-day." Lieven in London had a
conversation with Huskisson, the friend of Canning, in which he
sounded him as to his views, before surprising Dudley and Goderich
with the proposal that the Russians should be allowed to occupy
the Danubian Principalities with their troops. Huskisson would
not encourage him.

The Greeks, carried away with delirious excitement, made no Attack <m
attempt to check piracy, but encouraged it. They had no Chios,
thoughts of limiting the sphere of the war, but extended their
operations in all directions. Fabvier attempted the conquest of
Chios, paying no regard to the warnings of the three admirals.
With 1,000 regular and 1,500 irregular troops, he landed on the
island on October 28th, and drove the Turkish garrison into the
citadel. But there his successes came to an end. He had no siege-
train or ammunition, and, in spite of warnings from all sides,
persisted in the hope that he would eventually force Jusuf Pasha
to surrender. In Constantinople the ambassadors of the allied
Powers had asked Pertev Pasha, the Reis Effendi, what he would
do if hostilities should break out between Ibrahim and the allied
fleets. He replied, " No one can give a name to an unborn child
whose sex is not known." On November 2nd, when he heard of
the battle, he said to the interpreters of the three Powers, " Now
that the child is born and its sex known, I can answer the question.
I demand satisfaction for the disgraceful act of violence which
has been committed on the fleet of the Sultan." A general
mobilisation was ordered, the Bosphorus was closed, and ships
lying in the harbour of Constantinople were confiscated.

But the Turkish Government was too weak to run the risk of Turkey
open rupture, and the Austrian Internuntius attempted to arrange Demands
matters. The Porte demanded compensation, an honourable
apology, and a promise that there should be no further interven-
tion. The ambassadors threw the responsibility upon the admirals,
but laid stress on the demand for an armistice, according to the
terms of the Convention of July. They even threatened their
departure, in which step they probably exceeded their powers.
L 161

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Turkey On November 24th the ambassadors had an interview with

Pertev, in which he appeared to be more yielding, and referred
the decision to his master. Sultan Mahmoud said that if the rebels
submitted he would release them from the payment of the poll-
tax, which had been owing for six years for the payment of the
costs of the war, and would excuse them from all payment of
taxes for a year. The ambassadors declared this insufficient, and
demanded their passports. The Ulemas condemned the weakness
of Pertev, and their reproaches were enforced by the arrival of the
defeated Tahir. A great divan was held on December 2nd,
Mahmoud listening to the discussions behind a curtain. Outside
thousands of all ranks surrounded the hall. The divan rejected
the proposals of the ambassadors as inconsistent with the Koran,
and ordered the arming of the Empire for a defensive war.

Some delay ensued in giving passports to the ambassadors,
but eventually Stratford Canning and Guilleminot left Constanti-
nople on December 8th, and Ribeaupierre passed the Dardanelles
a week later. The Turks began to arm immediately. On December
20th, 1827, the Grand Vizir issued a proclamation denouncing
Russia as " the sworn enemy of Islam and the Moslem people."
She had incited the Greeks to rebellion and dragged France and
Great Britain with her. He solemnly called upon all believers
to join the banner of the Prophet against the unbelievers. The
" Franks," who had been placed under the protection of the
Dutch minister, were driven out, and thousands of Catholic
Armenians, old men, women and children, were driven into Asia
in circumstances of great cruelty in the middle of winter.
Russia This action of the Porte was very grateful to the war party

Prepares jn RUSsia, the success of Paskevich in the war with Persia stimu-
for Actlon' lating their feelings. The Tsar seemed to be drawn with the
stream, and Russian troops assembled on the frontiers of the
Principalities. In order to explain the attitude of Great Britain
and France, a protocol of the London Conference was issued on
December I2th, in which they renounced any exclusive commercial
privileges or accession of territory, even if war should break out
with Turkey. On January 6th, 1828, Nesselrode wrote to Lieven
proposing that the three Powers should issue a manifesto that the
Russian troops should enter the Principalities and not pause until
the Porte had granted all the demands of the London Conference ;
that the three fleets should act together before Alexandria, Con-
stantinople, and the coasts of the Morea, and establish order in
Greece ; that Capodistrias should be assisted by a loan ; that the
three ambassadors, who had been engaged in Constantinople,

162

METTERNICH'S "WORLD OF DELUSION"

should be sent to the Archipelago, and that, if this ultimatum
should be rejected, the Russian armies should cross the Pruth.
The Tsar said that he awaited with impatience the answer of his
allies, to whom he had given new evidence of his moderation,
uprightness, and unselfishness, and that they should regard any
interference of other Powers as inconsistent with their dignity.
This last stroke was directed against Metternich.

Indeed, the hope of Metternich that he would be able to arrange Duke of
matters at Constantinople proved futile. The New Year did not Wellington
break happily for him. He found himself in a " world of delu-
sion," and said that the spirit of Liberalism which had recently
appeared in all its nakedness was responsible for the mischief.
His hopes were raised by the Duke of Wellington succeeding Lord
Goderich as Prime Minister on January 8th, 1828. Huskisson
remained in the Cabinet as Colonial Secretary, but Eldon retired,
as Peel came back, and Dudley returned to the Foreign Office.
Although the retention of Canning's friends gave some guarantee
for the maintenance of his policy, it was known that Wellington
did not agree with it. Metternich hoped that the cause of right
would find a supporter in Wellington, and Gentz that he would
perform his duties with wisdom and prudence. The King's Speech
of January 2Qth characterised the Battle of Navarino as an
" untoward event."

In Paris a change of ministry also took place. On January Change of
4th Villele made way for Martignac, and Laferronays became Ministry in
Foreign Minister. But Metternich was disappointed in him, for France<
he demanded the unconditional fulfilment of the Convention of
July and did not object to the occupation of the Principalities by
Russia, if it were accompanied by the occupation of the Morea by
the Western Powers or the French. Gentz complained that the
confidant of the Tsar was possessed by the most foolish ideas, and
that France submitted herself to the leading of St. Petersburg.
Laferronays had some hope to strengthen the Triple Alliance by
the accession of Prussia, but Nicholas would not hear of it.

Dudley's answer to the Russian Note was given on March 6th. Dudley's
He would not allow that a general attack on the Turkish posses-
sions should be made to enforce the conditions of the July Conven-
tion, saying that the march of armies after so long a peace might
produce incalculable effects. He disapproved of the occupation
of Moldavia and Wallachia and of moving the fleets to Constanti-
nople, and could not allow such an extreme measure as the blockade
of Alexandria in order to hasten the withdrawal of Ibrahim from
the Morea. If this were done, the Greeks might co-operate with

163

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Russia
Willing to
Act Alone.

Metternich's
Effort for
Peace.

the three Powers to set free the rest of the territory to which the
convention referred. He thought that the limits of the Greek
frontiers might be more restricted than had been proposed by
the ambassadors at Constantinople in August, 1827.

This answer crossed a memorandum of Nesselrode's, dated
February 26th, 1828, which stated that the condition of things
was now altered. The destruction of Russian commerce by the
blockade of the Bosphorus, the compulsory sale of Russian corn-
freights, the expulsion of Russian subjects ; above all, the pro-
clamation of the Grand Vizir of December 20th, 1827, showed that
the Porte was determined to tear up the Treaty of Akkerman and
the other treaties made with Russia during the last fifty years.
The Porte had used her influence with the Shah of Persia to break
the peace which Paskevich had extorted from him. Russia, he
said, had no choice but to take up the challenge and obtain justice
by arms. The coming war would be a war neither of religion nor
of conquest, but it must give Russia satisfaction for the past and
security for the future. A secondary effect of it might be to
secure the fulfilment of the Convention of the three Powers which
had undertaken the cause of Greece. Great Britain and France
might take their choice whether they would support Russia materi-
ally or morally. If they did neither, Russia would consult her
own interests.

Metternich made a desperate attempt to secure peace, by
proposing, on March I5th, that independence should be granted to
the Morea and the islands. He could hardly have expected to be
successful. He said in his Note, " There are moments in the course
of human affairs when the strongest will must submit to the
commands of necessity. It is a fact that causes, revolutionary in
their origin, have often triumphed, and that the strongest and
most enlightened governments have had to compromise with
obvious usurpation. If the independence of a part of Greece,
with all the evil and danger which will follow in its train, is the
indispensable condition of the maintenance of the peace of Europe,
we must no longer hesitate to accede to it." The answer to this was
easy. Wellington declared that the proposal was not in accord-
ance either with the demands of justice or the conditions of the
London Convention ; and the Tsar replied, " You are deserting
your stronghold ; you are setting the rebels a bad example. So
far as I am concerned, I detest the Greeks, although they are my
co-religionists. They have behaved disgracefully. I always regard
them as insurgents, and I will not agree to their liberation."

Nicholas was bent on war. His brother Constantine in vain

164

DECLARATION OF WAR

urged him to avoid it, and Paskevich sent word that Persia had
accepted his conditions, that his frontiers had been pushed back
to the Araxes, and the Caspian Sea had become a Russian lake.
Dudley's answer to Nesselrode's note of February 26th was not
very encouraging. The British Cabinet regretted that Russia
was going to war, and, as signatories of the July Convention, they
could not approve of, much less take part in, an invasion of Turkey.
They pointed out that the concert of the three allied Powers would
now become difficult, but did not question the right of the Tsar
to determine at what point his interests must be settled by the
sword. They added that the most complete success in the most
righteous cause could not excuse the strong from demanding
sacrifices from the weak, which would endanger their political
position or destroy their territorial possessions, on the basis of
which rested the general peace of Europe. Vienna spoke more
strongly. The Emperor Francis wrote to Nicholas that to kindle
the flame of war at such a time was to load oneself with the
heaviest responsibility, and to threaten the world with a burden
of evil which would throw into the shade the horrors of the French
Revolution.

These warnings and prophecies fell in St. Petersburg upon Declaration
deaf ears. At this time, Prince William of Prussia, the future of
Emperor, was on a visit to St. Petersburg, attended by Leopold
von Gerlach, and heard, as early as April loth, that the Emperor
was contemplating his departure to the army. A few days later
General Diebich said to him, " If we come to the Balkans, and win
a battle at Adrianople, why should we not capture Constantinople
by coup de main ? " The formal declaration of war was carried
on April 26th. Metternich expressed the view that the Porte
had only the choice between death and prolonged agony. This
would resemble the second Punic War, and give the Sultan's power
the death-blow. Gentz prophesied that Turkey would in three
months lie at the feet of the conquerors. " This war will either
be the last, or the last but one, which Russia will have to wage
against the Porte : the last but one if the Sultan submit in the
first or second act of the tragedy ; the last if he await the third
act."

165

CHAPTER XVII
THE Russo-TuRKiSH WAR, 1828-9

The Powers XnE war now undertaken by Russia against Turkey, which might
Favour

Russia.

Favour have the effect of making the Black Sea a Russian lake, of develop-

ing largely the resources of Southern Russia, and perhaps of
securing to Russia the possession of Constantinople, did not appar-
ently cause any great excitement in Europe, or stir the Powers
to the defence of the Sultan. France was well disposed to Russia,
and Laferronays was assured by Nesselrode and Pozzo di Borgo
that France should not be excluded from any advantages which
might eventually arise from the course Russia was now taking. The
Due de Montemart succeeded Laferronays as French Ambassador
in St. Petersburg. His instructions spoke of the danger of a general
European conflagration. From fear of this the King of France
would not enter the field, but would assure Russia of his moral
support. It was necessary to consider what compensation France
would expect if there should be a partition of European Turkey.
If Russia were to incorporate the Danubian Provinces together
with conquests in Asia, if Austria were to lay her hand upon Servia
and Roumania, and Great Britain were to confirm her position
in the Archipelago, ought not France to strengthen herself by the
acquisition of Belgium or some other neighbouring territory ? On
this point Montemart was ordered to sound Nicholas. The war
would naturally be followed by a congress, and in this Russia
must support the righteous and reasonable claims of France. If
this could not be done, France might assert herself in arms.

Wellington had some inkling of this possibility, and he felt it
necessary to act cautiously, so as not to throw France entirely into
the arms of Russia. At the same time, he objected to sending
supplies of money to the Greeks, and still more to undertaking a
common expedition to the Morea. He was ready to bring about
the fulfilment of the London Convention by peaceful means. A
breach, however, took place in the Cabinet. Huskisson and the
other Canningites left the Ministry, and Wellington was able to
form a pure Tory Government. Dudley was succeeded by Lord
Aberdeen, who was an enemy of the Triple Alliance, and assured
Lieven that Great Britain could not make the settlement of the

166

RUSSIANS CROSS THE DANUBE

Greek question dependent upon the issue of the Russo-Turkish
War, and warned him of the danger of disturbing the equilibrium
of Europe.

But he renewed with him and Polignac the discussions about the French
fate of Greece, which had been interrupted for several months. A HelP for
protocol of June i5th determined that Stratford Canning, Guille- Gpeccc<
minot and Ribeaupierre should meet representatives of the Greeks
in Corfu and discuss the best means of carrying out the London
Convention. On July igth Aberdeen gave his ' approval to the
dispatch of a French corps to the Morea, in order to compel the
departure of the Egyptians by a land blockade. Austria was too
weak internally to take any decided step, and Prussia felt that
neutrality was necessary for her prosperity. The King refused to
assist his son-in-law with arms, and forbade his son, Prince William,
to take part in the war. Russia had nothing to fear from a joint
opposition of Austria and Prussia.

The Russian army crossed the Pruth on May 7th, 1828. Jassy Opening of
and Bucharest were speedily occupied, and the two Principalities the Rnsso-
were placed under a Russian Governor-General. The plan of
campaign was to cross the Danube, to occupy the most important
places on the coast of the Dobrudsha and in Northern Bulgaria.
When Braila and Silistria, Varna and Shumla had fallen, the
Russians would press on across the passes of the Balkans and
might attempt an attack on Constantinople, a movement which
would be supported by the Russian fleet.

These schemes did not meet with a ready fulfilment. The
Danube was not crossed till June 8th, and Braila did not fall till
June 1 7th. The Russians then occupied the whole country from
the mouth of the Danube to the wall of Trajan, and obtained a
valuable harbour in Kustendje. The advance into Bulgaria pro-
ceeded slowly, as the Russians had not enough soldiers. The
occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia and the siege of Silistria
employed 23,000 men, and only 40,000 men, with 194 guns, were
left for the attack upon Varna and Shumla. The Tsar had to give
up the attack on Varna for the moment and confine himself to
Shumla, which was defended by 40,000 men, well supplied with
provisions. The siege of Varna proceeded slowly, and Silistria
held out. In a series of engagements before Varna, fought in the
last five days of September, in which Prince Eugene of Wurtemberg
highly distinguished himself, the Turks were on the whole victori-
ous, but Omer Brionis did not follow up his advantage, and Varna
fell on October I2th. But the Russians had gained only a very
partial success. The sieges of Shumla and Silistria were given up,

167

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Metternich's
Renewed
Efforts for
Peace.

Wellington's
Unpopu-
larity.

and there could be no thought of an advance on Constantinople.
The brilliant successes of the Russian arms in Asia, which gave
them Poti and Kars and a large portion of Asia Minor, did not
compensate for their comparative failure in Europe, and a second
campaign was necessary for the passage of the Balkans.

Metternich was delighted. He compared the failure before
Silistria with that before Moscow in 1812 ; only, he said, there
was here no genius to make the disaster good. He tried his utmost
to make peace, and to bring about an intervention of Austria,
Prussia, Great Britain and France. He had little comfort in
Prussia. He found Prince William more Russian than the Emperor
Nicholas himself, and ascribed his partiality to the belief that
the victory of Russia would bring aggrandisement and conquests
to Prussia. He discovered that all Prussian Liberals were on the
side of Russia. In his sight the brothers Humboldt were the
scourge of Europe. Henry von Billow, the son-in-law of William
von Humboldt, belonged to the same faction. Metternich fixed
his hopes on the King, the Crown Prince, and on Bernstorff. He
said, " So long as Bernstorff lives Prussian policy will have the
same character as the Austrian.'*

Great Britain was in a peculiar position. Admiral Heyden
received orders to blockade the Dardanelles, and Admiral Grieg to
shut up the Bosphorus. This was a serious blow to British trade,
and the British Press clamoured against this exhibition of Russian
perfidy. But neither Wellington nor Aberdeen was prepared to
prevent it, and Wellington lost in popularity. Wellington would
have been very glad if the engagements of the London Conference
could have been brought to an end, and he could have been free
to come to an understanding with France, a sentiment that was
not unreciprocated on the banks of the Seine. The expedition
to the Morea had fulfilled its object. The London Conference
had agreed, on November i6th, that at least the Morea, the neigh-
bouring islands, and the Cyclades should be placed under the
guarantee of the three Powers, while the final settlement of the
Greek frontiers should wait for the present. Nesselrode consented
to this, but would not assent to France and Great Britain approach-
ing the Porte by themselves, although it was pointed out that, as
Russia was at war with the Porte, she was not likely to be listened
to. It was agreed that, in any case, the future constitution of
Greece, its limits, its position towards the Sultan, and its internal
organisation, should be approved by the Tsar. Under these con-
ditions Nesselrode agreed to the separate action of Great Britain
and France, although very unwillingly.

168

THE TSAR'S ANGER WITH METTERNICH

Metternich now conceived the plan of a common intervention Metternich's
between Russia and Turkey. He began to talk of the military Proposals
strength of Austria, suggesting the possibility of an armed inter- Conference
vention. She could put under arms 400,000 men within a month ;
her Landwehr was as good as the Prussian, whereas in reality it
did not exist. Gentz said, " If the Tsar desires peace, he must sur-
render all idea of compensation. We know the Sultan well enough
to know that it is no good asking for anything which goes beyond
the former treaties. It is possible he may demand that the
Russians shall recross the Pruth before he listens to any negotia-
tions." Austria wished to convey the impression of a coming
ultimatum, but Metternich knew in his heart how much of this
was bluff. If he had the men, which he certainly had not, he had
not the money. So he fell back upon the suggestion of a congress.
He said to Laval Montmorency, the French Ambassador in Vienna,
" I am the patron of congresses." But he desired that the pro-
posal for a congress should not proceed from Vienna, but from
Constantinople, and should be regarded in Europe as a sign of
" progressive Turkish civilisation." The Internuntius, as the
Austrian Ambassador at Constantinople was called, was instructed
to press this matter on the Reis Effendi. But Bernstorff would
hear nothing of these plans, Wellington was opposed to them, and
Laferronays was too cautious to fall into Metternich's net, saying
that his Sovereign would never join in a common step against the
Tsar. He rejected the idea of a congress, unless it was likely to
bring some advantage to France.

It may be supposed that the representatives of Russia did not Russian
regard Metternich's policy with satisfaction. Pozzo di Borgo repre- Resentment.
sen ted him, both in Paris and London, as the most accomplished
mischief-maker. In France he had encouraged the Bonapartists
by raising hopes of the succession of the Duke of Reichstadt ; in
Italy he stirred up the King of Sardinia against the Bourbons and
the Prince of Carignan ; in Constantinople, he supported the
obstinacy of the Sultan. Pozzo advised his master to renew the
war with spirit in order to force Austria either to advise the Turks
to submit, or, by assisting them, to bring destruction upon herself.
The Tsar needed no stimulus to increase his wrath. He charged
Austria with every kind of secret enmity. He believed that she
was plotting a coalition against Russia, and Tatischev was ordered
to demand explanations.

To calm their apprehensions, General Count Ficquelmont was
sent from Vienna, in January, 1829, with an autograph letter of
the Emperor Francis addressed to the Tsar. The Tsar said, " I

169

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Powers'
Proposals
to Turkey.

The

Campaign
of 1829.

place confidence in everything which comes from the Emperor,
but others [meaning Metternich] come in between us." He did
not wish to destroy the Turkish Empire, which would fall of itself ;
but that, if the Turks would not listen to reason he would press
on to Constantinople. He did not desire the city for himself, but
would not ask the Sultan to take it back again ; it was desirable
to anticipate those who wished to seize the inheritance of " the
Sick Man." Ficquelmont represented to him the dangerous condi-
tion of France, but the Tsar replied that, until the crisis of the
East was settled in a manner worthy of Russia he could not
divert his attention to the affairs of the West. Nesselrode said
that Russia must first have an honourable and advantageous peace
in her pocket before she could attempt to deal with the revolu-
tionary spirit in the West of Europe ; but the miserable policy of
Austria had never ceased since the beginning of the war to put
difficulties in the way of Russia. Metternich found himself beaten,
and sent a note to London, Paris and Berlin to say that he had
never desired an intervention of the four Powers, and that his
words had been mistaken.

On January 2nd, 1829, Laferronays, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
was struck by paralysis, and was succeeded by Portalis, which
brought no change in the situation. Charles X. had wished for
Polignac, but the other ministers refused to work with him. On
March 22nd a new protocol was issued as the fruit of the London
Conference. The Greeks were to cease operations at the Isthmus
of Corinth ; but Northern Greece, from the Gulf of Volo to the
Gulf of Arta, together with Euboea and other islands, were to form
part of their half-sovereign State. They were to pay tribute of
one and a half million piastres, but none for the first four years.
The government was to be a species of monarchy with a tributary
feudal prince, hereditary, and Christian, but not drawn from the
reigning families of Russia, Great Britain or France, and to be
chosen by agreement between the three Powers and the Porte.
Both nationalities were to have liberty to retire and set their
property in order within a year. These were the bases upon which
the ambassadors of Great Britain and France came to negotiate
at Constantinople, speaking also in the name of Russia. Turkey
was not likely to accept these terms, unless they were made a part
of the conditions of peace.

Energetic preparations were made on both sides for the
campaign of 1829. Diebich was made Commander-in-Chief of the
Russian forces, and the departure of the Emperor from head-
quarters left him a free hand. On the Turkish side, Omer Brionis

170

RENEWAL OF THE CAMPAIGN

was deprived of his command, and Mehmed Selim, the Grand
Vizir, was replaced by Izzet Pasha, who had defended Varna.
But as he allowed, on February I5th, 1829, the Russians to seize
the port of Sisebulo (Sozopolis) by coup de main he was deposed
and Reshid Pasha appointed in his room. Attempts were made
to form an offensive and defensive alliance with Austria, and
territory in Moldavia and Wallachia was offered as a bait. But
Metternich gave a decisive refusal, advising the Porte to make
peace with Russia as soon as possible, to surrender Anapa and
Poti, and allow Russia a protectorate over the Danubian Prin-
cipalities in addition to certain commercial advantages. This
advice was rejected by the Sultan with equal decision. Diebich
crossed the Danube in the beginning of May and began the siege
of Silistria. In the meantime, Reshid Pasha had collected a large
and well-disciplined army at Shumla, but in a battle at Kulevscha
on June nth, 1829, he was completely defeated. His army was
not, however, destroyed, and Diebich had not sufficient force to
cross the Balkans until Silistria had fallen. He began, therefore,
to think of peace, and the military operations were discontinued.

On June i8th, a week after the victory of Kulevscha, the Disastrous
French and British Ambassadors returned to Constantinople. Effects of
Guilleminot kept his old post, but Stratford Canning was replaced *he War
by Sir Robert Gordon, brother of Lord Aberdeen. The Porte I
would not listen to any proposals for peace. They were con-
vinced that Nicholas desired to turn the Turks out of Europe,
and, besides, they had hopes of victory. But Russia was sincerely
desirous of peace. The continuance of the war was disastrous to
her southern provinces, and recruiting went on slowly. As the
Sultan made no sign, the Tsar looked round for a possible mediator.
Great Britain and Austria were regarded as impossible, being too
favourable to Turkey, while the Turks would consider the French
too favourable to Russia. Prussia alone remained. A note from
Nesselrode declared that the King of Prussia would do his master
a great service by inducing the Sultan to open up negotiations for
peace, while a letter from the Tsar to Frederick William III. gave
the assurance that the Russian terms would be moderate. A
meeting between the two sovereigns was arranged.

Nicholas was at the time being crowned at Warsaw ; but, to Meeting of
the disgust of the Poles, not with the true Polish crown. He «>e Tsar
arranged to meet his father-in-law at Sibyllenort in Silesia. But
Frederick William was taken ill and could not attempt the journey,
so the Tsar made a sudden journey to Berlin, where he arrived on
June 6th, just as Prince William was being married to Princess

171

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Surrender of
Adrianople.

Russian
Successes
in Asia.

Augusta of Weimar. In the event General Muffling was sent to
Constantinople. He was head of the general staff, and had been
attached to Wellington during the Waterloo campaign. This
mission was announced to the Powers in a circular note, dated
July 5th, but it was not altogether approved of. Russia did not
like the employment of another German in her affairs ; one,
Diebich, was quite enough. Aberdeen wrote to Wellington that
Prussia would not hesitate to surrender to Russia the independ-
ence of Europe if she could get any advantage out of it ; and
Wellington regarded Muffling as a mere agent of the Tsar,
dispatched by the King of Prussia to save appearances. France
was the only Power which candidly supported the step. The
relations both of Austria and Great Britain towards Russia became
strained. Russia took precautions against an Austrian invasion,
and Wellington positively hated Lieven.

The war, however, continued. Silistria fell on June 29th, and
Diebich was able to cross the Balkans, an operation which he com-
pleted on July 24th, after nine days' march. On August igth
he lay before Adrianople with less than 20,000 men. Adrianople
had 80,000 inhabitants, of whom many thousands were Moham-
medans, capable of bearing arms, and about 15,000 Turkish soldiers
had collected in the place after the recent battle. Notwithstand-
ing, the town surrendered without a struggle. The troops had to
give up their arms, colours and cannon, and were allowed to
go where they wished, excepting to Constantinople. On August
20th Diebich fixed his headquarters in the former seraglio of the
Sultan.

Muffling had arrived at Constantinople on August 4th, but
found the Turkish cabinet very stubborn. All he could obtain
was the consent of the Sultan to negotiate with regard to Greece
on the basis of the London Convention. This was received with
satisfaction by Guilleminot and Gordon, though the arrangement
was confined to the Morea and the Cyclades. The Sultan, how-
ever, felt himself hardly pressed. One Job's post after another
reached him from the seat of war in Asia. Paskevich had taken
Erzeroum, and the way to Trebizond lay open to him. On August
9th he had the banner of the Prophet carried into the camp above
the Bosphorus, but it produced no effect. The massacre of the
janizaries had damped enthusiasm. Conspiracies began to break
out, and, if the Russians reached Constantinople, his life would be
in danger. The same fear worked upon the Powers, especially
Great Britain, which would rather go to war with Russia than see
Constantinople in her hands.

172

PEACE OF ADRIANOPLE

The result was that on August I7th the Sultan empowered Negotiations
Muffling to seek an interview with Diebich for the discussion of for Peace-
peace. Just then came the news of Adrianople. The Reis Effendi
asked for the advice of Gordon, Guilleminot and Muffling. Nego-
tiators of high rank were sent to Diebich, saying that the Sultan
would leave the indemnity to be settled by the magnanimity of the
Tsar. Muffling also sent a messenger to Diebich, begging him to
pause. His last act was to advise the liberation of some Russian
merchants and prisoners of war, and the sending of an embassy
to St. Petersburg to beg for generous terms of peace. He returned
home on September 5th, his mission having been a brilliant success.

The Turkish negotiators met at Adrianople with Count Alexis
Orloff and Count Pahlen, who had been dispatched from St. Peters-
burg to make peace. They brought the draft of a treaty, which
was to be unconditionally accepted. The negotiators said that
they could not possibly do this without consulting the Sultan,
and Diebich granted a delay of five days, adding that unless he
received a satisfactory answer in that time he would enforce it in
Constantinople with the sword.

Russian troops were placed on the road to the capital. The Pitiable
Turks were in great embarrassment. The Reis Effendi had Condition ol
recourse to the ambassadors of France and Great Britain, and J16 l
besides them more especially to Royer, the representative of
Prussia. They advised submission, but sent to Diebich begging
him to stay his march. As a fact, he was in a very bad way, and
not at all in a position to capture Constantinople. Deducting the
8,000 troops he had dispatched towards the capital, he had only
5,000 left before the city, and could not expect reinforcements
for some time. His army was decimated by fever, scurvy and
dysentery, and plague threatened to break out. His great hospital
held, on September ist, 3,600 sick, who had no attendants,
medicine, or linen, and not even enough straw. His wretched
condition must soon become manifest. Mustapha, the Pasha
of Scutari, was marching from Sophia, by way of Philippopolis,
with 30,000 Albanians, and the Grand Vizir held firmly the
camp of Shumla. Royer did Diebich a great service when he
promised the Turks to make peace.

The Peace of Adrianople was signed on September I4th, 1829. Peace>f
It was extremely favourable to Russia. Turkey lost a large Adrianople.
domain in Asia. The Pruth and the southern arm of the Danube
remained the boundary of Russia, but the Porte undertook to
leave the southern bank of the Danube uncultivated for a con-
siderable distance, so that the Russians could cross it when they

173

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

pleased. The Porte was to pay 11,500,000 Dutch ducats,
and Russia was to occupy the Principalities and Silistria until
this debt should be wiped off. Russian merchant-ships were
allowed a free passage through the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus,
and this was extended to all nations at peace with the Porte.

With regard to the affairs of Greece the Porte gave its adhesion
to the London Protocol of March 22nd, 1829, and promised to
come to terms with the representatives of Russia, Great Britain,
and France as to the best means of carrying it out. Hospodars
for life were to be appointed in Moldavia and Wallachia ; all
Turkish places on the left bank of the Danube were to be evacuated
and all fortresses razed, and Mohammedans were not to have
permanent residence in the Principalities.

Russia's By the treaty the influence of Russia in the East was con-

AdYantage, fijjjjg^ her frontiers were strengthened, and her commerce was
secured. She had destroyed the last ties between Turkey and the
Principalities, and, without annexing them, obtained complete
control over them, and she had loaded Turkey with a debt she
could not pay. Nesselrode said of the treaty, " Turkey henceforth
will be compelled to live under Russian protection and to lend an
ear to Russia ; this will be much more in accordance with our
political and commercial interests than any new conditions that
would have compelled us to extend our domains by conquest, or
to permit other States to take the place of the Turkish Empire,
which would soon have become our rivals in power, cultivation, and
riches/' This programme had been carefully considered in the
councils of the Tsar. Nesselrode said, on September 22nd,
" Before everything we must decide on what is natural and what
is not. The idea of driving the Turks out of Europe, and estab-
lishing the worship of the true God in Hagia Sophia is certainly
very fine, but what will Russia gain by it ? Doubtless glory,
but at the same time the loss of all the advantages which she
obtains by the neighbourhood of a State weakened by many wars,
and she will also run the risk of inevitable conflicts with the
great Powers of Europe." This conclusion was arrived at by a com-
mittee which sat at St. Petersburg under the presidency of Count
Cocubej. It was influenced by the change of ministry in France,
Martignac having been succeeded on August 8th by Polignac, who
was likely to agree with Metternich and Wellington. They felt
that the destruction of the Turkish power in Europe was not for
the true interests of Russia. The signing of the Treaty of
Adrianople put an end to all schemes for the partition of
European Turkey.

POLIGNAC'S "GREAT PLAN"

This caused great disappointment at Paris, where the French French
had looked for an increase of territory. In the spring of 1829 Disappoint-
General Richemont had published a pamphlet in which he said,
" What the Danube is for Russia the Rhine is for France." He
claimed for France not only the Rhine, but Belgium and Luxem-
bourg. Prussia was to have Saxony ; Austria, Silesia and Eastern
Hanover ; Holland, Western Hanover and Oldenburg. Bavaria
was to have Salzburg, to compensate for the loss of the Palatinate ;
Austria, Servia, Bosnia and Albania ; Great Britain, Crete. He
thought that this could only be brought about by a war in which
Prussia, France and Russia were ranged against Great Britain
and Austria, but he did not fear its result. This pamphlet was
published just when Polignac had become minister, and had an
enormous sale.

Polignac had a plan of his own, known as " the Great Plan." Polignac's
Russia was to have Moldavia, Wallachia, and large possessions in New MaP
Asia Minor ; Austria's share was Servia, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The rest of European Turkey, including Greece and the islands of
the Archipelago, was to be formed into a kingdom of Greece with
Constantinople as its capital, and given to the King of the Nether-
lands. The remains of the Turkish Empire might be left to
Mehmed Ali, including Algeria, Tunis and Tripoli. Holland being
unoccupied, Great Britain was to have her colonies, Prussia
Holland itself, together with Saxony ; and Saxony was to have
the Rhine provinces of Prussia, with a capital at Aachen. France
was to receive Landau, Saarbriicken and Saarlouis ; Belgium,
Luxembourg, Zeeland and North Brabant. This was the plan of
territorial reorganisation proposed by Polignac, but how was it to
be brought about — by a congress or a secret treaty with Russia ?
Its author declared for the latter, but saw that it might
produce a war in which Russia, France, Prussia and Bavaria
should be ranged against Austria and Great Britain. Polignac's
plan was approved of by the King and the Council, and
Montemart was ordered to sound Nicholas with regard to it.
But when it reached him the Treaty of Adrianople was already
signed.

Prussia, however, disclaimed any idea of surrendering the Prussia
Rhine provinces, and expressed her delight at the conclusion of and
the treaty. The feeling in Austria was very different. The
Emperor Francis reminded the Tsar that the enemies of order
and society would be encouraged by the hostile attitude of Russia
towards Turkey. The Peace of Adrianople might disappoint their
commercial designs. It was natural that Austria should regard

175

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Great

The Tsar's
Magna-

a commanding position of Russia at the mouths of the Danube
and in the Principalities as a menace to herself. Metternich said
that Russia had seized her prey and would not let it go, and told
his Emperor that the affairs of the East would not have led to so
untoward a result had the financial and military resources of
Austria been in a better condition. But he congratulated him-
self on the peace, as the war might have produced worse conse-
quences. Gentz looked to the future with fear and trembling,
and lamented the disruption of the Great Alliance. Metternich
contemplated its restoration as a bulwark against the moral pest
which would prove the destruction of Europe. He tried to
stimulate Prussia and France to the renewal of the Triple
Alliance, but without effect.

Wellington wrote to Aberdeen that it was foolish to think of
suPPorting the Turkish power in Europe. It would have been
better if the Russians had taken Constantinople, as the Turkish
Empire would then have been partitioned by the great Powers.
Aberdeen expressed the same opinion to his friends. They
dreaded the success of Russian power, and felt they had suffered
a moral defeat. Their opinions were private, and the only
public step was to write a dispatch to the British Ambassador in
St. Petersburg severely criticising the treaty, a dispatch which
remained secret till the outbreak of the Crimean War. A plan
was now formed for guaranteeing the Turkish possessions in
Europe by the five great Powers. Wellington and Aberdeen
suggested this, and Metternich would gladly have complied, but
Russia refused to take any such step. Nesselrode pointed out
that Turkey was exposed to two dangers, internal and external.
Against the first — the misgovernment or rebellion of the Pashas
— no guarantee would be of any service. External dangers could
only come from Russia, and why should Russia be asked to assure
guarantees against herself ? Besides, the inviolability of Turkey
was already guaranteed by the Treaty of Adrianople.

Nicholas took up a magnanimous attitude towards Turkey by
reducing the amount of indemnity she had to pay. This was done
by a treaty signed in April, 1830. The indemnity was reduced
to 8,000,000 ducats, to be paid in eight years, and partly in
kind. The Principalities were to be evacuated as soon as the
Russian subjects living there were compensated, and Silistria alone
was to remain in Russian hands. Another 1,000,000 ducats was
remitted as a reward for the accession of the Porte to the London
Conference, which decided the fate of Greece. All this gave
Nicholas great influence in the counsels of the Sultan. Orloff and

176

RUSSIA'S DIPLOMATIC TRIUMPH

Ribeaupierre stood at the head of the diplomatic body in the
Golden Horn. The aged Chosrev was of opinion that the welfare
of Turkey depended on the support of Russia. His adopted son
Chalil, who was devoted to the Tsar, was made Kapudan Pasha,
and Hamid Bey, who was also a Russophil, became Reis Effendi.
It was evident to Europe that the triumph of Russia at the Porte
was even greater in peace than it had been in war.

177

CHAPTER XVIII
THE INDEPENDENCE OF GREECE

Capodis- THE arrival of the new President, Capodistrias, was anxiously

trias's Tour, expected in Greece, but it was first necessary that he should make
the tour of Europe. At St. Petersburg the Tsar released him from
his service, but gave him instructions that he was on no account
to favour the independence of Greece. She was to remain subject
to the suzerainty of Turkey, an arrangement which was entirely
opposed to the Constitution of Troezen. In Lisbon he found public
opinion wholly changed since Canning's death. When he reached
London, George IV. would hardly look at him. In Paris his recep-
tion was better, although Charles X. regarded him as a rogue and
a revolutionist. In Turin he announced the welcome news of
the Battle of Navarino. He arrived at Malta on board of a British
man-of-war, sent him by Sir Edward Codrington, and, accom-
panied by a Russian and a French ship, reached Nauplia on
January iQth, 1828, where the foreign vessels saluted the Greek
flag for the first time. On January 24th he landed at Aegina, the
seat of the provisional Government and the Senate.

Unfitnessof in many respects Capodistrias was not suited for his mission.

Capodistrias. jje was accustOmed to the life of drawing-rooms and a regular
government, but in Aegina he lived within four bare walls and
had to deal with a crowd of unruly rebels. He was full of devotion
to the cause and absolutely unselfish, but he was unacquainted
with the details of government and totally ignorant of military
affairs. His experience in aristocratic Russia unfitted him to deal
with the unbridled democracy around him. He thought that the
only course open to him was the establishment of a dictatorship.
Of the state of things in Aegina he said, " The public revenues are
plundered, commerce and industry have ceased to exist, agricul-
ture is at an end. The peasant has ceased to sow because he does
not know if he will ever reap, or if he will be able to protect his
harvest against the rapacity of the soldiers. The merchant in the
towns is afraid of pirates. Robbery is protected by murder, and
the right of the strongest alone prevails." He informed the Senate
privately that the one condition of his remaining would be the
suspension of the Constitution. The Senate resigned, and in their

178

CAPODISTRIAS AS PRESIDENT

place was established a Panhellenion, a deliberative body, divided
into three sections, for finance, home affairs, and war. George
Konduriotti, Andrew Zaimis and Peter Mavromichalis were
respectively placed at the head of these departments.

Capodistrias employed Spiridion Tricoupis, Zographos and Capodistrias
Klonaris as secretaries, while Mavrocordatos assisted him with- asPresident'
out a definite office, and he could depend upon the support of
Kolokotronis. He had, in fact, no rival of importance to fear.
Greece was devoid of funds. At the beginning of the war with
Turkey, Russia contributed about a million and a half of roubles,
and France paid 500,000 francs a month ; but it was uncertain
how long this would last, and the negotiation of a third loan was
impossible. The army was in a wretched state, consisting almost
entirely of half-civilised Kapitans and Palikars and Rumeliot
mercenaries, who were little better than brigands. As to the
fleet, after Cochrane had returned to England, in January, 1828,
it was almost impossible to keep down piracy. Viaro Capodistrias,
the brother of the President, who took Cochrane's place, was a
complete failure.

Capodistrias did not understand the needs or the characteristics
of the country. He encouraged the planting of potatoes, for
which the soil of Greece was not adapted. The mulberry trees
and chestnuts, which he supplied, were destroyed by the careless-
ness of the shepherds. He collected the demoralised boy-servants
of the Palikars, and the half-naked offspring of the camps, into
a school at Aegina, where they were clothed and fed and taught,
according to the methods of Lancaster. He told Eynard that
these men were to be civilised, not by the bayonet, but by the
spade. He bought agricultural machines in Switzerland, and slates
and slate pencils in Malta. He made a great mistake in suppress-
ing the demes and introducing a centralised authority.

Ibrahim could not be induced to leave the Morea, but collected Ibrahim
20,000 men at Navarino, and occupied Koroni, Modon and Patras. Pasha Re-
" I will not stir from here," he said, " so long as I have a dog or Greece. *
a cat, without positive orders from the Sultan or my father."
Outside the Morea things were not better. Hastings was killed in
the storming of Anatoliko, and Church was compelled to abandon
the siege of Mesolonghi. In the circumstances the outbreak of
the war between Russia and the Porte was a comfort.

On August 6th, 1828, a treaty was signed with Mehmed Ali at
Alexandria, by which Ibrahim was recalled from Greece. Cod-
rington, too, was recalled and accused of having exceeded his
instructions, for Wellington and Aberdeen were not favourable

179

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

to his views. Now came the French expedition to the Morea.
On August 30th, General Maison landed 14,000 men between Koroni
and Patras, and, at the same time, the Egyptian fleet, which was
to take Ibrahim back, anchored before Modon. Ibrahim, pressed
by the admirals of the Allies, began to embark, and, on September
1 6th, 5,000 of his soldiers sailed to Alexandria, accompanied by
the allied fleet, but he himself did not leave until October 5th.
The French, free to clear the Morea of Turks, encountered no
difficulties. The garrisons made little or no resistance, and in a
short time there was not a single Mohammedan left in the Morea.
The French The French found the Greeks very different from what they
in Greece. expected. Grecian girls preferred Egyptian harems to liberty.
An eye-witness reports that the most salient characteristic of the
Greeks was their hatred of the foreigner and their passion for
stealing. The French army, decimated with fever, prepared to
leave the Morea and to fight on the other side of the Isthmus,
but was prevented by the action of Great Britain. The London
Conference, of November i6th, 1828, confined liberated Greece to
the Morea, the neighbouring islands, and the Cyclades, and the
French were obliged to return in the spring of 1829. A French
brigade under General Schneider, however, remained in Modon and
Navarino, and assistance in money and officers came from Paris.
The engineers, the artillery, and the military school at Nauplia
were aided by the French. They did as much as they could, in
the circumstances, to help the Hellenic cause, and deserved the
gratitude of Capodistrias.

Greeks The Russian War now began to be of great assistance to the

A^tf11 Grecian cause. The best officers having been recalled by the

Sultan to defend the Balkans, Demetrius Ypsilanti took Salona at
the end of 1828, Thebes was blockaded and Helicon and Parnassus
were occupied. Church began to make way in the west, and
Greek cruisers to sail in the Gulf of Arta. In May the Greek
flag floated above the rums of Anatoliko and Mesolonghi. On
September 24th, 1829, Ypsilanti defeated a body of Albanians at
Petra, and all Greece up to the Gulf of Volo was free from Turkish
garrisons excepting the Acropolis at Athens and a fort opposite
Chalcis in Euboea.

The London Protocol of March 22nd, 1829, had extended the
frontiers of Greece to the Gulfs of Volo and Arta, but it had also
required the withdrawal of Greek troops inside the Isthmus of
Corinth. Capodistrias could not comply with this. He had already
sent Coletti to Samos to assist the island in its rebellion against
the Turks, and the Philhellene Baron Rheineck to encourage the

1 80

FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES OF GREECE

insurgents in Crete. Unfortunately, the Allies in the London
Conference refused to allow Crete to be included in the Greek
kingdom, and none of the great Powers would accept the island as
a gift. Capodistrias was compelled, therefore, to recall Rheineck
in September, 1829. The jealousies and quarrels between the
Grecian leaders continued : Church broke with the President in
the summer of 1829, and Ypsilanti left the service in the beginning
of 1830. Capodistrias had other troubles. Many inclined to
suspect him as an agent of Russia, and the heads of the English
party, Mavrocordatos, and Tricoupis began to be unfriendly
towards him. He was opposed to the Panhellenion, but the
people saw in him their only saviour, and at the election he was
returned in thirty-six constituencies, while the new Chamber
was composed almost entirely of his adherents.

Capodistrias opened the National Assembly at Argos on July Capodistrias
23rd, 1829, clad in Russian uniform. The ceremony began with as Dicta*or«
a Te Deum in the church, and the members then marched in
solemn procession to the ancient theatre. He ended his address
with the statement that he desired to serve Greece as a simple
citizen, but was answered with the cry, " We wish to retain our
saviour, the President." Kolokotronis kept the peace of the
Assembly with his Palikars. The laws passed were chiefly of a
financial character. Capodistrias refused any compensation and
salary. A Senate was formed to take the place of the Panhellenion :
it was to be nominated by the President, in part directly and in
part from candidates suggested by the Assembly. The assent
of the Senate was necessary in financial matters. A Constitu-
tion was to be drawn up by the President and the Senate, but for
the moment the Head was invested with a dictatorship and all his
acts were approved. He had now reached the summit of his power.
The Assembly was dissolved on September i8th, with a speech
from the President and a proclamation addressed to Hellenes.

Still Capodistrias was not without difficulties. Important Greek
members of the English party withdrew from him and Miaoulis
refused to be made a senator. Mavrocordatos would not serve
under him any longer ; Lazarus Conduriotti resigned the governor-
ship of Hydra ; and the Hydriotes, Spezziotes and Psariotes were
opposed to him. The President's attempts to change the irregular
into regular forces made him many enemies. Money was want-
ing ; the treasury had only sixteen and a half millions of piastres
to meet twenty-eight millions for pressing needs. The change from
payment in kind to payment in money caused great distress, as
it did also at a later period. The ambassadors of the three Powers,

iSi

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Wellington
and Greek
Independ-
ence.

Stratford Canning, Guilleminot and Ribeaupierre, met at Paris
to deliberate and determine the future frontiers of Greece, and
gave their decision on December 8th, 1828. The northern frontier
was a line drawn from the Gulf of Volo to the Gulf of Arta, over
the range of Othrys and Pindus. The sea limit was 36° N. and
26° E. They promised to consider the inclusion of Samos and
Crete, and fixed the tribute at a million and a half piastres. Capo-
distrias agreed to this generally, but thought the suzerainty of
the Sultan would require consideration. He desired the creation
of a kingdom under the guarantee of the Powers, and suggested
Prince Leopold of C9burg as a possible sovereign. The meeting
at Paris came to an end, but in London Wellington and Aberdeen
were full of fears. Dreading lest Greece should become an out-
post of Russia, they disapproved of the action of Stratford Canning.
The frontiers as delimited were accepted in the London Protocol
of March 22nd, 1829 ; but the two ministers would not allow a
hereditary monarchy in Greece to be part of the ultimatum, and
this condition was only secured by the victory of Diebich.

Up to the present moment it had always been assumed that
Greece should be a tributary State under the suzerainty of the
Sultan, but a doubt arose whether a Christian prince could be
found to occupy this position, and whether the vassal condition
might not occasion new disputes. In the summer of 1828, while
his soldiers were in Bulgaria, the Tsar had declared that he was
ready to accord to the Greeks their complete independence. At
the same time he considered the Greeks as rebels, had no love for
the Constitution, and wished to give Greece a government strong
enough to destroy secret societies and the germs of revolution.
A tributary Greece would be a discontented country and offer a
favourable soil for conspiracies and revolt. The views of the
British Government were different. Wellington wrote to Aber-
deen, " The Greek cause is the greatest humbug that ever was ;
thank God, it has never cost us a shilling/' He and Aberdeen
were especially anxious that the Ionian Islands should not be
added to Greece, and they were afraid of Capodistrias on this
account. However, in the final protocol of February 3rd, 1830,
the independence of Greece was secured, but her frontiers were
restricted. The northern boundaries were fixed by a line drawn
from the mouth of the Aspropotamo to the mouth of the Sper-
cheius, passing across Livadia. The sea frontier was the same
as in the protocol of March 22nd, except that the Devil's Islands
and Scyros were added, while Crete, Samos, Psara and Chios
were excluded.

182

GREECE AS A KINGDOM

But it was no longer necessary that the question of a hereditary Leopold of
sovereign should be approved by the Porte. Two further protocols Saxe-Coburg
were signed on the same day. One guaranteed the Catholic
worship and missions, hitherto under the protection of the French,
and secured the equality of all the subjects of the new State with-
out distinction of creed. The other offered the kingdom to Prince
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. Other candidates, however, had been
put forward — Prince Ferdinand of the Netherlands, Prince Charles
of Bavaria, Prince John of Saxony, and Prince Philip of Hesse-
Homburg. George IV. was strongly opposed to the choice of
Prince Leopold, preferring Prince Charles of Mecklenburg, and
his objections were with difficulty overcome by Wellington.

The Turks agreed to swallow the pill, after it had been gilded Leopold's
by Nicholas with the remission of 1,000,000 ducats of debt. Prince
Leopold at first yielded his consent, but afterwards withdrew it.
Capodistrias, whom he consulted, advised him to demand the
frontiers of Paris, the inclusion of Crete and Samos, a guarantee
of a loan by the Powers, and the sending of a few thousand Swiss
or German mercenaries. He also said that the Greeks would
require their ruler to be of their own religion, and would demand
a Constitution, which might be procured for them, but for which
they were not really fit. Leopold was very cautious. He was
tempted by the offer, and tried to secure Crete for Greece, but was
snubbed by Aberdeen. When he received the protocol, he drew
up a note, containing five conditions, one of which was the altera-
tion of the frontiers, but, by the advice of Wellington, this was
withdrawn. At last he agreed to accept the offer, making a few
suggestions. His acceptance was confirmed by a protocol of
February 20th, in which the Powers refused to extend the frontiers
of Greece or to grant Crete or Samos. At the same time, they
declared that they would interfere on behalf of the islanders if
they were inhumanly treated by the Porte. They guaranteed
the existence of the Grecian kingdom, and were willing to grant
a loan for the maintenance of a body of troops in the service of the
King. The French troops were to be left in the Morea for a year.
Although Leopold did not want to throw back Greece into chaos,
he was disappointed that he could not obtain better terms. Even
as early as April xoth, 1830, he feared there would be a breach.

When the London Protocol was known in Greece, the Greeks Conduct of
were disgusted at having to surrender their brethren in ^Etolia
and Acarnania. The conduct of Capodistrias has been a matter
of great discussion, and it is not possible to come to a decision
upon it. When he received the protocol he replied by thanking

183

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

the Powers for having secured Greek independence, and for the
choice of the sovereign, and promised that the Greeks should
evacuate Acarnania and ^Etolia as soon as the Turks evacuated
Attica and Euboea. He did not protest against the change of
frontiers, but only said that it would be necessary to provide for
the numerous families who would have to emigrate from the
northern provinces. At the same time, he pointed out that the
last congress at Argos had decreed that it was necessary to have
the consent of the National Assembly to any new constitution,
and this it might not be easy to obtain. At his suggestion, the
Senate made some objections to the protocol, which Leopold should
bring before the Powers. Capodistrias then wrote to Leopold,
urging him to come to Greece as soon as possible, but describing
the agitation of the Epirotes, the sad state of the finances, and the
almost insuperable difficulties of surrendering the northern pro-
vinces. He told him that he must accept the religion of the
country and respect the decisions of the National Assembly at
Argos.

Leopold Undoubtedly it would have been better had Capodistrias taken

Declines the the straightforward course of summoning the National Assembly,
Kingship. an(j ieaving ft to accept or reject the final protocol. The resolu-
tion of Leopold was much shaken by the letter of Capodistrias
and the resolution of the Senate. The promise of a loan of
60,000,000 francs did not appease him, and he could not get over
the separation of Acarnania and ^Etolia. General Church, who
was well acquainted with the military conditions, confirmed him
in this view. After requesting time for consideration, he gave
his final decision on May 2ist, 1830. He said that the formal
consent of Capodistrias had been extorted from him, and that he
really had strong objections. He would not force himself on an
unwilling people, nor disgrace his government by the surrender
of districts which had been already conquered, or by opposing the
Powers who had appointed him. He therefore declined the offer,
and communicated his decision to Capodistrias on June ist.

The Greeks were terribly disappointed, and the glamour of
the Philhellenic cause vanished. The revolution of July drew
the attention of the world to France, and henceforth the cause of
Greece excited only a feeble interest, which was scarcely stimu-
lated by the elevation of Otho, a boy of seventeen, son of King
Ludwig of Bavaria, to the throne in 1832.

184

CHAPTER XIX
THE TERROR IN PORTUGAL

THE treaty of August 29 th, 1825, had secured the entire indepen- Death of
dence of Brazil, which had previously been a Portuguese colony, John Yl.
governed by King John VI., and now became a constitutional
empire under the sceptre of his eldest son, Dom Pedro. But
Dom Pedro had not surrendered his right of succession to the
throne of Portugal. Yet if he attempted to unite the two crowns
great difficulties might ensue. Lisbon would not consent to be
governed from Brazil, nor Brazil from Lisbon. On the other hand,
it was not to be desired that Dom Miguel should succeed to the
throne of Portugal. He had been banished for his misdeeds, and
was now living at Vienna under the tutelage of Metternich. But
if he came to live in Lisbon there would be danger of a revival of
the " White Terror " of 1824. The Portuguese Government wished
the succession of Dom Pedro to be guaranteed by Great Britain,
but the British Cabinet had no desire to increase its responsibilities.

In March, 1826, John VI. became seriously ill, and it was
necessary to appoint a regency until the will of the Emperor
Pedro could be ascertained. The Infanta Donna Maria was
placed at its head, and it was supposed that if either Queen Carlota
or Dom Miguel created a disturbance, Donna Maria would receive
the protection of the British Ambassador, A'Court. Four days
later, on March loth, the King died. Queen Carlota kept away
from his deathbed and made no revolutionary movement, while
Dom Miguel, by Metternich's advice, wrote to the Regent express-
ing submission to the last will of his father.

After some consideration, on May 2nd, 1826, Dom Pedro Dom Pedro's
renounced the throne of Portugal in favour of his daughter Maria Constitution.
da Gloria, who was seven years old. But this renunciation was
really conditional. Three days before it was made public, on
April 2Qth, he promulgated a Constitution for Portugal, framed on
the model of the French Charte. Article 92 of this Constitution
entrusted the regency to the Sovereign's nearest relation of full
age. Dom Miguel would not come of age for seventeen months,
and therefore the regency passed to Isabel Maria, his sister.
Pedro also desired to marry Maria da Gloria to Dom Miguel, and

185

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

British
Influence
in Portugal.

Effect in
Spain of the
Portuguese
Constitution.

The Powers

and

Portugal.

made his renunciation of the crown depend upon two conditions
— first, that all officials should take the oath to the Constitution ;
and, secondly, that the marriage of Dom Miguel to Maria da
Gloria should be carried into effect.

It has often been supposed that the granting of this Constitu-
tion was due to the influence of Charles Stewart, the ambassador
at Rio, and of Canning. But the diplomatic correspondence,
which is now accessible, does not support this view. Stewart
warned Dom Pedro against taking a step which might involve
Portugal in war with Spain, and Canning was surprised at the
news of the Constitution being granted, and still more so by the
fact that Stewart was deputed to carry it to Lisbon and to see
that it was executed.

Stewart, on arriving at Lisbon, disclaimed responsibility for
Dom Pedro's action, and at the same time did his best to execute
the commission which had been entrusted to him. The Liberals
were delighted. There were shouts in the theatre of " Long live
the Constitutional King ! Long live England ! " Isabel Maria
issued a proclamation declaring to the people that the Emperor
Pedro had given them a Constitution, to which the officials in
Lisbon took the oath on July 3ist. On August ist the Council of
Regency was dissolved, and Isabel Maria assumed their functions,
threatening all who attacked the immortal Constitutional Codex
with condign punishment. She formed a new Ministry, con-
sisting of Liberals, and fell herself under the influence of her
doctor, Abrantes, who had the reputation of being an arch- Jacobin.
The Miguelites resisted this action and tried to gain over the army.
Indeed, some regiments mutinied in the provinces of Tras os Montes
and Alemtejo, and the heads of the mutiny took refuge in Spain.

The Government of Ferdinand VII. thought the Constitution
of Portugal to be a bad example and a standing invitation to
Spanish Liberals. This feeling was stronger amongst the party
of the Apostolicals, whose leader was Don Carlos, and who were
stirred up by his wife, the Portuguese Princess Maria Francisca.
Ferdinand was himself afraid of the Apostolicals, but refused to
recognise Isabel Maria as Regent or to take any steps against
the Portuguese refugees.

The attitude of the great Powers against the action of Dom
Pedro might have been foreseen. The Emperor Francis expressed
his sorrow that his granddaughter, Maria da Gloria, should at
such an early age be obliged to receive the dower of a Constitu-
tion, while Metternich denounced it as a regrettable work, an
act of madness, a cause of future anarchy. On July 4th he sent

186

THE POWERS AND PORTUGAL

a circular note to Berlin, Paris and Petersburg, in which he
reminded them of the agreements made at Troppau and
Laibach. He said that the Emperor of Brazil had, by his action,
threatened the social order with death and destruction, and that
it was impossible to tell what the effect might be on Spain, France
and Italy. He pleaded for a new conference of ministers. Berlin
emphasised the danger of a system of government whose object
was to secure the triumph of all Liberal ideas, which for a quarter
of a century had devastated Europe with fire and sword. The
Tsar, however, was restrained from the expression of similar
opinions by his friendship with Great Britain. He doubted the
wisdom of Dom Pedro's action, but went so far as to call the
opponents of the Constitution " rebels/'

Canning, " the scourge of the world," as Metternich called Canning's
him, felt considerable anxiety, and ordered Stewart to return home Cautious-
as soon as he had finished his commission, in order not to engage
Great Britain further. But he denied the right of anyone to
interfere in the domestic affairs of Portugal. Wellington advised
him to suspend the articles of the Constitution, the publicity of the
sittings of the Chambers, and the freedom of the Press, fearing
that they might produce a conflict between Portugal and Spain.
But Canning declined, advising, instead, a course to moderate the
zeal of the Liberals, and ordering Frederick Lamb, the ambassador
to Madrid, to urge the Spanish Government not to give protec-
tion to Portuguese rebels, and to threaten his departure if Spain
should violate her neutrality with regard to Portugal. The atti-
tude of France was more cautious. The Ultras were very bitter
against the Constitution, and put pressure on Villele, but the
journey of Canning to Paris smoothed difficulties, and Moustier,
at Madrid, was ordered to support the representations of Lamb.
The French Government preserved towards the Constitution an
attitude of absolute neutrality.

Metternich found himself forced to yield to the inevitable. Rebellions
On October 4th, 1826, Dom Miguel swore before the Portuguese in
Ambassador obedience to the instrument of Dom Pedro, which
Metternich had branded as an " act of madness/' and applied
to the Pope for a dispensation to marry his niece, Maria da Gloria.
In writing to Dom Pedro, Miguel had expressly reserved his own
rights, and Metternich was of opinion that this gave him the
liberty of resuming them whenever he was in a position to do so.
The Miguelites in Portugal did not despair of receiving assist-
ance from Spain, and the Apostolical party was very active.
Rebellions arose in Portugal against the regency of Isabel Maria

187

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Portugal's
Appeal to
Britain.

and in favour of Queen Carlota and Dom Miguel. The ambassador
of the Regent left Madrid, and relations between the two coun-
tries became sorely strained. Indeed, the Government of Lisbon
was weak in resources. The mass of the people were indifferent
to the Constitution, which was opposed by a large part of the
nobility and clergy. The army could not be depended upon, and
the Regent talked of retiring to a monastery. At the end of
November a body of Miguelites marched into Tras os Montes
under the command of Chaves. Some troops were sent to repel
them, but neither the militia nor the police could be trusted, and
the Regent was prepared to take refuge in an English ship.

Appeal to the British for assistance was presented by Palmella
on December 3rd, and Canning was prepared for immediate
action. He believed that France would offer no opposition,
and the other Powers were not likely to interfere in force. The
landing of 5,000 men in the harbour of Lisbon would save consti-
tutional government and prevent civil war. On December I2th
he appeared in Parliament, pale from recent illness, to support
a Royal message, which asked for support to England's oldest
ally against a foreign foe. He said, " It is a duty to hasten to
the assistance of Portugal, be the aggressor who he may." He
deprecated a war, not only between contending nations, but
between conflicting principles. Such a war would range under
one banner all the discontented and restless spirits of all nations.
He said with regard to Great Britain, in the words of Shakespeare,
" It is a great thing to possess the strength of a giant, another
thing to use it as a giant.1' This famous speech obtained the
applause of all Liberals in Europe, but the Eastern Powers were
dismayed at the desertion of the path of Castlereagh. Metternich
described the speech as a " dream/' He could not understand
how anyone could have the courage to turn the banner of an
Empire into an oriflamme for the destruction of social order.
Even in Paris the effect was doubtful. The French did not
approve of the well-known words, " I called the New World into
existence to redress the balance of the Old." The Cabinet of
Paris was much embarrassed, but the efforts of the Apostolicals,
and an ambiguous letter of Ferdinand VII. to Charles X. pro-
duced no effect. Ferdinand, despairing of French assistance,
recognised the Regent, and allowed his ambassador to return to
Lisbon.

The words of Canning gave encouragement to the Govern-
ment of Portugal, and disturbances in the provinces gradually
ceased. The British troops, under the command of General

188

DEATH OF CANNING

Clinton, reached the mouth of the Tagus at the beginning of
January, 1827, a portion of them occupying the forts and a
portion proceeding to Coimbra. The Spanish Government gave
way, on the French recalling the Swiss regiments from Madrid.
Canning, by his energetic action, had won a splendid victory.
He had raised the reputation of Great Britain, had preserved
the peace of Europe, and had assisted the progress of Liberal
ideas.

The action of Canning, however, did not meet with the entire Canning's
approval of his colleagues. Wellington disapproved of some of inferences
the passages of Canning's speech of December I2th ; nor, a few
months later, did he agree with the signing of the London Conven-
tion with regard to Greece. On the questions of Free Trade and
Catholic Emancipation the Cabinet was also divided, Huskissor
being a Free Trader, while Wellington was not. However, in the
spring of 1826 a certain amount of foreign corn was imported into
England. Eldon, Peel and Wellington were opposed to the
emancipation of the Catholics, which was an important matter
for Ireland, but public opinion seemed to be against it. Lord
Liverpool kept his discordant Cabinet together ; but, on February
1 7th, 1827, he was struck by paralysis. Canning must either be
got rid of or lead. The decision turned mainly on Catholic Eman-
cipation, and the hopes of the Tories were excited by a division
in the Commons on March 6th, 1827, when a motion of Sir Francis
Burdett in favour of emancipation was rejected by four votes,
although Canning had warmly supported it in opposition to Sir
Robert Peel and Sir John Copley, the Master of the Rolls.

The Duke of Newcastle did his best to persuade the King to Death of
get rid of Canning, but this was found impossible, and on April loth Canning.
Canning was empowered to form a new Ministry. Peel, Wel-
lington and Eldon retired, and with them other Tories ; only
Huskisson, Robinson, Wynn and Harrowby remained. The
Tories had serious doubts as to Canning's probable success. How-
ever, he formed a strong Ministry, in which the King's brother
became Lord High Admiral, and Copley, with the title of Lord
Lyndhurst, was Lord Chancellor. Among the Whigs, Canning
was supported by Lord Lansdowne, Lord Holland, Tierney and
Brougham. The world, however, was not allowed to see what
Canning might be able to effect as Prime Minister. In the summer
he fell ill, and died on August 8th, 1827, at the Duke of Devonshire's
villa at Chiswick, in the same room in which Charles Fox had died
twenty-one years before. He was buried in Westminster Abbey,
by the side of William Pitt.

189

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Canning's death produced a profound effect on Europe. He was
mourned by all Liberals as the man who had released Great Britain
from the fetters of the Holy Alliance. On the other hand, Gentz
regarded his death as an act of God. Metternich compared it
to the " quenching of an unholy meteor." He said, " Canning
did not build ; he only pulled down." His three months' Ministry,
however, will be placed in history by the side of another Hundred
Days. In that short time he had been able to create the Triple
Alliance for the liberation of Greece.

Apostolical In Spain, at the end of August, 1827, a rising, the work of the
Rising Apostolical party, took place at Manresa, in Catalonia, a place
pa ' intimately associated with the fortunes of Ignatius Loyola. The
garrison of the town was overpowered, and the officers and the
populace embraced the Apostolical cause. Their cry was that
the time had now come to cast the insane enemies of Holy Religion
and of Absolute Monarchy in the dust. Arms and ammunition
were requisitioned under penalty of death, the example of Manresa
was followed by other places, and the contagion spread to Aragon
and Valencia. The numbers of the rebels were swelled to many
thousands. Up to this time Ferdinand, following the advice of
his minister, Calomarde, had tried to manage the Apostolicals by
flattery, but now more strenuous measures were required. The
King and his ministers went to Tarragona, and the rising collapsed.
The few who resisted were overpowered by General Espafia, while
several of the leaders escaped to France, and others were delivered
up to the executioners by their old friends Calomarde and Espafia,
Calomarde stamping himself for ever as a traitor. Espafia tried
to regain the confidence of his former friends by cruel persecution
of the Liberals, in his capacity as Captain-General of Catalonia.
The result, however, of these events was a policy of moderation.
The Apostolical party suffered a great loss in the death of Queen
Josefa Amalia on May i7th, 1829.

King The King, who had no children, immediately prepared to con-

Ferdinand's tract a fourth marriage. The Apostolicals wished, first, that the

Fourth __. , , , „ . ,,. ,, ,,

Marriage. King should not marry at all ; in this case the crown would
descend to his brother, Don Carlos. If he did marry, they desired
that his bride should favour their opinions. They hoped for an
alliance with a Sardinian princess, or the widowed Princess Beira,
the sister-in-law of Don Carlos. But Luisa Carlota, the wife of
Don Francisca de Paula, a bitter enemy of the wife of Don Carlos,
the Portuguese Maria Francisca, and of his sister-in-law, continued
to direct the King's attention to her younger sister, Maria Cristina,
and she was assisted by Calomarde. The King's passions were

190

THE RISE OF DON CARLOS

aroused and the marriage was hastily concluded. The newly-
married pair entered Madrid on November nth, 1829. The
marriage, however, led to a step which altered the succession to
the throne and prepared a long series of disasters for Spain.

In the year 1713, Philip V., the first Bourbon King of Spain, Don Carlos
altered the old Castilian law of succession to the crown. He Awaits
promulgated a law which procured the inheritance of women after
the last male heir. In 1789, however, Charles IV. induced the
Cortes to pass a Pragmatic Sanction, restoring the old right of
inheritance. He had lost four sons by death, and the two that
survived were weakly, and he wished to secure the crown to his
daughter Carlota, who was betrothed to the Crown Prince of
Portugal, instead of its going to his brother, the King of Naples.
The Pragmatic Sanction was kept an entire secret, and was never
promulgated as a law. The health of Charles' sons, Ferdinand
and Carlos, improved, and the French Revolution broke out.
The Constitution of 1812 restored the old Castilian order of suc-
cession. But this Constitution was suspended in 1814, and this
fact, together with the recrudescence of the doctrine of Absolute
Sovereignty, made matters more complicated. On March 29th,
1830, a Royal decree revived the Pragmatic Sanction of Charles IV.,
and two days later it was proclaimed in the capital with the sound
of trumpets. The people received it quietly, but Don Carlos and
his friends were deeply stirred. The Queen was expecting her
confinement, and was anxious to secure the succession of her
child, whatever its sex. Don Carlos did not break with his brother
Ferdinand ; his party awaited the birth of the child. If it were
a male they would acknowledge its claims to the succession ; if
a female, they would assert the rights of Don Carlos.

We must now return to the affairs of Portugal. One of the Coming of
last actions of Canning had been to send a British auxiliary force Afe of Dom
to that country to defend her against the threatened attack of
Spain. The result of this was that the Constitution granted by
Dom Pedro was maintained and his sister Isabel Maria remained
at the head of the Government. But this Constitution had not
taken root in the country, being detested by the clergy and the
great landowners. Indeed, it had few friends, and had not been
a success. The treasury was empty, and public security was not
preserved, the army being without discipline. In June, 1827,
Saldanha became Prime Minister and displayed no lack of energy.
He inaugurated a Liberal regime, but was opposed by his col-
leagues, and the Regent lacked the firmness to help or defend
him. He retired on July 23rd, after little more than a month's

191

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Dom Miguel

Appointed

Regent.

Dom

Miguel's
Arrival
in Lisbon.

term of office. Dom Miguel was now of age. It will be remem-
bered that Pedro, Emperor of Brazil, had renounced the crown
of Portugal in favour of his daughter Maria da Gloria, who, in
May, 1826, was seven years of age, on the condition that, before
she left Brazil, her uncle, Dom Miguel, who was appointed Regent,
should take the oath to the Constitution and marry his niece.
Miguel fulfilled the first condition in word certainly, but the second
could not be fulfilled till the child was of marriageable age. There
was now a general desire that Donna Maria should leave Brazil
and come to Portugal to put an end to the uncertainties of the
situation. Great Britain and Austria, differing in so many matters,
were agreed upon this.

Dom Pedro could not make up his mind. In February he
wished Miguel to come to Brazil, to receive both his daughter and
the Regency ; by summer he had altered his views. Palmella,
who was ambassador in London, assured him that the presence of
Dom Miguel was required in Portugal. " We require a man and
a prince," he said, " who must, like Henry IV., have the energy
and will to close the Temple of Discord, to adopt honourably the
principles of the Legitimate party, but to protect their opponents
from their vengeance." Dom Pedro was convinced, and agreed
that Dom Miguel should proceed to Lisbon instead of Rio Janeiro.
By a decree of July 3rd, 1827, he appointed him Regent, on
condition that he governed according to the Constitution. But
he did not absolutely renounce the crown of Portugal ; Dom
Miguel was to govern in his name. Dom Pedro asked the King
of Great Britain and the Emperor of Austria to sanction these
decisions. Consequently, conferences were held in Vienna, which
issued a series of protocols on October i8th, 2oth and 23rd. Dom
Miguel accepted the Regency under the conditions proposed by
his brother ; he promised an amnesty for the past and peace
between the contending factions.

In London the Ministry promised to assist him with a loan,
and sent a squadron to accompany him to Lisbon. Frederick
Lamb went with him as ambassador. However, the news of his
coming excited the enemies of the Constitution and the supporters
of absolute monarchy. He arrived at Lisbon on February 22nd,
1828, and was anxiously received by the Regent, Isabel Maria.
His first visit was to his mother, Queen Carlota, who had been
his evil genius. In the evening the mob went about singing,
" Long live King Miguel ! " The foreign diplomats, however,
were afraid that the days of the Constitution were numbered.
On February 26th he swore obedience to the Constitution, in the

192

DOM MIGUEL PROCLAIMED KING

presence of the Cortes, in the palace of the Ajuda. But his friends
declared that he had never repeated the words of the oath, and
the fact was published in the official part of the Journal. He
appointed as Prime Minister the Duke of Cadaval, President of
the House of Peers and a known enemy of the Constitution.

The palace of Dom Miguel became a meeting-place for all Disorder
discontented spirits, the friends of the Queen-Mother, retired in Porta*a1'
officers, dismissed officials, monks and priests. The mob hindered
the playing of the constitutional hymn and attacked prominent
Liberals with violence. The British and Austrian Ambassadors
made representations to Dom Miguel, but found him like wax in
the hands of his mother. He prepared for a coup d'etat by changing
the military governors and the officers, dissolved the Chamber
on March I3th, and made no arrangement for a new election.
Liberals were denounced as the enemies of Holy Church and of
the rightful King Miguel. Riots took place, not without blood-
shed, and many sought refuge in flight. The British troops under
Clinton were the only security for order, and Lamb begged Clinton
to defer his departure, although he despised both parties and
wrote to Wellington that both Pedrists and Miguelists deserved
a good flogging. At the same time, to save the honour of Great
Britain, he asked that reinforcements should be sent, and that
the command of the troops might be given to the ambassador.
Wellington refused, on the ground that the troops had been sent
to secure Portugal against invasion, and that they could now go
home. Great Britain had no right to complain if Dom Miguel
preferred to choose his ministers from one party rather than the
other. If things grew very bad, Lamb must demand his pass-
ports and leave a charge d'affaires behind. The British troops
were embarked on April 5th.

The Miguelists now had a free hand. On April 25th, the birth- Dom Miguel
day of Queen Carlota, the town hall was surrounded by troops Py061
and Dom Miguel proclaimed as King, a number of people signing
their names to the proclamation. Dom Miguel affected a show
of moderation. He asked the Town Council to wait and proceed
in a constitutional manner. He had conceived the idea of sum-
moning the ancient Cortes of Estates, which had not met since
1698, and which was called the Cortes of Lamego, from the place
where it had first met in 1143. Queen Carlota, however, was
strongly opposed to these steps. She demanded that her son
should be proclaimed immediately as King. In fact, the Cortes
of Lamego, consisting of the representatives of the clergy, nobles,
and towns, was summoned on May 3rd, by a proclamation signed
N 193

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Opposition
to Miguel.

The White
Terror.

by Miguel, in which he did not call himself either Regent or
Viceroy. He had burned his boats. The diplomatic body declared
their functions suspended, and Palmella and the Portuguese
diplomats in other countries protested against the violation of
the Constitution and of the rights of Dom Pedro.

On May i6th the garrison of Oporto declared itself against
Dom Miguel, and was supported by the population. Coimbra
rose in the south, and even Algarve showed signs of resistance.
A junta under General da Costa was formed in Oporto. How-
ever, these movements had for the time no success, and Dom
Miguel succeeded in putting them down. Saldanha, Villaflor and
Palmella arrived too late to be of any use. Wellington declined to
interfere, and though Dudley might have done something, his
place was now taken by Aberdeen. The Cortes met on June 23rd,
and was called by Metternich a " mad Parliament." He tells
us : " The pretended representatives of the nation were nothing
but chosen instruments and notorious accomplices of corruption.
Their deliberations, begun and ended in two or three tumultuous
meetings, were the idle echoes of those resolutions which party
spirit had long ago prepared and caprice and power were ready
to carry out." On June 26th, Miguel was proclaimed the lawful
successor of his father to the throne of Portugal, and everything
which Dom Pedro had decreed as King, including the Constitution,,
was declared null and void. The Estates then separated. On
July 4th it was announced that Dom Miguel had accepted the
title of King, and the representatives of foreign Powers, with the
exception of the Nuntius and the Spanish Ambassador, left Lisbon.

This was a blow for Austria and Great Britain. Metternich
attempted conciliation by proposing that, until Donna Maria had
reached a marriageable age, Dom Miguel should be considered
co-Regent of the kingdom and share the throne with her, with the
title of King. Wellington approved of this, and asked Dom Pedro
to consent. Paris, St. Petersburg, Berlin and Madrid agreed, and
the Pope was asked to influence Dom Miguel to accept this com-
promise. Miguel, however, continued in his course. Palmella
and Saldanha returned to England, and a White Terror was
established. Imprisonments, confiscations, and executions raged
throughout the land, and the enemies of the Queen-Mother were
barbarously treated. Only one spot in the Portuguese dominions-
refused its submission. This was the island of Terceira, in the
Azores, which had once held the standard of Portuguese independ-
ence against Philip II. of Spain. The governor, Cabrera, could
depend upon his garrison, and Miguel was unable to subdue it.

A FUGITIVE QUEEN

Under the influence of Austria and Great Britain, Pedro had, Donna Maria
on March 3rd, 1828, declared his unconditional surrender of the Seeks Refuge
throne of Portugal in favour of his daughter, Donna Maria. He
determined to send her, now a child of nine, to Vienna, to be
educated by her grandfather, the Emperor Francis. But when she
arrived at Gibraltar, her Governor, Marquis Barbacena, heard
that Dom Miguel had assumed the crown and established his
authority. With the consent of Dom Pedro, therefore, the plan
of his journey was changed, and, on September 24th, they reached
the coast of England. Palmella was one of the first to do homage
to her, and the fugitives of Oporto and Corunna clustered round
her. A Brazilian expedition to Terceira was secretly being
prepared. On October 25th Barbacena informed the Duke of
Wellington of it, and asked for the help of a British man-of-war,
and on November 25th presented a similar request to Aberdeen.
Wellington set his face against any such step. He could not
countenance the Emperor of Brazil making preparations in
England to take a Portuguese possession by force. He thought
that the assembling of the conspirators in Plymouth was a danger
to the arsenal, and asserted the neutrality of Great Britain in
the strongest terms. Notwithstanding this, the expedition of
five ships and 600 men, under the command of Saldanha, sailed
from Plymouth to Terceira on January 6th, 1829.

Two British frigates were cruising in the neighbourhood of British
the Azores under the command of William Walpole, who was intervention
ordered to prevent the landing of the troops. Saldanha's ship a erceira"
came in sight on January i6th, and Walpole fired a shot which
killed one man and wounded another. Saldanha retired, watched
by Walpole, and eventually preferred to go into Brest to being
a prisoner in England. From that port he sailed to Terceira.
Wellington was violently attacked in Parliament by Mackintosh,
Brougham, Palmerston and Londonderry. On June I5th, 1829,
Dom Pedro set up a provisional government in Terceira under
Palmella, in favour of his daughter, while the little Queen returned
with Barbacena to Rio.

The Reign of Terror in Portugal became worse and worse. Queen
Thousands of heads of families were imprisoned, and all classes of Garlota
society were sent to the galleys. Dom Miguel even kept his own SuPreme>
sister, the former Regent, under lock and key, and threatened her
with a pistol. Queen Carlota was mistress of the situation. Her
party demanded the restoration of the Inquisition, and posted
placards, with the legend, " Our endeavour is to save the Throne
and the Altar. The revolutionaries still hold important places,

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

and prisons are turned into Freemasons' lodges. May the galleys,
the axe, and the gallows annihilate the monsters for ever ! " Her
party was connected with the Spanish Apostolicals. At the same
time, there were furious quarrels between her and her son till her
death, on January yth, 1830, brought some alleviation, but mis-
government still continued. The state of the finances was hope-
less, and the Bank of Lisbon suspended payment. Foreign
capitalists refused assistance, and an attempt to sell the crown
diamonds failed. No one was paid — neither the officers in the
army, nor the artisans in the arsenal, nor the clerks in the
offices. Portuguese paper fell 40 per cent. The scaffold, however,
was kept busy, and an occasional auto da fe varied the gruesome
spectacle.

