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A  :  HSTORY  OF 


•  MO DHKN  WOK     ) 


Presented  to  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO 
LIBRARY 

by  the 

ONTARIO  LEGISLATIVE 
LIBRARY 

1980 


A   HISTORY   OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


A  HISTORY 


OF 


THE  MODERN  WORLD 

1815—1910 


BY 


OSCAR  BROWNING 

Senior  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge,  and 
Late  University  Lecturer  in  History 


IN   TWO   VOLUMES 


VOLUME  II 


CASSELL    AND    COMPANY,    LIMITED 

London,  New  York,  Toronto  and  Melbourne 

1912 


Y: 


ALL    EIGHTS    RESERVED 


CONTENTS 

BOOK   III 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

1.  THE  MAKING  OF  ITALY i 

2.  THE  CIVIL  WAR  IN  AMERICA        .....  27 

3.  GERMANY  :  THE  MAN  OF  BLOOD  AND  IRON  61 

4.  THE  HEGEMONY  OF  PRUSSIA        .....  87 

5.  GLADSTONE  AND  His  FIRST  MINISTR^  .    ,     .         .         .  121 

6.  FRANCE  :    DECAY  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE    .         .         .  141 

7.  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END       .....  167 

8.  SEDAN        .........  191 

9.  THE  WAR  WITH  THE  REPUBLIC    .....  217 
10.  THE  COMMUNE    ........  240 

BOOK   IV 

1.  GLADSTONE'S  MINISTRY,  1868-74  .....  251 

2.  RUSSIA  AND  THE  EAST         ......  266 

3.  THE  RUSSO-TURKISH  WAR 281 

4.  THE  CONGRESS  OF  BERLIN  ......  296 

5.  DISRAELI'S  MINISTRY,  1874-80 307 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

6.  THE  ZULU  WAR 322 

7.  THE  PACIFICATION  OF  AFGHANISTAN     ....  338 

8.  THE  TRAGEDY  OF  KHARTUM 349 

9.  INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  TRANSVAAL      ....  365 

10.  HOME  RULE        ........  372 

11.  OLD  CHINA  AND  NEW  JAPAN 392 

12.  FEDERATION  OF  AUSTRALIA          .....  407 

13.  RECONQUEST  OF  THE  SUDAN         .....  420 

14.  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  OF  1898          .         .         .  433 

15.  THE  BOXERS  IN  CHINA        ......  441 

16.  THE  BOER  WAR          .......  447 

17.  THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR 472 

18.  EDWARD  THE  PEACEMAKER           .....  488 


A  HISTORY  OF 
THE  MODERN  WORLD 


BOOK    III 

CHAPTER  I 
THE  MAKING  OF  ITALY 

ON  the  night  of  the  disastrous  defeat  at  Novara,  Friday,  March  Accession  of 
23rd,  1849,  Charles  Albert  resigned  his  crown  in  favour  of  his  Victor  Em- 
son,  Victor  Emmanuel  II.,  then  twenty-nine  years  old.  He  manuel  IL 
was  known  as  the  Re  Galant'uomo — "  King  Honest  Man  " — from 
the  uprightness  of  his  character  and  the  fact  that  he  sturdily 
refused  to  recall  or  impair  the  Constitution  which  had  once  been 
given  to  his  country.  On  the  following  day  he  held  a  conference 
with  Radetzky,  the  conqueror,  and,  on  March  25th,  accepted  the 
onerous  conditions  of  the  armistice.  The  Piedmontese  agreed  to 
retire  from  the  area  bounded  by  the  Po,  the  Sesia,  and  the  Ticino, 
to  allow  the  fortress  of  Alessandria  to  be  occupied  by  a  mixed 
garrison  of  Austrians  and  Piedmontese  till  the  conclusion  of  peace, 
to  evacuate  the  Duchies  immediately,  to  recall  the  fleet  from  the 
Adriatic,  to  disband  the  Lombard  volunteers,  and  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  war.  Next  night  the  King  returned  to  Turin, 
accepted  the  resignation  of  the  Ratazzi  Ministry,  and  established 
de  Launay  in  his  place. 

On  March  29th  Victor  Emmanuel  swore  fidelity  to  the  Consti- 
tution in  the  presence  of  the  two  Chambers.  He  was  coldly 
received,  as  the  armistice  was  unpopular.  Indeed,  the  Chambers 
declared  it  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  a  revolt  at  Genoa,  under 
the  influence  of  Mazzini,  was  put  down  by  La  Marmora.  Austria 
demanded  a  war  indemnity  of  nearly  £10,000,000,  and,  since  it 
was  impossible  to  pay  this,  the  country  had  to  submit  to  the 
indignity  of  a  part  occupation  of  Alessandria.  However,  by  the 
mediation  of  France  and  Great  Britain,  Alessandria  was  evacuated, 
the  indemnity  was  reduced  to  £3,000,000,  and  peace  was  signed 
on  August  6th,  1849,  by  which  time  Massimo  d'Azeglio  had  become 
b 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Leggl 
Slccardl- 

ani. 


Cavour's 
Turning- 
point. 


Prime  Minister.  The  King  had  great  difficulty  in  inducing  the 
Chamber  to  approve  of  this  treaty.  It  met  on  July  soth,  1849, 
with  a  determination  not  to  ratify  the  treaty  or  to  recognise  its 
terms,  and,  on  November  nth,  passed  a  resolution  to  suspend 
its  operation.  There  was  nothing  to  do  but  to  dissolve  the  House, 
and  the  new  Parliament  accepted  the  treaty  by  a  very  large 
majority  on  January  igth,  1850. 

D'Azeglio,  being  anxious  to  abolish  the  exclusive  privileges  of 
the  Ecclesiastical  Courts,  appointed  Siccardi  to  the  office  cor- 
responding to  the  British  Lord  Chancellorship,  having  first  sent 
him  as  ambassador  to  Pius  IX.,  to  endeavour  to  induce  the  Pope 
to  accept  his  views.  Siccardi  introduced  a  Bill  for  the  abolition 
of  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts  and  their  special  jurisdiction.  He 
also  attempted  to  abolish  mortmain,  or  the  holding  of  land  by 
corporations  without  the  consent  of  the  Government,  and  to 
regulate  marriage  as  a  civil  contract.  These  measures  were 
embodied  in  three  laws  known  as  the  Leggi  Siccardiani,  which  were 
carried  by  both  Chambers,  their  acceptance  by  the  Senate,  which 
was  supposed  to  be  Conservative,  causing  great  astonishment. 

These  laws  were  warmly  supported  by  Cavour  in  one  of  the 
best  speeches  he  ever  made — one,  in  fact,  which  was  the  turning- 
point  in  his  career.  He  supported  them  on  the  broad  ground  that> 
the  Constitution  having  been  granted  to  the  country  by  Charles 
Albert,  with  the  view  of  establishing  liberal  institutions,  it  was  the 
duty  of  a  wise  Ministry  to  carry  out  these  principles  by  legislation 
in  the  same  direction,  and,  the  quieter  and  more  peaceful  the  con- 
dition of  the  country,  the  more  seasonable  was  the  time  for  doing 
so.  He  enforced  his  arguments  by  the  examples  of  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  consenting  to  the  emancipation  of  the  Catholics, 
Lord  Grey  carrying  the  Reform  Bill,  and  Sir  Robert  Peel 
avowing  his  conversion  to  the  principles  of  Free  Trade.  He  con- 
cluded with  these  words  :  "  See,  gentlemen,  how  reforms,  made  in 
time,  strengthen  authority  instead  of  weakening  it,  and,  instead 
of  increasing  the  strength  of  the  revolutionary  spirit,  reduce  it  to 
impotence.  Imitate  boldly  the  spirit  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 
Lord  Grey  and  Sir  Robert  Peel,  whom  history  will  declare  to  be- 
the  first  statesmen  of  our  time.  Go  forward  generously  in  the 
path  of  reform ;  do  not  be  afraid  if  measures  are  declared 
inopportune ;  do  not  be  afraid  to  weaken  the  power  of  the 
Constitutional  Throne,  which  is  entrusted  to  your  hands,  because 
you  will  really  strengthen  it.  You  will  really  place  the  Throne  on 
such  a  secure  basis  that,  when  the  storm  of  revolution  bursts 
against  it,  it  will  not  only  be  able  to  resist  it,  but,  by  summon- 


THE    RISE    OF    CAVOUR 

ing  around  it  the  living  forces  of  Italy,  will  be  able  to  lead  our 
nation  to  the  high  destinies  to  which  it  is  summoned." 

Up  to  that  moment  Cavour  had  been  regarded  as  an  aristo- 
cratic  Tory,  but  he  now  received  the  applause  of  the  Chambers,  opu  ari  y* 
the  Ministry,  and  the  people.  He  had  hitherto  been  the  leader 
of  the  Right  Centre  ;  he  now  put  himself  at  the  head  of  all  the 
intelligent  Liberals  in  the  Lower  House.  The  Siccardi  Laws, 
however,  were  not  put  into  effect  without  opposition.  Franzoni, 
Archbishop  of  Turin,  refusing  to  obey  them,  was  condemned  to  a 
month's  imprisonment  and  a  fine,  and  the  Bishops  of  Sassari  and 
Cagliari  in  Sardinia  were  similarly  punished. 

The  quarrel  was  further  embittered  by  the  case  of  Santa  Death  of 
Rosa,  Minister  of  Agriculture.  Feeling  that  he  was  near  death,  Santa  Rosa. 
he  asked  a  Servite  brother,  named  Paravino,  to  perform  for  him 
the  last  offices  of  religion,  but  Franzoni  refused  to  allow  it  unless 
he  withdrew  his  adhesion  to  the  Siccardi  Laws.  This  he  refused 
to  do,  and  he  died  on  August  5th  without  having  received  the 
sacraments.  There  was  some  difficulty  in  securing  for  him  a 
religious  funeral,  and  popular  feeling  was  so  much  excited  that 
the  Servites  were  suspended  and  their  property  confiscated.  The 
archbishop  was  imprisoned  in  the  fortress  of  Fenestrelle,  and 
eventually  exiled.  The  portfolio  left  vacant  by  the  death  of  Santa 
Rosa  was  given  to  Cavour,  who  became  Minister  of  Agriculture 
and  Marine  on  October  nth,  1850. 

When  the  proposal  to  appoint  him  was  made  to  Victor  Cavour's 
Emmanuel,  he  said,  "  Take  care  what  you  are  doing.  Cavour 
will  soon  dominate  you  all,  and  will  be  himself  Prime  Minister." 
He  began  by  demanding  that  Mameli,  who  was  a  weak  Minister 
of  Education,  should  be  replaced  by  someone  more  vigorous.  He 
took  a  step  in  the  direction  of  Free  Trade  by  sending  a  circular 
to  the  syndics,  advising  them  to  abolish  the  limit  of  the  price  of 
bread,  and  made  a  commercial  treaty  with  Belgium  and,  a  month 
later,  a  similar  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  which  compelled  the 
Protectionists  in  his  own  country  to  consent  to  a  reciprocity  of 
duties.  On  April  igth,  1851,  he  accepted  the  portfolio  of  Finance, 
which  was  vacant  by  the  resignation  of  Nigra.  He  executed  a 
commercial  convention  with  France,  which  led  to  a  commercial 
treaty  in  the  following  year.  A  commercial  treaty  with  Austria, 
signed  in  October,  1851,  secured  the  free  navigation  of  the  Po  and 
the  Ticino,  and  the  junction  of  the  railways  uniting  Genoa,  Turin 
and  Milan. 

On    December    2nd,    1851,    came    the    coup    d'etat    of    Louis 
Napoleon,     This    alarmed    the    Liberals,    and    strengthened    the 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


revolutionary  forces  in  Europe.  But  Cavour  and  d'Azeglio 
remembered  his  past  career,  and  knew  that  Italy  had  nothing 
to  fear  from  a  man  who  had  played  so  large  a  part  in 
Liberal  conspiracies.  Therefore  some  French  refugees,  who  were 
opposed  to  the  coup  in  France,  were  expelled  from  Piedmont, 
and  a  Bill  was  introduced  to  control  the  extravagances  of  the 
Press.  But  a  difference  began  to  arise  between  d'Azeglio  and 
his  Ministers,  Cavour  thinking  that  the  Government  ought  to 
assume  a  more  definitely  Liberal  character  and  attitude,  and  that 
this  could  only  be  done  by  a  coalition  with  the  Left  Centre,  then 
led  by  Ratazzi.  This  coalition,  finally  concluded,  was  announced 
in  a  debate  on  the  Press  on  February  5th,  1852,  in  which  Cavour 
not  only  accepted  the  partnership  of  the  Liberal  Ratazzi,  but 
refused  that  of  the  Conservative  benches,  thus  bringing  about 
the  divorzio  and  connubio,  the  divorce  and  marriage  which  are  so 
famous  in  Italian  constitutional  history.  Ratazzi  became  first 
Vice-President  and  then  President  of  the  Council. 

Resignation  Cavour  had  undoubtedly  committed  a  serious  breach  of 
of  d'Azeglio.  discipline  in  forming  this  coalition  without  the  knowledge  and 
approval  of  d'Azeglio  ;  his  only  excuse  was  that,  if  he  had  con- 
sulted his  chief,  permission  to  make  it  would  not  have  been 
given.  So  Cavour  resigned  his  two  posts,  and  the  Ministry  was 
reconstructed  with  the  omission  of  Cavour  and  Farini.  The  new 
Ministry  met  the  Chambers  on  May  2ist,  1852,  but  it  was  soon 
apparent  that  Cavour  had  seen  the  position  of  affairs  with  true 
insight.  A  Bill  authorising  civil  marriage  was  introduced  and 
passed  the  Chamber,  but  was  rejected  by  the  Senate  by  a  single 
vote.  The  Pope  was  very  angry  at  it,  and  d'Azeglio  found 
himself  in  troubled  waters.  Antonelli  published  a  paper,  and  the 
Pope  wrote  to  the  King,  who  said  that  he  would  not  have 
consented  to  the  law  had  he  known  that  it  would  displease  the 
Pope,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  make  every  sacrifice  for  his 
country  except  that  of  his  conscience.  Accordingly  d'Azeglio 
resigned  and  advised  the  King  to  send  for  Cavour. 

Victor  Emmanuel  was  reluctant  to  appoint  a  Minister  who 
would  be  distasteful  to  the  Papal  Court,  and  Cavour  himself 
suggested  Balbo  as  an  alternative.  But  these  suggested  arrange- 
ments proved  impossible,  and,  on  November  4th,  1852,  Cavour 
formed,  without  conditions,  what  has  ever  since  been  known  as 
'  The  Great  Ministry."  This  coalition,  or  connubio,  as  it  was 
called,  formed  a  solid  body  made  up  of  the  Catholics  of  the 
Right  and  the  Democrats  of  the  Left.  It  was  strong  enough 
to  support  in  the  country  the  expedition  to  the  Crimea,  the 


Cavour's 
"  Great 
Ministry. 


CAVOUR'S    REFORMS 

participation  in  the  Congress   of  Paris,  the   interview  of  Plom- 
bieres,  and  the  war  of  1859. 

In  the  Ministry  Dabormida  took  the  portfolio  of  Foreign  Piedmont's 
Affairs,  Buoncompagni  of  Justice,  Citrario  of  Education,  La  Commercial 
Marmora  of  War.  Ratazzi,  leader  of  the  Left,  remained  President  prosPerity- 
of  the  Council,  and  in  1853  became  Minister  of  Justice  in  place  of 
Buoncompagni.  Cavour  was  above  everything  a  financier,  and 
knew  that  financial  prosperity  must  be  the  foundation  of  a 
country's  greatness.  At  the  same  time,  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
sacrifice  present  interest  to  future  advantage,  to  contract  large 
loans,  and  to  impose  heavy  taxation  to  pay  the  interest.  He 
spent  much  money  in  developing  railways,  especially  that  from 
Turin  to  Genoa.  "  Genoa,"  he  said,  "  will  now  have  no  time  to 
think  of  revolutions."  He  established  lines  of  mail  steamers  to 
cross  the  Atlantic,  and  took  the  first  steps  towards  the  piercing 
of  the  Mont  Cenis.  He  made  commercial  treaties,  revised  the 
customs  tariff,  with  a  view  to  the  introduction  of  Free  Trade ; 
cheapened  the  necessaries  of  life  and  the  raw  materials  of  industry  ; 
established  companies,  corporate  societies,  a  system  of  credit  for 
agricultural  operations,  banks  of  deposit,  and  banks  of  discount. 

The  first  year  of  his  Ministry  was  a  miracle  of  administrative 
achievement.  He  created  a  new  Piedmont,  as  Peter  the  Great 
created  a  new  Russia  and  Napoleon  a  new  France  ;  and  the  new 
Piedmont  was  eventually  to  create  a  new  Italy.  In  all  this  he 
had  to  consider  the  bitter  hostility  of  Austria.  He  made  his 
country  respected  and  formidable,  reorganised  the  navy,  and 
fortified  Alessandria  and  Casale. 

It  was  only  natural  that  this  bold  and  original  policy  should  Clerical 
be  opposed  by  the  timid  folk  who  form  the  bulk  of  every  com-  Opposition 
munity.     They  felt  the  sacrifices  which  they  were  compelled  to  to    aYOUr* 
make,   but  did  not  realise  their  import.      The  priests  and  the 
demagogues  were  against  Cavour.    He  was  held  responsible  for  bad 
harvests  and  for  the  failure  of  the  vintage,  and  in  February,  1853, 
his  palace  was  attacked  and  his  life  threatened.     At  length  he 
appealed  to  the  country,  and  the  new  Chamber,  which  met  on 
December  igth,  1853,  gave  him   a  decided  majority  in  support 
of  his  policy. 

Then  followed  a  stroke  of  genius  by  the  participation  in  the  Cavour  and 
Crimean  War.     The  negotiations  which  preceded  it  are  obscure,  the  Crimean 
but  the  main  lines  of  the  policy  are  clear  at  the  present  day.     By  War' 
taking  this  bold  and  decided  step  Piedmont  offered  a  vigorous 
contrast  to  the  feeble  waverings  of  her  rival,  Austria,  and  took 
her  place  among  the  Powers  of  Europe,  who  were  joining  together 

5 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Suppression 
of  Clerical 
Orders. 


Italians  in 
the  Crimea. 


to  perform  what  was  supposed  to  be  an  act  of  international  justice, 
although  it  was  really  a  great  iniquity.  She  earned  the  gratitude 
of  France,  which  might  repay  her  services  some  day  by  the 
exchange  of  Milan  and  Lombardy  for  Savoy,  and  obtained  the 
right  of  taking  part  in  the  congress  which  must  follow  the  war. 
It  is  probable,  as  we  have  seen,  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
originally  began  the  war  with  the  object  of  weakening  Russia,  so 
as  to  prevent  her  from  supporting  Austria  in  the  war  which  he 
intended  to  undertake  for  the  liberation  of  Italy.  In  that  case 
the  step  now  taken  was  important  both  for  Cavour  and  the 
country  he  desired  to  serve.  Eventually  the  alliance  between 
France  and  Great  Britain  was  joined  by  Piedmont  on  January 
25th,  1855,  and  on  April  2ist  15,000  Sardinian  troops,  as  they 
were  called,  commanded  by  Alphonso  La  Marmora,  sailed  from 
Genoa  to  the  Crimea. 

On  January  I2th,  1855,  the  King  lost  his  mother  ;  on  January 
20th  his  wife  ;  and  on  February  loth  his  brother,  the  Duke  of 
Genoa.  Victor  Emmanuel  saw  in  this  the  finger  of  God,  and 
was  reluctant  to  pursue  the  course  of  ecclesiastical  reform  which 
was  being  advocated  by  his  Ministers.  At  this  time  Piedmont, 
with  a  population  of  under  5,000,000,  possessed  seventy-one 
religious  orders  and  604  religious  communities,  while  the 
capitalised  value  of  the  ecclesiastical  property  in  the  whole 
kingdom,  including  Sardinia,  was  estimated  at  over  seventeen 
millions  of  English  money.  It  was  a  pressing  necessity  to  reduce 
the  number  of  religious  orders  and  to  forbid  the  creation  of  any 
fresh  ones  except  by  legislation.  This  step  was  violently  opposed 
by  the  Clericals,  and  was  distasteful  to  the  King  himself ;  but  the 
Bill  eventually  became  law  on  May  29th,  Cavour  making  a  con- 
cession by  excluding  from  its  operation  an  order  which  had  been 
specially  protected  by  the  King's  mother  and  his  brother.  The 
Bill  suppressed  thirty-four  religious  orders  and  334  religious  houses, 
leaving  twenty-two  corporations,  with  274  houses.  On  July  22nd 
Pius  IX.  excommunicated  all  those  who  had  promoted,  approved 
of,  or  sanctioned  the  law.  Cavour,  warned  by  the  example  of 
Santa  Rosa,  had  made  arrangements  with  a  priest  to  attend  him 
in  his  last  moments,  and  this  was  eventually  carried  out. 

The  expedition  to  the  Crimea  consisted  of  17,767  men,  4,464 
horses,  and  36  guns.  It  disembarked  at  Balaklava  on  May  8th, 
and  had  orders  to  act  mainly  with  the  British.  It  suffered  much 
from  sickness,  especially  from  cholera  ;  but,  on  August  i6th,  the 
success  of  the  Battle  of  the  Tchernaia  compensated  for  every- 
thing. It  was  not  a  great  victory,  but  it  attracted  attention  and 

6 


NAPOLEON    AND    VICTOR    EMMANUEL 

irradiated  the  Italian  tricolour  with  a  gleam  of  glory.  Indeed,  the 
whole  expedition  did  not  bring  much  military  glory,  since,  while 
1,200  men  died  of  cholera  in  hospital,  only  forty  died  on  the  field 
of  battle. 

The  visits  paid  by  Victor  Emmanuel  to  the  Courts  of  Paris  Queen 
and  St.  James's,  accompanied  by  Cavour  and  d'Azeglio,  were  Yi< 
first  suggested  by  Cavour,  and  were  a  great  success.  Queen  Emmanuel. 
Victoria  wrote  of  the  King  that  "he  is  startling  in  the  extreme  in 
appearance  and  manner,  when  you  first  see  him,  but  when  you 
know  him  well  you  cannot  help  loving  him.  He  is  frank,  open, 
just,  straightforward,  liberal,  and  tolerant,  with  much  sound 
good  sense.  He  never  breaks  his  word,  and  you  can  rely  on  him  ; 
but  wild  and  extravagant,  courting  adventure  and  danger,  with 
a  very  strange,  short,  rough  manner.  He  is  more  like  a  knight 
of  the  Middle  Ages  than  anything  one  knows  nowadays."  Cavour 
was  at  first  afraid  to  accompany  the  King  for  fear  it  might  give 
the  visit  too  political  a  character,  but  yielded  on  condition  that 
Massimo  d'Azeglio  should  go  as  aide-de-camp,  to  show  to  Europe 
that  Piedmont  was  not  infected  by  the  disease  of  revolution. 

As  they  returned  through  Paris  the  Emperor  proclaimed  his  Cavour  and 
interest  in  the  Italian  cause  by  suddenly  crying  to  Cavour,  "  What  NaP°leon» 
can  we  do  for  Italy  ?  "  He  probably  said  more  to  the  King  than 
he  did  to  the  Minister.  It  is  recorded  that,  on  his  return  to  Italy, 
Victor  Emmanuel  praised  Napoleon  to  a  friend,  and  said,  "  You 
might  hear  great  things  if  I  could  speak  :  enough,  either  King  of 
Italy  or  simply  head  of  Savoy."  Cavour  drew  up  a  memorial 
for  the  Emperor,  dated  January  2ist,  1856,  which  said,  "  The 
Emperor  can  render  immense  service  to  Italy,  first,  by  persuad- 
ing Austria  to  do  justice  to  Piedmont ;  secondly,  by  obtaining 
a  milder  government  for  Lombardy  and  Verona ;  thirdly,  by 
forcing  the  King  of  Naples  not  to  continue  to  scandalise  Europe 
by  conduct  contrary  to  all  principles  of  justice  and  equity ;  and, 
fourthly,  by  removing  the  Austrian  governors  from  the  Legations 
and  Romagna,  and  giving  them  a  better,  that  is,  a  lay,  govern- 
ment." He  concluded  with  the  words,  "  Whatever  Fate  or 
Providence  reserves  for  Italy,  every  man  of  heart  will  always 
remember  that  Napoleon  was  the  first  to  ask,  '  What  can  we  do 
for  Italy  ?  '  " 

The  Congress  of  Paris  met  at  the  end  of  February,  1856.     It  Cavour  at 
was  not  certain  whether  the  representative  of  Sardinia  could  be  *^e  Congress 
admitted  to  the  congress  at  all,  or  be  admitted  only  on  a  lower 
footing,  and  Cavour  attended  it  with  great  reluctance,   foresee- 
ing only  disaster.     However,  by  the  influence  of  the  Emperor, 

7 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

supported  by  Great  Britain,  he  was  able  to  take  part  in  it  on 
the  same  footing  as  the  others.  He  behaved  with  wisdom  and 
moderation,  speaking  little  and  always  on  the  Liberal  side.  In 
this  way  he  gradually  won  influence.  Eventually,  on  April  8th, 
he  was  able  to  bring  the  question  of  Italy  before  the  attention  of 
the  diplomats  in  a  manner  which  has  been  related  in  a  previous 
chapter.  Cavour  was  disappointed  with  the  result  of  the  congress, 
but  on  his  return  to  Turin  received  not  only  the  applause  of  the 
King  and  Parliament,  but  also  congratulations  from  the  whole  of 
Italy.  His  position  had  gained  immensely  in  influence  and 
strength,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

Austria's  Austria  relaxed  her  severity  in  Lombardy  and  Venetia,  and 

removed  the  edict  sequestrating  the  property  of  the  emigrants. 
The  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  visited  the  provinces  in  January, 
1857,  accompanied  by  the  Empress  Elizabeth,  who  won  all  hearts, 
and  sent  his  brother,  the  admirable  Maximilian,  to  govern  it,  who 
was  so  successful  that  Cavour  was  afraid  the  hoped-for  liberation 
of  the  territory  might  not  be  realised. 

Revival  of  At  the  same  time,  in  Cavour's  own  government,  Mazzini  stirred 
ica  sm.  Up  a  usejess  anci  motiveless  rebellion  in  Genoa  in  June,  1857,  ^d 
in  the  general  election  in  November,  the  first  that  had  taken 
place  since  the  legislation  affecting  the  Church,  the  Clerical  party 
obtained  seventy  seats  out  of  a  total  of  200.  Cavour  was  alarmed. 
'  What,"  he  said,  "  if  eight  years'  labour  were  thrown  away  and 
the  movement  of  the  State  turned  backward  ?  "  Never  would 
he  advise  a  coup  d'etat,  nor  would  his  master  consent  to  one  ;  but, 
if  the  King  abdicated,  what  then  ?  Victor  Emmanuel  said  to 
Cavour,  "  Let  us  do  our  duty,  stand  firm,  and  we  shall  see."  The 
crisis  was  surmounted.  Some  elections  in  which  the  priests  had 
exercised  undue  influence  were  declared  null,  and  Ratazzi,  who 
was  a  red  rag  to  the  Clericals,  retired  from  office.  Cavour  found 
himself  master  of  the  Chamber. 

Orsini's  Ratazzi  retired  from  the  Ministry  on  January  I5th,  1858  ;   but 

the  night  bef°re  a  terrible  event  had  taken  Place  at  Paris-  As 
the  Emperor  and  Empress  were  driving  to  the  theatre,  bombs 

were  thrown  at  the  carriage  by  Felix  Orsini ;  they  wounded 
150  persons  and  killed  eight.  The  Emperor's  carriage  was 
struck  by  76  projectiles,  one  of  the  horses  was  killed,  the  other 
wounded.  The  Emperor  and  Empress  escaped  by  a  miracle, 
as  the  general  who  sat  opposite  them  was  wounded.  Antonio 
Fieri,  teacher  of  languages,  was  seized  immediately,  with  a  large 
bomb  in  his  pocket.  Other  persons  arrested  were  Gomez,  a 
Neapolitan  servant,  young  Count  Rudio  of  Belluno,  and  Orsini,  who 

8 


NAPOLEON    AND    ITALY'S    INDEPENDENCE 

was  wounded  in  the  head.  The  bombs,  invented  by  Orsini,  had 
been  made  by  Bernard,  a  Frenchman,  and  filled  by  Orsini ;  one 
was  thrown  by  Gomez,  a  second  by  Rudio,  a  third  by  Orsini. 

Orsini  wrote  a  letter  from  his  prison  to  the  Emperor,  saying  orsini's 
that  on  his  will  depended  the  happiness  or  misery  of  Italy,  the  Plea, 
life  or  death  of  a  nation  to  which  Europe  owed  a  great  part  of  its 
civilisation.  "  I  conjure  your  Majesty  to  restore  to  Italy  the 
independence  which  its  sons  lost  in  1849  by  the  fault  of  the 
French.  Remember  that  the  Italians,  amongst  whom  was  my 
father,  gave,  with  joy,  their  lives  for  Napoleon  the  Great,  when- 
ever he  might  please  to  lead  them  ;  remember  that  they  were 
faithful  to  him  to  his  fall ;  remember  that  the  tranquillity  of 
Europe  and  your  own  is  a  dream  so  long  as  Italy  is  not  indepen- 
dent. Do  not  reject  these  last  words  of  a  patriot  who  is  already 
on  the  steps  of  the  scaffold  ;  liberate  my  country,  and  the  blessings 
of  25,000,000  people  will  follow  you  to  posterity."  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  crime  of  Orsini  stimulated  the  action  of 
Napoleon  with  regard  to  the  liberation  of  Italy. 

It  might  have  been  thought  that  the  deed  would  have  alienated  Cavour 
the  Emperor  and  put  an  end  to  all  hope  of  achieving  the  liberty  Negotiates 
of  Italy  by  the  help  of  France.  But  this  was  averted  by  the  Napoleon 
diplomatic  skill  of  Cavour  and  the  manly  straightforwardness  of 
the  King  ;  and  in  May,  1858,  Cavour  received  from  Paris  a  letter 
written  by  a  friend  who  was  intimate  with  Prince  Napoleon, 
which  proposed  an  alliance  between  France  and  Italy,  and 
suggested  the  marriage  of  Prince  Napoleon  to  the  Princess 
Clothilde.  After  this,  Cavour  sent  Nigra  to  Paris,  and  the 
diplomatist  reported  that  the  Emperor  really  had  ideas  of 
this  kind  in  his  head.  In  June  M.  Conneau,  an  intimate  friend 
of  Napoleon's,  came  to  Turin  to  invite  Cavour  to  visit  the  Emperor 
at  Plombieres,  where  he  was  taking  the  waters.  This  was  com- 
municated to  the  King  and  La  Marmora  alone.  Cavour  arrived 
at  Plombieres  on  June  zoth,  and  saw  the  Emperor  on  that  and 
the  following  day. 

An  account  of  what  passed  is  contained  in  a  letter  from  Cavour 
to  the  King,  although  it  is  believed  that  a  more  accurate  narrative 
exists  in  a  minute  which  has  not  seen  the  light.  The  Emperor 
began  by  saying  that  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  support  Sardinia 
in  a  war  with  Austria,  if  a  cause  could  be  found  which  would 
satisfy  the  public  opinion  of  Europe.  He  suggested  that  some- 
thing might  be  made  of  the  revolutionary  movements  in  Massa 
and  Carrara.  As  to  the  future  of  Italy,  the  Austrians  were  to  be 
driven  from  the  country  entirely,  not  a  foot  of  ground  being  left 

9 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


War  with 

Austria 

Planned. 


Garibaldi 
Called  In. 


to  them.  The  north  of  Italy  was  to  be  formed  into  a  kingdom  of 
Alta  Italia,  under  the  House  of  Savoy ;  the  Pope  was  to  keep 
Rome  and  its  environs ;  Naples  was  to  be  left  as  it  was  ;  and  a 
kingdom  of  Central  Italy  was  to  be  created.  These  four  States 
were  to  form  a  confederacy  under  the  presidency  of  the  Pope.  The 
Emperor  said  that  he  would  like  a  Murat  to  reign  at  Naples,  and 
Cavour  proposed  the  Duchess  of  Parma  for  Tuscany.  Napoleon 
then  touched  upon  the  cession  of  Savoy  and  Nice.  Cavour  made 
no  difficulty  about  Savoy,  but  said  that  Nice  was  thoroughly 
Italian ;  but  the  Emperor  remarked  that  this  was  a  secondary 
consideration.  The  conversation  lasted  from  eleven  to  three. 

In  the  afternoon  the  Emperor  took  Cavour  for  a  drive,  himself 
holding  the  reins.  He  then  suggested  a  marriage  between  Prince 
Napoleon  and  Princess  Clothilde,  but  did  not  make  it  an  absolute 
condition.  At  the  same  time,  Cavour  was  convinced  that  the 
Emperor  desired  that  Prince  Napoleon  should  be  sovereign  of 
Central  Italy. 

It  now  remained  to  find  a  decent  pretext  for  the  war  with 
Austria.  Odo  Russell  has  reported  that  Cavour  said  to  him  on 
this  occasion,  "  I  will  compel  Austria  to  declare  war/'  and  there 
is  no  doubt  that  the  Minister  brought  the  whole  force  of  his  mind 
to  bring  this  about.  He  conceived  the  idea  of  sending  Garibaldi 
to  the  Duchies  to  promote  an  insurrection  which  would  force 
Austria  to  action.  He  considered  whether  something  might  not 
be  made  out  of  the  capture  of  Cagliari,  which  was  causing  much 
excitement,  but  a  more  hopeful  project  was  to  be  found  in  the 
Duchies  of  Massa  and  Carrara,  which  belonged  to  the  Duke  of 
Modena.  Napoleon  twice  requested  Austria  to  assist  in  urging 
the  Pope  to  give  a  better  government  to  his  dominions,  but  she 
twice  refused.  Cavour,  as  we  have  seen,  was  much  troubled  by 
the  success  of  the  government  of  Maximilian  at  Milan,  which  led 
the  Milanese  to  feel  that  they  would  be  content  to  have  him  as 
an  independent  King  or  a  Viceroy.  If  this  spirit  spread  there 
would  be  an  end  to  all  his  plans. 

In  October,  1858,  Cavour  had  a  long  conference  with  La  Farina 
to  concert  a  plan  for  exciting  a  revolution  in  the  spring  of  1859 
in  Central  Italy,  Parma  and  Bologna,  and  if  possible  to  force 
the  Austrians  to  war.  Massa  and  Carrara  should  begin  ;  Garibaldi 
should  go  to  Parma  ;  a  squadron  should  be  sent  to  Leghorn,  which 
would  certainly  drive  away  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  In 
December  Garibaldi  came  from  Caprera  to  Turin  to  confer  with 
La  Farina  and  Cavour. 

These  diplomatic  movements  were  kept  a  secret  till  they  were 

10 


THE    FRANCO-ITALIAN    ALLIANCE 

revealed  by  the  conduct  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  to  the  Austrian 
Ambassador  on  January  ist,  1859,  which  came  like  a  thunder- 
clap upon  Europe.  As  he  passed  before  Baron  Hiibner  on  that 
day  he  said,  in  the  hearing  of  all  the  diplomatic  body,  "  I  regret 
the  relations  between  us  are  bad  ;  but,  nevertheless,  tell  your 
Sovereign  that  my  sentiments  towards  him  are  not  changed." 
When,  ten  days  afterwards,  Victor  Emmanuel  opened  the  session 
of  Parliament,  he  said  :  "  The  horizon  in  which  the  new  year  opens 
is  not  altogether  serene.  Strong  in  the  experience  of  the  past, 
we  meet  with  resolution  the  eventualities  of  the  future.  This 
future  will  be  happy  if  we  rest  our  policy  on  justice,  on  love  of 
liberty  and  of  our  country.  Our  country,  small  in  territory,  has 
acquired  credit  in  the  counsels  of  Europe,  by  the  ideas  which  it 
represents  and  the  sympathy  which  it  inspires.  This  condition 
is  not  exempt  from  danger,  but  at  the  same  time,  whilst  we  respect 
treaties,  we  are  not  insensible  to  the  cry  of  pain  which  rises  towards 
us  from  every  part  of  Italy." 

While  these  war  cries  were  resounding,  Great  Britain  and 
Austria  were  doing  all  they  could  to  preserve  peace.  In  Great 
Britain  a  Tory  Government  was  in  office,  which  was  not  so  much 
in  favour  of  Italy  as  a  Liberal  Ministry  would  have  been.  But 
Austria  sent  troops  into  Italy  and  Cavour  recalled  the  Govern- 
ment from  Sardinia  to  the  capital. 

On  January  i6th  Prince  Napoleon  came  to  Turin  to  claim  Marriage  of 
the  hand  of  Princess  Clothilde,   and  discuss  the  details  of  the  Prince 
alliance  with  Cavour.      On  January  i8th  the  treaty  was  signed  N*P°leon 
which  bound  Napoleon  to  assist  Piedmont  in  case  of  an  aggressive  princess 
act  on  the  part  of  Austria.     If  the  war  were  successful  an  Italian  Clothilde. 
kingdom  was  to  be  formed,  consisting  of  10,000,000  or  12,000,000 
inhabitants,  and  Savoy  was  to  be  ceded  to  France,  the  question 
of  Nice  being  left  for  future  arrangements.     It  was  also  agreed 
that  in  case  of  war  the  Sardinian  troops  should  abandon  the 
territory  between  the  Ticino  and  the  Serio  and  concentrate  in  the 
defence  of  Alessandria  and  Casale,  in  order  to  protect  the  capital 
and  assist  the  junction  of  the  French  forces  which  were  to  march 
by  the  Mont  Cenis  and  Genoa. 

On  January  2oth  Prince  Napoleon  was  married  to  the  Princess 
Clothilde,  the  King  accompanying  the  married  pair  as  far  as 
Genoa.  He  was  received  with  enthusiasm,  the  first  time  that  such 
feeling  had  been  shown  towards  a  King  of  Sardinia.  Meanwhile, 
although  Great  Britain  was  opposed  to  an  active  policy,  the 
stubbornness  of  Austria  played  into  Cavour's  hands.  When  Lord 
Malmesbury  urged  Austria  to  evacuate  the  Legations  and  use  her 

ii 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


A  Popular 
Loan. 


influence  with  the  Italian  princes  to  procure  the  concession  of 
necessary  reforms,  Count  Buol  replied  :  "  We  do  not  intend  to 
abdicate  our  right  of  intervention,  and  if  we  are  called  upon  to 
protect  the  Italian  Sovereigns  with  our  arms  we  shall  do  so.  We 
shall  not  recommend  their  Government  to  undertake  any  reforms. 
France  plays  the  part  of  protectress  of  nationalities ;  we  are, 
and  shall  be,  protectors  of  national  rights/' 

At  the  beginning  of  1859  there  appeared  in  Paris  a  pamphlet 
entitled  Napoleon  III.  et  I' Italic,  which  had  been  written  by 
Vicomte  la  Guerriere  in  1858,  and  expressed  the  views  of  the 
Emperor.  It  proposed  to  form  Italy  into  a  confederation,  with 
the  Pope  at  its  head,  but  was  opposed  to  Italian  unity,  consider- 
ing the  differences  in  the  peninsula  too  serious  to  make  this 
possible.  These  were  not  the  views  of  Cavour,  who  steadily  kept 
in  view  the  formation  of  a  united  Italy,  and  knew  it  could  only  be 
brought  about  by  a  war  with  Austria.  He  therefore  asked  the 
Chambers  for  a  loan  of  £2,000,000.  This  was  carried  in  the  Lower 
House  by  a  majority  of  116  votes  to  35,  and  in  the  Upper  by 
59  votes  against  7.  Rothschild  refused  to  finance  it,  and  it  was 
thrown  open  to  public  subscription  at  79.  It  was  subscribed  for 
with  enthusiasm,  and  especially  remarkable  was  the  number  of 
people  who  took  five-franc  and  twenty-franc  shares. 

In  Paris  the  Chambers  were  opened  on  February  I7th,  and  the 
of  the  War  Emperor  declared  war  with  Austria  neither  inevitable  nor  even 
probable.  Indeed,  the  force  of  public  opinion  in  France  was 
against  war.  It  was  opposed  by  Walewski,  Gortshakov,  Lord 
Cowley,  the  newspapers,  and  the  Empress.  The  Emperor  was  in 
favour  of  it,  because  it  destroyed  the  treaties  of  1815  and  gratified 
the  Italian  sympathies  of  his  youth.  On  February  23rd  Lord 
Cowley  was  sent  to  Vienna  to  request  the  Austrians  to  evacuate 
the  Papal  dominions  and  to  stop  interference  with  Italian  affairs. 
But  Cavour  did  not  lose  heart  or  hope.  On  March  8th  he 
mobilised  the  army,  in  answer  to  Austria,  which  had  massed 
troops  on  the  Italian  frontier,  and  on  March  I7th  he  formed  the 
corps  of  the  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,  to  which  volunteers  flocked 
from  every  part  of  Italy— from  Piedmont,  Tuscany,  the  Duchies, 
Lombardy,  and  Venice. 

A  Proposed  When  Lord  Cowley  returned  from  Vienna,  without  having 
Conference,  effected  his  object,  Russia  proposed  a  congress,  which  was  sup- 
ported by  Great  Britain.  This  was  accepted  by  Buol,  on  condition 
that  Piedmont  should  not  be  admitted  to  it,  and  that  Austria 
should  not  attend  it  till  Piedmont  had  disarmed  and  disbanded 
her  volunteers.  The  Powers  agreed  to  the  exclusion  of  Piedmont, 

12 


Gathering 


WAR    WITH    AUSTRIA 

and  the  idea  of  a  congress  seemed  to  find  favour  with  the  Emperor. 
On  March  23rd  Cavour  went  to  Paris  and  saw  Walewski,  who 
told  him  that  the  Emperor  had  determined  to  support  the  project 
of  an  Italian  confederation  in  the  congress,  and  not  to  interfere 
in  the  affairs  of  Italy,  except  by  peaceful  means.  Cavour  was 
overwhelmed ;  he  saw  the  work  of  seven  years  rendered  useless. 
He  determined  to  go  away,  without  seeing  the  Emperor,  to 
resign,  and  make  the  King  abdicate,  and  was  pacified  with  diffi- 
culty. On  March  26th  he  did  see  the  Emperor,  and  refused 
positively  to  disarm.  He  reminded  Napoleon  of  the  engagements 
entered  into  at  Plombieres,  which  included  the  marriage  of  Princess 
Clothilde,  which  had  already  taken  place,  and  threatened  that,  if 
war  were  not  declared,  he  would  go  to  America  and  publish  their 
correspondence. 

On  April  loth  the  congress  was  accepted  by  France  and  Great  Cavour's 
Britain,  but  Austria  would  not  agree  to  it,  unless  Piedmont  " 
previously  disarmed.  Cavour  telegraphed  to  Prince  Napoleon 
on  April  i8th,  "  We  will  not  disarm.  It  is  better  to  fall  with 
arms  in  our  hands  than  to  ruin  ourselves  miserably  in  anarchy." 
On  the  night  of  April  i8th  Cavour  was  awakened  from  his  slumbers 
by  a  telegram  from  Walewski,  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  saying 
that  France  had  accepted  the  British  proposals  for  a  congress, 
and  that  Cavour  must  telegraph  his  acceptance  immediately.  It 
was  a  terrible  shock.  "  Nothing  remains,"  he  said,  "  but  to  blow 
my  brains  out."  He  was  obliged,  however,  to  reply  in  the  affirma- 
tive, but  a  ray  of  hope  came  from  the  reflection  that  Austria  had 
not  accepted.  Indeed,  he  heard  on  April  2Oth  that  Francis  Joseph 
had  determined  on  war.  But  these  two  days  were  periods  of 
indescribable  anguish,  the  saddest  in  his  life,  not  excepting  those 
which  followed  Villafranca.  However,  on  April  26th,  Cavour 
learned  that  Austria  had  declined  the  British  proposal  to  admit 
the  Italian  States  to  the  congress,  and  his  anxieties  were  relieved. 
The  fact  was  that  war  with  Italy  had  been  decided  upon  at  Vienna 
on  April  loth  at  a  council  at  which  all  the  Grand  Dukes  were 
present,  and  she  now  sent  Italy  an  ultimatum  to  disarm.  This 
was  the  stellone,  the  "  great  star,"  the  prize  in  the  lottery,  which 
cheered  the  Liberal  statesmen  of  Italy  and  set  the  seal  to  the 
efforts  of  so  many  years.  On  April  26th  the  French  Ambassador 
at  Vienna  informed  Count  Buol  that  the  violation  of  the  Sardinian 
frontier  by  an  Austrian  army  would  be  considered  in  the  light  of 
a  declaration  of  war. 

The  Austrian  army  crossed  the  frontier  on  April  29th,  about  The  War 
200,000  strong,  divided  into  two  army  corps,  their  object  being 

13 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Forces 
Engaged. 


Austria's 
Mistaken 
Strategy. 


to  crush  the  Sardinian  army  before  the  French  could  arrive.  But 
the  heads  of  the  French  columns  had  passed  the  frontiers  of  Savoy 
three  days  before,  although  the  proclamation  of  the  Emperor 
was  not  issued  until  May  3rd.  The  French  army  consisted  of 
about  130,000  men  and  330  guns,  divided  into  five  army  corps, 
in  addition  to  the  Imperial  Guard.  Besides  this,  8,700  men  of 
the  French  troops  landed  at  Genoa,  and  4,000  went  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Piedmontese  in  the  Alpine  valleys.  Public  opinion  in 
France  began  to  change  in  favour  of  the  war,  and  this  produced 
the  enrolment  of  30,000  volunteers. 

The  first  French  troops  entered  Turin  on  April  29 th,  and  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  landed  on  May  I2th  at  Genoa,  where  he  was 
received  by  Victor  Emmanuel  and  Cavour,  and  on  May  i4th  he 
reached  Alessandria.  The  French  army  might  now  be  considered 
to  have  joined  the  Piedmontese,  and  the  object  of  their  strategical 
march  had  been  attained.  The  Sardinian  army  numbered  at 
this  time  76,000  infantry,  5,400  cavalry,  and  2,700  artillery, 
making  a  total  of  84,000  men.  But  this  force  was  not  really 
present  in  the  field,  and  after  making  the  necessary  reductions 
the  forces  of  the  sub-Alpine  kingdom  cannot  be  placed  at 
more  than  62,332  men  with  90  guns.  Besides  these  were  the 
three  regiments  of  Garibaldi,  which  did  splendid  service,  and  a 
National  Guard  of  26,000.  Altogether,  the  forces  of  the  Allies 
cannot  be  placed  at  less  than  260,000  men,  which  was  consider- 
ably more  than  the  Austrians. 

Military  authorities  almost  unanimously  blame  the  strategy 
of  the  Austrians  at  this  time.  Instead  of  attacking  the  right  wing 
of  the  Sardinian  army  or  hindering  the  march  of  the  French,  they 
confined  themselves  to  threatening  the  left  wing  of  the  Sardinians, 
and  consequently  gave  the  attack  to  their  opponents.  If  they 
had  decided  on  a  defensive  policy,  it  would  have  been  better 
not  to  cross  the  Ticino,  but  to  complete  their  preparations.  As 
it  was,  the  only  advantage  they  gained  was  that  they  were  occupy- 
ing the  enemy's  country  and  living  at  the  enemy's  expense. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  enemy  had  full  knowledge  of  their 
movements,  their  own  information  about  the  Allies  being  so 
extremely  defective  that  their  headquarters  were  frequently  better 
informed  by  the  newspapers  than  by  their  own  agents.  At  first 
they  were  able  to  spend  their  time  in  healthy  exercises,  but  on 
the  evening  of  May  I4th  it  began  to  rain,  and  they  were  driven 
into  their  camp.  As  the  Austrians  were  very  badly  informed  as 
to  the  movements  of  the  Allies,  Stadion  was  sent  to  reconnoitre,, 
with  a  force  of  18,000  men 

14 


THE    BATTLE    OF    MONTEBELLO 

This  led  to  the  first  encounter  between  the  two  armies,  on  Battle  of 
May  soth,  an  engagement  generally  known  as  the  Battle  of  Monte-  Montebell°- 
bello,  a  place  distinguished  in  the  wars  of  Napoleon  I.  The 
Austrians  reached  Casteggio  about  midday  and  found  the  place 
deserted,  with  windows  and  doors  shut  as  if  no  one  were  living  in 
it.  The  Austrian  infantry  took  possession  of  it,  and  the  hussars 
of  the  advanced  guard  went  on  to  Genestrello.  They  reported 
that  the  village  was  held  by  the  enemy's  infantry,  and  Schaff- 
gotsche  determined  to  drive  them  out,  although  he  had  orders 
not  to  engage,  that  he  might  not  be  attacked  himself.  When 
Genestrello  had  been  occupied  without  difficulty,  Schaffgotsche 
observed  that  he  had  a  strong  body  of  the  enemy  in  front  of  him, 
and  therefore  began  a  new  attack  about  the  middle  of  the  day. 
This  body  was  formed  by  the  troops  of  Forey,  who  had  marched 
up  from  Voghera  to  defend  his  outposts. 

The  first  cannon-shot  was  fired  at  1.15  p.m.,  and  the  Austrians,  A  Victory 
who  were  up  to  this  time  superior  in  numbers  to  the  French,  for. the 
continued  to  advance,  but  by  2  p.m.  the  rest  of  Forey's  division 
had  arrived  in  the  field  and  the  conditions  of  the  battle  were 
changed.  At  3  p.m.  Schaffgotsche  had  been  driven  from  Genes- 
trello, and  had  taken  up  his  position  at  Montebello,  which  is 
situated  on  a  hill  of  considerable  strength.  The  two  armies  were 
now  about  equal  in  numbers,  but  the  Austrians  were  fresh  and 
had  plenty  of  cover.  Forey,  however,  did  not  hesitate  to  attack. 
The  cavalry,  artillery,  and  two  battalions  of  foot  soldiers,  advanced 
along  the  main  road,  while  the  bulk  of  the  infantry,  leaving  their 
knapsacks  behind  them,  climbed  the  precipitous  wooded  slope  to 
the  southern  point  of  Montebello,  from  which  the  village  descends 
in  one  long  street  towards  the  high  road.  The  French  were 
obliged  to  capture  house  after  house,  and  fight  hand  to  hand 
with  great  loss  of  life.  The  artillery  took  scarcely  any  part  in 
the  engagement.  At  last  the  village  was  won  and  the  Austrians 
retreated  to  Casteggio.  Forey  had  thus  in  four  hours  driven 
back,  first  a  brigade  of  3,000  and  then  one  of  4,000  men.  Stadion 
had  now  18,000  men  under  him,  and  of  these  4,000  or  5,000  were 
really  in  hand.  But  he  did  nothing,  and  the  French  were  allowed 
to  claim  the  victory  undisturbed.  The  Austrians  lost  1,293  men 
and  the  French  723. 

Giulay  had  in  the  beginning  confined  his  attention  to  the  north  Capture  of 
side  of  the  Po,  but  the  affair  of  Montebello  led  him  to  suppose  that  p*testro. 
the  main  attack  of  the  French  would  be  delivered  towards  the 
south,  in  the  direction  of  Piacenza,  and  he  made  his  prepara- 
tions accordingly.    This  theory,  however,  was  erroneous,  because 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Austrian 
Attempt  to 
Recapture 

Palestro. 


Napoleon's  plan  was  to  march  towards  the  north  and  attack  the 
right  wing  of  the  Austrians  and  advance  upon  Milan.  The  orders 
for  the  French  army  to  march  on  the  left  flank  were  issued  on 
May  27th,  but  the  movement  was  to  be  masked  by  the  Sardinian 
army,  which  for  this  purpose  was  to  push  on  towards  Robbio,  by 
way  of  Palestro.  The  ground  through  which  the  Sardinians 
advanced  was  of  such  a  nature  that  the  Austrians  were  unable 
to  see  what  was  going  on,  whereas,  on  their  side,  the  infantry 
found  it  difficult,  and  indeed  almost  impossible,  to  cross  the  rice 
fields,  cut  up  by  ditches  and  canals.  Palestro  is  about  six  miles 
distant  from  Vercelli,  which  is  situated  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Serio.  The  Serio,  which  is  usually  dry,  was  at  this  time  full  of 
water,  from  the  abundant  rain  which  had  fallen,  and  a  bridge 
over  it  had  to  be  constructed  with  some  difficulty,  across  which 
the  Sardinian  army  passed.  The  crossing  occupied  the  whole 
morning,  but  did  not  apparently  attract  the  attention  of  the 
Austrians,  and  shortly  after  midday  Victor  Emmanuel  was  able 
to  make  an  attack  upon  Palestro.  The  Austrians,  at  first,  man- 
aged to  repel  all  assaults ;  but  when  the  Sardinians  were  able,  by 
building  a  bridge,  to  attack  on  the  other  side,  they  were  obliged 
to  retire.  An  attempt  to  retake  Palestro  was  frustrated  by 
Cialdini,  who  arrived  with  superior  forces,  and  the  Austrians 
retreated  to  Robbio.  In  this  engagement  the  Austrians  lost  460 
men  and  the  Sardinians  140. 

Both  sides  were  aware  that  Palestro  was  the  key  of  the 
position,  as  it  commanded  the  passage  of  the  Serio.  Victor 
Emmanuel,  feeling  insecure,  asked  for  assistance  from  his  allies, 
and  Palestro  was  occupied  by  14,000  men.  The  Austrians  now 
made  a  serious  effort  to  retake  it  and  assaulted  it  with  superior 
numbers.  The  first  gun  was  fired  at  10.30  a.m.,  and  a  battalion 
of  jagers  rushed  to  storm  the  village.  Although  the  Sardinians 
had  thrown  up  earthworks  in  the  night,  the  Austrians  penetrated 
to  the  first  houses  of  the  village,  but  were  not  able  to  hold  their 
ground  ;  they  retreated,  and  the  Sardinians  pursued  them  as  they 
fled.  The  left  column  met  with  no  better  success.  Szabo  attacked 
the  French  with  his  artillery,  as  they  were  crossing  walls,  and  they 
suffered  some  loss.  In  another  attack  a  number  of  Austrians  were 
drowned  in  the  canal  and  the  Serio,  and  Szabo  was  compelled  to 
retire  with  great  loss.  The  result  of  the  battle  was  entirely  in 
favour  of  the  Allies,  the  Austrians  having  lost  more  than  2,000 
men  in  the  two  days. 

In  the  meantime  Garibaldi,  who  had  been  made  a  general  in 
the  Sardinian  army,  and  was  in  command  of  the  Cacciatori  delle 

16 


THE    BATTLE    OF    MAGENTA 

Alpi,  placed  his  headquarters  at  Varese.  He  repulsed  an  attack 
by  General  Urban,  occupied  Como,  and  threatened  Monza,  but 
failed  to  take  the  strong  fortress  of  Laveno,  on  the  shores  of  Lago 
Maggiore.  The  Austrians,  however,  were  now  in  full  retreat 
towards  the  Ticino.  They  were  in  worse  condition  than  if  they 
had  never  advanced  but  had  waited  to  be  attacked.  In  this  case 
they  might  have  met  the  Allies  with  seven  complete  army  corps, 
and  threatened  the  passage  of  the  river  with  some  hope  of  success. 
As  it  was,  they  were  dispersed  in  a  long  line  extending  from  Varese 
to  Piacenza,  the  troops  weary  with  marching,  weakened  by  fight- 
ing, and  disheartened  by  defeat. 

The  Battle  of  Magenta  was  fought  on  June  4th,  the  day  on  The  Battle- 
which  the  Emperor  had  determined  to  pass  the  Ticino.  Magenta  field  ' 
is  a  village  of  400  inhabitants,  situated  on  the  high  road  between  agen  a* 
Novara  and  Milan,  about  four  miles  from  the  left  bank  of  the 
Ticino.  About  halfway  between  it  and  the  river  runs  the  canal 
of  the  Naviglio  Grande,  which  carries  the  waters  of  the  Ticino 
to  Milan.  The  canal  is  deep  and  lies  between  high  banks,  so 
that  it  is  difficult  to  cross.  In  this  part  of  its  course  it  is  crossed 
by  six  bridges — that  of  Benevento  in  the  north,  Buffalora  about 
a  mile  below,  Ponte  Nuovo  di  Magenta  on  the  high  road,  the 
railway  bridge  about  a  third  of  a  mile  below,  and  by  Ponte  Vecchio 
di  Magenta  and  Robecco  to  the  south.  All  these  bridges  had 
been  manned  and  placed  in  a  condition  of  defence  by  the  Austrians, 
and  a  strong  redoubt  had  been  built  at  the  railway  bridge.  The 
bridge  of  Buffalora  and  the  Ponte  Nuovo  had  also  special  defences. 
From  the  bridge  which  crosses  the  Ticino  at  San  Martino  four 
roads  diverge — the  main  road  to  Milan,  which  passes  by  Magenta, 
in  the  middle  ;  to  the  left  the  road  to  Buffalora ;  to  the  right  the 
railway ;  and  still  farther  to  the  right  the  roads  to  Ponte  Vecchio 
and  Robecco. 

Magenta  thus  formed  a  formidable  defensive  position,  and  A  Surprise 
Giulay  had  intended  to  concentrate  the  whole  of  his  forces  there.  Attack* 
But,  owing  to  various  circumstances,  he  could  not  get  together 
more  than  a  third  of  them,  while  the  French  were  not  able  to 
dispose  of  more  than  a  quarter  of  their  strength  for  the  attack. 
On  the  morning  of  June  4th  the  Austrians  were  not  expecting  an 
attack,  and  had  just  finished  their  food,  when  they  heard  that 
three  heads  of  French  columns  were  advancing  upon  Buffalora. 
A  brigade  was  immediately  sent  to  protect  the  two  bridges  which 
had  not  been  destroyed — that  over  the  high  road  and  that  over 
the  railway,  and  the  slowness  of  the  French  advance  enabled  them 
to  do  this. 

c  17 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


A  Hard- 

fought 

Battle. 


Where  was 
MacMahon? 


The  heads  of  the  French  columns  advanced  at  10.30  a.m.  The 
first  shots  were  fired  on  the  roads  which  lead  over  the  Ticino  to 
the  Naviglio.  Wimpffen  led  his  troops  partly  by  the  Buffalora 
road  and  partly  by  the  railway ;  while  the  Zouaves,  with  two 
pieces  of  artillery,  marched  along  the  central  causeway.  The 
Austrians  fired  at  the  advancing  troops,  gradually  retiring  on  the 
railway.  The  French  skirmishers  were  stopped  by  a  heavy  fire, 
and  Wimpffen  found  the  Naviglio  well  defended.  But  Canrobert 
had  not  arrived,  and  nothing  had  been  heard  of  MacMahon,  so 
the  Emperor  suspended  his  attack  and  withdrew  Wimpffen  to 
a  position  400  yards  in  advance  of  the  Ticino.  At  midday  the 
fire  of  MacMahon  was  heard  on  the  left,  and  Wimpffen  resumed 
his  advance.  He  was,  however,  driven  back  over  the  Buffalora 
bridge. 

Attacks  on  other  quarters  were  repelled  by  the  arrival  of 
Austrian  reinforcements ;  the  battle  swayed  backwards  and 
forwards,  as  the  forces  were  relatively  greater  in  number  on  either 
side.  At  2  p.m.  two  points  on  the  Naviglio  were  in  possession  of 
Mellinet's  division,  which,  however,  consisted  of  only  5,000  men, 
and  had  no  reserve  to  support  it.  Nothing  had  been  heard  of 
Canrobert  and  Niel,  and  the  advance  of  MacMahon  had  been 
arrested.  The  position  was  very  critical,  but  just  at  this  moment 
Picard's  brigade,  which  formed  part  of  Canrobert's  division,  arrived. 
They  reached  the  bridge  of  San  Martino  at  2  p.m.,  and  were  able 
to  support  Wimpffen,  who  was  in  difficulties.  They  gained 
possession  of  the  village  of  Ponte  Vecchio  and  made  numerous 
prisoners,  but  could  not  get  any  farther.  However,  at  3.30  p.m. 
the  position  of  affairs  was  decidedly  more  favourable  for  the 
French. 

At  the  same  time  the  position  of  the  Emperor  was  very  serious. 
When  asked  for  reinforcements,  he  replied,  like  Napoleon  at 
Waterloo,  that  he  had  none  to  send.  The  French  columns  on  the 
Ponte  Nuovo  were  visibly  thinned  ;  they  could  not  advance,  and 
they  would  not  retreat.  For  hours  nothing  had  been  heard  of 
MacMahon  on  the  left,  and  the  enemy  were  beginning  to  press  with 
terrible  force  on  the  right.  Just  at  this  moment  MacMahon's 
cannon  were  again  heard,  and  Canrobert  came  up  in  person  to 
announce  that  reinforcements  were  at  hand.  MacMahon  had 
crossed  both  the  Ticino  and  the  Naviglio  at  Turbigo,  far  away  to 
the  left,  to  attack  the  right  flank  of  the  Austrians,  but  had  met 
with  unexpected  difficulties.  Leaving  Turbigo  at  9.30  a.m.,  he 
advanced  towards  Buffalora  and  Magenta  in  two  columns  ;  but 
they  were  stoutly  resisted  by  the  Austrian  reserves.  The  result 

18 


THE    ALLIES    ENTER    MILAN 

was  that  his  advance  was  delayed  for  two  hours,  and  that  he  was 
unable  to  rejoin  the  Emperor.  He  and  his  staff  remained  in  a 
condition  of  feverish  impatience,  whilst  the  musketry  and  cannon 
fire  sounded  fiercely  from  the  Naviglio,  and  the  south  wind  brought 
the  smell  of  powder  to  their  nostrils.  At  last  Espinasse  and  La 
Motterouge  were  able  to  advance  to  Magenta  and,  after  heavy 
fighting  and  considerable  loss,  the  junction  of  the  two  columns 
was  effected  about  five  in  the  afternoon. 

At  last  MacMahon  was  able  to  re-form  his  lines  and  order  the  Results  of 
advance  from  all  sides  on  the  bell  tower  of  Magenta.  His  troops  Magenta, 
marched  forward,  with  drums  beating  and  colours  flying,  and 
they  found  little  resistance  until  Magenta  was  reached.  Here 
every  house  was  pierced  for  musketry,  the  streets  were  blocked 
with  barricades,  the  gardens  turned  into  redoubts,  the  church- 
yard and  even  the  bell  tower  armed  with  artillery  and  riflemen. 
The  battle  raged  with  especial  fury  at  the  open  space  of  the 
railway  station,  and  here  the  gallant  Espinasse  was  killed.  No 
essential  progress  was  made  till  the  arrival  of  Trochu  at  the  Ponte 
Vecchio  at  7  p.m.,  and  it  was  not  till  9  that  the  field  of  battle  was 
entirely  in  possession  of  the  French.  In  the  battle  the  Allies  lost 
4,500  men,  of  whom  100  were  taken  prisoners  ;  the  Austrians 
lost  10,000,  of  whom  5,000  were  prisoners.  MacMahon  received 
the  title  of  Duke  of  Magenta,  which  he  had  won  by  his  success- 
ful exertions  in  marching  the  two  divisions,  and  his  wisdom  in 
attacking  the  right  and  the  reserve  of  the  Austrians,  by  which  many 
prisoners  were  made.  After  all,  Magenta  was  very  much  a  drawn 
battle.  It  was  expected  that  the  Austrians  would  renew  the 
attack,  but  on  June  5th  Giulay  ordered  the  retreat,  the  last  order 
which  he  had  the  opportunity  of  giving,  as  he  was  immediately 
afterwards  deprived  of  his  command. 

At  midday  on  June  5th  the  Milanese  discovered  that  there  Triumphal 
were  no  more  Austrians  in  the  city,  and  the  municipality  sent  the  Entry  into 
keys  of  the  town  to  Victor  Emmanuel.     On  June  7th  MacMahon's  Mllan' 
corps  began  to  march  down  the  street,  and  on  the  following  day 
the  King  and  the  Emperor  made  their  entry  in  a  delirium  of 
enthusiasm.     Napoleon  exclaimed,  "  How  much  the  people  must 
have  suffered  !  "     On  the  same  day  he  issued  a  proclamation  to 
the   Italian  people,    in   which  he  said  :    "  Providence  sometimes 
favours  nations  as  it  does  individuals,  giving  them  the  oppor- 
tunity   of    becoming    great    in    a    single  day ;   but   only  on  the 
condition  that  they  know  how  to  profit  by  it.     Your  desire  for 
independence,  so  long  expressed,  so  often  disappointed,  will  be 
fulfilled  if  you  know  how  to  show  yourselves  worthy  of  it.     Let 

'9 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Death  of 
"  Bomba.' 


Austrian 
Withdrawal 
to  the 
Quadri- 
lateral, 


Battlefield 
of  Sclferino. 


all  of  you  unite  in  one  sole  desire,  the  liberation  of  your  country. 
Organise  your  military  arrangements.  Fly  to  the  banner  of  Victor 
Emmanuel,  who  has  so  nobly  prepared  for  you  the  way  of  honour. 
Remember  that  there  can  be  no  army  without  discipline,  and 
burning  with  the  sacred  fire  of  patriotism,  be  soldiers  to-day 
that  to-morrow  you  may  become  the  free  citizens  of  a  great 
country." 

In  fact,  the  liberation  of  Italy  was  progressing  well,  with  greater 
rapidity  than  Napoleon  III.  either  expected  or  desired.  Leopold, 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  had  left  his  country  on  April  2Qth.  It 
was  at  this  time  ruled  by  Ricasoli,  assisted  by  the  baker  Giuseppe 
Dolfi,  of  whom  it  was  said  that  he  could  any  day  collect  in  the 
Piazza,  della  Signoria  10,000  men  who  would  do  whatever  he  told 
them.  The  Duke  went  from  Modena  and  the  Duchess  Regent  from 
Parma  as  soon  as  the  protecting  Austrians  were  withdrawn  and 
the  Romagna  demanded  to  be  annexed  to  Piedmont.  Farina  was 
sent  to  administer  Modena  and  Parma,  and  Massimo  d'Azeglio 
the  Romagna.  Ferdinand  II.  of  Naples — generally  known  as 
"  Bomba  " — died  rather  suddenly  on  May  22nd,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  youthful  son.  If  he  had  joined  Sardinia  in  the 
war  against  Austria  he  might  have  kept  his  throne,  but  his 
refusal  rendered  its  forfeiture  inevitable. 

It  was  now  evident  that  the  Austrians  intended  to  withdraw 
to  the  Mincio,  where  they  would  be  defended  by  the  famous 
Quadrilateral  of  Mantua,  Verona,  Peschiera  and  Legnago.  The 
Emperor  attempted  to  impede  this  movement  by  dispatching 
troops  to  Lodi,  hoping  they  would  reach  the  Adda  before  the 
rearguard  of  the  enemy,  and  be  able  to  divide  his  forces.  The 
movement  failed,  for  the  rearguard  reached  Lembo  a  few  hours 
before  the  French.  Except  a  brush  with  Benedek  at  Melegnano, 
no  engagement  of  any  importance  took  place  until  the  Battle  of 
Solferino,  fought  on  June  24th,  1859,  which  put  an  end  to  the 
war.  This  was  fought  in  a  space  bounded  to  the  north  by  Lago 
di  Garda  and  the  railway,  on  the  south  by  the  Oglio,  on  the  west 
by  the  Chiese,  and  on  the  east  by  the  Mincio,  being  about  twenty 
miles  long  and  twelve  miles  broad. 

This  historic  area  contains  some  of  the  most  beautiful  scenery 
in  Europe.  It  is  traversed  by  three  ranges  of  hills,  one  below  the 
other,  each  of  which  played  a  part  in  the  battle,  the  most 
important  being  the  southernmost  range,  which  overlooks  the 
Italian  plain.  On  the  northern  range  lie  the  villages  of  San 
Martino,  Ostiglio  and  Feniletta,  which  lay  within  the  operations 
of  the  Sardinian  army ;  on  the  central  range  were  Castelvenzago- 


20 


THE    AUSTRIAN    PLANS 

and  La  Madonna  della  Scoperta,  and  on  the  southern  Vilsana, 
Fenile,  Solferino  and  Cavriana.  High  in  the  midst  rises  the 
watch-tower  of  Solferino,  which  from  its  commanding  view  had 
obtained  the  name  of  La  Spia  d' It  alia. 

The  plain  below  the  hills  is  traversed  by  the  high  road  lead- 
ing from  Castiglione  to  Mantua,  on  which  lie  Guidizzolo  and  Goito. 
The  traveller  proceeding  along  this  road  sees  first  the  hamlet  of 
La  Fontana,  then  the  village  of  Le  Grote,  half  hidden  under  a 
fold  of  Monte  Fenile,  then  some  of  the  houses  of  Cavriana  in  the 
mountains,  and  then,  at  some  distance,  Volta  with  its  conspicu- 
ous campanile.  The  fields  are  planted  with  rice,  mulberries  and 
maize.  The  wayfarer  then  reaches  Guidizzolo,  a  large  village, 
from  which  issue  three  carriageable  roads,  one  to  Volta,  one  to 
Cavriana,  and  one  to  Cenesara  in  the  south.  To  the  right  of  this 
great  high  road  lie  the  villages  of  Carpenedolo,  south-west  of 
Castiglione,  and  Medole,  to  the  west  of  Guidizzolo  and  Cenesara. 
The  ground  between  Guidizzolo  and  Medole  is  covered  with  many 
houses,  whose  red-tiled  roofs  are  visible  through  the  trees,  the 
hamlet  of  Rebecco  forming  the  principal  group.  Still  farther  on 
the  right  are  situated  Acqua  Fredda,  the  walls  and  towers  of  Castel 
Goffredo,  and  other  villages. 

The  French  army  consisted  of  five  army  corps  and  five  Disposition 
Sardinian  divisions,  bringing  up  the  strength  of  the  Allies  to  of  tfae 
seventeen  divisions  of  infantry,  five  of  cavalry,  and  a  number  of  OpP°sin2 
cannon,  making  a  total  of  160,000  men.  The  Austrian  army  had 
eight  army  corps  of  infantry  and  one  corps  of  cavalry,  making 
124  battalions  of  infantry  and  sixty  squadrons  of  cavalry,  amount- 
ing altogether  to  about  the  same  number  of  160,000  men,  under 
the  personal  command  of  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph.  On  the 
morning  of  June  23rd  the  headquarters  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
were  at  Villafranca ;  those  of  the  first  army  corps,  under  Stadion, 
were  at  Mantua ;  those  of  the  second  army  corps,  under  Schlick, 
were  at  Custozza.  The  eighth  army  corps,  under  Benedek,  form- 
ing the  extreme  right,  was  at  Peschiera ;  the  second,  forming  the 
extreme  left,  under  Lichtenstein,  at  Mantua.  The  plan  was  that, 
on  the  morning  of  June  23rd  the  Austrians  should  advance  from 
their  positions  to  surprise  the  enemy,  falling  on  their  right  flank 
and  driving  them  towards  the  Alps,  the  decisive  battle  being  left 
to  the  following  day.  According  to  this  plan,  they  crossed  the 
Mincio  at  six  points  and  occupied,  before  the  evening,  a  number 
of  the  villages  already  enumerated,  Pozzolengo,  Solferino,  Cavriana, 
Guidizzolo,  Rebecco  and  Medole,  their  advance  posts  being  at 
Madonna  della  Scoperta,  Le  Grote  and  Castel  Goffredo.  It  was 

21 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

intended  that  the  army  should  advance  to  the  Chiese  at  9  on  the 
morning  of  June  24th. 

In  Before  this  could  be  done  the  bulk  of  the  allied  army  had 

Unexpected  crossed  the  Chiese,  the  intention  of  the  French  being  to  occupy 
the  hilly  country  and  to  force  a  passage  across  the  Mincio.  On 
June  23rd  the  headquarters  of  the  Emperor  were  at  Montechiaro, 
and  it  was  heard  that  on  the  following  day  the  army  would  reach 
the  Mincio,  the  headquarters  being  at  Castiglione.  The  army 
was  to  begin  its  march  at  2  p.m.,  in  order  to  avoid  the  great  heat 
of  the  sun.  It  thus  happened  that  the  two  armies  came  into 
collision  while  they  were  preparing  to  make  an  offensive  attack 
in  opposite  directions,  neither  being  prepared  to  fight  an  imme- 
diate battle.  The  problem  before  both  was  to  transform  a  line 
of  march  most  rapidly  into  a  line  of  battle. 

The  Battle  Accordingly  the  Battle  of  Solferino  may  be  divided  into  two 

of  Solferino.  periO(is,  the  first  resulting  from  the  fortuitous  shock  of  the  two 
hosts,  neither  of  whom  had  expected  to  meet  the  other,  the  orders 
given  for  the  march  on  either  side  having  not  yet  been  modified  ; 
the  second  period,  beginning  when  the  action  became  general, 
may  be  divided  into  two  smaller  sections,  the  attack  of  the  French 
on  the  centre,  and  that  of  the  Austrians  on  the  left.  The 
Sardinians  and  the  eighth  army  corps  under  Benedek  had,  as 
it  were,  a  battle  to  themselves.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  two 
armies,  nearly  equal  in  strength,  marching  towards  each  other  in 
a  front  of  equal  length,  without  knowing  each  other's  positions, 
met  in  the  line  marked  by  the  villages  of  San  Martino,  Solferino, 
Guidizzolo  and  Medole. 

Summary  of  The  Austrian  army  tried  at  first  to  execute  its  original  plan 
the  Battle.  of  turning  the  French  right,  and  driving  it  towards  the  Alps,  while 
the  army  of  the  Allies  concentrated  towards  its  centre.  In  this 
manner  the  positions  of  Solferino  and  San  Casciano  were  attacked 
by  three  French  corps  and  defended  by  three  Austrian  corps.  The 
French  succeeded  in  piercing  the  centre  of  the  Austrian  army, 
because  their  three  corps  attacked  simultaneously,  whereas  the 
Austrian  corps  only  came  up  one  after  the  other.  At  the  same 
time,  the  Austrian  corps  which  had  been  intended  to  turn  the 
French  right  were  defeated  by  two  French  corps,  because  they 
could  not  succeed  in  acting  together,  and  one  corps,  which  was 
intended  to  strike  a  decisive  blow,  was  never  engaged  at  all.  On 
the  Austrian  right  the  eighth  corps  succeeded  in  holding  back  the 
Sardinians  till  nightfall,  but  could  not  redeem  disaster  in  other 
parts  of  the  field.  The  capture  of  Cavriana  finally  put  an  end  to 
the  battle,  and  the  Austrians  retired  behind  the  Mincio. 

22 


THE    BATTLE    OF    SOLFERINO 

Let  us  now  describe  the  battle  more  in  detail.  By  orders 
issued  the  night  before  the  Sardinians  were  to  march  on  Pozzo- 
lengo,  Baraguay  d'Hilliers  on  Solferino,  MacMahon  on  Cavriana, 
Niel  on  Guidizzolo,  Canrobert  on  Medole,  and  the  Imperial  Guard 
on  Castiglione,  the  cavalry  marching  in  the  plain  between  Solferino 
and  Medole.  Setting  out  at  3  a.m.,  the  French  encountered  no 
serious  opposition  till  5  a.m.,  when  MacMahon  perceived  that  the 
situation  was  becoming  dangerous.  He  halted  and  remained 
inactive  for  two  hours.  About  7  a.m.  MacMahon  was  informed 
that  Niel  had  arrived  before  Medole,  that  as  soon  as  he  had  taken 
that  village  he  would  concentrate  on  his  left,  and  that  Canrobert 
would  do  the  same.  MacMahon,  therefore,  at  8.30  a.m.  took 
possession  of  Casa  Marino,  commanding  the  lower  ground  of 
Guidizzolo.  He  was  opposed  by  a  strong  Austrian  force  coming 
from  that  place,  which  did  not  drive  him  back,  but  caused  him 
considerable  loss.  He  did  not  hear  that  Kiel's  corps  was  in  a 
position  to  join  him  till  n  a.m.,  and  he  was  then  able  to  advance 
towards  Solferino,  where  a  vigorous  battle  had  been  proceeding 
for  some  time.  It  had  thus  taken  six  hours  for  the  French  right 
to  change  an  order  of  march  into  an  order  of  battle. 

Early  in  the  day  the  Emperor  discerned  from  a  height  in  the  Retreat 
neighbourhood  of  Castiglione  that  a  serious  battle  was  proceed-  °f  the 
ing.  He  determined  to  concentrate  on  his  centre,  and  directed  Austrians* 
his  attack  on  Solferino  and  Cavriana,  giving  orders  to  Niel  and 
Canrobert  to  move  towards  their  left,  and  to  the  Sardinians  to 
move  towards  their  right.  Baraguay  d'Hilliers  was  now  assault- 
ing the  strong  position  of  Solferino,  held  by  Stadion,  the  hill 
covered  with  cypresses,  the  graveyard  and  the  castle  dominated 
by  the  well-known  tower,  "  The  Spy  of  Italy."  The  place  was  in 
excellent  condition  for  defence,  and  well  supplied  with  artillery. 
The  walls  of  the  cemetery,  defended  by  a  flank  of  the  cypress- 
covered  hill,  defied  all  efforts,  and  the  Austrians  were  able  to  act 
energetically  on  the  offensive.  The  struggle  was  terrific,  and  it 
was  not  till  3  in  the  afternoon  that  the  French  could  hoist  their 
victorious  flags  on  the  tower  and  the  cypress  hills.  At  last  the 
Austrians  were  driven  from  Solferino,  and  an  important  point 
had  been  gained.  Cavriana  still  remained  to  be  taken — a  village 
strengthened  by  ancient  walls  and  by  a  castle.  This  was  attacked 
at  4  in  the  afternoon  after  Solferino  had  been  taken.  MacMahon 
was  able  to  assault  the  strong  position  from  the  other  side  and,  in 
consequence  of  this  double  attack,  the  place  fell  about  4.30  p.m. 
Two  hours  later  the  Austrians  began  to  retreat  in  all  directions, 
and  their  centre  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  French. 

23 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Napoleon 
Negotiates 
with 
Austria, 


Meeting 
of  the 
Emperors. 


Peace  of 

Yillafranca 


Notwithstanding  this  success,  Niel  was  not  able  to  take 
Guidizzolo,  which  the  Austrians  held  till  7  in  the  evening,  and 
Victor  Emmanuel  could  not  capture  San  Martino  till  sunset,  when 
the  capture  of  Solferino  and  Cavriana  was  already  known.  The 
Sardinians  were  able  to  hold  the  high  ground  they  had  captured, 
but  lost  6,000  men,  considerably  more  than  their  adversaries. 
At  the  battle  the  Emperor  of  the  French  occupied  the  quarters 
which  the  Emperor  of  Austria  had  occupied  the  night  before. 
But  there  was  no  pursuit.  On  June  25th  the  headquarters  of 
Francis  Joseph  were  at  Villafranca,  and  on  June  27 th  at  Verona, 
and  on  this  day  the  French  occupied  the  line  of  the  Mincio.  It 
is  reckoned  that  in  the  battle  the  Austrians  lost  21,500  men  and 
the  Allies  18,500,  of  whom  13,000  were  French. 

Two  great  battles  had  been  won  by  the  French,  but  it  was 
not  possible  to  march  on  to  Vienna,  nor  even  to  storm  the  Quad- 
rilateral. It  would  be  necessary  to  blockade  the  four  fortresses 
one  by  one.  The  French  army  rested  from  June  25th  to  July  5th, 
and  on  July  6th,  without  consulting  the  King  of  Italy,  Napoleon 
sent  Fleury  to  Francis  Joseph,  proposing  a  meeting  of  the  two 
Emperors  at  Villafranca,  and  early  in  the  morning  of  July  7th  the 
offer  was  accepted.  On  July  8th  an  armistice  was  arranged  at 
Villafranca  to  last  till  August  15  th,  and  La  Marmora  telegraphed 
to  Cavour  the  suspension  of  arms.  Cavour  hurried  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  King  on  July  loth. 

On  the  following  day  the  interview  between  the  two  Emperors 
took  place  at  Villafranca.  Francis  Joseph  spontaneously  offered 
the  cession  of  Lombardy,  without  Mantua  or  Peschiera,  and  was 
also  willing  to  cede  Parma,  provided  that  the  sovereigns  of  Modena 
and  Tuscany  were  allowed  to  keep  their  dominions.  Napoleon 
proposed  a  confederation  of  Italian  States  under  the  presidency  of 
the  Pope.  The  interview  lasted  an  hour  ;  no  one  was  present  at 
it,  and  it  is  probable  that  nothing  was  committed  to  writing.  The 
Emperor  communicated  the  results  of  the  interview  to  the  King 
in  the  presence  of  Prince  Napoleon.  It  is  not  precisely  known 
how  Victor  Emmanuel  received  the  news.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  he  was  disappointed,  that  he  knew  he  could  not  persuade 
the  Emperor  to  further  exertions,  and  that  he  expressed  his 
gratitude  for  the  acquisition  of  Lombardy,  which  was  a  solid  gain. 

By  the  preliminaries  of  the  Peace  of  Villafranca  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  ceded  Lombardy  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  who 
transferred  it  to  the  King  of  Italy.  An  Italian  confederation, 
including  Venetia,  to  which  liberal  institutions  were  promised, 
was  to  be  formed,  with  the  Pope  at  its  head  ;  Tuscany  and  Modena 


CAVOUR'S    RESIGNATION 

were  to  return  to  their  Dukes  with  a  general  amnesty ;  Parma  was 
surrendered,  but  was  afterwards  retained  on  the  recommendation 
of  Russia.  The  Papal  States  were  to  have  reforms,  the  Legations 
a  separate  administration.  The  articles  were  communicated  to  the 
King,  who  consented  to  them  because  he  could  not  do  otherwise. 

It  is  easy  to  blame  Napoleon.     There  is  no  doubt  he  eagerly  Cavour  and 
desired  that  Italy  should  possess  Venetia  and  the  Quadrilateral,  ih?  Peace  of 
but  circumstances  were  too  strong  for  him,  and  it  was  impossible 
to  continue  the  war.     How  did  Cavour  receive  the  news  ?      We 
will  use  the  narrative  of  the  Countess  Martinengo  Cesaresco,  who 
was  probably  well  informed,  and  is  certainly  wise  and  temperate. 

"  Cavour,"  she  wrote,  "  rushed  from  Turin  to  Desenzano, 
where  he  arrived  the  day  before  the  final  meeting  between 
Napoleon  and  Francis  Joseph.  He  waited  for  a  carriage  in  the 
little  cafe  in  the  piazza.  No  one  guessed  who  it  was,  and  con- 
versation went  on  uninterrupted  ;  it  was  full  of  sneers  at  the 
French  Emperor.  Mazzini,  someone  said,  was  right ;  this  was 
the  way  the  war  was  sure  to  end.  When  a  shabby  conveyance 
had  at  length  been  found,  the  great  statesman  drove  to  Monzam- 
bano.  There,  of  course,  his  arrival  did  not  escape  notice,  and  all 
who  saw  him  were  horrified  at  the  change  that  had  come  over 
his  face.  Instead  of  the  jovial,  witty  smile,  there  was  a  look  of 
frantic  rage  and  desperation. 

"  What  passed  between  him  and  his  Sovereign  is  partly  a 
matter  of  conjecture ;  the  exact  sense  of  the  violent  words  into 
which  grief  betrayed  him  is  lost,  in  spite  of  the  categorical  versions 
of  the  interview  which  have  been  printed.  Even  in  a  fit  of  mad- 
ness he  can  hardly  have  spoken  some  of  the  words  attributed  to 
him.  That  he  advised  the  King  to  withdraw  his  army  and 
abdicate  rather  than  agree  to  the  treason  which  was  being  plotted 
behind  his  back  seems  past  doubting.  It  is  said  that,  after 
attempting  in  vain  to  calm  him,  Victor  Emmanuel  brought  the 
interview  to  a  sudden  close. 

"  Cavour  came  out  of  the  house  flushed  and  exhausted,  and  CaYour's 
drove  back  to  Desenzano  :  he  had  resigned  office.     Kossuth  relates  Resignation, 
that  on  July  I4th  Cavour  said  in  his  presence,  to  Pietri,  the  private 
secretary  of  Napoleon,  that  there  was  one  thing  in  which  a  man 
can  never  compromise,   and  that  was  honour.     '  Your  Emperor 
has  dishonoured  me  ;    he  gave  me  his  word  that  he  would  not 
•desist  till  he  had  driven  the  Austrians  out  of  Italy,  and  he  took 
Savoy   and  Nice   as   a  recompense.      I   persuaded   my   King   to 
consent,  to  make  the  sacrifice,  for  Italy.     My  King,  a  good  and 
lionest  man,  consented,  trusting  to  my  word,  and  now  the  Emperor 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

carries  off  the  recompense  and  leaves  us  in  the  lurch.  Certainly — 
I  say  it  not  before  you,  but  before  God — this  peace  shall  never 
be  concluded,  this  treaty  shall  never  be  executed.  I  will  make 
myself  a  conspirator,  a  revolutionary.  No,  this  treaty  shall  never 
be  executed.  No,  a  thousand  times  no  !  Never,  never  ! '  " 
Results  of  After  all,  what  happened  was  probably  for  the  best.  Another 
the  Peace.  Solferino  might  have  driven  the  Austrians  from  Italy  and  estab- 
lished a  powerful  kingdom  in  northern  Italy ;  but  it  would  have 
left  the  rest  of  the  peninsula  under  the  virtual  government  of 
the  Dukes  and  established  a  confederation,  which  would  have 
made  the  unity  of  Italy  impossible.  The  Peace  of  Villafranca  was 
really  the  salvation  of  Italy.  Otherwise  Italy  would  have  remained 
under  the  influence  of  France,  and  the  other  Powers  of  Europe 
would  have  looked  upon  the  new  kingdom  as  the  creation  of  that 
country.  As  it  was,  both  Prussia  and  Great  Britain  began  to 
consider  the  unity  of  Italy  as  coming  within  the  range  of  practical 
politics.  The  restoration  of  Italy — advanced  a  step  further  in 
1866,  completed  in  1870 — was  to  await  the  consecration  of  other 
efforts,  if  it  should  become  a  fabric  resting  on  natural  forces,  and 
of  such  a  character  as  to  endure  the  shocks  of  circumstance  and 
time. 


26 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  CIYIL  WAR  IN  AMERICA 

THE  Civil  War  in  America  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  The  Slavery 
States  arose  out  of  the  question  of  slavery.  It  will,  therefore,  be  Questlon- 
well  to  give  a  short  history  of  this  question  from  the  time  at 
which  our  narrative  opens — the  year  1815.  At  that  date  all  the 
Eastern  Middle  States,  excepting  Delaware,  were  non-Slavery,  or, 
as  they  were  called  in  America,  Free  Soil.  Slavery  was  prohibited 
in  the  North- West  Territory,  American  citizens  were  forbidden  to 
engage  in  the  slave  trade  of  foreign  countries,  subjects  of  foreign 
countries  were  prohibited  from  engaging  in  the  American  slave  trade, 
and  the  importation  of  slaves  into  the  United  States  was  forbidden 
by  law.  Of  the  twenty-two  States  which,  before  1820,  composed 
the  Union,  eleven  were  slave-holding  and  eleven  free,  so  that  the 
two  principles  were  equally  represented  in  the  Senate.  In  1821 
the  State  of  Missouri  was  created,  lying  west  of  Mississippi,  and 
being  part  of  the  Louisiana  Reserve,  in  which  slavery  had  been 
left  an  open  question.  Missouri  had  wished  to  be  a  slave  State,  but 
the  Anti-Slavery  party  were  determined  that  it  should  not  be. 
A  fierce  struggle  went  on,  and  in  1820  the  famous  Missouri  Com- 
promise was  effected,  by  which  Missouri  was  admitted  to  be 
known  as  a  slave-holding  State,  but  in  all  the  rest  of  the  Louisiana 
Reserve  slavery  was  "  for  ever  prohibited."  A  few  months 
previously  Maine  had  been  admitted  as  a  free  State,  so  that  the 
balance  in  the  Senate  was  preserved. 

Hostility  to  slavery  as  a  moral  and  political  wrong  now  spread  Anti- 
widely  and  grew  in  intensity.  A  paper,  called  the  Liberator,  Slavery 
urging  the  abolition  of  slavery,  was  established  at  Boston  by 
William  Lloyd  Garrison.  Although  violently  attacked  by  the 
slave-holding  States,  Garrison  gathered  round  him  a  band  of 
abolitionists,  and  in  1832  founded  the  New  England  Anti-Slavery 
Society.  The  dissensions  between  the  slave-holders  and  the 
abolitionists  came  to  a  head  about  the  admission  of  Texas  to  the 
Union,  which  was  finally  settled  in  December,  1845.  Texas,  a 
slave-holding  State,  had  been,  first,  part  of  the  Mexican  Confedera- 
tion and  then  independent,  and  by  its  adherence  to  the  Union 
slavery  became  illegal.  The  admission  of  Texas  also  led  to  a  war 

27 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

with  Mexico.  At  last,  in  1850,  feeling  rose  so  high  that  there  was 
grave  danger  that  the  Union  would  be  broken  up ;  and  Henry 
Clay,  who,  after  an  absence  of  eight  years,  had  come  back  to  the 
Senate,  bent  all  his  talents  and  energies  to  the  effecting  of  a 
compromise. 

The  Gold  had  been  discovered  in  California,  and  it  became  neces- 

sary  to  admit  that  territory  to  the  Union.  Should  it  be  slave  or 
free  ?  If  it  were  free  it  would  destroy  the  balance  in  the  Senate, 
making  sixteen  free  to  fifteen  slave-holding  States.  A  similar 
difficulty  arose  about  the  admission  of  the  Mormon  State  of 
Deseret  or  Utah,  which  had  formed  part  of  Mexico.  The  Wilmot 
Proviso,  discussed  in  1848,  laid  down  that  any  State  formed  out 
of  territory  acquired  from  Mexico  should  be  Free  Soil.  The  South 
threatened  secession  if  this  were  applied  to  New  Mexico  and  Utah. 
The  South,  further,  demanded  more  stringent  legislation  for  the 
capture  and  return  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  the  North  insisted  on 
the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of 
Columbia. 

Clay  proposed,  as  a  compromise,  that  California  should  be 
admitted  as  a  free  State,  that  New  Mexico  and  Utah  should  be 
made  Territories  without  restriction  of  slavery,  that  the  boundary 
between  Texas  and  New  Mexico  should  be  settled,  that  slavery 
should  not  be  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia  without  the 
consent  of  the  inhabitants  or  without  compensation,  and  that 
more  effectual  provision  should  be  made  by  law  for  the  return  of 
fugitive  slaves.  These  resolutions  were  referred  to  a  committee 
of  thirteen,  and  eventually,  after  much  discussion  and  some 
amendments,  were  adopted. 

Dependence  if  the  cause  of  abolition  were  growing  in  the  North,  the  South 
South6  on  kad  £ood  reason  *or  resisting  it-  The  possession  of  slaves  gave 
Slavery.  ner  leisure,  as  it  gave  leisure  to  the  Greeks,  and  fostered  the  growth 
of  a  ruling  class,  so  that  the  Southern  half  of  the  Union  was 
regarded  as  the  mother  of  statesmen,  born  with  the  instinct  for 
and  the  habit  of  leadership.  The  makers  of  America — Madison, 
Washington  and  Jefferson — came  from  the  South.  Virginian 
statesmen  had  held  the  Presidency  for  thirty-two  out  of  the 
first  forty  years  of  the  existence  of  the  Union.  Throughout 
American  history  the  South  had  played  a  part,  in  the  contest 
of  parties,  out  of  proportion  to  her  importance  in  wealth  and 
population. 

Now  the  South  was  losing  her  pre-eminence.  She  had  no 
manufactures  and  few  immigrants,  while  the  growth  of  industries 
and  the  influence  of  foreign  immigrants  were  enhancing,  every 

28 


GROWTH    OF    ANTI-SLAVERY    MOVEMENT 

year,  the  power  and  prosperity  of  the  North.  As  time  went  on,  the 
pressure  of  these  forces  became  more  intense.  The  population  of 
the  United  States  increased  everywhere  else  by  leaps  and  bounds, 
but  in  the  South  remained  stationary.  While  the  rest  of  the 
country  gained  each  year  new  sources  of  wealth  and  power,  none 
came  to  the  South.  Even  her  own  population  left  her  for  the 
West  and  North.  In  obedience  to  such  forces,  the  conditions 
of  political  parties  began  to  change. 

From  the  Presidency  of  Washington  to  that  of  Monroe  the  New 
country  had  been  governed,  much  as  Great  Britain  was  governed,  Territories 
by  the  advice  of  a  few  distinguished  leaders  and  conference 
between  the  most  prominent  members  of  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress.  A  change  set  in  on  the  election  of  Andrew  Jackson  in 
1828,  and  the  old  order  disappeared  for  ever.  The  nominating 
convention  by  which  Presidents  are  still  virtually  elected  dates 
from  1832,  and  was  finally  consolidated  during  the  next  twenty 
years.  The  effect  of  this  change  upon  the  question  of  slavery  was 
very  serious.  A  strong  feeling  against  slavery  grew  up.  There 
was  no  desire  to  abolish  it  in  the  States  where  it  was  already 
established,  for  it  was  admitted  that  this  would  be  a  violation 
of  the  Constitution,  but  there  was  an  extension  of  the  Free 
Soil  feeling,  a  determination  that  slavery  should  hold  no  part  in 
any  new  additions  to  the  United  States.  In  every  extension 
towards  the  west  this  question  had  to  be  fought  out.  It  was 
always  open,  and  could  never  be  closed  so  long  as  there  was  new 
land  to  be  occupied. 

The  Democrats  succeeded  the  Whigs  as  leaders  of  the  South,  The  Kansas- 
as  the  champions  of  wise  compromise  and  progressive  Conser-  Nebraska 
vatism,  and  it  took  some  time  to  form  a  party  which  could  Confhctf 
effectually  oppose  them.  The  Whigs  had  been  defeated  by  the 
election  of  Franklin  Pierce  to  the  Presidency  in  1852,  and  the 
American  Party,  or  "  Know-Nothings, "  took  their  place.  For 
the  next  eight  critical  years  politics  were  in  a  very  confused 
condition,  but  the  Anti-Slavery  cause  steadily  gained  in  power. 
Its  supporters  were  irritated  by  the  purchase  by  Pierce  of  a  terri- 
tory in  Mexico  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  rescue  from  the 
grasp  of  slavery.  The  creation  of  the  new  Territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  led  to  a  serious  conflict.  Should  the  new  terri- 
tories be  Free  Soil,  in  accordance  with  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
or  decide  for  themselves  whether  they  should  hold  slaves  or  not  ? 
This  was,  and  remained,  the  burning  question,  even  after  the 
Nebraska  Territory  had  been  opened  conditionally  to  slavery  by 
the  passing  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  in  1854. 

29 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Formation 
of  the 
Republican 
Party. 


Lincoln  loses 

Senatorial 

Election. 


John 

Brown's 

Raid. 


Lincoln 
Elected 
President. 


In  1856  the  Republican  party  was  formed  in  opposition  to  the 
Democrats  ;  it  united  the  men  of  very  different  opinions,  but  was 
essentially  Anti-Slavery.  It  had  a  majority  in  fifteen  States, 
eleven  votes  in  the  Senate,  and  117  members  in  the  House  of 
Representatives.  The  Presidential  election  of  1856  was  a  contest 
between  the  Democrats  and  the  Republicans.  The  Democrats 
elected  James  Buchanan,  a  strong  supporter  of  the  South,  who 
remained  President  till  1861.  The  irritation  of  the  Republicans 
against  Democratic  supremacy  was  stimulated  by  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  case  of  Dred  Scott,  which  was 
decidedly  favourable  to  slavery,  and  by  opening  the  Nebraska 
Territories  unconditionally  to  slavery,  knocked  the  bottom  out  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise. 

The  contest  of  the  two  parties  came  to  a  head  in  Illinois,  when 
Douglas,  the  advocate  of  State  rights  with  regard  to  slavery,  and 
father  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  was  standing  against  Abraham 
Lincoln  for  election  to  the  Senate.  Lincoln  stated  the  issue  with 
his  usual  force  and  acuteness :  "A  house  divided  against  itself 
cannot  stand.  I  believe  this  Government  cannot  endure  half  slave 
and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall,  but  I  expect 
it  will  come  to  be  divided.  It  must  have  all  one  thing  or  all  the 
other."  The  contest  ended  in  the  victory  of  Douglas,  but  the 
moral  victory  was  on  the  side  of  Lincoln.  He  had  become  known 
all  over  the  country  and  was  in  the  running  for  the  Presidency. 

Still  Buchanan  continued  the  struggle,  strongly  advocating  the 
acquisition  of  Cuba,  which  would  mean  an  extension  of  slave 
territory,  and  desiring  acquisitions  in  Mexico  and  in  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama.  The  South  began  to  threaten  disruption,  while  the 
North  opposed  even  more  passionately  the  predominance  of 
slavery.  On  October  i6th,  1859,  took  place  the  raid  of  John 
Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry  in  Virginia,  for  the  purpose  of  liberating 
the  slaves  and  bringing  about  a  servile  insurrection.  Though  he 
was  hanged,  he  was  a  noble  and  courageous  enthusiast,  and  the 
flame  he  kindled  spread  until  it  set  the  whole  country  in  a  blaze. 

In  these  circumstances  came  the  Presidential  election  of  1860. 
The  Democrats  were  divided  against  themselves ;  one  section 
nominated  Stephen  A.  Douglas  as  candidate,  another  section  John 
C.  Breckinridge.  The  Republicans  voted  solid  for  Lincoln,  who 
was  elected  President  by  180  votes  ;  while  his  three  opponents, 
—for  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  had  been  added  to  the  other  two- 
only  claimed  103  among  them.  At  the  same  time,  the  popular 
vote,  when  analysed,  showed  that  it  was  a  narrow  victory  ;  indeed, 
the  actual  votes  supporting  Lincoln  were  nearly  1,000,000  less 


SECESSION    OF    THE    SOUTH 

than  those  cast  for  his  opponents.  Nevertheless,  the  South  felt 
the  defeat  to  be  irreparable,  and  determined  to  sever  their 
connection  with  the  Northern  States. 

The  Legislature  of  South  Carolina  had  remained  in  session  to  Civil  War 
hear  the  results  of  the  election.     When  it  knew  that  Lincoln  was  Breaks  Out. 
certain  to  be  elected  it  summoned  a  constitutional  Convention 
and  renounced  the  Union,   and  before  Lincoln  was  inaugurated 
in  his  office  six  other  States  had  followed  its  example — namely, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana  and  Texas.    On 
December  I4th  a  number  of  the  slave  State  senators  and  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  issued  a  manifesto  from  Washington  calling 
on   their   constituents   to   organise   a   Southern   Confederacy   and 
asking    each   slave-holding    State    to   separate   from    the    Union. 
President  Buchanan,   it   must   be   added,   made  no   attempt   to 
prevent  the  secession  of  the  States.     The  next  step  was  to  seize 
the  forts,  arsenals,  and  custom  houses  belonging  to  the  Federal  or 
central  Government.     However,  Major  Anderson,  who  commanded 
a  garrison  of  about  sixty  men  in  Fort  Moultrie  on  the  mainland, 
and  was  not  able  to  hold  it,  transferred  his  force  by  a  sudden 
movement  to  Fort  Sumter,  which  was  situated  in  the  middle  of 
Charleston  Harbour,  and  could  not  be  approached  except  by  water. 
The  capture  of  Fort  Sumter  was  the  first  action  of  the  Civil  War. 
As  it  refused  to  surrender,  the  Confederate  batteries  opened  fire 
upon  it  on  April  izth,  1861,  and  on  April  i4th  the  fort  surrendered 
and  the  garrison  was  allowed  to  march  out  with  the  honours  of 
war,  no  life  having  been  lost  on  either  side. 

Although  Lincoln  was  chosen  President  in  November,  1860,  he  Formation 
did  not  enter  upon  his  office  till  March  4th,  1861,  and  during  this  of  the 
period   Buchanan   was   responsible   for   the   maintenance   of   the  Con^ederate 
Government    and    Constitution    of    the    country.     He    was    quite 
unequal  to  the  emergency.     He  denied  the  right  of  the  South  to 
secede,  but  also  declared  his  own  power  to  coerce,  and  continued 
to  offend  both  sides  equally.     The  South,  in  the  meantime,  had 
not  been  idle,  and  her  representatives  gradually  withdrew  from 
the  Senate  and  Congress.     On  February  i4th  they  formed  a  pro- 
visional Government   under   the   title   of   the  Confederate  States 
of   America,    and    on    March    nth    adopted    a    permanent    Con- 
stitution  under   the   same   name,    Jefferson  Davis   being   chosen 
President. 

Lincoln  was  inaugurated  as  President  on  March  4th,  1861. 
In  his  address  he  declared  the  Union  was  perpetual  and  unbroken, 
and  that  the  ordinances  and  resolutions  of  the  secession  Govern- 
ment were  void  in  law,  and  promised  to  execute  the  law  in  all  the 

31 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Lincoln's 
Call  to 
Arms. 


The  First 
Blood. 


The  North's 
Prepara- 
tion. 


States.  He  concluded  with  an  appeal  to  the  South,  saying :  "  In 
your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  is  the  momentous 
issue  of  Civil  War.  You  can  have  no  conflict  without  yourselves 
being  the  aggressors."  They  shortly  afterwards  became  the 
aggressors,  as  we  have  seen,  by  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter. 

On  April  i5th  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  calling  out 
75,000  militia  for  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  two  days 
later  Jefferson  Davis,  in  a  proclamation,  offered  to  issue  letters 
of  marque  and  reprisal  against  Federal  commerce.  This  was  met 
by  a  counter-proclamation  of  Lincoln,  declaring  that  the  Southern 
States  were  in  a  state  of  revolution,  and  that  privateers  would  be 
subject  to  the  laws  against  piracy.  The  response  to  Lincoln's 
appeal  for  volunteers  was  much  larger  and  more  unanimous  than 
could  have  been  expected.  Recruiting  offices  were  opened  in 
every  town,  men  of  all  sorts  and  conditions  left  their  businesses 
to  step  into  the  ranks,  and  in  a  few  days  there  were  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Government  several  times  as  many  troops  as  had 
been  called  for.  All  kinds  of  buildings,  even  churches,  were 
turned  into  temporary  barracks  ;  village  greens  and  city  squares 
were  occupied  by  drilling  soldiers  ;  but  there  was  a  great  scarcity 
of  arms. 

The  first  blood  was  shed  at  Baltimore,  where  four  companies 
of  a  Massachusetts  regiment,  who  were  attempting  to  march 
across  the  city,  met  a  riotous  procession  carrying  a  Confederate 
flag.  Some  provocation  being  given,  orders  were  issued  to  fire 
into  the  mob,  and  many  fell.  Three  militiamen  were  killed,  and 
their  bodies  were  sent  home  to  their  native  State,  the  firstfruits  of 
a  prolonged  service  of  sacrifice.  On  the  night  of  May  24th  four 
regiments  of  Northern  troops  crossed  the  Potomac  and  took 
possession  of  Arlington  Heights,  which  commanded  Washington. 
One  regiment,  commanded  by  Ellsworth,  who  had  distinguished 
himself  by  teaching  a  Chicago  company  the  Zouave  drill,  marched 
to  Alexandria,  where  a  Secessional  flag  was  flying  over  the 
principal  hotel.  Accompanied  by  two  soldiers,  he  went  to  the 
top  of  the  house  and  seized  the  flag,  but  as  he  was  returning  with 
it  he  was  shot  by  the  hotel-keeper  on  the  stairs.  Ellsworth  became 
a  hero  of  the  national  movement. 