196

CHAPTER XX
CHARLES X

WHEN Louis XVIII. died, on September i6th, 1824, the recon- A "New
ciliation between the old France and the new had made very little Henry IY-"
progress. On the one side stood the newly arisen middle class
with its ideas of equality before the law and the easy transference
of property ; on the other, the returned nobility, with their ideas
of feudal privilege and their struggle for the restoration of large
consolidated estates. With the Church on its side, this latter
party had won many victories during the last years of Louis
XVIII. Villele, a far-seeing and cautious minister, had done
his best to restrain the fanatical zeal of the lay and clerical
extremists of his party, which, on the accession of Charles X.,
conceived hopes of fresh victories. They had always been sup-
ported by the Pavilion Marsan, and they thought that the sixty-
seven years of the new sovereign would not allow him to change
the opinions of a lifetime.

The new monarch was careful not to show his hand prema-
turely. He promised to confirm the Charte, and he declared
that all Frenchmen were equal in his eyes. He admitted the
Due d'Angouleme to the Royal Council, and gave the Due
d'Orleans the title of " Royal Highness/' which had hitherto been
withheld. He won all hearts by removing the censorship of the
Press a fortnight after his accession. He was hailed as a new
Henry IV.

However, this happy state of things did not long continue. Compensa-
The first note of discord was struck by a decree of December ist, tion for
1824, which put a number of officers of high rank on half-pay.
This was worked so as to affect the soldiers of the Revolution and
the Empire, while those who belonged to the Emigration were
spared. The Chambers met on December 22nd, and the King, in
his speech, announced a law which, to use the expression of Louis
XVIII. , was " to heal the wounds of the Revolution." It was
proposed to compensate the families of emigres for their confiscated
property which had been sold by auction. The sum necessary
for this purpose was 988,000,000 francs, which it was difficult to
provide.

197

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The debate upon the subject was, naturally, stormy. The
Right was not satisfied with the amount of compensation, some
rejecting the notion of compensation altogether and demanding
that the " stolen property " should be restored entire. The Left
objected that no compensation had been given to those who lost
their property by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Why
should the emigres be compensated any more than others who
had suffered by the Revolution ? Had not they already received
compensation in offices, honours, and other advantages ? It
was their fault that France had ever been conquered by a foreign
foe.

"A Measure Villele tried to hold the balance between these conflicting
Rf v*0]11 t'ter~" v*ews- He allowed amendments which implied that, notwith-
standing the compensation, the possession of the property was
not secured to its present owners. But General Foy declared that
the proposed law, instead of being a measure of unity and peace,
had become a declaration of war, an instrument of hatred and
revenge. When the vote was taken on March I5th, it was found
that there were 259 for and 124 against, and everyone was shocked
by the largeness of the minority. The Peers endeavoured to modify
the effect of these amendments by declaring that property secured
by the law of December 5th, 1814, should not be affected by the
present Act. The Due de Broglie denounced the compensation as
a measure of counter-revolution, and a means of stimulating the
appetites of the emigres. But, in fact, these properties now
reached the settled value of ordinary estates, having been depre-
ciated by the insecurity attaching to them.

Anti- Two other laws bore a reactionary character. One made it

Sacrilege possible for nunneries to receive property without legal confirma-
tion. This was enacted with the object of enabling ladies of good
family to retire more easily to a cloister. The other was directed
against sacrilege, which it was proposed to punish with death.
This aroused violent opposition in both Chambers. Mole asked,
" What should we say if Frenchmen of a different religion demanded
from us a law which punished with death the violation of the
sanctity of their churches ? " Broglie remarked that the offence
was the same, whether it was committed in a Protestant chapel or
a Catholic church. In the lower Chamber, Royer Collard said,
" The theocracy of our time is not so much religious as political.
It is a part of the general reaction under which we live. It is
recommended to us by its counter-revolutionary character. Cer-
tainly, the Revolution was godless to fanaticism, even to cruelty ;
but this brought about its destruction, and we may predict with

198

REVIVAL OF JESUITICAL INFLUENCE

certainty that a renewal of cruelty, even upon paper, will stain
and disgrace the counter-revolution." The law was carried by a
large majority, but its worst provisions remained a dead letter.

At this time Metternich was in Paris, and although he dis- Disappoint-
liked the prevailing " theocracy/' he knew how to make the ment with
reactionary spirit subservient to his plans. But the popularity of ar *
Charles X. began to wane. The people had discovered that he
was not a Henry IV., and the feeling became more obvious when
he returned to Paris after his coronation at Rheims, on May 29th,
1825, a ceremony carried out with a revival of medieval pomp
which excited the sneers of scoffers. Charles was anointed in
seven places, and touched for the king's evil. Clerical oppression
became more pronounced. Officers and officials were compelled
to take part in religious processions. Religious tests were exacted,
the writings of Voltaire, Diderot and d'Alembert were not allowed
to be exhibited in the booksellers' shops and windows, or to be
retained in lending libraries and reading-rooms. The little semin-
aries, intended originally for the education of priests, were used
as a set-off against the State schools, and numbered 50,000 pupils.
This was attributed to a supposed secret society called the " Con-
gregation." The Jesuits, although forbidden by law to set foot
in France, began to come back, and Gentz, who ought to have
been well-informed, wrote about them, " The Jesuits in France
are no empty name, but a very active, powerful machine, rightly
feared by all enemies of religion and order, directed by very active,
determined and logical supporters of the true Restoration."

There was, naturally, a reaction on the other side against the Anti- Jesuit
Congregationists and the black coat of Ignatius. The performance Campaign,
of Tartuffe produced violent demonstrations. Pamphleteers and
song- writers assisted the movement. Foremost among the news-
papers on this side were the Constitutionnel and the Courier. These
were indicted in August, 1825, for their attacks on the State
religion, and the public prosecutor asked that they might be sus-
pended, one for a month and the other for three months. However,
the Journal des Debuts took their side, and they were acquitted —
the Constitutionnel on December 3rd, the Courier on December 5th.
The friends of General Foy, on November 28th, gave occasion for
a Liberal demonstration in favour of this redoubted leader of the
Left. A subscription of 400,000 francs was raised for his children,
among the subscribers being Louis Philippe, Due d'Orleans.

Villele tried to recover his lost popularity with the Right by
introducing a Bill for the restriction of primogeniture. It was
violently opposed by the Peers. Broglie said, " This is no law,

199

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

but a manifesto against existing society. It is the forerunner of
twenty other laws, which, unless your wisdom prevent them, will
break in upon us and leave no peace to French society as it has
been constituted for the last forty years." It was rejected by
120 votes against 24. In the evening Paris was illuminated.
They cried in the streets, " Long live the Chamber of Peers ! Long
live the Charte ! " Discontent was further increased by the
appointment of the Due de Riviere, an Ultra pur-sang, as governor
of the Due de Bordeaux, " the child of the miracle," and Thouin,
Bishop of Strasbourg, as his teacher.

Attempts to Charles X. had long regretted the first enactment of his reign,
the granting of freedom to the Press. But, on December 29th,
1826, a law was introduced which was to remedy this defect. To
prevent the circulation of small pamphlets, every copy with fewer
than five leaves was to pay a franc for the first folio and ten
centimes for every succeeding folio. To prevent the publication
of larger works, they were to be kept back for periods varying
from five to ten days according to their size. For periodical works,
the responsibility was laid on the proprietor and the printer.
The tax on newspapers was raised, the scale of fines was increased,
paragraphs on private affairs were forbidden, except with the con-
sent of the parties interested. These and many other provisions
made up a formidable enactment.

The BUI The Bill was received with general execration. The Debuts,

Defeated, the Constitutionnel, and the Courier attacked it together. Chateau-
briand called it " Vandalish." The Academy opposed it, and
Vill£le confessed that he had never seen such excitement. The
debates in the lower House lasted from February 7th to March
1 2th. Few Ultras followed Count Salabery in his opinion that
the " newspaper Press was the only plague which Moses forgot
to inflict upon the Egyptians." Royer Collard said of the Ministry,
" Last year they dug up the right of the first-born from the dust
of the Middle Ages, the year before the law of sacrilege, to-day
they prepare the annihilation of the freedom of the Press. They
are going back in religion, in politics, in social affairs ; they are
proceeding by fanaticism, privilege, and ignorance to barbarism,
and to the foolish government which is formed by barbarism."
On the division the minority numbered 134, although the measure
had been rendered less severe by amendments. The opposition
in the Peers was so strong that the Bill had to be withdrawn on
April 1 7th. Paris gave way to unrestrained enthusiasm. Even-
ing after evening there were illuminations, processions, and cries
of " Long live the Peers ! Down with the Ministers ! "

200

DISAFFECTION IN FRANCE

The Ministry now made themselves ridiculous as well as The King
detested. On April zgth the King held a review of the National and the
Guard, which passed off fairly well. Most of the soldiers cried G*a^a
out " Vive le Roi! " Some shouted " Vive la Charte !" " Vive la
Liberte de la Presse ! " " A bas les Ministres I " " A bas les Jesuites ! "
The King was, on the whole, satisfied. But, in the evening, he
learned from Villele that on their return the Guard had insulted
him and Peyronnet, and also the Duchesses de Bern and Angou-
leme on their way from the Champ de Mars. Villele advised their
immediate dismissal, and the Cabinet agreed with him. The
Ministers received this decree at midnight, and had to suppress
an article in which they spoke highly of the review. Villele thought
he had made a great stroke ; in reality, he had shattered his
Ministry. Twenty thousand Parisian bourgeois felt themselves
grossly insulted, and the Left redoubled its attacks. Benjamin
Constant said, " The Ministry has crossed the Rubicon. Its
standard is absolutism ; the Apostolicals are its only allies." The
session came to an end on June 22nd.

Two days later the censorship of the Press was restored. The Defeat of
funeral of Manuel, who died on August 27th, gave rise to a demon- Yiiieie.
stration similar to that of General Foy. Villele felt the ground
tremble under his feet, and formed the plan of creating a number
of new peers, chosen from his majority in the lower House, with
the hope of filling their places with new adherents. On November
6th the Ministers announced a series of ordinances. The Chamber
of Representatives was dissolved, and the decree establishing the
censorship came automatically to an end. Seventy-six new peers
were created, nearly half of whom were taken from the lower
Chamber. The elections were fixed for November i7th to 24th.
The opponents of Villele made a coalition and issued a list of
candidates, containing the names of Lafayette, Benjamin Constant,
Lafntte, Casimir Perier, together with Labourdonnaye, Hyde de
Neuville, Delatot and Lazardidre, and this step was supported by
Chateaubriand in the Debats. A society called " Aide-toi, le del
t'aidera," led by Guizot, Duvergier de Haurarme, Odilon Barrot,
Remusat and Joubert, conducted a vigorous election campaign.
They formed the party of the Doctrinaires. In the elections the
Ministry were entirely defeated. Peyronnet could find a seat
nowhere, and Royer Collard was chosen in seven constituencies.
Out of 422 deputies, only 125 were supporters of Villele.

The King did not know what to do, and his ideas changed
every day. He would have liked to keep Villele and to reform
the Ministry. In January, however, Villele resigned and was

201

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Martignac's
Indepen-
dence.

Harmonious
Beginning.

succeeded by Chabrol, although the Ministry generally bears the
name of Martignac, who was its most prominent member. Lafer-
ronays became Foreign Minister ; Portalis, Minister of Justice ;
Villele, Corbiere and Peyronnet were made peers. When Villele
took leave of the Dauphin, the Due d'Angouleme expressed his
regret that he was so unpopular. Villele replied, " Monseigneur,
thank God I am/' Barante said of him, " All great political
faults came from Charles X. and his party ; Villele would never
have made them on his own account ; he allowed them to be
committed without realising their importance."

Martignac had a difficult task to perform. The King declared
himself devoted to the principles of Villele, and Martignac was
often regarded as the figure-head of a Cabinet inspired by Villele 's
influence, pr as a warming-pan for Polignac, whose advent to
power was regarded with apprehension. At the same time, he
showed that he was prepared to take a line of his own. The post
of Director of the General Police, in which Franchet had made
himself so detested, was abolished, and the Prefecture of the Paris
Police was placed in other hands. The " Black Cabinet " of the
Post Office was abolished. The three academicians, Michaud, Ville-
main and Lacretelle, who had been deprived of their professor-
ships, were restored to their places, and a commission was appointed
to inquire into the " little seminaries." All this offended the
Ultras, while it did not satisfy the Liberals. Chateaubriand, who
held aloof, did not see how the Ministry could obtain a majority
'in the Chamber.

The session opened on January 5th, 1828, the King, in his
opening speech, declaring his determination to bring legislation
into harmony with the Charte. A good effect was produced
by a circular of Vatismenil, the newly appointed Rector of the
University. He had hitherto been regarded as a violent Ultra
and Congregationist, but now insisted on the close observance of
the Charte and the laws, and promised to give the protection of
the Government to every kind of useful education. A still great el-
success was the appointment of Royer Collard, the leader of
the Doctrinaires, to the Presidency of the Chamber, Frayssinous
and Chabrol were removed from office, and their places filled by
Feutrier, Bishop of Beauvais, mild in manner and tolerant in
character, and Hyde de Neuville, who, from a thoroughgoing Ultra,
had become half a Liberal. Chateaubriand also joined and was
made ambassador in Rome.

Unfortunately, the Chamber brought dissension into this scene
of harmony. In their Address they spoke disrespectfully of the

202

CLERICAL OPPOSITION TO THE MINISTRY

Ministry of Villele and made the King very angry. He declared
he would rather saw wood than be a king under the same con-
ditions as in England. To Martignac and Portalis he said, " There,
you see what they are driving me to. But I will not allow them
to cast my crown into the mud/' He talked of reforming the
Address and of dissolving the Chamber. Martignac asked him
whether, in that case, he was ready to dismiss his ministers and
had the means to suppress an insurrection. The King bethought
himself. Next day he received the deputation in the Tuileries,
heard the Address read by Royer Collard, and contented himself
with expressing regret that the Chamber had shown lack of unity.
Villele was very angry at the King's weakness and Martignac's
hesitation.

Two Bills were now introduced — one for securing greater A Success-
freedom of election, and the other concerning the Press. The ful Session,
first was directed against intimidation and trickery in preparing
the list of voters. Just at this time some by-elections were held,
which resulted in a victory for the Left. The candidates had
addressed large meetings in the open air, a practice which recalled
the days of the Girondists and the Jacobin Club. This excited
the Right to opposition, but the Bill passed both Chambers. By
the second Bill the Act of March I7th, 1822, was abrogated, and
more Liberal principles were introduced. This was also passed
by both Chambers, although it did not satisfy the Constitutionals
and Benjamin Constant. Two ordinances were published on
June i6th, dealing with the Jesuits and the " little seminaries."
They placed eight religious secondary schools under the Univer-
sity, and demanded a declaration from all teachers in religious
secondary schools that they did not belong to forbidden Orders,
and limited the number of students to 20,000. The session closed
on August 1 8th, and Martignac had good reason to be satisfied
with his work.

It was, however, found difficult to carry out the ordinances Clerical
of June i6th. They were bitterly opposed by ecclesiastical and Opposition.
political Ultras. Portalis and Feutrier, whose names stood at
the foot of the ordinances, were stigmatised as Diocletian and
Julian. The ordinances were acts of revolutionary vandalism,
and the age of martyrs was at hand ! To forbid any Frenchman,
clerical or lay, to teach was to violate the Charte. The Ultras
fought under the banner of freedom of education, but they avowed
that education belonged to the Church alone, because it alone
possessed the treasure of truth, which is the foundation of life.

The bishops protested, Cardinal Clermont-Tonnerre, Arch-

203

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

bishop of Toulouse, leading the way. The Government sent
Lasagni, a French judge, to Leo XII. at Rome. He found
Bernetti, the Secretary of State, and Pope Leo XII. favourable
to the views of the Government. Bernetti expressed the opinion
that the Jesuitical and fanatical party in the Church were the
real enemies of the Holy See and of the peace of Europe. The
Pope said that, much as he should rejoice to see all education in
the hands of the bishops, he could not regard their claims as well
founded. Bernetti induced Latil, the Archbishop of Rheims, to
draft a circular letter to the bishops, saying that, in the Pope's
opinion, it was their duty to trust the wisdom of the King with
regard to carrying out the ordinances. This brought about the
submission of the bishops ; but the Archbishop of Toulouse,
continuing in his opposition, was forbidden access to the Court.
The King's In September the King made a progress, accompanied by the
Progress. j)uc d'Angouleme and Martignac, through Alsace and Lorraine.
He was received everywhere with enthusiasm. When the people
were shouting at Strasbourg, whilst the cathedral was illuminated,
he turned to Martignac and said, " These people cry, ' Vive le
Roi ! ' not ' Vive la Charte ! ' " He confessed that if he had
known the disposition of the people he would not have made so
many concessions. The feeling of confidence in the popularity of
his throne was strengthened by the reception which the Duchesse
de Bern had met with in La Vendee and Brittany.

Polignac The sudden illness of Laferronays on January Qth, 1829,

Banned. threatened a change in the Ministry. Polignac was sent for from
London to receive the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, but the other
Ministers declared they would all resign if he were appointed,
and Portalis undertook the office. The King could not carry
Polignac and would not hear of Chateaubriand, who was sup-
ported by Hyde de Neuville. The Chambers met on January 27th,
1829, with little or no foreboding of coming events.

Attack on Martignac was desirous of remedying the extreme centralisa-

Boreaucracy. ^jon of prench Government and establishing some system of repre-
sentative local self-government, in place of the bureaucracy of
mayors and provincial councillors, who now governed France.
At an earlier period this had been one of the plans of the Pavilion
Marsan, and Charles X. could hardly refuse his consent to it. On
February 9th Martignac introduced Bills for the establishment of
representative councils in the Departments and municipalities,
and pointed out, in a masterly speech, how it would open a new
career of usefulness to young men of talent and tend to allay dis-
content, The proposition was received with acclamation by the

204

DISMISSAL OF MARTIGNAC

Liberal Press, but the Right ridiculed the idea of establishing
" thousands of little republics/' and the Ultras, forgetting their
previous attacks on bureaucracy, joined the opposition. Differ-
ence of opinion became accentuated as to which proposal should
have the priority. Martignac desired to give this to the municipali-
ties, whereas the Liberals and the Liberal Centre wished first to
deal with the Departments. The Doctrinaires, under the leader-
ship of the Due de Broglie, also set themselves against the Bill.

This question, which in these days does not appear very impor- Defeat of
tant, brought about a defeat of the Ministry. The Left and the the Ministry.
Right formed a coalition for giving priority to the law about the
Departments, and Martignac was beaten. He would have been
glad to make concessions to the Liberals ; but the King, before
giving his consent to the introduction of the Bills, had exacted
a promise that no alterations should be made in them. When,
on April 8th, an amendment was carried against the Ministry,
Martignac and Portalis left the Chamber. It was supposed that
they would return and announce their resignation, but instead
of this they brought back a Royal Ordinance which removed the
two measures from the Chambers.

Those who did not know the arrangements which had been
made with the King blamed Martignac for behaving like an " angry
child " ; but the truth gradually leaked out, and the Ultras and
Villelians triumphed. They felt certain that the King had deter-
mined to dismiss the Ministry, and he was only waiting till the
budget had been passed, fearing to strengthen the Ministry by
any additions. For this reason he refused to admit Chateau-
briand and Pasquier ; and Portalis, whose office had previously
been temporary, was now made permanent Secretary of Foreign
Affairs.

The session closed on July 3oth, and Charles set to work to Dismissal of
carry out his own views. Polignac arrived from London, and was Martignac.
in constant communication with him at St. Cloud. Labour-
donnaye also was taken into confidence. Martignac soon became
aware of these negotiations, and discovered that Polignac was
designated as his successor. The King threw off the mask, and on
August 8th, 1829, dismissed the Martignac Ministry, retaining
only Roy, the Minister of Finance. He, however, refused to serve
when he learnt that Martignac was excluded. The Moniteur of
August Qth published the names of the new Ministers, and the
result was general consternation. The Prince de Polignac, the
son of the friend of Marie Antoinette, now Minister of Foreign
Affairs, was regarded as a standard-bearer of the Emigration

205

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

" Unhappy
France ;
Unhappy
King!"

Polignac
and Labour-
donnaye.

and the Congregation ; Labourdonnaye recalled the days of the
White Terror ; Bourmont, Minister of War, had deserted Napoleon
in 1815 as he rode to the field of Waterloo ; Montbel, a devoted
friend of Villele, became Minister of Instruction ; Courvoisier was
Minister of Justice, Chabrol of Finance, and de Rigny of Marine.
The belief that the Ministry was the offspring of Austrian and
British influence made them more unpopular. As a fact, Metter-
nich and Wellington had nothing whatever to do with the matter.

The newspapers, foremost among them the Journal des Debuts,
which had so often defended the monarchy, opened a chorus of
attacks. " Once more is the tie of love and confidence between
the monarch and the people torn asunder. What France has
gained in forty years of labour and misfortune is now taken away
from her ; what she rejected with all the strength of her will and
force of her desire is now thrust upon her." The Debuts invoked
the shade of John Hampden, and ended with the words, " Un-
happy France ; unhappy King ! " An indictment for high treason
only made Bert in, the editor, more outspoken. He called Polignac
the man of Coblenz and the Counter-Revolution ; Bourmont the
" deserter of Waterloo " ; Labourdonnaye the advocate of pro-
scription. Admiral de Rigny refused to serve with Bourmont
and Labourdonnaye ; Chateaubriand resigned his embassy in Rome ;
Lafayette made a triumphal journey in the south as the " hero
of two worlds." A Liberal club was founded in Brittany and in
other places, in which Carbonari and Doctrinaires found a common
meeting-place.

Polignac was a Rip van Winkle ; he knew nothing of modern
France. He had spent a large portion of his life either as an
emigri or as a prisoner of Napoleon at Vincennes. He had no
desire to abolish the Churte, but wished to emphasise Article 14,
which gave the King power to issue necessary regulations and
ordinances for the carrying out of the laws and the security of the
State. Above all, he was determined to make "no more con-
cessions." Labourdonnaye was a very different character. He
detested the Clerical party, but wished to fight everything he
considered revolutionary to the bitter end. His cry was, " War
with the Revolution ; no armistice between it and us ! " He said
to Apponyi, the Austrian Ambassador, " We are playing not only
our game but yours also, and that of all monarchies." But,
strongly as he held these principles, he was incapable of carrying
them out. Polignac found him useless, and wished to get rid of
him, and he resigned on November lyth. Polignac, nominated
President of the Council in his stead, was commonly believed to

206

ANTI-BOURBON AGITATION

be really the son of Charles X., and there is no doubt that he bore
a decided resemblance to him.

Several parties continued in opposition to the Bourbons. First Louis
were those who wished to place Louis Philippe, Due d'Orleans, philiPP«'8
on the throne. He did not break with the Court, but lived
quietly at the Palais Royal, without ceremony, sending his
sons to the ordinary public schools. At Neuilly, his country
house, he collected writers and artists, such as Villemain, Delavigne,
Alexandre Dumas, and Ary Scheffer. The leaders of the Left,
Laffitte and Dupin, were also seen there. Favour was extended
even to Talleyrand, who had said, " En 1814 le retour des Bourbons
a rendu les repos a VEurope ; en 1830 ou 1831 leur depart pourra
rendre le repos a la France.''

At the beginning of 1830, Talleyrand, with the assistance of Union of
Thiers and Mignet, founded a new journal, Le National, which Par*ies
was the mouthpiece of the Orleanist party, and Armand Carrel, Bourbons,
who had written about the English Revolution of 1688, joined the
staff. It was natural to compare the Bourbons with the Stuarts,
and the Due d'Orleans with the Prince of Orange. A similar
paper was the Globe, in which Remusat was the principal writer.
There was also a party of Republicans. Among them were Trelat,
Raspail, Cavaignac, Blanqui, Guinard, Bastide, Joubert and
Thomas, along with a number of students and artisans. Their
organ was the Tribune. They contemplated an insurrection, with
Lafayette at their head, which should depose the King and summon
a Constitutional Assembly. They were joined also by Bonapartists,
who were without a leader of their own. At any rate, the wor-
ship of Napoleon undermined the foundations of Bourbonism.

The Ministry determined to meet the Chambers on March 2nd, Polignac
and to confine themselves to passing the budget and a few neces- and AI*iers'
sary measures. Polignac hoped to secure a majority by dazzling the
nation with a brilliant foreign policy, and for this purpose he drew
up the famous " Great Plan " for the reconstitution of Europe,
which was rendered impossible by the Peace of Adrianople. Dis-
appointed in this, he determined to make an attack upon another
quarter of the Ottoman Empire. Algiers had long been a nest of
pirates, which rendered the navigation of the Mediterranean
dangerous. Polignac had intended to put an end to this state of
things, and was encouraged to do so from St. Petersburg. Indeed,
since 1827 a state of semi- war had existed between Algiers and
France. The French Consul, insulted by the Bey, had left Algiers ;
the French settlers had been made slaves, and the fortifications
belonging to the French destroyed. France blockaded the Algerian

207

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Egypt

Declines to

Assist

France.

The Cham-
bers Snub
the King

coast, an operation which, although extremely costly, was of no
use. In 1829, attempts were made to bring about an arrange-
ment, but the Bey fired upon the French ships.

This was the state of things when Polignac became Minister.
His first idea was to ask for the assistance of Mehmed Ali, the
Pasha of Egypt, who was to receive money and four ships of war
and to punish the Bey, and also to suppress the piratical haunts
of Tunis and Tripoli. Polignac's colleagues would not agree to
this arrangement, and Mehmed Ali rejected the application, which
was opposed by the Porte and Great Britain. The French Govern-
ment was compelled to act by itself, and preparations for an
expedition were made in the French arsenal. In a circular note
of February 4th Polignac assured the Powers that his only object
was to put an end to slavery, piracy, and the paying of tribute.
Spain and Sardinia promised their assistance, but it was believed
that Great Britain was opposed to any action which might increase
the power of Fiance in the Mediterranean.

The Chambers met on March 8th, 1830. The speech from
the throne mentioned the contemplated expedition to Algiers,
but it produced no effect. It concluded thus, " The Charte has
placed public liberties under the protection of the rights of my
Crown. These rights are secured, and my duty to my people
consists in handing them down untouched to my successors. Peers
of France, Deputies of the Departments ! I do not doubt of your
co-operation to carry out the good which I have set before myself.
You will reject with contempt the mischievous intrigues which
seek to spread discontent. If criminal machinations prepare for
my Government hindrances which I cannot and will not foresee,
I shall find strength to overcome them in my determination to
maintain inviolate the public peace, in the true confidence of
Frenchmen and the love which they have shown to their kings."
The Peers returned a meaningless answer, but the Commons took
up the challenge. They chose Royer Collard as President, and
under his guidance formulated their Address. They expressed
love and reverence for the Royal power, which was now secured
against all storms. But they also said that permanent harmony
between the Government and the wishes of the people was essential
for the proper conduct of public affairs, and added, " Sire, our
loyalty and devotion compel us to tell you that this harmony
does not exist at present." They begged the King to employ his
wisdom and prerogative in restoring constitutional harmony in
the powers of the State. After a good deal of discussion the
Address was carried by 221 to 181.

208

EXPEDITION AGAINST ALGIERS

The Address was delivered to the King on March i8th. He The King
answered from the throne that he was sorry he could not count Obdurate.
upon the co-operation of the Chamber, but his determination
was unalterable. The next day, March igth, the Chambers were
prorogued to September ist. It was obvious that this was the
prelude to a dissolution. The Doctrinaires bestirred themselves.
Guizot gave new life to the society, Aide-toi, It del £ aider a.
The Deputies who had voted for the address were entertained at
public banquets. Polignac placed his confidence in Article 14 of
the Charte.

In the meantime the preparations for the Algiers expedition
went on briskly. The fleet consisted of above a hundred ships of
war and four hundred transports, together with a military force
of 37,000 men. The command of the fleet was given to Admiral
Duperre". Marmont, Duke of Ragusa, was to have commanded
the troops, but he had to give way to Bourmont, the Minister of
War.

An ordinance, published on May i6th, dissolved the Chamber, The
ordered new elections, and fixed the beginning of the new session Chamber
for August 3rd. Other ordinances announced the changes in DlBSOlYed*
the Ministry, the retirement of Courvoisier and Chabrol, and the
appointment of Peyronnet, Chantelauze, and Capelle. Polignac
strained every nerve to obtain a majority at the elections. Pastoral
letters from the bishops vied with ministerial messages. Even
the King himself descended into the lists with a party proclama-
tion. " Perform your duty," he declared, " and I will perform
mine." Louis XIV. said, " I am the State " ; Charles X. said,
" I am the Ministry." Polignac placed his confidence in the
success of the Algerian expedition. Wellington, somewhat unwisely,
opposed the possible aggrandisement of France, but his own days
as Minister were nearly numbered. The British Cabinet persuaded
the Sultan to send the Kapudan Pasha, Takir, to the Bey of
Algiers, either to induce him to submit or to depose him, but
the French blockading squadron would not allow Takir to land.

The expedition under Duperre reached Sidi Ferrusch, a few Success
miles west of Algiers, on June I3th, and the troops landed on the of the
following day. On June igth the army of the Bey was com- ExPedition-
pletely defeated and his camp captured. On July 4th the castle
was taken after a bombardment, and on July 5th the Bey sur-
rendered, provided his life were spared. The French captured a
treasure of 50,000,000 francs, besides immeasurable arms and
spoil, the produce of centuries of piracy. The Bey sailed with his
private treasure and harem to Naples. Polignac had obtained a
o 209

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

brilliant success and conferred an inestimable benefit on Europe.
But it produced no effect upon the elections, in which the Opposi-
tion gained a complete victory : out of 195 Deputies in the Arron-
dissements no fewer than 140 belonged to the Opposition. The
Departments exhibited similar results. There remained the twenty
Departments in which the elections had been deferred. Just before
they took place the semaphore announced the capture of Algiers.
The Archbishop of Paris held a solemn " Te Deum " in Notre
Dame, which was attended by the King. A few days later the
elections were completed. The majority of 221 in the former
Chamber was now raised to 274, and of the 181 who voted against
the Address only 99 were returned. When the result of the elec-
tions was known Polignac tendered his resignation, but the King
refused to receive it. Polignac said, " Vous voulez done ma tete,
Sire," and the King replied, " Et pourquoi pas ? " His colleagues
remained with him in what they called the pass of danger. There
now ensued a coup d'etat.

Polignac's The fourteenth section of the Charte gave the King power
Coup to issue ordinances and regulations if the security of the State
were in danger, and Polignac affected to believe that this crisis had
arrived. He declared that in accordance with the Charte he was
defending the principles of monarchy against those of democracy.
The foundations of the political arrangements should not be shaken,
but rather strengthened. The foreign Ministers warned him in
vain. One of them compared Polignac's Ministry to a " paradise
of fools/' Pozzo di Borgo spoke in terms hardly less severe, while
Metternich opined that " the age is not made for coups d'etat"
The Tsar warned the King not to give the Opposition ground for
complaint by the violation of legal liberties, and Nesselrode wrote
to Paris in the same terms. The Ministry proceeded, however, to
act with great deliberation. The Minister of Justice, Chantelauze,
argued on the interpretation of Article 14. But it was another
matter to put it into practice. At last the King decided to cross
the Rubicon, and the Dauphin, from whom better things might
have been expected, offered no opposition.

Chantelauze and Peyronnet drew up two ordinances, one of
which re-established the censorship of the Press in all its severity
and the other dealt with the Chamber. The number of Deputies
was reduced to 258, one-fifth to be renewed every year. The
Arrondissements were deprived of direct election. They were to
prepare a list of candidates, out of which the Departments were
to choose half the Deputies. The franchise was altered, and the
power of the prefects over the elections was increased. These

210

THE FATEFUL ORDINANCES SIGNED

ordinances were accepted by the Cabinet on July 24th, and two
more were added, one dissolving the Chambers, which had not
yet met, and another fixing the new elections and the meeting of
the new Chamber for the month of September.

On Sunday, July 25th, the Ministers met at St. Cloud. The A New
King had attended Mass before the meeting of the Council. One Revolution
of the most devoted adherents of the Pavilion Marsan, the Baron pr°Yoked-
Vitrolles, who had remarked the troubled mien of the Sovereign,
adjured several of the Ministers not to play with fire, but received
unsatisfactory answers. In the Council the King hesitated a
moment before he signed the first two ordinances, concerning the
Press and the elections, then he said, " The more I reflect upon
it the more I am convinced that it is impossible to act otherwise."
He then signed them, and all the Ministers likewise. Asked whether
the ordinances would not provoke disturbances, Polignac said they
would not, but that, if they did, he was ready to suppress them.
The chief military command was given to Marmont, but nothing
was said to him upon the subject. Even the Prefect of Police of
Paris knew nothing about the matter till the evening. At n p.m.
Sauvo, the editor of the Moniteur, received the fatal documents
from Chantelauze, in the presence of Montbel, for the purpose
of printing them. He said, " I have seen all the days of the
Revolution, and I shrink with deep horror from new convulsions."
The Revolution which destroyed the throne of Charles X. was
to shake the foundations of every State in Europe.

211

Mutterings
of the
Storm.

Paris Under
Arms.

CHAPTER XXI
THE REVOLUTION OF JULY

ON July 26th, 1830, the Moniteur published the fatal ordinances
and on that day Charles X. went to shoot at Rambouillet and was
not to return to St. Cloud till the evening. In the Pans streets
groups discussed the illegality of the ordinances and talked about
refusing taxes. When the Bourse opened the funds fell four francs.
Some young men mounted on the chairs of the Palais Royal
and asked if France were to be deprived of her liberties. They
were dispersed by the gendarmes, but re-formed amid cries of
" Vive la Charte ! " Between 6 and 7 in the evening workmen
tramped along the boulevards crying, " Vive la Charte!'' " A bas
les Ministres ! " Two Ministers, Polignac and Haussez, were
insulted and stones thrown at them. This day nothing decisive
took place. The theatres were full and the popular balls fre-
quented. Charles and the Dauphin came back from Rambouillet.
The Duchesse de Bern congratulated him on being at length King,
and he went quietly to bed.

It was not till the morning of July 27th that the King informed
Marmont, Duke of Ragusa, of the ordinance which invested him
with the supreme command of the army of Paris. Charles and
Polignac appeared very calm, but excitement grew in Paris, first
among the printers and the students. The morning papers were
very outspoken, especially the National, the Globe, and the Temps.
The Journal des Debats and the Constitutionnel were more moderate.
The police attempted to seize the National, edited by Thiers,
Mignet and Carrel. The doors were closed, and the seizure had
to be carried out by force. A similar scene took place at the
office of the Temps.

Marmont, as soon as he reached his office, heard that crowds
were collecting in the Rue St. Honore, and that stones were being
thrown at the gendarmes. He ordered the troops to leave their
barracks and to march, with some cannon, to the Boulevard des
Capucins, the Carrousel, the Place Louis XV., the Pont Neuf,
the Place Vendome, the Place de la Bastille, and other quarters.
The troops did not meet with serious resistance. Some barricades
had been erected in the Rue St. Honore, firing had taken place,

212

THE REVOLUTION BEGINS

and an old man had been killed. The movement spread and, in the
evening, the insurgents occupied the Royal printing press. Several
barriers were burned and many lamps broken, leaving the city
in darkness. About 9 p.m. the crowds dispersed and the soldiers
returned to their barracks, thinking that everything was over.
Ministers determined to declare Paris in a state of siege, but Charles
X. passed the evening in playing whist, according to his custom.

During the night several streets were torn up and barricades »% bas /es
erected, and the shops of gunsmiths plundered. In a few hours Bourbons!"
the insurgents were masters of the arsenal, the powder magazines,
the prison of the Abbaye, and the depot of arms of St. Thomas
d'Aquin. The Hotel de Ville was seized by revolutionaries, who
hoisted the tricolour flag with cries of " Vive la Charte ! " " A
bas les Ministres / " " A bas les Bourbons ! " De Broglie, Remusat
and Cousin met at Guizot's house, and Carrel came to tell them
that all was lost, so little hope had they of success. Marmont
placed his troops where they had been stationed before and wrote
to the King that it was not an entente , but a revolution, and that
the King should adopt measures of pacification. Charles X. was,
however, badly advised, and the revolt grew apace. The students
of the Polytechnic School broke out and joined the mob. The
tocsin sounded from the Hotel de Ville, a huge tricolour floated
from the towers of Notre Dame, and the bells announced civil war.
Ministers collected at the Tuileries, where Marmont was await-
ing impatiently an answer from St. Cloud. At midday he put his
troops into motion, but they were fired at from the windows and
attacked by women and children. In some cases the soldiers were
compelled to surrender. At 3 p.m. Marmont ordered the arrest of
some Deputies, amongst them Lafayette and Lafntte.

At this time the Chamber was discussing what should be done, The King
and a committee of five was appointed to beg Marmont to suspend Temporises.
hostilities and intervene between Paris and St. Cloud. Even
before this Arago had sought out Marmont at the Tuileries, and
begged him to go to St. Cloud and tell the King that he would
resign his command if the ordinances were not repealed. The
Marshal, however, considered this incompatible with his honour
as a soldier.

Marmont now wrote to the King that it was imperative he
should lose no time in profiting by the overtures in progress. He
sent the letter by his first aide-de-camp, who gave the letter to
Charles in his study, warning him, " It is not the mob, but the
whole population that is rising." The King only replied by thank-
ing the troops for their devotion, and telling Marmont to hold

213

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

firm, that he would give him fresh orders on the following day.
Some Bonapartists, partisans of the Duke of Reichstadt, now
made their appearance, and cries of " Vive I'Empereur f " were
heard. Laffitte also began to think of the Due d'Orleans, who
was at Neuilly. The Royalists did their best to stir their Sovereign
to action, but without effect.

Paris in In the meantime the fighting in the streets continued. Almost

Revolt. the whole population favoured the insurgents. Some of the

National Guard gave their arms to the people ; peasants appeared
upon the scene, armed with scythes and pitchforks. But the
insurgents were without a leader. In the evening Marmont found
it necessary to concentrate his troops, who had lost, in killed,
wounded and missing, 2,300 men. He then held the Tuileries
and the Louvre, but the Hotel de Ville and the greater part of Paris
were in the hands of the revolutionaries. He could maintain his
ground, but could not conquer the city. It was now determined
to summon the regiments of the Guard from Beauvais, Orleans,
Rouen and Caen, and from the camps of St. Omer and Luneville.
The students of the school of St. Cyr were summoned to St. Cloud
with their artillery.

The King In the midst of the disturbance Charles X. preserved his calm-

Plays Whist. negs^ ^^ sa^ t^at the Virgin had appeared to Monsieur de Polignac
and encouraged him to persevere. Vitrolles entreated the King to
stop the firing, but he replied that it would soon be over and the
leaders of the revolt would submit ; they might have confidence
in his lenience. At St. Cloud everything went on as usual ; the
King played whist, and the Dauphin chess. The fire of artillery
shook the windows, but it was not considered good taste for
anyone to notice it. As the King was going to bed, the Due de
Montemart arrived and begged the King to recall the ordinances,
but he would listen to nothing. " You were born in the Revolu-
tion," he said, " and have unconsciously adopted its prejudices
and its fatal ideas. My old experience is impervious to the illusions.
I know whither the concessions which are asked for will lead
me, and I have no wish to ascend the tumbril like my brother."
The People xhe 2gth of July now dawned, the last day of the Monarchy of

leader t^le Restorati°n- From 5 a.m the sound of musketry was heard

on all sides. On the left bank of the Seine the Invalides and the
ficole Militaire fell into the hands of the people, while the King's
troops still occupied the Louvre, the Carrousel, the palace and
gardens of the Tuileries, the Place Louis XV., the Boulevard of the
Madeleine, and the Place Vendome. Marmont said that he could
hold out for a month, but he was surrounded by batteries and

214

THE PEOPLE TRIUMPHANT

could only retreat towards the Champs Elysees. But the populace
had no leader until Dubourg, who had seen service under the
Empire, presented himself.

Marmont summoned the twelve mayors of Paris to confer The King
with him, but only three appeared. At 7.30, two peers, Weeps.
Semonville and Agout, came to the Tuileries and asked Mar-
mont to put them into communication with M. de Polignac. They
demanded, supported by Marmont, the cessation of hostilities,
the recall of the ordinances, and the resignation of the Ministry.
The conversation soon degenerated into a quarrel ; the other
Ministers joined in the discussion, and it became evident that
Polignac stood alone in his obstinacy. Then the two peers and
the Ministers set off for St. Cloud. As they were going, the
Marshal assured them that, if necessary, he could hold out for a
fortnight. On arriving at St. Cloud, Semonville threw himself
at the feet of the King, begged him to withdraw the ordin-
ances and to form a new Chamber under the Due de Monte-
mart, of which Gerard and Casimir Perier should form part,
and to give a complete amnesty. The suggestion that the
Dauphiness, who was at Vichy, might be exposed to personal
danger had more effect upon the King, and he wept. He at last
consented to summon his Council.

In the meantime the situation in Paris had grown desperate. The Swiss
Two regiments of the line, who occupied the Place Vendome, were Guard
tampered with and eventually persuaded to retire by a speech
of Casimir Perier. This exposed the Tuileries, and Marmont
determined to recall a battalion from the Louvre. In the confu-
sion some of the insurgents climbed up into the palace and fired
upon the Swiss in the inner court. Others fired upon the troops
in the Carrousel. The Swiss offered some resistance, but at length
withdrew and deserted the Louvre for the Tuileries. This retreat
threw everything into confusion. Seeing the Swiss retire, two
battalions of the Guard who were posted in the gardens of the
Tuileries marched into the Champs filysees, towards the Barriere
de T^toile and the Arc de Triomphe. Marmont was obliged to
order a general retreat, and as soon as he left the Tuileries the
tricolour flag was hoisted on the clock tower. The palace was
saved from pillage, but the residence of the Archbishop did not
escape so easily. The last struggle was around some barracks in
the Rue de Babylon, in which 200 Swiss had taken refuge. This
was besieged for several hours by insurgents, led by pupils of the
Polytechnic School, and was eventually set on fire. Almost all
the Swiss perished, together with their brave leader, Dufoy. The

215

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

struggle was now over, and the authority of the King had ceased
to exist in Paris.

Lafayette It was necessary to form a provisional Government and some

Takes Deputies met at the house of Laffitte for that purpose. After

much discussion Lafayette arrived. He had been pressed to
take command of the National Guard, and now consented. He
said, " An old man of eighty-nine may be of some use in the grave
condition in which we are placed. We are attacked and must
defend ourselves/' Hearing of the capture of the Louvre, he
promised to take the lead. Guizot said that the safety of Paris
depended on his determination. " We must establish, not a
provisional Government, but a public authority, which, under a
municipal form, shall devote itself to the restoration and mainten-
ance of order." A committee was chosen by ballot, consisting of
Lamtte, Casimir Perier, Gerard, the Comte de Lobau and Odier,
who, however, refused to act. It was publicly announced by
Lamtte that Lafayette undertook the command of the National
Guard and General Gerard of the troops of the line. The regiments
of the line now began to come in.

The Scene In the evening the newspapers which had been previously

at St. Cloud, suppressed made their appearance. The Debats said : " For three
days Paris has been bombarded and been taken by assault, and
blood has flowed in the streets. Who ordered this massacre ?
The Ministers of the King of France. Why in the name of Heaven ?
Because they have violated the Charte and laboured to establish
absolute sovereignty. The compact is now broken, and it is not
we who have broken it. Our enemies have thrown themselves
outside the circle of the law. Let them remain there." Thus
the night passed. In the meantime, Marmont, with his troops,
retreated, with some difficulty, to St. Cloud. He told Charles
that he had failed to maintain the authority of the King in Paris.
The Swiss, who garrisoned the Louvre, had been seized by panic
and fled, and he, Marmont, had not been able to rally his troops
until he reached the fooile, when he had marched to St. Cloud.
An officer had been slain by his side, and he wished he had been
killed himself ; death would have been preferable to what he had
seen.

Thereupon the Council deliberated, and it was resolved to
recall the ordinances and form a new Cabinet. The King said,
with emotion, " I am compelled to dismiss Ministers who possess
all my confidence and affection, and to take others given to
me by my enemies. I am in a similar position to that of my un-
fortunate brother in the year 1792, but I have the advantage of

216

THE KING NEGOTIATES

having suffered for a shorter period ; in three days the Monarchy
will be at an end and the Monarch will go with it. If I must, I
summon the Due de Montemart and send him to Paris. I am
sorry that he has acquired the confidence of my enemies ; if he has
been wrong, he is well punished for it."

It was now 3 p.m. Charles went into his study, and Monte- A
mart was summoned thither. " You are right," said the King Deputation
to him, alluding to his conversation in the morning. " The situa-
tion is worse than I had imagined, but it is believed that a Ministry
of which you are the head can arrange everything, and I nominate
you President of the Council, with General Gerard, Casimir Perier,
and M. Hausmann as your colleagues." Montemart would not
accept office until forced to do so by his Sovereign. He then
waited till the Dauphin returned from Paris, which was not till
5 p.m. At 6 o'clock Semonville, Vitrolles and Agout returned
to the capital, bearing the news of the establishment of the new
Ministry and the recall of the ordinances. The evening passed at
St. Cloud as usual. The King played whist, first with Polignac
and then with Montemart, and the Dauphin chess. Montemart
was not permitted to go to Paris, although he earnestly desired
to do so.

The journey of the three negotiators to Paris was accomplished Its Reception
with difficulty. Their intention was to go to the house of ^ t]
Laffitte, where they expected to find General Gerard. They were
surprised to learn that Lafayette was at the Hotel de Ville, and
that a provisional Government had been established, of which
nothing was known at St. Cloud. As they proceeded there, inter-
rupted by barricades, they heard cries of " Vive la Liberte ! " and
" Vive la Charte ! " but very rarely " Vive le Roi ! " Semonville
embraced Lafayette, told him of his commission, and of the
approaching arrival of M. de Montemart, but could not assure
him that the tricolour flag would be maintained. Agout then
went to the house of Laffitte, where he found, among other persons,
Thiers, Mignet, the Due de Broglie, and the poet Beranger. The
courtyard and the street were filled by a crowd of students, work-
men, and National Guards, armed and unarmed, who were strongly
opposed to any compromise. Laffitte declared his willingness to
accept the proposals, but doubted whether they would meet with
the consent of the people. It was now between 10 and n p.m.
and Montemart was hourly expected, but he was playing whist at
St. Cloud. Thiers and Mignet were of opinion that the Revolu-
tion, once begun, could not be arrested, and opinion began to turn
towards the House of Orleans. These discussions were continued

217

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

far into the night, when it was agreed to meet at Laffitte's at
8 o'clock in the morning.

Montemart At St. Cloud the King had gone to bed without signing the new
Goes to ordinances. Montemart went to sleep on a sofa, and was roused
at 3 a.m. by Vitrolles and Agout, who urged him to hasten to
Paris. He was ready to do so, but objected he had no ordinances
and no powers. They determined to rouse the King, who con-
sented to see Vitrolles. Five ordinances were signed, one of which
established the National Guard ; but no mention was made of
the tricolour flag or of Lafayette. The signature of the King was
obtained with difficulty, and Montemart was at length able to
set out for Paris. The Dauphin had forbidden any horse to leave
the royal stables, and Montemart had to ride in a private carriage.
This caused great delay, and he did not reach Laffitte's house
till midday. By this time a placard had been posted in Paris,
drawn up by Mignet, designating the Due d'Orleans for the Crown.
This produced considerable effect and cries of " Vive le Due
d'OrUans ! " were mingled with cries of " Vive la Liberte f " It
appeared that the large majority of the Deputies were in favour
of the Due d'Orleans. It was also obvious that Montemart had
come too late.

The Due There had hitherto been some doubts as to the intentions of the

d'Orleans is TJUC d'Orleans. Fearing arrest, he had left his wife and sister,

Favoured. ^s confidante, known as Madame Adelaide, at his place at Neuilly,

and had himself proceeded on horseback to the Park of Raincy.

Thiers, who had been sent to Neuilly to sound the Duke, explained

his views to the two ladies. The Duchess remained unconvinced,

but Madame Adelaide was persuaded that her brother ought to

accept, and sent a message to Raincy.

The Deputies, sixty in number, assembled at midday, only
one member of the Right, Hyde de Neuville, being present.
Laffitte took the chair. Three solutions were possible — to accept
the proposals of Charles X. ; to permit his abdication, with the
Dauphin as King, or the Due de Bordeaux, under the Regency of
the Due d'Orleans ; or the accession of the Due d'Orleans to the
throne. The majority of the Deputies would have preferred to
keep the elder branch on the throne. Montemart was anxiously
expected, but did not appear ; on the other hand, Thiers arrived
from Neuilly and announced that they could depend upon the
Due d'Orleans. There was a strong movement in his favour, and
a committee was appointed to determine what should be done to
conciliate all interests and consciences.

Montemart, at the Luxembouig, issued orders as Prime Minister,

218

"THERE IS NO KING IN FRANCE!"

which produced no effect whatever, and were not listened to ; but
he declined to go either to the Palais Bourbon or to the Hotel de
Ville. When the five commissioners of the Deputies arrived at
the Luxembourg they said, in the presence of Montemart, that
the only way of putting an end to the anarchy was to appoint
the Due d' Orleans to be Lieutenant-General of the kingdom.
Montemart agreed with them, but, as a Minister, protested against
the propositions. The new ordinances of Charles X. now arrived,
but no one would receive them for fear of recognising his authority
— neither Laffitte at the Luxembourg, nor Lafayette at the Hotel
de Ville. When they were eventually read there were cries of
" Who dares to bring here the orders of Charles X. ? " " There
is no King in France ! " " Down with the Bourbons ! "

The Chamber of Deputies was greatly perplexed. Some wished The Due
for an arrangement with the monarchy, some for a republic, but j! 'leans
eventually a motion to summon the Due d' Orleans to Paris as to
Lieutenant-General of the kingdom was carried unanimously. The
sitting broke up at 6 p.m., and a message was sent to the Due
d'Orleans urging him to come at once. He reached the Palais
Royal on foot at 11.30 p.m., accompanied by two aides-de-camp.
At 4 a.m. the Due d'Orleans sent for Montemart. The Prime
Minister found the Duke lying on a sofa, overcome by fatigue. It
is not exactly known what passed between them, but it is certain
that Orleans wrote a letter to the King, excusing his action on the
ground that he desired to preserve the public peace.

At St. Cloud Charles X. awaited with anxiety the effect of
Montemart's mission, while the Due d'Angouleme regretted openly
the weakness of his father in surrendering his position. Marmont
counselled the King to retire to Blois or Tours, while there was
yet time. Polignac advised him to refuse. No news of what was
passing at Paris reached St. Cloud, and at the usual hour the King
went to bed. But, being aroused by a false alarm of an attack upon
the chateau, he was awakened and left for the Trianon at Ver-
sailles with the Duchesse de Berri at 3 a.m., at the very time that
the Due d'Orleans was holding his interview with Montemart.
The Dauphin was left at St. Cloud and the King reached the
Trianon with difficulty.

On July 3ist, just before midday, the Dauphin left St. Cloud The Dauphin
with about ten cannon and some 12,000 men. A combat took
place at the Bridge of Sevres in which the Dauphin was not suc-
cessful, and he was obliged to make for the Trianon with all speed.
At the Trianon a council was held, in which serious measures were
adopted. After this the Court proceeded to Rambouillet, which

219

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

was reached at 10 p.m., the King on horseback, the Duchesse de
Bern in a carriage. Here the Ministers left their Sovereign and
sought their own safety in different directions. The Dauphin
came to Rambouillet with his little army and encamped round
the chateau, but there was no money to feed or to pay the
men.

The Duke At the Palais Royal the Due d' Orleans conferred at an early

Appointed hour with his usual advisers, Dupin, General Sebastiani, Laffitte,
General?0 " Casimir Perier, Broglie and Guizot. Invited by the committee
of Deputies to accept the post of Lieutenant-General, he demanded
time for reflection. Thereupon he was informed there was real
danger of the proclamation of a Republic, and he yielded. He
drew up a proclamation stating that he accepted the post, and
10,000 copies were printed and exhibited on the walls of Paris.
The municipality declared that Charles X. had ceased to reign,
and the Deputies at the Palais Bourbon agreed to a proclamation
setting forth that the Due d' Orleans had been invited to become
Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, and promised the restoration
of the National Guard, with the election of officers, self-govern-
ment in departments and communes, juries for offences of the
peace, responsibilities of Ministers, and the re-election of Deputies
appointed to public posts. The whole body rose and voted this
without discussion.

The Deputies then walked to the Palais Royal in order to
accompany the Due d'Orl^ans to the Hotel de Ville, Laffitte being
carried in a sedan-chair. Laffitte read the manifesto passed by the
Deputies, and the Duke replied, " Messieurs, the principles you
proclaim are mine ; I will labour like you and with you for the
happiness of France. Deputies will understand me when I declare
that I grieve deeply over the deplorable circumstances which
compel me to accept the mission which they entrust to me and
of which I hope to show myself worthy." The Duke then embraced
Laffitte amidst general applause.

AB The Duke next rode on horseback to the Hotel de Ville, accom-

Undignified panied by the Deputies. The procession was not a dignified one,
gress< but it arrived without accident, the Duke having occasionally to
climb over the barricades. The crowd was very large, and the
tricolour was everywhere visible, but as they reached their destina-
tion cries of " Plus de Bourbons ! " were heard. At the staircase
they were met by Lafayette, and the Duke said, "It is an old
National Guard coming to pay a visit to his former general/'
The manifesto of the Deputies was read, but without much enthu-
siasm. Dubourg once more tried to make himself conspicuous.

220

THE TRICOLOUR ESTABLISHED

He broke through the crowd and said to the Duke, " I am glad
to believe that you will not break your oath, but if you do we
shall know how to keep you to it." The Duke replied, " Sir, to
address me in this way shows you do not know me. I am an
honest man, and no one has ever needed to remind me of my
promises." Dubourg retired crestfallen, and disappeared till the
next revolution. Lafayette gave the Duke the tricolour flag, and
led him on to the balcony. They embraced in public, and the crowd
applauded. The Duke returned in triumph to the Palais Royal.

The Republicans of the National Guard were reconciled. Thiers The Duke
succeeded in obtaining for them an interview with the Duke, in and the
which a curious conversation took place. One of them said, " To- RcPttbllcan8'
morrow, sire, you will be king. Perhaps this is the last occasion
on which you will hear the truth. Allow me to tell it to you."

In the conversation which ensued, the Duke alluded to the
excesses of the Convention. " Monseigneur forgets," said M.
Cavaignac, " that my father was a member of the Convention."

" So was mine," said the Duke, " and I may be allowed to save
my country from the excitement of which he was the victim."

When the Republicans withdrew Thiers asked them what they
thought of the Duke. " He is a good fellow," Bastide replied,
but Cavaignac objected that he was not honest.

A species of Cabinet was now formed, with Dupont de 1'Eure
at the Ministry of Justice, Gerard at the War Office, Rigny in
charge of the Navy, Bignon of Foreign Affairs, Guizot of Educa-
tion, Broglie of the Home Office and Public Works, Baron Louis
of the Finances. A National Guard of twenty regiments was
voted. The Duke signed ordinances establishing the tricolour
and summoning the Chambers for August 3rd.

The Dauphiness, who had been at Vichy, reached Rambouillet The King
on August ist. Charles X. ran up to her, seized her in his arms, Submits,
and said, " Can you ever pardon me ? " She replied, " Let bygones
be bygones." Everything was lost, and the King submitted to
destiny. He sent to Orleans the following declaration : "' The
King, wishing to put an end to the troubles in the capital and in
parts of France, counting also on the sincere attachment of his
cousin the Due d' Orleans, nominates him Lieut enant-General of
the kingdom. The King, having thought it advisable to with-
draw the ordinances of July 25th, approves of the Chambers
meeting on August 3rd, and hopes that they will restore tran-
quillity to France. The King will await at Rambouillet the return
of the person who is charged with the message to Paris ; if any
attempt be made against the life or liberty of the King or his

221

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Abdication
of the King.

The King
Receives a
Deputation.

family he will defend himself to the death/' At the same time,
the Dauphin addressed to the troops an order of the day, in which
he told them that the King had made an arrangement with the
Government established at Paris, which he had every reason to
believe would be satisfactory. He pointed out that the duty of
the soldiers was to remain calm and united and to watch over the
personal safety of the King.

The King's letter was received by the Due d'Orleans at i in
the morning of August 2nd. The Duke was elaborating, with
M. Dupin, the speech which he was to make at the opening of
the Chambers. He answered that he was made Lieutenant-
General by the choice of the Deputies and could not accept any
other nomination. This letter was delivered to Charles X. at
7 a.m., and he returned no answer to it. On that day, August
2nd, three regiments of heavy cavalry passed over to the insur-
rection. Desertions from the regiments of the Guard at Ram-
bouillet became frequent, and there only remained round the
King three regiments of light cavalry and a regiment of the Guard,
and for them it was difficult to provide. Charles had contem-
plated abdication in favour of the Due de Bordeaux, and Marmont
supported the project, but the Dauphin was violently opposed
to it. At last the Dauphin gave way, and the act of abdication
was drawn up and signed and sent to the Due d'Orleans. The
King called upon the Duke to recognise and proclaim his grand-
son as Henry V. The act of abdication reached the Duke at n
p.m. He replied that it would be communicated to the Chambers
and deposited in the archives of the State.

The continued sojourn of Charles X. at Rambouillet became
dangerous both to himself and the Government. It was
agreed, therefore, that a Commission should be sent to him,
consisting of Marshal Mortier to represent the army, Scherer and
Jacqueminot to represent the Chambers, and Odilon Barrot to-
represent the National Guard. Barrot left the Palais Royal at
4.30 p.m., with the Commission, Maison, however, replacing
Mortier, who had declined to serve. They arrived at Rambouillet at
10 p.m., and were told that the King could not be disturbed. At
length the Due de Coigny, who alone wore the white cockade,
was admitted. " The Lieutenant-General, " explained Charles,
" should have received the generous deed which I signed this
morning with the view of stopping the march of 800,000 foreign
soldiers who are ready to swoop down upon France. It is for
the Lieutenant-General to give this act full effect. For myself
I have only one thing to reproach myself with — that I began an

THE EXILED KING

enterprise which was to strengthen my throne with 8,000 men
instead of 60,000." The Commission immediately returned and
reached Paris at 4 a.m. The Due d' Orleans was aroused, and
with some reluctance gave orders to Lafayette to despatch 6,000
of the National Guard to Rambouillet.

When this was known, there was general excitement in the The March to
capital. Cries were raised of "To Rambouillet ! To Rambouillet ! " Rambouillet.
The populace assembled, armed with sabres, pistols, pitchforks,
spades, and even spits, and dressed as occasion served. Their
march recalled that of the market women to Versailles on October
5th, 1789. A deputation approached Charles X. He said, " Well,
what do you wish me to do ? " Barrot answered that an armed
column of the population of Paris was at hand, and that he wished
to avoid a conflict which would be useless, since he and the Dauphin
had abdicated. Charles replied, " It is true that I have abdicated,
but in favour of my grandson, and I am determined to defend his
rights to the last drop of my blood."

After further conversation, Charles asked Marshal Maison how The King
many of the insurgents there were, and he replied, sixty or eighty Retires to
thousand. " It is enough," cried the King ; " in a quarter of Maintenon*
an hour I will let you know what I have decided to do." After
consulting with Marmont the King determined to retire to Main-
tenon, the chateau of the Due de Noailles, and there he arrived
at 4 a.m. As soon as he had left, the tricolour was hoisted at
Rambouillet. It has been stated that Maison exaggerated the
number of the insurgents, and the Due de Luxembourg, captain of
the Guards, complained he had committed an act of great folly
in not firing on the mob and thus ridding the Due d' Orleans of
" toute cette canaille." But it is doubtful whether, if Charles had
resisted, the soldiers of his Guard would have remained faithful.

At Maintenon Charles resolved to abandon all thought of Flight to
resistance and leave the country. His army was disbanded, with England,
the exception of about 1,000 bodyguard and two cannon, which
served as an escort. Travelling by slow stages, he reached Cher-
bourg on August I4th, experiencing neither favour nor insult
among the people through whom he passed, except that a hostile
demonstration was made in Cherbourg itself. The exiled King
maintained his dignity, but occasionally shed tears. On August
1 4th the King and his family embarked on the American ship
Great Britain, which had been hired and furnished by the French
Government, and in three days reached the coast of England.
To the Englishmen who visited him he said, " This is my reward
for endeavouring to make France happy."

223

CHAPTER XXII
THE CREATION OF BELGIUM

The French THE Northern and Southern Netherlands, better known now
fh*™nt5rom under the names of Holland and Belgium, had, after a separation
lands.6 °f two hun(lred years, been united under the sceptre of Napoleon.

Belgium was made an integral part of France, while Holland
enjoyed the semblance of political independence. The Prince of
Orange, who had fled to England on the occupation of Holland by
the French, took part in the war against Napoleon, fought with
distinction at Waterloo, and was restored to his country. Barely
a month after the defeat of Napoleon at Leipzig, risings against
the French took place at Amsterdam and The Hague ; the French
officials were driven out ; a declaration of independence was
published, and a provisional Government was set up in the name
of the Prince of Orange. The Prince himself landed at
Scheveningen on November soth, 1813, and was received with
joy by the whole population. On the following day he was
recognised as William I., King of the Netherlands.

Constitution A Constitution was established, under the name of a Funda-
of the mental Law, drawn up by Van Hoogendorp, and finally passed

' on March 3Oth, 1814. It decreed an almost absolute monarchy.
The Sovereign, besides executive, had considerable legislative
power, authority of peace and war, the control of finance, the
fleet, and the army. The princes were deprived of the power
which they had possessed in the palmy days of the Republic,
which made the United Netherlands one of the loosest confedera-
tions known in history. There was a species of parliament, bear-
ing the name of States General, consisting of fifty-five members,
nominated for three years by the Provincial States. They had
the power of initiating legislation and of imposing a veto on it,
and they had authority over extraordinary legislation, but there
was no responsible Ministry and no liberty of the Press.

To this new monarchy the Congress of Vienna was good enough
to add the provinces of Belgium. Without being consulted, the
Belgians were placed under the sceptre of the King of Holland,
no regard being had to national history or ideals, but merely with
a view to setting up a barrier against the power of France. This

224

DISCONTENT IN BELGIUM

scheme was mainly due to the efforts of British statesmen, work-
ing in conjunction with the Prince of Orange, who was settled in
England. Great Britain received as her reward the Cape of Good
Hope, Guiana, and other colonies which had been captured by
her from France, on the pretence that they were being held in
pawn for a liberated Holland. It was a disgraceful instance of
political traffic, as dishonest as anything which has been laid to
the charge of Napoleon.

Belgium was treated as a conquered country, which might be The Eight
disposed of by the great Powers as they pleased ; the Austrians, Articles
to whom the Provinces had previously belonged, were always
anxious to get rid of them. The document determining these
arrangements is known as the Eight Articles of London, which
was signed on June I4th, 1814. The return of Napoleon from
Elba consolidated the union of the two States. On March i6th,
1815, the new King issued a proclamation, assuming the title of
King of the Netherlands and Duke of Luxemburg. Holland and
Belgium accepted their fate without a murmur, the foreign Powers
were delighted to give their assent, and the Kingdom was officially
recognised on May 23rd. Dutch and Belgian troops fought side
by side in the Waterloo campaign, under the command of the
Prince of Orange, so that the union was cemented by bloodshed
in the common cause.

At this time the population of Holland was barely two millions, The Belgians
whereas that of Belgium was nearly three millions and a half. Over-
Belgium was divided into two parts, each speaking a different whelmed'
language, Flemish or Walloon, while the usual language of society
was French. Belgium was Catholic, Holland Calvinistic ; the
Dutch were a seafaring nation, the Belgians farmers and manu-
facturers. When the Constitution of the kingdom came to be
discussed, the Belgians demanded a representation based on
population, the Dutch insisted upon equality. The Constitution,
including the Eight Articles of London, which had hitherto been
kept secret, was passed unanimously by the Dutch, but in Belgium
there was a majority of 269 against it. This was got over by the
King declaring that the Notables who had been summoned to
the meeting, but had not attended, were to be regarded as voting
for the Constitution ; absence gave assent. In this way a negative
majority of 269 was turned into an affirmative one of 263.

It was not likely that these two yoke-fellows would pull well
together. From the very first differences of opinion arose, which
gradually became more violent and eventually caused the separa-
tion of the two countries some fifteen years after they had been
p 225

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

united. The Belgians complained of the unequal division of the
national representation, of the unfair apportionment of the national
debt, of the fact that the taxes were imposed more in the interest
of Holland than in that of Belgium, the Belgians being heavily
hit by the taxes on grinding corn and slaughtering animals, now
imposed for the first time. It was urged, on the other side, that
the national debt was raised to protect the colonies, which were
the common property of Belgium and Holland, and to restore
barrier fortresses, which existed to defend Belgium against the
attacks of France ; that the apportionment of the taxes followed
the provisions of the Constitution, as did the prerogative of the
Crown to nominate members of the Upper Chamber for life.
Dutch It was pointed out in reply that flaws in the Constitution,

Supremacy, the predominant power of the Crown, the lack of mutual
responsibility, the fixing of the budget for ten years, which
withdrew from the Chambers the power of controlling finance,
the defects of the courts of justice, the harshness of the Press laws,
could be remedied by constitutional means as time went on. At
the outset both French and Dutch had been recognised as official
languages, but in 1819 the knowledge of Dutch was made obligatory
for admission to all public offices and employments, and in 1822
Dutch was recognised as the official and made the national
language. It is true that French was only the language of the
wealthy classes and the large towns, and that Flemish, which
closely resembles Dutch, had at that time no literature. The
development of Flemish literature in the last hundred years is,
in fact, largely due to the influence of Belgian antagonism to Dutch
supremacy. But the establishment of the Dutch language was
resented by the Walloons, whose language resembled French, and
who formed no inconsiderable part of the population of Belgium.
Religious The next grievance lay in the difference of religion. Belgium

Differences, was deeply religious, and the Catholic clergy had great influence.
It was a constant complaint that the Royal house of Holland was
Calvinistic, which meant that Catholic Belgians were governed by
Protestant Dutch. The leader of the Catholic opposition was
Prince Maurice de Broglie, Bishop of Ghent, a man of fervent
religious zeal, but fiery and obstinate temper. In 1815 he sent
a pastoral letter, in which he forbade the Notables of his diocese
to vote for a fundamental law which was opposed to the rights of
the Catholic Church, and when the King declared the Constitu-
tion accepted the bishop declared the taking of the oath to it
to be an act of treason to the best interests of religion. This
action was supported by the Pope, and when the Bishop of Ghent

226

POPULARITY OF THE KING

was summoned before the Court of Assizes at Brussels he refused
to admit the competency of the court, took refuge in France, and
in October, 1817, was condemned for contumacy. He, however,
continued to rule the province through the Vicar-General, and
his pastoral letters, dated from Paris, were received with sub-
mission by his flock. The Vicar-General was summoned before
the court in 1821, but was acquitted.

It is true that, as time went on, a more pacific feeling developed. Advantages
North and South began gradually to coalesce. The disaffected of the
modified their views and felt that Dutch Government was, on the
whole, favourable to education and enlightenment. The Belgian
nobles and clergy, however, continued their opposition to a Govern-
ment which they regarded as foreign, and the country people were
superstitious and ignorant. But the townsfolk, who had no
sympathy, on the one hand, with feudal principles and privileges,
and, on the other, with democratic exaggeration, began to appre-
ciate the advantages of a constitutional monarchy. The popula-
tions began to mix. Belgian manufacturers settled in the Dutch
cities, and Dutch men of business became active in Flanders
and Brabant. A Central Party was formed, averse to the
emphasising of national and religious differences, and favourable
to moderation and compromise. They looked upon the House
of Orange as their best support. Even the King — although he
was distasteful to the nobles because of the simplicity of his habits
and his dislike of ceremony, and to the democracy because of his
hatred of Romanism and French authors — was popular with and
respected by the Belgian shopkeepers. They were little affected
by his avaricious disposition, his lack of generosity, his cold-
ness and lack of sympathy ; they preferred his dull, prosaic
character to the dangerous romanticism of the age. Unfortun-
ately, his personal qualities were not calculated to favour the
assimilation of the two parties. His obstinate disposition brooked
no opposition, and he disdained the co-operation of broad-
minded ministers like Hoogendorp and Falck. Servile natures
like Van Maanen were more to his taste. He was not suited for
the part of a constitutional King. He preferred personal rule, in
which he should be the centre of everything, the soul of the
political body.

Disputes about education fanned the smouldering embers into The
a flame. The Dutch Government desired to place all education Educatioi*
in the hands of the State, to restrict the influence of the religious 9uestion*
Orders, especially of the Jesuits, in the teaching of the young,
and to prevent the young Belgian nobility from being educated

227

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Insurgent

Press.

" Infamous
Reformers.

in foreign convents. The Clericals declared themselves friends of
religious freedom and demanded complete toleration in all matters
of education. The Liberals were ready to meet the Clericals
half-way, and the middle classes were offended at the corn and
slaughtering taxes, which had been lately introduced.

De Gerlache led the movement of opposition, while the Liberals
found a leader in Louis de Potter, a man of independent fortune,
who had been much occupied in literary pursuits, especially in
ecclesiastical history. An attempt of the King to bring about a
concordat made matters worse. In December, 1828, De Potter
was condemned to imprisonment and fine for an article he had
written, and the Government was assailed by a storm of petitions.
A work by Lammenais in favour of religious democracy increased
the agitation. De Potter issued from his cell a book demanding
freedom of the Press, and he also advocated the separation of
Church and State. The Union, as it is now called, between
Catholics and Liberals was supported by writers who afterwards
became famous, such as Ducpetiaux, Nothomb, Van de Weyer,
Gendebien, Lebeau, and Rogier. The Government attempted to
meet this onslaught of the Press by the establishment of a paper
called the National, of which Libri Bagno was made editor. He
was a man of bad personal character, and had even been con-
demned in France to hard labour for forgery. He declared that
the Belgians ought to be muzzled like dogs, an opinion which was
supposed to be held also by Van Maanen, Minister of Justice. Both
men became objects of execration, which was intensified when it
was found that Bagno was receiving a large subsidy from the
Government.

The King was distressed at these revolutionary movements,
and ascribed them to intriguers who, with no other end in view
than their own interest, stirred up the people and brought about
this unnatural union of parties. His warm reception by the
middle class in the Belgian cities strengthened him in the belief
that the discontent was the work only of a few. At Liege he
stigmatised the conduct of the reformers as infamous. The appella-
tion was seized upon as the term " beggars " had been in the revolt
of the Netherlands three centuries before. A league was formed
and a medal struck with the legend, " Faithful even to Infamy."
The higher clergy began to be alarmed at the union of Catholics
and Liberals, and this nervous feeling spread to Rome. Com-
promise was difficult owing to the aristocratic temper of the King,
who rejected any submission, and the situation was aggravated
at the opening of the States-General on December nth, 1829,

228

SIGNS OF THE REVOLUTION

when the King laid the whole blame for the discontent upon the
Press. It was clear that the King was determined to maintain
his attitude of defiance and suffer no changes in the Ministry.
Next day a circular was issued by Van Maanen, calling upon all
officials to give their adherence to the principles laid down in the
Royal message by which the Chambers were opened.

This circular produced a similar effect in Belgium to that Restrictive
which the ordinances of July produced in Paris. One newspaper Measures-
spoke of refusing taxes, and the budget was passed with the
greatest difficulty. De Potter published a Letter of Demophilus
to the King, in which he said, " No, Sire, you are not the master
of the Belgians, as people would have you believe ; you are only
the first among them ; you are not the master of the State, you
are only its head, the most elevated of its functionaries." In
February, 1830, De Potter, with two of his friends, Tillemans
and Bartels, the editor of a Catholic newspaper, were brought
before the law and condemned — De Potter to eight, the other two
to seven years' banishment. The King thought he had con-
quered, and it is true that the Revolution of July exercised no
apparent influence at Brussels. Louis Philippe, the new King of
France, remained on good terms with the Dutch Government, and
the fifty-eighth birthday of the King was celebrated with rejoicings
on August 24th.

This, however, was the calm before the storm. De Potter and The
his fellow exiles hastened to Paris as soon as they heard of the 6YC
Revolution, and were joined there by Alexandre Gendebien,
an intimate friend and supporter of De Potter. Some of the
Belgian Liberals were in favour of a separation from Holland and
a union with France. De Potter was, however, in favour of
neither ; he wished the union with Holland to remain, but the
Constitution to be reformed. The Radicals, however, gained the
upper hand, and the walls of Brussels were covered with an inscrip-
tion, " Monday, Fireworks ; Tuesday, Illumination ; Wednesday,
Revolution."

On the evening of August 25th the Muette de Portici, otherwise
called Masaniello, an opera written by Scribe and composed by
Auber, was given at the Theatre de la Monnaie for the first time.
The people, fired by the example of the Neapolitan fisherman,
rushed to the offices of the National and the house of its editor,
Libri Bagno ; others sacked the abodes of Van Maanen and of
Knyff, the Director of the Police. On the following day several
warehouses were destroyed, but no attempts were made to pre-
serve order. The old Brabant flag was raised and the Royal arms

229

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

were torn down in many places. As the regular troops did nothing,
a Civic Guard was organised, with Baron d'Hoogvorst at its head.
It was divided into seven bodies to patrol different sections of
the city, and order was restored, but not without bloodshed. On
August 28th an assembly of Notables was held at the Hotel de
Ville, and a deputation, of which Alexandre Gendebien and
Felix, Count de Merode, were members, was sent to ask the King
respectfully to summon the States-General. The King refused to
take any steps until the Netherlands flag had been restored and
order re-established. In these matters Van Maanen played the
part of Polignac in France. On August 3ist the King replied
to the deputation that he would neither dismiss Van Maanen nor
consent to a law instituting the responsibility of Ministers until
order was restored. However, the Prince of Orange and his
brother, Prince Frederick of the Netherlands, set out for Antwerp.
Prince Frederick took command of the soldiers, and the Prince of
Orange proceeded alone to Brussels, where he was met with cries
of " Down with Van Maanen ! Down with the Dutch ! " The
Prince was able to effect nothing, because he had no power, and
was obliged to refer everything to his father. At last Van Maanen
was dismissed on September 3rd, and the States-General were
summoned to meet on September I3th.

The People's A Committee of Public Safety was formed, of which Gendebien,
Club Take Van de Weyer, and Merode were members ; but they were power-
the Lead. }ess to controi tne extreme party. By the influence of De Potter
a People's Club had been founded consisting of young Radicals and
Republicans, and it was joined by revolutionary members from
France, Liege, and Flanders, whose leaders were Rogier, Bayet,
van Halen, and a Spanish conspirator of Belgian origin, called
Pletinkx. They had been the leaders of the original revolution
on August 25th, but had been disarmed by the National Guard.
The object of the Club was to rouse the bare-armed, blouse-clad
workman to destroy the power of the Moderates in the Hotel de
Ville. This was not difficult, considering the action of the King
at The Hague and the presence of the Dutch troops at Vilvoorden.
Masses of the mob streamed through the streets, demanding
arms. Chance placed five cases of muskets in their hands, and
others were wrested from the National Guard. Thus armed, they
secured the Hotel de Ville and so alarmed the Committee of Public
Safety that it left the capital.

The middle classes, in dismay, turned to Prince Frederick,
and begged him to occupy the city, promising indemnity to the
victors. But before he could issue a proclamation intimating

230

THE ROYALIST TROOPS RETREAT

that he was there at the invitation of the inhabitants, and that
everyone would be pardoned excepting the leaders of the outbreak,
the rioters were masters of the city. Owing to the patriotic devo-
tion of Pletinkx, the excesses which the citizens feared and the
Dutch desired were prevented. On September 22nd, Hoogvorst
resigned his command of the National Guard, and the leaders of
the Club, Ducpetiaux, Everard, Baron Felner, Ernest Gregoire
and Roussel, formed a provisional Government. The Dutch troops,
who numbered 10,000, with a corresponding force of artillery,
expected a speedy victory. Two members of the Club who had
been sent to Prince Frederick to discuss terms of compromise were
arrested by him and sent to Antwerp. But when the troops
attacked the rioters they met with unlooked-for resistance. Gates,
palaces and barricades were occupied by an armed crowd, actuated
by passion and despair. The middle classes, on the other hand,
in whose name the Prince was fighting, showed no appetite for
the conflict.

For three days the struggle continued, and the troops made The
no advance. Palaces were burned and the park was turned into People m
a desert. When Pletinkx was wounded and made prisoner there
was no one to restrain the fury of the rioters. The troops were
worn out, their ammunition was exhausted, and thousands of
Dutch soldiers had been killed. In the night of September 26th
Prince Frederick received the order to retreat, and on the follow-
ing day the people celebrated their triumph. In the evening of
September 27th De Potter returned to Brussels in triumph. The
days of September at Brussels constituted a parallel to the days
of July at Paris. During the conflict a provisional Government
had been formed at the Hotel de Ville, consisting of Gendebien,
Rogier, Van de Weyer, Emmanuel Hoogvorst and Felix de Merode,
and to this was added De Potter on his arrival. They issued a
proclamation releasing the Belgian soldiers from allegiance to the
Dutch Government and establishing national independence. In
a short time the tricolour of revolt was seen in all the provinces,
and the only fortresses left in the hands of the Dutch were Antwerp,
Maestricht, Venlo and Luxemburg.

The independence of Belgium had not yet been officially The Prince
announced, and it was still possible to preserve the union between of Orange
the two countries. The King yielded so far as to send the Prince
of Orange to the southern provinces with full powers, and Prince
Koslowski, a Russian, was authorised to negotiate with the Revo-
lutionary Government ; but the attempt to come to terms failed,
and the Prince of Orange issued a proclamation in which he

231

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Prince's

Mission

Fails.

Attack on
Antwerp.

proposed a separate government for Belgium, absolute freedom of
education, and a complete amnesty for political offences. But the
Liberals had prevailed, and their aspirations would not be satisfied
by a dynastic union, either under the King or the Prince of Orange.
All suggestions of amnesty were rejected. The Dutch troops must
leave the territory and a National Congress must be called to
decide the political future of Belgium.

A second proclamation of the Prince of Orange, issued on
October i6th, in which he recognised the independence of Belgium
and suggested that he should preside over an unfettered congress,
proved fruitless. It was met by a declaration of the provisional
Government that the independence of the Belgian people had
been won by arms and required no recognition. A few days later
the Prince went to London, where the representatives of the great
Powers had met to decide the future of Belgium, but with an eye
to the interests of the House of Orange.

The provisional Government in Brussels determined to organise
a national army with the object of seizing the fortress of Antwerp.
The Dutch army, under Duke Bernhard of Saxe- Weimar, might
have held its own in Flanders had the government of The Hague
not ordered it to withdraw into Antwerp, which was commanded
by Colonel Chasse, a man of sixty-five. Antwerp had been hitherto
under the control of the middle classes, but when the Belgian
army approached the revolutionary element got the upper hand,
soon became masters of the town, and began to attack the citadel.
Chasse gave orders to fire, and Antwerp was bombarded. In the
space of seven hours three hundred shots were fired and many
houses burned, besides warehouses full of property, which caused
a loss of many millions of francs. However, a large portion of
the garrison left the town by water, in virtue of a convention with
Rogier, the representative of the provisional Government. The
struggle at Antwerp only seemed to consolidate the Revolution.
Independence On November loth, the National Congress, composed of two
Proclaimed. huri(lred members, elected by all Belgian citizens over twenty-
five years of age, met at Brussels and, eight days later, declared
the independence of Belgium and the exclusion of the House of
Nassau-Orange from the throne. De Potter was in favour of a
republic, of which he probably hoped to be president. However,
the convention decided in favour of a constitutional monarchy.
The King of Holland was not popular with the great Powers, and
the re-establishment of the House of Orange found few supporters.
On January zoth, 1831, the London Conference decided that the
frontier of Belgium should be that of 1790, that her neutrality

232

THE BELGIANS CHOOSE THEIR KING

should be guaranteed, that the navigation of her rivers should
be free, and that the public debt should be divided with Holland.
Luxemburg was given to the King of Holland as part of the Germanic
Confederation. These provisions, however, did not meet with the
approval of the Brussels Congress, which protested against them.
The Belgians had set their hearts upon the inclusion of Luxemburg,
Maestricht and Dutch Flanders within their territory, and they
did not at all like the condition that the choice of the new Sovereign
was to have the approval of the great Powers.

There were three candidates for the crown before the con- Leopold of
sideration of the Congress — (i) the Duke of Leuchtenberg, the son Saxe-Coburg
of Eugene Beauharnais, the stepson of Napoleon ; (2) Louis de g^en as
Nemours, son of Louis Philippe, and (3) Archduke Charles of
Austria. On February 3rd, Nemours obtained 97 votes, Leuch-
tenberg 74, and Archduke Charles 21. Prince Leopold of Saxe-
Coburg, who had married the Princess Charlotte, and since her
death had resided in England, now began to be put forward seriously
as a candidate. It was known that the London Conference would
not accept as sovereign any candidate belonging to the great
Powers, and Lord Palmerston said that he should regard the
election of Nemours as equivalent to the union of Belgium with
France and a cause of war. Upon this Louis Philippe naturally
declined to accept the crown for his son. Lebeau, the Foreign
Minister, and Van de Weyer, who was afterwards, till his death,
the representative of his country in England, found that Leopold
would be favourably received by Great Britain and would not be
rejected by France. He was accordingly elected King of the
Belgians on June 4th, 1831, by 152 votes to 43. Important con-
cessions were made to the new country by the Powers, chiefly
with regard to the frontiers and the apportionment of the
debt.

Leopold entered Brussels as King on July 21 st, 1831, but he Belgium's
did not gain possession of Antwerp till December 23rd, 1832, and Success,
then only by the active intervention of France and Great Britain.
The creation of the Kingdom of Belgium has been justified by
success. Inhabited by two races, Flemish and Walloon, speak-
ing different languages, differing in religious views, Belgium has
presented the spectacle of a free, intelligent and progressive
society. The development of its mines, manufactures, industries
and commerce has been remarkable. Europe has learnt much
from her in the matter of education and, in the midst of difficulties,
the Constitution has never been violated. It is refreshing to turn
from the failure of the Congress of Vienna to enforce the principle

233

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

of legitimacy upon a reluctant Europe, to the success of a govern-
ment founded on national aspirations and popular consent.
Holland Holland, refusing to accept the settlement, declared war, and

and the fae Belgian army was soundly beaten. The French intervened
with an army under General Gerard and a British fleet threatened
the Dutch coast. The Powers proposed a new arrangement, which
they declared they were prepared to enforce by arms. King
William continued obstinate, and refused to evacuate the citadel of
Antwerp. Dutch ships were captured in English and French
harbours, the coasts of Holland were subjected to a blockade,
and Gerard was obliged to resort to a second campaign to
compel Chasse to surrender before the Government of Holland
would give in. Even then the forts of Lillo and Liefkenshoek,
which impeded the navigation of the Scheldt, remained in Dutch
hands. It was not till March I4th, 1838, that the Dutch finally
accepted the conditions imposed by the great Powers. Since that
time Belgium has continued to advance, and at the present day is
rapidly becoming a rival to her protector, France.

234

CHAPTER XXIII
THE REFORM ERA IN GREAT BRITAIN

THE ten years of the history of the United Kingdom from 1820 "The First
to 1830 are occupied by the reign of George IV. He was one of Gentleman
the most contemptible of British Sovereigns. He led a life of inEur°pe'"
selfishness, and thought more of the gratification of his personal
desires than of the prosperity of the nation. He was called " the
first gentleman in Europe," but, save courtly manners and taste
in dress, he had none of the qualities of a gentleman. His acces-
sion marks no epoch in British history, because he had acted as
Regent since 1812.

In 1795 he had married Caroline, Princess of Brunswick, the
daughter of the Duke who played so prominent a part in the
history of the French Revolution. From the very first he treated
her with dislike, and, as soon as peace rendered it possible, she
withdrew from England and travelled on the Continent. Her
behaviour during the six years of her residence abroad was very
eccentric, and gave rise to scandal, but nothing wrong was ever
proved against her. The King was anxious for a divorce, but the
Ministry effected a compromise, by which her name was omitted
from the Liturgy on condition that no penal proceedings of any
kind were taken against her. The King, however, was dissatisfied
with this arrangement, and the Queen determined to proceed to
England to claim her rights.

She landed at Dover on Monday, June 5th, 1820. An immense Queen
crtwd cheered her, and she was received with a royal salute. The Caroline's
inhabitants of Dover presented her with an address, congratulat- PO£re8S *°
ing her on her accession to the throne, and she replied that she
hoped she should be permitted to help in promoting the welfare of
her husband's subjects. At Canterbury the horses were removed
from her carriage and the Queen was drawn to the door of her
hotel. Her journey to London was one long, triumphal proces-
sion. At every village through which she passed business was
suspended and the church bells rang out a peal of welcome. As
she approached the capital the carriage was thrown open, and
she completed her journey amid the acclamation of a countless
multitude. As she drove past Carlton House, the residence of the

235

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Trial of

Queen

Caroline.

Queen
Caroline
and the
Coronation,

Canning as

Foreign

Secretary.

King, the sentries presented arms. Her progress at last ended at
the residence of Alderman Wood, in South Audley Street.

Continued attempts at compromise were made by the advisers
of the contending parties, but all failed upon the point whether
her name should or should not be included in the Liturgy. The
King refused to admit it, and the Queen declined to sanction its
omission. The Ministers, at the bidding of the King, introduced
a Bill of Pains and Penalties, to deprive the Queen of her rank
and to dissolve the marriage between them. The Queen was
defended by Lord Brougham, and the Bill passed its readings in
the House of Lords with decreasing majorities, and was abandoned
by the Government amidst popular rejoicings, the streets of London
being illuminated for three nights. The result of the trial was to
alienate the middle class from the Crown and the Tories, and to
enhance the prospects of parliamentary reform.

Parliament met on January 29th, 1821 ; but a month before
this its most powerful orator had retired from the Ministry.
Canning had been a constant guest at the Queen's table before
her departure from England, and he felt that he could not remain
in a Government which was persecuting her with such relentless
energy. An Act was now passed which granted the Queen a suit-
able residence and an annuity of £50,000, although her name was
still excluded from the Liturgy ; but her acceptance of this income
went far to diminish her popularity with the mob.

But the last scene of the tragi-comedy was enacted at the
Coronation of George IV., which took place on July igth, 1821.
The Queen made numerous efforts to be included in the ceremony,
but was baffled at every turn. She, however, determined to be
present, and left South Audley Street at 5 o'clock in the morn-
ing in a coach drawn by six bay horses. The soldiers presented
arms as she passed, and the people cheered. She went to the door
leading into Westminster Abbey at Poet's Corner, and might have
been admitted alone had she not hesitated and turned back. This
altered the sentiment of the crowd, who greeted her now with
derisive shouts and cheers. She made one more effort to be
crowned before the decorations were removed from the Abbey,
but met with another repulse. Worn out with fever and vexa-
tion, she was taken suddenly ill at Drury Lane Theatre, and died
shortly afterwards. Her body was conveyed to her native city
of Brunswick for burial.

In 1822 changes took place in the Ministry which profoundly
modified the policy of Great Britain in internal as well as external
affairs. Peel became Home Secretary, in the place of the notorious

236

THE NAVIGATION ACTS MODIFIED

Lord Sidmouth, who, as Addington, had excited the ridicule of the
Tories and, as a peer, had incurred the detestation of the Liberals.
On August 1 2th, Lord Castlereagh, now become Lord London-
derry, died by his own hand and was succeeded by Canning as
Foreign Secretary. Castlereagh had been the friend of Metter-
nich, and had supported the reactionary policy which led to such
disastrous consequences in Europe. Canning, on the other hand,
although a Tory in domestic, was a Liberal in foreign, affairs, and
his name is even now remembered by continental Liberals as that
of the man who first opened to the oppressed nations of Europe the
hope of better government. The Liberalising of Lord Liverpool's
Cabinet was continued in 1823 by the appointment of Robinson as
Chancellor of the Exchequer and Huskisson as President of the
Board of Trade. Huskisson, like Canning, was sneered at for
being an adventurer. In other words, he did not belong to those
privileged families who were considered, at that time, to keep the
government of England in their own hands. He had carefully
studied the principles of political economy and was thoroughly
versed in the laws under which wealth is produced and distri-
buted. He used his position to pass a number of measures which
rapidly developed the resources of the realm.

A law had been enacted during the time of the Common- increase of
wealth, ratified by Charles II., which forbade, with some excep- Britain's
tions, foreign produce to be brought to England save in English
ships. The effect had been to give to Great Britain the carrying
trade of the world and to enrich British merchants with all the
profits of carrying foreign goods. Other nations objected, and
America, in particular, imposed so high a duty on goods imported
in British vessels that it practically prevented the continuance of
the trade with the United States. British ships used to go empty
to fetch American goods, and American ships, after carrying
goods from British ports, returned to England empty, so that
the price of freight was doubled on both sides. To remedy this
evil, Huskisson determined to modify the Navigation Acts, as they
were called, and in 1823 carried a Reciprocity of Duties Act, by
which duties were made equal on all goods, whether brought in
British or foreign vessels. The shipping trade of Great Britain, which
had been depressed, was by these means very largely increased.

Heavy duties were at that time levied on the import of foreign Reduction
silk. This did an injury to English weavers, partly by depriving °f D^ty on
them of raw material, partly by removing the stimulus of healthy Silk*
competition. French silks were everywhere preferred to English ;
indeed, such was the rage for them that it was profitable for an

237

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

English manufacturer to have his own goods smuggled into England
under the name of French. The prohibition of foreign wool was
equally injurious, because British wool was benefited by being
mingled with foreign. These proposed changes were, at first,
resisted by manufacturers and operatives alike ; but Huskisson,
confident in the truth of his principles, carried measures which
reduced the duties on both articles. Other steps were taken in a
similar direction. The Acts which fixed the wages of the Spital-
fields weavers were repealed, and all Acts were abolished which
restrained the free travelling-about of workmen and controlled
combination between either masters or workmen — a liberty, how-
ever, which was restricted in the following year.

The Anti- The question of the abolition of slavery next came into promin-
Onestion ence- ^^e manv °ther reforms, it had been brought forward by
Wilberforce and Pitt, but had been laid aside in the confusion of
the European struggles. The West Indian Colonies, belonging to
Great Britain, were full of slaves, and scenes were enacted as
terrible as any afterwards heard of in the United States. Yet
slavery could not be abolished without a heavy loss of money. It
was feared that if the change were effected indiscreetly the blacks
might rise and cause a general massacre. An Act was passed
to mitigate the sufferings of the slaves, and all slave-holders knew
that by this wide measure a deathblow had been dealt at slavery.
The Under these favourable influences the prosperity of Great

CrnnC1f l Britain advanced rapidly. Wealth began to flow into new channels,
1825. and all classes experienced in their daily lives that peace was far
preferable to war. Unfortunately, the change was too sudden,
and the country ran into wild speculation. Companies were
formed for the promotion of unattainable objects, and banks were
opened by men who had no capital to support them. A crash came
in 1825. On December 5th in that year the great banking house
of Sir Peter Pole and Co., in Bartholomew Lane, closed its doors.
It was known that it kept accounts with forty-five country banks,
and the funds fell. Lombard Street was filled with persons hasten-
ing to withdraw their deposits. Even old men, who recollected
the crisis of 1790, were appalled at the extent and character of the
present disasters. The worst pressure came at Christmas time,
and so sad a Christmas had rarely been celebrated in London.
Riots broke out in the midland counties, and machines were
destroyed as the supposed cause of the people's misery. The
Government, however, came to the rescue : money was lent to
merchants with which to retrieve their fortunes, foreign corn was
allowed to enter, and the panic passed away.

238

CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION

Two great questions began to clamour for adjustment — the Position of
Corn Laws and Catholic Emancipation. The Catholic population Catholics-
of Ireland was four times as great as the Protestant, but the
Catholics had, for more than a century and a half, been treated as
a conquered and downtrodden race. In some respects their posi-
tion had gradually improved, but in 1828 no Catholic could sit in
either House of Parliament, no Catholic could be guardian to a
Protestant, nor keep any arms or warlike stores. Catholics were
excluded from almost every office of trust or distinction, and were
made, in a variety of ways, to feel that they stood on a different
social footing from Protestants. In 1800, when Ireland was
united with England and Scotland, Pitt had promised to remedy
their grievances, but the King pleaded his coronation oath and
said that if he consented the crown would pass to the House of
Savoy. When the matter was pressed upon him his mind gave
way, and it was felt that nothing could be done as long as
George III. lived.

Canning had been in favour of Catholic emancipation from The Duke
his earliest years, but the matter still remained an open question °* York
with the Ministry, and it is probable it would have continued un- ^^oHc
settled for a much longer period but for the efforts of the Catholic Emancipa-
Association, founded in 1823, under Daniel O'Connell. A Bill tion.
for the relief of the Catholics passed the House of Commons in
1825, but was defeated in the House of Lords by the efforts of
the Duke of York, the heir to the throne, who declared his unflinch-
ing hostility to any measure of the kind so long as he lived or
whatever might be his situation in life. The Duke of York died
in January, 1827, and Lord Liverpool was struck down by paralysis
in the following month.

Canning was reluctantly summoned by the Sovereign to form Canning's
a Ministry, but he, too, had received his death-blow by attending, L»st
on a cold winter night, the Duke of York's funeral in St. George's Mmistry'
Chapel, Windsor. The Duke of Wellington, Robert Peel and Eldon
declined to serve under Canning, but Lord Lyndhurst became
his Lord Chancellor, and Palmerston, Huskisson, Goderich and
Harrowby joined him. Though opposed to parliamentary reform,
Canning was in favour of Catholic emancipation and the Corn
Laws. A Corn Bill, intended to redeem part of this pledge, was
rejected in the House of Lords, but Canning had no time to fulfil
the cherished purpose of his life by emancipating the Catholics.
Worn out by the cares of office, disheartened by the desertion of
friends, harassed by the constant persecution of an unprincipled
Opposition like that which had embittered Pitt's last years, he

239

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

sank under the accumulated burden and died in August, 1837, at
the age of fifty-seven, leaving a name high up in the glory roll of
British statesmen. His policy was not bounded by the limits
of his country, and his heart was ever moved with indignation
against oppression. He vindicated the position of Great Britain
as the champion of liberty and freedom throughout the civilised
world.

The Duke of The King hoped to retain the same Ministry in office and carry
Wellington's on public business with as little change as possible. Lord Goderich,

Ministry,

" Qualifying
for Office."

who was considered a moderate man, became Prime Minister, while
Herries and the Duke of Wellington, both Tories, were received
into the Cabinet. A quarrel arose between Herries and Huskisson,
however, and Goderich, not wishing to get rid of either, preferred
to resign himself. His place was filled by the Duke of Wellington,
who became Prime Minister in January, 1828. The Duke was now
fifty-nine years of age, was indisputably the first subject of the
Crown, and was regarded in all parts of Europe as the embodiment
of British power and British spirit. Yet he was destined to impair
in office the reputation he had gained in war. His industry, courage
and integrity were beyond question, but he had little sympathy
with the people, and was apt to base his conduct too exclusively
on obedience to the authority of the Sovereign. Huskisson
endeavoured to convince himself that the spirit of Canning would
still guide the conduct of the Ministry, and therefore remained
in office. But the Cabinet, composed as it was of discordant
elements, could scarcely hope to hold together. At last, upon
the question whether the seat gained by the disfranchisement of
East Retford should be given to a large town or to a country
Hundred, Huskisson and Peel found themselves voting in different
lobbies. Huskisson accordingly sent in his resignation to the
Duke of Wellington, never dreaming it would be accepted. The
Duke, however, seized the opportunity of removing a troublesome
colleague, and four other members of the Cabinet — Palmerston,
Dudley, Grant, and Lamb (afterwards Lord Melbourne) — shared
Huskisson's retreat.

Before this change of Ministry took place, the Test and Corpora-
tion Acts had been repealed. They were passed in the reign of
Charles II., and provided that no one should hold any important
office, civil or military, without giving evidence that he belonged
to the Church of England by receiving the Holy Sacrament. The
first of these Acts, passed in 1661, had been directed against the
Presbyterians ; and the second, passed in 1673, against James II.
and the Catholics. Their chief burden now fell on the Dissenters,

240

O'CONNELL ENTERS PARLIAMENT

who were, however, able to some extent to evade them by an Act
of Indemnity, first passed in the reign of George II. and renewed
every year. It was the custom for persons to wait in taverns and
houses near the Church and not go in till the service was over.
The ceremony used to be styled " qualifying for office," and an
appointed person called out " those who want to be qualified will
please to step this way." Persons then received the Communion for
the purpose of obtaining office, and with no other intent whatever.

In 1828 Lord John Russell proposed and carried a motion Peel's
that a committee should be appointed to consider the abolition of Compromise.
these galling and useless restrictions. Peel and Huskisson opposed
the measure, as Canning had always done, on the ground, not of
principle, but of expediency. But they were defeated by the
majority of 237 to 193. Peel proposed a compromise. A declara-
tion containing a promise that the maker of it would never exert
any power or influence to injure or subvert the Protestant Estab-
lished Church was to be made by the members of every corporation
and, at the pleasure of the Crown, by the holder of every office.
This was passed by the Commons, but the Peers insisted on adding
the words " in the true faith of a Christian," in order to keep out
the Jews.

The movement which finally resulted in the emancipation of Growth
the Catholics began in Ireland. By the efforts of the Catholic of the.
Association Daniel O'Connell was elected member of Parliament Association
for Clare. His return was declared valid, although he could not
speak or vote in the House until he had taken the prescribed oaths.
The Catholic Association received more and more adherents.
Supported by the priests, and well furnished with money, it soon
spread over the whole of Ireland. Its object was to secure that
no member should be elected to any Irish constituency who did
not pledge himself to obtain emancipation for the Catholics and
parliamentary reform. The Ministry gradually became convinced
that the wisest course was to conciliate a power which they could
not suppress.

Peel, a noble-minded statesman who always preferred the Peel Sup-
interests of his country to the interests of party, was the first of P°rts *he
the Tory ministers to come to this conclusion, as, at a later period, Cathollcs<
he was with regard to the Corn Laws, and used his influence with
the Duke of Wellington. Stubborn resistance, however, was made
by the King, supported by the heads of the Peers and the Church,
and the prospect of agreement seemed at one time to be hopeless.
But the King was eventually induced to modify his attitude, and
it was arranged that the Royal Speech at the opening of Parlia-
Q 241

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

O'Connell
Inaugurates
the Home
Rule
Agitation.

The Duke
Opposed to
Reform.

ment in 1829 should contain the surprising announcements that
the Catholic Association would be suppressed and that a measure
for the relief of Catholics would be presented for the consideration
of Parliament. The secret was well kept, and nothing was known
of these designs until copies of the speech were sent to the leaders
of the Opposition on February 4th. Peel thought it his duty to
resign his membership for the University of Oxford, and to offer
himself for re-election, but he was defeated by 755 votes to 609.
He was eventually returned as member for the little borough of
Westbury.

The Bill for suppressing the Catholic Association was passed,
and that for the relief of the Catholics was to be introduced on
March 5th. At the last moment the King declared that he could
not assent to it, and only yielded when he found that it was
impossible to form an administration which would oppose the
Bill. Ultimately the measure passed both Houses and received
the Royal Assent. It abolished all political distinctions between
Catholics and Protestants in the fullest and most generous manner.
The association which had been mainly instrumental in obtain-
ing this victory passed quietly out of existence, and a great step
had been taken in redressing the wrongs of Ireland. O'Connell
now turned his attention to agitating for the repeal of the Union
between Great Britain and Ireland, thus beginning a controversy
which was vastly to affect the course of British politics. In this
year also Robert Peel established the police force, which was to
replace the old watchmen, and the members of which still bear
the name of " Peelers " or " Bobbies/'

It was obvious that the next leading question would be that
of the reform of Parliament, but that it could not be dealt with
whilst the Duke of Wellington remained in office. Indeed, he
declared himself opposed to all measures for reform. He said
he had never heard of any measure which could in any degree
satisfy his mind that the existing state of representation could be
improved. He went still further, and declared that if the duty
were imposed upon him to frame a Legislature for any country,
and especially for a country like Great Britain, in possession of
great properties of various descriptions, he did not mean to assert
that he could frame such a Legislature as they possessed now,
for the nature of man was incapable of reaching such excellence
at once, but his great endeavour would be to frame some descrip-
tion of Legislature which would produce similar results.

When he sat down, a colleague said to him, " You have
announced the fall of your Government." The effect on the

242

THE REFORM MINISTRY

country was disastrous : the funds fell 4 per cent., and there was
grave doubt whether the usual banquet would be held in the City
on Lord Mayor's Day. Indeed, the banquet had to be postponed.
The Duke resigned, and Lord Grey was entrusted with the forma-
tion of a Ministry. This was the act of William IV., George IV.
having died on June 26th, 1830. Grey had been connected with
every movement for parliamentary reform during the last forty
years. He was a most respected statesman, a finished orator,
dignified and cultured. Lord Althorp became Chancellor of the
Exchequer, Lord Melbourne Home Secretary, Lord Palmerston
Foreign Secretary, and Lord Brougham Lord Chancellor. Lord
John Russell was a member of the Ministry, but was not in the
Cabinet. The history of the fifteen years which succeeded the
fall of Napoleon was thus, to a great extent, made up, on the
one hand, of the struggle to establish government on democratic
principles, and, on the other, of the more or less successful efforts
to stifle such a movement.

All government consists in the union of two principles, which Democracy
the Romans called imperium and libertas — one the enforcement and Liberty.
of authority from above, the other the security of freedom of
thought and action from below. The French Revolution was the
exaggerated assertion of the democratic principle, caused by the
unreasonable exercise of the principle of authority, coupled with
monstrous abuse of class privilege. As it proceeded, it so extended
the domain of liberty that authority lost all power. The Govern-
ment of the Directory was the weakest that France, and perhaps
Europe, had ever seen ; a weaker government would have been
anarchy, or no government at all. Napoleon attempted to
reconcile the two principles by founding a democratic Empire — a
Government strong in authority, but instinct with the spirit of
liberty. He failed, because he could not reign in peace, but had
to meet the continual demands of wars forced upon him by those
who opposed his actions, just as they had been forced upon the
Republic which preceded him.

After his fall liberty almost disappeared, just as authority had England
disappeared before his arrival on the scene. The Powers of and thet
Europe, led by Metternich, occupied themselves in suppressing ReYolttti011'
what they believed to be revolution, but what was really liberty.
Liberty, the just demand of the people for self-government, could
only be put down by force, and the efforts to regain it caused the
abortive attempts of 1820 and the more successful struggles of
1830. But in these movements Great Britain had stood by her-
self. As she had not known to the full the abuses of authority,

243

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Parliament-
ary Reform
the Key to
Liberty.

so she refrained from demanding the exaggeration of liberty.
What other countries had sought by revolution she laboured to
secure by reform. But the realisation of reform could not be
won without a struggle — bloodless, indeed, but scarcely less violent
than those which had ended in revolution in other countries.

Great Britain fixed her mind on the reform of Parliament as
the key to the position ; if that were accomplished, everything
else would follow. The chief evils to be remedied were these :
first, the existence of rotten boroughs, places with few electors
and sometimes no inhabitants, which returned two members to
Parliament at the bidding of a neighbouring magnate ; next, the
fact that large and wealthy towns, which had grown into import-
ance during the industrial revolution of the eighteenth century,
had no representative in Parliament ; and, thirdly, that only a
small part of the population had the right of voting at elections.
To remedy these evils a Reform Bill was to be introduced, and its
preparation was entrusted to a committee of four, consisting of
Lord Durham, Sir James Graham, Lord Duncannon, and Lord
John Russell. The most influential of these was Lord Durham,
who was mainly responsible for the details of the scheme, and
who included vote by ballot in the plan, against the opinion of
Lord John Russell. The part he played in the movement has
only become recognised of late years, the lion's share having been
too readily and too exclusively awarded to Lord John Russell,
who introduced the measure into the House of Commons.

The committee proposed the disenfranchisement of all boroughs
Reform Bill, with fewer than 2,000 inhabitants ; the partial disenfranchisement
of all boroughs with fewer than 4,000 inhabitants; the extension
of the franchise to £20 householders in boroughs and £10 copyholders
in counties ; the assignment of members to populous towns, and
of additional members to the more populous. It further pro-
posed the enforcement of residence as a qualification for voting,
the registration of voters, the adoption of the ballot, an increase
in the number of polling stations, and the limit of the duration of
Parliament to five years. In the Cabinet vote by ballot was dis-
allowed and the borough franchise lowered to £10. Lord John
Russell introduced the Bill in the House of Commons on March
ist, 1831. The excitement was indescribable ; petitions in favour
of the Bill were heaped upon the table ; the House was crowded ;
dense masses of people assembled outside, waiting for the news
of the fate of the measure, and on their fringe were horsemen,
ready to carry the earliest tidings of the details to every part of
England.

244

The First

A MAJORITY OF ONE

Lord John Russell's speech proposed that sixty of the smaller Lord John
boroughs should be disfranchised altogether, and that forty-seven Russell's
should return one member instead of two. London received eight pee
additional representatives, and thirty-four seats were distributed
amongst towns hitherto unrepresented. The English counties
received fifty-five new members, the Scottish five, the Irish three,
the Welsh one. The result of these changes would be to reduce
the House of Commons from 658 members to 596. Corporations
in towns lost their exclusive right of election, and the franchise
was given to all householders who paid £10 a year rent. This
would give votes to half a million citizens who had not as yet
possessed them.

The speech was received with derisive cheers and laughter,
but Sir Robert Peel sat immovable in his place, and the Duke of
Wellington told his friends that it was no joke, that there was
nothing to laugh at. The debate lasted seven nights, and elicited the
conflicting objections of Tories and Radicals. The Tories thought
that such a reform, coupled with a free Press, was incompatible
with the independence of the House of Lords. The Radicals
recognised the boldness of the measure, but regretted that the
plan did not include vote by ballot, short parliaments, and
universal suffrage. At last, after a short reply from the opener
of the debate, leave was given to bring in the Bill and it was read
a first time.

Opinion in the country was divided. The Court, the House Majority of
of Lords, the Clergy, the Army and Navy, the Universities, and One for
the Inns of Court were mainly against the Bill ; it was supported
by the manufacturers and the body of the people, and the Press
was generally in its favour. The second reading of the Bill was
fixed for March 2ist. After a vigorous debate the second reading
was carried in a full House by a majority of one vote, the numbers
being 302 and 301 — another of the great measures, including the
Irish Union, which have been determined by one vote. The
excitement was beyond description, but the success of the Bill
seemed very doubtful.

After the Easter recess Ministers proposed some changes in Defeat of
the details. Five boroughs were deprived of one member instead the Ministry,
of two, and seven boroughs which were to lose one member were
left untouched. Eight counties and seven large towns received
additional members, and additional members were assigned to
Ireland and to one large town. These concessions did not con-
ciliate the Opposition, and the fateful division was taken at 4
o'clock in the morning of April 2ist, when Ministers were defeated

245

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The New
Parliament.

The Second
Reform Bill
Passed.

by a majority of twenty-two ; and at once, as they had already
secretly agreed to do should events demand it, determined to
dissolve. The King, after some hesitation, acceded to their
resolution. When, on the day of dissolution, a difficulty was made
about the carriage to convey him to Parliament, he said, " Never
mind the carriage ; send for a hackney coach." The Lords were
engaged in debate when the cannon announced His Majesty's
arrival. But Lord Mansfield went on speaking while the Royal
procession was entering the House. The King was firm, cheer-
ful and dignified. He announced as his reason for dissolving that
he wished to ascertain the sense of the people, constitutionally
expressed, on the expediency of making changes in the representa-
tion. The question of reform was thus left to the judgment of
the people and the country.

The dissolution of Parliament brought general rejoicing.
London was illuminated, and those who did not light up had
their windows broken. From one end of the land to the other
the cry rang out, " The Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the
Bill ! " In the new election candidates in favour of the Bill were
chosen throughout the country, and nearly all the county members
were pledged to support it.

Parliament was formally opened on June 2ist, and three days
later Lord John Russell introduced the second Reform Bill. He
was now a member of the Cabinet, and therefore spoke with the
authority which belongs to Cabinet rank. But he had no
concessions to offer ; the Bill was introduced without material
amendment, and leave to introduce it was granted with only one
dissentient voice. The debate on the second reading — which was
carried by a majority of 136, the numbers being 367 and 231 —
lasted three nights. The figures showed that the Ministry had
gained 135 votes by the dissolution. But the Opposition was
united and determined, and met the motion to go into Committee
by repeated amendments. In Committee the case of each borough
was separately discussed. It was urged that the Bill disfranchised
the south of England for the benefit of the north, though it was
in the north that wealth and population had mainly increased.
Every art of obstruction was practised, and the House continued
to sit during the tropical heat of July and past the " Festival of
St. Grouse " on August I2th, the work of the Committee being con-
cluded only just before the King's Coronation in September. The
Bill finally passed the House of Commons by a majority of 106.

The Bill was carried up to the House of Lords by nearly two
hundred Liberals, who broke into cheering when Lord John

246

THE LORDS REJECT REFORM

Russell handed it to the Lord Chancellor. The second reading
was proposed by Lord Grey on October 3rd. In his speech he
defended the consistency of his career, and showed that he had
supported Pitt's proposals for reform as long ago as 1786.
Brougham, the Lord Chancellor, went down on his knees, theatric-
ally begging the Peers to pass the Bill. It was opposed by the
Duke of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst, who complained that
it opened the floodgates of democracy. The Lord Chief Justice
and the Archbishop of Canterbury also demanded its rejection.
Earl Grey replied on the morning of October 8th, after an all-
night sitting, and the Bill was thrown out by a majority of 41.

Indignation throughout the country was profound, and a spark The Country
might have produced a revolution. Two papers, the Chronicle
and the Sun, appeared in mourning, and The Times declared that
it turned from the appalling sight of a wounded nation to the
means already in action for its recovery. A muffled peal was
rung at Birmingham, riots broke out at Derby, the jail at
Nottingham was burned down, and the abolition of the House
of Lords was mooted. Unpopular peers were attacked in the
streets, and a procession of 60,000 persons presented a petition
to the King in favour of the Bill. Brougham and Russell did
their best to calm the minds of the people, assuring them that
there was no intention to shelve or desert the Bill, but that repose
was absolutely necessary. Parliament was prorogued for a month.

Even after this it was found necessary to prohibit political Reform Riots
associations by proclamation. At Bristol a riot was directed at BMsto1*
against the Recorder, Sir Charles Wetherell, who had been one
of the fiercest opponents of the Bill. The constables were routed,
and soldiers were called in to quell the tumult. The prisons were
broken open and the prisoners liberated, and the Mansion House
and Bishop's Palace were burned to the ground. The riots were
at last suppressed with great bloodshed and loss of life. It was
realised that the vote of the twenty-one bishops who had voted
against the Bill would have just turned the scale. A cry was
raised that the bishops had thrown out the Bill, and they were
burned in effigy throughout the country, while the Church was
involved in the hatred arising from the action of its chiefs.

The third Reform Bill was introduced by Lord John Russell Third
on December izth, 1831. It had been prepared on a slightly Reform Bill
different principle from its predecessors. The census of 1831 had
become known, and its results could not be ignored in framing
the measure. Moreover, the number of the House of Commons
was left unaltered. The second reading was carried by a majority

247

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Lords

again

Obstructive.

Collapse of
the Lords.

of 112, and in spite of attempted delay it finally passed the
Commons in March. It was, however, still violently opposed in
the Upper House by the Duke of Wellington and his friends ;
but a party called the " Waverers," or the " Trimmers," repre-
sented by Lords Wharncliffe and Harrowby, were disposed to agree
to the second reading in order to amend the Bill in Committee,
and the second reading was carried by a majority of 9. In
Committee, on May 7th, Lord Lyndhurst proposed that the dis-
enfranchisement clauses should be postponed till the others had
been passed, and the amendment was adopted by a majority of 35.

Lord Grey at once deferred the consideration of the measure.
Ministers had the alternatives of advising the King to create
sufficient peers — which would be not fewer than fifty — to ensure
the passing of the Bill or of resigning office. The King was reluc-
tant to swamp the Upper House with so many new creations, so
the Ministry elected to resign. The Lords determining to proceed
with the discussion of the Bill, the Commons prayed, in an Address
to the Throne, that the measure passed by them might not be
surrendered. The excitement throughout the country was more
violent than ever. A union was founded at Birmingham, one of
whose objects was to refuse payment of taxes. Arms were pre-
pared, and there seemed to be a danger of civil war. In the
meantime, an attempt to form an anti-Reform Ministry failed,
Lord Lyndhurst and Sir Robert Peel declining the task. The
Duke of Wellington, with characteristic courage, undertook it ;
but, finding it impossible, advised the King to recall Lord Grey,
and His Majesty had no alternative but to adopt this course.

Lord Grey was recalled in May, 1832. The restored Cabinet
decided that their continuance in office must depend upon their
receiving full and indisputable security for the passing of the Bill,
and the King reluctantly gave permission to the Prime Minister
and Lord Brougham to create as many peers as might be neces-
sary to pass the Bill, first calling up peers' eldest sons or the
collateral heirs of childless noblemen. In consequence of this,
the opposition of the Lords ceased and the Bill passed through
Committee at the end of May and was read a third time on June
4th, 1832. Slight amendments introduced by the Lords were
accepted by the Commons, and the Bill became law. Consent
was given by Commission on June 7th, in the silence of deep
emotion. Parliament was shortly afterwards dissolved, in order
that the House of Commons might be elected under the condi-
tions imposed by the new Act.

248

BOOK II

CHAPTER I
ENGLAND, 1832-1841

AFTER the great war which was concluded at Waterloo the Britain's
population of the United Kingdom largely increased. In 1816 it Growth.
amounted to 19,000,000, in 1831 it had reached 24,000,000, and,
with the population, the wealth of the country increased also.
In 1815 the income on which income tax was levied was esti-
mated at £150,000,000 ; in 1832 it cannot have been less than
£225,000,000 ; so that the wealth of the nation must have grown
by £75,000,000 since the termination of the war. Population
had grown by 25 per cent., wealth by 50 per cent., so that the
accumulation of wealth had been twice as rapid as the multiplica-
tion of the people.

Moreover, a great revolution had taken place in industries, industrial
The use of machinery had lessened the cost of production, and Revolution.
the cost of distribution had undergone similar diminution. Brindley
and his followers had intersected the country with canals ; Telford
and Macadam had furnished it with roads. Facilities for travel-
ling had increased, and the railway was at hand. The railway
consists of two essential parts — a carriage propelled by steam
and rails on which it may run. The second had been invented
and used before the first, and the earlier steam-coaches were made
to run on roads ; the union of the two was effected by George
Stephenson. The Stockton and Darlington Railway, the work
of Stephenson and Pease, was opened on September 27th, 1825,
a momentous date in British history. In 1830 a more important
railway was constructed between Liverpool and Manchester. The
opening day was marked by the death of Huskisson, who was
knocked down by the " Rocket " steam engine as he was moving
forward to shake hands with the Duke of Wellington, with whom
he had quarrelled two years before. The engine which conveyed
the injured statesman after this accident achieved a speed of
thirty-six miles an hour.

About the same time domestic comfort was enlarged by the
invention of lucifer matches, which took the place of the old tinder-

249

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Social
Conditions
in Britain.

Deplorable
Condition
of Ireland.

box. It is difficult to imagine the fundamental differences which
existed between the England of 1815 and the England of 1832.
Up to 1810 legislation had generally been directed to provide special
advantages for a class ; in 1832 it began to aim at securing the
greatest happiness of the greatest number. The sinecures which
existed for the benefit of the upper classes had been abolished ;
learning and capacity became the avenue to the bishop's mitre
and the judge's ermine ; public officials were compelled to dis-
charge their duties themselves, instead of leaving them to deputies ;
religious disabilities had been swept away ; Roman Catholics were
admitted to Parliament ; all offices were free to Dissenters ; the
political power of the State was no longer monopolised by a hand-
ful of privileged individuals. The franchise had been extended
to shopkeepers in the boroughs and to occupiers in the counties,
and rotten boroughs had disappeared. Members of Parliament
had lost some of their oppressive rights. Landowners could not
now defraud their creditors or exercise exclusively the privilege
of killing game. The principles of Adam Smith and Jeremy
Bentham had soaked into the hearts of the rising genera-
tion.

But the condition both of the labouring and manufacturing
poor remained very unsatisfactory. Pauperism was terrible. In
the middle of the eighteenth century the poor rate and the
county rate had not amounted together to more than £750,000 ;
in 1832 the relief of the poor cost £7,000,000 in England
and Wales alone. The maintenance of the poor threw an annual
charge of ten shillings on every man, woman, and child of the
population. One person in seven in England and Wales was a
pauper. Emigration began to be used as a remedy for these evils,
but it did not attain anything like its present proportions. In
1815 only 2,081 emigrants left the country ; in 1832 the number
amounted to 102,313. The condition of the labouring poor in
Ireland was far worse than it was in England, and in 1830 Daniel
O'Connell began to agitate for the repeal of the Union.

The General Election of 1832 passed in comparative quiet.
By a new law the poll was closed in two days, instead of being
kept open for a fortnight, a custom which had occasioned much
disorder. The composition of the House of Commons did not
differ very much from that of previous Parliaments. Parties
were slightly changed : Tories became Conservatives and Whigs
Liberals, and the Radicals began to assume the character of a
responsible political combination. Ireland occupied the first
attention of the reformed House. The state of that country was

250

THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT

deplorable, assassination and robbery were the order of the day.
In Queen's County, in a single year, there were 60 murders and
115 malicious injuries to property, 626 burglaries, and 209 serious
assaults on individuals. Peaceable people were afraid to give
evidence or serve on juries to try the offenders. By the intro-
duction of an Irish Church Bill something was done to remedy
the grievances which caused these evils. The members of the
Irish Church mustered only 800,000 out of a population of
8,000,000, but the maintenance of the Church cost more than
£i a head a year for each of its members. It possessed 1,400
benefices and twenty-two bishops. Lord Althorp imposed a tax
on all benefices of over £200 a year, varying as their value. The
£60,000 which this would yield was to be expended in the repair of
churches and the building of parsonages, so that the Church Tax
might be abolished. The number of bishops was reduced from
twenty-two to twelve. But, unfortunately, a Coercion Act was
still thought necessary. The provisions were extremely severe.
The Lord Lieutenant had power to suppress all meetings ; he
might declare any county to be in a state of disturbance, and in
districts so disordered it was perilous to be out between sunset
and sunrise. Offenders in disturbed districts were to be tried by
court-martial. The Bill was introduced in the House of Lords
on February I5th, 1833, and passed through its stages in five days.
In the Commons it met with violent opposition, but, owing to the
fiery eloquence of Stanley, the Chief Secretary, it became law on
April ist, with certain modifications. The Church Bill passed
the Commons, but was nearly defeated in the House of Lords. It
did not become law till July 3Oth.

After this the Government was reconstructed. Lord Durham, Anti-Slavery
the principal author of the Reform Bill, left the Ministry and a Prominent
received an Earldom. Lord Goderich, now made Earl of Ripon, ^uc
was given the Privy Seal, and Lord Stanley was entrusted with
the Colonies. Here he was confronted with a difficult and labori-
ous task, the abolition of slavery in British dominions. Slavery
was marked by two evils — the existence of slavery itself and the
horrors of the slave trade, by which slaves were brought from
Africa to labour in other countries. Long regarded with indiffer-
ence, men such as Clarkson, Granville Sharp, and Wilberforce
had succeeded, after years of philanthropic efforts, in rousing the
conscience of Englishmen upon the subject. In 1806, in the middle
of the Napoleonic war, Grenville and Fox, the leaders of the
Ministry which received the name of " All the Talents," carried
resolutions in favour of the abolition of the slave trade, and an

251

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Lord

Stanley's

Compromise

with

Slavery.

Child Slaves
of England.

Act for its abolition was passed on March 25th, 1807. But slavery
remained and Wilber force was anxious to complete his work.

It was, however, far more difficult to convert 750,000 slaves
into free labourers than to cut off the supply. Besides, to
do this interfered with the rights of property and might ruin
the Colonies, where cultivators depended on slave labour. The
work was made easier by the fact that trade between Great
Britain and the West Indies had seriously diminished since the
Peace. In 1814 the West Indian trade formed one-sixth of
British commerce ; in 1833 it was only one-fifteenth. The aboli-
tion of slavery was a natural result of the advent of democratic
government due to the Reform Bill of 1832. But, to the surprise
of the abolitionists, no mention of the abolition of slavery was
made in the Speech from the Throne in 1833. Thomas Fowell
Buxton, who had taken charge of the subject in succession to
Wilberforce, asked the Government whether they intended to do
anything, and they were obliged to answer in the affirmative.
Nothing, however, would have been done had not Stanley been
Secretary for the Colonies. He devoted himself to the study of
a subject of which he was before entirely ignorant, and rose to
make his momentous speech on May I4th. The line he took was
bold and statesmanlike. He was opposed to gradual abolition,
as he held that slave and free labour could not exist side by side.
The proposal was that, for a period, slaves should become appren-
tices, that they should give three-quarters of their time to their
masters and have the rest for themselves. The period of appren-
ticeship, first fixed by Stanley at twelve years, was afterwards
reduced to seven, and £20,000,000 was voted as a compensation
for the slave-owners. The apprenticeship system proved to be
a failure, as the apprentices were treated by their masters really
as badly as the slaves had been. In 1838 it was abolished by
Act of Parliament.

But there was slavery at home, and to this attention was now
directed. The effect of the industrial revolution of the eighteenth
century was to create labour in factories, and it was found that
child labour was cheaper than adult labour. This led to a kind
of slave-trade. Wagon loads of children were sent from London
into Lancashire to act as apprentices in factories. But as time
went on the manufacturing towns supplied their own children,
most of whom did not begin work till they were nine years of age,
though it was not uncommon to begin at six, and there were
instances of beginning at five. The work was extremely hard.
The child was dragged out of bed, winter and summer, at five

252

POOR LAW COMMISSION

o'clock in the morning, to begin work in the factory at six. There
were no holidays. The work continued, with two intervals of
half an hour (often spent in cleaning machinery), for thirteen hours
a day. The atmosphere breathed by the operatives was physic-
ally unwholesome and morally degrading. The question had
been taken up in Parliament, and in 1831 Thomas Sadler had
introduced a Bill to limit the labour of factory children to ten
hours. He was, however, not elected to the Reformed Parlia-
ment, and the work passed into other hands.

In 1833 the question was taken up by Lord Ashley, to a later Lord
generation known as the great philanthropist, Lord Shaftesbury. Ashley's
The Factory Bill introduced by him forbade the employment of FactoryB
children under nine years of age, and restricted the work of persons
under eighteen to ten hours a day. Inspectors were to be appointed
to see that the law was enforced and to provide for the educa-
tion of the children. Eventually a modified measure was passed,
which did not go as far as Lord Ashley wished, but greatly
alleviated the sufferings of the factory children.

Thus the Reformed Parliament, in its first session, had Elementary
remodelled the Irish Church, had abolished slavery, and had Education,
regulated factory labour. It had renewed the Charter of the Bank
of England and terminated the monopoly of the East India
Company. It also took up the question of elementary education,
and a sum of £20,000 was voted for its improvement. The Ministry
employed this money, through the agency of the National Society
and the British and Foreign School Society, to give grants for
school-houses, supplemented by large local subscriptions. The
Catholics, however, were entirely omitted. But the feeble ray of
enlightenment, which seemed at first merely to irradiate the gloom,
brightened in after years into a glorious day, so that elementary
education has become the most important and the most success-
ful part of the teaching of the British Isles.

A Commission — of which Blomfield, Bishop of London, was Poor Law
chairman, and other members were Sumner, afterwards Arch- Administra-
bishop of Canterbury, Sturges Bourne, and Nassau Senior — had tion<
been appointed to inquire into the working of the Poor Law.
Great pains were taken to ascertain the existing condition of the
question. It was found that the whole nation was pauperised
by the system of outdoor relief established in 1796. In most
parishes doles were given to the inhabitants in addition to any
other means they might possess. This had the effect of inducing
farmers to employ at a reduced wage labourers so subsidised, and
to force everyone to become a pauper. Men received a dole for

253

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Reform
of the
Poor Law.

their wives and an extra sum for every child. This led to an
enormous increase of pauper families. Relief in kind tempted
the masters of poor-houses to make a profit by securing for them-
selves the orders for food and clothes. It was held by some that
even able-bodied men were entitled to sixpence a day. Children
did not support their parents, because they were supported by the
parish. The poor man was bribed to marry, and as every girl
who had gone wrong received two shillings a week, either from the
father or from the parish, a woman with a family of bastards
brought her husband a considerable dowry. The amount of the
poor rate became intolerable. Hundreds of farms were without
tenants because no reduction of rent could induce tenants to bear
the weight of the poor rate.

The Commission recommended that after a certain date no out-
door relief, except medical aid in sickness, should be given to any
able-bodied man ; it proposed that women should be compelled to
support their illegitimate children, and that the law of settlement
should be abolished, except settlement by birth or marriage. A
Central Board was to be established to carry out the law, with
powers to make parishes or unions, to effect uniformity in assess-
ment, to dismiss incompetent officers, and to revise the whole
system. On April I7th, 1832, Lord Althorp introduced a Bill for
carrying out these recommendations, and, in spite of violent
opposition, it became law by July 3rd. The measure was a decided
success. Poor law relief, which cost the country £7,000,000 in
1832, cost only a little over £4,000,000 in 1837.

But the Ministry which had done such great things was now
approaching its end. The blow came from Ireland. O'Connell
Destroys the proposed to inquire into the means by which the Union had been

Government. 5 , , , ,, . . ,, , . r T> i A /-,

brought about, thus raising the question of Repeal. After a
debate which lasted six nights the motion was rejected by 529
votes to 38, but it left a sting behind. Another dispute arose
about the tithes in Ireland, which the Roman Catholics naturally
objected to pay. In 1833 the tithes in arrears amounted to
£1,200,000, and Littleton, the Secretary for Ireland, carried a
proposal for spending a million of money on the security of these
tithes, which the Irish Government was to collect. This made
matters worse. There was no justification for the tithe, and it
ought not to have been collected. The whole question of the
existence of the Irish Church was raised in the Cabinet, and there
were grave differences of opinion on the subject. After a number
of discussions, which it is needless to recount, Althorp resigned,
and Grey determined to resign with him (1834). And so the

254

The Irish
Question

O'CONNELL'S INFLUENCE EXTENDS

Reform Ministry, which had done so much for the United Kingdom,
came to an end.

Grey was succeeded by Melbourne, but he only held office for Lord
a short time. William Lamb, Viscount Melbourne, had been a Melbourne's
follower of Canning, and had held office with the Wellington Ministry-
Ministry, but retired with the other Canningites in 1828. As
Home Secretary in the Ministry of Lord Grey he helped to pass
the Reform Bill, although he had little sympathy with its pro-
visions. He was a man of great ability, but singularly indolent.
His chief claim to distinction, however, is that he was Prime
Minister when Queen Victoria came to the throne, and that he
gave her a sound training in constitutional government. One
of the disputes which had broken up the Grey Ministry was a
Coercion Bill for Ireland. Melbourne determined to proceed with
it, and it was passed in a modified form. Disputes about the
tithes still continued. The power of O'Connell in the House
increased, and the Ministry found it necessary to treat him with
respect.

Althorp, the leader of the Commons, enjoyed an authority Wellington's
based partly on his abilities and partly on his character. He was, Plurality
after Grey's departure, the strongest bulwark of the Whigs, but Offices.
on the death of his father he became Lord Spencer and a member
of the House of Lords. His likeliest successor was Lord John
Russell, but the King refused to accept him, and determined to
dismiss Melbourne and send for Wellington. This was the last
instance in British history in which a Ministry was dismissed
by the action of the Sovereign. Wellington accepted office, but
thought that the Prime Minister should be in the House of
Commons, and that the post should be given to Peel. But Peel
was in Italy, and it would take some time to communicate with
him. Wellington, therefore, became sole Minister. The King
made him First Lord of the Treasury, and gave him also the seals
of the Home Office, the Colonies, and the Foreign Office.

James Hudson, the Queen's Secretary, afterwards celebrated Peel's
as the champion of renovated Italy, was sent to look for Peel. Accession
He found him at a ball at Prince Torlonia's, on the evening of

November 25th, 1834. P66* set onC immediately and reached
London on December gth, becoming Chancellor of the Exchequer
on the following day. Stanley refused to take office, Lyndhurst was
made Lord Chancellor, and Wellington Foreign Secretary. Peel,
however, was the real master of the Government. Born in the
same year as Byron, who had died ten years before, he had been
Chief Secretary for Ireland under Lord Liverpool at the age of

255

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Defeat of
Peel.

Municipal
Reform.

twenty -five, had succeeded Lord Sidmouth as Home Secretary in
1822, but had declined to serve under Canning. Although only
a short period of his life had been spent in office, and he was gener-
ally in Opposition, his large-minded patriotism and preference of
national to party considerations earned for him a worthy place
in the first rank of British statesmen. He now issued a mani-
festo, addressed to the electors of Tavistock, in which he expressed
his political principles. He said that he regarded the Reform Bill
as a final and irrevocable settlement of a great constitutional
question, and that he would never oppose the correction of proved
abuses or the redress of real grievances. His chief objects were
peace abroad and the reform of Church and State at home. By
the enunciation of these principles he became the founder of the
party known as Conservative, in distinction to the former Tories.

Peel thought it necessary to dissolve Parliament, which was
probably a mistake. The election proved adverse to him. The
nation was obviously incensed at the King's arbitrary dismissal
of Melbourne. London and the boroughs elected Liberals, the
counties Conservatives. Before the new members assembled,
the old Houses of Parliament were burned down on October
I7th ; but, happily, Westminster Hall was saved. The new
Parliament met on February igth, 1835, and Peel was defeated
on the election of Speaker and the Address to the Throne.
He was afterwards beaten on the question of the Irish
Church. He did not resign, however, until April 7th, having held
power for four months. Strangely enough, his failures increased
his reputation. Guizot said of him that he was the most Liberal
of Conservatives, the most Conservative of Liberals, and the most
capable man of all in both parties. Bulwer, who voted against
him, declared that never a statesman entered office more trium-
phantly than Peel left it. The King had no alternative but to
recall Melbourne, when Spring Rice became Chancellor of the
Exchequer and Lord John Russell Home Secretary and leader of
the House of Commons, while Lord Palmerston received the seals
of the Foreign Office.

Parliament had now leisure to turn its attention to the reform
of municipal government. Most of the new boroughs, constituted
under the Reform Act, had no municipal government at all, and
the municipalities under which the old boroughs were governed
were generally corrupt. Many towns were ruled by small, irre-
sponsible, and dishonest oligarchies. A Commission was appointed
to inquire into the state of municipal corporations in England,
Wales and Ireland. The inquiry began in the autumn of 1833

256

MUNICIPAL REFORM

and was not concluded till the spring of 1835. The report then
issued was very long and elaborate. The Commission had speedily
ascertained that an unreformed House of Commons and unreformed
corporations went together : that both were founded on monopoly
and supported by corruption. The reform of Parliament natur-
ally carried with it the reform of the corporations, and the Ministers
who had introduced the Bill for reforming the one were charged
with a second task in the reformation of the other.

Lord John Russell proposed that the Bill which he introduced Lord John
should apply to 183 boroughs, not including the metropolis. The Russell's
general provisions were that the parliamentary boundary was to firea 1C
be the boundary of the municipality ; that the borough was to be
governed by a mayor and council ; that the councillors were to
be elected by residents who had been ratepayers for three con-
secutive years. The twenty largest boroughs were to be divided
into wards, with a certain number of councillors attached to each.
The Tories naturally opposed the measure, but it passed the
Commons, owing to the statesmanlike moderation of Peel, who
supported the principles of the Bill. In the Upper House, how-
ever, Lord Lyndhurst made amendments which entirely altered
its character, transforming it into a Conservative measure, and,
so changed, the Bill passed the Lords in August, 1838. The
Commons accepted some of the amendments, but rejected those
which essentially altered the character of the measure. Wellington
advised the Lords to submit, and even Lyndhurst was convinced
that further resistance was useless. The Bill — in all essential
particulars the same measure as that which Lord John Russell
had introduced — thus became law. The Lords by their action
lost greatly in the opinion of the country.

Ireland still continued in a state of disturbance. During the The Orange
preceding fifty years a number of political societies, called " Orange MoYement
Lodges," in memory of the Protestant liberator, William of Orange, in Ireland-
had sprung up in Ulster. Their object was to support the cause
of Protestantism against the members of Catholic associations,
who were called " Ribbon men." The attempt to diminish the
revenues of the Irish Church favoured the extension of these
lodges, which spread throughout England, Ireland, and the
Colonies. The number of their members amounted to 300,000,
and the Duke of Cumberland, the King's brother, was placed at
their head, with almost despotic power. It was felt that the
existence of these lodges was a serious political menace, and Par-
liament declared against them, while the King asserted his firm
intention of discouraging all such societies in his dominions. The
R 257

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

result was that the lodges were broken up, and the organisation
which threatened the peace of the Empire ceased to exist.
Death of Other social reforms followed. A uniform registration of births,

William IY, deaths, and marriages was ordered throughout the kingdom. The
revenues of bishops and canons of the Established Church were
remodelled, while the tax on newspapers was reduced to one penny,
in spite of the Tories, who preferred cheap soap to a cheap Press.
The debates of the Commons also began to be published, for the
first time, by the House itself. But the passage of these reforms
exhausted the force of the Ministry, and, distracted by internal
dissensions, they failed to carry further measures of improve-
ment. Discredited by repeated defeats, they would have resigned
but for the illness and death of the King, who expired on June
20th. William IV. was honest and conscientious. His reign
witnessed the passage of the Reform Bill and the other beneficent
measures which accompanied and followed it, and a strong impulse
was given to commerce by the extension of railways and the use
of steamships. Whether, as a Sovereign, he had much to do with
the advance or not, there can be no doubt but that in the reign-
of William IV. the progress of the nation was unusually rapid.

On Tuesday morning, June 2oth, 1837, shortly after two
o'clock, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Chamberlain
left Windsor for Kensington Palace, where the Princess Victoria
was residing with her mother, to inform the girl, who was now
Queen, of the King's death. They reached the Palace about five,
and rang and stamped for a considerable time before they roused
the porter to open the gate. They were again kept waiting in the
courtyard, and were then shown into one of the lower rooms, where
they seemed to be forgotten by everybody. They rang the bell
and desired that the attendant of the Princess Victoria might be
sent to inform Her Royal Highness that they requested an audience
on business of importance. When the attendant came she said
that the Princess was in bed and sound asleep, and that she could
not venture to disturb her. They replied, " We have come ta
the Queen on business of State, and even her sleep must give place
to that." To prove that she did not wish to keep them waiting,
the girl-Queen came into the room in a loose white dressing-gown
and shawl, her night-cap thrown off, her hair falling over her
shoulders, her feet in slippers, tears in her eyes, but perfectly
collected and dignified.

Queen Victoria has left an account of this event in her own
words, so simple and graphic that it should not be omitted in any
mention of this momentous occasion. " I was awoke at six o'clock

258

Accession
of Queen
Victoria.

CANADIAN DISTURBANCES

by Marie, who told me that the Archbishop of Canterbury and
Lord Conyngham were here, and wished to see me. I got out
of bed and went into my sitting-room (only in my dressing-gown)
and saw them, and Lord Conyngham then acquainted me that
my poor uncle, the King, was no more and had expired at twelve
minutes past two, in the morning, and consequently that I am
Queen. Lord Conyngham then knelt down and kissed my hand."
After she had received an account of the King's last moments
she went to her room and dressed. She then notes, " Since it
has pleased Providence to place me in this station, I shall do my
utmost to fulfil my duty towards my country. I am very young,
and perhaps in many, though not in all, things, inexperienced ;
but I am sure that few have more real goodwill and real desire
to do what is fit and right than I have."

The Queen's diary continues : " At nine came Lord Melbourne, Qu
whom I saw in my room and, of course, quite alone, as I shall Victoria's
always do with all my Ministers. He kissed my hand, and I then
acquainted him that it had long been my intention to retain him
and the rest of the present Ministry at the head of affairs, that it
could not be in better hands than his. He then again kissed my
hand. He then sent to me the declaration which I was to send
to the Council, which he wrote himself, and which is a very fine
one. I then talked with him some little time longer, after which
he left me. He was in full dress. I like him very much, and feel
confidence in him. He is a very straightforward, honest, clever,
and good man. At about eleven Lord Melbourne came again to
me and spoke to me about various subjects. At about half-past
eleven I went downstairs and held a Council in the red saloon.
I went in, of course, quite alone and remained seated the whole
time. My two uncles, the Dukes of Cumberland and Sussex, and
Lord Melbourne conducted me. I was not at all nervous, and
had the satisfaction of hearing that the people were satisfied with
what I had done and how I had done it."

The first disturbance to the quiet of Victoria's reign came Disturbances
from Canada. The condition of that country was perilous. Lower in Canada.
or Eastern Canada was inhabited, for the most part, by men of
French descent, whereas Upper Canada was almost exclusively
British. The French of Lower Canada were disinclined to forge
ahead, whereas the inhabitants of the Upper Province were sup-
porters of energetic progress. The most important statesman in
Lower Canada was Papineau. He had been Speaker of the
House, and had planned a Convention to discuss the grievances
of the Colony, the chief of which was the need of self-government,

259

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

although it was said that he desired to make Canada into an
independent State. A rebellion broke out in the lower province ;
it was not very important at first, but was clumsily dealt with
and much blood was shed. The disturbance spread to Upper
Canada, but here it took slight hold. The Earl of Durham was
selected by Lord John Russell to settle these disturbances. He
was an extremely able man, full of energy and passion, who has
never received that meed of praise to which his public services
entitled him.

Lord Durham arrived at Quebec at the end of May, 1838, taking

Durham ^^ fam, as secretary, Charles Buller, the most brilliant of the
younger generation of public men. He soon found himself con-
siderably hampered by the action of Parliament, which passed
a Bill abridging his powers. Desperate diseases require desperate
remedies, and there can be little doubt but that, if Durham had
been left to himself, he would have carried to a triumphant issue
the accommodation which he was charged to effect. He secured
a generous amnesty, but excluded from its operation Papineau
and others, whom he exiled to Bermuda, threatening them with
death if they returned. As they had not been tried, the action of
the Governor was illegal. He also dismissed his regular Council
and appointed another. Nothing could be more heroic than his
performance of duty while wasting with an incurable disease and
threatened by factious opposition. His chief antagonist in England
was Brougham, with whom he had a personal quarrel. As the
Home Ministry disallowed the ordinances, Durham had no alter-
native but to resign. Before he left Canada he issued a proclama-
tion in self-defence, which, to say the least of it, was extremely
indiscreet, and its terms were condemned by Ministers. He set
out for England shortly after the issue of the proclamation, but
before he could reach home he was recalled. He came back a
disgraced man and was accorded a triumphant reception. He
spent his leisure in drawing up, with the assistance of Charles
Buller, a report which marked a new era in the government of
colonies. His principles of administration, which in two or three
years were in full operation in Canada, were afterwards extended
to all colonies of European race which have any claim to the
character of important communities.

The People's On May 8th, 1838, the so-called People's Charter, the mam-
Charter, iesto of the Chartists, was published to the world. Chartism
sprang from the conviction that the Liberals in Parliament did not
intend to push Reform any farther. Regarded in the light of
modern ideas, the Charter is not very formidable. It consisted

260

THE CHARTIST RIOTS

of six points. Universal suffrage came first, which really meant
manhood suffrage, as the promoters had no idea of extending the
suffrage to women. This was followed by vote by ballot and
annual parliaments. Then came the abolition of the property
qualification for members, the payment of members, and the
division of the country into equal electoral districts.

The Ministry, in the meantime, became gradually weaker, and A Radical
were only allowed to exist on sufferance. They had no power to Yictory»
carry measures or to support those who served them. In May,
1839, they were defeated on the Jamaica Bill, which proposed to
suspend the Constitution of Jamaica for five years, in consequence
of the difficulties made by the Assembly in connection with the
emancipation of the slaves. The Bill was opposed by the Radicals,
led by Joseph Hume and by Sir Robert Peel, and only carried by
five votes. The Ministry resigned, but Sir Robert Peel would
not take office unless permitted to make changes in the Queen's
personal household. He felt he could not retain his authority if
the Queen were surrounded by ladies deeply devoted to the oppo-
site party. The Queen vehemently objected to any change being
made, an attitude which she afterwards admitted to have been
mistaken, and Lord Melbourne returned to office.

The same year witnessed the introduction of the penny post, introduction
though the reform did not come into full operation until January of the
loth, 1840. The plan of conveying letters for a uniform low Penny Post«
charge was invented by Rowland Hill, but the adhesive stamp
was of another origin. At this time the postage of no letter was
less than twopence. Letters from the country to London cost
from sixpence to a shilling ; letters from Scotland or Ireland
from a shilling to eighteenpence. Rowland Hill showed that
the cost of carrying each letter was extremely small, and that,
if a stimulus were given to correspondence by lower rates, the
profits would increase enormously. Experience has amply con-
firmed the truth of his reasoning, and cheap postage has been
adopted by all civilised countries. Of course, the introduction
of postage stamps greatly facilitated the new arrangements. In
consequence of this change the privilege of franking letters was
abolished.

Chartist riots continued during the whole of the year. The More
worst of them took place at Newport, in Monmouthshire, on Chartist
November 4th. The rioters, after sacking the villages through Rlots*
which they passed, and compelling the whole adult population to
join them, reached Newport at four o'clock in the morning, 50,000
strong, and were joined there by another division. The soldiers

261

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

received the order to load, but the mob fired first. Then, under

the fire of the soldiers, the mob dispersed.

Queen The question of the Queen's marriage now began to assume

Victoria's prominence. The Coronation had taken place on Tune 28th,
Coronation, 0 o TM, ^ t> • j.- i ± i r •*. • v.

1838. The Queen has given an interesting sketch of it in her

" Journal " : "I was awoke at four o'clock in the morning by the
guns in the Park, and could not get much sleep afterwards, on
account of the noise of the people and the bands. Got up at seven,
feeling strong and well. At half-past nine I went into the next
room and dressed exactly in my House of Lords costume. At ten
I got into the State coach, with the Duke of Sutherland and Lord
Albemarle, and began our progress. It was a fine day, and the
crowds of people exceeded what I have ever seen. Many as there
were the day I went to the City, it was nothing to the multitudes,
the millions, of my loyal subjects who were assembled in every
spot to witness the procession. Their good humour and exces-
sive loyalty were beyond everything, and I cannot say how proud
I feel to be Queen of such a nation. I was alarmed at times, for
fear that the people would be crushed and squeezed on account
of the tremendous rush and pressure.

" I reached the Abbey, amid deafening cheers, at a little after
half -past eleven. I first went into the robing-room, quite close
to the entrance, where I found my eight train-bearers. After
putting on my mantle, and the young ladies having properly
got hold of it, and Lord Conyngham holding the end of it, I left
the robing-room and the procession began. The sight was splendid ;
the rank of Peeresses, quite beautiful, all in their robes, and the
Peers on the other side. My young train-bearers were always
near me, and helped me when I wanted anything. The Bishop
of Durham stood on the side near me, but he was very maladroit,
and never could tell me what was to take place.

" At the beginning of the anthem I retired to St. Edward's
Chapel, a dark, small place, immediately behind the altar ; took
off my crimson robe and kirtle, and put on the supertunica of
cloth of gold, took off also my circlet of diamonds, and then pro-
ceeded bareheaded into the Abbey. I was then seated upon St.
Edward's Chair. Then followed all the various things, and last
the crown being placed on my head, which was, I must own,
a most beautiful, impressive moment. All the Peers and Peeresses
put on their coronets at the same instant. My excellent Lord
Melbourne, who stood very close to me during the whole ceremony,
was completely overcome at this moment and very much affected.
He gave me such a kind and, I may say, such a fatherly look. The

262

QUEEN VICTORIA'S MARRIAGE

Enthronisation and the Homage of, first, all the Bishops, then
my uncles, and lastly of all the Peers, in their respective order, was
very fine. Poor old Lord Rolle, who is eighty-two, and dreadfully
infirm, in attempting to ascend the steps, fell and rolled quite
down, but was not the least hurt. When he attempted to
re-ascend them I got up and advanced to the end of the steps
to prevent another fall.

" I then again descended from the Throne, and repaired, with Scene at
all the Peers bearing the Regalia, to St. Edward's Chapel, as it is Queen
called ; but, as Lord Melbourne says, was more unlike a chapel coronation
than anything he had ever seen, for what was called an altar was
covered with sandwiches, bottles of wine, etc. There we waited
some minutes. The Archbishop came in, and ought to have
delivered the orb to me ; but I had already got it, and he was so
confused and puzzled and knew nothing and went away. The
procession being formed, I replaced my crown, which I had taken
off for a few minutes, took the orb in my left hand, and the
sceptre in my right, and, thus loaded, proceeded through the
Abbey, which resounded with cheers, to the first robing-room,
and here we waited for at least an hour, with all my ladies
and trainbearers.

" The Archbishop had, most awkwardly, put the ring on the
wrong finger, and the consequence was that I had the greatest
difficulty to take it off again, which I at last did with much pain.
At half-past four I re-entered my carriage, the crown on my head
and the sceptre and orb in my hands, and we proceeded the same
way as we came, the crowds, if possible, having increased. The
enthusiasm, affection, and loyalty were really touching, and I
shall ever remember the day as the proudest of my life. I came
home a little after six, really not feeling tired."

The choice of the King of the Belgians, in selecting a husband The Queen
for the Queen, had fallen on a member of his own house, Prince Chooses her
Albert of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, brother of the reigning Duke, and us an '
he took great pains with the Prince's education to fit him for his
responsibilities. The Queen wrote to her uncle Leopold, on
October i3th, 1839, tnat tne cousins had arrived at half-past
seven on Thursday, both looking very well and much improved.
" Ernest is grown quite handsome, and Albert's beauty is most
striking, and he is amiable and unaffected — in short, very fascinat-
ing. He is exceedingly admired here." Two days afterwards
she told Prince Albert that she wished to marry him. " The warm
affection he showed me on learning this gave me great pleasure.
He seems perfection, and I think I have the prospect of great

263

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Marriage
of Queen
Victoria.

The Powers
and Egypt.

End of

Melbourne's

Ministry.

happiness before me. I love him more than I can say, and I shall
do everything in my power to render the sacrifice he has made
(for a sacrifice, in my opinion, it is) as small as I can. These last
few days have passed like a dream to me, and I am so much
bewildered by it all that I know hardly how to write ; but I do
feel very, very happy."

The marriage took place on February loth, 1840, at the Chapel
Royal, St. James's, and the married couple went to Windsor in
the afternoon. The marriage, although arranged by statesmen,
was a marriage of love. The Prince's personal virtues contri-
buted largely to the prosperity of the reign, and his many-sided
culture and intellectual activity left their mark on the com-
munity. He contributed to making German thought, in its
various branches, current coin in his adopted country, and in
this regard achieved a result which the union with Hanover
failed to accomplish.

The year 1840 was marked by British intervention in Syria.
In 1832 Mehemet Ali, the Pasha of Egypt, had made war upon
his suzerain, the Sultan of Turkey, had captured Acre, occupied
Damascus, and, in 1833, secured for himself the whole of Syria
and the Province of Adana. In 1839, tne Sultan, feeling himself
stronger, had renewed the war, but Mehemet Ali had gained a
decided victory over the Turks, and the Turkish fleet deserted to
his cause. A Quadruple Alliance was formed between Great
Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia to force 'the Turks and
Egyptians to make peace. From this alliance France held aloof ;
having great influence in Egypt, she naturally supported the
Egyptians against the Turks. In fact, the Egyptians governed
Syria better than the Turks did. For a short time it seemed
possible that war might break out between France and Great
Britain, but France eventually became convinced that she could
not stand against the rest of Europe. Beirut was attacked and
Acre captured by Admiral Sir Charles Napier, and Mehemet Ali
was turned out of Syria. In compensation he was recognised as
Pasha of Egypt, with virtual independence.

Melbourne's administration had now lost credit, and a vote of
no confidence, taken in April, was rejected by only twenty-one. In
August, however, the Government was able to pass a Municipal
Act for Ireland, the measure abolishing fifty-eight municipalities
and reconstituting ten. But Ministers failed to carry other
measures of importance, and a Sugar Duty Bill was rejected by a
majority of thirty-six. After this Sir Robert Peel brought forward
a motion of want of confidence, which was carried by a single vote.

264

DEFEAT OF MELBOURNE

Lord Melbourne had the alternative of resigning or dissolving
Parliament, and chose the latter ; but the country decided against
him. In the new Parliament, which met in August, 1841, the
Conservatives numbered 367 and the Liberals 286. The Ministers
were defeated on the Address by a large majority and, to the
distress of the Queen, Lord Melbourne resigned.

265

CHAPTER II
THE CITIZEN KINO

The Louis PHILIPPE ascended the throne of the Bourbons as King, not

Bourgeois of France, but of the French. He was supported by the heads of
Monarchy. ^e Liberal Opposition and the leaders of the Napoleonic party
who had returned from exile. The new monarchy was distinctly
middle-class, finding favour with the manufacturers and shop-
keepers, who dreaded a republic on the one hand and an aristo-
cratic autocracy on the other. The supporters of the monarchy
of July did not form a homogeneous body. They were composed
of a party of movement and a party of reaction. The first, repre-
sented by Laffitte, Lafayette and Odilon Barrot, sympathised
with the popular risings in different parts of Europe, and wished
France to take the side of peoples against their Sovereigns. The
second agreed with Louis Philippe in thinking that the Revolu-
tion of July had been closed on August gth. The leaders of this
party were Guizot, Casimir Perier and the Due de Broglie. The
King, however, was obliged to form his first Ministry from both
sections, and we find that it included a number of incongruous
names. It comprised Laffitte, Dupont de 1'Eure, Bignon, Gerard,
Mole, Casimir Perier, Dupin, Guizot, Broglie. Lafayette com-
manded the National Guard, as he had done in the days of the
Revolution, and Odilon Barrot was Prefect of the Seine.
France and This divergence of opinion became clearly shown in the atti-
the Belgian tude of the Government towards the Belgian Revolution of 1830.
Revolution. $orne believed that they were bound to support a revolt which
had directly sprung from their own. They called upon the King
to declare himself a supporter of the democracy, to punish the
Ministers of Charles X. who had signed the ordinances, and to
prepare the way for a declaration of war against the Sovereigns
and Ministers of the Holy Alliance. Polignac, Peyronnet, and
two others were confined in the Chateau of Vincennes. The
Chamber, at the end of September, had voted their accusation,
and many were in favour of their death. The Chamber, however,
presented an address to the King, recommending that capital
punishment should be done away with, and Louis Philippe
expressed his satisfaction. The agitation, however, continued.

266

STORMY DAYS IN FRANCE

On October ijth rioters proceeded to the Palais Royal, crying
" Death to the Ministers ! " and on the following day a mob of
ruffians marched to Vincennes to execute the prisoners. They
were resisted by Dumesnil, who declared that, if the gates were
forced, he would blow the chateau into the air. In this crisis,
which threatened the safety of the King, the Conservatives Broglie
and Guizot determined to resign. Louis Philippe adopted a
moderate course with tact and courage. He reconstituted the
Ministry with Laffitte and Dupont de 1'Eure at its head ; but
appointed as Minister of the Interior Montalivet, a man devoted
to himself. Montalivet proposed a reform of the electorate, which,
by reducing the property qualification for the franchise, doubled
the number of voters, while his colleague Merilhou laid before
the Chamber of Peers a scheme of public education which he
thought would be popular in the country. At the same time the
King resolutely opposed all violence. However, the trial of the
Ministers took place on December 2ist, before the Chamber of
the Peers. They were condemned to imprisonment for life, but the
extremists desired their death, and a revolt took place, which it
required all the efforts of the army and the National Guard to
keep in check.

On February I4th, 1831, the anniversary of the death of the Anti-Clerical
Due de Berri, the Legitimists held a special service in the Church Outbreak.
of St. Germain 1'Auxerrois, when a collection was made for the
soldiers of the Royal Guard who had been wounded in the days
of the Revolution. The angry mob attacked the church and the
presbytery, and on the following day the palace of the Archbishop
was attacked, and Notre Dame itself was in danger of being sacked.
A strong feeling against the clergy broke out, both in the capital
and in the provinces, and the King was forced to abstain from
attending mass. The result was to render the Liberals unpopular
with the middle classes who governed the country. When the
King refused to support the inhabitants of the Italian duchies
of the Emilia against an Austrian intervention, Laffitte resigned.

He was succeeded by Casimir Perier, the head of the Con- casimir
servative party, a man of large fortune and commanding temper, Perier
clear head and energetic spirit, but possessed, above all, with the Succeeds.
sense of authority and a passion for power. His manners were
imperious, his tone of voice stern and occasionally offensive. He
kept the King under strict discipline ; every dispatch was sub-
mitted to him before it met the eyes of the Sovereign ; and no
communication was made by the King to the Ministers without the
previous approval of the Minister. He was always ready to take

267

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Cholera

Ravages

Paris.