The  militia  called  out  by  President  Lincoln  were  at  first  to 
serve  only  three  months  ;  but  on  May  3rd,  by  another  proclama- 
tion, 42,000  volunteers  were  summoned  for  three  years.  He  also 
took  power  to  raise  ten  new  regiments  for  the  regular  army  and 
18,000  volunteer  seamen  for  the  navy.  These  steps  involved  a 
stretch  of  Presidential  authority,  but  when  Congress  met  on  July 

32 


BATTLE    OF    BULL    RUN 

4th  the  President's  action  was  confirmed.  He  then  asked  Congress 
for  400,000  men  and  400,000,000  dollars,  and  received  500,000 
men  and  500,000,000.  At  the  same  time,  the  Confederates  had 
established  their  capital  at  Richmond  in  Virginia.  The  Federal 
army  became  anxious  for  a  forward  movement,  and  a  cry  was 
raised,  "  On  to  Richmond  !  "  Some  experienced  officers,  such  as 
General  Scott,  were  opposed  to  undertaking  an  offensive  move- 
ment with  raw  troops,  and  advised  that  operations  should  for  the 
moment  be  confined  to  the  protection  of  Washington,  the  capital, 
and  the  retention  of  Maryland.  However,  the  three  months' 
term  of  the  seventy-five  militia  regiments  was  rapidly  running  out, 
and  political  considerations  seemed  to  require  vigorous  military 
action. 

The  Confederate  army  under  Beauregard  had  been  sent  to  The  Position 
occupy  Manassas  Junction,  which  was  the  railway  centre  of  atManassas. 
Northern  Virginia.  His  army  was  22,000  strong,  and  McDowell 
was  sent  to  attack  it  with  a  force  of  30,000  men.  He  started  on 
his  expedition  on  July  i6th.  The  Southern  army  had  some 
field  works  at  Manassas,  armed  with  fifteen  heavy  guns  and 
garrisoned  with  2,000  men  ;  but  Beauregard's  main  strength  was 
posted  along  the  south  side  of  a  stream  called  Bull  Run,  flowing 
in  a  south-easterly  direction,  about  three  miles  east  of  Manassas. 
On  July  1 7th  the  Confederate  army  was  distributed  along  this 
space,  seven  or  eight  miles  in  extent,  a  brigade  being  posted  at 
each  passage  of  the  river,  two  brigades  being  held  behind  in  reserve. 
The  Federal  army  in  the  field  was  commanded  by  McDowell,  and 
his  plan  was  to  turn  Beauregard's  right  flank,  to  seize  the  railway 
in  the  rear  of  his  position,  and  so  to  defeat  him.  It  was  important 
that  Beauregard  should  not  be  assisted  by  Joseph  E.  Johnston, 
who  had  an  army  of  9,000  men  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  and 
Patterson  had  been  told  off  to  prevent  this  junction. 

McDowell  reached  Bull  Run  on  July  i8th,  and  the  first  engage-  Bull  Run. 
ment  took  place  at  Blackburn's  Ford  with  the  loss  of  about  sixty 
men  on  each  side.  McDowell  then  determined  to  attack  on  the 
left  wing,  partly  because  he  wished  to  secure  the  Manassas  Gap 
railway,  so  as  to  prevent  the  junction  of  Johnston  and  Beauregard. 
Two  days  were  spent  in  seeking  for  a  passage  higher  up  the  river, 
and  such  a  passage  was  found  at  a  place  called  Sudley's  Ford. 
The  battle  took  place  on  Sunday,  July  21  st,  the  Federal  army 
advancing  three  divisions,  towards  Mitchell's  Ford  on  the  right, 
Stone  Bridge  in  the  centre,  and  Sudley's  Ford  on  the  left, 
the  reserve  remaining  at  Centreville.  McDowell,  unaware  that 
Johnston  had  succeeded  in  evading  Patterson  and  had  joined 

<*  33 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Rout  of  the 
Federals. 


Humiliation 
of  the 
North, 


Beauregard  with  part  of  his  forces  on  the  previous  day,  made  a 
feint  upon  Stone  Bridge ;  but  the  bulk  of  his  force  marched  to 
Sudley's  Ford,  which  was  two  miles  and  a  half  distant.  He  passed 
the  river  without  opposition,  but  was  soon  met  by  the  Confederates 
coming  from  Stone  Bridge.  The  rest  of  the  Federal  army 
remained  on  the  left  bank  of  the  stream.  The  Confederates  fell 
back  and  established  themselves  on  better  ground,  more  capable 
of  defence,  and  also  received  reinforcements  from  the  right, 
whereas  the  Federal  army  became  separated  and  fought  in 
detachments. 

In  the  early  afternoon  a  brigade,  5,000  strong,  arrived  by  rail, 
formed  at  right  angles  to  the  Federal  right,  and  fell  upon  it  at 
about  4  in  the  afternoon.  The  Federals  broke  and  fled  over 
the  Bull  Run,  but  the  Confederate  reserves,  crossing  the  river, 
advanced  upon  Centreville  and  threatened  the  reserves  posted 
there  and  the  line  of  retreat,  so  that  the  retreat  degenerated  into 
a  rout  and  a  race  for  Washington.  Arms  and  accoutrements 
were  thrown  away,  drivers  of  army  wagons  cut  the  traces,  leaped 
upon  the  backs  of  horses,  and  rode  through  the  crowd  of  fugitives, 
abandoning  guns  and  trains.  The  loss  of  the  Confederates  was 
about  1,900,  that  of  the  Federals  1,500  killed  and  wounded  and 
as  many  more  taken  prisoners.  The  Confederates  remained  in 
possession  of  the  battlefield  for  weeks.  The  Confederates  were 
as  much  surprised  as  the  Federals  themselves  at  their  sudden 
victory,  and  there  was  little  pursuit.  Sherman,  who  commanded 
a  brigade  in  the  Federal  Army,  said,  "  It  was  one  of  the  best 
planned  battles  in  the  war,  but  one  of  the  worst  fought  "  ;  while 
Johnston  declared,  "  If  the  tactics  of  the  Federals  had  been  equal 
to  their  strategy  we  should  have  been  beaten." 

The  victory  of  Bull  Run  produced  a  feeling  of  wild  excite- 
ment in  the  South,  and  helped  to  cherish  the  confidence  that  it 
would  eventually  lead  to  independence.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  was  a  bitter  disappointment  and  profound  humiliation  to  the 
North.  Lincoln  and  Congress  had  not  expected  anything  of  the 
kind.  Scott,  their  general,  had  confidently  looked  forward  to 
victory.  Indeed,  the  result  would  have  been  different  if  Patterson 
had  succeeded  in  holding  back  Johnston  at  Winchester.  Several 
members  of  Congress  had  gone  to  the  front,  to  be  present  at  the 
battle,  and  one  of  them  was  taken  prisoner  and  kept  for  several 
months  in  confinement  at  Richmond.  But  in  spite  of  the  sense 
of  chagrin  the  defeat  at  Bull  Run  had  the  effect  of  deepening 
the  zeal,  courage  and  determination  of  the  Government,  Congress,, 
the  army,  and  the  nation  at  large. 

34 


MCCLELLAN    TAKES    COMMAND 

General  McClellan  was  now  summoned  to  Washington,  owing  The  Army 
to  the  retirement  of  Scott  through  age  and  infirmity,  and  in  a  of  the 
short  time  formed  what  was  afterwards  known  as  the  Army  of  otomac* 
the  Potomac  out  of  the  new  regiments  of  three-year  volunteers 
who  were  passing  into  the  capital.  McClellan  had  gained  a 
brilliant  success  in  West  Virginia,  having  captured  seven  guns, 
the  greater  part  of  the  camp  equipment  and  baggage  of  the 
Confederates,  together  with  nearly  1,000  men,  his  own  loss  having 
been  under  fifty.  His  arrival  at  Washington  roused  warm  enthu- 
siasm. He  had  in  his  favour  youth,  industry,  and  a  winning 
personality.  He  wrote,  "  By  some  strange  operation  of  magic 
I  seem  to  have  become  the  power  of  the  land.  They  give  me  my 
way  in  everything,  full  swing,  and  unbounded  confidence." 
Unfortunately  this  too  sympathetic  treatment  engendered  an 
exaggerated  self-esteem  which  did  not  escape  the  notice  of 
Lincoln ;  but,  for  the  moment,  his  countrymen  regarded  him  as 
a  young  Napoleon.  He  succeeded  Scott  as  Commander-in-Chief, 
and  thus  had  control  over  all  the  forces  of  the  Union,  with  an 
army  of  nearly  125,000  effective  soldiers  under  his  personal  com- 
mand, thoroughly  organised,  drilled,  and  armed. 

The  popular  hero,  however,  remained  in  irritating  inactivity.  Disaster  of 
The  only  serious  force  opposed  to  him  was  the  Confederate  army  Bal1 8  Bluff- 
of  less  than  50,000  men,  under  Johnston,  who  had  planned  several 
offensive  movements,  but  had  not  been  able  to  carry  them  out 
for  want  of  troops.  Although  McClellan  was  superior  to  the 
enemy  immediately  in  front  of  him  by  three  to  one,  the  best  season 
for  operations  was  allowed  to  pass  away.  At  the  end  of  October, 
1 86 1,  he  determined  to  send  a  strong  reconnaissance  to  Leesburg, 
to  gain  the  position  of  the  enemy  and  cross  the  Potomac  into 
Maryland.  The  expedition  ended  in  complete  disaster.  The 
Federal  troops  gave  way  before  their  opponents,  broke,  and  ran 
towards  the  river,  swarmed  down  the  steep  bluff,  pursued  by  the 
Confederates,  who  shot  and  bayoneted  them  as  they  ran.  They 
crowded  along  the  bank  of  the  river,  throwing  away  arms, 
accoutrements,  and  clothing  ;  indeed,  nearly  half  the  force  engaged 
was  either  killed  or  captured. 

Such  was  the  disaster  of  Ball's  Bluff,  and  it  had  an  exasperat- 
ing effect  on  public  opinion.  When  Congress  met  in  December, 
it  created  a  Joint  War  Committee  of  the  two  Houses,  which  played 
an  important  part  throughout  the  whole  war  by  its  examination 
into  and  criticism  of  military  affairs.  In  the  meantime,  the 
Confederates  established  batteries  on  the  Virginian  side  of  the 
Potomac,  thus  creating  an  almost  complete  blockade  of  the  river, 

35 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


British 
Sympathy 
with  the 
South. 


The  Trent 
Affair. 


Area  of  the 
Fighting. 


Finally,  McClellan's  army  went  into  winter  quarters,  and  the 
general  himself  fell  ill.  In  January,  1862,  Lincoln  said  that  if 
something  were  not  done  soon  the  bottom  would  be  out  of  the 
whole  affair,  and  that  if  General  McClellan  did  not  want  to  use 
the  army  he  would  like  to  borrow  it,  provided  he  could  see  how  it 
could  be  made  to  do  something. 

At  this  time  an  event  occurred  which,  while  it  relieved  the 
tension  in  the  North,  threatened  to  disturb  the  peaceful  relations 
with  Great  Britain.  When  the  war  broke  out  Great  Britain 
determined  to  take  up  a  position  of  strict  neutrality,  and  recog- 
nised the  Southern  States  as  belligerent.  The  popular  feeling  in 
Great  Britain  probably  favoured  the  South,  although  the  more 
intellectual  and  more  cultivated  part  of  the  nation  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  North.  This  support  of  the  Confederates  was  partly 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  blockade  of  the  Southern  ports  deprived 
Lancashire  of  the  cotton  which  was  the  foundation  of  its  prosperity. 

The  Federals  were  naturally  annoyed  at  this  attitude.  Know- 
ing the  passionate  hatred  which  Great  Britain  had  always  shown 
towards  slavery,  and  the  sacrifices  she  had  made  for  the  extermina- 
tion of  the  trade  in  slaves  and  for  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  her  colonies,  they  thought  that  she  would  take  the  side  of 
those  who  were  contending  against  slavery,  and  would  not  have 
recognised  a  slave-holding  power  as  belligerent.  The  North 
naturally  complained  that  this  action  had  converted  civil  into 
international  war.  Towards  the  close  of  1861,  Captain  Wilkes, 
an  officer  of  the  United  States  Navy,  stopped  a  Royal  Mail 
steamer,  called  the  Trent,  on  her  voyage  from  Havana  to 
England,  and  arrested  two  Southerners,  Mason  and  Slidell,  who 
were  on  their  way  to  represent  the  Confederate  States  at  London 
and  Paris.  The  Cabinet  at  once  decided  that  this  insult  to  the 
British  flag  must  be  made  good,  and  sent  a  large  expedition  to 
Canada.  There  was  considerable  danger  of  a  war,  which,  how- 
ever, was  averted  by  moderation  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 
In  England,  at  a  Privy  Council,  held  at  Windsor  just  before  his 
death,  the  Prince  Consort  suggested  a  modification  of  a  dispatch, 
by  the  insertion  in  it  of  the  belief  that  the  action  of  Captain  Wilkes 
had  neither  been  directed,  nor  approved  of,  by  his  Government, 
and  in  this  view  Lincoln  had  the  wisdom  to  acquiesce. 

Before  we  proceed  to  narrate  the  further  events  of  the  war,  it 
will  be  well  to  give  a  sketch  of  the  geographical  areas  in  which  the 
principal  struggles  took  place.  For  this  purpose  we  may  divide 
the  territory  of  the  United  States  into  three  great  sections,  the 
first  extending  from  the  eastern  coast  to  the  Alleghany  Mountains, 

36 


IMPORTANCE    OF    THE    MISSISSIPPI 

the  second  from  these  mountains  to  the  Mississippi,  and  the  third 
from  the  Mississippi  to  the  western  coast.  But  besides  the  battles 
fought  in  these  regions,  a  most  important  incident  in  the  war  was 
the  strict  blockade  of  the  eastern  coast,  which  extended  from 
Chesapeake  Bay  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  on  the  western 
shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  This  not  only  prevented  foreign 
ships  from  landing  arms  or  munitions  of  war  for  the  South,  but 
also  prevented  Confederate  vessels  from  carrying  cotton  for  sale 
to  Europe.  It  had  a  serious  effect  on  the  social  and  political  life 
of  the  South,  which  was  deprived  of  the  enjoyment  of  foreign 
products  and  lost  its  credit  in  the  world. 

Of  the  three  geographical  sections  mentioned,   the  first  was  Richmond 
the  most  important.     The  two  capitals  of  the  belligerent  Powers  the  Objec- 
were  Washington  on  the  Potomac  and  Richmond  on  the  James  J{Ye  °f  the 
River  in  Virginia,  only  115  miles  from  each  other.     It  was  the 
business  of  the  Federals  to  defend  the  one  and  capture  the  other, 
their  efforts  to  effect  the  latter  object  leading  to  the  most  impor- 
tant battles  of  the  war,  the  action  of  the  Federals,  in  consequence 
of  their  superior  numbers,  being  almost  always  aggressive. 

The  determining  influence  in  the  other  two  sections  was  the  The  struggle 
Mississippi,  which  divided  them.  On  this  river  were  situated  for  Control 
the  two  great  commercial  cities  of  the  west — St.  Louis,  which  J^*1?6.  . 
belonged  to  the  Federals,  and  New  Orleans,  which  belonged  to 
the  Confederates.  There  was,  therefore,  a  constant  struggle  for 
the  possession  of  the  Mississippi.  The  Confederates,  who  had  the 
advantage  of  possession,  did  their  best  to  fortify  the  waterway  at 
the  best  available  points  ;  but  the  Federals  had  the  advantage 
that  the  State  of  Illinois,  which  was  part  of  their  territory, 
reached  down  between  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi  to  their 
junction  at  Cairo,  which  was  farther  south  than  any  other  part 
of  the  Northern  dominions.  Moreover,  the  Northern  States  in 
this  region  were  especially  populous  and  energetic.  It  follows, 
therefore,  that  the  operations  of  the  war  after  1861  were  devoted 
to  three  main  objects — the  maintenance  of  the  blockade,  the 
capture  of  Richmond,  and  the  conquest  of  the  Mississippi. 

In  our  narrative  we  shall  pursue  mainly  a  chronological  order  "The 
and  begin  with  the  events  which  led  to  the  Battle  of  Shiloh.    The  Gibraltar  jrf 
command  in  the  west  was  now  held  by  Halleck,  who  had  succeeded  the  West* 
Fremont.     He  had  been  ordered  by  McClellan  to  concentrate  the 
mass  of  the  troops  on  or  near  the  Mississippi,  in  order  to  under- 
take operations  from  Cairo  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.    From  Cairo 
to  the  sea  the  Mississippi  pursues  a  winding  course  of  nearly  1,100 
miles,  in  which  it  only  falls  322  feet.     It  flows  through  an  alluvial 

37 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Grant's 

Successes. 


The 

Merrimac* 

Monitor 

Duel. 


valley  enclosed  on  each  side  by  bluffs  or  hills,  which  approach  the 
river  only  at  a  few  points,  and  therefore  afford  only  occasional 
opportunities  for  fortification.  In  order  to  capture  the  upper 
reaches  of  the  river,  the  Confederates  had  advanced  into  Kentucky 
to  seize  and  fortify  the  Heights  of  Columbus,  twenty  miles  below 
Cairo,  which  they  did  so  effectually  that  it  became  known  as  "  the 
Gibraltar  of  the  West."  Buell  commanded  in  Kentucky,  but  did 
not  get  on  with  Halleck.  On  January  7th,  1862,  Lincoln  was 
obliged  to  interfere,  and  sent  an  identical  despatch  to  both,  order- 
ing them  to  act  together  and  to  name  a  day  when  they  would 
be  able  to  march  southwards  in  concert,  as  delay  was  ruining  the 
cause  and  it  was  indispensable  to  secure  definite  results. 

On  the  previous  day  Halleck  had  ordered  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  a 
subordinate  general,  posted  at  Cairo,  to  make  a  demonstration 
with  land  forces  and  gunboats  against  Columbus,  and  also  to 
examine  Fort  Henry  on  the  Tennessee  and  Fort  Donelson  on  the 
Cumberland  River.  Observation  convinced  Grant  that  it  was 
possible  to  break  through  the  Confederate  lines  on  the  Tennessee. 
After  obtaining  permission  with  difficulty,  he  captured  Fort 
Henry  after  an  hour's  bombardment  on  February  6th,  and 
assaulted  Fort  Donelson  on  February  i5th.  Next  morning 
Buckner,  who  was  in  command,  proposed  an  armistice  to 
arrange  terms  of  capitulation.  To  this  Grant  replied,  "  No  terms 
other  than  an  unconditional  and  immediate  surrender  can  be 
accepted.  I  propose  to  move  immediately  on  your  works." 
Buckner  at  once  surrendered  the  fort  with  its  garrison  of  14,000 
men.  This  led  to  the  evacuation  of  Columbus. 

In  March  there  took  place  the  fight  between  the  Monitor  and 
the  Merrimac.  The  latter  vessel  was  really  a  steamer  that  had 
been  sunk  at  Norfolk  and  been  raised  by  the  Confederates,  who 
had  transformed  it  into  an  ironclad.  The  Monitor  was  altogether 
novel  in  design,  Southern  officers  describing  her  as  "a  tin  can  on 
a  raft."  When  fighting  she  showed  nothing  above  water  but  a  low 
hull,  well  protected  by  armour,  a  circular  turret  plated  with  iron 
and  carrying  two  heavy  smooth-bore  guns,  and  a  low  conning- 
tower  in  front — of  course,  a  dangerous  type  in  an  open  sea.  The 
Merrimac  had  four  rifled  and  six  smooth-bore  guns  of  heavy  calibre. 
She  had  attacked  the  Northern  fleet  and  done  considerable  damage 
to  the  wooden  vessels ;  but  on  March  gth  her  career  was  effectu- 
ally checked  by  the  Monitor.  The  duel,  indeed,  was  indecisive ; 
but  the  further  destruction  of  the  fleet  was  stopped.  The 
Merrimac  was  destroyed  by  the  Confederates  in  May,  and  the 
Monitor  foundered  in  December,  with  the  loss  of  some  of  her  men ; 

38 


THE    BATTLE    OF    SHILOH 

but  she  had  done  her  work  by  preventing  the  breaking  of  the 
blockade.  The  battle  is  important  in  history  as  the  first  action 
fought  between  armoured  steamships. 

Two  days  later,  on  March  nth,  Lincoln  issued  his  War  Office  McCielian 
Order  No.  9,  relieving  McCielian  from  the  command,  entrusting  Superseded, 
him  with  the  campaign  against  Richmond,  and  forming  the 
Department  of  the  Mississippi,  which  was  placed  under  Halleck. 
The  latter  now  undertook  an  expedition  into  Tennessee,  which 
led  to  the  Battle  of  Shiloh,  one  of  the  bloodiest  of  the  war,  called 
after  a  little  log  church  in  the  south-west  of  that  State.  The 
Confederate  general,  Albert  S.  Johnston,  was  at  this  time 
posted  at  Corinth  with  a  large  force.  This  place,  situated 
in  Northern  Mississippi,  had  been  fortified  as  a  position  of  great 
importance,  being  the  point  where  the  Memphis  and  Charleston 
Railway  is  crossed  by  the  Mobile  and  Ohio  Railway. 

Grant  moved  forward  to  attack  Corinth,  with  40,000  men,  Grant's 
expecting  to  be  joined  by  a  similar  force  from  Nashville.  On  Moye  on 
April  6th  he  had  reached  Pittsburg  Landing,  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  broad  Tennessee  river,  about  twenty  miles  north  of  Corinth. 
One  portion  of  his  army  was  at  Crump's  Landing,  about  five 
miles  to  the  north,  and  the  force  expected  from  Nashville  had 
just  reached  the  shore  of  this  river  opposite  to  the  landing.  All 
Grant's  troops  were  comparatively  raw,  two  divisions  having  never 
been  under  fire.  They  possessed  courage  enough,  but  had  not 
learnt  the  necessity  of  precaution.  They  were  so  intent  upon  an 
advance  that  they  had  made  no  preparations  for  defence.  Sherman 
wrote,  "  At  a  later  period  of  the  war  we  should  have  made  this 
position  impregnable  in  one  night."  On  the  morning  of  Sunday, 
April  6th,  they  were  suddenly  attacked  by  40,000  troops  under 
Johnston,  who  had,  during  the  last  two  days,  marched  from 
Corinth.  The  battle  lasted  the  whole  day,  and  the  field  was  hotly 
contested ;  but,  on  the  whole,  the  Confederates  steadily  gained 
ground.  One  Federal  division  was  captured,  but  Johnston  him- 
self was  killed.  When  the  battle  ended  the  Federal  line  had  been 
driven  back  two  miles.  Grant  said  of  the  battlefield,  "  It  was  so 
covered  with  dea£  that  it  would  have  been  possible  to  walk  across 
the  clearing  in  any  direction,  stepping  on  dead  bodies,  without  a 
foot  touching  the  ground."  On  one  side  of  it  Federal  and  Con- 
federate troops  were  mingled  together  in  nearly  equal  proportions, 
but  on  the  rest  of  the  field  nearly  all  were  Confederates. 

During  the  night  the  Nashville  contingent,  commanded  by 
Buell,  crossed  the  river,  and  at  daylight  Grant  renewed  the  attack. 
Beauregard,  who  had  replaced  Johnston,  must  have  known  that 

39 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

resistance  was  hopeless,  but  did  his  best  to  hold  the  road  which 
passes  by  Shiloh  Church  in  order  to  secure  his  retreat.  Sherman 
advanced  and  recaptured  his  camp,  which  had  been  taken  on  the 
previous  day,  and  around  Shiloh  Church  the  battle  raged  with  the 
greatest  fury.  At  last  Beauregard  withdrew,  leaving  his  dead 
on  the  field,  and  there  was  no  attempt  at  pursuit.  In  the  battle 
Sherman,  commanding  a  division,  especially  distinguished  him- 
self. The  losses  were  large  :  the  number  of  killed  and  wounded 
was  about  the  same  on  either  side,  the  Federal  loss  being,  if  any- 
thing, the  heavier,  while  they  also  had  2,000  more  men  missing 
than  the  Confederates.  After  the  battle  Halleck  laid  siege  to 
Corinth,  which  was  defended  by  Beauregard  and  not  evacuated 
till  May  2gth.  By  some  authorities  the  Battle  of  Shiloh  has  been 
thought  to  be  the  turning  point  of  the  war,  as  it  opened  for  the 
Federals  the  way  to  the  sea,  and  an  army  could  not  be  prevented 
now  from  marching  to  the  rear  of  the  Confederates  and  cutting 
off  the  supplies  of  the  troops  who  held  Richmond,  thus  compelling 
their  surrender.  The  loss  of  Johnston  was  very  serious ;  had 
he  survived  he  might  have  turned  the  fortune  of  the  war. 
Capture  of  Nor  was  Shiloh  the  sole  success  of  the  Federals  at  this  period, 

New  Orleans,  £or  Admiral  Farragut  succeeded  in  capturing  New  Orleans,  by 
far  the  largest  and  most  influential  city  in  the  Confederacy,  and 
a  point  of  the  highest  strategical  importance.  Farragut  was  a 
Southerner  by  birth,  but  from  conscientious  reasons  had  taken 
the  side  of  the  North.  He  opened  the  bombardment  from  his 
fleet  on  April  i8th,  and  continued  it  for  six  days  and  nights.  Six 
thousand  shells  fell  in  and  near  the  forts,  St.  Philip  and  Jackson, 
which,  garrisoned  by  1,500  Confederate  soldiers,  defended  the 
city  towards  the  sea.  A  shell  fell  about  every  minute  and  a  half, 
but  the  forts  were  not  rendered  untenable,  nor  their  guns  silenced, 
although  more  than  fifty  of  the  defenders  were  killed  and  wounded. 
In  the  meantime  the  Confederates  had  prepared  fireships,  flat- 
bottomed  boats  loaded  with  dry  wood  and  turpentine,  which 
they  lighted  and  sent  down  the  stream.  Farragut,  however, 
intercepted  them  and  disposed  of  them  without  suffering  damage. 
He  now  formed  the  plan  of  running  by  the  forts,  destroying 
and  capturing  the  Confederate  fleet  and  bringing  the  city  within 
range  of  his  guns.  He  started  on  April  24th,  just  before  sunrise, 
an  opening  being  made  in  the  chain  which  closed  the  harbour  to 
let  him  through.  Three  of  the  ships  in  the  rear  failed  to  make  the 
passage,  but  those  that  got  through  began  at  once  to  destroy  the 
enemy's  flotilla  and  then  pushed  on  and  took  possession  of  New 
Orleans.  The  two  forts,  being  isolated,  surrendered  to  Farragut, 

40 


INVESTMENT    OF    RICHMOND 

as  he  expected,  on  April  28th.  The  victory  was  one  of  first-rate 
consequence  politically,  as  we  are  told  by  the  envoy  of  the  South 
in  Paris  that  if  New  Orleans  had  not  fallen  the  recognition  of  the 
Confederacy  by  France  could  not  have  been  much  longer  delayed. 
This  great  feat,  which  sets  the  name  of  Farragut  beside  that  of 
Grant,  was  accomplished  with  a  loss  to  the  fleet  of  only  37  killed, 
147  wounded,  and  one  small  ship  rammed  and  sunk. 

We  must  now  consider  the  operations  against  Richmond.  On  McClelian's 
March  I3th,  1862,  it  had  been  determined  to  attack  the  city  by  Failure  to 
way  of  Fort  Monroe.  This  plan  was  accepted  by  Lincoln  on  l^mond 
condition  that  Manassas  were  permanently  occupied  and  the 
city  of  Washington  made  perfectly  secure.  The  forces  went 
down  the  Potomac  in  boats,  and  on  April  5th  there  were  concen- 
trated at  Monroe  121,500  men,  with  arsenals,  wagons,  batteries, 
pontoon  bridges,  and  other  requisites.  McClellan  arrived  there 
on  April  2nd,  with  the  intention  of  leading  the  army  up  the 
peninsula  between  the  York  and  James  rivers.  Had  he  moved  at 
once  he  might  possibly  have  taken  Richmond  without  difficulty, 
but  circumstances  caused  delay.  On  April  4th  he  marched  with 
50,000  men  against  Yorktown,  which  was  defended  by  a  compara- 
tively small  force.  McClellan,  instead  of  storming  the  place,  laid 
regular  siege  to  it,  and  on  May  3rd,  when  he  was  ready  to  open 
the  bombardment,  Joseph  Johnston,  who  was  in  command,  stole 
away,  leaving  dummy  guns  in  the  embrasures.  Johnston  said 
that  this  delay  not  only  saved  Richmond,  but  gave  the  Con- 
federates time  to  convert  a  handful  of  troops  into  an  army.  On 
May  5th  McClellan  fought  another  battle  at  Williamsburg,  twelve 
miles  distant.  Both  sides  claimed  the  victory,  but  the  loss  of 
the  Federals  was  greater  than  that  of  the  Confederates,  who 
retired  without  hindrance. 

The  Confederate  army  now  went  into  camp  about  three  miles  Lee  Takes 
from   Richmond,  and   McClellan,  advancing,  placed  his  forces  as  Command  of 
a  line  about  thirteen  miles  in  length  on  the  left  bank  of  the  the  South- 
Chickahominy.     On  May  3ist  he  commanded  127,000  men  ;    and 
Johnston,  who  opposed  him,   only  62,000.     However,   a  violent 
storm  gave  the  Confederates  an  opportunity  of  attacking  a  portion 
of  the  Federal  army  which  was  separated  from  the  rest  by  water ; 
but  the  ensuing  battle  at  Fair  Oaks  was  without  decisive  results, 
the  Federals  losing  5,000  and  the  Confederates  6,000  men.     Late 
in  the  evening  Johnston  was  seriously  wounded,  and  his  place 
as  commander    of   the  armies  around  Richmond  was  taken  by 
Robert  E.  Lee  in  June,  1862.     Lee  was  a  Virginian,  and  had  been 
marked  out  by  Scott  as  a  possible  commander  of  the  Federal 

41 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Lee  Drives 

McClellan 

from 

Richmond. 


The  Battle 

of  Gaines 
Mills. 


army ;  but  on  April  20 th,  1861,  he  tendered  his  resignation  and 
was  placed  in  command  of  the  Virginian  troops  who  were  fighting 
for  the  South.  In  course  of  time  he  became  General-in-Chief  of 
the  Confederate  armies.  His  ablest  lieutenant  was  "  Stonewall " 
Jackson,  so  called  from  an  incident  in  the  battle  of  Bull  Run, 
where  General  Bee,  of  South  Carolina,  who  was  killed  later  in 
the  day,  rallied  his  wavering  men  by  appealing  to  them  to  follow 
the  example  of  Jackson's  brigade,  standing  there  "  like  a  stone 
wall."  Lee  repeatedly  astonished  his  adversaries  by  his  marvellous 
rapidity  and  his  appearances  in  unexpected  places. 

The  beautiful  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  which  lies  between 
the  Blue  Mountains  and  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  was  favourable 
to  an  army  threatening  Washington,  and  unfavourable  to  one 
attacking  Richmond ;  for  the  Confederates,  as  they  marched 
down  the  valley,  came  at  every  step  nearer  to  the  Federal  capital, 
whereas  a  Federal  army  marching  up  the  valley  was  gradually 
carried  farther  and  farther  from  Richmond.  In  the  valley 
McDowell  was  opposed  to  Jackson,  and  there  was  a  chance  of 
Jackson  being  overwhelmed,  but  he  contrived  to  escape  and 
joined  Lee  at  Richmond.  Lee  was  making  preparations  for  driving 
McClellan  from  the  peninsula,  and  wrote  to  Jackson  that  unless 
McClellan  could  be  driven  out  of  his  entrenchments  he  could 
come  so  near  to  Richmond  that  he  would  be  able  to  bombard  it. 
Pains  were  taken  to  conceal  from  the  Federals  the  fact  that 
Jackson's  army  was  to  join  Lee's.  The  result  of  Lee's  arrange- 
ments was  the  seven  days'  battle,  which  lasted  from  June  25th  to 
July  ist,  and  ended  in  the  retreat  of  McClellan  from  Richmond.  As 
a  preliminary,  Lee,  leaving  about  30,000  men  to  defend  Richmond, 
crossed  the  Chickahominy  with  35,000,  intending  to  join  Jackson, 
who  had  25,000,  and  with  this  overwhelming  force  suddenly  attack 
the  20,000  men  who  were  posted  on  the  north  side  of  the  river, 
and,  after  destroying  them,  ere  reinforcements  could  come  up, 
capture  McClellan's  base.  Jackson,  for  once  in  his  life,  was  late, 
so  that  the  plan  failed,  Lee  losing  3,000  men. 

Next  day  followed  the  Battle  of  Gaines  Mills,  also  called  the 
Battle  of  Chickahominy,  or  the  first  Battle  of  Cold  Harbour,  in 
which  the  Federal  line  was  broken.  After  Jackson's  arrival  on 
the  field,  two  Federal  regiments  were  made  prisoners  and  two 
guns  were  taken.  McClellan  now  changed  his  base  from  the 
Chickahominy  to  the  James  River,  where  he  was  attacked  by 
Magruder,  who  had  been  left  behind  at  Richmond.  The  attack 
failed  and  the  Federals  were  able  to  defend  the  road  which  led 
through  White  Oak  Swamp.  Jackson  now  crossed  the  Chicka- 

42 


CONFEDERATE    ADVANTAGES 

hominy,  and  attempted  to  follow  McClellan's  rearguard  through 
White  Oak  Swamp,  but  was  unable  to  do  so.  Hill  and  Longstreet, 
however,  had  crossed  the  river,  farther  up  the  stream,  and  marched 
round  the  swamp,  striking  the  retreating  army  near  Charles  City 
Cross  Roads  on  June  3Oth.  There  was  terrific  fighting  all  the 
afternoon,  but  the  Federal  army  held  their  ground.  MacCall, 
however,  was  captured  and  carried  off  to  Richmond.  Dark- 
ness put  an  end  to  the  fighting,  and  McClellan  retreated  to 
Malvern  Hill,  having  lost  two  guns  and  suffered  severely  in 
other  ways. 

The  last  battle  of  the  series  was  fought  at  Malvern  Hill,  where  Battle  at 
McClellan  made  his  final  stand.  It  is  a  plateau  on  the  side  of  ?*!Yenl 
the  James,  about  80  feet  high,  a  mile  and  a  half  long,  and  a  mile  1  ' 
broad,  and  can  only  be  approached  by  the  north-western  face. 
McClellan's  army  was  arranged  in  a  semicircle,  with  the  right 
wing  thrown  back  so  as  to  reach  Harrison's  Landing  on  the  James. 
His  position  was  strongly  defended  by  artillery.  Lee  was  not 
able  to  make  the  assault  till  July  ist.  The  battle  began  by  an 
artillery  duel,  which  was  not  very  effective  on  the  Confederate  side. 
The  infantry  attack  was  made  with  too  little  regard  for  concentra- 
tion, and,  although  fighting  continued  till  3  p.m.,  the  line  was 
never  shaken  nor  were  the  guns  in  danger.  The  battle  had  cost 
Lee  5,000  men,  and  he  desisted  from  the  pursuit  of  the  Northern 
army.  McClellan  retired  during  the  night  to  Harrison's  Landing, 
where  he  was  protected  by  gunboats  and  had  collected  his  supplies. 
The  losses  during  the  seven  days'  fighting  were  estimated  at  15,000 
on  the  Federal  and  over  19,000  on  the  Confederate  side. 

Lincoln  now  saw  that  nothing  substantial  could  be  effected  Haileck 
unless  the  Northern  army  were  very  considerably  increased,  and  JjJJ^"J*d 
he  appealed  to  the  Governors  of  the  States  for  300,000  volunteers,  commander- 
He    also   issued    an    order   on    July    nth    constituting    Haileck  in-Chief. 
Commander-in-Chief    of    the    land    forces.      The'  Army    of    the 
Potomac   was   withdrawn   from    Harrison's   Landing   and   united 
with  the  Army  of  Virginia  under  Pope ;   while  Lee,  relieved  from 
all  fears  about  the  safety  of  Richmond,   assumed  the  offensive 
and  marched  against  Pope. 

From  July  nth  to  November  7th  numerous  engagements 
took  place  between  the  two  forces,  one  side  eager  to  reach 
Richmond,  the  other  Washington.  Generally  the  advantage 
was  with  the  Confederates,  who  had  superior  skill  and  dash  but 
inferior  numbers,  yet  Washington  was  never  really  in  danger, 
and  on  several  occasions  greater  energy  on  the  part  of  the  Federals 
might  have  achieved  the  entire  defeat  of  the  South. 

43 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Second  McClellan's  conduct  of  this  campaign  has  been  much  discussed. 

^  *s  a^e§e(i  tkat  he  was  dilatory,  and  that  he  overrated  the 
strength  of  his  adversaries  and  underrated  his  own,  and  later 
information  seems  to  have  strengthened  the  case  against  him. 
But  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  Southern  troops  were,  in  the 
first  place,  more  fit  for  war  than  the  Northern.  The  position, 
indeed,  resembled  that  of  the  Cavaliers  and  the  Puritans  in  the 
Civil  War  in  England.  The  South  were  mainly  gentlemen,  "  men 
of  a  spirit,"  to  use  the  expression  of  Cromwell,  whereas  the  North 
needed  much  training  and  consolidation  to  bring  them  up  to  their 
level.  McClellan's  hesitation  and  delay  may  therefore  have  been 
justified  ;  but  Lincoln,  having  borne  long  with  him  and  shown 
tenderness  and  patience  towards  him,  at  last  gave  way  and  put 
Burnside  in  his  place.  Nevertheless,  whatever  changes  were 
made  in  the  personnel  of  command,  many  engagements  had  to  be 
fought — long,  stubborn  and  bloody — ere  the  miserable  struggle 
reached  its  end.  One  of  the  most  important  of  them  was  the 
Second  Battle  of  Bull  Run.  In  the  middle  of  August,  1862,  Lee 
and  Jackson  had  together  a  force  of  70,000  men,  whereas  Pope, 
having  only  50,000,  retired  beyond  the  Rappahannock.  On 
August  25th,  Jackson,  with  18,000  men,  moved  up  the  Rappa- 
hannock and  completed  a  circle  round  Pope's  right.  He  then 
passed  over  the  Bull  Run  Mountains  and  destroyed  a  railway 
station  in  the  rear  of  the  Federals.  Pope  marched  against  him 
and  Jackson  retired  to  Manassas  Junction,  where  he  took  a 
number  of  prisoners  and  destroyed  a  quantity  of  commissariat 
stores.  Pope,  being  reinforced  by  some  of  McClellan's  army,  sent 
McDowell,  with  40,000  men,  to  intercept  Lee,  who  was  marching 
to  join  Jackson,  and  himself  advanced  against  Jackson.  This 
gave  Lee  the  opportunity  of  meeting  Jackson,  which  McDowell 
had  been  powerless  to  prevent.  The  consequence  was  that,  on 
August  30th,  Lee  was  able  to  attack  Pope  and  inflict  a  severe 
defeat  upon  him,  causing  him  heavy  loss.  After  this'  battle  Pope's 
army  crossed  the  Bull  Run  at  Stone  Bridge  and  encamped  upon 
the  heights  round  Centreville,  but  afterwards  fell  back  still  farther 
and  occupied  Fairfax  Court  House  and  Germantown.  Lee  now 
attempted  to  cut  Pope  off  from  Washington,  and  the  latter  was 
forced  to  withdraw  to  the  fortifications  of  Washington,  where  his 
army  became  merged  in  that  of  the  Potomac.  Lee  claimed  that  in 
these  operations  he  had  captured  9,000  prisoners  and  30  guns,  and 
Pope's  killed  and  wounded  could  not  have  fallen  short  of  10,000  men. 
Lee  now  crossed  the  Potomac  and  marched  into  Maryland, 
by  way  of  Leesburg  and  Frederick,  issuing  a  proclamation  to  the 

44 


BATTLE    OF    ANTIETAM 

inhabitants  to  join  the  Confederacy  ;  but  the  appeal  was  with- 
out result,  as  all  Marylanders  who  intended  to  join  the  South  had 
already  done  so.  He  also  hoped  he  might  gain  a  decisive  battle 
over  McClellan,  advance  into  Pennsylvania,  occupy  Philadelphia, 
and  dictate  peace  in  Independence  Hall.  McClellan  arrived  at 
Frederick  on  September  i2th,  two  days  after  Lee  had  left  it. 
Here  he  found  a  sketch  of  the  campaign  which  Lee  had  drawn  up, 
from  which  he  learned  that  Lee  had  divided  his  forces,  leaving 
some  in  Maryland  and  sending  others  across  the  Potomac  to 
capture  Harper's  Ferry,  which  was  effected  by  Jackson.  Eleven 
thousand  men  were  taken  in  the  capitulation,  with  73  guns  and 
much  camp  equipage. 

The  Battle  of  Antietam  was  fought  on  September  I7th,  1862.  Antietam  a 
Lee's  forces  numbered  40,000  men.     He  occupied  a  strong  position,  Drawn 
both  wings  resting  on  the  Potomac  and  the  Antietam  Creek  flowed     a    e* 
in  front.    The  creek  was  passable  by  four  stone  bridges  and  a 
ford,   all,   except   the   most   northerly  bridge,   strongly  guarded. 
McClellan  determined  to  throw  his  right  wing  over  the  unguarded 
bridge,  assail  the  Confederate  left,  and  then  force  the  remaining 
bridges  with  his  left  and  centre.    The  struggle  went  on  all  day 
without  any  very  definite  results.     About  noon  Burnside  carried 
the  bridge  opposite  to  him,  and  attacked  the  Confederate  right, 
taking  a  battery  on  the  ridge.     Lee,  however,  came  up  with  fresh 
forces,  drove  Burnside  from  his  position,  and  retook  the  battery. 
The  Battle  of  Antietam  was  at  first  regarded  as  a  Federal  victory, 
and  it  certainly  caused  the  Confederates  heavy  losses  and  stopped 
all  ideas  of  invading  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania ;   but,  in  reality, 
it  was  a  drawn  battle,  both  sides  having  suffered  equally,  and 
neither  being  able  to  resume  the  struggle. 

Lee  withdrew  to  Winchester,  and  McClellan  took  up  his  McClellan 
position  on  the  Potomac.  Here,  at  the  beginning  of  October,  he  at  the 
was  visited  by  Lincoln,  who  urged  him  to  cross  the  Potomac, 
give  battle  to  the  enemy,  and  drive  him  south.  Lincoln  said, 
"  Your  army  must  move  now,  while  the  roads  are  good.  If  you 
cross  the  river  between  the  enemy  and  Washington,  and  cover  the 
capital  with  your  operations,  you  can  be  reinforced  with  30,000 
men."  McClellan,  however,  remained  inactive,  saying  that  his 
army  was  in  need  of  shoes  and  clothing.  At  last,  on  October 
26th,  he  did  cross  the  Potomac,  and  marched  southwards,  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  while  Lee  moved  parallel  with 
him  on  the  western  side.  But  nothing  decisive  was  done,  and  on 
November  7th,  the  President,  as  we  have  seen,  relieved  McClellan 
and  put  Burnside  in  his  place. 

45 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Burnside's  Burnside  was  a  graduate  of  the  West  Point  Academy,  and  had 
Grfat  at  first  devoted  himself  to  civil  pursuits,  but  had  re-entered  the 
army  at  the  beginning  of  the  war.  Besides  his  military  training, 
he  had  a  handsome  person  and  winning  disposition.  He  under- 
took the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  reluctantly,  as  he 
doubted  his  ability  to  perform  the  duty,  and  it  was  only  when  urged 
by  McClellan,  who  was  a  valued  friend,  that  he  consented.  Burn- 
side,  after  reorganising  his  army  into  three  great  divisions,  under 
Sumner,  Hooker  and  Franklin,  aimed  straight  at  Richmond  and 
set  out  for  that  place  by  the  north  bank  of  the  Rappahannock  and 
the  city  of  Fredericksburg.  Lee  immediately  marched  to  cover 
the  Confederate  capital,  and  stationed  his  army  on  the  heights 
south  and  west  of  Fredericksburg,  which  he  strongly  fortified. 
His  line  was  5^  miles  long,  but  it  was  very  strongly  defended. 

Burnside  did  not  succeed  in  crossing  the  Rappahannock  till 
December  i2th,  being  much  impeded  by  Lee's  fire,  and  next  day 
proceeded  to  attack  the  heights  on  which  the  whole  of  the  Con- 
federate army  was  concentrated,  Longs treet  being  on  the  right  and 
Jackson  on  the  left,  with  every  gun  in  position.  The  attack,  which 
was  not  delivered  at  the  right  place,  was  a  complete  failure.  At  one 
spot  the  advance  was  made  along  a  road  with  a  wall  on  one  side, 
and  the  Confederate  army  was  so  numerous  that  each  man  posted 
at  the  wall  had  two  or  three  men  behind  him  to  load  his  muskets, 
and  all  he  had  to  do  was  to  lay  them  in  turn  upon  the  wall  and 
fire  them  rapidly  without  exposing  himself.  At  last  nearly  half 
the  attacking  force  was  shot  down  and  the  rest  retired.  Burnside, 
in  great  wrath  at  his  ill  success,  ordered  Hooker  to  advance  with 
the  reserve.  He  reluctantly  obeyed  after  a  remonstrance,  and 
lost  1,700  dead  and  wounded  out  of  4,000.  After  he  had  been 
completely  defeated,  Burnside  was  anxious  to  make  another 
attack  next  day,  but  was  dissuaded  by  Sumner.  He  recrossed 
the  Rappahannock  in  the  night  of  December  i5th  during  a 
storm,  and  the  campaign  was  at  an  end.  In  the  attack  on 
Fredericksburg  the  Federals  had  lost  12,353  men  and  the  Con- 
federates 4,201. 

"The  Mud  This  defeat  was  so  disastrous  and  so  discreditable  to  Burnside's 
March."  military  capacity  that  Lincoln  ordered  him  to  make  no  other 
move  without  his  knowledge.  However,  on  January  2ist,  1863, 
he  started  his  army  on  what  was  afterwards  known  as  "  the  Mud 
March,"  because  it  was  cut  short  by  a  rain-storm  which  rendered 
the  roads  impassable.  The  soldiers  blessed  an  intervention  of 
Nature  for  saving  them  from  massacre.  Burnside  quarrelled  with 
his  officers  and  sent  in  his  resignation,  and  Lincoln,  seeing  that 

46 


THE    BATTLE    OF  CHANCELLORSVILLE 

reconciliation  was  hopeless,  relieved  him  and  appointed  Hooker 
in  his  place. 

He  did  this  in  a  most  characteristic  letter  :  "  I  have  placed  How 
you  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Of  course  I  have  Lincoln 
done  this  upon  what  appear  to  me  sufficient  reasons,  and  yet  I  Hooker  ^ 
think  it  right  for  you  to  know  that  there  are  some  things  in  regard 
to  which  I  am  not  quite  satisfied  with  you.  I  believe  you  to  be 
a  brave  and  skilful  soldier,  which,  of  course,  I  like.  I  also  believe 
you  do  not  mix  politics  with  your  profession,  in  which  you  are 
right.  You  have  confidence  in  yourself,  which  is  a  valuable,  if 
not  indispensable,  quality.  You  are  ambitious,  which  within 
reasonable  bounds  does  rather  good  than  harm ;  but  I  think  that 
during  General  Burnside's  command  of  the  army  you  have  taken 
counsel  of  your  ambition  and  thwarted  him  as  much  as  you  could, 
in  which  you  did  a  great  wrong  to  the  country  and  to  a  most 
meritorious  and  honourable  brother  officer.  I  have  heard,  in  such 
a  way  as  to  believe  it,  of  your  recently  saying  that  both  the  army 
and  the  Government  needed  a  dictator.  Of  course,  it  was  not  for 
this,  but  in  spite  of  it,  that  I  have  given  you  the  command.  Only 
those  generals  who  gain  successes  can  set  up  as  dictators.  What 
I  ask  of  you  is  military  success,  and  I  will  risk  the  dictatorship. 
The  Government  will  support  you  to  the  utmost  of  its  ability, 
which  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  it  has  done  and  will  do  for 
its  commanders.  I  much  fear  that  the  spirit  which  you  have 
assisted  to  infuse  into  the  army,  of  criticising  their  commander 
and  withholding  confidence  from  him,  will  now  turn  upon  you. 
I  shall  assist  you,  as  far  as  I  can,  to  put  it  down.  Neither  you 
nor  Napoleon,  if  he  were  alive  again,  could  get  any  good  out  of 
an  army  while  such  a  spirit  prevails  in  it.  And  now,  beware  of 
rashness.  Beware  of  rashness.  But  with  energy  and  sleepless 
vigilance  go  forward  and  give  us  victories." 

Hooker  was  not   a  much  greater  success  in   the    field  than  Hooker's 
Burnside  had  been.     It  is  said  he  planned  well  but  fought  badly.  Def*at  at 
After  spending  some  time  in  restoring  the  relaxed  discipline  of  Chancellors- 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  he  opened  the  spring  campaign  with 
every  prospect  of  success.     Lee  remained  entrenched  at  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  Hooker,  by  April  3Oth,  1863,  had  collected  four  army 
corps  at  Chancellorsville,  eleven  miles  distant,  to  attack  his  rear. 
Lee,   however,   brought  his  troops  up  from  Fredericksburg  and 
extended  them  in  front  of  Hooker.     He  then  organised  a  flanking 
movement  under  Stonewall  Jackson,  which  surrounded  the  Federal 
right  and,  by  a  furious  attack,  threw  it  into  great  disorder.     After 
a  series  of  battles  which  lasted  four  days  Hooker  was  entirely 

47 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Lee's  March 
North. 


Lincoln's 
Advice  to 
Hooker. 


Battle  of 

Gettysburg. 


defeated ;  but  in  one  of  the  battles,  which  were  called  by  the 
collective  name  of  Chancellorsville,  Stonewall  Jackson  was  killed. 
Riding  forward  in  front  of  his  troops,  he  came  between  the  fire 
of  both  sides,  and  was  shot  by  accident  by  his  own  troops.  He 
was  carried  into  the  hospital  and  his  arm  amputated,  but  he  died 
within  the  week. 

After  these  successes  public  opinion  in  the  South  began  to 
demand  that  Lee  should  invade  the  North,  or  at  least  threaten 
Washington.  His  army  had  been  reinforced  by  Longstreet  ; 
losses  had  been  supplied  by  a  levy  of  conscripts,  which  called 
even  boys  of  sixteen  from  school ;  and  the  army  had  unbounded 
confidence  in  itself.  Vicksburg,  on  the  Mississippi,  was  being 
besieged  by  Grant,  and  its  fall  would  deal  a  severe  blow  to  the 
Confederacy  unless  it  were  neutralised  by  a  victory  in  the  east. 
There  was,  moreover,  the  hope  that,  if  a  great  battle  were  won 
by  the  Confederates,  they  would  receive  recognition,  if  not  active 
assistance,  from  Great  Britain  and  France.  For  these  reasons 
Lee  began  his  northward  march  in  the  beginning  of  June  and 
invaded  Pennsylvania. 

Hooker  at  first  thought  that  this  would  be  a  good  oppor- 
tunity for  a  dash  at  Richmond,  but  Lincoln  disapproved  of  the 
plan  and  advised  Hooker,  in  case  he  found  Lee  moving  to  the 
north  of  the  Rappahannock,  not  to  cross  to  the  south  of  it.  "I 
would  not  take  any  risk,"  he  wrote,  "  of  being  entangled  upon  the 
river,  like  an  ox  jumped  half  over  a  fence,  and  liable  to  be  torn 
by  dogs  front  and  rear  without  a  fair  chance  to  gore  one  way  or 
kick  the  other.  I  think  Lee's  army,  and  not  Richmond,  is  the 
best  objective  point."  Hooker  took  the  President's  advice  and 
began  well,  but  after  a  time  dissensions  between  the  commanders 
broke  out  and  Hooker  asked  to  be  relieved  of  his  command. 
Lincoln,  knowing  that  harmony  and  effective  co-operation  were 
of  final  importance,  appointed  Meade  in  his  stead. 

Lee  continuing  his  advance,  a  contest  took  place  at  Gettys- 
burg on  July  3rd.  Both  armies  were  in  full  force,  and  both  felt 
that  the  impending  struggle  would  be  not  only  of  a  decisive 
character,  but  probably  determine  the  result  of  the  war.  The 
forces  were  posted  on  opposite  elevations — the  Federals  on  the 
Cemetery  Ridge,  the  Confederates  on  the  Seminary  Ridge.  The 
early  part  of  the  day  was  spent  in  ominous  silence,  and  the  battle 
did  not  begin  till  i  o'clock.  For  two  hours  there  was  a  furious 
cannonade  from  ridge  to  ridge,  the  continuous  and  deafening 
roar  being  audible  fifty  miles  away.  The  shot  and  shell  tore 
up  the  ground  and  shattered  gravestones,  the  fragments  of 

48 


FEDERAL  VICTORY  AT  GETTYSBURG 

which,    flying    among    the    troops,    exploded    caissons    and    dis- 
mounted guns. 

Lee  now  organised  his  attack  and,  forming  15,000  of  his  best  "Pickett's 
troops  in  long  columns,  moved  forward  to  the  charge.  They  had  Charge." 
to  cross  a  mile  of  open  ground,  but  before  they  had  got  halfway 
over  the  Federal  artillery  ploughed  through  and  through  the 
ranks ;  the  gaps  were  filled  up  and  the  columns  did  not  halt. 
As  they  drew  nearer  the  batteries  used  grape  and  canister,  and 
some  infantry  poured  volleys  of  musketry  into  their  right  flank. 
The  principal  attack  was  directed  towards  the  now  famous  "  clump 
of  trees  "  in  a  depression  in  Cemetery  Ridge,  and  it  was  here  that 
"  Pickett's  Charge  "  was  made — a  brave  but  ill-judged  onslaught 
against  superior  odds  that  resulted  in  fearful  loss. 

The  result  of  this  battle  was  the  entire  defeat  of  the  Con-  Lee's 
federates.  Of  the  magnificent  columns  which  left  the  Seminary  Retreat. 
Ridge,  only  a  broken  fragment  returned,  nearly  every  officer, 
excepting  Pickett,  having  been  killed  or  wounded.  Lee  gave 
orders  for  a  retreat  during  the  night,  and  next  day  the 
Confederates  retired,  first  to  Hagerstown  and  then  across  the 
Potomac.  The  retreat  was  very  pitiful,  as  the  roads  were  in  a 
bad  condition.  Few  of  the  wounded  had  been  properly  cared 
for,  and,  as  they  were  jolted  along  in  agony,  they  groaned,  cursed, 
babbled  of  their  homes,  and  called  upon  their  mates  to  put  them 
out  of  their  misery,  while  there  was  also  constant  apprehension 
of  an  attack  in  the  rear.  The  loss  of  the  Confederates  was  36,000 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing ;  that  of  the  Federals  23,000.  Lee 
left  7,000  of  his  wounded  amongst  the  unburied  dead,  and  37,000 
muskets  were  picked  up  on  the  field. 

On  the  very  day  of  Lee's  retreat,  July  4th,  Vicksburg,  on  the  Attack  on 
Mississippi,    the   largest    town   in    the    State    of   Mississippi,    sur-  Yicksburg. 
rendered.     It  is  situated  on  a  high  bluff,  overlooking  the  river, 
whence  it  makes  a  sharp  bend,  ending  in  a  long,  narrow  peninsula. 
Farragut,  after  he  had  captured  New  Orleans  in  April,  1862,  went 
up  the  river  in  May  and  demanded  its  surrender,  but  the  demand 
was  refused  and  the  town  could  not  be  captured  without  a  land 
force.     The  attack  was  renewed  at  the  end  of  1862  by  Grant  and 
Sherman,  but  serious  operations  were  not  begun  till  the  spring 
of  1863. 

Grant  then  undertook  a  new  plan.  Porter,  who  commanded 
the  fleet,  ran  past  the  Vicksburg  batteries  with  a  number  of  his 
vessels,  and  Grant  marched  his  army  by  a  very  circuitous  route 
of  seventy  miles  down  the  western  bank  of  the  river.  At  last  he 
reached  a  place  where  he  could  cross,  and  on  April  30th  his  army 

t  49 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Capture  of 
Yicksburg. 


Dedication 
of  the 
National 
Cemetery. 


of  33,000  men  reached  high  land  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Mississippi.  Shortly  after  this  Grant  proceeded  to  attack  the 
Confederate  army,  defeating  it  at  Raymond  and  Jackson,  the 
capital  of  the  State,  and  then  moved  on  to  Vicksburg. 

On  May  i6th  he  encountered  the  bulk  of  the  Confederate 
forces,  20,000  strong,  under  Pemberton,  at  Champion's  Hill,  about 
halfway  between  Jackson  and  Vicksburg.  Here  he  fought  the 
severest  battle  of  the  campaign,  in  which  the  Confederates  were 
defeated  with  heavy  loss.  They  retreated  towards  Vicksburg, 
the  Federals  in  quick  pursuit,  and  on  May  i8th  Pemberton  shut 
himself  up  in  the  town,  which  Grant,  with  a  force  of  30,000  men, 
invested  next  day,  Sherman  being  placed  on  the  right  at  Haines's 
Bluff.  The  line  of  attack  was  eight  miles  long,  and  there  was 
danger  of  Grant  being  assailed  in  his  rear.  He,  therefore,  ordered 
an  assault  on  May  22nd,  but  the  result  was  disastrous,  and  he 
settled  down  to  a  regular  siege.  Thousands  of  shells  were  thrown 
into  the  town,  the  inhabitants  finding  refuge  in  caves.  Provi- 
sions became  scarce  and  mules  were  eaten  for  food.  At  last  the 
besiegers  brought  their  trenches  so  close  to  the  defences  that  the 
soldiers  bandied  jests  with  each  other  across  the  narrow  space. 
After  forty-seven  days  spent  in  this  manner,  when  a  grand  assault 
was  imminent,  Pemberton  surrendered  unconditionally  with  his 
army  of  31,600  men,  172  guns,  and  60,000  muskets.  By 
the  capture  of  Vicksburg  the  Mississippi  was  open  to  the 
Federals,  and  the  forces  of  the  Confederates  were  cut  com- 
pletely in  two. 

The  dead  and  wounded  of  the  Federal  army  at  Gettysburg,  as 
well  as  those  abandoned  by  Lee,  were  humanely  cared  for.  A 
portion  of  the  battlefield  was  transformed  into  a  National 
Cemetery,  in  which  the  fallen  soldiers  found  orderly  burial.  It 
was  dedicated  for  this  purpose  on  November  iQth,  1863,  and 
President  Lincoln  delivered  on  this  occasion  an  address,  which 
is  one  of  the  masterpieces  of  literature,  strongly  resembling  the 
famous  speech  of  Pericles  at  Athens,  delivered  in  the  Ceramicus 
on  a  similar  occasion,  which  in  all  probability  Lincoln  had  never 
read,  or  perhaps  even  heard  of.  He  said :  "  Fourscore  and  seven 
years  ago,  our  fathers  brought  forth  in  this  continent  a  new  nation, 
conceived  in  Liberty  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all 
men  are  created  equal.  Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war, 
testing  whether  this  nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and  so 
dedicated,  can  long  endure.  We  are  now  in  a  great  battlefield 
of  that  war.  We  have  come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field  as 
a  last  resting-place  for  those  who  have  given  their  lives  that  that 

50 


BATTLE    OF    CHICKAMAUGA    CREEK 

nation  might  live.     It  is  altogether  fit  and  proper  that  we  should 
do  this. 

"  But  in  a  larger  sense,  we  cannot  dedicate,  we  cannot  conse- 
crate, we  cannot  hallow  this  ground.  The  brave  men,  living  and 
dead,  who  struggled  here,  have  consecrated  it  far  beyond  our  poor 
power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note  nor  long 
remember  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they 
did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedicated  here  to 
this  imperishable  work  which  they  who  fought  here  have  thus  far 
so  nobly  advanced.  It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  dedicated  to  this 
grand  task  remaining  before  us,  that  from  these  honoured  dead 
we  take  increased  devotion  to  that  cause  for  which  they  gave  the 
last  full  measure  of  devotion,  that  we  shall  highly  resolve  that 
these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain  ;  that  this  nation,  under 
God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom  ;  and  that  government  of 
the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from 
the  earth." 

The  vicissitudes  of  the  war  now  carry  us  into  another  region.  Fight  for 
Chattanooga  is  in  Tennessee,  not  far  from  the  borders  of  Alabama  Chattanooga. 
and  Georgia,  and  Rosecrans,  opposed  by  the  Confederate  General 
Bragg,  was  manoeuvring  to  get  possession  of  it.  He  succeeded 
in  capturing  the  town,  and  proceeded  in  pursuit  of  Bragg.  In  the 
course  of  a  week  the  two  armies  came  up  with  each  other,  and 
there  was  fought,  on  September  igth  and  aoth,  1863,  a  great 
battle  on  the  bank  of  Chickamauga  Creek,  one  of  the  most  murder- 
ous of  the  war,  Bragg  having  71,500  men  and  Rosecrans  57,000. 
Bragg  took  the  offensive,  and  his  plan  was  to  make  a  feigned 
attack  on  the  Federal  right,  while  he  directed  his  main  strength 
towards  the  left,  with  the  intention  of  crushing  it  and  seizing  the 
roads  which  led  to  Chattanooga. 

On  the  first  day  the  battle  began  at  10  a.m.  and  lasted  until  Battle  of 
the  evening.  The  projected  attack  on  the  left  failed,  and,  although 
the  Federal  positions  were  for  a  time  forced  back,  they  were 
resumed  before  night,  and  at  the  end  of  the  day's  fighting  the 
situation  was  unchanged.  The  night  was  spent  by  both  sides 
in  preparing  for  a  renewal  of  the  struggle  on  the  morrow,  Bragg's 
design  being  to  carry  out  the  plan  of  the  day  before ;  but  the 
fighting  did  not  begin  until  the  day  was  well  advanced  and  the 
Confederates  could  make  no  permanent  impression.  However, 
through  a  mistake  or  a  misunderstanding  of  orders,  a  gap  of 
two  brigades  was  made  in  Rosecrans' s  line.  The  Confederates 
discovered  this  gap,  and  poured  through  it  with  an  energy 
before  which  the  whole  Federal  right  and  part  of  the  centre 

51 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

crumbled    away   and   were   dispersed   in   flight   towards   Chatta- 
nooga. 

The "  Rock  Rosecrans  retired,  under  the  impression  that  the  day  was 
of  Chatta-  hopelessly  lost,  and,  on  reaching  Chattanooga,  telegraphed  the 
disaster  to  Washington.  He  was,  however,  mistaken.  Thomas, 
who  commanded  the  centre,  had,  in  the  manoeuvring,  been  sent 
to  the  extreme  left,  where  he  found  a  strong  position  on  the  head 
of  a  ridge,  around  which  he  posted  his  own  command  of  seven 
divisions  in  a  flattened  semicircle,  and  thus  formed  a  nucleus  for 
all  the  reserves  who  had  not  been  under  fire,  with  such  portions 
of  the  brigades  and  regiments  as  had  not  been  wholly  destroyed 
by  the  defeat  on  the  right.  In  this  manner  he  got  together  about 
half  of  what  remained  of  Rosecrans' s  force  and  held  his  position 
against  Bragg's  army,  flushed  as  it  was  with  victory.  Bragg 
repeated  his  assaults  throughout  the  whole  of  the  day,  but  could 
not  shake  the  lines  or  the  courage  of  Thomas,  who  received  the 
name  of  the  "  Rock  of  Chattanooga  "  from  his  devoted  troops. 
At  night  Thomas  began  his  retreat,  and  continued  it  without 
opposition,  so  that,  on  the  morning  of  September  22nd,  the  Federal 
army  was  protected  by  the  fortifications  of  Chattanooga,  which 
had  not  been  destroyed  by  Bragg  when  he  evacuated  it.  The 
losses  were  very  severe,  those  of  the  Federals  being  16,179  men> 
those  of  the  Confederates  17,804. 

Grant  Takes  The  army  of  Rosecrans  was  not  destroyed,  but  it  was  still  in 
Command,  danger,  as  Bragg's  army  was  blockading  it  with  greatly  superior 
numbers.  The  Confederates  were  able  to  cut  off  Rosecrans's 
supplies,  both  by  rail  and  river,  so  that  he  depended  upon  a 
difficult  road  sixty  miles  long.  Provisions  and  forage  were  soon 
exhausted,  horses  and  mules  perished  by  thousands,  and  the 
garrison  began  to  feel  the  effects  of  famine.  By  October  igth,  a 
month  after  Chickamauga,  the  situation  had  become  so  strained 
that  Rosecrans  was  relieved  and  Thomas  put  in  his  place,  while 
Grant  was  given  the  command  of  the  three  departments  in  the 
West  and  ordered  personally  to  Chattanooga,  where  he  arrived 
on  October  22nd.  With  the  help  of  his  chief  engineer,  Smith, 
Grant  arranged  for  a  better  system  of  supply,  and,  when  reinforce- 
ments arrived  under  Hooker  and  Sherman,  the  Federals  were 
superior  in  numbers  and  the  Confederates  were  obliged  to  act  on 
the  defensive. 

Battle  of  Eventually  the   great    Battle   of   Chattanooga   took   place   on 

Chatta-         November  24th-25th,    1863,   one  of  the   most   important  of  the 

nooga.          war      jn   or(jer  {O  understand  it,   it   is  necessary  to  give  some 

account  of  the  ground.     The  valleys  of  the  Chickamauga  and  the 

52 


GRANT'S    SUCCESSES 

Chattanooga  are  parallel  to  each  other,  and  also  to  the  general 
course  of  the  Tennessee  River.  They  are  divided  by  Missionary 
Ridge,  fourteen  miles  long  and  500  feet  high,  ending  in  Lookout 
Mountain,  over  1,000  feet  in  height.  This  mountain  is  three  miles 
south  of  Chattanooga,  and  on  the  other  side  of  it  is  Lookout 
Valley,  watered  by  Lookout  Creek.  Grant  had  under  him  about 
100,000  effective  soldiers,  under  the  commands  of  Thomas,  Hooker 
and  Sherman.  Thomas  was  in  Chattanooga,  Hooker  in  Lookout 
Valley,  and  Sherman  in  the  hills  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Tennessee. 

On  the  morning  of  November  24th  Sherman  crossed  the  Capture  of 
Tennessee,  three  miles  north  of  Chattanooga,  and  attacked  the 
northern  end  of  Missionary  Ridge,  with  the  intention  of  moving 
southwards  along  the  top  of  it,  to  take  the  entrenchments  of 
the  enemy  in  flank.  But  his  progress  was  barred  by  a  deep 
depression,  of  the  existence  of  which  he  was  unaware,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  stop  and  entrench  himself.  On  the  following  day  he 
endeavoured  to  carry  out  his  plan,  but  made  little  headway.  In 
the  meantime,  Hooker,  from  Lookout  Valley,  had  crossed  Lookout 
Creek  and  climbed  Lookout  Mountain.  He  drove  the  Con- 
federates into  Chattanooga  Valley  and  planted  the  Federal  flag  on 
the  top  of  the  mountain  amid  the  cheers  of  the  whole  army. 

Grant  was  watching  the  operations  from  the  top  of  Orchard  Federals' 
Knob,  and  in  the  afternoon  of  November  25th  ordered  Thomas  Great  Feat< 
to  advance  along  the  western  base  of  Missionary  Ridge.  His 
army,  starting  with  alacrity,  formed  a  line  a  mile  in  length  with 
such  order  as  if  they  were  going  on  parade.  They  found  in  front 
of  them  a  steep  and  rocky  ridge,  defended  by  thirty  cannon  and 
two  lines  of  rifle  pits.  However,  they  dashed  forward  and,  with- 
out command,  to  the  dismay  of  Grant,  viewing  them  from  his 
point  of  vantage,  stormed  the  hill.  Fighting  in  small  parties, 
clambering  up  the  rocks  and  over  the  fallen  timber,  undeterred 
by  the  rifle-pits,  they  drove  the  enemy  steadily  before  them,  until, 
after  an  hour's  fighting,  they  reached  the  summit  of  the  crest 
and  captured  the  batteries.  Bragg,  Breckinridge,  and  other 
Confederate  generals  were  amazed  and  nearly  captured.  The  loss 
of  the  Federals  was  terrible,  but  they  had  performed  one  of  the 
finest  exploits  recorded  in  military  history.  They  next  descended 
into  Chickamauga  Valley  and  captured  another  ridge  which 
was  defended  by  eight  Confederate  guns.  On  November  26th 
Bragg's  army  was  in  full  retreat,  defeated  and  demoralised.  The 
Federals  pursued  them,  taking  6,000  prisoners,  46  guns,  and  7,000 
stand  of  small  arms.  They  had,  however,  lost  5,824  men  and  the 

53 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Wilder- 
ness. 


Disposition 
of  the 
Forces. 


Confederates  6,687.  After  the  battle  Grant  sent  Sherman  to 
relieve  Burnside,  who  was  being  besieged  by  Longstreet  at 
Kingsville,  eighty-four  miles  distant.  But  before  he  reached  the 
place  Longstreet  had  been  driven  back  and  forced  to  take  refuge 
with  Bragg's  retreating  army. 

In  February,  1864,  a  new  complexion  was  given  to  the  war, 
when  Grant  was  placed  in  command  of  all  the  Federal  armies,  with 
the  title  of  Lieutenant-General,  under  the  supreme  command  of 
the  President,  a  position  which  had  previously  been  held  only 
by  Washington  and  Scott.  Grant  took  up  his  headquarters  with 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  which  he  considered  as  his  centre.  He 
placed  Butler  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  James  River  on  his 
left  wing,  and  the  Western  armies  under  Sherman  as  his  right 
wing,  Banks's  army  in  Louisiana  being  designed  to  act  against 
the  Confederates  in  the  rear.  Grant  intended  that  all  the  armies 
should  move  simultaneously — Butler  to  Petersburg  to  cut  off  the 
communications  of  Richmond  with  the  south  ;  Sherman  against 
Johnston's  army  in  Georgia,  with  the  view  of  capturing  Atlanta  ; 
Banks  to  take  Mobile  and  to  close  its  harbour  to  blockade  runners. 
Sigel  was  to  drive  back  the  Confederates  from  the  Shenandoah 
Valley,  and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  to  follow  Lee  and  fight 
him  whenever  it  had  an  opportunity.  The  principal  scenes  of 
conflict  were  now  laid  in  the  Wilderness,  a  district  of  about  ten  or 
fifteen  miles  square,  south  of  the  Rapidan.  It  had  formerly  been 
the  site  of  numerous  ironworks,  mines  having  been  opened  to 
dig  the  ore  and  the  woods  cut  down  to  supply  fuel  for  smelting. 
After  the  mines  were  abandoned  a  tangled  growth  of  underwood 
grew  up,  and  the  whole  region  was  deserted,  except  for  a  few  open 
spots  and  a  few  roadside  taverns. 

In  the  east  the  armies  lay  opposite  to  each  other,  north  and 
south  of  the  Rapidan,  near  Fredericksburg,  a  little  south  of  the 
ground  on  which  the  first  Battle  of  Bull  Run  had  been  fought 
nearly  three  years  before.  On  April  30th,  1864,  Grant's  army 
numbered  122,146  men,  veterans  thoroughly  well  armed  and 
equipped.  Lee's  army  was  estimated  by  Grant  at  80,000.  Lee 
had  the  advantage  of  conducting  a  defensive  campaign  upon 
interior  lines,  among  a  population  every  man  of  which  was  on  his 
side.  Grant  crossed  the  Rapidan  on  May  4th,  and  by  the  evening 
of  next  day  his  whole  army,  including  a  train  of  4,000  wagons, 
was  across  the  stream.  Through  the  forest  of  the  Wilderness  two 
roads  run  north  and  south,  which  are  crossed  by  two  other  roads 
running  east  and  west — the  Orange  Turnpike  and  the  Orange 
Plank  Road.  There  are  also  numerous  cross-roads  and  wood- 

54 


THE    FIGHT    IN    THE    WILDERNESS 

paths.  Grant  slept  on  May  4th  at  a  Wilderness  tavern,  situated 
at  the  junction  of  the  Germania  Plank  Road  and  the  Orange  Plank 
Road. 

As  Lee  had  not  disputed  the  passage  of  the  Rapidan,  Grant  A  Drawn 
debated  whether  he  would  fight  in  the  Wilderness  at  all.  How-  Fight, 
ever,  on  the  morning  of  May  5th  Grant  found  himself  attacked, 
and  it  was  obvious  that  Lee  designed  to  send  his  whole  army 
down  the  two  parallel  roads  and  fight  Grant  on  this  difficult 
ground.  Grant  recalled  Hancock's  corps  from  the  front  and 
hurried  up  Burnside  from  the  rear.  The  battle  inevitably 
assumed  the  character  of  a  hand-to-hand  engagement,  and  when 
night  fell  no  decisive  advantage  had  been  gained  by  either  side. 
Lee  had  succeeded  better  on  the  left  than  on  the  right,  and  Long- 
street's  command  had  not  arrived  in  time  to  take  part  in  the 
engagement.  The  night  was  spent  in  cutting  down  trees,  collect- 
ing logs  for  breastworks,  and  digging  trenches.  On  the  following 
day  Hancock  attacked  the  Confederates  ;  but,  Longs treet  coming 
up,  he  was  compelled  to  retire.  Longstreet,  however,  had  to 
leave  the  field  through  a  similar  accident  to  that  which  had 
happened  to  Jackson  a  year  before.  As  he  was  riding  through 
the  trees,  some  of  his  own  men  mistook  the  party  for  Federal 
troops  and  fired  upon  them,  and  he  was  wounded  in  the  head  and 
neck.  The  conflict  continued  all  day  with  no  very  definite  results, 
the  losses  on  each  side  being  not  fewer  than  15,000  men. 

On  May  yth  Grant  moved  his  army  forwards  to  Spotsylvania,  Grant's 
wishing  to  place  it  between  Lee  and  the  capital.  The  court-  Assault  at 
house  of  Spotsylvania  is  about  fifteen  miles  south-east  of  the 
ground  on  which  the  Battle  of  the  Wilderness  was  fought,  and 
some  twelve  miles  south-west  of  Fredericksburg.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  Sunday,  May  8th,  the  Federal  cavalry  reached  the  court- 
house, but  discovered  that  the  Confederates  had  arrived  first  and 
had  posted  themselves  on  very  favourable  ground,  lying  in  an 
irregular  semicircle  about  three  miles  across,  with  a  salient 
jutting  out  towards  the  north,  nearly  a  mile  long  and  about  half 
a  mile  wide.  With  his  wonted  diligence  Lee  had  formed  a  vast 
fortified  camp  of  great  strength.  This  was  attacked  by  Grant 
on  May  loth,  but  he  suffered  a  defeat.  He  wrote,  however,  to 
Washington  that  after  six  days'  very  hard  fighting  and  heavy 
losses  the  result  had  been  on  the  whole  favourable  to  the  Federals, 
and  he  added,  "  I  purpose  to  fight  it  out  on  this  line,  if  it  takes 
all  summer."  He  made  another  assault  on  May  I2th  in  very 
wet  weather,  a  fierce  struggle  taking  place  for  the  possession  of 
the  salient,  known  afterwards  as  the  "  Bloody  Angle."  Eventu- 

55 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Sheridan's 
Raid, 


Federal 
Check  at 
Cold 
Harbour. 


Grant's 
Skilful 

Move. 


ally  the  Federals  succeeded  in  capturing  the  salient,  together 
with  3,000  prisoners  and  20  guns.  But  they  were  still  not  able 
to  attack  Lee's  line  in  front.  Grant  continued  to  advance  south- 
wards, but  Lee  was  always  before  him,  seizing  favourable  points 
for  defence  and  blocking  his  pathway.  The  two  antagonists  were 
equally  matched,  and  the  strategy  of  both  was  of  the  highest  merit. 

On  May  8th  Grant  dispatched  Sheridan  with  his  cavalry  to 
ride  round  the  Confederate  army,  to  tear  up  railways,  destroy 
bridges  and  depots,  and  capture  trains.  He  succeeded  in 
demolishing  ten  miles  of  railway  and  several  trains,  cutting  all 
the  telegraph  wires,  and  recovering  400  Federal  prisoners  who 
were  being  taken  to  Richmond.  The  last  engagement  took  place 
at  Yellow  Tavern,  seven  miles  north  of  Richmond.  He  even 
broke  into  the  defences  of  Richmond  and  captured  some  prisoners. 
He  then  crossed  the  Chickahominy  and  rejoined  the  main  army 
on  May  25th. 

Grant  now  moved  towards  the  North  Anna  River,  hoping  to 
engage  Lee  before  he  had  time  to  entrench  himself.  For  this 
purpose  he  sent  Hancock  to  Richmond,  on  the  chance  that  Lee 
might  fall  on  him  with  his  whole  army,  upon  which  Grant  would 
attack  him  undefended  by  earthworks.  The  Confederates,  how- 
ever, had  the  advantage  of  a  shorter  line,  and  saved  their  capital. 
Having  effected  this,  Lee  took  up  a  very  strong  position,  his  line 
extending  from  Little  River,  by  North  Anna  River,  to  Hanover 
Junction.  Burnside  assailed  this  position,  but  could  do  nothing. 
The  two  armies  then  came  face  to  face  at  Cold  Harbour,  about 
eight  or  ten  miles  from  Richmond,  but  the  Federals  were  held 
back  by  the  threatening  position  of  the  Confederate  artillery. 
The  assault  was  delivered  at  half -past  four  o'clock  in  the  morning 
of  June  3rd,  and  in  a  single  hour  4,000  veterans  lay  dead  or 
wounded  under  the  fire  of  the  skilfully-constructed  Confederate 
batteries,  raising  the  casualties  of  the  first  twelve  days  of  June 
to  nearly  10,000. 

Grant  was  obliged  to  report  that  it  was  the  only  general  attack 
made  from  the  Rapidan  to  the  James  which  did  not  inflict  upon 
the  enemy  losses  which  compensated  for  his  own.  He  wrote  to 
the  Government  after  this  that  he  had  discovered  in  thirty  days' 
experience  that  the  enemy  had  determined  to  run  no  risks,  but 
to  act  purely  on  the  defensive,  and,  therefore,  he  could  not  carry 
out  the  plans  he  had  formed  without  a  greater  sacrifice  of  life 
than  he  felt  justified  in  risking.  Accordingly,  he  determined  to 
cross  the  James  River  and  invest  Richmond  from  the  south.  He 
carried  out  this  difficult  manoeuvre  with  masterly  skill,  having  to 

56 


SHERMAN'S    GREAT    MARCH 

withdraw  his  army  from  the  front  of  the  enemy,  march  fifty  miles, 
cross  two  rivers,  and  bring  it  into  a  new  position.  He  accom- 
plished this  design  during  the  following  week.  He  left  Cold 
Harbour  on  June  I2th,  threw  a  pontoon  bridge  across  the 
Chickahominy,  by  which  Wilson's  cavalry  crossed,  and  reached 
the  James  on  June  I4th.  Between  afternoon  and  midnight  on 
that  day  a  bridge,  3,580  feet  long,  was  laid  across  the  James,  and 
before  daybreak  on  June  iyth  the  whole  army  was  on  the  south 
side  of  the  stream,  in  immediate  junction  with  Butler.  The 
united  armies  of  Grant  and  Butler  amounted  to  150,000  men, 
and  Lee,  with  his  70,000,  withdrew  into  the  defences  of  Richmond. 
Thus  an  army  of  more  than  100,000  men,  with  all  its  baggage, 
had  been  moved  from  trenches  which  were  only  a  few  yards  from 
the  enemy,  and  placed  in  a  position  to  threaten  the  enemy's 
capital,  without  any  mishap.  After  this  feat  of  generalship  and 
the  substantial  advantage  gained  by  it,  the  Confederate  cause 
might  well  seem  hopeless. 

When  he  assumed  command  of  the  United  States  Army  it  Sherman's 
was  part  of  Grant's  plan  that  Sherman  should  move  southwards  Plans. 
from  Chattanooga  and  capture  Atlanta,  thus  attacking  the 
Confederates  in  an  entirely  new  place  and  securing  a  city  which 
was  useful  as  a  railway  centre  and  as  a  manufacturing  place  of 
military  stores.  The  distance  between  Chattanooga  and  Atlanta 
in  a  straight  line  is  about  100  miles.  The  road  was  defended 
by  Johnston,  stationed  at  Dalton  with  a  force  of  43,150  cavalry, 
artillery  and  infantry,  while  Sherman's  attacking  force  numbered 
100,000  with  254  guns.  They  were  the  flower  of  the  Western 
soldiers,  seasoned  men,  commanded  by  officers  of  sound  judgment 
and  trained  courage.  They  had  carefully  prepared  for  the  work 
they  had  to  do,  and  realised  Sherman's  own  description,  that  they 
were  a  mobile  machine,  willing  and  able  to  start  at  a  minute's 
notice  and  submit  to  the  scantiest  food. 

Sherman  left  Chattanooga  on  May  5th,  the  day  that  Grant  A  Series  of 
entered  the  Wilderness,  and  followed  the  line  of  railway  to 
Atlanta.  Johnston  had  fortified  a  position  on  the  railway  called 
Tunnel  Hill,  which  prevented  Sherman  from  continuing  his  march 
to  Dalton,  so  he  was  obliged  to  pass  through  the  hills  and  strike 
at  Resaca.  McPherson,  who  commanded  this  detachment,  found 
Resaca  fortified,  and  when  Sherman  came  up  he  learned  that 
Johnston  himself  had  retreated  from  Dalton  to  Resaca,  and  had 
made  the  position  very  strong.  Sherman  eventually  gained 
possession  of  Resaca  without  a  battle,  and  five  days  later  reached 
Kingston.  Here  he  halted  to  consolidate  his  army,  supply  it  with 

57 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Capture  of 
Atlanta. 


Sherman's 
March  to 
Savannah. 


provisions,  and  repair  the  railway  in  his  rear.  After  this  he  came 
into  conflict  with  Johnston  at  New  Hope  Church,  and  fought  in 
that  neighbourhood  for  six  continuous  days,  gradually  gaining 
the  advantage.  At  the  end  of  the  month  of  May  it  was  found 
that  with  the  loss  of  10,000  men  on  each  side  Sherman  had 
successfully  taken  strong  positions  in  which  Johnston  had 
entrenched  himself,  and  was  gradually  approaching  Atlanta. 

For  the  first  half  of  June  the  two  armies  remained  opposite 
to  each  other  at  Pine  Mountain.  On  June  27th,  however, 
Sherman  made  a  vigorous  attempt  to  capture  Johnston's  posi- 
tion in  the  Battle  of  Kenesaw,  but  it  ended  with  failure  and  with 
great  loss.  He  therefore  determined  to  recross  the  railway  and 
move  his  army  to  the  south,  by  which  he  compelled  Johnston 
either  to  retire  to  Atlanta  or  come  out  to  fight  him.  Johnston 
was  superseded  by  Hood,  who,  however,  did  not  prove  a  success. 
Eventually,  on  September  2nd,  1864,  Sherman  became  master 
of  Atlanta,  after  four  months'  hard  fighting  and  clever  strategy. 
During  his  stay  at  Atlanta  the  Presidential  election  took  place, 
and  Lincoln  was  re-elected  by  a  large  majority,  being  opposed  by 
McClellan.  Lincoln  remarked  with  regard  to  his  own  candidature 
that  "  it  was  best  not  to  swop  horses  when  crossing  a  stream." 

By  the  end  of  October  Sherman  had,  in  counsel  with  the 
President  and  Grant,  determined  upon  his  march  through  Georgia 
from  Atlanta  to  Savannah  upon  the  sea,  which  eventually  put 
an  end  to  the  war.  He  made  careful  preparations  for  his  enter- 
prise, sending  away  all  his  sick  and  disabled  men,  and  reducing 
his  baggage  to  a  minimum.  He  left  Atlanta  on  November  2nd, 
1865,  and  nothing  was  heard  of  him  for  six  weeks.  He  had  with 
him  55,000  infantry,  5,000  cavalry,  and  68  guns.  Besides  these, 
there  was  an  enormous  number  of  ambulances  and  wagons.  The 
army  was  principally  composed  of  veteran  soldiers,  all  of  whom 
had  unbounded  confidence  in  "  Uncle  Billy,"  as  they  called  their 
leader.  The  distance  to  be  covered  was  300  miles.  The  army 
was  divided  into  two  wings,  marching  by  parallel  routes,  gener- 
ally a  few  miles  apart,  each  wing  having  its  own  proportion  of 
cavalry  and  trains. 

It  is  important  to  pay  attention  to  the  instructions  issued  for 
the  conduct  of  the  march,  as  they  have  been  frequently  referred 
to  when  similar  circumstances  have  arisen  elsewhere.  The  columns 
were  to  start  at  7  in  the  morning  and  march  about  fifteen  miles  a 
day.  The  artillery  and  wagons  were  to  keep  the  road,  the  troops 
marching  at  the  side.  The  troops  were  permitted  to  forage  so 
as  to  keep  the  wagons  supplied  with  provisions  for  ten  days.  The 

53 


OCCUPATION    OF    SAVANNAH 

soldiers  were  not  allowed  to  enter  dwellings  or  commit  any 
trespass,  but  during  a  halt  they  were  permitted  to  gather  turnips, 
potatoes,  and  other  vegetables,  and  drive  in  stock  in  sight  of 
their  camp.  The  power  of  destroying  houses  or  mills  was  per- 
mitted to  the  commanders  of  corps  alone,  and  this  right  of 
destruction  was  only  allowed  when  the  march  was  molested  by 
irregular  troops,  or  if  the  inhabitants  burned  bridges  or  obstructed 
roads.  In  these  cases  the  commanders  were  to  enforce  a  devasta- 
tion more  or  less  relentless,  according  to  the  measure  of  hostility 
shown.  Horses,  mules,  and  wagons  might  be  appropriated  freely, 
a  distinction,  however,  being  made  between  the  rich  and  the  poor. 
In  all  foraging  the  parties  engaged  were  to  leave  behind  a  reason- 
able portion  for  the  maintenance  of  the  family. 

Sherman's  army  marched  in  accordance  with  these  instruc-  Sherman's 
tions,   occupying  a  space  from  forty  to  sixty  miles  wide.     The  Christmas 
wealthier  inhabitants,  as  a  rule,  made  their  escape,  but  the  negroes  Glft> 
followed  the  army.     There  was  scarcely  any  fighting  excepting 
within  a  few  miles  of  Savannah  and  at  the  city  itself.     Savannah 
was    occupied    on    December    aist,    and    Sherman   wrote    to    the 
President,  "  I  beg  to  present  to  you,  as  a  Christmas  gift,  the  city 
of  Savannah,   with  150  heavy  guns  and  plenty  of  ammunition, 
also  about  25,000  bales  of  cotton."     His  entire  loss  during  the 
march  was  only  764  men. 

This  successful  march  was  the  beginning  of  the  end,  if  it  were  Sheridan's 
not  the  end  itself ;  but  Sherman  had  still  work  of  a  similar  kind  Victories  in 
to  do.  On  February  ist,  1865,  he  began  a  march  northwards, 
through  Columbia,  which  was  more  difficult  and  more  dangerous 
than  the  previous  journey  and  required  more  military  skill. 
Columbia  was  captured  on  February  I7th,  without  opposition, 
and  Charleston  was  evacuated  on  the  following  day.  Leaving 
Columbia  on  February  aoth,  Sherman  reached  Fayetteville  on 
March  nth.  After  this  he  fought  a  victorious  battle,  which 
enabled  him  to  reach  Goldsboro,  on  the  direct  road  to  Petersburg 
and  Richmond.  In  the  latter  part  of  February  Sheridan  moved 
up  the  Shenandoah  Valley  with  10,000  cavalry,  defeated  Early 
with  heavy  loss,  and  joined  Grant  on  the  James  River.  At  the 
beginning  of  April  Sheridan  gained  a  battle  at  Five  Forks,  which 
enabled  him  to  render  effective  assistance  to  Grant,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  latter  broke  through  the  Confederate  lines,  while 
Sheridan  moved  up  on  the  left,  so  that  Petersburg,  which  is  only 
twenty-three  miles  from  Richmond,  was  completely  surrounded. 

Lee  telegraphed  to  his  Government  that  both  Petersburg  and 
Richmond  must  be  evacuated,  and  next  morning  the  Confederate 

59 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

capital  was  taken  possession  of  by  a  detachment  of  the  Federal 
army.  The  end  came  at  Appomattox  Courthouse,  where,  on 
April  gth,  1865,  Grant  and  Lee  arranged  the  surrender  of  the 
Army  of  Virginia.  The  men  were  allowed  to  lay  down  their  arms 
and  return  to  their  homes  without  molestation,  provided  that 
they  did  not  take  up  arms  against  the  United  States.  On  the 
same  terms  Johnston  surrendered  to  Sherman  in  North  Carolina, 
and  by  the  end  of  May  all  the  Confederate  armies  had  surrendered, 
while  Jefferson  Davis,  who  had  been  President  of  the  Confederate 
Republic,  was  taken  prisoner  on  May  loth. 

Assassina-  The  war  was  virtually  at  an  end,  but  ere  its  conclusion  the 
Lincoln  man  w^°  ^^  done  more  tnan  anyone  else  to  secure  the  victory 
was  treacherously  murdered  in  Washington.  On  the  evening  of 
April  4th  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln,  along  with  friends, 
went  to  Ford's  Theatre  to  see  a  play  called  Our  American  Cousin. 
About  10  o'clock,  while  Lincoln  was  seated  in  an  arm-chair 
watching  the  play,  a  young  actor,  John  Wilkes  Booth,  a  fanatical 
Secessionist,  opened  the  door  of  the  box  and,  holding  a  pistol  in 
one  hand  and  a  knife  in  the  other,  put  the  pistol  to  the  President's 
head  and  fired.  Major  Rathbone,  who  was  in  the  box,  tried  to 
seize  him  ;  but  Booth  jumped  on  to  the  stage  and,  turning  to  the 
audience,  uttered  the  motto  of  Virginia,  "  Sic  semper  tyrannis  !  " 
He  then  moved  to  the  stage  door,  mounted  a  horse,  and  rode 
away,  but  did  not  escape  punishment  for  his  crime.  The  ball 
had  entered  the  back  of  Lincoln's  head  and,  passing  through 
the  brain,  had  lodged  behind  his  left  eye.  He  was  carried, 
alive  but  unconscious,  to  a  house  across  the  street  and,  after 
lingering  all  night,  watched  by  his  family  and  members  of  his 
Cabinet,  expired  on  the  following  morning,  at  about  half-past 
seven.  Andrew  Johnson,  the  Vice-President,  assumed  the  Presi- 
dential office,  and  Lincoln — one  of  the  greatest  and  most  typical 
men  the  United  States  has  yet  produced — was  buried  on  May 
4th,  amid  the  most  profound  public  mourning. 


60 


CHAPTER  III 
GERMANY:    THE  MAN  OF  BLOOD  AND  IRON 

ON  October  7th,  1858,  Prince  William  of  Prussia  was  made  Regent  Prince 
of  that  country  in  the  place  of  King  Frederick  William  IV.,  who  William  as 
was  in  bad  health.     He  had,   in  fact,  exercised  these  functions     egen  ' 
for  nearly  a  year  without  having  been  formally  appointed  ;   Prince 
Anton    of    Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen  became  his  Prime  Minister. 
In  his  first  official  speech  the  Prince  declared  that  the  welfare 
of  the  Crown  and  country  was  inseparable  and  depended  on  the 
maintenance    of    sound,    strong,    Conservative    principles.     After 
some  words  in  favour  of  toleration  in  religion,  he  said  that  the 
army  had   created   the   greatness    of   Prussia    and   had    won   its 
territory  ;   the  army  of  Prussia  must,  therefore,  be  powerful  and 
conspicuous,  if  Prussia  were  to  possess  political  influence  in  inter- 
national affairs.     The  world  must  learn  that  Prussia  was  prepared 
to  stand  everywhere  as  an  upholder  of  justice. 

On  April  I4th,  1859,  Archduke  Albert  of  Austria  appeared  Austria's 
in  Berlin  to  announce  the  policy  of  his  country  with  regard  to  Overtures  to 
the  war  in  Italy,  which  was  just  beginning,  and  to  ask  for  the 
co-operation  of  Prussia.  He  said  that  Austria  was  about  to  send 
an  ultimatum  to  Turin,  and  that  if  this  were  refused  Piedmont 
would  be  immediately  occupied  and  Austria  would  also  direct  her 
arms  against  France.  He  was  ready  to  devote  to  a  campaign  on 
the  Rhine  260,000  Austrian  troops,  who  would  be  united  with  the 
federal  army  of  Germany.  Then  the  South  Germans  should  unite 
with  Austria  under  his  command,  and  the  North  Germans  should 
attack  the  Lower  Rhine  under  the  leadership  of  Prussia.  This 
meant  that  Prussia  and  Germany  should  throw  themselves  into 
the  quarrel,  and  shed  their  blood  for  the  preservation  of  Austrian 
dominion  in  Italy  and  her  headship  of  the  German  Confederation. 

This  offer  was  definitely  refused  by  the  Prince  Regent,  who 
determined,  however,  to  strengthen  his  army  in  order  to  be  able 
to  speak  with  authority  when  the  time  came.  Therefore,  on  April 
20th  he  mobilised  three  army  corps,  on  April  2Qth  six  more, 
and  on  June  i4th,  ten  days  after  the  Battle  of  Magenta,  he 
mobilised  six  divisions  of  the  Guards,  and  on  July  6th  sent  three 
of  them  to  garrison  Cologne,  Coblenz  and  Treves.  The  Peace  of 

61 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Reorganisa- 
tion of   the 
Prussian 
Army. 


Prussian 
Compulsory 
Military 
Service. 


Villafranca,  concluded  suddenly  on  July  nth,  as  we  have  already 
narrated,  put  an  end  to  further  extension  of  this  policy  for  the 
present,  but  what  had  been  already  done  had  produced  a  certain 
amount  of  irritation  in  Austria. 

The  Regent,  however,  pursued  his  reconstruction  of  the 
Prussian  army,  and  in  his  speech  from  the  throne  on  January 
1 2th,  1860,  accentuated  his  policy.  He  said  that  Prussia  must 
not  break  with  the  tradition  of  a  glorious  past,  and  that  in  the 
future,  as  well  as  in  these  days,  the  Prussian  army  must  be  a 
Prussian  nation  in  arms.  This  duty  must  be  fulfilled  so  far  as 
the  finances  of  the  kingdom  would  allow.  A  new  effort  must  be 
made  for  the  protection  and  development  of  the  Fatherland  ;  it 
must  be  protected  against  all  the  chances  which  Fortune  might 
have  in  store  for  it.  To  carry  this  out  a  law  of  compulsory  military 
training  was  proposed  on  February  loth,  similar  to  that  which 
had  been  passed  in  September,  1814. 

This  project  has  not  received  the  attention  which  it  deserved  in 
the  light  of  after  events.  The  then  existing  law  of  military  service 
dated  from  1820,  when  Prussia  had  a  population  of  11,000,000. 
From  these  40,788  recruits  were  raised  by  ballot  and  kept  for  two 
years  under  the  colours.  Although  the  population  had  increased 
to  18,000,000,  the  number  of  recruits  continued  nearly  the  same  ; 
indeed,  in  1858,  the  number  was  only  40,537 — that  is,  fewer  than 
in  1820.  It  was  believed,  on  good  evidence,  that  the  number 
of  recruits  could  be  raised  to  63,000  without  impairing  their 
efficiency.  But  further  alterations  were  necessary.  The  law 
imposing  the  duty  of  service  up  to  the  age  of  thirty-nine  affected 
only  26  per  cent,  of  those  who  were  liable  to  serve.  They  served 
two  years  under  the  colours,  then  ten  years  with  the  reserve,  then 
seven  years  in  the  first  division  of  the  Landwehr  and  four  in  the 
second.  Consequently,  during  the  last  eleven  years  those  who 
served  had  not  only  to  perform  their  ordinary  civic  duties,  but 
to  remain  subject  to  constant  interference  from  military  superiors, 
so  long  as  they  continued  in  the  first  division  of  the  Landwehr; 
and  if  they  were  mobilised  their  condition  became  far  worse. 
In  short,  the  larger  part  of  the  population  available  for  service 
did  not  serve  at  all,  and  those  who  did  were  oppressed  by  an 
intolerable  burden.  The  number  of  those  who  had,  by  lot,  become 
subject  to  military  service  was  diminished  every  year,  between 
their  entry  into  the  reserve  and  their  liberation  from  the  Landwehr, 
by  death,  illness  or  emigration,  so  that  a  heavier  burden  lay  upon 
those  who  remained.  The  drainage  from  these  causes  was  esti- 
mated at  not  less  than  26  per  cent,  per  annum.  It  was  therefore 

62 


KING    WILLIAM    I 

determined  that  all  the  infantry  should  serve  for  three  years, 
which  corresponded  with  the  arrangement  made  in  September, 
1814,  and  that  the  cavalry  should  serve  for  four  years.  The 
Regent  was  strongly  in  favour  of  this  change,  and  he  was  supported 
by  Albert  von  Roon,  who  in  1859  took  the  place  of  Bonin  as 
Minister  of  War.  These  proposals  were  strongly  opposed,  but 
were  eventually  carried,  with  some  alterations  in  form,  in  May, 
1860. 

King  Frederick  William  IV.  died  at  Sans  Souci  on  New  Formation 
Year's  Day,  1861,  and  the  Regent  became  King  William  I.  of  of  the 
Prussia.  In  his  first  speech  he  declared  that  Prussia  ought  not 
to  be  contented  merely  with  what  she  possessed.  She  could  only 
maintain  her  position  among  European  Powers  by  the  energetic 
exercise  of  spiritual  and  moral  forces,  sincere  devotion  to  religion, 
the  union  of  obedience  and  freedom,  and  by  strengthening  her 
army.  In  the  Landtag,  the  lower  house  of  the  Prussian  Parliament, 
a  vote  for  the  expenses  necessary  for  the  reorganisation  of  the 
army  was  only  carried  by  eleven  votes,  and  the  election  of  a  new 
House,  which  followed  in  the  summer,  saw  the  foundation  of  the 
so-called  Fortschrittspartei,  that  is,  Progressive  Party,  which  was 
opposed  to  spending  more  money  on  the  army  and  to  the  increase 
of  the  term  of  military  service.  In  the  elections  this  party  won 
a  hundred  seats,  and  in  the  debate  on  the  budget,  which  took 
place  on  March  6th,  1862,  it  gained  a  signal  victory.  Accordingly, 
the  House  was  dissolved  in  the  hope  that  new  elections  would 
give  the  military  party  a  majority.  Prince  Hohenlohe  Ingelfingen 
was  made  Prime  Minister,  and  the  Liberal  members  of  the  Cabinet 
resigned  their  portfolios. 

But  the  elections  of  May  showed  a  complete  victory  for  the  The  Rise  of 
party  of  progress,  which  in  September  passed  a  motion  that  all  Bismarck. 
the  expenditure  necessary  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  army  on 
its  new  footing  should  be  annulled.  It  was  impossible  to  carry 
this  out,  because  the  money  had  been  already  spent.  They,  there- 
fore, fell  back  upon  the  dismissal  of  the  Ministers  and  the  return 
to  the  system  of  two  years'  service.  The  King  found  himself  at 
war  with  his  Chambers,  and  strong  measures  were  necessary  if 
the  policy  on  which  he  had  set  his  heart  were  to  be  maintained. 
In  pursuance  of  this,  on  September  23rd,  1862,  the  King  appointed 
Bismarck-Schonhausen  Prime  Minister,  who,  he  knew,  would 
support  at  all  costs  and  without  flinching  the  policy  he  favoured. 
The  rise  of  Bismarck  to  the  first  place  in  the  counsels  of  his 
Sovereign  was  the  opening  of  a  new  phase  in  the  history  of 
Prussia. 

63 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

^marck's  Bismarck  began  his  Ministry  with  the  determination  to  place 

p  Prussia  instead  of  Austria  at  the  head  of  Germany.  For  this 
purpose  political  power  must  lie  in  the  hands  of  the  King,  as  no 
Parliament,  divided  by  party,  would  be  strong  enough  to  carry 
an  enterprise  of  this  kind  to  a  successful  issue.  Finding,  there- 
fore, that  the  King  and  the  Parliament  were  in  hopeless  disagree- 
ment about  the  organisation  of  the  army,  he  determined  that 
Parliament  must  give  way,  and  advised  his  Sovereign  to  continue 
the  struggle.  The  King  was  so  disheartened  by  the  opposition 
with  which  he  was  met  that  he  thought  seriously  of  abdication, 
but  Bismarck  appealed  successfully  to  his  feelings  of  honour  as 
a  soldier  to  maintain  his  post.  He  attempted  at  first  to  effect 
a  reconciliation  with  the  Liberals,  and  offered  to  include  their 
leaders  in  the  Ministry  if  they  would  support  the  new  military 
arrangements.  But  they  clung  to  the  two  years'  military  service, 
which  the  King  would  not  accept. 

An  Auto-  Bismarck  therefore   prorogued  the  Chambers   before  they  had 

MtaH;  r  passed  the  army  estimates,  or  even  voted  a  budget  for  1863,  and 
governed  without  a  budget  and,  indeed,  without  Parliamentary 
sanction,  pursuing  a  course  which  in  England  in  Charles  I.'s  time 
had  cost  Straff ord  his  head,  but  which  in  the  Germany  of  William  I. 
was  to  have  a  very  different  result.  He  broke  with  the  Liberals 
and  gave  all  his  confidence  to  the  Conservatives.  He  appointed 
them  to  important  military  and  administrative  posts,  and  lost 
no  opportunity  of  showing  his  dislike  and  distrust  of  his  opponents. 
He  kept  a  tight  hand  on  the  Press  and  gradually  established  an 
autocratic  authority.  He  had  no  fear  of  revolution,  as  he  could 
depend  on  the  army,  and  the  mass  of  the  people  took  no  interest 
in  constitutional  politics.  He  had  the  middle  classes  on  his 
side,  as  he  knew  that  they  would  appreciate  his  foreign  policy 
and  profit  by  the  exaltation  of  Germany.  The  Conservatives 
on  whom  he  depended  in  the  House  only  numbered  eleven 
votes. 

Meeting  the  House  in  the  autumn  of  1862,  Bismarck  began 
by  stating  that  the  budget  for  1863  would  be  withdrawn,  and 
that  a  new  budget  for  the  year  would  be  laid  before  them  as  soon 
as  possible.  This  statement  was  not  well  received,  as  it  was 
regarded  as  a  return  to  the  practice  of  not  settling  the  budget 
until  the  beginning  of  the  year  to  which  it  applied.  Bismarck 
then  had  to  face  the  budget  committee,  the  members  of  which 
were  for  the  most  part  opposed  to  his  policy.  The  committee 
passed  a  resolution  that  the  budget  for  1863  should  be  imme- 
diately laid  before  them,  and  that  it  was  contrary  to  the 

64 


BISMARCK'S    FIGHT    FOR    SUPREMACY 

Constitution  to  spend  any  money  which  had  been  refused  by 
the  House  of  Representatives.  The  committee  consisted  of  about 
thirty  members,  and  the  speeches  were  largely  of  the  nature  of 
conversations  ;  and  of  these  there  were  no  verbatim  reports,  but, 
as  the  sittings  were  public,  what  passed  could  be  remembered 
by  many  who  heard  what  had  been  said. 