The

Duchesse de
Bern's
Rebellion.

responsibility upon himself, even if it brought hatred with it,
and aimed at the establishment of a free but regular government,
a government of peace which encouraged no violence, either at
home or abroad. He dissolved the Chamber on May 3ist, 1831,
and asked the electors to decide between the new monarchy and
the old. The enlarged electoral body gave a decisive verdict,
which disarmed, once and for all, the forces of Legitimism and at
the same time repressed the Radicals. Meanwhile, the heads of
the Opposition, Arago, Odilon Barrot and Laffitte, were returned
to the Chamber.

In fourteen months Casimir Perier had firmly established his
authority over the Chamber, and the power of the Chamber over
the Sovereign and the country. He carried to a practical result
the programme of the Doctrinaires and the more Liberal Con-
servatives. To the democracy he opposed the army ; to the
revolutionaries the doctrines of Liberalism. He exercised a dicta-
torship, but a liberal dictatorship. He called to his side Dupin,
Guizot and Thiers. Unfortunately his rule was short. The
cholera, the scourge of God, which broke out in Paris on March
26th, 1832, after a masked ball, and slew nearly 20,000 victims
in three months, brought about a kind of truce between the violent
antagonisms of the two parties. Indeed, most of the Deputies
had left Paris to avoid the pestilence. The Prime Minister, with
rare devotion, paid a visit to the hospital, the Hotel Dieu, accom-
panied by the Due d'Orleans, the eldest son of the King, but
he was attacked by the disease and died on May i6'th, after five
weeks' illness. He disappeared from the scene just when the
new monarchy was about to undergo its most serious trial.

In the night of April 28th, 1832, an Italian steamer, the Carlo
Alberto, landed in the neighbourhood of Marseilles the Duchesse
de Berri, accompanied by some of her faithful supporters, such
as Bourmont and Kergolay, with the object of recovering the
crown for her son, the Due de Bordeaux. She failed to rouse
the south of France, but collected the chiefs of a new Vendean
insurrection at Nantes, and forced the Government to declare
a state of siege in four Departments. With superb audacity, she
crossed the south, and entered Bordeaux in an open carriage.
Reaching in this way the Chateau de Plassac, she issued to the
people of La Vendee a summons to arms for May 24th. Only
a few hundreds answered the call, and two engagements, one at
La Chene, the other at La Penissiere, sufficed to crush the move-
ment. The defeated duchess wandered about in strange disguise
from cottage to cottage, but was eventually caught and imprisoned

268

"THE REVOLUTIONARY SPIRIT IS DEAD"

in the citadel of Blaye. Here she was delivered of a daughter,
the fruit of a secret marriage with Count Hector Lucchesi di
Palli, Chancellor of the King of the two Sicilies. This somewhat
untoward, but not dishonourable, event, lending a touch of the
ludicrous to her case, rendered her politically powerless for the
future.

A still more serious insurrection broke out in Paris on June 5th, Insurrection
on the occasion of the funeral of General Lamarque. It began m Pans*
with a conflict with the Municipal Guard at the Bridge of Auster-
litz, and the quarters of the Temple, St. Martin, St. Denis, and
the Place de la Bastille were soon covered with barricades. But
the insurgents had little chance of success. They were not joined
by the workmen, and the middle classes were enraged against
them, while the National Guard assisted the troops of the line
on the following day, when the rioters were dispersed ; they were
treated with clemency, however, only a few being punished.

The natural successor of Casimir Perier would have been Guizot, Guizot's
the leader of the Doctrinaires. But the King had the strongest Optimism.
objection to appointing him. He had got rid of one dictator and
did not wish to subject himself to another. For four months,
from June to October, 1832, the King strained every nerve to
avoid entrusting the government to Guizot and his friends. He
attracted to his side men whom he disliked less, such as Montalivet
and Sebastiani, and kept for himself the Presidency of the Council.
But events were too strong for him, and, after October nth, he
gave to Marshal Soult the task of forming a Ministry. Broglie
became Minister of Foreign Affairs, Thiers took the portfolio of
the Interior, and Guizot that of Education. It was a " Ministry
of all the talents," a triumph for the Doctrinaires.

In February, 1833, Guizot was able to say, " Insurrection is
dead, the societies are dead, revolutionary propagandism is dead,
and the revolutionary spirit is dead." This was too optimistic a
view, but, in order to destroy the evil of unrest and all prospect
of its revival, Guizot passed a law concerning primary education
in June, 1833, which invited the Catholics to associate themselves
with State officials in the work of establishing internal and social
peace. He regarded a system of religious education as the best
means of arresting disintegration and the dangers to which society
was exposed. Thiers, on his side, urged the adoption of a system
of public works at a cost of 100,000,000 francs to be spread over
five years.

But, in this very summer, the heads of the Republican party
were stimulated to fresh efforts. The Ministry attempted to suppress

269

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Attempt to
Crash Re-
publicanism,

Attempt to
Assassinate
Louis
Philippe,

activity by indicting twenty-seven of the Republican leaders
before the Court of Assizes. They were all acquitted, and this
gave new encouragement to the leaders, who thought the time
had come to unfurl their standard. An explosion was brought
about through an attempt made by the Ministry forcibly to
suppress strikes. In Lyons an insurrection lasted from April Qth
to April 1 3th, and when news of the outbreak reached Paris
barricades were raised there by the Republicans. Thiers adopted
rigorous measures, arresting the most active members of the
Society of the Rights of Man, and holding 40,000 soldiers in
readiness to march. In a short time all the positions of the
insurgents were captured. Attempts of a similar kind made at
St. Etienne, Clermont, Marseilles, Belfort, Luneville, and else-
where were extinguished with equal success.

Opportunity was now taken to crush the Republican faction.
Laws of great severity were passed against the carrying of arms
and against the democratic journals. The elections which took
place in May, 1834, produced a Parliament still more hostile to
Republican ideas. It redoubled the severity of previous Ministries.
During the last four years, there had been 529 Press trials.
Journalists had been condemned to periods of imprisonment
which amounted to 106 years, and the fines paid for offences
reached the sum of 400,000 francs. The Tribune, the principal
organ of the Republicans, had been prosecuted in times,
and its editor had been condemned to imprisonment twenty
times. The National, the organ of Armand Carrel, had been
treated with similar harshness. The Government was deter-
mined to bring the whole of the offenders before a special High
Court composed of the Chamber of Peers. Two thousand persons
had been arrested, and 164 were brought to trial. The trial did
not begin till March 5th, 1835, and was not concluded till January
23rd, 1836, by which time 4,000 witnesses had been examined.
The offenders were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment,
but were ah1 amnestied on the occasion of the marriage of the
Due d'Orleans, which took place on May 8th, 1836.

While this trial was proceeding, on July 28th, 1835, as Louis
Philippe was riding with the most distinguished members of the
Court, the Government, and the army, to attend a review in
honour of the Revolution of July, a so-called infernal machine
was exploded in the Boulevard du Temple close to the head of
the cortege. The machine consisted of a row of musket-barrels
filled with bullets, and was placed in a window commanding the
procession. Eighteen persons who were close to the King were

270

THE RISE OF THIERS

killed, amongst them the ancient Marshal Mortier, Due de
Treviso, and many others were wounded. The King was slightly
injured, but continued his progress with commendable courage.
The author of this conspiracy was Joseph Fieschi, a Corsican
adventurer of abandoned character, who had once served under
Murat. He seemed to have had only two accomplices, who were
guillotined with him on February i6th, and were regarded as
martyrs by the Democrats and Socialists.

The result of this conspiracy was the passing of the Laws of The " Laws
September, three in number, dealing respectively with courts ?f s®Pten
of assize, trial by jury, and the Press. The first gave the Ministry
power to create as many courts of assize as might be thought
necessary for trying offenders against the security of the State ;
the second allowed condemnations to take place by a bare majority
of the jury ; and the third established in their most repulsive form
the most stringent laws against the Press. The Press law was
directed equally against Legitimists and Republicans, both opponents
of the Government, but the Legitimists, having a larger command
of money, were less affected by it. The laws were strongly opposed
by Royer-Collard and Odilon Barrot. Some months afterwards
Armand Carrel, the brilliant editor of the National, fell (July 24th,
1836) in a duel with Emile de Girardin, in the cause of the liberty
of the Press.

Meanwhile a third Party was being organised, consisting partly The Rise
of men who could not make up their minds, and partly of men
whose ambitions had been disappointed. These were favoured
by Louis Philippe, who did not like the Doctrinaires. The con-
sequence was that the Broglie Ministry was overthrown, and, in
February, 1836, a new Ministry was formed, in which the Presidency
of the Council and the portfolio of Foreign Affairs were held by
Thiers.

The first Ministry of Thiers lasted from February 22nd to
September 6th, 1836. From the first there was dissension between
the Sovereign and his Ministers. They both determined to govern
and, when this could not be done openly, they resorted to obscure
and subtle means of gaming their ends. Thiers once said to the
King : " Sire, I am very subtle," and Louis Philippe replied :
' I am more subtle than you, because I do not say so." The
King's declared policy was to resist the Revolutionary movement
at home and, while enforcing respect for existing treaties, to avoid
interference in the affairs of other States. Lamartine once said
to Thiers with great truth : " You have in you a restless, jealous,
insatiable spirit, which nothing can appease, and which brooks

271

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

no rival. You have a passion for governing, for governing alone,
for governing always, for governing with a majority or with a
minority, for governing either with or against all, for reigning
alone, for reigning always and at any price."

Thiers The difference broke into a flame with reference to the civil

esigns, waj ^e^ween the Carlists and the Cristinos, which still continued
in Spain. Great Britain intervened, according to the terms of
the Quadruple Alliance. As early as March i8th, 1836, Thiers
protested to Lord Palmerston against the policy of the Quadruple
Alliance, and reserved to France liberty of action with regard
to Spain. In July he made preparations for the intervention.
He increased the foreign legion, which the Government had lent
to the Queen of Spain against the Carlists, and offered the services
of a general to command the royal army. He said : " We intend
to annihilate Don Carlos, the hero of Navarre." By the Revo-
lution of La Granja, which broke out on August i2th, 1836, the
Queen-Mother was forced by the party of progress to accept the
liberal Constitution of 1812. On August 24th, Louis Philippe,
having heard that Thiers had allowed it to be announced that a
French army would enter Spain, had an official denial inserted in
the Moniteur, without communicating with his Minister. Thiers,
unable to send the army which he had promised, decided to keep
his soldiers in arms at the foot of the Pyrenees, but the King
ordered him to disband them. Nothing but resignation was
possible. Thiers exclaimed indignantly : " The King does not
desire intervention ; we desire it, so I resign."

Algiers A new Ministry was formed, with Mole as President of the

a French Council and Guizot as Minister of Education. Mole was opposed
Colony. to the Doctrinaires and devoted to the King ; Guizot, the head of
the Doctrinaires, was purposely kept in a subordinate position. The
Ministry was compelled to deal with the affairs of Algiers, the
conquest of which had been among the last acts of the Bourbon
dynasty. The subjection of the country had been continued
with varying success. General after general had applied himself
to this task, without producing any decisive results, and the
resistance of the Algerians had been strengthened by the alliance
of neighbouring States. In February, 1834, arter some victories
had been gained in the province of Oran, peace was made with
the young Emir, Abd-el-Kader, a man of remarkable powers and
rare dignity of character, who had justly obtained a pre-eminence
in the councils of his countrymen. It was now determined to
constitute Algiers a French colony, to put an end to the restricted
occupation, and to make the country into a Gallic India, as a

272

REVIVAL OF NAPOLEONISM

valuable training-ground for soldiers and generals. This project
led to a renewal of hostilities in 1835, at first with results disastrous
to the French. Marshal Clauzel was sent as Governor to Algiers,
with General Bugeaud and the Due d' Orleans.

The conquest of the interior of the country was very difficult A French
and was interrupted by many surprises. Clauzel came to Paris P11*6 m
to consult upon future operations, and at that very time the change
of Ministry took place. Thiers had desired the conquest of the
colony, which was also the view of Clauzel, but Mole advocated
a middle course, while the British Government viewed the ex-
tension of French colonies with suspicion. Eventually, the policy
of Mole" prevailed. Marshal Valee, the conqueror of Const an tine,
said : "I desire the French to restore Roman Africa. I will
endeavour to found cities and open roads of communication. The
army shall no longer scour the provinces. I will go slowly, but
will never retreat. Wherever, at my bidding, France sets her
foot, I will establish trading stations. The cities which already
exist I will develop." This programme became the policy of the
Prime Minister, the Cabinet, and the country.

The policy of the King and of Mole had rendered France secure Louis
against the attempts of Republicans and Legitimists, but a new Napoleon's
danger threatened it by the revival of Napoleonism, which might
have been thought to have become extinct by the death of the
Duke of Reichstadt, the son of the great Napoleon, in 1832. The
head of the Napoleon family was now Prince Louis Napoleon,
son of the younger brother of Napoleon, who had been King of
Holland, and Hortense Beauharnais, the daughter of Josephine.
He had long brooded over his fortunes, and had succeeded in
gaining over to his side some members of the garrison of Strasbourg,
On October 2gth, 1836, Prince Napoleon suddenly appeared at
Strasbourg, and called upon Vaudrey, colonel of an artillery
regiment and an ardent Napoleonist, to assist him. Vaudrey
summoned his regiment at 5 a.m. on the following day to the
courtyard of the barracks. There Louis Napoleon appeared in
the uniform of his uncle, accompanied by a few officers, one of
whom carried a tame eagle. The soldiers responded to the
appeal and marched through the city, arresting in their bedrooms
Voirol, the commandant, and the prefect. They then proceeded
to the artillery barracks, where their appeal elicited no response.
Prince Louis was arrested without shedding of blood, the revolted
artillery regiment marched quietly back to its barracks, and the
incident was at an end. After a few days' imprisonment, he was
allowed to go to America, and his accomplices were tried and

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

acquitted. It was safer to make an attempt of this kind ridiculous
than to render it formidable by severity.

Admiration At the same time Napoleonism tended to increase in strength
Napoleon I, ^^ indeed> Louis Philippe was not hostile to its development,
as the policy of its supporters served to accentuate the differ-
ence between the policy of the Monarchy of July and that of
the Restoration. Thiers, the illustrious author of Consulat et
I' Empire, was not averse to the admiration of the hero whom
he had deified, and those who had borne a conspicuous part under
the Empire were, therefore, well received at the Tuileries. The
palaces of Paris and Versailles were decorated with pictures of
Napoleon's battles ; the Arc de 1'litoile, inscribed with the names
of the victories of the Empire, was brought to completion ; the
column in the Place Vendome was surmounted by the statue of
" the Little Corporal," in his cocked hat and grey overcoat. Bridges,
streets, and squares were named after Napoleon's victories ; in
the Palace of Versailles, converted into a National Museum, his
name was placed by the side of that of the Grand Monarch. Bona-
partism, idealised by poetry and legend and associated with the
tragic death of its hero on the rock of St. Helena, was the political
creed of the large majority of the nation. The memorial of St.
Helena was in everyone's hand, Napoleon's name was the burden
of the national poetry, but all this enthusiasm had not sufficed
to carry Prince Louis into the Tuileries, as it had carried his uncle,
after the return from Elba. Balzac, a great admirer of the Emperor,
has shown us that the major proportion of the healthiest elements
in French society at this time were drawn from the traditions of
the Empire, and were, indeed, the best antidote to the common-
place ideas and smug shopkeeping vulgarity which were the
prevailing notes of the middle-class Monarchy of July.
The New The new elections of the autumn of 1837 were on tne whole

Chamber, favourable to the Government. The parties in the Chambers
were reckoned, as is usual in Continental Chambers, from Left to
Right, the Left being the Liberals and the Right the Conservatives.
The Left was divided into three sections. The Extreme Left — or
what in England would be called the Radicals — still theoretically
Republican, numbered Gamier Pages as its most important member,
but it was afterwards strengthened by the adhesion of Henri Martin
and Ledru Rollin. The Left, the old Republican party, was led
by Dupont de 1'Eure, Arago the astronomer, and the banker
Laffitte. But Laffitte at this time lost his election. Ledru Rollin
was head of a party called the Dynastic Left, which was in favour
of a democratic monarchy. Between the Left and the Right was,

274

HIGH-WATER MARK OF THE MONARCHY

the Centre, divided into Left Centre and Right Centre, the former
being led by Thiers, whose chief characteristic was the support
of a spirited foreign policy. The Right Centre, which was as
large as all the other parties put together, was composed mainly
of prosperous merchants, but also contained the Doctrinaires,
led by Guizot. Between the two Centres there was a small in-
dependent party of no great importance. The Right consisted of
Legitimists of different complexion, but numbered only between
twenty and thirty members.

The year 1837 maY be considered as the high- water mark of Amnesty to

the July Monarchy. In the last days of 1836 an attempt on the Political
.... J , J., „- j i_ j TI/T Offenders

life of the King was made by a young man, named Meunier, a

contemptible creature, who was not worth executing, and was
punished by banishment. Mole and Montalivet were the leaders
of the Government, and Thiers had promised the King that, as
leader of the Left Centre, he would cause no embarrassment to
the Cabinet. Charles X. had expired at Lyons and Queen Hortense
died at Arenenberg, on the Lake of Constance, while her son Louis
Napoleon sought refuge in England. The time was come when
an amnesty could be granted to political offenders. This was
issued in May, 1837, an^ tended to appease the opponents of the
Monarchy, at least for a season.

The time had arrived for marrying the Due d'Orleans, the Marriage
heir to the throne. His hand was sought by the King of Prussia, of the Duc
for a princess of the House of Hohenzollern. But the Court of d'0rleans-
the Tuileries preferred an Austrian alliance, and the daughter of
the Archduke Charles, the hero of Aspern, was selected. But
this negotiation failed, from the opposition of the Legitimists.
At last a suitable bride was found in the person of Princess Helen
of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, a niece of Queen Louise of Prussia, a
lady of heroic character, worthy to occupy any throne. Leaving
her home in May, the Princess was met at Fulda by the Duc de
Broglie, and the marriage took place at Fontainebleau. The
festivities added brilliancy to a splendid summer, and the House
of Orleans was definitely received into the circle of reigning families.

The opponents of the Government now set themselves to organise Dreams of
their forces — Thiers, Guizot, Broglie, Villemain, Odilon Barrot, Empire,
and even Berryer the Legitimist. The only common ground of
attack was that the monarchy was too pacific. The coalition
stirred their countrymen to resume the great part which the Empire,
and even the Convention, had once played in Europe. Louis
Philippe dazzled them with the conquest of Algeria, and opened
the museum of Versailles, a veritable pageant of military glory.

275

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Insurrection
that Failed.

Trouble in
the East.

The great struggle took place in the debate on the Address, which
began on December 26th, 1838, and lasted till January iQth, 1839.
In this the whole Opposition took part, the Extreme Right and
the Extreme Left. Thiers spoke thirteen times, and Guizot twelve.
Mole fought with great courage, and won the day, but only by
thirteen votes. The country, however, decided against him, and
the King dissolved the Chambers at the beginning of February.
The electoral excitement was at fever height, Thiers, Guizot,
Odilon Barrot, Gamier Pages all thundering against the Monarchy.

In the meantime a large majority declared in favour of the
coalition. A few acute observers saw that the attack was not
so much on the Ministry as on the Throne. The mutiny of 1839
was a prelude to the disaster of 1848. Mole* resigned, but it was
difficult to form a new Ministry. The bond of union between
the Royalists and the Republicans had been broken. The inter-
regnum lasted from March 8th to May I4th, and Soult, who was
appointed Prime Minister, was unable to form a Government.
He was, however, assisted by the conspiracy of Barbe, who, with
the assistance of Blanqui and Martin Bernard, reorganised a secret
society called " The Seasons/' and prepared for a democratic
insurrection. On May I2th an attempt was made to seize the
Prefecture of Police and the Hotel de Ville. It was easily defeated,
and by the evening Barbe was a prisoner and Bernard and Blanqui
in flight. Next day Soult succeeded in forming a Ministry, the
principal members of which were Duchatel, Dufaure and Ville-
main. A new compact was made with the King, and he was
accorded almost complete control of the foreign policy of the
country. But the passions aroused by the struggle were not so
easily allayed.

An Eastern Question now arose, which seriously affected the
relations between France and Great Britain. The Treaty of
Kutajah made in 1833 had ceded Syria to the Pasha of Egypt.
Palmerston, now British Foreign Minister, a strong supporter of
the Turkish Government, was afraid of the growing influence of
France in Egypt through her support of Mehemet Ali, and was
an enemy of Russia, which, he thought, had allowed the favour-
able terms in the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi. He therefore stirred
up Sultan Mahmoud at Constantinople to recover his lost province.
The Turkish army crossed the Euphrates, but was defeated by
the Egyptian troops at Nisib on January 24th, 1839, and the road
to Constantinople lay open to the conqueror, Mehemet Ali.

The five Great Powers exerted themselves to preserve the
integrity of the Turkish Empire. Soult had done his utmost to

276

FRANCE AND EGYPT

maintain peace, and he now prevented the Egyptians from
marching into Asia Minor and adding the Pashalik of Adana
to their dominions. The news of the defeat of Nisib arrived at
Constantinople just as Sultan Mahmoud was lying unconscious on
his death-bed. He died on July ist, 1839, leaving his empire to
Abdul Mejid, a lad of sixteen. At the same time it became known
that Ahmed Pasha, the Turkish admiral, had treacherously handed
over his fleet to Mehemet Ali. The new Sultan made overtures to
Mehemet Ali, offering him the hereditary Pashalik of Egypt, and
the Government of Syria to his son Ibrahim, on condition that
Syria should be restored to the Sultan ; but Mehemet Ali met this
with a dilatory answer.

It appeared, however, that a peaceable settlement could be Palmerston
made. The Tsar informed Palmerston that he was ready to allow ^d Egyp*-
the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi to lapse, and act henceforth in Turkey
in concert with the other Powers, and, if the Dardanelles were
closed to the ships of all nations, to extend the same system to the
Bosphorus, unless he acted as the mandatory of Europe. Palmer-
ston also agreed to allow Mehemet Ali to retain the here-
ditary Pashalik of Egypt, together with that of Acre, excluding
the fortresses and the towns. But French feeling was opposed to
this, and Soult shared the erroneous popular estimate of the
invincibility of Mehemet Ali and Ibrahim. When the French
pressed for further concessions, Palmerston withdrew those already
made.

Guizot was now sent as ambassador to London, where he was Ouizot as
extremely popular. Before he arrived, Soult had resigned, and Ambassador.
Thiers taken his place, with Remusat and Cousin as his colleagues.
The first work of the Cabinet presided over by the historian of
the Consulate and the Empire was to perform a great act of national
expiation. A quarter of a century before, the Emperor Napoleon,
after his defeat at Waterloo, had invoked the hospitality of the
British people. This was refused him, and he was sent instead
as a prisoner to St. Helena, where he spent six years of enforced
idleness, until he died by a painful and lingering disease, which
was caused, or aggravated, by the mode of life imposed upon him.
His mother had been refused access to him ; he had not been
allowed to communicate with his friends ; the title of Emperor,
which had been acknowledged by Great Britain in the Congress
of Chatillon, was now refused to him, and his unfortunately-chosen
jailer inflicted upon him a number of petty insults, especially gall-
ing to a high, proud and sensitive spirit. A copy of Coxe's Life
of Marlborough, which Napoleon, as a soldier, desired to present

277

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Remains of
Napoleon
Transferred
to Paris.

Louis
Napoleon's
Seeond
Attempt.

to the officers of a regiment quartered in the island, was retained
in the private library of the Governor, because it was stamped
with the Imperial Eagle on the fly-leaf. In this small persecution
the British Government, with Lord Liverpool at its head, were
the chief culprits, and had a willing instrument in the Secretary
of the Colonies, Earl Bathurst. At the very time when Napoleon
was dying, when he could not enter or leave his bath without
assistance, Sir Hudson Lowe was warned to redouble his pre-
cautions, because vigorous measures were being made to effect
the Emperor's escape.

These things being so, conceive the surprise when, on May
1 2th, 1840, it was announced in the Press that the British Govern-
ment had consented to allow the bones of the Emperor to be brought
from St. Helena to Paris, that they might repose, according to
his wish, on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people
whom he loved so well. The Prince de Joinville, son of Louis
Philippe, accompanied by Bertrand, Gourgaud, Las Cases and
Marchand, the companions of Naploeon's exile, sailed in a French
frigate to bring home the ashes of the hero. When the coffin
was opened, the faithful servants recognised the features of their
master, as they saw him in his favourite dress, his heart, in a silver
casket, resting between his knees. The coffin was covered with
a velvet pall, decorated with golden bees, and the British Governor
walked behind it bareheaded all the way from the grave to the
coast. Some months afterwards, on December I5th, the remains
were laid to rest under the dome of the Invalides, with every
circumstance of military pomp and popular enthusiasm.

One result of this act of reparation was to revive the hopes
of Louis Napoleon, on whom it ought to have produced just the
contrary effect. Embarked on an English vessel, he landed at
Wimereux, near Boulogne, with about sixty followers, and attempted
to obtain possession of the town and the garrison, but failed in both
objects. In a short time he and his accomplices were arrested and
the ship in which he had arrived was secured. On board was found
a wardrobe of Napoleonic properties, a tame eagle, similar to that
which had accompanied him to Strasbourg, typical of the glories
of his uncle's empire. Decrees were found in his possession
appointing Clauzel Commander-in-Chief and Thiers Prime Minister.
Louis Napoleon was tried before the Chamber of Peers, condemned
to imprisonment for life, and confined in the Castle of Ham, where
he remained for nearly six years. He eventually escaped, with
the help of Doctor Conneau, in the disguise of a workman named
Badinguet, and again found an asylum in England.

278

EGYPT AND SYRIA

The Eastern difficulty still continued. On July I5th, 1840, The Powers
a Convention was signed in London between Great Britain, Russia, and Egypt.
Austria, and Prussia, the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance, pro-
viding that, if Mehemet Ali would desist from his march on
Constantinople, he should receive the hereditary Pashalik of
Egypt, together with the administration for life of Southern
Syria, with the title of Pasha of Acre and the command of the
frontiers of that district. If he did not consent to these terms in
ten days the offer of Syria and Egypt would be withdrawn, and
if he continued to be obdurate for another ten days the whole
offer would be null and void.

Meanwhile, the action of the Allies under the Convention had Allied
begun. On August nth Sir Charles Napier had appeared off Act|on in
Beirut and summoned Suleiman Pasha to evacuate the town and yri
Syria. No shot, however, was fired, and the French Government
pressed Mehemet Ali to moderate his terms. On September lyth
Thiers wrote to Guizot in London that Mehemet Ali would accept
the hereditary Pashalik of Egypt and the Pashalik of Syria for his
son Ibrahim for life. However, on September nth Napier had
bombarded Beirut and had landed a Turkish force to act against
Ibrahim. Four days later the Sultan declared Mehemet Ali
deposed, a sentence which he treated with contempt. He did
this in reliance on the assistance of France. Guizot informed the
British Government that Mehemet Ali would never submit to
deposition. Thiers was for heroic measures. He talked of sweep-
ing away the treaties of Vienna and advancing the French frontiers
to the Rhine. Military preparations were made, and a war
between Great Britain and France seemed inevitable. Louis
Philippe set himself to resist this policy, and Thiers resigned. He
was succeeded by Marshal Soult, with Guizot as Foreign Secretary.

However, the power of Mehemet Ali suddenly collapsed. The Treaty
When the combined fleets of Great Britain, Austria, and Turkey of London-
appeared off Beirut in August, the tribes of the Lebanon rose
against Ibrahim, who was obliged to retire to the south, and on
November 8th Acre surrendered to the allied fleet. On November
25th Napier sailed to Alexandria and induced Mehemet Ali to
submit. Ibrahim received orders to evacuate Syria and, on
January loth, 1841, a joint note was presented to the Sultan,
recommending that Mehemet Ali should receive the hereditary
Pashalik of Egypt. The Porte endeavoured to procrastinate,
but was compelled to give way. The solemn proclamation of the
agreement at Alexandria, on June loth, 1841, marked the close
of a perilous phase of the Egyptian Question. By the Treaty of

279

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

A United
France.

London, signed by the five Powers on July I3th, 1841, Mehemet
All was secured in the possession of Egypt. It was also decided
that the Porte had a right to close the Bosphorus and the Dar-
danelles to warships of all nations, while the Red Sea and the
Persian Gulf were to remain open. France thus entered again
into the circle of the European Concert, but her unwise diplomacy
had mined her ally and weakened her own prestige in Europe.

The Ministry of October igth, as it was called, was entirely
of one mind with the King, and gave him valuable assistance
both at home and abroad. It was loyally supported by the
majority of the Chamber. The landed proprietors, the industrial
magnates, and the heads of commerce, who composed the majority
of the deputies, had no inclination either for war or for revolu-
tion. The Monarchy of July, which had nearly perished in the
events of 1840, was destined to live for another eight years, with
such apparent stability that it seemed unshakable at the very eve
of its downfall.

The history of the eight years after 1840 may be divided into
four periods. The first ends with the death of the Due d'Orleans,
the second with the formation of the Entente Cordiale with Great
Britain, the third with its rupture, and the fourth with the Revolu-
tion of February. Guizot was now fifty-three years of age. In
the days of the Empire and the Restoration he ranked as a Liberal,
but the political ideas which he then held had crystallised into
irrefragable dogma. He did not realise that since that time ideas
had advanced, that a new conception of liberty had arisen, that
the number of persons interested in politics had increased largely,
and that new classes had awakened to the realities of political
life. His creed was still based on the Charter of 1814, modified
by the Revolution of July.

Unfortunately, the Government was corrupt. The authority
Government, rested on the party of the Centre, which was chiefly occupied in
making money for its own advantage. The great railway scheme
of 1842, conceived for patriotic purposes, for linking up Paris with
Lille, Strasbourg, Lyons, Marseilles, Bordeaux, Nantes and Cher-
bourg, while it gave an impetus to social and political reforms,
became, by leaving the constitution and the making of the rail-
ways in the hands of the great companies, nothing less than a
large engine of political bribery.

The elections of 1842 were conducted in an apathetic manner,
and produced no radical change in the composition of the Chamber.
But, on the very day (July I3th) that the elections took place
the Due d'Orleans was killed by a terrible accident. As he was

280

A Corrupt

Death of
the Due
d'Orleans.

THE SPANISH MARRIAGES

driving towards Neuilly, the horses ran away in the Champs
Elysees. He jumped out of the carriage, was dashed to the
ground, and died four hours afterwards from concussion of the
brain. This was a serious blow to the dynasty, as the Comte de
Paris, the heir to the throne, was only four years old, and Louis
Philippe was seventy. The discussions on the Regency showed
the divergency between the parties. They raised the question
whether the Orleans Monarchy was to rest on the Revolution or
the Charter ; were the Chambers supreme, or did the Monarchy
subsist independently of them ? As this fundamental question
could not be determined, a compromise became necessary. Thiers
and Guizot insisted on the choice of the Due de Nemours as Regent,
as he seemed more able to resist the encroachments of the Left
than the Duchesse d' Orleans, although she was very popular and
likely to make liberal concessions. The Act of Regency strictly
maintained the Salic and other laws, and therefore seemed to
decide in favour of the Charte.

Thiers now devoted himself to writing his history of the Con- Due
sulate and the Empire and to a large extent retired from politics, d'Aumaie's
while Guizot took the opportunity of strengthening his position. Qj^ary
In the meantime the House of Orleans received illumination from
the military glory of the Due d'Aumale. In the war against
Abd-el-Kader in Algiers, while marching at the head of a flying
squadron of cavalry, he suddenly came upon the smala, or travel-
ling-camp, of the Emir at a little distance. With energy and dash
he attacked, without waiting for his infantry, gained a complete
victory, and brought back his prisoners and booty in triumph to
Algiers, Abd-el-Kader escaping with difficulty. The brilliancy of
this feat of arms has rarely been surpassed.

Guizot now set himself to form a closer connection with Great The
Britain, and chose, as an occasion for this, the opportunity of forcing Question of
a bargain about the Spanish marriages. The marriage of Queen ^b^iia's
Isabella of Spain was obviously a matter of more than domestic Marriage,
interest. Queen Cristina, her mother, devoted to French interests,
was prepared to allow the marriage of her two daughters, Queen
Isabella and the Infanta, Maria Louisa Fernanda, to the two sons
of Louis Philippe, the Due d'Aumale and the Due de Montpensier.
Another candidate for the hand of Queen Isabella was Prince
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, the cousin of Queen Victoria and her
husband. The British Government objected to the French alli-
ances, which were withdrawn simultaneously with the withdrawal
of the proposal of Prince Leopold. It was now suggested by Guizot
that the choice of Queen Isabella's husband might be postponed

281

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The
Entente

Cordiale of
1843.

Trouble
over Tahiti.

Abd-el-

Kader

Reappears

till the Due de Montpensier should marry the Infanta. This was
again rejected by Palmers ton.

In September, 1843, Queen Victoria and Prince Albert visited
Louis Philippe at the Chateau d'Eu, and were enthusiastically
received at Treport. On September 2nd there was a banquet in
the chateau ; on the 4th a fete-champetre on Mont d'Alcans in the
forest ; on the 5th a review ; and on the yth they returned to
England. During their visit it was agreed that all candidates for
the hand of the Queen of Spain should be excluded, except such
as belonged to the Spanish-Bourbon line, and that there should be
no talk of Montpensier marrying her sister until the Queen of
Spain was married and had a child. This visit established the
Entente Cordiale — the cordial understanding between France and
Great Britain. The sojourn at Eu and the announcement of the
Entente Cordiale resounded through France like a flourish of
trumpets.

This arrangement, however, did not last long. Thiers had
nothing but sarcasm for the Entente Cordiale, and circumstances
soon arose which strained it to breaking point. In September,
1842, a French admiral, who had been instructed to occupy the
Marquesas Islands, had taken upon himself to sign a treaty with
Pomare, Queen of Tahiti, which placed Tahiti in the position
of a State protected by France. At this moment Pritchard, a
missionary and a consul, who advised the Queen on political
matters, was absent, but on his return he pressed the Queen to
hoist the flag of independence and throw off the French yoke.
When the admiral returned, in November, 1843, he found that
this had been done, and in March, 1844, ravaged the island and
expelled Pritchard. The British made a serious remonstrance.
The Opposition in the French Chambers clamoured for the recog-
nition of the admiral's action, the annexation of Tahiti, and the
rejection of foreign interference. But Louis Philippe said that a
petty quarrel of this kind was not worth a war with Great Britain,
while Guizot disavowed the French admiral and his project of
annexation, and made a kind of reparation for the injury done
to Pritchard. On the other hand, the British refused to replace
Pritchard in Tahiti, and he was obliged to content himself with an
indemnity in money.

Before this matter was settled, another difficulty arose about
Morocco. Abd-el-Kader, after his flight from his own country,
had taken refuge with Abdur Rahman, Sultan of Morocco. The
Moroccans took up arms against the French, but were completely
defeated at the Battle of the River Isly on August I4th, 1844. The

282

THE FERMENT OF DEMOCRACY

French demanded a payment of money from the Sultan and the
surrender of Abd-el-Kader. The latter was compelled to leave
Morocco, but the French refrained from exacting a cession of
territory or the payment of an indemnity. On the other hand,
Great Britain officially recognised the definite establishment of
France in Algiers.

The year 1845 witnessed the continuance of the struggle Thiers as
between Guizot and Thiers. The questions of Tahiti and Morocco Pro-Briton.
were made grounds for a charge of subserviency towards Great
Britain. This was accentuated by a return visit of Louis Philippe
to Windsor, in which Guizot accompanied him. Thiers also
demanded the expulsion of the Jesuits, who, although legally
subject to expulsion, were tolerated in Paris, and were employed
by the richer classes in the education of their children.

The comparatively uneventful session of 1846 was marked by
the cruelties of the Austrian Government in Galicia, about which
France did not remonstrate, and by the escape of Prince Napoleon
from the fortress of Ham, to which we have already referred.
The Chamber was dissolved, and the new elections gave a
substantial majority to the Ministry.

But, under these outward signs of peace, a surging demo- The Spread
cratic spirit was exciting movements in every part of Europe. In of
England Palmerston and the Whigs were triumphantly returned to Democracy-
power in June ; in Switzerland the Federal Council was captured
by the Radicals ; and Germany was excited about the question
of Schleswig-Holstein. The election of Pio Nono to the Papacy
stirred the forces of liberation in Italy. Suffering nationalities
began to make their claims heard in Austria, Denmark and Poland.
The whole of Europe was in a state of restlessness and ferment.
Guizot chose this moment to make a bid for popularity by attempt-
ing to establish a French dynasty in Spain. On October loth it
was announced that Queen Isabella of Spain would marry her
cousin, Don Francis of Assisi, and that, on the same day, her sister
would marry the Due de Montpensier.

It was commonly believed that Don Francis was incapable of Queen
becoming a father, and that therefore one day the Crown of Spain Yictoria pn
would fall to the children of Montpensier. Queen Victoria and Marriages*11
Lord Palmerston were furious at this breach of faith, and the Queen
expressed herself most strongly about it in her correspondence.
She wrote to the King of the Belgians : " This unfortunate Spanish
affair has gone on heedlessly, and our entente was entirely thrown
away, and we feel deeply the ingratitude shown ; for, without
boasting, I must say that they never had truer friends than we

283

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Attempts to
Assassinate
Louis
Philippe.

" France is
Bored."

are, and who always stood by them. How can we ever feel
at our ease with Louis Philippe again ? Guizot's conduct is
beyond all belief shameful, and so shabbily dishonest. Mole and
Thiers both say he cannot stand/' Indeed, Guizot's conduct
was condemned by the whole of Europe, and France felt herself
without an ally.

Since the death of his eldest son Louis Philippe had lost faith
in his dynasty. The Ministerial majority was largely under the
suspicion of corruption and commanded little confidence ; whereas
the Opposition, led by men like Lamartine and Ledru Rollin, who
had studied the principles of democracy and were now learning
those of Socialism from Louis Blanc, was regarded as the true
representation of the people. The comic journals, such as the
Charivari, and a large section of the daily Press served to under-
mine the authority of Parliament. The King was further dis-
tressed by another attempt at assassination made upon him in
the forest of Fontainebleau, on April i6th, 1846, and when he
showed himself on the balcony of the Tuileries on July sgth, in the
same year — the anniversary of 1830 — two shots were fired at him
by a half-crazy workman. Louis Philippe had endeavoured to
protect his dynasty by surrounding Paris with useless fortifications,
and gradually centralising the powers of Government. The money
thus spent might have connected the capital with the provinces
by a network of railways. The Revolution of February showed
how inadequate these precautions were, and how idle is all such
apparatus of artificial defence. The only true safeguard for a
throne lies in the love and confidence of the people.

Lamartine once said in the Chamber, " La France s'ennuie "
(" France is bored "). She had ceased to care for a dynasty which
gave her neither the glory of the Empire nor the freedom of a
Republic. A bad harvest increased the prices of all articles of
food and caused misery and distress among the poorer people,
while the demoralisation of the governing classes created general
disgust. This was placed in the clearest light by Emile de Girardin
in the Presse. An attempt was made to prosecute him before the
House of Peers, but the consent of the Chamber to this course
was not obtained. The Opposition was jubilant. The sadness
of the King was deepened by the death of Princess Adelaide, his
beloved sister, who had been his true and faithful adviser, the
confidante of his policy.

If " coming events cast their shadows before," everything
indicated that a tempest was at hand.

284

CHAPTER III
THE END OF POLAND

BY the fall of Napoleon Poland lost the best opportunity she ever The
had of recovering her independence. At the date of the Treaty Division of
of Vienna Russia had in her hands nearly nine-tenths of the original Polandt
territory of Poland. Alexander I. was anxious, at this time, to
make a new kingdom of Poland under Russian suzerainty, and to
incorporate in it a large portion of the Polish territory over which
he ruled. But the Congress would not allow this. That Napoleon
had desired it was sufficient reason for the statesmen of Europe
to oppose it. Therefore parts of Poland were given back to
Prussia and Austria, and the Polish kingdom, thus weakened,
lost all chance of being able to hold its own against the
preponderance of Russia.

In November, 1815, Alexander I. made his State entry into The Polish
Warsaw, and granted a Constitution, which was mainly the work Crown Goe*
of Prince Adam Czartoryski, but which had been modified by the to Russia'
advice of Novolsiltzov. By this the Catholic religion was not
recognised as the religion of the country. It was placed on an
equal footing with other religions, but enjoyed the special protec-
tion of the Government. The Polish Crown was made hereditary
in the Russian Imperial family, the Tsar having the power of
administering the country, of convoking and dismissing the Diet,
and of accepting or rejecting its resolutions. He was represented
in the country by a Viceroy and a Council of State. The Diet
consisted of two Chambers, which met every two years for a session
of thirty days. The members of the Senate were appointed for
life by the Crown, while the Lower House was chosen for six years
by direct election under a restricted franchise. The sittings of
the Diet were made public, the voting was open, and a simple
majority was decisive. Five Ministers formed an Executive
Council presided over by the Viceroy. Foreign policy was
entrusted to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburg,
and personal liberty, freedom of religious belief, and freedom of
the Press were guaranteed. The Jews, however, were excluded
from all political privileges.

This Constitution was progressive and liberal, and tended to

285

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Polish

Patriotic

Society.

propitiate the Polish nobility and nationality, as it established
the Polish language and restricted public employment to Poles.
It worked out, however, somewhat differently from what was
expected. During the fifteen years of the existence of the kingdom
no budget was ever submitted to the Diet for ratification, and
of seven Diets which ought to have met during that time only
four were held.

Under Alexander Poland had been, in the main, well governed.
He established a national bank, constructed roads, favoured
industry and the development of science and literature. The
nobles and peasants had become friends, and a middle class had
grown up. But the Poles are conspirators by nature, and Poland
was honeycombed by secret associations. One of the most
important of these was the Patriotic Society, founded in 1821,
with the object of regaining the independence of Poland. It was
governed by a central committee under Lukasinski, and was
divided into seven provinces : Poland, Lithuania, Volhynia, Posen,
Galicia, Cracow, and the Polish Army. In 1822 Lukasinski and
his friends were arrested. He was imprisoned for thirty-six years
and died in the fortress of Schlusselburg in 1868. On June I4th,
1825, Alexander said good-bye to the kingdom of Poland for the
last time, and Nicholas, at his accession, promised that his rule
should be a continuance of that of Alexander. He said, " The
Constitution which he gave you will remain unchanged. I promise
and swear before God that I will maintain the Act of Constitu-
tion, and make every effort to ensure its being preserved." Things,
however, turned out very differently. The Patriotic Society was
attacked, and in the course of the accompanying proceedings
a deep antagonism between the nobles and the Emperor was
disclosed. However, after the Turkish War and the Peace of
Adrianople, Nicholas came to Warsaw on May 17th, 1829,
to celebrate his coronation, along with his son, afterwards
Alexander II. The Tsar put the crown on his own head, after
he had received it from the hands of the Primate. He knelt down
and read the oath of the Constitution in French. He opened the
sittings of the fourth and last Diet on June 28th.

A Successful The Patriotic Society disappeared, and its place was taken by
Insurrection. a new secret society, which bore the character of a military con-
spiracy. The number of conspirators at first grew slowly, but
the Revolution of July gave a powerful stimulus to the move-
ment. The outbreak took place at Warsaw on the evening of
November 29th, an attack being made on the Belvedere Palace,
in which Prince Constantine — the Tsar's brother — lived, and also

286

POLAND'S CHALLENGE TO RUSSIA

on the barracks of the Russian cavalry. Both assaults were
unsuccessful. Constantine could easily have stifled the move-
ment, but his presence of mind deserted him, and he failed to
take any decided action. He said he desired to be passive, and
left the pacification of the capital to the Poles themselves. Con-
sequently the movement spread, first over Warsaw, and afterwards
over the whole country. Constantine left Warsaw and then
Poland, accompanied by all the Russian officials. In eight days
the Revolution was complete : the army, munitions of war, and
public treasury were in the hands of the Poles. But dissension,
the curse of Poland, as it had been of Greece, soon made itself
felt. A party of Conservative aristocrats under Lubecki were
entrusted with a reform of the Constitution in the spirit of the
Paris Charter, while men of more ardent temperament would
not be satisfied with anything short of absolute independence.

On December 5th Chlopicki declared himself Dictator, until The Polea
the meeting of the Extraordinary Diet. He was an able soldier, Celebrate
but wanting in the qualities necessary for a revolutionary leader.
He did not believe in the success of the insurrection, and placed
his sole hope in negotiations. If the Poles had determined to
fight at once they had a good chance of success, as they could
command an army of 80,000 men, while the Russians had not so
many. The best course would have been to march into Lithuania
with full strength, take up and incorporate the Lithuanian army,
occupy Wilna, and engage each corps of the Russians as it advanced.
Chlopicki rejected this plan, and resolved to act entirely on the
defensive. The Extraordinary Diet met on December i8th. It
solemnly announced the deposition of Nicholas and the exclusion
of the Romanovs from the throne. This was a foolish step, because
it challenged Russia to fight, and made it difficult for other Powers
to interfere. The cloud of Imperial vengeance was gradually
forming, and whilst the Poles, with characteristic frivolity, were
celebrating the recovery of their liberty with songs and dances,
Nicholas was slowly collecting an army of 120,000 men and 400
cannon, under the command of Diebich and Toll, for the invasion
of the country.

The Diet drew up a manifesto setting forth the grievances of The Tsar
Poland against Russia, and sent two emissaries to the Tsar to Demands
present their demands. These were strict adherence to the Surrender^
Constitution, the withdrawal of Russian troops, and the union
of the former provinces of Poland to the kingdom. Nicholas
replied by commanding unconditional surrender. On January
17 th, 1831, Chlopicki laid down his office and was succeeded by

287

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Poles
Victorious.

Lost Oppor-
tunities.

The Poles

Crushed.

Prince Michael Radziwill, assisted by a Council which numbered
Adam Czartoryski and Lelewel among its members. It was now
that the Diet pronounced the dethronement of the House of
Romanov and its desire for a Constitutional Monarchy.

In February, 1831, Diebich entered Poland with an army of
114,000 men and 336 guns, and marched straight to Warsaw. The
Poles bore themselves bravely in the retreat. The first battle,
in which Chlopicki and Radziwill commanded, resulted in favour
of the Poles. Skrynecki was now appointed Commander-in-Chief,
and gained considerable success, cutting to pieces the Russian
corps of General Rosen. With a little more energy he might have
had the whole army of Diebich at his mercy. This was the cul-
minating point of the Revolution. A decisive blow might have
been struck at the Russian army, and this would have brought
about the intervention of Europe.

Nicholas now seized the opportunity to lighten the burden of
the peasants in the provinces over which he had authority. He
thus set the peasantry against the nobles, and broke up the
unity of the Polish people. Opportunity was frittered away in
fruitless risings. In April Dwernicki was driven across the Austrian
frontier, where he capitulated with 6,000 men. An attempt was
made to attack the Russian generals, who were acting under the
Grand Duke Michael, to cut them to pieces, and, by taking up a
position upon the Bug, to intercept the communication of Diebich
with his own country and with Prussia. Skrynecki was at the
head of the movement, and on May I7th overtook the Russian
generals with a superior force. The attack was delayed, the
Russians retreated, and Skrynecki' s army was weakened by
sending 12,000 men into Lithuania.

Diebich now hurried up, and the Battle of Ostrolenka was
fought on May 26th, when the Poles suffered a crushing defeat,
which was the beginning of the end. For a moment, however, the
patriots were supported by a mightier hand than their own. On
June nth Diebich died of cholera, at that time a strange and
unknown disease. The Grand Duke Constantine and Clausewitz,
the Chief of his Staff, also fell victims to the same scourge. The
place of Diebich was taken by Paskevich, who bore the title of
Erivanski from his capture of that fortress. The Prussians allowed
him to march through their territory, making common cause with
the Russians for the preservation of their Polish territory. He
advanced against Warsaw with 78,000 men, the Poles having only
37,000 men and 130 guns to defend the city. The Russians took
the redoubt of Vola after a stubborn defence and on September

288

POLAND ABSORBED BY RUSSIA

8th Paskevich entered the capital. Before the end of October
the whole country was in the hands of Nicholas, and the consti-
tutional kingdom of Poland had ceased to exist. The last defenders
of their country were disarmed on Prussian soil. Thousands of
Polish patriots, notwithstanding the clemency of the Tsar,
wandered as exiles into France, England, Switzerland, and other
countries, eating the bread of affliction upon a foreign soil, and
pouring the story of their country's woes into the ears of a
sympathetic Europe, which had not yet lost its faith in liberty.
At the same time the mines and highlands of Siberia were
overrun with Polish exiles.

The revolutionary party in Poland had, from the very first, The
applied to the European Powers, which had guaranteed the
independence of the kingdom of Poland at the Congress of Vienna, c
to assist them either by intervention or mediation. Memoirs were
sent to Vienna, Berlin, Paris, and London, but nowhere did they
find support. Prussia and Austria were actually hostile, and only
after the insurrection did the Governments of London and Paris
make representations to St. Petersburg. These, naturally, had
no effect. Indeed, the Governments were told to mind their own
business. In February, 1832, Paskevich was appointed viceroy with
unlimited powers, receiving the title of Prince of Warsaw. The
Constitution was replaced by an organic statute, which contained
certain provisions for autonomy, but they remained a dead letter
and were never carried into effect. The Polish army was incor-
porated in the Russian, the committees of Warsaw and Wilna
were dissolved, all the principal posts in the Government were
filled by Russians, and the Russian language was made compulsory
for all important purposes. Paskevich ruled the country with an
iron hand till his death in 1856. The failure of the Poles to achieve
independence was due, not so much to the strength of Russia, as
to their own inherent weakness and the jealousies by which they
were rent asunder.

289

Himself.

CHAPTER IV
TROUBLE IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL

Don Carlos WE have seen in a previous chapter that disputes arose in Spain
Asserts as to wnether the law restricting succession to the male line should
prevail or not. The King, it will be remembered, published on
March 29 th, 1830, the Pragmatic Sanction, or law of 1789, which
opened the succession to women ; and on October loth a daughter
was born, who received the name of Maria Isabella. She was at
once proclaimed Princess of Asturias, which implied that she was
heiress to the throne. Don Carlos, the brother of the King, was
furious at this, and struggles ensued between him and Queen
Cristina concerning the maintenance of the law of 1789. Crist ina
had not many adherents in the Ministry, because Calomarde, the
Prime Minister, was a strong Conservative and belonged to the
party of the Apostolicals, but she was very popular with the army.
In September, 1832, the King became dangerously ill, and, by
various influences, was induced to withdraw the Pragmatic
Sanction which he had promulgated in 1830. When, however,
he unexpectedly recovered, the revocation of the law was annulled
and the law of 1789 was published a second time. Calomarde was
dismissed from his office and banished the Court, and all the
Ministers, with the exception of Ballesteros, shared his fall.

Cristina found herself at the head of a powerful party, which
included all friends of constitutional government, enlightenment
and intellectual freedom. Spain took her part in that great conflict
of principles which was soon to be fought out in every quarter
of Europe. The two principles were represented by the
antagonistic parties of the Cristinos and Carlists. At the begin-
ning of October, 1832, the Queen was appointed Regent during
the illness of the King, and Zea Bermudez, Spanish Ambassador
in London, was made Prime Minister in place of Calomarde. He
announced, as the basis of his policy, neutrality abroad, moderate
reform at home, and the maintenance of the Pragmatic Sanction.
At the close of the year the King solemnly declared before the
notables of the kingdom that his letter of September igth, which
revoked the Pragmatic Sanction, had been extorted from him by
the devices of wicked men, and he now pronounced it null and

290

Cristinos
and

Carlists.

THE CARLIST WAR

void. On January 4th, 1833, Ferdinand resumed the reins of
government and wrote a letter to the Queen, praising the care
and wisdom with which she had conducted affairs and assuring
her of his entire confidence.

The resumption of the Government by the King for a time Death of
kept the extreme Carlists in check, because they knew that Don Ferdinand.
Carlos was loyally disposed towards his brother. The conse-
quence was that the Apostolical army refused to take the field,
and the King's confessor fled to Portugal. The Prince of Beira,
the chief mover of the revolt, was ordered to join his brother,
Dom Miguel, in the same country, and Don Carlos and his wife
went with him. Spain was thus relieved of the presence of the
most inflammatory elements. The Cortes being assembled in
the ancient manner in June, an oath was taken recognising
Isabella as heir to the throne ; against this Don Carlos formally
protested. Not long after this, on September 29th, 1833, King
Ferdinand died suddenly, without having received the consola-
tions of that religion for which he had suffered so mucli. Spain
never had a worse ruler ; he left his people without energy, without
prosperity, a prey to civil war, a scorn and mockery to the world.
He had returned to his country welcomed by the blessings of his
subjects ; he sank into his grave amid their curses.

After the death of Ferdinand, we must consider the history of The Devei-
Spain, for the next six years, under two aspects — the struggle f?01!,11*^
of internal parties and the Carlist war. With regard to the former ingur*ecti0n.
aspect, the Regency of the Queen may be divided into three periods
— the Ministries of Martinez and Torreno (1834-35), which were
marked by the Constitutional charter called Estatuto Real; the
second period (1836-37), containing the Radical Ministries of
Mendizabal and Calatrava, and ending with the Constitution of
1837 > the third period (1838-40), characterised by more moderate
principles and ending with the abdication of Queen Cristina.
The Carlist war may also be divided into three periods. In the
first (1833-36), the two parties were organising their forces and
fortifying their territory ; in the second (1836-37) the Carlists
took the offensive and at one time nearly gained the victory ; in
the third, which came to an end in 1841, the Carlists were weakened
by treason and discouraged by the indifference of their partisans.

Queen Cristina's first idea was to preserve Bermudez in power.
Don Carlos, who had assumed the title of Charles V., was declared
a usurper and his property was confiscated. But Russia, Prussia
and Austria, the three northern Powers, refused to recognise
Queen Isabella, and the Carlist insurrection spread in the north

291

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

of Spain under Zumalacarregui. Cristina therefore thought it
advisable to adopt a more decidedly Liberal policy, and made
Martinez de la Rosa Prime Minister. On April i5th a treaty was
signed between Great Britain, Portugal and Spain, which secured
the aid of the first-named both for Spain and Portugal on the
constitutional side. This treaty was acceded to by France, and
thus was formed the so-called Quadruple Alliance, which stood
opposed to the policy of the three northern Powers. It did not
mean much, because Great Britain refused to interfere or to allow
France to do so. France, however, lent an Algerian legion, and
a British legion was formed, which gave considerable assistance
against the Carlists. In June, 1835, Zumalacarregui died. He
had been instructed to attack Bilbao, in order to provide a more
secure basis for the Carlist Government, and did so against his
better judgment. He was wounded in the siege, and died from
bad medical treatment. In July the siege was raised. The success
of the Cristinos was largely due to General Espartero, who after-
wards wielded great influence in the affairs of his country.
The In April, 1834, Martinez de la Rosa had proclaimed a Con-

Estefufo stitution^ caiied the Estatuto Real, resembling the French Charte
of 1814. It established a Parliament consisting of two Chambers
or Estamentos, the House of Proceres, composed of grandees,
bishops, and high officers of state, nominated by the King for life,
and the Lower House of Procuradores, chosen out of the propertied
classes by double election. This did not satisfy the Liberals, and
the Radicals still less, so, on June 7th, 1835, Martinez de la Rosa
resigned his position and Torreno took his place. He appointed,
as Minister of Finance, Don Juan Alvarez de Mendizabal, a man
of remarkable energy, who came to Madrid in 1825 from exile in
England. He was now practically Prime Minister, and endeavoured
to pacify the Revolution by satisfying some aspirations of the
Radical party, by granting pardon to the insurgents, and by
reforming the administration. He extinguished a number of
religious houses and declared their property for sale. Those who
purchased this property naturally became supporters of Isabella,
because Don Carlos did not recognise the validity of the sale.
He also strengthened the connection between Spain and Great
Britain, his exile in England having made him a warm admirer
of the country. These measures produced a strong opposition,
and Mendizabal fell before the storm. His place was taken by
Isturiz, a statesman of more moderate complexion.

The new Minister was violently attacked by the Progressives,
and Aragon, Estremadura and Andalusia proclaimed the Con-

292

NEW CONSTITUTION IN SPAIN

stitution of 1812. On August 3rd, an insurrection broke out
in Madrid, and Isturiz began to look towards the intervention of
France. This was followed by what is known as the Revolution
of La Granja, a pleasant country residence, in which the Court
were accustomed to pass the summer months. In the night of
August 1 2th, 1836, the garrison marched up to the palace in which
Cristina was staying with her favourite Munoz, calling out :
" Long live the Constitution of 1812 ! Long live the Queen ! "
Cristina received a deputation of the rioters, and consented to
the publication of the Constitution of Cadiz. On the following
day she appointed Calatrava Prime Minister, and a few days later
made a solemn entry into her faithful city of Madrid, accompanied
by the " Heroes of La Granja," and the shouts of a democratic
mob.

The Cortes met on October 24th, 1836, to draw up a new Con- The New
stitution. The code of Cadiz was impossible, but was modified Constitution,
by Calatrava into a more reasonable shape. Two Chambers were
formed instead of one, the Crown was given an absolute veto,
and the suffrage was raised. It was, however, provided that, if
the Sovereign should neglect to summon the Cortes before December
ist, they might meet of themselves. The Upper Chamber also
received an elective character. The new Constitution, which was
produced under the influence of the British Reform Bill of 1832,
did not satisfy either the Moderates or the Radicals. It was,
however, for a long time the banner under which the advanced
Liberals fought, and had the advantage of asserting the consti-
tutional principle and destroying the exaggerated reverence felt
for the Constitution of 1812.

The state of confusion in the country had favoured the cause Progress of
of the Carlists. A new leader appeared in the person of Ramon the Carlists.
Cabrera, a man of remarkable military capacity. Bilbao was
besieged a second time and again relieved by Espartero. The
British Government sent the Regent half a million for military
expenses, and the British legion did good work. On the other
hand, the northern Powers sent assistance to Don Carlos.
Espartero became Prime Minister on August i8th, 1837, following
upon a revolt of the soldiers against the Government of Calatrava.
The cause of Don Carlos began to fail, in consequence of negotiations
between him and the Regent with reference to a possible marriage
which might unite the two parties. The year 1838 passed in com-
parative quiet, marked only by the rise of Narvaez as a rival to
Espartero, and the following year was fatal to the Carlist cause.
General Maroto, who commanded the Carlist army, became anxious

293

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

for peace, partly from weariness of the war and partly from a
growing dislike to the personality of Don Carlos himself. Great
Britain and France also exerted themselves to bring about a settle-
ment, and an agreement was at last signed between Espartero and
Maroto at Vergara, on August 3ist, 1839. Espartero undertook
to recommend to the Cortes the confirmation of the fueros, or local
liberties of Catalonia and the Basque Provinces, while the Carlists
who submitted were to be confirmed in their military rank. Don
Carlos declined to accept the agreement and retired to France.
He attempted no resistance, although for years to come the party
which supported him continued to be powerful. The departure of
Don Carlos from the scene on June 6th, 1841, terminated the
struggle which had stained the Peninsula with blood for seven
years.

Abdication The close of the Carlist war brought about other changes of
of Queen a stjj| more important character. Espartero, whose services to
his country it was impossible to exaggerate, was created Duke of
Vittoria. He was a decided Progressive, whereas Cristina was
inclined to favour the Moderates, although she vacillated between
the two parties. The question in dispute between them at this
time was the preservation of local government in the communes.
This was threatened by a law of the Ayuniamiento , which had
passed the communes and was now awaiting the confirmation of
the Sovereign. It was violently opposed by the Aragonese, who
were passionately in favour of the local freedom which had appeared
in their province at an early date. Espartero entreated the
Regent not to sign this law, but she was deaf to his advice. He
therefore resigned, and an insurrection broke out in Barcelona
on July 1 8th. Cristina temporarily appointed a Progressive
Ministry, but as soon as she found herself safe in Valencia
replaced it by one of Moderates. Upon this revolution burst
forth in Madrid, and Cristina recalled Espartero as Prime Minister.
Weary of these attacks, and unable to control the warring forces
which assailed her, she abdicated and retired to France. On
September i6th, 1840, Espartero entered Madrid in triumph,
the popular hero of the country. Cristina was not without her
merits, her chief faults being vacillation and apparent insincerity.
Really moderate in her views, she gave way to the pressure of
the Progressives, only to return to her former position when she
found the opportunity. She was a patron of literature and art,
and the intellectual forces of the country flourished under her rule.
Espartero governed Spain from October, 1840, to June, 1843.
His defects were that he was a soldier and inclined to the use of

294

SPAIN UNDER THE REGENCY

military measures, and that his ambition grew as his power increased.
He had to contend against the Moderates, against the machinations
of Cristina, and against the members of his own party who were
jealous of him. He was consistently supported by the British
Government. His consecration as Regent in May, 1841, inflamed
the jealousy against him. The appointment of Argiielles as guardian
to Queen Isabella gave Cristina another opportunity for mischief.
Conspiracies were formed in Pamplona and Madrid, and an attack
was made upon the palace with the object of gaining possession of
the Queen, who was declared to be the prisoner of the Esparteristos.
On July I3th, 1842, a revolt broke out in Barcelona and the
captain-general was driven from the town. The city was eventu-
ally bombarded by Espartero and 400 houses were burned
down. This severity was never forgiven. Espartero tried more
and more to rule by force, and steadily lost the confidence of the
country. It is useless for a great man to raise a fabric of good
government upon a foundation which is not strong enough to
support it. Espartero found a powerful rival in Narvaez, while the
name of Prim was also heard for the first time as that of a
discontented Liberal.

The political cohesion of Spain had always been weak, and Espartero
discontented politicians were in the habit of raising the standard takes
of rebellion as a means of enforcing their views. Alicante, Cartagena,
Murcia, Valladolid and Seville all declared against Espartero,
and on June 27th, 1843, Narvaez offered to lead the Valencians
against the ruthless punisher of Barcelona. Espartero left Madrid
and Narvaez entered it. The former might have resisted with
success, but his troops deserted him and Cadiz declared against
him. He therefore embarked on an English vessel and sought
refuge in the country which had long been his best friend.

The leader of the Moderates from 1843 to 1845 was General The iron
Narvaez, a dictator by nature, so harsh and cruel in his methods Rule of

that he was said never to leave alive any enemy who fell into his
hands. Reforms were abrogated. The Constitution of 1837 was
set aside, and a new arrangement was promulgated on May 23rd,
1845. In this the Crown acquired the power of nominating the
Cortes and the right of spontaneous meeting was taken away
from the Chambers. Offences against the Press law were no
longer subject to the verdict of a jury. In 1843 Queen Isabella
was declared by the Cortes to have attained her majority, although
she was only thirteen years of age. She appointed Olozaga, a
Professor, as Prime Minister, but his power only lasted for six
days, and he was succeeded by Bravo, a revolutionist, who promptly

295

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

declared the whole of Spain to be in a state of siege, crushed the
Press and imprisoned Progressive Deputies. On May 2nd, 1844,
Narvaez assumed the reins of office, and the triumph of the reaction
was complete. It is to the credit of Narvaez that he did not sully
his reputation by complicity in the Spanish marriages, but resigned
rather than have anything to do with so disgraceful a transaction.
At the time of the double marriage, which took place on October
loth, 1846, Isturiz, a Conservative, was Prime Minister. Narvaez
was again recalled to power in October, 1847.

Portugal's The history of Portugal during this period has a strange simi-
Charter. larity to that of Spain, except that in Portugal Great Britain
was the predominating influence and in Spain France. We find
the same division of parties, the same incapacity of the Sovereign,
and the same palace intrigues. On March 6th, 1826, John VI.
was taken suddenly ill, and in four days died, not without suspicion
of poison. A decree named the Infanta, Isabel Maria, Regent until
the legitimate Sovereign should issue instructions. The Regency
then acknowledged Pedro IV. as King, but it was regarded as
impossible that such a man should be Emperor of Brazil and King
of Portugal, and it was assumed that he would abdicate in favour
of his brother. But this was not his view, and he adopted a line
of conduct characteristic of his temper and disposition. He drew
up a Constitution for Portugal, in the shape of a Charter, and
then abdicated the throne of Portugal in favour of his daughter
Donna Maria da Gloria, a child of seven years old, on the condition
that she should take an oath to preserve the Charter. This was
done, and Dom Miguel, a man of twenty-five, was recognised as
Regent on condition that he married his niece, a girl of seven.
The Charter was ill received in Portugal, but General Saldanha,
who was a strong Liberal, declared that unless the Charter were
accepted he would march to Lisbon with his troops. The Regency
yielded, the Charter was published, and the oath was taken to it.
Dom Saldanha now became head of a Liberal Ministry, but in various

Miguel's parts of Portugal Dom Miguel was proclaimed King by the reac-
tionaries, and the British Cabinet, which theoretically wished the
Portuguese to choose their own form of government, was forced
to send 5,000 men to Portugal, under General Clinton, to
restore order. In March, 1827, the Charter, supported by British
bayonets, had been accepted throughout Portugal, but it was not
popular. Dom Miguel, who was residing at Vienna, under the
eye of Metternich, took the oath to the Charter on October 4th,
and on October 2Qth became engaged to his niece. But he did
not regard the oath as binding on his conscience. He landed at

296

REVOLUTION IN PORTUGAL

Lisbon on February 23rd, 1828, as Regent and upholder of the
Charter, but Queen Carlota had no intention that he should retain
this position. The Prince, when crowned, was the idol of the
populace. He was received at Lisbon with enthusiasm, and
entered the capital amid cries of " Viva Dom Miguel, Rei Absolute ! "
However, on February 26th, he publicly accepted the Regency and
took the oath to the Charter, acting, however, as constitutional
king. On March I4th the Chambers were dissolved, and were
not again summoned, and on April 2nd the British troops were
recalled by Wellington. In May Miguel summoned the old Cortes
of Three Estates, which met accordingly on June 23rd, and offered
him the crown. He assumed the title of King, and, on July 7th,
took the oath before the Cortes. There was some opposition in
Oporto, but otherwise the new king was received with acclamation.
Palmella and Saldanha fled to London, and the army was broken
up. Donna Maria also went to London, but Wellington refused
to acknowledge her as Sovereign, although he treated her with all
due respect as Queen.

There was now a reign of terror in the country, every effort Trouble
being made to extirpate the Liberals. Great Britain's policy of in the
non-intervention was followed by Austria and France. Dom z<
Pedro was told that his abdication was definite, and that he could
not place Donna Maria on the throne of Portugal except by war.
On August 29th, 1829, Donna Maria returned to Brazil. The
scene now shifts to the Azores, and especially to the island of
Terceira. In the spring of 1829 the Azores had declared them-
selves Miguelists, the garrison of Angra in Terceira alone remaining
faithful to the Liberal cause. Here Maria II. was recognised as
Queen, and Terceira became the centre of resistance to the Miguelist
Government. Palmella and Saldanha determined to take advantage
of this, and, at the end of 1828, they set out for Terceira with a
strong Portuguese force. They were, however, intercepted by a
British squadron and forced to take refuge in France. Troops,
however, gradually dribbled in, and Miguel sent an expedition
to occupy the island, but it was driven back with disaster. Palmella
came from London to Terceira and there established a Government
in the name of Maria II.

The Revolution of 1830, however, wrought a great change. Reign of
Lord Palmerston had become Foreign Minister of England, Queen Terrorlin
Carlota died, and the reign of terror in Portugal attained its height. Poptn*a1'
The French sent a squadron to Lisbon to avenge the treatment
of two French residents. On April 7th, 1831, Dom Pedro resigned
the Empire of Brazil and left his son Pedro II., a boy of six

297

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Dom Pedro

Invades

Portugal.

years old, as Emperor in his stead. Pedro II. was declared of
age in 1840, and crowned on July i8th, 1841. He proved to
be a very remarkable man, and was well known throughout
Europe.

In the meantime, Dom Pedro and his daughter Donna Maria
settled in London, where they were joined by Palmella. He was
well received by the Liberal Ministry. He then proceeded to
France, where Louis Philippe gave him the Chateau of Meudon
for a residence. In February, 1832, he sailed for the Azores and
established the government there, in which he was supreme. He
had as ministers Palmella, Silveira and Freire, Villa Flor was
general-in-chief, and Sartorius admiral. Pedro was so elated
with success that he determined to attack Portugal. He got
possession of Oporto, but the country remained faithful to Miguel,
and Pedro was besieged by a vastly superior force. After holding
out with difficulty for a year, he was joined by an Englishman,
Captain Charles Napier, who landed on June yth, 1833. He
brought with him five ships, four hundred mercenaries, and a
sum of £18,000. Dom Pedro received them coldly, as he had
ceased to have confidence in Palmella. Napier, however, deter-
mined to attack Lisbon. It was necessary first to destroy the
Miguelist fleet, which he found off Cape St. Vincent. The battle
began at four in the afternoon, and in two hours the fleet of Dom
Miguel was entirely destroyed. After considerable fighting, Dom
Pedro entered Lisbon on July 28th, 1833, Miguel being in Oporto.
Miguel ultimately agreed to retire from Portugal, and was
offered an income of £1,500 a year, which he refused to accept,
dying in exile in 1866.

In September, 1834, Dom Pedro died. He was only thirty-
wider Queen sjx years old, but had crowded many adventures into his short
life. His minister, Silveira, had governed the country in accord-
ance with Liberal views. Titles were abolished, hereditary rights
and privileges were swept away, monasteries and convents were
closed, monopolies were suppressed. Feudal Portugal disappeared,
and Maria II. reigned over a liberated country. She first married
the Duke of Leuchtenberg, son of Eugene Beauharnais, but he
died after a few months. Her second husband was Ferdinand
of Saxe-Coburg, nephew of King Leopold of Belgium. During
the reign of Maria II. the country was divided into three parties
— the Constitutional party, who supported the Charter ; the Sep-
tembrists, a democratic party ; and the Miguelists. The Queen
at the time of her second marriage was only seventeen years of
age, and her husband only twenty.

298

Portugal

"REVOLT OF THE MARSHALS"

It was difficult to maintain the authority of the Crown in the The British
strife of factions. In the first two years of her rule she had a Restore
Constitutional Ministry, led by Palmella, Saldanha and Terceira ; P
but in September, 1836, the Septembrists gained the upper hand.
They suppressed the Charter and forced the Queen to take an
oath to the Charter of 1822. The year 1837 witnessed an insurrec-
tion in favour of the Charter under Saldanha and Terceira, known as
the " Revolt of the Marshals." This was put down by the Govern-
ment and the two marshals went into exile. Sa-da-Bandeira
had been Prime Minister from 1836 to 1839, and was succeeded
by Costa Cabral, a supporter of the Charter. He retained power
with few checks till April, 1846, by which time the principles of
constitutional government had been firmly established. In May,
1846, a revolution compelled Cabral to go into exile, and Saldanha,
who became Prime Minister, could only save the dynasty with
the assistance of a British fleet. In 1847 foreign intervention
was again called for. A force, partly Spanish and partly British,
marched upon Oporto, and a British fleet blockaded the Douro.
Oporto surrendered, and the civil war came to an end. The
momentous year of revolutions found Portugal in a state of
tranquillity, but exhausted by the struggles through which she
had passed.

209

Italy"

Movement,

The

Bandiera

Brothers.

CHAPTER V
PIUS IX

The "Young TWICE since the settlement of Vienna, in 1820 and 1830, had
the efforts of Italian patriots to save their country from political
annihilation, and endow it with national freedom and unity, failed
before the presence of enemies abroad and at home. Political
prisoners were languishing in Austrian and Italian prisons, and
in every country of Europe exiles, voluntary and involuntary,
were awaiting the hour of deliverance, and longing for a return
to their native land. Italy was covered by a network of secret
societies of a revolutionary character with which the exiles were
in constant communication. The " Young Italy/' founded by
Mazzini in Marseilles in 1837, to°k ^e place of the older Carbonari
and drew into its ranks a host of secret brotherhoods. Mazzini
especially addressed the young men of his country. " Place
youth at the head of the insurgent multitudes," he said. " You
know not the secret of the power hidden in these youthful hearts,
nor the magic influence exercised upon the masses by the voice
of youth. You will find among the young a host of the apostles
of the new religion." The influence of the society rapidly spread,
and in 1833 it numbered 60,000 members.

Since the French and the Austrians had retired from the States
of the Church, Central and Lower Italy became especially the
scene of agitation and revolutionary movements. It was in these
regions that grievances were most notorious, and the power of
repression in the Government was weakened. Sporadic risings
were crushed, and brought misery and death to those who
took part in them, but this suffering kept the flame alive and
set an example which bore fruit in later days. The political
unrest, which was apparent in the whole of Europe at this time,
showed that events must soon arise and produce a powerful effect
upon Italy. When the time came the reformers felt that they
must not be found unarmed and unprepared.

Nothing showed this feeling more than the touching episode
of the two brothers Attilio and Emilio Bandiera in 1844,
whose name now lives in the history of liberated Italy. They
were sons of an Austrian colonel, who had taken an important

300

ITALY'S NEW LITERATURE

part in suppressing the revolt in the Romagna. Inspired by
the writings of Mazzini, they determined to devote their
lives to the liberation of their country. They obtained the
assistance of Domenico Moro, who, like themselves, was an officer
in the Venetian navy. These three left Venice and went to Corfu
to await an opportunity for action. Hearing of an insurrection
in Calabria, and exaggerating its importance, and joined by fifteen
others, they landed at Cotrone and set out for Cosenza. Betrayed
by a companion, they were surrounded by Bourbon troops and
captured. Nine of them, including the brothers Bandiera, were
condemned to be shot, and died bravely, saying as they fell "Long
live Italy ! " It was a sign of the unity of sentiment which " Young
Italy " had produced that Venetians should sacrifice their lives
for the liberation of Calabria, and that their companions should
be drawn from all parts of the peninsula.

A remarkable literary movement gave strength and direction silYio
to these political aspirations. One of the best-known books in Pellico.
Europe was Le Mie Prigioni, by Silvio Pellico, known to many
as the first Italian book they were taught to read. He was im-
prisoned in the Austrian fortress of Spielberg for ten years, but
does not declaim against his persecutors. He merely relates his
sufferings and misfortunes in moderate language, but every tear
shed for his misfortunes was changed into a drop of hatred of his
tyrants. Antonio Rosmini, of Roveredo, one of the purest spirits
who ever illuminated the Romish community, protested strongly
against the worldliness of the Church to which he belonged and
the decay of the priestly ideal. He advocated the better educa-
tion of the clergy, the independence of the Church, and the forma-
tion of an Italian federation, of which the Pope should be the
head. Another powerful influence in the same direction was
/ Promessi Sposi, by Alessandro Manzoni, published in 1827.
He disapproved of conspiracies and violence, but was a strong
advocate of a united Italy. As Goethe did much to bring about
the union of Germany, so Manzoni, by writing a book which was
regarded everywhere as the product of Italy and not of Lombardy,
stirred and consolidated the feeling which eventually succeeded
in making Italy one.

More effective, but less sane, were the writings of Vincenzo Yincenzo
Gioberti, who published in 1843 a book called Primato Morale Gioberti.
e Civile degli Italiani, and in 1845 Prolegomeni al Primato. He
argued that the Papacy, the head of Catholicism, the guardian
of civilisation, had secured for the Italian people the first rank
among nations. The unity of Italy could best be obtained by

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

a confederation under the Pope. The present condition of Italy
was due, not to the badness of the government or the influence
of a corrupt clergy, but to the decline of literature and to the laxness
of the upper classes. He looked forward to a resurrection of Italy,
by its taking the lead in science and art, based upon a foundation
of religion. The Pope was to be the head not only of the Universal
Church, but the president of the Italian federation. His office
made him the arbiter and peacemaker of Europe, the spiritual
father of mankind, the protector of the Latin races throughout
the world, the inheritor of the Imperium of Rome. In the Pro-
legomeni he attacked the Jesuits and advocated the suppression
of their order. These views were more powerfully expressed in
// Gesuita Moderno, published in 1847, which was translated
into all languages. Gioberti was the advocate of a practical system
of Italian government and gave substance to the dreams of " Young
Italy." He advocated a scheme by which the unity of Italy could
be secured without destroying existing political arrangements.
Cesare Another writer in the same field was Cesare Balbo, of Turin,

Balbo. Wj10 k^ been force(j to leave his country owing to political troubles.
Studying in Paris he wrote a history of Italy, a life of Dante, and
a book on the philosophy of history. He became a minister
and a friend of Charles Albert. His great work was Le Speranze
d'ltalia, which was stimulated by the Primato of Gioberti. In
this he advocated the formation of an Italian federation under
the supremacy of the Church, asserted Catholic civilisation to
be the foundation of Italian policy, and pointed out that Austria
was the chief hindrance to the restoration of Italian liberty.
Massimo Another author, Massimo d'Azeglio, also a Piedmontese,
d'Azegho, an(j Son-in-law of Manzoni, wrote Gli ultimi casi di Romagna,
in which he exposed the consequences of Papal misrule. He
showed the arrogance and incapacity of the delegates, the arbitrary
character of the administration, the abuse of the courts of law,
and the weakness of the authority of Rome. Anyone subjected
to a special order of the police was not allowed to change his
residence, must be at home at certain hours, report himself once
a fortnight to the police, go to confession once a month, and spend
three days every year in a convent selected by his bishop. The
punishment for neglect of these rules was three years' penal servi-
tude. D'Azeglio had no strong sympathy either with the dreams
of Gioberti or the republicanism of Mazzini, but advocated the
reforms which commend themselves to practical statesmen. To
these names might also be added that of Gino Capponi, who had
but little faith in the reformation of the Church or the priesthood.