Bismarck  warned  the  committee  not  to  exaggerate  their  Bismarck 
powers,  as  the  right  of  settling  the  budget  did  not  rest  with  the  Expounds 
House  of  Representatives  alone,  but  was  shared  with  the  Upper 
House  and  the  Crown,  so  that  difference  of  opinion  must  be 
settled  by  compromise  and  not  by  forcing  the  vote  on  either  side  ; 
and,  after  all,  patriotism  and  devotion  to  the  interests  of  their 
common  country  were  the  most  important  things.  He  then 
proceeded  to  give  his  views  of  the  Prussian  character  and  to  show 
how  difficult  it  was  for  Prussia  to  adopt  a  constitutional  form  of 
government.  Prussia  was  too  educated,  too  critical ;  the  habit 
of  discussing  public  affairs  was  too  universal ;  there  were  in  the 
country  too  many  Catilinians  who  had  an  interest  in  revolution. 
If  Prussia  were  to  have  a  predominating  influence  in  Germany, 
this  would  be  due,  not  to  its  Liberalism,  but  to  its  power.  The 
territory  of  Prussia,  as  fixed  by  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  was  not 
favourable  to  a  limited  monarchy.  The  great  questions  of  the 
age  were  not  to  be  settled,  as  was  attempted  to  be  done  in  1848 
and  1849,  by  speeches  and  divisions  in  Parliament,  but  by  "  blood 
and  iron."  He  begged  them  to  have  confidence  in  the  Ministry, 
and  not  to  force  a  quarrel,  so  that  their  devotion  to  their  country 
and  their  fundamental  honesty  might  be  implicitly  trusted. 

The  first   attempt   at  conciliation  failed.     The  report   of  the  The  OliYe 
committee  was  adopted,  and  an  amendment  proposed  by  Winckler,  Twi& 
which  Bismarck  was  willing  to  accept,  was  rejected.     Bismarck 
warned  them  not  to  push  the  conflict  too  far ;    if  they   did,    a 
peaceful  solution  would  be  impossible.     He  showed  the  President 
of  the  House  a  twig  of  olive,  which  he  said  he  had  gathered  at 
Avignon  on  his  way  up  from  Toulouse  to  present  to  the  House, 
but  the  time  for  doing  this  did  not  seem  to  have  arrived. 

Fortunately  for  Bismarck,  the  Prussian  Constitution  provided  Bismarck 
that  all  taxes  and  other  imposts  should  remain  in  force  until  they  and  Royal 
were  abrogated  or  altered  by  law.     If  a  proposed  budget  failed 
to  pass  the  Chambers  the  Government  were  justified  in  having 
recourse  to  this  provision.    It  is  true  that  the  Constitution  declared 
that  the  budget  must  be  passed  in  anticipation  of  each  year.     But 
it  is  also  declared  that  the  budget  must  be  established  by  law. 
A  law  must  be  agreed  to  by  three  authorities  to  make  it  valid — the 
f  65 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Insurrection 
in  Poland. 


Lower  House,  the  Upper  House,  and  the  Sovereign.  If  the  Lower 
House  refused  to  agree  to  a  new  budget,  that  did  not  prevent  the 
other  two  bodies  from  providing  for  the  necessities  of  the  country. 
Bismarck  said :  "  We  will  give  you  what  the  Constitution  entitles 
you  to  ;  we  will  not  allow  you  anything  which  conflicts  with  the 
prerogative  of  the  Crown.  The  Prussian  monarchy  has  not  yet 
fulfilled  its  mission  ;  the  time  has  not  yet  come  for  making  it  a 
superfluous  detail  in  the  parliamentary  machine." 

The  attention  of  the  political  world  was  now  turned  to  a 
new  quarter.  In  the  night  of  January  22nd,  1863,  the 
Russian  garrisons  of  fourteen  towns  in  Poland  were  attacked 
by  the  inhabitants,  and  many  soldiers  murdered  in  their  sleep. 
This  led  to  a  general  insurrection  in  Poland,  which  established  a 
provisional  Government  and  nominated  Mieroslavski  as  Dictator. 
Bismarck  immediately  perceived  the  danger  of  the  situation.  He 
said,  "  The  Polish  question  is  to  us  a  matter  of  life  or  death." 
The  insurgents,  to  whichever  party  they  belonged,  would  not  be 
contented  with  liberating  Russian  Poland  alone ;  they  would 
liberate  Posen,  and  would  not  rest  until  they  had  gained  the  coast 
of  the  Baltic  and  deprived  Prussia  of  her  Eastern  Provinces.  If 
the  Poles  became  reconciled  to  the  Russians  the  danger  to  Prussia 
would  be  greater.  Russia  and  Poland  might  join  together  on 
the  common  basis  of  a  Slav  nationality,  but  there  never  could  be 
peace  between  the  Slav  and  the  Teuton. 

Prussia  and  King  William  sent  Alvensleben  to  St.  Petersburg  with  an 
Russia  Unite  autOgraph  letter  to  the  Tsar  proposing  that  the  two  Governments 
Poland.  should  take  steps  to  meet  the  common  danger,  and  it  was  agreed 
to  prevent  assistance  from  Posen  from  being  given  to  the  insur- 
gents, and  to  allow  Russian  troops  to  cross  the  Prussian  frontiers 
in  pursuit  of  the  rebels  ;  four  army  corps  were  also  mobilised 
so  as  to  be  able  to  guard  the  frontier.  The  Emperor  Napoleon 
proposed  that  Austria,  Great  Britain  and  France  should  send 
identical  notes  to  Prussia  remonstrating  on  her  conduct  towards 
the  Poles  and  threatening  active  measures.  Great  Britain,  led 
by  Lord  Russell — Lord  John  had  been  ennobled  in  1861 — 
refused  to  take  part  in  this  action ;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
Buchanan,  the  British  Minister  at  Berlin,  was  instructed  to 
moderate  the  action  of  Prussia  as  far  as  possible. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Bismarck's  policy  enabled  Gortshakov 
to  suppress  the  Polish  insurrection,  and  also  established  a  close 
alliance  between  Russia  and  Germany,  which  subsisted  for  a 
considerable  time.  It  required  great  boldness  to  take  this  line. 
If  war  actually  broke  out,  Prussia  would  bear  the  brunt  of  it, 

66 


AUSTRIA    AND    GERMAN    FEDERATION 

because  Russia  could  have  procured  little  assistance  against 
France  and  Austria.  Bismarck  did  not  believe  in  the  likeli- 
hood of  war ;  but  he  had,  nevertheless,  placed  his  country  in  a 
critical  condition,  and  the  Prussian  Liberals  resented  his  alliance 
with  Russia.  Prussia  was  becoming  unpopular  in  Europe,  whilst 
Austria  was  gaining  fresh  sympathy  in  consequence  of  her  defence 
of  Poland. 

In  July,  1863,  the  Emperor  of  Austria  convened  at  Frankfort  Prussia 
a  meeting  of  all  the  German  Princes  to  obtain  their  consent  to  a  stands 
scheme  of  federal  reform,  which  should  place  the  central  authority 
of  the  Federation  in  the  hands  of  Austria  and  the  Southern  German  Scheme. 
States,  her  allies.  No  sovereign  was  obliged  to  attend  the  meet- 
ing unless  he  wished  to  do  so.  The  Emperor  did  his  best  to 
persuade  the  King  of  Prussia  to  take  part  in  the  congress,  on  the 
ground  that  it  offered  the  best  mode  of  reforming  the  Confedera- 
tion on  conservative  lines  and  preventing  revolution,  and  William 
was  on  the  point  of  yielding  to  these  representations.  Bismarck, 
however,  saw  that  the  success  of  the  congress  would  strengthen 
the  position  of  Austria,  and  persuaded  the  King  with  consider- 
able difficulty  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Bismarck  even 
threatened  to  resign  unless  his  wishes  were  yielded  to,  and  William 
knew  that  the  assistance  of  the  Minister  was  indispensable  in  the 
struggle  with  the  Parliament.  In  the  absence  of  Prussia  nothing 
could  be  accomplished  at  the  congress,  and  the  Southern  States, 
jealous  for  their  independence,  rejected  the  proposal  of  Austria, 
as  they  had  before  rejected  the  proposals  of  Prussia  for  a  closer 
union.  Austria,  finding  that  she  could  not  obtain  the  assistance 
of  the  smaller  German  States  in  her  rivalry  with  Prussia,  was 
driven  to  make  terms  with  her  antagonist.  Bismarck  had,  there- 
fore, succeeded  in  improving  the  position  of  Prussia  both  with 
regard  to  Russia  and  to  Austria. 

Napoleon  proposed,  on  November  5th,  that  a  congress  of  all  Prussia  as 
the  Powers  should  be  held  in  Paris  to  discuss  the  condition  of  Mediator« 
Europe.  This  was  directed  against  Austria,  which  formed  an 
obstacle  in  the  settlement  of  the  Italian  Question.  He  took  steps 
to  secure  the  friendship  of  Prussia,  which  might  help  him  against 
Austria.  Austria  was  naturally  opposed  to  this  congress,  but 
did  not  like  to  refuse  it,  as  she  was  already  on  bad  terms  with 
Russia  over  the  Polish  Question.  So  Rechberg,  the  Austrian 
Minister,  had  recourse  to  Prussia,  to  frustrate  the  congress  with  her 
help.  Prussia,  therefore,  found  herself  approached  by  the  two 
rival  Powers,  Austria  and  France,  and  in  the  position  of  a 
mediator. 

67 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Denmark 

Absorbs 

Schleswig. 


Austria's 
Position 
with  Regard 
to  the 
Duchies. 


Bismarck's 
Dilemma. 


At  this  moment  the  Schleswig-Holstein  Question  entered  into 
a  new  phase.  The  relations  between  Denmark  and  the  Duchies 
had  been  settled  by  the  London  Protocol  of  1852,  but  Denmark 
had  refused  to  carry  its  provisions  into  effect.  She  trusted  to  the 
antagonism  between  Austria  and  Prussia,  and  the  Polish  insurrec- 
tion, which  seemed  likely  to  lead  to  a  European  war,  also  favoured 
her  plans.  On  March  3Oth,  1863,  a  new  Constitution  was 
proclaimed  in  Denmark  on  the  authority  of  the  Crown,  by  which 
Schleswig  became  a  Danish  Province,  Holstein  retaining  to  some 
extent  an  independent  position.  In  doing  this  Denmark  had 
acted  with  gross  illegality.  She  had  forced  the  new  Constitution 
on  Holstein  without  asking  her  consent,  and,  by  annexing 
Schleswig,  had  disobeyed  the  conditions  of  the  London  Protocol 
and  disregarded  the  rights  of  the  German  Confederation. 

This  event  caused  intense  excitement  in  Germany.  The  only 
way  to  carry  out  the  agreement  of  1852  was  to  separate  the  united 
Duchies  of  Schleswig  and  Holstein  from  Denmark  and  establish 
them  as  an  independent  territory  under  the  Duke  of  Augusten- 
burg,  and  public  opinion  strongly  urged  that  this  should  be  done. 
Such  a  course  could  have  been  supported  at  the  Federal  Diet  by 
most  of  the  German  States.  But  Austria  and  Prussia  followed  a 
policy  that  was  in  accordance  with  their  own  views  and  interests. 
Austria  had  no  special  reason  to  desire  the  emancipation  of  the 
Duchies.  She  knew  by  experience  that  the  Schleswig-Holstein 
Question  was  one  of  the  most  difficult  in  Europe,  and  was  likely  to 
cause  trouble  and  embarrassment  to  anyone  who  meddled  with 
it.  As  she  was  at  present  engaged  in  the  settlement  of  the  Polish 
Question  with  Russia,  she  was  not  anxious  to  have  other  quarrels 
on  her  hands.  At  the  same  time  she  could  not  allow  such  a  matter 
to  be  adjusted  without  her  co-operation,  nor,  having  urged  the 
adoption  of  a  scheme  of  Federal  reform  which  should  place  her 
at  the  head  of  Germany,  could  she  afford  to  neglect  a  subject 
which  the  smaller  States  considered  to  be  of  vital  importance. 
She  therefore  proposed  that  the  German  Confederation  should 
demand  the  withdrawal  of  the  Charter  of  March  30 th,  under 
penalty  of  federal  execution,  on  the  ground  that  the  rights  of 
Holstein  were  violated  by  it. 

Bismarck  had  no  reason  to  desire  the  establishment  of  a 
separate  sovereignty  of  the  two  Duchies  under  the  House  of 
Augustenburg,  as  such  a  course  would  be  opposed  to  the  unity  of 
Germany  and  the  supremacy  of  Prussia.  A  small  State  of  this 
kind  would  be  driven  to  lean  upon  the  protection  of  Austria,  in 
order  to  escape  absorption  by  Prussia.  His  real  desire  was,  what 

68 


THE    SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN    QUESTION 

he  eventually  achieved,  the  union  of  both  Duchies  with  a  German 
Confederation  of  which  Prussia  should  be  the  head.  This,  how- 
ever, could  not  be  effected  without  war  with  Denmark,  since  that 
proud,  though  tiny,  State  would  not  give  up  Schleswig  without  a 
struggle,  and  the  Great  Powers  would  not  view  the  dismember- 
ment of  Denmark  with  indifference. 

Moreover,  Prussia  was  unpopular  with  most  of  the  German 
States  and,  if  she  went  to  war,  would  in  all  probability  be  attacked 
by  them,  supported  by  Austria.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to 
gain  time.  The  Austrian  proposal  of  a  federal  execution  would 
at  least  give  Bismarck  breathing  space  for  the  making  of  his  plans, 
as  it  could  not  be  carried  out  without  some  delay,  and  in  the 
interval  fresh  circumstances  might  arise  and  place  Prussia  in  a 
more  favourable  position.  For  these  diverse  reasons,  therefore, 
Austria  and  Prussia,  in  spite  of  their  bitter  disagreement  about 
the  Polish  Question,  joined  in  carrying  a  resolution  in  the  Federal 
Diet  on  July  gth,  1863,  that  Denmark  should  be  ordered  to  annul 
the  Charter  issued  in  March  and  comply  with  the  provisions  of 
1852.  If  she  refused,  Holstein  would  be  immediately  occupied 
by  the  troops  of  the  Confederation. 

The  Danish  Government  met  this  by  repudiating  every  kind  Death  of  the 
of  compromise,  and  announced  on  September  28th  that  a  Constitu-  Kin2  of 
tion  would  be  proclaimed  to  act  according  to  the  provisions  of  enmark- 
the  Charter,  and  twelve  days  later  the  German  Confederates  deter- 
mined, amidst  great  enthusiasm,  to  take  immediate  action.  This 
decision  was  embarrassing  both  to  Austria  and  Prussia.  They 
could  not  stand  aloof,  yet  were  not  prepared  to  enter  into  a  war 
with  Denmark,  as  she  was  almost  certain  to  be  supported  by  Great 
Britain.  Bismarck  was  approached  by  Blixen,  the  head  of 
the  Moderate  Party  in  Denmark,  and  by  Sir  Andrew  Buchanan, 
acting  under  the  instructions  of  Lord  Russell,  to  delay  the  execu- 
tion, which  he  was  very  willing  to  do.  He  was  assisted  by  the 
fact  that  Napoleon  was  renewing  his  favourite  proposal  of  a 
congress  in  Paris  to  settle  disputed  European  questions,  and  this 
circumstance  also  disposed  Austria  to  delay.  In  the  midst  of 
these  complications  King  Frederick  VII.  of  Denmark,  the  last  of 
an  ancient  line,  was  suddenly  seized  with  erysipelas  and  died  after 
a  short  illness  on  November  i5th,  so  that  the  whole  question 
assumed  an  entirely  different  aspect. 

Napoleon  said,  in  his  Speech  from  the  Throne  on  November  Napoleon's 
5th,  1863  :  "  The  treaties  of  1815  have  ceased  to  exist ;  what  is  Proposed 
more   reasonable   than   to   summon   the  European   Powers   to   a  Conference* 
congress  which  should  form  a  high  court  of   arbitration  for  all 

69 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Rival 
Claims  to 

Schleswig- 
Holstein. 


Holstein 

Occupied  by 
Germans. 


questions  in  dispute  ?  "  On  the  same  day  invitations  to  attend 
such  a  congress  in  Paris  were  issued  to  all  European  sovereigns. 
The  tidings  came  like  a  thunderclap  upon  Europe.  The  suggested 
congress  was  welcomed  by  the  smaller  and  weaker  Powers,  but 
it  would  throw  the  Frankfort  Congress  into  the  shade,  while  Great 
Britain  and  Russia  regarded  it  as  an  act  of  impertinence.  The 
consequence  was  a  change  of  alliances.  Hitherto  France  and 
Austria  had  been  opposed  on  the  Polish  Question  to  Prussia  and 
Russia ;  now  Prussia,  Austria,  Russia,  and  Great  Britain  were 
formed  into  a  combination  against  France. 

In  Denmark  Prince  Christian  had  been  designated  as  sovereign 
by  the  protocol  of  1852,  but  he  was  obliged,  in  deference  to  Danish 
opinion,  to  accept  the  Constitution,  and  thus  broke  with  Germany. 
On  the  other  hand,  Prince  Frederick  of  Augustenburg  laid  claim 
to  Schleswig-Holstein  by  hereditary  right.  His  father,  indeed, 
had  renounced  his  claim  in  1852,  but  the  Germans  ignored  this 
in  their  desire  to  liberate  the  Duchies  from  the  detested  Danish 
yoke.  The  Confederation  seemed  to  support  his  claims,  and  he 
was  acknowledged  by  some  of  its  members,  such  as  Baden  and 
Coburg  ;  but  Austria  and  Prussia  were  bound  by  the  protocol 
which  they  had  both  signed,  and,  therefore,  were  obliged  to 
acknowledge  King  Christian  IX.  as  Duke  of  Schleswig-Holstein. 

At  the  same  time,  Bismarck  saw  that  the  dispute  had  not 
been  entirely  disposed  of.  It  was  true  that  the  protocol  settled 
the  question  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Duchies,  but  the  Constitu- 
tion of  November  went  farther  than  this,  and  violated  the  protocol 
by  incorporating  the  northern  Duchy  with  Denmark.  If  King 
Christian  sided  with  the  Eider-Danes,  that  is,  with  the  party  which 
desired  the  Eider  to  be  the  southern  boundary  of  Denmark,  and 
confirmed  the  Constitution,  the  Germans  could  take  their  stand 
upon  the  protocol  and  make  it  difficult  for  Great  Britain  and  other 
friendly  Powers  to  interfere  on  behalf  of  the  Danes.  If  a  war 
broke  out  Prussia  would  play  a  leading  part  in  it  and  be  able  to 
dispose  of  the  spoils  of  victory  as  she  pleased.  The  Austrian 
Government  was  inclined  to  follow  a  similar  line  and  to  base  its 
policy  on  the  solid  ground  of  the  London  Protocol  and  the  resolu- 
tion of  the  Bund.  But,  in  doing  this,  it  did  not,  like  Bismarck, 
hope  for  war,  but  looked  forward  to  a  peaceful  conclusion.  The 
two  Powers  having  thus  come  to  agreement,  Holstein  was  occupied 
in  December,  1863,  by  Hanoverian  and  Saxon  troops,  the  armies 
of  Austria  and  Prussia  being  at  their  back.  The  Danes  retired 
from  the  southern  Duchy  without  a  blow,  but  were  prepared  to 
defend  Schleswig  by  a  stubborn  resistance. 

70 


BISMARCK'S    ASTUTENESS 

It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  the  astute  and  foreseeing  Prussian 
policy  of  Bismarck  would  be  understood  and  recognised  by  public  Parliament 
opinion  in  Prussia  or  even  in  the  rest  of  Germany.  The  pre-  Djsregards 
dominant  desire  in  Germany  was  that  the  Duchies  should  not  be 
Danish,  and  the  London  Protocol  seemed  to  hand  them  over  to 
King  Christian.  But  a  policy  bound  upon  the  observance  of  the 
protocol  was  not  in  accordance  with  German  feeling ;  the  best 
way  of  securing  the  independence  of  the  Duchies  was  to  hand 
them  over  to  Frederick,  Duke  of  Augustenburg.  This  feeling 
found  expression  in  the  Prussian  Parliament  and,  on  December 
2nd,  1863,  the  Lower  House,  by  a  large  majority,  demanded  the 
immediate  acceptance  of  Duke  Frederick,  in  opposition  to  the 
policy  of  Bismarck.  A  similar  revulsion  of  opinion  showed  itself 
in  the  Bund.  The  Federal  Diet,  in  a  resolution  of  January  i6th, 
1864,  refused  to  continue  the  execution,  thus  declining  to  acknow- 
ledge the  right  of  King  Christian  to  the  Duchies,  and  breaking 
with  the  provisions  of  the  London  Protocol. 

This  action  was  turned  to  good  account  by  Bismarck,  for  it  Austria 
exactly  suited  his  policy.  He  could  now  disregard  the  Confedera-  Declares 
tion  and  act  independently,  as  representing  one  of  the  great 
European  Powers  who  had  signed  the  London  Protocol.  Austria, 
in  her  dread  of  Napoleon,  afraid  to  sacrifice  the  friendship  of 
Prussia,  adopted  a  similar  policy,  and  on  January  i6th,  1864, 
agreed  to  send  a  joint  ultimatum  to  Denmark,  demanding  the 
repeal  of  the  Constitution.  If  Denmark  refused,  Schleswig  would 
immediately  be  occupied  by  60,000  Austrians.  This  arrangement 
was  so  hastily  concluded  that  there  was  no  time  to  consider  what 
should  be  the  result  of  this  action,  or  what  should  be  done  with 
the  Duchies  in  the  future.  This  was  left  to  mutual  agreement. 
Bismarck  had  thus  secured  the  co-operation  of  Austria  in  the 
conquest  of  the  Duchies,  without  binding  himself  in  any  way  not 
eventually  to  attach  them  to  his  own  kingdom.  Rechberg  asked 
for  the  laying  down  of  some  principles  on  which  future  agreements 
would  be  based,  but  it  was  easy  for  Bismarck  to  turn  a  deaf  ear 
to  these  representations,  and  as  time  pressed  they  remained 
unanswered.  Things  turned  out  as  Bismarck  had  suspected. 
Denmark  rejected  the  ultimatum,  war  was  declared,  and  Schleswig 
was  attacked. 

Some  years  afterwards  Count  Beust  asked  Bismarck  how  he  Bismarck's 
had  persuaded  the  Danes  to  fight,  seeing  that  they  were  certain  Assurance 
to  be  beaten,  and  he  replied  that  he  contrived  to  assure  them  to  Denmapk- 
that  they  were  certain  to  receive  assistance  from  Great  Britain. 
At  this  time  the  future  Lord  Lytton  was  Charge  d' Affaires  at 

71 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Copenhagen,  in  the  absence  of  the  Ambassador,  Sir  Arthur  Paget. 
One  day  he  received  a  dispatch  from  Lord  Russell,  promising 
British  assistance  to  the  Danes  against  the  attacks  of  Austria 
and  Prussia.  This  dispatch  was  so  important  and  so  certain 
to  bring  about  a  European  war  that  Lytton  put  it,  for  the  moment, 
into  his  pocket  and  said  nothing  about  it,  waiting  for  further 
information.  Russell  had  sent  this  dispatch  without  the  know- 
ledge of  the  Queen,  who  was  at  the  time  in  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
much  withdrawn  from  public  affairs,  in  the  early  years  of  her 
widowhood.  When  it  came  to  her  knowledge  she  refused  to  give 
her  adhesion  to  the  policy,  unless  it  were  endorsed  by  all  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  expressed  in  public.  She  knew  well 
that  this  consent  could  not  be  given,  and,  in  fact,  a  week  later  a 
dispatch  was  sent  of  a  very  different  character,  which  was  not 
likely  to  lead  to  extreme  measures.  Lytton  was  able  to  con- 
gratulate himself  upon  his  foresight,  but  Bismarck  had  probably 
become  acquainted  with  the  purport  of  the  first  dispatch  and 
had  based  upon  it  the  information  given  to  the  Danes,  although 
he  must  have  known  that  it  was  extremely  unlikely  that  Great 
Britain  would  risk  a  war  on  their  behalf. 

Bismarck's  Bismarck  had  to  pursue  an  isolated  policy  without  sympathy 
Isolation.  or  suppor^  against  the  opposition  of  his  country  and  the  Court 
which  he  served.  On  January  22nd,  1864,  the  Lower  House  of 
the  Prussian  Parliament  refused  supplies  for  the  war  and,  what 
was  worse,  the  King  began  to  waver.  The  Duke  of  Augusten- 
burg  was  a  favourite  at  the  Prussian  Court,  and  an  intimate  friend 
of  the  Crown  Prince,  and  when  he  came  to  Berlin  he  was  well 
received  by  the  King.  The  Crown  Prince  Frederick  had  no  great 
sympathy  with  the  general  policy  of  Bismarck,  either  then  or 
afterwards.  He  considered  that,  by  weakening  the  position  of 
the  smaller  German  States,  he  was  impairing  his  own  future 
authority  as  King  of  Prussia.  Roon,  also,  the  Minister  of  War, 
was  in  favour  of  the  claims  of  Augustenburg.  Bismarck, 
however,  clearly  saw  that  the  recognition  of  the  claims  of  Duke 
Frederick  and  the  creation  of  the  two  Duchies  into  an  indepen- 
dent sovereignty  would  be  hostile  to  the  interests  of  Prussia. 
Among  other  things,  it  was  important  to  secure  Kiel  for  the 
creation  of  the  German  fleet,  which  was  one  of  his  favourite  plans. 
Besides,  to  desert  the  firm  ground  of  the  protocol  might  give  other 
Powers  a  pretext  for  supporting  Denmark.  To  gain  his  way, 
therefore,  Bismarck  was  driven  to  adopt  his  usual  expedient  of 
threatening  resignation,  and  the  King  could  not  dispense  with  the 
Minister  who  alone  could  support  him  against  the  unfriendly 

72 


DEFEAT    OF    DENMARK 

Chambers.     He  therefore  accepted  the  line  of  foreign  policy  upon 
which  Bismarck  insisted. 

The  troops  destined  for  the  invasion  of  Schleswig  were  collected  Denmark's 
at  the  Eider  at  the  beginning  of  January,  1864.  They  consisted  Natural 
of  three  army  corps,  the  first  under  the  command  of  Prince  naJJ|]j»  ~ 
Frederick  Charles  of  Prussia,  known  as  "  the  Red  Prince,"  the  Defence. 
Austrians  under  Gablentz,  the  third  a  division  of  the  Prussian 
Guard  under  von  der  Miilbe.  The  whole  army,  57,000  strong, 
was  commanded  by  Wrangel,  a  vigorous  man  of  eighty,  but  too 
old  for  the  work.  To  these  forces  the  Danes  opposed  an  army  of 
55,000  men  under  the  command  of  de  Meza,  but  of  these  only 
40,000  were  available  in  Schleswig.  The  Danes  were  inferior  in 
numbers,  but  trusted  to  the  difficulties  of  the  country,  the  deep 
sea-inlets,  the  swamps,  the  hedge-divided  fields,  and,  above  all,  to 
their  fleet.  North  of  the  Eider  the  threatened  Duchy  was 
defended  by  the  Dannewerk,  an  ancient  earthwork,  protected  by 
deep  morasses,  stretching  between  the  town  of  Schleswig  and  the 
sources  of  the  river  Rheide,  and  also  by  the  broad  fiord  of  the 
Schlei.  The  Dannewerk  was  garrisoned  by  22,000  infantry  and 
artillery,  with  a  reserve  of  5,000,  and  2,000  dragoons.  This 
defence  was  regarded  as  impregnable,  and  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
expressed  the  opinion  that  it  would  keep  the  Germans  back  for 
at  least  two  years. 

Miilbe  said  that  the  war  was  easy  to  begin  but  difficult  to  end.  The  Danne- 
He  was  opposed  to  direct  attacks.  He  recommended  the  passing  werk  pr°YCS 
of  the  Lower  Schlei  and  the  capture  of  Flensborg  rather  than  the  False* 
storming  of  the  Dannewerk  ;  the  occupation  of  Jutland  rather 
than  the  attack  on  Diippel ;  if  this  did  not  bring  peace  the  seizure 
of  Fiinen  would  end  the  war.  Unfortunately  Wrangel  did  not 
follow  these  instructions.  The  Eider  was  crossed  on  February 
ist.  The  Danes  retired  without  resistance,  and  the  first  conflict 
took  place  next  day  at  the  trenches  of  Missund.  In  the  following 
days  the  Prussians  crossed  the  Schlei,  and  the  Austrians  attacked 
the  Dannewerk.  To  the  joy  of  the  Germans  and  the  dismay  of 
the  Danes,  it  was  found  that  the  morasses  were  hard  frozen  and 
offered  no  obstruction  to  the  enemy.  Nothing  was  left  for  the 
Danes  but  to  evacuate  the  position,  and  the  Dannewerk  was 
occupied  by  the  Germans  five  days  after  the  beginning  of  opera- 
tions. The  effect  of  this  sudden  surprise  caused  the  greatest 
consternation.  De  Meza,  who  had  saved  the  Danish  army,  was 
driven  from  his  post,  and  in  Paris  the  startling  news  was  declared 
to  be  a  fabric  of  falsehood.  Palmerston  threatened  to  assist  the 
Danes  materially  in  the  spring,  a  step  which  public  opinion  in 

73 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Attack  on 

Diippel. 


Bismarck 
Temporises 
over  the 
Conference 
Proposal. 


Storming 
of  Diippel. 


Great  Britain  rendered  impossible.  In  Germany  the  opponents  of 
war  were  divided  in  opinion,  but  suffered  a  common  disappoint- 
ment. The  smaller  States  were  especially  sorry  that  Schleswig 
should  be  occupied  by  the  Prussians,  who,  they  thought,  were  not 
likely  to  surrender  what  they  had  once  conquered.  To  calm 
this  excitement  Manteuffel  was  sent  to  Hanover  and  Dresden,  and 
the  fears  of  King  George  and  King  John  were  quieted  by  his 
assurances. 

The  allies  had  now  the  alternative  of  storming  Diippel  or 
occupying  Jutland.  After  deliberation  it  was  agreed  that  Prince 
Frederick  Charles  should  remain  before  Diippel,  and  that  Gablentz 
should  enter  the  Northern  Province.  The  Austrians,  however, 
objected,  and  Miilbe  hastened  to  Berlin  to  persuade  the  Emperor 
and  Bismarck  that  his  plan  of  campaign  must  be  carried  out. 
Operations  were  hindered  for  nearly  a  month,  during  which  time 
France  and  Great  Britain  had  a  fair  opportunity  to  devise 
expedients  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  At  last  the  Austrians  gave 
way,  and  the  march  into  Jutland  began  on  March  6th,  and  by 
March  2Oth  the  greater  part  of  the  province  was  in  German  hands. 
Now  began  the  attack  on  Diippel,  which  opened  on  March  I5th. 
An  attack  on  Alsen  was  prevented  by  bad  weather,  and  the  forces 
of  the  Allies  were  concentrated  in  Diippel.  At  the  end  of  March 
it  had  become  necessary  that  the  position  of  Prussia  with  regard 
to  Europe  should  be  strengthened  by  the  gaining  of  a  decisive 
victory. 

The  Danes  were  averse  to  the  British  proposal  to  call  a  confer- 
ence in  London  to  reconsider  the  protocol  of  1852,  because  they 
believed  that  not  only  would  the  Powers  intervene  on  their  behalf, 
but  that  it  was  possible  civil  war  might  break  out  in  Germany. 
The  Danish  Ministers  adhered  strongly  to  the  incorporation  of 
Schleswig,  and  were  opposed  to  the  union  of  the  two  Duchies  as 
a  separate  State.  But  the  occupation  of  Jutland  had  produced 
the  effect  Miilbe  had  expected,  as  Denmark  was  deprived  of  the 
income  and  the  profits  she  derived  from  that  province.  In  the 
meantime  Bismarck  replied  to  the  British  invitation  to  attend  a 
conference  on  April  i2th,  that  it  was  impossible  for  Austria  and 
Prussia  to  make  any  decision  without  the  consent  of  the  Bund, 
and  when  this  body  took  the  matter  into  consideration  on  March 
26th  they  determined  to  send  Beust  to  represent  them. 

With  great  exertions  the  Prussians  were  able  to  open  the  bom- 
bardment of  Diippel  at  the  beginning  of  April ;  but  it  was  impos- 
sible to  effect  its  capture  before  the  opening  of  the  conference. 
The  date  of  the  assault  was  eventually  fixed  by  Prince  Frederick 

74 


CAPTURE    OF    DUPPEL 

Charles  for  April  i8th.  The  whole  of  the  preceding  day  was 
occupied  by  a  murderous  fire  from  the  Prussian  batteries,  and 
at  two  in  the  morning  the  columns  advanced  to  the  attack. 
At  daybreak  the  cannonade  began  again  and,  as  the  clock 
struck  10,  the  cannonade  ceased  and  the  storm  columns  advanced 
from  the  parallels.  In  a  few  minutes  the  ditches  were  occupied, 
all  obstacles  overcome,  and  in  less  than  half  an  hour  the  six 
batteries  were  conquered,  the  defenders  were  killed  or  made 
prisoners,  and  the  Prussian  flag  was  planted  on  the  parapet.  The 
capture  of  the  second  line  of  defence  succeeded  that  of  the  first, 
and  in  three  hours  everything  was  over.  The  Danes  had  suffered 
such  losses  and  were  so  entirely  broken  that  Gerlach  could  no 
longer  hold  the  bridge-head,  but  led  his  troops  across  the  Alsen 
and  destroyed  the  bridge.  At  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  Diippel, 
and  with  it  the  whole  of  Schleswig,  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
conquerors.  The  Prussian  loss  was  1,100  killed  and  wounded 
out  of  a  total  force  of  16,000.  The  Danish  loss  was  about  the 
same  out  of  11,000,  but  3,600  were  taken  prisoners  and  118  guns 
and  4,000  rifles  were  lost. 

News  of  the  victory  roused  Berlin  to  enthusiasm.     The  King  Enthusiasm 
received  the  telegram   announcing    it  just  as  he  had  finished  a  in  Berlin. 
review  of  the  Guard.     Hurrying  back  to  the  review  ground,  he 
communicated  the  tidings  to  the  troops  and  sent  his  thanks  to 
Prince    Frederick    Charles    and    the    victorious    army.     He    went 
himself  to  Schleswig  and  reviewed  his  conquering  troops  on  April 
zist.     He  was  soon  followed  by  Moltke,  head  of  the  general  staff. 
Jutland  was  overrun,  but   the  Danish   Government,  determining 
to  continue  the  war,  transferred  the  garrison  of  Fredericia  to  the 
Island  of  Fiinen  and  gave  up  the  place  to  the  Austrians. 

The  victory  of  Diippel  did  not  put  a  stop  to  the  strife  of  parties  No  Inter- 
in  Germany,   though  it  produced  a  profound  effect  in  Europe.  Button  for 
Clermont  Tonnere  informed  his  Government  that  it  was  impossible     er 
to  maintain  the  union  of  the  Duchies  with  Denmark,   and  the 
correspondent    of    The    Times    expressed    the    same    opinion.     In 
Paris  Lord  Cowley  told  Goltz  that  it  was  obvious  that  the  Duchies 
desired  to  be  free  from  Denmark,  and  that  it  would  be  un-English 
to  keep  them  under  Danish  rule.     King  Leopold  compared  the 
union  of  the  Duchies  with  Denmark  to  that  of  Belgium  with 
Holland,  to  the  division  of  which  he  owed  his  crown,  and  Queen 
Victoria  came  over  at  last  to  the  same  view.     Palmerston,  how- 
ever, still  remained  obstinate,  but  it  now  appeared  that  Bismarck 
had  been  right  in  his  forecast  that  no  intervention  would  be  under- 
taken by  the  Powers.     Great  Britain  had  to  content  itself  with 

75 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bismarck's 

Steadfast 

Aim. 


A  Futile 
Conference, 


Bismarck 
and  Augus- 
tenburg. 


summoning  the  signatories  of  the  protocol  of  1852  to  a  conference 
in  London.  Immediately  after  the  fall  of  Diippel  a  truce  was 
arranged  at  the  conference,  which  met  in  London  on  April  25th. 

It  is  interesting  to  trace  the  skill  with  which  Bismarck,  who  had 
steadily  set  before  himself  the  object  of  uniting  the  two  Duchies 
to  Germany,  gradually  gained  his  end  ;  he  was  the  only  one 
among  the  negotiators  who  knew  his  own  mind  and  had  a  clear 
and  settled  policy.  To  assist  his  projects  public  opinion  began 
to  turn  in  favour  of  the  Prussian  annexation  of  the  Duchies. 
France,  embittered  with  Great  Britain  for  many  reasons,  among 
them  the  persistence  of  plots  against  the  Emperor's  life  and  the 
visit  of  Garibaldi,  came  round  to  the  side  of  Prussia  and  secretly 
offered  her  the  possession  of  the  Duchies.  A  popular  agitation 
in  the  Duchies  themselves  favoured  annexation,  and,  despite 
Bismarck's  contempt  for  popular  opinion,  he  carefully  fostered  it. 
In  England  sympathies  in  favour  of  Denmark  were  once  more 
aroused  by  the  appearance  of  Tegethoffs  fleet  in  the  English 
Channel,  and  an  Austrian  victory  over  some  Danish  ships  made 
the  Germans  afraid  that  if  Austria  gained  the  upper  hand  she 
might  assume  a  preponderating  position  in  the  settlement  of  the 
question.  This  inclined  public  opinion  in  Prussia  to  Bismarck's 
views,  while  the  agitation  in  Germany  in  favour  of  some  practical 
result  from  the  war  might,  if  not  satisfied,  cause  a  revolution, 
and  fear  of  this  brought  Austria  over  to  her  side. 

In  the  conference  Rechberg  declared  that  the  provisions  of 
1852  were  at  an  end,  and  Bismarck  made  a  formal  demand  for 
the  separation  of  the  Duchies  from  Denmark.  The  Danes  refused 
all  compromise,  and  on  June  25th  the  conference  broke  up  with- 
out result.  The  resumption  of  the  war  was  inevitable,  but 
Prussia  was  now  in  a  more  favourable  position  than  before. 
Russia  was  on  her  side,  and  France  was  her  friend,  while  Great 
Britain  found  that  an  understanding  with  Austria  and  Prussia 
was  the  best  safeguard  against  the  dangers  of  Napoleon's  rest- 
lessness. The  Great  Powers,  therefore,  left  Denmark  to  her  fate, 
and  she  could  expect  no  assistance  from  Sweden. 

There  remained  the  difficulty  of  Augustenburg.  If  the  Duchies 
were  separated  from  Denmark  and  made  into  a  separate  State, 
this  would  be  naturally  governed  by  Duke  Frederick,  and  this 
would  not  be  in  accordance  with  Bismarck's  views.  He  therefore 
set  himself  to  get  rid  of  these  obstacles.  King  William  being  still 
in  favour  of  Augustenburg,  Bismarck  affected  to  support  his  claims, 
but  demanded  certain  guarantees  for  the  security  of  Prussia.  For 
instance,  the  army,  the  post  office,  and  the  railways  must  be  under 

76 


THE  PRUSSIANS  OVERRUN  JUTLAND 

Prussian  control.  Austria  did  not  like  this,  and  under  her 
influence  the  Duke  refused  any  conditions  which  might  limit  his 
independence.  This  made  his  cause  hopeless.  At  the  beginning 
of  June  Bismarck  published  his  offers  to  Augustenburg  and  the 
Duke's  refusal  of  them,  and  this  convinced  the  King  and  a  large 
portion  of  the  Prussian  people  that  the  accession  of  Augusten- 
burg would  be  inopportune.  Bismarck  now  began  to  reap  the 
fruit  of  his  labours.  His  policy  was  generally  approved  by  the 
country,  and  some  members  of  the  Opposition  came  over  to  his 
side.  Indeed,  both  parties  in  the  Prussian  Parliament  became 
convinced  that  to  establish  a  Sovereign  in  the  Duchies  who  would 
be  in  league  with  Austria  would  be  a  serious  danger  to  Prussian 
interests  and  the  future  of  German  unity,  and  they  set  themselves 
to  discover  means  by  which  the  Duchies  could  be  annexed  to 
Prussia  or  a  Protectorate  established  over  them. 

Before  the  conference  actually  closed,  Prince  Frederick  Charles  Capture  of 
prepared  for  an  attack  upon  Alsen.  He  collected,  in  advance,  as  Alsen. 
many  pontoons  and  boats  as  he  could  lay  his  hands  on,  so  as  to 
throw  a  force  of  2,500  men  into  the  island,  who  were  to  be 
reinforced  at  intervals  of  half  an  hour.  On  June  2ist  he  was  able 
to  inform  King  William  and  Bismarck,  who  were  at  Carlsbad, 
that  everything  was  ready,  and  he  heard  with  joy  that  on  June 
26th  the  armistice  would  be  at  an  end.  The  expedition  set  out  in 
the  early  morning  of  June  29th.  The  Danes  made  what  resist- 
ance they  could,  but  by  9  everything  was  over,  and  on  July  ist 
not  a  single  Dane  was  left  in  the  island.  The  loss  of  the  Danes 
had  been  twice  that  of  the  Prussians,  half  of  their  army  had  been 
made  prisoners,  and  the  spoil  of  the  conquerors  included  two 
gunboats,  108  guns,  200  rifles,  and  a  large  quantity  of  munitions 
of  war.  The  defeat  fell  like  a  bolt  from  the  blue  on  Copenhagen. 
The  Eider-Danes  were  in  despair  ;  the  expected  assistance  from 
Great  Britain  was  not  likely  to  be  forthcoming,  and  the  defeated 
army  threatened  the  war  party  with  an  attack  unless  they  concluded 
peace. 

After   the   occupation   of   Alsen    King    Christian   ordered   his  "  All  is 
ambassador  in  Paris  to  ask  the    Emperor  categorically  whether  Lost." 
assistance  might  be  expected  from  him.     The  answer  came  in  the 
early  morning  of  July  8th  :  "  All  is  lost ;  the  Emperor  will  do 
nothing  for  us."     The  King  did  not  wait  for  his  Privy  Council. 
He  sent  for  Monrad,  the  head  of  the  Eider-Danes,  who  imme- 
diately  resigned  his  post   and  was  succeeded  by  Bluhne,    who, 
on  July  1 2th,  made  proposals  for  an  armistice  and  peace  to  Berlin 
and  Vienna.     In  the  meantime  the  Allies  continued  their  opera- 

77 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bismarck 

Dictates 

Terms. 


Peace  of 
Vienna. 


Differences 
between 
Prussia  and 
Austria, 


tions.  On  July  i4th  Prince  Albert  and  Falkenstein  rode  with 
their  staffs  to  the  Skaw,  the  northern  extremity  of  Jutland,  where 
the  waters  of  the  North  Sea  and  the  Baltic  meet.  As  they  gazed 
over  the  expanse  of  the  stormy  sea,  they  saw  some  Danish  trans- 
ports on  the  waters,  and  hoisted  the  allied  flags  of  Prussia  and 
Austria  in  their  sight.  The  whole  of  Schleswig  and  Jutland  was 
now  in  the  possession  of  the  allies.  The  armistice  began  on 
July  soth. 

It  was  now  necessary  to  determine  the  terms  of  peace. 
Bismarck  proposed  to  Rechberg  that  King  Christian  should 
surrender  his  rights  over  all  tenitory  south  of  the  King's  Island, 
and  recognise  any  arrangements  which  the  Allies  might  make 
about  the  three  Duchies  of  Schleswig,  Holstein,  and  Lauenberg. 
Some  settlement  must  also  be  made  with  regard  to  the  public 
debt  and  the  costs  of  the  war.  He  thought  the  idea  of  including 
Denmark  in  the  German  Bund  impracticable  and  undesirable. 
He  made  preparations  during  the  armistice  for  an  attack  on 
Fiinen,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  Austria.  He  then  had 
an  interview  with  Prince  Gortshakov  at  Carlsbad,  in  which  he 
secured  the  adhesion  of  Russia  to  his  plans  for  peace.  When 
King  William  departed  for  his  cure  at  Gastein,  Bismarck  persuaded 
him  to  confer  with  Rechberg  at  Vienna.  Here  Bismarck  person- 
ally conducted  the  negotiations  for  peace,  the  conditions  of  which, 
naturally,  seemed  hard  to  the  Danes ;  but  preliminaries  were 
eventually  signed  on  August  ist,  1864. 

Schleswig-Holstein  was  now  free  from  Danish  rule,  and  the 
German  language  and  German  education  were  to  prevail  undis- 
turbed from  the  King's  Island  to  the  Eider.  After  signing  the 
preliminaries,  Bismarck  left  Vienna  and  joined  King  William  at 
Gastein,  committing  the  conclusion  of  the  definite  treaty  to  other 
hands.  A  long  correspondence  took  place  between  Rechberg  and 
Bismarck,  which  ended  in  the  retirement  of  the  Austrian  Minister 
on  October  27th,  and  three  days  later  the  Peace  of  Vienna  was 
signed.  The  differences  of  opinion  between  Austria  and  Prussia 
had  nearly  brought  about  a  war,  but,  for  the  moment,  peace  was 
assured  and  Francis  Joseph  and  William  remained  on  the  most 
friendly  terms. 

The  Duchies  were  now  subjected  to  a  joint  administration 
of  the  two  allied  Powers,  and  the  differences  of  opinion  which 
arose  out  of  this  situation  eventually  led  to  the  Austro-Prussian 
War  of  1866.  It  is,  therefore,  worth  while  to  consider  how  these 
differences  came  into  existence,  and  what  was  their  nature.  The 
moment  the  war  was  concluded  the  divergence  between  the 

78 


PRUSSIA'S    SUPREMACY 

policies  of  Austria  and  Prussia  became  evident.  Austria,  anxious 
that  Prussia  should  not  obtain  a  large  accession  of  territory  in 
consequence  of  the  war,  wished  the  Duchies  to  be  handed  over  to 
Augustenburg.  She  would  thus  be  relieved  of  the  duty  of  garrison- 
ing Schleswig  and  would  secure  the  favour  of  the  smaller  German 
States.  Bismarck  was,  of  course,  opposed  to  this,  but  saw  clearly 
that  the  end  he  was  aiming  at  could  only  be  accomplished  by 
war,  and  afterwards  expressed  the  opinion  that  it  would  have 
been  better  if  war  had  come  at  that  moment.  But  King  William 
had  made  up  his  mind  that  he  would  not  draw  the  sword  against 
Austria  unless  it  were  clear  that  she  was  attacking  the  honour 
and  welfare  of  his  country.  Besides,  it  would  not  be  wise  to  make 
war  with  Austria  if  there  were  any  likelihood  of  France  inter- 
fering on  her  behalf.  Bismarck  therefore  rejected  the  Austrian 
proposal  on  the  ground  that  the  titles  of  all  claimants,  including 
that  of  Oldenburg,  must  first  be  examined  ;  and  Austria,  however 
much  she  might  have  considered  war  inevitable,  did  not  desire  it 
at  present,  especially  as  she  was  being  threatened  in  her  Italian 
dominions  by  France. 

Austria  also  suffered  a  defeat  in  her  commercial  policy.  The  Rechberg 
Prussian  Zollverein,  or  Customs  Union,  was  renewed  in  October,  Resigns. 
1864,  for  another  period  of  twelve  years.  Austria  would  have 
been  glad  to  form  a  similar  combination  of  her  own  with  the  South 
German  States  ;  but  as  this  was  not  done,  no  alternative  was 
left  them  excepting  to  join  Prussia.  From  the  victories  of  Federal 
Reform,  the  Danish  War,  and  the  Customs  Union  it  was  obvious 
that  Prussia  represented  German  feeling  far  more  than  Austria 
did,  and  that  the  supremacy  would  gradually  fall  into  Prussian 
hands.  This  led  to  an  attack  upon  Rechberg,  who  was  accused 
of  offending  both  the  smaller  States  and  the  great  Powers  of 
Europe,  and  of  pursuing  a  policy  which  would  inevitably  lead  to 
the  domination  of  Prussia.  The  supporters  of  the  Anti-Prussian 
policy  were  Schmerling,  the  Home  Secretary,  and  Biegeleben,  a 
Privy  Councillor.  Rechberg  foresaw  what  would  happen — that 
Bismarck  would  never  yield  to  threats,  that  war  was  inevitable, 
and  that  the  consequence  would  be  the  loss  of  Venice.  It  was, 
therefore,  better  to  remain  on  good  terms  with  Prussia,  even  at 
the  cost  of  sacrifices  in  Schleswig-Holstein.  But  he  was  not  a 
Bismarck,  and  as  the  Emperor  could  not  spare  Schmerling  from 
the  Home  Department,  Rechberg  resigned.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Count  Mensdorff,  a  Conservative  and  a  strong  supporter  of  the 
alliance  with  Prussia.  But  he  was  too  much  under  the  influence  of 
Biegeleben,  who  made  it  his  policy  to  consolidate  the  smaller 

79 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

German   States   and  settle   as  soon   as   possible  the  question   of 
Schleswig-Holstein. 

The  French  Whilst  Prussia  had  reached  the  first  stage  in  the  unification 
in  Rome.  of  Qermany  by  the  liberation  of  Schleswig-Holstein,  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  took  an  important  step  towards  his  favourite  project 
of  the  independence  of  Italy.  French  troops  still  formed  the 
garrison  of  Rome,  as  the  Emperor  found  the  support  of  the 
Clerical  party  necessary  to  the  security  of  his  throne.  Yet  the 
presence  of  the  French  garrison  was  a  continual  grievance  to  Italy, 
and  many  representations  were  made  to  the  Emperor  for  its 
removal.  At  length  it  was  suggested  that  the  removal  of  the 
capital  of  Italy  from  Turin  to  Florence  might  tend  to  produce  the 
impression  that  the  Italians  had  surrendered  the  idea  of  claiming 
Rome,  and  pave  the  way  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  French 
garrison. 

The  Claims  There  were,  indeed,  many  reasons  why  Florence  should  make 
of  Florence  a  more  fitting  capital  for  Italy  than  Rome.  She  was  the  spiritual 
as  Capital.  .  ,  r  ,,  &T,  ..  •  i  *n.  •  n  j  j  i_ 

head  of  the  Italian  peninsula.  The  mighty  dead  whose  monu- 
ments adorn  the  walls  of  Sante  Croce — Dante,  Michael  Angelo, 
Machiavelli,  and  others — were  the  real  source  of  Italian  greatness 
in  the  modern  age,  and  the  intellect  of  Europe  turned  to  Italy 
with  passionate  devotion.  Every  street  in  Florence  throbbed 
with  the  Italian  spirit.  The  majestic  pile  of  the  Palazzo  Vecchio, 
the  sacred  gloom  of  the  Duomo,  the  gay  elegance  of  Giotto's 
Campanile,  the  alabaster  windows  of  San  Miniato,  the  sculptured 
doors  of  San  Giovanni,  spoke  to  the  Italians  of  the  glory  of  their 
country.  On  the  other  hand,  Rome,  by  the  influence  of  the 
Jesuits  and  the  presence  of  the  Papacy,  had  become  almost  a 
non-Italian  city.  It  contained  nothing  of  the  Republic,  little  of 
the  Empire,  much  of  foreign  influence  and  domination.  Florence 
recalled  a  glorious  past  and  stimulated  a  prosperous  future.  Rome 
might  be  the  capital  of  an  organised  Church  ;  Florence  was  the 
source  of  a  spiritual  Italy  which  based  its  aspirations  for  the 
future  on  the  intellectual  triumphs  of  the  past.  At  the  same  time 
it  was  a  hard  task  for  Victor  Emmanuel  to  depose  the  city  of  his 
birth.  He  had  surrendered  to  the  French  the  cradle  of  his  race, 
and  was  now  asked  to  reduce  the  capital  of  his  kingdom  to  the 
level  of  a  provincial  town. 

Eventually  a  treaty  providing  that  the  French  garrison  should 
evacuate  Rome  within  two  years  was  signed  on  September  I5th  ; 
of  course,  with  the  condition  that  the  capital  should  be  transferred 
to  Florence.  The  change  was  resented  by  riots  in  Turin,  and 
these  could  not  be  put  down  without  bloodshed.  The  King,  whose 

80 


AUSTRIAN    AND    PRUSSIAN    DIFFERENCES 

real  sympathies  lay  with  the  rioters,  dismissed  the  Minghetti 
Ministry  on  September  23rd,  1864,  and  summoned  La  Marmora 
to  his  counsels.  He  formed  a  Ministry  which  consisted  almost 
entirely  of  Piedmontese,  who  quieted  the  apprehension  of  the 
people,  secured  the  approval  in  both  Chambers  of  the  Convention 
with  France,  and  transferred  the  Government  to  Florence,  the 
King  taking  up  his  residence  in  the  Palazzo  Pitti.  But  such  a 
change  could  not  be  effected  without  symptoms  of  disintegration. 
There  was  now  a  violent  Piedmontese  party,  over  which  Mazzini 
was  able  to  exercise  considerable  influence,  in  opposition  to  the 
Government.  The  Ministry  had  a  large  majority  in  Parliament, 
but  the  existence  of  discontent  amongst  those  holding  extreme 
opinions  on  either  side  deprived  it  of  the  homogeneous  authority 
it  had  before  possessed. 

The  differences  between  Austria  and  Prussia  with  regard  to  The 
Schleswig-Holstein  still  continued  acute.  Bismarck  had  his  mind  Schleswig- 
fixed  firmly  on  the  acquisition  of  the  Duchies,  but  was  reluctant 
to  break  with  Austria.  Mensdorff,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
persuaded  by  Biegeleben  that  he  might  force  Bismarck  to  give 
way  by  an  attitude  of  firmness,  and  he  wrote  three  dispatches 
to  Berlin  on  the  subject,  the  result  of  which  was  to  dismiss  the 
claims  of  Oldenburg  and  to  revive  those  of  Augustenburg,  in  order 
that  the  Duchies  might  not  fall  into  Prussian  hands.  Bismarck 
saw  that  the  first  step  was  to  get  the  troops  of  the  Bund  out  of 
the  Duchies,  and,  with  that  object,  he  made  an  application  to 
Hanover  and  Saxony,  who  supplied  them.  But  these  smaller 
States  were  also  jealous  of  Prussia,  and  supported  Austria  in  her 
reluctance  to  see  the  federal  occupation  come  to  an  end.  Eventu- 
ally the  Bund  decided  by  a  majority  that  the  occupation  should 
cease,  whereupon  the  administration  of  Holstein  should  be  under- 
taken jointly  by  Austria  and  Prussia,  as  that  of  Schleswig  had 
already  been. 

The  condition  of  affairs  was  now  as  follows.  The  Bund  held  Austria's 
firmly  to  the  rights  of  Augustenburg,  but  they  had  no  authority  Dlfficulty- 
to  enforce  their  opinions.  Bismarck,  on  the  other  hand,  recognised 
that  Christian  IX.  was  the  only  legal  sovereign  of  the  Duchies, 
but  he  denied  his  right  to  the  incorporation  of  Schleswig  with 
Denmark.  Austria  oscillated  between  these  two  views.  She  had 
begun  by  recognising  the  rights  of  Christian  IX.,  but  when  she 
feared  that  this  might  lead  to  a  Prussian  occupation  and  annexa- 
tion of  the  Duchies,  she  leaned  to  the  side  of  Augustenburg  ;  yet 
she  would  have  sacrificed  the  Duchies  could  she  have  obtained 
adequate  compensation  for  herself.  Eventually  she  concluded  that 
s  81 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

her  only  safeguard  against  Prussia  lay  in  supporting  the  authority 
of  the  Bund  ;  and  Bismarck,  on  his  side,  was  convinced  that  his 
only  chance  of  realising  his  policy  lay  in  getting  rid  of  that 
authority.  Eventually  Bismarck  informed  Mensdorff,  in  February, 
1865,  that  he  would  admit  the  claim  of  Augustenburg,  on  condi- 
tion that  the  Duchies  should  enter  into  the  Zollverein  and  adopt 
the  Prussian  system  of  customs,  that  the  posts  and  telegraphs 
should  belong  to  Prussia,  that  the  control  of  the  North  Sea  and 
Baltic  Canal,  which  was  soon  to  be  constructed,  should  remain 
in  her  hands,  that  Friedrichstadt,  Duppel  and  the  mouth  of  the 
canal  should  be  surrendered  to  her.  He  asked  further  that  the 
army  and  fleet  of  the  Duchies  should  be  under  Prussian  control, 
that  Rendsburg  should  receive  a  Prussian  garrison,  that  the  Duchies 
should  be  subject  to  Prussian  military  law,  that  the  recruiting 
system  for  the  army  and  navy  should  be  in  Prussian  hands,  and 
that  the  troops  of  the  Duchies  should  take  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  King  of  Prussia  and  be  under  his  orders. 

Bismarck's  To   this   Austria   replied   that   they   had   always   opposed    the 

au  ion.  formation  of  Schleswig-Holstein  as  a  half-Sovereign  State,  and 
that  if  it  were  admitted  into  the  Confederation  it  must  be  on  the 
same  footing  as  other  members.  Austria  was  ready  to  concede 
to  Prussia  all  the  advantages  which  were  reasonably  demanded 
by  her  sacrifices,  her  expenses,  and  her  geographical  position.  It 
was  right  that  Rendsburg  should  be  made  a  federal  fortress,  that 
Kiel  should  be  a  harbour  for  the  Prussian  navy,  that  the  canal 
should  be  made  between  the  North  Sea  and  the  Baltic,  that 
Schleswig-Holstein  should  enter  the  Zollverein  ;  but,  when  Prussia 
made  demands  which  were  inconsistent  with  the  existence  of  the 
Bund,  Austria  must  protect  her  own  interests  and  those  of 
Germany  and  decline  to  enter  upon  negotiations  on  such  a  basis. 
Nothing,  therefore,  remained  but  a  continuance  of  the  joint 
occupation,  to  the  delight  of  Bismarck  and  the  distress  of 
Mensdorff.  At  the  same  time  the  tone  of  Austria  in  this  answer 
made  Bismarck  cautious,  and  induced  him  to  ask  Moltke  to  make 
a  report  on  the  strength  of  the  Austrian  army.  For  the  time  the 
world  had  peace.  On  February  27th  a  commercial  treaty  was 
concluded  between  the  two  rival  States,  with  as  much  unanimity 
as  if  a  difference  between  them  had  never  existed. 

Value  of  the         Bismarck  had  good  reason   to  hope   that   the  annexation  of 
Duchies  to      the  Duchies  to  Prussia  would  eventually  be  accomplished.     Their 
financial  position  was  not  such  as  to  render  their  separate  exist- 
ence possible.     The  income  of  the  united  Duchies  was  6,500,000 
thalers,  but  the  cost  of  collection,  together  with  the  expenses  of 

82 


AUSTRIA    FAVOURS    AUGUSTENBURG 

local  government,  was  4,500,000,  and  their  share  of  the  Danish 
debt  was  1,000,000  ;  there  remained,  therefore,  only  1,000,000 
for  the  civil  list,  the  army,  the  fortresses,  the  navy,  and  the 
charge  of  the  central  Government.  Nothing  was  left  for  the 
future  development  of  the  country  or  the  creation  of  a  German 
fleet,  and  the  only  advantage  would  be  that  Germany  would  possess 
thirty  sovereigns  instead  of  twenty-nine.  On  the  other  hand, 
annexation  with  Prussia  would  extinguish  the  expense  of  the 
civil  list,  diminish  that  of  the  central  Government,  give  Germany 
additional  10,000  combatants  in  peace  and  30,000  in  war  from 
every  million  of  inhabitants,  and  make  it  possible  to  lay  the 
foundations  of  a  German  fleet.  For  these  reasons  annexation 
would  further  the  interests  of  the  Duchies,  of  Prussia,  and  of 
Germany. 

Unfortunately,  these  facts  were  unknown  or  unrecognised  by  Prussia 
the  population.  They  had  sworn  allegiance  to  the  Duke  of  Establishes 
Augustenburg,  whom  they  regarded  as  their  protector  from  the 
hated  domination  of  the  Danes,  were  satisfied  with  their  local 
independence,  and  had  no  desire  to  become  part  of  a  great  nation. 
An  address  in  favour  of  annexation  to  Prussia  slowly  obtained 
200  signatures,  but  a  similar  address  in  favour  of  Augustenburg 
was  speedily  signed  by  50,000  persons,  of  whom  four-fifths  came 
from  Holstein.  His  Highness  Duke  Frederick  VIII.  was  the 
darling  of  the  people.  Austria  took  advantage  of  this  feeling  by 
encouraging  the  Augustenburg  agitation  in  the  Duchies,  and 
endeavoured  to  induce  the  smaller  German  States,  who  were, 
naturally,  in  favour  of  it,  to  bring  about  a  division  of  the  Bund 
in  the  same  sense.  This  step  was  contrary  to  the  agreement  of 
January  i6th,  1864,  and  it  became  necessary  for  Prussia  to  do 
something.  Therefore,  on  March  24th,  1865,  King  William  ordered 
the  naval  station  of  Prussia  to  be  transferred  from  Dantzig  to 
Kiel. 

Austria,  however,  pursued  her  course  in  spite  of  the  warning  Divergence 
of  Bismarck  that  they  were  following  gradually  diverging  lines,  of  Austrian 
The  Bund  passed  a  resolution  in  favour  of  Augustenburg,  and 
Austria  protested  against  the  establishment  of  the  naval  station 
at  Kiel.  Bismarck  replied,  somewhat  ungraciously,  that  there 
was  no  reason  why  Austria  should  not  follow  the  Prussians' 
example  and  transfer  their  station  from  Pola  to  Kiel  if  it  pleased 
them.  Bismarck  now  proposed  that  the  local  parliament  of 
Schleswig-Holstein  should  be  summoned  to  discuss  the  situation, 
but  Austria  imposed  conditions  for  its  meeting  which  could  not 
be  accepted.  Excitement  in  the  Duchies  became  more  intense, 

83 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

and  at  last  Bismarck  found  himself  obliged  to  face  the  question 
of  a  war  with  Austria.  A  Council  to  discuss  the  question  was 
summoned  at  Berlin  on  May  2Qth,  at  which  the  Crown  Prince 
Frederick  and  Moltke  were  present.  The  alternative  was  the 
annexation  of  Schleswig-Holstein,  which  would  certainly  bring 
about  a  war  with  Austria,  or  the  recognition  of  Augustenburg, 
who  was  known  to  be  friendly  to  Prussia  and  would  accept  the 
conditions  which  she  proposed.  The  King  was  in  favour  of  the 
first  course,  the  Crown  Prince  of  the  second.  Bismarck  was 
convinced  that  war  was  inevitable,  but  did  not  wish  it  to  take 
place  immediately.  Ultimately  it  was  decided  that  no  steps 
should  be  taken  likely  to  provoke  war,  and  that  another  attempt 
should  be  made  to  arrive  at  an  understanding.  Austria  was  not 
anxious  for  war,  and  she  knew  that  France  was  well  disposed  to 
Prussia. 

Convention  Accordingly,  prolonged  discussions  took  place  in  which  the 
of  Gastein.  differences  between  the  two  Powers  became  more  and  more 
accentuated,  until  at  last  a  compromise  was  arrived  at  by  the 
Convention  of  Gastein  on  August  I4th,  1865.  This  stipulated 
that  the  territory  in  dispute  should  be  jointly  administered, 
Austria  being  responsible  for  Holstein  and  Prussia  for  Schleswig, 
Lauenburg  being  surrendered  to  Prussia  on  the  payment  of  a  sum 
of  money  to  Austria,  while  the  rights  of  Augustenburg  were  left 
undecided.  Bismarck  was  certain  that  war  would  eventually 
break  out,  but  accepted  the  compromise  as  a  temporary  expedient. 
He  wished,  before  war  broke  out,  to  secure  the  alliance  of  Italy 
and  the  neutrality  of  France.  Prussia  lost  nothing  by  this 
arrangement,  and  Austria  gained  nothing.  On  the  whole,  the 
Convention  was  regarded  as  a  triumph  for  Bismarck,  and  it 
brought  him  some  friends  in  his  own  country,  where  the 
opposition  to  his  policy  gradually  declined.  The  South  German 
democrats  called  a  meeting  at  Frankfort  in  October  to  insist 
upon  the  investiture  of  Augustenburg,  but  it  proved  a  complete 
failure  and  very  few  Prussians  attended  it.  Bismarck  appeared 
to  have  the  Prussian  nation  at  his  back. 

The  arrangements  come  to  at  Gastein  were  known  in  Paris 
some  days  before  their  ratification.  Mensdorff  had  given  the 
information  to  Metternich,  and  Metternich  had  communicated  it 
to  Drouyn  de  1'Huys.  Public  opinion  in  France  was  not  favour- 
able to  what  had  been  done.  Austria  and  Prussia  were  accused, 
on  the  pretext  of  safeguarding  the  rights  of  the  population  of 
Schleswig-Holstein,  of  having  forcibly  wrested  the  Duchies  from 
Denmark  and  of  violating  the  ancient  right  of  the  Duchies  to 

84 


BISMARCK    AND    NAPOLEON 

personal  union.  The  whole  of  the  Parisian  press  echoed  these 
sentiments,  the  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes  for  once  agreeing  with 
the  Revue  Contempomine. 

Goltz,  under  instructions  from  Bismarck,  did  his  best  to 
remove  these  feelings,  and  succeeded  so  far  that  the  French 
Minister  spoke  of  a  possible  understanding  between  France  and 
Prussia  in  case  of  war,  and  of  the  possible  compensation  which 
France  might  receive  for  the  aggrandisement  of  Prussia.  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  Luxemburg  was  hinted  at.  At  the  same 
time  France  joined  Great  Britain  in  a  public  denunciation  of  the 
Convention. 

Bismarck  thought  it  well  to  have'  a  personal  interview  with  Bismarck 
the  Emperor,  and  for  this  purpose  travelled  to  Biarritz  on  Reassures 
September  30th  and  stayed  there  till  October  izth.  The  day  after  NaPoleon- 
his  arrival  he  was  received  in  audience  by  the  Emperor,  who  asked 
him  whether  he  had  given  Austria  any  securities  with  regard  to 
Venice,  and  Bismarck  said  decidedly  not.  He  declared  he  was 
opposed  to  any  step  which  might  bring  about  a  European  war, 
and  that  we  must  not  make  opportunities,  but  let  them  open  of 
themselves.  Napoleon  then  asked  how  Bismarck  proposed  to 
arrange  the  question  of  the  Duchies  with  Austria ;  he  replied  that 
he  would  give  Austria  pecuniary  compensation  for  Holstein,  to 
which  the  Emperor  made  no  objection.  With  regard  to  France 
receiving  a  compensation  for  the  increase  of  Prussian  territory 
through  the  annexation  of  the  Duchies,  Bismarck  avowed  that 
the  addition  of  a  million  inhabitants  to  the  existing  population 
of  Prussia  was  of  no  moment,  and  must  rather  be  regarded  as  a 
pledge  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  mission  which  events  had  imposed 
upon  the  Prussian  State.  A  strong  Prussia  would  be  an  assist- 
ance to  a  friendly  France,  but  a  weak  Prussia  would  always  be 
seeking  for  alliances  to  defend  herself  against  a  France  of  whom 
she  was  afraid.  For  further  compensation  the  Emperor  expressed 
his  conviction  that  they  must  await  the  development  of  events. 
He  hoped  the  King  of  Prussia  would  write  to  him  if  any  new 
circumstances  should  arise,  and  said  it  was  impossible  that  France 
should  ever  ally  herself  with  Austria  against  Prussia.  When 
Bismarck  returned  to  Berlin  on  November  7th  he  had  the  firm 
conviction  that  France  would  look  upon  the  aggrandisement  of 
Prussia  with  no  unfriendly  eye,  and  that  no  difficulties  in  the 
development  of  Prussian  policy  were  to  be  apprehended  from  that 
quarter. 

Such  is  the  account  of  the  interview  at  Biarritz  given  by 
Sybel  in  his  famous  History  of  the  Founding  of  the  German  Empire 

85 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

under  William  /.,  but  a  different  story  is  told  by  Roloff  in  the 
Cambridge  Modern  History.  He  says  that  Napoleon  encouraged 
Bismarck  to  proceed  against  Austria,  signifying  a  wish  for  compen- 
sation should  Prussia  gain  fresh  acquisitions  from  the  war.  In 
answer  to  this  Bismarck  made  no  promise,  but  seemed  to  imply 
that  if  Prussia  improved  her  position  in  Germany  there  would  be 
no  objection  to  France's  acquiring  new  territory,  obviously  either 
in  Belgium  or  on  the  Rhine.  Roloff  avers  that  the  Emperor  was 
strongly  in  favour  of  the  alliance  between  Prussia  and  Italy,  and 
promised  to  recommend  it  in  Florence. 

Two  Great  Both  statesmen  parted  on  excellent  terms.     Napoleon  counted 

Protagonists.  on  war  m  Germany,  with  France,  as  arbiter,  receiving  a  share  of 
the  spoils.  Bismarck  was  confident  of  vanquishing  Austria  with 
the  help  of  Italy  and  of  then  evading  the  necessity  of  compen- 
sation to  France.  Henceforth  Bismarck  and  Napoleon  are  the 
two  protagonists  in  all  European  struggles,  and  a  contest,  at  first 
secret  and  then  open,  began  between  them  which  finally  ended  at 
Sedan. 


86 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  HEGEMONY  OF  PRUSSIA 

WE  have  seen  how  Bismarck,  by  his  visit  to  Biarritz,  had  assured  Italy's  Pro- 
trie  neutrality  of  France  in  the  event  of  war  between  Prussia  and  posal  to 
Austria.  We  must  now  consider  how  he  obtained  the  alliance  of  Austria* 
Italy.  Whilst  he  was  still  in  France  the  Court  of  Vienna  was 
surprised  by  a  diplomatic  offer  from  La  Marmora.  As  no  regular 
diplomatic  relations  had  existed  between  Austria  and  Italy  since 
1859,  La  Marmora  sent  Count  Malaguizzi  of  Modena  as  his  envoy. 
He  offered  to  purchase  Venetia  from  the  Austrians  at  the  price  of 
2,000,000,000  lire,  or  £80,000,000,  to  make  a  favourable  commer- 
cial treaty  with  Austria,  and  to  treat  the  Pope  with  consideration. 
Malaguizzi  spent  two  months  in  Vienna  and  found  that  his 
proposals  met  with  favourable  consideration.  Statesmen  doubted 
whether,  in  view  of  the  hostility  of  Prussia,  Venetia  could  remain 
long  in  their  possession,  and  merchants  rubbed  their  hands  at 
the  proposal  of  Free  Trade  with  Italy.  The  Prime  Minister  liked 
the  prospect  of  two  milliards  to  restore  their  shattered  finances. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  clergy  were  unwilling  to  have  any-  Bismarck 
thing  to  do  with  an  excommunicated  sovereign.  Austrian  officers  and  Italy. 
regretted  the  loss  of  a  pleasant  Italian  sojourn,  and  the  Emperor 
was  personally  opposed  to  this  scheme.  But  how  was  the  Austrian 
deficit  to  be  met  ?  Count  Larisch  sought  for  a  loan  in  Paris,  but 
Rothschild  positively  refused  to  lend  anything,  and  eventually 
the  promise  of  a  large  sum  was  obtained  at  ruinous  interest. 
The  offer  of  Bismarck  to  purchase  the  Duchies  put  an  end  to  the 
matter.  Austria  had  already  sold  Lauenburg,  and  the  proud  old 
Empire  was  not  prepared  to  barter  away  one  by  one  the  pearls 
of  its  diadem.  The  Emperor  gave  a  decided  negative  to  both 
propositions.  If  Italy  desired  Venetia,  she  must  fight  for  it. 
Austria,  however,  was  disposed  to  treat  Italy  with  consideration 
and  to  prefer  her  friendship  to  that  of  Prussia,  when  suddenly 
Prussia  acknowledged  Victor  Emmanuel  as  King  of  Italy,  a  step 
in  which  she  was  followed  by  the  whole  of  the  Zollverein,  except- 
ing Hanover  and  Baden,  always  devoted  to  the  interests  of  Austria. 

In    the    meantime,    friction    arose    between    Gablentz,    who 
represented    Austria    and    Holstein,    and    Manteuffel,    who    was 

87 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bismarck 
Breaks  with 
Austria. 


Prussian  Viceroy  in  Schleswig.  During  a  journey  from  Altona  to 
Kiel  the  Princess  of  Augustenburg  was  received  everywhere  with 
delirious  enthusiasm,  Gablentz  preserving  a  friendly  neutrality. 
Manteuffel  could  not  put  up  with  this,  and  remonstrated  with 
Gablentz.  Bismarck  threw  himself  into  the  quarrel,  and  it  was 
felt  there  would  be  no  peace  unless  Augustenburg  left  the  Duchies. 

Now  came  the  crisis  of  Bismarck's  career.  He  had  long  ago 
determined  upon  creating  a  new  Prussia  and  a  new  Germany,  but 
how  was  this  to  be  done  ?  Should  he  march  hand  in  hand  with 
Austria  with  a  common  policy,  or  should  Austria  be  driven  from 
the  Bund,  which  would  thus  remain  under  the  hegemony  of 
Prussia  ?  He  could  not  but  recognise  the  dangers  of  the  second 
course — the  indignation  against  Prussia  as  the  destroyer  of  the 
peace  of  Europe  and  the  possibility  of  a  European  war.  He  was 
willing  to  pursue  peaceful  methods  so  long  as  they  were  feasible, 
and  share  with  Austria  the  command  of  military  strength,  which 
should  direct  the  destinies  of  the  German  Federation  to  beneficent 
ends.  But  this  course  had  proved  impracticable  before,  and  it 
was  impracticable  now.  The  attempt  to  carry  it  out  in  the  two 
Duchies  had  failed,  and  brought  the  two  Powers  to  the  verge 
of  war.  To  his  mind  it  was  plain  that  he  must  either  submit 
or  conquer,  and  if  his  ideals  were  to  be  realised  Austria  must 
be  crushed.  On  January  I3th,  1866,  he  wrote  to  Usedom,  in 
Florence,  that  the  arrangements  of  Gastein  had  proved  unwork- 
able, and  that,  if  a  new  policy  were  adopted,  he  would  like  to 
know  what  would  be  the  attitude  of  Italy. 

Meanwhile,  matters  continued  to  grow  worse  in  the  Duchies. 
A  demonstration  in  favour  of  Augustenburg,  arranged  to  take 
place  at  Altona  on  January  23rd,  was  not  prevented  by  Gablentz. 
Four  thousand  people,  including  delegates  from  South  Germany, 
met  and  gave  three  cheers  for  their  rightful,  beloved  Prince, 
Duke  Frederick.  Bismarck  and  the  King  were  deeply  stirred.  On 
January  26th  Bismarck  wrote  to  Werther,  in  Vienna,  to  complain 
of  the  aggressive  policy  of  Austria,  and  to  inform  Mensdorff  in 
the  clearest  language  that,  unless  Austria  proposed  to  maintain, 
in  every  respect,  the  principles  of  their  common  action,  Prussia 
must  choose  by  herself  the  path  most  conducive  to  her  own 
interests.  Mensdorff  appreciated  the  significance  of  this  language, 
but  his  reply  of  February  7th  was  couched  in  somewhat  cold  and 
haughty  tones,  and  he  denied  the  right  of  Prussia  to  interfere  in 
the  administration  of  Hoist ein,  which  had  been  committed  to 
Austrian  hands.  On  receipt  of  this  letter  Bismarck  expressed  his 
regret  to  Karolyi  that  the  relations  of  Prussia  and  Austria  were 

88 


AUSTRO-PRUSSIAN    WAR    INEVITABLE 

no  longer  of  that  intimate  nature  which  had  previously  charac- 
terised them.  It  was  clear  that  the  alliance  between  Prussia  and 
Austria  was  at  an  end. 

If  war  with  Austria  were  inevitable  after  the  dispatch  of  The  King 
February  yth,  how  was  it  to  be  brought  about  ?  The  sooner  it  AYe*se  to 
was  begun  and  over  the  better  for  Prussia  ;  in  this  Moltke,  Roon 
and  Manteufifel  were  agreed.  The  King  was  also  convinced  that 
war  was  the  only  way  out  of  the  difficulty,  but  he  felt  the  full 
responsibility  of  the  decision.  All  his  private  relations  disposed 
him  against  a  breach  with  Austria,  and  equally  against  an  alliance 
with  France.  But  the  Court  influences  in  Berlin  were  not  entirely 
on  the  side  of  Bismarck,  and  his  conversations  with  his  Sovereign 
must  have  caused  them  both  very  anxious  moments.  Napoleon 
preserved  absolute  neutrality  in  the  event  of  a  war,  but  he  said 
that  Prussia  was  more  likely  than  Austria  to  consider  general 
interests  in  the  case  of  a  change  in  the  political  condition  of 
Europe.  He  laughed  at  the  idea  of  compensating  Austria  for 
the  loss  of  Venice  by  giving  her  the  Danubian  Principalities. 
Roumania  would  not  like  to  be  absorbed  by  Austria,  and  Russia 
would  certainly  object. 

Although  Austria  was  determined  not  to  surrender  Venetia,  Bismarck 
her  growing  dislike  of  Prussia  made  her  better  disposed  towards  Doubts  La 
Italy.  At  the  beginning  of  January  she  granted  an  amnesty  to 
the  political  exiles  from  Venetia  and  gave  the  country  a  more 
liberal  government.  Mensdorff  told  Grammont  that  Austria  was 
ready  to  extend  to  the  rest  of  Italy  the  commercial  advantages 
she  had  already  granted  to  Sardinia,  provided  France  had  no 
objection,  and  Drouyn  de  THuys  willingly  gave  his  consent.  But 
La  Marmora  was,  for  many  reasons,  not  very  anxious  to  accept 
the  offer.  Indeed,  the  policy  of  La  Marmora  at  this  time  struck 
an  uncertain  note,  and  Bismarck  began  to  have  doubts  how  far 
he  could  be  depended  upon. 

In  these  circumstances  King  William  summoned  a  council  on 
February  28th,  at  which,  besides  Bismarck  and  the  other  members 
of  the  Ministry,  the  Crown  Prince,  Goltz,  Moltke,  Manteuffel  and 
Alvensleben  were  present.  The  final  conclusion  was  not  to  hurry 
on  a  war,  but  to  try  once  more  the  effect  of  diplomatic  negotia- 
tions. The  King  closed  the  conference  by  saying  that  he  wished 
for  peace  ;  but  that,  if  war  must  come,  he  would  not  shirk  it,  as 
he  was  sure  that  his  cause  was  righteous. 

It  was  now  necessary  to  come  to  terms  with  France  and  Italy. 
Goltz  went  to  Paris  to  discuss  matters  with  Drouyn  de  1'Huys 
and  the  Emperor.  The  first  question  was  that  of  compensation. 

89 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Austria 
Alarmed. 


Bismarck's 
Frankness. 


Napoleon  would  not  expect  anything  from  the  annexation  of  the 
Duchies,  but  France  would  require  an  equivalent  for  any  further 
extension  of  Prussian  territory,  either  in  Belgium  or  on  the  Rhine. 
Bismarck  firmly  declared  that  under  no  consideration  would 
German  territory  be  ceded  to  France,  and  the  matter  remained 
undecided,  it  being  understood  that  France  was  to  preserve  a 
friendly  neutrality  if  war  should  ensue.  Goltz,  however,  learnt 
the  welcome  news  that  Napoleon  had  agreed  with  Victor 
Emmanuel  to  conclude  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with 
each  other. 

On  February  24th,  1866,  Prince  Cusa  had  been  compelled  to 
resign  the  throne  of  Roumania,  and  his  place  was  taken  by  a  pro- 
visional Government.  This  gave  an  opportunity  for  compensating 
Austria  and  obtaining  Venetia  without  war.  La  Marmora  was 
rather  in  favour  of  this  project,  and  Govone  was  sent  to  Berlin 
with  the  object  of  urging  the  Prussians  to  declare  war  in  order  that 
Austria  might  be  frightened  into  concluding  some  arrangement 
of  this  kind.  The  project,  however,  ended  in  smoke,  as  Great 
Britain  and  other  European  Powers  were  decidedly  opposed  to 
it.  Austria  began  to  be  seriously  alarmed,  and  an  Imperial 
Council,  held  at  Vienna  between  March  jth  and  i8th,  was  in 
favour  of  mobilisation  and  of  placing  a  northern  army  on  the 
frontiers  of  Prussia  and  a  southern  army  on  the  frontiers  of  Italy. 
Mensdorff  was  opposed  to  any  active  measures  for  the  present, 
but  his  anxiety  was  not  relieved  by  the  following  news  from 
Berlin. 

Countess  Hohenthal,  while  sitting  next  to  Bismarck  at  dinner 
with  the  Saxon  Ambassador  at  Berlin,  said  to  him,  "Is  it  really 
true,  Excellency,  that  you  are  intending  to  go  to  war  with  Austria 
and  conquer  Saxony  ?  " 

Bismarck  answered,  "  It  is  quite  true,  dearest  Countess  ;  I 
have  had  no  other  idea  since  the  first  days  of  my  Ministry.  Our 
cannon  are  cast,  and  you  will  soon  see  how  superior  they  are  to 
the  Austrian  artillery." 

"  Horrible  !  "  said  the  Countess ;  "  but  tell  me,  I  have  two 
estates,  one  in  Bohemia,  the  other  in  Saxony,  near  Leipzig  ;  in 
which  would  you  advise  me  to  take  refuge  ?  " 

"  I  would  advise  you  not  to  go  to  Bohemia,"  replied  Bismarck  ; 
"  for  we  shall  beat  the  Austrians  just  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
your  property,  and  you  might  have  some  terrible  experiences. 
Go  quickly  to  Saxony  ;  nothing  will  happen  at  Leipzig.  You  will 
even  be  secure  against  billeting,  for  your  house  at  Knauthagen 
is  not  on  the  line  of  march." 

90 


PRUSSIA'S    ALLIANCE    WITH    ITALY 

Bismarck  afterwards  tried  to  laugh  this  away,  but  Beust  took 
it  very  seriously,  and  it  is  well  known  how  the  great  Chancellor 
embarrassed  his  secretaries  by  talking  openly  about  the  most 
important  secrets. 

At  any  rate,  steps  were  taken  to  strengthen  the  Austrian  Austria's 
garrisons  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia.  Further,  on  March  i6th,  Prepara- 
Mensdorff  asked  Bismarck  whether  he  really  intended  to  break  tlons' 
the  Convention  of  Gastein  ;  and  on  the  same  day  a  circular  was 
sent  by  Austria  to  the  German  Governments,  telling  them  what 
had  happened,  and  saying  that,  if  Bismarck  gave  an  unsatisfactory 
answer,  the  .Diet  would  be  asked  to  decide  about  Schleswig- 
Holstein,  and,  if  Prussia  resisted,  the  forces  of  the  Bund  would  be 
mobilised,  excepting  the  three  army  corps  which  belonged  to 
Prussia.  Bismarck  replied  that,  if  an  answer  were  expected,  he 
must  have  the  question  in  writing,  for  to  a  verbal  question  he  could 
only  reply  in  the  negative,  as  he  had  received  no  orders  from  his 
Sovereign  to  say  anything  else.  It  was  also  remarked  that,  while 
Prussia  was  not  arming  at  all,  Austria  was  massing  troops  on  the 
frontier,  which  might  lead  to  war,  as  it  had  led  before.  The  real 
answer  was  given  by  a  circular  letter  on  March  24th,  in  which 
Prussia  asked  whether  she  could  depend  on  the  assistance  of  her 
allies  in  the  event  of  her  being  attacked  by  Austria. 

Eventually  a  treaty  of  alliance  between  Prussia  and  Italy  was  Prusso- 
signed  on  April  8th.  Its  provisions  were  that,  if  the  negotiations  Italian 
which  the  King  of  Prussia  was  conducting  with  regard  to  the  Alhance> 
reform  of  the  German  Federation  should  come  to  nothing  and  he 
were  compelled  to  have  recourse  to  arms,  Italy  should  immediately 
declare  war  against  Austria ;  that  the  war  once  begun  should 
be  carried  on  with  energy,  and  that  neither  Power  should  make 
peace  without  the  consent  of  the  other  ;  that  the  consent  must 
be  given  if  Austria  surrendered  to  Italy  the  Lombardy  Venetian 
kingdom,  and  to  Prussia  corresponding  territories  of  similar 
importance  ;  that  the  alliance  was  made  for  three  months,  and 
should  not  come  into  effect  if  Prussia  had  not  declared  war  against 
Austria  within  that  period.  Moreover,  if  the  Austrian  fleet  left 
the  Adriatic  before  the  declaration  of  war,  Italy  was  to  send  a 
portion  of  her  fleet  to  the  Baltic  to  act  in  conjunction  with  that  of 
Prussia.  Bismarck  thus  obtained  the  assistance  of  Italy,  which 
Moltke,  who  had  been  sent  to  Florence  at  the  beginning  of  March, 
thought  absolutely  necessary,  and  the  neutrality  of  France  and 
the  protection  of  Italy  had  been  secured.  Italy  did  not  enter 
into  the  alliance  without  great  searchings  of  heart,  and  was  only 
induced  to  do  so  by  the  consideration  that  its  execution  depended 

91 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bismarck  a 

Subtle 

Conspirator. 


The  King 
Hesitates. 


on  the  declaration  of  war  by  Prussia,  a  prerogative  which  the 
King  would  never  let  pass  out  of  his  hands. 

The  alliance  with  Italy  laid  upon  Bismarck  the  necessity  of 
bringing  about  war  with  Austria  within  three  months.  Two 
roads  lay  open  to  him  for  this  purpose — a  project  for  the  reform  of 
the  Federation,  and  defence  against  the  military  preparations  of 
Austria,  preparations  which  could  only  be  met  by  similar  action 
on  the  part  of  Prussia.  Bismarck's  whole  action  was  that  of  a 
subtle  conspirator,  which  cannot  be  justified  on  any  abstract 
principle  of  morality,  and  can  only  be  defended  by  overmastering 
considerations  of  expediency.  He  had  made  up  his  mind,  as  he  had 
told  the  Countess  Hohenthal,  that  the  only  solution  of  imminent 
difficulties  was  to  secure  the  unity  of  Germany  with  Prussia  at 
its  head,  and  that  this  could  not  be  effected  except  by  a  war  with 
Austria. 

Bismarck  now  had  to  devote  the  whole  force  of  his  intellect 
and  character  to  the  task  of  goading  Austria  to  war,  much  as  the 
picador  in  the  bullfight  goads  the  reluctant  animal  to  resistance, 
and  to  persuade  his  Sovereign,  the  soul  of  honour  and  the  possessor 
of  a  tender  conscience,  to  consent  to  the  means  his  Minister  was 
employing  to  achieve  his  ends.  Besides  this,  he  had  to  assure 
Italy  of  the  honesty  and  straightforwardness  of  his  intentions, 
to  prevent  her  from  joining  Austria  in  an  attack  upon  Prussia, 
after  the  three  months  were  over,  if  war  had  not  been  declared  ; 
to  preserve  the  goodwill  of  France,  and  yet  prevent  Napoleon  from 
urging  his  favourite  device  of  a  European  congress — which  would 
spoil  the  whole  of  Bismarck's  plans — and  amuse  him  with  dreams 
of  compensation,  without  committing  himself  to  any  promise  ;  to 
keep  the  smaller  German  States  quiet,  and  prevent  them  from 
a  sudden  warlike  union  with  Austria  ;  to  justify  his  policy  for 
the  union  of  Germany  and  the  aggrandisement  of  his  country — 
first,  to  the  public  opinion  of  that  country  itself,  which  was  by  no 
means  friendly,  and  then  to  the  public  tribunal  of  Europe. 

The  fulfilment  of  such  a  task  might  seem  to  transcend  human 
powers,  and  Bismarck  had  to  strain  his  physical  energies  to  break- 
ing point.  Indeed,  some  calm  and  unprejudiced  observers  have 
condemned  Bismarck's  action,  even  after  its  triumphant  conclusion, 
as  the  act  of  an  unprincipled  and  reckless  filibuster,  who  embroiled 
Europe  and  set  the  whole  fortunes  of  his  country  upon  a  stake 
which  he  might  lose  and  could  only  win  by  an  extraordinary 
combination  of  good  fortune.  King  William  was  determined  not 
to  subject  himself  to  blame  of  this  kind  ;  it  should  never  be  said 
of  him  that  he  had  forced  the  hand  of  Austria  by  premature 

92 


AUSTRIA'S    MOBILISATION 

armament ;  and  public  opinion  was  on  his  side.  Even  those  who 
were  most  opposed  to  Austria  and  most  in  sympathy  with  the 
objects  for  which  Bismarck  was  contending  were  anxious  for  a 
peaceful  solution  of  the  question  and  afraid  of  some  evil  stroke 
from  the  side  of  France.  At  the  same  time  the  suspicions  of 
Italy  were  aroused  by  the  backwardness  of  Prussia  in  arming 
herself,  which  was  really  due  to  the  hesitation  of  the  King. 
Fortunately,  Austria,  becoming  weary,  like  the  baited  bull,  of 
the  maddening  ambitions  of  her  neighbours,  began  to  move  troops 
in  Moravia  and  Venetia.  This  induced  the  King,  at  the  end  of 
March,  to  make  some  military  preparations,  but  not  yet  to  mobilise 
his  army. 

Bismarck's   attempt   to   bring    about   war    by    a   proposal   to  Bismarck's 
reconstruct  the  German  Federation  proved  an  entire  failure.     On  Change  of 
April  gth  he  brought  forward,   before  the  Diet  at  Frankfort,   a  Method< 
motion  advocating  the  creation  of  a  strong  central  authority  and 
the    representation    of    the    people    by    universal    suffrage.     His 
object  was  to  rouse  the  opposition  of  Austria,  and  make  himself 
popular  in  his  own  country.     But  it  had  the  opposite  effect.     The 
Prussian  nation  refused  to  support  him,  because  they  knew  that 
the  Minister  who  was  governing  without  parliamentary  control 
over  the  finances  could  be  no  true  democrat.     Bavaria  also  was 
opposed  to  him,  Great  Britain  was  hostile,  France  unsympathetic. 
Indeed,  the  hollowness  of  the  proposal  was  generally  seen  through, 
and  Bismarck  was  compelled  to  retrace  his  steps  and  have  recourse 
to  other  methods. 

At  this  time  mobilisation  in  Austria  would  require  seven  weeks,  Austria 
in  Prussia  three,  which  would  give  Prussia  the  advantage  of  four  Mobilises* 
weeks  in  beginning  a  war.  On  March  3ist  Mensdorff  wrote  to 
Berlin  that  nothing  was  further  from  his  mind  than  an  attack 
upon  Prussia,  both  on  personal  and  on  public  grounds.  Bismarck 
replied,  on  April  4th,  that  the  concentration  of  troops  by  Austria 
on  the  frontier  of  Prussia  had  compelled  him  to  make  correspond- 
ing preparations  for  defence.  This  produced  an  uncomfortable 
feeling  in  Vienna,  and  on  April  8th  a  military  conference  deter- 
mined on  the  raising  of  85,000  troops.  The  proposal  of  Prussia 
for  the  reform  of  the  Bund,  which  we  have  already  mentioned, 
increased  the  feeling  of  uneasiness,  and  the  pressure  of  the  Austrian 
generals  became  more  intense  and  the  resistance  of  Mensdorff 
weaker.  On  April  I3th  Austria  armed  her  northern  fortresses, 
next  day  recalled  her  reservists  and  the  soldiers  on  leave  and 
purchased  horses,  and  on  April  i5th  mobilised  a  northern  and  a 
southern  army.  Then  followed  proposals  for  mutual  disarmament, 

93 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

and  the  friends  of  peace  hoped  that  before  the  end  of  April  all 
danger  would  have  passed  away.  At  this  very  moment  news 
arrived  at  Vienna  that  Italy  was  arming,  and  had  mobilised  a 
force  of  100,000  men.  This  was  entirely  without  foundation,  as 
all  that  had  been  done  was  in  accordance  with  the  usual  practice  ; 
indeed,  La  Marmora  was  much  disturbed  by  the  apparent  quies- 
cence of  Prussia,  and  determined  to  take  no  steps  for  mobilisation 
a  day  before  his  ally. 

Italy  Pre-  However,  the  war  party  had  gained  the  ascendancy.  On 
pares  for  April  2i st  a  council  of  war  decided  to  mobilise  the  Austrian  army 
on  a  large  scale.  Archduke  Albert  was  given  command  of  the 
southern  and  Benedek  of  the  northern  army.  The  Finance 
Minister,  although  at  his  wits'  end  for  money,  contracted  a  new 
loan  for  £60,000,000,  and  unnegotiable  paper  money  was  created 
to  the  extent  of  £115,000,000.  The  financial  pressure  became  so 
great  that  Austria  could  not  wait  for  peace  ;  it  was  necessary  she 
should  force  a  definite  declaration  of  Prussian  policy  with  respect 
to  the  Duchies  and  Venetia.  On  April  26th  Austria  proposed  that 
the  question  of  Schleswig-Holstein  should  be  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  Bund,  and  Mensdorff  wrote  on  the  same  day  to  France  that 
he  would  surrender  Venetia  to  Italy  if  France  and  Italy  remained 
neutral  while  the  Austrians  reconquered  Schleswig.  The  answer 
to  this  was  the  mobilisation  of  the  whole  Italian  army,  to  the 
inexpressible  joy  of  the  nation.  Party  conflicts  were  forgotten, 
and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  flowed  out  in  a  united  stream 
towards  war  with  the  hated  Austrians  for  the  liberation  of  Venice. 
Germany  Prussia,  however,  still  held  back,  and  it  was  not  until  the 

Arming.  beginning  of  May  that  the  complete  mobilisation  of  the  army 
was  decided  upon  at  Berlin.  This  was  followed  by  the  smaller 
German  States,  first  Saxony,  then  Bavaria,  and  then  Wurtem- 
berg,  Darmstadt  and  Nassau.  The  delay  in  the  mobilisation  of 
the  Prussian  army  arose  from  two  causes — the  King's  reluctance  to 
go  to  war,  and  the  existence  of  foreign  complications.  On  April 
25th  Goltz  reported  a  conversation  with  Napoleon,  in  which  the 
Emperor  had  referred  to  the  idea  of  a  European  congress  which 
he  had  first  proposed  in  1863.  The  difficulty  lay  in  the  settle- 
ment of  a  compensation  for  France.  The  Emperor  said,  "  If  you 
had  a  Savoy,  everything  would  be  easy."  On  May  2nd  a  formal 
proposal  to  take  part  in  a  congress  was  made  by  Benedetti  at 
Berlin.  Bismarck  believed  the  congress  would  produce  discord 
and  not  peace,  but  did  not  refuse  to  take  part  in  it,  but  wished, 
as  a  preliminary,  to  have  a  clear  understanding  with  France. 
The  Emperor  did  not  agree  with  this,  which  he  said  would  create 

94 


BISMARCK'S    PEACE    PROPOSALS 

confusion  in  Europe  ;  but  he  told  Goltz  at  a  court  ball  that 
Austria  had  offered  him  the  Rhine  frontier  as  the  price  of  an 
alliance,  and  he  wished  that  Prussia  would  do  likewise.  Bismarck 
doubted  whether  Goltz' s  information  was  trustworthy,  and  we 
do  not  know  what  offer  had  actually  been  made  by  Austria,  but 
it  is  certain  that  he  regarded  the  possession  of  Venetia  by  Italy 
as  necessary  for  the  security  of  peace  in  Europe.  At  the  same 
time  the  national  feeling  of  France  was  strongly  opposed  to  the 
creation  of  a  united  Germany. 

On  May  5th  the  Emperor  told  Nigra,  the  Italian  Ambassador  Austrian 
in  Paris,  that  Austria  was  ready  to  surrender  Venetia  as  soon  as  Terms  for 
she  became  mistress  of  Schleswig,  but  that  Venetia  would  be  given      e    ession 
to  the  Emperor,  who  would  then  make  it  over  to  Italy,  and  that 
Italy  would  pay  Austria  a  certain  sum,  which  would  enable  her 
to  fortify  her  new  possessions.     He  asked  whether  it  was  possible 
for  Italy  to  give  up  her  connection  with  Prussia.     There  was, 
indeed,  some  possibility  of  this,  because,  although  Bismarck  had 
declared  that  he  was  personally  prepared  to  defend  Italy  against 
an  attack  by  Austria,  he  was  not  bound  to  do  so  by  the  terms  of 
the  treaty.     Nigra  replied,   according  to  the  instructions  of  La 
Marmora,  that  Italy  could  not  honourably  desert  her  ally,  but 
that  the  treaty  would  end  on  July  8th,  and  that  after  that  Italy 
would  be  free  to  act  as  she  pleased. 

On  May  2ist  Bismarck  made  a  final  proposal  for  peace  with  Bismarck's 
Austria.  The  Duchies  should  be  united  under  the  government  of  Terms  for 
Prince  Albert  of  Prussia,  Diippel  and  Sonderburg  being  sur- 
rendered to  the  Prussian  kingdom  ;  Prussia  and  Austria  were  to 
undertake  the  common  work  of  the  reform  of  the  Confederation ; 
a  common  army  should  be  formed  with  similar  organisation  and 
discipline,  Prussia  commanding  in  the  north,  Austria  in  the  south ; 
and  in  order  to  complete  these  arrangements,  the  smaller  German 
sovereigns  and  the  representatives  of  the  free  towns  should  meet 
at  Weimar.  This  offer  was  approved  of  by  the  King.  However, 
the  propositions  were  not  well  received  by  the  smaller  States,  and 
eventually  Mensdorff  wrote,  on  May  28th,  that  he  was  sorry  that 
the  strained  relations  between  the  two  countries  did  not  admit  of 
friendly  negotiations,  but  that  he  hoped  that  matters  might 
improve. 

At  this  time  the  Emperor  Napoleon  was  in  great  embarrass-  Napoleon's 
ment.     Public   opinion   in   France   was   opposed   to   the   warlike  Embarrass- 
tendencies  of  Prussia.     But  peace  in  Germany  meant  the  retention  mentt 
of  Venetia  by  Austria,  and  this  entailed  the  sacrifice  of  his  dearest 
wishes  and  perhaps  the  explosion  of  more  bombs.     He  therefore 

95 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


France's 
Terms  for 
Neutrality. 


Diplomatic 
Prelimin- 
aries to 
War. 


harked  back  to  his  idea  of  a  congress.  In  his  heart  he  desired  to 
abrogate  the  arrangements  of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  by  the  creation 
of  a  new  European  tribunal,  but  he  had  neither  the  strength  of 
mind  nor  the  firmness  of  body  to  carry  this  out  with  vigour,  and 
he  therefore  had  resort  to  temporary  expedients  and  a  tortuous 
policy.  His  plan  now  was  to  give  the  Duchies  to  Prussia,  and 
compensate  Austria  for  the  loss  of  Venetia  by  the  absorption  of 
Silesia.  Prussia  was  to  be  enlarged  by  Saxony  and  some  other 
German  territories,  and  be  the  head  of  North  Germany.  The 
southern  and  middle  German  States  were  to  form  a  federation, 
not  under  Austria,  but  attached  by  ties  of  gratitude  to  France. 
The  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  from  Alsace  to  Holland,  was  to  form 
a  neutral  State  on  the  model  of  Belgium,  which  would  be  a 
reconstruction  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine.  If  the  negotia- 
tions for  the  congress  were  spun  out  beyond  July  8th,  Italy  would 
be  free  to  act  as  she  pleased.  Bismarck  would  not  accept  these 
proposals,  and  Italy  was  reluctant  to  do  so,  because  she  feared 
that  Napoleon  was  not  in  favour  of  a  united  Italy,  but  would 
prefer  to  have  a  Murat  in  Naples,  Prince  Napoleon  in  Tuscany, 
and  a  reigning  Pope  in  Rome. 

In  the  meantime  official  invitations  to  the  congress  were  sent 
to  the  European  Powers  and  acknowledged  before  June  7th. 
Austria  declined  the  congress  and  took  the  important  step  of 
summoning  the  Bund  to  settle  the  difficulties  in  Germany.  This 
was  tantamount  to  a  declaration  of  war,  because  it  was  certain 
that  the  Bund  would  give  its  verdict  against  Prussia,  and  that 
Prussia  would  resist.  Napoleon  now  made  an  arrangement  with 
Vienna  on  the  terms  that  France  should  remain  neutral,  that  the 
Emperor  should  do  his  best  to  secure  the  neutrality  of  Italy,  that 
Venetia  should  be  surrendered  in  exchange  for  Silesia,  and  that 
France  should  receive  some  compensation  on  the  Rhine.  It  is  clear 
that  this  agreement,  which  was  signed  on  June  I2th,  would  be  a 
humiliation  for  Prussia,  since  it  must  effectually  prevent  the  unity 
of  Germany  and  the  unity  of  Italy. 

From  this  moment  war  was  certain.  On  June  3rd  Bismarck 
announced  to  the  Court  at  Vienna  that  he  regarded  the  reference 
of  the  questions  in  dispute  to  the  Bund  as  a  breach  of  the 
Convention  of  Gastein.  He  also  declared  to  the  Federal  Diet  that 
Schleswig  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Bund,  and  that  it  was  part 
of  the  arrangements  of  January  i6th,  1864,  that  the  affairs  of 
the  Duchies  should  be  settled  by  mutual  consent  between  Prussia 
and  Austria.  Austria  now  asked  the  Bund  to  arm  against  Prussia, 
because  she  had  violated  the  Treaty  of  Gastein,  forgetting  that 


THE    WAR    CLOUD    BURSTS 

the  treaty  had  been  concluded  between  Austria  and  Prussia  acting 
as  great  European  Powers  and  not  as  members  of  the  Federation. 
Bismarck  was,  in  fact,  rather  pleased  at  this  turn  of  affairs,  because 
it  put  Austria  more  decidedly  in  the  wrong. 

Diplomatic  relations  were  now  interrupted.  On  June  I2th  Position  of 
Austria  recalled  Count  Karolyi  from  Berlin,  and  Baron  Werther  the  Sma-1Ier 
asked  for  his  passports  in  Vienna.  On  the  same  day  Bismarck  sent 
a  note  to  the  Prussian  representatives  in  Germany  that  he  should 
regard  the  acceptance  of  the  Austrian  proposal  by  the  Bund  as  a 
declaration  of  war.  He  also  laid  before  the  King  a  plan  of  military 
operations,  formed  on  the  alternative  suppositions  that  the  smaller 
German  States  remained  neutral  and  that  they  did  not.  The  lot 
of  these  States  was  not  a  happy  one  :  they  were  willing  to  light 
the  match  but  did  not  wish  to  be  blown  up  by  the  explosion  which 
would  follow. 

At  last  June  I4th  arrived,  the  day  on  which  the  resolution  of  Prussia 
the  Bund  was  to  be  taken.  In  the  voting  Austria  accepted  the  J?lss«lYes 
proposal,  Prussia  protested  against  it.  Bavaria,  Saxony  and  fedepati0n. 
Darmstadt  voted  for  the  proposal,  so  far  as  it  implied  an  arrange- 
ment for  the  preservation  of  peace,  but  did  not  consider  that  the 
breach  of  the  Convention  of  Gastein  was  a  sufficient  reason  for 
war.  Hanover  agreed  to  this,  but  thought  that  no  federal 
general  should  be  appointed  for  the  present.  Wiirtemberg  fol- 
lowed Austria,  Baden  stood  aloof.  The  Elector  of  Hesse  agreed 
with  Austria ;  but  Hanover,  Luxemburg  and  the  Saxon  Duchies 
were  against  the  proposal.  When  the  votes  had  been  given,  the 
President  declared  that  the  amendment  of  Bavaria  for  a  limited 
interference  had  been  carried  by  nine  to  six.  The  representative 
of  Prussia  then  said  that  the  introduction,  let  alone  the  passing, 
of  this  proposal  was  in  contradiction  of  the  fundamental  laws  of 
the  Bund,  and  the  Emperor  of  Austria  could  not  be  regarded  as 
a  member  of  the  Bund  for  Holstein.  He  said  that  his  master,  the 
King,  now  regarded  the  Confederation  as  dissolved,  and  would 
attempt  to  make  a  new  combination  to  accomplish  the  unity  of 
Germany.  The  President  declared,  in  answer,  that  it  was 
impossible  for  Prussia  to  dissolve  the  Federation,  and  that  it 
would  continue  to  do  its  work  as  before.  When  the  King  was 
informed  of  what  had  passed,  he  recalled  his  ambassadors  from 
Dresden,  Hanover  and  Cassel,  and  orders  were  given  to  the  great 
army  to  begin  an  immediate  attack  upon  Bohemia. 