302

ACCESSION OF PIUS IX

He thought that Italy's salvation was to be sought in submission
to the monarchy of Piedmont, the oldest dynasty in the country.
Similar views were held by Terenzio Mamiani, of Pesaro.

Pope Gregory XVI. died on June ist, 1846. It was imagined
that there would be a disturbance in the Papal States, and especi- Pius ^'
ally in the Romagna, and that Austria would be compelled to
intervene. Her intervention would be opposed by France, and
a European war might be the result. When Mettermch ordered
Radetsky to be ready to invade the Legations, France warned
Austria that any step of the kind would be followed by the
occupation of Civita Vecchia and Ancona. As a matter of fact,
no disturbance ensued, and, after a short conclave of forty-eight
hours, Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti was elected Pope, at the
age of fifty-four, and took the title of Pius IX. As Bishop of
Imola he had acquired a hatred of Austrian oppression, was a
close friend of Count Pasolini, a distinguished Liberal, and had
been introduced by him to the writings of Gioberti, Balbo and
d'Azeglio. They all hoped that he would be the leader of Italian
Independence and emulate Hildebrand and Innocent III. in
securing, for the Papal See, the primacy of Italy. He was a man
of the world, accustomed to polite society, and had, before he
became a priest, aimed at being a member of the Pope's Noble
Guard. He had a magnificent voice, and when, from the balcony
of St. Peter's, he gave his blessing to the city and the world, it
could be heard throughout the vast area of the huge piazza.

On July i6th, four weeks after his accession, he published The New
an amnesty, which proclaimed the pardon of all political offenders p°Pe's
and suspects, and struck the keynote of the resurrection of Italy.
The enthusiasm thus aroused was indescribable, and its import-
ance cannot be overrated. It was a rehabilitation of patriotism,
and made a virtue of what had before been a crime. Metternich
perceived at once that his action must inevitably lead to war with
Austria and to the liberation of Italy. But the Pope probably
did not understand this. Having thus inaugurated his reign, he
proceeded with other reforms. He introduced economies into his
household, liberated the Press, took steps to reform legislation and
the law courts, favoured the construction of railways, enlarged
his Council of State by admitting to it distinguished provincials,
gave the city of Rome a free municipality, and projected a Customs
union, which might lead to an Italian federation. He strengthened
the Civil Guard, as a protection against Austrian interference,
and objected to the occupation by that Power of the Citadel of
Ferrara. " We are prepared for everything," said Metternich,

303

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

" except for a Liberal Pope, and, now we have got one, there is no
answering for anything."

Influence of In this way Pius IX. placed himself at the head of the National
Pius IX. movement, and made the Papacy once more the political centre
of Italy. His policy was soon felt beyond the boundaries of the
Papal States. Genoa celebrated the centenary of the expulsion
of the Austrians in 1746. Milan held a public mourning for the
death of Federigo Confalonieri, who had been confined in the
Spielberg, and died just as he returned to celebrate the birth of
a new Italy. Since 1839 scientific congresses had been held in
Italy, and these served to bring together the most distinguished
men from the whole peninsula, and bore the same relation to
political union that the gymnastic meetings bore in Germany.
In 1846 the scientific congress called itself a National Conven-
tion, and invited all Italy to take part in the Genoese celebrations
and to illuminate the whole range of the Apennines with beacon
fires. Similar feelings had been roused in the smaller Italian
States — Tuscany, Lucca, Modena and Parma — while Naples and
Sicily had been deeply stirred. Charles Albert carried out reforms
in his own country of Piedmont, dismissed his Foreign Secretary,
Delia Margarita, who was favourable to the Austrians, and made
Alfieri di Sostegno Minister of Education. In Venice Daniele
Manin, Pietro Paleocapo and Valentino Pasini began to show
themselves as opponents of Austrian domination.

Beginning of Meanwhile, in Rome reforms continued to proceed slowly, and
the Italian fae Pope began to be afraid of the significance of his own work,
evolution. ^^ Liberals wished for a Papal autocracy, but, on April 2ist,
1847, the Pope created a Council of State, or advising council.
The amnesty had now lasted a year, and preparations were made
for celebrating it ; but the leader of the populace, the Capapopolo,
Brunetti, called Ciceruacchio, stopped it, being afraid of the grow-
ing influence of Austria and the Jesuits. Gioberti said that as
Cicero had prevented the conspiracy of Catiline, so Ciceruacchio
had stopped the conspiracy of the autocracy. The occupation
of Ferrara by the Austrians on July I7th, a forcible repression
of the reforming tendencies of the Pope, was the beginning of the
Italian Revolution.

Metternich now began to act, and looked on the prospect of
revolution and war with unshaken gaze. He was supported by
Prussia and Austria, but Great Britain was on the side of reform.
The British Cabinet had sent Lord Minto to encourage the Pope,
but cautioned him to avoid provocation of Austria. In other
parts of Italy the irritation against Austria developed. A civic

304

THE ITALIAN REVOLUTION

guard was formed in Tuscany, and Ridolfi became head of a Liberal
Government. In Piedmont Charles Albert seemed ready to meet
the occupation of Ferrara by declaring war against Austria. In
August, 1847, an insurrection took place in both Messina and
Reggio, and a more serious rising in the whole of Sicily was
announced for January, 1848. The Pope declared that he had
no desire for a war with Austria, and that the establishment of
the Council of State had set the coping-stone to his reforms. At
the same time the new municipality of Rome was decreeing a
Constitution. The Revolution actually began by the rising in
Palermo on January i2th, and in twenty-four days the whole of
Italy was free from foreign occupation, except the fortress of
Messina. The King of Naples offered to make terms, but the
Sicilians proclaimed the adoption of the Constitution of 1812, a
ridiculous and unworkable arrangement, imposed upon them by
Lord William Bentinck during the British occupation, and a
provisional Government was set up, with Ruggieri Settimo at its
head.

The King of Naples, anxious to anticipate the coming storm, Neapolitan
granted a Constitution. On March 5th Charles Albert pro- and Papal
mulgated a Statute for his dominions, which was never recalled, Constitu-
and, a few days earlier, on February I7th, a similar Statute had
been published in Tuscany. The Pope refused to grant a Consti-
tution, or to expel the Jesuits, or to make war against Austria,
and confined himself to blessing Italy solemnly from the balcony
of the Quirinal. But he was obliged to give way, and on March
loth formed a Ministry of which Minghetti and Pasolini were
members, and on March I4th he published a Constitution. But
all these efforts were thrown into the shade by the Revolution of
February in France, which drove Louis Philippe from his throne.

We must now pass to Switzerland, where the Revolution had Switzerland
a religious origin, although the struggles between democracy and and *he
its opponents still went on. In January, 1834, certain cantons, Baden^»eS
with Berne at their head, drew up a document called " The Articles
of Baden," the object of which was to defend the State against
the encroachments of the Church. They were condemned by the
Pope as false, audacious, inclining towards heresy and schismatism,
and were not supported by public opinion. They were rejected
in St. Gall, and proved a dead letter even in Berne, but had the
effect of exasperating the Roman Catholics. On the other hand,
great indignation was roused in Zurich by the appointment of
David Friedrich Strauss, the author of the Leben Jesu, to a
professorship, and the Liberal Government was turned out.
u 305

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Retribution followed, as a matter of course. In Ticino the

Sonderbund. cierjcai Ministry was deposed, and in Aargau an attempt of the
Catholics, in 1841, to turn out the Liberals was defeated, with the
result that a law was passed to suppress the monasteries. This
was contrary to the provisions of the Union, and the Catholics
determined to protect their rights by force of arms. The dispute
continued till 1843, when three nunneries were re-established,
which the Federal Diet considered as satisfactory. Against this
decision the Catholic cantons protested, and Lucerne, Uri, Schwyz,
Unterwalden, Zug, Freiburg and the Valais eventually formed a
separate league, called the Sonderbund, which was finally con-
stituted in June, 1844. The seven cantons demanded the restora-
tion of the Aargau monasteries, and Aargau replied by asking
for the expulsion of the Jesuits. This led to a civil war in Lucerne
itself, which culminated in the Battle of Malters, April ist, 1845,
in which the Liberals were defeated.

Civil War in Qn December nth, 1845, the seven cantons banded them-
Switzeriand. sejves mf-o an armed separate league, with a common council of
war, presided over by Siegwart-Miiller. As they formed a fifth
part of the population, it was clear their secession could not be
allowed, since it would have broken up the confederation. In
July, 1846, Zurich, which was then the capital of the confedera-
tion, protested against the league and asked the Federal Diet to
dissolve it. It was not till July, 1847, however, that a vote was
passed to this effect. The Sonderbund prepared for war and
sought alliances with foreign Powers. Europe, in the main, took
the side of the Sonderbund as an outwork against revolution,
then generally threatening. Piedmont and France actually assisted
the League with arms and money. Great Britain, however, was
an exception. George Grote, the historian of Greece, had
explained the situation to his countrymen, and Palmerston, like
Canning, was a European Liberal at heart. But war grew inevit-
able, and in October, 1847, General Dufour was placed at the
head of 100,000 soldiers and 260 guns. To these the Sonderbund
opposed an army of 79,000 men and 74 guns, under the command
of Salis-Soglio. The campaign was over in twenty-five days.
Freiburg capitulated on November i4th, Zug on November zist,
Lucerne on November 24th, Unterwalden, Schwyz and Uri on
the three following days, and Valais on November 29th. The
Federals lost 78 killed and 260 wounded, and the disbanded
Federal army reached their homes in February, 1848.

The sudden collapse of the Sonderbund made intervention by
foreign Powers impossible. Guizot had formed a plan by which

306

THE SWISS FEDERATION

the Powers should unite to impose a new Constitution on the
Federation. Great Britain, represented by Palmerston, refused to
take part in this enterprise, and confined herself to simple offers
of mediation. The French note arrived at Berne the very day
after the Sonderbund had ceased to exist. The Diet could reply
with dignity that it was contrary to the principles of independ-
ence, recognised for Switzerland in 1815, to listen to foreign
interference. It became necessary, however, to remodel the Swiss
Constitution and change it in some degree from a loose to a close
confederacy. Owing to the revolutions which now broke out in
various European countries, the Swiss were at liberty to manage
their own affairs and work out their democratic principles
unchecked.

In federal governments the main point to determine is what Swiss
powers shall be given to the central authority, and what shall Federal
remain with the separate States of which the confederation is
composed. The Federal Government was given complete control
of the army, which, by wise legislation and administration,
developed into one of the best armies in Europe, a model to all
nations of what a citizen army should be. Weights, measures, and
coinage were made uniform. Common Customs were established,
and a common Post Office the administration of which is an object
of admiration to aD who have to do with it. Equality before the
law, liberty of residence, liberty of creed for all Christian denomina-
tions, freedom of the Press and of public meeting, were recognised
as the fundamental principles of a democratic State.

The Legislature was constituted in two Houses — the Senate, The Swiss
representing the cantons, to which it gave equal representation, Legislature.
each canton, whether small or large, sending two members ; and
the Lower House, which represented the people and was composed
of members elected in proportion to the population of each canton,
the large cantons, therefore, receiving a greater number of repre-
sentatives than the smaller. This arrangement was borrowed
from the United States, where it formed the basis of the famous
" Connecticut compromise," which made the Constitution of America
possible. It has worked in Switzerland with remarkable success.
The Federal Executive was a council comprising seven members,
elected by the two Chambers acting together, to sit for three years.
Out of this council was chosen a President, to hold office for a
year. A Federal Court of Judicature was also established, and a
means of revising the Constitution, if necessary, was provided. A
further revision took place in the year 1867.

The Constitution remains the model of a democratic govern-

307

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

merit, the best, the happiest, the most successful known to the
present day, worthy of the attentive study of all who visit Switzer-
land. It is a marvel that Switzerland has a separate existence at
all. It is composed of at least three races, speaking at least
three languages, professing different religions ; its component
parts are separated by impassable mountains ; its territory is an
object of desire to all the Powers which surround it. It owes its
existence to the passionate love of liberty which animates its
citizens, and to the Constitution, based upon liberty, which binds
them together. It is significant that, at the moment when thrones
were toppling and European Governments were shaken to their
foundations, Switzerland should have succeeded in raising an
edifice which has withstood all the shocks of fate. After the
convulsions of these two revolutionary years Switzerland took her
place among the Powers of Europe as an independent State, more
fitted to be a mediator or model to other nations than to be the
object of tutelage or patronage.

308

CHAPTER VI
PRESIDENT Louis NAPOLEON

BEFORE the dynasty of July fell it met with several notable
misfortunes. The charges of corruption which weakened its
authority were confirmed by the trials of General Cubieres and
the Minister Teste. limile Girardin, the editor of La Presse,
which was the powerful opponent of Republicanism, who had
killed Armand Carrel in a duel, was found to be in the pay of the
Government ; and the murder of the Duchesse de Praslin by
her husband threw a lurid light on the moral character of the
Orleans Monarchy, which did not become less strong when the
Duke killed himself in prison. The people were reminded, by
these events, of the scandals which had preceded the fall of
Louis XVI.

Moreover, the foreign policy of Louis Philippe had become
gradually less in harmony with the nation. He appeared more
as a supporter of the Holy Alliance and less as a supporter of Policy.
democratic reform. Guizot's action with regard to Switzerland
produced unfavourable impressions. Yet, while the King estranged
his own subjects, he did not conciliate the Courts of Vienna and
St. Petersburg. Austria was not sympathetic, and the Emperor
of Russia treated the Orleans king as a parvenu. It was known
that France had used her influence to restrain Rossi, the reform-
ing Minister of Pius IX., lest any offence should be given to
Austria ; that in Italy she represented a counter-influence to
the generous policy of Great Britain ; that, while the British navy
was assisting the efforts of Italian independence, French vessels in
Toulon and Port-Vendres were arming to repress it. The whole
nation was conscious that the Government was rotten, that it had
failed to carry out the objects for which it was originally estab-
lished. The aged monarch removed himself more and more from
the influences of public opinion, and only associated with those
who agreed with him. He gave his complete confidence to Guizot,
who almost equalled his Sovereign in unchangeable stubbornness,
but who, from his eloquence and high character, was possibly
the best support that the Orleanist dynasty could find.

Matters would not be improved by the King's death. The

309

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

heir to the throne was a child, and the chosen Regent, Nemours,
was unpopular. The Chambers were composed largely of place-
men and were tainted with suspicions of corruption. It was
against them that the attacks of the Liberal Opposition and the
friends of reform were in the first instance directed. There are
many reasons why France is better governed as a monarchy than
as a republic. But a French monarchy, to be effective, must
have both prestige and power, and the monarchy of Louis Philippe
had neither. The new French King, who appeared on the balcony
of his palace whenever a few street ragamuffins shouted " Vive
le Roi ! " under his window, did not impress the Parisian imagina-
tion, and the Parisian has no respect for, or understanding of, a
monarchical government founded on the dull and drab lines of the
British Constitution, their history having led them to associate
monarchy with the splendour of Henry IV. and Louis XIV. and
the glories of Napoleon.

Electoral The remedy of these evils was looked for in electoral reform.

Reform. ^5 ^he British Reform Bill of 1832 had made the government
national, instead of confining it to a privileged class, so the
opponents of the present regime, whether Legitimists, Constitu-
tionals, or Republicans, regarded the extension of the franchise
as the only means of doing away with corruption and inefficiency.
At the same time, while the first two parties advocated a restricted
franchise, the Republicans demanded universal suffrage. A method
of stimulating public opinion on this question was sought, not in
public meetings or in petitions, but in so-called Reform banquets,
held in different parts of France and addressed by prominent
statesmen. Among those who spoke at these political dinners
were Odilon Barrot, Duvergier de Hauranne, Thiers, and Remusat.
A speech of Lamartine at Macon on one of these occasions pro-
duced a great sensation. The Radicals revived the Societe de
Saisons, and Ledru Rollin and Louis Blanc advocated social
democracy in La Reforme. The feeling that Guizot's Govern-
ment had opposed the popular party in Italy and Switzerland
increased the agitation and led to more pronounced demonstrations.
The Chambers met on December 28th, 1847, and tne Opposi-
tion determined to hold a Reform banquet in Paris, which had
hitherto been free from this particular form of movement. The
Speech from the Throne denounced the blind perverseness of the
Reformers and, in order to stop the banquets, an antiquated law
of 1790 was resuscitated. A violent assault was made upon the
Government. They were accused of interfering with the rights
of public meeting, and charged with political corruption and support

310

REFORM RIOTS IN PARIS

of the Austrians and Jesuits. Lamartine said : " Since you inter-
fered in Spain, France has acted in contradiction to its traditions
and its interests ; she has been Ghibelline in Rome, Clerical in
Berne, Austrian in Piedmont, Russian in Cracow, French nowhere,
counter-revolutionary everywhere. ' '

Notwithstanding the prohibition, the leaders of the Left — Reform
Odilon Barrot, Garnier Pages and Arago — had determined to hold Riots>
a Reform banquet in the Twelfth Arrondissement, in the neighbour-
hood of the Champs Elysees. There was to be a procession, and
the National Guard was invited, without obtaining leave from its
officers. The Government objected, and the Opposition gave way,
and agreed to submit the question of the legality of public meeting
to the Law Courts. But they had reckoned without their host.
On February 22nd, the day fixed for the banquet, workmen in
blouses, students, pupils of the Polytechnic School, and urchins
went about the streets shouting, " Down with Guizot ! Vive la
Reforme I " They thronged the vicinity of the Parliament House
and demanded the indictment of Ministers. These disorders
lasted for two days ; the National Guard was on the side of the
people, and the soldiers were averse to energetic measures.
The King thought that he could calm the storm by dismissing
Guizot and putting Mole in his place, keeping the rest of the
Ministry unchanged. This news caused great excitement. The
streets were thronged, the houses were illuminated, men embraced
each other. But the step was not enough. The workmen in
the north of Paris still retained their arms and stood by the
barricades. At night a torchlight procession, which the troops
were powerless to stop, marched along the boulevards. In an
unhappy moment a shot was heard, the soldiers fired a volley
into the crowd, and eighty-two bodies of dead and wounded
lay upon the ground. The furious mob seized upon a passing
wagon, filled it with corpses, and marched, torch in hand,
with cries of " Treachery [" " Vengeance ! " "To arms ! "

The King now saw his error and summoned to his councils Abdication
Thiers, Odilon Barrot, Duvergier de Hauranne and Marshal of Louis
Bugeaud. It was too late. Appeals for peace were answered by * lllppe*
cries of " The King deceives you ! Bugeaud will slaughter you ! "
Louis Philippe now abdicated in favour of his grandson, the Comte
de Paris — whose mother, the Duchesse d' Orleans, was Regent —
stole out of the Tuileries by a back door, and set off, first to
St. Cloud, and then to Dreux and the coast. The King and Queen
eventually reached England with some difficulty, and were lodged
at Claremont, which belonged at that time to their son-in-law,

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

A Republic

the King of the Belgians. There Louis Philippe remained till his
death on August 26th, 1850. The Duchesse d'Orleans, with great
courage, went to the Parliament House, accompanied by her two
sons, the Comte de Paris and the Due de Chartres, and asked for
the protection of the Chambers. This could not be granted in
the face of the surging mob and the tumultuous galleries. The
Duchess was, indeed, separated for some time from her children
and her brother-in-law, the Due de Nemours.

Liberal opinion was gradually demanding a republic. A pro-

Proclaimed. vjsjonai Government was formed, with the aged Dupont de 1'Eure
at its head, and a Republic was proclaimed from the Hotel de
Ville, even before the sanction of the people for this form of
government had been obtained. It was formed of Lamartine,
Ledru Rollin, Arago, Gamier Pages and Louis Blanc. The
Tuileries was attacked, the furniture was burned, and the throne
was carried into the Place de la Bastille and torn to pieces under
the Column of July. Life, however, and property were safe in the
capital, and works of art were protected by the Polytechnic and
other students. Lamartine succeeded in forming a Guard Mobile,
and a few days afterwards Caussidi£re, the Prefect of Police, got
together a kind of National Guard. The revolution had taken
place with lightning rapidity ; a few hours had upset the monarchy
and driven the King into exile ; the unpopular deputies in the
Chamber fled or concealed themselves. The Orleans dynasty had
no party and no supporters. Aumale and Joinville, one of whom
was commanding an army in Algeria, the other a fleet at sea,
quickly resigned their posts and retired to England.

The difficulties of the new Government now began. They had
to reconcile government with revolution, order with anarchy ;
to find work for the unemployed and subsistence for the starving.
The excitement was over ; the cries of " Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity " had ceased ; the reality of political life had come.
A National Assembly was to meet in May, but till that time the
provisional Government ruled over France. Lamartine secured
the substitution of the tricolour for the red flag. He was the
soul of the administration, and his manifesto to Europe, published
on March 3rd, tended to produce confidence in the new order of
things and to allay apprehension. At the same time the Revolu-
tion had been the work of the working classes, and it was necessary
to listen to the leaders of the Radicals and Socialists. In the
first days of the Revolution Louis Blanc and Gamier Pages had
put their names to a petition declaring that it was the duty of
the Government to find work for the unemployed. The " right

312

The Red
Flag

Displaced
by the
Tricolour.

THE RISE OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY

to work " was advocated, and at last a workman named Albert
was added to the provisional Government, while Louis Blanc was
allowed to organise labour for the unemployed and poorer classes
with the help of a workmen's Parliament. It was difficult to stop
the Socialist movement. The State found itself bound to provide
for the unemployed and unemployable sections of society, in
national workshops, which consumed millions and produced
nothing. To produce an appearance of utility, earthworks were
begun, in which the earth was taken away one day and brought
back the next. Two francs a day were given to all persons with-
out work, and this impoverished the revenue and pauperised the
people.

The Anarchists began to raise their heads ; the foundation of Anarchists
a Committee of Public Safety, with a revolutionary dictatorship, Active,
was part of their programme. Conspiracies and insurrections
were put down with the greatest difficulty. The Treasury was
exhausted, taxes were not paid, business was at a standstill, the
National Debt grew, the project of a national loan came to nothing,
and an increase of taxes produced general discontent.

The embarrassment of the Government was increased by the universal
return of the Social Democrats, who clamoured for a popular Suffrage.
representation and attempted to form a Committee of Public
Safety, after the model of that established in Paris in 1789. While
Gamier Pages mismanaged the Treasury, Ledru Rollin caused
confusion in the whole machine of Government, by dismissing all
the permanent officials and filling their places with men of
decided Republican and revolutionary opinions. A Constitu-
tional Assembly was now summoned. The suffrage was to be
direct and universal ; all Frenchmen over twenty-one years of
age were to have a vote, and all Frenchmen over twenty-five were
eligible for election. Voting was to be by ballot and scrutin de
liste, according to Departments — that is, all the candidates for a
Department were to be voted for together.

The result of the elections was a disappointment to the The
Extreme party. In Paris the Socialist leaders, Barbes, Leroux Extremists
and Raspail, obtained a relatively small number of votes, and the Dis" .
members of the provisional Government received support in their appom
efforts to restrain violence and impatience. In the provinces
Lamartine was elected in ten Departments, but out of 840
deputies, of whom the new Assembly was composed, 130 were
Legitimists and at least 100 were supporters of Louis Napoleon.
Thus more than a fourth of the Assembly was Royalist. It met
on May 4th, declared the government of France to be permanently

313

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The

Workmen's

Parliament.

Dissolution
of the
National
Workshops,

Republican, and -established in the place of the provisional Govern-
ment an Executive Committee, consisting of Arago, Gamier Pages,
Lamartine and Ledru Rollin. Preparations were made for
abolishing the national workshops, and it was clear that the
new Chamber would not recognise the axiom of the " right
to work."

Huber, Blanqui and Raspail, the leaders of the Social
Democrats, consequently determined to destroy the National
Assembly by a new conspiracy, and establish a revolutionary
dictatorship. Their pretext was the foreign policy of the Govern-
ment ; they adopted the principles of 1792 — that the business
of a republic was to make war on kings and organise crusades
for the liberation of enslaved nations. On May I5th a deputation
was presented to the Chamber, asking that France should demand
the restoration of Poland, and, in case of refusal, declare war
upon the three Powers which had partitioned her. The Assembly
was invaded, and Blanqui, Barbes and Huber proceeded to decree
its dissolution, to establish a tax on the rich, and to declare war
against the kings of Europe. Happily, the National Guard was
able to establish order in the capital ; the revolt was put down,
and the conspirators were imprisoned at Vincennes. The Assembly
met in a large hall built for the purpose, which exposed them to
the attacks of the crowded galleries. When the Assembly was
complete, Buchez and the bulk of the members retired, whilst
the Democratic leaders proceeded to the formation of a new
Government. Driven out by the National Guard, they took refuge
in the Hotel de Ville. Sobrier and his myrmidons were over-
powered in the Rue de Rivoli, and the Revolutionary Guard of
Caussidiere was dispersed. The workmen's Parliament, which
sat in the Luxembourg under Louis Blanc, came to an end.

Supplementary elections strengthened the Moderate party by
returning Thiers, Changarnier and Louis Napoleon as members
of the Assembly ; and they now attempted to establish a republic
on a durable basis. It became necessary, however, to deal with
the national workshops, which were a source of pauperism and
expense. The younger workmen were sent into the army, and
the older drafted to the provinces to make entrenchments. The
workmen resented this and prepared for a rising. They were
supported by Legitimists and Bonapartists, who supplied them
with money. On June 23rd barricades were erected in all the
working-class districts, and Lamartine, seeing that a struggle was
inevitable, advised his colleagues to give unrestricted authority
to General Cavaignac, Minister of War. The Assembly, having

THE REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION

established a dictatorship, requested the Executive Committee
to resign.

The struggle which now broke out between the Extremists Cavaignac's
and the Moderates was longer and more sanguinary than that Firmness.
which brought about the fall of the Monarchy of July. Cavaignac
was a more resolute antagonist than Louis Philippe. General
Brea fell, and Affre, the pious Archbishop of Paris, who advanced
to the barricades to attempt to establish peace between the warring
factions, was mortally wounded.

Cavaignac would accept no terms short of unconditional
surrender, and at three in the morning of July 26th ordered an
attack which resulted in a complete victory. The insurgents
lost 10,000 killed and wounded, and their leaders were tried before
the courts, thousands of prisoners being transported to colonies
across the seas. Cavaignac received the thanks of the Assembly,
and was made president of a new executive authority. Lamoriciere
became Minister of War, and Changarnier was placed in command
of the National Guard.

The first piece of business was the drawing-up of a Consti- The New
tution. It was the work of a committee, of which Armand Marrast Constitution,
was the reporter, and was afterwards ratified by the Assembly.
A preamble declared that, by means of the Republic, the nation
would work with greater freedom in the matter of progress and
civilisation, would assure a more equal distribution of burdens
and advantages, and would enable all citizens to attain a higher
standard of moderate prosperity and enlightenment, by the help
of laws and institutions. It recognised that there were rights
and duties, equal to and superior to actual laws ; undertook to
respect foreign nationalities and establish free popular educa-
tion ; and announced that the State and the Departments
would establish public workshops for the benefit of the un-
employed. This programme was certainly not carried into
practice.

There was great discussion whether there should be one or
two Chambers. Lamartine and Dupin, who were in favour of a
single Chamber, obtained a majority of forty over Duvergier de
Hauranne and Odilon Barrot, who supported two. The committee
proposed to place the executive power in the hands of a president,
elected directly by the people, by universal suffrage, and this
was eventually passed by a majority of 500. He was to serve
for five years, and could not be elected a second time except
after a five years' interval. He appointed his Ministers, but
they were responsible to the Assembly, and, with the president

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

himself, were subject to a High Court of Justice, elected out of
the members of the Court of Cassation. On November i2th, 1848,
a service, held in the Place de la Concorde, gave a solemn religious
sanction to the new Republican rule.

Louis The president was to be elected on December loth. The

Napoleon, choice jay between General Cavaignac and Prince Louis Napoleon,
and the nephew of the Emperor was chosen by a vote of
5,500,000. He had only recently become a Deputy, after
the decree of banishment against the Napoleon family had been
rescinded. At that time Louis Napoleon was regarded as a man
of no great importance. The Due de Sermoneta, who had known
him well in Italy, said that he " was a reed painted to look like
iron," and he received the name of Napoleon the Little, in contrast
to Napoleon the Great. This was, however, a mistaken view.
He was a very able man with decided views and determination
to carry them out. Indeed, his career as Emperor, though begun
in crime and darkened by extravagance and social corruption,
has not received the praise which it deserves, and which, doubt-
less, some day will be given to it. He owed his return to the
devotion of the people to the Napoleonic tradition, to the Clerical
influence, for he was known to be a supporter of the Church, and
to the landed proprietors' hatred of Radicalism and Socialism.
Cavaignac laid down his power, and on December 20th, 1848,
the new President took the oath — at the hands of Armand Marrast
and in the sight of God and the French people — to remain faithful
to the democratic Republic, one and indivisible, and to perform
all the duties laid upoa him by the Constitution.

After this he made a speech to the Deputies, in which he said :
" The voice of the nation and the oath which I have just taken
point out the course of my future conduct. My duties are prescribed
for me, and I shall perform them as a man of honour. I will
regard all those as enemies of their country who try to alter, by
illegal means, what France has ordained. Between you and me,
citizens and deputies, there can be no difference of opinion. Our
will and our wishes are the same. I wish, like you, to secure the
State and society firmly on their foundations. I will strengthen
democratic institutions, and will do everything to alleviate the
sufferings of this magnanimous and single-minded people, which
has given me so clear a proof of its confidence/' As President
Louis Napoleon went to live in the Palace of the ^lysees Bourbon,
which was assigned to him as a residence.

Throughout these convulsions the French had preserved their
qualities of bravery, patriotism and political tact. All parties

316

THE REPUBLIC ESTABLISHED

strove for the greatness of France. Thiers said, in his first speech
in Parliament : " My friends and I have neither made the Republic
nor desired it, but we accept it ; we accept it honestly and sincerely.
The form of government which we strove for is broken, but under
the present form, as under forms which have previously existed,
we will endeavour to realise the best interests of our country.''

317

CHAPTER VII
THE REVOLUTION FEYER IN 1858

The Spread THE Revolution of February in France produced in the rest of
of Republic- Europe far more startling effects than the Revolution of July had
anism§ done. In Italy, Germany, Poland and Switzerland it gave rise

to violent party quarrels and passionate national feeling. Some
enthusiastic natures, knowing little of practical politics, went so far
as to dream of the establishment of unrestricted liberty and a
Republic which should embrace the whole of Europe, founded
upon the principles of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, without
any restraints of national or religious differences. The temporary
victory of these views confirmed the enthusiasts in their hopes,
and a propaganda, which had its centre in Paris, fed the re-
volutionary fire and spread abroad Republican ideas of a
socialistic and communistic character, and stirred the aspira-
tions of the lower classes of the people, the workmen and the
proletariat.

Many believed and many hoped that the Revolution would
take its course through Europe, following the precedent of its
predecessor in 1789 ; and the circumstances of the time were
favourable to revolutionary movements, especially in Germany.
In that country a serious commercial crisis was accompanied
by distress caused by unfavourable harvests. The discontent
was stimulated by the current literature, and excited outbreaks
in Berlin, Stuttgart, Munich, and other towns. They were put
down by the military and the police, and the misery which
provoked them was alleviated by the generosity of the rich and
the sympathy of the benevolent. A good harvest also led to a
temporary improvement.

Poverty in But inequality in the distribution of property and in the

Germany. enjoyment of the advantages of life was becoming more apparent.
The population of Germany was growing gradually poorer. The
proletariat had nothing before them but an abyss of wretchedness
and misery, which might end by swallowing up the middle classes
as well. The only remedy lay in far-reaching political and social
reforms, for the emigration of thousands every year to the United
States did little to stop the evil, and the attempt to curb the Press

THE DECLINE OF METTERNICH

only drove the feeling of discontent deeper into the people's heart.
The universal unrest could only end in political convulsions.

The Revolution first broke out in Baden. Violent petitions The
addressed to the Chambers demanded freedom of the Press, trial Revolution
by jury, the establishment of a National Guard and a German and Baden-
Parliament. The Baden Government met this by abolishing
feudal privileges and compensating their possessors out of the
public funds. Officials who had incurred the hatred of the people
were removed, and unpopular deputies resigned their seats. The
example of Baden proved infectious. In Wiirtemberg, Saxony,
and other German States the government was entrusted to the
Liberal Opposition, some crying evils were remedied and electoral
laws altered. The news of the Revolution in Paris, which reached
Baden on February 27th, produced a powerful effect. Fifty-one
popular men, mostly leaders of the Liberal Opposition in the several
States, met at Heidelberg to consult upon the needs of the hour.
They issued to the German people an appeal, which demanded
a national representation according to population, besides
appointing a committee of seven, which embraced the names
of Gagern, Welcker and Itzstein.

A stiD larger assembly of prominent Liberal politicians was The
summoned to meet at Frankfort at the end of March, and even Constitution
the Diet found it necessary to satisfy national aspirations. It Considered'
issued an appeal to the German nation on March ist, urging the
co-operation of governments and peoples to place Germany in
the position which she ought to occupy in Europe ; this could only
be done by concord, constitutional progress and national develop-
ment. The Diet allowed its members to deal with the censorship
of the Press in any way they liked, and determined to undertake
a revision of the Constitution. A commission was appointed for
this purpose, and the German tricolour, for which so many patriots
had suffered persecution and imprisonment, was adopted as the
national flag. But the repentance of the Diet came too late to
obliterate the memory of its previous errors.

It was now the turn of Metternich to suffer. For thirty years Metteraich's
he had dominated the councils of Europe with undisputed authority, EYil
and it was not creditable to the intelligence of those who followed Influence<
him that a man so shallow, so frivolous, so immoral, should have
possessed the influence he wielded. Oxenstiern has bid us remember
with how little wisdom the affairs of the world are governed. The
study of history shows that light-minded and adaptable natures,
floating like corks on the surface of affairs, have often great in-
fluence for harm, while deeper and more powerful characters are

319

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

unable to subdue to their will the forces of the age. Metternich
never understood or affected to understand the forces by which
he was surrounded and by which he was eventually overthrown.
Examination of his career shows that the harm he did was scarcely
illuminated by a single good action. He wormed himself into
the confidence of Napoleon, persuaded him to divorce Josephine
and to marry Marie Louise. Bound to support the French Empire
by every consideration of honour, and indeed of interest, he basely
deserted Napoleon in his hour of need ; and while he was able to
bring about the fall of that mighty man, he also effectually secured
the ruin of his own country. It was mainly owing to him that
Austria does not hold in Germany the position which Prussia holds
to-day. His voluminous memoirs hardly contain a single page
exhibiting statesmanlike insight and precision. He meets patriotic
enthusiasm with cynical contempt, and his ridicule of progress
did not prevent him from arresting it with inhuman cruelty.
His deliberate corruption of Marie Louise, his master's daughter,
may be the worst of his crimes, but it is typical of many others
with which his career was stained. The hatred with which he
was regarded by the enlightened minds of Europe has been
confirmed by posterity, and it is not likely that this deliberate
judgment will ever be reversed.

Agitation in The Revolution of February sounded the knell of his system.

Austria. xhe excitement in Vienna was feverish. The States of Hungary
demanded a separate Government, a reform of the Constitution,
more moderate taxation, liberation from the necessity of undertaking
the Austrian debt, and a provision that Hungarian soldiers should
not be compelled to serve out of their own country. From Hungary
the agitation spread to Prague, and from Prague to Vienna, where
the Austrian Chambers met in March. The secrecy which was
preserved with regard to the financial condition of the country
caused profound mistrust. Paper money was in some cases refused,
commerce and industry came to a standstill, and the number of
the unemployed increased. Viennese students put themselves
at the head of the movement. They presented petitions to the
Chambers, the Ministers and the Emperor, and by tumultuous
meetings stirred up the country to rebellion. The students were
armed, and the soldiers declined to act with severity against them.
As the powers of the State were unable to restore order, Metternich
had no alternative but to resign his office, which he did on March
1 3th, seeking refuge in England.

The flight of the Chancellor was the prelude to anarchy. The
people were aroused. A nation which had never been allowed

320

REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN PRUSSIA

to know what freedom meant, or how it could be properly used,
now came into the possession of unrestricted political power.
The freedom of the Press found expression in the wildest extrava-
gance of abuse, the right of public meeting resulted in the coming
together of noisy and violent demagogues, and the foundation of
democratic clubs, which were a hindrance to order. The Govern-
ment which succeeded Metternich was out of sympathy with
Radical demands, and showed weakness and incompetence. Vienna
was in the hands of the students and a hastily-formed Civic Guard.

The proposal of a moderate Constitution caused another out- Riots in
break on May i5th. The Government was asked to summon a Yienna-
Constitutional Diet, elected by manhood suffrage from all the
States of which the Monarchy was composed, whose business it
would be to draw up a new Constitution. The Emperor, broken
in health by these occurrences, retired to Innsbruck on May igih.
This produced a reaction in his favour, which was utilised to dissolve
the Student Legion and to occupy the University buildings with
troops. These steps, however, resulted in a third outbreak on
May 26th, worse than the other two. The streets were blockaded
with barricades and filled with citizen soldiers, warming themselves
at watch-fires. At last it was arranged that the soldiers should
be removed from the city and that order should be preserved
by a Committee of Public Safety, composed of citizens, National
Guards and students. The University buildings, however, re-
mained closed.

On July 22nd the National Assembly was opened under the
presidency of Archduke John, acting as representative of the
Emperor in his absence. On August i2th Ferdinand returned
to the capital, amid the acclamations of the people, under the
escort of the National Guard. At the same time force had to be
used to quell disorder. On June 2nd Prague was bombarded
by Prince Windischgratz, after his wife had been shot dead at
a window of her palace.

Berlin also had her days of March. Frederick William IV. Prussian
was urged to make concessions, which would prevent the influence
of the Revolution of February from spreading to Prussia. But
what could he do ? His stubborn spirit urged him to do nothing,
and nothing he could have done would have been of any use. He
depended upon the loyalty and steadfastness of his army. But
the disturbances in Vienna made him realise that the danger was
nearer than he thought, and the necessity of timely reform became
apparent. Even then he was deaf to advice. The disturbances
in Berlin must first be put down by force ; then, when that was

321

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Barricades
in Berlin.

Distrust of
the King.

done, reforms could be conceded by grace, instead of being extorted
by fear. This did not suit the populace, or the Poles, who were
behind their back. The removal of soldiers was demanded with
increasing energy, and on March I7th, 1848, the Government
yielded. The censorship of the Press was abolished, and a com-
plete alteration of the Constitution was promised, coupled with
a fresh arrangement as to the relations of Prussia to the German
Federation.

Next day the rioters were more audacious than ever. Crowds
collected before the palace, demanding the dismissal of the soldiers
and the establishment of a National Guard. The King refused to
receive a deputation of the town authorities. At last a division
of infantry marched out of the palace to drive the people back.
Two shots were fired, as so frequently happens in such crises,
whether by accident or design, by soldiers or casual loiterers, is
not known. Cries arose of " Treason ! " " We are being murdered ! "
" To arms ! " Barricades were immediately erected : it is said that
two hundred were made within two hours. A murderous struggle
took place, which lasted fourteen hours. The soldiers captured
a certain number of barricades, but, with the attack, the passion
of the people rose. On the morning of March iQth the struggle
was still undecided. The citizens refused to lay down their arms
or evacuate the barricades, and at last the King gave in. He sent
away the soldiers, dismissed his Ministry, and placed both the
town and the palace under the protection of a National Guard.
The soldiers withdrew to the sound of muffled drums. The corpses
of those who had fallen at the barricades were carried into the
palace court, and the King was compelled to pay them honour
with uncovered head, while the Queen, who accompanied him,
fainted. The whole assembled throng intoned a solemn chorale
as Germans alone know how to execute it, and the striking scene,
scarcely surpassed in history, came to an end.

Frederick William IV. was so impressed by what had happened
that he granted a complete amnesty to all who had been accused
of or condemned for political offences. This amnesty, which was
extended to other German States, allowed political exiles to return
to their native land, where they renewed their agitations. On
March 2ist the King issued a proclamation declaring that he placed
himself at the head of the Fatherland for the salvation of Germany,
and that he desired, as a new Constitutional King, to be regarded
as the leader of a free, new-born German nation. This was received
with general mistrust, which was not diminished when he executed
a solemn progress through the streets of his capital, decorated with

322

THE NATIONAL PARLIAMENT

German colours, and accompanied by his Ministers and the princes
of his house. The declaration that he desired the freedom and
unity of Germany caused dismay in the southern States, and his
theatrical performance inspired ridicule rather than confidence.
The time was not yet ripe for the declaration of the Prussian
hegemony of Germany.

The King's brother, the Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Effects in
Emperor William I., who was supposed to be the leader of the Berlin.
reactionary party, was sent to England, and on March 22nd a
solemn funeral of the martyrs of the insurrection was held at
Berlin, attended by nearly all the clergy of the capital, the King
baring his head as the coffins passed the palace. In the following
month the Prussian Parliament met for the last time, to give its
consent to a law referring the elections to the new constitutional
National Assembly. But in consequence of these disturbances
the capital had undergone a remarkable change. Hundreds of
well-to-do families had left Berlin, and the streets were filled with
starving beggars, fit material for the operations of agitators, of
clubs and workmen's unions, which all had a revolutionary tendency.
The Ministry underwent a rapid metamorphosis, which deprived
the Government of strength and determination, and it was known
that the King had yielded to the popular sentiment much against
his will and under the pressure of circumstances.

The National Parliament at Frankfort now came into being. The
On March 5th, 1848, a committee of seven had been appointed National
to make arrangements for the meeting of the National Assembly, Parliamcnt'
but previously to this a preliminary assembly was to be held under
the name of a Vorparlament. On March 8th, an advisory committee
of seventeen had been appointed by the old Diet, to suggest means
of constituting a new Diet. Of these Dahlmann was the most
distinguished, and on April 25th he produced a sketch of a Con-
stitution, which is known in German history as " Dahlmann's
Constitution." It established the principle of a hereditary head
of the Empire. There were to be two Chambers, the Upper
Chamber to consist of the hereditary princes and 160 notables,
chosen partly by the Government and partly by the Diet of the
several States. There were to be common diplomatic action
and common customs, but a large amount of independence was
left to the component parts of the Empire. East and West Prussia
were to be included in it, and part of Posen, but only the German
dominions of the House of Austria. The scheme was supported
by the Prince of Prussia and by Usedom, the Prussian pleni-
potentiary at the Diet, but it was strongly opposed by Frederick

323

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

William IV., who preferred a scheme of his own, with the Emperor
of Austria as hereditary Roman Emperor and the King of Prussia
as German King. Thus the scheme fell through.

Demand for The V or par lament met at Frankfort on March 3ist. It
a German consisted of 576 members, of whom 141 came from Prussia, 72
from Baden, 84 from Hesse-Darmstadt, but only 2 from Austria.
It was not a great success, and has been generally known as " the
Wild Parliament." A powerful minority proposed to summon
a National Assembly, elected on democratic lines with regard to
position, property and creed. A Radical party, led by Hecker
and Struve, went even farther. They put forward a socialist
programme and recommended revolutionary methods for carrying
it out. Not being able to carry this into effect, they quitted the
Assembly in disgust. But the result was an armed rising in the
neighbourhood of Constance in favour of a German Republic.
This rising was suppressed before the end of April, after it
had cost the valuable life of Friedrich Gagern, brother of the
Minister.

Opening of On May i8th the National Assembly was opened, with appro-

the National priate solemnity, in St. Paul's Church in Frankfort. It was a
very distinguished body. The landowners, the merchants and
the manufacturers were inadequately represented in it, but it
included a number of men of solid academical learning, indeed,
the foremost historical and legal luminaries of the age. Amongst
them were Dahlmann, Droysen, Duncker, Waitz, Mohl, Welcker
and Mittermaier, together with Jacob Grimm, Arndt and Uhland ;
there were also several judges and administrative officials, and a
fine sprinkling of barristers. It chose as its president, by a large
majority, Heinrich von Gagern, a man distinguished by high
principles, great moral courage, and a commanding personality.
On May 24th two committees were appointed, one of thirty,
to draft a scheme for a national Constitution, and one of fifteen,
to consider the establishment of a supreme executive authority.
Archduke John of Austria, who had democratic sympathies and
had married the daughter of a village postmaster, was appointed
Reichsverweser, a strange title which apparently meant " Imperial
Vicar." On July nth the new head of the Empire made his
solemn entry into Frankfort and appointed a Ministry. The
discussions with regard to the Constitution began in character-
istic German fashion, by establishing the fundamental rights of
German citizenship. They were produced by the Reichsverweser on
December 27th, 1848, and were inaugurated into the Constitution
of the Empire on March 28th, 1849, but the larger States, Austria,

324

THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN TROUBLES

Prussia, Bavaria and Hanover, did not proclaim them as law or
regard them as having the force of law.

Together with these events occurred disturbances in Schleswig- Schleswig-
Holstein, the fruitful cause of trouble in Germany, which led Holstein-
eventually to the war between Prussia and Denmark, then to
the war between Prussia and Austria, and finally to the establish-
ment of the German Empire in the hands of Prussia. Without
going deeply into the ramifications of this complicated question,
it may be mentioned that Holstein was regarded as an integral
part of the German Empire, while Schleswig was almost entirely
Danish, but that these two Duchies regarded themselves as bound
together by an indissoluble tie. The first line of their national
hymn was " Schleswig-Holstein sea-surrounded."

Frederick VII. became King of Denmark in January, 1848, Schleswig
and disturbances broke out which forced him to declare the Duchy *bsorbe£
of Schleswig an integral part of the Danish kingdom. The Duchies
clung to their independence. A provisional Government was
formed, which occupied Rendsburg, a fortress commanding both
Duchies, and organised the insurrection against Danish rule. The
Danes collected an army and soon obtained possession of Schleswig,
but the Prussians intervened, and the Danes were compelled to
retire. On April izth the provisional Government of Schleswig-
Holstein was acknowledged by the Federal Diet, but the presence
of a German fleet made energetic measures impossible, and the
continuance of the struggle led to serious losses in the commerce
of the North Sea. Russia, Sweden and Great Britain took the
side of the Danes, and at length the Prussians were compelled to
allow the incorporation of Schleswig with Denmark.

The troubles of the new Diet were not confined to the north. Revolt in
The Polish inhabitants of the Prussian Province of Posen raised Prussian
the flag of independence. The Prussians proposed to incorporate Polandf
the German parts of Posen with the neighbouring German provinces,
and to place the Polish moiety under a national Government, but
the Poles claimed the whole of the territory and had recourse to
arms. They were eventually compelled to yield, but the project
of partitioning the country was given up.

325

The House
of Savoy
Ascendant.

CHAPTER VIII

THE FIRST STRUGGLE FOR A NEW ITALY

Italy's Bid THE Revolution of February, as has been said, caused a recrudes-
for Freedom. cence of discontent in every country in Europe, even in those
which had hitherto been unaffected by such sentiments. In Italy
the desire for independence and national unity, which had long
characterised its literature, now came to the surface and called the
revolutionary spirit into activity. When Charles Albert, without
a formal declaration of war, marched into the Milanese territory
and drew the sword against Austria, the whole of the peninsula
was seized with a longing for war. Not only did the Italian Govern-
ments send their troops and promise constitutions to their peoples,
but bodies of armed volunteers took the field, so that the whole
country was arrayed against Austria.

The revolutionary movement affected two parties — those who
followed Mazzini, who aimed at the establishment of Republican
institutions, and those who wished to join the Cross of Savoy, and
to found the independence of Italy by union with Charles Albert,
the constitutional King of Sardinia. The latter were, on the
whole, the more powerful, and both Milan and Venice determined
to throw in their lot with the House of Savoy. The Dukes of
Parma and Modena, who had made alliances with Austria, were
driven out of their Duchies, and even the Grand Duke of Tuscany,
whose sympathies with the national aspirations were well known,
and whose territories were admirably governed, had to surrender
his Duchy for a time to democratical republicans. The Pope
conceded a Constitution to his people and nominated a progressive
Ministry, composed of laymen, but this popular Government had
only to do with secular and political affairs ; all clerical interests
were left in the hands of the Pope and the cardinals, and were
withdrawn from public discussion, a division of authority which
did not satisfy popular sentiment. When Pius IX., in an allo-
cution, declared himself opposed to a war with Austria, his
popularity immediately disappeared. In Naples King Ferdinand
II. played fast and loose with Constitutionalism, and Sicily
exhausted herself in a vain attempt to secure an independent
autonomy.

326

TROUBLE IN SICILY

A provisional Government had been formed in Sicily, under Sicily
Ruggiero Settimo, Pietro Lanza and the Prince of Butera. Secedes.
Through the instrumentality of Lord Minto, they undertook
negotiations with the King, which, however, led to no result.
The utmost the Sicilians would consent to was the personal union
of the crowns, and this Ferdinand would not accept. Sicily
retained her independence and formed a Liberal Ministry, under the
presidency of the historian Troya. The Sicilian National Assembly,
divided into two Chambers under the presidency of Ruggiero
Settimo, passed, on April i3th, a resolution that the throne of
Sicily was vacant, and that Ferdinand Bourbon and his dynasty
were for ever dethroned, and proclaimed for the island a con-
stitutional monarchy under an Italian prince.

The breach between the two Sicilies became irrevocable, when
Ferdinand attempted to dissolve the Neapolitan Chambers on the
very day of their opening, attacked the National Guard with his
Swiss mercenaries, and delivered up the respectable population
of the city to the wild excesses of his lazzaroni subjects. The King
of Naples issued a proclamation announcing the continuance of
the Constitution, but it was a mere delusion, as it was never put
into force. An insurrection of Liberals in Calabria was suppressed
with bloodshed, and when a few deputies met in July they were
treated with abuse and contumely by the Minister Bozzeli, and in
the autumn the sitting was closed by the King. In the following
spring the Chambers were dissolved, and the persecution of Liberals
and patriots resumed its former course. Naples submitted, but
Sicily, with more persistence, continued its democratic progress.
The two Chambers, the Senate and the Lower House, met together,
and on July nth, 1848, chose the second son of Charles Albert,
Prince Albert Amadeus of Savoy, Duke of Genoa, as constitutional
King of Sicily.

But the troubles of the island were not at an end. The news "King
reached the camp of Charles Albert just as the sun of his success Boraba."
was setting, for he was on the point of resigning his crown to
his son, Victor Emmanuel. Ferdinand determined to reconquer
the island with the help of the garrison of Messina, which still
held out. A terrible civil war was the result. For three days
in the early part of September General Filangieri, who had served
under Murat, bombarded Messina ; the houses of the city were
burnt, hundreds of dead bodies lay in the streets, and the popula-
tion had to seek refuge on board the foreign ships in the harbour.
From this action Ferdinand II. received the appropriate name
of " King Bomba." By British and French intervention an

327

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Naples
Victorious.

Unpopu-
larity of
Pius IX,

Revolt
Against the
Papacy.

arrangement was concluded, by which the eastern part of the
island, with Messina as its capital, remained in the hands of
Naples, and the western part, including Palermo, Catania and
Syracuse, was left with a provisional Government, of which
Ruggiero Settimo was president and Torrearsa, Butera and the
brothers Amari were members.

The efforts of France and Great Britain to produce a settle-
ment during the winter had no effect, and in April, 1849, the
struggle began anew. A Polish legion under Mieroslawski came
to assist the Sicilians, but they could do nothing against the
better-disciplined Neapolitan army, the head of which was the
Royal Swiss Guard, and were defeated in the Battle of Catania
on April 6th. The victorious Neapolitan army advanced first
to Syracuse, and then to Palermo. The leaders of the Revolution
fled to Malta, and the citizens submitted under promise of an
amnesty. On May I4th the victorious army made its triumphal
entry into the conquered town, and Filangieri, decorated with the
title of Duke of Terracina. became Viceroy of Sicily.

We have already seen that Pope Pius IX. lost most of his
popularity by his disapproval of the war against Austria. He did
not recover his position by the proclamation of a Constitution
on March I4th, 1848, and the expulsion of the Jesuits from the
Italian States. His allocution, held before the cardinals on April
ZQth, which declared that in no circumstances would he make
war against Austria, was regarded as the beginning of a reaction.
In this case, what became of the Roman soldiers and volunteers
which a Liberal Ministry had despatched across the Po under
General Durando, to assist the Italians who were fighting for
their independence ? The Pope endeavoured to recover his
popularity by recommending Mamiani, a layman, as Minister of
State, and Farini as Secretary. But the patriots would be satis-
fied with nothing but war, although it was unreasonable to demand
action from Pius IX., who was certainly not a Julius II.

The feeling against the Papal See was accentuated by the
refusal of Austria to mediate, and by the reactionary events in
Sicily. The Pope now summoned to his councils Pellegrino Rossi,
of Carrara, an Italian political exile, naturalised in France. He
had been educated at Geneva, had occupied important posts
under Louis Philippe, and had been sent by Guizot as ambassador
to the Vatican in the time of Gregory XVI. He did his best to
restore order and good government, but his career was short. On
the morning of November i5th, 1848, he drove to the Palace of
the Cancellieri to assist in the opening of the new Parliament.

328

THE POPE APPEALS TO THE POWERS

As he mounted the steps he was struck by a dagger in the throat.
On this a tumult arose. The populace, led by Charles Lucien
Bonaparte, Prince of Canino, nephew of the great Emperor, sur-
rounded the Quirinal, and forced the Pope to appoint a Liberal
Ministry. Mamiani was recalled and supported by Galletti and
a well-tried democrat, Sterbini. The disorder increased. The
Chamber of Deputies lost its authority and was so diminished by
the desertion of its Ministers that it could hardly command a
quorum. The Papal Swiss Guard was disarmed and dismissed,
and its place taken by a Civil Guard of dubious fidelity. Many
cardinals emigrated, and the Pope was a prisoner in his palace.
Eventually, on November 24th, with the help of the Bavarian
Ambassador, Count Spaun, he fled in disguise to Gaeta, where
he formed a new Ministry and protested against the validity of
everything that was being done in Rome.

In February, 1849, a Constitutional Assembly met, which The Rise of
deprived the Papacy of its temporal power, established a Roman Garibaldi«
Republic, and determined to work for the establishment of a
united Italy, under the form of a democratic republic. A trium-
virate— consisting of Mazzini, Saffi and Ammellini — was placed at
the head of affairs, but the whole power was in the hands of
Mazzini. Giuseppe Garibaldi, one of the purest and truest spirits
that ever took part in political affairs, who gave his assistance,
was afterwards to play a leading part in the liberation of his
country, and was especially notable for the self-command and
wisdom by which, himself a Republican, he saw that the salvation
of Italy lay in its adhesion to the House of Savoy. He had begun
his career in America, and had afterwards commanded a body of
volunteers to assist the Piedmontese and Lombards in their
struggle against Austria. The failure of the campaign in Northern
Italy sent him to Rome. He regarded the Holy City as the last
refuge of liberty and the best centre for future efforts.

In his distress the Pope called upon the Powers of Europe to The Pope
help him. The Austrians, after hard fighting, gained possession Appeals to
of Bologna and Ancona, the Neapolitans invaded the Papal terri- the
tory from the south, and a French army under General Oudinot
landed at Civita Vecchia and besieged Rome. The French
declared that they came as friends to restore order and peace, to
prevent the occupation of the States of the Church by Austrians
and Neapolitans, and to check the possibility of a counter-
revolution. But the Roman patriots rejected these advances and
offered a stern resistance to the French army. The first attack
of the French failed. Oudinot suffered severe loss and had to

329

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The French
in Rome.

Flight of

retire to the coast to await reinforcements. A week's armistice
was declared, which Garibaldi used to attack the Neapolitan troops
at Velletri and to drive them across the frontier.

The intervention of France in the affairs of Rome produced
an unfavourable effect in Paris. The demand for a credit for the
purpose, made by Odilon Barrot, was opposed by a large minority,
and when the news of Oudinot's reverse arrived the Social
Democrats made it the occasion of a fresh demonstration. On
May 28th, 1849, tne n^w Legislative Assembly had met for the
first time with de Tocqueville, the famous publicist, as Minister
of Foreign Affairs. Under him the enterprise went on. Negotia-
tions with Oudinot failed, and the siege continued. It was not
till July 3rd that, after many a bloody conflict, the French troops
became masters of the city. The barricades were thrown down,
the provisional Government was deposed, and a military despotism
was established in its place.

Garibaldi managed to cross the Apennines and reach Genoa

ttonfctJ°1U~ by sea' after which he retired to America. The larger portion
of his followers fell into the hands of the Austrians. Some were
shot, others were imprisoned in Mantua, and among these was
Ciceruacchio, who was afterwards shot with his young son.
Mazzini fled first to Switzerland, and then to London, where he
carried on his liberating work. Pius IX. remained sulkily in
Gaeta and did not return to his ungrateful capital till June, 1850.
Order was preserved in Rome by the French garrison, which had
its headquarters in the Castle of St. Angelo, but the condition
of Italy was insecure, and the country was overrun by brigands.

As already mentioned, Leopold, Grand Duke of Tuscany,
attempted to meet the wishes of his subjects by the passing of
reforms, the expulsion of the Jesuits, and even by taking part,
against his will, in the campaign against Austria. But this did
not satisfy the extreme spirits, and a Constitutional Assembly was
summoned to meet on February 8th, 1849. The disorder became
worse, and the Grand Duke was compelled to leave Tuscany. A
Republic was established in Florence, Guerazzi and Montanelli
being placed at the head of the provisional Government. The
revolutionary spirit was still more active in Leghorn, which was
an occasional residence of Mazzini. However, on April nth, a
moderate Government was formed under Gino Capponi and the
brothers Ricasoli, and the Grand Duke, who also had taken refuge
in Gaeta, was invited to return ; but he refused to do so till July
27th, when the Austrians had taken Leghorn. Guerazzi had to
spend many years in prison. The worst prince in Italy was

330

Revolution
in Tuscany

PIEDMONT AND AUSTRIA

Francis X., Duke of Modena, though Charles, Duke of Parma,
was not much better. They were absolutely devoted to Austria,
and, when driven from their estates, took refuge with her armies
and shared her defeat and her final triumph. When Radetzky
recaptured Milan they were able to return.

If such were the fate of the Papacy and the Duchies, still more «* The Sword
tragic was the career of Charles Albert, King of Piedmont and of Italy."
Sardinia, who had received from his admirers the title of " the
Sword of Italy." Having given a Constitution to his country
and appointed Cesare Balbo as Prime Minister, he conceived the
idea of liberating the nation of Italy from Austrian domination
by a military advance. A provisional Government was estab-
lished in Milan on March i8th, and after an obstinate struggle in
the streets old Marshal Radetzky, eighty-two years of age, was
compelled to leave the city. Similarly, Count Zichy, commandant
at Venice, had capitulated to the patriots.

Charles Albert now advanced to the Mincio, and on April 8th, Success of
1848, won the Battle of Goito, and threatened Peschiera, a fortress
at the south of the Lake of Garda, which, with Verona, Mantua
and Legnano, formed the famous Quadrilateral. Combats took
place in the hilly country near Pastrengo. Italian volunteers
advanced into Italian Tirol, to wrest their country from Austria.
The Italian flag of red, white and green, the loveliest tricolour
in the world — the emblem of energy, purity and hope — was
everywhere seen. Mantua and Verona remained faithful to their
German lords ; but Modena, Parma, Florence, Rome and Naples
obeyed the summons to unity. The King of Piedmont marched
at the head of his troops, accompanied by Balbo, La Marmora
and Torelli. The struggle took the character of a religious war,
the priests, with the Archbishop of Milan at their head, being
on the Liberal side and giving the blessing of the Church to the
enterprise. The volunteers wore red crosses, as if they were
Crusaders.

The scene, however, was soon changed. While the Italians Radetzky's
were celebrating this triumph, Radetzky in Verona was preparing
his revenge. On May 6th, 1848, his eighty-second birthday, a
battle was fought at Santa Lucia, not far from Verona, in which
the Austrians held their ground against the superior numbers of
their enemies. The tide of fortune began to turn, and the advance
of Charles Albert was stayed. He was himself dismayed at the
Republican tendencies of the provisional Government in Milan,
at the rising democracy of France, already aiming at the acquisi-
tion of Savoy and Nice, at the dissensions of his own followers,

331

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Austria

Victorious.

Charles

Albert

Abdicates.

and at the intrigues of the Mazzinists. He doubted of the success
of his enterprise, and began to wish for peace. An Austrian army
came down from Carinthia, and, after a slight hindrance at
Vicenza, joined Radetzky at Venice. The Papal troops, who
had invaded Venetia, offered little resistance, especially after
Durando's authority had been impaired by the Papal allocution.
Mantua was at this time besieged by a Tuscan army, but the
victory of Curtatone, on May 29th, enabled the aged field-marshal
to relieve the fortress. Charles Albert, however, on the following
day gained a success for the second time at Goito, which placed
the fortress of Peschiera in his hands. But he did not know how
to use his victory.

Radetzky began his advance by the capture, on June nth,
of Vicenza, which had long withstood the assaults of Austria,
being defended by Durando, with the help of Azeglio and Cialdini.
The Papal troops and the volunteers were allowed to depart,
and throngs of citizens followed them. In July the insurgents
of Venice and Milan succeeded in persuading their adherents to
make common cause with Piedmont, and place themselves under
a Savoyard king, thus raising the hopes of a free and united Italy.
But before the end of the month the brilliant victory gained by
Radetzky at Custozza dashed their hopes to the ground. Not
content with this triumph, he passed on, and at the beginning of
August stood before the gates of Milan. On August 6th he made
a solemn entry into the capital of Lombardy. Charles Albert left
the town secretly during the night, and on August 9th accepted
the amnesty of Vigevano. Radetzky used his victory with
moderation. No acts of severity took place, but the town was
deserted, and the palaces of the Milanese nobles were filled with
Austrian troops. Garibaldi, after making a short stand in the
neighbourhood of Como, withdrew into Switzerland, and after-
wards, as we have seen, went to Rome.

But the war between Sardinia and Austria was not at an end.
The successes of the revolutionary party at Verona filled the
Italian patriots with new hopes. But attempts of friendly Powers
to bring about an understanding had no success ; and a congress,
which it was proposed to assemble at Brussels, never met. Charles
Albert, driven to despair, determined to try once more the fortune
of arms. In March a fresh Sardinian army crossed the frontier,
but after a four days' campaign was completely routed at Novara,
on March 23rd, 1849, tne Austrian victory ending the aspirations
of Piedmont. Charles Albert abdicated in favour of his son
Victor Emmanuel, and, seeking a refuge in Portugal, died at Oporto

332

AUSTRIA SUPREME IN ITALY

on July 28th, full of confidence that the final liberation of Italy
was bound up with the fortunes of his House. Victor Emmanuel
made peace with Austria, and, still preserving the Constitution,
which, once given, was never withdrawn, he was able to effect
the triumph of his country by peaceful paths of progressive
development.

The defeat at Novara produced a disastrous effect on the The Fall
fortunes of Venice. The union with the monarchy of Piedmont of Yenice.
had to be abandoned, and a republic was established by the
influence of Daniele Manin. The Austrians obtained possession
of the fortress of Malghera in the Lagoons on May 27th, but the
position of the city, amidst its defences, was so strong that they
could not get any further, and it held out for months. It was
not till August 20th, 1849, tnat Radetzky was able to enter Venice
in triumph. Manin fled to Paris, where he lived as a teacher of
languages till 1857. Ten years later his ashes were brought back
to his native town and a monument was raised to him by
international subscription.

After the fall of Milan and Venice the Double Eagle brooded
anew over the Lombard and Venetian kingdoms, and the Italian
tricolour was seen in Sardinia alone. But the struggle had done
good to the Italian cause. The Italians were no longer the objects
of the sarcasm and laughter of the civilised world. They had
shown themselves capable of fighting for their liberties and, though
they had not obtained them, it was felt that the day was near
when they would bear the cause of freedom to a triumphal issue.

333

CHAPTER IX
HUNGARY: THE EFFORT FOR INDEPENDENCE

Reforms in THE year 1848 destroyed, in Hungary, the feudal monarchy,
Hungary, controlled by Estates, which had existed for several hundreds of
years. The Hungarian Diet decreed the abolition of all the
burdens and contributions of the peasants, without compensation
to those to whom they were paid. It made all classes subject
to taxes, and established freedom of the Press, publicity in the
law courts, trial by jury, and a liberal franchise on a democratic
basis. The Austrian Government, itself hard pressed, made no
efforts to resist these innovations ; but, on the contrary, declared
its willingness to make sacrifices to secure the contentment of
the Hungarian nation. But the Magyar party thought the time
had come to restore the Hungarian kingdom in its greatness and
independence, and desired that the tie between the two monarchies,
which are divided by the river Leitha (hence called the Cisleithan
and the Transleithan monarchies) should be that of a personal
union.

The Government of Vienna yielded on some points, but
remained firm on others. In March, 1848, it recognised a Liberal
Government, of which Count Louis Batthyani was the head and
Louis Kossuth the most influential member, but desired to keep
questions of finance and war in its own hands. It also asked that
the Magyars should accept parts of the State Debt, and pay a
certain contribution to the common expenses of administration.
Slavs v. The Austrians found themselves unexpectedly assisted by the

Magyars. South Slavonic races — the Croatians, Slavonians and others —
which, having a deep-rooted dislike to the Magyars, had also
aspirations of forming themselves into a Panslavic community,
under the Austrian Empire, but entirely separated from Hungary.
The Transylvanian tribes objected to assisting Hungary to attain
independence, and this country found itself standing alone, with-
out the aid of the subject races that had formerly supported it.
The races which occupied the country from the Carpathians to
the Save and the Danube were each desirous of obtaining its own
freedom. The Magyars, who had been accustomed to employ
the Latin language in public affairs, now insisted upon the use

334

SLAVONIC UNREST

of their own tongue, one of the most difficult languages in Europe,
with few or no analogies to any other. A concession made to
the Croatians, that they might use their own language, which is
practically Servian written in Latin characters, came too late to
remove the deep-seated canker of national hatred. The Foreign
Office in Vienna was assailed at the same time by two conflicting
deputations — one asking that the three kingdoms of Croatia,
Dalmatia and Slavonia, together with the military families, might
be formed into an independent State, having nothing to do with
the Magyars ; and the other urging the integrity of the Hungarian
kingdom, with all its subject populations.

The Austrian Government well understood how to play off Outbreak of
these contending forces against each other, and did not, there- thc slaYS«
fore, desire to gratify the wishes of either. At this time the Ban
of Croatia, as the ruler of that country was called, was Jellachich,
a violent enemy of the Hungarians, but much beloved and appre-
ciated by the Austrian Court. The Hungarians endeavoured to
soothe his stubborn spirit, but in vain ; they tried to remove
him from his post, but the Emperor clung firmly to his friend.
The territory of Sirmium, in south-east Hungary, is a marshy
land, intersected by walls and ditches, which mark the ruins of
the Roman capital. It is inhabited by wild peoples, with strange,
outlandish names, mostly of Slavonic origin. They now joined
with the Croatians to establish a government independent of
Hungary. The outbreak of the war was marked by acts of
savagery. On Easter Monday a rising took place in the little
town of Kikinda, and soon spread to the neighbouring districts.
The Servians and the wild occupants of the surrounding frontiers
laid waste the plains watered by the Theiss and the Danube.
Neusatz, Karlowitz, Pancsova, Weisskirchen were the scenes of
revolting cruelties and undisciplined raids. Anarchical uproar,
coupled with a remorseless war of races, filled the whole country
for months. Matters were made worse by the rising of the Czechs
in Prague. The rising was not suppressed till August, when the
Austrian army became masters of the lines of St. Thomas and
the town of Weisskirchen.

But the deep breach between Slav and Magyar was not filled.
The Slavs were at least Aryans, or Indo-Germans ; they belonged
to that division of the human family from which all civilisation
has proceeded. But the origin of the Hungarians was obscure :
they were part of a Mongolian race, and their language was
Turanian, like Turkish or Chinese. The Slavs looked down upon
them as an Asiatic horde, and when, in September, 1848, Jellachich

335

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Kossuth
Takes the
Lead.

The

Emperor

Leaves

Vienna.

raised the standard of Croatian independence and crossed the
Drave, he was supported by the Court of Vienna and the revo-
lutionary party in the capital. He issued a manifesto, in which
he declared that his object was to protect the rights of his nation
and to support the Austrian monarchy, which was threatened by
the selfish obstinacy of the Hungarians. He desired to free
Hungary itself from the hands of a faction. Jellachich marched
without resistance to Lake Balaton. As the Hungarian army
was commanded by Austrian officers, whose sympathies were with
Jellachich, it offered only a weak resistance. Approaching the
Government of Vienna, the Hungarians found but little encourage-
ment and were gradually driven back to rely on their own resources.

Kossuth put himself at the head of the Hungarian movement.
His fiery eloquence stirred the crowds whom he addressed, a
national army was created, and a violent national war was begun.
The Grand Duke Stephen resigned his office of Palatine of
Hungary. Batthyani and Eotvos also gave up their posts, and
the direction of affairs came into the hands of Kossuth and his
friends. On September 28th, 1848, Count Lamberg, the com-
mander of the Hungarian army, was murdered on the bridge of
boats which at that time connected Pest with Buda. A Hungarian
magnate, he had been sent to Pest as a superior authority to
Jellachich, but Kossuth forbade any part of the Hungarian army
to acknowledge his command, and, while driving to Buda in a
hackney carriage, he was fallen upon by an excited mob and
brutally done to death. This murder really strengthened the
authority of Jellachich, and so did the fact that Count Zichy, who
acted as Imperial Commissary in the army of Jellachich, was
strangled by the orders of Gorgei as a traitor to the Hungarian
cause ; the treasure which he had accumulated was appropriated,
so that Jellachich obtained the whole command over the Imperial
troops in Hungary and in the neighbouring districts.

Vienna itself now requested assistance, but the part played in
the contest by Slav and Magyar respectively is but little known.
On October 7th the Emperor left Vienna and retired to the fortress
of Olmiitz. Two days later the army of Jellachich reached the
frontier town of Borek, on the Leitha ; he rapidly occupied the
hills and the city with his troops, and on October I3th was at
Schonbrunn. The rumour that the Magyars intended to rescue
the city of St. Stephen from the Slavs had no foundation. It is
said that on two occasions the Hungarian troops crossed the
Leitha and that once they returned. It was, however, determined
that Vienna should be occupied, not by Jellachich, but by

336

CHAOTIC CONDITION OF TRANSYLVANIA

Windischgratz. He began the bombardment of Vienna on October
28th, and on October 30th the decisive battle took place at
Schwechat, in which the Hungarians were completely defeated.
On the following day Vienna was entirely in the hands of the
Imperial troops, and the black-and-yellow flag again floated from
the spire of St. Stephen's. The result was the abdication of the
Emperor in favour of his nephew, Francis Joseph.

The change, however, was not accepted by the Hungarians. Kossuth's
Kossuth brought together a national army of 200,000 men in the Yictorious
valley of the Theiss, and prepared to do battle against the black-
and-yellow flag. On December I5th Prince Windischgratz set
out for the reconquest of Hungary. He captured, without diffi-
culty, the towns of Odenburg, Pressburg, and Raab and then
advanced in eight divisions against the capital, Budapest. He
reached his objective at the beginning of the new year, 1849,
and refused offers of accommodation. In the night of January
4th-5th Kossuth went to Debreczin, carrying with him the crown
of St. Stephen, the regalia of the Hungarian monarchy, and a
press for the printing of bank-notes. He was also accompanied
by the Deputies of the Diet and the Committee of National
Defence. On January 5th Windischgratz and Jellachich entered
the two towns and sent their keys as an offering to the new
Emperor.

In the meantime the struggle was raging against the Slavs Civil War in
at Pancsova and in Transylvania. This country is one of the Transy1-
most interesting in Europe, both from its natural features and
from the variety of races which inhabit it. Here is a settlement
of pure Germans, there a village of Roumanians, with their hand-
some features, picturesque dresses, Sunday national dances, and
the patriarchal disposition of the land. Of these some desired
political independence, with a Parliament at Klausenburg, others
wished to preserve an indelible union with the Austrian monarchy.
As time went on, the Roumanians, Wallachians and Saxons
became more bitter against the Magyars, and felt greater devotion
to the Double Eagle.

Civil war broke out. The Szekler hussars and the Hungarian
infantry devastated the fields and pastures of the Saxons ; the
Roumanians were guilty of still worse excesses, and the peace-
loving Saxons, unable to protect themselves, summoned an
Austrian army under General Puchner to their assistance. Every
valley of that beautiful country seethed with the excesses of
national hatred, and the Austrians had no need to learn the lesson
of ruling by division. The war took a more civilised character in

w 337

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

January, 1849, when General Bern became commander of the
Hungarian army in Transylvania. He did his best to unite the
Slavs and the Roumanians with the Magyars in a common effort
against their common foe, and to mitigate the rage of the Wallachs
and the Szeklers. The result was unfortunate for the Saxons,
who clung closely to the Austrian monarchy. Of their three
principal towns, Kronstadt and Klausenburg fell into the hands
of the Magyars, while Hermannstadt was hard pressed. In their
embarrassment the Austrians sought assistance from the Russians,
who had been hanging for some time on the Wallachian frontier.
On the last day of January the Russian general, Engelhardt,
entered Transylvania with 6,000 men and twenty cannon, and
took possession of Kronstadt and Hermannstadt after a consider-
able struggle.

integrity of xhe Austrian Government now agreed that, when Budapest
Hungary. wag tajcen an(j piaced under military law, the war was at an end.
Jellachich was made Governor of Dalmatia, keeping his position
as Ban of Croatia, and steps were taken for separating Servia and
Transylvania from the Hungarian monarchy. This, however,
was not accepted by the patriots, and a war broke out for the
preservation of the integrity of the Hungarian kingdom, a war
which was more violent than the struggle that had preceded it.
Gorge! Arthur von Gorgei now became prominent, a man of mysteri-

Kossuth ous anc* enigmatical character. He came of a German Protestant
family and, in 1849, took service with the National Guard in
Hungary. He had many enemies, and was especially disliked by
Kossuth, who regarded him as a German rather than as a patriot,
and a soldier rather than a politician. The Hungarian cause was
also assisted by Polish exiles, such as Dembinski and Bern, who
hoped to be able to do something for the advantage of their own
country. Other distinguished generals were Perczel and Klapka.
Kossuth used his printing press to make Hungarian banknotes to
the value of 70,000,000 of florins. These generals were, as a rule,
very jealous of each other and were always quarrelling. The first
great event was the Battle of Kapolna, which lasted two days —
February 26th and 27th, 1849. It was reckoned as a defeat for
the Hungarians, but it might have been a victory if Gorgei, in his
jealousy of Dembinski, had not appeared on the field too late to
make it one. The result was that the whole of Western Hungary
fell into Austrian hands. On the other hand, Bern was successful
in Transylvania. The Russians were driven out of Hermann-
stadt and Kronstadt and had to retire over the frontier ; Puchner
was followed by Bern into Wallachia.

338

HUNGARY'S INDEPENDENCE

Windischgratz was determined to strike a serious blow and
to crush the insurgent army in the valley of the Theiss. But his Yictoriou»-
schemes failed ; the passages over the Theiss were stoutly and
successfully defended. Schlick was driven back by Dembinski,
Jellachich was repelled at various points, and the fortress of
Komorn was able to preserve its " virgin " character of never
having yielded to an enemy. Easter witnessed continual con-
flicts in the field of Rakos, in the neighbourhood of Budapest,
which was the place of election of the Hungarian kings. On
April igth, 1849, Gorgei defeated the Austrian general, Wohlge-
muth, at Nagy-Sarlo, and relieved Komorn, where the black flag
of independence still floated proudly from the battlements.

We now reach the crowning point of Hungarian success. Hungarian
Windischgratz was recalled by the Court of Olmiitz, and Welden Indepen-

appointed in his place. On April 23rd, 1840, the Austrians dence

, ~ .,* , ,, \ ., ' ,' ' , . , , Proclaimed,

evacuated Pest ; they burned the bridge of boats which connected

it with Ofen, in order to secure the garrison, which still occupied
that fortress, from attack. The Magyars entered their capital
amidst popular rejoicings. Two days later the army which was
besieging Komorn was forced to retire, and on May 3rd Gorgei
appeared on the heights above Buda with a well-seasoned army.
The place was bravely defended by General Hentzi, a Swiss, who
threw up batteries and entrenchments, and made every prepara-
tion for an obstinate resistance. On May aist Ofen was set on
fire by red-hot cannon balls, and a strong wind completed the
destruction of the town ; but it was defended street by street,
house by house, and room by room. Hentzi perished in the
conflict, but his companions were made prisoners of war. The
Austrian army retreated to Pressburg. The Magyars also gained
successes in the south. On April I4th the Parliament at Debreczin
had proclaimed the independence of Hungary, and a provisional
Government with Kossuth at its head. This step towards a
republic excited the anger of Gorgei, who refused to obey the
orders of Kossuth, and acted henceforth on his own initiative.

In their embarrassment the Austrians again turned to Russia Austria Asks
for assistance. The young Kaiser met the Tsar at Warsaw on for Russian
May aist, the very day that Gorgei stormed Ofen. Unless Assistance-
energetic measures were adopted Austria would be reduced to the
rank of a second-rate Power, while the fact that so many Poles
were engaged in the struggle on the Hungarian side was a danger
to the Russian Empire. Arrangements were completed between
the Sovereigns before the end of the month. Paskevich was to
cross the Hungarian frontier by Cracow and Dunkla. General

339

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Kossuth's

Drastic

Plan.

The

Hungarians

Defeated.

Surrender of

Gorgei.

Haynau, a man of ruthless severity, was to advance from the
east, and Jellachich was to command an expedition from the
south. No alternative was left the Hungarians but to submit
or fight to the bitter end.

Kossuth, determined upon the second course, strained every
nerve to rouse his people to every kind of sacrifice in the cause
of freedom and independence. The invading armies had great
difficulties to contend with. The conditions of land and climate
fought for the Hungarians, as they fought for the Russians in
1812. There were no military roads, and rain made the ways
impossible both for men and animals. Days of oppressive heat
alternated with nights of frost, and both were equally dangerous
to health. The fever-stricken marshes of the Theiss had a deadly
effect on the Austrians and Russians. By the orders of Kossuth
the country was turned into a desert and no supplies were forth-
coming. The Hungarians had been accustomed to warfare from
their childhood, and were more than a match for the rude German
levies.

The beginning of the war was favourable to the allied forces.
Gorgei was defeated by Wohlgemuth and Haynau, and had to
take refuge under the walls of Komorn. On July I2th the
Austrians again entered Budapest. Paskevich raided the streets
with his Cossacks from Godollo, and Haynau revelled in those
shameless atrocities which afterwards secured an appropriate
punishment when he was flogged out of Barclay and Perkins*
brewery in London by the indignant draymen. Anyone who had
any of Kossuth's notes in his possession was punished with death,
which was a special hardship, because up to that time they had
been accepted even in public offices.

Jellachich had similar success in the south, and effected the
crossing of the Theiss. On July i Bern succeeded in taking
possession of Arad, and Jellachich was driven to retreat. It is
not necessary to follow the vicissitudes of the campaign in detail.
The interest of Europe was concentrated round the fortress of Arad,
where both Kossuth and Gorgei were present. What happened
between them is a matter of dispute. Kossuth, after burying the
crown of St. Stephen at Orsova, where its place of concealment
is still shown, passed into Turkey. Gorgei remained master of
the situation and capitulated to General Rudiger in Vilagos on
August I3th. Gorgei was allowed to spend the rest of his life
at Klagenfurt, while his supporters were, for the most part,
executed. Kossuth always declared him to be a traitor, but
how far this charge is justified will probably never be known.

340

HUMILIATION OF HUNGARY

His own account of his life and activities is not a very trustworthy
document.

Komorn, commanded by Klapka, did not surrender till The Patriots
September 27th, 1849, and with it ended the Hungarian War,
heroic in its origin and conduct, tragic in its conclusion. Paske-
vich sent a message to Francis Joseph, " Hungary lies at the
feet of your Majesty/' The punishment of the authors of the
rising was severe. The most guilty of them were either hanged
or shot in Pest. The latter fate overtook Count Louis Batthyani
and the aged Perenyi, President of the Upper House. Towns,
villages and country-seats were laid in ruins. Two years later
Kossuth went to England, where he was received with enthusiasm.
The Holy Crown of St. Stephen, which he had concealed at Orsova,
was exhumed in 1853 and restored to the Emperor. But the
relations between Austria and Hungary remained strained, and,
indeed, long continued so.

34i

Revolution-
ary Europe.

Decline of

France.

CHAPTER X
THE COUP D'£ TAT

THE two revolutionary years 1848 and 1849 nad kft tne countries
of Europe in a condition of exhaustion. In Italy the efforts to
obtain unity, which had been the dream of three hundred years,
had entirely failed. In Hungary the struggles of a vigorous and
energetic nation to raise itself to a position of independence in
the European family had met with disaster, and it was necessary
to begin over again. In Germany the strength of the nation had
been exhausted in constitutional struggles which produced no
result ; the Germans had not learnt that the solution of their
difficulties lay, not in oratory or in literature, but in blood
and iron. Europe was full of political exiles, fortresses were
crowded with political prisoners, civilisation suffered, morals were
corrupted. Statesmen had lost their clearness of vision, and could
see neither the object to be aimed at nor the method of obtain-
ing it.

France was in a particularly unhappy state. She had entirely
lost the supremacy in European affairs which once belonged to
her. She was not in as bad a condition as that in which she was
left by the Revolution of 1789, but there was a similarity in the
two results. The foundations of civilisation, of family, of property,
and of personal freedom were being attacked by a wild and undis-
ciplined proletariat. The fundamental conditions of all govern-
ment, security of life and property, could not be preserved without
an active struggle. It was evident that the new Prince-President
was not satisfied with the existing state of things, and that he
intended to take a line of his own. He had obvious sympathies
with the Clerical and Conservative parties, and did not choose his
Ministers from the groups possessing a majority in the Assembly.
Odilon Barrot became Prime Minister, Drouyn de 1'Huys Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, and Falloux, a Legitimist, supported by the
Abbe Dupanloup, Minister of Education. The complexion of the
Cabinet was mainly Orleanist.

On January 29th, 1849, the Constituent Assembly voted its
own dissolution, and agreed to retire as soon as it passed laws for
regulating the Council of State, the responsibility of the Executive,

342

THE FRENCH IN ITALY

an electoral law, and a budget. The Conservative party began to
organise itself in view of the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly.
A Committee was formed, entitled " Union Electoral," which met in
the Rue de Poitiers. It contained men of different ideals, Thiers,
a Royalist, Faucher, Barrot and Dufaure, Lucien Murat and Louis
Bonaparte, who were Bonapartists, and Falloux. Their common
cause was to defend the Church of Rome, and Montalembert
placed himself at the head of the association, in order that liberty
might unite with the Church for the safety of society. Falloux
then promised to get a law passed which gave the control of
education to the Church.

Ministers now had to determine what they should do with The Pope
regard to Rome. Cavaignac had offered assistance to the Pope, I£nores
but the Pontiff preferred to retire to Gaeta, whence he appealed
for assistance to Europe and to the Catholic Powers other than
France. This did not suit the French, or the Ministers of the
Prince-President. But it was not easy to act. By the terms of
the Constitution which they had sworn to uphold they were
forbidden to interfere in quarrels between a Sovereign and his
people. Besides, Louis Napoleon in 1833 had fought in Rome
for the concessions which the Pope now declined to grant. Drouyn
de 1' Huys proposed that a congress should be held in the dominions
of the King of Sardinia, who was a Catholic and a Liberal. But
the defeat of Novara, in 1848, prevented this, and drove the French
to more energetic measures. Falloux, in the name of the Catholics,
prepared for some definite action. At length representatives
of France were sent to join those of the other Catholic States in
Gaeta, and Drouyn de 1'Huys advised his master to dispatch an
army corps to Italy.

The execution of this very delicate enterprise was entrusted to French
General Oudinot. He received instructions to refrain from attack- Defeat.
ing the rebels ; at the same time he was to contribute to the
establishment of order. The French troops disembarked at
Civita Vecchia on April 25th, 1849. The Romans did not know
whether they had come to defend them against the Austrians
and Neapolitans, or to restore the power of the Papacy. Oudinot
soon had to make a choice of alternatives. Five days after his
arrival he risked an attack upon the city and was defeated.
The news of this event caused dismay to the Republican party,
and joy in the Rue de Poitiers. In the Chambers the action of
Oudinot was condemned by a large majority, and Drouyn de THuys
was compelled to suspend operations against the Roman Republic.
But by this defeat French military honour had been insulted

343

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Rome
Captured,

Growth of
the Clerical
Party.

and it had to be avenged. The Prince-President announced that
this was his duty.

The elections of May, 1849, gave success to the Rue de Poitiers.
The moderate Republicans received little support, but the Social
Democrats were strongly represented. Ledru Rollin was elected
in four departments by 2,000,000 votes. On May 27th the
Constituent Assembly was formally dissolved. The French Govern-
ment, anxious to find a middle term in their difficulties, had sent
Ferdinand de Lesseps, the creator of the Suez Canal, a practised
and conciliatory diplomat, to Rome, to arrange matters, if possible,
between the Roman people and the Pope. But with the claim of
military honour, on the one hand, to avenge defeat, and the
determination of Mazzini and Garibaldi, on the other, to defend
the city against attack, his task was by no means easy. However,
just when Lesseps had signed an agreement with the Roman
Republic, to the effect that the French army should be allowed
to enter Rome on condition that it respected the rights of the
nation, he was summarily recalled by Drouyn de 1'Huys, and
Oudinot received orders to take the city by assault. Oudinot
began the siege on June 3rd, 1849, and finished it on June 3Oth.
A solemn Te Deum was sung at St. Peter's to celebrate the victory
of France over the Roman Republic and the unconditional restora-
tion of pontifical authority.

The Catholic party was now strong enough to suppress or
impede public demonstrations, and the strength of the agitation
was transferred to the Press. Foremost among the political
newspapers of a Liberal complexion were the National, edited
by Jules Simon, L'Evenement, supported by Victor Hugo, and
La Presse, directed by fimile de Girardin, together with Le Siecle
and La Republique. In consequence of these journalistic efforts
the power of the Republican opposition grew.

France was divided between two powerful conflicting parties,
the Catholic Conservatives and the Democratic Republicans, and
the Prince-President had to feel his way between the two and
devise an independent policy. He did not desire to lose his influence
with either party. He posed as the supporter of order, despite
the democratic Press and the Protestants, but did not wish to
become the servant of the Church. What he possibly had in
his mind was the settlement which his uncle had always aimed
at, and particularly desired, the establishment of a democratic
Empire. He appointed Liberal Ministers of great distinction,
de Tocqueville, Lanjuinais, and Dufaure, who became Minister
of the Interior. He attempted to persuade the Pope to adopt

344

NAPOLEON'S NEW MINISTERS

Liberal reforms, but received a doubtful answer and a shadowy
promise. The Catholics were not satisfied with this, and said
that it would be an obvious piece of inconsistency to force
the will of a Sovereign whose independence they were engaged
in vindicating. The Assembly approved by a large majority of
the expeditionary corps remaining unconditionally at Rome, in
the Pope's service.

The President now created a new Ministry, containing some Napoleon's
names which continued to be connected with him during the rest Change of
of his career. Rouher was made Minister of Justice and Fould Ministers-
Minister of Finance. Rouher was the most energetic of the new
servants of Napoleon, and carried on an active crusade against
the Republicans. His subordinates were ordered to gain informa-
tion every month with regard to the organisation of the Democratic
party, its newspapers, its societies, and all its dealings. An attempt
was made by Parieu, Minister of Education, to centralise instruction
under the Prefects, but this gave way to the famous Act of Falloux,
passed on March I5th, 1850, which charged the State with the
burden of providing national education, but, at the same time,
placed it, to a great extent, under the influence of the Church.
Four archbishops, elected by their colleagues, were installed as
the governing body of the University, to inspect programmes of
lectures, examine books and inquire into abuses. Two priests,
one of them a bishop, were placed on the provincial academic
councils to supervise the masters, and the parish priests acquired
the right of inspecting their parish schools. In March, 1850,
Baroche was made Minister of the Interior. He had come into
notice by opposing first Guizot and then the Republicans. These
three, Rouher, Fould and Baroche, to whom Morny was after-
wards added, became the devoted Ministers of the second Empire.

The campaign against the Republicans as the enemies of order Revision
was prosecuted with persistence, if not with vigour. Baroche set of the
himself to rectify universal suffrage, as it was called, and accordingly Franchlse-
those who had not resided for three years in one place, or had
taken part in clubs or in secret societies, or been convicted before
a political tribunal, were deprived of the franchise. House-to-
house distribution of books and pamphlets, and political meetings
and banquets were forbidden. These and other measures were
necessary for the establishment of good government, and are
comparable to the steps taken by Napoleon Bonaparte when he
became First Consul. But the policy was interpreted by the
Republicans as a step towards the re-establishment of the Empire,
and this opinion may have unduly influenced them. Of the two

345

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Empire
Fore-
shadowed.

Napoleon's

Daring

Move.

great forces of which government is composed, it is difficult to
regulate libertas without exaggerating imperium.

By the beginning of 1851 it became nearly certain that there
would be an Empire ; the question was whether it would come
into existence by legality or by violence. Article 45 of the Con-
stitution forbade the re-election of the President after five years
of office. If, therefore, the Prince were to continue President,
the Constitution would have to be revised. There was a majority
in the Chamber for the revision of the Constitution in this respect.
But a simple majority was not enough. A majority of three-
fourths was necessary and more than a quarter were obstinate
Republicans. On July 8th, de Tocqueville opened the debate
in favour of revision, but Victor Hugo declared that not a single
Republican would vote for it, and on July igth the project was
thrown out by nearly 100 votes. A deputy remarked : " The
Constitution will not be revised ; it can only be said to have
ceased to exist."

Napoleon now made preparations for action of a different
character. He summoned to Paris St. Arnaud, Magnan and
Fleury, young officers from Africa, who could assist him in a coup
d'etat. He took Maupas and Morny, men of unscrupulous devotion
to his cause, further into his confidence, and the question how
the revolution was to be carried out seems to have been discussed
between them and Caslier, the Prefect of Police, at St. Cloud between
August nth and September Qth. Napoleon himself was undecided ;
he was divided between the alternatives of establishing his power
on a firm basis and losing all his power if he took no risk.

At last he resolved that he must dare everything. On the
morning of December 2nd, 1851, the walls of Paris were covered
with a proclamation announcing that the Assembly was dissolved,
and the electors were to meet between December i4th and 2ist,
to decide about the revision of the Constitution. In this hopeless
deadlock the President turned from the impracticable Chamber
to the voice of the people. At the same time the garrison of
Paris was under arms. The Parliament House was occupied by
two regiments of the line. But, what was grossly illegal, and
an unpardonable outrage on the liberties of the country, a number
of deputies, Royalist as well as Republican, had been arrested
early in the morning and carried off to prison. Among them
were Changarnier, Lamoriciere, Cavaignac and Thiers.

Those attacked defended themselves. Under Berryer 200
deputies met for a last sitting and proclaimed the fall of Louis
Napoleon and the continuance of the Assembly. At the order

346

NAPOLEON'S RUTHLESSNESS

of Maupas, General Forey cleared the hall, and the courageous
asserters of constitutional principles were marched off to prison
between two lines of soldiers.

Some Republican representatives adopted even stronger measures Vigorous
than did the deputies to secure their rights A committee of Anti-
opposition, which contained the names of Carnot, Jules Favre and
Victor Hugo, decided on a popular rising in the Faubourg Saint-
Antoine on December 3rd. But nothing happened till the evening,
when, between seven o'clock and midnight, St. Arnaud cleared
the Boulevards with considerable and indiscriminate slaughter.
Morny was now established as Minister of the Interior. He did
everything to arouse the enthusiasm of the country for the coming
plebiscite. He stimulated his prefects and sub-prefects by ardent
dispatches. He authorised them, after December 4th, to replace
juges de paix, mayors, and schoolmasters, whose loyalty was not
certain, by such as could be depended upon, and forbade them
to allow a single newspaper to appear of which he had not seen
the proofs. On December yth and 8th a list of proscriptions was
drawn up, probably the most terrible of any known in history.
The members of the political Opposition, whether Legitimists, or
Monarchists, or Republicans, were incarcerated by hundreds in
prisons and fortresses. Thousands were deported to the deadly
climate of Cayenne, which earned for itself the name of the " blood-
less guillotine. " In Paris up to December 4th the number of
arrests amounted to 2,100, and they continued during the following
days. In the Department of La Meurthe nearly 5,000 of the
Republicans were arrested.

On December 2ist, 1851, the plebiscite took place, and France The Eagle
decided by 7,500,000 votes against 640,000 to delegate to the Reappears.
Prince-President the right of drawing up the Constitution. This
victory was celebrated by a solemn Te Deum at Notre Dame,
on January ist, 1852. The President installed himself at the
Tuileries, and the eagle of the Empire appeared once more on
the standards of France. It cannot be denied that when a revision
of the Constitution was obstinately refused by a great portion of
the Chamber vigorous action was necessary. For Napoleon to
have surrendered the Presidency would have thrown the country
back into hopeless confusion, and made it the prey of warring
factions. But some means of effecting this could have been
found other than the commission of monstrous crimes, for such
were the imprisonment of the deputies on December 2nd, the
shooting down of the populace in the streets, and the deportations
which followed. Those deeds tainted the new Government with

347

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The

Provisional

Constitution.

an indelible stain. Those who were punished and their" friends
never forgot the injury, and even those who supported the change
lamented the means by which it had been brought about.

Tacitus says that no government founded on crime can be a
permanent success, and this saying was often referred to during
the triumphs of the Empire. For some two years after the Crimean
War Louis Napoleon became, to an extent which it is difficult for
the present age to realise, the most commanding figure in Europe.
But throughout this splendid position the vice of the Empire's origin
was never forgotten, nor the despicable character of the Emperor's
entourage, which had little object in view except to profit by the
spoils. When the Emperor was driven from Sedan to Bouillon,
a defeated prince in abasement and tears, those who saw him
felt pity for his misfortunes, but admitted at the same time that
the punishment long delayed was not undeserved, and that the
mills of God may grind slowly but they grind exceeding small.

Persecution continued after the declaration of the plebiscite.
By the decree of January gth, eighteen deputies, of whom six
were Republicans, were exiled for a period, and sixty-six for life,
all of whom belonged to the extreme party. The Conservative
deputies were released. In the provinces lists of suspects were
drawn up by prefects and other officials. It is estimated that
in the month of January, 1852, nearly 100,000 were arrested.
These were tried by special tribunals, mixed commissions acting
in districts declared to be under martial law. We learn from
official documents that the number of persons thus sentenced
was but few under 30,000, of whom 3,000 were banished to the
interior of the country, 10,000 were deported to Algeria, and
6,000 were subjected to penal servitude. To these must be
added the voluntary exiles in Switzerland, Belgium, England
and America, who were very numerous. This cruel work was
completed by February, 1852.

It now remained for the President to give the provisional
Constitution to France. This was promulgated on January I4th,
1852. It was mainly the work of Troplong, Persigny, Flahaut
and Rouher. Ministers were to be appointed by the President and
were removable at his pleasure. Great powers were given to the
Council of Three, nominated by the head of the Government.
The Senate was also appointed by the President and the salaries
of its members were fixed by him. The sittings of the Senate were
not public and only lasted so long as the President chose. The
legislative body consisted of 250 members, who were elected by
the arrondissements to pass laws and to regulate taxation, but

348

THE EMPIRE ESTABLISHED

they had" no power of initiative and were obliged to pass
Government Bills without having any right to modify them.
About the only power left to them was the annual voting of the
budget.

This was merely an Empire in disguise, and in November, Napoleon III,
1852, came the formal restoration of the hereditary Empire in
the person of Napoleon III. A storm of addresses had given the
President the opportunity of asking for an expression of opinion
in the country with regard to altering the form of the Constitution.
The Senate decreed the holding of a plebiscite by an almost
unanimous vote, and the people decided for an Empire by an
overwhelming majority. On the fatal day, December 2nd, the
day of Austerlitz, the day of the coup d'etat in Paris, a dull,
wintry afternoon, the Senate and the legislative body went to
St. Cloud, attended by torches, to announce to the Prince-
President the result of the popular vote. He told them that
he assumed the title of Napoleon III., by the grace of God and
the will of the people Emperor of the French, but that he
recognised everything which the history of France recorded since
the extinction of the first Empire. Shortly afterwards he made
his solemn entry into the Tuileries, and his civil list was fixed
at £1,000,000 a year.

349

CHAPTER XI
ENGLAND, 1846-52

A New THE Ministry of Lord John Russell in 1846 marks to some extent

gP°?h in a new epoch in the history of the United Kingdom, an epoch which

History. lasted until the advent of Gladstone in 1868. During this period

domestic questions become less important, and the front of the

stage is occupied by the politics of the Continent and the affairs

of China and India. In this Ministry, Sir Charles Wood was

Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Palmerston was Secretary

for Foreign Affairs, until his place was taken by Lord Granville

in 1851. Except in its dealings with foreign nations the Cabinet

could not be called conservative.

The men who had just won the repeal of the Corn Laws were
not represented in it. Mr. Villiers, a prominent Free Trader,
was offered a place in it, but refused the honour, and Richard
Cobden was neglected. The only representative of that party
was Milner Gibson, and he was placed in a very inferior position.
Still, the principles of Free Trade were fully accepted by the new
Ministry. They extended those principles to the important
commodity of sugar, which forms so important a part of the food
of the poorer classes. This was opposed by the Protectionists,
but supported chivalrously by Peel. The alteration in the tax
had the effect of bringing to British markets large quantities
of sugar which previously had been excluded. It increased the
revenue and at the same time decreased the price. Lord George
Bentinck admitted that by this measure the revenue had gained
£400,000 and the consumer had saved nearly £2,500,000.
Distressful The question of Ireland was very urgent. A terrible famine
Ireland. was raging in the country, and masses of people, without food
and without shelter, were dying by the roadside. Potatoes were
rotting in the ground, and potatoes were the staple of the people's
diet. The Cabinet established relief works, but they were of
little use, and it was impossible to regulate admission to them.
The number attending them rose from 114,000 in October, 1846,
to 734,000 in March, 1847. The blight had fallen quite suddenly
on the crops. Father Mathew wrote : "On July 27th I passed
from Cork to Dublin, and the doomed plant bloomed in all the

350

DISTRESS IN IRELAND

luxuriance of an abundant harvest. Returning on August 3rd
I beheld with sorrow mere wastes of putrefying vegetation/'
But while the relief works alleviated misery in some districts, in
others thousands of people were perishing. It was evident that
the relief works must be discontinued, for the roads were blocked
by the labourers and by the stones they were crushing. The
works had developed into a vast system of impoverishment for
England and of pauperism for Ireland. The system came to an
end in August, 1847. Relief Committees were organised instead,
and the population was kept alive by daily rations until the
harvest. At the same time a Bill was passed suspending the
duty on foreign corn, and relaxing the navigation laws which
prevented the importation of foreign corn in non-British ships
and ships not manned by British seamen.

Another pressing evil in Ireland was the inadequacy of the Irish
arrangements for the relief of the poor. Outdoor relief was Outdoor
unknown and anyone requiring assistance had to seek it in the Rellef
workhouse. But workhouses were few and had accommodation
for only a very small fraction, not more than 3 per cent., of
those really requiring help. However, notwithstanding the
vigorous opposition of the Irish landlords, a measure of outdoor
relief was passed. A Bill was also passed for selling encumbered
estates, but this did not produce the good expected of it, because
the new proprietor was often an unsympathetic landlord, who
raised the rent of his tenants, and made their position worse than
it had been before. A small sum was also granted by the Govern-
ment to encourage the building of Irish railways.

The expenditure undertaken for the relief of the Irish distress
had laid a burden on the Exchequer of not less than £7,000,000 ;
the relief works alone had cost over £5,000,000, and the distri-
bution of food more than £1,500,000. It was only possible to
meet this by a loan. Though the attention of the country was
occupied by the election of a new Parliament, which differed but
little from the Parliament it replaced, and by a commercial crisis
which made it necessary to suspend the operation of the Bank
Charter Act, it soon became needful for it to concentrate its
thoughts on Ireland.

During the months of October and November, 1847, shooting increase of
at the person in open daylight was a common occurrence in the Crime.
counties of Clare, Limerick and Tipperary. With few exceptions
none of the miscreants were arrested; the murderers, protected
by the people, in almost every instance escaped, and the hillsides
were sometimes illuminated to celebrate the crime. The Govern-

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

ment's remedy for this state of things was a Coercion Bill. The
Lord Lieutenant was authorised to proclaim a district, and in a
proclaimed district he had power to increase the police force and
charge the cost to the ratepayers.

Smith ^ Ireland was, moreover, to be affected by the convulsions which

" RebeiiHon." shook the thrones of Europe in 1848. Smith O'Brien went as the
head of a deputation to ask Lamartine, the famous French orator
and statesman, to assist Ireland in her troubles, but Lamartine
replied that it would not be proper for France to interfere in the
affairs of a country with which she desired to remain at peace.
The Cabinet increased the stringency of the Coercion Act, restricted
freedom of speech, and suspended the Habeas Corpus Act. But
the so-called rebellion of Smith O'Brien was a mere flash in the
pan, and the movement, which had been treated as a serious
menace to the community, ended in laughter. This was the last
Irish rebellion, and the chance of its having a successor grew less
and less likely owing to the gradual diminution of the population,
which six years of famine had reduced by nearly two millions ;
and the numbers, comparatively small as they were, were still
further decreased by emigration.

But rebellion would not have occurred in Ireland at all if
it had not been stimulated by similar disturbances in England,
where the unrest of the Continent also produced an effect. Multi-
tudes were out of employment, and the poor were suffering priva-
tions the like of which they had not experienced for many years.
These hardships led to a revival of Chartism. The Chartists were
at this time under the guidance of an Irishman, Feargus O'Connor.
Tall, and of noble presence, he had all the qualifications for a
rough, popular orator. He and his colleagues and their followers
agreed to carry a monster petition to the House of Commons, and
to escort it by a monster procession. It was publicly advertised
that this would take place on April loth, 1848. The Government
issued an order that such a procession was illegal, and the defence of
London was entrusted to the Duke of Wellington. The approaches
to Westminster were guarded by some regular troops, many more
being held in reserve, but judiciously kept out of sight. A hundred
and seventy thousand special constables were sworn in for the
preservation of order, amongst them Prince Louis Napoleon, the
future Emperor of the French. The procession was abandoned,
and the petition, instead of being accompanied to Parliament
by a triumphant throng, was taken in a hackney coach. When
the roll was examined, it was found to contain fewer than
2,000,000 signatures, instead of over 5,500,000, as had been

352

The

Chartists
Giant
Petition.

AN UNREASONING PANIC

asserted by its supporters. Many of the names were fictitious.
Besides those of the Queen, Wellington, and Peel, were found
appellations such as " Pugnose," " Flatnose," and " No Cheese."
The English rebellion ended, like the Irish, in ridicule.

Unfortunately the disturbed state of the Continent produced Fears of a
a panic in England, founded upon a dread of France, which, but renc.
for the sudden collapse of the French Government, might have
had disastrous consequences. Such panics are liable to recur,
directed now against one country and now against another, and
the lessons of experience seem powerless to prevent them. At
that time the subject of the panicmonger's frenzy and tail-lashing
was the creation of a French steam fleet. The Duke of Wellington
denounced the condition of the national defences, and the United
Kingdom quivered at the fear of imminent invasion. And this
was at a period when economy was especially needed to repair
commercial disaster, and when the famine in Ireland had caused
a large expenditure. The Prime Minister did not dare to resist
a senseless popular cry, and the budget left the nation with a
deficit of over £3,000,000, the shortage being met by raising
the income tax from sevenpence to a shilling in the pound. The
budget was received with a burst of disapproval from both parties,
one clamouring for economy and the other for further expense.
But a dramatic catastrophe happened. The budget was pro-
pounded on February i8th, and a week later it was known that
the Monarchy of July had collapsed, and that the dreaded master
of an imaginary steam fleet was on his way to England, a sick
and weary fugitive. The budget was withdrawn and the income
tax remained as before.

The difficulties with regard to Ireland still continued. The Evictions in
Poor Law of 1847 had given Irish peasants a claim to outdoor Ireland<
relief, and this, by making it more easy for the owner to clear
the property, led to wholesale evictions. Thousands of families
were turned out of their cottages ; some went into villages where
there was no proper accommodation for them, others lay down
and died by the wayside. Some went to England ; those who
could, emigrated. Wherever they went they carried with them
the seeds of disease and perished like flies. One of the first acts
of the Ministry was to vote £50,000 in aid of bankrupt unions,
but really the whole system of Irish poor law relief demanded
examination and amendment. In the end the situation was met
by a regular grant in aid of poor law relief from the richer country
to the poorer, and by the limitation of the amount of poor rate
to which Irish estates were liable.

x 353

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Repeal of
the Navi-
gation Acts.

Friction in
Canada.

The year 1849 also witnessed an extension of Free Trade by
the repeal of the Navigation Acts, the object of which was to keep
the world's carrying trade entirely in the hands of Great Britain.
First passed in the time of the Commonwealth, they were con-
firmed by the Parliament of the Restoration in 1660 and 1662.
They were directed primarily against the Dutch, then England's
great rivals in maritime commerce. But as years rolled on and
the circumstances of the world altered, the working of these laws
became disastrous. When the Americans came to possess a
mercantile marine they retaliated, and if American ships could
not bring British produce to America, British ships might not
bring British produce to the United States. Huskisson was
obliged to introduce the principle of reciprocity, which after his
time was largely extended by treaty. Direct trade with the
treaty countries was partially opened. Concessions were made to
Austria and the States of the Prussian Zollverein. The Colonies
were allowed to trade directly with most foreign nations, and
the East Indies with any friendly Power. American ships might
trade between England and India, but no foreign ship might carry
between England and her colonies, or from colony to colony.
No Asian, African, or American produce could, as a rule, be brought
from any European port, neither sugar nor coffee from Rotterdam,
nor cotton from Havre.

In 1844, Mr. Gladstone, then Vice-President of the Board of
Trade, appointed a committee to inquire into the operation of
the Acts, but the matter was not ripe for legislation till 1849.
Even then opinion was equally divided. Mercantile and manu-
facturing prosperity required complete freedom, but the British
shipping interest and the old school of naval officers were almost
unanimous against repeal. Probably the scale was turned by
Canada, which declared that the repeal of the Corn Laws had
given the Americans a great advantage in competition for the
corn trade. America could send her corn freely to England, but
Canada must use only British vessels, and the British shipowners
raised the freights. There was danger of an estrangement between
the colony and the Mother Country. Canadians said that this
was one of the evil consequences of Free Trade, and that if Pro-
tection were established all grievances would be removed. The
Bill passed with great difficulty, the Protectionists in the House
of Lords only being defeated by a majority of ten on the second
reading, and by a majority of thirteen on the third. The passing
of this Act was the main work of the session of 1849.

Difficulties again arose with regard to Ireland. The Battle

354

PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY

of Dolly's Brae, between the Orangemen and the Catholics, took
place on July izth, 1849. On that day, the anniversary of the
Battle of the Boyne, the Orangemen of Down set out to pay a
visit to their master, Lord Roden, at Tollymore Park, and had to
pass through a defile in the Monaghan Hills known as Dolly's
Brae. A large force of military and police prevented a conflict
on the outward journey, and the return might also have been
achieved in peace had the Orangemen taken a shorter and more
convenient road home, but, swollen with whisky, they refused
to do this, and, singing Orange songs and waving banners, reached
the pass in the evening. There they produced an explosion of
feeling. The Ribbonmen fired on the police, and the Orangemen
joined in the fray. Four Ribbonmen were shot dead, forty were
wounded, the Orangemen sacked and burned the houses of the
Ribbonmen, and murdered at least one inoffensive person. This
scandal caused a profound sensation, but it was difficult to find a
remedy. A better state of feeling was evoked by a short visit
which Queen Victoria paid to Ireland in her yacht, steaming into
Cork and leaving by Belfast. She and her family were received
everywhere with enthusiasm. Thus encouraged, the Ministry
in 1850 introduced three measures, a Relief Bill to alleviate the
burden on Irish property, an extension of the Irish county franchise,
and the abolition of the Viceroy alty. The first two measures
were passed, the second in an amended form, but the third, the
object of which was to abolish an office that was a symbol of depend-
ence and more ornamental than useful, was not carried ; it is
difficult to say why. Perhaps it was feared that the abolition
of the Castle Court might be prejudicial to the interests of Dublin
tradesmen. The second reading was adopted by a large majority,
but the Bill was afterwards abandoned.

Between 1846 and 1851 Lord Palmerston held the office Palmerston
of Foreign Secretary, certainly one of the most brilliant statesmen as Foreign
that ever held those seals. He carried out a difficult policy in a Secretary'
determined manner, and his action often brought him into conflict
with the Crown. The foreign policy of the United Kingdom has
always been largely under the control of the Sovereign. Con-
sequently all dispatches were submitted to the Queen before being
sent, and when returned to the office they frequently showed
alterations in her handwriting. But in these matters Prince
Albert also exercised a powerful, if not paramount, influence.
He always worked with the Queen, their writing-tables were side
by side, and her correspondence was invariably prepared for her
perusal by him. He had a profound knowledge of foreign affairs

355

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

and very definite views, but his ideas did not always coincide
with those of Palmerston, and the British Minister might reason-
ably hold that the foreign policy of Great Britain ought not to
be controlled by one who was himself a German and possibly
represented the ideas of the German States.

Palmerston When Palmerston came into office in 1846, the relations between
Powers6 France and Great Britain were strained by the question of the
Spanish marriages. A dispatch of July igth, in which he objected
to the French marriages, and expressed a desire for a return of
constitutional government in Spain, offended both Paris and
Madrid and drove Queen Isabella into hastening the Bourbon
marriage. Probably Palmerston's action wrecked an understanding
between the two countries, a relation, however, which he described
as ni entente, ni cordiale. When, in 1846, Austria destroyed the
independence of Cracow, Palmerston was rumoured to have said
that Cracow had always formed part of the general arrangement
which the great Powers had made at Vienna for the settlement
of Europe : what Europe laid down Europe alone could alter.
He also interfered actively in the affairs of Portugal, where
civil war was raging between Saldanha and the insurgents.
Palmerston, however, agreed to mediate if four conditions were
fulfilled :—

1. A general amnesty ;

2. A revocation of the decrees issued since Saldanha took office;

3. A convocation of the Cortes ;

4. The appointment of a national administration.

If these terms were refused the British Government would
arrange, with the Governments of France and Spain, the best means
of offering essential assistance to the Queen of Portugal. Neither
party liked this arrangement, but, their fleet being captured by
the British, the Portuguese were obliged to submit. A Convention
was duly signed, and the civil war ceased.

Palmerston took an equally bold and independent line on the
question of the Sonderbund. He refused to admit that the
formation of the Sonderbund had dissolved the Swiss Confedera-
tion, and proposed that the foreign Powers should offer their
mediation on the understanding that, if it were refused, no inter-
vention should take place, and that, if it were accepted, the
Jesuits should be expelled, the Sonderbund be dissolved, and
the civil war terminate. Guizot threatened to form a separate
alliance and leave Great Britain to stand alone. Luckily, the
rapid suppression of the Sonderbund by General Dufour obviated
all danger of a civil war.

356

PALMERSTON AND THE POWERS

To the unconcealed disgust of Metternich, Palmerston also Warning to
loyally supported the new Liberal movement in Italy. He ex- Austria-
pressed a hope that, considering the deep, widespread, and well-
founded discontent, Austria would use her influence to encourage
necessary reforms and improvements, declared that any armed
intervention of Austria in Italy would be resented by Great Britain,
and seemed to hint at the possibility of war. Lord Minto was
dispatched to Italy to support reforms both in Rome and Sardinia.
He was asked to assure the Italians that the moral force of Great
Britain would be everywhere on the side of progress. Palmerston
learned of the Revolution of February with some satisfaction,
because it brought about the fall of Guizot, to whom he was especially
opposed, and whose fate he deemed to be a guarantee for peace.
He ordered the Minister accredited to Louis Philippe to continue
at his post, and to assure the provisional Government of the friendly
feelings of the British nation.

In the disaster caused by the revolution of Italy, Austria appealed Tne Friend
to Palmerston for the assistance of Great Britain. He was obdurate c Italy*
and told the Austrian envoy that his sympathies were with Italy,
and advised Austria to give up her Italian possessions quietly and
at once. It is probable that Palmerston trusted too much to the
possibility of Italy's obtaining what she wanted by force of arms,
and that he did not foresee the victories of Radetzky. It is doubtful
whether Great Britain could have done anything worth doing for
Italy, and it is certain that Palmerston did not choose the favour-
able opportunity for doing it. When Radetzky was beaten,
Palmerston had urged Austria to cede Venice ; when Radetzky was
victorious, he did his utmost to secure the cession of Lombardy.
Even after Novara he endeavoured to moderate the demands of
Austria.

Palmerston pursued an equally enlightened and generous Palmerston
policy towards Hungary, urging Austria to satisfy the national at
feeling of the Hungarians. When the Hungarians were crushed
by the aid of Russia, he warned Austria to pay regard to the ancient
constitutional rights of Hungary. When the patriots fled for
refuge into Turkey, both Russia and Austria put strong pressure
on the Porte for their extradition, and even broke off diplomatic
relations with Turkey. But on the advice of Palmerston, supported
by Stratford Canning, the Turks refused to surrender them. In all
these matters Palmerston played a noble and high-spirited part,
and raised the reputation of his country to the highest pitch.
He has never received adequate praise for his heroism when
he stood at bay against the great autocratic Powers of Europe,

357

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Prince
Consort and

Falmerston.

Attack on

Palmerston.

Queen

Victoria and
Palmerston.

exhibiting conduct worthy to be compared with the best
achievements of Canning, who is still the ideal of European
Liberals.

But heroic conduct, to be appreciated and supported, needs
a heroic environment, and this was not to be found in the Great
Britain of 1850 and still less in the mind of Prince Albert. He was
jealous of Palmerston ; he could not follow the rapid decisions of
the statesman's intellect, and was always recommending caution.
Palmerston was perfectly right not to allow the foreign policy of
Great Britain to be transferred to the Prince's study at Osborne
or Windsor Castle. Yet a comparatively unimportant matter
gave Palmerston's enemies an opportunity of scoring a point
against him ; this happened in connection with the tiny kingdom
of Greece.

King Otho, in building his palace, had taken possession of
some ground belonging to George Finlay, the historian of Greece,
the King offering very inadequate compensation for its value.
About the same time, an outrage was committed upon a Jew,
named Don Pacifico, who was a British subject from Gibraltar.
On Easter Sunday, a Greek had broken into his house, beaten his
wife and children, destroyed his furniture, and robbed him of
money and jewels. Don Pacifico's claim for money amounted
t° £3°»5°O- Palmerston endorsed this claim and, as the demands
for redress dragged on from 1847 to 1850, at last determined to
bring matters to a crisis by sending the British fleet to the Piraeus.
He gave the Greeks forty-eight hours to settle the claims, and at
the expiry of that time began to seize Greek gunboats and merchant
vessels. An attempt was made by the French to mediate, but
eventually the Greek Government gave way and satisfied all claims.
Palmerston's action was honourable and even estimable, but it
exposed him to attack. A vote of censure was carried in the
House of Lords by 169 to 132, but a resolution in his favour, pro-
posed by Roebuck in the House of Commons, where Palmerston
made a masterly and convincing defence, was carried by 310 to 264,
and he emerged triumphantly from his ordeal.

One result, however, was that the Queen drew up a memorandum
on August 1 2th, 1849, in which she required Lord Palmerston to
say distinctly what he proposed doing in any given case, so that
she might know to what she was giving her sanction ; she further
stipulated that, having given her sanction, it must not be arbitrarily
altered or modified by the Minister ; and she also stated that
she expected to be informed as to what passed between Lord
Palmerston and foreign Secretaries of State, and to receive

358

POSITION OF PRINCE ALBERT IN POLITICS

dispatches from abroad promptly and the drafts of dispatches
in reply in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their
contents before they were sent out. In this controversy, public
opinion generally has supported the Queen, and modern historians
agree in condemning the Foreign Secretary and in underrating the
character of his work.

Final judgment, however, will probably recognise Palmers ton The Prince
to have been one of the greatest Foreign Secretaries that Great Consort in
Britain has ever had : wise, liberal and courageous, the very
opposite of Castlereagh ; as bold as, but more generous than,
Wellington, ranking rather with Cromwell, Chatham and Canning.
To have withstood Metternich, to have championed the cause
of liberty in Europe in its darkest days, to have foreseen and
to have aided it in its future triumph, to have maintained the
credit of the British crown high and unsullied, when thrones
were toppling throughout Europe, is no mean praise. In England
justice is sometimes long in coming, but it comes in the end.
Further, it may be doubted whether Prince Albert really had
the qualities of a great Minister. He was learned, laborious, and
conscientious, but his political training had been narrow and
pedantic, and he possessed neither the outlook nor the intuitive
grasp necessary for the successful conduct of affairs. Those
behind the scenes in the Courts of Europe knew all along what
the British public shrewdly suspected, that the Queen was the
genius and her Consort the pedagogue, and an attentive study
of her letters, one of the most interesting and most valuable
contributions ever made to political literature, will lead the
careful student to the same conclusion.

Still, on some sides, Prince Albert was supreme. He was a A Cultured
man of culture, to whom nothing could have been more distasteful Prince,
than the insular ignorance and boorishness which characterised
the governing classes amongst whom he had to live. It is creditable
that he suffered them with such patience and concealed the dislike
which they, in turn, instinctively felt for him. He did this by
identifying himself so closely with the Queen that it was impossible
to dissociate them. As Charles Kingsley said when he heard the
news of his death, " He was King of England for twenty years,
and no one knew it." The secret of his power lay in the fact that
no one knew it, and that he allowed no one to know it. The Queen,
although a woman of rare natural capacity, did not care for
intellectual society, and Prince Albert's love for it, which would
have injured him in English opinion, was veiled by her distaste
for it.

359

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Influence of
the Prince
Consort.

The First
Inter-
tional
Exhibition.

Death of
Peel.

Yet his influence in skilfully undermining the crust of Philistine
prejudice which lay over the highest society, and impeded
its growth, cannot be overrated. He produced a sympathy
between Great Britain and Germany which the union with
Hanover had never been able to effect. German, instead of
Italian, began to be studied by young Englishmen. The intricacies
of German music received an appreciation which had been con-
fined to the admirers of Handel, whom most Englishmen regarded
as their own countryman. The Queen had little taste, and the
Prince a rather poor taste, but the love of music began to make
itself felt, and Prince Albert's deep interest in science was not
without its effects. Whatever England possessed of culture in
the last half of the nineteenth century received from him probably
a greater stimulus than from any other man. He took a keen
interest in education, paid marked attention to Eton, founded
Wellington College, was Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, and his
early death laid a serious misfortune on England by depriving
her of the services of the one man who could have led the
educational strivings of the age to a successful issue.

All these efforts culminated in the International Exhibition of
1851, which was the creation of the Prince Consort. It was a fine
idea to induce the nations of the world, exhausted by the struggles
of internal civil war, to meet as brothers, and to know no rivalry
except in the arts of peace and industry. It is strange to remember
that, in those days, the masterpieces of Italian art, the works
of Raphael and Leonardo da Vinci, were classed among the
products of Austria, and that the only collection from Germany
bore the uncouth and unintelligible appellation of " Zollverein."
But from the time of this exhibition insular barriers were broken
down ; Englishmen discovered that the Continent was peopled
by human beings like themselves, and foreigners found out that
the island of Britain was not always shrouded in perpetual fog,
or its people's hearts frozen in continual reserve. The exhibition
marked a great epoch in the history of civilisation, and was a
dividing line between the new era and the old.

The year 1850 saw the death of Sir Robert Peel, who, although
more frequently in opposition than in office, deservedly ranks with
the foremost British statesmen. His last speech in the House of
Commons was on the question of the censure of Palmers ton.
Next day he attended a committee of the Commissioners for the
Exhibition of 1851, and in the afternoon went out for a ride.
While proceeding up Constitution Hill, he stopped to speak to
a young lady. His horse shied and threw him, causing concussion

360

CATHOLIC BISHOPS FOR ENGLAND

of the brain. He lingered for a few days, but died in the night
of July 2nd, 1850.

The final excitement of the year was caused by the issue Ecclesiasti-
of a Papal Bull at the end of September, creating a hierarchy of c*i Titles
Roman Catholic bishops in England, each having the title of his
own see. Lord John Russell wrote a letter to the Bishop of
Durham, in which he declared the Pope's action to be a pretension
of supremacy over the realm of England, and a claim to sole and
undiminished sway which was inconsistent with the Queen's
supremacy and the rights of the bishops and clergy of the Anglican
Church. He went on to attack the High Church party in the
Church of England. The day following the publication of this
letter was Guy Fawkes' Day, and the effigies of the Pope and
Cardinal Wiseman, who had just been made Archbishop of West-
minster, instead of Archbishop of Mesopotamia, took the place
of those of the traditional conspirators. The agitation led, in
the following year, to the introduction of the Ecclesiastical Titles
Bill, which was received with much ridicule and obloquy when
first proposed, but which, when altered and strengthened, was
passed by a large majority.

The Ministry, discredited by the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, The Window
suffered a more severe defeat on the budget. The window tax Tax>
had existed for a hundred and fifty years, and had been originally
associated with a house tax. All houses had to pay a tax of two
shillings, but houses with ten or twenty windows had to pay an
additional tax of four shillings and eight shillings respectively.
In 1834 Althorp repealed the house tax, but the window tax
remained. It was a wretched burden, tending to dimmish in
every dwelling the sun and air, the first requisites of health. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer determined to abolish the tax and
substitute a house tax for it. But the budget had no prestige,
and was received with indifference.

Locke King, member for Surrey, having proposed a motion Russell in
to place householders in counties on the same footing, with regard Office but
to the franchise, as householders in towns, this was opposed by p0t m
Lord John Russell, who was, however, defeated by nearly two
to one. The Cabinet, thus discredited, and not supported either
in the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill or the budget, resigned on February
22nd. But an endeavour to form another Ministry, either under
Lord Stanley or with the assistance of Aberdeen or Graham, having
proved fruitless, the Queen was obliged to recall Lord John Russell,
as was said, to office, but not to power. Shortly after this, the
relations between the Crown and Palmerston reached breaking-

361

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The 1851
Exhibition.

The Sequel
to a

Festival of
Peace.

point. The Queen was very anxious not to express approval of
the coup d'etat of Louis Napoleon, but Palmerston had already
spoken to Walewski, the French Ambassador in London, recog-
nising the necessity and the advantage to France and Europe
of the bold and decisive step taken by the President. Pal-
merston, instead of explaining his conduct, entered into a long
defence of Napoleon, and Russell decided to dispense with his
services.

We have already seen how the International Exhibition came
into being, and it remains to say that it was opened on May Day,
1851. The building had been erected in a portion of Hyde Park,
lying between Knightsbridge and the Serpentine, a little to the
east of the ground now occupied by the Albert Memorial, and of
the trees that were left standing in the vast structure one still
flourishes. The Exhibition was opened by the Queen, and never
during her reign did she preside at a more impressive pageant.
In her speech she expressed a hope that the undertaking might
conduce to the common welfare of the human race, by display-
ing the arts of peace and industry, and strengthening the bonds
of union among the nations. At the time when the riches of the
world were collected in her capital, when her husband was assum-
ing the position which she felt him to deserve, when the various
peoples governed by her sceptre were present with their products,
and when a sympathetic world shared in the enjoyment of the
spectacle, she might have been exalted with pride, but her only
thought, she humbly avowed, was to give praise and thanks to
God.

The Great Exhibition was regarded as a festival which was to
inaugurate a long reign of peace. It is now, to the eye of the
historian, an event which closed a long interval of peace, because,
from the year 1851, war has almost continuously disturbed the
world. The coup d'etat was followed by the Crimean War as one
of its natural effects, and this by the Indian Mutiny. Then came
the war between France and Austria for the liberation of Italy,
the Civil War between North and South in the United States, the
conquest of Sicily and Naples by Garibaldi, the expulsion of the
Emperor Maximilian from Mexico. Next ensued the war between
Germany and Denmark, the struggle for supremacy in Germany
between Austria and Prussia, and the war between France and
Germany. Since the last-named campaign the world has witnessed
the war between Russia and Turkey, between Turkey and Greece,
the disastrous struggle between Boer and Briton, the wars between
Japan and China and between Russia and Japan. During half

362

A LANDMARK OF CIVILISATION

a century the gates of the Temple of Janus were scarcely ever
closed. But notwithstanding this, and the possibility of future
strife, the Exhibition of 1851 remains a landmark of civilisa-
tion, and has been the fruitful parent of similar international
meetings, the general outcome of which must be the gradual
extinction of war and the consolidation of the brotherhood
of man.

363

CHAPTER XII
THE SECOND EMPIRE

Napoleon's NAPOLEON III. ascended the throne of France with the intention
Aims. Of realising what he called " the Napoleonic ideas." These were

the reconstruction of French society, shattered by fifty years of
revolution, and the reconciliation of order with liberty, and of
popular rights with the principle of authority ; in other words,
he hoped to reconcile the conflicting principles of imperium and
libertas by establishing a democratic Empire. Napoleon I. had
found it impossible to realise his projects in ten years ; his mission
had been to complete the work of the Revolution and establish
liberty in France. But liberty could not crown the edifice unless
a sure and solid foundation were first laid. The authority of
government must be generally recognised ; it must appear as the
beneficent influence which rules the whole community. Napoleon
had attached great importance to manufactures, had encouraged
those which existed, and had created new ones. His successors,
if they would complete his work, must supply a similar stimulus
to affairs by helping and encouraging all classes alike. They
must assist the peasants by improving the cultivation of the land,
the manufacturers by opening new fields of industry, and the
artisans by keeping them well employed with good wages. In
this manner work would be found for the unemployed, a demand
would be created for every product, and poverty would disappear.
The triumph of Christianity abolished slavery, the triumph of the
French Revolution abolished serfdom, the triumph of Democracy
would abolish pauperism. In foreign affairs the fundamental
Napoleonic idea was that of a European confederation, the
loyal offer of an alliance with France to every Government
willing to combine with her in defence of interests common to
all. Such were the ideas which the Emperor pledged himself to
accomplish. They included a cordial understanding with Great
Britain, and he believed that peace with the United Kingdom
had always been one of his uncle's dearest wishes if the island
Power had but given him the opportunity of carrying it out.

The Constitution of January I4th, 1852, together with later
additions, made the head of the State responsible to the nation,

364

THE EMPEROR'S POSITION

but gave him free and unfettered authority. He commanded the
forces by land and sea, could make peace and war, administered
justice, and possessed the prerogative of pardon. He had the sole
power of initiating laws, he promulgated them and carried them
into effect. He had, therefore, the whole of the executive in his
hands, and considerable influence over the judiciary and the
legislature. He obtained the power of concluding treaties of
commerce and of ordering and authorising all works of public
utility. He was the judge of the relations between the Senate
and the legislative body. It is true that the budget of each
Ministry was voted by the legislative body, but the appropria-
tion of the various sums was settled by Imperial decree.

It was said that he was responsible to the people, but the The
people could only act through a plebiscite, and a plebiscite could Emperor
only be sanctioned by the authority of the Emperor. He governed
France through the Ministers, prefects, and the great network of
centralised administration by which the country was covered.
The Ministers were ten in number. First came the Minister
of State. He was the means of communication between the
Emperor, the Senate, the legislative and other bodies ; he had
charge of the Imperial household, and was entrusted with all
matters not specially assigned to other Ministers. The other
Ministers presided over Justice, Home Affairs, Foreign Affairs,
Finance, War, Marine and the Colonies, Public Institutions and
Religion, Public Works, and Police, including the Press. The
Ministers waited on the Emperor at least once a week, made their
reports, expressed their views, and received his orders ; but they
did not form a Cabinet. They swore fidelity to the Emperor,
were excluded from the legislative body, and each worked by
himself in his own Ministry.

The prefects of the different departments were the repre- Municipal
sentatives of the Government, and had all the authority of the Government.
Sovereign in their own territories. They received the commands
of the Emperor through his Ministers ; had power to legislate
in certain cases, appointment of teachers being eventually placed
in their hands, and had full control over all local bodies in their
departments. Within his own sphere the prefect was a miniature
Emperor, with his council of the prefecture and his general council.
There was, indeed, in each commune, except in Paris, an elective
municipal council, chosen every five years, with power to vote
the municipal budget ; but its sittings were not public, it might
be suspended, and had very little power.

Besides Ministers and prefects, the Emperor had under his

365

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

authority the army and the police. The police kept the news-
papers well under control, only one paper being allowed for each
shade of opinion. The Government was represented by the
Constitutionnel, the Patrie, and the Pays ; the Orleans party by
the Journal des Debuts ; the Legitimist party by the Gazette de
France and the Union ; and a mild Republicanism by the Siecle.
Napoleon's it was natural that the Emperor should wish to establish a
Civil List. brjiiiant Court, and, indeed, the Court of Napoleon III. was very
brilliant. He took up his abode at the Tuileries and, as we have
said, his civil list was fixed at £1,000,000 a year. The dynasty
was made hereditary in his own legitimate and direct descendants,
but in default of male issue he might adopt the male issue of the
brothers of Napoleon I. All his relatives received an allowance
of £60,000 a year, but the only recognised members of his family
were Jerome, ex-King of Westphalia, and his two children, Prince
Napoleon and Princess Mathilde, who was married to Prince
Demidoff.

Prince Napoleon lived at the Palais Royal, and gathered round
him advanced Liberals who had leanings towards Republicanism.
He had a strongly-marked Napoleon face and went by the name
of Plon Plon, had considerable abilities, but was deficient in tact
and moderation. The Emperor did not trust him, and looked
upon the Palais Royal as a centre of opposition.

Marriage It was natural that the Emperor should desire to marry as
°f * soon as possible, partly to provide his Court with a mistress and

partly to secure an heir. Overtures were made to several
European Courts without success ; but Mr. Evans, an American
dentist, who was an intimate friend of the Emperor, had some
time before fixed his mind on Eugenie de Montijo as a fitting
consort. She was, on her father's side, of a noble Spanish family,
and on her mother's of Scottish descent. She was invited to
Court balls and danced frequently with the Emperor, who was
much fascinated by her. One morning Mr. Evans was with the
Emperor when the post arrived, bringing a fresh rejection. The
Emperor read the letter with disgust and said, " I won't have
anything more to do with these princesses : I'll marry your
American."

Evans said, " She is not an American ; she is a Spaniard."
" I don't care what she is," cried the Emperor ; " I'll marry
her."

And the marriage took place. She was then twenty-six years
of age, and a better choice could not have been made. She was
one of the loveliest women in the world, and her manners were

366

THE LEGISLATURE OF THE EMPIRE

simple and dignified ; but she was extremely religious and un-
doubtedly strengthened the hands of the Clerical faction in the
Tuileries.

Let us now consider the position of the bodies who were The Legisla-
supposed to limit the power of the Emperor — the legislative live. Body,
body, the Council of State, and the Senate. The Lower House
was elected by universal suffrage, all citizens being voters. France
had been divided into one-member constituencies, as the scrutin
de liste — according to which members were elected by larger
constituencies — had been abolished. At every election there was
an official candidate, whose address to the electors was posted at
the public expense. Opposition candidates were permitted, but
great difficulties were placed in their way. The mayor, appointed
by the Government, was the returning officer, and was able to
exert considerable influence over the results. The official candi-
date generally obtained a majority. The President of the Chamber,
or, as we should say, the Speaker, was appointed by the Emperor.
The legislative body sat for three months in the year, chiefly for
the purpose of passing a budget. It had no power of initiative,
nor could it amend a Bill brought in by the Government.

The Council of State was a very important body. The Presi- The Council
dent, appointed by the Emperor, held the rank of a Minister. A of st*te
similar council does not exist in the British Constitution, but it is
of great service. Its business was to discuss and elaborate all
Government measures, first in each of its six sections, and then
in a full sitting. It also had certain legislative and judicial
powers. It was also the supreme administrative tribunal, and
appointed from its own body inspectors of prefects, who exercised
a certain control over the executive. The Senate consisted partly
of ex officio members (marshals, admirals, cardinals and the like),
and partly of 150 members nominated by the Emperor. It had
not only a share in legislation, but the power of initiative,
and could propose measures to the Government. It could codify
and interpret the Constitution, and annul enactments which were
not in accordance with it. The text of the Constitution said
' The Emperor governs by means of the Ministers, the Council
of State, the Senate, and the legislative body."

The relations of the Emperor to the Church and education may The
be concisely stated. The leaders of the Catholic party, Veuillot, Emperor
Montalembert, and Dupanloup supported the results of the coup
d'etat. Of these, Montalembert broke with the Emperor and
formed a Liberal Opposition, while the Emperor received
thoroughgoing support from Veuillot and the Univers. The

367

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Church gradually obtained control over education, chiefly by
means of Fortoul, Minister of Instruction from 1851 to 1856. It
is unnecessary to trace the steps by which the Universities became
gradually the servants of the Government. The secondary and
primary schools also came, little by little, into the hands of the
Church. The time when the instruction of France was to be
committed to Duruy, a Liberal and a reformer, was not yet.
Benefits of There is no doubt that the material prosperity of France
•mpire. mcrease(j greatly under the Empire : those who travelled through
the country saw everywhere increasing signs of trade and pros-
perity, of commerce, of the spread of towns, and of social and
industrial well-being. This was greatly due to the wisdom of the
Emperor, who attracted to himself such commercial leaders as
Enfantin, Talabot, Michel Chevalier, and the brothers Pereire.

Under this influence the well-known trading institutions were
founded — the Credit Foncier and the Credit Mobilier. The object
of the first was to lend money on mortgage, the second was to be
a joint-stock bank, which was to contract loans, make advances
and issue notes. The function of the Credit Mobilier was to set on
foot and support important enterprises, take part in public loans,
and assist in the establishment of great companies, and it was
allowed to issue securities to the amount of ten times its capital.
One of its enterprises was the establishment of a gas company for
the lighting of Paris. Its prosperity was so great that in a few
years its shares were worth four times their original value. The
Bank of France shared in the general expansion, and in the later
years of the Empire an order was issued to establish at least one
branch in each department of the country. By wise legislation the
building of railways was encouraged, and in five years the length
of the system was increased fivefold. The number of agricultural
societies was enlarged and medals were accorded to those who
had distinguished themselves in agricultural enterprise. The
Landes, the vast pine-covered sandy plains in the south-west,
were drained, and horse-breeding was encouraged. Manufactures
were stimulated, and trades, like those of butchers and bakers,
were relieved from vexatious restrictions.

Industrial The number of patents taken out became much larger, and

Develop- tke amount of horse-power used in steamers increased fivefold.
Manufactures of cast and wrought iron developed wonderfully
and were able to satisfy the demands made upon them by the
extension of railways and the like. The cotton industry doubled
its consumption of raw material, and in the chemical industries
the value of the output grew tenfold between 1847 and 1865.

368

A NEW PARIS

To benefit the working classes, a scheme of Government work- Government
shops was introduced. Ten millions of francs were devoted to Workshops.
the improvement of workmen's dwellings, and extensive measures
were undertaken for the improvement of the condition of the
men. This policy was, in part, no doubt, devised to prevent
political discontent, but it was also inspired by higher motives.
Boards of arbitration, which had long existed under the name
of Conseils des Prud'hommes, were placed upon a better footing,
and given into the hands of the masters and the men together.
Associations of workmen were also permitted, and great efforts
were made to find work for the unemployed, both in the provinces
and the capital. At Marseilles the docks were completed and
opened, and many other public buildings adorned that city,
which takes the first place among the ports of the Mediterranean.
The towns of Lyons and Lille were beautified, and the port of
Havre was enlarged.

Immediately after the coup d'etat the Emperor set to work on Haass-
the improvement of Paris, which under his hands became one of mann's New
the wonders of the world. In this work he found an able coadjutor PariSi
in Haussmann, whom he made Prefect of the Seine. He created
an entirely new Paris by opening up facilities for traffic in the
approaches to railway stations, by constructing squares, churches,
and barracks, and by making magnificent boulevards. Visitors
from every part of the world thronged to the beautiful city, some
as sightseers and some to reside, and the money they brought helped
to pay for the cost of the improvements. Paris in those days was
excellently kept. There was no accumulation of snow and filth,
and everything bore the appearance not only of material well-being,
but of gaiety and happiness. If the working class population
were driven to the circumference away from the centre, they
had plenty of means of communication with the field of their
labours.

A new epoch in the history of the Empire began with the Origin of
Crimean War. Emile Ollivier, the Liberal Minister of the last the Crimean

War

years of Napoleon III., who had ample means of knowing the
facts, attributes its origin mainly to the designs of the Emperor.
He says that, being a Carbonaro in 1830, and intimately connected
with the secret societies of Italy, the Emperor was pledged to
the liberation of that country. A more honourable motive,
perhaps, existed in the circumstance that Napoleon I. was Italian
by origin, had been the first to realise the possibility of Italian
regeneration, and the first to give effect to it, and that the libera-
tion of Italy from the yoke of the Double Eagle was one of the
Y 369

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

most fruitful and most beneficent of the " Napoleonic ideas."
However this may be, Napoleon III. had determined to make the
enfranchisement of Italy the principal work of his reign, and he
saw that this meant the expulsion of Austria, which could only
be accomplished by war. He saw further that such a war could
not be successful if France had to fight Austria and Russia in
conjunction, and it was, therefore, essential to render it impossible
for Russia to give active assistance to her Austrian neighbour.
For this purpose France must go to war with Russia. A pretext
for hostilities presented itself in the dispute about the Holy Places,
a quarrel which was the ostensible cause of the campaigns in the
Crimea.

The Militia We must consider the condition of Great Britain when this
Bl11* crisis occurred. The dismissal of Lord Palmerston, who was

succeeded by Lord Granville, nearly brought about the fall of
the Ministry. It lingered for nearly a year, but was defeated
on the Militia Bill. The restoration of the Napoleonic dynasty in
France led Great Britain to fear that a new series of wars might
be embarked upon, and so the country was driven to adopt
measures of internal defence. The British army, apart from the
enlisted professional army, consisted of militia, which was of two
kinds, regular and local. The regular militia was under the
control of the Crown, and could be called out for training and be
embodied for actual service. The local militia had come into
existence during the war with Napoleon. It could only be used
for the suppression of riots or rebellion, or in the case of the
appearance of an enemy upon the coasts. It could not, in any
circumstances, be moved out of Great Britain.

Appearance After Waterloo both forces had fallen into desuetude, and the
of Disraeli. Ministry now proposed to revive one of them. But they chose to
revive the local, instead of the regular, militia, which was a very
inadequate step. Palmerston had no difficulty in persuading the
House to remove the word " local " from the proposals of the
Ministry, who, in virtue of this defeat, resigned office. They
were succeeded by Lord Stanley, who had just inherited the title
of Lord Derby, but his reign was a short one. The most powerful
man in the administration was Disraeli, who became Chancellor
of the Exchequer. It is remarkable that, of the thirteen members
of the Cabinet, only two had ever sat in a Cabinet before. More-
over, they did not possess a majority in the House of Commons
and barely in the House of Lords. They avoided the mistake
made by Lord John Russell, by reviving the regular militia, with
the approval of the Duke of Wellington.

DISRAELI'S FIRST BUDGET

This was, indeed, the last advice given by the Duke on public Death of
affairs. He died at Walmer Castle, in Kent, on September I4th, the ?uke of
1852. The Queen wrote of him in her diary : " His position was Ilington.
the highest a subject ever had ; above party, looked up to by all,
revered by the whole nation, the friend of the Sovereign ; and
how simply he carried these honours. With what singleness of
purpose, what straightforwardness, what courage, were all the
motives of his actions guided. The Crown never found, and I
fear never will find, so devoted and faithful a subject, so staunch
a supporter." He was buried on November I4th in St. Paul's
Cathedral, with a magnificence of pomp which must live in the
memory of all who saw it or even heard of it from eye-witnesses.
He did not believe in popular liberties, but had no sympathy with
the oppression of liberty as carried out by foreign Governments.
If he was opposed to the principles of the Reform Bill, he was
also opposed to those of the Holy Alliance. He was the embodi-
ment of the sense of public duty. His firmness and tenacity won
the Battle of Waterloo ; but he was generous to his antagonist,
and would never allow a word to be spoken against him in his
presence. When asked his opinion about Waterloo, he would
only reply, " We pounded and they pounded, and we pounded
hardest/' Undoubtedly he prevented the Ministry from delivering
up Napoleon to Louis XVIII., to be shot as a traitor ; but it is
thought that he might have intervened to prevent the execution
of Ney and the slow murder of the fallen Emperor on the rock of
St. Helena.

Before the funeral a newly-elected Parliament had met. Lord Disraeli's
Derby had hoped that he would obtain from the country a reversal First Budget.
of the policy of Free Trade. But he was disappointed. Disraeli
was clever enough to throw over Protection. The spirit of the
age tended to free intercourse, and the producer had nothing to
expect but fair treatment, for whom all the Ministry could do
was to diminish the cost of production. The Free Traders did
not like this, and Mr. Villiers proposed a resolution declaring
that the Act of 1846 was a wise, just and beneficent measure.
To this Disraeli brought forward amendments, but the House
eventually adopted a resolution of Lord Palmerston's which was a
compromise between the two. Disraeli then introduced his budget
in a five hours' speech of remarkable brilliancy. But the measure
itself was fantastic and economically unsound, and was ruthlessly
exposed by Gladstone. It was defeated by 300 votes to 286,
and the Ministry had no alternative but to resign. The majority
was composed of very diiferent elements. The larger section were

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Lord

Aberdeen's

Ministry.

Gladstone's

First

Budget.

the Whigs, led by Lord John Russell, but it also contained
followers of Sir Robert Peel, and independent Radicals like
Cobden and John Bright.

In the first instance the Queen sent for Lord Lansdowne, but
he was too unwell to undertake the duty offered to him, and the
task of forming a new Administration fell upon Lord Aberdeen.
He composed a Cabinet of Whigs and Peelites, but whereas in the
House of Commons the Peelites stood to the Whigs in the propor-
tion of one to nine in the Cabinet they stood as six to seven. Lord
John Russell was disappointed at not becoming Prime Minister,
an office which he had already held, but finally consented to lead
the House of Commons, and for a time to hold the seals of the
Foreign Office, which were ultimately transferred to Lord
Clarendon. Lord Aberdeen said that he intended to retire at the
end of the session and leave the first place in the Cabinet to Lord
John Russell. The Cabinet contained a large number of extremely
distinguished men, particularly Lord John Russell, a former Prime
Minister ; Palmerston, a future Prime Minister ; and Gladstone,
afterwards one of the greatest of all Prime Ministers. It marked
an epoch of transition between the old battles of Peel and Russell
and those between Disraeli and Gladstone, but its foreign policy
was weak and undecided.

Nevertheless, the Cabinet acquired credit by some vigorous
acts of administration in 1853. In Canada it surrendered to the
Government a large extent of territory known as the Clergy
Reserves, the revenues of which were appropriated to the mainten-
ance of an Established Church. It gave up the practice of
transporting criminals to Australia ; threw open the Civil Service
of India to public competition ; established Charity Commissioners
for the better control of charities, and an Ecclesiastical Com-
mission for the better management of endowments. But its
great achievement was the budget, the first of those which were
due to the financial genius of Gladstone, and marked the dawn
of a new era in the commercial history of the country.

Gladstone found himself with a larger surplus than had been
anticipated — £2,460,000 instead of £460,000 ; but the new military
expenditure lowered it to £807,000. He proposed to reduce the
income tax gradually to eightpence in the pound, and to terminate
it altogether in 1860. The deficiency was to be supplied by a
succession duty. This raised the surplus to something like
£3,000,000. With this surplus he proposed to repeal the duty
on soap ; to diminish the duty on tea, advertisements, carriages,
dogs, men-servants, apples, cheese, cocoa, butter, raisins, and 133

372

CAUSES OF THE CRIMEAN WAR

other articles ; to abolish altogether the duty on almost the same
number ; and to reduce the rate of postage to the Colonies. He
also made important changes in the Public Debt, and issued a
new security under the name of Exchequer Bonds. This budget
was magnificent in conception, but it proved something of a failure
in execution. The succession duty did not yield what was
expected of it. The budget was based on the assumption that
the peace and prosperity of the world would continue unchecked,
which was unfortunately falsified by events. Gladstone did not
foresee that the country stood on the brink of a costly war. The
hopes excited by the Exhibition of 1851 had a more powerful
influence on his mind than the fears which might have been
suggested by the renewal of the Napoleonic Empire.

The Crimean War began in contests about Jerusalem, that Jerusalem
city which must be regarded as the holiest by Christians of every anj*. Inter-
denomination ; the city which witnessed the childhood, the Discor(j
ministry, the passion and death of Jesus Christ. Thither throng,
and have thronged for many ages, believers from every Christian
country. Thousands of Russians spend their accumulated savings
in visits to the holy shrines. They all march in long processions
to the Jordan, cut rods of bamboo in .the sacred stream, have
them fashioned into rude staves, and perambulate with them the
streets of the city. French, Belgians, Germans do the same,
singing litanies as they march under their appropriate banners.
The goal of their wanderings is the sepulchre of Christ, a tiny
cell approached by a narrow passage, by which only one person
can pass at a time. Some who visit the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre may dwell on the fact that the followers of Him whose
mission it was to bring peace and goodwill to men have sanctioned
conflict and the sword ; others may feel that it is a sign of the unity
of Christendom that these separate altars, representing different
traditions of faith and worship, should be collected in a single
church united in the adoration of the same God.

The two main divisions of the Christian community are the Latin and
Latins and the Greeks, represented by France and Russia ; and Greek
it is natural that a rivalry should exist between them for the RlYalry-
preservation and adornment of the sanctuaries of their common
faith. Since 1740 France had enjoyed, by treaty, paramount
rights to the custody of the sacred places in or near Jerusalem,
but the hundred years which succeeded that date were not favour-
able to piety in France, and it was unlikely that the countrymen
of Voltaire and Rousseau, Robespierre and Marat would trouble
themselves much about the well-being of the Church of Bethlehem

373

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Tsar's
Aspirations.

"The Sick
Man" of
Europe.

or the lamps of the Holy Sepulchre. During this period, how-
ever, Russian Christians had done what the French had failed to
do, and their action had been recognised and authorised by the
Sultan. In 1850 Louis Napoleon, as President of the French
Republic, stimulated by the Catholic influences which surrounded
him, revived their claims, and after long negotiations succeeded
in obtaining their recognition by the Porte. This concession
excited resentment in Russia, and the Porte found itself between
the upper and the nether millstone. It endeavoured, in the first
instance, to gain time, and then to do something which would
conciliate both disputants, but which ended in exasperating both.

Relations between France and Russia were further strained
by the dislike of the Emperor Nicholas to the creation of the
second Empire. He had no great desire to see the advent of a
third Empire in Europe, and his strong Legitimist prejudices were
offended at the manner of its creation. He was somewhat slow
in acknowledging it, and addressed the new Sovereign not as
" my brother," but as " my friend." If Napoleon really wished
to pick a quarrel with Russia this gave him an opportunity of
doing so. At the same time there began to arise a misunder-
standing between Russia and Great Britain. Nicholas was natur-
ally anxious for the destruction of the Turkish Empire and the
expulsion of the Turks from Europe, as every patriotic Russian
and, indeed, every right-thinking man would be. In 1844 the
Tsar had paid a memorable visit to England, when Aberdeen was
Foreign Minister, with whom he formed an intimacy which almost
amounted to friendship. Nicholas said to Aberdeen and Peel,
then Prime Minister : " Turkey is a dying man. We cannot now
determine what shall be done at his death, but we may keep the
event before our eyes. Russia does not claim one inch of Turkish
soil, but she will not suffer any other Power to have an inch of it ;
therefore, to prevent France from seizing Turkish territory in
Africa, the Mediterranean, or the East, Russia and Great Britain
should be agreed, and should arrive at some common understand-
ing. If Russia, Great Britain and Austria were at one, peace
would be assured."

Nicholas imagined that the advent of Aberdeen to power
would give him another opportunity of doing what he wished,
and on January gth, 1853, he said to Sir Hamilton Seymour,
British Ambassador at St. Petersburg : " The Turk is a sick man,
his country is falling to pieces ; it is important that Great Britain
and Russia should come to an understanding on the subject."
He renewed the conversation five days later, remarking : " Turkey

374

INTERNATIONAL MISUNDERSTANDINGS

may suddenly die upon our hands ; we cannot resuscitate what
is dead ; if the Turkish Empire falls, it falls to rise no more. It
is better to be prepared for this catastrophe." He asked Sir
Hamilton Seymour to communicate his views to the British Govern-
ment. Lord John Russell, who had not yet surrendered the seals
of the Foreign Office, replied in a friendly dispatch that personal
arrangements, made without the knowledge of the Powers, might
precipitate the crisis, but that Great Britain would enter into
no arrangement for the disposal of Turkish territory without
communicating with Russia in the first instance.

On February 2Oth, 1853, when Seymour received Russell's The Tsar
dispatch, he had an interview with the Tsar, in which the latter and the
again referred to the fate hanging over Turkey. He said JJ^jJ011 °f
that he had no desire to see Constantinople in the l\ands of
Russia or any other Great Power. On the other hand, he would
not consent to the restoration of the old Byzantine Empire, the
extension of the territory of Greece, or the division of Turkey
into a number of petty States. The Principalities already enjoyed
independence under the protection of Russia. Servia, Bulgaria,
and other Turkish provinces might be made independent in a
similar manner, and Great Britain might occupy Egypt and Crete,
thus securing the road to India. Lord Clarendon, who had now
succeeded as Foreign Minister, replied " that the British Govern-
ment did not think the condition of Turkey so desperate as
Nicholas supposed, and that, when the catastrophe came, the
future of Turkey should be decided at a congress of the Great
Powers."

The careful student of history will probably come to the con- How Mis-
elusion that no wars are inevitable, but arise principally from understand-
misunderstandings, just as quarrels arise between individuals gs Caused
in private life. Such misunderstandings were now about to plunge
Europe into war. The Tsar sent Prince Menshikov and the
British Government Lord Stratford de Redcliffe as ambassadors
to Constantinople. Menshikov arrived at Constantinople on
February 28th. He waited upon the Sultan and the Grand Vizier,
but refused to wait upon Fuad Pasha, the Foreign Minister. Fuad
resigned his post and Refad Pasha was appointed in his place.
A panic seized upon the Turkish Government, and the Grand Vizier
appealed to the Ministers of France and Great Britain. As Lord
Stratford and the French Ambassador had not arrived, both
countries were represented by subordinate officers. Benedetti sent
a warning letter to Paris and Rose ordered up the fleet from Malta.
This, however, was overruled by the British Cabinet, and the French

375

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Lord

Redcliffe and
Russia.

His

Influence
for War.

Emperor, who was probably anxious to fish in troubled waters, sent
a French fleet to Salamis. It was not favourable to the preser-
vation of peace that France and Russia, whose relations were
already strained, should be placed within striking distance of
each other.

What now happened is a little obscure. Menshikov asked that

d® the Greek Christians in Turkey might be placed under the protection

r T> • o-u A. • ui -.'•'•' IT- j

of Russia. There was nothing unreasonable in this demand.

The Roman Catholics in Turkey were already under the protection
of Austria, and the Treaty of Kuchuk Kanardji, just eighty years
before, had placed the Greek Church at Constantinople under
Russian protection. But by this time Lord Stratford de Redcliffe
had arrived. He was an arrogant and hot-headed diplomatist,
an enthusiast for the cause of Turkey — the Government of which,
however, he treated with supreme contempt — and had his personal
reasons for disliking Nicholas, who had objected to his being
ambassador at Constantinople. He affected to believe that the
concession Menshikov asked for would strengthen Russia's influence
all over Turkey, as the Greek Churches were numerous, and per-
suaded the Porte to refuse. In consequence of this, Menshikov
broke off the negotiations and left Constantinople on May 22nd,
1853. Lord Stratford, without any orders from home, had changed
the whole aspect of affairs, and involved Great Britain in a dispute
with which she had nothing to do. The result was that Russia
threatened to send her armies across the Pruth, and to occupy
Moldavia and Wallachia, and the British Cabinet ordered the
Mediterranean fleet to the Dardanelles, and placed its further
movements in the hands of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe.

It is difficult to write with patience about these events, when
reviewing the circumstances long after the curtain fell on the last
act. As far as can be seen, the principal forces at work were in
favour of peace. Nicholas was strongly opposed to war, and
was shocked at the thought that the Union Jack should float side
by side with the Crescent in opposition to the Cross of St. Andrew.
The Queen and the Prince were strongly in favour of peace, and
so were a majority of the Cabinet, especially Gladstone. Russell
and Palmerston favoured a warlike policy, and the principal desire
of Aberdeen was to keep his Cabinet together. But Lord Stratford
de Redcliffe at Constantinople was determined for war, and un-
fortunately the Cabinet, by placing the control of the fleet in his
hands, gave him the opportunity of making it. Terrible, indeed,
is the responsibility which lies on the man who brings about an
unnecessary war.

376

LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE AND THE WAR

The Great Powers still worked for peace. They drew up a The Concert
Note, originally drafted in France, but adopted at Vienna in July, of the
which was to be presented simultaneously at Constantinople and
St. Petersburg. It was accepted by the Tsar on August 3rd.
But in the meantime Stratford de Redcliffe had composed an
alternative Note, which he published and the adoption of which
he urged. In Clarendon's name he advised the Porte to accept
the Vienna Note, but his personal objection to it was well known,
and the Porte, believing that it was sure of the support of Great
Britain, refused. There is no doubt that, at this juncture, the
Powers should have declined to support Turkey any further, for
she had refused the Vienna Note, which Russia had accepted.
Austria and Prussia continued to do their best for the acceptance
of the Note by the Porte, but France and Great Britain did nothing.
This broke up the concert of the four Powers.