The   war   having   broken    out,    the   Austrians    determined    to  The  Austrian 
assemble  their  troops  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Olmiitz  in  Moravia,  Forces. 
where  six  army  corps  were  gradually  collected.     Three  divisions  of 
h  97 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


cavalry  were  already  in  Bohemia,  and  a  fourth  had  been  sent  in 
advance  to  Austrian  Silesia.  The  whole  strength  of  the  Austrians 
amounted  to  238,000  men,  which  was  afterwards  increased  by 
23,000  from  Saxony.  There  were,  however,  certain  defects. 
Financial  difficulties  had  prevented  her  from  keeping  her  army 
in  a  high  condition  of  strength  and  efficiency,  and  a  large  propor- 
tion of  the  soldiers  had  only  been  trained  for  a  year.  They  were 
also  lacking  in  culture  and  education,  and  were,  in  this  respect,  far 
behind  the  Prussian  troops.  In  arms  the  Austrians  had  nothing 
to  compare  with  the  needle-gun  of  their  adversaries,  and  were 
not  likely  to  be  effective  with  the  bayonet,  which  in  these  years 
was  often  decisive  in  a  battle.  On  June  i6th  the  army  collected 
at  Olmutz  comprised  174,000  infantry,  and  Benedek,  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  thought  he  could  not  depend  on  more  than 
158,000,  which  would  give  the  Prussians  an  advantage  of 
more  than  40,000.  The  armies  of  the  smaller  German  States 
were  also  in  a  most  unsatisfactory  condition. 

The  Prussian         The  Prussian  forces  were  divided  into  three  armies  :    one  in 
Forces.  Silesia,  called  the  Second  Army,  under  the  command  of  the  Crown 

Prince,  111,000  strong  ;  the  First  Army,  under  Prince  Frederick 
Charles,  93,000  strong  ;  and  the  Elbe  Army,  46,000  strong,  under 
Herwarth  von  Bittenfeld.  Another  army  never  engaged  the 
enemy,  being  used  for  garrison  purposes.  The  whole  Prussian 
force  amounted  to  263,000  men,  as  opposed  to  the  Austrian 
total  of  261,000. 

On  the  morning  of  June  I5th  Schulenburg,  the  Prussian 
Minister  in  Saxony,  asked  Beust,  the  Saxon  Prime  Minister,  to 
make  an  alliance  with  Prussia,  on  the  conditions  that  her  troops 
should  be  placed  upon  a  peace  footing,  and  that  a  Parliament 
should  be  summoned,  whereupon  Prussia  would  guarantee  her 
sovereignty  on  the  basis  of  the  reform  proposals  of  June  loth.  An 
answer  was  to  be  given  in  the  course  of  the  day,  and  a 
refusal  would  be  regarded  as  a  declaration  of  war.  The  Saxons 
had  already  made  preparations,  and  36,000,000  thalers  had  been 
safely  deposited  in  Munich.  The  answer  was  not  doubtful : 
Saxony  could  not  disarm  without  an  order  of  the  Diet.  In 
the  evening  Schulenberg  communicated  the  declaration  of  war 
privately  to  the  King,  and  at  the  same  moment  Herwarth  von 
Bittenfeld's  battalions  crossed  the  frontier ;  Beust  immediately 
demanded  the  assistance  of  the  Bund,  especially  of  Austria  and 
Bavaria.  But  Benedek  was  at  Olmutz,  and  the  Bavarian  troops 
were  not  yet  assembled,  so  King  John,  the  first  Dante  scholar  in 
Europe,  retired  to  Pirna,  and  then  led  his  troops  across  the 

98 


Saxony 
Over- 
whelmed. 


ABSORPTION    OF    THE    SMALLER    STATES 

mountains  into  Bohemia.  Dresden  was  occupied  by  the  Prussians 
without  resistance  on  June  i8th,  and  the  whole  country  submitted 
quietly  to  Prussian  domination. 

In  Electoral  Hesse  the  Government  had  ordered  the  mobilisa-  Hesse 
tion  of  its  army  corps  on  June  I4th,  and  summoned  the  Parlia-  Absorbed  by 
ment  in  order  to  provide  the  money.  The  Parliament,  however,  ussia" 
refused  supplies,  and  demanded  the  reversal  of  the  mobilisation 
and  the  preservation  of  complete  neutrality.  At  this  moment 
Roder  appeared  to  lay  the  Prussian  ultimatum  before  the 
Hessian  Minister,  who  referred  him  to  the  Elector.  The  Prince 
received  him  ungraciously,  and  refused  to  give  a  decided  answer  ; 
but  all  idea  of  mobilisation  was  at  an  end.  The  Hessian  troops 
retired,  in  order  that  they  might  not  come  into  conflict  with  the 
Prussians,  and  made  an  abortive  attempt  to  carry  off  the  treasure. 
In  the  evening  the  Elector  declined  to  give  an  answer.  Roder 
declared  war,  and  Beyer  advanced  into  Hesse  from  Wetzlar  and 
reached  Cassel  on  June  igth.  The  Elector  stayed  at  Wilhelmshohe 
and  refused  to  recognise  the  declaration  of  war.  He  was  regarded 
as  a  prisoner,  and  was  removed,  first  to  Minden  and  then  to  the 
castle  at  Stettin,  where  he  was  treated  with  royal  honours.  Hesse 
was  then  administered  by  Beyer. 

In  Hanover,  King  George  had  no  idea  of  acceding  to  the  Hanover 
demands  of  Prussia,  or  of  submitting  to  an  unarmed  neutrality.  Occupied. 
He  summoned  a  council  of  Ministers,  to  whom  he  repeated  his 
determination  to  be  neutral,  but  said  that  it  would  be  dishonour- 
able to  recall  the  mobilisation  which  had  already  been  ordered, 
and  degrading  to  sacrifice  his  divine  right  to  Prussian  projects 
of  reform.  His  Ministry  agreed  with  him,  which,  of  course,  meant 
a  declaration  of  war.  Orders  were  sent  to  all  soldiers  to  return  to 
Gottingen,  in  the  southern  half  of  the  kingdom,  and  at  a  meeting 
of  the  Chambers  Benningten  proposed  the  dismissal  of  the  present 
Ministry  and  the  declaration  of  complete  neutrality.  The  people, 
however,  were  excited  by  the  news  that  the  Prussians  were  already 
in  Harburg.  The  King  endeavoured  to  temporise,  but  Ysenburg 
was  firm  and  declared  war,  and  King  George  set  out  to  join  his 
troops  at  Gottingen.  Two  hours  later  Manteuffel  crossed  the 
Elbe,  and  Falkenstein  was  on  the  march  to  Hanover,  which  he 
reached  on  June  I7th. 

There    could    not    be  a  greater    contrast    than    the    activity  Capitulation 
and  determination  of  the  Prussians  and  the  vacillation  of  their  of  the 
opponents.      Within    three    days    three    kingdoms    which    could  HanoYerians- 
supply  75,000  men  to  the  federal  army  were  occupied  by  Prussia. 
In  Gottingen  the  King  took  command  of  his  troops  ;    but,  being 

99 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

blind,  had  to  depend  on  Tscherschiitz,  his  adjutant.  He  pressed 
for  a  further  advance  to  the  south  to  join  the  Bavarians,  but  the 
army  was  not  in  a  condition  to  proceed.  At  last  they  reached 
Langensalza  on  June  23rd  ;  here  an  armistice  was  arranged  by 
the  Duke  of  Gotha,  which  might  have  led  to  a  peaceful  conclu- 
sion. King  William,  who  was  unwilling  to  make  war  against  his 
friend  and  brother,  offered  most  honourable  terms,  which  King 
George,  after  considerable  deliberation,  refused  to  accept.  His 
answer  cost  him  his  crown.  Eventually  a  battle  took  place  at 
Langensalza,  which  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  the  Prussians.  They 
lost  170  dead,  600  wounded,  and  900  prisoners,  while  the 
Hanoverian  losses  were  400  dead  and  1,000  wounded.  The 
battle,  however,  was  of  little  use.  The  victors  found  themselves 
surrounded  by  40,000  Prussians,  deserted  by  the  Bavarians,  and 
without  food  or  shelter  ;  so,  on  June  29th,  a  capitulation  took 
place,  which  made  the  Prussians  master  of  the  whole  country  and 
the  munitions  of  war  it  contained.  King  William  respected  the 
brave  resistance  of  the  Hanoverian  army  and  allowed  the  King 
and  the  Crown  Prince  to  choose  any  place  of  residence  which  kept 
them  outside  Hanover.  They  went  first  to  Vienna  and  took  up 
their  abode  in  Hietzing,  the  Queen  remaining  in  Hessenhausen 
under  Prussian  protection.  Hanover  was  incorporated  with 
Prussia,  much  to  its  advantage,  and  the  rivalry  between  the 
Houses  of  Guelph  and  Hohenzollern,  which  had  lasted  for  many 
centuries  and  exercised  a  great  influence  over  German  history, 
came  to  an  end.  The  Guelphs  reigned  in  Great  Britain,  but  wholly 
lost  their  power  in  the  country  of  their  origin. 

Italian  There  was  great  joy  in  Italy  at  the  news  of  the  outbreak  of 

Enthusiasm.  t^e  war  Detween  Austria  and  Prussia.  The  enthusiasm  spread 
throughout  all  parts  of  the  nation,  and  Neapolitans,  Tuscans, 
Piedmontese,  Lombards  and  Romagnols  ranged  themselves 
under  the  Italian  tricolour.  The  troops  were  numerous  if  their 
quality  was  not  high ;  they  formed  twenty  divisions,  each  of 
nearly  12,000  men,  so  that  the  total  was  not  less  than  240,000. 
The  larger  portion  was  in  Lombardy  under  the  command  of  the 
King,  with  La  Marmora  as  chief  of  the  staff ;  the  smaller  on  the 
Lower  Po,  near  Bologna  and  Ferrara,  under  Cialdini.  Besides 
this,  there  was  a  body  of  volunteers  numbering  15,000  under 
Garibaldi,  which  was  afterwards  increased  to  35,000.  In  addition 
we  must  reckon  about  150,000  troops  as  a  reserve. 

Opposed  to  this  ponderous  and  motley  host  the  Austrians 
could  only  muster  82,000  men,  of  whom  30,000  were  needed  for  the 
protection  of  the  Quadrilateral,  while  13,000  were  required  to 

IOO 


THE    WAR    IN    ITALY 

cover  southern  Tyrol,  and  16,000  were  needed  for  Istria  and  Fiali. 
Archduke  Albert  had  to  deal  with  an  enemy  whose 'forces  were 
twice  or  three  times  as  numerous  as  his  own,  and  the  Italians 
looked  forward  to  a  certain  victory. 

La  Marmora,  however,  was  disposed  to  be  cautious,  and  not  La 
commit  himself  to  a  dangerous  adventure.     He  knew  that  the  Marmora's 
Austrians  were  ready  to  surrender  Venetia  if    they  could  only 
defeat  the  Prussians,  and  that,  if  he  could  wait,  the  fruit  would 
fall  into  his  hands,  and  still  more  readily  if  the  Austrians  could 
gain  some  slight  advantage.     For  these  reasons  he  was  unwilling 
to  submit  to  the  advice  of  Prussian  strategists,  who  were  naturally 
anxious  to  offer  it.     It  was  impossible  for  Moltke  to  leave  Berlin 
at  this  important  crisis,  and  so  Bernhardi  was  sent,  a  man  equally 
renowned  as  a  general  and  an  historian. 

Venetia  was  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Alps,  on  the  south  Plans  for 
to  a  great  extent  by  the  Po,  on  the  west  by  the  Mincio.  Behind 
these  two  rivers  flows  the  Adige,  first  to  the  south,  parallel  with 
the  Mincio,  and  then  to  the  east,  parallel  with  the  Po.  In  the 
north,  Venetia  was  defended  by  the  famous  Quadrilateral,  formed 
by  four  fortresses,  Peschiera  and  Mantua  on  the  Mincio,  Verona 
and  Legnago  on  the  Adige.  A  doubt  arose  as  to  the  side  from 
which  Venetia  should  be  attacked — from  Milan  on  the  west,  or  from 
Bologna  and  Ferrara  on  the  south.  The  passage  over  the  Mincio 
was  easier  than  that  over  the  Adige,  but  the  invaders  would  be 
immediately  stopped  by  the  four  formidable  fortresses,  and  if  the 
enemy  retired  they  could  fight  from  river  to  river.  If  the  attack 
came  from  the  south,  the  Austrians  would  be  cut  off  from  Venice 
and  Trieste,  from  Laibach  and  Vienna,  and  be  compelled  either  to 
shut  themselves  up  in  the  Quadrilateral,  or  make  a  difficult  march 
through  Tyrol.  Moltke  had  no  hesitation  in  recommending  the 
southern  attack,  so  as  to  press  the  Austrians  in  the  rear,  drive 
them  into  Tyrol,  and  give  the  lead  to  the  Prussians  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Linz.  Simultaneously  with  this  movement,  a  demon- 
stration might  be  made  on  the  Mincio.  There  was  also  an  idea 
of  rousing  the  discontented  Liberals  of  Hungary  against  their 
Austrian  oppressors,  and  of  sending  Garibaldi  to  Hungary  for  this 
purpose,  with  35,000  volunteers,  by  way  of  Dalmatia  and  Trieste. 
Money  would  be  supplied  by  Prussia  and  Italy. 

La  Marmora  did  not  look  forward  to  Bernhardi's  visit  with 
enthusiasm.  No  doubt  at  this  moment  there  was  great  divergence 
between  the  designs  of  Prussia  and  Italy.  The  Prussians  desired 
to  crush  the  Austrians,  and  for  this  purpose  were  anxious  for  a 
strong  attack  on  the  side  of  Italy,  which  must  seriously  injure 

IOI 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Italy's 
Declaration 
of  War. 


La 

Marmora's 
Attack  on 
the  Quad- 
rilateral. 


Austrian  operations  on  the  north.  But  La  Marmora  limited  his 
outlook  to  the  possession  of  Venetia.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  also 
was  opposed  to  violent  measures,  while  the  British  Government 
dreaded  revolutionary  movements  in  Hungary,  which  might 
spread  in  other  directions,  and  it  is  supposed  that  other  secret 
influences  were  at  work  in  the  background.  Therefore,  when 
Bernhardi  strongly  urged  an  advance  from  the  Po,  and  the  send- 
ing of  Garidaldi  across  the  Adriatic  into  Dalmatia,  La  Marmora 
set  himself  obstinately  against  it  and  contented  himself  with  opera- 
tions which  had  Alessandria  as  their  base  and  the  conquest  of  the 
Quadrilateral  as  their  objective.  In  fact,  he  did  precisely  what 
Austria  would  wish  him  to  do. 

La  Marmora  now  resigned  his  office  as  Prime  Minister,  and 
his  place  was  taken  by  Ricasoli,  a  man  of  very  different  stamp, 
who  was  quite  ready  to  carry  on  the  war  with  vigour,  desiring 
the  liberation  of  Italy  not  only  from  the  Austrians,  but  from  the 
French.  He  was  prepared  to  conduct  the  campaign  from  the 
Po  to  the  Danube,  and  send  Garibaldi  to  rouse  Hungary  to  rebellion, 
and  wrote  to  La  Marmora  to  that  effect.  But  La  Marmora,  after 
reading  the  letter  with  disgust,  put  it  into  his  pocket  and  said 
nothing  to  anyone.  He  was,  indeed,  embittered  against  Prussia. 
Cialdini  was  strongly  in  favour  of  an  advance  from  the  Po,  so  that 
the  relations  of  Ricasoli  with  the  two  generals  were  somewhat 
strained.  The  King,  however,  could  not  effect  a  settlement 
between  them,  and  it  was  decided  that  Cialdini  should  cross  the  Po 
with  eight  divisions  and  La  Marmora  the  Mincio  with  twelve.  On 
June  20th  La  Marmora  sent  a  declaration  of  war  to  Archduke 
Albert,  and  said  that  operations  would  begin  in  three  days.  To 
this  communication  no  answer  was  returned. 

Archduke  Albert  was  well  informed  of  what  was  passing  in 
the  camp  of  the  enemy,  and  was  aware  that  the  chief  attack  would 
be  made  by  the  King  on  the  Mincio.  He  disposed  of  his  82,000 
men  in  a  workmanlike  manner,  placing  his  main  force  so  as  to  be 
within  two  days'  march  of  both  the  Mincio  and  the  Po,  and  allotting 
small  bodies  for  the  defence  of  both  rivers.  La  Marmora  announced 
that  he  intended  to  spring  into  the  middle  of  the  Quadrilateral, 
establish  himself  there,  and  proceed  with  the  investment  of 
Peschiera  or  one  of  the  other  fortresses.  What  his  later  designs 
were  remained  a  secret  in  his  own  bosom. 

The  struggle  took  place  at  Custozza,  the  battlefield  of  which 
we  will  describe.  The  Mincio,  on  leaving  the  Lake  Garda  at 
Peschiera,  flows  southwards  towards  Mantua  and  the  Po.  At 
Valeggio,  five  or  six  miles  from  Peschiera,  it  reaches  a  hilly  country, 

102 


LA    MARMORA'S    ERROR 

marked  by  conspicuous  heights — Monte  Vento,  Custozza,  where 
Radetzky  defeated  the  Piedmontese  in  1848,  and  Monte  della 
Croce.  Eastward  from  Valeggio  on  the  plain  lies  Villafranca, 
where  the  peace  of  1859  was  concluded,  and  northward  of  this 
lies  Somma  Campagna,  also  on  the  edge  of  the  plain.  This  was 
the  country  into  which  La  Marmora  proposed  to  make  his  spring. 
He  had  under  him  140,000  men,  twice  the  strength  of  the  enemy, 
in  twelve  divisions. 

In  the  early  morning  of  June  23rd,  1866,  he  crossed  the  Mincio  Austria 
at  four  different  points,  but  met  very  few  of  the  enemy,  whom  he  -J^®11 
believed  to  be  behind  the  Adige.  He  therefore  continued  his 
march  through  the  hilly  country  towards  Verona,  as  if  he  were 
in  a  time  of  peace.  Archduke  Albert  was  well  informed  of  La 
Marmora's  movements,  and  knew  the  latter  could  receive  no 
assistance  from  Cialdini  for  several  days.  He  therefore  collected 
his  troops  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Adige,  with  the  design  of 
marching  westwards  towards  Somma  Campagna,  then  turning 
south  to  march  through  the  hilly  country  and  attack  the  enemy 
where  he  could  find  them.  He  began  this  movement  on  June 
23rd,  and  continued  it  on  the  following  day.  The  Italians  marched 
on  towards  Verona  without  the  slightest  notion  that  an  enemy 
was  on  their  flank.  When  La  Marmora  reached  Villafranca, 
Prince  Humbert  asked  him  whether  the  soldiers  might  rest  or 
whether  they  should  first  reconnoitre  to  look  for  the  enemy. 
La  Marmora  replied  that  there  was  not  one  Austrian  on  the 
western  side  of  the  Adige,  and  that  they  might  rest  in  peace. 
Hearing  a  cannonade  on  their  left,  the  general  remarked  that 
it  was  the  beginning  of  the  siege  of  Peschiera. 

At  that  moment  an  Austrian  brigade  attacked  them,  and  La 
La  Marmora  became  aware  that  he  had  to  do  with  the  whole  of 
the  Austrian  army  detailed  for  the  Italian  campaign,  and  that 
the  cannonade  he  had  heard  was  part  of  the  general  attack.  He 
would  have  been  completely  defeated  had  not  Pianell,  contrary 
to  orders,  marched  with  twelve  battalions  towards  the  sound 
of  the  guns  and  saved  him  from  disaster.  As  it  was,  the  left  wing 
was  entirely  broken,  but  the  right  wing  still  held  out.  Their 
superior  numbers  gave  the  Italians  great  advantage,  and,  with 
proper  management,  they  might  have  resisted  the  Archduke  Albert 
and  forced  him  to  retreat.  But  at  the  crisis,  when  the  presence 
of  the  commander-in-chief  was  necessary,  La  Marmora  was  not 
to  be  found,  Pianell,  Bixio  and  the  Crown  Prince  seeking  for 
him  everywhere  in  vain.  It  appeared  that  he  had  imagined 
that  the  day  was  lost  and  had  ordered  the  retreat,  first  setting  the 

103 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Prussia's 

Swift 

Advance. 


Prussians 
in  Dresden. 


example  himself.  It  is  said  that  he  had  mistaken  the  dark  forms 
of  a  number  of  baggage-wagons  for  the  approach  of  the  enemy 
in  his  rear.  The  generals  could  do  nothing  without  orders,  and 
the  Italians  suffered  a  crushing  defeat.  The  fact  was  that  more 
than  half  of  their  troops  were  never  engaged  at  all,  and  the  battle 
took  place  between  82,000  Austrians  and  60,000  of  the  enemy. 
The  news  of  the  victory  was  received  with  enthusiasm  in  Vienna, 
and  caused  corresponding  depression  in  Italy.  It  was  true,  how- 
ever, that  the  Austrians,  having  gained  a  victory,  would  become 
more  disposed  to  surrender  Venetia  than  if  they  had  been  defeated. 
It  was,  indeed,  suggested  that  La  Marmora  had  submitted  to  the 
disaster  on  purpose,  in  order  that  the  Austrians  might  retreat 
from  Venetia  without  loss  of  honour.  This,  however,  will  not 
bear  investigation,  and  the  better  judgment  is  that  La  Marmora's 
defeat  was  due  to  his  own  incompetence,  whatever  may  have 
been  the  advantage  his  country  eventually  derived  from  it. 

In  their  struggle  with  the  Austrians  possession  of  Saxony 
gave  the  Prussians  the  advantage  of  being  able  to  make  a  con- 
centrated advance  of  the  three  armies  against  the  frontier  passes 
and  a  speedy  union  of  their  forces  in  Bohemia.  The  operations 
were  carried  out  with  a  masterly  swiftness,  although  the  Prussians 
had  the  disadvantage  of  attacking  with  bodies  at  considerable 
distances  from  each  other,  while  the  Austrians  could  choose  their 
positions  for  defence.  Benedek  had  collected  his  forces  between 
Theresienstadt,  Prague,  Josefstadt  and  Pardubitz,  with  the  idea 
of  making  an  attack  on  Prussia,  supported  by  Bavaria  and  the 
smaller  German  States  on  his  flank,  but  he  was  prevented  from 
doing  this  by  the  energy  of  the  Prussian  advance.  The  Viennese 
newspapers  predicted  the  speedy  reconquest  of  Saxony,  an  advance 
towards  Berlin,  and  the  dictation  of  peace  in  the  Prussian  capital ; 
and  in  many  parts  of  Europe,  especially  in  England,  the  opinion 
prevailed  that  the  Prussians  could  offer  no  effective  resistance  to 
the  Austrian  troops. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  Saxony  should  be  invaded  by  two 
corps,  the  Army  of  the  Elbe  and  the  First  Army,  one  advancing 
from  the  north,  the  other  from  the  east.  The  Saxon  army  began 
its  retreat  on  the  evening  of  June  ist,  proceeding  towards  Bohemia 
by  way  of  Bodenbach,  in  order  to  join  the  Austrians.  The  two 
Prussian  armies  converging  on  Dresden  entered  this  capital  without 
opposition  on  the  afternoon  of  June  iSth,  and  in  two  days  the 
country  was  occupied,  with  the  exception  of  the  fortress  of  Konig- 
stein,  in  which  the  royal  treasure  and  papers  were  deposited. 
Eye-witnesses  relate  that  the  Prussian  troops  were  well  received 

104 


INVASION    OF    BOHEMIA 

by  the  population,  and  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  swords  and 
bayonets  of  patrols  which  glittered  in  the  sun  along  every  road, 
the  scene  would  have  been  one  of  perfect  peace.  The  soldiers 
helped  the  peasants  to  carry  in  the  hay  harvest,  worked  in  the 
cottage  gardens,  and  made  purchases  in  the  village  shops  ;  bare- 
legged country  urchins  got  rides  on  the  cavalry  and  artillery 
horses  as  they  went  to  be  watered,  and  were  invited  to  peep  into 
the  muzzles  of  rifled  guns,  and  only  when  some  adventurous  child 
ventured  to  put  a  handful  of  cornflowers  in  the  mouth  of  a  cannon 
was  he  turned  off  the  battery  by  the  sentry.  Passenger  traffic 
on  the  railways  was  soon  resumed,  and  telegraphic  messages  were 
regularly  delivered. 

The  occupation  of  Saxony  enabled  the  Prussians  to  attack  The 
the  Austrians  on  a  narrow  front  if  they  came  out  of  the  mountains,  p™ssians 
and  rendered  the  invasion  of  Bohemia  not  only  possible,  but  easy. 
The  Austrians  had  not  been  prepared  for  the  celerity  of  the  Prussian 
movements.  Benedek  had  concentrated  his  army  with  a  view 
to  strike  a  deadly  blow  at  the  heart  of  the  Prussian  kingdom, 
supported  on  the  flank  by  the  Bavarians  and  the  other  troops  of 
the  Federation.  But  his  plans  had  been  dislocated.  Instead  of 
Austria  setting  Saxony  free  by  a  rapid  march  and  dictating  peace  in 
Berlin,  the  field-marshal  saw  the  Prussian  armies  march  through 
the  passes  in  the  mountains  into  north-eastern  Bohemia.  The 
Austrians  were  sadly  deficient  in  the  spirit  and  energy  of  the 
Prussians,  their  armies  were  inefficiently  equipped,  and  their  com- 
manders were  without  any  clear  plans.  At  the  same  time  the 
northern  army  of  the  combined  Austrians  and  Saxons  was  nearly 
equal  in  strength  to  the  forces  of  Prussia,  and,  when  the  forces 
of  the  Confederation  joined  them,  would  be  greatly  superior. 
Moreover,  Baden,  which  had  at  first  determined  to  remain  neutral, 
was  forced  by  public  opinion  to  join  the  Austrians,  finding  that 
if  she  stood  aloof  her  territory  might  be  treated  as  a  convenient 
object  of  compensation,  and  her  adhesion  gave  the  Austrians  an 
additional  force  of  15,000  men. 

The  fate  of  Germany  was  decided  in  an  irregular  square  of  Scene  of  the 
territory   enclosed   by   the    Sudetian    mountains    and   the   higher  Conflict. 
waters  of  the  Iser  and  Elbe.     Prince  Frederick  Charles,   on  his 
march  to  join  the  Silesian  army,  passed  along  the  southern  foot 
of  the  Riesengebirge,  one  of  the  four  ranges  by  which  Bohemia 
is  enclosed,  and  soon  reached  the  western  bank  of  the  Iser.     On 
the  other  hand,  the  Crown  Prince,  on  his  way  to  Bohemia,  must 
pass  through  the  Sudetian  mountains  and  the  county  of  Glatz,  and 
would  reach  the  eastern  bank  of  the  upper  Elbe,  and  so  form 

105 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Prince 
Frederick 
Charles's 
Successes. 


Fight  at 

Gitschin. 


his  junction  with  Prince  Frederick  Charles.  In  order  that  the 
two  armies  might  unite,  both  rivers  must  be  passed,  and  the  passage 
of  both  was  defended.  The  harder  task  fell  to  the  Silesian  army, 
for  the  Iser  was  only  defended  by  60,000  men,  the  Elbe  by  200,000. 
On  June  22nd  a  telegram  was  sent  to  the  two  commanders  ordering 
them  to  march  into  Bohemia  and  join  forces  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Gitschin,  a  town  at  an  equal  distance  from  the  two  rivers. 
Moltke,  at  the  same  time,  left  the  generals  free  to  act  according 
to  their  own  judgment,  in  case  the  operations  of  the  enemy  were 
different  from  what  he  expected. 

On  June  22nd  Prince  Frederick  Charles  took  up  his  quarters 
at  Gorlitz  and  marched  towards  the  Austrian  frontier  by  the  two 
roads  leading  through  Zittau  and  Seidenberg,  Bohemia  being 
entered  on  the  following  day.  At  the  same  time  Herwarth  von 
Bittenfeld,  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Elbe,  marched  on  the 
high  road  from  Schelucheim  to  Rumburg,  and  occupied  Reichen- 
berg  on  June  24th.  The  position  of  this  place  enabled  Prince 
Frederick  Charles  to  open  communication  with  the  Silesian  and 
Saxon  lines  of  railway,  which  were  of  great  importance  for  the 
commissariat.  The  first  engagement  of  any  importance  took 
place  at  Podol  upon  the  Iser,  here  about  a  hundred  yards  wide. 
The  battle  did  not  begin  till  eight  in  the  evening,  when  darkness 
was  coming  on,  and  it  was  not  finished  till  midnight,  every  house 
in  the  village  being  obstinately  disputed.  At  last  both  the  town 
bridge  and  the  military  bridge  were  captured  by  the  Prussians, 
and  the  Austrians  drew  off  sullenly  on  the  road  to  Munchengratz. 
The  last  dropping  shots  did  not  cease  till  daybreak,  when  there 
were  no  Austrians  within  three  miles  of  the  bridges  except  the 
wounded  and  the  prisoners.  No  artillery  was  engaged  on  either 
side,  and  the  Prussians  owed  much  of  their  success  to  their 
needle-guns.  By  the  retreat  of  the  Austrians  to  Munchengratz, 
communications  were  opened  between  the  army  of  Prince  Frederick 
Charles  and  that  of  the  Elbe,  and  on  the  following  day  the  two 
forces  were  able  to  take  possession  of  the  whole  line  of  the  Iser. 
Munchengratz  was  not  gained  without  a  struggle,  but  Prince 
Frederick  Charles,  by  a  series  of  tactical  movements,  and  the  loss 
of  only  a  hundred  men,  gained  twelve  miles  of  country,  captured 
1,000  prisoners,  and  effected  a  more  complete  junction  with  the 
army  of  Bittenfeld,  the  headquarters  of  both  generals  being 
established  in  the  same  town. 

More  serious  was  the  conflict  at  Gitschin,  the  place  originally 
designated  by  Moltke  as  the  meeting-place  of  the  two  armies, 
about  twenty  miles  from  Munchengratz.  The  Austrians  were 

106 


UNION    OF    THE    PRUSSIAN    ARMIES 

strongly  posted,  their  artillery  and  sharpshooters  being  carefully 
placed,  but  their  young  soldiers  were  slowly  and  steadily  driven 
back  by  the  heavier  and  more  mature  troops  of  the  Prussians. 
At  night  began  an  attack  on  the  Austrians  and  Saxons  who  occupied 
the  town,  a  night  full  of  horror  and  terror.  It  is  said  that  even 
the  inhabitants  took  part  in  this  untimely  struggle,  which  was 
carried  on  in  the  dark  and  narrow  streets.  When  day  dawned 
the  Austrians  were  in  retreat,  and  the  blood-stained  town,  with 
the  streets  choked  up  with  corpses,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Prussians,  a  dearly-won  possession,  but  of  decisive  importance 
for  the  success  of  the  whole  campaign.  Another  conflict  took  place 
on  the  same  evening  on  the  other  side  of  the  town,  where  the 
Prussians  were  advancing  from  the  direction  of  Turnau.  In  this 
part  of  the  battle  the  loss  of  the  Saxons  was  very  heavy,  and  the 
Prussians  also  suffered  severely,  for  they  had  to  carry  a  strong 
position  held  by  a  superior  force.  The  Prussian  headquarters 
were  now  established  at  Gitschin,  and  in  the  afternoon  of  June 
30th  communications  were  opened  between  the  army  of  Prince 
Frederick  Charles  and  that  of  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia,  who 
was  advancing  by  Arnau. 

The  Crown  Prince's  army  had  crossed  the  Austrian  frontier  The  Crown 
on  the  evening  of  June  26th,  his  first  action  taking  place  at  Trautenau  Prince's 
on  the  following  day,  in  which  battle  the  Prussians  lost  63  officers  Advance* 
and  1,214  men,  the  Austrians  196  officers  and  5,530  men.  The 
Austrians  gained  the  victory,  which  was,  however,  of  very  little 
use  to  them,  as  the  balance  was  redressed  by  an  action  at  Soor, 
which  allowed  the  two  portions  of  the  Prussian  army  to  unite, 
while  Gablentz,  the  Austrian  general,  retreated  to  Koniginhof. 
This  town  was  captured  on  June  29th,  after  a  severe  contest, 
each  yard  of  every  street  and  each  window  of  every  house  being 
stoutly  defended.  While  this  was  going  on,  the  left  columns 
of  the  Crown  Prince's  army  rushed  through  the  passes  of  the 
Riesengebirge  from  Glatz  to  Nachod,  along  a  narrow  road  through 
a  difficult  defile,  the  column  of  march  being  twenty  miles  in  length. 
This  defile  was  defended  by  the  Austrians  in  front  of  Skalitz,  but 
after  an  obstinate  struggle  they  were  driven  back  by  Steinmetz, 
who  had  fought  in  the  War  of  Liberation,  the  Crown  Prince  being 
also  present  in  person.  Another  battle  took  place  at  Skalitz  itself 
and  another  at  Schweinschadel  on  the  following  day,  which  enabled 
the  Crown  Prince  to  concentrate  his  army  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Elbe,  and,  on  the  last  day  of  the  month,  as  we  have  seen, 
communications  were  opened  between  the  two  main  branches  of 
the  Prussian  army. 

107 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Consterna-  Benedek  now  telegraphed  to  Vienna  that,  in  consequence  of 
the  complete  defeat  of  the  first  corps  and  the  Saxon  corps,  he 
was  compelled  to  withdraw  his  army  to  Koniggratz.  This  dispatch 
came  upon  the  Viennese  public  as  a  thunderbolt  from  a  clear  sky. 
They  had,  up  to  that  moment,  been  confident  of  victory.  After 
Skalitz  Benedek  announced  that  Ramming  had  escaped  all  dangers 
and  arrived  safely  and  happily  at  Skalitz.  Then  came  the  news 
of  the  victory  of  Gablentz  at  Trautenau,  and  then  a  short  telegram 
from  Benedek  from  Skalitz  saying  that  nothing  serious  was  likely 
to  happen  there,  and  that  the  artillery  had  shown  itself  efficient 
as  usual.  The  newspapers  disseminated  this  joyful  intelligence, 
and  throughout  Europe  there  was  a  cry  of  victory  all  along  the 
line.  Suddenly  came  the  alarming  revelation  of  complete  defeat 
and  retreat  to  Koniggratz.  The  exaltation  of  seven  months  only 
made  the  depression  more  severe. 

Benedek's  At  this  period  King  William  arrived  at  Reichenberg  and  took 
Appeal  for  command  of  the  army.  He  left  Berlin  on  June  soth,  accompanied 
by  Bismarck,  Roon  and  Moltke.  He  had  heard  of  the  success 
at  Skalitz,  but  not  of  the  victory  at  Gitschin.  The  Prussian  armies 
were  now  united  at  Horsitz  and  Jaromierz,  and  the  King  moved 
his  quarters  first  to  Sichrow,  and  then  to  Gitschin.  Benedek  reached 
Koniggratz  on  July  ist,  and  before  midday  telegraphed  to  the 
Emperor,  begging  him  to  make  peace  at  all  hazards,  as  the  defeat 
of  the  army  was  certain.  In  answer  to  this  two  telegrams  were 
sent,  one  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  saying  that  the  Austrians 
were  prepared  to  surrender  Venetia  if  the  neutrality  of  Italy  were 
guaranteed,  the  other  to  Benedek,  "  Impossible  to  make  peace.  I 
command  a  retreat  in  perfect  order  if  such  step  is  unavoidable. 
Has  a  battle  already  taken  place  ?  " 

Benedek's  Benedek  understood  from  this  that  the  Emperor  desired  a 
Resolve,  battle,  but  allowed  retreat  in  case  of  necessity.  In  the  course  of 
the  night  he  sent  another  telegram  to  the  Emperor  that  he  intended 
to  let  the  army  rest  for  the  next  day,  that  he  could  not  stay  where 
he  was  because  there  was  no  water,  that  he  should  retreat  to 
Pardubitz  on  July  3rd,  that  if  he  could  depend  upon  the  troops 
he  would  fight  a  battle,  but  that  he  intended  to  take  the  troops 
back  to  Olmiitz  as  soon  as  possible.  Finally,  he  sent  another 
dispatch,  in  the  afternoon  of  July  2nd,  that  the  army  would  remain 
in  its  position  at  Koniggratz  for  the  following  day,  and  that  he 
hoped  a  further  retreat  would  not  be  necessary.  He  had,  there- 
fore, made  up  his  mind  to  fight  a  decisive  battle  next  day.  Indeed, 
it  was  not  until  the  night  of  July  2nd  that  his  whole  forces  were 
assembled,  taking  up  a  position  between  the  town  of  Koniggratz 

108 


BATTLE    OF    KONIGGRATZ 

and  the  Bistritz,  now  swollen  with  rain  and  only  passable  in 
certain  places  by  bridges.  Of  the  armies  opposed  to  him,  that  of 
Prince  Frederick  Charles  had  fought  five  severe  combats  without 
a  reverse,  and  had  secured  a  favourable  position  in  which  to  engage 
a  great  battle.  The  army  of  the  Crown  Prince  had  fought  stubborn 
actions  on  July  27th,  28th,  29th,  had  now  secured  its  junction 
with  the  other  army,  and  was  bringing  with  it  as  trophies  15,000 
prisoners,  24  captured  guns,  6  stand  of  colours,  and  2  standards. 

The  field  of  the  battle  which  was  to  form  such  an  important  The  Battle- 
epoch  in  European  history  lay  between  the  Elbe  and  the  Bistritz,  *®ld.  of 
which  ran  parallel  to  each  other  at  a  distance  of  about  five  miles. 
The  high  road  from  Gitschin  to  Koniggratz  crossed  the  Bistritz 
at  Sadowa.  Behind  Sadowa  is  a  thick  wood,  the  Hohewald, 
and  between  it  and  Nechanitz  about  half-a-dozen  small  villages. 
Afterwards  the  ground  becomes  more  hilly,  and  then  smooth 
again,  so  that  close  to  Koniggratz  it  is  entirely  flat.  The  village 
of  Chlum  is  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Sadowa.  Another  mile 
and  a  half  from  Sadowa,  down  the  Bistritz,  is  the  village  of 
Mokrovous,  and  a  little  way  above  it  the  church  of  Dohalitzka 
and  the  village  of  Dohalitz. 

The  Prussian  troops  were  in  motion  long  before  midnight,  The  Prussian 
and  at  1.30  a.m.  the  staff  left  Kammeritz.  With  the  dawn  of  Advance. 
day  a  drizzling  rain  came  on,  which  lasted  till  five  in  the  after- 
noon, while  a  keen  wind  blew  sharply  on  the  soldiers,  who  were 
short  of  sleep  and  food.  At  6  a.m.  the  army  had  reached  the  Hill 
of  Dub,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Bistritz,  but  it  was  not  allowed 
to  mount  the  summit  of  the  slope,  which  had  hitherto  concealed 
it  from  the  Austrians.  At  7  Prince  Frederick  Charles  pushed 
over  the  hill,  with  some  of  his  cavalry  and  horse  artillery,  and 
at  7.30  the  first  shot  was  fired.  The  Prussian  horse  artillery, 
close  to  the  Bistritz,  replied  to  the  Austrian  guns,  but  neither 
side  fired  heavily,  and  for  half  an  hour  the  cannonade  consisted 
of  single  shots.  At  7.45  the  King  of  Prussia  appeared  upon  the 
scene,  and  the  battle  became  more  vigorous  on  both  sides. 

During  the  cannonade  the  Prussian  infantry  had  been  moved 
down  to  the  river,  and  at  about  10  were  ordered  to  attack  Sadowa, 
Dohalitz  and  Mokrovous.  They  were  obliged  to  contest  every  inch 
of  the  way,  as  the  Austrians  fired  upon  them  as  they  approached. 
The  fighting  continued  in  and  around  the  villages  for  nearly  an 
hour  and  little  progress  was  made.  The  headquarters  were  wait- 
ing for  the  approach  of  the  Elbe  army  under  the  Crown  Prince, 
much  as  Wellington  was  waiting  at  Waterloo  for  the  arrival  of 
Blucher.  No  news  of  his  approach  had  reached  them.  What 

109 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Prussians 
Prepare  for 
Disaster. 


The  Prussian 
Guard 
Retrieve 
the  Day. 


were  they  to  do  ?  Were  they  to  allow  their  soldiers  to  be  sacrificed 
in  the  murderous  fire,  or  should  they  retreat  or  call  up  the  reserves  ? 
The  King  decided  that  the  Crown  Prince  must  come,  and  that 
they  must  hold  the  position  until  he  did,  and  in  the  meantime 
employ  their  last  resources.  A  heavy  burden  fell  upon  Franzesky, 
who  was  holding  his  own  against  the  Austrians,  in  the  wood  above 
Benatek.  At  length  the  Prussian  infantry  captured  Sadowa  and 
Dohalitz,  and  were  now  engaged  in  the  wood  which  ran  on  both 
sides  of  the  river.  The  battle  became  stationary,  and  remained 
so  for  about  two  hours. 

Benedek  now  heard  that  the  Crown  Prince  was  expected  to 
arrive  on  his  right  ;  he  therefore  strained  every  nerve  to  inflict 
a  sharp  blow  on  Prince  Frederick  Charles  before  the  reinforcements 
could  come  up.  At  noon  the  whole  battle  line  of  the  Prussians 
was  stopped  from  further  advance  and  obliged  to  fight  hard  to 
retain  the  position  it  had  won.  Indeed,  there  was  a  fear  lest  the 
battle  should  be  lost,  for  the  Austrian  artillery  had  decimated  the 
Prussians,  and  the  needle-guns  had  no  effect  in  the  wooded  ground. 
Herwarth  von  Bittenfeld  found  himself  checked  on  the  right,  and 
things  were  not  going  much  better  for  the  Prussians  in  the 
centre.  Indeed,  they  were  growing  very  uneasy,  and  preparing  for 
a  disaster. 

The  Crown  Prince  had  received  the  order  to  march  at  Koniginhof 
at  2  in  the  morning,  but  a  large  part  of  his  army  had  to  cross 
the  river,  and  he  could  not  set  out  before  8.  They  had  a 
long  way  to  go  in  drenching  rain  over  marshy  ground,  but  they 
overcame  all  difficulties  and  advanced  eagerly  to  the  fray.  They 
saw  before  them  an  Austrian  battery  on  a  hill,  under  a  group  of 
lime  trees  and  towards  that  they  marched.  At  last  the  heights  of 
Chlum,  which  dominated  the  whole  of  the  battlefield,  became  the 
main  point  of  attack.  The  Prussian  Guard  marched  to  its  assault 
and,  when  they  arrived  on  the  summit,  saw  between  them  and 
the  fortress  of  Koniggratz  the  whole  of  the  Austrian  reserves, 
to  the  number  of  40,000  men,  while  between  them  and  the  rear 
of  the  first  army  were  the  Austrians  who  were  fighting  near  Lipa 
and  in  the  Sadowa  wood.  There  were  only  twelve  battalions  of 
the  Prussian  Guard  to  hold  the  key  of  the  position  against  the 
whole  of  the  enemy's  reserve.  When  Benedek  heard  that  the 
Prussians  had  occupied  Chlum,  he  would  not  believe  it,  but,  on 
moving  up  to  ascertain  its  truth,  was  received  by  a  murderous 
fire,  which  killed  many  of  his  staff.  The  position  of  the  Guard 
was  critical,  but  at  last  they  were  relieved  by  the  arrival  of  50,000 
fresh  troops. 


no 


EFFECT    OF    KONIGGRATZ 

At  last  the  long-hoped-for  army  had  come  !  With  loud  cheers 
and  beating  drums  they  ran  at  full  speed  up  the  hill.  The  Sadowa 
wood  was  cleared,  the  Austrian  batteries  were  silenced,  the  summit 
of  the  hill  was  gained,  and  they  saw  the  white  uniforms  running 
before  them.  The  newly-arrived  army  took  the  fugitives  in  flank 
and  raked  them  as  they  fled.  The  artillery,  when  it  reached  the 
ridge,  opened  fire  on  the  retreating  Austrians,  who,  however, 
did  not  lose  heart  in  their  dangerous  position  and  maintained  good 
order.  Benedek  now  saw  that  the  battle  was  lost,  and  that  nothing 
remained  but  to  retire  to  Koniggratz  with  the  fragments  of  his 
army.  King  William  rode  through  the  battlefield,  saluted  every- 
where by  the  cries  of  his  troops.  He  even  rode  under  the  fire 
of  a  battery  and  was  forcibly  removed  by  Bismarck. 

Moltke  told  the  King  that  he  had  won,  not  only  the  battle,  The  Way 
but  the  campaign.     Benedek  sought  for  safety  on  both  sides  of  the  °Pen  to 
Elbe,  till  at  last  the  Austrian  cavalry  reached  Pardubitz  and  the  Yienna< 
army  was  able  to  cross  the  river  during  the  night  without  further 
loss.    The  way  now  lay  open  to  Vienna.     Benedek  said  sorrowfully 
that  he  had  lost  everything  except  the  life  which  he  desired  to 
lose.     The  loss  of  the  Austrians  amounted  to  5,600  dead,  7,600 
wounded,  9,300  prisoners,  12,800  surrendered,  and  6,100  missing ; 
together,  with  the  loss  of  the  Saxons,  nearly  43,000  men.     The 
previous  contests  had  cost  the  Allies  32,000  men,  so  that,  in  a 
week,    the   north    army   had   been   robbed    of   nearly   a   quarter 
of   its  strength.      The    whole    loss    of    the    Prussians  was  nearly 
10,000. 

Europe  heard  the  news  of  the  victory  of  Sadowa,  or  Koniggratz,  Effect  in 
on  the  following  morning  with  amazement.     An  army  which  had  Europe. 
not  been  under  fire  for  fifty  years,  which  its  enemies  had  despised 
as  consisting  of  parade  soldiers,  militia  troops,  and  beardless  boys, 
had  almost  annihilated  the  most  famous  army  in  Europe.    Antonelli, 
in  the  Vatican,  said  that  the  world  was  falling  about  his  ears.     Italy 
felt  the  joy  of  a  true-hearted  ally,  but  Napoleon  began  to  consider 
how  he  could  best  look  after  his  own  interests. 

The  excitement  in  Paris  over  the  Prussian  victory  can  hardly 
be  conceived ;  a  success  like  that  of  Koniggratz  put  Magenta  and 
Solferino  into  the  shade.  A  great  Power  had  suddenly  sprung 
into  existence  by  the  side  of  France,  equal  to  her  if  not  superior. 
A  strong  and  united  Germany  would  shatter  into  nothingness 
the  proud  hegemony  of  France,  and  the  sympathies  of  Napoleon 
for  Prussia  began  to  cool.  On  the  day  on  which  the  defeat  of 
Koniggratz  was  reported  to  Paris,  Metternich  called  on  the  Emperor 
to  say  that  Austria  was  ready  to  renounce  Venetia  and  to  ask 

in 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

for  French  mediation,  saying  that  he  had  full  power  to  conclude 
a  negotiation. 

Napoleon's  The  Emperor  was  embarrassed,  compensation  for  the  cession 

Bluff.  of  siiesia  was  no  longer  possible,  and  still  less  could  an  armed 

intervention  be  carried  out.  He  had  recourse  to  bluff.  On 
July  5th  the  Moniteur  declared  that  Austria  had  surrendered 
Venetia  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  and  had  asked  for  his 
mediation,  but  that  he  was  taking  steps  to  bring  about  an  armistice 
both  with  Prussia  and  Italy.  On  the  evening  before  a  council 
had  been  held  at  St.  Cloud,  at  which  Drouyn  de  1'Huys,  supported 
by  the  Empress,  had  urged  the  summoning  of  the  Chambers, 
the  demand  for  the  loan  of  a  milliard,  and  the  massing  of 
100,000  men  on  the  Rhine.  This  was  opposed  by  Lavalette, 
who  pointed  out  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  policy  of  a 
mediator,  and  that  France  was  not  strong  enough  to  begin  a 
simultaneous  war  with  Prussia  and  Italy,  which  would  certainly 
be  the  upshot.  A  compromise  was  adopted,  as  announced  in 
the  Moniteur,  but  the  result  was  the  isolation  of  France  in  Europe, 
as  neither  Russia  nor  Great  Britain  would  support  her  action. 
When  the  news  of  the  French  offer  reached  King  William,  he  was 
overwhelmed  with  astonishment,  but  thought  it  prudent  to  accept 
it,  stating  the  conditions  on  which  such  an  intervention  would 
be  possible. 

Italy  Claims         Feeling   in    Italy   was   very   different.     In   every   part    of   the 
Direct  peninsula  it  seemed  an  indignity  to  accept  Venetia  in  this  manner 

Venice1  from  the  hand  of  the  Emperor,  like  a  bone  thrown  to  a  dog. 

Ricasoli  and  the  King  were  both  of  the  same  opinion.  Venetia 
must  be  conquered  from  the  Austrians,  and  the  disgrace  of  Custozza 
rubbed  out.  Eventually  a  telegram  was  sent  to  the  Emperor 
accepting  the  armistice  under  three  conditions — the  cession  of 
Venice  directly  by  Austria  to  Italy,  the  surrender  of  the  Italian 
Tyrol,  and  the  restriction  of  the  negotiations  to  the  question  of 
Venetia  alone.  The  Emperor  tried  to  put  pressure  on  Italy, 
threatening  to  send  a  French  fleet  to  Venice,  but  Ricasoli,  now 
certain  of  the  help  of  Prussia,  stood  firm  and  sent  Cialdini  across 
the  Po. 

Anxiety  in  In    the   Tuileries   the    statement    of    the    Prussian   conditions 

Paris,  was    anxiously    awaited.     Drouyn    de    1'Huys    was    in    favour    of 

sending  French  troops  to  Venetia,  which  was  now  a  French 
province,  the  Empress  wept  over  the  fate  of  unhappy  Austria, 
and  dreaded  the  formation  of  a  Germany  which  would  be  hostile 
to  France.  The  Emperor  was  besieged  with  arguments  for  war, 
and  Lavalette  and  Prince  Napoleon  found  it  difficult  to  keep 

112 


OTHER    PRUSSIAN    VICTORIES 

him  back.  The  Emperor  felt  himself  indeed  in  an  unfor- 
tunate position,  for  his  alliance  with  Prussia  had  permitted 
the  formation  of  a  united  Germany.  The  Empress  declared  she 
was  afraid  that  a  German  army  might  appear  some  day  at  the 
gates  of  Paris,  that  she  might  go  to  bed  a  Frenchwoman  and 
wake  up  a  Prussian.  Prince  Reuss  came  to  Paris,  but  brought 
no  conolitions  with  him.  The  Emperor  did  not  know  what  com- 
pensation to  ask  for  and  ended  by  asking  for  none.  The  policy 
of  Bismarck  had  conquered.  Austria  was  annihilated,  Prussia 
was  master  of  Germany,  and  France,  oscillating  from  one  side 
to  the  other,  instead  of  appearing  as  a  triumphant  mediator,  had 
to  suffer  the  humiliation  of  disappointment  and  insult. 

In  the  meantime  Prussia  was  gaining  victories  in  other  parts  The  Army  of 
of  Germany.  After  the  capitulation  of  the  Hanoverians,  Falken-  the  Main- 
stein  was  able  to  consolidate  the  various  bodies  of  troops  coming 
from  the  commands  of  Goben,  Manteuffel  and  Beyer  into  a  single 
force  called  the  Army  of  the  Main,  and  to  attack  the  troops  of  the 
Federation  which  were  still  in  arms  against  Prussia.  Of  these  the 
Seventh  Army  Corps,  as  it  was  called,  was  composed  of  Bavarians, 
50,000  strong,  under  the  command  of  Prince  Charles,  who  had 
served  in  the  Napoleonic  wars,  and  in  the  Schleswig-Holstein 
campaign  of  1848.  The  Eighth  Army  Corps  was  made  up  of 
contingents  from  Wiirtemberg,  Darmstadt,  Baden  and  Nassau, 
together  with  Austrian  troops  drawn  from  different  garrisons, 
and  was  commanded  by  Prince  Alexander  of  Darmstadt,  a  fine 
soldier-like  man,  brother  of  the  Empress  of  Russia  and  father 
of  the  Princes  of  Battenberg.  But,  for  purposes  of  securing  unity, 
the  supreme  command  was  committed  to  Prince  Charles,  a  unity 
which  was  very  imperfectly  obtained. 

The  Federal  army  was  not  in  a  position  to  take  the  field  till  Battle  of 
the  beginning  of  July.  The  Bavarian  army  was  posted  in  Northern 
Franconia,  while  the  corps  of  Prince  Alexander  occupied  a  district 
called  the  Wetterau,  to  the  north  of  Frankfort,  while  it  took 
possession  of  Giessen  and  Wetzlar,  which  was  an  enclave  of  Prussia. 
Falkenstein  formed  the  plan  of  pushing  a  wedge  between  these 
two  armies,  which  would  prevent  them  from  combining  in  any 
common  action.  He  therefore  attacked  the  Bavarians,  who 
had  advanced  from  Coburg  and  Meiningen  and  were  now  in  the 
valley  of  the  Fulda.  The  two  armies  came  into  collision  on 
July  4th,  in  a  battle  which  bears  the  name  of  Dermbach  in  the 
Wiesenthal,  fought  the  day  after  Koniggratz.  The  field  was 
obstinately  contested,  with  great  bravery  on  both  sides.  Although 
the  Bavarians  were  superior  in  number,  the  result  remained  un- 
*  113 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Defeat 
of  the 
Bavarians. 


Capture  of 
Kissingen. 


Occupation 
of  Frank- 
fort. 


certain  and  the  losses  on  either  side  were  equally  heavy.  However, 
it  had  the  result  of  preventing  the  union  of  the  Seventh  Army 
Corps  with  the  Eighth,  so  that  Prince  Charles  marched  south- 
wards towards  the  Franconian  Saale,  followed  by  the  Prussians, 
who  advanced  along  the  Fulda  Valley  to  Hanau,  and  the  valley 
of  the  Main. 

Falkenstein's  object  had  been  so  far  attained  that,  whereas 
on  July  5th  the  two  corps  were  only  thirty  miles  distant  from 
each  other,  two  days  later  the  distance  had  been  increased  to 
seventy  miles.  After  a  difficult  march  through  the  mountainous 
district  of  the  Rhon,  he  came  up  with  the  Bavarians  in  the  valley 
of  the  Saale,  and  on  July  loth  fought  the  battles  of  Hammelburg 
and  Kissingen.  In  the  first  of  these  the  town  was  bravely  defended 
by  the  Bavarians,  who  stood  their  ground  firmly  on  the  bridge 
which  crosses  the  Saale,  notwithstanding  the  heavy  cannonade 
and  the  burning  houses  on  each  side.  The  position  was  at  last 
stormed,  as  the  Bavarians  could  not  stand  the  vigour  of  the 
assault  and  the  good  firing  of  the  needle-guns.  The  Bavarians 
drew  off  to  the  south-east  and  the  Prussians  gained  the  passage 
of  the  Saale. 

Kissingen  is  a  fashionable  watering-place,  and  the  guests  who 
thronged  it  to  get  rid  of  their  gout  were  much  surprised  on 
finding  themselves  in  the  middle  of  a  battle.  They  were  not 
allowed  to  leave  the  town,  for  fear  of  giving  information  to  the 
enemy.  The  Prussians  made  their  appearance  in  the  early  morn- 
ing of  July  loth,  and  crossed  the  Saale  without  serious  loss.  They 
then  pushed  forward  into  the  heart  of  the  town,  but  met  with  a 
stout  resistance.  The  Kurgarten,  the  centre  of  the  social  life  of 
the  place,  was  only  conquered  after  a  fourth  assault,  and  it  was 
not  till  3  in  the  afternoon  that  the  town  was  in  the  possession 
of  the  Prussians.  Even  then  the  Bavarians  continued  the  contest 
on  the  hills,  and  the  fight  lasted  till  evening. 

Falkenstein  now  turned  his  attention  to  the  Eighth  Army 
Corps,  which  was  entrenched  in  various  positions  on  the  River 
Fulda.  When  the  news  of  the  Austrian  defeat  at  Koniggratz 
reached  Prince  Alexander,  he  thought  that  his  first  duty  was  to 
defend  Frankfort,  so  he  sent  a  division  of  Austrians  and  Hanoverians 
under  Neipperg  to  Aschaffenburg  to  defend  the  old  Imperial  city. 
However,  on  July  I3th,  Goben  won  a  victory  at  Laufach,  Aschaffen- 
burg was  captured  on  July  i4th,  and  Frankfort  was  occupied  two 
days  later,  Prince  Alexander  evacuating  the  town  and  retiring 
with  his  whole  army  to  the  Odenwald.  Thus,  in  fourteen  days, 
Falkenstein  had  defeated  two  armies,  each  as  strong  as  his  own, 

"4 


AUSTRIA    CRUSHED 

and  was  able  to  report  to  the  King  that  all  lands  north  of  the 
Main  were  in  the  possession  of  the  Prussians. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  operations  of  the  main  army.  Terror  in 
After  the  victory  of  Koniggratz,  it  rested  for  a  few  days  and  then  Yienna« 
advanced  to  Pardubitz,  pursuing  the  Austrians  in  their  retreat 
to  Olmutz.  In  the  meantime  Prague,  the  capital  of  Bohemia, 
had  been  occupied  without  a  battle,  on  July  8th.  At  the  news 
of  these  events  terror  reigned  in  Vienna,  and  a  movement  was 
made  to  summon  the  whole  nation  to  arms.  On  July  i3th  the 
Archduke  Albert  took  command  of  all  the  forces  of  the  Empire. 
He  brought  a  portion  of  the  army  of  the  south  to  the  capital  and 
united  it  with  the  remains  of  the  army  of  the  north.  At  this 
time  the  Crown  Prince  was  holding  Benedek  fast  in  Olmutz,  and 
Prince  Frederick  Charles  was  advancing  towards  Vienna  by  the 
shortest  road.  The  Emperor  asked  for  an  armistice,  but  this 
was  declined,  because  he  insisted  that  the  Federal  States  should 
be  included  in  it,  and  that  no  obstacle  should  be  placed  to  the 
operations  of  the  Austrian  army  of  the  south. 

Communications  between   Olmutz   and   Vienna  still  remained  Prussians 

open,  and  therefore  Archduke  Albert  issued  orders    to    Benedek  Capture  tne 

Railway^ 
to  send  his  six  army  corps  by  train  to  Vienna.     But  before  half 

of  them  were  dispatched  the  railway  was  broken  up,  and  Benedek 
was  obliged  to  retire  to  Pressburg  in  Hungary,  which  he  only  reached 
by  fighting  with  considerable  loss.  An  eye-witness  gives  an 
interesting  account  of  the  incident.  He  says  that  when  he  came 
in  sight  of  the  railway  at  Goding,  he  saw  two  trains,  one  close 
behind  the  other,  with  engines  puffing  and  snorting  violently, 
as  if  drawing  a  heavy  load,  steaming  slowly  in  the  direction  of 
Lundenburg,  which  is  about  an  hour  and  a  half  distant  from 
Vienna.  These  trains  were  conveying  Austrian  troops  to  the 
capital.  The  Prussians  immediately  determined  to  break  up  the 
line.  The  men  found  pickaxes  and  spades  in  the  neighbouring 
cottages,  and  some  set  to  work  on  foot,  whilst  others  held  the 
horses.  The  rails  were  wrenched  up  out  of  their  places,  and 
thrown  on  one  side,  and,  in  a  few  minutes,  the  line  was  useless 
for  traffic.  Scarcely  had  they  finished  the  work  before  another 
train  came  up,  but  when  the  engine-driver  saw  the  Prussian  cavalry, 
he  reversed  his  engine  and  steamed  slowly  back  in  the  direction 
from  which  he  had  come. 

On  July  i8th,   1866,   King  William  took  up  his  quarters  in  In  Sight  of 
the  little  Moravian  town  of  Nikolsburg,   and  slept  in  the  very  Yienna« 
room  which  Napoleon  had  occupied  before  the  Battle  of  Auster- 
litz.     At  this  time  the  advance  guard  of  the  Prussian  army  were 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


A  Dramatic 
Armistice, 


Bismarck 
Dictates 
Terms  of 
Peace, 


in  sight  of  the  Imperial  city  of  Vienna,  conspicuous  by  the  tower 
of  St.  Stephen's  and  that  of  the  Palace  of  Schonbrunn,  while 
before  them  lay  the  Marchfeld,  with  the  villages  of  Aspern,  Esslingen 
and  Wagram,  the  scenes  of  Napoleon's  defeat  and  his  ultimate 
victory.  They  were  situated  in  the  middle  of  rich  corn-fields 
bright  with  poppies,  which  from  a  distance  looked  like  pieces 
of  dazzling  mosaic  let  into  a  golden  pavement,  fringed  by  the 
silver  band  of  the  Danube,  studded  with  emerald  islets,  while,  in 
the  distance,  the  dark  blue  lines  of  the  Carpathian  Mountains 
bounded  the  view  towards  Hungary.  No  Prussian  army,  not 
even  that  of  the  Great  Frederick,  had  ever  gazed  upon  this  view 
before.  Floridsdorf  and  Pressburg  were  the  only  strong  places 
which  the  Austrians  now  had  in  their  possession  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  Danube. 

A  last  struggle  took  place  on  July  22nd,  1866,  at  Neudorf 
and  Blumenau,  and  Pressburg,  which  was  the  key  of  the  passage 
between  Austria  and  Hungary,  was  on  the  point  of  being  captured, 
when,  a  few  minutes  after  midday  on  July  23rd,  an  Austrian 
messenger  advanced  from  Blumenau  to  the  Prussian  lines  with 
a  flag  of  truce.  He  reported  to  a  Prussian  officer,  who  came  out 
to  meet  him,  that  an  armistice  had  been  agreed  upon  to  date  from 
midday  and  that  the  hour  was  already  spent.  The  signal  to  cease 
firing  passed  along  the  Prussian  ranks,  and  a  sudden  stillness, 
a  hum  of  conversation  from  the  astonished  soldiers,  took  the  place 
of  the  roar  of  artillery  and  the  patter  of  small  arms. 

The  negotiations  between  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  on  the 
one  side,  and  Prussia  and  Austria  on  the  other,  had  at  length 
produced  their  effect,  and  Napoleon  had  sent  Benedetti,  his 
ambassador  at  Berlin,  to  the  King's  headquarters  at  Nikolsburg 
to  propose  terms  of  peace.  Bismarck  saw,  with  statesmanlike 
insight,  that  the  golden  moment  had  come  in  which  a  treaty 
could  be  made,  and  that  the  opportunity  ought  not  to  be  lost. 
The  Austrians,  besides,  were  anxious  for  a  cessation  of  the  war.. 
On  July  24th  the  Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia  sent  a  message 
proposing  a  European  congress ;  the  attitude  of  Napoleon  was 
uncertain.  Bismarck  therefore  wrote  a  letter  to  King  William 
proposing  terms.  The  points  he  laid  down  were,  the  exclusion 
of  Austria  from  the  Bund,  the  annexation  of  Schles wig-Hoist ein, 
Hanover,  Hesse  and  Nassau,  together  with  the  independence  of 
Saxony,  but  under  such  terms  that  in  any  future  war  she  could 
not  take  part  against  Prussia.  He  also  mentioned,  as  a  reason 
for  concluding  peace,  the  outbreak  of  cholera  in  the  army,  and 
the  dangers  of  a  campaign  in  the  unhealthy  month  of  August. 


PEACE    SIGNED 

The  King  agreed  with  his  Minister,  and  after  some  discussion,  in 
which  the  indemnity  to  Prussia  was  eventually  fixed  at  20,000,000 
thalers,  proclamations  of  peace  were  signed  on  July  26th.  At 
the  last  moment  Benedetti  informed  Bismarck  that  France 
expected  some  compensation  for  the  aggrandisement  of  Prussia 
and  her  own  share  in  the  peace,  and  Bismarck  replied  that  he 
was  quite  ready  to  enter  into  negotiations  on  the  subject. 

Austria  submitted  to  peace  because  she  could  expect  no  assist-  Bismarck's 
ance   from   France.     The   interference   of   Russia  was   caused  by  Plain 


jealousy  of  the  aggrandisement  of  Prussia,  which  would  make  her 


more  independent  than  was  in  accordance  with  Russian  interests, 
a  view  on  which  Gortshakov,  the  Tsar's  Chancellor,  laid  great 
stress.  There  was  a  danger  that  the  meeting  of  the  congress  would 
strengthen  the  claims  of  France  for  compensation,  and  would  be 
an  occasion  for  establishing  an  alliance  between  Russia  and  France, 
which  would  be  inimical  to  Prussia.  Bismarck  therefore  declined 
the  offer  of  a  congress,  and  said  that  his  country  would  not  allow 
the  terms  of  peace  between  two  German  Powers  to  be  settled 
by  any  foreign  interference.  Indeed,  if  anything  of  the  kind 
were  attempted,  it  would  be  resisted  by  the  whole  strength  of 
the  German  nationality,  together  with  that  of  other  peoples  who 
threatened  insurrection  in  Poland  and  Hungary.  This  firm 
language  produced  a  salutary  effect  both  in  Paris  and  St.  Peters- 
burg. But,  to  smooth  matters,  Manteuffel  was  sent  to  the  Russian 
Court,  it  being  known  that  he  was  well  regarded  in  the  city  on 
the  Neva.  He  was  instructed  to  explain  the  policy  of  Bismarck 
and  to  offer  assistance  in  the  case  of  complications  in  the  East. 
By  these  means  Alexander  became  reconciled  to  the  new  state 
of  things,  and  the  friendship  between  Russia  and  Prussia,  which 
had  existed  for  so  many  years,  and  had  stood  so  many  trials, 
remained  undisturbed. 

On  July  28th  an  armistice  was  concluded  at  Wiirzburg  between  Peace  of 
Manteuffel  and  Prince  Charles,   which  formed  a  basis  of  peace  Prague. 
between   Prussia   and   the   South   German   States.     The   war   on 
the  Main  came  to  an  end,  and  armistices  were  concluded  with 
Baden,  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg,  which  were  eventually  formed 
into  preliminaries  of  peace,  the  Eighth  Army  Corps  being  gradually 
disbanded.     Finally,  the  Peace  of  Prague  was  signed  on  August  23rd, 
1866,  which  comprised  the  conditions  of  which  we  have  already 
given  an  account. 

On  August  22nd  Baden,  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  made  a 
treaty  with  Prussia,  at  Berlin,  in  which  the  preliminaries  of  Nikols- 
burg  were  recognised,  with  the  foundation  of  a  North  German 

117 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bavarian- 
Prussian 
Alliance. 


War  in 
Yenetia. 


League,  and  the  admission  of  the  increase  of  Prussian  territory. 
The  Zollverein  was  to  continue,  with  power  to  determine  it  by 
six  months'  notice  on  either  side,  and  the  tolls  on  the  Rhine  and 
the  Main  were  abolished.  Towards  the  expenses  of  the  war  Wiir- 
temberg  contributed  8,000,000,  Baden  6,000,000,  and  Bavaria 
30,000,000  gulden,  while  Bavaria  had  to  make  a  small  sacrifice 
of  territory.  A  secret  article  contained  an  agreement  for  an 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance  in  case  of  a  foreign  war.  The 
settlements  with  Hesse-Darmstadt  and  Saxony  were  more  difficult, 
because  both  countries  had  been  deserted  by  their  sovereigns, 
and  were  occupied  by  the  Prussians.  At  last  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Hesse  submitted  on  September  3rd,  and  King  John  of  Saxony, 
a  great  scholar  and  almost  a  saint,  agreed  to  surrender  some  of 
his  royal  authority  on  October  2ist.  Beust,  who  had  supported 
his  anti-Prussian  sympathies,  was  removed  and  was  immediately 
made  Chancellor  of  Austria  in  the  place  of  Mensdorff.  A  Prussian 
garrison  was  admitted  into  Dresden  and  even  into  Konigstein. 
The  King  agreed  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  10,000,000  thalers,  to 
enter  the  North  German  Confederation,  and  to  accept  the  Prussian 
acquisition  of  his  army.  This  example  served  to  overcome  the 
obstinacy  of  the  Regent  Caroline  of  the  elder  line  of  Reuss,  and  to 
induce  Duke  Bernhard  of  Saxe-Meiningen  to  abdicate  in  favour 
of  his  son  George. 

It  was  found  impossible  to  establish  a  South  German  League, 
with  an  independent  international  existence,  but  the  young  King 
of  Bavaria,  Ludwig  II. — a  monarch  whose  surpassing  beauty 
and  brilliant  genius  sank  eventually  under  the  cloud  of  mental 
derangement — summoned  a  friend  of  Prussia,  Prince  Hohenlohe- 
Schillingsfiirst,  to  his  counsels,  instead  of  von  der  Pfordten,  the 
friend  of  Austria,  and  while  preserving  his  full  sovereignty  and 
the  independence  of  his  country,  made  an  alliance  with  Prussia 
and  allowed  his  army  to  become  part  of  the  Prussian  army  in 
the  case  of  war. 

The  war  in  Venetia  continued  until  the  Peace  of  Prague  was 
signed.  The  Austrians  fought  for  the  possession  of  a  country 
which  did  not  belong  to  them,  and  the  Italians  had  to  conquer 
a  country  which  was  their  own.  In  the  middle  of  July  Cialdini 
with  his  army  occupied  Padua  and  Vicenza,  and  the  Austrians 
retired  to  the  Isonzo  and  Cialdini  reached  Mestre.  Indeed,  Victor 
Emmanuel  was  no  longer  satisfied  with  Venetia,  and,  with  the 
help  of  Garibaldi,  attempted  the  conquest  of  the  Italian  Tyrol, 
whose  inhabitants  were  clamouring  for  union  with  the  country 
of  their  race  and  language.  Garibaldi  was  not  very  successful 

118 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    ITALY 

in  the  mountain  districts  west  of  Lake  Garda,  and  his  young  raw 
levies,  badly  clothed  and  fed,  fell  easy  victims  to  the  Tyrolese 
sharpshooters.  Medici  had  more  success  in  the  battle  of  Levico 
on  July  22nd,  fought  a  month  before  the  conclusion  of  the 
Peace  of  Prague,  which  brought  him  within  striking  distance 
of  Trent.  If  he  could  have  continued  the  struggle  he  would 
have  joined  Garibaldi's  volunteers  in  the  Giudicaria,  conquered 
the  valley  of  the  Adige,  and  severed  the  connection  between 
Vienna  and  the  Quadrilateral. 

At  length  the  Austrians  won  at  sea  the  victory  which  eluded  Battle  of 
them  on  land.     In  the  battle  of  Lissa,  fought  on  July  2ist,  1866,  ^issa. 
between  Persano  and  Tegethoff,  the  Austrian  fleet  emulated  the 
triumph  of  Custozza  and  allowed  of  a  peace  to  be  concluded,  not 
without    honour.     The    Italians    fought    with    bravery    and    self- 
devotion,   but  when  the  Re  d'ltalia  had  been  rammed  by  the 
Erzherzog  Max,   and  the  Palestw  had  been  blown  into  the   air 
with  all  its  armament,  Persano  was  forced  to  retire  to  the  harbour 
of  Ancona.     The  war  began  and  ended  with  an  Italian  defeat,  but 
the  fruits  of  victory  remained  in  their  possession. 

An  armistice  was  signed  on  July  25th.  With  some  difficulty  Italy  Free. 
Victor  Emmanuel  was  induced  to  surrender  the  districts  he  had 
occupied  in  the  Trentino,  and  a  peace  was  signed  at  Vienna  on 
October  3rd,  in  which  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  was  recognised  by 
Austria.  The  union  of  Venetia  to  Italy,  submitted  to  the  popular 
vote,  was  carried  with  absolute  unanimity,  and  Victor  Emmanuel 
made  a  solemn  entry  into  the  City  of  the  Lagoons  amid  thunderous 
applause,  the  people  showing  an  enthusiasm  at  which  even  the 
Austrians  were  surprised. 

Before  the  end  of  the  year  the  French  garrison  departed  from 
Rome,  where  they  had  been  established  for  seventeen  years,  their 
place  being  taken  by  mercenaries  ;  and  when  Victor  Emmanuel 
opened  the  Italian  Parliament  on  December  i8th,  he  could  have 
declared  that  the  soil  of  Italy  was  entirely  free  from  the  presence 
of  the  foreigner.  Rome,  however,  still  remained  unassimilated. 
The  more  moderate  of  the  Italian  statesmen  would  have  been 
willing  to  keep  Florence  as  the  capital  and  to  come  to  some 
arrangement  with  the  Pope,  but  the  national  party,  headed  by 
Garibaldi,  clamoured  for  Rome. 

In  the  autumn  of  1867,  Garibaldi  made  an  attempt  to  realise  Garibaldi's 
his  wishes  by  a  raid  on  the  Papal  States,  but,  opposed   by  the  Defeat. 
Papal   troops,    under   the    German    general    Kanzler,    and   by    a 
French  auxiliary  corps,  under  de  Failly,  he  was  defeated  at  Mentana, 
on  November  3rd,   1867,   and,   after  a  short  imprisonment,  was 

119 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

allowed  to  return  to  Caprera,  not  struck  in  the  foot,  as  at  Aspromonte, 
but  deeply  wounded  in  his  heart.  Failly  telegraphed  gaily  to 
Paris  that  the  chassepot  had  worked  wonders.  The  result  of 
it  all  was  that  a  French  garrison  was  placed  in  Civita  Vecchia, 
and  Rome  did  not  become  Italian  until  after  the  defeat  of  the 
French  in  the  war  of  1870. 


120 


CHAPTER  V  i 
GLADSTONE  AND  His  FIRST  MINISTRY 

A  LARGE  part  of  the  history  of  modern  Europe  has  been  occupied  A  Specious 
by  efforts  to  get  rid  of  the  artificial  conditions  imposed  by  the  Treaty. 
Treaty  of  Vienna.  The  basis  of  the  treaty  was  the  principle  of 
Legitimacy,  coupled  with  the  desire  to  punish  the  friends  of 
Napoleon,  to  reward  his  enemies,  and  generally  to  reverse  his  policy. 
The  insistence  upon  this  principle  was  due  mainly  to  the  genius 
of  Talleyrand,  who  perceived  that  it  was  the  only  way  in  which 
France,  governed  by  Bourbons,  could  resume  her  leading  position 
in  the  family  of  nations.  But  the  principle  was  outworn.  What- 
ever it  had  done  for  the  consolidation  of  Europe  in  the  past,  it 
promised  nothing  for  the  future,  and  its  place  was  taken  by  the 
principle  of  Nationality. 

We  have,  in  preceding  chapters,  traced  some  of  the  steps  by  The 
which  the  first  of  these  principles  was  gradually  succeeded  by  Struggles  for 
the  second.  The  independence  of  Greece,  though  not  consummated  Nationality, 
until  1859,  and  the  separation  of  the  Roumanians  and  the  Servians 
from  the  Turkish  Empire,  were  followed  in  1830  by  the  fall  of  the 
Monarchy  of  July  in  France,  which  was  founded  on  the  principle 
of  Legitimacy.  This  was  succeeded  by  the  revolutionary  movement 
in  Poland  and  Italy,  which  culminated  in  the  cataclysm  of  1848, 
and  by  the  establishment  of  the  second  French  Empire,  which 
placed  Bonapartism  on  the  throne.  Then  came  events  of  still 
greater  significance,  the  defeat  of  the  Austrians  at  Koniggratz, 
and  the  formation  of  the  North  German  Federation  under  the 
leadership  of  Prussia,  the  annexation  of  Venice  to  the  Italian 
Kingdom,  and  the  completion  of  this  edifice  by  the  occupation 
of  Rome  ;  the  fall  of  the  second  Napoleonic  Empire  at  Sedan, 
and  the  creation  of  a  new  German  Empire  at  Versailles,  Protestant 
and  progressive,  founded  on  the  dual  basis  of  militarism  and 
culture,  destroying  the  old  Austrian  Empire,  whose  treachery  to 
Napoleon  had  been  her  ruin,  and  establishing  in  her  place  the 
despised  and  downtrodden  country  of  Hardenberg  and  Fichte, 
of  Luise  and  Gneisenau. 

In  1860  the  central  figure  on  the  stage  of  European  politics 
was  undoubtedly  the  ruler   of  France.     The  Crimean  War  had 

121 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Gladstone 

and 

Nationality, 


Gladstone's 
Treaty  with 
France. 


strengthened  his  dynasty  at  home  and  had  secured  his  position 
abroad.  Cavour  had  come  into  conflict  with  him,  but  had  been 
beaten  in  the  struggle.  Bismarck,  who  eventually  overthrew 
him,  had  not  yet  consolidated  his  strength  for  the  purpose.  When 
the  Sovereigns  of  the  three  northern  Powers  met  at  Warsaw  at 
the  end  of  1860,  with  the  view  of  combining  against  France,  Russia 
refused  to  join  the  conspiracy,  and  Napoleon  remained  master 
of  the  situation.  The  French  Empire  was  at  its  zenith.  Thiers, 
afterwards  a  hostile  critic,  said  that  the  best  compensation  for 
a  Frenchman's  being  nothing  in  his  own  country  was  the  sight 
of  that  country  filling  its  right  place  in  the  world. 

Never  was  there  a  more  strenuous  upholder  of  the  principle 
of  Nationality  and  of  peoples  "  rightly  struggling  to  be  free  " 
than  William  Ewart  Gladstone,  who  for  so  long  moulded  the 
destinies  of  the  British  Empire.  He  had,  of  course,  the  strongest 
sympathy  with  the  creation  of  a  new  Italy.  In  1853  he  dined 
with  Cavour  at  the  Italian  Foreign  Office,  and  the  Italian  Minister 
spoke  of  him  as  one  of  the  sincerest  and  most  important  friends 
that  Italy  had,  and  it  was  mainly  through  his  influence  that  Great 
Britain  took  a  firm  line  in  obtaining  the  annexation  of  Sicily  and 
Naples  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy.  With  his  full  approval,  Russell 
wrote  in  October,  1860,  that  Great  Britain  could  not  condemn 
these  Southern  peoples  for  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  a  government 
which  they  detested,  and  which  was  little  better  than  an  anarchy  ; 
nor  could  it  blame  the  King  of  Sardinia  for  assisting  them.  A  few 
days  after  the  writing  of  this  dispatch,  Victor  Emmanuel  and 
Garibaldi  rode  into  the  liberated  city  of  Naples  side  by  side, 
and  on  February  i8th,  1861,  the  first  parliament  of  united  Italy 
assembled  at  Turin. 

Gladstone  became,  for  the  third  time,  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer  on  June  2oth,  1859,  and  one  of  his  first  acts  was  to 
negotiate  a  commercial  treaty  with  France.  It  was  really  the 
idea  of  Cobden,  supported  in  the  Cabinet  by  Gladstone  and  Russell, 
most  of  the  other  members  being  indifferent  or  hostile.  At  this 
period  there  was  great  indignation  in  Great  Britain  about  the 
annexation  of  Savoy  and  Nice  to  France.  There  was  good  reason 
why  Savoy  should  not  continue  to  belong  to  Italy,  but  no  special 
reason  why  it  should  be  annexed  to  France — some  portion 
of  it  certainly  should  have  gone  to  Switzerland — whereas  the 
annexation  of  Nice  was  regarded  as  completely  unjustifiable. 
Gladstone  tells  us  that  a  French  panic  prevailed,  as  strong  as 
any  of  the  other  panics  which  have  done  so  much  discredit  to 
the  United  Kingdom.  For  this  panic  the  treaty  of  commerce 

122 


THE    BUDGET    OF    1860 

with  France  was  the  only  sedative.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  counter- 
irritant,  and  roused  the  sense  of  commercial  interest  to  correct 
the  war  poison.  The  choice  lay  between  the  Cobden  treaty 
and  not  the  certainty,  but  the  high  probability,  of  a  war  with 
France.  The  treaty  was  signed  on  January  23rd,  1860,  before 
the  meeting  of  Parliament,  and  was  announced  in  the  Queen's 
Speech.  One  of  its  principal  effects  was  largely  to  increase  the 
consumption  of  claret  in  Great  Britain. 

Out  of  the  commercial  treaty  grew  the  great  budget  of  1860,  A  Great 
the  end  of  a  series  of  treaties  which  produced  the  liberation  of  Budget. 
commerce.  With  the  French  treaty  the  movement  in  favour 
of  Free  Trade  reached  its  zenith.  It  was  an  important  financial 
epoch  ;  more  money  than  ever  was  required  ;  more  than  ever 
economy  was  unpopular  and  difficult.  The  Estimates  now  stood 
at  £70,000,000,  which  seven  years  before  had  been  £52,000,000. 
Gladstone  made  his  position  more  difficult  by  renouncing  £1,000,000 
of  income  by  the  French  treaty,  £1,000,000  more  by  the  abolition 
of  a  number  of  minor  duties,  and  a  third  £1,000,000  by  the  abolition 
of  the  tax  on  the  manufacture  of  paper.  He  was  able  to  meet  this 
expenditure  by  £2,000,000  of  large  annuities  which  had  fallen  to 
the  Exchequer,  and  by  an  increase  of  the  income  tax. 

When  the  time  for  introducing  the  budget  came,  Gladstone  The  Lords 
was  ill  in  bed,  and  the  debate  had  to  be  adjourned  for  a  week.  and  the 
He  then  spoke  for  three  hours  and  fifty  minutes  without  suffering,  PaPer  Tax- 
aided,  as  he  tells  us,  by  a  great  supply  of  eggs  and  milk.  The 
speech  was  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  triumphs  ever  witnessed 
in  the  House  of  Commons.  The  budget  was  eventually  passed, 
but  the  Lords  refused  to  repeal  the  duty  on  paper.  They  he]d 
that,  although  the  Upper  House  had  no  right  to  increase  taxation, 
they  might  constitutionally  protect  existing  taxes  from  being 
repealed.  Unfortunately  Palmerston  was  against  the  repeal  of 
the  tax,  and  even  wrote  to  the  Queen  that  if  the  Lords  threw  this 
Bill  out  he  should  not  be  sorry.  He  was  obliged  to  condemn 
the  action  of  the  Peers  in  the  House  of  Commons,  but  spoke  in 
a  half-hearted  manner,  and  the  brunt  of  the  attack  lay  upon 
Gladstone,  who  was  believed  by  his  friends  to  be  nearly  killing 
himself  by  his  exertions.  It  was,  until  the  momentous  crisis  of 
1910,  the  sole  occasion  on  which  the  Peers  had  ventured  to  tamper 
with  finance. 

Concurrently  with  the   budget,   to   Gladstone's  great   disgust,  A  New 
Russell  had   introduced   a   Reform   Bill,    as   he   always   regarded  Reform  Bill. 
Parliamentary  Reform  as  a  panacea  for  all  political  ills.     It  pro- 
posed to  lowei  the  county  franchise  to  £10,  the  borough  franchise 

123 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Gladstone 
and  the 
Prince 
Consort. 


Gladstone 
and  Italy. 


to  £6,  and  make  a  relative  reduction  of  seats.  It  also  gave  members 
to  unrepresented  Universities  by  providing  that,  in  constituencies 
which  had  returned  three  members,  electors  should  only  be  allowed 
to  vote  for  two.  Russell  and  the  Radicals  were  heartily  in  favour 
of  reform,  but  Palmerston  and  other  members  of  the  Cabinet  were 
lukewarm.  Disraeli  described  the  measure  as  one  of  a  medieval 
character,  without  the  inspiration  of  the  Feudal  System  or  the 
genius  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Attempts  were  made  to  talk  out 
the  Bill  by  long  speeches,  and  at  last  the  chances  of  its  passing 
were  so  hopeless  that  it  had  to  be  withdrawn. 

We  have  before  mentioned  the  affair  of  the  Trent,  and  the 
death  of  the  Prince  Consort.  With  regard  to  the  first,  Gladstone 
was  strongly  in  favour  of  the  milder  course  eventually  adopted, 
although  he  made  what  he  afterwards  confessed  to  be  the  serious 
mistake  of  saying  at  Newcastle  that  the  South  had  constituted 
themselves  into  a  nation.  Prince  Albert's  death  was  little  short 
of  a  calamity  to  Gladstone,  because  it  removed  from  the  counsels 
of  the  Queen  a  strong  sympathiser,  who  would  have  made  his 
actions  and  ideas  intelligible  to  the  Sovereign  and  prevented  the 
friction  which  sometimes  broke  out  in  after  years.  At  the  same 
time  the  character  of  the  Prince  Consort  was  one  which  did  not 
specially  attract  him.  Gladstone  did  not  care  for  the  German 
race  as  much  as  he  did  for  the  Italian,  and  he  disliked  the  influence 
of  German  education,  especially  from  the  religious  point  of  view. 
The  Prince  Consort  was  a  firm  enemy  of  Roman  Catholicism  and 
all  its  works,  and  his  opinions  were  not  likely  to  be  appreciated 
by  Gladstone,  who  also  found  him  cold  and  ungenial  in  intellect. 
This,  however,  did  not  prevent  his  deep  feeling  for  the  Queen 
in  her  sorrow,  and  his  stay  at  Balmoral  in  her  early  widowhood 
strengthened  the  ties  between  them. 

The  meeting  of  the  Italian  Parliament,  to  which  we  have  already 
referred,  renewed  Gladstone's  enthusiasm  for  the  country  for  which 
he  had  done  so  much.  He  wrote,  at  the  end  of  1862  :  "  My 
confidence  in  the  Italian  Parliament  and  people  increases  from 
day  to  day.  Their  self-command,  moderation,  patience,  firmness 
and  forethought,  reaching  far  into  the  future,  are  beyond  praise." 
But  he  strongly  disapproved  of  the  French  occupation  of  Rome. 
His  support  of  Italy  largely  evoked  the  enthusiasm  for  the  cause 
which  characterised  all  Liberal  Britons  until  their  attention 
was  diverted  to  the  American  Civil  War.  It  is  curious  that  the 
generation  whose  first  impressions  were  formed  by  the  struggle  of 
Italy  for  liberation  from  Austria  regarded  self-government  as  the 
paramount  principle  of  liberty,  whereas  those  whose  sympathies 

124 


BRITAIN    AND    BISMARCK 

were  first  stirred  by  the  efforts  of  the  North  to  preserve  the  Union 
laid  more  stress  on  the  necessity  of  a  strong  central  government. 
The  two  eternal  principles  of  imperium  and  libertas  were  thus 
again  beheld  in  conflict. 

The  strength  of  British  sympathy  with  Italy  was  most  clearly  Garibaldi 
shown  by  the  warmth  of  the  welcome  given  to  Garibaldi  on  his  ir  England. 
visit  to  England  in  1864.  His  progress  through  London,  as  he 
passed  from  Vauxhall  Station  to  Stafford  House,  lasted  for  five 
hours.  Those  who  came  into  closer  contact  with  him  were  charmed 
by  the  simple  nobility  of  his  demeanour,  by  his  manners  and  his 
actions,  by  the  union  of  the  most  fiery  valour  with  the  most  - 
profound  and  tender  humanity,  by  the  blending  of  absolute 
simplicity  with  complete  self-possession  in  the  presence  of  the 
rulers  of  the  earth.  One  of  the  most  striking  incidents  of  his 
stay  was  his  visit  to  Eton  College.  Three  of  the  masters  went 
over  to  Cliefden  on  a  Sunday  to  pay  him  a  visit  and  to  invite 
him  to  the  school.  When  he  came  next  morning  he  was  received 
by  the  provost  and  the  headmaster,  who  turned  out  in  their  black 
silk  gowns,  greatly  disgusted  at  having  to  meet  a  revolutionary 
leader.  The  carriage  drove  into  the  school-yard,  which  was 
thronged  with  boys  in  the  highest  excitement,  and  the  hero  stood 
up  in  his  grey  cloak  and  said  with  a  radiant  smile  :  "I  love  you 
all ;  I  love  you  all  dearly." 

When  Cavour  retired  from  the  scene  in  1861,  Bismarck  took  Bismarck's 
his  place  as  the  most  prominent  figure  in  Europe.     Cavour  had  Position  in 
foreseen  to  some  extent  what  the  character  of  his  career  would     ur°Pe< 
be.     In  1859,  when  Prussia  objected  to  the  Italian  invasion  of 
the  Marches,  Cavour  said  :   "  I  am  sorry  that  the  Radical  of  Berlin 
judges  so  severely  the  conduct  of  the  King  of  Italy  and  his  Govern- 
ment.    I  console  myself  by  thinking  that  on  this  occasion  I  am 
setting  an  example  which  probably,  in  no  long  time,  Prussia  will 
be  very  glad  to  imitate." 

The  action  of  Bismarck  against  the  Danes  made  it  necessary  Great 
for  Great  Britain  to  make  up  her  mind  whether  she  should  take  Britain  and 
part  in  the  contest.     The  Prime  Minister,   Palmerston,   and  the  Denmar  • 
Foreign  Secretary,   Russell,  were  eager  for  war,  even  though  it 
would  have  to  be  fought  single-handed,  but  the  Queen  was  strongly 
against  them,  and  so  were  the  majority  of  the  Cabinet.     Gladstone 
was  opposed  to  war,  especially  as  the  Emperor  Napoleon  refused 
to   take   part    in  it,   but   he   was   indignant   at    the  conduct   of 
Prussia  in  rejecting  the  legal  rights  of  the  House  of  Augusten- 
burg.      However,   the    danger  was   averted,   and    public    opinion 
was  with  difficulty  appeased.     But  the   action   of   the   Cabinet, 

125 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The 
Alabama. 


Marriage  of 
the  Prince 
of  Wales. 


Gladstone 
"Un- 
muzzled.** 


deemed  vacillating  and  pusillanimous  at  the  time,  has  since  been 
vindicated. 

The  American  War  affected  Great  Britain  in  two  ways.  The 
supply  of  cotton  to  the  manufacturing  districts  was  cut  off,  in 
consequence  of  which  great  distress  was  caused  in  Lancashire 
by  what  was  known  as  the  Cotton  Famine.  The  operatives  dis- 
played fine  self-control  under  their  sufferings,  and  large  subscrip- 
tions were  raised  for  their  support.  But  ere  the  war  was  over 
the  worst  pressure  had  passed.  The  second  trouble  was  caused 
by  the  steamship  Alabama,  which  was  allowed  to  leave  the  Mersey 
on  June  zgth,  1862.  It  was  protested  that  she  was  proceeding 
on  a  trial  trip,  but  it  was  an  open  secret  that  she  was  intended 
to  act  as  privateer,  to  assist  the  South  against  the  North.  The 
American  Ambassador  had  made  a  strong  remonstrance  when 
the  event  came  to  his  knowledge,  and,  at  the  last  moment,  orders 
were  sent  to  Liverpool  to  stop  the  ship.  She  was  able,  however, 
to  go  to  the  island  of  Terceira,  where  she  took  aboard  her  captain 
and  stores.  During  her  career  she  captured  nearly  seventy 
Northern  vessels.  She  used  to  hoist  the  British  flag,  and  thus 
decoy  the  victims  within  her  reach,  and  then  display  the  Con- 
federate colours  and  capture  her  prize.  She  generally  burnt  the 
ship  she  had  captured,  and  attracted  fresh  booty  by  the  flames. 
She  was  at  last  engaged  and  burnt  by  the  Kearsarge  off  Cherbourg 
on  July  loth,  1864.  The  Americans  were  deeply  hurt  at  the 
negligence  shown  in  not  stopping  the  vessel,  and  when  the  war 
was  over  a  feeling  of  bitterness  was  left  which  nearly  led  to  a 
rupture  which  was  healed  with  difficulty. 

On  March  loth,  1863,  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  married  to 
Princess  Alexandra  of  Denmark,  in  St.  George's  Chapel,  Windsor, 
amid  signs  of  universal  rejoicing.  Banquets  were  held  in  every 
important  town  in  the  kingdom,  and  in  the  evening  London 
and  other  great  cities  were  illuminated,  the  display  in  Edinburgh 
—largely  helped  by  its  natural  configuration — being  of  remarkable 
splendour.  Never  was  a  marriage  crowned  with  such  happiness 
and  success.  The  affection  between  the  pair  deepened  throughout 
their  married  life,  which  endured  for  more  than  forty-seven  years. 

On  the  dissolution  of  Parliament  on  July  6th,  1865,  Gladstone 
was  defeated  by  a  large  majority  at  the  University  of  Oxford, 
but  immediately  stood  for  South  Lancashire,  his  native  county, 
and  was  returned  third  on  the  poll,  defeating  one  of  the  Conserva- 
tive candidates.  He  was  now,  as  he  said  himself,  "  unmuzzled/' 
and  was  free  to  fight  the  battle  of  a  democratic  policy.  One  of 
the  most  remarkable  candidatures  in  this  election  was  that  of 

126 


DEATH    OF    PALMERSTON 

John  Stuart  Mill,  who  was  returned  for  Westminster.  He  was, 
in  the  intellectual  world,  one  of  the  most  influential  men  in  England, 
through  his  works  on  Logic  and  Political  Economy,  and  the 
respect  with  which  his  opinion  on  all  important  questions  of  the 
day  was  received  by  his  countrymen.  He  was  not  a  popular 
speaker,  but  nevertheless  secured  a  majority  of  some  hundreds 
over  his  Conservative  opponent.  He  owed  his  success  mainly  to 
the  courage  and  straightforwardness  with  which  he  dealt  with 
questions  at  public  meetings,  even  when  his  answers  might  seem 
to  be  opposed  to  his  interests. 

But  a  great  change  was  at  hand,  for,  ere  Parliament  met,  Death  of 
Lord  Palmerston  was  dead.  The  collapse  of  his  strength  came  Palmerston. 
very  suddenly.  On  his  eightieth  birthday — he  was  born  on 
October  2Oth,  1784 — he  had  started  at  half -past  eight  from  Broad- 
lands,  taking  his  horses  with  him  by  train  to  Fareham,  where 
he  was  met  by  engineer  officers,  and  rode  along  the  Portsdown 
and  Hilsea  line  of  forts,  getting  off  his  horse  and  inspecting  some 
of  them,  crossing  over  to  Anglesey  forts  and  Gosport,  and  not 
reaching  home  till  six  in  the  evening.  In  June  of  the  same  year 
he  had  gone  to  Harrow,  his  old  school,  to  attend  the  speeches 
and  lay  the  foundation-stone  of  the  Vaughan  Library,  trotting  down 
the  twelve  miles  within  the  hour  on  a  rainy  day.  But  in  1865 
a  marked  change  was  obvious.  He  found  difficulty  in  performing 
his  duties  in  the  House,  and  a  balustrade  on  one  of  the  staircases 
is  shown  as  having  been  placed  there  to  assist  his  movements. 
He  died  on  October  i8th,  1865,  and  was  buried  in  Westminster 
Abbey  on  October  27th. 

No  one  since  the  Duke  of  Wellington  had  filled  so  conspicuous  Palmerston's 
a  place  in  the  public  eye,  or  had  enjoyed  so  large  an  amount  of  Position  in 
popularity.  He  was,  indeed,  a  very  great  Foreign  Minister,  and  Politics- 
it  is  probable  that  the  verdict  of  history  will  be  more  favourable 
to  him  than  was  the  judgment  of  his  contemporaries.  He  kept 
steadily  before  his  eyes  the  honour  and  greatness  of  his  country, 
and  was  generally  favourable  to  the  progress  of  Liberalism  in 
Europe,  in  which  respect  he  found  himself  frequently  in  conflict 
with  the  Prince  Consort  and  the  Queen.  Like  Canning,  who  was 
regarded  as  a  god  by  the  Liberals  of  Europe,  he  was  not  a  Liberal 
in  domestic  policy.  His  oratory  was  of  a  curious  character ;  his 
speeches,  as  they  were  listened  to,  seemed  halting  and  rough, 
but  when  read  in  the  newspapers  they  appeared  admirable.  He 
was  a  man  of  the  world,  and  took,  in  the  main,  a  gay  and  joyous 
view  of  life.  When  Secretary  of  War  under  Wellington,  the  Iron 
Duke  once  made  an  appointment  with  him  for  six  in  the  morning. 

127 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Palmerston  answered  that  he  should  be  delighted  to  come,  but 
could  not  the  Duke  make  it  five  ? 

Succession  Palmerston's  successor  in  the  premiership  was  Lord  Russell, 

Russell  J°hn  ^k011^  otner  names,  such  as  Clarendon,  Granville,  and  even 
Gladstone,  had  been  mentioned.  Lord  Clarendon  was  made 
Foreign  Secretary,  and  Gladstone  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  and 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Among  the  new  men  admitted 
to  office  were  two  who  left  first-rate  reputations,  W.  E.  Forster, 
who  framed  the  great  Education  Act  of  1870,  and  Goschen,  after- 
wards a  famous  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  in  a  Tory  Government. 
It  was  felt,  however,  that  the  existing  arrangements  were  only 
temporary,  and  it  was  not  difficult  to  predict  that  the  Conservatives 
would  be  in  office  before  the  end  of  the  following  year,  and  that 
then,  before  two  more  years  had  elapsed,  Gladstone  would  be 
Prime  Minister. 

The  Jamaica  Public  feeling  in  the  United  Kingdom  at  this  time  was  much 
lon§  disturbed  by  a  rebellion  which  had  broken  out  in  Jamaica,  the 
rising  seeming  to  have  been  suppressed  with  unnecessary  cruelty. 
The  British  officers  quartered  in  the  island  appeared  to  consider 
that  any  measure  was  justifiable  in  the  circumstances.  One, 
writing  to  his  superior  officers,  says  :  "  I  started  with  thirty  men 
from  Dunkinfield  and  visited  several  estates  and  villages,  but  did 
not  see  a  single  rebel.  On  returning  in  the  evening,  seventy-six 
prisoners  had  been  sent  in  by  the  marines.  I  disposed  of  as  many 
as  possible,  but  was  too  tired  to  continue  after  dark."  He  then 
goes  on  to  describe  how  he  flogged  some  and  hanged  others,  and 
continues  :  '  We  were  come  so  suddenly  upon  these  two  villages 
that  the  rebels  had  no  time  to  retire  with  their  plunder ;  nearly 
three  hundred  rushed  down  into  a  gully,  but  I  could  not  get  a 
single  shot,  the  bushes  being  so  thick." 

The  most  profound  sensation,  however,  was  caused  by  the  case 
of  George  William  Gordon.  He  was  a  coloured  member  of  the 
House  of  Assembly,  and  was  suspected  of  having  caused  the 
rebellion.  He  surrendered  himself  at  Kingston,  was  put  on  board 
a  vessel  there  and  taken  to  Morant  Bay,  a  district  where  martial 
law  had  been  proclaimed,  was  tried  by  a  drum-head  court-martial 
and  immediately  hanged. 

The  Colonial  Office  was  at  once  bombarded  with  memorials, 
asking  that  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Eyre,  Governor  of  Jamaica, 
might  be  inquired  into.  He  was  suspended  from  his  functions 
in  the  meanwhile,  and  a  Committee  of  Inquiry  was  sent  out  to 
Jamaica.  They  reported  that  590  persons  had  been  put  to  death, 
that  over  600,  including  many  women,  had  been  flogged,  some  in 

128 


GLADSTONE    LEADS    THE    COMMONS 

circumstances  of  revolting  cruelty,  some  of  the  scourges  having 
been  made  of  pianoforte  wire.  The  Commission  concluded  that 
the  punishment  of  death  was  unnecessarily  frequent,  that  the 
floggings  were  reckless,  and  in  some  cases  probably  barbarous, 
and  that  the  burning  of  1,000  houses  was  wanton  and  cruel. 
Opinion  at  home  was  divided  into  two  parties,  one  glorify- 
ing Colonel  Eyre,  the  other  condemning  him — Carlyle  being  the 
principal  literary  representative  of  the  former,  John  Stuart  Mill 
of  the  latter.  The  final  report  of  the  Commissioners,  issued  in 
April,  1866,  gave  credit  to  Eyre  for  the  way  he  had  put  down 
the  rebellion  in  its  first  inception,  but  decided  that  martial  law 
had  been  kept  in  force  too  long,  and  that  the  execution  of  Gordon 
was  unjustifiable.  Eyre's  career  was  cut  short,  but  the  Govern- 
ment eventually  paid  the  expenses  of  the  prosecution  which  had 
been  brought  against  him. 

The  new  Parliament  was  opened  by  the  Queen  in  person,  on  Gladstone 
February  6th,  1866.     The  Royal  Speech  contained  a  reference  to  Leads  the 
an  approaching  Reform  Bill.      As  has    been    already    said,    Mr.   Commons' 
Gladstone  was  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  Liberals 
numbered  361  members,  against  294  Conservatives.     The  Reform 
Bill  promised  in  the  Queen's  Speech  was  introduced  by  Gladstone 
on  March  izth.  His  speech  was  eloquent,  but  the  House  of  Commons 
remained  impassive  ;    it  was  evident  that  the  proposed  measure 
was  only  a  compromise.    The  Bill  proposed  to  reduce  the  county 
franchise  from  £50  to  £14,  and  the  borough  franchise  from  £10 
to  £7,   and   to   allow   a   savings    bank  franchise   and   a  lodger's 
franchise. 

But  the  House  did  not  want  Reform.  Conservatives  were  The 
opposed  to  it,  and  Liberals  were  averse  to  another  general  election.  "  Cave  of 
It  was  unfortunate  that  a  scheme,  heralded  by  a  proclamation  Adullam-" 
of  the  grievances  of  unenfranchised  millions,  should  end  in  the 
enfranchisement  of  only  a  few  hundreds  here  and  there.  Robert 
Lowe  was  the  hero  of  the  opposition  to  the  Bill.  Although  he 
had  everything  against  him  as  an  orator,  his  speeches  produced 
a  profound  effect  from  their  intellectual  power  and  biting  sarcasm. 
Bright,  somewhat  indifferent  at  first,  warmed  as  he  went  on.  He 
likened  the  operations  of  the  band  of  Liberal  malcontents  to  the 
action  of  David  in  the  Cave  of  Adullam,  when  he  summoned  to 
his  aid  every  one  who  was  in  distress,  and  every  one  who  was 
discontented,  and  became  a  captain  over  them.  The  Liberal 
dissentients  were  immediately  christened  the  Adullamites,  and 
the  word  "  cave  "  was  added  permanently  to  the  Parliamentary 
vocabulary. 

3  129 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


"  Black 
Friday.' 


Reform 
Demonstra- 
tion. 


Gladstone,  during  the  debate,  made  the  memorable  speech 
in  which  he  said  :  "  Time  is  on  our  side.  The  great  social  forces 
are  against  you,  they  are  marshalled  on  our  side,  and  the  banner 
which  we  carry,  though  perhaps  at  this  moment  it  may  droop 
over  our  sinking  heads,  yet  soon  again  will  float  in  the  eye  of 
heaven."  The  second  reading  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  only 
five,  and  strife  was  resumed  in  Committee.  Lord  Dunkellin,  a 
Liberal,  moved  that  the  £7  franchise  should  be  on  a  rating 
instead  of  a  rental  basis,  which  would  make  the  qualification 
for  the  franchise  a  little  higher  than  the  Government  proposed, 
and  the  amendment  was  carried  by  315  votes  to  304.  The 
Ministry  thereupon  resigned.  It  was  a  dismal  time ;  Friday, 
May  nth,  was  the  famous  "  Black  Friday,"  which  produced  such 
a  financial  crisis  in  England  as  to  make  it  necessary  to  suspend 
the  Bank  Charter  ;  the  cattle  plague  was  raging,  and  the  war 
between  Prussia  and  Austria  was  on  the  point  of  breaking  out. 