At the beginning of October, 1853, the Sultan, with the approval Turkey
or at the suggestion of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, summoned
Russia to evacuate the Principalities within fifteen days, and
said that a refusal would be considered as a declaration of war.
Omar Pasha, the commander of the Turkish army, actually crossed
the Danube, and engagements occasionally took place between the
two armies, although Russia announced that she had no intention
of undertaking offensive operations, either in Europe or in Asia,
during the winter. In the beginning of December a new Note
was drawn up by the four Powers, which it was hoped would be
satisfactory to both belligerents. But Stratford de Redcliffe,
urged on by France, advised the entrance of the British and French
fleets into the Black Sea, under the pretence of bringing off the
consuls from Varna, and of looking after the grain ships at the
Sulina mouth of the Danube.

On November 27th the Queen wrote to Aberdeen that the The Queen
perusal of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe's dispatches gave her the and ^ord
strongest impression that, while guarding himself from the possibility 1^ de

of being called to account for acting in opposition to his instructions,
he was plunging deeper and deeper into the war policy, from which
escape would be difficult ; wherefore should three poor Turkish
steamers go to the Crimea, but to beard the Russian fleet and
tempt it to come' out of Sebastopol, which would thus constitute
the much-desired contingency for the combined fleets to attack
it, and so commit Great Britain irretrievably ? The Queen
seriously called upon Lord Aberdeen and the Cabinet to consider
whether they were justified in allowing such a state of things
to continue.

377

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

"Massacre At the very time this letter was written, the Tsar, harassed
nope> on all sides, allowed his squadron to leave Sebastopol and cruise
in Turkish waters, and, three days later, a Turkish squadron, on
its way from the Bosphorus to Batoum, was attacked at Sinope
by a Russian fleet and virtually destroyed. This " massacre of
Sinope/' as it was called, was regarded in Great Britain as a humili-
ation and defiance, and aroused in that country and France feelings
of strong indignation, and an almost irresistible desire for war.
No one stopped to ask whether the incident had not been caused by
the hostile action of the Western Powers, and whether it was not
the natural answer of Russia to the order of the Western Powers,
given in September, for their fleets to pass the Dardanelles. The
Tsar naturally desired to strike a blow at the Turkish navy before
the Allies could intervene in its favour.

Declaration in the closing days of 1853 a new Note was drawn up, which
of War. was ad0pte(i by the Porte, and communicated by the four Powers
to the Tsar on January I3th, 1854. But on the very day that
the four Powers adopted their resolution, the British Minister at
St. Petersburg communicated to Nesselrode the decision of the
Western Powers, taken at the instance of France, to invite all
Russian ships to return to Sebastopol. Nicholas refused in these
circumstances to answer the new proposal, and in the beginning
of February the Russian Ministers were withdrawn from Paris
and London, and the British and French Ministers from St. Peters-
burg. War, however, did not immediately break out, and Austria
offered to join France and Great Britain in urging the evacuation of
the Principalities by a fixed date. But the passions of the nations
were already beyond control. British indignation at the so-called
massacre of Sinope was so insistent that the popular demand for
war could not be denied. Without waiting for a formal arrange-
ment with Austria, the Western Powers addressed an ultimatum
to Russia, and, on the Tsar declining to notice it, declared war.

378

CHAPTER XIII
ALMA, BALAKLAYA AND INKERMAN

ONE of the most painful things in the outbreak of a war is the The British
madness which seizes upon the populace and makes war inevitable, Fleet.
even before statesmen have determined that it is necessary. Inactl¥e'
This was not absent in the case of the war with Russia. Ignorant
of the real matters in dispute, careless of the object to be gained,
negligent of the means by which it was to be obtained, the people,
the Parliament, the Press of the United Kingdom, all demanded
war. There was an outbreak of popular indignation against Prince
Albert, because of his supposed leanings towards peace, arising
perhaps from some reminiscences of his previous misunderstanding
with Palmerston, who was known to be favourable to war. A
great fleet, such as Great Britain had hardly ever seen before,
was assembled at Portsmouth. The command was given to Sir
Charles Napier, of whom Aberdeen wrote that he mingled boldness
with discretion, and that, if he had the faults of his family, he was
not without their virtues ; courage, generosity, and love of country
were not wanting to him. On March yth, Sir Charles was enter-
tained at dinner by the Reform Club, where speeches were made
by Lord Palmerston and Sir James Graham of a flippant and
unbecoming character. After all, the great admiral did nothing ;
the Russian fleet was not captured or destroyed. Cronstadt was
not even attacked, and Napier's inactivity passed into a proverb
and reproach.

In April, 1854, about 20,000 British troops, under the com- The Armies
mand of Lord Raglan — who, as Lord Fitzroy Somerset, had been of *he
the intimate friend of Wellington, and had lost an arm at
Waterloo — together with a French army of twice that strength,
under the command of Marshal St. Arnaud, landed at Gallipoli,
in the Dardanelles. They then removed to Varna, where a council
of war was held to decide upon further operations. Fuad Pasha
recommended a landing in Asia, with the purpose of driving the
Russians from the Caucasus, a proposition which met with favour
from the British. But St. Arnaud was in favour of an attack
upon Sebastopol, and Lord Raglan agreed with him, as the best
means of concentrating the naval power of Russia in the Black

379

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Duke of
Cambridge
and the
Sultan.

Attack on
Sebastopol
Planned,

Sea. Omar Pasha was defending the line of the Danube, and
1,500 men of the allied armies had already perished in the
pestilential swamps of the Dobrudscha. The Turks on the
Danube were able to manage for themselves. The Russians
under Paskevich attacked Silistria, but the garrison resisted, and
on June 22nd the siege was raised. Indeed, the Russians were
compelled to evacuate the Principalities. Now was the time for
making peace, as the one object of the war had been realised.
But when war has once begun the belligerents will not be satisfied
without a substantial victory. Great Britain could not bear the
thought of peace without the attainment of a national triumph.

Certainly the Sultan, on whose behalf these great sacrifices
were being made, did not impress those who saw him for the first
time as worthy of the outlay in money and, it might be, in life.
The Duke of Cambridge, who was in command of the Guards,
wrote from Constantinople in May that he was not struck either
with the appearance or the ability of the Sultan, " a wretched
creature, prematurely aged, having nothing to say for himself/'
The Duke found his Ministry, and the whole population of the
country, a most wretched and miserable set of people, far, far worse
than anything he could have imagined or supposed. " In fact,
' the sick man ' is very sick indeed, and the sooner diplomacy
disposes of him the better, for no earthly power can save him ;
that is very evident." The Duke was also of opinion that the
sooner the Turks were turned out of Europe the better, and he
added that he did not think that anyone was aware of the real
state of affairs in Turkey. However, the question in people's
minds was now not so much the regeneration of Turkey as the
honour of the British arms and the abasement of Russia.

Under these feelings an expedition against Sebastopol, the
great arsenal of the Russians in the Black Sea, was decided on.
The naval strength of Russia might be destroyed for years if
Sebastopol were taken and the fleet sunk. On June I5th, 1854,
The Times voiced the popular opinion by saying that the political
and military objects of the war could not be obtained so long as
Sebastopol and the Russian fleet were in existence, and on June
22nd it insisted that a successful enterprise against this place was
the essential condition of permanent peace. On June 28th the
Cabinet assembled at Lord John Russell's house at Richmond,
and, after a very long discussion, sent instructions to Lord Raglan,
in which the necessity of a prompt attack upon Sebastopol and
the Russian fleet was strongly urged. The final decision was
left to the discretion of the French and British commanders, after

380

ADVANCE OF THE ALLIES

they should have communicated with Omar Pasha. They were,
indeed, both of them opposed to it, but Lord Raglan was of opinion
that the terms of the dispatch left him no choice in the matter.
Thus the war entered upon an entirely new and unnecessary phase.
If peaceful councils had prevailed the failure of the Tsar's attack
upon Turkey might have led to a satisfactory arrangement.
Gladstone and those members of the Cabinet who agreed with him
should have pressed their opposition to the point of resignation.

The allied forces landed on September I4th, 1854, a short The Allies
distance from Eupatoria, on the west coast of the Crimean peninsula. in the
This point had been chosen because there was sufficient space
for the two armies to stand together, and the operations would
be protected by the fire of the ships. It was four days before the
whole of the forces were disembarked and in a condition to advance.
The British numbered about 21,000 infantry, 60 guns, and the Light
Brigade of cavalry, about 1,000 strong. The French had 28,000
infantry and the Turks 7,000, with 68 guns, but no cavalry. The
advance began on September igth, the French being on the right,
next to the sea. The army moved straight towards Sebastopol,
which was about twenty-five miles distant. The post road to
Eupatoria ran through their positions, but the ground was such
that the army could march anywhere, and roads were not needed.
In the rear were the cattle, sheep, carriages and pack horses, and
behind all came the cavalry, to keep the throng in motion.

The enemy were first seen at the River Bulganak, which was Disposition
reached early in the afternoon. After a few shots had been inter- °f the
changed, the army bivouacked by the river and were unmolested Armies'
during the night. Next morning, the march was continued towards
a succession of grey ridges, and about noon, from the top of
a ridge, the army looked down upon the valley of the Alma,
a name destined to be great in history. The Russians were
posted on the opposite side, with an army of 33,000 infantry,
3,400 cavalry, and 120 guns, all commanded by Prince Menshikov.
On coming in sight of the enemy, the Allies halted, while the
commanders arranged the order of the attack, which was
delivered on September 2Oth. Military critics are of opinion that
on neither side was any great tactical skill exhibited. It would
have been better if the British had neglected the difficult ground
near the sea, moved their forces beyond the post road and
enveloped the Russian right with their superior numbers. On the
other hand, the Russians might have massed their forces upon
the road to Simpheropol, concentrating for an attack upon the
British left. Neither of these courses was taken.

381

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Battle The allied columns advanced towards the stream, and the

of the Alma. Russians retired, first setting fire to the village of Burliuk, but the
ground was not of such a nature as to allow the Allies to deploy
with advantage, and the efficiency of the troops was spoilt by
crowding. The stream was in some places shallow, with occasional
deep parts, in which the soldiers stood up to their necks in water.
As they climbed the slopes on the other side, they suffered much
from the fire of the Russian batteries, especially from a heavy
battery which plunged its shot into Codrington's division and
checked his advance. The Grenadier and the Coldstream Guards
continued to advance steadily, in lines still unbroken, except
where they were struck by the enemies' shot, their advance
producing a great effect on the French. The Highlanders also
climbed the hill to the left of the Guards and the whole of the
British army began to close upon the enemy. The steady pressure
of the Guards and the Highlanders finally decided the battle, and
the Russian forces began to retreat all over the ground. In the
meantime, Canrobert's division of the French army had occupied
the Telegraph Hill, and the allied forces, which had been separated
in the engagement, were now connected again. Lord Raglan
was anxious to pursue the enemy in their retreat, but St.
Arnaud would not allow his men to march without their
knapsacks, which they had left behind. In the battle the
British lost 2,000 men, killed and wounded, the French probably
a much smaller number. The Russian losses amounted to nearly
6,000.

A Russian if the Allies had advanced at once, they might have entered

Advantage. Sebastopol unopposed, but they remained two days on the battle-
field, burying the dead and tending the wounded. On the third
day the march was resumed, and on September 24th the army
crossed the Belbek. They had now reached a point from which
the town and fortifications of Sebastopol could be seen at no great
distance, and the question arose whether the city should be attacked
at once from the north side. The delay at the Alma enabled Prince
Menshikov to carry out two momentous decisions. He blockaded
the harbour by sinking the Russian fleet at its entrance, and leaving
the town and fortress to be protected by the crews of the smaller
ships. He withdrew his own army to a position towards the
north-east, in order to watch the movements of the Allies, and at
the same time secure his communication with Russia. St. Arnaud
came to the conclusion that it was impossible to attack Sebastopol
on the north side with any prospect of success. It could not be
accomplished by the army alone, and it was now impossible to

382

DELAYS BEFORE SEBASTOPOL

employ the fleet. It was, therefore, determined to march around
Sebastopol and attack it from the south.

The march began at noon on September 25th, the army passing Capture of
Mackenzie's farm and the Traktir bridge, where the road to Bala- Balaklava.
klava crosses the Tchernaia. The next day from a high ground
was seen the harbour of Balaklava, a deep port, lying between
opposing cliffs, crowned with walls and towers. An English
steamer soon made her appearance in the harbour, showing that
it had been captured, and communication with the fleet was
established. Only four shots had been fired by the garrison,
the commandant, being asked why he had fired at all, said that
he thought that he was bound to do so, until he was summoned
to surrender. No one was wounded on either side. The French
crossed the Tchernaia on the same day. It was soon seen that
Balaklava was of very little value and was not what the map
represented it to be. As the British were in possession of it, the
French gave up their position on the right, which was taken by
the British, together with the harbour, an arrangement which
proved a fruitful cause of disaster. The armies now took up the
positions which they were to occupy till the end of the war. Above
them was the broad plain of the Tauric Chersonesus, on which,
for nearly a year, their lives were to be passed, and on which many
were to die.

If the fortress had been assaulted on September 28th, it might Decision to
have been taken without loss. Sir George Cathcart declared that Bombard
he could walk into the place without the loss of a man, and the
Russians have expressed the same opinion. Indeed, the Cabinet
had reckoned upon this, and had made no preparations for a winter
campaign. Three-fourths of the troops arrived before the town
without their knapsacks, with no tents and no change of clothing.
The army brought with it the seeds of cholera, and, if it were not
intended to take Sebastopol by assault, it was a mistaken policy
to be in the Crimea at all. However, Canrobert, who, on the
death of St. Arnaud, had succeeded to the command of the French
army, thought it dangerous to advance, and his opinion was
shared by Sir John Burgoyne, who commanded the Engineers.
They decided that it was better to bombard the place before
storming it, and they were consequently compelled to wait till
October I7th, the earliest day they could put their siege-train
in position.

It happened that there were present among the Russians in
Sebastopol at this time two men of genius, Kornilov and Todleben.
Kornilov had been admiral of the sunken fleet. He was a man of

383

The Bom-
bardment of
Sebastopol.

Numbers
of the
Contending
Armies.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN] WORLD

enthusiastic nature, with that unfaltering faith in his Sovereign,
his country, and his God which inspires so many persons in his
wonderful country. He was killed at the opening of the siege,
but the spirit which had animated him lived after him. Todleben
was an engineer of unlimited patience and resource, who knew
how to make earthworks, and was well aware of their value. The
delays of the Allies gave him the opportunity of turning Sebastopol
into an impregnable fortress. He used the twenty days required
to bring up the Allies' siege-train in procuring the help of the
dockyard labourers and the resources of the arsenal to strengthen
his defences, and, when the bombardment began, the assailants
had before them an object of attack worthy of their supremest
efforts.

The fire opened at daybreak on October lyth, both from the
batteries and from the fleet, one of the fiercest bombardments
known to history. The Allies had imagined that the defences
of Sebastopol would fall before them like the walls of Jericho,
and they would walk in as conquerors. The result was entirely
different. The ships sustained some injury themselves, but effected
little loss on the enemy. The British succeeded in dominating
the Russian fire, but the French had no advantage, and the ex-
plosion of a magazine in their lines disheartened their troops and
silenced their batteries. The Russians repaired at night the effects
of the day's attack, and Sebastopol was actually stronger after the
bombardment, which was intended to be fatal, than when the
Allies arrived before it.

At the end of October, the British army, including the sailors
landed from the fleet, numbered about 25,000 combatants, the
French were about 40,000. At the Battle of the Alma the Allies
had only about 40,000 men against them, but during the six
weeks which followed Menshikov was largely reinforced. The
concentration of the Allies at Sebastopol had left all the roads
from Russia open, and the surrender of the Principalities set free
a large number of men for service in the Crimea, so that, by the
end of October, the Russian army was not less than 130,000 men
strong, twice the number of the Allies. Menshikov was now able
to take the offensive, and he first struck at the port of Balaklava.
We must give some description of the ground.

The outer harbour of Sebastopol is about four miles long from
its entrance in the Black Sea to the point where the Tchernaia
flows into it. The water in it is extremely deep, even close to the
shore. It was defended, at its entrance, by two shore forts, bearing
the name of Constantine and Alexander, as well as the Quarantine

384

SIEGE OF SEBASTOPOL

Fort outside and the Artillery Fort inside. There was also an inner
harbour, a mile and a half long, starting from the southern shore
of the great harbour, at about a mile from its entrance, defended
at its mouth by two forts named Nicholas and Paul.

Sebastopol stands on the western shore of this inner creek and Positions of
on the opposite side was the Karabelnaia suburb, which contained the Allies«
the barracks for the garrison. There was also, on the same side,
a creek on which the dockyards were built, and about a mile from
the inner harbour, on the same side, ran the so-called Careenage
Bay, terminated by Careenage Creek. The allied armies were
posted on a plateau separated from the valley of the Tchernaia
by a wall of cliff, which, at its termination, formed the boundary
of the harbour of Balaklava. The plateau is channelled by many
chasms and ravines and is marked by elevations, which afterwards
became well known as the Malakov, the Redan, and other similar
names. The extreme point of the Chersonesus, in this direction,
bore the name of Cape Cherson, and just to the north of it lie the
two inlets of Kazatch and Kamiesch, which were used by the
French as their sea base, and were far superior to Balaklava, which
had been assigned to the British.

The two harbours were connected with the French positions
by a paved road. The depression which forms the inner harbour
is connected by a ravine, which for some time formed the line of
separation between the French and the British armies. There
was also an important feature called the Woronzov Road, which
connected the Woronzov estate at Yalta with Sebastopol, and
crossed the Valley of Balaklava. A branch of this road crossed
the Tchernaia and went along the heights, by Mackenzie's farm
to Bakhtchiserai. By this road the Russians were able to approach
Balaklava without coming into the range of the allied batteries
placed upon the plateau.

Todleben, to strengthen the defence, built the Star Fort on Todleben's
the south side of the harbour, and on the same side completed Defences,
the defences which had been traced years before. These consisted
of the Redan, the Little Redan, batteries at Careenage Bay, and
a semicircular tower called the Malakov, built of stone, 4 feet
thick, 28 feet high, and 50 feet across. By September 26th
Todleben had armed this place with 172 pieces of ordnance. On
October 2nd, before the siege began, all non-combatants were
sent out of the town, the works were strengthened every day,
and a ship of 84 guns was moored at the head of the harbour.

As we have indicated, the valley between Balaklava and the
Tchernaia is crossed by a line of low hills, along which lies the
z 385

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Heavy
Brigade at
Balaklava.

Charge of
the Light
Brigade.

Woronzov Road. Four of these hills had been crowned with earth-
works of very slight description, armed with nine twelve-pounder
guns, and a high hill at the south-eastern corner had been fortified
and named Canrobert Hill after the new French commander.
On October 25th the Russians with a body of 22,000 infantry,
a large force of cavalry, and 78 guns, crossed the Tchernaia, and
began to bombard Canrobert Hill. The fire was returned by the
forts, and afterwards by the batteries of artillery, supported by the
Scots Greys. When it appeared that the attack was more formidable
than was anticipated, the British divisions and a French brigade
were sent to the scene of action, but, instead of descending into
the valley, they marched along the heights. They saw the Russians
storm Canrobert Hill, killing many of the Turks who occupied
the redoubt, and putting the rest to flight. There was a danger
of the Russians securing the shipping and stores at Balaklava,
which were only protected by the gsrd Regiment, under Sir Colin
Campbell, who, however, was equal to the trial.

Two brigades of British cavalry were at this time moving on
different sides of the ridge, the Light Brigade, numbering 600
on the side towards the Tchernaia, and the Heavy Brigade, number-
ing 900, on the side towards Balaklava. The Heavy Brigade was
commanded by General Scarlett. Scarlett did not know that he
was marching, with a comparatively small force, across the face
of a huge body of Russian cavalry. When he discovered this
fact, he wheeled his little force into position and prepared to
attack. The Russians, instead of charging, received the onslaught
at the halt, and the British cut their way through the column.
In eight minutes, the unwieldy column was broken and retreated
to the eastern end of the valley. The glory of this magnificent
exploit has been shared by the brilliant, but inexcusable, charge
of the Light Brigade, which followed on the same date (October
25th).

The Russian artillery still occupied the heights on the north,
the Russian troops still held the guns which they had captured
from the Turks, and a Russian army still held the eastern end of
the valley. But the valley itself was clear of the enemy. Lord
Raglan wished to recover the redoubts, on the south of the valley,
which had been captured from the Turks, as their possession
seemed necessary for the security of his base at Balaklava. He
therefore ordered Cathcart to recapture them ; but, the infantry
moving slowly, decided to employ cavalry for the purpose. He
gave the order, " Cavalry to advance and take advantage of any
opportunity to recover the heights. They will be supported by

386

"SOMEONE HAD BLUNDERED"

the infantry, which have been ordered to advance on two fronts."
On receiving this order, Lord Lucan moved the Heavy Brigade
to the other side of the ridge, to await the promised support of
the infantry. When it was seen that the Russians were attempt-
ing to carry off the guns they had captured, a second order was
sent to Lord Lucan, in the following words : " Lord Raglan wishes
the cavalry to advance rapidly to the front, and try to prevent
the enemy carrying away the guns. Troops of artillery may
accompany. French cavalry is on your left. Immediate." The
order was carried by Captain Nolan, who found Lord Lucan
between his two brigades, divided by the Woronzov Road.

Lord Raglan had intended the charge to be made against the How the
defeated Russian cavalry, who had retreated down the valley
towards the Tchernaia ; but Lord Lucan, strengthened in his
opinion by some blunder of Nolan's, understood the order to refer
to a large body of Russians posted right in front, strongly
supported on either side by artillery. Although both Lord
Cardigan and Lord Lucan knew the charge to be desperate, they
did not hesitate, and the order was given for the Brigade to
advance. They moved at a steady trot, and in a minute came
within the range of the cannon. After five minutes they found
themselves exposed to the fire of twelve guns in front, and the
pace was increased, but when they reached the battery more than
half the Brigade had been killed or wounded, and the rest were
now lost to view in the smoke of the guns. The Heavy Brigade
moved in support, but had to retire with severe loss, and a brilliant
diversion was effected by a regiment of Chasseurs d'Afrique, sent
by the French General Morris, whose well-directed charge saved
many British lives. Behind the smoke of the guns the Light
Cavalry drove the gunners off and charged parties of Russian
cavalry, who retreated ; but they soon had to retreat them-
selves, and rode back, singly, or in twos or threes, some wounded,
some supporting wounded comrades. But when the Russian
cavalry drew up across the valley to cut off the retreat of the
British, the 8th Hussars and some of the I7th Lancers scattered
them to right and left.

The Brigade had lost 247 men killed and wounded. The A Futile
Russians were left in undisturbed possession of the three hills Effort,
which they had captured, with their seven guns. The charge of
the Light Brigade will be remembered for ever ; that of the
Heavy Brigade is well-nigh forgotten ; but, while Scarlett led his
men to a gallant and successful feat of arms, Cardigan's squadrons
were the victims of an unhappy blunder. The French character-

387

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

" Sand-bag
Battery."

Before
Inkerman,

ised the operation in their well-known phrase, " C'est magnifique,
mais ce n'est pas la guerre."

The plateau above Sebastopol, upon which the allied forces
were encamped, was accessible to the Russians at many points,
but especially by the Careenage Ravine, which was a continua-
tion of the Careenage Harbour. At noon on October 25th, the
day of the Battle of Balaklava, a Russian force of six battalions
and four light field guns, came out of the town and ascended the
ravine and the slope which led to the camp of the Second Division.
They threw a heavy fire on Mount Inkerman, but were easily
repelled by De Lacy Evans, who was in command of the British
troops opposed to them, and who gradually withdrew his pickets
and dispersed the enemy with artillery. It is probable that the
object of the Russians was to establish a redoubt on Shell Hill, in
order to cover a more serious attack to be made at a future time.
In order to prevent them, the British built a battery upon an
advanced ridge, armed it with two eighteen pounders, and called it
the " Sand-bag Battery/' When it had done its work of clear-
ing the Russians its guns were removed, but the post became
important in future operations.

On November 4th it was known on both sides that a crisis was
impending. The allied infantry before Sebastopol now consisted
of 31,000 French, 16,000 British, and 11,000 Turks. The French
siege corps was endeavouring to retrieve its disaster of October
I7th. The British were strengthening their batteries and replenish-
ing their magazines, and their daily loss of men was not so large
as that of the Russians. A meeting of the allied commanders
had been summoned for November 5th, to concert measures for
delivering the final assault. The total of Menshikov's forces in
and around Sebastopol was not less than 100,000 men, without
counting the seamen, so that about 115,000 men were opposed
to 50,000.

In the early dawn of Sunday, November 5th, the bells of the
churches were celebrating the arrival at Sebastopol of the young
Grand Dukes, Michael and Nicholas. Menshikov chose that day
for a great battle, and it was his purpose to drive the Allies from
the Crimea by an attack all along the line. He felt himself strong
enough to threaten at all points, and to strike at many ; but his
main plan was aimed at a rocky eminence on the right flank of
the British army. Simonov was to move up the Careenage Ravine
with 19,000 infantry and 38 guns ; Paulov was to advance along
the Woronzov Road, round the bridge of the Tchernaia, with 16,000
infantry and 96 guns ; whilst Gortshakov was to support the grand

388

THE ATTACK AT INKERMAN

attack with a division, and the garrison of Sebastopol was to
cover the right flank of the attacking force with its artillery
fire. When the two bodies of Simonov and Paulov had
effected their juncture they were to be commanded by General
Dannenberg.

The ground which was the object of the main attack was An Early,
occupied by about 3,100 men of the Second Division, and three- Morning
quarters of a mile behind them was the Brigade of Guards, number- Attack>
ing 1,330 men. Two miles in the rear of the Second Division were
the nearest troops of Bosquet's Army Corps. Simonov left
Sebastopol in the middle of the night, and, passing to the
Careenage Ravine, began to form the order of battle at about
6 a.m. He did not wait for Paulov, but began the attack at once.
He placed twenty-two heavy guns on Shell Hill and opened fire
and attacked with his columns at about 7 a.m. The pickets of
the Second Division, commanded by General Pennefather, in the
absence, through illness, of De Lacy Evans, were driven back ;
but the main body was moved forward to support them, the crest
being held by twelve nine-pounder guns. The morning was foggy
and the ground muddy, but the mist was sufficient to conceal
from the Russians that the troops attacked had no immediate
support.

Simonov assaulted the British left, the troops, fortunately, The
being in ignorance of the enormous numbers opposed to them. *
By extraordinary acts of personal prowess and daring seven out
of the fourteen battalions were repulsed, and Simonov himself
was killed. Paulov, advancing up the Quarry Ravine from the
Tchernaia, was not more successful. The 4ist Regiment, number-
ing 525, drove five battalions of Russians, numbering 4,000, down
the hills. When General Dannenberg arrived a new action began.
He brought with him about 19,000 infantry and 90 guns, and
attacked the centre and right of the British position. But by
this time the British had received reinforcements. Cathcart had
come with 400 men of the Fourth Division, but his troops suffered
heavily, and he was himself shot dead. Indeed, the British right
was in considerable danger, until a French regiment came to its
assistance.

Finally, the Russians made a third attack with 6,000 men,
the Allies being able to meet them with 5,000, the Russian artillery
still having the predominance. Issuing from the Quarry Ravine,
they attacked the British centre and left, and met with con-
siderable success. They penetrated as far as the Careenage
Ravine and spiked some British guns. The attack was finally

389

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

repulsed by the combined efforts of the French and British, and
it was all over by eleven o'clock.

The Effect The Battle of Inkerman was without decisive results to either

side' The British had not the numbers, nor the French the desire
to turn the defeat into a rout. The early gloom of a November
evening descended upon the battle-field. The Russian losses were
said to be 12,000 killed and wounded. The British lost 597
killed and 1,760 wounded ; the French, 143 killed and 786
wounded. This shows that the Allies had acted mainly on the
defensive, and had spent their efforts in driving back the Russians.
The heavy Russian losses were mainly due to the fact that they
persisted in attacking by columns, whereas, if they had thrown
out skirmishers, they would have been more successful. The
British losses, also, would have been less severe if they had trusted
more to their artillery. The battle, however, had a great moral
effect, and the Russians lost all hope of driving the Allies from
the plateau they occupied. At the same time, the losses of the
Russians had been more than double those of the Allies, the
conditions of the campaign were altered, and all idea of an
immediate assault on the part of the Russians was given up.

Sufferings of It became evident that the Allies would have to remain in

the Allied fae Crimea during the winter. But no preparations had been
made for this contingency. It had been difficult enough to provide
the army with the arms and ammunition necessary for the bom-
bardment, and nothing had been done to furnish the soldiers
with what was absolutely necessary for their health. Even those
who were wounded in battle or struck down with cholera had
neither adequate shelter nor the necessary medical comforts.
Matters were made worse by a terrible storm on November i4th.
Up to this time the tents had stood in dry and level spaces of
turf, and it had been possible to supply the rations for men and
horses with tolerable regularity. But the storm changed all this.
It tore down whole camps and scattered them on the plain, so
that there was no refuge for the men when they returned from
the trenches. The sick and wounded were without protection,
quantities of food and forage were spoilt, and communications
with Balaklava were interrupted. Twenty-one vessels in or near
the harbour were dashed to pieces, among them the Prince, a
magnificent steamer, containing stores of every kind which the
Government could think of for the comfort of the troops, besides
twenty days' hay for the horses. The French lost their most
beautiful vessel, the Henri IV., and the storm affected the Russians
as well as the Allies.

390

THE HORRORS OF SEBASTOPOL

After the storm came the snow. The sick and wounded had Winter in
to lie in mud, and the trenches were often deep in water. The the Crunea'
soldiers were afraid to pull off their boots, lest they should not
be able to draw them on again. The difficulty of cooking induced
the men to devour their rations raw, and this largely increased
the number of the sick. There was, it is true, a sufficiency of
salt meat, biscuits, and rum, but there was little variety, and
means of preparing it were lacking. There was stored at Balak-
lava plenty of flour, rice, fuel, vegetables, tea, but there was no
Army Service Corps to convey these supplies to the front. The
sufferings of the animals were frightful ; they died all round the
camp and on the road to Balaklava, and lay unburied where they
died. The labour of toiling through the muddy roads to Balaklava
to fetch their own forage killed many horses on each journey.
The result was that by the end of November the British had nearly
8,000 men in hospital. The great hospital was at Scutari, close
to Constantinople, and the journey thither proved the death of
many. The hospital itself was said to be " crammed with misery,
overflowing with despair."

It is true that every effort was made both at home and on Superiority
the spot to remedy these disasters, and on January I3th, 1855, of French
Lord Raglan was able to write, " I believe I may assert that
every man in the army has received a second blanket, a jersey
frock, flannel drawers and socks, and some kind of winter coat
in addition to his ordinary great coat," but still the number of
the sick mounted up till it reached 14,000. The French were
better off, because their harbours were more convenient : their
transport was well organised, and the sea was at a shorter distance.
On the other hand, their tents were a very inadequate protection
against the weather, and their rations were barely sufficient to
keep them in health. They lost many men from sickness,
especially frostbite. Still, they received reinforcements, so that
in January they had 78,000 men on the plateau, whereas the
British had only 11,000 men fit to bear arms. Lord Raglan
admitted that the numbers of the French were at least four times
those of his own troops. Canrobert, therefore, relieved the British
from the duty of guarding part of their ground, and this set free
1,500 men.

As we have said, strenuous efforts were made to relieve these Florence
sufferings. A Crimean Army Fund was established in England, Nightingale,
by means of which not only necessaries, but luxuries, were poured
into the camps. Sidney Herbert, also, the Secretary for War,
succeeded in introducing a better system of management into

391

The Ministry
Condemned.

Ascendency
of

Palmerston.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

the hospitals at Constantinople. Florence Nightingale, whose
name must ever be held in reverence by English-speaking people,
arrived at Scutari on November 4th, 1854, accompanied by
eighteen Protestant sisters and nurses and twenty trained nurses.
She organised the management of the hospital on a new plan,
which became the pattern of modern scientific nursing. Improve-
ments, however, were slow to take effect, and in the four winter
months nearly nine thousand soldiers died in the hospitals.

Such was the result of the war which had been entered into
with such lightheartedness and begun with so much enthusiasm.
The then rising generation had had no experience of war in Europe.
For the first time in the history of war newspaper correspondents
at the front were writing home vivid accounts and impressions of
what they saw with their own eyes. The public felt that they
themselves had largely been the cause of these misfortunes, but
scrupled not to call for the punishment of the men whom they
had driven into a course of action of which their better judgment
disapproved. When Parliament met on January 23rd, 1855,
Mr. Roebuck gave notice that he would move for a Committee
of Inquiry. Lord John Russell immediately resigned, on the
ground that he had strongly urged the reorganisation of the War
Office in the previous autumn, and he felt he could not defend in
public arrangements he had condemned in private. His retire-
ment made the defence of the Ministry impossible. After two
nights' debate it was defeated by the large majority of 305 to
148, and Lord Aberdeen resigned the Premiership.

Thus ended the career of a man who deserved a better fate.
He had been an excellent Foreign Minister under Peel, but was
unfit for the position of a leader on strong lines. He could not
command his own Cabinet, nor restrain the efforts of Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe, aided by Lord Palmerston, to plunge the
country into what he knew to be an indefensible war. When he
resigned, public opinion pointed to Lord Palmerston as his
successor, and after a vain attempt to secure the services of
Lord Derby, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord John Russell, the Queen
was obliged to send for the Minister whom, above all others, she
and the Prince Consort especially disliked.

392

CHAPTER XIV
THE CRIMEAN WAR: THE CONDITIONS OF PEACE

THE history of the Crimean War during the year 1855 can now The Four
be written with more fullness and accuracy, in consequence of the Points of
publication of the letters of Queen Victoria. In the autumn of Peace*
1854 the Tsar was desirous of peace, and at the beginning of 1855
agreed to accept the Four Points originally put forward by the
four Powers, together with the interpretation now put upon
them. The Four Points were : the cessation of the Russian
protectorate over Moldavia, Wallachia and Servia ; the privileges
granted by the Sultan to the Principalities to be effectually
guaranteed by the Powers ; the free navigation of the Danube
and the termination of the preponderance of the Russian power in
the Black Sea ; and abandonment by Russia of her claim to
protect any subjects of the Porte. The Queen, however, thought
it most important that Sebastopol should first be taken. Before
Parliament met she showed her confidence in Lord Aberdeen
by forcing upon him the Order of the Garter, which he was
extremely reluctant to receive.

Lord John Russell, as has been seen, left the Ministry at the Lord John
first intimation of Mr. Roebuck's Commission of Inquiry. The Russell's
Queen was surprised and disgusted at this conduct, and expressed Desertlon*
these feelings to him in a strong and abrupt letter. Aberdeen
was shocked at being deserted without notice or warning, so that
the only object could be to upset the Government. Palmerston
was equally scandalised at Russell's conduct, and wrote him a
scolding letter ; but the Cabinet felt that without Lord John
they could not go on and determined to resign. The Queen
protested against this as exposing her and the country to the
greatest peril, since it was impossible to change the Government
at the moment without altering the whole policy of the nation in
diplomacy and war. Yielding to the Queen's wishes, the Ministry
resolved to meet Mr. Roebuck's motion, though with little hope
of success. Lord Palmerston became leader of the House of
Commons, and at 2 a.m. on January 3Oth announced to the Queen
that Mr. Roebuck's motion had been carried with a majority of
157, a large number of Liberals voting in the majority. The

393

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Roebuck's
Commission
of Inquiry.

Death of the

Emperor

Nicholas.

Tories, however, refused to regard the division as a party triumph.
At 3 o'clock in the afternoon Aberdeen came down to Windsor
and tendered the unanimous resignation of the Cabinet.

It seemed almost as if the Premiership might go a-begging.
The Queen tried first one statesman, then another, but for two
or three days to no purpose, reluctance to serve with Lord John
Russell being at the root of the difficulty. Finally, and in despair,
she was at length obliged to solicit the co-operation of Lord
Palmerston, who handsomely undertook to come to his Sovereign's
rescue. But the Queen's troubles were not yet ended. Roebuck
determined to proceed with the appointment of a Committee of
Inquiry, and the Government did not oppose it. Mr. Gladstone
and his friends, Sidney Herbert and the Duke of Argyll (who had
consented to join Palmerston on the assurance that his policy
would not be bellicose), were of opinion that this action was most
unconstitutional, a most presumptuous and most dangerous course,
after which it would be impossible for the Executive ever to oppose
again the most absurd and preposterous demands for inquiry.
Therefore, on February 2ist, they retired from the Cabinet. The
Queen wrote to her uncle, " We have lost our three best men —
certainly from the best and purest of motives, but the result is
unfortunate. Altogether affairs are very unsettled and unsatis-
factory. The good people here are a little alarmed, but I feel
sure that it will right itself. Lord John's return to office under
Lord Palmerston is most extraordinary." Another cause of
anxiety was the determination of the Emperor of the French to
go to the Crimea, a course to which the Queen, Prince Albert,
Lord Palmerston, and the Emperor's own advisers were strongly
opposed. Eventually it was averted, but it had been determined
that if he did go Lord Cowley was to accompany him.

On March 2nd, 1855, a dispatch was received at Windsor
from The Hague, saying that the Emperor Nicholas had died that
morning at i a.m. of pulmonic apoplexy after an attack of
influenza. He really died of a broken heart, the final blow being
given by the defeat of the Russians by the Turks at Eupatoria.
In this place Omar Pasha had collected about 30,000 men, and
the Russians, feeling that both Perekop and Simpheropol were
threatened, ordered Wrangel to drive them out. The Russians
were entirely defeated and driven back with great loss. There-
upon Menshikov resigned the command, and Gortshakov took
his place. The Emperor felt the blow keenly, although in his
letters he did everything he could to spare the feelings of the
defeated generals. On February 27th he caught a chill at a review

394

SORTIE FROM SEBASTOPOL

of the Imperial Guard, and died three days afterwards. He was
succeeded by his son Alexander II. The news of the Tsar's death
reached Sevastopol on March 6th, and was communicated by
Canrobert to General Osten Sacken. Both sides hoped that it
might hasten the conclusion of peace, but meanwhile the operations
went on.

The allied generals were of opinion that the fall of Sebastopol Struggle far
could only be brought about by the capture of the Karabelnaian ^ Green
suburb, and that this could only be effected by their becoming
masters of the Malakov Tower, for which purpose the occupation
of the Green Hill was necessary. Todleben, however, succeeded
in establishing a lunette on the Green Hill, and by a system of
earthworks, partly under ground and partly over, greatly impeded
the siege. Between March I3th and March 3ist there were four
skirmishes between the Russians and the French. On April igth
Rear-Admiral Istovich was killed on the Green Hill and buried
in the cathedral near to Komilov. On the night of March 22nd
a sortie was made by Kulov, but without success. Eight
Russian officers and nearly 400 men were slain and more than
1,000 wounded ; the French lost 600 killed and wounded ; and
the British fewer. This sortie was the most murderous of the
whole siege, and an armistice was arranged for the burial of the
dead and the care of the wounded. At the same time the besieg-
ing forces were increased by Turkish troops, which Omar Pasha
brought from Eupatoria.

A great bombardment was arranged for April gth. The A Terrific
previous day was Easter Sunday, the most important festival of Bombard-
the Russian year, and the troops decorated their new fortifica- ment*
tions with sacred pictures, and the clergy offered prayers for the
success of the Russian arms. Women and children ventured into
the trenches to give the Easter kiss to their husbands and fathers.
There was laughing and singing in the cheerful throng, which
was unconscious of the fate which awaited them next day.
During the night the weather, till then fine, changed to
torrential rain. At 5 o'clock in the morning 520 cannons of the
Allies opened fire and were answered by nearly 1,000 on the
Russian side. In estimating the difficulties of the besiegers, we
must remember that all artillery and ammunition had to be
brought from the coast, that the batteries were 30 feet thick,
and that the earth of which they were made had to be brought
from a distance. By midday the fire of the besiegers was seen
to be superior to that of the Russians. Breaches were made in
the wall which united the Quarantine and the Central Bastion,

395

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

and several Russian forts were destroyed, notably those on the
Green Hill. The Russians had lost 536 men, but the Allies deter-
mined not to storm the place, but to continue bombardment for
ten days longer.

The Allies' Todleben afterwards admitted that they might easily have

Fatal Delay, become masters of the Flagstaff Bastion, and that this would
have carried with it the fall of Sebastopol. But the Allies could
not make up their minds. Niel, the new French general, believed
that the Russians had in their trenches a number of concealed
cannon, and said that an attack on Sebastopol would be rather in
the nature of a battle than a storm, and that in a battle the
ground must be favourable for the command of troops. Neither
Canrobert nor Raglan could successfully oppose these views, and
it is Todleben's opinion that this hesitation was increased by the
fear of Russian mines. The ten days' bombardment, which had
taken six months to prepare, and in which 254,000 projectiles
were fired at a loss of the lives of 6,000 Russians, 1,584 French,
and 205 British soldiers, must be pronounced an entire failure.
The third day cost the life of General Buzot, who had laid the
mine before the Flagstaff Battery, which held about 50,000 pounds
of gunpowder. The explosion of this mine, on the evening of
April 1 5th, was like a funeral salute to the general who had been
the maker of it.

The Russian The condition of the Russian wounded during the ten days

Shambles. was incredible. In the ball-room of the Nobles Club sixty

Sisters of the Cross tended the wounded. The floor was several

inches deep in blood. In the next room the blood streamed down

from the operating tables, and heaps of amputated limbs were

thrown into casks. One of the most skilful operators was a sailor,

Paskevich, who was specially expert in tying up arteries. The

atmosphere of the room was a repulsive mixture of the odours of

blood and chloroform and sulphur. When seen at night the scene

can only be likened to the lower regions of Dante's Malebolge.

Neutralisa- It now became important that Austria should make up her

tion of the mind to take decided action, that is, to force Russia to accept

ac ea. ^e jrour Points under threat of declaring war. For this purpose

representatives of the Powers interested were sent to Vienna —

Lord John Russell from England, Emir Ali Pasha from Turkey,

and Drouyn de 1'Huys from France. The last-named, before

proceeding to Vienna, went to London to discuss with Clarendon,

Palmerston and Lansdowne the exact meaning of the Third Point,

to which Russia had the strongest objection. Was the Black Sea

. to be entirely neutralised, that is, closed to the warships of all

396

AUSTRIA AND THE FOUR POINTS

nations, or only the numbers of the Russian fleet to be limited ?
The French Emperor was in favour of neutralisation, that is to
say, that neither Russia nor Turkey should have ships in the
Black Sea or Sea of Azov ; that the harbours in these seas should
be regarded as places of commerce, in which consuls might be
established ; that any concentration of troops which might
threaten the security of the neighbouring States should be illegal ;
and that, if these conditions were not observed, Great Britain,
France, and Austria should have the power of sending their fleets
into the Black Sea. If it were preferred to proceed in a different
manner, Russia and Turkey should be allowed to have only four
ships of the line and four frigates in the Black Sea and the Sea of
Azov, and a corresponding number of light, unarmed vessels for
the transport of troops. France, Great Britain and Austria
might have half these numbers, but Russia should not have the
right of entrance into the Mediterranean. In case of danger, and
at the command of the Porte, the whole fleets of the three Powers
might pass the Bosphorus, and these Powers should also have the
right of establishing consuls in the ports of the two seas.

From London Drouyn de 1'Huys went to Vienna, where he Austria
found Buol in favour of pressing the Four Points, but reluctant Favours
to declare war if they were not accepted, and preferring limita- Russia<
tion to neutralisation. In his conversation with the Emperor,
Drouyn de 1'Huys said that the settlement of the Eastern Question
was not so important as a good understanding between France
and Austria ; but it is doubtful whether in saying this he was
expressing the real opinions of his Sovereign. Francis Joseph
received these advances with caution. He had not forgotten that
the Emperor of the French, when urging an Austrian alliance
upon Hiibner in Paris, had said, by way of threat, " I have con-
fidence in Austria, but I suppose you know I could kindle a war
in Austria as easily as I light this cigarette." The Austrian
Emperor desired to treat Russia with as great tenderness as
possible.

In the Conference it was found that Gortshakov was in favour Failure
of all limitations being removed and the straits being open to the of the
warships of all nations. This was opposed by Russell and AH Con
Pasha. After Russell had left Vienna Gortshakov proposed that
the straits should be closed as a rule, but that they might
be opened to the fleets of all nations in case the Porte asked for
assistance. But these propositions were futile. Drouyn de 1'Huys
had been ordered by the Emperor to consent either to neutralise
the Black Sea or to limit the Russian fleet, and he had no authority

397

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Visit of the
Emperor and
Empress to
England.

Councils of
War at
Windsor.

to accept any other proposals. As Austria and Russia were
opposed to both conditions, the Conference, so far as France was
concerned, came to an end, and the British representative had
already left.

Matters entered upon a new phase by the visit of the Emperor
and Empress of the French to England. The charm and beauty
of the young Empress delighted all hearts, her drive down
Piccadilly being a triumphal procession. They were received at
Windsor with great pomp and were lodged in the suite of apart-
ments which had been arranged for the Emperor Nicholas in
1844. The Queen was deeply impressed both by the Emperor
and the Empress, She wrote that "he is a very extraordinary
man, with great qualities, there can be no doubt. I might almost
say a mysterious man. He is evidently possessed of indomitable
courage, unflinching firmness of purpose, self-reliance, persever-
ance, and great secrecy. To this should be added a great reliance
on what he calls his star, and belief in omens and incidents as
connected with his future destiny, which is almost romantic, and
at the same time he is endowed with wonderful self-control, great
calmness, even gentleness, and with a power of fascination the
effect of which upon all those who become more intimately
acquainted with him is most sensibly felt/* She mentions that
he had written in 1847, " Let us hope that the day may yet come
when I shall carry out the intentions of my uncle, by uniting the
policy and interests of England and France in an indissoluble
alliance. That hope cheers and energises me. It forbids me
repining at the altered fortunes of my family.'* She wrote of
the Empress, " I am sure you would be charmed with the
Empress ; it is not such great beauty, but such great elegance,
sweetness, and nature. Her manners are charming ; the profile
and figure beautiful and particularly distinguee"

Advantage was taken of the Emperor's presence at Windsor
to hold two councils of war in the Castle. On April i8th Prince
Albert stated that all present were opposed to the Emperor's
going to the Crimea. Two days later another council was held,
at which the Queen was present, in which detailed arrangements
were made for the prosecution of the siege. The journey of the
Emperor was left uncertain, but all idea of peace was to be post-
poned until a decisive victory should be gained by the fall of
Sebastopol. On hearing of this Drouyn de 1'Huys resigned. He
could no longer follow the Emperor in his foreign policy. He
knew or suspected his ulterior designs with regard to Italy ; these
designs were, indeed, partly revealed by the accession of Sardinia

398

AUSTRIA'S NEUTRALITY

to the alliance and the dispatch of an Italian contingent to the
seat of war. Drouyn de 1'Huys knew that the foreign policy of
the Emperor was now at the parting of the ways. For himself,
he preferred that which represented the traditional policy of
France to that which arose from the private objects of the
Napoleonic dynasty.

In fact the Emperor was reminded of his engagements towards Attempt on
Italy by an attempt upon his life made by an Italian, Pianori, Napoleon's
who fired two pistol-shots at him in the Champs Elysees, neither 1 e*
of which took effect. Pianori was guillotined, and the Emperor,
feeling more acutely the uncertainty of his position, gave up the
journey to the Crimea. The place of Drouyn de 1'Huys was taken
by Walewski, who had been ambassador in London. He was
a natural son of Napoleon I., whom he resembled in a striking
manner.

At the end of May Buol made a proposal that the number Austria's
of Russian troops in the Black Sea, now greatly reduced, should Negotiations
not be increased, and that any addition to the Russian ships Wlth Russia>
should be followed by an addition to those of the Powers.
He offered to present this as an ultimatum to Russia, and to
declare war if it were rejected, but this proposal was declined
by the Powers. Buol then proposed a private arrangement
between Russia and Turkey, which Gortshakov accepted. A
further proposal of Buol's, that the Russian fleet in the Black
Sea should not exceed its present diminished number, was taken
by Gortshakov ad referendum, as he knew that Great Britain
and France would never consent to it.

Russia, however, had gained her object in keeping Austria
neutral. When Gortshakov left Vienna Francis Joseph thanked
him for his conciliatory attitude, and the Russians believe that
he gave him an assurance that Austria would never take up a
hostile attitude towards his country. The conduct of Austria
in these matters had been wavering and uncertain, but it must
be remembered that her finances were in a very bad condition,
and that for her war meant bankruptcy. The heads of the
Austrian War Office were also opposed to war. France and
Great Britain were disgusted with her temporising policy, and
made known to her that in any peaceful arrangement which
they might eventually make with Russia they should not feel
bound to consider the interests of Austria.

In the council held at Windsor on April zoth, it had been
determined that a body of 60,000 men would be required to hold
the trenches and the town after it was taken, and that the rest

399

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Plan of
Attack on
Sebastopol.

A French
Success.

of the allied army should be used for defensive purposes as might
be necessary, so that the army should be divided into two sections,
one for the siege and the other for general operations. The
60,000 men of the besieging army should be composed of 30,000
French and 30,000 Turks, and be under the command of Can-
robert ; the army of operations should be made up of 25,000 British
and 15,000 Sardinian troops, to which should be added, if possible,
5,000 French and 10,000 Turks. This should be under the command
of Lord Raglan. A second army of operations should be composed
of the remaining 45,000 French already before Sebastopol and
25,000 more who were now at Constantinople in reserve. This
army of 70,000 French should be under the direct command of
the Emperor, or of some general whom he might appoint. Before
these arrangements were known, the assault was fixed, for April
28th, but on the news that the steamers were under orders to
bring the reserve from Constantinople the plan of an assault
was given up.

On May 5th Niel took the place of Buzot in command of the
engineers, and on May i7th Pelissier succeeded Canrobert, who
had begun to have some difficulties with Lord Raglan, and now
resumed the command of his own division. Pelissier had to choose
between two plans of operation, either to cut off the communications
between Sebastopol and Simpheropol or to proceed with the
destruction of the southern works of defence. The latter course
was chosen, partly because there were no trustworthy maps of
the region with which the first alternative was concerned, and
partly because operations in the interior might be deferred. At
the same time he determined to make an attack on Kertch, and
ordered Canrobert, supported by the Sardinians, to descend into
the plain of the Tchernaia.

There was a difference of opinion between Niel and Pelissier,
and Pelissier had the stronger will of the two. Niel was in favour
of enclosing the whole of Sebastopol, but Pelissier urged that to
take the Mackenzie Heights, which was necessary for this purpose,
would be as costly as a storm. At the same time the united forces
of the Allies amounted to 180,000 men, against the 100,000 which
Russia could oppose to them, which gave some support to the
views of Niel and the Emperor. Todleben now formed an entrenched
camp, which commanded the flank of the French approaches and
defended the Central and Quarantine Bastions, and Krilov threw
up earthworks on the heights of Quarantine Bay. These works
were attacked successfully by the French. The Russians suffered
very serious losses, and became convinced that this kind of defence

400

ATTACK ON THE MAMELON

was disastrous, and the iron ring which enclosed them grew
gradually tighter.

On May 25th Pelissier made a movement which improved The Allies'
his position and secured himself from an attack in the rear. Some ImProyed
important ground was wrested from the Russians. The Sardinians
secured for themselves an independent position, between the
French and British, and Omar Pasha pitched his camp close to
the redoubts which had been lost in the Battle of Balaklava. The
line of the Allies was thus extended and strengthened, and their
encampment was made more sanitary, with a good supply of forage
and water.

The bombardment began on June 6th. It was agreed that Capture of
the French should attack both the Careenage Bay redoubts and J?e
the Green Hill, or Mamelon, while the British should occupy the
Quarries before the Great Redan. On June yth, just before sunset,
the signal for the attack was given by Bosquet from the Lancaster
Battery and by Pelissier from the Victoria Redoubt. The French,
under Leconte and Failly, successfully stormed the two redoubts
opposed to them, and 400 Russians, including twelve officers,
were taken prisoners. The storming of the Mamelon was more
difficult, but, after a severe struggle, it was eventually carried.
The British succeeded in taking the Quarries, and the conquered
batteries were used against the Russians. On June gth an
armistice was proclaimed for burying the dead. The French
loss was, in men 628 dead, 4,160 wounded, 379 missing, and in
officers 69 dead, 203 wounded, and 4 missing. The British had
lost altogether 693 men, and the loss of the Russians was estim-
ated at 6,000, although they only admitted a loss of 2,500 men.
Among the dead was General Tomosiev. The French had captured
seventy-three guns in the Mamelon, of which twenty-one were
of heavy calibre.

This victory raised the spirit of the Allies. The generals Pe'lissier
were in favour of a storm along the whole line, but Pelissier and the
insisted on limiting the attack to the Karabelnaia until the I<mPeror'
Malakov Tower and the Redan were in his hands. Pelissier was
at this time much troubled by the interference of the Emperor,
who was very anxious for the conquest of Simpheropol, and
intimated to his master that unless he were trusted and allowed
to carry out his own views he must resign the command.

It was now settled in a council of war held on June 15 th that

the fourth bombardment should begin on June I7th, and that

simultaneously on June i8th (Waterloo Day) the French were to

storm the Malakov Tower and the British the Redan. A demon-

2 A 401

Death of

Lord

Raglan.

Queen
Victoria in
Paris.

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

stration should be made in the valley of the Tchernaia by the
Sardinians and Turks, supported by five divisions of the French.
This bombardment was so severe that by the evening all the
Russian batteries were silenced and the Russian hospitals over-
crowded with the wounded. The garrison of Sebastopol, con-
sisting of 43,000 soldiers and 10,000 sailors, performed wonders
of bravery and self-devotion.

But the attacks of June i8th failed. The French, by a mistake,
began their advance too soon, and were forced to retreat. The
Redan was stoutly defended, and the British were repulsed with
severe losses. The Russians were correspondingly jubilant, and
their thanksgivings for victory were heard in the allied camps.
The failure of this attack, from which so much had been expected,
cost the life of Lord Raglan. Five days later an officer of the
staff wrote: "I fear that it has affected Lord Raglan's health;
he looks far from well, and has aged very much latterly." On
June 26th he was seized with cholera and died two days after-
wards. Next morning Pelissier stood for more than an hour by
the bed on which the corpse had been laid, crying like a child.
On July 3rd the coffin, on a gun-carriage drawn by eight artillery
horses, was taken to Kazatch, through a continuous line of British
and French soldiers, and placed on board the Caradoc, the ship
which had brought him from England. His place in the command
was taken by General Simpson. Just before this Todleben had
been wounded and had to leave the field of action, and on
June 1 2th the Russians lost their most valiant champion, Admiral
Paul Nakhimov.

On the other hand, the position of the Allies before Sebastopol
was far from favourable. Misunderstandings arose between the
British and French commanders in the field, and there were
grave doubts whether it would be possible to continue the siege
of Sebastopol through another winter. At the same time Omar
Pasha was anxious to leave the Crimea and to devote himself to
the defence of the Caucasus. However, the visit of the Queen and
the Prince to Paris, where they stood with the Emperor before
the grave of the great Napoleon in the Invalides, strengthened
the essential conditions of the alliance.

402

CHAPTER XV
THE CAPTURE OF SEBASTOPOL

IN the middle of August, 1855, the parallel of the Allies was only Todleben's

a short distance from the Malakov and the Little Redan, so that Fears.

the question arose in the Russian camp whether it were better

to continue a hopeless defence, or make an effort to drive the

besiegers from their position. Gortshakov was opposed to an

attack, and wrote in July to Dolgorouki, the Minister of War,

that it would be madness to assault an enemy so strongly posted

and fortified. It might be easy to gain a temporary success which

would sound well to the public ear, but it would mean a loss of

from 10,000 to 15,000 men, and necessitate the surrender of

Sebastopol. It was urged, on the other hand, that the daily

drain on the defenders of Sebastopol was very considerable, even

when there was no special attack, and that when reinforcements

arrived it would be better to employ them in the offensive against

the Allies than allow them to waste away uselessly. Gortshakov

gradually gave way, but determined to wait for the arrival of

sixty cohorts of militia from the Central Provinces. The question

was at last, by the Emperor's command, submitted to a council

of war on July soth, and the majority decided on an attack on

the Tchernaia. Todleben, who was lying wounded at Belbek,

was strongly opposed to this plan, and Gortshakov undertook it,

although convinced it would fail. He wrote to Dolgorouki :

" I march against the enemy because if I do not do so Sebastopol

will shortly fall. The conditions of the attack are terrible. The

position of the enemy is particularly strong. I have only 43,000

infantry against 60,000. If disaster follow it is not my fault.

I have done my best, but, since my arrival in the Crimea, the task

has been too hard for me/'

The position of the Allies on the Tchernaia was very strong. Position of
Balaklava lay to the south, Inkerman to the north, and the river the Allies,
to the east. In the centre Herbillon commanded nearly 18,000
men with 48 cannon, three divisions were in reserve, besides a
strong cavalry division under Morris and the reserve of artillery.
On the right were the Sardinians, and there were, besides, 10,000
Turks and 3,000 British under Scarlett. Two bridges crossed

403

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The

Russians

Attack,

The Fight
at the
Tpaktir
Bridge.

Retreat
of the
Russians.

the Tchernaia, one the Traktir Bridge, over which passed the
road to Simpheropol, the other two miles distant, near the mouth
of the river.

Gortshakov' s force was divided into two army corps, the
first commanded by Read, and the second by Liprandi. There
were also an infantry reserve, a cavalry reserve, and an artillery
reserve. His whole army amounted to 60,000 or 70,000 men,
of which only 45,000 could, according to Todleben, be made
available for attack. The Russians left the Mackenzie Heights
on the evening of August I5th. The general plan was that Read
was to attack the French, and Liprandi the Sardinians, while
Gortshakov was to assist one or the other as occasion might
demand. A dense fog concealed the advance of the Russian
army. When Gortshakov arrived on the field he found that
nothing had been done, and sent to Read and Liprandi to ask
what they were waiting for ; it was time to begin. Read said,
" Begin what ? " and on the question being repeated said, " Good !
tell the Prince that I will begin the cannonade." The Russians
attacking the Sardinians at first forced them to retire, but under
the orders of La Marmora they took up a strong defensive position.

Gortshakov was preparing to attack the Sardinians when
he heard firing on the right wing. This came from Read, who,
inspired by the retreat of the Sardinians, had attacked the French
and driven them from the bridge across the river. However,
reinforcements came up and the Russians were repulsed in their
turn. Indeed, the assault was so severe that Read and the chief
of his staff were killed. It was still early in the morning, and
the mist concealed the movements of the Russians. They gained
a temporary advantage in an attack on Division Failly, but did
not know how to make use of it. The battle raged principally
round the Traktir Bridge. When Pelissier was convinced that
the attack on the Tchernaia was not a feint, he brought up fresh
forces from the town. The Division Dulac came first, then the
Division Levaillant, and last the Guards.

La Marmora, when he had established himself safely in the
Sardinian entrenchments, directed the Brigade Mollard, under
his orders, to cover the right flank of the French. But the rout
of the I gth Russian Division was already completed. The
Russian cavalry began to retire. The Sardinians continued the
pursuit, and Gortshakov rallied his forces beyond the range of
the fire of the Allies. His right wing was protected by cavalry
and his fresh forward movement was protected by artillery.
The Sixth Division blocked the valley of Shulin. But the

404

GREAT RUSSIAN LOSSES

Sardinians drove everything before them, and crossed the
Tchernaia. The battle was now virtually at an end, and at
three in the afternoon the Russians gave the order to retreat.
On August 1 8th and igth an armistice was proclaimed for
the burying of the dead. Among the Russian dead were three
generals and two colonels, and among the wounded eight
generals and sixteen colonels. Out of 2,350 prisoners 1,750
were wounded. The Allies only lost 196 dead. The military
conduct of Gortshakov was severely blamed. Paskevich said
of him : " When the Emperor sent his whole army, except the
Guards and the first corps, to the front he certainly must have
intended that this Commander-in-Chief would do something, but
neither the Emperor nor Russia could have foreseen that he would
lead the whole army like victims to the slaughter." He also
complained that Gortshakov had left in Perekop 30,000 grenadiers
who had done nothing and eventually perished by disease. This
defeat took away from the Russians their last hope of retrieving
their misfortunes. Their losses during the war had been enormous
and were estimated from the official sources at 350,000. It is
said that in the six months from March to August 81,000 men
had been killed and wounded in and around Sebastopol.

Russia had suffered a severe defeat not only by land but by Capture of
sea. On May 2ist, under the command of Sir George Brown, Kertch.
a British, Turkish and French division had been sent by sea to
the Sea of Azov, accompanied by 34 British ships under Lyons,
and 34 French ships under Bruat. On May 34th the troops
landed in the neighbourhood of Kertch, which was weakly garrisoned
by Wrangel. The Russians blew up the fortifications of Kertch
and Yenikale, destroyed their supplies as far as they could, and
allowed the allied fleet free entry into the Sea of Azov. Kertch
was somewhat disgracefully plundered, and a large quantity of
war materials and provisions was captured. The Allies found
large supplies of grain and eighty-three cannon, besides several
Russian ships, and thus deprived Sebastopol of its principal source
of supply.

On August lyth a bombardment of the works in the Kara- French
belnaia suburb began ; this cost the Russians a loss of from 600 Losses in the
to 1,000 men every day, and made it impossible for them to repair
their defences. The French, however, suffered a great loss in
the night of August 38th by the explosion of two magazines in
the so-called Brandon Redoubt, which lay on the extreme left of
their works. This destroyed an enormous amount of gunpowder
and shells, and caused great destruction.

405

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Attack

Capture
of the
Malakov.

However, the Allies were now so near the town that the final
storm could not be long delayed. Their principal objective was
the Malakov Tower, which completely commanded the Kara-
belnaia suburb, and from which the bridge across the harbour
could be easily destroyed. The French were now only about
thirty yards from the Malakov Tower and fifty from the Little
Redan. The British had harder work, because the ground before
them was more rocky, and they were at least 200 yards from the
Great Redan. On the other side the trenches were being brought
to within sixty or eighty yards of the Flagstaff Bastion and the
Central Bastion, which defended Sebastopol itself.

The storm was fixed for September 8th, but the preparatory
bombardment began on September 5th, with 635 guns on the
French side and 179 on the British. The Russians replied with
1,380 guns. Thirty flying-bridges, made especially strong so that
they could be used for the support of artillery, were constructed
to cross the ditches. Pelissier ordered the attack to be made
in three divisions. MacMahon and Wimpffen were to advance
against the Malakov Tower on the left, Dulac and Marolles
against the Little Redan on the right, Motterouge and Mellinet
against the curtain which joined the two walls. The whole force
consisted of 25,300 men arranged in sixty-one divisions.
On the Sebastopol side the Central Bastion was to be attacked
by Levaillant and d'Autemarre, and the Flagstaff Bastion by
the Sardinians and Cialdini, supported by a French reserve, the
general command of the whole being committed to General de
Salles. The British were to attack the Great Redan, with 10,726
men, Codrington being on the right, Markham on the left, and
Eyre and Colin Campbell in reserve.

At ii a.m. Pelissier, accompanied by his staff, took up his
position in the Brancion Redoubt, Bosquet being opposite to the
Little Redan, Simpson close to the Great Redan, and de Salles
close to the Schwartz Redoubt, which lay midway between the
Central and the Flagstaff Bastions. At noon the pioneers of the
leading regiment, without their ladders, rushed over the ditches,
which were filled with ballast, and appeared on the Russian breast-
work. The rest of the columns followed, and in a short time, after
a brave defence, the outer Malakov works were in the hands of
the French. At the same time the Grand Duke Michael's regiment
was driven by Vinoy's brigade out of the Gervais Battery on the
left. The attack on the Little Redan under St. Pol was at first
successful and the Russians were driven out, but they rallied and,
supported by strong reserves and assisted by the fire of the forti-

406

THE ATTACK ON THE GREAT REDAN

fications and the ships in the harbour, drove the French back into
their trenches with considerable loss. St. Pol was killed and so,
too, was Marolles, who went to his assistance.

It had been originally intended that the attack should be
supported by the allied fleet, but the weather was too stormy
to admit of this, whereas the Russian ships in the harbour, the
Chersonesus, the Vladimir, and the Odessa, were of great service
to their own side.

Bosquet now made a new attempt to become master of the Failure of
Little Redan, calling up the Guards to his assistance. He sue- the Attack
ceeded in occupying the works, but was again compelled to retreat
by the violence of the Russian fire. He then brought into action
two reserve batteries of field artillery, but these were silenced Redan.
by the Russians, and out of 150 gunners ninety-five fell. Bosquet
was himself wounded and Dulac took his place. The attack on
Sebastopol itself seemed at first to be successful, but Trochu was
compelled to retire, with the loss of 900 men out of 3,200 and 71
officers, being himself severely wounded. The Schwartz Battery,
which had been at first captured, was retaken by the Russians ;
a second attack under Levaillant was equally unsuccessful, and
a final storm under de Salles himself failed.

The assault of the British on the Great Redan was an entire
failure. Markham's division advanced when they saw the French
tricolour floating from the Malakov works. But Russian rein-
forcements soon came up and Codrington's reserve met with a
stubborn resistance. The work was taken and retaken twice,
but finally remained in the hands of the Russians, therefore the
only success of the day was the capture of the Malakov Tower.
Todleben tells us that on September 8th the Allies made twelve
separate strong attacks, of which this alone succeeded.

Even so the works connected with it had to be taken against Attempt to
an obstinate resistance, the capture being mainly due to the Zouaves, Recapture
with whose manner of fighting the Russians were not familiar.
In the end only a small body of Russian soldiers and five officers
remained in the last vault of the fortress. The French were pre-
paring to smoke them out, but desisted from fear of exploding
the mines. When the brave little handful came forth, they
were greeted with cheers by their conquerors. The French were
already complete masters of the Malakov, when Gortshakov,
who had gone to Fort Nicholas, at the mouth of the harbour,
gave General Martinau the command of the Karabelnaia and
ordered him to recover the Malakov. The Russians fought with
distinguished bravery, and Martinau lost his right arm, but the

407

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Russians

Evacuate

Sebastopol.

The Total
Losses.

attempt was a complete failure. The losses on this day were
terrible. The French losses before the Karabelnaia were, officers
122 dead, 131 wounded, men 1,475 dead, 2,959 wounded, 369
missing. Before Sebastopol, 154 men and officers were killed,
1,418 wounded, and 546 missing. The British lost 365 dead and
1,886 wounded, the Sardinians four dead and 36 wounded, so
that the whole losses of the Allies on this single day were not
less than 10,000. According to Todleben the Russians lost two
generals, 34 officers dead, 7,750 common soldiers killed and
wounded, 37 officers and 1,838 men missing, of whom 600 were
taken prisoners in the works of the Malakov.

Pelissier was making preparations for a renewed attack when
he saw the Russians retreating over the great bridge. Gortshakov,
after a reconnaissance in which he was exposed to considerable
personal danger, gave orders to evacuate the town. Thirteen
Russian sailing-ships were sunk first, and ten steamers eventually
suffered the same fate, so that the whole Russian fleet in the Black
Sea was destroyed. The Russians also blew up thirty-five powder
magazines, three batteries, and Fort Paul, which defended the
harbour on one side, but there was no time to blow up Fort Nicholas.
The booty which fell into the hands of the Allies was very great ;
it comprised 128 large and 374 smaller guns, more than 400,000 filled
and more than 100,000 empty shells, 500,000 cartridges, more
than 500,000 pounds of gunpowder, and a large amount of war
material for the fortifications and the ships. Todleben gives the
whole of the Russian losses, killed and wounded, as 128,669 men,
of whom 102,669 fell in the siege. Among them were five generals
and 129 officers dead, 14 generals and 1,626 officers wounded, and
54 missing. But it is possible that the losses are largely understated.

The French lost about 45,000 men, over 41,000 in the siege ;
amongst these 416 generals and officers were killed, 1,543
wounded, and 59 missing. The British lost 17,901 men, of
whom 13,000 fell before Sebastopol. Of British generals and
officers 157 were killed, and 515 wounded. It has been reckoned
that in the siege 1,906,000 cannon shots were fired, of which
1,104,000 came from the French, and 252,000 from the British.
The Russians are said to have fired 1,506,964, of which many
came from the ships. To the 16,500,000 cartridges of the French
the Russians replied with 28,500,000.

The Queen wrote to the King of the Belgians from Balmoral
on September nth : " The great event has at length taken place.
Sebastopol has fallen. We received the news here last night,
when we were sitting quietly at our table after dinner. We did

408

AFTER SEBASTOPOL

what we could to celebrate it, but that was but little, for, to my
grief, we have only one soldier, no band, nothing here to make
any sort of demonstration. What we did was, in Highland fashion,
to light a bonfire on the top of the hill opposite the house, which
had been built last year, when the premature news of the fall of
Sebastopol deceived everyone, and we had to leave it unlit, and
found it here on our return. On Saturday evening we heard of
one Russian vessel having been destroyed, on Sunday evening of
the destruction of another, yesterday morning of the fall of the
Malakov Tower, and then of Sebastopol. We were not successful
against the Redan on the 8th, and I fear that our loss was con-
siderable. The daily loss in the trenches was becoming so serious
that no loss in achieving such a result is to be compared with
that. This event will delight my brother and faithful ally and
friend, Napoleon III., I may add, for we really are great friends."

The Emperor himself, although he shared in the general Sebastopol
rejoicings, and gave the rank of Marshal to Pelissier, Canrobert to be Held-
and Bosquet, and the title of Due de Malakov to the first of these,
did not lose his calmness of judgment, and knew well that the
fall of Sebastopol did not necessarily imply the conclusion of the
war. He expressed his views in a dispatch to Walewski on
September I4th, in which he said that the month of October must
be used to change the front of the Crimean army. The right wing
must be moved to compel the Russians to surrender the fort on
the north side and their strong position on the Mackenzie Heights.
This could be effected by an occupation of Eupatoria, or Simpheropol,
or Bakhtchiserai, in the rear of the Russian army. The allied
army must then repair the land fortifications in Sebastopol, hold
the barricade and the docks, and open the entrance into the great
harbour. The mass of the army could then withdraw from the
Crimea, leaving a mixed garrison of British, French, and Turks,
and a considerable and well-found fleet. It would be a mistake
to destroy Sebastopol and to fill up the harbour. If the Allies
kept Sebastopol they would have a protection against Russian
ambition ; from it they could command the whole coast of the
Black Sea and strike important blows either in Asia or Bessarabia.
In short, they must threaten the Russian rear and restore Sebastopol
instead of destroying it.

There was a great deal to be said in support of the views French
expressed in this dispatch, although they favoured French rather Interests
than British interests, and from this point the policy of the two FaYOured-
countries began to diverge. As Great Britain could not expect
to have the sole possession of Sebastopol, it was not in her interest

409

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

to preserve it at all. However, for the moment, the Emperor's
plans received the approval of the British Cabinet ; indeed, they
were highly praised by Lord Palmerston. They gave prominence
to the occupation of Simpheropol, which had been so strongly
opposed by Pelissier.

At a lat61" P61"^ the real views of Great Britain found
and Kinburn. practical expression in the entire destruction of the costly works
of Sebastopol. In the Crimea itself, however, the Emperor's plan
had been supported by Niel, but strongly opposed by Pelissier,
who was of opinion that the establishment of the Allies in their
present strong position would be more likely to subdue the Russians
than a renewed attack. He would only consent to the strength-
ening of the garrison of Eupatoria and an improved position on
the Tchernaia, which would be rather of a defensive than an
offensive character. The British, on the other hand, approved
of an expedition against Kaffa and the capture of the Russian
magazines in Karasubazar, north-east of Simpheropol. Marshal
Vaillant strongly opposed the undertaking against Karasubazar,
and the expedition against Kaffa was rejected by the votes of
a general council of war. Eupatoria, however, according to the
views of both Allies was retaken by General d'Allemande and
strongly occupied by a whole division of French infantry and a
brigade of cavalry. The Allies agreed also to the occupation of
Kinburn, at the mouth of the Dnieper. The estuary of the
Dnieper was defended on one side by Kinburn, and on the other
by the fortress of Oczakov, the place which was the cause of so
much excitement at the end of the eighteenth century. Kinburn
was attacked by an army of French and British 8,500 strong,
under the orders of General Bazaine, the allied fleet being com-
manded by Lyons and Bruat. It was taken on October I7th,
after a slight resistance, and the fortifications of Oczakov were
destroyed by the Russians. The Allies were satisfied with leaving
in Kinburn a small garrison and a few ships.

The new Tsar, Alexander II., determined, with great nobility
of character, to proceed himself to the Crimea, where he behaved
with sympathetic gentleness to Gortshakov and the other generals,
and issued an order of the day calculated to raise the spirits
of the army. Both he and Gortshakov were strongly opposed
to the surrender of the Crimea. However, on January 8th, 1856,
the control of the army and the general charge of the forces of
the Crimea were given to Linden, and Gortshakov was deprived
of his command. Similarly, Simpson was replaced in the head of
the British command by Codrington.

410

Change of
Com-
manders.

A USELESS WAR

At the same time the allied forces in the Crimea were not increase of

diminished, but increased. In the autumn of 1855 they reached
the number of 147,000. The war material in the peninsula was
of almost incredible extent. On November i5th an explosion
took place which killed and wounded many French and British
officers, in which 100,000 pounds of gunpowder, 4,000 bombs,
and 600,000 cartridges were destroyed, but an adjoining tower
with very thick walls which held twice as much was happily spared.

In Asia Omar Pasha defeated a body of 10,000 Russians on the Russians
banks of the Ingur, and forced the passage of the river. He then
advanced to Kutais, but was compelled to retreat. Muraviev
made an attempt to capture Erzeroum, and then turned his atten-
tion to the fortress of Kars, which was gallantly defended by
General Williams. The garrison was closely invested and suffered
greatly from hunger, and, as Omar Pasha was unable to come to
their assistance, Williams was obliged to surrender the fortress on
November 26th. This was the only success of the Russians during
the war, but it made it easier for them to make peace.

Curiously enough, Sweden joined the alliance against Russia The Most
on November 2ist, 1855, but only for defensive purposes, and
the mission of Canrobert to Stockholm could not persuade her Times.
to adopt a more decisive action. Denmark, on the other hand,
had withstood all efforts to include her in the alliance, and her
refusal induced the French Emperor to suggest to the King of
Prussia the occupation of Holstein, which, however, for the present
he declined to agree to.

Thus, at the end of 1855, the bloodiest war of modern times
came to an end. It was also the most unnecessary, and has been
condemned by the mature judgment of all subsequent commen-
tators. It was not only useless in itself, but it unfortunately
broke the halcyon days of peace which Europe had enjoyed for
forty years and was the precursor of a long series of political
storms which have not yet ceased to agitate the world.

The historian is forced to the conclusion that no war is inevit-
able, any more than quarrels between individuals are inevitable.
They are brought about partly by national passions and partly
by the ambitions and follies of statesmen, who for their own
purposes fan a spark into a flame and excite feelings of enmity
and rivalry between communities, passions which soon pass
beyond their control. Yet every experienced Minister is aware
that the wars which have taken place are very few compared with
those which might have taken place. Not a year passes in which
events do not arise that the world knows nothing of, that

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

remain as the secrets of Chanceries and Foreign Ministers, which
might easily produce war if war were desired, and which are
constantly with difficulty rendered innocuous. It is not too much
to hope that mankind may come to consider that war is a barbar-
ous expedient, unworthy of civilised nations, and that peoples
will be so bound together by mutual interest and sympathy that
they will not suffer themselves to be drawn into quarrels, or be
made the instruments of a statesman's ambition or the cat's-paw
of his personal antipathies.

412

CHAPTER XVI
THE PEACE OF PARIS

MEANWHILE, strong influences were making for peace. The influences
French and Russians had found during the war that no cause for Peace,
for hatred existed between them ; that, indeed, it might be some
day to their interest to combine against the overwhelming influ-
ence of Great Britain. The French Emperor was anxious to
maintain the alliance with Great Britain, but he saw that the
continuance of the war, which would cost France a great deal
more than it would cost Great Britain, could only be compensated
for by arrangements to which the latter would probably object.
When Drouyn de 1'Huys had come to London in March, 1855, to
discuss terms of peace, which was then thought possible, he spoke
about the restoration of Poland without considering how offen-
sive such an arrangement would be to Austria and Prussia. Great
Britain repudiated the idea, as she still had hopes of persuading
the two Powers to join the alliance against Russia. Walewski
was ordered by the Emperor to make a similar proposal to Great
Britain in the following September. The renewed refusal of
Great Britain made Napoleon III. more inclined to come to
terms with Russia.