Lord  Russell  was  succeeded  as  Prime  Minister  by  Lord  Derby. 
Disraeli  became  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  and  leader  of  the 
House  of  Commons.  Lord  Stanley  was  Foreign  Secretary  ;  Lord 
Cranborne,  formerly  Lord  Robert  Cecil,  and  afterwards  Lord 
Salisbury,  became  Secretary  for  India ;  Lord  Carnarvon  had 
charge  of  the  Colonies  ;  General  Peel  of  the  War  Office  ;  and 
Stafford  Northcote  became  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade. 
The  Home  Office,  which  turned  out  difficult  and  laborious,  fell  to 
the  lot  of  Mr.  Walpole.  On  July  gth,  1866,  Lord  Derby  announced 
that  he  had  formed  a  Ministry,  but  no  one  imagined  it  would  last 
long.  He  promised  a  safe  and  moderate  measure  of  Reform, 
but  there  arose  an  agitation  in  the  country  for  Parliamentary 
Reform  which  took  every  one  by  surprise.  Reform  Leagues  and 
Reform  Unions  started  up  in  all  directions.  Public  meetings  to 
advance  this  object  were  held  every  day,  the  most  important 
being  that  held  in  Hyde  Park  on  July  25th.  This  meeting  was 
forbidden  by  the  Government,  and  orders  were  given  that  the 
park  gates  should  be  shut  at  five  o'clock.  The  processions,  how- 
ever, were  not  countermanded,  and  thousands  of  people  were 
collected  outside  the  park.  The  persons  responsible  for  the  meeting 
having  made  a  protest  against  the  prohibition  retired  to  Trafalgar 
Square,  where  appropriate  speeches  were  made.  But  a  large  and 
motley  crowd  remained  at  the  park.  It  being  accidentally  dis- 
covered that  the  railings  were  not  very  firm,  a  simultaneous  pressure 
was  made,  the  railings  fell  down,  the  crowd  rushed  into  the  park 
and  spent  half  the  night  destroying  the  flower  beds.  Yet  no  great 
damage  was  either  intended  or  done,  and  police  and  soldiers  were 

130 


THE    "TEN    MINUTES    BILL" 

cheered  when  they  tried  to  clear  the  park.  At  the  same  time  there 
is  no  doubt  that  this  demonstration,  which  was  not  important 
in  itself  and  had  its  humorous  side,  eventually  caused  Reform. 

The  Tory  Ministry  brought  forward  their  new  Reform  Bill  Tory 
at  the  beginning  of  March,  1867,  but  Peel,  Carnarvon  and  Cran-  Reform 
borne  left  the  Ministry  rather  than  be  responsible  for  it.  Its  pro- 
visions were  submitted  in  the  form  of  resolutions  which  were  after- 
wards embodied  in  a  Bill.  It  was  proposed  that  all  who  paid 
rates,  or  twenty  shillings  in  direct  taxes,  should  have  the  franchise, 
and  that  this  privilege  should  be  extended  to  certain  classes 
qualified  by  education,  or  by  the  possession  of  a  certain  amount 
of  property  in  the  funds  or  savings'  banks,  while  householders 
who  paid  rates  received  a  second  vote.  All  seats  were  taken 
from  the  smaller  boroughs  and  from  those  recently  reported  against 
for  bribery,  and  given  to  more  populous  places,  fourteen  to  boroughs, 
fifteen  to  counties,  and  one  to  the  University  of  London.  There 
were  also  elaborate  and  cumbrous  arrangements  with  regard  to 
residence,  rating  and  dual  voting. 

The  story  of  the  composition  of  this  extraordinary  measure  The  "Ten 
was  revealed  in  Parliament  by  Sir  John  Pakington.  Two  Reform  Minutes 
Bills  had  been  submitted  to  the  Cabinet,  one  of  a  more  generous,  Bllli" 
the  other  of  a  less  liberal  character.  Which  should  be  submitted 
to  the  House  of  Commons  depended  upon  the  temper  of  the  assembly. 
At  the  Cabinet  which  met  on  February  23rd  it  was  arranged 
that  the  more  liberal  measure  should  be  introduced  on  Monday, 
February  25th.  But  at  the  Cabinet  summoned  for  two  o'clock 
on  that  day  it  appeared  that  the  introduction  of  this  Bill  meant 
the  disruption  of  the  Government,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to 
bring  forward  the  measure  of  more  limited  character.  Lord  Derby 
had  to  address  a  meeting  of  the  Conservative  Party  at  half-past 
two,  and  Disraeli  to  introduce  his  Reform  Bill  in  the  House  of 
Commons  at  half-past  four.  Only  ten  minutes  were  left  for  dis- 
cussion, and  it  was  impossible  to  frame  a  measure  in  that  time. 
So  recourse  was  had  to  the  alternative  Bill,  and  it  was  introduced 
as  the  measure  on  which  the  Cabinet  was  agreed.  Pakington 
admitted  that  the  Government  had  made  a  mistake,  but  who 
eould  be  expected  to  act  wisely  with  only  ten  minutes  for  de- 
liberation ?  So  the  measure  came  to  be  known  as  the  "  Ten 
Minutes  Bill." 

The  reception  given  to  the  "  Ten  Minutes  Bill  "  was  entirely 
discouraging.  Disraeli  saw  that  there  was  no  chance  of  passing 
it,  but  clung  to  the  fundamental  conviction  that  a  Reform  Bill 
must  be  passed  by  the  Tories.  Therefore,  on  February  26th, 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Tory 

Household 

Suffrage 

Scheme. 


The  "  Tea 

Room 

Party." 


he  announced  that  the  "  Ten  Minutes  Bill  "  would  be  withdrawn 
and  that  another  and  more  comprehensive  measure  would  be 
introduced  on  March  i8th.  The  new  measure  proposed  that  in 
boroughs  all  ratepayers,  or  payers  of  twenty  shillings  in  direct 
taxation,  all  possessors  of  property  in  the  funds  or  savings'  banks, 
and  persons  of  specified  intellectual  qualifications  should  have 
the  franchise.  It  contained  certain  checks  also  to  prevent  it 
from  becoming  too  democratic.  English  people  do  not  like 
complicated  schemes,  and  it  was  obvious  that  this  elaborately  con- 
structed scheme  would  not  command  the  confidence  of  the  strong 
common  sense  of  the  nation.  Bright  described  the  Bill  as  a  plan 
for  offering  something  with  one  hand  and  withdrawing  it  with 
the  other.  Eventually  the  measure  was  converted  into  a  Bill 
that  was  much  more  democratic  than  anything  which  had  been 
advocated  by  Bright. 

This  measure  established  household  suffrage  in  the  towns. 
All  the  checks  and  balances  which  it  originally  contained  were 
eliminated  one  by  one.  The  dual  vote,  the  voting  paper,  the 
fancy  franchises  all  disappeared,  and  a  lodger  franchise  was  intro- 
duced. Disraeli  met  the  amendments  first  by  declining  to  receive 
them,  and  then  accepting  them.  The  last  trench  in  which  the 
Government  fought  was  the  compound  householders  ;  householders 
whose  rates  were  paid  in  the  lump  by  the  landlord  and  not  by 
themselves  in  person  were  not  to  have  the  vote.  Probably  many 
of  those  who  discussed  at  length  the  question  of  the  compound 
householder's  vote  had  no  idea  who  he  was.  Paying  and  receiving 
rates  in  this  way  was  so  convenient  that  it  was  found  that  in 
some  boroughs  two-thirds  of  the  householders  under  £10  belonged 
to  this  class. 

Gladstone  did  not  desire  that  votes  should  be  given  to  persons 
below  a  certain  level  in  the  social  scale,  and  proposed  at  a  meeting 
of  the  Liberal  Party  that  the  lowest-rented  tenements  should 
be  relieved  from  rates  altogether,  and  that  only  those  who  paid 
rates  should  have  votes.  The  Radicals  were  not  satisfied  with 
this,  and  at  a  meeting  held  in  the  Tea  Room  of  the  House  of 
Commons  decided  that  they  could  not  support  it,  so  that  in  the 
Liberal  Party  a  "  cave "  was  formed,  called  the  "  Tea  Room 
Party,"  and  Gladstone's  scheme  was  defeated.  An  effort  was 
made  to  get  rid  of  the  compulsory  system  altogether,  and,  to  the 
surprise  of  everyone,  the  Government  yielded.  The  name  of 
every  occupier  was  placed  in  the  rate-book,  and  every  occupier 
was  given  the  vote.  In  other  words,  household  suffrage,  pure 
and  simple,  was  established  in  the  boroughs.  The  "  Tea  Room 

132 


"A    LEAP    IN    THE    DARK" 

Party  "  had  gained  a  complete  victory ;    they  had  prevailed  over 
Gladstone  and  had  conquered  Disraeli. 

The  Bill  had  now  become  a  reality ;  it  was  built  upon  a  sound  Tories' 
principle,  but  probably  went  further  in  the  direction  of  democracy  Radical 
than  Bright  had  ever  desired  to  go.  Mill  now  proposed  that  votes  efopm  ct* 
should  be  given  to  women  as  well  as  men.  He  was  defeated  by 
196  votes  to  73,  but  was  satisfied  at  having  brought  the  question 
of  the  enfranchisement  of  women  prominently  into  the  political 
arena.  The  Bill  also  contained  a  provision  for  the  representation 
of  minorities,  by  arranging  that  when  a  constituency  returned 
three  members,  electors  could  not  vote  for  more  than  two.  It 
gave  the  franchise  to  lodgers  paying  not  less  than  £10  a  year  rent 
and  resident  for  one  year,  to  possessors  of  property  of  the  clear 
annual  value  of  £10,  and  to  occupiers  paying  £12  a  year.  It 
awarded  a  third  member  to  Manchester,  Liverpool,  Birmingham 
and  Leeds,  and  a  member  to  the  University  of  London.  It  was 
also  settled  that  Parliament  should  not  be  dissolved  on  the  death 
of  a  Sovereign,  and  that  members  of  a  Government  should  not 
vacate  their  seats  on  the  acceptance  of  another  office.  It  put 
off  the  reform  of  Scottish  and  Irish  representation  for  another  year, 
though  when  the  time  for  dealing  with  this  branch  arrived  little 
alteration  was  made.  The  Reform  Bill  eventually  became  law 
on  August  I5th,  1867.  Thus  a  Tory  Government  had  passed  a 
Radical  measure  of  reform.  Lord  Cranborne  called  it  a  "  leap 
in  the  dark,"  an  expression  generally  attributed  to  Lord  Derby. 
Lowe  warned  those  who  had  consented  to  it  that  "  the  working 
men,  the  majority,  the  people  who  live  in  the  small  houses,  all 
are  enfranchised  ;  we  must  now  at  least  educate  our  new  masters." 

Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  session  which  passed  the  Reform  Fenian 
Act,  a  prison  van  containing  two  political  prisoners  was  stopped  Outrages, 
and  thrown  open  in  broad  daylight  in  the  streets  of  Manchester 
and  the  prisoners  were  released.  The  two  prisoners  belonged  to 
the  society  of  Fenians.  The  Fenian  movement  was  first  heard 
of  in  February,  1861,  when  the  House  of  Commons  met  on  a 
Saturday  to  discuss  a  proposal  of  the  Government  of  the  day  to 
suspend  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  in  Ireland  and  give  the  Lord 
Lieutenant  almost  unlimited  power  to  arrest  and  imprison  suspected 
persons.  The  Bill  passed  through  all  its  stages  on  the  same  day ; 
the  House  of  Lords  finished  its  discussion  at  an  early  hour  in  the 
evening,  adjourned  till  eleven  at  night  to  receive  the  royal  assent 
from  Osborne,  and  the  Bill  became  law  at  12.40  on  Sunday  morning. 

Fenianism  was  to  some  degree  connected  with  the  Civil  War 
in  America,  because  the  conflict  had  created  a  class  of  Irish- 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

American  soldiers  who  looked  to  new  methods  of  freeing  their 
country.  Phoenix  Clubs  had  come  into  existence  among  the 
peasants  of  Ireland  after  the  suppression  of  the  movement  of  1848, 
and  out  of  them  rose  the  Fenians,  the  name  borne  by  the  ancient 
militia  of  Ireland.  Ossian  speaks  of  the  tales  of  the  bare-armed 
Fenians  ;  very  legendary  and  very  stimulating  they  probably  were. 
The  Fenian  organisation  was  perfected  during  the  American  Civil 
War  at  a  convention  held  in  the  United  States.  Its  members 
were  bound  to  give  absolute  obedience  to  a  single  head.  Mr. 
Justin  McCarthy,  who  has  ample  right  to  speak  with  authority, 
tells  us  that  the  Fenian  movement  was  got  up,  organised  and 
manned  by  persons  who,  however  mistaken  and  misguided,  were 
high-minded,  unselfish  and  devoted  to  their  cause.  They  hoped 
that  Great  Britain  and  America  might  come  to  war  in  consequence 
of  the  ill-feeling  about  the  Alabama  claims,  that  the  Americans 
might  invade  Canada,  and  that  a  Fenian  rising  in  Ireland  might 
secure  Irish  independence.  The  Fenian  leaders  actually  issued 
an  address,  announcing  that  officers  were  going  to  Ireland  to  raise 
an  army  for  this  last-named  purpose,  and,  indeed,  James  Stephens, 
the  Head  Centre  of  Fenianism  in  America,  reached  the  Irish  shores. 
He  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  Dublin  early  in  November, 
1865,  but  he  contrived  to  escape  and  returned  to  New  York. 
Fenians  in  The  Irish  Fenians  were  divided  into  two  parties,  one  in  favour 
Canada.  of  an  invasion  of  Canada,  the  other  of  a  rebellion  in  Ireland.  A 
body  of  Fenians  did  invade  Canada  at  the  end  of  May,  1866,  but 
were  met  bravely  by  the  Canadians,  and  the  Americans  suppressed 
the  movement  with  unexpected  energy  and  determination.  As 
numbers  of  Fenians  came  from  America  to  Ireland,  an  attempted 
rising  was  made  in  March,  1867,  which  was  immediately  put  down, 
being  stopped,  it  is  said,  by  a  phenomenal  fall  of  snow.  Of  the 
prisoners  then  taken,  one,  Colonel  Burke,  was  sentenced  to  death 
in  May,  but  reprieved. 

The  What  has  been  said  will  show  that  the  state  of  affairs  demanded 

Clerkenwell  strong  action  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  and  that  the  suspension 
Explosion.  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  was  fully  justified.  But  the  Fenian 
troubles  continued.  Three  of  the  men  who  had  attacked  the  police 
van  at  Manchester  were  hanged  in  that  city  on  November  23rd, 
1867,  and  on  December  I3th  an  attempt  was  made  to  blow  up  the 
House  of  Detention  at  Clerkenwell,  in  London,  with  the  intention 
of  releasing  two  Fenians  imprisoned  within  its  walls.  About  sixty 
yards  of  the  prison  wall  were  blown  in,  and  several  houses  in  the 
neighbourhood  were  destroyed.  Six  persons  were  killed  on  the  spot, 
six  more  died  of  their  wounds,  and  about  a  hundred  and  twenty 


CANADIAN    CONFEDERATION 

persons  were  injured.  The  prisoners,  too,  would  probably  have 
been  killed  had  not  the  Governor,  apprised  of  the  plot,  locked  his 
charges  up  in  their  cells.  It  is  alleged  that  the  perpetrators  of 
this  crime  were  not  Fenians,  but  conspirators  must  be  held 
responsible  for  the  deeds  of  those  who,  while  not  perhaps  belonging 
to  the  central  organisation,  hang  upon  its  skirts  and  do  untold 
mischief. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the  Fenian  conspiracy  exercised  Gladstone 
a  profound  effect  on  the  mind  of  Mr.  Gladstone,  and  made  him  and. 
realise  that  the  time  had  come  for  dealing  seriously  with  the  true 
causes  of  Irish  discontent.  He  said  twelve  years  afterwards  that 
it  had  an  important  bearing  upon  Irish  policy,  that  when  the 
Habeas  Corpus  Act  was  suspended,  when  the  tranquillity  of 
Manchester  was  disturbed,  when  London  was  shocked  and  horrified 
by  an  inhuman  outrage,  when  there  was  such  a  widespread  sense 
of  insecurity  that  inhabitants  of  many  towns  in  England  and 
Scotland  were  sworn  in  as  special  constables,  that  when  all  these 
things  occurred  men  began  to  pay  more  serious  attention  to  the 
urgency  and  magnitude  of  Irish  grievances. 

On  February  igth,  1867,  Lord  Carnarvon,  as  Secretary  for  Canadian 
the  Colonies,  moved  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill  for  the  Con- 
federation  of  the  North  American  provinces  of  the  British  Empire. 
It  was  a  measure  to  give  practical  expression  to  the  principles 
which  Lord  Durham  had  laid  down  in  his  famous  report  issued 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  previously.  By  this  Act  the 
provinces  of  Ontario  and  Quebec,  together  with  Nova  Scotia  and 
New  Brunswick,  were  federated  together  as  the  Dominion  of  Canada, 
with  a  central  Parliament  and  State  Legislature  for  each  province. 
There  were  to  be  two  Houses  in  the  central  Parliament,  the  Senate 
consisting  of  seventy  members,  nominated  for  life  by  the  Governor- 
General,  and  a  House  of  Commons  elected  according  to  population, 
at  the  rate  of  one  member  for  each  17,000,  the  duration  of  the 
Parliament  not  to  be  more  than  five  years.  The  executive  was 
vested  in  the  Crown,  represented  by  the  Governor-General.  The 
central  government  should  administer  the  Crown  affairs  of  the 
Dominion,  while  each  province  passed  its  local  laws.  The  electoral 
systems  of  the  various  provinces  were  very  different ;  in  some  the 
vote  being  open,  in  others  by  ballot.  The  first  Federation  con- 
sisted of  four  provinces  only,  but  provision  was  made  for  others 
to  come  in.  Manitoba  was  admitted  in  1870,  British  Columbia 
and  Vancouver  in  1871,  Prince  Edward  Island  in  1873,  and  the 
Dominion  now  includes  the  whole  of  British  North  America, 
excepting  Newfoundland. 

135 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

In  February,  1868,  in  consequence  of  ill-health,  Lord  Derby 
resigned  the  premiership.  The  Queen  sent  for  Disraeli  and  asked 
him  to  form  a  Government.  The  Cabinet  remained  nearly  un- 
changed, Lord  Cairns  became  Lord  Chancellor,  and  Ward  Hunt 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Walpole  retiring.  The  chief  measures 
of  the  session  were  the  abolition  of  public  executions,  the  trans- 
ference of  the  trial  of  election  petitions  from  a  tribunal  of  the 
House  of  Commons  to  a  tribunal  of  judges,  the  abolition  of  the 
power  of  the  Peers  to  vote  by  proxy,  and  the  purchase  of  telegraphs 
by  the  Post  Office. 

The  More  important  than  these,  however,  was  the  Abyssinian  War. 

Abyssinian  $ome  British  subjects,  men  and  women,  were  held  in  captivity 
by  Theodore,  King  of  Abyssinia,  and  it  was  felt  that  a  strong 
effort  should  be  made  to  release  them.  Theodore  was  a  man  of 
tumultuous  passions,  capable  of  strong  loves  and  violent  hatreds. 
For  very  inadequate  reasons  he  felt  that  he  had  been  slighted  by 
Great  Britain,  and,  seizing  certain  British  subjects,  imprisoned 
them  in  his  capital,  Magdala.  Hormuzd  Rassam,  vice-consul  at 
Aden,  was  sent  to  demand  their  release,  with  a  message  from 
Queen  Victoria,  accompanied  by  Lieutenant  Prideaux  and  Dr. 
Blanc.  After  a  time,  mainly  owing  to  misunderstandings,  Theo- 
dore threw  these  emissaries  into  prison  also.  At  last,  Lord  Stanley, 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  sent  him  an  ultimatum,  demanding 
the  release  of  the  prisoners  within  three  months,  with  war  as  the 
alternative.  This  letter  probably  never  reached  the  King  at  all. 
However,  an  expedition  was  formed  under  the  command  of  Sir 
Robert  Napier,  which  left  Bombay  at  the  end  of  the  year. 

Capture  of          It  is  impossible  to  read  the  history  of  the  campaign  without 

Magdala.  feelings  of  pity.  The  King  oscillated  from  the  height  of  hope  to 
the  depths  of  despair.  The  Abyssinians  were,  of  course,  no  match 
for  the  invaders,  but  the  King  made  an  elaborate  road,  and  dragged 
along  it  a  piece  of  ordnance  which  was  to  annihilate  his  enemies, 
but  it  burst  at  the  first  discharge.  In  an  engagement  500  Abys- 
sinians were  killed  and  thrice  as  many  wounded.  At  last  Theodore 
liberated  the  prisoners,  who  found  themselves  safe  under  the 
British  flag.  Moreover,  on  Easter  Sunday,  the  great  festival  of 
the  faith  which  both  British  and  Abyssinians  hold,  he  sent  into 
the  British  camp  a  present  of  beeves  and  sheep,  intended  as  an 
offering  of  peace.  It  was,  however,  deemed  necessary  for  British 
prestige  to  capture  the  fortress.  This  was  done  without  much 
difficulty  on  April  I3th,  and  when  the  gate  was  forced  the  dead 
body  of  the  King  was  found  within  it,  shot  by  his  own  hand. 
Magdala  was  dismantled  and  destroyed  for  fear  lest  it  should  fall 

136 


GLADSTONE    AND    IRELAND 

into  the  hands  of  the  Mohammedans,  and  the  troops  immediately 
returned.  It  was  some  compensation  that  Theodore's  son,  Alamayou, 
a  child  of  seven  years,  was  taken  care  of  by  Queen  Victoria.  He 
was  educated  first  in  India  and  then  in  England,  but  died  before 
he  reached  maturity. 

We  now  approach  the  period  in  which  Gladstone  began  his  Disestab- 
great  efforts  for  the  pacification  of  Ireland.  He  had  long  been  Hthment  of 
convinced  that  Ireland  was  the  weak  spot  in  the  British  Empire,  ^ 
a  source  from  which  danger  had  arisen  and  might  at  any  moment  Upon. 
return  in  more  dangerous  form.  This  is  not  the  place  to  recount 
the  wrongs  which  Ireland  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  England. 
It  had  always  been  treated  as  a  conquered  country,  to  be  kept 
in  subjection  by  the  overwhelming  supremacy  of  Great  Britain. 
The  emancipation  of  the  Catholics,  and  the  admission  to  Parlia- 
ment and  to  full  political  privileges  of  those  who  professed  the 
national  religion,  had  done  something  to  ameliorate  the  bitterness 
of  the  national  sentiment ;  but  it  still  suffered  from  the  pressure 
of  an  alien  Church,  endowed  by  revenues  contributed  by  its  own 
people,  from  the  possession  of  the  land  by  an  absentee  aristocracy, 
which  spent  in  personal  enjoyment  elsewhere  the  exorbitant  rents 
derived  from  the  exertions  of  a  laborious  peasantry,  from  an 
administration  directed  from  a  British  stronghold  on  principles 
foreign  to  Irish  feeling,  by  men  who  did  not  understand  the 
conditions  of  the  country,  and  took  no  pains  to  understand  them. 
These  grievances  Gladstone  determined  to  remove,  first  that  of 
the  Church,  then  that  of  the  land,  and  lastly  that  of  Dublin  Castle. 

It  is  probable  that  when  he  formed  the  design  of  bringing  the 
disestablishment  of  the  Church  into  the  domain  of  practical 
politics,  he  had  in  his  mind  the  possibility  of  granting  Home  Rule 
as  the  only  valid  remedy  for  Irish  discontent,  and  to  apply  to 
this  open  sore  the  magic  power  of  self-government.  The  Irish 
had  been  driven  by  ill-treatment  to  emigration  on  an  enormous 
scale ;  indeed,  it  was  a  common  opinion  in  England  that  the 
more  Irish  that  emigrated  the  better,  and  that  it  would  be  a  happy 
thing  if  Ireland  could  be  entirely  deserted  by  its  own  people,  and 
their  places  taken  by  British  emigrants.  But  those  who  held 
such  opinions  forgot  that  there  was  growing  up,  in  every  country 
to  which  the  Irish  went  beyond  the  seas,  an  Irish  party  hostile 
to  Great  Britain.  This  was  notably  true  of  the  United  States, 
but  it  was  also  the  case  in  Australia  and  Canada. 

Now,  whatever  convictions  a  statesman  may  form  in  his  own 
mind  as  to  the  desirability  of  reform  in  any  direction,  he  cannot 
hope  to  give  effect  to  them  except  with  the  support  of  public 

137 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

opinion,  and  this  opinion,  to  be  valid,  cannot  be  artificially  created 
but  must  grow  up  in  great  measure  of  itself.  A  wise  statesman 
will  always  take  care  to  have  this  force  on  his  side.  It  was  idle 
to  remedy  the  grievances  of  Ireland,  unless  Englishmen  and 
Scotsmen  felt  they  had  a  real  existence.  This  explains  why 
Gladstone  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Fenian  outbreak,  the 
Manchester  rescue,  the  Clerkenwell  explosion  gave  an  oppor- 
tunity for  the  introduction  of  the  beneficent  legislation  he  had 
long  pondered  in  his  mind. 

Debate  on  On   March   1 6th,    1868,   Mr.   John  Francis  Maguire,   an  Irish 

theDisestab-  Member  of  Parliament,  trusted  by  British  and  Irish  alike,  brought 
Question  forward  in  the  House  of  Commons  some  resolutions  on  the  con- 
dition of  Ireland.  In  the  course  of  his  speech  he  laid  great  stress 
upon  the  mischief  produced  in  Ireland  by  the  existence  of  an 
alien  Church.  The  debate  lasted  a  considerable  time,  and  on 
the  first  night  Gladstone  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  Irish 
Church  must  cease  to  exist  as  a  State  institution.  In  consequence 
of  this  avowal  Maguire  withdrew  his  resolutions.  He  knew  that 
the  Protestant  garrison  in  Ireland  was  doomed,  and  that  the  fall 
of  the  Irish  State  Church  was  merely  a  question  of  time. 

A  few  days  later  Gladstone  gave  notice  of  three  resolutions  on 
the  subject.  The  first  declared  that  the  Established  Church  of 
Ireland  must  cease  to  exist  as  an  establishment,  respect  being 
had  to  personal  interests  and  to  individual  rights  of  property  ; 
the  second  declared  that  it  was  inexpedient  to  create  new  personal 
interests  by  any  public  patronage ;  and  the  third  prayed  the 
Sovereign  to  place  at  the  disposal  of  Parliament  the  interests  of  the 
Crown  in  the  temporalities  of  the  Irish  Church.  Gladstone  proposed 
his  resolutions  on  March  soth,  1868.  Lord  Stanley  met  them 
by  declaring  that  any  proposition  tending  to  the  disestablishment 
or  dismemberment  of  the  Irish  Church  ought  to  be  reserved  for 
the  decision  of  the  new  Parliament.  The  amendment  only  pleaded 
for  delay  ;  it  did  not  ask  that  the  Irish  Church  should  not  perish, 
but  only  that  its  end  should  come  to-morrow  instead  of  to-day. 
Lowe  on  the  Robert  Lowe  attacked  the  Irish  Church  with  remarkable 
Irish  Church,  bitterness.  He  compared  it  to  an  exotic  brought  from  a  far  country, 
tended  with  infinite  pains  and  useless  trouble,  and  kept  alive 
with  great  difficulty  and  expense  in  an  ungenial  climate  and  an 
ungrateful  soil.  He  said  :  "  The  curse  of  barrenness  is  upon  it. 
It  has  no  leaves,  puts  forth  no  blossoms  and  yields  no  fruit.  Cut 
it  down.  Why  cumbereth  it  the  ground  ?  "  In  the  division 
there  were  270  votes  for  the  amendment  and  331  against  it,  so 
that  the  Irish  Church  was  condemned  by  a  majority  of  61. 

138 


GLADSTONE'S    FIRST    PREMIERSHIP 

Such  was  the  fate  of  the  amendment,  but  Gladstone's  resolu-  Defeat  of 
tions  had  still  to  be  voted  upon,  and  the  first  resolution  was  carried  the  Tory 
by  a  majority  of  65,  the  numbers  for  and  against  it  being  330 
and  265.  Disraeli  determined  to  dissolve  Parliament.  This 
took  place  at  the  end  of  July,  and  the  new  elections  were  held  in 
November.  It  was  probably  the  most  important  election  since 
the  days  of  the  Reform  Bill.  Gladstone  was  defeated  in  South 
Lancashire,  but  found  a  seat  at  Greenwich ;  Lord  Hartington  was 
defeated  in  North  Lancashire,  and  was  out  of  Parliament  for  a 
short  time  ;  John  Stuart  Mill  was  not  re-elected  for  Westminster  ; 
and  Lowe  was  chosen  as  the  first  Member  for  the  University  of 
London.  The  polls,  however,  gave  the  Liberals  a  majority  of  112. 
Disraeli  thought  it  useless  to  meet  the  new  Parliament  as  Prime 
Minister,  and  resigned  office.  Gladstone's  opportunity  had  come, 
and  on  the  afternoon  of  December  ist  he  received  at  Hawarden 
an  intimation  from  Windsor  that  placed  him  in  power.  Evelyn 
Ashley  has  described  the  homely  incident  when  the  message  arrived. 

"  I  was  standing  by  him,  holding  his  coat  on  my  arm,  while  How  Glad- 
lie  in  his  shirt-sleeves  was  wielding  an  axe  to  cut  down  a  tree,  stone  was 
when  up  came  a  telegraph  messenger.  He  opened  the  telegram 
and  read  it,  then  handed  it  to  me,  speaking  only  two  words  : 
*  Very  significant/  and  at  once  resumed  his  work.  The  message 
merely  stated  that  General  Grey  would  arrive  that  evening  from 
Windsor.  This,  of  course,  implied  that  a  mandate  was  coming 
from  the  Queen,  charging  Mr.  Gladstone  with  the  formation  of 
his  first  Government.  After  a  few  minutes  the  blows  ceased  and 
Mr.  Gladstone,  resting  upon  the  handle  of  his  axe,  looked  up,  and 
with  deep  earnestness  in  his  voice  and  great  intensity  in  his  face, 
exclaimed,  '  My  mission  is  to  pacify  Ireland/  He  then  resumed 
his  task  and  never  spoke  another  word  till  the  tree  was  down." 

"  Mr.  Disraeli/'  said  the  Royal  missive,  "  has  tendered  his 
resignation  to  the  Queen.  The  result  of  the  appeal  to  the  country 
is  too  evident  to  require  its  being  pressed  by  a  vote  in  Parliament, 
.and  the  Queen  entirely  agrees  with  Mr.  Disraeli  and  his  colleagues 
that  the  most  dignified  course  for  them  to  pursue,  as  also  the  best 
for  the  public  interests,  is  immediate  resignation.  Under  these 
circumstances,  the  Queen  must  ask  Mr.  Gladstone,  as  the  acknow- 
ledged head  of  the  Liberal  Party,  to  undertake  the  formation 
of  a  new  Administration.  With  one  or  two  exceptions,  which  she 
lias  requested  General  Grey,  the  bearer  of  this  letter,  to  explain, 
the  Queen  would  impose  no  restrictions  on  Mr.  Gladstone  with 
regard  to  the  arrangements  of  the  various  offices  in  the  manner 
which  he  believes  to  be  best  for  the  public  service,  and  she  trusts 

139 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 

that  he  will  find  no  difficulty  in  filling  them  up,  or  at  least  the 
greater  part  of  them,  so  that  the  Council  may  be  held  before  the 
I3th.  Mr.  Gladstone  will  understand  why  the  Queen  would  wish 
to  be  free  from  making  any  arrangements  for  the  next  few  days 
after  the  I3th.*  The  Queen  echoes  what  she  said  two  and  a 
half  years  ago  to  Lord  Derby,  that  she  will  not  have  any  time 
for  seeing  Mr.  Gladstone,  who  may  wish  to  have  an  opportunity 
of  consulting  some  of  his  friends  before  he  sees  her,  but  that,  as 
soon  as  he  shall  have  done  so,  and  expresses  a  desire  to  see  the 
Queen,  she  will  receive  him." 

December's  On  December  2Qth  Gladstone  entered  in  his  diary  :  "  This 
£oartefulness  birthday  opens  my  sixtieth  year.  I  descend  the  path  of  life; 
Gladstone.  **  would  be  true  to  say  I  ascend  a  steep  path  with  a  burden  ever 
gathering  weight.  The  Almighty  seems  to  sustain  and  spare 
me  for  some  purpose  of  His  own,  deeply  unworthy  as  I  know 
myself  to  be.  Glory  be  to  His  name."  And  in  the  last  hours 
of  the  year  he  wrote  further  :  "  This  month  of  December  has 
been  notable  in  my  life  as  follows — Dec.,  1809,  born;  1827,  left 
Eton ;  1831,  Classics  at  Oxford ;  1832,  elected  to  Parliament ; 
1838,  work  on  Church  and  State  published ;  1852,  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer  ;  1868,  First  Lord.  Rather  a  frivolous  enumera- 
tion, yet  it  would  not  be  so  if  the  love  of  symmetry  were  carried 
with  a  well-proportioned  earnestness  and  firmness  into  the  higher 
parts  of  life.  I  feel  like  a  man  with  a  burden  under  which  he  must 
fall  and  be  crushed  if  he  look  to  the  right  or  the  left,  and  fail  from 
any  cause  to  concentrate  mind  and  muscle  upon  his  progress  step 
by  step.  This  absorption,  this  excess,  this  constant  jar  is  the 
fate  of  political  life  with  its  insatiable  demands,  which  do  not 
leave  the  smallest  spark  of  moral  energy  unexhausted  and  avail- 
able for  the  surgeons.  Swimming  for  his  life,  a  man  does  not  see 
much  of  the  country  through  which  the  river  winds,  and  I  probably 
know  little  of  these  years  through  which  I  busily  work  and  live." 

*  December  I4th  was  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of  the  Prince  Consort. 


140 


CHAPTER  VI 
FRANCE:    DECAY  OF  THE   SECOND  EMPIRE 

THE  close  of  the  war  of  1866  left  the  Emperor  Napoleon  in  a  Europe  and 
worse  condition  than  that  which  he  had  before  occupied ;  but  Mexico< 
the  disaster  which  eventually  overwhelmed  him  was  brought 
about  largely  by  his  policy  in  Mexico.  Benito  Juarez,  President 
of  that  country,  in  1860  expelled  Pacheco,  the  Spanish  envoy, 
and  a  few  months  later  suspended  the  interest  on  the  foreign 
debt  for  two  years.  The  Governments  principally  concerned 
remonstrated  without  effect,  and  in  October  a  Convention,  signed 
in  London  between  Great  Britain,  France  and  Spain,  decided 
on  a  joint  expedition,  but  disclaimed  any  intention  of  territorial 
aggrandisement,  or  of  interfering  with  the  inherent  right  of  the 
Mexican  people  to  choose  their  own  form  of  government,  their 
sole  object  being  to  obtain  material  guarantees  for  the  redress 
of  wrongs  which  had  been  done  to  their  subjects,  and  for  which 
remedies  had  been  asked  in  vain.  Great  Britain  was  sincere 
in  this  declaration,  but  France  and  Spain  both  wished  to  substitute 
a  monarchy  for  a  republic,  while  the  Emperor  Napoleon  desired 
to  establish  Archduke  Maximilian  of  Austria  on  the  throne,  and 
Queen  Isabella  pressed  the  claims  of  the  Montpensiers,  the  duchess 
being  her  sister.  In  November  Prim  was  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Spanish  contingent  of  the  allied  forces,  and  was 
ordered  to  adhere  strictly  to  the  principles  of  the  Convention. 
Napoleon's  views  became  known  to  the  Spanish  Government 
at  the  beginning  of  1862,  but  Prim  warned  the  Emperor  that  if 
he  proclaimed  Maximilian  Emperor  of  Mexico  his  power  could 
only  last  so  long  as  he  was  supported  by  French  troops.  But 
trouble  was  soon  a-brewing.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Andrew 
Johnson,  who  succeeded  Lincoln  as  President  of  the  United  States, 
was  to  assure  Napoleon  that  America  would  not  allow  a  foreign 
and  monarchical  government  to  be  established  on  her  soil.  The 
triumphant  close  of  the  war  brought  even  stronger  counsels.  The 
Monroe  Doctrine,  which  proclaimed  the  principle  of  "  America 
for  the  Americans,"  was  enforced.  On  December  lath,  1865, 
both  Houses  of  Congress  passed  a  resolution  that  an  attempt  to 
destroy  an  American  republic  and  to  build  upon  its  ruins  a 

141 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

monarchy,  supported  by  European  bayonets,  was  opposed  to  the 
declared  policy  of  the  United  States,  repulsive  in  the  highest  degree 
to  the  American  people,  and  an  attack  upon  the  political  system 
of  the  United  States. 
Mexico's  Mexico,  otherwise  called  New  Spain,  originally  a  vice-royalty 

°^  *ke  Spanish  monarchy,  revolted  against  the  Mother  Country 
in  1820,  and  obtained  her  independence  in  1821.  After  forty 
years  of  civil  war,  she  eventually  fell  into  the  hands  of  Benito 
Pablo  Juarez,  a  lawyer  and  statesman,  who  was  elected  president 
by  the  free  choice  of  the  Mexican  people.  Born  of  poor  parents 
in  the  year  1809,  he  suffered  in  his  youth  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  Spaniards,  who  treated  the  aboriginal  inhabitants,  to  whom 
he  belonged,  with  contempt  and  insult.  His  early  manhood  was 
spent  in  the  struggle  for  freedom,  and  in  the  attempt  to  wrest 
the  territory  of  his  country  from  the  dead  hand  of  the  Church. 
Elected  president  in  1858,  under  the  new  Constitution  of 
1857,  he  defeated  the  champions  of  the  Clerical  party  in 
1860,  and  entered  the  city  of  Mexico  in  triumph  on  January 
I2th,  1861. 

Treaty  of  \ye  have  said  that  the  new  Government  of  Mexico  repudiated 

La  Soiedad.  -  there  was  some  reason  for  this.     The  debt  had  been 


contracted  by  the  Clerical  party  to  assist  them  against  their 
national  adversaries,  and  it  was  so  heavy  that  nearly  one-half 
the  revenues  of  the  country  went  to  England  and  one-fifth  to 
France  and  Spain,  leaving  the  Republic  almost  without  resources 
to  defray  its  expenses.  In  these  circumstances  suspension  of 
payment  was  inevitable,  and  it  was  met  by  the  Convention  of 
London  and  the  military  intervention  of  the  three  Powers  to  which 
we  have  already  referred.  Spain  signed,  on  February  iQth, 
1862,  an  arrangement  with  General  Doblado,  called  the  Treaty 
of  La  Soiedad,  acknowledging  the  sovereignty  of  the  Republic, 
and  Great  Britain  had  no  difficulty  in  adhering  to  an  understanding 
which  was  in  accord  with  the  Convention  of  London. 

But  the  French  representatives  hesitated  to  concur,  because 
they  knew  that  the  policy  of  France  was  different  from  that  of 
the  two  other  allies.  By  the  Second  Article  of  the  provisional 
treaty,  the  foreign  allied  troops  were  allowed  to  occupy  the  towns 
on  the  edge  of  the  plateau  on  which  Puebla  and  Mexico  were  situated, 
Cordova,  Orizaba  and  La  Tehuacan,  but  by  the  Third  Article  they 
were  compelled  to  retire  to  Vera  Cruz  in  case  preliminaries  should 
not  be  ratified.  On  the  strength  of  the  Second  Article,  Saligny, 
the  representative  of  France,  signed  the  treaty  with  the  intention 
of  breaking  the  First  and  the  Third  Articles. 

142 


NAPOLEON    AND    MAXIMILIAN 

On  March  3rd,  General  Lorencez  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  with  French 
reinforcements  from  France,  accompanied  by  General  Almonte,  Action  in 
a  Mexican  refugee,  who  openly  proclaimed  his  intention  of  upsetting  Mexico* 
Juarez  and  establishing  Maximilian  on  the  throne.  On  April  3rd 
the  Mexican  Government  demanded  the  expulsion  of  Almonte 
from  their  territory,  and,  when  the  plenipotentiaries  met  at  Orizaba 
on  April  gth,  Prim  exposed  the  nature  of  the  disgraceful  intrigue 
in  which  France  was  engaged.  In  consequence  of  this,  the  re- 
presentatives of  Spain  and  Great  Britain  declared  the  Convention 
of  London  and  the  Treaty  of  Soledad  to  be  violated  and  determined 
to  depart.  The  French,  who,  according  to  the  treaty,  ought  to 
have  retired  to  Vera  Cruz,  marched  forward  and  attacked  Puebla. 
Reinforcements  having  arrived  from  France  under  General  Forey, 
Puebla  was  taken,  on  May  lyth,  1863,  after  two  months'  siege, 
and  the  city  of  Mexico  was  occupied  at  the  beginning  of  June. 
On  July  8th  an  Assembly  of  Notables  met  under  the  presidency  of 
Almonte,  who  determined  to  consolidate  Mexico  as  an  hereditary 
empire  and  to  invite  Archduke  Maximilian  of  Austria  to  assume 
the  crown.  Maximilian,  who  received  the  deputation  sent  for 
the  purpose  at  Miramar,  stipulated  for  two  conditions — the  pro- 
tection of  the  maritime  Powers  and  the  consent  of  the  Mexican 
people.  Both  were  impossible,  because  Great  Britain,  Spain 
and  the  United  States  were  opposed  to  any  such  arrangement, 
and  because  the  whole  of  the  Mexican  people,  except  the  Clericals, 
were  in  favour  of  Juarez.  Maximilian  persisted  in  his  refusal 
for  several  months,  but  in  the  spring  of  1864  he  accepted,  with 
his  wife,  an  invitation  to  the  Tuileries,  and  there,  on  March  izth, 
a  treaty  was  signed  which  made  him  Emperor  of  Mexico. 

After  some  difficulties  between  the  Emperor  and  his  brother  Maximilian 
with  regard  to  the  Austrian  succession  had  been  settled,  it  was  Proceeds  to 
arranged  at  Miramar  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  should  supply  Mexico> 
a    French   garrison  of  58,000  men,  which  should,  year  by  year, 
be  gradually  diminished.     These  troops  were  to  be  paid  for  by 
Mexico  at  the  rate  of  £40  a  year  per  man.     This  was  a  heavy 
burden  for  the  new  government,  especially  as  the  funds  arising 
from  the  confiscation  of  church  lands  could  not  be  used  for  the 
payment,  because  it  would  offend  the  Clerical  party,  who  were 
the  Emperor's  only  supporters. 

The  Emperor  Maximilian  left  Miramar  on  April  i4th,  1864, 
on  the  frigate  Novara,  and  reached  Civita  Vecchia  four  days  later. 
He  and  the  Empress  had  an  interview  with  the  Pope,  with  the 
object  of  establishing  a  concordat  between  State  and  Church  in 
his  new  country.  He  landed  at  San  Juan  d'Ulloa  on  May  28th. 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Nothing  could  be  done  with  regard  to  the  Church  question  till 
the  arrival  of  the  Nuncio  Meglia  at  the  end  of  the  year.  Meglia 
brought  with  him  a  letter  written  by  the  Pope's  hand,  which 
showed  that  all  hope  of  an  arrangement  was  impossible.  Any 
step  taken  by  the  Emperor  himself  to  shake  off  the  burden  of 
the  dead  hand  was  met  by  energetic  expostulation  from  the  Nuncio, 
who  threatened  a  breach  with  Rome,  so  that  the  Emperor  had 
no  money  to  pay  his  way  with.  A  loan  was  contracted  in  France 
in  April,  1865,  under  the  most  onerous  conditions,  which  raised 
the  public  debt  of  Mexico  to  over  £30,000,000.  The  French  army, 
now  commanded  by  Bazaine,  barely  sufficed  to  protect  Vera  Cruz, 
Cordova,  Orizaba,  Puebla  and  Mexico,  and  keep  the  roads  which 
connected  them  clear  of  the  Liberal  guerillas. 

Napoleon  Maximilian    found    himself    an    emperor    without    an    empire. 

Abandons  a  monarch  without  authority,  in  continual  strife  with  the  Pope 
on  one  side  and  the  French  on  the  other.  Bazaine,  too,  became 
insufferable,  but  without  his  assistance  the  Empire  would  fall 
to  pieces,  and  the  time  was  at  hand  when  the  imperious  march 
of  events  would  bring  this  assistance  to  an  end.  The  result  of 
the  American  Civil  War  was  as  great  a  surprise  to  Napoleon  as 
was  the  victory  of  the  Prussians  at  Koniggratz  in  the  following 
year.  The  victorious  North,  as  we  have  seen,  insisted  on  the 
withdrawal  of  the  French  troops  from  Mexico.  The  demand, 
urgent  in  1865,  became  more  urgent  at  the  beginning  of  1866. 
At  that  time  Schofield,  sent  from  Washington  to  Paris,  told  the 
Emperor  that  a  year  was  the  utmost  limit  the  United  States 
could  allow  for  the  presence  of  foreign  troops  on  American  soil. 
Napoleon  was  forced  to  give  way.  In  his  Speech  from  the 
Throne  on  January  22nd,  1866,  he  said  :  "  The  government  founded 
in  Mexico  on  the  will  of  the  people  gains  strength  ;  the  oppo- 
sition, now  without  a  head,  is  conquered  and  dispersed.  The 
national  troops  have  shown  themselves  brave,  and  the  country 
has  found  guarantees  for  order,  which  increase  its  security. 
Commerce  with  France  has  risen  from  21,000,000  to  76,000,000 
francs.  Last  year  I  expressed  the  hope  that  our  expedition 
was  approaching  its  termination,  and  I  am  now  coming 
to  an  understanding  with  the  Emperor  Maximilian  as  to  the 
time  for  the  recall  of  our  troops,  so  that  it  may  be  carried  out 
without  danger  to  French  interests  which  we  have  defended  in 
those  distant  regions." 

This  speech  was  really  a  tissue  of  falsehoods.  The  Republican 
troops  were  neither  defeated  nor  dispersed ;  on  the  contrary, 
they  were  pressing  forward,  and  the  national  army  could  hardly 

144 


MAXIMILIAN    ABANDONED 

be  said  to  exist ;  and  for  "  order  "  and  "  security  "  we  ought 
to  read  "  civil  war "  and  "  anarchy."  The  negotiations  with 
Maximilian  were  not  yet  begun,  for  Baron  Saillard,  who  was  to 
conduct  them,  had  only  left  France  six  days  before  the  speech. 
It  was  true  that  the  French  troops  were  preparing  to  depart,  but 
untrue  that  the  interests  of  France  were  in  a  secure  position.  Baron 
Saillard  took  with  him  two  letters  from  Drouyn  de  FHuys,  in 
which  the  French  Minister,  Daru,  was  ordered  to  treat  with  Maxi- 
milian and  Bazaine  for  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  French 
garrison.  They  stated,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  French  army 
would  depart  in  the  autumn,  and,  on  the  other,  that  it  would  be 
better  for  Maximilian  that  his  throne  should  not  be  supported 
by  foreign  bayonets.  This  meant  that  after  a  year  and  a  half's 
reign,  an  enterprise  undertaken  by  Maximilian  only  under  strong 
pressure  from  France,  two  alternatives  were  left  him,  either  of 
retiring  to  Europe  with  the  French,  or  of  certain  destruction  if 
he  remained  in  the  country.  Napoleon's  conduct  was  mean,  but 
imminence  of  war  with  the  United  States,  if  he  acted  otherwise, 
left  him  really  without  a  choice.  On  April  5th  the  Ministers 
announced  that  the  French  troops  would  leave  Mexico  in  three 
detachments,  and  that  the  last  of  them  would  return  in  the  spring 
of  1867. 

In  July  the  Empress  Charlotte  undertook  a  journey  to  Europe  The  Empress 
in  the  hope  of  saving  the  situation.     She  found  Napoleon  at  St.  Charlotte 

Cloud,    having   just   returned   from   Vichy,    and,    with   the   most  *nd  , 

•          i  j      •  j.  j   j.v  -11  -,-          £.  1.       i-     i       j     Napoleon, 

moving  eloquence,  depicted  the  terrible  position  of  her  husband. 

When  these  entreaties  failed,  she  gave  him  two  letters  written 
with  his  own  hand  in  1864,  in  which  he  (the  Emperor)  assured 
the  Archduke  that  he  would  never  desert  him  until  his  work  was 
accomplished. 

He  looked  hastily  through  the  letters  and  said  :  "I  have  done 
what  I  could  for  your  husband ;  I  can  go  no  further." 

The  Empress  was  in  despair,  and,  as  she  took  leave,  cried  : 
"  I  suffer  what  I  deserve.  The  grandchild  of  Louis  Philippe  of 
Orleans  should  never  have  trusted  her  fortunes  to  a  Bonaparte." 

Added   to   other   misfortunes   was   the   treachery   of   Bazaine.  Bazaine's 
His  wife  was  a  Mexican,  and  her  family  were  infected  with  the  Treachery. 
ambition  that  they  might  be  masters  of  the  country,  and  Bazaine 
sought   for  himself  the  position  of  Emperor.     Hence  his  policy 
was  to  weaken  the  authority  of  Maximilian  and  to  increase  the 
power  of  the  dissidents,  with  whom  he  was  in  secret  communication, 
and  for  this  purpose  he  prolonged  the  occupation  in  order  that  he 
might  have  more  time  for  the  prosecution  of  his  designs.     It  was 
k  145 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

known  that  the  occupation  would  come  gradually  to  an  end,  and 
as  each  strong  place  was  evacuated  by  the  French  it  was  occupied 
by  the  dissidents.  Treachery  took  even  a  more  solid  form. 
Supplies  paid  for  by  the  sacrifices  of  Maximilian's  supporters  were 
sold  by  Bazaine  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  the  money  went  into 
his  pockets. 

Maximilian  History  does  not  record  a  more  heart-breaking  or  a  more  con- 

Hesitates,  temptible  tragedy.  But  Maximilian's  cup  of  agony  was  not  yet 
full.  On  October  i8th,  1866,  he  received  the  news  that  his  gifted, 
beautiful,  beloved  wife  had  lost  her  reason.  It  is  said  that  the 
insanity  was  first  caused  by  a  glass  of  orange  water  which  she  had 
drunk  during  her  stormy  interview  with  Napoleon,  and  which 
was  made  from  oranges  brought  from  Mexico  by  one  of  her  suite, 
and  believed  to  have  been  poisoned. 

As  soon  as  he  heard  the  news,  Maximilian  determined  to  leave 
Mexico,  and  retired  to  Chapultepec,  and  then  to  Orizaba,  which 
he  reached  on  October  27th.  Pale  and  wasted  with  fever,  he 
drove  in  a  carriage  drawn  by  six  mules.  When  he  reached  the 
town  he  was  received  by  the  French  with  salvoes  of  artillery  and 
the  ringing  of  bells,  but  his  Austrian  suite  could  only  reply  to  the 
Gallic  transports  with  Hungarian  curses.  The  Indians  flocked 
round  with  joy,  his  officers  besought  him  on  their  knees  to  remain 
in  Mexico,  but  he  declared  that  it  was  impossible.  The  Clerical 
party,  dismayed  at  his  resolution,  strained  every  nerve  to  keep 
him.  They  sent  Father  Fischer,  a  wily  ecclesiastic,  to  promise 
him  money  and  support  from  the  revenues  of  the  Church,  engage- 
ments which  they  were  powerless  to  fulfil ;  but  Lacuza,  his  Minister, 
struck  a  more  promising -note  when  he  told  him  that  a  Hapsburg 
should  not  desert  his  post  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and  that  he  must 
meet  bravely  the  attacks  of  open  as  well  as  secret  enemies, 
prepared  to  conquer  or  fall. 

Maximilian's  On  November  25th  Maximilian  held  a  council,  in  which  ten 
Decision.  members  out  of  twenty-three  decided  against  his  departure,  and 
he  determined  to  remain.  He  returned  to  his  capital  in  January, 
1867,  resolved  to  carry  on  the  war  with  the  help  of  the  Mexicans 
who  were  true  to  him,  and,  for  this  purpose,  he  recalled  Marquez 
and  Miramon  from  exile.  He  depended  mainly  upon  the  Imperial 
Hussars,  a  regiment  of  pure  Hungarians,  commanded  and  paid 
by  the  devoted  Khevenhuller,  on  the  infantry  of  Hammerstein 
and  on  the  Mexican  chasseurs  of  Moso.  He  found  that  the  stores 
collected  in  Mexico  had  been  destroyed  by  Bazaine's  orders,  and 
that  the  marshal  had  persuaded  the  municipality  to  repurchase  at 
an  exorbitant  price  the  palace  which  Maximilian  had  presented  to 

146 


BETRAYAL    OF    MAXIMILIAN 

him.  Bazaine  left  the  city  on  February  i2th,  1867,  starting  out 
in  the  early  morning  as  if  ashamed  of  being  seen,  having  carefully 
destroyed,  before  his  departure,  arms,  horses,  harness  and  cannon, 
knowing  that  the  crown  he  had  been  commanded  to  defend  had 
no  money  to  supply  the  loss. 

Next  morning  the  troops  of  Khevenhuller  and  Hammerstein  Maximilian 
were  summoned  to  the  palace.  The  Emperor  appeared  along  at 
with  his  physician  Basch,  Father  Fischer  and  others,  and  told  *nere  aro* 
his  faithful  officers  that  he  had  determined  to  return  to  Queretaro, 
but  that  they  must  remain  behind.  They  were  in  despair,  knowing 
that  his  Mexican  guards  could  not  defend  him  against  the  in- 
surgents and  that  he  was  in  the  hands  of  traitors.  But  he  declared 
that  it  was  his  unalterable  wish,  and  rode  away  to  his  doom. 
Maximilian  left  his  true-hearted  Austrians  in  the  capital,  in  order 
to  live  for  the  future  as  a  Mexican  among  Mexicans.  He  found 
at  Queretaro  a  population  of  40,000  souls,  who  received  him  with 
joy  and  an  affection  strengthened  by  a  three  months'  siege,  and 
he  commanded  there  an  army  of  95,000  men.  But  in  the  capital 
he  found  himself  betrayed.  Ministers  behaved  exactly  as  if  there 
were  no  Emperor  at  all,  did  nothing  that  they  had  promised, 
supplied  him  with  no  money,  and  disregarded  his  commands  to 
send  him  Khevenhuller  and  Hammerstein. 

On  March  I4th,  when  he  had  successfully  repelled  the  attack  Betrayal 
of  General  Escobedo,  he  sent  Marquez  and  Bidaum,  whom  he  of  the 
believed  devoted  to  his  cause,  with  orders  to  depose  the  Ministry, 
to  obtain  money,  and  in  any  case  to  return  to  Queretaro  with 
reinforcements.  The  two  generals  arrived  at  Mexico  on  the  evening 
of  March  25th,  accompanied  by  800  cavalry.  Four  days  later 
Khevenhuller  and  Hammerstein  received  marching  orders,  and 
on  March  3oth  they  set  out,  apparently  to  join  the  Emperor  at 
Queretaro  with  4,000  troops  and  12  guns.  But  they  marched 
not  north-west  to  Queretaro,  but  south-west  to  Puebla,  which 
was  being  besieged  by  Porfirio  Diaz.  When  they  had  proceeded 
for  four  days  with  incredible  slowness  they  heard  that  Puebla 
had  fallen.  This  was  owing  to  the  treachery  of  Marquez,  who 
disregarded  all  representations  of  the  German  officers.  They  were 
obliged  to  return  to  Mexico,  which  was  soon  afterwards  blockaded, 
so  that  no  further  expedition  was  possible. 

Maximilian  defended  himself  stoutly  in  Queretaro.  After  fight- 
ing bravely  on  March  24th,  April  ist  and  27th,  May  ist  and  3rd, 
he  determined  to  make  a  final  effort  on  the  night  of  May  I4th. 
But  shortly  after  midnight  the  enemy,  led  by  the  traitor  Lopez, 
broke  into  the  monastery  of  La  Cruz,  where  the  Emperor  was 

147 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 

residing  with  his  staff,  and  took  them  all  prisoners,  unarmed  as 
they  were. 

Execution  of  Juarez  did  not  himself  desire  the  death  of  Maximilian.  The 
Maximilian.  besiegers  received  orders  to  allow  him  to  pass  unscathed  should 
he  wish  to  do  so.  But  he  was  brought  before  a  court-martial 
and  tried,  together  with  Generals  Meija  and  Miramon,  who 
were  regarded  by  the  Mexicans  as  traitors.  If  they  were 
condemned  to  death,  and  they  deserved  no  other  punishment, 
how  could  Maximilian  be  allowed  to  escape,  under  whose 
command  they  had  fought  ?  Maximilian  refused  all  offers  of 
escape,  unless  the  two  generals  could  go  with  him.  When  he 
heard  of  his  condemnation,  he  said  to  Juarez  that  he  hoped  his 
blood  would  be  the  last  shed  for  the  peace  of  Mexico.  In  the 
early  morning  of  June  igth,  1867,  the  three  were  led  together 
to  the  place  of  execution,  where  the  sentence  was  read  out  to  them. 
Maximilian  said  :  "  I  die  for  the  independence  and  freedom 
of  Mexico  ;  may  my  blood  strengthen  them  both  !  " 

Miramon  said  :  "  Long  live  the  Empress  !     Hurrah  for  Mexico  !  " 
Meija  kissed  his  crucifix. 

The  officers  gave  the  signal,  the  volleys  were  fired,  and  the 
victims  fell.  The  colonel  who  commanded  the  firing  party  said 
to  Herr  Basch  :  "  His  was  a  mighty  soul  !  " 

His  Remains  On  the  evening  of  June  igth,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  execu- 
Brought  to  tjon>  Baron  Lago,  the  Minister  of  Austria,  telegraphed  to  Juarez 
asking  to  be  allowed  to  convey  the  body  of  Maximilian  to  Europe. 
The  Austrian  corvette  Elizabeth  had  been  waiting  on  the  coast 
to  receive  the  Emperor  at  any  moment.  The  cabin  reserved  for 
his  return  to  his  country  was  now  turned  into  a  chamber  of  death. 
Juarez  barbarously  refused  to  surrender  the  corpse,  which  he 
regarded  as  a  spoil  of  victory.  The  captain  of  an  American  ship 
of  war  was  asked  to  press  the  request.  He  did  so,  pointing  out 
that  the  ashes  of  the  victim  could  be  of  no  possible  service  to 
Mexico,  and  adding  :  "  All  expenses  will  be  paid."  This  was 
refused  and  a  similar  request  of  a  more  official  character  met  with 
the  same  result.  The  faithful  Basch,  who  had  been  careful  to 
embalm  the  body,  and  was  keeping  it  at  Queretaro,  asked,  on  his 
own  account,  that  the  remains  might  be  removed,  but  received 
an  answer  that  the  Citizen  President  had  decided  for  grave  reasons 
not  to  accede  to  the  request.  At  last  Tegethoff  was  dispatched, 
fresh  from  the  laurels  of  Lissa,  and  was  allowed  to  come  to  Mexico. 
He  said  that  he  represented  the  family  of  the  Archduke.  Juarez 
demanded  an  official  request  from  Austria,  or  a  written  demand 
from  the  family  of  the  Archduke.  Beust  bowed  before  necessity 

148 


NAPOLEON'S    ANXIETY 

and  the  body  of  the  murdered  hero  was  brought  back  to  Europe 
on  the  Novara,  the  ship  which  had  conveyed  him,  in  his  youth, 
on  his  voyage  round  the  world  and  had  brought  him  as  an  Emperor 
to  those  ill-fated  shores.  On  January  i8th,  1868,  the  Royal  vault 
of  the  Capuchins  received  the  mortal  remains  of  the  most  un- 
fortunate member  of  the  unfortunate  House  of  Hapsburg.  In 
the  meantime,  the  beautiful  and  gifted  Empress  Charlotte  was 
wandering,  a  hopeless  lunatic,  about  the  gardens  of  Laeken,  near 
Brussels.  Napoleon  and  Bazaine  were,  as  yet,  unscathed,  but 
a  more  terrible  calamity  awaited  them  than  that  which  had  befallen 
the  Emperor  whom  they  had  destroyed. 

The  year  1867  was  the  year  of  the  Paris  Exhibition,  the  most  The 
brilliant  of  those  international  festivals  which  have  now  become  Exhibition 
too  common  to  excite  much  attention,  but  were  then  untarnished  ° 
by  familiarity.     It  witnessed  also  the  culmination  of  the  splendour 
of  the  Imperial  Court.     Paris  was  visited  by  the  monarchs  and 
statesmen  of  Europe.     The  Tuileries  and  the  Hotel  de  Ville  vied 
with  each  other  in  dazzling  hospitality.     But  the  brief  period  of 
brilliance  lay  between  1866  and  1870,  between  Sadowa  and  Sedan, 
between  the  humiliation  and  the  destruction  of  the  Imperial  edifice  ; 
under  the  triumphal  song  of  exaltation  sounded  the  burden  of 
sadness.     The  tolling   of  a  funeral  bell,   which  accompanied  the 
merry  carillons  of  success,  was  heard  by  the  acutest  ears  of  European 
statesmen,  and  even  in  the  intoxication  of  pleasure  the  Emperor 
and  Empress  could  not  have  been  deaf  to  its  warnings. 

These  feelings  naturally  made  the  Emperor  more  anxious  to  Rise  of  the 
consolidate  the  fabric  he  had  created,  in  order  to  leave  it,  with  some  Third  Party. 
hope  of  continuance,  to  his  heirs.  The  most  obvious  way  of  doing 
this  was  to  change  it  from  an  absolute  to  a  constitutional  monarchy, 
and  this  feeling  was  exhibited  in  the  rise  of  the  Third  Party,  which 
came  into  existence  in  the  early  months  of  1866.  The  Third  Party 
did  not  desire  parliamentary  government  comparable  to  that 
of  Great  Britain,  but  what  it  called  a  development  of  political 
freedom,  a  Ministry  responsible  to  the  Legislative  Assembly,  which 
should  give  that  body  a  voice  in  the  general  policy  of  the  country 
and  a  certain  power  of  control.  This  change  would  naturally  be 
accompanied  by  the  liberty  of  the  Press,  and  the  concession  of 
the  right  to  hold  public  meetings.  It  was  a  move  in  the  ceaseless 
struggle  between  imperium  and  libertas,  authority  and  freedom, 
the  two  foci  on  which  government  is  based,  the  conciliation  of 
which  constitutes  the  duty  and  the  difficulty  of  every  statesman. 

The  leader  of  the  Third  Party  was  Emile  Ollivier,  a  young, 
vigorous  and    attractive  personality,  who,  living  to  a  green  old 

149 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Napoleon's 
Concessions. 


Ollivier  and 

Rouher. 


age,  gave  to  the  world  a  record  of  the  events  in  which  he  played 
so  prominent  a  part.  His  chief  opponent  was  Rouher,  who  had 
been  a  faithful  supporter  of  the  Second  Empire  since  its  founda- 
tion in  1857.  Rouher  began  the  campaign  with  vigour.  In 
July,  1866,  he  obtained  the  passing  of  a  decree  of  the  Senate 
which  gave  to  that  body  the  sole  right  of  discussing  constitutional 
changes,  removed  their  discussion  from  the  Lower  House,  and 
punished  by  a  severe  fine  any  treatment  of  this  question  in  the 
Press.  Petitions  to  the  Senate  for  any  change  in  the  Constitution 
could  only  be  brought  before  it  for  consideration  if  primarily 
authorised  by  the  public  officers.  By  this  measure  Rouher  hoped 
to  establish  a  bulwark  to  defend  the  Constitution  of  1852. 

But  the  catastrophe  of  Koniggratz  and  Queretaro  had  produced 
a  powerful  effect  on  the  mind  of  the  Emperor,  an  effect  which 
was  deepened  by  the  evidences  of  unrest  and  discontent  in  the 
nation  at  large.  Therefore,  on  January  igth,  1867,  he  promul- 
gated a  decree  restoring  the  right  of  interpellation  to  the  Deputies, 
and  enacting  that  a  Minister  might  be  specially  deputed  by  the 
Emperor  to  represent  him  in  the  discussions  of  either  House. 
Notice  was  also  given  of  an  intention  to  introduce  the  freedom  of 
the  Press  and  the  right  of  public  meeting,  both  in  a  modified 
form. 

During  the  first  six  months  of  1867  it  was  uncertain  how  far 
these  measures  portended  the  transference  of  power  from  Rouher 
to  Ollivier.  An  interpellation,  to  be  valid,  required  the  signa- 
tures of  five  Ministers,  and  the  approval  of  four  committees, 
which  gave  the  majority  in  the  Chamber  power  to  prevent  a 
demand  which  might  be  disagreeable  to  the  Government.  Besides, 
the  presence  of  Ministers  in  the  Chamber  did  not  indicate  that 
they  were  responsible  to  Parliament,  as  it  was  expressly  declared 
that  they  were  responsible  to  the  Emperor  alone.  Rouher  still 
remained  supreme.  He  established  a  kind  of  club  in  the  Rue  de 
1'Arcade,  composed  of  thoroughgoing  Bonapartists,  who  were 
opposed  to  all  Liberal  reform,  and  he  publicly  announced  in  the 
Chamber  that  the  Liberal  concessions  of  January  igth  were  made 
at  his  instigation.  At  his  instigation,  too,  on  March  izth,  the 
Senate  demanded  and  obtained  the  right  of  examining  all  laws, 
not  to  determine  whether  they  were  constitutional,  but  to  help 
in  their  formation,  and  this  power  was  certain  to  be  used  in  a 
reactionary  sense.  Walewski,  the  friend  and  protector  of  Ollivier, 
resigned  the  presidency  of  the  Legislative  Assembly,  and  when 
the  Bills  passed  in  January  were  adjourned  indefinitely,  and 
Ollivier  made  a  violent  attack  on  Rouher,  whom  he  called  the 

150 


THE    QUESTION    OF    LUXEMBURG 

Vice-Emperor,  Napoleon  sent  Rouher  the  Grand  Cross  of  the 
Legion  of  Honour  to  console  him  for  the  attack  to  which  he  had 
been  subjected. 

Matters  were,  however,  complicated  by  the  rise  of  the  Luxem-  The 
burg  Question — that  is,  the  nature  and  amount  of  the  compensation  Luxemburg 
which  France  was  to  receive  for  the  aggrandisement  of  Germany.  9uestlon* 
The  "  Arcadians,"  as  the  ultra-Bonapartists  were  called,  would 
not  have  recoiled  from  war  to  obtain  their  ends  ;  but  the  Emperor 
was  prudent  and  determined  to  confine  himself  to  diplomatic 
means.  In  the  negotiations  with  Bismarck  before  the  war  of 
1866  Napoleon  had  always  emphasised  the  necessity  of  some 
compensation  for  France.  Bismarck  had  not  definitely  opposed 
these  views.  He  had,  indeed,  done  something  to  stimulate  them, 
but  had  carefully  refrained  from  committing  himself,  from  promis- 
ing anything,  or  even  from  saying  that  he  would  agree  to  such 
a  demand.  He,  however,  privately  declared  that  no  cession  of 
German  territory  could  be  thought  of  for  a  moment,  and  that 
Great  •  Britain  would  oppose  any  aggrandisement  of  France  in 
Belgium  ;  but  that  if  there  could  be  found  on  the  confines  of 
France  a  small  territory  resembling  Savoy,  Germany  would  not 
object  to  its  annexation  as  an  accomplished  fact.  This  could 
only  refer  to  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg. 

The  history  of  this  little  country  had  been  remarkable  and  The  Position 
anomalous.  The  treaty  of  April  iQth,  1839,  had  left  it  indepen-  of  L 
dent,  under  the  sceptre,  indeed,  of  the  King  of  Holland,  but  with 
separate  institutions — a  Sovereign  State  under  a  Prince  who 
resided  at  The  Hague,  but,  at  the  same  time,  belonging  to  the 
German  Federation  and  a  member  of  the  Zollverein.  Moreover, 
in  1815,  it  had  been  declared  a  federal  fortress,  and  was  garrisoned 
by  Prussian  troops.  But  by  the  war  of  1866  the  old  Confedera- 
tion had  been  destroyed,  and  it  would  be  possible  to  form  a  new 
one,  of  which  the  Duchy  of  Luxemburg  should  form  no  part.  It 
seemed,  therefore,  to  be  able  to  command  its  own  destinies, 
excepting  as  concerned  the  Sovereign  of  the  Low  Countries,  the 
King,  or  Grand  Duke  as  he  was  called.  The  country  caused  no 
little  worry  to  the  House  of  Orange-Nassau,  to  which  it  was  a 
source  of  embarrassment  rather  than  profit,  being  politically  and 
naturally  separated  from  the  country  of  the  Netherlands.  On 
the  other  hand,  France  was  close  by,  ready  to  receive  it  gladly. 
It  was  a  small  country  of  200,000  inhabitants.  Its  main  import- 
ance lay  in  the  fortress-capital,  which  was  more  formidable  in 
appearance  than  in  fact.  If  it  became  French  by  an  act  of  cession, 
supported  by  a  plebiscite,  who  could  find  fault  ? 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Conference 
Concerning 
Luxemburg. 


Royal 
Visitors  to 
Paris, 


An  opportunity  for  opening  the  question  was  afforded  when 
Holland  asked  France  whether  she  would  give  assistance,  in  case 
she  (Holland)  were  attacked  by  Prussia.  The  French  Govern- 
ment said  that,  though  they  did  not  apprehend  any  danger,  the 
presence  of  a  Prussian  garrison  in  Luxemburg  was  undesirable. 
The  dissolution  of  the  German  Confederation  had  restored 
Luxemburg  to  Holland  and  had  made  Luxemburg  an  independent 
State.  It  would,  therefore,  be  wise  of  the  King  of  Holland  to 
cede  Luxemburg  to  France  ;  Germany  would  not  object  to  such 
a  step,  which  would  gratify  the  feelings  both  of  the  Dutch  and  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Grand  Duchy.  Eventually,  in  January, 
1867,  the  Dutch,  convinced  that  Luxemburg  actually  belonged 
to  them,  offered  to  cede  their  province  to  France  in  return  for  a 
payment  in  money,  if  the  Prussians  would  agree  to  withdraw  their 
garrison.  The  people  of  Luxemburg  agreed  to  this  arrangement, 
and  the  King  of  Prussia  had  also  given  his  approbation,  when,  in 
March,  1867,  public  opinion  in  Germany  suddenly  took  alarm, 
and  Goltz,  the  Prussian  Ambassador  in  Paris,  demanded  from 
Moustier,  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  a  pledge  to  discontinue 
the  negotiations.  But  this  did  not  lead  to  war,  as  was  ex- 
pected. The  question  was  referred  to  a  conference  of  the  Powers 
in  London,  the  result  of  which  was  that  France  renounced 
her  scheme  for  the  possession  of  the  Grand  Duchy,  and  Prussia 
evacuated  the  fortress,  which  was  declared  neutral  and  was  dis- 
mantled. 

One  of  the  results,  indeed,  one  of  the  objects,  of  the  Exhibition 
in  Paris  was  to  attract  a  crowd  of  distinguished  visitors  to  that 
city,  especially  princes  and  kings.  They  all  came,  first  the  King 
and  Queen  of  the  Belgians,  then  the  Queen  of  Portugal,  Prince 
Oscar  of  Sweden,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  the  son  of  the  Tycoon 
of  Japan.  But  the  most  distinguished  and  the  most  longed-for 
of  all  were  the  Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia  and  King  William 
of  Prussia.  If  their  friendship  were  secured,  the  Empire  might 
feel  safe.  The  Tsar  arrived  on  June  ist.  Great  pains  were  taken 
for  his  safety,  which  were  not  entirely  successful.  His  cortege 
avoided  the  dangerous  streets,  and  he  was  lodged  in  the  filysee. 
But  he  did  not  escape  some  insults  from  friends  of  Poland.  King 
William  left  Berlin  on  June  4th.  As  he  entered  Paris  he  saw  the 
Heights  of  Mont  mar  tre,  which  he  had  occupied  with  an  invading 
army  in  1814.  He  was  met  at  the  station  by  the  nephew  of  the 
man  he  had  helped  to  depose,  the  sovereign  whom  three  years 
later  he  himself  was  to  depose.  He  was  lodged  in  the  Pavilion 
Marsan,  and  was  better  received  by  the  populace  than  Alexander, 

152 


BISMARCK    IN    PARIS 

although  he  was  really  more  dangerous.     He  was  attended  by 
Bismarck,  who  drove  in  the  carriage  behind  him. 

On  June  6th  a  great  review  was  held  for  the  two  Sovereigns.  The  Tsar's 
As  they  returned  in  the  afternoon   King  William  sat  with  the  Narrow 
Emperor,   and  the  Tsar  with  the  Empress.     The  crowd  was  so  EscaPe- 
thick  that  they  could  only  proceed  at  a  foot's  pace.     Suddenly 
a  shot  was  fired  at  the  Emperor's  carriage.     An  equerry  drove 
his  horse  in  the  way,  and  the  ball  wounded  its  nostrils,  the  blood 
spurting  out  over  a  Grand  Duke. 

"  Sire,"  said  Napoleon,  "  we  have  been  under  fire  together ; 
we  are  now  brothers  in  arms." 

The  Tsar,  who  was  destined  to  be  killed  some  years  later  by 
the  explosion  of  a  bomb,  replied,  "  Our  days  are  in  the  hands  of 
Providence." 

The  assassin  was  a  young  Pole  named  Berezowski,  who  desired 
to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  his  country. 

In  the  brilliant  company  Austria  was  alone  wanting,  wrecked 
by  domestic  misfortunes.  One  Archduke  was  mad  ;  Maximilian 
was  a  prisoner,  awaiting  his  doom ;  Archduchess  Mathilde  set  fire 
to  herself  while  dressing  for  dinner,  and  was  burned  to  death. 
The  Austrian  Embassy  was  closed. 

Bismarck  was  the  hero  of  the  day.     His  sallies  were  in  every-  Bismarck's 
body's  mouth.     Certainly,  French  society  was  never  more  brilliant  Brilliancy, 
than  in  June,  1867.     Yet  Offenbach  was  there  with  his  mocking 
laugh,  and  was  more  applauded  than  anyone  ;    the  Grand  Duchess 
of  Gewlstein  was  the  play  of  the  summer.     All  good  things  come 
to  an  end,  however,  and  Alexander  left  on  June  nth  and  King 
William  on  June  I4th.     The  latter  sent  a  warm  message  of  thanks 
on  his  return  to  Babelsberg. 

As  Austria  could  not  come  to  the  Emperor,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  in 
determined  to  go  to  Austria.  Beust  was  anxious  for  the  meeting,  Austria- 
saying  that  an  alliance  between  France  and  Austria  was  a  first 
political  necessity.  The  visit  took  place  at  Salzburg  on  August 
i8th,  the  birthday  of  Francis  Joseph,  and  lasted  five  days.  It 
led  to  no  definite  results,  and  was  rather  a  visit  of  condolence  for 
the  past  than  a  union  of  hope  for  the  future.  On  his  return  the 
Emperor  passed  by  Lille,  which  he  had  visited  just  after  his 
marriage  with  his  lovely  bride.  He  was  tempted  to  compare 
the  present  with  the  past,  and  admitted  black  clouds  hung  on 
his  horizon.  When  Francis  Joseph  paid  a  return  visit  to  Paris 
in  October,  he  visited  the  tombs  of  his  ancestors  at  Nancy,  and 
expressed  a  hope  that  France  and  Austria  might  advance  hand 
in  hand  on  the  path  of  progress  and  civilisation.  But  nothing 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Convention 
between 
Napoleon 
and  Victor 
Emmanuel. 


The  Legion 
of  Antibes. 


The  French 
Leave  Rome. 


tangible  came  of  these  words.  At  last  the  pageants  were  over, 
and  the  puppets  were  put  back  into  their  box.  A  feeling  of  dis- 
quietude and  discontent  followed  the  orgies  of  splendour.  Imperial 
France  knew  no  more  happy  days. 

By  the  Convention  signed  between  Napoleon  and  Victor 
Emmanuel  on  September  I5th,  1864,  it  had  been  agreed  that 
Italy  should  not  attack  the  existing  territory  of  the  Pope,  or 
permit  any  attack  upon  it,  that  the  French  troops  should  evacuate 
Rome  within  a  maximum  delay  of  two  years,  and  that  Victor 
Emmanuel  should  establish  his  capital  in  some  other  place  than 
the  Eternal  City,  probably  Florence.  The  Convention  was  dis- 
tasteful to  Catholics  throughout  the  world.  To  the  Pope  it  was 
a  thunderbolt.  Beust  disbelieved  in  its  reality,  and  French 
Catholics  received  it  with  disgust.  The  Convention  was  approved 
of  by  the  Italian  Government  and  Parliament,  but  many  Italians 
hoped  and  believed  that  Florence  was  only  a  step  towards  Rome. 
In  1865  signs  appeared  that  the  Convention  would  be  carried  out. 
Victor  Emmanuel  established  himself  in  the  Palazzo  Pitti,  and 
the  Italian  Parliament  held  its  sittings  in  the  large  hall  of  the 
Palazzo  Vecchio. 

Napoleon  withdrew  a  regiment  from  Rome,  and  the  Pope 
began  to  resign  himself  to  his  fate.  On  January  ist,  1866,  he 
said  to  Montebello,  commandant  of  the  Roman  garrison  :  "  This 
is  the  last  time  you  will  receive  my  New  Year's  blessing  ;  after 
your  departure,  perhaps  the  enemies  of  the  Church  will  come  to 
Rome.  I  pray  for  you,  for  France,  for  the  Imperial  family." 
Napoleon  endeavoured  to  find  a  substitute  for  his  garrison  by 
constituting  the  Legion  of  Antibes,  a  body  of  French  Catholic 
soldiers,  recruited  under  the  Papal  flag  for  a  service  of  five  years. 
In  August,  1866,  this  Legion  numbered  1,000  men,  and  was  placed 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  d'Arz.  It  entered  Rome  on 
September  22nd. 

After  the  acquisition  of  Venice  the  Italians  became  more 
anxious  for  the  occupation  of  Rome,  and  in  November  Fleury 
was  sent  to  Florence  to  counsel  moderation  and  to  inform  the 
King  that  if,  after  the  departure  of  the  French  garrison,  the  Pope 
were  compelled  to  leave  Rome,  he  would  be  brought  back  by 
French  bayonets ;  and  that,  for  this  purpose,  20,000  French 
soldiers  would  always  be  posted  between  Marseilles  and  Toulon, 
ready  to  sail  for  Civita  Vecchia  at  any  moment.  But,  before 
the  end  of  the  year,  the  Convention  was  carried  out.  On 
December  nth,  1866,  the  French  tricolour  disappeared  from  the 
Castle  of  St.  Angelo  and,  two  days  later,  Montebello  landed  in 

154 


GARIBALDI    THE    HOPE    OF    ITALY 

France.     After   seventeen  years   the  French   occupation   was   at 
an  end. 

At  first  sight  the  Papal  Government  appeared  stronger  than  Garibaldi 
ever.  The  carnival  and  the  Holy  Week  were  unusually  brilliant ;  Chosen 
never  had  the  influx  of  visitors  been  more  numerous.  In  June 
the  centennial  anniversary  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Peter  was 
celebrated  with  great  pomp,  and  the  Pope  issued  invitations  for  an 
(Ecumenical  Council.  Italian  patriots  sought  for  a  leader  to  help 
them  to  realise  their  hopes,  and  they  found  one  in  Garibaldi, 
whom  they  believed  to  be  invincible.  In  February,  1867,  he 
left  Caprera  and  went  to  Venice,  where  he  preached  a  campaign 
against  Rome.  He  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  national  move- 
ment and  addressed  a  remonstrance  to  the  courts  of  Europe 
against  the  continuance  of  the  temporal  government  of  the  Pope. 
At  Genoa  he  prepared  an  expedition  which  was  to  land  on  the 
shores  of  the  Papal  territory,  and  on  June  20th  200  Garibaldians 
assembled  at  Terni  and  made  a  raid  into  the  territory  of  Viterbo. 
Garibaldi  himself  entered  Orvieto  on  August  13 th.  Ratazzi,  a 
man  of  vacillating  character,  was  now  Prime  Minister  of  Italy, 
in  place  of  the  strong-minded  Ricasoli.  He  did  his  best  to 
minimise  the  danger,  and  placed  his  hopes  on  the  promise  which 
Garibaldi  had  given  to  attend  a  congress  at  Geneva,  which  would 
remove  him  from  Italy  at  least  for  a  time. 

This  congress,  which  bore  the  name  of  "  a  Congress  of  Peace/'  The 
met  at  Geneva  on  September  8th,  and  Garibaldi  arrived  there  peC°cn/f,ess  of 
with  great  eclat.  He  made  a  speech  from  the  balcony  of  his  hotel 
in  which  he  extolled  the  freedom  of  Switzerland,  the  heroism  of 
William  Tell,  the  passionate  democracy  of  Rousseau,  and  the 
brotherhood  of  man,  and  expressed  the  necessity  of  destroying 
all  thrones  and,  above  all,  the  pestilential  institutions  of  the 
Papacy — a  strange  allocution  for  "  a  Congress  of  Peace."  At  the 
first  sitting  he  made  a  speech  in  which  he  uttered  the  opinion  that 
all  wars  were  impious  except  those  directed  against  kings,  and 
he  renewed  the  cry  which  had  been  first  heard  at  Catania  in 
1862 — "  Rome  or  death  !  "  In  three  days  the  Genevese  were 
tired  of  his  presence,  and  on  September  nth  he  made  a  hurried 
departure.  He  did  not,  as  was  desired,  retire  to  Caprera,  but 
went  to  Italy  and  invaded  the  Papal  territory.  As  he  was 
preparing  to  cross  the  frontier,  he  was  arrested,  on  September 
24th,  at  Osinalunga  and  imprisoned  for  a  time  in  the  fortress  of 
Alessandria.  It  was  a  second  Aspromonte,  and  Ratazzi  was  proud 
of  it. 

Rome  remained  comparatively  tranquil.    The  Papal  army  now 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


French 
Assistance 
for  the  Pope. 


Escape  of 
Garibaldi. 


Garibaldian 
Attack  on 
Rome. 


numbered  13,000  men — not,  however,  of  a  very  serviceable 
character,  the  best  being  the  Papal  Zouaves,  composed  of  French 
and  Belgians.  But  the  frontier  was  difficult  to  defend.  The 
first  Garibaldian  attack  came  from  Viterbo  on  September  28th, 
followed,  on  October  nth,  by  a  movement  against  Subiaco 
and  an  assault  on  the  Neapolitan  frontier  by  Nicotera.  Menotti 
Garibaldi,  in  the  absence  of  his  father,  who  was  at  Caprera, 
proposed  to  descend  the  valley  of  the  Tiber.  These  attacks  were 
repulsed  by  the  Papal  army  with  satisfactory  success. 

At  this  time  the  representative  of  France  at  Rome  was  M. 
Armand,  and  he  continued  to  represent  the  danger  of  the  situa- 
tion to  his  Government  in  the  strongest  language.  Napoleon 
was  at  Biarritz,  very  weary  and  far  from  well.  He  complained 
to  the  Italian  Government  that  they  were  violating  the  Convention 
of  September  I5th  by  permitting  the  attack  upon  the  Papal 
territory  ;  but  they  replied  that  they  were  powerless  to  prevent 
it,  that  it  came  from  the  Revolution  which  they  were  unable  to 
control.  The  French  Government  were  divided  in  opinion,  some 
being  in  favour  of  intervention,  some  of  leaving  things  as  they 
were,  which  meant  the  surrender  of  Rome  to  the  Italians.  A 
council  was  held  at  St.  Cloud,  to  which  place  the  Emperor  had 
now  retired,  on  October  i6th,  at  which  the  proposal  of  interven- 
tion was  decided,  but  no  orders  were  issued  ;  but  on  the  following 
day  a  message  was  sent  to  Armand  saying  that  if  the  Papal 
Government  continued  to  defend  themselves  energetically  the 
assistance  of  France  would  not  be  wanting.  The  news  was 
received  with  enthusiasm  by  the  Pope  and  the  Clerical  party, 
who  believed  that  the  danger  was  over  and  the  hour  of  liberation 
had  arrived. 

Meanwhile,  where  was  Garibaldi  ?  He  was  guarded  by  seven 
ships  at  Caprera,  but  contrived  to  escape  during  a  fog.  On 
October  22nd  he  addressed  the  crowd  on  the  Piazza  Maria  Novella 
at  Florence  from  the  balcony  of  his  hotel,  saying,  "  We  shall  have 
Rome.  I  thank  the  people  of  Florence.  A  foreign  expedition 
is  announced,  but  do  not  be  afraid  ;  it  will  vanish  before  the 
people's  breath."  After  this  address  he  left  by  special  train  for 
Terni.  When  he  was  gone  it  occurred  to  the  Italian  Government 
that  it  would  have  been  better  to  arrest  him. 

The  attacks  of  the  Garibaldians  continued.  On  October  22nd 
assaults  were  made  on  the  Capitol  and  on  the  Porta  San  Paolo  ; 
they  failed,  but  the  Serristori  barracks  were  blown  up,  burying 
twenty-two  soldiers.  Two  heroic  brothers,  Enrico  and  Giovanni 
Cairoli,  made  an  attempt  to  convey  arms  into  Rome  and  to 

156 


FIGHT    FOR    THE    PAPAL    STATES 

rally  their  adherents.  They,  with  about  sixty  companions,  rowed 
down  the  Tiber  and  reached  the  city.  Their  design  was  to  seize 
the  steamer  which  guarded  the  river  and  disembark  in  the  centre 
of  the  city,  opposite  the  Ripetta.  Foiled  in  their  attempt,  they 
passed  the  night  in  their  boats,  and  then  took  up  a  position  in 
a  villa  on  Monte  Parioli,  a  short  distance  from  Rome.  The  Papal 
troops  attacked  them,  and  after  a  vigorous  resistance  Enrico  was 
killed,  Giovanni  was  wounded,  and  the  survivors  were  taken 
prisoners.  At  this  moment  the  news  reached  the  cafes  of  the 
Piazza  del  Popolo  that  the  French  expedition  was  put  off. 

Antonelli  said  to  Armand,   "  If  your  Emperor  really  desires 
to  save  the  Holy  See  there  is  not  a  minute  to  lose." 

Armand  communicated  with  his  Government,   but  the  wires  French 
had  been  cut  and  the  message  had  to  be  sent  by  boat.     The 
expedition  eventually  sailed  from  Toulon  on  October  3rd,   and 
made  for  Civita  Vecchia,  but  there  was  great  danger  of  its  being 
recalled.     Would  it  reach  Rome  in  time  ? 

Garibaldi,  leaving  Florence  on  October  22nd,  reached  the 
Papal  frontier  at  Passo  Carrese  on  the  following  day,  and  took  for  Rome' 
command  of  the  Revolutionary  army,  about  10,000  strong. 
Marching  towards  Rome,  he  arrived  at  Monte  Rotondo,  a  small 
town  situated  on  a  hill,  crowned  by  an  old  castle.  It  had  a 
garrison  of  300,  commanded  by  Captain  Costa.  Garibaldi  did 
not  attack  at  once,  and  the  garrison  defended  themselves  bravely. 
They  held  out  during  the  whole  of  October  25th,  and  all  the 
following  night,  and  eventually  surrendered,  after  they  had 
seriously  impeded  the  advance  of  their  assailants  and  perhaps 
saved  Rome.  Though  there  was  great  alarm  in  the  Holy  City, 
Antonelli  kept  his  head.  Who  would  reach  Rome  first,  the 
Garibaldians  or  the  French  ?  Garibaldi  arrived  on  October  28th 
at  Castel  Gandolfo,  about  five  miles  from  Rome,  but  apparently 
hesitated  to  attack.  On  the  same  day  the  French  squadron 
reached  Civita  Vecchia,  and  on  October  3oth  the  advanced  guard 
of  the  French  entered  Rome. 

On   hearing   of   this   the    Italian   Government    determined   to  Four  Armies 
follow  their  example,  and  Italian  troops  occupied  Acquapendente,  Papal 

Civita  Castellana,  Orte  and  Frosinone,  which  were  situated  on 
the  frontier.  There  were,  therefore,  four  armies  in  the  Papal 
States — the  Italians,  the  French,  the  Garibaldians,  and  the  Papal 
troops.  A  plan  of  action  was  agreed  upon  between  Failly,  the 
French  general,  and  Kanzler,  the  Papal  general.  At  4  a.m.  on 
November  3rd,  the  Papal  troops  left  Rome  by  the  Porta  Pia, 
reached  the  village  of  Capo  Bianco  at  the  time  of  the  celebration 

157 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Defeat  of 
Garibaldi. 


of  Sunday  Mass,  and  were  joined  there  by  the  French  brigade, 
which  had  left  Rome  a  little  later.  They  saw  in  front  of  them 
the  large  villages  of  Mentana  and  Monte  Rotondo,  both  occupied 
by  Garibaldi.  His  army  was  depressed  by  the  fact  that  there  had 
been  no  rising  in  Rome,  and  by  the  news  of  the  arrival  of  the 
French.  It  is  said  that  he  was  on  the  point  of  marching  to  Tivoli, 
with  the  view  of  retiring  to  the  Abruzzi,  when  he  heard  of  the 
approach  of  the  enemy  and  immediately  made  his  dispositions 
for  defence. 

Garibaldi  had  no  artillery  excepting  what  he  had  captured 
at  Monte  Rotondo,  and  only  a  few  cavalry,  but  he  still  commanded 
9,000  troops,  a  number  superior  to  that  of  the  enemy.  He  was 
protected  by  the  old  castles  of  Monte  Rotondo  and  Mentana. 
A  fierce  fusillade  began  and  the  Papal  Zouaves  fell  back, 
but  Charette,  with  an  energy  worthy  of  his  name,  cried, 
"  Forward  with  the  bayonet  !  If  you  do  not  follow  me  I 
will  go  alone  !  "  On  the  side  of  the  road  were  a  vineyard  and 
a  farm,  called  the  Vigna  Santucci,  occupied  by  Garibaldians. 
After  a  severe  struggle  it  was  captured  at  2  p.m.,  and  the  French 
were  less  than  a  mile  from  Mentana.  They  came  into  action 
armed  with  chassepot  rifles,  but  the  Garibaldians  fought  bravely, 
and  when  night  fell  Mentana  was  not  taken.  However,  when 
they  were  about  to  renew  the  attack  at  daybreak  the  white  flag 
was  hoisted  on  the  walls  of  Mentana,  and  Monte  Rotondo  was 
evacuated.  The  Garibaldian  army  had  ceased  to  exist,  1,000 
had  been  killed  or  wounded,  many  prisoners  were  taken,  and 
those  who  escaped  were  disarmed  at  the  frontier  on  November 
6th.  The  Allies  returned  to  Rome  in  triumph.  Garibaldi  was 
captured  at  Figline.  Failly  shocked  public  opinion  and  senti- 
ment by  saying  in  his  dispatch,  '  The  chassepots  have  done 
wonders."  Napoleon  had  now  completely  broken  with  the  Italian 
patriots.  On  November  4th  Rouher  declared  in  the  Chamber 
that  Italy  should  never  take  Rome,  and  that  France  would  never 
permit  such  a  violence  to  her  honour  and  to  Catholicism. 

The  expedition  to  Rome  had  the  effect  of  reconstituting  the 
ofGambetta,  Republican  party  in  France.  Mentana  had  produced  a  breach 
between  Italy  and  France,  and  set  the  revolutionaries  against  the 
supporters  of  authority.  On  November  2Oth,  just  after  the 
expedition  had  started,  a  fresh  attempt  at  combined  action  was 
inaugurated  at  a  Radical  demonstration  in  Paris.  A  new 
opposition,  more  audacious  and  more  enterprising  than  any  which 
had  previously  existed,  came  into  being.  Among  its  orators  was 
Leon  Gambetta,  a  young  lawyer  from  Cahors,  whose  eloquence 

158 


Appearance 


PRUSSIA    CAUSES    NAPOLEON    ANXIETY 

was  the  admiration  of  the  Quartier  Latin.  Newspapers  of  a  more 
violent  tone  made  their  appearance,  such  as  the  Rive  Gauche,  the 
Courier  Frangais,  and  the  Candide,  edited  by  Blanqui  and  his 
disciples.  A  Labour  Party  also  came  into  being  with  strong 
Socialist  tendencies.  The  Workmen's  International  Association 
had  been  founded  in  London  in  1864,  and  in  September,  1867, 
the  second  International  Congress  at  Lausanne  sent  a  delegation 
to  the  Peace  Congress  at  Geneva,  to  which  we  have  already 
referred,  Socialist  workmen  thus  uniting  themselves  with  Genevese 
Republicans  against  the  Empire.  On  November  4th  the  Inter- 
national took  part  in  a  demonstration  against  the  expedition  to 
Rome,  and  on  December  3oth  the  members  of  the  Paris  branch 
were  prosecuted  for  interfering  in  political  matters. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1868  the  Emperor  felt  himself  Napoleon's 
in  a  dangerous  position,  and  Prussia  was  to  him  more  and  more  £«ars  of 
a  cause  of  anxiety.  The  French  military  attache  at  Berlin 
reported  to  his  Government  that  any  accident  might  bring  on 
war.  Mentana  had  put  an  end  to  any  hope  of  an  alliance  with 
Italy.  It  was  imperative  to  reorganise  the  army,  but  this  could 
not  be  done  without  the  consent  of  the  Chambers,  which  would 
refuse  it  unless  concessions  were  made  to  the  desire  for  more 
Liberalised  government,  which  would  mean  the  emancipation  of 
the  Press  and  an  alteration  of  the  law  of  public  meeting.  The 
whole  year  was  occupied  in  the  discussion  of  these  measures,  the 
general  result  of  which  was  to  weaken  the  authority  of  the  Empire 
and  hasten  its  fall. 

At  this  time  the  French  army  was  recruited  by  conscription.  French 
The  routine  was  as  follows  :  It  was  first  determined  how  many  System  of 
new  soldiers  were  required  for  the  service  of  the  year,  and  all 
young  men  who  had  reached  the  age  of  twenty-one  were 
summoned  to  the  capital  of  the  Department  and  drew  lots. 
Those  who  drew  the  lowest  numbers  were  taken  one  after  the 
other  until  the  number  required  was  complete.  The  number 
asked  under  the  Restoration  had  been  at  first  40,000,  and  then 
60,000  ;  under  Louis  Philippe  it  was  raised  to  80,000,  and  under 
the  Empire  to  100,000,  but  in  the  Crimean  and  Italian  wars  it 
was  increased  to  140,000.  The  length  of  service  was  seven  years, 
and  those  who  had  drawn  good  numbers,  as  they  were  called — 
that  is,  numbers  higher  than  were  needed  for  the  service,  did  not 
serve  at  all.  By  this  system  the  population  was  divided  into  two 
classes,  one  of  artisans  and  labourers  altogether  free  from  military 
service,  the  other  living  in  garrisons  and  always  subject  to  be 
called  to  arms,  the  difference  between  them  depending  solely  on 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The 

Prussian 

System. 


Trochu's 
Criticism  of 
the  French 
Army. 


French 

Army 

Reform. 


the  hazard  of  a  lottery.  Those  who  could  afford  it  could  purchase 
exemption,  which,  at  first  customary,  became  legalised  in  1855. 
It  is  difficult  to  imagine  a  worse  system.  No  wonder  the  word 
"  conscription  "  grew  hateful,  and  it  is  used  at  the  present  day 
to  discredit  universal  military  service,  which,  whether  good  or 
bad,  is  certainly  not  conscription. 

In  Prussia  the  system  was  entirely  different.  In  that  country 
the  whole  male  population  was  compelled  to  serve,  but  only  for 
two  or  three  years,  and  thus  the  separation  of  the  population  into 
two  classes  did  not  arise.  This  system  was  ridiculed  in  France, 
because  it  was  not  understood.  It  was  regarded  as  impossible 
that  an  army  of  semi-citizens,  without  the  splendour  and  eclat  of 
the  French  service,  could  acquit  themselves  bravely  in  the  field  of 
battle.  The  existence  of  a  highly-trained  scientific  General  Staff 
was  not  known,  and  the  care  with  which  the  cadres  of  the  regiment 
were  maintained  in  a  high  state  of  efficiency  was  also  ignored. 
The  Battle  of  Koniggratz  was  a  revelation  ;  as  a  consequence  of 
it,  the  Prussian  system  became  the  admiration  of  Europe,  and 
in  September,  1866,  Napoleon  and  Randon  undertook  the  reform 
of  the  French  army. 

Napoleon  was  in  favour  of  compulsory  military  service,  but 
the  marshal  did  not  go  beyond  a  modification  of  existing  condi- 
tions. A  new  spirit,  however,  was  infused  into  these  discussions 
by  the  appointment  of  Niel  to  succeed  Randon  as  Minister  of 
War,  and  this  was  emphasised  by  an  expression  in  the  speech  of 
the  Emperor  on  opening  the  Chambers  on  February  I4th,  1867  : 
'  The  influence  of  a  nation  depends  upon  the  number  of  men 
whom  she  can  place  under  arms,"  an  opinion  which  came  as  a 
shock  to  those  who  were  dreaming  of  universal  peace  and  the 
federation  of  the  world.  These  words  gave  rise  to  heated  debates 
and  a  rain  of  pamphlets,  the  most  remarkable  of  which  was  that 
of  Trochu,  L'Armee  Fran$aise  en  1867.  He  criticised  severely 
the  existing  conditions,  but  had  little  to  propose  in  their  place 
except  a  yearly  contingent  of  100,000  recruits  and  nine  years  of 
service — five  in  the  active  army  and  four  in  the  reserve. 

The  Government  plan  appeared  in  March,  1867.  The  recruits 
of  the  year  were  to  be  divided  into  two  classes  ;  the  first  was  to 
serve  five  years  in  the  active  army  and  four  in  the  reserve,  and  the 
second  four  years  in  the  reserve  only.  In  the  active  army  some 
citizens  were  exonerated  from  service  altogether  ;  in  the  reserve, 
substitution  was  allowed.  A  Garde  mobile  was  to  be  formed,  con- 
sisting of  two  parts — one,  of  those  who  had  been  exonerated  or 
had  found  a  substitute  ;  the  other,  of  those  who  had  served  four 

160 


FRENCH    ARMY    BILL 

years  in  the  reserve.  The  Garde  mobile  was  subject  to  military 
exercise,  but  could  not  be  called  to  active  service  except  by  an 
Act  of  the  Legislature.  The  period  of  active  service  was  reduced 
to  five  years.  To  this  project  the  Chambers  made  three  objec- 
tions :  they  wished  to  preserve  the  right  of  fixing  the  annual 
contingent,  desired  the  preservation  of  the  "  good  numbers " 
and  the  privilege  of  entire  exemption,  and  proposed  to  give  the 
Garde  mobile  a  civil  rather  than  a  military  character.  These 
discussions  continued  during  the  whole  of  1867,  and  the  law  was 
voted  on  January  i4th,  1868.  The  result  of  the  debates  was  that 
little  serious  change  was  made,  saving  the  creation  of  the  Garde 
mobile,  an  imitation  of  the  Prussian  Landwehr,  and  it  was  doubtful 
how  far  that  would  be  carried  out. 

The  Bills  relating  to  the  freedom  of  the  Press  and  the  right  The 
of  public  meetings  were  before  the  Chambers  at  the  same  time  as  "Amend 
the  Army  Bill,  and  were  considered  as  the  first  steps  towards  the 
foundation  of  a  Liberal  Empire.  The  Liberalising  of  the  Empire 
suffered  much  from  the  premature  death  of  Morny,  the  son  of 
Queen  Hortense  and  Flahault,  in  March,  1865.  He  had  been  the 
author  of  the  decree  of  November  24th,  1860,  which  founded  this 
policy.  In  the  debates  on  the  Address  in  March,  1866,  an  amend- 
ment was  proposed,  signed  by  forty-two  Deputies,  begging  the 
Emperor  to  give  effect  to  the  decree  of  1860.  This  is  known  in 
French  history  as  the  "Amendment  of  the  Forty-two."  It  is 
uncertain  whether  the  Emperor  agreed  with  them  or  not,  but  on 
January  igth,  1867,  a  letter  from  him  to  the  Ministers  was 
published  announcing  certain  reforms  in  the  direction  of  liberty. 
These  were  to  substitute  the  right  of  interpellation  for  the  right 
of  address,  to  allow  Ministers  to  attend  the  debates  in  the 
Chambers,  to  reform  the  law  of  the  Press  and  the  law  of  public 
meeting. 

It  is  reported  that  on  the  day  after  their  publication  Prince  Reforms  of 
Napoleon  said,  "  If  the  Emperor  wishes  to  be  consistent,  he  will  Press  and 
take  fimile  Ollivier  into  his  counsels."  In  fact,  Rouher,  the 
actual  Minister,  had  opposed  the  Amendment  of  the  Forty-two, 
and  Ollivier,  who  had  been  offered  the  portfolio  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion, had  refused  to  serve  under  him.  Granier  de  Cassagnac 
pronounced  strongly  for  the  principle  of  personal  government, 
declaring  it  to  be  the  true  Liberalism.  He  supported  the  Con- 
stitution of  1852,  to  be  used,  however,  with  moderation,  saying 
it  had  protected  France  for  sixteen  years  and  would  continue  to 
protect  her.  Eventually,  Rouher,  in  the  desire  to  maintain  his 
position,  came  round  to  the  Bill,  and  it  was  finally  carried  on 
I  161 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

March  Qth,  Berryer  alone  voting  against  it.  It  made  it  possible 
to  found  a  newspaper  by  a  simple  declaration,  instead  of 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  Government ;  and  it  abolished 
governmental  interference  by  means  of  warning,  suspension 
and  suppression.  Newspapers  were  placed  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  law  courts,  but  the  necessity  of  a  stamp  and  a  deposit  by 
way  of  security  was  still  insisted  upon.  The  law  of  public 
meeting  authorised  the  holding  of  such  meetings,  subject  to  the 
signature  of  the  necessary  declaration  by  five  competent  persons, 
and  provided  that  a  meeting  should  take  place  in  a  closed  building 
under  the  supervision  of  a  commissary  of  police,  who  could  dissolve 
it  if  he  pleased. 

Decline  of  The   Empire   was   evidently   on   its   decline.     What   were   the 

the  Empire.  evjdences  of  its  decay  and  the  causes  which  led  to  it  ?  Like  the 
ancien  regime,  it  owed  its  destruction  in  part  to  the  spread  of 
ideas  which  were  inimical  to  the  principle  of  authority.  Religion 
was  attacked,  and  the  power  of  the  Government  undermined. 
Moreover,  the  new  Press  law  led  to  the  multiplication  of  Radical 
newspapers.  In  addition  to  the  Siecle  and  the  Temps,  which  were 
old  asserters  of  the  Liberal  cause,  there  were  issued  the  Tribune 
of  Eugene  Pellet  an,  the  Revue  Politique  of  Challemel  Lacour,  and 
the  Revue  of  Delescluze,  who  was  a  zealous  Republican.  On  May 
3Oth,  1868,  appeared  the  Lanterne  of  Henri  Roche  fort,  which 
rapidly  attained  a  dominant  position.  It  attacked  the  dynasty 
with  the  most  bitter  sarcasm.  The  first  number  said  :  "I  am 
thoroughly  Bonapartist,  but  I  must  be  allowed  to  choose  my 
hero  in  the  dynasty.  As  Bonapartist,  I  prefer  Napoleon  II.  It 
is  my  right :  he  represents  for  me  the  ideal  of  the  sovereign.  No 
one  can  deny  that  he  occupied  the  throne,  because  his  successor 
is  Napoleon  III.  What  a  reign,  my  friends,  what  a  reign  !  No 
taxes  !  No  war  !  No  Civil  List  !  Oh,  yes,  Napoleon  II.,  I  love 
and  admire  you  without  reserve."  The  Tuileries  was  in  constern- 
ation, Rochefort  was  punished  and  exiled,  but  nothing  would  stop 
the  dissemination  of  the  scarlet  pamphlet.  At  the  same  time, 
under  the  law  of  public  meeting,  the  gatherings  of  Socialist  work- 
men became  more  frequent,  social  and  economic  questions  were 
freely  discussed,  and  before  long  the  debates  took  the  form  of 
attacks  on  the  Government. 