At the same time Russia, although willing to treat for peace, French
did not desire to begin the negotiations. To use an expression Overtures to
of Gortshakov, " She was dumb, but not deaf." Two men, a
Frenchman and a German, were found to give the first impulse to
negotiations which neither side cared to open officially. These
were Count Morny and Seebach, the Saxon Minister in Paris.
Morny was an illegitimate son of Queen Hortense and, therefore,
half-brother to the Emperor, while Seebach was a son-in-law to
Count Nesselrode and had represented Russian interests in Paris
during the war. Morny was an unprincipled person who, as we
have seen, had taken an active part in the coup d'etat and had
used his official knowledge to make money on the Stock Exchange.
He had no scruples about throwing over Great Britain and making
suggestions to Russia that there was no reason why the French
and Russians should be enemies. He gave out that any limita-
tion of Russian power in the Black Sea need only be of a tem-

413

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Austria and
the Negotia-
tions.

Great
Britain
Opposed to

Peace.

porary character, and that treaties on this head only lasted as
long as the circumstances which had produced them. After all,
the very nation which had imposed the conditions might be the
first to desire them to be broken. It did not occur to him that
the treacherous alliance which he now desired to make might
lead to a treacherous desertion when France was in need of Russian
assistance.

Austria, although she had taken no part in the war, was
anxious not to lose her influence in the negotiations, and on
November i4th Buol and Bourqueney proposed an ultimatum
to Russia, on the refusal of which she could withdraw her
ambassador from St. Petersburg. Great Britain was not informed
of this whilst it was under discussion, but it was offered to her
to take it or leave it as she pleased. We gather from the Queen's
correspondence that she thought the participation of Austria in
the war was so important that she did not care to complain of
the scant courtesy with which she had been treated. Eventually
a proposal was made, under the influence of Austria, that a Fifth
Point should be added to the conditions of peace, by which Russia
was not only deprived of the mouth of the Danube, but of half of
Bessarabia. Esterhazy was to carry these proposals to St. Peters-
burg, but it was determined that Seebach should go there as well,
Napoleon III. personally charging him to express his strong desire
for peace. Esterhazy reached the Russian capital on December
26th, three days before Seebach.

Austria represented herself as a mediator, anxious to obtain
favourable conditions for Russia, which, if Russia accepted, she
would press in Paris and London. The Emperor Alexander did
not see things in this light, and demanded the withdrawal of the
Fifth Point. Thereupon Austria declared that if her proposals
were not accepted she would break off diplomatic relations. The
message brought by Seebach from Napoleon III. induced Russia
to disregard this threat, and she proposed to submit her interests
to a general conference, as proposed by Napoleon III., in which
she would probably obtain better terms. In Prussia King
Frederick William IV. strongly urged on Alexander the necessity
of concluding a speedy peace.

There can be no doubt that the British Government was at
this time anxious to continue the war. Great Britain had not
come out of the business with any great amount of honour. The
French had taken the Malakov, but the British had been repulsed
at the Redan. They were not in a position to dictate the terms
of a treaty and were in danger of being dragged at the heels of

414

A REMARKABLE COUNCIL OF WAR

Austria or France. Palmerston was strongly opposed to peace.
The Duke of Cambridge was sent to Paris to confer directly with
the Emperor, and on January loth, 1856, a remarkable council
of war was held at the Tuileries at which the Emperor presided.
It was attended by Prince Jerome and his son ; by Generals
Canrobert, Bosquet, Niel and Martimprey ; Admirals Hamelin,
Jurien la Graviere and Regnault ; the Duke of Cambridge ;
Generals Airey and Jones ; Admirals Dundas and Lyons ; by
La Marmora, Walewski and Lord Cowley. Great Britain pressed
strongly for the continuance of the war ; the British army was
to be raised to 74,000 men, and the Sardinian to 34,000 ; so that
the Allies would have a force of 250,000 men, which they would
first employ for conquering the Crimea. It was hoped also that
Spain would give assistance.

Five days later an Imperial council met in St. Petersburg, A Council at
attended by the Grand Duke Constantine, Dolgorouki, Orlov, st-
Woronzov, Kisselev, Nesselrode and Meyendorff, the Emperor burg*
taking the chair. Nesselrode proposed to accept the Austrian
ultimatum, otherwise the negotiations with Austria must be broken
off, which would mean the renewal of the struggle, with Austria,
Prussia and Sweden against them. Russia's strength was not
broken, but it would be hard for her to conduct a defensive
campaign over a huge extent of territory, since the enemy could
choose their own point of attack. Austria and Prussia might be
neutral for a time, but would eventually be drawn into the
conflict. It had been determined at Paris that the British,
with the Sardinians and the Turks, should attack Batoum and
Trebizond, while France continued the war on the Danube and
in Bessarabia, and the occupation of the Crimea would divide
the Russian forces. If the Allies merely blockaded the Russian
ports they would do her great injury ; the longer the war con-
tinued the worse it would be for her. Great Britain had, with
difficulty, been persuaded to agree to the Five Points, and if
Russia consented to them the coalition against her would be
divided. To reject the advances of Napoleon would throw him
into the arms of Great Britain ; to accept him as mediator would
give a new direction to Russian policy. Even if the acceptance
of the ultimatum did not bring peace, Russia would have given
a proof of her good intentions, thrown the responsibility of the
war on the Allies, and deprived the neutral Powers of all ground
for action.

The feeling of the council was in favour of peace. It is
probable that Nesselrode had arranged matters previously with

415

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Arrange-
ments for
Peace.

The Peace
Conference.

the Tsar, and finally the ultimatum was accepted. Paris was
chosen in preference to Brussels as the place of congress, as the
British Government thought that in this way they would have
a more direct influence over the policy of the Emperor. Cavour
was disappointed when he heard of the conclusion of peace, but
it was difficult to understand why, since the participation of
Austria in the war would have made it difficult for France to
declare war against her for the liberation of Italy.

On February ist the ambassadors of Great Britain, France,
Austria, Russia and Turkey drew up a protocol which declared
that, in consequence of the acceptance of the Five Points, the
Governments now. proposed to sign formal preliminaries of peace,
to conclude an armistice, and to sign a treaty. For this purpose
they should meet in Paris in three weeks or earlier. Great Britain
opposed the admission of Prussia to the Congress, and Bismarck,
who was then beginning to have influence, was strongly in favour
of her maintaining an independent position. Russia, on the other
hand, strongly supported the admission of Prussia, whom she
regarded as her friend. Great Britain pressed for the admission
of Sardinia, and France did not oppose it. Indeed, it was known
that the Emperor eagerly desired it, but did not wish by any
public declaration of policy to offend the Pope and the French
Catholics. Cavour entered the Congress with the plan already
formed that Parma and Modena should be incorporated with
Sardinia, and that their Sovereigns should receive compensation
in the Danubian Principalities.

In the Congress France was represented by Walewski and
Bourqueney, Great Britain by Clarendon and Cowley, Austria by
Buol and Hiibner, Turkey by Ali Pasha and Djemil Bey, Sardinia
by Cavour and Villamarina, Russia by Orlov and Briinnow. On
February 21 st there was a preliminary meeting of the representa-
tives of France, Austria and Great Britain, when it was agreed
that the points in dispute with Russia should be first considered,
that no contessions should be made to Russia on which the three
Powers were not agreed, and that the Sardinians should be
admitted to the conference.

The first sitting of the Congress took place on February 25th.
The Five Points were formally accepted as preliminaries of peace,
and an armistice was proclaimed till March 3ist, during which the
troops should maintain their present positions. The blockade
was to be continued and, indeed, was not raised till April 8th.
The early sittings were stormy, and nearly led to the dissolution
of the Congress, chiefly owing to the demands of Great Britain,

416

THE TREATY OF PARIS

which asked for the surrender of the Aoland Islands to Sweden and
suggested a limitation of the Russian fleet in the Baltic. When
Russia's proposal that her surrender of Kars should be condi-
tional on her retaining the whole of Bessarabia was rejected
by the Congress, Orlov declared that his instructions were
exhausted and that he must leave the Congress. However, the
negotiations continued and, by the influence of the Queen, the
demands of Great Britain were made less onerous. On March
loth a proposition for the admission of Prussia into the Congress
was carried, and on March i6th Manteuffel and Hatzfeldt took
their places for the first time.

The actual Treaty was signed on March 3oth, 1856, which Conditions
happened to be a Sunday. The Catholics rejoiced because the of Peace*
Epistle of the day told how Christ had appeared on the evening
of the Resurrection with the words, " Peace be unto you " ; but
Lord Clarendon wished to defer the signature till the following
day, for fear of offending the Sabbatarians. The instrument
consisted of thirty-four Articles, three separate Conventions, and
a Declaration. The main points were as follows : Russia gave
back to the Sultan the town and fortress of Kars, as well as the
other Turkish possessions owned by her ; the Powers restored to
Russia the town and harbour of Sebastopol, Balaklava, Kamiesh,
Yenikale, Eupatoria, Kertch, Kinburn, and the other places they
had occupied ; the Porte was henceforth to participate in the
European Concert and be on the same footing as the other Powers
in public law. The Powers made themselves responsible for the
independence and integrity of the Turkish Empire, gave a general
guarantee of their duties in this respect, and regarded any viola-
tion of those conditions as a matter of common interest. In case
of a dispute between the Porte and any of the signatories the other
contracting Powers were to mediate. The Sultan's firman in
favour of the Christians was communicated to the Powers, but did
not give any right of interference in the domestic concerns of the
Turkish Empire. The Black Sea was to be neutralised. It was
to be opened to the merchant ships of all nations, but closed to
all ships of war ; consuls were to be admitted to the Black Sea
ports, both by Russia and the Porte, but no arsenals were to be
formed in the Black Sea either by Russia or Turkey. The number
of ships necessary for coal traffic in the Black Sea was fixed by
treaty and was not to be altered without the consent of the
Powers. The navigation of the Danube was not to be subject
to any dues or difficulties excepting those fixed by treaty. Russia
conceded a portion of Bessarabia, to belong to Moldavia under
2B 417

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

the suzerainty of the Porte. The Principalities of Wallachia and
Moldavia were to retain their existing privileges under the suze-
rainty of the Porte, and none of the guaranteeing Powers was
to exercise any special protectorate over them. On the other
hand, the Porte agreed to give them an independent and national
government, with free exercise of religion, legislation, commerce,
and navigation ; they were also allowed to possess a national
army. Servia was to remain in a similar position. Russia and
Turkey were to maintain their possessions in Asia as they were
before the war. The ratifications were to be exchanged within
four weeks.

The Con- After the Treaty had been signed on March 30th, five other

greSS d *t siting5 to°k place, at which were discussed the immediate raising
Duties.8 °* ^e blockade and the evacuation of the Crimea. In the twenty-
second sitting, held on April 8th, Walewski, the President, spoke
of other matters which were not connected with the Eastern
Question. The Congress, he said, would be sorry not to use the
opportunity of clearing up certain questions and dispersing the
clouds which darkened the political horizon. Although it was
known that Italy was principally in his thoughts, he began with
Greece.

Greece Dealt French and British troops had been obliged to occupy the
With. Piraeus at a time when they were wanted elsewhere. Even now

Greece was by no means in a satisfactory condition. The three
protecting Powers should consider the state of that country and
take means for improving it. Walewski added that he was sure that
Lord Clarendon would agree with him that the Powers looked
with impatience to the time when the occupation could be given
up, although this could not be done at present without causing
serious mischief, unless a real change were made in the condition
of Greece. The fact was that France and Great Britain had only
determined on this step in order to destroy the influence of Russia.
During the Crimean War Great Britain had made up her mind as
to the deposition of King Otho, Lord Palmerston desiring to replace
him with the Prince of Carignan, who was to marry the Duchess
of Parma, and Parma would then come to Sardinia. France and
Great Britain had agreed before April 8th that the occupation of
Greece should come to an end simultaneously with the French
and Austrian occupation of Italy, but to this Russia and Austria
would not agree.

Italian After Greece came the turn of Italy. Walewski said that the

Questions. condition of the States of the Church had compelled France to

occupy Rome, and Austria to occupy the Legations. France per-

418

THE CONGRESS AND ITALY

formed the duty both as a Catholic and as a European Power.
The Emperor of the French held the title of the Eldest Son of the
Church, which forced him to defend the Papal See ; but he
admitted that there was something abnormal in the position of
a Power which required such assistance. France would be glad
if the Papal States could be rendered so secure as to dispense with
assistance either from Austria or from France. Going a step
farther, the President of the Congress asked whether it would not
be well that certain Italian States should, by an act of grace, allow
such of their subjects to return as might be regarded as mistaken,
but could not be considered corrupt, and whether they could
not put an end to a system which weakened their authority with-
out punishing the enemies of order. The Government of Naples
would be doing a great service if it would declare itself on this
point. Walewski concluded by complaining of the unrestrained
licence of the Belgian Press, which had attacked France in the
most offensive manner.

Lord Clarendon said that, regarding it as a sacred duty to Lord
evacuate territory occupied during the war, it would be inconsis- Clarendon
tent not to consider whether occupation existing before the war and Italy*
could not also be put an end to. At the same time, the Congress
must not confuse the two duties, which were essentially different.
He recommended the secularisation of the Papal Government,
which might be difficult to carry out in Rome itself, but would
be easy in the Legations. With regard to Naples, Lord Clarendon
admitted that, as a rule, interference with the internal affairs of
another Power was inadmissible, but there were cases where the
exception must become the rule. There could be no peace with-
out justice, and therefore the Congress asked the King of Naples
to reform his system of government and to pardon political
prisoners who had not been punished or imprisoned by any judicial
sentence. He could not agree with the remarks of Walewski with
regard to the Belgian Press. Count Buol expressed his objections
to any interference with the affairs of Italy, and Manteuffel, in
the name of Prussia, also objected to any interference in the
internal affairs of another State, and particularly called attention
to the condition of Neufchatel.

Now came the turn of Cavour. He had already, in February, Cavour
sent a memoir, expressed in moderate terms, to France and Great and the
Britain about Italy. He considered then that it was not to his Congress-
interest to disclose his whole plan to the Emperor Napoleon, whom
he believed to be devoted to the Pope and the French clergy ;
he recommended reforms in Naples and the Papal States, although

419

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

he knew that their introduction would assist the revolution ;
and suggested the annexation to Sardinia of Parma, Modena,
Ferrara and Piacenza. At the sitting of the Congress on April
8th, he pointed out that the occupation of the Papal States by
Austria had now lasted seven years, and assumed every day a
more permanent character. It was clear that circumstances had
not improved, because in Bologna a state of siege still continued
in full severity. The presence of Austrian troops in the Legations
and in Parma destroyed political equilibrium, and was a real
menace to Sardinia. With regard to Naples, he -entirely agreed
with the views of Walewski and Clarendon, and thought it in the
highest degree necessary to devise measures which, while they
tended to appease passion, would make the regular course of
affairs in the rest of the peninsula less difficult.

CaYour's To this Hiibner replied that Cavour had spoken only of the

Success. Austrian occupation and not of the French, that the towns of
Mentone and Roccabruna, which belonged to the Principality of
Monaco, were occupied by Sardinian troops, and that the only
difference between the two occupations was that the Austrians
and the French had been invited by the Sovereigns to whom the
territories belonged, whereas the Sardinian garrison in the Princi-
pality of Monaco was there against the wish of the Sovereign and
remained there in spite of his protest. Cavour replied that he
wished nothing better than that both the French and the Austrian
occupation should come to an end, but that for Italy the Austrian
was by far the more dangerous of the two, because it was based
on Ferrara and Piacenza, where the fortifications had been
increased in violation of the Treaty of Vienna, and had extended
along the Adriatic as far as Ancona. As for Monaco, Sardinia
would be happy to withdraw the fifty soldiers who occupied
Mentone if the Prince of Monaco were in a position to return to
it without the most serious danger.

Cavour had good reason to be pleased with the result of this
sitting. He rubbed his hands and said, " Now we are in the
saddle.'* The Italian Question had entered into the domain of
practical politics.

Regulations The two last protocols, drawn up on April I4th and 1.6th,
for Maritime ^^ reference to the new regulations about maritime warfare,

which were drawn up with reserve, and to a proposal of Clarendon
to extend the arbitration of a third Power, which had been already
admitted in the case of Turkey and in other international conflicts
as well, to be employed before there was an actual recourse to
arms.

420

A TRIANGULAR TREATY

The victorious Powers did not demand any war indemnity France's
from Russia. Indeed, Russia, under the protection of France, Diplomacy.
was able to make more favourable terms with regard to Bessarabia
than those which Austria at first proposed. She lost, however,
besides the mouth of the Danube, about two hundred geographical
miles of territory, the fortresses of Beni Ismail and Kilia Nova,
and the salt lakes on the Danube. Public opinion in Great Britain
thought that Russia had been let off too easily. Great Britain,
indeed, was still sore about her repulse at the Redan and at
the fact that the British army in the Crimea had suffered from
disease far more than the French. She felt that in military
matters indirectly, and in diplomacy directly, she had been
beaten by France. Disraeli very properly denounced this feeling,
opposing the principle that wars should only be undertaken with
the prospect of important conquests ; to hold this view was to
lower the status of the defenders of public law to that of
gladiators.

However, on April I5th, the day before the last sitting of the integrity of
Congress, a Treaty was signed between Great Britain, France and Turkey
Austria for the defence of Turkey, which was not communicated Guaranteed'
to Russia. In this Treaty the high contracting Powers guaranteed,
singly and together, the integrity and independence of the Turkish
Empire, as laid down in the Treaty of Paris, signed on March 30th,
1856. Every violation of the provisions of the Treaty would be
regarded by the signatories of the general Treaty as a casus belli.
They would consult with the Porte as to the naval and military
arrangements to be made in the furtherance of this object. Later
events showed that this agreement did not prevent Russia from
tearing up the Treaty of Paris when it suited her interest to do
so, and its publication was a sad blow to the illusions of the
northern kingdoms with regard to the friendship of France.
Nevertheless, for the present all was smooth. The French Empire
was at the height of its prosperity. The International Exhibition,
held in Paris in 1857, consolidated the glory with which the
glamour of a successful war had invested it, and the birth of the
Prince Imperial on March 5th seemed to secure the permanence
of the Imperial dynasty. It is worth noting that Count Orlov
was the first to pay a visit to the Tuileries to offer his congratula-
tions on that auspicious event.

In taking leave of the Congress of Paris, which closed one Effect of
important epoch in European history and opened another, it is the Congress.
well to consider what were the results of the arrangements then
made, and what effect they produced. In the first place, any

421

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

hopes which might have been formed with regard to the regenera-
tion of Turkey were never realised. The Treaty by which the
Sultan promised to grant religious equality and freedom to all
his subjects remained without effect. The neutrality of the Black
Sea, which was regarded as one of the principal results of the war,
was denounced by Russia during the war of 1870. In 1878 Russia
resumed that part of Bessarabia which she had surrendered in
1856, and when she attacked Turkey in that year none of the
signatories of the Treaty of Paris intervened in defence of the
Porte.

The On the other hand, the views put forward by the Emperor

Emperor Nicholas, which were the origin of the war, have been justified
Justified ^7 events. The subject provinces of Turkey have become to a
great extent autonomous Principalities, and further progress is
likely to be made in that direction. Nicholas proposed that Great
Britain should occupy Egypt and Crete — she does occupy Egypt
and Cyprus. This was the result of a great war, which, in all
probability, cost the lives of not less than 600,000 men. More-
over, we must remember that the Crimean War, contemptible
in its origin and useless in its results, put an end to the long era
of peace which had been the happy possession of Europe since
the wars of the Revolution and the Empire.

'he *ft®r' In 1859 tne French made war against the Austrians for the
Pelce.° liberation of Italy, an enterprise only partially successful ; in
1864 there was war between Denmark and Prussia about the
question of Schles wig-Hols tein, a war in which Great Britain came
very near to taking a part. This was followed in 1866 by the war
between Austria and Prussia for the hegemony of Germany, and
then again in 1870 by the great war between France and Germany,
the results of which are still with us, and may perhaps lead to
other struggles to settle questions yet in dispute. The war between
Russia and Turkey in 1878 arose directly from the fact that the
arrangements which concluded the Crimean War were not of a
satisfactory or permanent character. Wars have taken place in
other parts of the world — such as those between China and Japan
and between Japan and Russia — but the five wars we have
specified were closely connected with that in the Crimea.

War springs, to some extent, from a conflict of ideals. A
nation, like an individual, sets a new conception of conduct and
policy before itself, and proceeds to carry it out with such energy
as may belong to it. It is hardly possible that the ideal can be
realised without conflicting with the ideals cherished by other
communities, and the result of these conflicts is war. The Crimean

422

WAR AND ITS EVILS

War shows us not only that one war may be the progenitor of many,
but also that there have been few wars with regard to which a
judgment may be more confidently pronounced that they arose less
from hate and misunderstanding than from coalition and intrigue,
were disastrous to all the countries engaged in them, set back the
course of civilisation, and never ought to have taken place.

423

CHAPTER XVII
THE INDIAN MUTINY

The British IN this history we have said little or nothing about the British
in India. Empire in India, which now demands our special attention from
the outbreak of the Mutiny in 1857. IR I^i5, with which date
our present survey began, the Earl of Moira, afterwards Marquis
of Hastings, was Governor-General of Bengal, a title exchanged
for Governor-General of India by Lord William Bentinck in 1834
and for Viceroy by Lord Canning in 1858. His main exploit was
the last Mahratta War, which began with the suppression of the
Pindaris, a group of marauders, who, like " human jackals/' as
they were called, brought the lives and properties of British
subjects into perpetual jeopardy. In March, 1816, the Pindaris
made an incursion into the northern districts of Madras, which
lasted eleven days and a half. During this time, as Sir William
Lee Warner tells us, they plundered 359 villages, killed 182
persons, wounded 305, and tortured 3,603. They spared neither
age nor sex, violated the living and profaned the dead. What
would the Mahratta chiefs do ? Would they assist the British in
suppressing these robbers, or would they continue to regard them
as allies ? This choice Hastings offered to the Mahratta chiefs
in Western and Central India.

Hastings Appa Sahib of Nagpur and Baji Rao, Peshwa of Poona, made

leaves India, treaties with the British, and Sindiah was compelled to do the
same. The Peshwa, who violated his engagements, was defeated
at the Battle of Kirki, and again at Koregaon. Holkar was
subdued and the Peshwa was deprived of his sovereign powers.
The Pindaris were treated as public enemies, and eventually the
Presidency of Bombay was consolidated, treaties were made with
the neighbouring States, and in March, 1818, Hastings was able
to break up his army. He left India in 1823, having largely
increased the British Empire, to the discontent and disgust of
the Directors of the East India Company.

His successor, Lord Amherst, was obliged by circumstances
to make war with Burma and attack Rangoon. The war, which
lasted till February, 1826, was only partially successful. Great
Britain gained possession of Assam, and the right to maintain a

424

THE FIRST AFGHAN WAR

Resident at Ava, but the war cost £5,000,000 and thousands of
lives.

Lord William Bentinck held the office of Governor-General Lord
from 1828 to 1835, seven years of comparative peace. He placed
the finances upon a better footing, improved the communication
by land and coast, suppressed thuggee and dacoity, put down General.
the practice of suttee, or burning widows alive, and improved
education. He annexed Cachar and Coorg, and established British
influence in Mysore and paved the way for the annexation of
Oudh. During his rule, in 1833, the East India Company was
given a new Charter, which converted it from an association of
traders to the position of rulers of an Indian Empire in trust for
the Crown. Bentinck retired prematurely from ill-health, and
was succeeded by George Eden, Lord Auckland.

Auckland's rule was marked by the disastrous Afghan War, The First
undertaken from an exaggerated fear of Russian aggression, and Afghan War.
continued because Auckland had not the moral courage to
abandon an enterprise of which he must have disapproved. In
this war we hear of Kandahar, Herat, Ghazni and Kabul, names
which became current in the mouths of Englishmen forty years
later. We need not dwell on the intricate details of these
struggles. One of the most notable episodes was the defence of
Herat by Eldred Pottinger for ten months in 1839 against a force
of 40,000 Persian troops directed by Russian officers. In July,
1838, a treaty was signed at Simla, with the object of placing
Shah Shuja on the throne of Kabul and to confirm Ran jit Sing,
the head of the Sikhs, in the possession of Kashmir and Peshawar.

British troops marched from Firozpur and Karachi. Kandahar The Murder
surrendered without resistance, and Shah Shuja was crowned of
there on May 8th, 1839. Ghazni was taken by storm, and in acna$ht
August Shah Shuja made his triumphal entry into Kabul. Dost
Mohammed fled and surrendered to the British. Auckland should
have been content with this success, but he attempted to establish
a settled government in Afghanistan by British influence. The
mismanagement was conspicuous, as the British did not know
the country or the people. Afghanistan is approached by two
passes from the plains — the Khyber Pass, a long and difficult
defile, leads to Jelalabad, and the Khoord Kabul Pass, much
more difficult, bars the passage to Kabul. General William
Elphinstone, who commanded in Afghanistan, sent General Sale
to occupy the pass to Jelalabad. But the same obvious pre-
cautions were neglected with regard to Kabul. The tribes rose,
provisions were cut off, and Macnaghten, seeing nothing before

425

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

him but starvation, promised to evacuate Kandahar, Ghazni,
and Jelalabad, and to leave Kabul in three days, giving hostages
for the performance of the agreement. The terms were violated,
and Macnaghten was treacherously assassinated at an interview
on Christmas Day, 1841. Deprived of food, harassed by treacherous
attacks, frozen in the snow, the army dwindled away to a mere
handful, and the women and children had to be surrendered to
the enemy. The Ghilzais wreaked their vengeance on the remnant
of the British army in the passes covered with snow, and, on
January i3th, 1842, Dr. William Brydon, the solitary survivor,
rode into Jelalabad wounded and exhausted.

Reprisals at Auckland was so much crushed by this disaster that he made

Kabul. no attempt at retaliation. Even though he was aware that the

British captives, some of them women and children, were in the
hands of the enemy, he let it be known that the Governor-General
in Council did not contemplate any great effort for the reoccupation
of Afghanistan. He was succeeded by Lord Ellenborough in
February, 1842, but the reverses continued. Ghazni capitulated
on March ist, and Kandahar narrowly escaped capture. Ellen-
borough ordered Nott to retire, and Pollock to concentrate on
the Indian side of the Khyber Pass. The Governor-General was,
however, forced by his subordinates to take more active measures.
Pollock was at Jelalabad with 15,000 men, and Nott at Kandahar
with 10,000. Napier was summoned from Bombay, and a reserve
army was organised on the Punjab frontier. Nott and Pollock
arrived at Kabul, Pollock's army first. He marched through
the Khyber Pass, joined General Sale, took the city of Kabul,
and burned the Great Bazaar to the ground. The European
prisoners, 105 in number, were rescued on September 2ist, and
before Christmas Day Pollock and Nott had recrossed the Sutlej.

War with The war with Afghanistan was followed by a war with Sind.

Sind. j^ was ^e old story, which dominated the rise of the British

Empire in India, of commercial intercourse leading, first, to the
establishment of suzerainty and then to conquest and annexation.
The treaties of 1758 led to the capture of Kandahar in 1839, to
a payment of a tribute by the Ameers, and to the repudiation of
the tribute when the day of disaster came. The recovery of British
power in Afghanistan led to the enforcement of it in other places,
to the demands for cession of territory, a free passage for British
troops and a partial diminution of sovereignty. The lion claims
his share because his name is lion. Sir Charles Napier, who was
entrusted with the conquest of Sind, had a conscience which
revolted from the work he had undertaken. He wrote at the

426

THE SIKH WAR

beginning of the enterprise, " My present position is not to my
liking ; we had no right to come here, and we are tarred with the
Afghan brush," and he admitted that the enemy whom he was
ordered to crush were really incapable of opposition.

Then followed what always happens. The weak, when they Annexation
discover the disastrous results of their weakness, make a feverish of Sind,
effort to free themselves and put themselves entirely in the wrong.
So, when the Ameers realised the real nature of the treaty they
had made, they treacherously attacked James Outram in the
Residency at Haidarabad. He defended himself as long as he
could against a force of 8,000 men, and then joined Napier. There
followed the Battle of Meeanee, fought on February lyth, 1843,
in which the Hindus were entirely defeated. The Battle of Dubba,
on March 24th, completed their discomfiture, and the whole country
was annexed. Great Britain's justification for thus taking what
did not belong to her was, firstly, the welfare of the inhabitants
of the country, although they were probably better judges of which
government they preferred than the British were, and, secondly,
the treachery of the Ameers. But the march of the Empire was
remorseless, and is, indeed, governed by forces which are beyond
the control of those who summon it. It was necessary to secure
a free passage for troops and communication between Bombay
and the Punjab, and the obstacles which stood in the way had
to be removed.

The reduction of Sind carried with it the reduction of Gwalior, Subjection
the Maharaja of which, after a hopeless struggle, submitted on °* Gwalior.
January I3th, 1844, when he had to disband his army. Troops
commanded by British officers occupied the magnificent fort,
one of the grandest objects in India, but the Maharaja preserved
a nominal independence. Peace and order, as they were called,
continued till 1857, but in that year a contingent from Gwalior
joined the mutineers at Cawnpur, and Tantia Topee, a Brahmin
officer in the service of Nana Sahib of Gwalior, raised the standard
of rebellion in Central India.

Now followed the great struggle with the Sikhs. Ranjit Sing, The Sikh
the head of that nation, had died on June 27th, 1839. After War-
his death, and the death of his son and successor, Kharak Sing,
a series of revolutions took place. The army had become insub-
ordinate and disorganised. An infant son, Duleep Sing, became
Maharaja under his mother's regency. But the army of 12,000
well-drilled troops usurped the government, and resolved on a
campaign across the Sutlej. The British Government had fore-
seen danger, and moved towards the frontier. The Sikh Durbar

427

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Battle of
Firozshah.

British
Centre at
Lahore.

resolved on war on November lyih, 1845. The Sikhs committed
the first act of aggression in December by crossing the river near
Firozpur, and in the same month Lord Hardinge, by proclamation,
annexed all the Sikh country on the left bank of the Sutlej.

It was not likely that a warlike and powerful nation consolidated
by religious enthusiasm would submit to this. A battle was fought
on December i8th, 1845, at Mudki, where the Sikhs attempted to
oppose the advance of Hardinge and Gough. Coming up late
in the afternoon, the British attacked on the same day and routed
the Sikhs, losing about 200 men, among them the gallant Sale,
the hero of Jelalabad. This was followed by the Pyrrhic victory
of Firozshah. Here the British forces were unable to concentrate,
after a long march, until late in a December afternoon. They
were immediately attacked, and held their own with difficulty.
A night of horror followed, in which the British troops were unable
to light a fire, for fear of drawing on them the attack of the enemy's
artillery. At the break of dawn, hungry and weary, they again
advanced, but were met by a fresh force of Sikhs, 25,000 strong.
Ammunition was exhausted, and the fighters dropped down from
sheer fatigue, but, by a miracle of British pluck and endurance,
the Sikh camp was taken and the hard-fought victory was won,
costing the victors 694 killed and 1,721 wounded.

Though the Sikhs continued the contest in confidence and
hope, Sir Harry Smith won a brilliant victory at Aliwal on January
28th, 1846, but with considerable loss. This was followed by
Gough's triumph on February loth, 1846, at Sobraon, where the
Sikh camp on the Sutlej, connected by a bridge of boats with
batteries on the other side of the river, was taken at the point of
the bayonet, and nearly the whole of the guns were captured.

Panic followed, and a treaty was signed at Lahore on March
9th, 1846. The State of which Lahore was the capital was not
annexed, but it was diminished by the transfer of Kashmir to
Galab Sing and the retention by the British of certain portions.
A large force of British troops was quartered at Lahore, and it
was there that the Lawrences, Henry and John, laid the foundation
of their splendid reputation in civil administration. Their ex-
perience and acuteness led them to see danger ahead, but Hardinge
was satisfied with his acquisitions, and, when he handed over
India to his successor, Lord Dalhousie, on January I2th, 1848,
he believed the Sikh territory might be regarded as a peaceful
and contented part of the British protectorate.

This dream of security was dispelled by the murder of William
Anderson and Vans Agnew at Mooltan, a crime soon avenged by

428

QUEEN VICTORIA AND DULEEP SING

Herbert Edwardes. Eventually, the Battle of Chilianwala was
fought on January I4th, 1849, but it is difficult to determine
whether it was a victory or a defeat. During the night the Sikhs
recovered the guns that had been taken from them, nearly 700
British dead lay unburied on the field of battle, and more than
twice as many wounded, British guns and standards were in the
hands of the enemy, and pursuit was impossible. British honour
was not avenged until the Battle of Gujrat, fought by Gough on
February 2ist, in which the Sikhs were worsted with comparatively
small loss to the conquerors. On March I2th the Sikhs succumbed
at Rawal Pindi, the Afghan contingent flying off discomfited.

Dalhousie, against the advice of the Lawrences, and without The Punjab
instructions from home, forced Duleep Sing, who was a mere child, Annexed*
to sign a treaty, and annexed the Punjab, placing the country in
the hands of three Commissioners, of whom the Lawrences were two.
Duleep Sing received a not very generous pension, and lived in
England as a private gentleman. The Queen felt great sympathy
for him, and, if her sentiments had been shared by those who
directed the policy of the India Office, some trouble and scandal
might have been avoided. The Queen wrote of him to Lord
Dalhousie in 1854, when the Prince was sixteen years old : " It
is not without mingled feelings of pain and sympathy that the
Queen sees the young Prince, once destined for so high and powerful
a position, and now reduced to so dependent a one by her arms.
His youth, amiable character, and striking good looks, as well
as his being a Christian, the first of his high rank who has em-
braced our faith, must incline everyone favourably towards him,
and it will be a pleasure to us to do all we can to befriend and
protect him." And later in the same year she wrote : * This
young Prince has the strongest claims upon our generosity and
sympathy ; deposed, for no fault of his own, when a little boy
of ten years old, he is as innocent as any private individual of
the misdeeds which compelled us to depose him and take possession
of his territories. He has, besides this, become a Christian, whereby
he is for ever cut off from his own people. There is something so
painful in the idea of a young deposed Sovereign, once so powerful,
receiving a pension, and having no security that his children and
descendants, and these moreover Christians, should have any
home or portion." The Queen goes on to advise that the pension
should be exchanged for a property, on which he might live, which
was in fact done.

Dalhousie proceeded with his policy of annexation. After a
war with Burma, on December 20th, 1852, he annexed Pegu. He

429

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Annexation
of Oudh.

Disregarded
Warnings.

also extended what was called the " Rule of lapse/' a provision
exercised previously by Bentinck and Auckland. It laid down
that States to which no heir of any kind was forthcoming should
lapse to the British Government, but Dalhousie applied it in such
a way as not to recognise the law of Hindu adoption, which was
regarded by the natives as equivalent to a natural birth. In
this way a number of States were annexed which it would have
been more prudent and more statesmanlike to leave under the
care of their native rulers.

Still greater was the error made by the annexation of Oudh.
This kingdom was created in 1819, it being agreed by treaty that
the Sovereign was bound to govern properly ; but there could
be no doubt that the worst possible government existed in the
country. Dalhousie would have preferred to retain the titular
sovereign, while administering the country on his behalf ; but
if the King refused to consent to this arrangement, a further period
of misrule would be inevitable, which would have ended in revo-
lution. The Court of Directors, therefore, informed the King
that if he did not voluntarily surrender his authority, he should
be deprived of it by force. He refused and was removed, and in
1856 Oudh was annexed. Dalhousie laid down rules for respecting
the rights of landed proprietors, conciliating the people, and pre-
serving the servants and retainers of the Court. It was also in
tended to occupy the province with a sufficient force, but at that
moment Dalhousie retired and was succeeded by Canning, so that
these arrangements were not in every case carried out. Dalhousie
was a great Governor-General. He strengthened the administration
of the country in every department, and left it in a sound financial
position, with men capablein every part, men who saved the country
in the hour of need.

Canning became Governor-General on February 29th, 1856.
It is the custom for the incoming Viceroy to spend at least a day
in Calcutta with his predecessor and discuss with him the situation
of the charge which the latter is transferring to other hands.
Dalhousie had on this occasion no idea that within fifteen months
British supremacy over 150,000,000 natives would be endangered,
although warnings had reached him which should not have been
disregarded. In his eyes the only possible source of trouble lay
in Persia, which had attacked and taken Herat. Canning's first
act, therefore, was to declare war and send Outram with a force
to Bushire. The Persians soon submitted, and a treaty was
signed at Paris on March 4th, 1857. In tne meanwhile Canning
had made friends with Dost Mohammed, Ameer of Afghanistan,

430

THE CAUSES OF THE MUTINY

who had been grievously wronged in the Afghan War, granted
him a subsidy, and made a fresh treaty with him.

About this time, in the middle of January, 1857, a lascar The
engaged in the cartridge factory at Dumdum, near Calcutta, Cartridge
asked a Brahmin soldier to let him have a drink out of his lotah, Scape*
or brass pot. The sepoy refused on the ground that the lotah
would be defiled if the lascar drank out of it. The lascar laughed
and said : " You will all soon be biting cartridges smeared with
the fat of the cow and the pig." The fact was that the Govern-
ment of India intended to introduce into the native army a new
cartridge smeared with fat. It was the practice to bite off the paper
at one end of the cartridge before ramming it down the musket-
barrel. No new cartridges had been issued, but the story told
by the sepoy spread like wildfire, and the native soldiers believed
there was a conspiracy to destroy their caste. About sixteen miles
from Calcutta, on the banks of the Hugli, stands at Barrackpur
the Viceregal villa, where the rulers of India enjoy a well-earned
week-end holiday. On January 26th the telegraph house at
Barrackpur was burned down, and on the same day a conversa-
tion was heard between two sepoys at Calcutta, that it would be
easy to master the arsenal and magazines, kill the Europeans as
they slept, and possess themselves of the fort.

In May, 1857, tne seP°ys> or native troops, outnumbered the The Sepoy
British troops by nearly eight to one, being 311,038 as against Forces.
39,500. Of these 137,580, belonging to the Bengal army, were
mainly recruited in Oudh, and, as servants of the Company, had
the valuable privilege of securing, through the influence of the
British Resident in Lucknow, the right of prompt and fair trial
in the native courts, an advantage which none of their fellow-
countrymen was able to secure. This had made enlistment in
Oudh very popular, and when this privilege was lost by the annex-
ation a deep feeling of discontent was produced, which contributed
undoubtedly to the outbreak of the mutiny.

Moreover, the more distant wars in which the Government Oversea
was engaged might necessitate crossing the sea, the dreaded s
" black water," to pass over which involved a loss of caste ; and,
in July, 1856, Canning issued a general order providing that
every future recruit should be compelled to serve beyond the sea,
whether in the territories of the Company or beyond them. This
was represented to the sepoys as a deliberate attack upon their
faith. Many other changes, merely the inevitable result of civi-
lisation, were hateful to the Hindus. Schools had been opened
to all children irrespective of caste, suttee abolished, and slavery

431

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

The Mutiny
Begins.

How Dis-
affection
was Spread.

put down ; the same laws were applied to the highest and the
lowest ; while telegraphs and railways were regarded as the works
of sorcery and magic. All these things had worked upon the
native mind, and the story of the greased cartridges fell like a
spark on inflammable material.

The first outbreak took place at Barhampur, about 120 miles
from Calcutta. On February 26th a parade was ordered for the
following day, for which old cartridges were served out, but in
paper of a different colour from that to which the troops had been
accustomed. The sepoys, violently excited, rose in a tumult
and resolved to defy their officers. Colonel Mitchell, who com-
manded them, rode down the lines and addressed the native officers,
telling them that there was no cause for alarm, and that they
were to appease the men. But his words had no effect. Before
midnight the regiment rose as one man, loading their muskets
and shouting wildly. The commandant called the men out, and
they promised to return to their lines if he would call back the
cavalry and artillery. This was done, and they obeyed. Next
day the parade was held quietly, but the excitement among the
men continued. The regiment was eventually marched to Barrack-
pur and disbanded on March 3ist.

But before this date the first blood had been shed at that
station. On Sunday afternoon, March 29th, 1857, a sepoy named
Mangal Purdy, half drunk with bhang, was swaggering along the
parade ground, calling his comrades to come out. Lieutenant
Baugh, hearing of this, mounted his horse and rode to the scene
of the disturbance. The sepoy fired and killed the horse, but
Baugh rushed up with a pistol, shot at him, but missed him.
Baugh was cut down by Mangal Purdy, but saved from death by
a Mohammedan. Then the sergeant-major came up, but he,
too, was cut down. After this Brigadier-General Hearsey arrived
with his son and others of his staff. Mangal Purdy kept shouting
to his comrades : " Die for your religion and caste ! " The general
ordered the guard to follow and rode straight at the fanatic. His
son shouted, " Take care of his musket ! " upon which Hearsey replied,
" Damn his musket ! If I fall, John, rush upon him and kill him/'
However, before the general could reach him, the madman shot
himself. His wound, however, was not mortal, and he was after-
wards hanged. As a punishment for this outbreak, the whole
of the igth Regiment and seven companies of the 34th Regiment
at Barrackpur were disbanded, the men were not allowed to keep
their uniforms, but were marched out of the station with every
show of disgrace. There were thus turned loose upon the country

432

THE SPREAD OF THE MUTINY

500 embittered conspirators, while nearly 1,000 men went back
to Oudh to preach disaffection and treason.

A much more serious mutiny took place at Meerut, a station The Revolt
thirty-six miles from Delhi, between the Ganges and the Jumna. at Meerut'
A parade of the 3rd Native Light Infantry had been ordered for
May 6th. The ordinary cartridges were issued to the men on
the previous evening, but eighty-five troopers refused to receive
them. The men were brought before a court-martial composed
entirely of native officers, and sentenced to various terms of hard
labour, varying from six to ten years. On May gth the mutineers
were marched to the parade ground, stripped of their accoutre-
ments, shackled and ironed, and marched off to the jail, two miles
distant. On the following day, which was Sunday, at the time
of the evening service, sounds of bugle calls and musket firing
were heard, bodies of armed men were seen hanging about, columns
of smoke rose, as if bungalows had been fired, and it was known
that the native troops had revolted. A rumour had been spread
abroad that the rest of the native troops would be treated as the
eighty-five prisoners had been, so, when they heard the sound
of the tolling bell, the men of the 3rd Cavalry galloped off to the
jail to rescue the prisoners. They dragged them out, knocked
off their fetters, and brought them back to the regimental lines.
When they returned they found that the European officers had
been killed by the sepoys.

For the rest of the night the mutinous soldiers, the scum of
the population, and the released prisoners were masters of the
situation. The authorities were paralysed by the shock and did
nothing effective. Bungalows were burnt, wives left unprotected
by their husbands were butchered, children were slaughtered under
the eyes of their mothers. When day broke mangled corpses
lay on the roads, and the sun shone on the blackened ruins of
the European houses and their broken and destroyed furniture.
The sepoys themselves had marched off to Delhi. There they
had gone to the palace of the King, clamoured for admittance,
declared they had killed the British at Meerut, and had come to
fight for the faith.

The Palace of Delhi, now called the Fort, is one of the most The
magnificent buildings in the world, a specimen of Oriental archi- Mutineers
tecture not surpassed even by the Alhambra. The Hall of Private at Delhi*
Audience, which once contained the peacock throne, is a dream
of beauty. The royal baths rival the masterpieces of Moorish
art ; and the Pearl Mosque is worthy of its name. The palace
was occupied by Bahadur Shah, the titular King of Delhi, who
2C 433

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Bahadur
Shah

Proclaimed
Sovereign
of India.

Canning's
Prompt

Measures.

was twentieth in succession from Akbar. He was now an old man
and his power did not extend beyond the citadel. Dalhousie
had been inclined to deprive him even of this, as a possible menace
to the peace of the country, and Canning had determined that
he should be the last to hold the title of King. It is scarcely to
be wondered at that he admitted the native mutineers to his palace.
Once admitted, they killed all the British they found, Fraser, the
commissioner, Douglas, the commandant, Jennings, the chaplain,
his daughter, a young lady staying with them, and Hutchinson,
the collector. There is no reason to believe that the King sanctioned
these murders ; indeed he was absolutely powerless.

The revolt spread to Delhi itself. The Delhi fort was attacked
and its defenders were slain, the office of the Delhi Gazette was
sacked, the English church was rifled, every European house was
attacked, and every Christian found was slain. The cantonments
of the native troops were situated on the Ridge, which overlooks
the town at a distance of two miles. But the sepoys either refused
to obey orders, or revolted and killed their officers. In the heart
of the city was the great magazine full of munitions of war. This
was heroically fired by British officers, who died in the performance
of their duty. The mutiny had triumphed ; men, women and
children fled to the jungle. At sunset on May nth, the surviving
fifty Christians in Delhi, adults and children, of both sexes, were
brought to the palace and placed in a dungeon. Five days later
they were led into the courtyard, butchered before an exulting
crowd, and their bodies thrown into the Jumna. As a final step,
Bahadur Shah, urged by his ambitious queen, was proclaimed
Sovereign of India.

Lord Canning heard of the mutiny at Meerut on May i2th;
on May I4th he received news of the seizure of Delhi, and on the
two following days of the massacre of the Christians, the flight
of the officers, and the proclamation of the Mogul. He telegraphed
to Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay, to hurry up the troops
from that province, to the Commander-in-Chief, to make short
work of Delhi, to Sir John Lawrence, Commissioner-in-Chief of
the Punjab, to act according to the best of his judgment, and to
the Governor of Madras to send his two regiments. He also took
the responsibility of intercepting the troops which were on their
way from England to China, and diverting them to the service of
India. This was a bold and masterly step. But it is scarcely
surprising that he did not fully grasp the danger of the situation.
His Home Secretary, Cecil Beadon, replied to an offer of the
French residents in Calcutta to enrol themselves as special con-

434

THE MARCH ON DELHI

stables, " Everything is quiet within one hundred miles of the
capital. The mischief caused by a passing and groundless panic
has been already arrested, and there is every reason to hope that,
in the course of a few days, tranquillity and confidence will be
restored throughout the Presidency." Canning had realised the
danger of the position to the south of Delhi, but did not under-
stand the strength of Delhi itself, and the difficulty which would
be found in conquering it. There can be little doubt that, had he
trusted to his own instincts, or listened to the advice of the most
capable men about him, many of the disasters which afterwards
happened would not have occurred.

As it was, the mutiny spread to Firozpur, to Aligarh, to Massacre a
Mainpuri, and above all to Agra, where, after a mistaken at- GwaKor.
tempt at conciliation, the sepoys of two regiments were dis-
armed on May 3ist. At Gwalior, on June I4th, the native troops
broke out into insurrection. They rushed from their lines,
murdering every European they met. Seven British officers, the
wife of an officer, a nurse, the wife of a warrant officer, three
children, and six soldiers were killed. The rest of the British
escaped to Agra.

The Commander-in-Chief in India at this time was the Hon. Death of th
George Anson. He heard of the outbreak at Meerut when he was Commandei
on his way to Simla. When the news of the catastrophe at Delhi
reached him, he interrupted his journey and went to Ambala,
which he reached on May I5th. He realised that the most necessary
step was an immediate march to Delhi, but he also knew that
he had not sufficient troops for the purpose, though both Canning
and John Lawrence urged him to take that course. He waited at
Ambala until he had dispatched the last of his troops, and set out
himself on May 25th, but on the following day he was attacked by
cholera and died in a few hours. There is no doubt that if he
had lived through the Mutiny he would have made a splendid
reputation.

Anson was succeeded by Sir Henry Barnard, who continued the Delhi
march and reached Alipur, twelve miles from Delhi, on June 6th. invested.
He left this two days afterwards, and fought a splendid battle at
Badli Serai against the mutineers, six miles to the north of Delhi,
driving them into the town. Above all he occupied the Ridge,
which formed the best possible base of operations against the city,
as it allowed reinforcements to come in from the rear, whilst it
commanded the plain right up to the walls. Unfortunately, on
the very day after his arrival in the camp before Delhi, he was
seized with cholera and died on July 5th.

435

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Prepara-
tions at
Cawnpur
and
Lucknow.

Rising at
Allahabad.

Outbreak at
Gawnpur.

We must now turn our attention to Cawnpur, Lucknow and
Allahabad. At Cawnpur Sir Hugh Wheeler was in command.
He realised early the danger of the situation, and resolved to fortify
and provision a place, where, if danger should arise, all British
and European men, women and children might take refuge until
assistance came. He found what he thought a suitable spot in
some unoccupied barracks. At Lucknow was the great Sir Henry
Lawrence. On May iQth, he was made, by Canning, Brigadier-
General, in supreme command in Oudh. He made all preparations
for defence, and, on May 24th, moved into the Residency the
ladies, the families and sick men of the 32nd Regiment, and the
European and Eurasian recruits. On May 27th he wrote to Canning
that the Residency and the Mandi Bhavan, a building about half
a mile from the Residency, used for the storage of supplies, were
safe against any possible attack. No sooner had he completed
these arrangements than risings took place all round him, and on
June 1 2th he recognised that the Residency was the only place
in the whole country over which he had any real authority. Un-
fortunately his health gave way, and he had to rely largely on the
assistance of others.

At Allahabad Simpson was in command. Here the sepoys of
the 6th Regiment professed the greatest indignation at the conduct
of the mutineers, and volunteered to march to Delhi against them.
But a week afterwards they rose in revolt and murdered a number
of their officers. They also captured the guns and dragged them
into their lines. Fortunately, by the vigorous action of Lieutenant
Bragge, the sepoys in the fort were disarmed and the fort was
secured. The town, however, and the cantonments were left to
the mutineers. The jails were broken open and the criminals let
loose, the shops were pillaged, the railway works and the telegraph
wires destroyed. Europeans and Eurasians were mutilated, tor-
tured and killed, and the treasury was sacked.

On the night of June 4th the long-expected mutiny broke out
at Cawnpur. The troopers of the 4th Cavalry burnt the sergeants'
bungalows, got possession of thirty-six elephants, plundered the
treasury and the magazine, broke open the jail and let the prisoners
loose. At Cawnpur was Nana Sahib, the adopted son of the last
Peshwa of Poona. He had been very friendly to the British,
entering freely into society, but at this time he was resenting his
treatment by Dalhousie. His adoptive father had received a large
pension from the Government, and had retained the title of Peshwa.
The adopted son was allowed to inherit the savings and the landed
property of his father, but was deprived of the pension and the

436

NANA SAHIB AT CAWNPUR

title. This, in the opinion of competent persons, was, if not unjust,
at least impolitic.

It is not quite certain how far Nana Sahib was responsible for Nana Sahib
the events at Cawnpur. The soldiers who committed the out- Chosen
rages were undoubtedly his, but he had little authority over them, Leader>
and perhaps could not have restrained them if he had desired to
do so. The mutinous sepoys chose Nana Sahib for their leader,
and demanded that he should lead them to Delhi. They did march
to Kilianpur, seven miles off, but on the following morning returned
to Cawnpur, and Nana Sahib pitched his tent in the centre of the
station. On June 7th, Wheeler received a letter from Nana Sahib,
saying that he intended to attack the garrison, and by June nth
the rebels were firing upon the garrison night and day with three
mortars and twelve other guns. During this time Nana Sahib was
treated like a sovereign prince.

The British garrison consisted of 450, armed with six guns. Bravery of
Alone, they could have fought their way to Allahabad, but they the British
had with them 350 women and children, and this fact made it GarriBon-
impossible for them to move. They had provisions for four weeks.
The casualties were considerable, and the dead bodies were thrown
into a well. The siege lasted three weeks. Water was only to be
obtained from one source, and that could only be approached with
danger to life. Every day was marked with acts of heroism.
Wheeler now had only 240 European soldiers, with six guns, to
protect 870 non-combatants against 4,000 rebels well supplied with
guns and ammunition. The women and children burrowed in
holes to escape the bullets and the fall of crumbling masonry.
Some died from sunstroke or thirst, others were burnt to death
in the hospital. At night, every person in turn was compelled
to keep watch. Towards the end of the third week the supply
of food became very short. At last, on June 26th, an armistice
was proclaimed.

Nana Sahib agreed to allow the British to march out with Nana
their arms and sixty rounds of ammunition. They should be Sahib's
escorted to the river side, whence boats with provisions should Treachery-
take them to Allahabad. Those who communicated with him
found him courteous in manner and full of compassion for the
sufferings of the women and children. They set out on the morn-
ing of June 27th, and, reaching the river at eight, found forty
boats. The embarkation lasted an hour, after which some of
the boats pushed off. Suddenly, at the sound of a bugle, fire
was opened upon the boats. Nearly all the men were massacred ;
the women and children were dragged out and lodged in a brick

437

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

building near the shore. Here, on July i5th, they were brutally
murdered and their bodies thrown into a well close to the house.
Havelock's Qn July 7th General Havelock started from Allahabad for

the relief of Cawnpur. He had with him 76 artillerymen, 976
English infantry, 18 volunteer cavalry, 150 Sikhs, and 30 irregular
infantry. On July izth he gained a complete victory over the
rebels at Futtehpur, and two days later beat them again. They
were now twenty-two miles distant from Cawnpur, and heard
that their advance would be opposed by Nana Sahib with a force
of 7,000 men. But they also heard that 200 British women and
children were confined there, and Havelock exclaimed, " With
God's help, men, we will save them, or every man of us will die
in the attempt." They started early next morning, and a march
of sixteen miles, in intense heat, brought them to the village of
Maharajapur.

How Havelock heard that Nana Sahib was posted in front with

L^h'00!! n 5'°°° men an<^ eight guns> m a very strong position, supported on
both flanks and in the centre by earthworks and more artillery.
He determined to employ a flanking movement. When within
eighty yards of the rebel batteries, he gave the order to charge.
The North Staffordshire Regiment and the Seaforth Highlanders,
on the right, with their pipers sounding the pibroch, advanced
under heavy fire in quick time, with sloped arms, until a hundred
yards from the village. Then they charged, using the bayonet
with deadly effect. After a short halt the line was reinforced, but
a large gun on rising ground was doing great mischief. Havelock
rode in front and cried, " Highlanders, another such charge wins
the day ! " They marched on and captured the gun. The rebels
now took refuge in a village a mile in the rear. On arriving in
front of it, Havelock cried, " Soldiers, who is to take that village,
the Highlanders or the 64th ? " Immediately the two regiments
rushed for the village and carried it without a check. The force
again moved on and came unexpectedly upon the enemy, with a
twenty-four pounder gun in position in the road. Farther back
was a large body of horsemen and infantry in a concave formation,
with two smaller guns.

Arrival at Havelock told his men to lie down when a twenty-four

Cawnpur. pounder shot tore through the column. The rebels advanced,
with trumpets sounding and drums beating. Havelock's horse
had been shot, but he mounted a pony and rode out in front,
giving the order, " The longer you look at it, men, the less you
will like it ; rise up ; the brigade will advance, left battalion lead-
ing ! " The 64th, led by Major Stirling, marched straight on the

438

THE DEFENCE OF LUCKNOW

gun, and captured it, Lieutenant Havelock, who was aide-de-camp
to his father, riding directly up to its muzzle. The rebels gave
way, and Havelock's force encamped without food within two
miles of Cawnpur. In nine days they had marched 126 miles in
the hottest weather and fought and won four battles, as well as
other engagements, and had captured twenty-three guns. Next
morning they heard that the women and children whom they had
hoped to save had been massacred, that four sepoys had been
ordered to shoot them through the doors and windows, that some
of them refused, and eventually two Mohammedan butchers from
the city did the work with swords and knives. Early next day
the dead and dying, for they were not all dead, were thrown, as
has been said, into an adjacent well.

In the meantime Sir Henry Lawrence was concentrating his Death of
forces in the Residency at Lucknow. On July ist he had blown Lawrence.
up the Mandi Bhavan, the large house before mentioned, and
had withdrawn entirely within the Residency enclosure. He had
there about 600 British infantry, 89 artillerymen, 100 British
officers, 153 civilians, and 765 natives. The position was, from
a military point of view, a very weak one. It consisted of a
number of private houses, the principal of which was the
Residency, roughly joined together by mud walls and trenches.
It was exposed to the rebels' continuous fire, which included
shells, sent hissing into the Residency. By one of these shells
Sir Henry Lawrence was wounded on July 2nd, and died on
July 4th.

The defence was continued under Banks and Inglis. After The March
some of the outlying houses had been destroyed, the rebels made on
their general attack on July 20th. They were triumphantly
repulsed at four in the afternoon. On July 2ist Banks was killed,
and there was no one to replace him. On July 25th news reached
the beleaguered garrison that Havelock was advancing to their
assistance from Cawnpur, and would arrive in five or six days.
He, however, had great difficulites to contend with, which delayed
him. Cawnpur must be held in his absence, and for this purpose
he had built a fortification commanding the river ; this held 300
men, and he entrusted it to the command of Neill. Havelock
crossed the river on July 25th, and three days afterwards was
ready to move. He had with him a small force of 1,500 men, of
whom about 1,200 were Europeans, 60 volunteer cavalry, and
10 field-pieces. The distance he had to traverse was over forty
miles. On July 29th he fought an engagement with the rebels, in
which, although he defeated them, he lost considerably, and was

439

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Persistent

Rebel

Attacks.

Outran! and

Havelock.

Siege of
Delhi.

obliged to return to his base. On August 4th he marched forward
again, once more defeated the rebels, but was again forced to
return to Cawnpur, convinced that he could do no more unless he
received reinforcements. He recrossed the Ganges on August I3th.

Three days before this the rebels made a second attack upon
the Residency, which lasted twelve hours, and on August i8th
a third attack in full force. On August 28th a letter was received
from Havelock, telling them that he had no hope of being able
to relieve them for five-and-twenty days. On September 5th
the rebels made their fourth and last attack, but were again
defeated. On September 22nd the exhausted garrison received
news that help would certainly come within a fortnight.

However, the situation developed on lines which neither the
besieged nor the relief force could foresee. On August i3th Sir
Colin Campbell arrived in Calcutta, and his first object was to
march to Cawnpur and then relieve Outram and Havelock. The
former had been sent to Cawnpur, where, as the superior officer,
he would have superseded Havelock, and he arrived at that city
with much-needed reinforcements on September i6th. He deter-
mined not to deprive Havelock of the credit of relieving Lucknow,
and issued a letter declaring that, in gratitude for and admira-
tion of the brilliant deed of arms achieved by Brigadier-General
Havelock and his gallant troops, he would cheerfully waive his
rank and accompany the force to Lucknow in his civil capacity as
Chief Commissioner of Oudh, tendering his military services as a
volunteer. This offer was accepted by Havelock, who now had
a force of 3,179 men, all told. By heroic efforts this force, under
Havelock and Outram, at last reached Lucknow. The losses
were very heavy, and, after all, Lucknow was not relieved, but
reinforced. Outram, who now assumed the command, thought
that it would be possible to reach Cawnpur, but it was certain
that the women and children could not have been withdrawn
except at tremendous risk. It had cost 500 men to get into the
Residency unencumbered : how many would it cost to get out ?
Therefore, the two brave men had to stay till they were relieved
by a superior force.

Delhi was now the centre of the situation. Here a British
force of 4,500 effective men maintained its position in the face
of a large army of rebels, whose numbers varied from 30,000
to 50,000. On August i4th John Nicholson brought up a force
of i, 600 infantry, a battery of artillery, and 200 cavalry. The
arrival of siege-guns a month later rendered an assault possible.
The siege of Delhi had continued since June 8th, on which day

440

ASSAULT ON DELHI

Barnard had taken possession of the Ridge from which the siege
was to be conducted. On this Ridge a comparatively small force
of Europeans and Ghurkas, who were still loyal, had to construct
its defences exposed to a burning sun, repelling assaults by day
and night, subject at all times to a deluge of shot and shell from
the works of the city. At the same time the rebels received
constant reinforcements as the spirit of mutiny spread from place
to place, and each arrival of reinforcements was the signal for a
new general sortie. In two of these, on July gth and July I4th,
the British lost 468 killed and wounded out of a force which then
numbered only 5,367 men. Besides this, disease was rife in the
besiegers' camp. Many died of cholera and sunstroke ; but when
the rains began and the heat became less severe matters did not
improve, and on September 6th there were 2,800 men in hospital.

Reinforcements had increased the force under Wilson to 8,748 Assault on
men, of whom 3,317 were British. After a good deal of hesita- the Kashmir
tion he decided on an assault which, after breaches had been made a e*
by a bombardment, took place on September i4th. The columns
of assault were drawn up at three o'clock in the morning, and
every one who took part in the operation knew that the fate of
India depended on its result. As day dawned, the columns
advanced and took up their position. The most difficult operation
was the taking of the Kashmir Gate. This was entrusted to a
forlorn hope, led by Lieutenants Home and Salkeld. Each member
of it carried a bag containing about 4 Ib. of gunpowder. They
crossed the ditch by a gate which was fortunately open, and reached
the great double gate which was the object of their attack. The
enemy, paralysed by their audacity, for a moment ceased to fire.
Home and Salkeld attached the bags to the gateway, and then
attempted to escape ; Home leaped into the ditch, but Salkeld was
shot in the arm and leg and was disabled, dying a few days later.
Burgess tried to light the fuse, but was shot dead. Carmichael
did light it, but was mortally wounded. Next moment, a terrible
explosion took place, and the great gate was shattered. Sergeant
Smith and Bugler Hawthorne alone survived, and both received
the Victoria Cross.

Campbell pressed on with his men and reached the great Death of
mosque, the Jumma Musjid, but, not being supported, had to Nicholson.
retire. Another victim of the assault was the gallant John
Nicholson. He resolved to attack the Lahore Gate, a work of
the greatest danger. While ordering a third attack, he was
pierced by a bullet before the men could respond to his order.
He still called upon his men to go on, but this had become

441

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

Capture of
Delhi.

Colin

Campbell's
March on

Lucknow.

impossible. There was nothing to be done but to retire to the
Kabul Gate. He lingered for eight days in agony, and died with
an unrivalled reputation at the age of thirty-seven.

The first day's assault was not very successful, but a solid
base had been acquired for future operations. Yet the cost had
been enormous — sixty-six officers had been lost and 1,104 men
killed and wounded. In the following days, in spite of the
stubborn resistance of the sepoys, ground was gained step by
step. The magazine was taken on September i6th, and on
September 21 st Wilson took up his quarters in the Imperial palace.
The King had fled and had taken refuge in the tomb of Humayan,
three and a half miles from the city. Hodson, of Hodson's Horse,
received permission to bring in the old sovereign, providing his
life was spared, and this was successfully done. Two sons of the
King, however, and a grandson were still at liberty. Hodson was
again allowed to fetch them, but no stipulation was made about
their lives. They surrendered, dismissed their followers, and rode
towards Delhi in a native cart. In a sudden panic, Hodson
made them dismount and shot them with his own hand, a most
unnecessary act of bloodshed, and an indelible stain on himself
and the country he served. No sooner was Delhi captured than
a force was sent under Greathed, consisting of about 1,000 British
and 2,000 native soldiers, to open the country between Delhi and
Agra, and eventually to reach Cawnpur. Agra was relieved after
a severe engagement, and Hope Grant, who superseded Greathed,
reached his destination on October 26th.

As we have already said, Colin Campbell arrived at Calcutta
on August I3th. On October 27th he had completed his arrange-
ments and started for Allahabad, where he arrived on November
ist. He set out for Cawnpur next day, and reached it the day
afterwards. He found things by no means in a satisfactory state.
Even the road by which he had marched was not at all safe. He
felt it dangerous to march to Lucknow, but the need was so
pressing that he determined to risk it. Six weeks had now elapsed
since the arrival of Outram and Havelock. During this time the
garrison had made numerous attacks, the effect of which was
somewhat to reduce the desultory fire of the rebels. On October
9th the garrison heard of the capture of Delhi and Greathed's
march. They realised that Colin Campbell would come to them
in a few weeks. Outram communicated with him by means of
a clerk in a public office named Kavanagh, who, disguised as a
native, found Campbell, and gave him such information as enabled
him to mature his plans.

442

THE FIGHT AT LUCKNOW

To relieve Lucknow and withdraw the garrison and the British Plan of the
in the Residency was an operation of great difficulty and danger. Attack-
At first Campbell contented himself with getting into communica-
tion with the Alambagh, which had a garrison of 430 British ;
when this had been effected he found he had a force of about
4,700 men. These he divided into six brigades — the Naval
Brigade, under William Peel ; the Artillery Brigade, the Cavalry
Brigade, and three others, Hope Grant directing the operations.

It would have been madness to attack the city in front, where
the way lay between narrow lanes, fortified and stoutly defended,
so he determined to swing round to the right, march in a wide
curve through open ground, and seize Dalhousie Park, a large open
garden surrounded by a wall 20 feet high, which lay about two
miles from the Residency. He could use this as a base of opera-
tions and pass round to the north of the city. But before he
reached the Residency he would have to take a number of strong
posts, the most formidable of which were the Secundrabagh and
the Shah Najah Mosque.

Making a feint to his left to draw the attention of the rebels Bombard-
in that direction, he marched to his right, occupied Dalhousie ment of the
Park without difficulty, and afterwards the Martiniere College. n
Here the troops bivouacked, and next day, November I5th, was
spent in preparation. Early in the morning of November i6th
he moved forward to the attack of the Secundrabagh. A murder-
ous fire opened upon the troops, but they gained their ground.
Then the guns were swung round and, within musket-shot of the
crowded walls and under a tempest of pellets, opened a heavy fire
on the place, the infantry lying down out of sight to wait the
moment of assault. Campbell had given orders that, in the
assault, they were to keep together in clusters of three, and to
rely on nothing but the bayonet. The central man was to attack
and his companions right and left were to guard him. Campbell
himself stood by his guns, watching the cannon-balls tearing down
the works, which were immensely thick. It took three-quarters of
an hour to make a breach, and it was difficult to restrain the men.

At last the hole was considered large enough, and the Sikhs
and the Highlanders rushed for it at full speed, each straining
every nerve to reach it first. A Sikh ran forward, leaped
through the aperture, and was shot dead as he sprang ; others,
however, say it was a Highlander. The Secundrabagh was held
by four strong sepoy regiments, amounting to 2,000 or 2,500 men,
who had all been well seasoned in the British service. After the
walls had been passed, the fight within the building continued

443

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

for two hours, and not a single one of its defenders was spared ;
they were all killed, the British losses being comparatively slight.
After the Secundrabagh, came the Shah Najah, a great mosque
with a high loopholed wall, defended by trees and enclosures of
different kinds. Against this Peel led the attack and opened
fire within twenty yards of the wall. After three hours' firing
he had not succeeded in piercing it. Night fell, but the place
must be captured, as retreat was impossible. At last a breach
was discovered at the north-east corner by Sergeant Paton, who
entered the place without opposition. A rush was made to
it, and when the enemy saw that their position was no longer
tenable they fled like sheep.

Death of After this terrible work the troops were exhausted and the

Havelock. muskets had become so foul that it was impossible to load them.
However, on the following day, the task was resumed. The first
building to be attacked was the Mess House. A Union Jack,
hoisted as a signal to the Residency, was shot down. In the
meantime, Outram had been pressing forward to join the rescuers,
and late on a November afternoon Campbell, Havelock and
Outram met on the slope outside the Mess amidst a murder-
ous fire from the Kaiserbagh. Lucknow had now been relieved
with a loss of 45 officers and 496 men. But it was necessary to
evacuate the Residency and to carry off in safety 600 women and
children and more than 1,000 sick or wounded men. Yet so
adroitly was this done that the mutineers were pounding the
Residency with shot for at least four hours after it had been
completely deserted. However, the rescued party did not reach
the Dilkusha till November 22nd. On November 24th Havelock
died of dysentery and was buried in the Alambagh. On a tree
near the grave the letter " H " was roughly carved, and a stately
obelisk now marks the spot.

Campbell's On November 27th Campbell started for Cawnpur, where
Successful windham, who had been left in command, was seriously defeated
Campaign. by Nana Sahib ^ Tantia Topeet Campbell was not able to attack
the rebels till December ist, and did not reach Cawnpur till the
end of the month. Again the garrison had to be removed, and
for thirty-six hours the procession of sick and wounded, women
and children, guns and baggage, moved slowly across the bridge
and eventually reached Allahabad in safety. After this, Campbell,
with 5,000 men, brilliantly defeated the rebel army, numbering
25,000, including the Gwalior contingent of 10,000 men. He
captured all their baggage and thirty-two guns, and sent them
flying in all directions. His own loss was only 99 killed.

444

ATTACK ON LUCKNOW

When Delhi was taken, on September 2ist, 1857, the mutiny
might be considered at an end, but Lucknow still remained to be
captured. On November 26th Outram had been left in the
Alambagh, with between 3,000 and 4,000 men, twenty-five guns
and howitzers, and ten mortars. He occupied a position across the
Cawnpur road, defended by batteries, trenches, and abattis. For
about a month the rebels made no attempt to disturb him, but
at the beginning of 1858 they became more active, and in the
latter half of February made several attacks, all of which were
repulsed. Outram's force never exceeded 5,000 men, but opposed
to this the rebels never had fewer than 120,000 men, 27,000 of
whom were trained sepoys and 71,000 trained cavalry.

The city stretched along the left bank of the Gumti for more The Rebels'
than five miles, being more than twenty miles in circumference. Position at
The strongest position held by the rebels was the Kaiserbagh, a Lucknow-
palace about 400 yards square. In addition to this they had
constructed three lines of earthworks, the first along the side of
the canal, the second ending at the Mess House, the third cross-
ing the flank of the King's palace. Campbell's plan was to attack
in two directions, to throw a bridge across the Gumti, and to
place heavy guns on the north bank, which should attack with
overwhelming force the Mess House, the Secundrabagh, and the
Residency, which were held by the sepoys. This was the right
attack. The left, led by Napier, was to cross the Dilkusha bridge
and fight its way up to the Kaiserbagh and the Residency, always
supported by the flanking gunfire of Outram.

Campbell began his operations on March 3rd. The entrancing Opening of
appearance of Lucknow on that fateful morning has often been the Att*ck.
described. Palaces, minarets, domes, orange and golden cupolas,
colonnades, long fagades of fair perspective in pillars and columns,
terraced roofs, rose up amidst a calm ocean of the brightest
verdure. The bridge across the Gumti was completed by mid-
night on March 5th, and the troops were crossing at four in the
morning. On the evening of March 6th Outram encamped about
four miles from the city, and on March gth made his spring. He
found that he had approached the sepoys' batteries from the rear,
so that they were of no use whatever. After a heavy cannonade
he stormed the Chaker Kothi, a yellow house, which was
strongly held by the sepoys. Campbell advanced at the same
time, and next day the two divisions were in complete touch.
On March nth Outram carried all the positions leading to the
Residency, and established batteries close to it. Campbell, on
March nth, occupied the Secundrabagh and the Mosque, but

445

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

found himself stopped by the Begum's house. In the storm 600
sepoys were killed. On March I4th the Kaiserbagh was taken by
a spirited attack. It is scarcely to be wondered that the soldiers
were drunk with plunder. They streamed through court after
court, piled up with embroidered clothes, gold and silver brocade,
arms inlaid with jewels, priceless pictures and vases.

Capture of Unfortunately, a great blunder was now made. Outram asked

Lucknow. permission to cross the main bridge and cut off the rebels who
were escaping. He was told he might cross, but was not to do
so if he would lose a single man. Of course, he must have lost
men, but the later pursuit of the rebels who escaped caused a far
larger loss of life than would have been occasioned by crossing the
bridge then and taking the rebels in the rear. Also, by a mistake
of judgment, Outram allowed a body of 20,000 sepoys to escape
through a gap in the British lines, and in this way, as Lord Roberts
said, the campaign which should then have come to an end was
prolonged for nearly a year, in consequence of the fugitives
spreading over Oudh and resisting till the end of May, 1859, thus
involving the loss of thousands of British soldiers. The Residency,
which the sepoys had tried in vain to carry for more than eighty
days, was now taken by the British in as many minutes. In this
brilliant manner Lucknow was captured after less than fourteen
days' fighting, with a loss of only 125 officers and men killed, and
less than 600 wounded.

Escape of The fall of Lucknow was followed by a campaign in Rohil-

Nana Sahib. knancl. In Central India Sir Hugh Rose, starting from Mhow,
demolished several forts, defeated the rebels before Jhansi, and
took that city by storm. He also recaptured Gwalior, which had
been seized by Tantia Topee. This notorious rebel was at last
cornered and captured in April, 1859. The last struggle was in
Oudh, against the forces of Nana Sahib and the Begum. It is
said that Nana Sahib escaped to the jungle of Nepal, where he
possibly died a miserable death. But there are some who think
that he was alive long afterwards. On January 27th, 1858, the
King of Delhi was brought to trial in the Privy Council Chamber
of the Palace, charged with making war against the British Govern-
ment, and was sentenced to be transported for life. After some
time he was sent to Pegu, where he died in peace.

End of the The Mutiny demonstrated that the relations of India to the
East India British Empire must be radically changed, and that it was no
longer possible to leave the government of the greatest dependency
of the British Crown in the hands of a trading company. An Act
of Parliament for transferring the administration of India from

446

INDIA A BRITISH POSSESSION

the East India Company to the Crown was passed without much
opposition, and received the royal assent on August 2nd, 1858.
Consequent upon this, the Queen issued a proclamation declaring
the principles upon which she intended in future to govern the
country. She informed the native Princes that all treaties in
force with them would be scrupulously maintained, that she would
respect their rights, their dignity, and their honour as her own ;
that she would sanction no encroachment on the rights of any of
them ; that the obligations which bound her to her other subjects
would bind her also to them. To the natives the proclamation
promised complete liberty in matters of religion, and, so far as
might be, office was thrown open, without question of religion, to
all such persons as might be qualified for it by education, ability
and integrity. The Queen said that in framing and administer-
ing laws due regard should be paid to ancient rights, usages and
customs ; that those who had taken part in the Mutiny should be
treated with clemency, and that unconditional pardon should be
given to all who submitted before January ist, 1859. This
proclamation, published on November ist, 1858, was regarded
everywhere as the charter of the new regime. Addresses poured
in from every part of India — from Hindoos, Mohammedans and
Parsees, expressing their gratitude, loyalty, and devotion. The
British members of the Indian army were not equally complacent,
but resented being made forcibly part of the British army,
instead of continuing to serve the Company. Eventually they
were allowed to choose between the two, and about 10,000 took
advantage of this permission.

The events of the Mutiny aroused a bitter desire for revenge, Canning's
both in Great Britain and in India, and cruel measures of retalia- Judicial
tion were demanded which would only have perpetuated ill- * mir
feeling between the two countries and stained the honour of the
British name. Canning, who had from the first set himself to
moderate these sentiments, now did his best to restore the civil
administration, and to gain the confidence of the native chiefs. The
country was in a deplorable condition, famine having devastated
villages and emptied cities of their inhabitants. Canning made
a new departure in the relations between the British Government
and the chiefs by agreeing to their customs of adoption and
succession ; this removed an ancient grievance, and ensured the
continuance of native rule. The dread of annexation under the
" rule of lapse " was removed, and at the same time the chiefs
were charged with the responsibility of active loyalty to the
Crown. The British Government and the native chiefs were to

447

A HISTORY OF THE MODERN WORLD

co-operate together for the benefit of the country which they
ruled side by side. Great Britain remained suzerain, but native
rule was to be perpetual so long as the chiefs remained true to
their engagements. At the same time, residents were established
at the different native courts, to give friendly advice, to correct
grave abuses of power, to maintain peaceful succession, and to
ensure the continuance of the reign of law and justice.

Calm After So far as India was concerned, the transference of the govern-
the Storm, ance ^id not produce any striking changes, nor was it felt as a
violent alteration. The new masters at home merely continued
the authority of the old. The place of the Court of Directors
and Proprietors and the Board of Control was taken by the
Secretary of State for India, assisted by a Council. Unity of
government was secured by giving the Secretary of State power to
overrule his Council in most matters ; in some others, such as
appropriation of revenue, he represented a majority of the votes.
At the same time, he could, on his own responsibility, give orders
regarding foreign affairs and other secret matters with which the
former Secret Committee used to deal. Annual reports on the
moral and material progress of each province were laid before
Parliament. Indeed, the statute which transferred the govern-
ment to the Crown may be regarded rather as an enabling and
continuing Act than as the establishing of a new order of things.
Before Lord Canning left India he had done much besides
suppressing the Mutiny. He had defined the legislative authority
of the Government of India in respect both of Parliament and the
Councils of Madras and Bombay. Power was taken to establish
Legislative Councils in Bengal, the North- West Provinces, and the
Punjab, and provision was made for the codification of Indian
Law. He also placed the finances of the country on a secure
basis. The year 1860-1 saw a deficit of £4,000,000, but this was
the last. Canning reduced the expenditure by £5,000,000, and
so made the two ends meet. The Mutiny was not followed by
any serious military operations, and Canning left the country, on
March I2th, 1862, in a condition of prosperity and peace. He
was followed by Lord Elgin, who had no chance to show his policy
because he died of heart failure on November 2ist, 1863. To
succeed him, John Lawrence, one of the heroes of the Mutiny,
was appointed, and held the office from January I2th, 1864, till
its natural termination in 1869.

PRINTED BY CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED, LA BELLE SAUVAGE, LONDON, E.G.

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