Growing  Towards  the  end  of   the  year  1868  the  horizon  darkened.     A 

Unrest.          book    entitled    Paris    in    December,  1851,  by    a    young    publicist, 

Eugene  Tenot,   told  in  merciless  terms  the  history  of  the  coup 

d'etat.     Demonstrations    were    made    in    favour    of    an    obscure 

Republican  named  Baudin,  who  had  fallen  at  a  barricade  in  1851, 

162 


ADVANCE    OF    REPUBLICANISM 

and  a  subscription  was  opened  for  a  monument.  The  Republican 
newspapers  that  supported  the  movement  were  prosecuted,  and 
were  defended  by  Gambetta,  who  attacked  the  coup  d'etat  in 
violent  language,  calling  for  a  great  national  expiation.  Demo- 
cratic principles  began  to  spread  throughout  the  bourgeoisie,  the 
middle  class  which  had  hitherto  supported  the  Empire.  When 
the  Chambers  were  opened  on  January  i8th,  1869,  the  Emperor 
denounced  from  the  throne  the  revolutionary  spirits  whose  aim 
was  to  disturb  public  tranquillity.  During  this  session  the 
Opposition  gained  a  victory  in  the  vindication  of  the  liberties  of 
Paris.  It  was  settled  that  the  budget  of  the  city  was  to  be  voted 
by  the  Municipal  Council,  under  the  sanction  of  the  legislative 
body,  and  was  no  longer  wholly  dependent  on  the  will  of  the 
Government. 

The  result  of  the  elections  held  in  May,  1869,  furnished  further  The  "  Cent 
proof  of  the  spread  of  Republicanism  and  of  opposition  to  the  Seize." 
Empire.  At  their  close  the  Government  secured  4,438,000  votes, 
the  Opposition  3,385,000.  In  Paris  the  Opposition  had  a  large 
majority — 231,000  against  74,000.  Out  of  ninety  candidates  of 
the  Opposition,  about  forty  were  irreconcilable  to  the  Empire. 
The  Emperor  was  determined  to  proceed  in  the  path  of  Liberalis- 
ing the  institutions  of  his  Government,  doubtless  satisfied  that  it 
was  the  best  means  of  securing  the  throne  to  his  son.  In  1866 
the  Liberal  movement  had  been  supported  by  42  Deputies  ;  in 
1869  personal  government  became  unpopular.  An  interpellation 
put  forward  by  the  Left  Centre,  the  old  Third  Party,  received 
a  number  of  adhesions,  at  first  70,  then  100,  then  116,  and  the 
new  party  entered  into  French  history  as  that  of  the  Cent  Seize 
(the  Hundred  and  Sixteen).  Their  principles  soon  secured  the 
public  sanction  of  the  Emperor,  and  on  July  i2th,  when  the 
business  of  parliament  began,  Rouher  read  a  message  from  the 
throne  consenting  to  their  programme.  Their  main  object  was 
to  establish  Parliamentary  Government.  The  office  of  Secretary 
of  State  was  abolished  and  the  new  Prime  Minister  was  to  be  a 
member  of  the  Chambers  and  to  speak  in  their  name.  In  these 
circumstances  Rouher  tendered  his  resignation,  and  his  long  reign 
was  at  an  end. 

Unfortunately,    having    taken    the    great    step,    the    Emperor  Legislative 
proceeded  with  hesitation.     Indeed,  he  was  at  this  time  very  ill,  Reforms, 
and  in  August  his  life  was  despaired  of.     He  seemed  to  be  afraid 
of  the  consequences  of  his  action.     In  the  place  of  Rouher,  who 
became  President  of  the  Council,  he  made  Forcade  de  la  Roquette, 
the    great    supporter    of    official    candidatures,    Minister    of    the 

163 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Dawn 
of  1870. 


Socialistic 
Triumph. 


Interior,  and  shrank  from  giving  office  to  men  who,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  country,  were  the  most  prominent  advocates  of  the  new 
regime.  In  September  the  draft  of  the  decree  giving  effect  to 
the  reforms  indicated  in  the  message  of  July  i2th  was  accepted 
by  the  Senate.  The  Legislative  Assembly  became  a  parliament 
on  the  British  model ;  it  chose  its  own  president  and  secretaries, 
and  had  the  right  of  initiation,  of  discussing  and  voting  the 
budget,  of  discussing  amendments  of  it  in  detail,  instead  of  voting 
large  portions  of  it  in  the  mass.  The  Senate  was  transformed 
into  a  deliberative  assembly  with  public  sittings  ;  it  could  discuss 
laws  brought  up  from  the  Lower  House  and  discuss  them  in  detail, 
while  the  Ministers  were  responsible  and  could  be  impeached. 
There  was,  however,  a  party  in  favour  of  personal  government, 
supported  by  the  Empress,  and  called  the  Arcadians  or  the. 
Mamelukes,  and  Rouher  still  had  access  to  the  Emperor's  private 
ear. 

The  Chambers  opened  on  November  29th,  and  the  Emperor 
in  his  speech  said  that  the  new  state  of  things  should  be  founded 
on  order  and  liberty,  avoiding  reaction  on  the  one  hand,  and 
revolution  on  the  other.  He  would  be  responsible  for  order,  but 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  Chambers  to  assist  him  in  preserving 
liberty.  On  December  27th  the  Emperor  wrote  a  letter  to  Emile 
Ollivier,  asking  him  to  nominate  the  persons  who  might  form 
with  him  a  homogeneous  Cabinet  faithfully  representing  the 
opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  legislative  body,  and  bent  on  carry- 
ing out  the  new  Constitution  both  in  letter  and  in  spirit.  The 
formation  of  the  new  Ministry  was  very  difficult,  but  on  January 
2nd,  1870,  the  names  were  published  in  the  Moniteur.  Daru 
became  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Buffet  of  Finance  ;  Leboeuf , 
who  had  succeeded  Niel,  remained  Minister  of  War.  These 
changes  had  roused  more  curiosity  than  interest  in  the  country. 
The  Ministers  were  known  to  be  honest  men,  enlightened  and 
incorrupt,  faithful  servants  of  their  sovereign  and  country.  The 
new  order  of  government  was  looked  upon  with  hope  rather  than 
with  suspicion,  and  was  generally  popular.  The  year  1870,  which 
was  to  prove  the  last  of  the  Empire  and  the  most  tragical  in  the 
history  of  France,  opened  under  the  most  favourable  auspices  for 
peace  and  liberty. 

Nevertheless,  the  Ministry  had  from  the  first  great  difficulties 
both  in  Parliament  and  the  country.  Ollivier  was  supported  by 
the  official  Ministerialists,  who  gave  him  a  large  majority,  but 
the  extreme  Independents  were  hostile  and  ready  to  take  advan- 
tage of  any  mistake  he  might  commit.  The  forty  Republican 

164 


THE    BONAPARTIST    ENFANT    TERRIBLE 

Deputies  had  no  real  power,  but  represented  the  inhabitants  of 
the  great  towns,  the  working  classes,  and  the  educated  middle 
class.  Gambetta,  their  most  prominent  member,  declared  for  a 
proposal  which  included  universal  suffrage,  the  entire  freedom  of 
the  Press,  absolute  right  of  meeting  and  combination,  the  separa- 
tion of  Church  and  State,  and  the  suppression  of  a  standing 
army.  There  were  also  Socialists  belonging  to  the  International, 
preaching  Republicanism  and  Revolution  to  the  workmen  of  the 
great  cities,  organising  trade  unions,  and  supporting  strikes.  In 
November  Rochefort  was  elected  for  Belleville  by  17,900  votes, 
in  place  of  Gambetta,  who  had  chosen  to  sit  for  Marseilles,  and 
this  was  regarded  as  a  triumph  for  the  Socialists  and  the  party 
of  Revolution. 

An  event  now  occurred  of  a  dramatic  character,  which  Victor  Noir 
hastened  the  fall  of  the  Empire.  Prince  Pierre  Bonaparte,  third  Killed  by 
son  of  Lucien,  a  man  of  fifty-three  years  of  age,  was  living  in  a  £[^® 
small  house  in  the  Rue  d'Auteuil.  He  was  a  thoroughly  bad  lot,  Napoleon, 
an  unreclaimed  and  uncivilised  Corsican,  who  got  into  mischief 
wherever  he  fixed  his  abode.  He  was  the  enfant  terrible  of  the 
Bonaparte  family  and  a  constant  source  of  anxiety  to  the  Emperor. 
A  quarrel  arose  between  him  and  some  newspapers  which  had 
abused  the  Bonaparte  family,  and  Paschal  Grammont,  the  editor 
of  the  Marseillaise,  sent  him  a  challenge,  which  was  conveyed, 
among  others,  by  a  young  man  of  twenty-one,  called  Victor  Noir. 
The  envoy  did  not  behave  with  discretion,  a  shot  was  fired  by  the 
Prince,  and  Victor  Noir  was  killed.  On  June  nth  the  Marseillaise 
came  out  bordered  in  black,  with  the  heading,  "  Assassina- 
tion of  Victor  Noir  by  Prince  Pierre  Napoleon  Bonaparte/'  On 
the  following  day  the  victim's  funeral  was  attended  by  100,000 
persons,  and  disorders  occurred  which  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
Liberal  Government  to  put  down.  A  more  ungrateful  task  could 
not  have  fallen  to  the  lot  of  Ollivier,  and  this  untoward  episode 
cast  a  shade  on  the  new  policy  of  Parliamentary  Government, 
and  deepened  the  clouds  gradually  closing  round  the  head  of 
the  State. 

Ollivier  soon  found  that  the  task  he  had  to  perform  was  not  Olliviep's 
the  conversion  of  the  Empire  into  a  Constitutional  Monarchy,  Task- 
but  the  preservation  of  the  Emperor.     In  dealing  with  Republicans 
and  Socialists,  he  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  detested 
methods  of  absolutism.     He  arrested  Rochefort  for  taking  part 
in  the  funeral  of  Victor  Noir,  and  also  arrested  the  editor  of  the 
Marseillaise,  and  kept  the  leaders  of  the  International  under  police 
supervision.     Pierre  Bonaparte  was  acquitted  of  murder  by  the 

165 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

High  Court  of  Tours,  but  this  did  not  allay  the  public  ferment 
nor  tend  to  reassure  the  Tuileries. 

A  Favour-  it  was  a  fundamental  part  of  the  Constitution  that  no  change 
Plebiscite  cou^  ke  e^ected  m  it  without  the  ratification  of  a  plebiscite,  and 
on  April  23rd  the  nation  was  summoned  to  vote  on  the  question 
whether  it  approved  of  the  Liberal  reforms  effected  in  the  Con- 
stitution since  1860,  and  whether  it  ratified  the  vote  of  the  Senate 
of  April  20th,  1870.  The  Emperor  announced  that  his  object 
was  to  avert  the  peril  of  revolution,  to  establish  order  and  liberty 
on  a  firm  basis,  and  to  assure  the  transmission  of  the  crown  to  his 
son.  The  voting  took  place  on  May  8th,  and  showed  7,358,786 
"  Ayes  "  and  1,571,939  "  Noes,"  there  being  1,894,181  abstentions. 
This  result  seemed  to  have  given  strength  to  the  Empire,  and 
Napoleon,  in  acknowledging  the  vote,  called  upon  his  subjects 
to  contemplate  the  future  with  confidence.  Changes  were  made 
in  the  Ministry,  the  Due  de  Gramont  taking  the  portfolio  of 
Foreign  Affairs  and  Plichon  that  of  Public  Works. 

In  June,  1870,  France  appeared  to  be  both  powerful  and 
prosperous,  and  on  the  last  day  of  the  month  Ollivier  was  able 
to  assure  Jules  Favre  that  on  whichever  side  he  looked  there  was 
an  absence  of  troublesome  questions,  and  that  at  no  moment 
had  the  maintenance  of  peace  in  Europe  been  better  assured. 
These  momentous  words  were  spoken  sixty-four  days  before  the 
fall  of  the  Empire  at  Sedan. 


166 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END 

To  provide  against  the  eventuality  of  a  war  with  Prussia,  it  was  Possible 

necessary,   first,   that   France   should  have   a   strong   army,  and,  Alliances 

secondly,  that  she    should   have   allies.      But    what    allies   were  fop  Fpance* 

possible  ?      Russia  was   estranged   in   consequence   of  her   Polish 

policy ;    Great  Britain  was  indifferent  and  unwilling  to  be  mixed 

up    in    foreign    complications.      Only    two    alliances    could    be 

contemplated — with    Austria    and    Italy.     But    between    Austria 

and  France  there  were  serious  causes  of  disagreement — the  Battle 

of  Solferino,  the  hesitating  conduct  of  Napoleon  in   the  war  of 

1866,  and  the  betrayal  of  Maximilian.      On  the  other  side  there 

were  the  interview  of  Salzburg  and  the  visit  to  Paris. 

At  this  time  Beust  was  Chancellor  of  the  Austrian  Empire,  a  Position  of 
man  of  moderate  talents  but  great  ambitions.  He  was  jealous  of  Austria. 
Bismarck,  who,  he  thought,  prevented  him  from  being  the 
dominant  figure  in  Europe,  and  desired  to  avenge  the  misfortunes 
of  1866,  which  he  could  not  hope  to  accomplish  without  the  aid 
of  France.  Gramont,  the  new  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  was 
strongly  in  favour  of  an  alliance  with  Austria.  He  detested 
Bismarck  and  the  Prussians  ;  as  an  aristocrat  of  ancient  Europe, 
his  sympathies  naturally  turned  to  the  successor  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire.  At  the  same  time  there  were  many  grave  reasons 
to  deter  Austria  from  entering  upon  a  war.  The  consequences  of 
defeat  would  be  disastrous,  involving  dismemberment  of  the 
Empire.  Besides,  desire  to  avenge  Sadowa  was  not  felt  among 
the  motley  nations  of  which  Austria  was  composed  with  the 
intensity  that  it  evoked  at  Vienna.  Hungary,  nearly  as  im- 
portant a  member  of  the  Empire  as  Austria  itself,  was  strongly 
opposed  to  war,  and  there  was  danger  lest  an  alliance  with 
France  might  give  rise  to  a  counter-alliance  between  Berlin  and 
St.  Petersburg. 

There  was,  of  course,  a  prospect  of  making  a  triple  instead  of 
a  dual  alliance  by  including  Italy  in  the  arrangement ;  but  Austria 
would  have  to  grasp  the  hand  of  her  former  enemy,  and  Italy 
condone  Mentana  and  forget  her  suspicions  of  Napoleon  and  her 
recent  relations  with  Bismarck.  Above  all,  there  was  the  question 

167 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


rith  Austria 
and  Italy 


of  Rome,  which  Victor  Emmanuel  desired  to  possess  and  which 
Napoleon  would  not  surrender. 

Negotiations  still,  in  this  world  of  change  sentiments  do  alter  and,  in  the 
hope  that  bygones  might  be  bygones,  negotiations  were  begun. 
Originating  in  1868,  these  altered  feelings  became  more  palpable 
in  1869.  Negotiations  were  conducted  with  the  greatest  secrecy 
between  a  small  number  of  men — Beust,  Metternich  and  Vitz- 
thum  on  the  side  of  Austria,  Vimircati  representing  Italy,  and 
Rouher  France  ;  Gramont  was  not  in  the  secret  till  he  became 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  Little,  however,  was  accomplished, 
and  by  September,  1869,  all  that  had  been  determined  was  that 
France  and  Austria  should  not  make  a  new  alliance  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  other.  Austria  was  always  afraid  lest  France 
might,  by  a  sudden  impulse,  turn  towards  Prussia.  The  over- 
mastering desire  of  Italy  was  to  acquire  Rome  ;  she  insisted, 
therefore,  that  the  French  occupation  should  cease,  that  the 
Convention  of  September  i5th  should  be  again  enforced,  and  that 
Italy  should  be  left  to  work  out  her  own  destinies.  Napoleon, 
however,  refused  to  desert  the  Papacy  during  the  lifetime  of  Pius 
IX.  When  the  war  broke  out  nothing  definite  had  been  arranged, 
but  unhappily  the  Emperor  believed  that  he  had  letters  from 
Francis  Joseph  and  Victor  Emmanuel  which  could  at  any 
moment  form  the  basis  of  a  definite  treaty. 

At  this  time  Prussia  was  not  anxious  for  war,  but  wished  to 
devote  herself  to  the  task  of  consolidating  the  German  Confedera- 
tion. There  was,  however,  a  certain  amount  of  popular  irritation 
against  the  French,  and  an  increasing  eagerness  to  recover  Alsace 
as  an  ancient  province  of  which  Germany  had  been  robbed.  The 
decision  between  peace  and  war  was  in  the  hands  of  the  King. 
He  professed  an  ardent  friendship  for  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
of  the  French,  and  treated  Benedetti,  the  French  Ambassador  at 
Berlin,  with  great  kindness  ;  but  it  was  known  that  he  had  never 
forgotten  the  events  of  his  youth,  the  War  of  Liberation,  and  the 
triumphal  entry  into  Paris.  Among  those  who  surrounded  him, 
Prince  Frederick  Charles  was  one  of  the  advocates  of  war  ;  but 
the  Queen  and,  above  all,  the  Crown  Prince  Frederick  were  ardent 
supporters  of  peace.  There  was  an  outward  appearance  of  repose, 
and  Bismarck,  Moltke  and  Roon  had  all  retired  to  their  estates. 

But  there  is  no  doubt  that  Bismarck  always  regarded  war 
with  France  as  an  inevitable  consequence  of  the  war  with  Austria, 
and  that  he  was  occupied  in  preparing  for  that  contingency.  His 
first  object  was  to  secure  Russia,  and  there  was  little  likelihood 
that  any  efforts  of  Napoleon  would  be  able  to  weaken  the  ties 

168 


Prussia's 
Position, 


BISMARCK'S    ADROITNESS 

which  united  the  uncle  and  the  nephew ;  Fleury  was  sent  to  St. 
Petersburg  in  vain.  In  December,  1869,  Alexander  sent  to  King 
William  the  Crown  of  St.  George,  and  the  Emperor  received  in 
return  the  Order  of  Merit.  The  one  thing  which  would  have 
attracted  Russia — namely,  the  removal  of  the  barriers  imposed 
by  the  Treaty  of  1856  and  the  opening  'of  the  Black  Sea  to  ships 
of  war — it  Was  impossible  for  Napoleon  to  propose.  With  regard 
to  Prussia  the  main  object  of  her  diplomacy  was  to  keep  Russia 
neutral.  If  Beust  were  irreconcilable,  it  was  all  the  more  neces- 
sary to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  Imperial  family.  During 
the  autumn  of  1869  the  Crown  Prince  spent  two  days  with  the 
Court  of  Vienna,  on  his  way  to  Servia,  and  an  Archduke,  the 
brother  of  the  Emperor,  paid  a  return  visit  to  Berlin.  The  tone 
of  Bismarck  and  Beust  towards  each  other  became  more  con- 
ciliatory. On  the  other  hand,  great  exertions  were  made  to  stir 
up  dissensions  between  Italy  and  France.  Bismarck  was  an 
accomplice  in  the  campaign  of  Mentana,  and  other  steps  were 
taken  in  the  same  direction  ;  but  the  presence  of  the  French 
garrison  at  Rome  was  sufficient  to  prevent  France  and  Italy  from 
ever  being  friends.  Great  Britain  was  undoubtedly  well  disposed 
towards  the  new  German  Confederation. 

There  was  greater  difficulty  in  dealing  with  the  States  of  Prussia  and 
Southern  Germany  than  with  foreign  Powers.  It  is  true  that  the  Southern 
Hesse-Darmstadt  accepted  the  situation  because  it  was  too  weak  a  es* 
to  resist,  and  that  Baden,  closely  connected  with  the  House  of 
Hohenzollern,  eagerly  sought  the  protection  of  Prussia,  but 
Bavaria  and  Wurtemberg  did  their  best  to  preserve  their  independ- 
ence. There  was  much  to  alienate  Bavaria  from  Prussia.  She 
had  hitherto  depended  upon  the  protection  of  Austria,  although 
she  was  not  too  small  to  acquire  some  degree  of  independence  ; 
besides,  her  national  temperament,  her  mode  of  life,  her  religion, 
all  separated  her  from  the  rigid  formalism  of  the  northern 
kingdom.  Wurtemberg  was  proud  of  her  independence.  Her 
inhabitants,  belonging  to  the  homogeneous  race  of  the  Swabians, 
clung  with  passionate  devotion  to  their  Sovereign,  their  hills,  their 
paternal  yet  democratic  government.  Resistance,  stimulated  in  the 
Bavarians  by  religion,  was  in  her  inspired  by  the  love  of  liberty. 

From    1868   to    1870   Bismarck   combated   these    antagonisms  Strengthen- 
with  consummate  adroitness.     In  Bavaria  he  had  the   King  on  in2  tne 
his  side  and  a  large  portion  of  the  Press,  which  he  had  also  used 
at  Stuttgart ;    but  he  knew  that,  after  all,  he  must  rely  mainly 
on  force,  and  he  spent  his  energies  on  perfecting  the  army.     In 
this  task  he  had  the  invaluable  assistance  of  men  whose  qualities 

169 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

fitted  them  in  a  special  manner  for  the  work — the  King  and 
Moltke.  The  King  was  devoted  to  the  army  and  knew  no  greater 
happiness  than  when  engaged  in  its  service.  He  was  able  to  say, 
at  the  age  of  seventy-one,  that  he  had  inspected  eighty-seven 
battalions  in  twenty-two  days.  The  care  of  the  army  was  his 
duty  and  his  religion. 

Mpltke's  Moltke  remains  the  best  example  of  pure  scientific  intellect 
Genius7  aPP^ec*  to  tke  conduct  °f  military  affairs.  It  was  said  of  him  at 
Berlin  that  he  could  be  silent  in  seven  languages,  that  on  the  eve 
of  Sedan,  when  reports  were  brought  showing  that  his  instruc- 
tions had  been  carried  out  and  that  the  circle  of  shell  and  fire 
had  closed  round  the  devoted  French,  his  only  remark  was  "  Es 
stimmt "  ("  Correct !  ").  He  was  a  born  student,  forgetting  nothing 
and  every  day  learning  something  new.  Since  the  war  of  1866 
he  had  concentrated  his  intellect  on  the  invasion  of  France. 
Assisted  by  a  General  Staff  which  became  the  model  for  all  similar 
institutions  in  the  rest  of  Europe,  he  had  drawn  the  most  perfect 
maps,  formed  the  most  elaborate  calculations,  and  made  all 
arrangements  with  the  most  mathematical  accuracy,  leaving 
nothing  to  chance.  His  maxim  was  "  Discover  the  principal  army 
of  the  enemy,  and  attack  it  when  you  find  it."  He  knew  that  a 
single  mistake  at  the  beginning  of  a  campaign  remained  a  weak- 
ness throughout.  He  held  that,  though  something  could  be  done 
by  dash,  much  more  was  achieved  by  accurate  preparations  and 
prevision.  He  was  well  aware  that  the  virtues  of  a  soldier  are 
often  his  greatest  weaknesses.  Energy,  chivalry,  high  spirit, 
self-sacrifice,  all  that  captivates  the  imagination  and  arouses 
sympathy  with  the  military  life,  cannot  hold  their  own,  either 
against  the  deep  devotion  of  a  nation  fighting  for  its  existence,  or 
against  an  elaborate  machine  constructed  and  working  on  scientific 
principles. 

Armies  representing  these  antagonistic  forces  were  now  to 
meet  in  the  shock  of  war.  The  Prussian  host,  formed  by  years  of 
thought  and  hard  work  and  matured  by  the  experience  of  two 
campaigns,  was  to  be  pitted  against  levies  inspired  by  high 
traditions,  in  which  the  new  was  still  in  conflict  with  the  old  ; 
the  result  was  not  doubtful,  and  the  calamity  which  ensued  was 
to  change  the  face  of  Europe. 

Darn  for         Daru,   who  had  charge  of  foreign  affairs  in  the  Ministry  of 

Peace.       January  2nd,   was  resolute  for  peace.     We  find  his  true  policy 

sketched  in  his  private  papers  ;    it  was  incumbent,  he  held,  to 

maintain  the  status  quo,  to  let  sleeping  dogs  lie,  to  preserve  a  good 

understanding  with  Great  Britain — but,  if  she  took  the  side  of 

170 


THE    THREATENED    WAR 

Prussia,  to  find  a  compensation  in  Russia — to  avoid  raising  any 
Eastern  question,  to  reassure  the  Italians  as  to  the  occupation  of 
Rome,  to  let  the  Spaniards  settle  their  own  affairs — but  with  a 
leaning  towards  the  Prince  of  Asturias — to  keep  an  attitude  of 
reserve  against  Bismarck. 

It  is  said  that  the  Prussian  Prime  Minister  did  not  appreciate  Bismarck 
Daru's  caution,  that  a  possible  quarrel  with  France  was  too  for  War. 
valuable  an  asset  to  surrender.  It  is  true  that  the  expenses  of 
the  Prussian  army  constituted  a  very  heavy  burden  on  the 
Prussian  people,  but  the  system  of  national  military  service  was 
so  essential  that  when  Lord  Clarendon  attempted  to  bring  about 
a  European  disarmament,  Loftus,  the  British  Ambassador  at 
Berlin,  could  not  secure  the  attention  of  the  King  to  his 
proposals.  In  those  days  it  was  not  understood  that  national 
armies  are  supposed  to  be  the  best  guarantee  for  international 
peace. 

Very  important  was  the  visit  of  Archduke  Albert  of  Austria 
to  Paris.  He  discussed  with  the  Emperor  the  chances  of 
war,  the  possibility  of  an  Austrian  alliance,  and  even  the  plan 
of  a  campaign.  In  April  Daru,  disheartened  perhaps  at  the  small 
likelihood  of  his  peaceful  policy  being  successful,  resigned  his 
portfolio ;  and  in  May,  Gramont,  a  fatal  choice,  was,  as  we  have 
seen,  appointed  as  his  successor. 

On  May  i8th  the  Emperor  summoned  a  council  to  the  The 
Tuileries,  consisting  of  Lebceuf,  Frossard,  Lebrun,  and  Jarras  Emperor's 
with  his  maps.  Napoleon  related  what  had  passed  between  the  Counci1* 
Archduke  Albert  and  himself.  In  the  case  of  war  with  Prussia, 
one  French  army  was  to  hold  the  Prussians  back  upon  the  Saone, 
another  was  to  march  through  Germany  and  join  the  Austrians 
in  Bavaria,  an  Italian  army  was  to  reach  Bavaria  through  Tyrol, 
and  a  French  fleet  was  to  appear  in  the  North  Sea.  Wurtem- 
berg,  Baden,  Hanover  and  Denmark  were  to  join  the  plot ;  and 
Prussia,  surrounded  by  a  wall  of  enemies,  would  be  obliged  to 
submit.  Deep  silence  followed  this  revelation.  Then  came  the 
announcement  that  Austria  would  require  six  weeks'  notice  before 
beginning  the  campaign.  Could  France  keep  Prussia  back  for 
six  weeks  ?  The  maps  which  Jarras  had  brought  with  him  proved 
incontestably  that  she  could  not,  and  the  meeting  dispersed  in 
melancholy  mood. 

The  Emperor,  however,  persisted.  Lebrun  was  sent  to  the 
Archduke  to  complete  arrangements  and,  if  possible,  induce  him 
to  surrender  the  delay  of  six  weeks  which  seemed  fatal  to  the 
French  cause.  This  Archduke  Albert  refused  to  do,  and  Lebrun 

171 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

began  to  doubt  whether  Austria  did  not  desire  delay  in  order  to 
withhold  her  alliance  until  after  a  French  victory.  Lebrun  held 
a  conversation  with  Francis  Joseph  at  Laxenburg  which  was 
even  less  satisfactory.  He  had  reached  Vienna  on  June  6th  and 
returned  to  Paris  on  June  22nd  ;  his  report  to  the  Emperor  is 
dated  June  30th,  but  deeds  move  more  quickly  than  words.  War 
was  declared  between  France  and  Prussia  on  July  igth,  and  on 
September  2nd  the  Empire  fell. 

Cause  of  We    must    now    relate    the    cause    of    the    catastrophe.      In 

the  Franco-  September,   1868,  the  Spaniards  rebelled  against  Queen  Isabella, 
War  who,   obliged   to  leave  the  country,   was  hospitably  received  in 

France.  This  revolution  was  brought  about  by  three  parties — 
the  Unionists,  who  represented  the  Liberal  middle  class ;  the 
Progressists,  who  were  in  favour  of  Reform  ;  and  the  Democrats, 
who  supported  the  idea  of  a  federal  Republic.  Serrano  was 
leader  of  the  Unionists,  Prim  of  the  Progressists,  the  Republicans 
had  few  supporters.  In  the  case  of  a  monarchy  being  decided 
upon,  who  was  to  be  sovereign  ?  Prince  Leopold,  son  of  Prince 
Antony  of  Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen,  and  brother  of  Prince 
Charles,  who  had  been  made  King  of  Roumania,  was  mentioned 
as  a  candidate,  but  a  scion  of  the  Royal  House  of  Prussia  would 
certainly  be  distasteful  to  the  French.  Other  candidates  were 
Amadeo  of  Italy,  Archduke  Charles  of  Austria,  Prince  Alfred  of 
Great  Britain.  The  Unionists  worked  for  the  Due  de  Mont- 
pensier,  who  had  married  Queen  Isabella's  sister ;  the  Progressists, 
for  Ferdinand  of  Coburg,  who  had  married  Donna  Maria,  Queen 
of  Portugal.  Salazar,  a  Deputy,  issued  a  paper  advocating 
Leopold  of  Hohenzollern,  a  Catholic  by  religion,  thirty-five  years 
of  age,  an  officer  in  the  Prussian  army,  and  very  distantly  related 
to  the  Prussian  Royal  family.  He  was  connected  in  various  ways 
with  the  Royal  family  of  Portugal  and  the  Bonapartes.  Another 
possibility  was  to  recall  the  son  of  Isabella,  the  Prince  of  Asturias, 
but  this  Prussia  declared  impracticable. 

Search  for  It  was  difficult  to  discover  what  were  the  views  of  Bismarck, 
a  King.  but  it  was  supposed  that  King  William  would  not  give  his  consent 
to  the  adoption  of  Prince  Leopold.  After  much  discussion  the 
Unionists  decided  in  favour  of  a  monarchical  constitution,  and 
until  a  king  was  found  Serrano  was  made  Regent  and  Prim 
Prime  Minister.  The  search  after  a  sovereign  continued. 
Ferdinand  of  Portugal  definitely  refused ;  so  did  the  Due  de 
Genoa.  Salazar  was  sent  to  sound  the  Hohenzollerns,  but  neither 
Prince  Antony  nor  Prince  Leopold  seemed  inclined  to  accept  the 
onerous  task. 

172 


GRAMONT'S    IMPERIOUS    DEMAND 

At  the  beginning  of  1870  the  crown  of   Charles  V.  still  went  Leopold  of 
begging,    but    the    wishes    of    Spain    seemed    to    incline    towards  Hohen- 

Leopold  of  Hohenzollern,   and   Salazar  was   indefatigable  in  his  !°uf.rn 

i  TT  T-»     T  j     /•         i    n       TT-  ,  f  i     Declines  the 

advocacy.     He   went    to   Berlin    and    found   the    King   doubtful,  Spanish 

Bismarck  favourable.  On  March  I5th,  1870,  a  council  was  held  Crown. 
at  Berlin,  at  which  were  present  the  King,  the  Crown  Prince, 
Princes  Antony  and  Leopold,  together  with  Bismarck,  Moltke, 
Roon,  Schleinitz,  Thile  and  Delbriick.  The  Prussians  pleaded 
for  the  acceptance,  but  Leopold  first  hesitated  and  then  refused. 
Prince  Antony,  who  was  anxious  for  the  aggrandisement  of  his 
family,  suggested  his  younger  son  Fritz,  who  refused  the  offer 
unless  positively  commanded  by  King  William  to  accept  it.  His 
father  was  ambitious  for  the  glory  of  his  house  ;  but,  in  order 
that  Fritz  might  be  a  serious  candidate,  it  was  necessary  that 
Leopold  should  abandon  all  idea  of  the  enterprise.  The  affair 
ended  by  the  positive  refusal  of  Leopold  and  Fritz,  and  everyone 
believed  that  the  danger  was  at  an  end. 

No  sooner  was  the  negotiation  closed  than  the  Catholic  Hohen-  Final 
zollerns  began  to  repent  of  what  they  had  done.  The  military  Decision  of 
sense  of  King  William  was  annoyed  at  this  vacillation ;  but  Le°P°ld' 
Bismarck,  who  was  at  Vienna  in  bad  health,  still  ardently  wished 
for  the  German  candidature.  He  advised  Prim  to  say  nothing 
at  Berlin,  but  address  himself  directly  to  Sigmaringen,  where 
Prince  Antony  resided.  Salazar  arrived  there  on  June  igth, 
just  a  month  before  the  actual  declaration  of  war.  Leopold  gave 
his  consent,  and  on  the  following  day  King  William  was  asked  to 
agree  also.  He  viewed  the  matter  with  some  indifference,  and 
seemed  inclined  to  leave  it  entirely  to  the  decision  of  Leopold. 
Until  now  the  negotiations  had  been  secret,  and  Prim  intended 
that  they  should  remain  so  for  the  present.  But  in  southern 
nations  secrecy  in  matters  of  this  kind  is  difficult,  and  at  the 
beginning  of  July  reports  as  to  what  had  happened  began  to  be 
current  in  Madrid,  and  the  French  Ambassador  demanded  an 
explanation,  which  Prim  was  unable  to  give. 

The  news  of  the  fatal  resolution  of  the  Hohenzollern  candi-  Gramont's 
dature  reached  the  French  Foreign  Office  on  July  3rd.     It  was  Imperious 
the    first    serious    business  with    which    Gramont    had    to    deal.  Demand» 
He   adopted  the   worst   possible   course,    and  sent   an  imperious 
message  to  Berlin.     There  was  no  one  to  receive  it — the  King  was 
at   Ems ;    the   Chancellor,    Bismarck,    at   Varzin ;     Benedetti   at 
Wildbad.      The   dispatch  was  opened  by  the  French   Secretary, 
who  sought  an  interview  with  the  Prussian  Secretary,  Thile,  who 
alleged  entire  ignorance  of  the  business.     It  was  the  season  when 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

all  diplomats  were  taking  their  annual  rest,  and  when  the  repose 
of  the  world  is  such  as  to  suggest  that,  if  statesmen  were  always 
on  their  holidays,  no  serious  quarrels  between  nations  would  ever 
take  place.  But  on  July  5th  the  newspapers  gave  the  news  to 
the  world,  and  the  Chanceries  of  Europe  were  in  a  blaze. 
Gramont  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  Prussian  approval  of 
the  candidature  would  mean  war. 

War  at  July  6th  was  a  date  of  destiny  for  France.     There  was  an 

Hand.  interpellation    in    the    Chamber    and    a    council    at    St.    Cloud. 

Gramont  was  impetuous,  Ollivier  moderate,  and  the  Emperor 
seriously  unwell.  He  was  surrounded  by  the  military  party, 
who  urged  him  to  war,  the  Empress  surpassing  Gramont  in 
vehemence.  But  was  France  ripe  for  war  ?  Leboeuf  promised 
an  army  of  300,000  men,  of  whom  250,000  men  would  be  ready 
in  four  days,  and  the  rest  ten  days  later.  It  appeared  that  she 
could  count  on  the  sympathy  of  Italy,  the  neutrality  of  Southern 
Germany,  and  the  moral  support  of  Austria,  but  nothing  definite 
had  been  arranged.  A  reply  had  to  be  drawn  up  to  the  interpella- 
tion in  the  Chamber.  Unfortunately  it  took  a  form  which  was 
not  conciliatory,  and  when  it  became  public  the  telegraph  flashed 
the  news  all  over  Europe  that  war  was  at  hand. 

The  French         During  the  night  of  July  7th  Benedetti  was  ordered  to  proceed 
Ambassa-     £rom  \yiidbaxi  to  Ems,  where  he  arrived  late  in  the  evening  of 
Mission         Juty  8th.      At  Coblenz  he  received  a  public  dispatch  and  a  private 
letter  from  Gramont.      The  dispatch  merely  ordered  him  to  advise 
the  King  to  ask  Prince  Leopold  to  withdraw  his  acceptance  ;    the 
private  letter  said  that  he  was  to  demand  from  the  King  not 
merely  a  disapproval  of  the   Hohenzollern  candidature,   but   an 
order  to  Prince  Leopold    to  withdraw  the  acceptance  which  he 
had    given    without    his   permission.     He   went    on    to    say   that 
unless  the   King   gave   a    satisfactory  answer  the  mobilisation  of 
the    French   troops  would    begin    immediately,  that    no    evasive 
answer  would  be  tolerated,  and  that  unless  the  King  disavowed 
the  acceptance  of  Prince  Leopold  war  would  be  declared. 
Benedetti  Benedetti  had  an  interview  with  the  King  on  the  afternoon  of 

and  King  jujv  ^  King  William  distinguished  between  his  position  as 
head  of  the  Hohenzollern  family  and  his  position  as  Sovereign 
of  Prussia.  In  his  former  capacity  he  could  not  interfere  with 
the  action  of  Prince  Antony  or  Prince  Leopold  ;  as  representing 
Prussia,  his  country  had  no  more  to  do  with  the  matter  than 
any  other  Power  in  Europe.  He  had  asked  the  intentions  of 
his  kinsmen,  but  as  yet  had  received  no  reply.  When  the 
answer  came  he  would  communicate  with  Benedetti. 


FRENCH    IMPATIENCE 

During  this  time  Gramont  was  in  a  fever  of  anxiety  at  Paris,  Gramont's 
and  the  account  of  the  interview  which  he  received  by  telegraph  Desire  to 
on  the  morning  of  July  loth  excited  rather  than  reassured  him. 
He  would  not  be  satisfied  with  a  refusal  from  Sigmaringen  ;  he 
must  have  it  from  the  King  himself.  He  was  possessed  by  a  fatal 
desire  to  humiliate  Prussia.  July  loth  passed  quietly  at  Ems,  but 
in  violent  unrest  on  the  Quai  d'Orsay.  Gramont  wrote  in  the 
evening  to  Benedetti :  "  We  cannot  delay  any  longer ;  we  cannot 
allow  Prussia  to  make  her  preparations.  We  are  waiting  for 
your  answer  to  mobilise  300,000  men.  If  the  King  will  not  advise 
Prince  Leopold  to  refuse,  war  will  immediately  follow,  and  in  a 
few  days  we  shall  be  on  the  Rhine."  At  i  a.m.  he  telegraphed, 
"  We  must  have  an  answer  to-morrow ;  the  day  after  to-morrow 
will  be  too  late." 

On  the  morning  of  Monday,  July  nth,  a  council  was  held  at  King 
St.  Cloud  to  discuss  the  military  preparations.  The  legislative  William's 
body  had  not  met  since  Saturday,  and  the  populace  thronged  the 
approaches  to  the  Palais  Bourbon,  eager  for  news.  Gramont 
was  obliged  to  tell  the  Chambers  when  they  met  that  he  had 
nothing  definite  to  communicate.  On  the  same  day  Benedetti 
had  an  interview  of  an  hour's  duration  with  the  King  at  Ems. 
William  held  to  the  statement  that  he  could  not  withdraw  from 
a  consent  already  given,  and  that  the  decision  must  depend  upon 
Prince  Leopold  and  his  father,  from  whom  he  had  not  heard.  He 
advised  patience  on  the  part  of  the  French  if  they  desired  to  avoid 
war. 

At  the  same  time  the  situation  at  Sigmaringen  became  increas-  A  Difficult 
ingly  difficult.  It  was  obvious  that  a  Hohenzollern  candidature  Situation, 
would  precipitate  a  European  war.  Prussia  was  herself  afraid 
and  subjected  to  pressure  from  the  Courts  of  Europe  to  withdraw 
the  proposal.  Prince  Antony,  who  owed  the  election  of  his  son 
Charles  to  the  throne  of  Roumania  to  the  good  offices  of  Francis 
Joseph,  began  to  fear  that  Francis  Joseph  might  destroy  what  he 
had  created,  and  that,  in  attempting  to  gain  the  crown  for  his 
family,  he  might  lose  both ;  and  the  Emperor  William  sent 
a  private  intimation  to  Sigmaringen  that  he  would  be  glad  of  a 
withdrawal. 

But    public    opinion    in    France    became    more    and    more  Gramont's 
impatient,  and  Gramont  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  away  by  Persistence* 
it.     He  telegraphed  to  Benedetti  at  i   p.m.   on  July  nth  that 
he  must  press  the  King  more  closely,  that  France  could  not  admit 
the  distinction  between  head  of  the  House  of  Hohenzollern  and 
chief  of  the  Prussian  Monarchy,  that  the  King  must  forbid  Prince 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Leopold  to  persevere  in  his  candidature,  and  that  on  the  next 
day  the  failure  to  answer  would  be  regarded  as  a  refusal. 
"Guaran-  There   was   no  need   for   these   vehement   messages.     On   the 

tees  for^the  mOrning  of  July  1 2th  Prince  Antony  telegraphed  to  Prim  that 
he  withdrew  his  son's  acceptance.  A  duplicate  of  this  telegram 
was  sent  to  Paris  and  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Ollivier  at  noon, 
and  he  communicated  it  immediately  to  the  Chambers.  Unfor- 
tunately the  war  party  in  France  was  not  satisfied.  Prussia  had 
not  been  humiliated  ;  the  pacific  message  had  passed  between 
Sigmaringen  and  Madrid,  and  the  King  had  taken  no  part  in  it. 
The  fatal  expression,  "  Guarantees  for  the  future,"  made  its 
appearance,  and  a  telegram  was  sent  to  Benedetti  at  7  p.m.  on 
July  1 2th,  ordering  him  to  see  the  King  immediately  to  ask  him 
to  declare  that  he  associated  himself  with  the  action  of  Prince 
Antony,  and  that  he  would  never  give  his  consent  to  a  similar 
candidature.  The  circumstances  which  produced  this  telegram 
have  been  related  and  analysed  by  Ollivier.  We  must  conclude 
that  in  taking  this  step  the  Emperor  was  as  much  to  blame  as 
the  Foreign  Minister,  that  he  did  not  sufficiently  insist  on 
his  authority,  and  that  he  allowed  steps  to  be  taken  by  his 
subordinates  which  he  would  not  have  initiated  himself. 

Benedetti  was  shocked  at  Gramont's  telegram.  He  saw  that 
to  ask  for  future  guarantees  would  mean  war,  and  at  the  same 
time  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  do  as  he  had  been  told.  At  German 
baths  it  is  the  custom  to  go  to  the  spring  at  6  o'clock  in  the 
morning  to  drink  the  waters  and  listen  to  the  band.  Benedetti 
went  there  as  usual,  hoping  to  see  some  member  of  the  King's 
suite.  He  did  meet  one,  and  was  telling  him  that  he  must  see 
the  Sovereign  when  King  William  himself  appeared.  He  went 
up  to  the  ambassador,  who  informed  him  of  the  decision  of  Prince 
Antony,  but  that  the  determination  of  Sigmaringen  could  have 
no  value  unless  it  were  approved  of  by  the  King,  and  that  it  was 
essential  that  France  should  have  a  guarantee  that  the  candidature 
would  not  be  renewed. 

King  The  King,  surprised  and  annoyed  at  these  words,  said  that 

William's  he  was  completely  ignorant  of  the  action  of  Prince  Antony,  and 
Annoyance,  ^at  it  was  impossible  to  give  the  guarantees  asked  for.  Benedetti 
continued  to  press  for  the  answer  he  wished  for,  and  the  King, 
much  amazed,  said,  "  You  ask  for  a  new  and  unexpected  con- 
cession which  I  cannot  consent  to,"  and  dismissed  his  interlocutor 
brusquely,  but  without  discourtesy.  The  message  which  the 
King  declared  he  had  not  received  from  Sigmaringen  arrived  in 
the  middle  of  the  day,  and  Prince  Radziwill,  a  Royal  aide-de- 

176 


BISMARCK    RENDERS    PEACE    IMPOSSIBLE 

camp,  was  dispatched  at  once  to  Benedetti's  hotel  to  inform  him 
that  Prince  Leopold  had  declined  the  throne  of  Spain  and  that 
the  King  considered  the  incident  completely  closed. 

Benedetti  was  disappointed  at  not  having  a  personal  interview  The  King 
with  the  King.  The  reason  was  that  the  King  had  become  aware  Refuses  to 
of  the  form  of  renunciation  which  Gramont  had  suggested,  and 
determined  not  to  see  Benedetti.  The  ambassador,  ignorant  of 
this,  asked  Radziwill  to  remind  the  King  of  his  promise  to  see 
him  again  and  his  desire  to  obtain  guarantees  for  the  future.  At 
half-past  four  Radziwill  returned  and  replied  that  the  King 
approved  of  the  refusal  as  he  had  before  approved  of  the  accept- 
ance, but  could  give  no  guarantees  for  the  future.  Benedetti 
persisted  in  demanding  an  audience,  but  at  half-past  five  came 
the  answer  that  the  King  had  said  everything  he  had  to  say  and 
had  nothing  more  to  add. 

Bismarck  now  suddenly  took  a  step  which  brought  about  the  Bismarck 
war  he  had  so  earnestly  desired.  He  kept  in  the  background  at  Precipitates 
Varzin,  not  returning  to  Berlin  until  the  chance  of  rupture  seemed 
more  promising.  He  was  piqued  when  King  William  began  to 
treat  directly  with  Benedetti,  and  on  July  12th,  when  everything 
appeared  to  be  settled,  announced  his  intention  of  returning  to 
Varzin  ;  but  the  violent  language  of  the  French  Press  and  the 
Chambers  induced  him  to  stay  in  the  capital.  He  next  did  what 
in  private  affairs  would  be  thought  to  be  infamous  :  he  stirred  up 
enmity  between  two  antagonists  who  were  on  the  point  of  coming 
to  terms.  He  refused  to  admit  that  the  quarrel  was  at  an  end, 
and  by  a  master-stroke  rendered  peace  impossible. 

A  telegram  from  the  King  giving  his  account  of  the  interview  Bismarck, 
with  Benedetti  on  the  morning  of  July  I3th  reached  Bismarck  Moltke  and 
on  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  just  as  he  was  going  to  dinner  with  fop  War. 
Moltke  and  Roon.  All  three  were  disgusted  to  find  that  there 
was  still  a  chance  of  peace.  The  last  sentence  of  the  dispatch 
allowed  Bismarck  to  decide  whether  he  would  communicate  what 
had  occurred  to  the  ambassadors  and  the  newspapers.  This  gave 
him  an  opportunity  of  modifying  the  dispatch  in  the  interest  of 
war.  He  asked  Moltke  how  long  it  would  take  him  to  complete 
his  preparations  in  case  war  should  break  out.  The  Chief  of  the 
Staff  replied  that  the  sooner  it  was  begun  the  better.  Bismarck 
thereupon  set  to  work,  as  he  said,  adding  nothing,  omitting 
nothing,  but  making  certain  suppressions.  These  suppressions 
represented  the  negotiations  as  broken  off,  instead  of  being  still 
in  suspense.  Moltke  and  Roon  approved  highly  of  the  emenda- 
tions. Bismarck  explained  that  it  was  essential  that  Prussia 

m  177 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Public 
Passion  in 
Paris  and 
Berlin. 


Lord 

Granville  as 
Mediator. 


Lebceufs 
Eagerness 
for  War. 


The  Empress 

Intervenes. 


should  be  attacked  by  France,  and  that,  if  this  altered  dispatch 
were  communicated  to  all  the  embassies  and  became  known  in 
Paris,  it  would  act  like  a  red  cloth  upon  the  Gallic  bull. 

That  evening  Bismarck's  dispatch  was  distributed  gratuitously 
in  the  streets  of  Berlin,  as  a  supplement  to  the  North  German 
Gazette,  and  passions  rose  to  fever  heat.  In  Prussia  it  was  believed 
that  the  French  Ambassador  had  insulted  the  King  ;  in  Paris  that 
the  King  had  insulted  the  ambassador.  Crowds  assembled  in 
both  capitals  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  the  one  shouting  "  To 
Paris  !  "  the  other  "  To  Berlin  !  " 

At  this  very  moment  peace  might  yet  have  been  preserved. 
France  had  committed  two  great  blunders,  one  the  declaration  of 
July  6th,  the  other  the  demand  for  guarantees.  But  a  sentiment 
in  favour  of  peace  was  in  being  in  the  French  Cabinet.  Lord 
Granville,  on  behalf  of  Great  Britain,  was  acting  the  part  of 
mediator.  In  the  afternoon  of  July  I4th  a  council  was  held  at 
the  Tuileries.  One  of  the  Ministers  begged  the  Emperor  not  to 
ruin  his  country  and  throne  by  war.  He  said  that  the  Emperor 
and  the  King  were  not  on  equal  terms  ;  the  King  might  lose  many 
battles,  but  to  the  Emperor  a  single  defeat  would  mean  revolution. 

Leboeuf  declared,  as  before,  that  his  army  was  absolutely 
ready,  that  it  had  an  advantage  of  a  fortnight  over  that  of  Prussia, 
and  that  if  war  were  not  made  now  the  opportunity  might  not 
occur  again.  Indeed,  he  clamoured  for  immediate  mobilisation, 
threatening  his  resignation  if  it  were  not  granted,  and  losing  his 
temper  with  those  who  argued  against  him.  At  4,  before  the 
council  had  broken  up,  he  drove  to  the  Rue  St.  Dominique,  and 
gave  the  necessary  orders  to  mobilise.  The  council  continued  to 
sit  at  the  Tuileries,  the  members  arguing  and  disputing  like  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  at  the  time  of  the  Terror.  A  proposi- 
tion for  a  congress  was  welcomed  eagerly  by  the  Emperor,  who 
sent  a  message  to  restrain  Leboeuf's  zeal  an  hour  after  he  had  left 
the  palace.  Ollivier  drew  up  a  declaration  in  favour  of  peace, 
which  was  to  be  read  in  the  Chamber  on  the  following  day. 

The  Cabinet  returned  in  the  evening  to  St.  Cloud,  downcast  and 
dispirited,  not  even  daring  to  hope  for  the  holding  of  a  congress. 
There  the  Empress  was  found,  incensed  at  the  conduct  of  Prussia 
and  furious  for  war.  Gramont,  on  entering  his  office  in  the 
Quai  d'Orsay,  received  a  sheaf  of  dispatches  which  reported  in 
various  tones  Bismarck's  paragraph  in  the  North  German  Gazette. 
He  complained  to  Ollivier  that  he  could  no  longer  tolerate  the 
bitter  insults  of  Prussia.  Leboeuf  clamoured  for  a  fresh  council 
which  should  repeat  the  order  for  mobilisation.  It  was  held  at 

178 


"MOBILISATION    IS    ORDERED" 

St.  Cloud  at  10  in  the  evening,  but  some  of  the  more  pacific  of 
the  Ministers  were  not  present.  However,  when  the  majority 
appeared  to  be  in  favour  of  peace,  the  Empress  intervened.  She 
said  that  peace  was  incompatible  with  the  honour  of  France,  and 
was  supported  strongly  by  Leboeuf.  But  it  was  eventually  decided 
that  the  order  for  mobilisation  should  be  held  back.  The  field  of 
debate  was  now  transferred  to  the  Chamber,  and  there,  after 
prolonged  discussion,  war  was  decided  upon.  Gramont  said 
afterwards  in  his  own  defence,  "  I  decided  upon  war  with  an 
absolute  confidence  in  victory.  I  believed  in  the  greatness  of  my 
country,  its  greatness,  its  strength,  its  warlike  virtues,  as  I  believe 
in  my  holy  religion."  These  brave  words  expressed  the  feelings 
of  many  others. 

On  the  same  day,  July  I5th,  King  William  travelled  from  War 
Coblenz  to  Berlin,  and  was  received  everywhere  with  addresses  inevitable, 
expressing  devotion  to  the  throne.  At  the  station  of  Branden- 
burg he  was  met  by  the  Crown  Prince,  Moltke,  Roon,  Bismarck 
and  Thile.  An  informal  council  was  held  in  the  waiting-room, 
and  when  it  was  over  the  Crown  Prince  said  to  those  who  were 
standing  near,  "  Mobilisation  is  ordered."  Some  final  attempts  at 
conciliation,  notably  on  the  part  of  the  Southern  States,  came  to 
nothing.  France  and  Prussia  were  straining  for  war,  and  nothing 
could  stop  them,  and  on  July  igth,  the  day  of  the  meeting  of  the 
Reichstag,  the  declaration  of  war  by  France  was  received  at  Berlin. 

Nothing  could  be  more  different  than  the  condition  of  the  two  The  Rival 
armies  which  were  about  to  contend  for  the  mastery  of  Europe,  Armies 
and  nothing  could  be  more  divergent  than  the  popular  opinion  ComPared« 
about  the  strength  and  character  of  the  two  forces  and  the  facts 
as  they  actually  were.     The  French  army  had  long  been  looked 
up  to  as  a  pattern  for  all  European  armies,  its  organisation  being 
carefully   studied   in   other   countries.     The   idea   prevailed   that 
the  French  had  a  genius  for  warfare,  which  was  the  backbone  of 
their  strength,  whereas  Prussia  was  held  up  to  ridicule  for  its 
supposed  pedantry  in  military  affairs.     No  one  in  France,  or  out 
of  it,  had  the  smallest  notion  that  this  magnificent  fabric  was 
rotten  at  the  core  and  would  crumble  into  pieces  before  its  better- 
organised  and  sounder  antagonist. 

In  1870  the  principle  of  liability  to  military  service  was 
acknowledged  by  French  law  just  as  fully  as  in  Germany ;  but 
in  France,  as  we  have  seen,  the  rule  of  conscription  prevailed — 
that  is,  the  summoning  of  only  a  certain  portion  of  the  nation  to 
arms,  instead  of  universal  military  service,  which  is  a  very  different 
matter.  In  France,  among  other  exceptions,  anyone  was  allowed 

179 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The   Garde 
mobile. 


Prussian 
Organisa- 
tion. 


to  provide  a  substitute  who  could  pay  for  it,  whereas  in  Germany 
the  duty  of  personal  service  was  imposed  on  every  one.  The  result 
was  that  the  French  army,  being  recruited  from  the  lower  and 
more  ignorant  classes  of  society,  lacked  the  elements  of  intelligence 
and  culture  which  entered  so  largely  into  the  German.  More- 
over, conscription  settled  from  the  date  of  his  earliest  manhood 
whether  a  man  was  to  be  a  soldier  or  not,  and  once  a  soldier  he 
was  always  a  soldier.  Pains  were  taken  to  keep  the  soldiers  from 
contact  with  the  citizens,  to  isolate  them  in  barracks  and  camps, 
to  avoid  billeting  them  upon  the  inhabitants,  so  that  the  army 
gradually  became  a  military  caste.  The  German  army,  on  the 
other  hand,  remained  in  contact  with  the  classes  from  which  it 
was  recruited.  Indeed,  the  world  has  learnt  since  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War  that  a  national  army  was  not  only  a  training-ground 
for  culture,  efficiency,  and  every  kind  of  civic  virtue,  but  was 
often  the  most  secure  ground  for  international  peace. 

France  had  learnt  much  from  her  war  of  1859  and  the  brief 
Austro-Prussian  campaign  of  1866.  She  had  discovered,  to  her 
dismay  and  undoing,  that  although,  in  1859,  her  army  was  said,  on 
paper,  to  consist  of  400,000  men,  and  that  although  the  war  in  Italy 
had  not  employed  more  than  120,000  infantry  and  10,000  cavalry, 
she  could  not  march  an  army  to  the  Rhine  to  defend  Austria  if 
Prussia  mobilised  her  army  and  threatened  France.  The  war  of 
1866  showed  that  an  army  of  600,000  men  would  be  totally 
inadequate  to  meet  the  Prussian  and  North  German  armies, 
including  the  Landwehr.  We  have  already  given  an  account  of 
the  changes  effected  in  the  French  army  in  consequence  of  these 
experiences.  The  Garde  mobile,  or  National  Guard,  a  substitute 
for  a  citizen  army,  consisted,  as  we  have  said,  of  all  persons  who 
for  one  reason  or  another  had  not  been  enrolled  in  the  active  army 
or  the  reserves,  or  had  paid  for  substitutes.  They  were  liable  to 
service  for  five  years,  with  fifteen  days'  annual  training  in  time 
of  peace.  This  was  supposed  to  produce  a  force  of  425,000  men. 
Their  duty  was  to  act  as  auxiliaries  to  the  active  army,  especially 
in  garrisoning  fortresses,  for  the  defence  of  coasts  and  frontiers,  or 
the  maintenance  of  internal  order.  This  new  force  was  at  first 
popular  with  the  nation  ;  but,  as  the  necessity  for  sacrifices  became 
apparent,  the  enthusiasm  cooled  and  the  mobiles  were  of  little  use 
in  the  war  and  generally  a  butt  for  ridicule. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  military  organisation  of  Prussia,  which 
dates  from  1861,  had  been  proved  to  be  sound  in  the  war  against 
Denmark  in  1863  and  in  that  against  Austria  in  1866.  After  the 
latter  war  it  had  been  extended  to  the  North  German  States  and 

180 


PRUSSIA'S    PERFECT    PREPARATIONS 

gradually  introduced  into  the  South  German  States  as  well.  Its 
main  principle  was  to  secure  that  in  time  of  peace  those  who  were 
liable  to  active  service  should  also  be  fit  for  it,  so  that  when  they 
met  the  enemy  they  should  be  perfectly  trained  and  instructed. 
For  this  purpose  a  period  of  twelve  years'  service  was  imposed  upon 
the  whole  nation,  consisting  of  three  years  in  the  standing  army, 
four  years  in  the  Reserve,  and  five  years  in  the  Landwehr,  there 
being  in  the  four  years  of  the  Reserve  two  terms  of  training  of 
eight  weeks  each,  and  in  the  five  years  of  the  Landwehr  two  periods 
of  from  eight  to  fourteen  days  each. 

The  contrast  between  the  two  armies  was  still  more  apparent  Prussia's 
in  their  mobilisation.  In  Germany  the  plan  which  had  been  Mobilisation 
formed  to  provide  a  maximum  force  under  arms  at  any  time,  c  c 
originally  excellent,  had  been  improved  by  constant  study  and 
elaboration,  even  up  to  the  last  moment.  It  was  based  upon 
minute  decentralisation,  each  unit  of  the  German  military  system 
being  organised  by  itself,  but  yet  with  due  subordination  to  the 
whole.  If  a  new  branch  or  section  of  a  railway  were  opened  for 
traffic,  the  entire  service  of  time-tables  was  altered,  if  need  be, 
to  furnish  fresh  facilities  for  transport.  The  greatest  diligence 
was  shown  in  obtaining  information  about  foreign  countries. 
The  German  staff  maps  of  France,  especially  of  the  country  east 
of  Paris,  laid  down  roads  which  in  July,  1870,  were  not  indicated 
on  any  map  issued  by  the  French  War  Office.  In  1870  the  army 
of  the  North  German  States,  with  a  peace  establishment  of  12,000 
officers,  285,000  men,  and  73,000  horses,  was  augmented,  in  the 
short  space  of  from  eight  to  ten  days,  to  a  war  establishment 
of  22,000  officers,  932,000  men,  and  192,000  horses,  equipped 
with  everything  which  an  army  requires  in  the  field.  This  gigantic 
task  could  never  have  been  performed  unless  every  constituent 
part  had  done  its  share  of  the  work  with  the  greatest  diligence  and 
rapidity,  each  wheel  working  with  its  fellows  with  punctuality 
and  precision  ;  nor  could  this  have  been  effected  without  decen- 
tralisation of  the  military  administration,  division  and  partition 
of  labour,  and  constant  provision  in  peace  for  the  exigencies  of 
war. 

When  King  William  of  Prussia  arrived  at  Berlin  in  the  evening 
of  July  I5th,  1870,  he  at  once  sanctioned  Moltke's  orders,  which 
were  immediately  transmitted  to  the  officers  commanding  the 
several  army  corps.  By  regular  and  prearranged  stages,  each  corps 
was  gradually  but  swiftly  developed  into  its  full  proportions,  and 
was  ready  to  start  for  the  frontiers  as  a  finished  product.  The  men 
were  supplied  with  arms,  clothing,  and  equipments  from  the  local 

181 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


French 
Disorgan- 
isation. 


depots,  and  horses  were  called  up  by  requisition  or  bought,  and 
transport  was  obtained.  All  the  needs  of  a  complete  army  corps 
were  easily  met,  because  they  had  been  ascertained  and  provided 
for  beforehand.  The  whole  of  the  operations  were  carried  out  in 
the  short  space  of  eighteen  days.  More  than  300,000  combatants, 
with  everything  they  required,  were  conveyed  to  their  appointed 
places  on  the  day  specified,  in  accordance  with  a  scheme  calculated 
and  drawn  out  two  years  before. 

The  mobilisation  of  the  French  army  was  a  complete  contrast 
to  that  of  the  Prussian.  The  territorial  organisation  which  pre- 
vailed in  Germany  did  not  exist  in  France.  A  peasant  in  Provence 
might  be  called  upon  to  join  a  regiment  quartered  in  Brittany, 
or  a  workman  employed  in  Bordeaux  be  called  up  to  the  Pas  de 
Calais,  and,  when  they  arrived,  they  might  discover  that  their 
regiment  had  marched  to  Alsace  or  Lorraine.  During  the  first 
fortnight  after  the  declaration  of  war,  thousands  of  reserve  men 
were  travelling  to  and  fro  over  France  in  search  of  their  comrades. 

When  Leboeuf 's  assertion  that  the  army  was  ready  was  becoming 
one  of  the  principal  reasons  for  declaring  war,  the  marshal  was 
asked  what  he  meant,  and  replied  :  "I  mean  that  the  army  is 
perfectly  equipped  in  every  respect,  that  it  will  not  require  the 
provision  of  a  single  gaiter  button  for  a  year  to  come."  "  Elle 
cst  archipretre."  This  statement  was  afterwards  found  to  be 
absolutely  false.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  France  possessed 
only  one  completely  formed  corps  d'armee,  the  Army  of  the  Rhine, 
at  Metz,  and  a  second  stationed  at  the  camp  of  Chalons  commanded 
by  Frossard.  All  the  other  corps  had  to  be  provided  out  of  garrison 
troops,  and  the  entire  staff  to  be  made  up  in  haste.  The  armament 
of  Strasburg  was  not  begun  till  August  4th,  and  on  July  2Oth 
there  was  not  sufficient  food  in  the  fortresses  of  Metz  and  Thion- 
ville,  and  a  million  rations  had  to  be  sent  from  Paris,  while  on 
July  25th  there  was  neither  biscuit  nor  salt  meat  in  the  fortresses 
of  Mezieres  and  Sedan. 

All  the  regiments  were  far  short  of  their  military  strength, 
and  there  was  a  great  deficiency  of  ready  money,  Failly  at  Bitsch 
Better  than  not  navmg  tne  wherewithal  to  pay  his  troops.  While  the  German 
the  French,  soldiers  were  adequately  supplied  with  maps  of  France  brought 
well  up  to  date,  the  French  had  only  maps  of  Germany,  intended 
for  service  in  that  country,  but  none  of  their  own  land.  Owing 
to  careful  previous  preparation,  the  German  officers  had  a  far 
more  intimate  knowledge  of  the  country  through  which  they  passed 
than  the  French  inhabitants  themselves.  On  July  2ist  General 
Michel  sent  the  following  telegram  to  Paris  :  "  Have  arrived  at 

182 


Germans 

Knew 

France 


THE    EMPRESS'S    WAR 

Belfort,   cannot   find   my   brigade ;    cannot   find   the   general   of 
division.     What  shall  I  do  ?  " 

Let  us  now  consider  the  position  of  the  two  armies  at  the  end  Position  of 
of  July.  The  main  army  of  the  French,  200,000  strong,  was  placed  *ne  Contend- 
in  and  near  Metz,  and  was  called  the  Army  of  the  Rhine,  although  mg 
it  had  little  connection  with  that  river.  On  July  28th  this  force 
was  joined  by  the  Emperor,  the  Prince  Imperial  and  Lebceuf. 
To  the  east  was  the  Southern  Army  under  MacMahon,  Duke  of 
Magenta,  about  100,000  strong.  To  this  army  were  attached  the 
African  troops  and  the  Zouaves,  who,  though  wearing  an  African 
dress,  were  mainly  of  Parisian  origin.  This  army  lay  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Alsace,  and  its  advance  guard,  under  Douay,  was  on  the 
Rhine.  In  the  camp  of  Chalons  was  a  third  army,  consisting  mainly 
of  reservists  and  mobiles,  very  imperfectly  drilled.  Besides  these 
armies,  a  fleet  was  sailing  from  Cherbourg  through  the  Channel 
with  the  object  of  cruising  in  the  North  Sea  and  the  Baltic.  The 
Germans  were  also  divided  into  three  great  sections.  The  first, 
61,000  strong,  under  Steinmetz,  formed  the  right  wing  ;  the  second, 
under  Prince  Frederick  Charles,  206,000  strong,  together  with 
the  third,  under  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia,  with  180,000  men, 
formed  the  left  wing.  A  central  army  was  under  the  King  himself, 
with  Moltke  as  Chief  of  the  Staff.  It  has  been  calculated  that 
the  whole  German  forces  amounted  to  984,500  men,  and  those 
of  the  French  to  798,000,  but  the  numbers  actually  brought  into 
the  field  were  considerably  smaller.  Ollivier,  writing  in  December, 
1910,  estimated  the  number  of  men  actually  ready  for  action 
at  426,723,  and  attributed  the  failure  of  the  campaign,  not  to 
the  false  calculations  of  supplies,  but  to  the  inherent  faults  of 
mobilisation. 

The  Emperor  left  St.  Cloud  to  join  the  army  in  the  morning  Pride  of  the 
of  July  28th,  accompanied  by  the  Prince  Imperial.  Dr.  Evans,  Empress. 
the  American  dentist,  who  was  with  him  at  the  time,  says  that 
he  was  silent  and  out  of  spirits,  seeming  to  anticipate  disaster. 
As  he  picked  up  various  well-loved  trinkets  to  place  them  in  his 
travelling-bag,  his  eyes  were  full  of  tears.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Empress  was  radiant  with  joy  and  hope,  and  did  her  best  to 
rouse  her  husband.  She  brought  into  the  room  the  latest  copy  of 
The  Times  and  read  extracts  from  it.  She  was  passionate  for 
the  war.  "  It  is  my  war,"  she  proudly  claimed,  but  she  had 
little  cause  to  be  proud  of  it  in  the  sequel. 

The  Emperor  entered  Metz  on  the  same  day  at  six  in  the 
evening.  He  lodged  at  the  prefecture,  but  the  headquarters  were 
at  the  Hotel  de  1'Europe.  A  council  was  held  immediately,  but 

183 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

it  merely  took  the  form  of  a  conversation.  The  Emperor,  on 
retiring,  was  beset  with  demands  from  all  sides  for  men,  horses, 
and  military  stores.  Thirty  anonymous  letters  denounced  the 
incapacity  of  the  generals  and  demanded  their  dismissal.  The 
reservists  came  in  very  slowly  and  were  found  to  be  dangerously 
incompetent,  many  of  them  even  not  knowing  how  to  use  the 
chassepot.  It  was  found  that  the  numbers  were  far  below  the 
estimates.  Everything  was  in  confusion,  no  order  was  kept,  and 
strangers,  tourists,  soldiers'  wives,  newspaper  reporters,  wandered 
about  freely  in  the  passages  of  the  hotel.  It  is  said  that  the 
hotel  at  Metz  was  full  of  German  spies. 

I***  The  first  action  of  the  campaign  was  an  attack  on  Saarbriick, 

ofBpS«*™  a  sma^  town  on  the  River  Saar,  which  divided  it  into  two  parts, 
the  railway  station  and  the  suburb  of  Saint  Jean  being  on  the 
right  bank.  The  operation  was  important,  provided  it  included 
the  seizure  of  the  station  and  the  destruction  of  the  telegraph. 
This,  however,  was  not  done.  The  battle  began  at  nine  in  the 
morning  of  August  2nd.  Attacked  by  a  largely  superior  force 
the  Prussians  retired  by  the  bridge  across  the  stream.  Here  the 
movement  stopped.  The  Prussian  loss  in  killed  and  wounded 
was  eighty-three  men,  but  the  French  had  succeeded  in  occupying 
a  portion  of  Prussian  territory.  The  French  papers  boasted  : 
"  Saarbriick  has  once  more  become  a  French  city  ;  the  splendid 
coal  district  on  the  Saar  is  French  property.  Saarbriick  is  the 
first  stage  ;  we  shall  soon  reach  the  last,  Berlin."  The  Emperor 
wrote  to  the  Empress  that  the  Prince  Imperial  had  received  his 
"  baptism  of  fire,"  and  that  the  first  shots  from  the  mitrailleuses 
had  produced  a  wonderful  effect.  The  French  made  no  further 
advance,  but  fortified  their  position  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Saar, 
the  Emperor  returning  to  Metz. 

A  Nation  King  William  left  Berlin  on  July  3ist.  He  was  full  of  anxiety, 
in  Arms.  ^ut  fas  counsellors  were  confident.  Roon  said  that  Germany 
had  never  seen  a  finer  army  ;  Bismarck  thought  the  Emperor 
must  clearly  repent  of  his  conduct ;  Charles  of  Roumania  wrote 
that  in  two  months  Napoleon  would  be  conquered  and  his  power 
destroyed ;  Moltke  was  in  raptures  at  the  successful  carrying 
out  of  his  plans.  Steinmetz,  on  the  right,  opposed  the  27,000 
of  Ladmirault  with  double  strength.  Prince  Frederick  Charles, 
in  the  centre,  had  194,000  men  to  resist  the  armies  of  Bazaine, 
Frossard,  Failly  and  Bourbaki,  whose  commands,  even  if  the 
reserves  of  Canrobert  be  added,  would  not  exceed  140,000  men. 
On  the  left,  the  Crown  Prince  could  meet  MacMahon's  44,000  men 
with  a  force  of  130,000.  Besides  these,  reinforcements  were  pouring 


GERMAN    SUCCESSES 

in  from  every  quarter  of  Germany.     The  French  had  to  fight  a 
nation  in  arms. 

The  Third  Army,  that  of  the  Crown  Prince,  would  open  the  German 
campaign.     It   was   posted   between   Landau,    Germersheim    and  PIan8t 
Speyer,  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Wiirtemberg  and  Baden 
troops,  was  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.     It  was  to  pass  the 
Lauter,  spread  over  Lower  Alsace,  beat  MacMahon,  and  cut  him 
oft  from  the  rest  of  the  Army  of  the  Rhine.     The  other  armies 
would  approach  the  Saone,  enter  Lorraine,  and  attack  the  main 
forces  of  the  enemy.     The  King  entered  Mainz,  the  new  head- 
quarters, at  7  a.m.  on  August  2nd,  and  heard  there  of  the  engage- 
ment of  Saarbruck,  which  Moltke  considered  as  of  no  importance. 

It  was  settled  that  the  Crown  Prince  should  answer  this  attack  Battle  of 
by  crossing  the  Lauter  on  August  3rd.  The  first  great  battle  of  *eissen- 
the  war  was  to  be  fought  at  a  place  well  known  in  the  wars  of 
the  Spanish  Succession,  called  Weissenberg  by  the  Germans  and 
Wissenbourg  by  the  French.  It  was  now  a  decayed  town  situated 
on  the  Lauter,  which  ran  through  it.  It  had  three  gates,  called 
by  the  names  of  Landau,  Bitsch  and  Hagenau.  On  both  sides 
of  it  extended  the  once  famous  lines  of  Weissenberg,  celebrated 
in  the  campaigns  of  Marlborough.  The  Bale  express  passes 
through  them  on  its  way  from  Strassburg  at  the  present  day. 
The  town  lies  close  to  the  frontiers  of  Alsace  and  Bavaria,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  mixed  races  are  very  friendly  with  each  other. 
The  surrounding  hills  are  outliers  of  the  Vosges.  Against  this 
town  70,000  Prussian  troops  were  marching  on  August  3rd. 

Douay  was  in  a  position  of  false  security,  looking  for  an  enemy  Douay's 
which  he  could  not  find,  when,  at  8.30  on  the  morning  of  August  Surprise. 
4th,  he  was  surprised  by  some  German  bombs  being  fired  into 
the  centre  of  the  town.  What  was  he  to  do  ?  He  had  5,800 
infantry,  900  cavalry,  18  guns,  and  Ducrot  was  nine  miles  off, 
separated  by  a  mountain  pass.  But  he  did  not  believe  in  a  serious 
attack  and  prepared  to  defend  himself.  The  struggle  took  place 
in  three  centres — the  banks  of  the  Lauter,  the  town  itself,  and  the 
Gaisberg.  The  Turcos  defended  the  river  bravely  against  the 
Bavarians,  but,  from  the  summit  of  the  Gaisberg,  Douay  saw  the 
serried  masses  of  the  Prussians  approaching  irresistibly.  The 
Gaisberg  itself  was  shelled  and  in  danger  of  being  surrounded. 
Douay  gave  the  order  to  retreat,  but  at  that  moment  was  mortally 
wounded  and  carried  to  a  farm,  where  he  died.  The  town  was 
then  stormed  and  taken  after  a  gallant  resistance,  the  brunt  of 
which  fell  upon  the  Turcos.  An  attack  was  then  made  upon  the 
Gaisberg,  which  dominated  the  surrounding  country  and  was 

185 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

crowned  by  a  strong  castle,  and  eventually  the  French  lines  were 
broken,  and  the  heights  stormed.  The  French  sullenly  retired  from 
their  camp,  and  the  remaining  companies  which  were  occupying 
the  castle  were  compelled  to  surrender  at  2  p.m.,  having  lost 
seventy-four  men  killed  and  wounded.  Seven  hundred  men  were 
taken  prisoners. 

A  Complete  MacMahon  was  at  Strassburg  when  he  heard  of  the  attack 
Disaster.  on  Weissenberg.  He  immediately  left  by  train,  but,  finding  that 
method  of  progress  difficult,  mounted  his  horse  and  joined  Ducrot, 
who,  being  on  the  other  side  of  a  mountain  pass,  knew  little  of 
what  had  happened.  The  two  generals  climbed  to  the  Col  du 
Pigeonnier,  from  which  the  whole  extent  of  the  catastrophe  was 
manifest.  The  disaster  was  complete  and  irremediable.  It  was 
obvious  the  Germans  were  intending  a  general  attack,  and  it 
became  the  duty  of  the  marshal  to  resist  it.  The  Sauer,  rising 
in  the  Lower  Vosges,  after  passing  Lembach,  flows  from  south 
to  north,  to  Worth,  and  then  reaches  the  Rhine. 

Battle  of  Here  MacMahon  chose  a  strong  position,  where  the  chain  of 

steep  hills>  Partly  wooded,  completely  dominates  the  ground  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Sauer,  a  chain  with  steep  banks  offering  a 
serious  obstacle  to  the  advance  of  the  enemy.  He  strengthened 
his  position  by  rifle-pits,  trenches,  abattis,  fieldworks,  batteries, 
and  wire  fences.  He  took  up  his  position  on  the  morning  of 
August  6th,  having  no  information  of  the  line  on  which  the  enemy 
was  to  approach.  He  placed  Ducrot  on  the  left  wing  with  the 
first  division,  Raoult  with  the  third  division  in  the  centre,  holding 
the  village  of  Worth,  at  the  passage  over  the  Sauer,  strongly  occupied. 
The  fourth  division,  under  De  1'Artigue,  was  on  the  right,  holding 
the  lower  wood,  with  part  of  his  troops  thrown  back  at  right  angles 
— a  formation  known  in  military  language  as  en  potence — opposite 
to  the  village  of  Morsbrunn.  He  had,  at  first,  intended  to  fight 
a  purely  defensive  battle,  and  had  ordered  the  bridges  over  the 
Sauer  at  Gorsdorff,  Worth  and  Gunstett,  to  be  destroyed,  but  he 
changed  his  mind  and  left  them  standing.  MacMahon  fixed 
his  headquarters  at  Froeschweiler,  after  which  the  French  named 
the  battle.  He  commanded  35,000  infantry,  6,000  cavalry,  and 
130  guns. 

It  is  curious  that  neither  commander  had  made  up  his  mind 
to  fight  a  decisive  battle  on  this  day.  MacMahon  was  beset  by 
advisers  who  urged  him  to  retreat  to  the  Vosges  instead  of  contend- 
ing against  forces  double  his  own  in  number,  and  he  would  have 
done  so  if  he  had  not  expected  the  arrival  of  Failly.  The  Crown 
Prince  had  made  up  his  mind  to  fight  on  August  7th,  and  gave 

186 


THE    DEFEAT    OF    MACMAHON 

pressing   orders    that   the   battle   should   be   stopped.     However, 
fate  prevailed,  and  the  battle  was  fought  and  won. 

The  Crown  Prince  occupied  the  heights  on  the  left  bank  of  Capture  of 
the  Sauer  from  Worth  to  Gunstett,  having  90,000  men  opposed  Worth. 
to  40,000.     Soon  after  8   a.m.  he  began  an  attack  on  Worth ; 
by  ii  the  Prussian  artillery  had  proved  itself  superior,  and  orders 
were  given  to  storm  the  village.     In  the  meantime  the  French 
attack  on  Gunstett  was  repulsed,  and  Worth  was  carried  soon 
after  noon  despite  an  obstinate  resistance.     Both  of  the  vigorous 
attempts  of  the  French  to  recover  it  were  unsuccessful.     At  1.30 
the  Crown  Prince  gave  orders  to  continue  the  fighting,  contrary 
to  his  original  intention. 

Then  came  the  most  obstinate  part  of  the  struggle,  the  taking  Plight  of 
of  Froeschweiler,  the  heights  to  the  east  of  this  being  strongly  the  French, 
occupied  and  partly  fortified.  The  third  French  division  fought 
splendidly,  their  commander,  Raoult,  being  killed.  It  was  not 
until  after  the  fourth  attack  that  the  Prussians  gained  possession 
of  the  ground.  The  French,  led  by  MacMahon,  made  a  desperate 
attempt  to  retake  Elsasshausen,  but  the  Prussians  succeeded  in 
holding  it.  It  was  now  possible  to  make  a  concentric  attack 
on  Froeschweiler,  and  the  village  was  stormed  at  3.30,  and  1,000 
prisoners  were  taken.  After  the  loss  of  Froeschweiler  further 
resistance  became  impossible.  The  French  army  broke  up  and 
fled  in  two  directions,  some  to  Reichshofen  and  some  to  Jagersthal. 
The  Prussians  bivouacked  on  the  field  of  battle,  the  cavalry  being 
pushed  forward  to  Reichshofen.  The  troops  which  fled  to  Hagenau, 
and  were  forwarded  by  rail  to  Strassburg,  produced  there  the 
utmost  consternation. 

On  August  7th  the  bulk  of  the  army  rallied  at  Saverne,  and  France  Open 
when  the  roll  was  called  it  was  found  that  20,000  men  had  dis-  *°  the 
appeared,  being  either  killed,  wounded  or  missing.  Froeschweiler 
proved  the  grave  of  the  army  of  the  Second  Empire,  brave  but 
undisciplined,  presumptuous  and  brilliant,  despising  study,  but 
passionate  lovers  of  danger.  After  the  victories  of  Africa,  Sebastopol 
and  Lombardy,  they  imagined  that  fortune  could  never  be  unfaithful 
to  them.  MacMahon's  army  had  done  everything  which  courage 
could  do,  but  could  not  defend  its  country.  Alsace  had  been 
invaded,  the  enemy  had  reached  the  crest  of  the  Vosges,  and  on 
the  following  day  they  could  cross  them  and  overrun  the  plains  of 
France. 

August  6th,  1870,  was  marked,  not  only  by  the  destruction 
of  the  Army  of  Alsace,  but  by  the  defeat  of  the  Army  of  Lorraine. 
After  the  Battle  of  Saarbriick  on  August  2nd  nothing  was  done. 

187 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Frossard's 
Prepara- 
tions. 


Advance 
of  the 
Prussians. 


The  two  next  days  were  spent  in  vain  imaginings  about  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy.  The  news  of  the  defeat  of  Weissenberg 
arrived  on  the  evening  of  August  4th.  It  showed  the  rapidity 
of  the  Prussian  movements.  The  Crown  Prince  had  crossed  the 
Lauter,  when  would  Steinmetz  and  Prince  Frederick  Charles 
cross  the  Saar  ?  Both  generals  were  on  the  road,  and  expected 
to  reach  the  French  frontier  about  August  6th.  Frossard  was 
certain  to  be  attacked  first.  After  the  battle  of  August  2nd  he 
had  occupied,  with  a  portion  of  his  forces,  the  heights  evacuated 
by  the  Prussians  on  that  day,  the  Exercier  Platz,  the  Nussberg, 
the  Galgenberg,  the  Winterberg.  Knowing  that  he  was  in  an 
exposed  position,  he  suggested  to  the  Emperor  that  he  should 
retire  to  the  plateau,  which  extends  from  Forbach  to  Saargemiind, 
occupying  Forbach,  and  Napoleon  gave  his  consent,  the  movement 
to  be  carried  out  on  the  following  day,  August  6th.  But  as  the 
day  proceeded  he  became  aware  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy, 
and,  fearing  to  be  surrounded,  began  the  operation  at  once.  He 
was  not,  however,  completely  established  at  Forbach  till  long  after 
nightfall. 

The  country  which  formed  the  battlefield  was  well  known  to 
Frossard,  as  he  had  completely  examined  it  in  1867.  It  was 
composed  of  a  number  of  wooded  hills  which  surrounded  the  village 
of  Spicheren.  The  railway  from  Saarbriick  to  Metz  ran  along  a 
ravine,  which  reached  first  Stieringen  and  then  Forbach.  Frossard 
was  in  command  of  three  divisions.  The  first  he  placed  in  the 
valley  near  Stieringen,  protecting  the  high  road,  the  railway  and 
the  town  of  Forbach,  where  heavy  stores  had  been  collected.  The 
second,  at  Spicheren,  guarded  the  country  up  to  the  Saar  and 
beyond  ;  the  third  was  held  in  reserve.  The  headquarters  had 
been  established  at  Forbach. 

On  the  morning  of  August  6th  the  Prussian  scouts  began  to 
make  their  appearance.  They  occupied  the  suburb  of  St.  Jean, 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  then  the  Exercier  Platz,  and 
the  Galgenberg,  which  had  been  evacuated  by  the  French.  From 
their  view  of  the  Valley  of  Forbach  and  the  heights  of  Spicheren, 
it  appeared  as  if  the  French  were  contemplating  a  retreat.  Kameke 
obtained  leave  from  Zastrow  to  cross  the  river,  and  to  follow  the 
French  closely,  in  accordance  with  the  Prussian  traditional  practice 
of  pushing  forward.  He  crossed  the  stream  at  n  by  bridges  which 
had  not  been  destroyed,  and  after  a  short  hesitation  determined 
to  attack  the  enemy. 

The  battle  began  by  an  artillery  duel,  which  was  soon  followed 
by  the  advance  of  the  Prussian  columns.  A  severe  struggle  raged 

i8S 


WHY    THE    FRENCH    WERE    DEFEATED 

in  the  woods  around  Stieringen.  Le  Francois,  a  distinguished 
German  general,  was  killed.  The  Germans  were  not  very  successful ; 
they  had  attempted  too  much,  and,  if  they  were  broken,  had  the 
Saar  at  their  backs.  It  is  a  maxim  of  war  never  to  fight  with  a 
river  in  your  rear.  A  Napoleon  or  a  Marlborough  would  have 
seized  the  opportunity  to  inflict  a  crushing  defeat,  but  Frossard 
was  neither.  Bazaine,  whose  name  became  afterwards  so  notorious, 
was  equally  incompetent,  and  failed  to  send  the  reinforcements 
which  Frossard  so  earnestly  requested.  But  the  assistance,  which 
the  French  were  vainly  expecting  from  Metz,  came  to  the  Prussians 
from  Saarbriick.  Goeben,  Zastrow  and  Alvensleben  arrived  one 
after  the  other,  about  3  in  the  afternoon,  ready  to  take  their 
proper  places  without  delay  or  confusion.  The  Prussians  continued 
the  battle  with  forces  constantly  renewed,  and  were  eventually 
able  to  occupy  the  woods  of  Stieringen. 

About  5  the  French  gained  a  slight  advantage,  but,  as  the  French 
sun  sank,  the  German  generals  were  filled  with  hope  and  Frossard  Retpeat« 
with  despair.  The  three  fatal  bridges  which  had  not  been  destroyed 
poured  ever  fresh  masses  against  the  doomed  French.  At  last 
the  final  blow  was  given  by  the  arrival  of  the  3rd  German  division, 
which  had  marched  to  the  sound  of  the  cannon.  They  were 
stubbornly  resisted  by  a  small  body  of  French  under  Dulac,  but 
at  half-past  seven  Frossard  was  obliged  to  inform  Bazaine  of  his 
intention  to  retreat.  When  the  roll  was  called  next  morning  the 
French  had  lost  2,000  killed  and  wounded,  and  2,000  prisoners, 
but  had  saved  their  standards  and  guns.  Throughout  the  night 
the  steady  tramp  of  retreating  hosts  was  heard  in  the  woods,  and 
another  province  of  France  lay  at  the  feet  of  the  enemy. 

What  were  the  faults  and  what  the  mischances  that  led  Frossard  Differences 
to  his  fate  ?  At  midday  Metmas  had  been  sent  by  Bazaine  in 
the  direction  of  Forbach,  but  the  order  gave  no  indication  that 
a  battle  was  in  progress,  or  that  Frossard  needed  help.  At  3 
Metmas  was  within  five  or  six  miles  of  the  battlefield,  but  stopped 
where  he  was  and  did  nothing.  An  order  from  Bazaine  at  4  gave 
no  explanation,  but  a  dispatch  sent  by  Frossard  with  an  earnest 
demand  for  assistance  unfortunately  went  astray,  and  Metmas 
remained  quietly  in  his  place.  At  7.30  he  received  an  appeal 
from  Frossard  urging  him  to  move,  but  did  not  reach  Forbach 
till  9.30,  when  it  was  too  late. 

Castigny  behaved  better.  He  did  march  to  the  sound  of  the 
guns,  but,  having  reached  what  he  considered  a  fine  position, 
halted,  and  waited  on  events.  The  cannonade  having  ceased, 
he  retired  to  Puttelange,  but  no  sooner  had  he  got  there  than 

189 


Eazaine's 
Incom- 
petence. 


Prussian 
Superiority. 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

the  firing  began  again  with  a  terrible  din.  It  was  then  5,  but 
he  began  to  march.  Two  hours  later  he  met  some  fugitives  from 
the  battlefield,  who  told  him  that  all  was  lost,  so  that  he  retired. 

Montauban  heard  the  cannon,  but  paused  for  orders  from 
Bazaine.  At  3  he  received  orders  to  assist  Frossard,  but  he 
hastened  slowly,  and  it  was  not  until  nightfall  that  he  was  within 
two  miles  of  Forbach,  and  announced  to  Frossard  that  he  was 
at  his  disposal.  Then  it  was  too  late,  for  the  battle  was  over. 

On  August  7th  the  confused  mass  of  fugitives  came  together 
at  Puttelange  in  a  terrible  state  of  disorder  and  despair.  Frossard's 
troops  had  lost  everything ;  they  could  not  make  soup,  or  provide 
shelter.  They  had  the  impression  that,  had  they  been  properly 
led,  victory  might  have  been  secured.  As  for  Frossard,  when  he 
had  superiority  of  numbers  he  had  displayed  lack  of  insight  and 
resolution.  Bazaine  had  shown  both  incompetence  and  selfishness, 
and  evidently  did  not  care  about  a  battle  which  he  did  not  consider 
his  own. 

The  issue  of  this  battle  exemplified  the  fundamental  difference 
between  the  Prussians  and  the  French.  The  victory  was  won  by 
the  rapid  concentration  on  the  field  of  numbers  of  troops  belonging 
to  a  great  variety  of  corps  and  divisions.  The  achievements  of  the 
Prussian  army  on  August  6th  could  not  have  been  accomplished, 
unless  every  officer  had  been  zealous  to  hurry  forward  with  energy 
and  self-abandonment  on  hearing  the  voice  of  the  cannon  ;  if 
he  had  not  done  so  it  might  have  been  a  day  of  defeat  instead  of 
victory.  Although  the  chief  command  in  the  battle  was  changed 
four  times,  being  held  successively  by  Kameke,  Stiilpnagel, 
Goeben  and  Zastrow,  there  was  the  most  perfect  unity  in  the 
conduct  of  the  engagement,  testifying  alike  to  the  absence  of 
personal  jealousy  and  to  uniformity  of  tactical  system. 


190 


CHAPTER  VIII 
SEDAN 

ABOUT  noon  on  August  6th  a  rumour  was  current  in  Paris  that  The  News 

the    Prussian    army   was   defeated.    The    Marseillaise   was   sung  in  Papis* 

in  the  streets,   and  some  decorations  were  exhibited.     But   the 

illusion  did  not  last  long.     Just  before  midnight  a  report  was 

received  by  the  Empress  from  the  Emperor,  saying  :    "  We  are 

in  full  retreat ;   we  must  rise  to  the  occasion  ;    we  must  declare  a 

state  of  siege  and  prepare  for  the  defence  of  the  capital.     I  have 

no  news  of  MacMahon."    The  Cabinet  was  immediately  summoned 

and  met  the  Empress  at  the  Tuileries.     It  was  resolved  to  collect 

all  available  troops  and  defend  Paris.     The  Ministers  separated 

as  dawn  was  breaking  on  Sunday  morning.     Early  in  the  day 

the  worst  was  known ;   the  north-eastern  gate  of  France  was  open 

to  the  invading  enemy.     At  9  Paris  heard  of  the  catastrophe, 

and  determination  to  make  a  brave  resistance  was  coupled  with 

demands  for  the  deposition  of  the  Emperor  and  the  punishment 

of  the  generals  who  had  betrayed  their  country.     The  spirit  of 

1792  was  not  dead. 

At  Metz  the  first  idea  was  to  concentrate  the  third  and  fourth  Napoleon 
corps  and  the  Guard  at  St.  Avoid  and  attack  the  enemy  in  flank.  K®8^118  the 
A  train  was  prepared  to  carry  the  Emperor  into  the  heart  of  his  command 
troops.  Napoleon  was  already  in  his  carriage  when  he  heard 
that  the  railway  station  of  Borney  was  in  possession  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  line  of  retreat  of  the  defeated  army  was  not  known.  He 
therefore  returned  to  the  prefecture,  and  Lebceuf  proceeded  to 
St.  Avoid  alone,  where  he  found  Bazaine  and  Bourbaki,  with 
whom  he  discussed  many  plans.  One  of  these  contemplated  with- 
drawal to  Chalons,  leaving  Alsace,  Lorraine,  and  a  large  portion 
of  Champagne  at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  The  resignation  of 
his  military  command  by  the  Emperor  was  also  mooted,  and  it 
was  proposed  he  should  resume  the  reins  of  government.  Napoleon, 
however,  refused  to  leave  his  soldiers.  On  August  8th  the  indecision 
continued,  but  it  ended  by  the  army  retiring  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Metz.  Next  day  Napoleon  transferred  the  command  of  the 
army  to  Bazaine,  although  he  did  not  entirely  surrender  control 
of  it. 

191 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Montauban 
Summoned 
to  Paris. 


Bazaine's 

Appoint- 

meat. 


Retirement 
of  the 
French 
Armies. 


Bazaine's 
Hesitancy. 


In  Paris  the  Chambers  had  been  summoned  to  meet  on  August 
nth,  but  they  met  on  August  Qth.  OUivier  and  Gramont  showed 
a  determined  spirit,  but  were  violently  attacked.  The  deposition 
of  the  Emperor  was  called  for  and  the  institution  of  a  provisional 
government.  The  excitement  grew,  and  the  Deputies  nearly 
came  to  blows.  At  last  a  vote  was  passed  inviting  the  Cabinet 
to  resign.  Montauban,  Count  of  Palikao,  in  command  at  Lyons, 
was  summoned  by  the  Empress  to  Paris,  and  made  Minister  of 
War.  Ollivier  and  his  colleagues  immediately  surrendered  their 
posts,  and  Montauban  found  himself  at  the  head  not  only  of 
the  army  but  the  Government  as  well.  He  appeared  before  the 
Chambers  on  August  loth.  When  the  members  called  upon  him 
to  speak  louder,  he  said  :  "  Pardon  me,  twenty-five  years  ago 
I  received  a  bullet  in  my  breast,  and  it  is  still  there/' 

A  new  Ministry  was  constructed,  Latour  d'Auvergne  becoming 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  new  Ministers  did  not  occupy 
the  Treasury  Bench,  but  were  dispersed  throughout  the  House 
among  the  ordinary  members.  Leboeuf  was  deposed,  and  Bazaine 
was  given  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Rhine,  great,  but  misplaced 
confidence  being  reposed  in  him.  Bazaine  represented  to  the 
Emperor  that  both  Canrobert  and  MacMahon  were  senior  to  him- 
self, but  the  Emperor  replied  that  his  appointment  was  demanded 
by  public  opinion.  This  was  followed,  as  we  have  said,  by  the 
Emperor's  resignation  of  the  command  of  the  army. 

It  was  now  determined  to  withdraw  the  whole  army  behind 
the  Meuse  in  the  direction  of  Chalons  and  Paris.  The  discussions 
on  this  point  lasted  a  week,  and  the  retreat  did  not  begin  till 
August  i4th.  It  was  desirable  that  the  Emperor  should  return 
to  Paris,  but  he  would  not  undertake  the  journey  till  he  knew 
that  his  army  was  safely  out  of  Metz. 

The  war  now  enters  into  a  new  phase.  MacMahon  retired 
into  the  interior  of  France,  followed  by  the  third  Prussian  army. 
He  halted  in  the  plains  of  Champagne,  oscillating  between  Paris 
and  Metz.  As  he  proceeded  in  a  half-hearted  and  indecisive  manner 
he  suffered  the  defeat  which  destroyed  him.  At  Metz  the  Prussians 
were  endeavouring  to  cross  the  Moselle  and  throw  themselves  on 
the  rear  of  the  retreating  enemy,  and  the  French  were  endeavour- 
ing to  liberate  themselves  from  the  net  which  entangled  them 
and  organise  the  defence  of  their  country  in  the  centre  of  France. 

In  order  to  attain  their  purpose,  the  Germans  had  to  alter 
their  direction,  turning  themselves  round  gradually,  and  using 
the  First  Army,  which  remained  at  Metz,  as  a  pivot.  They  had 
to  move,  first  to  the  south  and  then  to  the  west  of  the  city.  The 

192 


BATTLE    OF    BORNY 

two  adversaries  had  a  race  which  should  first  arrive  at  the  high 
ground  between  the  Moselle  and  the  Meuse.  The  responsibility 
of  resisting  these  movements  fell  upon  Bazaine,  and  his  talents 
were  not  equal  to  the  task.  The  successful  carrying  out  of  the 
Emperor's  plan  demanded  the  utmost  energy  and  speed,  but  at 
the  very  moment  when  Bazaine  should  have  been  giving  the 
necessary  orders  he  was  still  hankering  after  another  policy  and 
longing  to  remain  in  Metz.  However,  on  August  I4th  the  retreat 
began.  At  midday  the  Cent  Gardes  and  the  Imperial  carriages 
appeared  before  the  prefecture  and  the  Emperor  and  his  son  left 
in  safety  by  the  Porte  de  France.  The  troops  followed  about 
4  p.m.  Nothing  was  left  to  the  north  of  the  city  except  the  third 
army  corps  and  part  of  the  fourth.  Suddenly  a  cannonade  was 
heard,  and  the  Battle  of  Borny  had  begun. 

The  country  through  which  the  rear  of  the  French  army  had  Bazaine's 
to  march  consisted  of  two  plateaux,  called  by  the  names  of  Borny  Blimder- 
and  St.  Barbe,  which  were  separated  by  ravines  which,  about  three 
miles  from  Metz,  became  one  and  descended  in  a  westerly  direction 
to  the  Moselle.  The  heights  and  slopes  were  covered  with  many 
villages.  Early  on  August  I4th  the  Germans  found  that  the 
French  encamped  on  the  plateaux  were  preparing  to  march,  and 
set  off  in  pursuit  of  them.  The  proper  course  for  the  French  would 
have  been  to  continue  their  retreat  and  to  allow  the  Germans  to 
come  within  the  range  of  the  guns  of  the  fortress.  About  5  in 
the  afternoon  Bazaine  arrived  on  the  scene.  He  had  two  plans 
open  to  him — to  continue  his  course  or  turn  on  the  Germans  and 
crush  them.  He  did  neither,  but  stayed  where  he  was  and  fought 
a  feeble  battle,  called  by  the  French  after  Borny,  by  the  Germans 
after  Columbey. 

Goltz,  who  had  begun  the  attack,  was  held  in  check  before  "The  Alley 
Columbey,  and  awaited  assistance.     This  was  given  by  Zastrow.  of  th® 
Though  the  Prussians  did  not  gain  much  ground,  they  inflicted 
severe  losses   on  the   French,   Decaen  being  killed  and  Bazaine 
wounded.     The  struggle  was  furious,  a  hollow  way  leading  up  to 
Columbey  being  disputed  step  by  step  with  such  terrible  carnage 
that  it  has  since  been  called  "  The  Alley  of  the  Dead."     On  the 
whole,  the  Prussians  did  not  gain  the  ground    they   wished    for, 
but    prevented    the    passage    of    the    French.     The    loss    on    the 
French  side  was  3,500  and  on  the  German  5,000. 

Next  day  (August  I5th)  the  Moselle  was  crossed,  and  by  noon 

the  right  bank  was  entirely  evacuated.     The  Battle  of  Borny  had 

delayed  the  French  retreat  by  twenty-four  hours.     On  the  dawn 

of  this  day  the  Germans  pushed  their  reconnaissances  close  up  to 

»  193 


Napoleon 

Leaves 
Gravelotte. 


The  French 
Surprised. 


Alvensle- 
ben's  Attack 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Metz.  A  thick  fog  enveloped  the  Valley  of  the  Moselle,  but  when 
the  King  came  up  shortly  afterwards,  and  the  mist  had  risen,  clouds 
of  dust  revealed  the  march  of  long  columns  moving  towards  the 
west.  The  retreat  of  the  French  seemed  to  be  secure.  On  this 
day,  however,  the  two  armies  came  into  close  contact,  and  an 
artillery  duel,  begun  by  accident,  continued  for  several  hours. 

The  Emperor,  moving  by  slow  stages,  reluctant  to  leave  the 
scene  of  conflict,  slept  with  his  son  in  a  small  cottage  at 
Gravelotte.  A  few  faithful  friends  made  an  offering  of  flowers. 
He  did  not  know  whether  to  go  or  stay,  or  along  which  road  to 
travel.  Thus  the  Imperial  nephew  spent  the  birthday  of  his 
uncle,  one  of  the  saddest  anniversaries  which  that  much-tried 
family  has  ever  experienced.  Bazaine  was  in  a  state  of  similar 
uncertainty.  It  is  said  that  when  he  lost  the  last  sight  of  Metz  he 
was  seized  with  dizziness  ;  he  lost  his  head  ;  and  the  uncertainty 
of  the  commander  spread  through  every  department  of  the 
administration.  The  night  passed  quietly,  and  Napoleon  left 
Gravelotte  with  imposing  parade  at  daybreak.  Bazaine  came  to 
bid  him  farewell,  and  the  Emperor  said  to  him,  "  I  confide  to  you 
the  last  army  of  France  ;  think  of  the  Prince  Imperial/'  and 
recommended  him  to  proceed  with  all  speed  to  Verdun  and 
Chalons.  The  Emperor  abandoned  the  route  by  Mars-la-Tour  as 
too  dangerous,  and  chose  that  by  Etain.  He  sent  away^  his 
dragoons  and  was  escorted  by  Chasseurs  d'Afrique.  From  Etain 
the  Prince  Imperial  telegraphed  to  his  mother,  "  Everything  goes 
better  and  better." 

Bazaine  was  now  left  to  himself.  If  he  had  marched  at  once 
on  August  1 6th  he  would  have  caught  the  Germans  at  a  dis- 
advantage ;  but  Leboeuf  insisted  on  a  delay,  which  proved  fatal. 
At  9.15  on  August  i6th  the  French  soldiers  were  making  their 
soup,  and  many  of  the  horses,  unsaddled,  were  being  led  to  drink. 
Suddenly  an  alarm  was  raised,  and  shells  fell  into  the  camp. 
Vionville  was  choked  with  baggage  wagons,  and  at  the  first  fire 
the  drivers  fled.  Wherever  they  went  they  carried  dismay  and 
confusion,  some  retreating  to  Rezonville,  some  as  far  as  Gravelotte. 
Order  was  with  difficulty  restored  and  resistance  organised. 

The  artillery  which  had  caused  the  panic  belonged  to  the 
advance  guard  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles,  who  did  not  desire 
to  bring  about  a  battle  there,  but  hoped  to  fall  in  with  the  rear- 
guard of  the  French  and,  if  possible,  to  compel  them  to  halt  and 
fight  before  they  reached  the  Meuse.  The  sound  of  the  cannonade 
startled  Lebreuf  at  Verneville  and  Bazaine  at  his  headquarters 
at  Gravelotte.  By  this  time  other  parts  of  the  German  army 

194 


ATTACK    ON    REZONVILLE 

became  informed  about  the  movements  of  the  French.  Alvens- 
leben  learned  that  their  outposts  were  at  Trouville  and  Vionville, 
and  camps  of  large  bodies  of  troops  were  visible  behind  these 
two  villages.  He  thus  knew  that  at  least  a  great  portion  of  the 
French  forces  had  not  begun  to  march  to  Verdun  and,  in  order 
to  detain  them,  determined  to  attack  them  with  the  third  corps 
and  the  sixth  cavalry  division.  Though  he  was  not  aware  of  the 
strength  of  the  enemy,  he  was  confident  in  the  bravery  of  his 
troops  and  inspired  by  his  previous  success.  For  the  purposes  of 
defence  the  French  occupied  Vionville,  Flagny,  and  a  building 
called  the  White  House,  to  the  south  of  Rezonville. 

It  was  now  about  10.30  a.m.  Had  Bazaine  adopted  a  strong  Bazaine's 
line  at  once,  the  Germans  might  have  been  driven  back  before  Narrow 
they  had  time  to  collect  and  form,  and  the  road  to  Verdun  could  EscaPe- 
have  been  secured.  But  the  battle  began  as  a  soldiers'  battle, 
and  so  it  continued,  being  fought  with  great  energy  and  deter- 
mination on  both  sides,  but  in  separate  detachments  without 
definite  plan.  The  Prussians,  however,  were  being  constantly 
reinforced,  and  Bazaine's  opportunity  passed ;  indeed,  within 
half  an  hour  the  most  favourable  positions  were  occupied  by  the 
enemy's  cavalry.  At  last,  after  an  obstinate  struggle,  Vionville 
and  Flagny  were  carried,  and  the  Prussians  began  to  move  towards 
Rezonville.  At  this  moment  Frossard  went  in  search  of  Bazaine, 
who  ordered  a  charge  of  cavalry,  which  was  performed  with 
splendid  energy,  but  produced  no  effect,  as  they  were  checked  by 
the  Prussian  infantry  in  front  of  Flagny.  At  this  time  Bazaine, 
separated  from  his  staff,  was  nearly  taken  prisoner,  but  he  galloped 
away,  sword  in  hand,  side  by  side  with  a  Prussian  officer.  At  last 
his  escort  arrived  and  dispersed  the  enemy. 

The  first  attack  of  the  Germans  had  been  successful :  of  A  Desperate 
Frossard's  five  brigades  three  were  in  retreat,  but  still  all  was  not  Char£e' 
lost.  The  grenadiers  of  the  Guard  formed  a  firm  defence  to 
Rezonville,  and  stood  like  a  wall  round  the  town.  Had  Bazaine 
displayed  vigour  and  grasped  the  situation  at  this  moment,  victory 
might  yet  have  been  secured.  But  he  began  to  be  afraid  of  his 
communications  with  Metz,  and  was  distracted  by  two  conflicting 
impulses — to  push  forward  or  hold  back.  Alvensleben  was  in 
serious  danger.  It  was  now  2  and  he  had  to  hold  his  own 
for  an  hour  or  two  until  help  arrived.  He  had  to  depend  on  a 
charge  of  the  Prussian  cavalry,  and  decided  to  run  the  risk.  He 
had  at  his  disposal  only  eight  squadrons  under  Bredow.  In  order 
to  give  time  for  the  tenth  corps  to  come  up  the  cavalry  were 
entrusted  with  a  duty  as  desperate  as  that  of  the  Light  Brigade 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Artillery 
Duel  at 

Rezonville. 


Bazaine 
Retires. 


at  Balaklava.  This  body  of  magnificent  troops  rode  at  Canrobert's 
division  and  went  right  through  it,  checking  the  movement  of 
the  French  before  it  had  well  begun,  but  losing  more  than  half 
their  number  in  the  effort.  This  charge  was  the  turning-point  of 
the  battle.  Fresh  detachments  crossing  the  Moselle  enabled 
Alvensleben  to  hold  his  own.  For  some  time  the  struggle  on  the 
German  right  and  centre  remained  stationary,  as  the  Prussians 
were  unable  to  make  any  impression  on  the  grenadiers  of  the 
Imperial  Guard. 

At  last,  at  4  o'clock,  Prince  Frederick  Charles  appeared,  having 
ridden  from  Pont-a-Mousson.  He  saw  that  the  stress  of  the 
battle  was  on  the  left  wing,  where  French  troops  had  appeared 
under  Leboeuf  and  Ladmirault.  After  a  brisk  artillery  fire  the 
infantry  drove  the  French  out  of  the  wood.  A  cavalry  charge 
followed,  in  which  Bismarck's  two  sons  rode  as  privates.  They 
both  distinguished  themselves  ;  one  was  wounded,  and  the  other 
lifted  a  wounded  soldier  on  to  his  horse  and  carried  him  off  the 
field.  The  day  ended  with  a  severe  artillery  duel.  It  was  now 
past  7,  and  both  sides  were  exhausted,  but  the  contest  continued 
until  darkness  fell,  at  the  very  last  moment  a  violent  cannonade, 
the  origin  of  which  is  uncertain,  breaking  forth  on  both  sides.  The 
French  slept  on  the  ground  which  they  held  in  Rezonville  or  on 
the  heights  to  the  south  of  it,  and  on  the  ridge  on  the  north,  over- 
looking the  upper  road  to  Verdun.  In  the  battle  the  French  had 
lost  17,000  men  out  of  125,000,  and  the  Germans  16,000  out  of 
77,000  men. 

During  the  night  the  French  army  was  ordered  to  retire 
towards  Metz,  to  their  great  surprise,  as  they  imagined  that  they 
had  gained  a  victory,  and  on  August  I7th  the  approach  to  the 
Meuse  was  still  open  by  the  northern  roads.  But  Bazaine  could 
not  bring  himself  to  abandon  Metz,  and  determined  to  fall  back 
upon  a  strong  position  west  and  north-west  of  the  fortress.  He 
said  that  the  number  of  his  wounded,  the  state  of  the  army,  and 
the  lack  of  ammunition  and  supplies  left  him  no  alternative.  As 
a  competent  judge  remarks,  "  That  the  army  should  have  fallen 
into  this  condition  within  sight  of  a  great  depot  shows  how  deeply 
the  canker  of  disorganisation  had  entered  into  the  French  military 
system."  Bazaine  now  took  up  a  purely  defensive  position,  with 
his  front  towards  the  west.  He  had  not  given  up  the  idea  of 
retiring  to  Chalons,  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  reported  to 
the  Emperor,  on  August  I7th,  that  he  would  move  towards  Verdun 
by  the  northern  road  when  the  needs  of  the  army  had  been 
supplied.  If  he  had  begun  the  march  in  the  morning,  or  even  in 

196 


FRENCH    RETREAT    ON    METZ 

the  night  of  August  lyth,  the  Germans  would  not  have  been  able 
to  oppose  the  movement,  but  only  to  harass  his  flank,  whereas 
they  were  now  able  to  concentrate  a  superior  force  and  cut  off 
his  retreat  altogether. 

Bazaine's  movement  was  carried  out  without  opposition,  and 
by  nightfall  on  August  I7th  the  Army  of  the  Rhine  was  in  the 
position  he  had  determined  for  them.  On  the  left,  under  the 
great  fort  of  Plappeville,  lay  Frossard  with  the  second  corps  ; 
Leboeuf,  with  the  third  corps,  was  on  the  north ;  Ladmirault, 
with  the  fourth  corps,  was  at  Amanweiler ;  Canrobert,  with  the 
sixth  corps,  on  the  right,  at  St.  Privat ;  while  Bazaine  took  up 
his  position  with  the  Guard  in  the  glacis  of  Plappeville. 

It  was  Moltke's  business  to  prevent  the  escape  of  Bazaine  Moltke's 
from  this  position,  and  this  he  did  with  consummate  skill.  He  Plans. 
had,  within  reach,  the  whole  of  the  First  and  Second  Armies  except- 
ing the  fourth  corps,  which  was  engaged  in  an  expedition  against 
Toul ;  and  the  second  corps,  which  had  not  yet  arrived  from 
Germany,  but  was  proceeding  by  forced  marches  to  Pont-a- 
Mousson.  Moltke  knew  that  the  French  army  was  west  of  the 
Moselle  ;  he  therefore  found  the  first  corps,  with  some  cavalry, 
sufficient  to  watch  Metz  on  the  east.  The  tenth  and  third  corps 
were  left  in  their  positions  at  Vionville  and  Mars-la-Tour ;  the 
seventh,  eighth,  and  ninth  corps  were  brought  up  on  their  right, 
and  the  Guard  and  the  twelfth  corps  were  placed  to  the  left  of  the 
third  corps  and  west  of  Mars-la-»Tour.  Thus,  at  the  close  of 
August  I7th,  140,000  men  were  in  line,  parallel  to  a  road  which 
led  from  Metz  to  Mars-la-Tour. 

In  order  to  reach  the  position  assigned  to  them  on  the  German  Successful 
right,  the  seventh  and  eighth  corps  had  to  make  a  flank  march,  French 
in  close  proximity  to  the  forts  of  Metz.  It  was  essential  to  the  MoYement' 
success  of  the  movement  that  their  march  should  be  unobserved, 
and  that  no  indiscreet  impetuosity  should  bring  on  a  premature 
engagement.  Stringent  orders  to  this  effect  were  issued  from 
headquarters  and  were  obeyed  so  exactly  that  the  French  were 
allowed  to  slip  away,  not  only  unchecked,  but  unobserved.  The 
consequence  was  that  at  daybreak  on  August  i8th  Moltke  did 
not  know  whether  Bazaine  was  continuing  his  design  of  retreating 
by  the  northern  roads  or  had  retired  definitely  to  Metz.  He  had 
to  be  prepared  for  either  event.  He  therefore  ordered  the  Second 
Army  to  move  to  the  north,  towards  Doncourt,  while  he,  with  the 
seventh  and  eighth  corps  of  the  First  Army,  prevented  any  inter- 
ference from  Metz.  If  Bazaine  were  in  retreat  the  same  army 
could  follow  closely  till  the  First  Army  came  up  in  support,  and,  if 

197 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

he  determined  to  remain  at  Metz,  the  Second  Army  could  wheel 
round  to  the  right  and  surround  him  on  his  right  flank. 
Mannstein's  At  a  quarter  to  twelve  on  the  morning  of  August  i8th,  when 
Precipita-  ^e  soi^e^  ha(j  just  finished  their  breakfast  in  Ladmirault's  corps, 
patrols  arrived  announcing  that  the  enemy  had  arrived  at  Verne- 
ville.  At  the  same  moment  the  sound  of  artillery  was  heard 
coming  from  the  batteries  of  Mannstein,  who  commanded  the 
ninth  corps.  The  fire,  which  was  unexpected  by  the  French,  was 
an  equal  surprise  to  Prince  Frederick  Charles.  When  he  learnt 
from  Hessian  scouts  that  a  portion  of  the  French  troops  was 
encamped  at  St.  Privat,  he  prepared  a  vigorous  attack  upon 
the  French  right.  But  it  was  a  condition  of  success  that  all 
should  act  together,  so  that  this  sudden  attack  of  Mannstein's 
on  the  French  centre  caused  the  greatest  alarm.  The  fire  was 
promptly  replied  to  by  French  batteries  posted  on  all  the  heights. 
The  advance  of  the  Germans  was  repulsed  and  Mannstein's  pre- 
cipitate action  ended  in  failure.  Indeed,  he  found  himself  in  a 
most  dangerous  position  and,  had  he  been  vigorously  attacked, 
little  resistance  could  have  been  made.  But  there  was  no  one, 
to  lead.  Bazaine  was  in  his  house  at  Plappeville,  his  horse  saddled 
outside,  his  staff  grumbling  with  discontent.  He  attempted  to 
minimise  the  danger,  and  as  he  was  not  there  to  give  orders 
nothing  could  be  done. 

Attack  by  Prince  Frederick  Charles  set  out  to  march  in  the  direction  of 

the  Guards.  ^  cannon  At  half-past  three  new  vigour  was  thrown  into  the 
Prussian  attack,  and  at  5  in  the  afternoon  the  French  were  begin- 
ning to  retreat.  Still,  as  he  surveyed  the  battle  from  Plappeville 
at  this  hour,  Bazaine  might  believe  that  victory  had  inclined  to 
his  favour,  and  that  the  French  had  only  lost  a  few  advanced 
posts.  Canrobert  still  held  his  position  at  St.  Privat  and 
Doncourt.  Although  his  corps  had  been  driven  back  at  Ste. 
Marie,  and  he  was  now  engaged  in  a  severe  artillery  combat, 
Ladmirault  was  holding  his  ground  at  Amanweiler  and  Montigny. 
Leboeuf  had  been  compelled  to  evacuate  the  Bois  de  Geniveaux, 
but  had  been  able  to  maintain  his  position  at  the  farm  of  Moscou. 
Frossard,  although  he  had  lost  St.  Hubert,  still  held  his  position 
at  Pointe-du-Jour  and  Rozellieures.  But  the  Imperial  Guard 
had  as  yet  taken  no  part  in  the  engagement  and  only  about 
half  the  German  forces  had  been  employed,  so  that  much  might 
be  done  on  both  wings  with  fresh  troops. 

The  battle  had  now  been  raging  for  five  hours  without  inter- 
mission, evening  was  coming  on,  and  if  any  decisive  effect  was 
to  be  produced  the  Guards  must  take  part  in  the  engagement. 

198 


ATTACK    ON    ST.    PRIVAT 

Soon  after  5  King  William,  who  was  commanding  in  person, 
gave  orders  to  the  three  brigades  of  Guards  to  advance  to  the 
attack  of  St.  Privat.  As  they  advanced  they  were  received 
with  a  heavy  fire,  but  continued  to  press  steadily  forward  ;  but 
nearly  all  the  generals,  field  officers,  and  adjutants  who  remained 
on  horseback  were  either  dismounted  or  killed.  The  loss  was 
so  great  that  orders  were  given  to  suspend  the  attack  and  await 
the  arrival  of  the  Saxons.  The  Saxon  troops,  who  formed  part  of 
the  twelfth  corps,  reached  Doncourt  at  6.30,  and  then  the  Guards 
were  ordered  to  continue  their  advance.  At  6.45  the  Guards 
forced  their  way  into  the  village  from  the  south  and  met  some  of 
the  Saxon  troops  entering  from  the  north  at  the  same  moment. 
The  houses  in  the  village  were  stormed  one  after  the  other,  and 
the  Germans  were  not  masters  of  the  place  until  it  was  too  late  to 
continue  the  conflict. 

This  successful  attack  upon  St.  Privat  made  it  possible  for  Retreat  of 
the  Hessians  and  the  third  brigade  of  Guards  to  attack  Aman-  Ladmirault. 
weiler,  but  they  were  so  hotly  received  by  the  superior  numbers 
of  the  French  that  they  could  gain  no  advantage.  However,  St. 
Privat  was  the  key  of  the  position,  and  when  that  was  captured 
Aman  weiler  had  to  be  abandoned.  Ladmirault,  also,  fearing  to 
be  taken  in  flank,  had  to  break  up  his  positions  and  retreat  to 
Plappeville,  sacrificing  his  large  encampment  of  huts  and  many 
other  munitions  of  war.  When  the  news  of  the  defeat  of  the 
French  right  wing  reached  headquarters,  Bourbaki,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Imperial  Guard,  ordered  his  soldiers  to  march  to 
their  support,  but  the  general  arrived  too  late  to  be  of  any 
advantage. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  field,  Fransecky,  who  commanded  The  Defile 
the  second  corps,  received  orders  from  the  King  at  5.30  to  carry  of  Grave- 
the  farm  of  Moscou.  To  do  this  it  was  necessary  to  pass  through 
the  terrible  defile  of  Gravelotte,  which  can  never  be  forgotten  by 
anyone  who  has  seen  it,  as  it  appears  impregnable.  The  pass  is 
only  twelve  yards  wide  and  is  formed  by  the  steep  bank  of  the 
Mance.  The  road  to  Metz  is  here  bordered  for  about  500  yards 
by  a  wall  of  precipitous  rock,  30  or  40  feet  high,  and  on  the  other 
side  by  a  ravine  in  some  places  20  feet  deep.  Along  this  road 
the  infantry  had  to  advance  unsupported,  until  they  reached  St. 
Hubert.  Their  progress  was  watched  by  Moltke  and  by  the  King 
himself,  until  Roon  forced  him  away  from  his  dangerous  position. 

The  orders  given  to  Fransecky  were  that  his  troops  were  to 
climb  the  steep  ascent  by  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Mance  until  they 
arrived  at  Pointe-du- Jour,  which  was  the  highest  part  of  the  wood. 

199 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Losses  at 

Gravelotte. 


Investment 
of  Metz. 


They  were  then  to  storm  this  important  position.  These  orders 
were  carried  out,  the  troops  proceeding  in  one  continuous  close 
column,  every  file  closing  up  to  the  next  one,  and  each  rank  call- 
ing to  the  other,  "  Close  up  well  forward,  shoulder  to  shoulder." 
The  drummers  beat  the  charge,  the  bugles  sounded  the  advance, 
and  the  soldiers  answered  by  a  hurrah.  When  they  arrived  on 
the  plateau  they  were  received  by  a  storm  of  bullets  from  mit- 
railleuses and  chassepots,  while  the  solid  mass  of  soldiers  moving 
forward  on  the  high  road  were  cut  to  pieces  by  projectiles.  In 
the  meantime,  the  Prussian  artillery  kept  up  a  continuous  fire, 
directed  against  the  French  troops  on  the  plateau,  over  the  heads 
of  the  storming  columns.  The  sun  had  now  gone  down,  and  it 
was  found  that  in  some  cases  the  Prussian  troops,  who  had  reached 
the  heights,  were  firing,  in  the  confusion,  on  their  advancing 
comrades.  Fransecky  therefore  ordered  the  bugler  to  sound 
"  Cease  firing,"  and  a  general  cessation  of  fire  took  place  for  a 
short  time  on  both  sides.  Soon  afterwards  the  column  reached 
St.  Hubert,  under  a  murderous  rain  of  projectiles,  and  eventually 
Point e-du- Jour  was  carried. 

About  10  the  French  delivered  a  terrible  assault  of  mit- 
railleuses and  chassepots  upon  the  Germans,  which  formed  the 
closing  scene  of  the  great  battle.  The  King  passed  the  night  at 
Rezonville,  sleeping  on  a  small  camp-bed,  without  having  changed 
his  clothes  for  thirty  hours,  and  having  no  covering  but  his  military 
cloak.  Next  day  he  moved  his  quarters  to  Pont-a-Mousson.  In 
this  battle,  called  by  the  French  St.  Privat,  and  by  the  Germans 
Gravelotte,  the  French  lost  609  officers  and  11,700  men,  6,000 
French  being  taken  prisoners.  The  Germans  lost  904  officers 
and  19,058  men. 

Moltke  became  aware,  on  August  I9th,  that  the  Army  of  the 
Rhine  had  fallen  back  upon  the  forts  surrounding  Metz,  and  was 
holding  positions  which  could  not  be  carried  by  assault.  He  had 
originally  intended  that,  while  the  armies  advanced  to  Paris, 
Metz  should  be  masked — that  is,  prevented  from  taking  part  in 
the  campaign — by  a  portion  of  the  Landwehr,  and  the  division 
intended  for  this  purpose  was  already  approaching.  It  now 
became  necessary  to  make  fresh  arrangements,  because  Metz, 
instead  of  its  ordinary  garrison,  contained  a  large  number  of 
troops  ready,  at  any  moment,  to  break  out  and  fight  the  Prussians. 
Therefore  an  army  of  investment  had  to  be  formed,  and  this  was 
comprised  of  the  whole  of  the  First  Army,  four  corps  of  the  Second 
Army,  and  a  division  of  the  Landwehr.  This  army,  consisting  of 
175,000  men,  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Prince  Frederick 


200 


TROCHU  RETURNS  TO  PARIS 

Charles.  Besides  this,  an  Army  of  the  Meuse  was  created  and 
placed  under  the  Crown  Prince  of  Saxony  to  assist  the  Third  Army, 
which  was  240,000  strong,  in  advancing  on  the  French  capital, 
The  Third  Army  and  the  fourth  corps  had  reached  the  Meuse  on 
August  i  Qth,  and  were  halted  there  to  enable  the  rest  of  the  new 
army  to  come  up. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  Emperor.  He  had  left  Grave-  Napoleon  i 
lotte  at  daybreak  on  August  i6th,  accompanied  by  the  Prince  Wandepcr' 
Imperial  and  Prince  Napoleon,  the  journey  becoming  more  and 
more  of  a  flight.  He  reached  Verdun  at  i,  the  inhabitants 
being  silent  and  stupefied.  The  under-prefect  was  obliged  to 
ask  him  whether  they  should  cry,  "  Vive  I'Empereur  !  "  He  had 
to  travel  to  Chalons  in  a  third-class  carriage,  and  reached  the 
town  in  the  evening,  unexpected,  and  found  a  lodging  with 
difficulty.  The  course  of  events  now  depended  on  the  leaders 
assembled  in  the  camp  —  the  Emperor,  Prince  Napoleon, 
MacMahon  and  Trochu.  A  conference  was  held,  and  it  was 
decided  that  Trochu  should  return  to  Paris  with  the  title  of 
Governor  of  the  capital ;  that  the  Emperor  should  go  back  to 
the  Tuileries  ;  that  the  command  of  the  Army  of  Chalons  should 
be  given  to  MacMahon,  who  was,  however,  to  remain  under  the 
orders  of  Bazaine ;  and  that  the  camp,  which  was  composed 
chiefly  of  Gardes  mobiles,  should  be  broken  up.  Trochu  was 
detested  by  the  Empress,  but  was  beloved  by  the  populace,  and 
it  was  thought  his  popularity  would  cover  the  unpopularity  of 
the  Emperor. 

Paris  at  this  time  was  governed  by  the  Empress  as  Regent  Trochu 
and  Palikao  as  Minister  of  War.  They  naturally  thought  that  p^!Y6B  at 
the  safety  of  France  depended  upon  their  preserving  their 
authority,  and  that  the  return  of  the  Emperor  was  undesirable. 
Therefore,  when  the  news  of  the  changes  made  at  Chalons  arrived 
in  the  evening,  Palikao  telegraphed  to  beg  the  Emperor  to  sur- 
render the  idea,  which  implied  the  abandonment  of  the  army  of 
Metz.  Trochu  reached  Paris  at  midnight,  and  went  first  to 
Chevren,  Minister  of  the  Interior,  and  asked  him  to  sign  the 
Emperor's  decree.  He  hesitated  and  said  that  the  Empress  must 
be  consulted.  A  stormy  council  was  held  at  the  Tuileries,  in 
which  the  Empress  expressed  herself  strongly  against  the  return 
of  the  Emperor.  At  last  Palikao  consented  to  countersign  the 
decree,  and  it  was  presented  to  the  Ministers.  On  August  i8th 
Palikao  announced  to  the  Chambers  that  he  had  himself  recalled 
Trochu  to  Paris,  as  the  best  man  to  undertake  the  government  of 
the  city. 

201 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Napoleon 
at  Chalons. 


Divided 
Counsels. 


MacMahon 
Retreats. 


At  Chalons  during  the  whole  of  August  I7th  nothing  seemed 
to  be  decided.  There  was  no  news  from  Bazaine,  nor  did  the 
Emperor  make  any  movement  of  departure,  but  it  was  evident  to 
MacMahon  that  the  camp  was  indefensible.  On  the  following 
day  some  mobiles  left  the  camp,  and  the  Emperor  announced  his 
departure  to  MacMahon  and  Prince  Napoleon,  but  still  he  stayed 
on.  The  Prussian  army  approached,  and  at  8.30  MacMahon 
telegraphed  to  Bazaine,  "  If  the  Crown  Prince  attacks  me  in  force, 
I  shall  occupy  a  position  between  Epernay  and  Reims,  so  as  to 
be  able  either  to  join  you  or  to  march  to  Paris  as  circumstances 
may  demand." 

At  10  a.m.  Magnan  arrived  from  Metz,  bringing  bad  news. 
Bazaine  said  that  he  would  resume  his  march  if  possible.  During 
the  day  messages  from  Bazaine  gave  successive  scraps  of  informa- 
tion about  the  catastrophe  of  Gravelotte.  What  was  MacMahon 
to  do  ?  His  own  prudence  counselled  retreat ;  but  Palikao  in 
Paris  urged  him  to  join  Bazaine  at  Metz.  About  midday  on 
August  igth  telegraphic  communication  was  finally  interrupted, 
and  he  was  left  without  information  except  such  as  could  be 
brought  by  messengers.  The  Prussian  cavalry  was  scouring  the 
country  and  getting  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  camp.  It  became 
necessary  to  act.  At  daybreak  on  August  2ist  the  camp  of  Chalons, 
which  had  witnessed  so  many  of  the  glories  of  the  Empire,  was 
broken  up  under  a  leaden  sky  and  heavy  rain,  and  the  army 
reached  Reims,  the  Emperor  fixing  his  headquarters  at  the 
Chateau  de  Courcelles,  two  miles  from  Reims,  where  he  was  joined 
by  Rouher.  Rouher  represented  the  views  held  in  Paris.  He 
was  strongly  in  favour  of  a  march  to  Metz  and  a  junction  with 
Bazaine.  If  this  were  effected,  the  united  armies  could  pursue 
the  Crown  Prince  on  the  road  to  Paris.  MacMahon,  with  better 
military  knowledge,  recognised  that  Bazaine  was  invested,  and 
strongly  urged  return  to  Paris.  The  Emperor  remained  silent. 
It  was  settled  that  MacMahon  should  take  command  not 
only  of  the  army,  but  of  all  the  towns  which  defended  Paris. 
This  would  be  a  set-off  against  the  authority  of  Trochu,  and 
Rouher  carried  off  in  his  pocket  the  decrees  necessary  for  this 
purpose. 

News  at  last  came  from  Bazaine.  On  August  igth  he  had 
entrusted  a  letter  to  a  gamekeeper,  who  hid  it  in  the  sole  of  his 
boot.  It  reached  Reims  early  on  August  22nd.  It  announced 
the  defeat  of  St.  Privat,  and  that  Bazaine 's  plan  was  to  retire 
to  Chalons  by  St.  Menehould  and  Montmedy  if  the  road  were  free, 
and,  if  this  were  impossible,  to  reach  it  by  way  of  Sedan  and 

202 


PARIS    FORTIFIED 

Mezieres.  Another  letter  arrived  later,  expressing  a  doubt  whether 
he  should  be  able  to  march  at  all.  A  third  letter  from  Bazaine, 
dated  August  20th,  never  arrived,  and,  left  to  his  own  devices, 
MacMahon  on  August  23rd  withdrew  his  army  towards  the  north- 
east. 

The  first  care  of  the  Ministry  of  August  loth  was  to  increase  The  General 
the  strength  of  the  army.     The  contingent  of  1870  was  imme-  Cal1  *° 
diately  summoned  to  the  colours.     All  citizens  from  twenty-five     rms* 
to  thirty  years  of  age,  unmarried,  or  widowers  without  children, 
not  forming  part  of  the  Garde  mobile,  were  called  out,  and  some 
other  persons  who  belonged  to  the  classes  of  1865  and  1866,  who 
had  escaped  service,  were  incorporated.     The  admission  of  volun- 
teers was  arranged  for,  and  a  National  Guard  was  established  in 
the  Departments  which  should  include  all  men  under  forty.     But 
all  these  troops  had  to  be  exercised  and  trained. 

Labour  was  abundantly  spent  in  repairing  and  arming  the  Bazaine  the 
fortifications  of  Paris  erected  under  Louis  Philippe.  For  this  *f°Pe  of 
purpose  a  number  of  sailors  were  summoned,  as  well  as  the  marine 
artillery,  the  gamekeepers,  and  the  Custom-house  officers.  It  was 
also  necessary  to  accumulate  provisions  and  money.  The  pictures 
of  the  Louvre,  the  Crown  diamonds,  the  bullion  in  the  Bank,  and 
the  captured  flags  of  the  Invalides  were  sent  for  security  to  Brest. 
The  interior  government  of  the  country  gave  a  great  deal  of 
trouble,  anarchy  began  to  raise  its  head,  and  there  were  disorders 
and  murders  in  the  streets,  while  in  the  Chambers  the  deposition 
of  the  Emperor  was  discussed.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the 
anxiety  of  this  month  of  August,  and  the  only  hope  of  the  people 
seemed  to  lie  in  Bazaine.  All  generals  but  he  were  denounced  as 
traitors  ;  all  foreigners  were  believed  to  be  spies.  The  condition 
of  the  provinces  was  as  bad  as  that  of  Paris. 

An  effort  was  also  made  to  secure  allies.  We  have  related  Negotiations' 
some  of  the  negotiations  begun  with  Austria  and  Italy.  These  fop  an  Ally* 
were  continued  at  Metz  at  the  beginning  of  August.  But  Austria 
could  not  undertake  any  decisive  action  before  the  beginning  of 
September,  and  Italy  would  do  nothing  unless  the  evacuation  of 
Rome  by  the  French  were  conceded.  The  Emperor  positively 
refused  to  abandon  the  Pope,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  his  doing 
so  would  have  secured  the  alliance  of  Italy.  Vimercati  at  Metz 
and  Vitzthum  at  Florence  found  themselves  equally  impotent. 
Russia  gave  France  to  understand  that  any  violation  of  neutrality 
by  Austria  would  bring  her  also  on  the  scene  of  action. 

But  the  events  of  August  6th  brought  all  these  negotiations 
to   an   end.      Worth    opened   the   doors    of   Alsace,    Forbach   of 

203 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Prince 
Napoleon 
and  Italy, 


MacMahon's 
Effort. 


Lorraine.  Immediately  after  these  defeats  Austria  took  pains  to 
declare  that  she  was  free  from  all  engagements,  and  Vitzthum 
was  delighted  to  feel  that  he  had  escaped  a  serious  danger.  On 
August  yth  Gramont  asked  Italy  to  send  60,000  men  to  the  assist- 
ance of  France,  but  the  proposition  was  instantly  declined.  Great 
Britain,  with  Lord  Granville  at  the  Foreign  Office,  refused  to 
commit  herself.  The  entente  cordiale,  the  alliance  of  the  Crimea, 
was  already  forgotten.  There  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the 
sympathies  both  of  the  Court  and  the  people  of  Great  Britain  were 
really  with  the  Germans.  A  Neutral  League  was  formed,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  confine  the  extent  of  the  war,  but  mainly 
to  protect  Italy  from  pressure  by  France,  and  membership  of 
which  would  be  a  sufficient  ground  for  maintaining  inactivity. 
The  alliance  did  not  take  the  form  of  a  treaty,  but  merely  of  an 
exchange  of  ideas  and  of  agreement  in  a  common  action.  The 
Neutral  League  completed  the  isolation  of  France. 

It  was  indeed  difficult  for  Napoleon  to  believe  that  his  old 
friend  Victor  Emmanuel  would  leave  him  entirely  in  the  lurch. 
Therefore,  on  August  igth,  he  sent  Prince  Napoleon  to  Florence 
to  see  the  Prince's  father-in-law,  to  induce  him  to  declare  war 
against  Prussia,  and,  if  possible,  to  carry  Austria  with  him.  When 
he  arrived  at  Florence  he  found  that  he  could  do  nothing  and 
that  he  was  received  with  more  pity  than  respect.  On  August 
27th  Cadorna,  the  Italian  Ambassador  in  London,  asked  Lord 
Granville  if  he  did  not  think  that  the  time  had  come  to  put  an  end 
to  the  horrors  of  war,  but  he  was  told  that  the  time  had  not  yet 
come  and  that  any  effort  would  do  more  harm  than  good.  Prince 
Napoleon  remained,  amusing  himself  with  his  Italian  relations, 
until  the  catastrophe  which  destroyed  both  the  dynasty  and 
France.  We  have  said  nothing  about  Russia.  She  determined 
to  remain  neutral  so  long  as  Austria  pursued  a  similar  policy,  but 
if  Austria  had  joined  France  Russia  would  undoubtedly  have 
made  war  upon  Austria.  Her  private  ties  were  far  closer  with 
Austria  than  with  Prussia,  but  she  desired  the  liberation  of 
the  Black  Sea  and  the  abrogation  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  as 
keenly  as  the  Italians  desired  the  liberation  of  Rome. 

The  army  which  left  Reims  on  August  23rd  to  march  in 
a  north-easterly  direction  numbered  about  120,000  men.  The 
object  was  to  reach  Bazaine,  and  the  route  to  be  followed  had  been 
traced  with  great  care  and  precision  by  Palikao.  Leaving  Chalons 
on  August  21  st,  the  army  could  reach  the  Meuse  in  four  or 
five  marches  and  concentrate  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Verdun. 
MacMahon  would  have  against  him  the  Third  Army,  under  the 

704 


MOLTKE    AND  MACMAHON 

Crown  Prince  of  Saxony.  If  he  followed  this  route  he  would 
avoid  the  Third  Army  and  could  easily  beat  the  Fourth  Army,  which 
did  not  consist  of  more  than  70,000  men.  He  would  then  march 
to  Metz,  join  with  Bazaine,  and  return  with  him  to  crush  the  Third 
Army.  This  plan  was  not  at  all  impossible,  and  with  good  fortune 
and  a  good  leader  might  have  been  carried  out  with  success.  But, 
unfortunately,  MacMahon  had  lost  two  days  by  going  to  Reims, 
and  he  determined  not  to  march  straight  to  Verdun,  but  to  bend 
a  little  to  the  north  in  the  direction  of  Montmedy,  hoping  thus  to 
avoid  the  enemy  altogether. 

When  MacMahon  arrived  at  the  river  at  the  end  of  the  first  MacMahon's 
day  he  was  informed  that  there  were  no  more  provisions,  although  Difflcul*ies- 
the  troops  had  been  ordered  to  carry  supplies  for  four  days.  What 
was  to  be  done  ?  He  determined  to  move  towards  Rethel  in  order 
to  get  provisions.  But  the  commissariat  was  badly  organised, 
and  the  soldiers  took  to  marauding  and  discipline  became  slack. 
At  last  they  reached  the  Aisne  and  the  Argonne,  and  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Grand  Pre  they  suddenly  came  into  contact  with  the 
German  scouts.  Moltke  was  contemplating  a  march  on  Paris, 
which  he  hoped  to  reach  in  about  a  week's  time,  when  information 
reached  him  from  different  quarters,  notably  by  telegraph  from 
London,  through  the  French  Press,  that  MacMahon  had  changed 
his  plans  and  intended,  if  possible,  to  join  Bazaine. 

From  this,  on  August  25th  and  26th,  he  had  to  alter  all  his  Moltke's 
calculations,  as  his  previous  arrangements  had  been  made  on  the  Masterly 
supposition  of  a  march  upon  Paris.  The  fourth  German  army,  trate2y- 
now  called  the  Army  of  the  Meuse,  had  reached  the  valley  of 
that  river  and  was  occupying  the  road  between  Clermont  and  St. 
Menehould,  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  historic  town 
of  Varennes  ;  but  it  was  not,  of  itself,  strong  enough  to  oppose 
MacMahon,  if  he  should  operate  in  the  direction  of  Metz.  The 
Third  Army  had  established  communications  with  the  Fourth, 
and  the  two  armies  together  formed  a  line  forty-six  miles  long, 
broken  by  a  right  angle.  In  order  to  crush  the  French  army  it 
was  necessary  that,  while  the  Fourth  Army  detained  the  French 
and  obstructed  their  progress,  the  Third  should  make  a  long  bend 
to  the  east  to  envelop  them  and  deal  a  crushing  blow.  These 
complicated  operations  were  carried  out  with  such  precision  that 
in  no  single  case  did  any  crossing  of  soldiers  occur.  This  rapid 
wheel  to  the  right  of  an  army  of  more  than  200,000  men,  and  its 
concentration  at  the  point  originally  determined,  is  probably  one 
of  the  most  masterly  exploits  ever  executed  in  any  war.  There 
was  great  difficulty  in  procuring  subsistence  upon  a  new  line  of 

205 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Palikao's 
Anger. 


Moltke 


MacMahon. 


advance,  but  this  was  met  by  the  zeal  and  resource  of  the 
commissariat. 

On  August  27th  MacMahon  fixed  his  headquarters  at  Chesne, 
in  the  Argonne.  He  was  informed  there  that  the  Fourth  Army 
was  marching  up  the  Meuse,  and  that  the  Third  had  already 
changed  its  course,  was  proceeding  north,  and  was  by  this  time 
approaching  the  Aisne.  He  now  saw  the  terrible  nature  of  the 
danger  to  which  he  was  exposed.  He  could  not  bear  to  abandon 
Bazaine,  but  he  felt  that  he  might  be  cut  off  both  from  Metz  and 
from  Paris.  After  consulting  the  Emperor,  he  sent  a  message 
to  Bazaine  at  3.25  p.m.,  saying  that  he  had  learnt  that  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Prussia  was  approaching,  and  that  he  was  obliged  to 
retreat  on  Mezieres,  unless  he  heard  that  Bazaine  had  already 
begun  his  retreat.  At  8.30  he  dispatched  a  similar  message  to 
Palikao.  If  MacMahon  had  really  reached  Mezieres  he  would 
have  been  in  easy  communication  with  Paris,  but  he  was  not  his 
own  master.  When  Palikao  received  MacMahon's  dispatch  he 
sent  a  furious  telegram,  not  to  the  general,  but  to  the  Emperor, 
at  ii  :  "  If  you  abandon  Bazaine  the  Revolution  will  be  in  Paris, 
and  you  will  be  yourself  attacked  by  all  the  forces  of  the  enemy. 
Paris  can  protect  herself  against  an  attack  from  outside.  The 
fortifications  are  finished ;  it  seems  to  me  urgent  that  you 
should  rapidly  reach  Bazaine."  The  dispatch  concluded  by 
saying  that  it  was  quite  impossible  that  the  Crown  Prince  could  be 
where  MacMahon  believed  him  to  be.  This  dispatch  reached 
MacMahon  at  i  in  the  morning,  and,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrance 
of  the  army,  he  determined  to  obey  it.  The  retreat  towards 
Mezieres  had  already  begun,  the  weather  was  terrible,  the  country 
extremely  difficult,  and  everything  was  thrown  into  confusion  by 
the  change  of  plan. 

On  August  28th  MacMahon  had  his  headquarters  at  Stone. 
Here  he  learned  in  the  afternoon  that  the  Germans  had  occupied 
Stenay.  This  was  very  grave,  because  it  closed  the  route  to 
Metz  by  Montmedy,  the  alternative  route  by  Verdun  having  been 
closed  long  ago.  At  the  same  time  he  received  another  dispatch 
from  Palikao,  ordering  him  to  relieve  Bazaine.  Below  Stenay 
there  was  a  bridge  thrown  across  the  Meuse  at  Mouzon,  and  a 
wooden  bridge  lower  down  at  Remilly.  MacMahon  intended  to 
cross  the  Meuse  by  these  bridges,  to  reach  Carignan,  and  then 
march  up  the  Chiers  to  Montmedy.  This  plan  was  unwise, 
because  it  delayed  the  march  of  the  army  and  brought  it  too  near 
the  Belgian  frontier,  which  it  was  contrary  to  international  law 
to  cross.  Orders  had  been  given  to  carry  out  these  movements, 

206 


BATTLE    OF    BEAUMONT 

but  they  went  wrong,  and  August  zgth  was  a  day  of  disaster. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  was  favourable  to  Moltke,  who  had  his 
headquarters  at  Grand  Pre.  All  his  calculations  turned  out  as 
he  would  wish.  The  Army  of  the  Meuse  was  almost  concentrated, 
and  the  army  of  the  Crown  Prince  was  only  a  march  behind.  He 
had  penetrated  the  design  of  MacMahon  and  determined  to 
prevent  it.  He  therefore  gave  orders  for  an  attack  on  Beaumont, 
a  small  town  lying  two  miles  from  the  Meuse,  and  about  six  miles 
from  Mouzon. 

On  the  morning  of  August  zgth  the  fifth  corps  reached  the  Battle  of 
place  in  small  detachments,  weary  and  harassed,  wishing  for  Beaumont. 
nothing  but  repose,  and  many  of  the  troops  did  not  arrive  till 
night.  MacMahon  reached  Beaumont  at  7  a.m.  He  had  no 
idea  of  immediate  danger,  and  the  troops,  resting  after  their 
labour,  were  engaged  in  foraging.  The  town  was  surrounded  by 
woods  and  there  were  many  farms  on  the  slopes.  The  troops 
were  principally  encamped  on  the  south  of  the  town,  at  dangerous 
positions,  but  were  so  tired  when  they  arrived  that  they  were 
allowed  to  rest  in  the  first  places  they  reached.  Failly,  who 
commanded,  fancied  himself  in  perfect  security,  and  had  no 
apprehension  of  attack.  Suddenly,  just  after  the  church  clock 
had  struck  mid-day,  a  cannonade  began.  The  panic  was 
indescribable,  but  the  chivalrous  French  spirit  asserted  itself, 
and  the  best  preparations  were  made  for  defence  which  circum- 
stances allowed.  But  no  resistance  was  possible,  and  everything 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Prussians — tents,  baggage,  even  the 
wounded — and  prisoners  were  made  in  crowds.  The  fifth  corps 
was  entirely  defeated.  The  first  corps  had  just  crossed  the  Meuse 
at  Remilly  and  were  pursuing  their  road  to  Carignan,  when  they 
heard  the  cannon  of  Beaumont.  They  could  not  retreat,  how- 
ever, because  the  Emperor  was  with  them,  and  they  could  not 
desert  him.  The  seventh  corps  was  at  Stone  when  they  heard 
the  sound  of  the  battle,  about  six  miles  from  Beaumont,  but 
they  dared  not  disobey  orders,  and  had  to  continue  their  march. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  pursue  the  dolorous  story.  The  day  of 
Beaumont  was  fatal.  Eighteen  hundred  men  were  killed  and 
wounded  and  3,000  taken  prisoners. 

After  the  battle  the  Emperor  might  have  escaped  to  Mezieres  Concentra- 
and  secured  his  personal  safety,  but  he  refused  to  leave  the  army,  tion  on 
He  reached  Carignan  at  4.30  p.m.  on  August  30th,  and  sent  a  Sedan' 
reassuring  dispatch  to  the  Empress  ;    but  MacMahon  was    aware 
that  the  Army  of  Chalons  had  been  overtaken  by  the  forces  of 
the  enemy  in  far  greater  numbers  than  his  own.    The  march  to 

207 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Position  at 
Metz. 


Bazaine's 
Final  Effort 


Montm6dy  had  become  impossible,  and  all  idea  of  relieving  Bazaine 
at  Metz  was  at  an  end.  The  choice  remained  between  fighting  a 
battle  at  Mouzon  and  retreating  westwards  without  fighting,  to 
prevent  the  army,  if  possible,  from  being  surrounded.  The 
Marshal  therefore  concentrated  his  forces  at  Sedan,  which  could 
only  be  effected  by  a  night  march.  Every  preparation  had  been 
made  for  the  Emperor's  passing  the  night  at  Carignan,  but  at  n 
he  left  unexpectedly  by  railway  for  Sedan,  which  is  about  twelve 
miles  off ;  the  troops,  marching  through  the  night,  reached  their 
encampments  at  Sedan  on  the  morning  of  August  3ist,  some 
arriving  as  late  as  9. 

We  must  now  consider  the  position  of  Bazaine  in  Metz,  which 
MacMahon  and  Palikao  were  so  anxious  to  relieve.  The  Prussian 
army  of  the  siege,  gradually  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of 
reservists  and  other  soldiers,  contained  now  more  than  150,000 
combatants.  It  invested  the  city  on  both  sides  of  the  Moselle 
and  was  stationed  in  trenches,  batteries,  and  parallels,  often 
double  or  three-fold  in  depth,  the  artisans  within  the  lines  being 
utilised  for  the  investment.  The  outposts  were  pushed  forward 
as  far  as  the  fire  of  the  forts  permitted  ;  indeed,  they  were  gener- 
ally within  reach  of  the  heavy  ordnance,  only  the  reserve  being 
entirely  out  of  range.  The  whole  length  of  the  line  of  invest- 
ment was  about  thirty  miles.  Observatories  were  erected  on  all 
lofty  points,  and  connected  by  telegraph  with  each  other  and  with 
the  different  headquarters,  so  that  any  weakness  in  the  blockade 
could  be  immediately  repaired.  The  fortress  was  well  supplied 
with  ammunition,  but  not  so  well  with  provisions,  as  the  city 
contained,  besides  the  army  of  Bazaine,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city  and  those  of  a  great  part  of  the  surrounding  country. 

Considering  these  difficulties,  it  is  creditable  to  Bazaine  that  he 
was  able  to  make  a  sortie  on  August  26th  when  MacMahon's  army 
was  marching  from  Reims  to  Rethel.  His  object  was  to  get 
possession  of  Thionville  and  force  his  way  to  Chalons  by  the  passes 
of  the  north,  but  after  a  few  attempts  he  became  convinced  that 
the  Prussians  were  stronger  than  himself,  and  he  determined  to 
postpone  any  other  efforts  until  the  ground  should  have  recovered 
from  the  effects  of  heavy  rains.  However,  on  August  3ist  he 
made  a  powerful  sortie  with  the  object  of  driving  the  Prussians 
back  or,  at  least,  replenishing  his  commissariat.  He  advanced  by 
the  right  bank  of  the  Moselle,  and  succeeded  in  getting  as  far  as 
Columbey,  but  he  was  defeated  by  Manteuffel.  The  French  army 
was  driven  back  to  Metz  on  September  ist,  and  its  surrender  was 
merely  a  matter  of  time,  as  provisions  were  becoming  scarcer, 

208 


MACMAHON'S    LAST    HOPE 

and  after   the   last  sortie  the  besieged  began  to  slaughter   their 
horses. 

Sedan  was  one  of  the  worst  places  which  could  have  been  The  EYC  of 
chosen  as  a  refuge  for  a  defeated  army.  It  was  surrounded  on  Sedan. 
the  south,  north,  east,  and  west  by  a  series  of  hills  which 
dominated  the  river,  the  city,  and  fortress.  To  the  east  stretched 
the  last  spurs  of  the  Argonne  from  Remilly  to  Donchery,  which 
offered  a  favourable  spot  for  placing  artillery,  and  there  were 
similar  heights  on  the  north-east.  To  the  north  the  hills  were  of 
a  different  description,  as  they  were  separated  from  each  other 
by  deep  ravines.  Important  points  on  this  side  were  the  plateaux 
of  Illy,  on  the  summit  of  which  was  a  Calvary,  the  peninsula  of 
Iges  surrounded  by  the  Meuse,  and  the  heights  of  the  Ardennes, 
which  marked  the  Belgian  frontier.  If  the  enemy  occupied  these 
heights  he  would  be  master  of  Sedan,  of  the  army,  indeed,  of 
everything,  and  would  be  able  to  cut  off  the  French  retreat. 
MacMahon's  only  hope  lay  in  seizing  these  eminences,  destroying 
the  bridges  across  the  Meuse  at  Bazeilles  and  Donchery,  march- 
ing along  the  defile  between  the  Meuse  and  the  frontier,  and 
so  reaching  Mezieres  and  Paris.  This  was  the  last  chance  of 
safety,  but  the  Germans  were  using  these  remaining  hours  of 
grace  in  a  manner  to  make  it  impossible  for  the  French  to 
profit  by  it. 

King  William  arrived  at  Buzancy  on  August  30th,  and  in  the  Wimpffen 
evening  was  informed  of  the  victory  of  Beaumont.  Orders  were  ArriYes 
immediately  given  to  the  two  Crown  Princes  to  close  all  avenues  from  Paris* 
of  retreat  for  the  French,  the  Saxons  those  on  the  east,  the 
Prussians  those  on  the  south  and  west.  Bismarck  reminded 
King  Leopold  of  his  duty  to  disarm  any  Frenchman  who  crossed 
the  frontier.  Sedan  being  too  small  to  contain  the  retreating 
army,  the  fifth  corps  took  up  a  perilous  position  at  Vieux  Camp, 
the  seventh  corps  on  the  slopes  of  Algerie,  and  the  twelfth  corps 
at  Bazeilles.  Ducrot  was  still  on  the  march.  At  9  a.m.  Wimpffen 
suddenly  arrived  from  Paris,  having  travelled  thither  from  Algiers. 
He  had  with  him  an  order  to  supersede  Failly  in  the  command  of 
the  fifth  corps.  MacMahon  was  much  distressed  at  this,  and 
considered  that  Failly  had  been  badly  treated.  Wimpffen  also 
had  with  him  a  letter,  of  which  he  said  nothing,  which  gave  him 
the  command  of  the  whole  army  in  case  MacMahon  should  be 
disabled.  At  9.30  the  Marshal  ascended  to  the  summit  of  the 
citadel ;  the  view  to  the  north  and  to  the  north-east  was  cut  off, 
but  in  other  directions  he  saw  quite  enough  to  convince  him  that 
he  had  no  time  to  lose  if  he  intended  to  reach  Mezieres.  He 

o  209 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Army 
Trapped 


ordered  the  bridge  at  Donchery  to  be  destroyed,  but  this  was  not 
done. 

The  French  About  io  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  August  3ist  news  was 
brought  to  the  Emperor  that  the  enemy  were  close  to  Donchery 
and  advancing  to  M£zieres,  but  the  Emperor  still  believed  that 
a  retreat  to  the  west  was  possible,  nor  was  MacMahon  less 
obstinate  in  his  conviction  that  there  was  no  pressing  danger. 
The  officer  who  brought  the  news  found,  on  his  return,  that  the 
road  by  which  the  Emperor  wished  to  withdraw  his  army  was 
so  encumbered  by  fugitives  as  to  be  useless.  Early  in  the  morning 
the  Bavarians  were  approaching  Bazeilles,  and  had  prevented 
the  destruction  of  the  bridge.  Other  misfortunes  occurred. 
MacMahon  had  expected  to  find  four  days'  provisions  in  Sedan. 
They  were  indeed  there,  but  the  greater  part  was  in  railway 
wagons.  At  the  first  sound  of  the  firing  the  station-master  had 
lost  his  head  and  sent  them  all  off  to  Mezieres.  This  increased 
the  urgency  of  departure.  The  Marshal  hoped  that  the  Meuse 
would  protect  him,  but  the  bridges  still  existed,  which  allowed  the 
advance  of  the  enemy.  The  bridge  of  Douzy  over  the  Chiers  was 
left  standing,  like  the  bridge  of  Bazeilles.  As  soon  as  the  sappers, 
sent  to  destroy  the  bridge  at  Donchery,  got  out  of  the  carriages, 
the  train  steamed  off  to  Mezieres  with  their  powder  and  tools,  so 
that  nothing  could  be  done.  As  the  day  advanced,  the  net 
gradually  closed  round  the  devoted  army.  At  5.30  a  kind  of 
council  was  held,  when  it  was  found  that,  although  MacMahon 
was  determined  to  get  away,  he  did  not  know  by  what  route  he 
should  effect  his  object.  When  night  fell  the  French  army 
remained  in  the  position  in  which  they  happened  to  find  them- 
selves, the  fires  of  the  Belgian  troops  marking  the  line  of  the 
frontier.  Moltke  had  only  one  anxiety — that  his  prey  might 
escape  him  in  the  night.  If  the  morning  found  the  French  still 
where  they  were  his  triumph  was  assured. 

On  September  ist,  1870,  the  French  army  at  Sedan  was 
confined  within  a  space  of  four  miles  and  a  half  from  north  to 
south  and  two  miles  from  east  to  west.  Sedan  lies  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Meuse  with  the  suburb  of  Torcy  on  the  left  bank, 
defended  by  a  tete-du-pont.  The  village  of  Bazeilles  is  on  the 
right  bank,  and  so  is  Balan,  a  suburb  of  Sedan,  above  the  town* 
On  the  east  are  the  villages  of  Givonne,  Daigny  and  Moncelles, 
and  on  the  north-west  those  of  Illy  and  Floing.  The  ground 
between  Sedan  and  Bazeilles,  on  the  right  bank,  is  low,  whereas 
on  the  opposite  side  the  high  ground  comes  down  to  the  bank 
of  the  river  between  Remilly  and  Wadelincourt.  The  wood  of 

210 


The  Battle- 
field of 
Sedan. 


BATTLE    OF    SEDAN 


Garenne,  which  played  an  important  part  in  the  battle,  lies  to 
the  north  of  the  town.  Sedan  is  seven  miles  distant  from  the 
Belgian  frontier. 

The  right  wing  of  the  French  held  Balan  and  Bazeilles  and  was  Positions  at 
opposed  to  the  Bavarians  ;  then  came  the  first  French  corps  at  Sedan. 
Givonne  and  Daigny,  opposed  by  the  Prussian  Guard  and  the 
Saxons  of  the  twelfth  corps.  The  positions  of  Illy  and  Floing 
to  the  north  of  Sedan  were  defended  by  the  seventh  French  corps 
and  two  cavalry  divisions  and  were  attacked  by  the  eleventh  and 
fifth  corps,  together  with  some  cavalry.  The  fifth  French  corps 
was  posted  just  outside  Sedan  to  act  as  a  reserve.  But  the  three 
main  posts  of  the  French  position  —  Bazeilles  to  the  south-east, 
the  valley  of  the  Givonne,  and  the  positions  of  Floing  and  Illy 
—  were  all  exposed  to  the  attack  of  the  German  troops,  marshalled 
for  the  purpose  by  the  consummate  skill  of  Moltke. 

The  battle  began  before  daylight,  at  4  in  the  morning  of  MacMahon 
September  ist,  by  the  Bavarians  under  Von  der  Tann  advancing  Wounded. 
to  attack  Bazeilles.  The  village  was  most  obstinately  defended 
in  the  streets,  houses  and  gardens,  both  by  the  soldiers  and  the 
inhabitants,  and  was  only  captured  after  a  severe  struggle.  At 
5  Lebrun  sent  word  to  MacMahon  that  he  was  severely  attacked 
and  that  a  great  battle  was  imminent.  MacMahon  rode  out  to 
see  for  himself,  and  as  he  was  reconnoitring  from  a  point  of 
vantage,  with  a  field-glass  in  his  hand,  the  splinters  of  a  shell 
wounded  him  in  the  thigh.  He  fell  from  his  horse  and  became 
insensible.  The  wound  was  not  dangerous,  but  it  entirely 
incapacitated  him  for  performing  the  duties  of  command,  and 
he  was  carried  back  into  Sedan.  This  happened  at  6.15.  The 
tidings  were  brought  to  the  Emperor  as  he  was  dressing,  and  his 
eyes  filled  with  tears.  He  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  along  the 
Daigny  road  to  Bazeilles. 

When  MacMahon  found  that  he  was  wounded,  he  nominated  Wimpffen 
Ducrot  as  his  successor,  a  man  of  great  energy  and  fine  and 
decisive  character.  He  saw  that  the  one  chance  of  safety  lay  in 
reaching  Mezi£res,  where  he  would  find  the  corps  of  Vinoy  and 
a  good  supply  of  provisions,  and  be  in  communication  with  the 
northern  fortresses.  He  had  desired  to  begin  the  march  on  the 
day  before,  but  as  soon  as  he  heard  that  he  was  in  command  he 
said  there  was  not  a  moment  to  lose  and  that  the  plans  already 
formed  must  be  carried  out.  The  army  did  not  like  the  notion 
of  a  retreat,  but  Ducrot  was  perfectly  right.  He  explained  that 
the  attack  was  merely  a  feint,  and  that  the  real  struggle  was  to 
come  in  the  opposite  direction.  It  is  still  disputed  among  military 


Command. 


211 


A   HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Wimpffen's 
Optimism. 


"La 

derniere 
cartouche." 


The  King 
at  Sedan. 


experts  whether  a  retreat  would  have  been  honourable,  and 
there  is  no  doubt  but  that  it  would  have  been  very  difficult.  At 
this  moment  Ducrot  received  a  letter  from  Wimpffen  informing 
him  that  he  (Wimpffen)  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  by 
the  Minister  of  War  at  Paris,  and  that  he  was  strongly  opposed  to 
a  retreat.  A  heated  personal  interview  ensued.  Ducrot,  who 
knew  the  Prussians  and  the  ground,  insisted  that  they  were 
being  surrounded.  Wimpffen,  who  knew  neither,  maintained  that 
Lebrun  must  be  supported  at  all  hazards  in  his  contest  against 
the  Bavarians.  Ducrot,  obeying  the  orders  of  Palikao,  rode  away, 
declaring  that  all  was  lost. 

Wimpffen  was  brave  and  energetic,  but  penetrated  by  the 
ideas  of  Palikao.  He  still  believed  that  the  proper  course  was  to 
press  on  to  Carignan  and  thence  to  Montmedy,  in  the  hope  of  join- 
ing Bazaine,  and  regarded  the  defeat  of  the  Bavarians  at  Bazeilles 
as  the  first  step  in  the  operation.  He  said  to  the  Emperor,  whom 
he  met  in  the  valley  of  the  Givonne,  "  Don't  be  distressed,  your 
Majesty  ;  in  two  hours  I  shall  have  thrown  the  enemy  into  the 
Meuse."  As  he  rode  away,  he  heard  a  voice  behind  him,  "  Pray 
God  that  we  are  not  thrown  into  the  river  ourselves/'  His  idea  of 
retreating  to  Carignan  was  purely  chimerical,  when  the  Saxons 
had,  after  superhuman  efforts,  obtained  possession  of  the  ridge 
of  Villers  and  Cernay  and  the  valley  of  the  Daigny  and  Givonne, 
and  had  joined  the  Bavarians,  who  had  become  masters  of 
Bazeilles  ;  and,  when  these  two  victorious  arms  had  united  to 
drive  the  French  out  of  Balan,  the  issue  of  the  battle  could  be  no 
longer  doubtful. 

Just  as  Wimpffen  was  making  efforts  to  throw  the  Prussians 
into  the  Meuse,  Von  der  Tann  was  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  the 
fourth  Prussian  corps,  while  the  Saxons  held  Moncelle  and  the 
valley  of  the  Givonne.  The  struggle  in  Bazeilles  became  more 
and  more  severe.  At  this  time  occurred  the  incident  known  as 
"  la  derniere  cartouche,"  in  which  an  isolated  house  was  held 
by  fifty  men  and  three  officers  against  masses  of  the  enemy. 
They  fought  until  only  a  single  cartridge  was  left,  and  when 
that  was  fired  the  few  survivors  surrendered.  Bazeilles  was 
captured  at  mid-day. 

During  the  battle  the  Crown  Prince  took  his  stand  a  little  to 
the  south  of  the  village  of  Donchery,  and  the  King  of  Prussia 
established  himself  at  a  point  a  little  farther  to  the  east,  from 
which  the  whole  field  was  visible.  This  stationary  position  of  the 
two  commanders  was  of  great  advantage,  both  for  receiving  reports 
and  sending  orders.  After  the  capture  of  Bazeilles,  the  French 

212 


NAPOLEON    SEEKS    DEATH 

artillery  had  been  compelled  to  retire  to  a  new  position  at  Balan, 
and  all  possibility  of  their  being  able  to  break  through  on  this 
side  was  at  an  end. 

At  this  moment  the  Emperor  rode  back  to  Sedan,   passing  The 
through  Balan.     He  found  that  he  was  neglected  on  the  battle-  Emperor's 
field,  and  that  his  physical  powers  were  exhausted.     He  had  to 
force  his  way  through  crowds  of  running  troops,  who  were  seeking 
refuge  in  the  fortress,  while  shells  were  falling  in  the  streets.     As 
he  rode  into  the  town,  one  of  the  projectiles  exploded  in  front  of 
him  and  killed  his  horse. 

Meanwhile  the  battle  began  to  rage  in  the  direction  of  the 
north-west.  The  Prussian  troops  approached  by  the  difficult  road 
which  Ducrot  would  have  followed  had  he  been  able  to  carry  out 
his  plan  of  retreating  to  Mezieres.  The  French  divisions  holding 
Floing  and  Illy  were  exposed  to  an  awful  fire  of  artillery,  and  by 
noon  all  hope  of  escape  was  closed.  Illy  was  then  taken  by  the 
advance  of  the  Prussian  Guards,  the  iron  ring  closed  more  pitilessly 
round  the  fortress,  and  the  end  was  at  hand. 

What  was  the  condition  of  things  in  Sedan  ?  All  night  no  one  Napoleon's 
had  slept  for  terror.  At  dawn  of  September  ist  men  began  to  Despair. 
creep  away  to  Bouillon.  As  the  sun  mounted,  the  roar  of  guns 
spread  from  south  to  north,  from  north  to  east,  and  then  all  round, 
and  the  streets  swarmed  with  wounded  soldiers.  About  noon, 
accompanied  by  his  staff  of  aides-de-camp,  the  Emperor  rode  in, 
a  death's  head  at  this  feast  of  horrors.  It  was  said  that  for  four 
hours  he  sought  death ;  certainly  he  had  done  nothing  to  avoid 
it.  He  would  have  set  out  again,  but  it  was  impossible  to  leave 
the  town.  He  knew  that  all  was  over,  that  further  resistance 
was  useless,  and  hoisted  the  white  flag  on  the  summit  of  the  citadel, 
but  no  one  heeded  it  and  it  was  pulled  down. 

Wimpffen,  persisting  in  his  delusions,  begged  the  Emperor 
to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops  and  cut  a  passage  out  of 
Sedan.  Napoleon,  better  informed,  refused.  Wimpffen,  attempt- 
ing the  mad  enterprise  himself,  forced  his  way  with  a  body  of  men 
through  the  Bavarians,  but  behind  the  Bavarians  he  found  the 
solid  Saxons  and  then  realised  that  the  battle  had  been  lost  and 
won. 

Ducrot  sought  his  master  at  the  palace,  as  all  headquarters 
of  the  Emperor  were  called  during  the  time  of  war. 

"  How  I  wish  I  had  listened  to  you  !  "  said  the  Sovereign ; 
"  the  retreat  by  Mezieres  was  our  only  chance  of  safety."  Silence 
followed,  broken  by  the  roar  of  cannon. 

"  How  can  we  stop  this  firing  ?  "  continued  the  master.    *'  I 

213 


A  Curious 
Position. 


Napoleon 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

have  hoisted  the  white  flag ;  I  wish  for  an  interview  with  the 
King  of  Prussia.  I  think  I  might  obtain  favourable  terms." 

Ducrot  shook  his  head,  remarking  that  he  had  not  much 
confidence  in  the  generosity  of  the  enemy.  He  suggested  a 
sortie  in  the  night,  but  the  Emperor  said,  "  All  our  chances 
are  lost." 

The  storm  of  cannon-balls  became  heavier  and  heavier,  and  a 
shell  exploded  in  the  courtyard. 

The  Emperor  dictated  to  Ducrot  these  words,  "  The  white 
flag  having  been  hoisted  and  negotiations  opened  with  the  enemy, 
firing  must  cease  all  along  the  line." 

But  who  was  to  sign  it  ?  Ducrot  refused,  on  the  ground  that 
Wimpffen  was  Commander-in-Chief.  But  where  was  Wimpffen  ? 
Eventually  Ducrot  carried  off  the  order,  looking  for  someone  to 
sign  it. 

Lebrun  arrived  and  a  similar  conversation  took  place.  He 
said,  "  If  you  wish  the  firing  to  cease,  you  must  send  a  message 
to  the  enemy  by  a  bugler  and  a  white  flag.  The  message 
must  carry  a  request  for  an  armistice,  signed  by  the  general 
commanding." 

The  paper  was  drawn  up  and  Lebrun,  like  Ducrot,  looked 
for  someone  to  sign  it.  Both  were  unsuccessful.  Faure  refused 
the  request  of  Ducrot,  and  Wimpffen  that  of  Lebrun. 

Napoleon  was  in  despair.     Neither  Ducrot  nor  Lebrun  returned  ; 


Surrenders.  \vimpffen  had  disappeared  from  view,  and  general  after  general 
was  killed.  At  last  some  Prussians  came,  summoning  the  fortress 
to  surrender.  Then  Napoleon  wrote  with  a  firm  hand  : 

"  SIRE,  MY  BROTHER, — 

"  Not  having  been  able  to  die  in  the  midst  of  my 
troops,  there  is  nothing  left  me  but  to  render  my  sword  into 
the  hands  of  Your  Majesty. 

"  I  am,  Your  Majesty's  good  brother, 

"  NAPOLEON." 

Reille  took  this  letter  to  the  King,  who  did   not   know  that 
his  "  good  brother  "  was  in  Sedan,  and  who  answered  : 

"  MY  BROTHER, — 

"  While  regretting  the  circumstances  in  which  we  meet, 
I  accept  Your  Majesty's  sword,  and  request  that  you  will 
appoint  one  of  your  officers,  and  furnish  him  with  the  neces- 
sary powers  to  treat  for  the  capitulation  of  the  army  which 

214 


NAPOLEON    AND    THE    KING 

has  fought  so  valiantly  under  your  command.    I,  for  my  part, 
have  appointed  General  Moltke  to  this  duty. 

"  Your  loving  brother, 

"  WILHELM." 

Whom  should  the  Emperor  appoint  to  represent  him  ?     With  Moitke's 
great  difficulty  Wimpffen  was  persuaded  to  accept  the  duty,  and  Term8« 
he  left  for  Donchery.    The  discussion  about  terms  of  surrender 
lasted  two  hours. 

Moltke  said,  "  The  whole  army  must  be  prisoners,  with  arms 
and  baggage  ;  the  officers  will  be  allowed  to  retain  their  swords, 
but  they  will  be  prisoners  like  the  rest." 

Wimpffen  tried  to  obtain  easier  terms,  but  Bismarck  replied 
that  France  had  declared  war,  and  that  the  whole  army  must  be 
transported  to  Germany ;  then  he  added  that,  as  a  condition 
of  peace,  Germany  would  demand  the  cession  of  Alsace  and 
Lorraine,  and  an  indemnity  of  4,000,000,000  francs. 

To  a  suggestion  of  further  resistance  Moltke  replied,  "  You 
have  no  provisions  and  no  munitions  of  war ;  your  army  is 
decimated.  You  may  verify  our  position  :  we  can  destroy  you 
in  two  hours." 

In  fact,  Sedan  was  menaced  by  500  cannon. 

Wimpffen,  however,  threatened  to  renew  the  struggle. 

"  As  you  please,"  said  Moltke ;  "  the  armistice  will  end 
at  4  o'clock  to-morrow  afternoon ;  at  that  hour  I  will  re- 
open fire." 

At  6  next  morning,  September  2nd,  Napoleon  set  out  to  visit  Napoleon's 
King    William.      Bismarck    met    him    just    before    he    reached  J°™«y  *« 
Donchery,  and  they  went  into  a  weaver's  cottage  by  the  roadside.  hg1hee ' 
Napoleon  asked  for  easier  conditions,  and  Bismarck  referred  him 
to  Moltke,  who  asked  whether  he  were  prepared  to  negotiate ; 
but  the  Emperor  answered  that  he  was  prisoner  of  war  and  could 
do  nothing.     He  begged  to  see  the  King,  and  this  was  allowed, 
after  the  capitulation  had  been  signed.     The  interview  took  place 
at   the  Chateau  Bellevue,   close  to  Frenois,   and  lasted  twenty 
minutes.    Nothing  was  settled,  except  that  Napoleon  was  to  go 
to  Wilhelmshohe,  the  former  palace  of  his  uncle,  Jerome,  King  of 
Westphalia. 

The  Emperor  left  on  the  following  day,  September  3rd,  for 
Wilhelmshohe.  He  slept  the  first  night  at  Bouillon,  in  a  little 
inn,  and  as  he  drove  to  the  door  tears  coursed  down  his  cheeks. 
The  French  army,  now  prisoners,  were  shut  up  in  the  Peninsula 
of  Iges,  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  the  Meuse,  on  the  fourth  by 

215 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

a  canal ;  21,000  prisoners  had  been  made  during  the  battle  ;  to 
these  were  now  added  83,000.  Their  condition  was  very  miser- 
able ;  they  were  without  shelter,  straw,  and  huts,  and  had  only 
scanty  provisions.  On  September  6th  they  began  to  leave  for 
Germany,  2,000  men  at  a  time.  A  few,  but  only  a  few,  succeeded 
in  escaping. 


216 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  WAR  WITH  THE  REPUBLIC 

THE  earliest  news  of  the  defeat  of  Sedan  reached  Paris  on  the  After  Sedan, 
afternoon  of  the  fatal  day.  Next  day,  September  2nd,  a 
telegram  arrived  :  "  Great  disasters ;  MacMahon  killed ;  the 
Emperor  prisoner ;  where  the  Prince  Imperial  is,  unknown."  On 
September  3rd  the  extent  of  the  catastrophe  was  revealed.  The 
Emperor  telegraphed  to  the  Empress,  "  The  army  is  defeated 
and  captured.  I  am  myself  a  prisoner." 

On  September  4th  the  momentous  decision  had  to  be  made 
whether  the  Empire  should  continue  or  not.  Perhaps,  could 
Palikao  have  seized  the  occasion,  the  Regency  might  have  been 
preserved,  but  the  opportunity  was  lost.  The  Chambers  met 
towards  the  previous  midnight,  and  the  news  of  disaster  was 
confirmed.  Thereupon  Jules  Favre  proposed  that  Louis  Napoleon 
Bonaparte  and  his  dynasty  should  be  considered  as  deposed,  that 
a  provisional  government  should  be  formed,  and  that  Trochu 
should  be  continued  as  Governor-General  of  Paris — a  proposal 
less  astonishing  in  itself  than  the  torpor  with  which  it  was  received. 
The  Ministers  met  in  council  at  the  Tuileries  at  8  on  the  morning 
of  the  4th.  There  was  great  difference  of  opinion.  One  remarked 
that  the  Emperor  alone  could  abdicate,  that  the  Empress  could 
not,  since  her  power  was  derived  from  him  alone.  The  Empress 
was  strongly  opposed  to  anything  which  might  cause  civil  war  ; 
if  she  had  to  disappear,  she  said  she  would  rather  do  so  peace- 
fully. It  was  proposed  to  commit  to  the  Chamber  the  election  of 
a  Council  of  Regency.  The  dispatches  which  reached  the  Empress 
during  the  day  announced  the  increase  of  popular  excitement  in 
Paris  and  the  fact  that  the  Republic  had  been  proclaimed  at 
Lyons. 

About  10  o'clock  bodies  of  workmen  gathered  in  the  centre  Revolution 
of  Paris.     In  the  Place  Vendome  there  was  a  cry  of  "  Decheance  !  Once  More. 
Decheance  !  "    National  Guards  also  appeared  in  the  Rue  Royale 
and  the  Rue  de  Rivoli,  for  the  most  part  without  arms.     It  is 
probable  that  these  movements  were  organised  by  the  advanced 
Liberals,  such  as  Delescluze  and  Blanqui.     It  is  well  known  that, 
in  the  Revolution  of  1789,  few  popular  movements  of  any  kind, 

217 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The 

Chamber 

Attacked. 


Trcchu's 
Government. 


such  as  the  march  to  Versailles  and  the  Massacres  of  September, 
took  place  without  being  organised  and  paid  for.  Palikao  said 
that  he  was  sufficiently  strong  to  put  down  any  hostile  agitation, 
and  could  dispose  of  40,000  men,  but  this  number  was  greatly 
exaggerated.  Indeed,  the  only  man  on  whom  he  could  depend 
was  Trochu,  who  was  by  no  means  popular  at  Court,  being  especi- 
ally disliked  by  the  Empress.  He  was  a  friend  of  the  Opposition, 
however,  and  much  beloved  of  the  people.  It  is  believed  that, 
at  this  time,  he  might  have  saved  the  dynasty  had  not  Palikao 
offended  him  by  attempting  to  entrust  the  defence  of  Paris  to 
his  subordinate.  Nor  had  Trochu  the  magnanimity  to  offer  his 
services  unreservedly  to  the  Sovereign,  so  that  on  September  4th, 
although  he  did  nothing  to  stir  the  emeute,  he  allowed  it  to 
proceed  unchecked. 

When  the  Chambers  met  on  September  4th  there  were  three 
proposals  before  them — those  of  the  Government,  of  Jules  Favre, 
and  of  Thiers.  Palikao,  in  the  name  of  the  Government,  pro- 
posed to  establish  a  Council  of  Government  and  National  Defence. 
The  Council  was  to  be  composed  of  five  members  to  be  elected  by 
an  absolute  majority  of  the  legislative  body,  while  the  Council 
was  to  nominate  Ministers,  with  Palikao  as  Lieutenant-General. 
A  grave  defect  in  the  motion  was  that  it  made  no  mention  of  the 
Regent. 

Jules  Favre  simply  proposed  decheance — that  is,  deposition  of 
the  Napoleon  dynasty,  as  he  had  done  a  few  hours  before.  Thiers 
advocated  the  creation  of  a  Committee  of  Government  and 
National  Defence.  The  question  of  decheance  was  left  open.  The 
majority  was  in  favour  of  Thiers'  proposition,  but  before  the 
vote  could  be  taken  the  Chamber  was  attacked  by  the  mob. 
There  is  no  need  to  describe  the  scene,  which  followed  the  course 
of  all  Paris  revolutions.  The  Empress,  like  Louis  XVI.  and  Louis 
Philippe,  was  opposed  to  the  shedding  of  blood,  and  the  troops 
and  police  retired,  leaving  the  mob  masters  of  the  situation.  A 
cry  arose  that  the  members  should  quit  the  Palais  Bourbon  and 
proceed  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  and  thither  accordingly  they  went, 
Jules  Favre,  a  man  of  lofty  stature  and  unblemished  character, 
leading  the  way. 

Trochu,  the  most  popular  man  in  Paris,  was  sent  for,  and  came 
with  some  hesitation.  He  refused  to  act  without  consulting 
Palikao,  his  superior  officer,  whom  he  found  completely  crushed, 
seated  with  his  face  in  his  hands,  having  just  heard  of  the  death 
of  his  son  at  Sedan.  After  listening  to  Trochu's  statement,  he  said, 
"  If  you  do  not  take  the  direction  of  affairs,  everything  will  be 

218 


FLIGHT    OF    THE    EMPRESS 

lost ;  if  you  do,  everything  will  be  equally  lost,  but  at  least  the 
army  will  follow  you."  Trochu  took  this  as  consent  on  Palikao's 
part,  and  returned  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  A  new  Government 
was  formed,  of  which  he  was  the  head.  Jules  Favre  was  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  Le  Flo  of  War,  Fourichon  of  the  Navy, 
Cremieux  of  Justice,  Gambetta  of  the  Interior,  Picard  of  Finance. 
It  assumed  the  title  of  "  The  Government  of  the  National  Defence." 

While  this  was  going  on,  the  Empress  remained  at  the  The  Empress 
Tuileries,  surrounded  by  about  twenty  faithful  servants.  She  Deserted, 
heard  the  cries  of  the  mob  in  the  Rue  de  Rivoli,  and  saw,  in  the 
distance,  the  surging  crowds  in  the  Place  de  la  Concorde.  About 
2  p.m.  two  of  the  Ministers  arrived  in  the  Tuileries,  together  with 
Metternich  and  Nigra,  the  Ambassadors  of  Austria  and  Italy. 
They  had  heard  on  the  way  the  tumultuous  shouts  of  "  Deche- 
ance  !  "  and  "  Vive  la  Republique  !  "  and  advised  the  Empress  to 
seek  safety  in  flight.  When  she  heard  what  had  passed  in  the 
Chamber,  she  was  indignant  at  the  desertion  of  Deputies  who 
owed  everything  to  her.  She  then  asked  a  friend  if  the  Tuileries 
could  be  defended  without  employing  force,  and  he  replied  in  the 
negative.  "  Then  there  is  nothing  more  to  be  done/'  she 
answered,  "  for  I  will  not  have  a  civil  war."  The  servants  of  the 
household  began  to  run  away,  as  rats  desert  a  sinking  ship.  Pietri, 
the  Minister  of  Police,  arrived,  and  said :  "  We  are  betrayed.  All 
resistance  is  impossible,  and  the  forces  on  which  we  relied  are 
leaving  us.  The  safety  of  Your  Majesty  necessitates  an  immediate 
departure." 

The  Empress  bade  farewell  to  her  friends,  most  of  whom  wished  Flight  to 
to  accompany  her ;  but  she  said  that  it  would  be  impossible.  She 
was  left  alone  with  Metternich,  Nigra,  the  two  Chevreaus,  Pietri, 
and  her  reader,  Madame  Lebreton.  Eventually  she  found  an 
asylum  in  the  house  of  her  faithful  friend  Evans,  the  American 
dentist,  the  most  upright  of  men,  who,  admitted  to  the  friendship 
of  almost  every  reigning  house  in  Europe,  remained  until  his  death 
the  trusted  confidant  of  all,  as  he  had  been  the  trusted  confidant 
of  Heine  in  his  youth.  He  took  the  Empress  and  her  companions, 
with  infinite  wisdom,  to  Trouville,  where  his  wife  was  staying, 
avoided  those  mistakes  which  ruined  the  flight  of  the  old  monarchy 
to  Varennes,  and,  on  a  stormy  night,  one  of  the  most  tempestu- 
ous of  the  century,  the  night  on  which  the  Captain  foundered, 
conveyed  the  Imperial  party  in  a  private  yacht  to  Cowes. 

It  is  needless  to  describe  the  dying  agonies  of  the  Senate  and 
the  legislative  body.  These  were  neither  very  long  nor  very 
dignified.  Thiers  expressed  the  general  feeling  when  he  said  : 

219 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

"  We  have  only  a  few  moments  to  pass  together.  We  will  not 
dissolve,  but  retire  each  one  to  his  own  house,  to  live  as  good 
citizens  devoted  to  our  country.  We,  indeed,  neither  resist  nor 
assist  those  who  are  fighting  against  the  enemy.  We  can  only  say, 
'  God  help  them  ! ' 

The  Frenzy        Paris  gave  itself  up  to  scenes  already  too  common  in  its  history. 

of  ReYolu-    With  characteristic  levity  the  ensigns  of  the  Empire — the  eagles 

*ion*  and  the  crowned  N — were  destroyed  ;    omnibuses  ran  as  usual ; 

shops   and  cafes   were   open ;    cries   of   <!t  Vive  la   Republique  / " 

alternated  with  the  playing  of  the  Marseillaise.    The  police  were 

absent,   and  in  the  streets  soldiers  and  prostitutes  indulged  in 

public  debauch,   as  they  had  done  in  the  Palais  Royal  at  the 

beginning   of    the  century,   before  the    arrival    of    Napoleon    as 

First   Consul.     At   night  the  theatres  were  open  and  there  was 

almost  an  illumination. 

When  history  narrates  these  epochal  catastrophes,  it  is  difficult 
to  realise  how  little  they  interrupt  the  general  course  of  human 
affairs.  On  Sunday,  June  i8th,  1815,  when  the  fate  of  the  world 
was  being  decided  a  few  miles  off,  at  Waterloo,  the  cafes  along 
the  boulevards  of  Brussels,  which  led  to  the  battlefield,  were  all 
open,  and  the  crowds,  who  sipped  their  sugared  water,  gazed 
upon  the  passage  of  wounded  soldiers  and  fugitives  as  an  amusing 
sight. 

German  The  Imperial  family  was  once  more  in  exile — Napoleon  at  Wil- 

Advance  on  helmshohe,  the  Prince  Imperial  and  the  Empress  at  Hastings,  and 
Prince  Napoleon  at  Florence,  whence  he  was  soon  expelled,  though 
his  wife  drove  out  of  the  Palais  Royal  in  Paris  in  her  own  carriage 
like  a  true  Princess.  Pietri,  Palikao,  Chevreau,  Rouher,  Gramont 
and  Benedetti  sought  safety  in  emigration.  But  the  German  peril 
was  at  the  gates.  If  it  had  been  forgotten  in  the  moment  of 
exultation,  it  now  returned  as  a  burden  of  sorrow,  sounding 
through  all  the  chants  of  triumph.  On  September  4th  King 
William  was  at  Rethel,  on  September  5th  at  Reims,  and  in  a 
week's  time  he  would  be  at  Paris. 

The  German  army  received  its  marching  orders  on  the  evening 
of  September  2nd,  and  next  morning  advanced  in  different  direc- 
tions on  Paris,  embarrassed  with  120,000  prisoners.  They  were  to 
be  within  ten  leagues  of  the  capital  by  September  I4th.  The  Third 
Army  was  to  escort  the  prisoners  to  Pont-a-Mousson  and,  having 
handed  them  over  to  the  troops  before  Metz,  join  the  Crown 
Prince.  The  army  of  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia  was  to  march 
to  Versailles,  that  of  the  Crown  Prince  of  Saxony  to  St.  Denis. 
Their  routes  intersected  each  other  at  Reims,  but  all  passed  with- 

220 


PARIS    INVESTED 

out  disaster.  The  march  proceeded  quietly  and  regularly.  Pre- 
ceded by  the  trusty  Uhlans,  their  mounted  scouts,  they  moved 
in  open  order,  always  within  reach  of  Moltke,  who  could  direct 
them  where  he  pleased.  After  the  surrender  of  Reims  on 
September  5th,  Laon  was  occupied  on  September  8th,  but  a 
terrific  explosion  of  a  powder  magazine  killed  50  Germans  and 
300  Gardes  mobiles. 

As  the  armies  approached  Paris  they  met  with  a  certain 
amount  of  resistance,  and  a  few  combats  took  place,  which  were 
of  no  great  importance.  Versailles  was  occupied  on  September 
i  gth,  and  the  defiling  of  the  troops  through  the  town  lasted  from 
10  in  the  morning  till  5  in  the  afternoon.  Versailles  remained  the 
headquarters  of  the  King  and  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia  till  the 
close  of  the  war. 

In  the  investment  of  Paris  the  Crown  Prince  of  Saxony  How  Paris 
occupied  the  right  bank  of  the  Seine  and  the  lower  Maine  from  was 
Argenteuil  by  Montmagny  and  Blanc-Mesnil,  and  through  the 
wood  of  Bondy  to  Gournay  ;  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia  occupied 
the  left  bank  of  the  Seine  from  Gournay  to  Bonneuil,  Choisy-le- 
Roy,  Thiais,  Chevilly,  Sceaux,  Meudon,  Sevres  and  Bougival. 
The  two  armies  touched  each  other  at  the  peninsula  of  Argenteuil. 
The  forces  taking  part  in  the  investment,  which  eventually  reached 
the  number  of  250,000,  were  divided  in  such  a  way  that  the 
Prussians  occupied  the  north  and  west,  the  Bavarians  the  south, 
the  Saxons  the  east ;  while  the  Wiirtembergers  were  stationed 
before  the  Paris  forts.  After  the  combats  of  Petit-Bicetre  and 
Chatillon  on  September  igth,  the  investment  was  complete,  six 
army  corps  occupying  a  space  of  fifty  miles  and  standing  in  some 
places  within  the  fire  of  the  fortifications. 

Paris  was  now  a  fortress  of  the  first  rank,  its  river  line  Fortifica- 
of  defences  being  composed  of  ninety-four  armed  bastions,  and  p°n.s  of 
the  second  line  by  a  circle  of  advanced  forts,  well  provided  with 
garrisons  and  guns,  one  of  which,  Mont  Valerien,  was  regarded  as 
impregnable.  Besides  these,  the  hills  surrounding  Paris  were 
furnished  with  entrenchments  and  redoubts,  all  connected  with 
each  other.  Bismarck  had  no  desire  to  storm  the  capital,  but 
determined  to  invest  it  and  trust  to  the  effects  of  famine.  He 
wished,  it  is  said,  to  allow  the  Parisians  to  "  stew  in  their  own 
juice/'  a  very  brutal  expression,  perhaps  not  historically  accurate. 
He  believed  that,  if  all  supplies  of  food  were  carefully  cut  off,  a 
population  of  2,000,000,  many  accustomed  to  luxury  and  self- 
indulgence,  could  not  hold  out  for  very  long.  Great  pains  were, 
therefore,  taken  to  make  the  lines  of  investment  impenetrable. 

221 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Capture  of  But  Paris  and  Metz  were  not  the  only  cities  which  were  being 
Strassburg.  Besieged  by  German  armies.  Toul,  an  ancient  city  of  Lorraine, 
which  with  Metz  and  Verdun  formed  the  "  Three  Bishoprics," 
the  first  territory  ceded  by  the  Teutons  to  the  French,  capitu- 
lated on  September  23rd,  after  a  terrible  bombardment.  The 
possession  of  this  city  opened  up  for  the  Germans  direct  railway 
communication  with  the  Rhine.  Four  days  later,  on  September 
27th,  Strassburg,  the  great  frontier  city  of  the  Rhine,  the  most 
important  acquisition  of  Louis  XVI.,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Germans,  having  held  out  since  August  loth.  In  the  bombard- 
ment great  pains  were  taken  to  spare  the  cathedral,  which  was 
only  slightly  injured.  On  the  other  hand,  the  public  library,  con- 
sisting of  about  300,000  volumes,  many  of  exceptional  value,  was 
entirely  destroyed. 

Rome,  the  A  natural  result  of  the  fall  of  the  Empire  was  the  withdrawal 
Capital  of  Q£  tke  French  garrison  from  Rome  and  the  establishment  of  Rome 
as  the  capital  of  Italy.  Indeed,  an  announcement  of  this  policy 
had  been  made  by  Ollivier  on  July  3ist,  1870.  It  was  obvious 
that  the  Papal  troops  were  quite  unable  to  protect  the  Papal 
territory.  On  August  zgth  a  public  declaration  was  made  by  the 
Ministry  at  Florence  that  the  capital  would  be  transferred  to 
Rome  before  the  end  of  September.  On  the  ist  of  that  month 
Victor  Emmanuel  proposed  to  the  Pope  that  Rome  should  be 
occupied  by  the  Italians  on  the  following  conditions  :  The  Pontiff 
was  to  retain  his  sovereignty  over  the  Leonine  city — that  is,  over 
the  portion  of  Rome  situated  across  the  Tiber  and  occupied  mainly 
by  St.  Peter's  and  the  Vatican,  and  over  all  the  ecclesiastical 
institutions  in  the  city.  The  incomes  of  the. Pope,  the  Cardinals, 
and  all  the  Papal  officers  and  officials  were  to  remain  unchanged. 
The  Papal  debt  was  to  be  guaranteed  to  the  Pope,  and  the 
Cardinals  were  to  retain  their  present  immunities,  even  if  not 
residing  in  the  Leonine  city.  All  nations  were  to  be  freely 
admitted  to  Rome,  and  the  Catholic  clergy  throughout  the  whole 
of  Italy  were  to  be  immune  from  government  supervision,  and 
the  laws  with  regard  to  military  service,  inheritance  of  estates, 
and  municipal  government  were  to  be  modified  so  far  as  Rome 
was  concerned.  Unhappily  the  Pope  refused  to  accept  these 
offers,  and  the  division  between  Church  and  State  in  Italy  still 
continues. 

On  the  morning  of  Sunday,  September  nth,  the  Italian  troops 
entered  Roman  territory,  and  Viterbo  was  occupied  without 
opposition.  The  garrison  of  Rome  numbered  9,000  men  of  different 
kinds,  and  the  gates  were  barricaded  and  strengthened  by  earth- 

222 


GUERILLA    WARFARE 

works.  The  garrison  had  sixty  guns,  and  the  extent  of  walls  to  be 
defended  was  thirteen  miles  long.  The  storm  began  on  September 
20th,  but  after  three  hours'  fighting  breaches  were  made  at  each 
of  the  points  attacked,  and  when  the  Italian  troops  began  to 
charge  with  the  bayonet  the  Papal  troops  ran  away.  Then  Keyler, 
the  commandant,  hoisted  the  white  flag,  and  negotiations  for 
surrender  were  begun.  The  Italians  lost  21  killed  and  117 
wounded,  the  Papal  troops  6  killed  and  20  or  30  wounded.  A 
plebiscite  for  the  annexation  of  the  Papal  territory  to  Italy  was 
taken  on  October  2nd,  with  the  result  that  136,681  voted  "  Yes  " 
and  only  1,507  "  No."  The  transcendent  event,  the  completion 
of  Italy  by  the  crown  of  Rome,  the  dream  of  so  many  generations, 
the  goal  of  the  strivings  of  so  many  patriots,  the  cause  for  which 
so  many  men  had  suffered  and  died,  was  accomplished  by  a  coup 
de  main,  which,  in  the  general  turmoil  of  European  affairs,  passed 
almost  without  notice. 

After  Werder  had  captured  Strassburg,  he  was  sent  to  conquer  The 
the  southern  portion  of  Alsace,  from  Schlettstadt  to  Belfort,  and  Guerillas 
drive  the  mobiles  and  the  free  corps  out  of  the  passes  of  the  °f  the 
Vosges,  in  which  they  were  conducting  a  guerilla  warfare.  They 
had  collected  together  from  all  parts,  and  their  operations  were 
conducted  from  the  lofty  Plateau  of  Langres,  which  played  so 
important  a  part  in  the  war  of  1814.  These  antagonists  are  the 
most  difficult  to  deal  with  in  the  invasion  of  a  country.  They 
come  into  existence  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  yet  cannot 
be  treated  as  belligerents  and  must  be  put  down  with  severity. 
They  inflicted  serious  losses  on  the  regular  troops,  and  the 
measures  needed  for  their  extermination  constitute  a  stain  on 
the  conduct  of  the  war.  Great  Britain  had  experience  of  them 
in  the  South  African  War,  in  which  the  measures  adopted  for 
their  suppression  only  produced  additional  irritation,  and  she 
allied  herself  with  them  in  Spain  against  Napoleon,  when  they 
were  called  patriots  and  resist ers  of  tyranny  and  oppression.  They 
were  for  many  years  the  curse  of  La  Vendee,  where  they  were 
also  assisted  by  the  British  Government  until  they  were  put  down 
by  the  genius  of  Napoleon. 

Certainly  the  conduct  of  the  war  by  the  German  armies  forms  German 
a  striking  contrast  to  the  wild  attacks  of  these  undisciplined  com-  Organisa- 
batants,  and  even  to  the  behaviour  of  the  French  regular  troops.  tlon* 
The  German  operations  were  a  triumph  of  reason,  calculated  effort, 
and  unbroken  discipline.     Every  loss  was  rapidly  repaired  ;   roads, 
bridges,  railways  were  promptly  mended  ;    a  man  lost  by  death, 
disease,    or   desertion   was   immediately   replaced ;     hundreds    of 

223 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

thousands  of  armed  warriors  obeyed  the  order  of  a  single  mouth, 
the  thought  of  a  single  brain.  Disobedience  and  mutiny  were 
unknown.  The  French,  clinging  to  the  old  ideas  of  chivalry  and 
dash,  confident  in  the  strength  of  outworn  principles  and  ideals, 
were  no  match  for  the  cultured,  spectacled,  serious  masses  of  a 
national  army,  which  now  came  down  upon  them  with  resistless 
might,  but  also  with  the  moderation  and  self-command  which 
should  always  be  at  hand  to  temper  the  exercise  of  power.  The 
order  imposed  by  Moltke  on  the  general  conduct  of  the  war  was 
shown  in  the  detailed  execution  of  it,  in  the  discipline  of  the 
corps,  the  organisation  of  the  field  force,  the  accuracy  of  field 
telegraphy,  the  faultless  commissariat,  the  quality  of  the  food 
supplied,  in  which  the  famous  "  pea  sausage "  played  an 
important  part,  the  rapid  communication  by  field-railways,  the 
admirable  sanitary  arrangements,  and  the  devotion  of  men  and 
women  of  all  classes  in  the  work  of  the  hospitals  and  the  care  of 
disease. 

How  the  War  is  a  hideous  thing,  but  it  loses  much  of  its  horror  when 

Victories  directed  by  organised  reason  and  intelligence.  The  first  Napoleon 
on>  was  the  incarnation  of  order,  no  person  having  ever  manifested 
in  such  harmonious  equilibrium  the  spirit  of  calculation  and  the 
energy  of  passion  ;  but  he  had  to  build  upon  a  foundation  which 
was  not  strong  enough  to  bear  the  weight  of  his  ideas.  When  he 
saw  that  his  last  hope  had  been  defeated  at  Waterloo,  he  said, 
"  It  has  always  been  the  same  since  Crecy  ! "  Bismarck  and 
Moltke  were  able  to  act  upon  a  surer  foundation  ;  the  victories 
of  Sedan  and  Paris  were  won,  not  in  the  playing  fields  of  public 
schools,  but  in  the  classrooms  of  gymnasiums  and  on  the  benches 
of  universities. 

The  We  have  already  recorded  that,  on  October  5th,  King  William 

Germans  at  mOved  his  headquarters  to  Versailles.  In  these  gilded  saloons 
!es>  the  aged  monarch  slept  on  a  field-bed,  the  General  Staff  developed 
their  plans  for  the  administration  of  a  conquered  France,  Bismarck 
plied  his  diplomatic  arts  to  prevent  the  interference  of  Europe 
with  his  plans.  The  halls  and  galleries,  silent  for  years,  echoed 
once  more  to  the  throng  of  princes  and  courtiers.  Unfortunately, 
during  the  siege  of  Paris  the  lovely  country  which  stretches 
between  the  chateau  and  the  capital  was  gradually  turned  into 
a  howling  desert.  St.  Cloud,  the  scene  of  so  many  historical 
events,  was  set  on  fire  by  the  French,  and  only  with  difficulty 
and  danger  could  the  Germans  save  any  part  of  the  edifice 
and  the  costly  works  of  art  it  contained.  Malmaison,  insepar- 
ably connected  with  the  name  of  Josephine  and  the  First  Con- 

224 


GAMBETTA'S    CAMPAIGN 

sulate  of   Napoleon,    was  ruined  in  a  sally   by  the   French   on 
October  2ist. 

A  new  character  was  given  to  the  struggle  by  Leon  Gambetta,  Rise  of 
a  man  of  commanding  ideas  and  fiery  eloquence,  who  always  kept  Gambetta. 
the  leaders  of  the  Great  Revolution  before  his  eyes.  He  left 
Paris  in  a  balloon,  and  reached  Tours  on  October  yth,  where  he 
joined  the  provisional  Government.  He  spared  no  effort  to  rouse 
the  country  against  the  invaders  and  compel  the  retirement  of 
the  besieging  army.  For  this  purpose  France,  with  the  exception 
of  Paris,  was  divided  into  four  governments — the  north,  under 
Bourbaki,  with  Lille  for  its  capital ;  the  south,  under  Fierick, 
who  had  his  headquarters  at  Le  Mans  ;  the  centre,  under  Palikao, 
in  Bourges  ;  and  the  last,  under  Cambriels,  in  Besancon.  Eleven 
camps  of  instruction  were  also  formed  against  the  enemy. 
Two  armies,  which  bore  the  names  of  the  Loire  and  the  Seine, 
were  to  advance  upon  Paris  and  assist  in  sorties  organised 
by  Trochu. 

In  accordance  with  this  policy  sorties  were  made  on  October  Sorties  from 
1 3th  and  October  21  st,  the  first  in  the  south  and  the  second  in  the  Paris> 
west,  and  the  more  important  attack  on  Le  Bourget,  in  the  south- 
east, which  took  place  on  October  28th  and  caused  great  sensation 
in  Europe.  The  French  succeeded  in  driving  the  Germans  from 
Le  Bourget  and  holding  it  for  two  days,  but  they  were  eventually 
driven  back  after  an  obstinate  engagement.  There  was  great 
difficulty  in  keeping  up  communication  between  the  capital  and 
the  provinces,  because  all  the  telegraph  wires  had  been  destroyed 
by  the  invading  army.  This  difficulty  was  surmounted  to  a  great 
extent  with  admirable  ingenuity  by  the  use  of  carrier  pigeons  and 
balloons. 

In  I  forming  his  plans  for  the  relief  of  Paris,  Gambetta  had  Surrender 
counted  on  the  co-operation  of  Bazaine,  who  was  shut  up  with  of  Bazame* 
his  army  in  Metz,  but  before  the  organisation  of  the  Army  of  the 
Seine  was  completed  Bazaine  capitulated.  On  October  nth  he 
sent  one  of  his  adjutants,  Boyer,  to  the  headquarters  at  Versailles 
to  propose  terms.  He  demanded  for  his  army  a  free  departure 
with  arms  and  baggage,  with  the  obligation  not  to  take  part  in  the 
war  for  three  months,  while  Metz  preserved  the  right  of  defending 
herself.  At  the  same  time  private  negotiations  were  conducted 
between  Bazaine  and  the  Empress  Eugenie  in  England,  with  the 
object  of  employing  the  army  of  Metz  for  the  restoration  of  the 
Empire.  The  history  of  these  negotiations  is  imperfectly  known, 
but  it  is  probable  that  Bazaine  was  deceived  by  Bismarck  for  his 
own  purposes.  These  negotiations  came  to  no  result,  and  Bazaine 
P  225 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Prussian 
Movements 
after  Metz. 


Garibaldi  in 
the  Yosges. 


was  at  last  forced  to  capitulate  on  similar  terms  to  those  which 
had  been  granted  to  the  French  army  at  Sedan.  If  he  had  only 
held  out  for  a  fortnight  longer  the  course  of  the  war  might  have 
been  materially  altered.  As  it  was,  Metz  and  its  fortifications 
were  delivered  to  the  enemy,  with  arms,  munitions  of  war,  and 
provisions ;  and  the  whole  army,  including  three  marshals — 
Bazaine,  Canrobert  and  Lebceuf — with  6,000  officers  and  more 
than  150,000  soldiers,  became  prisoners  of  war.  The  disarma- 
ment took  place  on  October  27th  and  28th,  in  a  meadow 
on  the  road  between  Jarny  and  Metz.  A  catastrophe  of  this 
kind  has  seldom  been  recorded  in  the  history  of  any  European 
war. 

In  the  last  months  of  1870  the  northern  half  of  France,  from 
the  Jura  to  the  English  Channel,  from  the  frontier  of  Belgium  to 
the  Loire,  was  one  vast  battlefield.  Of  the  troops  set  free  by  the 
capitulation  of  Metz,  part  remained  behind  as  a  garrison  under 
Zastrow,  having  also  the  object  of  attacking  Thionville,  and  part 
marched  to  the  north  under  Manteuffel,  to  occupy  Picardy  and 
Normandy  and  prevent  Bourbaki  from  approaching  Paris.  Another 
portion  joined  the  Second  Army,  which,  under  the  command  of 
Prince  Frederick  Charles,  had  its  headquarters  in  Troyes.  This 
army  was  supported  on  the  right  by  Von  der  Tann  and  the 
Duke  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  and  on  the  left  by  Werder,  who 
was  on  one  side  opposed  to  the  French  Army  of  the  Loire  and 
on  the  other  to  the  volunteer  corps  of  Garibaldi.  Other  detach- 
ments went  to  strengthen  these  armies,  which  were  besieging 
Paris,  and  were  also  sent  against  the  forces  in  the  north.  The 
result  of  the  various  movements  was  that  Soissons  fell  on  October 
i6th,  Verdun  on  November  8th,  Thionville  on  November  24th, 
Pfalzburg  on  December  I2th,  Montmedy  on  December  I4th, 
and  Me*zieres  on  January  2nd,  1871,  the  garrisons  of  all  these 
towns  being  sent  as  prisoners  to  Germany.  One  fortress,  the 
little  castle  of  Bitsch,  nestling  among  the  mountains  of  Alsace, 
was  never  taken,  and  did  not  come  into  the  possession  of  the 
Germans  till  the  peace. 

We  have  already  mentioned  that  Werder  had  great  difficulty 
in  dealing  with  the  mutinous  districts  of  the  Jura  and  the  Vosges, 
in  consequence  of  the  resistance  of  the  inhabitants.  These  were 
joined  by  Garibaldi  and  his  two  sons,  Ricciotti  and  Menotti,  who 
were  accompanied  by  a  motley  crew  of  Republicans  of  all 
nationalities — Italians,  Spaniards  and  Poles.  Lyons,  with  the 
camp  of  Santonay  and  the  industrial  town  of  St.  Etienne,  was  a 
centre  of  rebellious  excitement.  The  red  flag  floated  in  the  streets, 

226 


GAMBETTA'S    NATIONAL    APPEAL 

and  the  Socialists,  who  got  command  of  the  town,  established  a 
reign  of  violence  and  terror.  Garibaldi,  who  had  been  brought 
from  Caprera  to  France  in  a  French  ship,  proceeded  by  way  of 
Marseilles  to  Tours,  where  he  received  the  command  of  all  the 
free  corps  on  the  Vosges.  He  established  his  headquarters  in 
Dole  on  October  i4th. 

In  the  chilly  days  of  November  and  December,  when  Treskow  Capture  of 
began   the   siege    of   Belfort,    a   violent   struggle   took   place   in  Bflfort  and 
Burgundy,    round    Vesoul    and    Montbeliard,    Gray    and    Dijon.     ^on' 
The   last-named  city,   the   old  capital  of   Burgundy,  was   taken 
on  the  last  day  of  October,   by  Prince  William  of  Baden,  and 
this  success  assisted  the  capture  of  Belfort,  bravely  defended  by 
its   commandant,    Denfert-Rochereau.      When  Treskow  entreated 
him  not  to  increase  the  horror  of  the  war  unnecessarily,  he  replied 
that  the  best  method  of  effecting  that  would  be  the  retreat  of  the 
Germans.     Dijon  was  held  with  difficulty  and  had  to  be  evacuated 
more  than  once,  while  the  night  attack  on  Chatillon  by  Ricciotti 
Garibaldi,  which  cost  considerable  loss  to  the  Germans,  showed 
the  dangers  to  which  the  invading  army  was  exposed.     It  seemed 
possible  that  the  line  of  the  Rhine  might  be  reconquered,  and  the 
valleys  of  the  Black  Forest  exposed  to  attack. 

Gambetta  now  set  himself  to  involve  the  whole  French  people  Guerilla 
in  the  struggle  against  the  Germans,  and  make  the  annihilation  of  Tactics, 
the  enemy  a  national  duty.  The  character  of  the  war  became 
very  bloodthirsty,  and  the  attacks  of  guerilla  combatants 
upon  the  German  troops  had,  as  we  have  said,  to  be  put 
down  by  severe  reprisals.  In  the  night  of  October  7th  a 
squadron  of  Prussian  hussars  was  attacked  by  free  corps  at 
Athis  and  almost  entirely  destroyed.  An  example  was  necessary, 
and  the  town  was  burned.  The  neutral  Powers  were  horrified 
at  these  measures,  which,  however,  were  shown  to  be  absolutely 
essential. 

In  October  some  cavalry  regiments  were  sent  in  a  southerly  Defeat  of 
direction  to  explore  the  country  between  the  Seine  and  the  Loire,  Motterouge. 
make  requisitions,  and  fall  in  with  the  rearguard  of  the  Army  of 
the  Loire  under  La  Motterouge,  who  was  marching  to  the  relief  of 
Paris.  The  Crown  Prince,  learning  that  this  force  was  in  Toury, 
which  lies  between  Orleans  and  fitampes,  sent  against  them 
General  von  der  Tann,  with  the  first  Bavarian  army  corps  and 
some  North  German  troops.  They  came  up  with  the  rearguard 
of  the  retreating  French  at  Artenay  on  October  loth,  compelled 
them  to  fight  in  the  forest  of  Orleans,  and,  on  the  following  day, 
took  possession  of  Orleans.  Motterouge  was  deprived  of  his 

227 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Battle  of 

Coulmiers. 


command  by  Gambetta,  who  gave  it  to  Aurelle  de  Paladines,  who 
had  served  in  Africa,  the  Crimea  and  Italy. 

The  new  commander  got  together  the  various  contingents 
which  had  been  formed  and  practised  in  the  several  camps  of 
instruction,  and  set  himself  not  only  to  recover  the  line  of  the 
Loire,  but  to  cross  the  stream  at  various  points  and  carry  out 
the  original  design  of  a  march  towards  Paris.  Although  great 
pains  were  taken  to  conceal  these  movements,  they  came  to  Von 
der  Tann's  knowledge.  In  order  that  his  flank  might  not  be 
turned,  he  evacuated  Orleans  on  November  8th,  leaving  his  sick 
behind,  in  charge  of  the  municipality,  as  he  hoped  to  be  able  to 
return.  Wittich,  who  had  been  sent  against  Chateaudun  and 
captured  it  with  difficulty,  defended  as  it  was  by  Gardes  mobiles 
and  free  corps  under  the  command  of  Lipowski,  a  Pole,  received 
orders  to  retreat  to  Chart  res.  A  severe  battle  took  place  at 
Coulmiers  on  November  loth,  in  which  the  French  were  much 
superior  in  numbers,  and  Von  der  Tann  had  some  difficulty  in 
effecting  his  retreat  to  Tours,  where  he  was  joined  by  Wittich. 
In  the  fight,  which  lasted  from  daybreak  to  dusk,  the  French  lost 
2,000  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  Germans  only  a  little  more 
than  half  this,  showing  the  difference  between  seasoned  troops  and 
hot,  inexperienced  levies. 

The  victory  at  Coulmiers  caused  great  rejoicings  to  the  French 
Enthusiasm.  an(j  some  discouragement  to  the  Germans.  Gambetta,  to  whose 
energy  and  genius  it  was  mainly  due,  did  everything  in  his  power 
to  increase  the  forces  at  his  disposal,  and  unite  the  whole  strength 
of  the  south  and  north  in  common  action.  He  summoned  up,  as 
it  were,  from  the  soil  new  forces  from  the  south.  He  hastened 
in  person  to  the  camp  of  Conlie,  in  Brittany,  and  succeeded  in 
reconciling  the  two  generals,  Charette  and  Keratry,  who  had 
quarrelled.  But  his  principal  hopes  for  the  salvation  of  France 
and  the  deliverance  of  Paris  from  the  iron  ring  which  enclosed  her, 
lay  in  the  Army  of  the  Loire  and  the  energetic  leadership  of  Aurelle 
de  Paladines.  But,  as  before,  enthusiasm  and  zeal  were  no  match 
for  discipline  and  experience.  The  German  troops  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Loire  were  united  in  a  single  army  under  the  command  of 
Frederick  Francis,  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin.  A 
week  after  the  battle  of  Coulmiers  he  inflicted  such  defeats  at 
Dreux,  Chateauneuf,  Bigny,  and  in  the  forest  of  St.  Jean,  upon 
Gardes  mobiles,  who  under  Fiereck  were  attempting  to  join 
the  Army  of  the  Loire,  that  he  not  only  prevented  the  threatened 
junction,  but  created  such  dismay  among  the  young  recruits  that 
Keratry  laid  down  his  command  and  Fiereck  had  to  be  super- 

228 


Gambetta's 


INEFFECTUAL    FRENCH    EFFORTS 

seded.  Some  detachments  retired  by  way  of  Nogent-le-Rotrou 
to  Le  Mans,  where  they  were  followed  and  watched  by  the 
Germans. 

The  Grand  Duke  now  received  orders  to  march  farther  to  the  Attempts  to 
east  and  join  the  Second  Army  under  Prince  Frederick  Charles.  Relie^e 
This  resulted,  on  November  28th,  in  the  indecisive  Battle  of  ar8' 
Beaune-la-Rolande,  north-east  of  the  Forest  of  Orleans,  in  which 
the  French  were  as  numerous  as  the  Germans.  Both  sides  were 
aware  of  the  importance  of  the  battle  and  the  influence  it  would 
have  on  the  progress  of  the  war.  It  was  therefore  contested  with 
the  utmost  energy,  and  the  losses  on  both  sides  were  correspond- 
ingly heavy.  The  Germans,  however,  had  the  best  of  it,  and  the 
French  were  prevented  from  carrying  out  their  design  of  proceed- 
ing to  Paris  by  way  of  Fontainebleau.  Further  attempts  to  push 
through  to  the  west  were  repelled  in  a  number  of  engagements 
fought  by  the  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin  between 
Artenay  and  Chateaudun,  the  most  important  being  the  Battle 
of  Loigny,  on  December  2nd,  the  great  day  of  the  fallen  Empire. 
The  French  were  compelled  to  retreat  with  serious  loss,  but  the 
Germans  also  suffered  considerably,  their  difficulties  being 
enhanced  by  the  endless  labour  caused  by  the  nature  of  the 
muddy  soil,  now  thoroughly  soaked  with  rain,  and  the  cold  winter 
which  had  begun  to  make  itself  felt. 

Trochu,  who  commanded  at  Paris,  was  not  ignorant  of  the  Trochu's 
efforts  which  were  being  made  to  relieve  him.  He  did  his  best 
to  second  them  by  repeated  sorties  to  the  south  and  west,  and 
desired  to  effect  a  junction  with  the  Army  of  the  Loire  in  the 
Forest  of  Fontainebleau.  But  the  possibility  of  relief  from  the 
side  of  the  Loire  was  gradually  coming  to  an  end.  The  day  after 
the  Battle  of  Loigny,  the  French  were  driven  back  from  Pougny, 
and  the  result  of  four  days'  fighting  on  the  bank  of  the  Loire  and 
the  edge  of  the  thick  forest  which  protects  Orleans  was  that  the 
French  were  eventually  compelled  to  abandon  their  positions 
and  retire  to  the  south,  the  Germans  reaching  Orleans  on 
December  4th.  Trochu's  attempts  to  break  through  the  lines 
of  investment  at  the  same  time  and  join  the  Army  of  the 
Loire  were  also  repulsed.  It  is  impossible  to  contemplate 
without  a  deep  sense  of  pathos  the  result  of  the  passionate 
efforts  of  the  French,  everywhere  crushed  by  the  iron  hand  of 
the  relentless  foe,  like  the  struggles  of  a  boar  in  the  folds  of  a 
python. 

By  the  capture  of  Orleans  a  large  number  of  prisoners  and 
much  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Germans,  and  what  remained 

229 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

of  the  Army  of  the  Loire  retreated  down  the  river  to  Blois. 
Bishop  Dupanloup  was  taken  in  his  palace,  and  his  cathedral  was 
turned  into  a  receptacle  for  captives.  Gambetta  narrowly  escaped 
being  captured  on  his  way  from  Tours  to  the  field  of  battle.  He 
was  dissatisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  Aurelle  de  Paladines 
had  conducted  the  campaign,  and  relieved  him  of  his  command. 
He  now  conceived  the  plan  of  forming  his  levies  into  two  divisions, 
one  of  which  should  operate  towards  the  east  under  the  command 
of  Bourbaki,  who  had  relinquished  the  command  of  the  Army  of 
the  North  to  Faidherbe,  while  the  other,  under  Czerny,  should 
undertake  the  duty  of  expelling  the  enemy  from  the  lower  and 
middle  Loire.  For  the  purpose  of  conducting  these  operations  with 
greater  freedom,  the  seat  of  the  Government  was  removed,  on 
December  loth,  from  Tours  to  Bordeaux,  and  was  followed  there 
by  a  portion  of  the  Diplomatic  Body. 

France's  The  struggle  of  the  French  against  the  invaders  became  more 

Desperation.  an(j  more  severe.  The  feeling  of  desperation  grew  stronger,  and 
this  was  enforced  by  the  pressure  of  the  French  Government, 
which  drove  combatants  into  the  field  and  extracted  money  from 
all  quarters.  Chanzy,  the  commander  of  the  second  Army  of 
the  Loire,  conducted  a  splendid  resistance  against  the  troops  of 
the  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin  at  Meung,  Beaugency 
and  Marchenoir,  and  gained  considerable  advantages,  until  Prince 
Frederick  Charles,  who  had  at  last  driven  back  Bourbaki,  came 
to  the  Grand  Duke's  assistance.  Chanzy  was  driven  back  towards 
Blois  and  Tours,  both  of  which  were  soon  occupied.  Chanzy  now 
retired  to  Vendome  and  Le  Mans,  in  the  valley  of  the  Sarthe,  to 
strengthen  the  Army  of  the  West,  while  Bourbaki  was  driven  to 
the  south,  and  the  whole  country  as  far  as  Bourges  and  Nevers 
was  occupied  by  German  troops.  The  great  object  had  been  to 
prevent  the  Army  of  the  Loire  from  reaching  Paris,  and  this 
object  was  attained.  Orleans,  Chartres  and  Beauvais  were  used 
by  the  invading  army  as  places  of  concentration  of  their  forces 
directed  against  the  south,  west  and  north.  About  Christmas 
there  was  a  cessation  of  hostilities  to  give  the  troops  rest.  Von 
der  Tann  established  a  kind  of  winter  quarters  in  Orleans.  Men 
and  horses  needed  repose,  and  their  equipment  repairs,  while  the 
shoes  of  the  infantry  had  been  destroyed  by  constant  marches 
in  the  snow  and  rain.  The  French  were  even  in  worse  plight ; 
the  inhabitants  had  fled  in  terror,  and  the  wounded,  overflowing 
the  neighbouring  hospitals,  had  to  be  taken  as  far  as  Bayonne, 
Biarritz  and  Pau.  It  was  sometimes  difficult  to  get  the  mobiles 
to  stand  their  ground. 

230 


BELEAGUERED    PARIS 

After  a  fortnight's  rest  the  united  armies  of  Prince  Frederick  Battle  of 
Charles  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  number-  Le  MaMi 
ing  more  than  70,000  men,  advanced  against  Chanzy.  In  the 
midst  of  the  paralysing  cold  of  an  unusually  severe  winter  the 
Germans  pursued  the  French  over  fields  whose  surface  was  covered 
with  snow  and  slippery  ice.  Shot  at  by  the  sharpshooters  of  the 
free  corps,  who  lay  in  ambush  behind  every  hedge  and  every  wall, 
the  Germans  moved  slowly  by  painful  efforts,  hill  after  hill  and 
field  after  field,  but  a  decisive  battle  took  place  at  the  gates  of 
Le  Mans  on  January  nth  and  iath,  1871,  and  the  camp  of  Conlie 
was  captured  on  January  I5th.  Chanzy  was  compelled  to  retire 
to  Laval,  where  he  attempted  to  reorganise  the  relics  of  his  army, 
and  the  Germans  pressed  forward  to  Alen9on. 

The  attempts  to  reach  Paris  by  the  armies  of  the  south  and  Further 
west  were  seconded  by  the  effort  of  the  beleaguered  forces  to  break  Sorties  from 
through  the  lines  of  investment  and  join  their  deliverers.  For 
this  purpose  batteries  armed  with  large  pieces  of  field  ordnance 
had  been  erected  on  the  heights  of  Mont  Avron  to  the  east  of 
Paris,  in  front  of  the  forts  of  Nogent  and  Rosny,  in  order  to 
bombard  the  villages  occupied  by  the  troops  of  Saxony  and 
Wiirtemberg.  Ducrot  had  selected  this  region  as  best  adapted 
for  a  successful  outbreak,  and  he  issued  a  proclamation  declaring 
that  he  would  return  from  the  attack  either  a  conqueror  or 
a  corpse.  He  made  frequent  assaults  on  the  Germans  to  the 
south  and  north  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  enemy,  while  he 
passed  beyond  Vincennes,  carrying  his  main  force  in  ironclad 
trains,  to  reach  the  point  against  which  his  efforts  were  directed. 
Under  the  protection  of  a  terrible  cannonade  from  Mont  Avron 
and  the  forts  of  Charenton  and  Nogent,  he  threw  eight  bridges 
across  the  Marne  and  attacked  the  villages  of  Brie,  Champigny, 
Villiers,  and  Noisy.  On  November  3Oth  the  Germans  were  able 
to  defend  their  positions  for  a  whole  day,  but  were  eventually 
compelled  to  evacuate  Brie  and  Champigny,  which,  however,  were 
shortly  afterwards  recovered.  In  their  engagements  in  the  two 
days'  battle  of  Villiers,  Cornilly,  and  other  combats,  the  Germans 
lost  about  6,200  men,  and  the  French  enjoyed  the  triumph  of 
marching  some  hundreds  of  German  prisoners  through  the  streets 
of  Paris,  but  they  lost  on  their  side  12,000  men  and  more  than 
400  officers. 

The  hopes  of  the  defenders  of  Paris  to  obtain  relief  from  the 
south  gradually  disappeared,  while  cold  and  hunger  produced 
their  inevitable  results.  But  the  beleaguered  city  continued  to 
look  for  assistance  from  the  north  and  north-west,  from  Normandy, 

2V 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Artois  and  Picardy,  the  free  corps  of  French  Flanders  and  the 
"  Wild  Boars  of  the  Ardennes."  Since  October  considerable  forces 
had  been  collected  in  these  regions,  supported  by  the  strong  places 
of  Lille  and  Amiens,  first  under  the  command  of  Bourbaki  and 
then  of  Faidherbe.  The  fact  that  La  Fere,  St.  Quentin  and 
Peronne  were  in  the  hands  of  the  French  hampered  the  concen- 
tration of  the  German  forces,  and  made  an  advance  upon  Paris 
possible  at  any  moment.  The  combat  of  Formerie  between 
Rouen  and  Amiens  on  October  28th,  1870,  showed  how  much  the 
organisation  of  the  French  forces  had  improved.  But  Manteuffel 
and  Gobe,  by  superhuman  efforts,  gradually  became  masters  of 
the  Valley  of  the  Somme,  and  Amiens  was  captured  after  a  great 
battle  on  November  27th,  after  which  the  Germans  proceeded  to 
the  conquest  of  Normandy. 

The  Crush-          Rouen  fell  on  December  6th,   and  three  days  later,  by  the 
**£  of  conquest  of  Dieppe,  the  Germans  reached  the  shores  of  the  English 

Channel,  the  French  taking  refuge  in  Le  Havre,  where  the  soldiers 
arrived  in  the  most  miserable  condition  without  clothes  and  with- 
out shoes.  The  peasants  took  refuge  in  the  same  place,  although 
their  peace  was  afterwards  disturbed  by  patrolling  Uhlans.  Ten 
days  later  the  repulse  of  a  sortie,  organised  by  Trochu  on  a  large 
scale  at  Le  Bourget,  already  the  scene  of  hard-fought  engagements, 
gave  the  Germans  and  the  French  the  opportunity  of  celebrating 
their  Christmas  in  comparative  peace.  Christmas  Eve  was  marked 
by  the  long-protracted  and  sanguinary  Battle  of  Hallue.  At 
Bapaume,  on  January  2nd  and  3rd,  1871,  the  victory  remained 
uncertain,  the  French  retreating  to  the  north  and  the  Germans 
to  the  south.  Rouen  had  to  be  carefully  watched  by  Bentheim, 
and  many  prisoners  were  taken.  The  Germans  learnt  from  them 
that  the  population  was  becoming  tired  of  the  war  and  that  the 
mobiles  had  to  be  driven  into  the  field  by  force.  The  stores  of  the 
French  became  gradually  less.  Roncy  was  captured  on  January 
8th  and  Peronne  on  January  loth.  The  departure  of  Manteuffel 
for  the  Army  of  the  East  inspired  Faidherbe  with  new  courage. 
Reinforced  by  fresh  arrivals  of  marines  and  Gardes  mobiles,  he 
determined  to  make  an  attack  on  the  lines  of  investment ;  but  he 
suffered  a  serious  defeat  at  St.  Quentin  on  January  iQth,  and  that 
important  fortress  was  lost  to  the  French.  Gambetta  now  went 
to  Lille  and  did  his  best  to  rouse  the  spirits  of  the  northern  army. 
But  it  was  all  in  vain.  The  troops  were  clad  in  rags  and  wooden 
shoes,  and  the  people  were  gradually  losing  their  spirit.  Gambetta 
went  by  way  of  Calais  to  Bordeaux  to  exert  in  another  direction 
the  efforts  of  a  heroic  defence.  Longwy  fell  on  January  25th, 

232 


AN    EMPIRE    IN    THE    MAKING 

and  the  eyes  of  Europe  were  turned  to  a  new  scene  of  conflict  on 
the  Jura  and  the  Saone. 

The  bombardment  of  Paris,  which  had  long  been  deferred,  Bombard- 
was  now  begun  on  the  day  after  Christmas  Day,  and  increased  men.t  of 
tenfold  the  distress  of  the  besieged  citizens.  The  Parisians  had 
believed  that  an  effectual  bombardment  at  so  great  a  distance 
was  impossible,  but  when  shells  were  seen  to  fall  in  the  heart  of 
Paris,  in  the  Luxembourg,  in  the  churches  of  St.  Sulpice  and 
the  Pantheon,  when  persons  were  killed  in  the  Rue  de  Bois  and 
the  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  there  was  a  general  outcry  against 
the  barbarians  who  had  the  audacity  to  destroy  the  metropolis  of 
civilisation.  Trochu  was  now  driven,  against  his  better  judgment, 
to  make  one  last  effort  on  January  igth,  the  day  after  the  King 
of  Prussia  had  been  proclaimed  Emperor  of  Germany  in  the  Mirror 
Gallery  of  the  Palace  of  Versailles.  The  whole  of  the  French 
forces,  100,000  strong,  marched  in  the  direction  of  Meudon,  Sevres, 
and  St.  Cloud  for  the  final  struggle.  Vinoy  commanded  on  the 
left,  Ducrot  on  the  right,  while  Trochu  conducted  the  whole 
advance  from  the  commanding  position  of  the  Observatory.  By 
ii  a.m.  the  redoubt  of  Montretout  and  the  villas  had  been  taken, 
but  Ducrot  was  hindered  in  his  advance  by  the  barricades  which 
had  been  erected  in  the  streets  of  Paris,  and  was  unable  to  give 
support  at  the  proper  time.  After  an  obstinate  fight  of  seven 
hours  the  French  were  driven  back  into  Paris,  with  a  loss  of  7,000 
men,  and  next  day  Trochu  demanded  an  armistice  to  bury  the 
dead.  After  long  discussions  a  convention  was  signed  providing 
for  a  suspension  of  hostilities  from  January  28th  to  February  igth. 
It  was  stated  at  Berlin  in  the  succeeding  winter,  on  the  authority 
of  Moltke,  that  until  this  last  sortie  had  been  made  and  failed 
the  success  of  the  investment  of  Paris  was  still  regarded  as  un- 
certain, and  that  the  King's  baggage  stood  ready  packed  at 
Versailles  in  order  that  he  might  depart  at  any  moment  if  it  were 
necessary  to  do  so. 

Whilst  events  were  passing  on  the  Seine,  the  Loire,  and  the  A  United 
Somme,  and  in  the  east  of  France,  the  new  German  Empire,  which  Nation, 
was  to  take  the  place  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  of  ancient  days, 
to  realise  the  aspirations  of  many  centuries,  and  make  Germany 
a  single  nation,  was  slowly  coming  into  being.    North  Germans 
and  South  Germans  were  now  fighting  together  for  a  common 
cause  against  a  common  enemy,  and  differences  of  race  and  creed 
had  disappeared  on  the  field  of  battle.      Surely  the  time  had 
come  when  this  union  should  be  politically  consummated,  when 
the  Main  should  no  longer  separate  communities  which  God  and 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bavarian 
Hesitancy. 


King 

Ludwig's 
Aspirations. 


Nature  had  joined  together ;  when  Germany  should  take  its  place 
among  the  consolidated  nations  of  the  world.  Baden  was  the 
first  to  show  the  way.  She  was  followed  by  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg 
and'  Hesse ;  and  in  November,  1870,  the  Ministers  of  these  four 
States  conferred  with  Bismarck  as  to  the  best  means  of  enlarging 
the  North  German  League  so  as  to  include  the  South.  Some 
difficulty  was  found  with  Bavaria,  a  country  with  a  strong  national 
life,  differing  from  Prussia  in  religion  and  sentiment,  and  proud 
of  its  individuality.  But  by  mutual  concessions  these  difficulties 
were  overcome,  and  both  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  were  allowed 
certain  privileges  with  regard  to  military  service,  taxes,  post  and 
telegraphs.  A  treaty  was  signed  with  Bavaria  on  November  23rd 
and  with  Wiirtemberg  on  November  25th. 

These  treaties  had  now  to  be  confirmed  by  the  Parliaments 
of  the  South  and  the  North.  No  difficulty  was  made  in  Carlsruhe, 
Stuttgart,  Darmstadt  or  Berlin,  the  necessary  majority  of  two- 
thirds  being  readily  obtained.  A  great  advance  in  political  wisdom 
was  apparent  since  1848  and  1849.  It  had  been  recognised  that 
compromise  is  the  essence  of  government,  and  that  strict  and 
pedantic  adherence  to  outworn  precedents  makes  progress 
impossible.  In  Munich,  however,  strong  opposition  was  met 
with,  partly  from  the  Ultra-Catholics  and  partly  from  the 
Democrats,  the  first  not  liking  to  submit  to  the  headship  of  a 
Protestant  sovereign,  the  others  holding  that  the  basis  of  freedom 
lay  in  particularism,  and  that  it  would  be  fatal  to  individual 
liberty  to  submit  to  the  stern  rule  which  made  Prussia  a  military 
nation  and  held  the  community  together  with  an  iron  hand. 
Many  had  also  dreamed  of  a  future  in  which  Bavaria  should  be 
at  the  head  of  a  South  German  Confederation,  Catholic  and 
cultivated,  sociable  and  unrestrained,  free  from  the  narrow  for- 
malism which  characterised  the  North. 

For  many  weeks  the  excitement  of  these  debates  held  Germany 
in  suspense,  and  it  was  feared  that  the  cause  of  German  unity 
might  spell  shipwreck  to  Bismarck.  It  was  said  that  eighty-five 
members  of  the  Bavarian  Chamber  had  sworn  never  to  consent 
to  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  or  sanction  the  admission  of  the 
country  into  the  North  German  League.  King  Ludwig  was  at 
this  time  Sovereign  of  Bavaria,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and 
attractive  personalities  that  ever  occupied  a  throne.  Splendidly 
handsome,  full  of  enthusiasm  for  art  and  music  and  all  lofty 
ideals,  he  was  now  beginning  a  career  which  was  to  end  in  gloom 
and  sorrow.  Instinct  with  the  idea  of  renewing  a  German  Empire 
of  which  his  ancestors  had  so  often  been  the  head,  he  addressed 

234 


THE    GERMAN    EMPIRE    PROCLAIMED 

a  demand  to  King  William  to  assume  that  position,  with  the 
assurance  that  the  Upper  House  of  his  country  was  in  favour  of 
the  step,  though  even  then  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  patriots 
in  the  Lower  House  would  give  their  consent. 

When  it  was  known  that  the  Reichstag  in  Berlin  had  agreed  to  The  Empire 
the  new  order  of  things,  and  that  the  proposal  of  the  King  of  Established. 
Bavaria  had  met  with  the  general  approval  of  the  princes,  it  was 
determined  to  send  a  deputation  to  Versailles  to  congratulate  the 
King.  Thirty  members  of  the  Reichstag,  with  the  venerable 
President  Simson  at  their  head,  carried  to  their  Sovereign  the 
wish  of  the  nation  that  he  would  accept  the  dignity  offered  him, 
and  give  to  the  ancient  title  of  Emperor  a  new  lustre.  This  was 
the  second  time  that  Simson  had  made  a  similar  offer.  In  1849 
a  small  majority  of  the  Frankfort  Parliament  had  begged  the 
King  of  Prussia  to  assume  the  crown  of  the  German  Empire,  and 
the  same  offer  was  now  made  by  the  German  people  and  its 
princes  after  a  series  of  brilliant  victories. 

On  December  i8th,  1870,  the  deputation  made  its  request  to  The 
the  King,  who  personally  acceded  to  it,  and  it  was  arranged  that  Emperor 
the  new  order  of  things  should  begin  on  January  ist  of  the  coming  yerTalHe  ** 
year.     The  public   and  solemn  assent   to    this  act  was  given  in 
the  Galerie  des  Glaces  at   Versailles   on  January  i8th,  1871,  the 
1 1 7th  anniversary  of  the  day  when  the  first   King  of  Prussia, 
Frederick  I.,  received  the  crown  in  the  old  capital  of  Konigsberg 
and  opened  a  new  epoch  to  the  glories  of  his  House.     It  is  needless 
to  describe  the  historic  scene  when,  in  the  sanctuary  of  that  proud 
palace  in  which  French  Sovereigns  and  Ministers  had  so  often 
plotted  for  the  ruin  of  the  Germany  they  despised,  a  new  European 
Power  was  created  which  should  compel  France  to  take  a  second 
place  in  the  counsels  of  the  world.     It  came  as  a  cheerful  piece  of 
news  on  January  22nd  that  the  Bavarian  Parliament  had  accepted 
the  proposal  of  the  new  Empire  with  a  sufficient  majority. 

The  line  of  demarcation  established  by  the  Convention  cut  Paris 
through  the  Departments  of  Calvados  and  Orne,  and  left  in  the  Surrendered. 
power  of  the  Germans  the  Departments  of  Indre-et-Loire,  Sarthe, 
Loir-et-Cher,  Loiret  and  Yonne.  It  then  passed  to  the  north- 
east, but  did  not  include  the  Departments  of  Pas-de-Calais  and 
Nord.  The  cessation  of  war  in  the  Departments  of  Cote-d'Or, 
Doubs,  Jura,  and  at  Belfort  was  deferred  for  the  present. 
Arrangements  were  made  for  the  election  of  a  National  Assembly, 
which  was  to  meet  at  Bordeaux  and  to  decide  the  question  of  war 
and  peace.  The  whole  of  the  Paris  forts  were  to  be  immediately 
surrendered  and  the  fortifications  dismantled.  All  the  French 

235 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

troops  in  Paris  were  to  be  considered  prisoners,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  12,000,  who  were  to  be  left  for  the  security  of  the  capital. 
They  were  to  remain  for  the  present  within  the  walls  of  the  city, 
their  arms  being  surrendered.  The  National  Guard  and  the 
gendarmes  were  allowed  to  retain  their  arms  for  the  purpose  of 
preserving  the  peace,  but  all  the  free  corps  were  disbanded. 
Measures  were  taken  for  the  provisioning  of  Paris.  No  one  was 
allowed  to  leave  the  capital  without  the  joint  permission  of  the 
French  and  Germans,  and  the  municipality  was  to  pay  a  contri- 
bution of  200,000,000  francs  within  fourteen  days.  All  German 
prisoners  were  to  be  immediately  exchanged  for  a  corresponding 
number  of  French. 

Approach  The  Convention  was  carried  out  with  difficulty ;  the  forts 
of  the  were  evacuated  and  occupied  by  Germans,  arrangements  were 
made  for  the  elections,  and  outbreaks  of  patriotic  fury  were 
prevented.  Gambetta  attempted  to  exclude  from  the  franchise 
for  the  election  of  the  new  Assembly  anyone  who  had  served 
under  the  Empire.  Some  objection  was  taken  to  this,  but  Jules 
Simon  and  Arago  left  for  Bordeaux  to  carry  out  the  work 
according  to  the  conditions  of  the  Convention.  Gambetta 
retired ;  his  military  dictatorship  was  at  an  end.  The  arrival  of 
provisions  for  the  starving  capital  was  hailed  with  enthusiasm, 
but  the  Republicans  and  advanced  Democrats  began  to  cause 
disturbance.  They  would  not  accept  the  situation,  attributing 
defeat  not  to  the  superiority  of  the  enemy,  but  to  the 
incompetence  of  the  Government.  The  largest  number  of  votes 
was  given  to  the  extreme  candidates — Victor  Hugo,  Delescluze, 
Ledru  Rollin,  Lockroy,  Floquet,  Louis  Blanc,  Rochefort,  Gam- 
betta, and  other  members  of  the  International.  The  coming 
Commune  began  to  announce  itself. 

Renewed  The  bloodshed  was  not  at  an  end.     Werder  had,  for  a  long 

Fighting,  time,  his  headquarters  in  Dijon,  from  which  centre  he  contested 
several  engagements  in  November  and  December,  1870.  Garibaldi 
directed  his  operations  from  Autun  and,  joining  with  General 
Cremer,  attempted  to  drive  the  Germans  out  of  Burgundy  and 
relieve  Belfort.  The  battle  took  place  at  Nuits,  famous  for  its 
wine,  on  December  i8th,  and  the  Baden  troops  sustained  the 
hottest  part  of  the  fray.  The  French  were  compelled  to  retreat 
in  the  evening,  having  lost  2,000  dead  and  wounded,  besides 
leaving  700  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  losses  of 
the  Germans  were  also  very  severe.  Gambetta  now  formed  a 
plan  by  which  Bourbaki,  perhaps  the  most  competent  of  the 
French  generals,  should,  with  that  part  of  the  Army  of  the  Loire 

236 


BOURBAKI'S    GREAT    EFFORT 

which,  after  the  second  conquest  of  Orleans,  had  retired  to  Bourges, 
move  eastwards  towards  Nevers  and,  gathering  what  reinforce- 
ments he  could,  throw  himself  on  the  German  communications, 
set  Belfort  and  the  Upper  Rhine  free,  and  carry  destruction  into 
the  hills  of  Baden  and  the  Black  Forest.  Telegraph  wires  were 
to  be  cut,  railways  broken  up,  and  bridges  destroyed,  so  that  the 
retreat  of  the  Germans  towards  the  Rhine  might  be  cut  off.  In 
pursuance  of  these  plans,  the  bridge  over  the  Moselle  at  Fontenay 
was  broken  down  on  January  22nd,  1871,  and  railway  communica- 
tions were  interrupted  for  ten  days. 

The  only  barrier  to  the  carrying  out  of  these  designs,  inspired  Battle  of 
by  the  genius  of  Gambetta,  was  the  force  of  Werder,  who  was  Yillewexel. 
posted  at  Dijon  with  28,000  men,  composed  of  contingents  from 
every  part  of  Germany.  Whilst  Bourbaki  was  approaching  in  rapid 
marches  by  way  of  Besancon  and  Montbeliard  to  raise  the  siege 
of  Belfort  and  invade  Alsace,  Werder  was  compelled  to  evacuate 
Dijon,  which  was  immediately  occupied  by  Garibaldi.  Proceed- 
ing by  forced  marches  past  Gray,  Vesoul  and  Lure,  after  three 
days  Werder  got  in  front  of  the  enemy,  whom  he  defeated  on 
January  gth  at  Villersexel,  on  the  Oignon,  losing  27  officers  and 
619  men.  He  then  occupied  a  favourable  position  on  the  wooded 
heights  beyond  the  Lisaine,  and  arrested  Bourbaki's  march,  at 
Hericourt.  Three  days'  obstinate  struggle,  on  January  I5th,  i6th 
and  1 7th,  gave  Manteuffel  time  to  come  up  from  the  north, 
and  the  victories  of  Werder  at  Hericourt  and  of  Goben  at  St. 
Quentin  were  the  first  gifts  of  honour  which  the  newly-proclaimed 
Emperor  received  at  Versailles.  Bourbaki  had  intended  to  march 
from  Besancon  in  a  southerly  direction  towards  Lyons,  but  it  was 
too  late.  Manteuffel  arrived  to  the  assistance  of  Werder,  with 
two  army  corps — the  Pomeranians  under  Fransecky  and  the 
Westphalians  under  Zastrow. 

Kettler  was  left  behind  at  Dijon  to  watch  Garibaldi,  posted  Bourbaki 
there  with  25,000  volunteers,  and  hold  him  in  check ;  whilst  the  Surrounded. 
larger  portion  of  the  army  marched  between  the  forces  of 
Garibaldi  and  Bourbaki  by  way  of  Gray  to  Dole,  an  important 
junction  of  three  railways,  thus  cutting  off  the  supplies  of  food 
and  clothing  which  were  intended  for  the  hungry  and  frozen 
soldiers  of  Bourbaki.  Whilst  Garibaldi  fought  against  Kettler 
on  January  2ist,  22nd  and  23rd,  under  the  impression  that  he 
had  the  whole  of  Manteuffel's  army  in  front  of  him,  Bourbaki 
was  gradually  surrounded  by  the  troops  of  Werder,  Zastrow  and 
Fransecky  in  such  a  manner  that  they  had  no  alternative  but 
cross  the  frontier  into  Switzerland. 

337 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bcurbaki's 

Gallant 

Struggle. 


Bourbaki's 

Army 

Capitulates. 


Losses  of 
the  War. 


By  the  Convention  of  Paris,  the  Departments  of  the  Cote  d'Or, 
Jura  and  Doubs  had  been  excepted  from  the  armistice,  in  order 
that  Bourbaki  might  have  an  opportunity  of  relieving  Belfort. 
When  Jules  Favre  made  these  conditions,  he  did  not  know  that 
Bourbaki  was  separated  from  Garibaldi,  and  that  his  army  was 
in  the  Jura  in  a  miserable  condition,  without  clothes  or  ammuni- 
tion. After  an  engagement  at  Salins  on  January  27th,  Bourbaki's 
troops  were  attacked  not  far  from  Pontarlier  on  January  2gth 
and  driven  to  the  frontier,  where  10,000  prisoners  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Germans.  The  last  two  days  of  January  witnessed 
the  Battle  of  Frasne,  which  caused  still  greater  losses,  and 
Bourbaki  was  reduced  to  such  a  state  of  despair  that  he  attempted 
his  life.  But  the  wound  was  slight,  and  he  was  conveyed  to 
Lyons,  where  he  speedily  recovered. 

His  place  was  taken  by  Clinchant,  who,  on  February  ist,  had 
the  alternative  of  a  capitulation  like  that  of  Sedan  or  of  crossing 
the  neutral  frontier.  He  chose  the  latter,  and  Europe  witnessed 
the  spectacle  of  an  army  of  65,000  men  in  the  most  miserable 
condition,  half-starved  and  scarcely  like  human  beings,  crossing 
the  frontier  and  laying  down  their  arms,  the  Swiss  doing  their 
utmost  to  supply  their  needs.  General  Cremer,  with  a  small  force 
of  cavalry,  contrived  to  reach  the  soil  of  France.  An  eye-witness 
tells  us  that  when  the  French  arrived  in  Switzerland  their  clothes 
were  rent  and  dropping  off  them,  their  hands  and  feet  were  frost- 
bitten, their  shrunken  features  and  uncertain  gait  told  of  gnawing 
hunger,  their  deep  coughs  and  hoarse  voices  bore  witness  to  long 
nights  spent  on  snow  and  frozen  ground.  Some  had  tied  bits 
of  wood  under  their  bare  feet  to  protect  them  from  stones  ;  others 
wore  wooden  sabots  ;  hundreds  had  no  socks,  and  such  as  were 
worn  were  only  of  thin  cotton.  For  weeks  none  had  washed  or 
changed  his  clothes  or  removed  his  boots.  Some  had  lost  their 
toes  ;  for  three  days  they  had  neither  food  nor  fodder  served  out 
to  them,  and  before  that  only  one  loaf  was  allowed  among  eight 
men.  This  was  the  fourth  French  army  which  had  been  rendered 
useless  for  further  combat  since  the  Germans  had  invaded  France 
in  August,  the  others  being  those  of  Sedan,  Metz,  and  Paris. 
Belfort,  which  had  been  so  nobly  defended  by  Denfert-Roehereau, 
capitulated  by  order  of  the  French  Government  on  February  i6th, 
and  the  garrison,  in  recognition  of  their  bravery,  were  allowed  to 
march  out  with  the  honours  of  war. 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  remarkable  wars  in  history, 
marked  by  twenty-three  battles  and  an  endless  number  of  other 
engagements.  Never  before  had  such  large  masses  of  men  been 

238 


END    OF    THE    WAR 

seen  in  conflict.  The  losses  of  the  Germans  were  calculated  at 
5,254  officers  and  112,000  men,  while  those  of  the  French  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners  almost  defy  enumeration.  The  number 
of  German  prisoners  captured  by  the  French  did  not  exceed 
10,000,  whereas  at  least  400,000  unarmed  Frenchmen  crossed  the 
Rhine  as  captives. 


239 


The 

Bordeaux 

Assembly. 


The 

Republic 

Formed. 


The 

Germans 
in  Paris. 


CHAPTER    X 
THE  COMMUNE 

THE  National  Assembly  at  Bordeaux  consisted  of  750  Deputies, 
elected  in  Cantons  from  a  list  of  candidates  for  each  Depart- 
ment. The  general  desire  was  for  peace.  The  peasants  had 
chosen  Orleanists  and  Legitimists,  as  being  men  well  known  and 
of  position,  who  could  be  trusted  and  were  in  favour  of  peace. 
They  formed  the  majority  of  the  Assembly,  numbering  400  against 
350.  The  Departments  of  the  south-east,  where  the  war  had 
been  most  severe,  returned  Republicans,  and  in  Paris  many 
Revolutionaries  were  chosen.  There  was  not  a  sufficient  number  of 
Monarchists  to  outweigh  the  Republicans,  but  they  were  deter- 
mined not  to  submit  either  to  Gambetta  or  to  Paris,  and  therefore 
they  left  the  choice  of  the  form  of  government  to  the  future. 

Jules  Grevy,  a  Republican  and  an  opponent  of  Gambetta,  was 
made  President,  and  Thiers  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
Executive,  as  he  had  been  elected  in  twenty-six  Departments 
and  was  very  popular  in  consequence  of  his  protest  against  the 
war.  He  was,  indeed,  master  of  the  situation.  He  selected  for 
his  Ministers  moderate  Republicans,  who  belonged  to  the  peace 
party,  and  announced  that  his  policy  would  be  confined  to 
reorganisation,  the  restoration  of  credit,  and  the  revival  of 
industry.  On  February  26th  Thiers  and  Jules  Favre  signed  the 
preliminaries  of  peace,  which  were  ratified  by  the  Assembly  on 
March  ist  by  546  votes  to  107,  with  23  abstentions.  Napoleon 
III.  was  formally  deposed  and  declared  responsible  for  the  ruin 
of  France. 

On  this  same  day  the  German  troops  marched  through  a 
portion  of  the  capital.  The  amour  propre  of  France  had  been 
so  far  considered  that  an  occupation  of  Paris  had  been  given  up, 
but  the  march  had  been  conceded  by  Thiers  as  a  ransom  for  Belfort. 
Prussian  and  Bavarian  troops  marched  from  Mont  Vale'rien, 
through  the  Arc  de  Triomphe  and  the  Champs  Elyse*es.  The 
Palais  de  1' Industrie  and  the  Cirque  Imperial  were  assigned  to  the 
German  troops,  and  a  strong  French  force  guarded  the  line  which 
separated  the  occupied  districts  from  the  remainder  of  the  city. 
The  day  passed  without  serious  incident,  but  was  kept  throughout 

240 


ANARCHY    IN    PARIS 

Paris  as  a  day  of  mourning.  Neither  the  Emperor  nor  the  Crown 
Prince  accompanied  the  troops.  As  soon  as  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  had  been  notified  by  Favre  to  Bismarck,  Paris  was 
evacuated  and  the  march  home  begun.  The  headquarters  of 
Versailles  were  broken  up  on  March  7th. 

As  soon  as  the  preliminaries  had  been  ratified,  four  of  the  Paris 
Revolutionary  Deputies  for  Paris  resigned,  refusing  to  sit  in  an  Repudiates 
Assembly  which  had  surrendered  two  provinces,  dismembered  _  e 
France,  and  ruined  the  country.  It  was  inevitable  that  a  conflict 
should  break  out  in  the  Bordeaux  Assembly  between  the  Revolu- 
tionaries of  the  towns,  especially  of  Paris,  and  the  Deputies  for 
the  country  districts.  The  decree  allowing  the  Prussians  to  enter 
Paris  roused  intense  indignation  in  the  city,  and  there  were  signs 
of  a  coming  storm.  The  cannon  which  had  been  purchased  by 
the  citizens  for  the  defence  of  Paris  were  removed  to  Montmartre 
and  Belleville,  but  the  people  had  the  good  sense  not  to  attack 
the  Prussians.  Another  cause  of  offence  was  that  the  Bordeaux 
Assembly  determined  to  sit  at  Versailles  and  not  at  Paris.  More- 
over, the  commercial  interests  of  the  capital  were  neglected  by 
the  Assembly  refusing  to  sanction  the  postponement  of  rent  and 
of  payments  due  for  commercial  transactions  which  had  been 
granted  during  the  siege,  and  the  payment  to  the  working  men 
as  National  Guards,  which  cost  a  considerable  sum,  was  stopped. 

When  Thiers  arrived  at  Versailles  on  March  i5th  he  sent  Paris 
troops  to  bring  back  the  cannon  from  Montmartre,  and  three  days 
later  the  soldiers  made  common  cause  with  the  people.  Lecomte, 
who  commanded  the  troops,  was  shot  by  the  mob,  and  so  was 
Clement  Thomas,  who  happened  to  be  passing.  During  the  day 
the  insurrection  grew,  and  Thiers  and  the  other  members  of  the 
Government  left  Paris,  intending  to  return  with  an  army  and 
destroy  the  rebels  who  would  pillage  Paris  and  ruin  France.  Thus 
on  the  morning  of  March  igth  Paris  was  without  regular  govern- 
ment, and  all  authority  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  old  war 
party — the  National  Guards  and  the  revolutionary  Republicans. 
A  Central  Committee  of  the  Federation  of  the  National  Guards, 
which  had  been  formed  at  the  end  of  February  and  chosen  on 
March  i_5th,  installed  itself  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville  and  sent 
representatives  to  the  different  Ministries. 

On  March  igth  the  red  flag  floated  from  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
and  at  half-past  eight  the  Central  Committee  of  the  Commune 
held  their  first  meeting  in  the  room  from  which  Trochu  used  to 
give  his  orders.  The  president  was  a  young  man  of  thirty-two — 
Edward  Moreau,  a  commission  agent.  The  Committee  spent  their 

q  241 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Programme 
of  the 
Commune. 


The  Central 
Committee 
in  Power. 


time  organising  the  elections  and  providing  for  the  carrying  out  of 
public  affairs,  and  sat  till  i  o'clock.  At  2  the  proclamation  they 
had  drawn  up  was  posted  in  the  town  :  "  Citizens,  the  people  of 
Paris,  calm  and  impassive  in  their  strength,  have  awaited,  with- 
out fear  as  without  passion,  the  shameless  fools  who  wish  to  touch 
our  Republic.  Let  Paris  and  France  together  lay  the  founda- 
tion of  a  true  Republic — the  only  government  which  will  for 
ever  close  the  era  of  Revolution.  The  people  of  Paris  is  convoked 
to  make  its  elections."  This  was  signed  by  twenty  obscure 
persons. 

Twenty  thousand  men  were  encamped  in  the  square  before 
the  Hotel  de  Ville,  with  pieces  of  hard  steel  at  the  ends  of  their 
muskets,  and  fifty  cannon  and  mitrailleuses  were  drawn  up  in 
front  of  the  building.  At  the  same  time  a  meeting  of  the  heads 
of  battalions  of  the  National  Guard  and  of  the  mayors  and 
deputies  of  the  Department  of  the  Seine  was  being  held  at  the 
Town  Hall  of  the  third  arrondissement.  The  Committee  fixed 
the  date  of  elections  for  the  following  Wednesday,  declared  the 
state  of  siege  at  an  end,  abolished  court-martials,  and  gave  an 
amnesty  for  all  political  causes  and  offences.  At  8  p.m.  it 
received  a  deputation  from  the  mayors  and  deputies,  of  which 
Clemenceau  was  the  best-known  member.  The  discussion  was 
stormy,  and  lasted  till  10.30.  The  Commune  proclaimed  its 
programme — the  election  of  the  municipal  council,  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  Prefecture  of  Police,  the  right  of  the  National  Guard 
to  elect  its  officers,  the  proclamation  of  the  Republic  as  the  legal 
government,  the  remittance  of  all  rents  due,  an  equitable  law  on 
over-due  bills,  and  the  exclusion  of  the  army  from  Parisian 
territory.  There  was  yet  a  third  meeting  of  mayors  and  deputies 
of  the  several  arrondissements  ;  this  included  Louis  Blanc, 
Carnot  and  Floquet.  At  its  close  the  Central  Committee  held 
a  heated  debate  which  lasted  far  into  the  night. 

Next  morning  the  Central  Committee  was  summoned  to  leave 
the  Hotel  de  Ville,  but  they  refused  to  yield,  and  arranged 
the  election  of  the  municipal  council  for  March  22nd.  The 
Committee  also  managed  to  get  1,000,000  francs  advanced  for 
current  expenses.  March  2ist  was  the  day  of  trial  for  the 
Committee.  The  Place  Vendome  was  occupied  by  their  soldiers, 
and  an  attack  was  made  upon  them  by  those  who  desired  to 
support  the  authority  of  the  Assembly.  Firing  took  place,  and  a 
certain  number  were  killed.  Paris  was  divided  between  the 
friends  of  the  Committee  and  the  supporters  of  the  Assembly. 
The  night  passed  quietly  ;  the  Place  Vendome  was  defended  by 

242 


THE    COMMUNE    PROCLAIMED 

barricades,  and  the  battalions  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville  were 
strengthened.  It  was  impossible  to  hold  the  elections  on  March 
22nd,  and  they  were  deferred  until  March  26th.  The  mayors 
of  the  Department  of  the  Seine  organised  themselves  against  the 
Committee,  and  sent  a  deputation  to  the  National  Assembly  at 
Versailles  ;  but  when  they  found  that  union  with  the  Assembly 
would  lead  to  civil  war,  they  returned  to  Paris  and  eventually 
came  to  terms  with  the  Committee. 

The  elections  were  held  on  Sunday,   March  26th,   a  day  of  Constitution 

quiet,  with  order  and  regularity ;    and  the  Commune,  the  govern-  °f  the 

r    -ri     •      *       -A.  :  •    •  •  •  .u*  i   •       j       TM-      Commune. 

ment   of   Paris   by  its   own   municipality,   was   proclaimed.     The 

majority    of    the    Central    Committee    were    Republicans     and 
Socialists,  but  they  did  not  put  forth  any  programme  of  social 
reform.     Their  one  desire  was  to  defend  what  they  called  Repub- 
lican  principles,    and   the   autonomy   of    the    Commune,    against 
those   whom  they   designated   as   the   "  Men   of   Versailles,"   the 
only    people    from    whom    an    organised    government    could    be 
expected.     The  newly-elected  General  Council  of  the  Commune 
consisted    of    ninety    members ;     of    these,    fifteen,    the    most 
moderate,    retired    a    few    days    after    their    election.     The    rest 
belonged   to   the   party   of   the   insurrection   and   retained   their 
seats.     Among  them  were  a  few  members  of  the  original  Central 
Committee,  but  there  were  associated  with  them  representatives 
of  all  the  extreme  doctrines  which  had  been  disseminated  among 
the  lower  classes  of  Paris  since  the  fall  of  the  Empire.     There 
were   followers   of  Blanqui,   either  pure   and  simple,   or  with   a 
difference ;     advocates   of    a   democratic   dictatorship ;     Radicals 
like  Felix  Pyat  and  Delescluze,  who  sprang  up  in  the  last  years 
of  the  Empire   and  wished  to  revive  the  Jacobin  tradition  of 
1793 ;    June    Socialists ;    "  Reds,"    who    were   ignorant    both    of 
the  theory  and  practice   of  government,  but  who   had   a  desire 
for  the  existence  and  the  opportunities  of  the   revolution ;    and 
seventeen  members  of  the  International,  who  favoured  sweeping 
social  changes,  to  be  carried  out  by  peaceful  means.     The  last 
were  the  members  of  the  Committee  who  had  the  clearest  ideas 
of  what  they  wanted  and  from  whom  most  had  to  be  expected. 
Although  the  General  Council  was  thus  finally  constituted,  the 
General  Committee  did  not  altogether  surrender  its  powers,  but 
continued  to  act  in  order  to  serve  as  a  bond  between  the  Council 
and  the  National  Guard,  over  whom  it  continued  to  have  con- 
siderable   influence.    The   Commune    was    never    able    to    divest 
itself  of  the  double  authority  of  the  General  Council  and  the 
Central  Committee. 

243 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Work 
of  the 
Commune. 


Failure  of 
Communal 
Government. 


The  General  Council  began  its  work  on  March  29 th.  It 
appointed  committees  to  carry  out  the  various  branches  of 
government,  with  full  powers — an  executive  committee,  a  finance 
committee,  committees  of  war,  justice,  public  security,  subsistence, 
labour,  manufactures,  commerce,  foreign  relations,  public  service, 
and  education.  It  remitted  all  rents  due  in  October,  1870,  and 
January  and  April,  1871,  and  gave  a  respite  of  three  years  in 
respect  of  commercial  obligations.  It  abolished  conscription  and 
established  compulsory  military  service  for  all  able-bodied  men 
between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  forty,  adopted  the  Republican 
calendar  and  the  red  flag,  and  declared  all  the  acts  of  the 
Government  of  Versailles  to  be  null  and  void. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  leading  members  of  the 
committees  laboured  hard  in  their  several  departments  to  realise 
the  ideals  they  set  before  themselves.  It  was  impossible,  in  the 
short  time  at  their  disposal,  and  in  the  circumstances,  to  do 
much  ;  but  they  set  before  the  people  of  Paris  a  high  standard  of 
independence  and  hard  work.  The  names  of  those  engaged  in 
this  work  and  of  the  members  of  the  International  are  little 
known.  The  Republicans  were  more  familiar.  Foremost  amongst 
them  was  Delescluze,  the  intimate  friend,  first  of  Ledru  Rollin, 
then  of  Rochefort,  Flourens,  Raoult-Rigault,  Cluseret  and  Felix 
Pyat.  Blanqui  had  been  chosen,  but  he  was  a  prisoner  at 
Versailles  and  could  not  take  his  seat.  He  was  represented  by 
Paschal  Grousset,  a  man  of  culture  and  refinement,  who  had 
charge  of  foreign  affairs.  Rochefort  was  a  member,  but  he  had 
sufficient  insight  to  distrust  the  success  of  the  movement,  and  did 
not  take  an  important  part  in  it.  Jourde  was  a  good  Minister 
of  Finance. 

But  however  excellent  the  intentions  of  the  Communal  Govern- 
ment may  have  been,  it  was  not  likely  that  they  could  be 
effectually  carried  out.  There  was  a  lack  of  unity  and  organisa- 
tion, and  an  absence  of  discipline  and  knowledge  of  affairs ; 
conflicting  orders  were  given,  confused  and  difficult  to  accomplish  ; 
much  was  destroyed,  little  constructed.  The  committees  at  first 
established  were  changed,  both  in  the  persons  of  whom  they  were 
composed  and  in  the  work  they  were  to  undertake,  while  their 
methods  were  modelled  too  much  after  the  example  of  1793. 
They  made  domiciliary  visits  in  search  of  suspected  persons,  and 
filled  the  public  offices  with  their  own  adherents.  Among  the 
mayors  and  municipal  officers  were  seen  citizens  like  Malou, 
Tolain,  Heligon,  Murat,  sitting  by  the  side  of  millionaires  like 
Tiraud,  distinguished  barristers  like  Herisson,  statesmen  like 

244 


PARIS    v.    VERSAILLES 

Clemenceau,  men  of  letters  like  Henri  Martin.  But  the  instru- 
ments of  which  they  made  use  were  far  from  creditable.  Twenty 
or  thirty  thousand  criminals  served  in  the  National  Guard ;  a 
corps  of  women  was  formed,  which  contained,  together  with  the 
famous  women  of  the  markets,  a  number  of  very  doubtful 
characters.  There  was  little  security  of  property  in  the  city  ; 
the  National  Guard  thought  more  of  attacking  Versailles  than  of 
keeping  order,  and  the  so-called  police  were  themselves  among 
the  worst  offenders.  Passes  and  certificates  of  security  were 
bought  and  sold. 

On  April  3rd  the  Gardes  Nationaux  Federes,  the  soldiers  of  Paris  Fights 
the  Commune,  attempted  a  sortie  in  retaliation  for  an  attack  Yersailles* 
made  by  the  troops  of  Versailles  the  evening  before,  and  marched 
upon  Versailles  in  three  columns.  They  occupied  an  important 
flanking  position  against  Versailles,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Asnieres  and  Neuilly,  and  protected  the  passage  with  strong 
barricades.  This  success  stimulated  the  Commune  to  further 
efforts.  The  soldiers  of  the  Commune  who  were  taken  prisoners 
were  shot  without  trial,  the  Government  treating  the  Communards 
not  as  political  rebels,  but  as  criminals.  The  Commune  retaliated 
by  seizing  certain  people  of  good  position,  who  were  suspected 
of  sympathy  with  Versailles,  and  said  that  any  execution  of  a 
soldier  of  the  Commune  would  be  followed  by  the  shooting  of 
these  hostages.  They  also  arraigned  the  heads  of  the  Ver- 
sailles Government  —  Thiers,  Dufaure,  Picard,  Sommer  —  before 
their  courts  and  confiscated  their  property.  As  we  have  said, 
Paschal  Grousset  undertook  Foreign  Affairs,  and  Cluseret  and 
afterwards  Rossel  represented  War,  assisted  by  the  Pole  Dom- 
browski. 

The  principles  of  the  Commune  spread  to  the  provinces.  Lyons,  Second  Siege 
St.  Etienne,  Creusot,  Narbonne,  Marseilles,  Toulouse,  Limoges,  of  Pans- 
all  set  up  Communal  governments,  which,  however,  had  little 
strength  and  did  not  last  long.  They  indulged  in  shouts  of 
'  Vive  Paris ! "  but  had  no  power  of  control,  and  could  not 
assist  the  city  they  regarded  as  their  head.  Therefore  the 
Government  of  Versailles  had  before  it  the  simple  task  of 
reducing  Paris,  and  when  the  army  of  Thiers,  which  was  mainly 
composed  of  soldiers  who  had  returned  from  captivity  in  Ger- 
many, was  sufficiently  concentrated,  the  second  siege  of  Paris 
was  begun. 

Attempts  were  made  at  this  time  to  bring  about  a  reconcilia-  Commune's 
tion  between  Versailles  and  Paris.    A  so-called  League  and  Union,  "Tcsta- 
formed    among    the    citizens    of    Paris    for    the    preservation    of  ment* 

245 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Committee 
of  Public 
Safety. 


Versailles 
Victorious. 


municipal  rights,  conducted  this  work,  assisted  by  the  Free- 
masons ;  and  on  April  nth,  1871,  a  deputation  from  Lyons 
visited  Versailles  and  then  Paris,  but  to  no  purpose,  as  the 
Government  of  Versailles  would  make  no  terms.  The  move- 
ment, however,  had  the  effect  of  inducing  the  Commune  to  declare 
its  objects,  which  was  done  in  a  document  called  a  "  Testament." 
Their  aims,  it  seemed,  were  to  establish  the  absolute  autonomy 
of  the  Commune  throughout  the  whole  of  France,  which  should 
secure  to  every  Frenchman  the  full  exercise  of  his  rights  and 
inclinations  as  man,  citizen  and  workman  ;  but  their  chief  end 
was  to  abolish  the  centralisation  which  had  been  the  curse  of 
France  for  so  many  years,  and  to  convert  the  country  into  a  loose 
federal  State,  a  confederation  of  completely  independent  town 
republics,  of  which  the  communes  should  form  organic  cells. 
Despotic,  arbitrary,  unintelligent  and  costly  centralisation  would 
thus  be  replaced  by  a  free  union  of  all  local  authorities,  which 
should  direct  the  independent  operations  of  individual  forces 
towards  a  common  end — namely,  the  prosperity,  liberty  and 
security  of  all.  A  National  Guard,  composed  of  all  citizens,  was 
to  take  the  place  of  the  standing  army,  and  public  business  was 
to  be  transacted  by  elected  officials.  It  was,  indeed,  an  exalted 
ideal,  the  direct  negation  of  everything  which  had  distinguished 
France  for  eight  hundred  years.  She  was  no  longer  to  be  the 
Grande  Nation,  distinguished  by  splendour  and  eclat,  a  brilliant 
court  and  conquering  army,  but  a  democratic  Switzerland,  divided 
into  cantons  and  communes,  the  individual  freedom  of  which 
was  only  limited  by  the  necessities  of  combination  for  the  purposes 
of  existence. 

Supplemental  elections,  held  on  April  i6th,  added  twenty-one 
members  to  the  Council,  and  on  April  20th,  the  date  of  the 
Testament,  the  executive  was  reorganised.  Each  of  the  nine 
special  committees  was  replaced  by  a  delegate,  who  acted  as  a 
Minister,  and  the  nine  delegates  together  formed  what  was 
practically  a  Ministry.  On  March  28th,  after  a  parade  at  Fort 
dTssy,  the  majority  carried  by  forty-five  votes  to  twenty- 
three  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  con- 
sisting of  five  members,  such  as  had  existed  in  the  great 
Revolution. 

The  troops  of  the  Commune  offered  a  brave  resistance  to  the 
army  of  Versailles,  but  MacMahon  gradually  made  himself  master 
of  the  outer  works  of  defence,  though  each  success  served  to 
stimulate  the  terror  of  the  Communal  government  and  urge  it  to 
fresh  acts  of  violence  and  atrocity.  The  need  of  money  was 

246 


PITEOUS    CONDITION    OF    PARIS 

supplied  by  the  confiscation  of  public  and  municipal  revenues, 
obtained  by  requisitions  upon  the  Bank  of  France,  the  Post  Office, 
the  railway  and  telegraph  companies,  and  the  rich  merchants. 
The  separation  of  Church  and  State  was  decreed,  and  the 
possessions  of  the  Church  were  declared  to  be  public  property. 
On  May  8th  Thiers  issued  a  proclamation  calling  upon  Paris  to 
free  herself  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Commune  and  re-establish 
peace,  order  and  prosperity.  In  answer  to  this,  the  property  of 
Adolphe  Thiers  was  declared  to  be  confiscated,  but  the  many 
treasures  of  art  his  house  contained  were,  by  friendly  influence, 
safely  deposited  in  the  public  buildings.  Other  attempts  at 
indiscriminate  plunder  were  fortunately  checked  ;  Beslay  contrived 
to  save  a  large  portion  of  property  preserved  in  the  Bank  of 
France,  and  Jourde  provided  that  the  restoration  of  all  the 
property  deposited  in  the  Mont  de  Piete,  the  State  Pantechnicon, 
should  be  confined  to  the  articles  belonging  to  the  poor  of  the 
value  of  less  than  20  francs. 

The  leaders  of  the  Commune  determined  that  if  they  fell  Paris  Communist 
should  fall  with  them,  and  that  the  army  of  Versailles  should  Leaders' 
only  conquer  its  ruins.     The  Cri  du  Peuple,  a  newspaper  founded  Determma- 
by  Blanqui  and  edited  by  Jules  Viller,  said,  on  May  igth  :    "  Our 
walls  may  fall,  but  no  soldier  shall  enter  Paris.     If  M.  Thiers  is 
a   chemist,    he   will   understand   what   we   mean.     The    army   of 
Versailles  must  understand  that  before  Paris  surrenders  it  will 
dare   everything/'     As   danger   threatened,   the   General   Council, 
the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  the  Central  Committee,  and  the 
National  Guard,  which  had  so  long  contended  against  each  other, 
drew  closer  together,  and  a  Scientific  Committee  was  established 
to    assist    the    Barricade    Committee,    to    examine    how   far    the 
destructive  forces  of  science  could  be  used  in  the  service  of  the 
Revolution. 

As  MacMahon  gradually  became  master  of  the  bridge  of  "Bloody 
Neuilly  and  other  points  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fortifications, 
the  fever  of  resistance  became  more  pronounced.  On  May  i8th 
the  column  in  the  Place  Vendome,  which  symbolised  the  victories 
of  Napoleon,  was  pulled  down.  On  May  21  st  the  Paris  troops 
advanced  without  fighting  to  the  Point  du  Jour,  and  occupied 
the  western  districts.  Fierce  fighting  continued  for  seven  days, 
from  May  2ist  to  May  28th,  the  so-called  "  Bloody  Week."  The 
army  of  Versailles  gave  no  quarter,  and  the  Commune  was 
stimulated  to  reprisals.  The  hostages  were  put  to  death,  among 
them  Darboy,  Archbishop  of  Paris ;  Abbe  Allard ;  President 
Bonjeau ;  and  the  universally-respected  Cure  of  the  Madeleine, 

247 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Wholesale 
Executions. 


Constitution 
of  the 
Republic. 


Dugueny.  The  principal  buildings  of  Paris  were  drenched  with 
petroleum,  and  either  wholly  or  partially  burnt,  including  the 
Tuileries,  the  Louvre,  the  Luxembourg,  the  Palais  Royal,  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  the  Ministry  of  Finance,  and  the  Cour  des 
Comtes. 

The  work  of  retaliation  and  repression  was  carried  on  with 
terrible  severity.  The  city  was  gradually  conquered  from  the 
Point  du  Jour  to  the  Pere  la  Chaise,  district  by  district,  barricade 
by  barricade.  On  May  3ist  Thiers  proclaimed  that  the  full 
penalty  would  be  exacted  and,  in  fact,  no  quarter  was  given. 
Men  were  put  to  death  after  a  pretence  of  trial,  or  without  any 
trial  at  all,  by  officers  and  soldiers.  It  was  admitted  at  Versailles 
that  17,000  persons  were  killed ;  as  a  fact,  the  number  reached  at 
least  20,000.  Besides  these,  38,568  persons  were  arrested,  of 
whom  1,058  were  women  and  651  children  ;  and  of  the  number 
arrested  1,179  died  in  consequence  of  bad  treatment.  The 
prisoners  were  tried  by  court-martial  and  condemned  to  death 
or  penal  servitude.  The  number  of  the  condemned  reached 
I3>45°>  °f  whom  2,710  were  sentenced  to  death  and  7,500 
to  transportation.  The  court-martial  continued  to  sit  as  late 
as  1876.  The  effect  of  these  measures  was  to  wipe  out  the 
Revolutionary  and  Socialist  parties ;  the  only  parties  that 
remained  were  Monarchists  and  Republicans,  the  former  being 
divided  into  Legitimists  and  Orleanists,  since  the  cause  of 
the  war  had  destroyed  all  chance  of  a  Bonapartist  restora- 
tion. 

By  the  elections  which  took  place  on  May  ist,  the  moderate 
Republicans  obtained  a  majority.  But  the  decrees  of  banish- 
ment against  the  Houses  of  Bourbon  and  Orleans  were  recalled, 
and  the  Due  d'Aumale  and  the  Prince  de  Joinville  were  actually 
elected  to  the  Assembly.  In  October,  Aranda  was  chosen  Presi- 
dent of  the  General  Council  of  the  Oise,  a  very  influential  position. 
In  the  supplementary  elections  of  July  28th  the  Republicans 
were  successful  in  twenty-five  out  of  thirty-nine  Departments, 
and  of  twenty-one  Deputies  returned  from  Paris  sixteen  belonging 
to  the  Union  of  the  Press,  and  the  followers  of  Thiers,  were  elected. 
The  fact  that  a  loan  was  subscribed  many  times  over  showed 
the  inexhaustible  wealth  of  the  country  and  the  confidence  with 
which  it  was  regarded  by  foreign  nations.  The  war  indemnity 
could  now  be  paid  and  the  evacuation  of  the  country  by  the  army 
of  occupation  secured.  A  proclamation  of  the  Comte  de  Cham- 
bord  in  favour  of  the  white  flag  weakened  the  Legitimists  and 
strengthened  the  hands  of  the  Republic,  and  gave  Thiers  the 

248 


PEACE    OF    FRANKFORT 

support  of  all  sensible  and  practical  people.  On  August  2ist 
an  enactment  was  passed,  by  491  votes  to  94,  providing  that  the 
head  of  the  executive  should  take  the  title  of  President  of  the 
French  Republic,  that  he  should  have  the  power  of  appointing 
and  dismissing  his  Ministers,  and  the  right  to  address  the 
Assembly  whenever  he  pleased  ;  but  that  the  individual  Minis- 
ters, the  Cabinet  as  a  whole,  and  the  President  himself  should 
be  responsible  to  the  Assembly.  This  meant  the  formation 
of  a  moderate  Republic,  equally  opposed  to  Monarchy  and 
to  advanced  Republicanism.  This  was  a  provisional  constitu- 
tion ;  the  final  and  definite  constitution  was  not  formed  till 


During  the  very  height  of  these  disturbances  the  Peace  of  Peace 
Frankfort  was  signed  on  May  loth  by  Bismarck  on  behalf  of  Si£ned. 
Germany  and  by  Jules  Favre  and  Pouyer-Quertier  on  behalf  of 
France.  The  arrangements  with  regard  to  the  payment  of  the 
indemnity  of  five  milliards  and  the  tracing  of  the  frontier  between 
Belfort  and  Thionville  received  the  approval  of  the  German 
Emperor  and  the  French  Assembly.  The  final  closing  of  the  war 
was  received  with  the  greatest  joy,  not  only  in  Germany  itself, 
but  in  all  parts  of  the  world  inhabited  by  Germans.  A  South 
German  paper  wrote  :  "  The  dove  of  peace  which  was  sent  out  from 
the  German  Ark  has  at  length  returned  with  a  fresh  olive  branch. 
The  sound  of  the  cannon  and  the  tocsin  no  longer  summon  us  to 
the  murderous  field  of  battle  ;  they  have  become  heralds  of  peace. 
The  flood  of  war  has  overwhelmed  many  of  our  dear  ones,  but 
our  land  and  people  stand  as  if  refreshed  with  morning  dew,  ready 
for  the  work  of  our  hands  and  for  the  seed-time  of  culture.  The 
general  feeling  of  the  great  majority  of  our  people  is  thanks  and 
praise  to  God  that,  together  with  peace  abroad  and  at  home,  we 
have  laid  the  foundations  of  a  strong  Fatherland  and  of  civic 
freedom.  We  know  that  in  this  battle  of  giants  our  people 
have  won  spurs  of  honourable  knighthood,  an  equality  of  rank 
with  the  first  nations  of  the  world.  But  this  exalted  rank 
lays  heavy  duties  upon  us.  Let  us  first  think  of  our  duties 
towards  the  dead,  who  fell  in  this  holy  war  upon  the  field  of 
victory/' 

The  first  German  Reichstag,  or  Parliament,  met  in  Berlin  on  The  First 
March  2ist,  1871,  containing  representatives  from  every  part  of  Reichstag. 
Germany,  both  north  and  south  of  the  Main.     Their  first  duty 
was  to  consider  how  the  government  of  Alsace  and  Lorraine  could 
best  be  carried  out,  and  then  to  take  care  of  those  wounded  and 
invalided  in  the  war   and  the  families  of  the  dead.     A  sum  of 

249 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

12,000,000  marks  was  voted  as  a  present  to  the  generals  and 
statesmen  who  had  contributed  in  a  conspicuous  manner  to  the 
successes  of  their  country,  and  a  similar  sum  to  the  governments 
of  the  separate  States  as  assistance  to  the  support  of  the  reservists 
and  others  who  were  liable  to  military  service. 


250 


BOOK    IV 


CHAPTER  I 
GLADSTONE'S  MINISTRY,  1868-74 

THE  British  Parliament  elected  in  1865  was  dissolved  by  pro- 
clamation in  November,  1868.  The  question  before  the  country 
was  the  disestablishment  and  disendowment  of  the  Irish  Church. 
Although  Gladstone  himself  was  defeated  in  Lancashire,  the 
voting  was  favourable  to  the  Liberal  Party,  the  Liberals  being 
returned  with  an  overwhelming  majority.  This  was  a  surprise 
to  the  Conservatives,  just  as  the  election  of  1874,  which  closed 
Gladstone's  Ministry,  was  a  still  greater  surprise  to  the  Liberals. 
On  December  2nd  Disraeli  sent  a  letter  to  his  supporters  in  both 
Houses  of  Parliament,  announcing  his  intention  of  resigning  before 
Parliament  met.  The  Queen  at  once  sent  for  Gladstone,  and  he 
had  no  difficulty  in  forming  a  Government.  Lowe  became  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Exchequer ;  Childers,  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  ; 
Goschert,  President  of  the  Poor  Law  Board  ;  Bright,  President  of 
the  Board  of  Trade.  The  seals  of  the  Foreign  Office  were  given 
to  Lord  Clarendon,  those  of  the  Colonial  Office  to  Lord  Granville, 
of  the  War  Office  to  Cardwell,  of  the  India  Office  to  the  Duke  of 
Argyll.  Lord  Justice  Page  Wood,  a  man  of  the  highest  character, 
which  shone  conspicuously  on  his  spiritual  face,  became  Lord 
Chancellor,  with  the  title  of  Lord  Hatherley.  Although  a  strong 
Churchman  and  a  man  of  deep  piety,  he  had  no  objection  to  the 
disestablishment  of  the  Irish  Church. 

Parliament  met  on  December  loth,  but  the  Queen's  Speech 
was  not  delivered  until  February  i6th,  1869.  The  Queen  did 
not  open  Parliament  in  person,  and  therefore  was  not  compelled 
to  read  a  speech  which  announced  legislation  on  the  ecclesiastical 
affairs  of  Ireland  and  heralded  a  measure  to  which  she  had  pre- 
viously been  strongly  opposed.  The  Irish  Church  Bill  was  brought 
forward  on  March  ist.  It  provided  that  from  and  after  January 
ist,  1871,  the  Church  of  Ireland  was  to  be  entirely  disconnected 
from  the  State,  and  that  its  government  was  to  be  entrusted  to  a 
body  in  the  composition  of  which  the  clergy  and  laity  of  the 

251 


Gladstone's 

1868 

Cabinet. 


Disestablish, 
ment  of 
Irish 
Church, 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Church  should  be  agreed,  and  that  this  body  should  be  incor- 
porated by  law.  For  the  purpose  of  disendowment  the  property 
of  the  Church  was  to  be  vested  in  commissioners  appointed  by 
Parliament  for  ten  years,  private  endowments  given  to  the 
Church  of  Ireland  after  1660  being  except ed.  The  fabrics  of 
churches  and  parsonages  were  to  be  handed  over  to  the  governing 
body  already  mentioned.  Full  compensation  was  given  to  all 
vested  interests.  The  State  was  no  longer  to  subsidise  either 
the  Catholic  Church  through  the  grant  to  Maynooth  College, 
or  the  Presbyterians  through  the  Regium  Donum  ;  but  com- 
pensation for  the  loss  of  these  sums  was  to  be  made  from  the 
funds  of  the  disestablished  Church.  Gladstone  estimated  the 
whole  value  of  the  existing  endowments  at  £16,000,000.  Of  this 
sum  £8,500,000  were  to  be  given  back  to  the  Church  under  its 
new  constitution,  and  the  remaining  £7,500,000  were  to  form  a 
compensation  fund  for  the  relief  of  unavoidable  calamity  and 
suffering  not  met  by  the  existing  poor  law. 

The  Lords  There  was  little  opposition  in  the  Commons  to  a  measure  of 

Disestablish  w^^c^  t^le  country  na(i  expressed  its  approval :  the  Bill  was  read 
ment,  "  a  second  time  before  Easter  by  a  majority  of  118,  and  the  third 
reading  was  passed  by  a  majority  of  114  on  June  ist.  But  the 
Bill  had  to  pass  the  ordeal  of  the  House  of  Lords,  where  the 
decisive  struggle  had  to  take  place.  It  was  determined  to  contest 
the  second  reading  in  the  Upper  House.  Although  the  Queen 
was  strongly  opposed  to  the  measure,  she  did  not  desire  to  see  a 
violent  conflict  between  the  two  Houses,  and  wrote  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  to  remind  him  that  the  Bill  had  been  carried 
by  an  overwhelming  majority  through  the  House  of  Commons, 
which  had  been  specially  elected  to  express  the  feeling  of  the 
country  in  the  matter,  and  that  it  was  not  likely  that  a  fresh 
election  would  have  a  different  result.  Eventually,  after  a  debate 
of  four  nights,  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning  on  June  igth,  the 
second  reading  of  the  Bill  was  carried  by  179  votes  to  146.  By 
this  wise  resolve,  preferring  the  welfare  of  the  country  to  its  own 
predilections,  and  the  will  of  the  nation  to  its  own  private 
opinions,  the  House  of  Lords  voted  in  a  manner  worthy  of  its 
best  traditions.  It  should  have  been  evident  to  the  peers  that 
by  such  behaviour  alone  could  the  continued  existence  of  a 
hereditary  chamber  be  preserved.  But  having  gone  so  far,  they 
were  not  prepared  to  go  farther,  and  so  altered  the  Bill  in 
Committee  that  the  Irish  Church  remained  in  possession  of 
£13,000,000  instead  of  £8,500,000,  while  other  important  changes 
were  also  made. 

252 


LIBERALISM'S    GREAT    TRIUMPH 

Gladstone  refused  to  accept  these  amendments,  and  the  Bill  A  Successful 
was  returned  to  the  Lords  much  in  the  same  state  as  that  in  which  ComPromise- 
it  had  been  first  introduced  in  the  Commons.  There  was  a  dead- 
lock ;  but  the  spirit  of  political  wisdom  and  compromise  which 
has-  permeated  the  history  of  the  United  Kingdom  for  so  many 
years,  and  made  it  a  model  of  instruction  for  the  world,  once  more 
prevailed.  On  July  21  st  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  Colonial  Office 
attended  by  Lord  Granville,  Lord  Cairns,  and  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  and  when  the  peers  met  on  the  following  day  they 
found  the  matter  had  been  arranged.  The  compensation  offered 
had  been  slightly  increased,  and  the  application  of  the  surplus 
was  left  to  the  decision  of  Parliament. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the  disestablishment  of  the 
Irish  Church  has  been  a  success,  and  justified  the  prevision  of 
those  who  carried  it.  Under  its  new  conditions  the  Church  has 
been,  if  more  clerical,  more  prosperous  than  it  was  before,  and 
the  Church  of  England  has  been  rather  strengthened  than 
weakened  by  its  severance  from  a  sister  whose  indefensible  position 
was  the  cause  of  constant  irritation. 

The  budget  had  been  introduced  on  April  8th.  The  financial  Education 
condition  of  the  country  was  not  very  favourable,  as  the  Refown* 
Abyssinian  expedition  had  cost  £9,000,000.  Robert  Lowe  framed 
his  measure  with  wonted  cleverness  and  ingenuity,  but  roused, 
after  his  manner,  a  great  deal  of  unnecessary  opposition ;  yet 
the  budget  was  eventually  found  not  to  be  so  eccentric  as  it 
appeared  at  first  sight,  and  was  passed  quietly  into  law.  The 
year  1869  also  witnessed  a  measure  which  was  a  first  step  towards 
the  organisation  of  secondary  education,  but  which  has  not  been 
much  developed  since.  Probably  the  only  sound  policy  is  to 
abolish  the  distinction  of  secondary  education  altogether,  and 
leave  but  two  classes,  elementary  and  superior — the  education 
of  the  common  school  and  the  education  of  the  University,  just 
as  changes  have  abolished  the  second  class  on  most  British 
railways  and  left  first  and  third  classes  to  fight  it  out  side  by 
side. 

But  the  great  triumph  of  Liberalism  under  Gladstone's  Govern- 
ment was  secured  in  1870 — a  year  of  far  other  memories  on  the 
Continent — by  the  passing  of  a  Land  Act  for  Ireland  and  an 
Education  Act  for  England.  The  first  was  a  step  towards  Home 
Rule  as  the  only  remedy  for  Irish  difficulties,  and  the  second 
has  more  profoundly  modified  the  whole  condition  of  England, 
intellectually  and  socially,  than  any  other  measure  ever  passed 
by  Parliament. 

253 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Irish  Land  An  Irish  Land  Bill,  which  had  been  discussed  in  the  Cabinet 

Bill,  1870.  during  the  autumn  of  1869,  was  introduced  into  the  House  of 
Commons  on  February  I5th,  1870.  It  recognised  that  the  Irish 
farmer  had  an  estate  in  his  holding,  and  extended  to  the  whole 
of  Ireland  and  gave  the  sanction  of  law  to  the  Ulster  custom  of 
tenant  right.  It  gave  compensation  to  tenants  who  were  turned 
out  of  their  holdings  for  any  other  cause  than  the  failure  to  pay 
their  rents,  and  provided  that  they  should  receive  the  value  of 
their  unexhausted  improvements.  Hitherto  all  that  had  been 
done  by  the  tenant  for  the  soil  in  the  absence  of  the  landlord  led 
merely  to  the  raising  of  his  rent,  a  grievance  which  did  not 
practically  exist  in  England  and  was  peculiar  to  Ireland  alone. 
It  also  made  it  easier  for  those  who  held  the  soil  to  become  the 
possessors  of  it.  Before  this  an  enterprising  tenant  might  turn 
a  barren  desert  into  a  fruitful  farm,  and  for  his  trouble  and  enter- 
prise would  have  to  pay  a  higher  rent  for  the  land,  the  value  of 
which  he  had  largely  increased,  or  be  turned  out  of  his  holding 
without  receiving  any  pecuniary  advantage  for  what  he  had  done. 
This  now  became  impossible.  The  burden  of  showing  that  he  had 
made  the  improvements  was  laid  upon  the  landlord,  otherwise 
it  would  be  presumed  that  they  had  been  made  by  the  tenant. 
Contracting  out  of  this  arrangement  was  illegal  for  all  whose  rent 
was  under  £50  a  year.  On  the  other  hand,  the  landlord  could 
avoid  all  claims  to  compensation  by  granting  a  lease  for  thirty- 
one  years. 

Coercion  Act  The  principle  of  the  Bill  met  with  little  opposition  in  either 
Follows  House.  In  the  House  of  Commons  only  eleven  members  voted 
Land  Act.  against  the  second  reading,  and  in  the  House  of  Lords  the  Bill 
passed  that  stage  without  a  division.  It  was  more  difficult  to 
get  it  through  Committee.  Some  amendments  were  made  in  the 
Upper  House,  but  were  not  accepted  by  the  Government,  and 
the  Act  eventually  passed  much  in  its  original  form.  The  Land 
Act  of  1870  was  a  step  in  advance  in  the  settlement  of  Irish 
grievances ;  it  checked  arbitrary  eviction,  and  recognised  the 
principle  that  the  tenant  was  part  owner  of  the  soil.  But  the 
fact  that  it  was  not  a  complete  remedy  for  the  evil  which  it 
attempted  to  remove  was  shown  by  the  passing  of  a  Coercion  Act 
for  Ireland.  This  Act  declared  the  use  of  firearms  to  be  illegal  in 
proclaimed  districts,  allowed  dwelling-houses  to  be  searched  for 
arms,  or  for  evidence  of  the  authorship  of  threatening  letters,  and 
the  arrest  on  suspicion  of  persons  wandering  about  at  night.  It 
also  provided  that  agrarian  murder  might  be  punished  by  the 
levying  of  compensation  on  the  district  in  which  it  occurred,  for 

254 


ESTABLISHMENT    OF    SCHOOL    BOARDS 

the  seizure  of  intimidating  newspapers,  and  for  a  change  of  the 
place  where  offences  were  tried.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Fenians 
in  prison  were  released  on  condition  that  they  left  the  country, 
a  limitation  of  very  doubtful  wisdom. 

The  Education  Act  of  1870  is  a  landmark  in  English  history.  Forster'a 
Its  effect  went  far  beyond  the  expectations  of  those  who  carried  Great 
it.     The  passing  of  it  was  mainly  due  to  the  statesmanship  and  Ac£ca  I01 
foresight    of    William   Edward   Forster,    and   it    will   always   be 
associated  with  his  name.      Forster  announced  that  the  object 
of  the  Bill  was  to  cover  the  country  with  good  schools.     The 
existing  schools,  called  Voluntary  because  they  were  partly  main- 
tained by  voluntary  subscription,   belonged  to  religious  bodies, 
such    as    the    Church    of    England,    the    Roman    Catholics,    the 
Wesleyans,  and  the  Jews.     They  received  grants  from  the  State 
if    they    satisfied    the    requirements    of    the    inspectors    of    the 
Education    Department,   but   were    greatly  deficient   in  number 
for  the  needs  of  the  population,  and  this  deficiency  it  was  the 
object  of  the  new  Act  to  remedy. 

To  effect  this,  England  and  Wales  were  divided  into  school  School 
districts,  generally  conterminous  with  the  borough  and  the  parish, 
If  it  were  found  that  sufficient  accommodation  was  not  supplied 
in  these  districts  for  children  between  the  ages  of  five  and  thirteen, 
and  if  after  six  months  the  need  was  not  met  by  voluntary  efforts, 
a  School  Board  was  to  be  established  with  power  to  levy  a  rate. 
Unfortunately,  in  England,  all  educational  legislation  has  been 
made  a  battleground  for  conflicting  sects.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  Englishmen  care  for  education  at  all  in  the  sense  in 
which  it  is  cared  for  by  Germans  and  Swiss.  Englishmen  are  so 
gifted  naturally,  and  are  able  to  do  so  much  by  their  own  intelli- 
gence, that  they  distrust  and  even  despise  the  routine  which  their 
foreign  rivals  impose  upon  themselves.  It  is  said  that  Germans 
always  begin  at  the  beginning,  Englishmen  in  the  middle  ;  that 
Germans  will  never  take  the  second  step  till  they  have  taken  the 
first,  but  that  Englishmen  always  prefer  to  break  the  line  of 
ignorance.  Consequently  it  was  impossible  to  carry  compulsory 
education  at  that  time,  although  it  has  since  been  recognised  that 
such  a  condition  is  absolutely  necessary  for  the  creation  of  an 
educated  population.  Forster  left  the  question  of  religious  train- 
ing to  the  direction  of  the  local  authority,  which  might  have  any 
religion  taught  or  no  religion  taught  at  all,  as  it  pleased. 

The  Bill  was  strongly  opposed  by  the  Birmingham  Education 
League,  which,  in  that  fortress  of  Radicalism,  supported  free, 
compulsory,  and  secular  education,  with  School  Boards  everywhere 

255 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Gladstone's 
Retrench- 
ment. 


Army 
Reforms. 


and  no  Voluntary  schools.  Gladstone  intervened,  however,  as  a 
mediator,  and  the  Bill  passed  its  second  reading.  Three  months 
were  allowed  to  elapse  between  the  second  reading  and  the 
Committee  stage,  during  which  time  there  was  a  great  deal  of 
private  discussion.  On  June  i6th,  an  amendment  was  accepted 
by  the  Government,  proposed  by  Cowper-Temple,  who  was  an 
English  Churchman  and  a  Whig.  It  provided  that  no  Catholic 
or  distinctive  religious  formulary  should  be  taught  in  a  Board 
school,  and  that  a  Voluntary  school  should  receive  no  assistance 
from  the  rates.  This  clause  has  been  famous  ever  since,  and  the 
author  of  it  has  given  his  name  to  a  form  of  religious  teaching 
which  is  moral  and  edifying,  but  which  is  not  conveyed  by  any 
special  religious  formulary.  The  amendment  also  contained  a 
clause  which  relieved  voluntary  subscribers  in  respect  of  their 
contributions,  and  was  favourable  to  the  Church  of  England. 
This  facilitated  the  passing  of  the  Bill,  and  the  Cowper-Temple 
clause  was  carried  by  252  votes  to  95.  What  was  called  a 
"  Conscience  Clause  "  also  provided  that  religion  should  be  taught 
either  at  the  beginning  or  the  end  of  the  school  day,  so  that  those 
might  absent  themselves  who  wished  to  do  so.  A  single  School 
Board  was  established  for  the  whole  of  London,  and  this  great 
measure  finally  became  law  on  August  gth. 

In  the  days  of  Gladstone  retrenchment  was  a  watchword  of 
the  Liberal  Party,  and  the  Prime  Minister  did  his  best  to  make  it 
effective.  The  Navy  Estimates  in  1870  were  the  lowest  since 
1858,  and  the  Army  Estimates  had  been  reduced  by  more  than 
£2,000,000  since  1868.  This  economy  was  mainly  brought  about 
by  the  withdrawing  of  British  troops  from  self-governing  colonies. 
In  this  year  the  Canadian  Rifles,  the  Cape  Mounted  Rifles,  and 
the  West  India  Regiment  were  disbanded.  These  reductions  of 
expenses  produced  a  surplus  of  more  than  £4,000,000,  which  was 
spent  in  reducing  the  income  tax  to  4d.  in  the  pound,  lowering 
the  duty  on  sugar  by  50  per  cent.,  abolishing  the  remaining  burden 
on  newspapers  and  on  railway  passengers,  and  in  the  institution  of 
halfpenny  postcards,  which  the  Prime  Minister  used  very  largely 
in  his  private  correspondence. 

Another  triumph  of  the  Liberal  Government  in  1870  was  the 
reformation  of  the  army  by  Car  dwell,  who  was  Minister  of  War. 
When  he  assumed  office  the  army  was  under  the  dual  control  of 
the  War  Office  and  the  Horse  Guards.  The  Commander-in-Chief, 
who  sat  at  the  Horse  Guards,  and  was  appointed  by  letters 
patent  for  life,  dispensed  patronage  and  exercised  power  without 
consulting  the  War  Minister,  who  was  responsible  to  the  House 

256 


CIVIL    SERVICE    REFORM 

of  Commons.  This  was  a  survival  of  the  time  when  the  army 
was  supposed  to  be  under  the  personal  control  of  the  Sovereign. 
Cardwell  saw  that  it  was  necessary  that  the  War  Office  should 
be  under  a  single  head.  The  first  step  was  made  by  removing  the 
Commander-in-Chief  from  the  Horse  Guards  to  the  War  Office, 
which  was  done  by  an  exercise  of  the  Royal  prerogative,  but 
against  the  private  wishes  of  the  Queen.  He  then  proceeded  to 
alter  the  terms  of  service  for  which  a  soldier  enlisted,  and  to 
establish  a  reserve.  Before  1847  a  man  enlisted  for  life  or  for 
twenty-one  years  ;  in  1847  enlistment  for  ten  years  was  allowed, 
against  the  opinion  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington.  Now,  in  1870, 
twelve  years  was  fixed  as  the  longest  and  three  years  as  the 
shortest  period  for  which  a  man  might  enlist ;  and  it  was  calcu- 
lated that  in  ordinary  circumstances  six  years  would  be  spent  in 
active  service  and  six  in  the  reserve.  This  reconstruction  of  the 
army  was  due  to  the  victory  of  the  Prussians  over  the  Austrians 
at  Koniggratz.  The  success  of  the  Prussian  army,  which  before 
the  war  had  been  regarded  by  competent  military  observers  as 
little  better  than  an  exalted  militia,  had  shown  that  a  soldier 
serving  only  two  or  three  years  with  the  colours  could  become  the 
most  formidable  combatant  in  Europe.  It  is  noteworthy  that  a 
reform  originating  out  of  the  war  of  1866  should  have  been 
consummated  on  the  verge  of  the  still  greater  conflict  of  1870. 

This  era  of  reform  beheld  a  great  change  also  in  the  appoint-  Civil 
ments  of  the  Civil  Service.  By  an  Order  in  Council,  dated  June  Service 
7th,  1870,  all  public  offices  in  the  State,  excepting  the  Foreign  Refora1' 
Office  and  the  Education  Office,  were  thrown  open  to  competition, 
a  change  which  had  been  advocated  for  nearly  twenty  years  by 
Sir  Charles  Trevelyan  and  Sir  Stafford  Northcote.  Hitherto  all 
appointments  had  been  made  by  private  patronage,  the  exercise 
of  which  was  a  great  burden  on  those  to  whom  it  belonged,  and  a 
very  inefficient  method  of  choosing  public  servants.  The  change 
has,  no  doubt,  been  beneficial ;  but  it  has  had  the  result  of  limit- 
ing the  ambitions  of  the  ablest  men  the  Universities  produce  and 
driving  them  to  prefer  a  modest  certainty  to  an  honourable 
struggle,  besides  filling  the  public  offices  with  men  who  are  too 
able  for  the  work  they  have  to  do,  and  are  apt,  therefore,  to 
display  more  ingenuity  in  contrivance  than  common  sense  in 
everyday  administration.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  change 
has  been  advantageous,  and  the  country  has  gained  by  the 
application  to  the  whole  Civil  Service  of  the  principles  which 
have  made  the  Civil  Service  of  India  the  most  efficient,  the  most 
intelligent  and  the  purest  bureaucracy  in  the  world. 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


A 

Memorable 
Session. 


Purchase  in 
the  Army 
Abolished. 


The  session  of  1870  was  indeed  memorable,  and  in  recalling 
its  achievements,  Mr.  Herbert  Paul  says  :  "  Between  February 
8th  and  August  loth  Parliament  took  the  first  step,  the  step 
which  counts,  in  remodelling  the  agrarian  law  of  Ireland,  estab- 
lished a  permanent  system  of  education  in  England  and  Wales, 
introduced  into  the  army  the  principle  of  a  short  enlistment  and 
a  reserve,  formed  a  code  of  neutrality  in  time  of  war,  erected  a 
scientific  theory  of  naturalisation,  provided  for  the  extradition 
of  criminals,  and  abolished  the  punishment  of  the  innocent  with 
the  guilty  by  the  forfeiture  of  the  felon's  estate  :  of  an  activity 
so  various  and  so  successful,  scarcely  an  example  can  be  found 
since  the  days  of  the  Great  Parliament,  which  assembled  in 
1640  after  eleven  years  of  barren  personal  rule.  Although 
Mr.  Gladstone  and  his  colleagues,  especially  Mr.  Cardwell  and  Mr. 
Forster,  were  the  principal  agents  in  producing  this  splendid 
result,  the  entire  credit  does  not  belong  to  them.  It  was  shared 
by  their  followers,  by  the  Conservative  Party,  and  by  the  House 
of  Commons  as  a  whole." 

This  record  of  reforms  was  increased  in  the  following  year  by 
the  abolition  of  the  purchase  of  commissions  in  the  army.  To  us, 
indeed,  it  seems  almost  incredible  that  such  a  system  could  ever 
have  had  a  vogue.  The  sale  of  commissions  which  had  originally 
existed  had  been  regulated  by  Royal  Warrant  in  the  reign  of 
Charles  II.  The  system  was  abolished  by  William  III.,  but  was 
resumed  after  his  death.  Although  prices  were  fixed  by  states- 
men, sums  largely  in  excess  of  the  legal  amount  were  given  and 
received,  and,  in  1871,  both  regulation  prices,  which  were  legal, 
and  over-regulation  prices,  which  were  not  only  illegal  but 
criminal,  were  charged  as  a  matter  of  course.  An  Act  of  George 
III.  abolished  the  selling  of  offices  in  other  departments,  but 
gave  to  the  Crown  the  discretion  of  retaining  the  practice  in  the 
army  if  it  should  think  fit,  and  this  discretion  had  been  regulated 
by  a  warrant  sanctioning  and  regulating  the  practice.  It  became 
apparent  that  no  effective  reorganisation  of  the  army  was  possible 
without  the  abolition  of  this  practice.  As  Gladstone  said,  the 
nation  must  buy  back  its  own  army  from  its  own  officers. 
Purchase,  indeed,  was  unknown  at  any  time  in  the  Navy,  the 
Engineers  and  the  Royal  Artillery.  In  the  army  it  did  not 
extend  beyond  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel. 

This  reform  had  been  taken  up  as  a  special  question  by 
George  Otto  Trevelyan,  the  son  of  Sir  Charles  Trevelyan,  who  had 
reformed  the  Civil  Service.  As  compensation  must  be  voted  to 
those  who  lost  money  by  the  change,  a  Bill  was  introduced  into 


UNIVERSITY    REFORMS 

the  House  of  Commons,  where  it  met  with  the  most  violent 
opposition.  Having  passed  the  Commons  with  great  difficulty, 
the  Bill  went  to  the  Lords  in  the  beginning  of  July,  and  again 
encountered  the  most  determined  hostility.  A  dilatory  motion 
proposed  by  the  Duke  of  Richmond  was  supported  by  Lord 
Salisbury,  who  said  that  "  seniority  tempered  by  selection  meant 
stagnation  tempered  by  jobbery/'  The  motion  was  carried  by 
155  votes  to  130.  The  Prime  Minister  now  found  himself  face  to 
face  with  the  House  of  Lords — not  for  the  first  time.  So  the 
Cabinet  determined  on  drastic  action.  As  purchase  had  been 
originally  established  by  Royal  Warrant,  it  could  be  abolished  by 
Royal  Warrant.  On  July  i8th,  therefore,  the  Queen  signed  such 
a  warrant,  abolishing  purchase  in  the  army  from  November  ist, 
1871.  She  made  no  difficulty  about  it  after  she  had  received  a 
minute  from  the  Cabinet  intimating  their  unanimous  approval. 
By  the  abolition  of  purchase  the  efficiency  of  regimental  officers 
was  greatly  improved. 

Another  important  step  in  army  reform  was  the  division  of  Further 
the  country  into  territorial  districts,  each  of  which  contained  a  Awny 
battalion  of  the  line,  two  regiments  of  militia,  and  the  volunteers 
of  the  district,  all  under  the  command  of  a  lieutenant-colonel.    A 
system  of  what  were  called  linked  battalions  was  also  introduced, 
by  which  half  a  regiment  was  maintained  at  home  and  half  abroad, 
the  officers  and  men  being  interchangeable. 

In  the  same  year  religious  tests  for  degrees  were  abolished.  Abolition  of 
It  is  difficult  for  anyone  not  intimately  acquainted  with  the  Reli£ious 
conditions  of  University  life  to  understand  what  injustice  was  universities, 
imposed  by  the  existence  of  these  tests.  Dissenters  might  gain 
the  highest  honours  of  the  Universities,  but  could  not  take  degrees 
unless  they  were  prepared  to  sign  the  Thirty-nine  Articles.  But 
when  this  disability  was  removed  others  still  remained.  In  many 
colleges  fellowships  could  not  be  held  unless  the  holders  were 
prepared  to  take  holy  orders  after  a  certain  number  of  years,  and 
a  large  number  of  the  highest  posts  were  reserved  for  clergymen. 
A  community  in  which  academical  distinction  ought  to  be  the 
determining  consideration  in  promotion  was  mainly  a  clerical 
body.  The  result  of  this  was  profound.  The  taking  of  orders 
was,  with  the  less  serious-minded  men,  regarded  with  levity,  and 
even  with  blasphemy,  and  the  more  serious  were  hindered  from 
taking  orders  at  all.  In  some  cases  they  resigned  their  fellow- 
ships and  embraced  a  life  of  poverty ;  in  others,  by  refusing  to 
serve  the  Church,  they  lowered  the  intellectual  standard  of  the 
ministry.  It  was  long  before  Gladstone  could  bring  himself  to 

259 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


see  the  essential  justice  of  the  reform.  But  he  did  so  by  1871, 
and  the  Abolition  Act  of  this  year  served  not  only  to  make  the 
Universities  national  institutions,  but  gave  renewed  strength  and 
vigour  to  the  Church  itself. 

Lowe's  The    harmonious    march   of   reform    was   interrupted   by    the 

Match  Tax.  eccentricity  of  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Robert  Lowe. 
In  the  budget  of  1871  he  had  to  provide  for  an  extra  charge  of 
£3,000,000,  caused  by  the  greater  expense  of  the  army  and  the 
abolition  of  purchase.  The  easiest  mode  of  doing  this  would 
have  been  to  raise  the  income  tax  to  6d.,  but  the  Chancellor 
preferred  more  tortuous  methods,  and  among  them  the  imposi- 
tion of  a  tax  on  lucifer  matches,  a  halfpenny  a  box  for  wood  and 
a  penny  for  wax.  A  good  classical  scholar,  he  proposed  to  mark 
the  stamp  by  which  the  tax  was  imposed  by  a  Latin  motto,  "  Ex 
luce  lucellum  "  ("A  little  gain  from  light  "),  a  frivolous  proceed- 
ing which  tended  to  make  the  new  tax  ridiculous  as  well  as 
odious  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  had  no  sense  of  humour.  A 
storm  of  indignation  arose,  a  procession  of  match-makers  march- 
ing by  way  of  protest  from  the  East  End  to  Westminster.  The 
tax  was  withdrawn  and  the  income  tax  was  raised. 

Another  important  indication  that  a  new  era  had  dawned  was 
found  in  the  Act  for  the  legalisation  of  trade  unions,  which  gave 
effect  to  the  report  of  the  Royal  Commission  appointed  to  examine 
the  subject  which  was  published  in  1869.      The  most  prominent 
advocates  for  new  methods  in  dealing  with  this  question  were 
Frederic    Harrison    and    Thomas     Hughes.     Bruce,    the     Home 
Secretary,   brought   in    a    Bill  to  amend  the  law.      By  it   trade 
unions  were  declared  to  be  neither  criminal  conspiracies  subject 
to  prosecution,  nor  illegal  combinations  incapable  of   prosecuting 
those  who  defrauded  them.     They  were  to  be  registered  in  such 
a  way  as  to  allow  them  to  bring  dishonest  officers  to  justice,  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  not  to  be  saddled  with  the  legal  liabilities 
which    attach    to    corporations.     The    Bill    should    have    stopped 
there,  but  unfortunately  it  attempted  to  deal  with  the  practice 
of    picketing.     It    went    so    far    as    to    make    peaceful    picketing 
impossible  ;    as  Mr.  Sidney  Webb  said,  in  its  eyes  a  strike  was 
lawful,  but  anything  done  in  pursuance  of  a  strike  was  criminal. 
The  picketing  clauses  were  made  into  a  separate  Bill,  and  the 
measures  passed  the  House  of  Commons  without  difficulty.     They 
finally  became  law  after  the  Lords  had  very  seriously  increased 
the  severity  of  the  picketing  clauses.     A  similar  solicitude  for  the 
working  members  of  the  population  was  shown  in  the  institution 
of  Bank  Holidays,  by  the  closing  of  banks  on  Easter  Monday, 

260 


Legalisation 
of  Trade 
Unions. 


GLADSTONE    AND    QUEEN    VICTORIA 

Whit  Monday,  and  the  day  after  Christmas,  generally  known  as 
Boxing  Day.  The  fourth  Bank  Holiday,  the  first  Monday  in 
August,  was  not  instituted  until  later.  The  closing  of  banks  led 
to  the  closing  of  shops  and  to  a  general  national  holiday.  "The 
author  of  this  excellent  measure  was  Sir  John  Lubbock,  banker, 
philanthropist,  and  distinguished  man  of  science,  who  afterwards 
bore  the  title  of  Lord  Avebury. 

This  beneficent  legislation,  which  leaves  a  white  mark  in  the  Gladstone 
pages   of   British   history,    did   not   tend   to   make   the   Ministry  at 
popular ;    and  on  October  28th,  Gladstone,  who  was  member  for  B  ac 
Greenwich,   addressed  an   audience  of  20,000  persons  on  Black- 
heath.     This  audience  was  not  friendly,   as  it   contained  many 
who  had  been  discharged  from  the  Woolwich  dockyards.     Lord 
Morley  has  described  how,  in  the  cold  mist  of  the  October  after- 
noon,  Gladstone  stood  bareheaded,   pale  and  resolute    before    a 
surging  mass,  few  of  them  friends,  many  of  them  furious  at  neglect 
or  discharge  by  an    economising  Government.     At  first  he  could 
hardly  make  himself  heard,  but  after  half  an  hour  of  interruptions 
he  prevailed.     The  speech  lasted  two  hours,  and  at  the  end  he 
had  deserved  and  won  applause. 

But  his  office  was  not  a  bed  of  roses.*  It  is  difficult  to  Gladstone's 
maintain  the  spirit  of  a  nation  at  the  level  of  that  of  a  great  Difficulties 
Minister  in  a  great  Cabinet.  The  Court  was  also  a  subject  of 
anxiety ;  the  Queen  lived  in  retirement,  and  there  was  a  breath 
of  Republicanism  in  the  air.  Public  opinion  did  not  understand 
the  crushing  work  which  the  administration  of  a  great  Empire 
implies,  nor  realise  that  the  necessary  occupations  of  the  head 
of  the  State  left  little  time  for  public  functions  or  for  society.  Sir 
Charles  Dilke,  member  for  Chelsea,  having  professed  Republican 
sentiments,  the  Queen  good-naturedly  remarked  that  she  had 
stroked  his  hair  when  he  was  a  boy,  and  supposed  she  had  not 
stroked  it  the  right  way.  Gladstone  did  all  he  could  to  induce 
the  Queen  to  spend  less  time  at  Balmoral,  but  she  did  not  like 
him,  and  complained  that  he  addressed  her  as  if  she  were  a  public 
meeting.  The  sympathy  and  sentiment  of  the  nation,  however, 
were  aroused  by  the  serious  illness  of  the  Prince  of  Wales* in 
December,  1871,  and  the  public  thanksgiving  for  his  recovery 
which  followed  early  in  the  next  year.  But  a  difficult  situation 
continued,  and  the  deep  veneration  which  was  felt  for  the  Mother 
Sovereign  in  every  part  of  her  dominions  was  not  generally  realised 
until  the  outbreak  of  sorrow  which  followed  her  death  and  made 
her  funeral  memorable. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  unexpected  fall  of  the 

261 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The 
Alabama 

Claims. 


The 

Alabama 

Award. 


Gladstone  Ministry  in  1874  was  mainly  due  to  its  best  and  most 
memorable  act — the  treaty  of  arbitration  with  America  with 
regard  to  the  Alabama  claims.  On  February  ist,  1871,  the  two 
Governments  agreed  that  a  Joint  Commission  should  be  appointed 
to  discuss  the  questions  pending  between  the  two  countries.  The 
British  commissioners  acted  in  a  very  friendly  spirit,  expressed 
their  regret  for  the  escape  and  depredations  of  the  Alabama, 
and  abandoned  all  claims  for  indemnification  for  the  Fenian 
raids  into  Canada,  and  in  consequence  of  this  the  treaty  was 
ratified  before  the  end  of  May.  The  five  arbitrators,  appointed 
by  Great  Britain  and  America,  by  the  King  of  Italy,  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Swiss  Republic,  and  the  Emperor  of  Brazil,  met  at 
Geneva. 

The  American  case  was  published  in  January,  1872.  It  was 
found,  to  the  dismay  of  all  lovers  of  peace,  that  it  contained  a 
demand  not  only  for  the  payment  of  direct  claims,  but  of  indirect 
claims  of  a  vague  and  shadowy  nature,  which,  if  admitted,  might 
exceed  the  whole  amount  of  the  National  Debt.  The  storm 
aroused  by  these  preposterous  claims  nearly  wrecked  the  treaty  ; 
but,  through  the  moderation  of  Lord  Ripon  and  W.  E.  Forster, 
the  decision  whether  they  were  valid  was  left  to  the  arbitrators. 
Charles  Francis  Adams  proposed  that  the  court  should  declare  the 
indirect  claims  to  be  outside  the  scope  of  International  Law.  This 
was  agreed  to,  and  the  news  that  the  treaty  was  saved  reached 
the  British  Cabinet  on  July  igth. 

The  hearing  of  the  case  began  at  Geneva  in  the  beginning  of 
July,  and  the  finding  was  issued  in  the  middle  of  September.  The 
damages  were  estimated  by  America  at  £9,500,000,  and  the 
amount  actually  paid  was  £3,250,000,  which  the  Americans  found 
great  difficulty  in  distributing  among  the  persons  supposed  to 
have  been  injured.  The  amount  awarded  was  excessive,  and 
could  not  be  supported  by  legal  argument.  But  the  matter  had 
passed  out  of  the  domain  of  law  into  that  of  politics,  and  it  was 
worth  while  to  make  even  a  large  payment  to  settle  a  disastrous 
quarrel  between  two  peoples  who  ought  to  live  together  in  peace 
and  amity,  and  to  offer  to  the  world  an  example  of  the  manner 
in  which  such  differences  should  be  arranged.  But  these  doctrines 
were  beyond  the  appreciation  of  public  feeling  in  England.  A 
sullen  discontent  against  the  award  was  aroused  in  the  country, 
and  it  was  made  worse  by  the  decision  of  the  German  Emperor, 
which  was  adverse  to  Great  Britain,  in  the  matter  of  the  San 
Juan  dispute.  Even  if  this  decision  were  right,  however,  anyone 
acquainted  with  public  feeling  at  Berlin  at  this  time  must  admit 

262 


THE    IRISH    UNIVERSITY    BILL 

that  the  Americans  were  much  more  popular  than  the  British, 
owing  to  the  severe  neutrality  of  Great  Britain  in  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War,  and  could  have  predicted  the  result  of  the  arbitration 
before  it  was  declared. 

During  the  session  of  1872  the  Government  steadily  lost  The  Ballot 
ground,  partly  from  the  reasons  we  have  mentioned,  partly  from  Act- 
discontent  at  smaller  matters,  such  as  the  appointment  of  Sir 
Robert  Collier  to  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council, 
and  of  Mr.  Harvey  to  the  Rectory  of  Ewelme.  Disraeli  said  at 
Manchester :  "As  I  sit  opposite  the  Treasury  bench,  the  Ministers 
remind  me  of  one  of  those  marine  landscapes,  not  very  unusual 
on  the  coasts  of  South  America.  You  behold  a  range  of 
exhausted  volcanoes  ;  not  a  flame  flickers  upon  a  single  pallid 
crest,  but  the  situation  is  still  dangerous.  There  are  occasional 
earthquakes,  and  ever  and  anon  the  dark  rumblings  of  the  sea." 
One  of  these  earthquakes  was  the  Ballot  Act,  which,  promised  in 
the  Queen's  Speech  of  1870,  was  rejected  by  the  Lords  in  1871, 
and  finally  passed  in  1872.  Although  in  some  particulars  it  was 
not  consistent  with  sound  political  theory,  and  with  the  highest 
standard  of  political  morality,  which  demands  that  an  elector 
shall  not  be  ashamed  to  declare  his  opinions  in  public,  the  Ballot 
Act  has  been  a  success  and  strengthened  the  parliamentary 
system.  No  one  would  now  propose  to  abolish  it. 

The  Government  eventually  fell  on  the  question  of  Irish  Gladstone's 
University  Education.  On  his  entry  upon  office  in  1868 
Gladstone  had  determined  to  devote  himself  to  the  removal  of 
Irish  discontent.  He  had  disestablished  the  Irish  Church, 
reformed  the  land  laws,  and  now  intended  to  deal  with  the 
problem  of  higher  education.  The  granting  of  Home  Rule,  which 
was  part  of  the  same  scheme,  was  to  come  at  a  later  period.  The 
University  of  Dublin,  which  was  really  the  same  as  Trinity 
College,  had  opened  its  doors  to  Catholics  as  early  as  1794.  A 
few  attended,  but  all  places  of  honour  and  emolument  were 
reserved  for  members  of  the  Irish  Church,  which  had  been  dis- 
established in  1869.  Mr.  Gladstone's  Bill,  which  attempted  the 
solution  of  the  difficulty,  was  introduced  on  February  isth,  1873. 
It  proposed  to  establish  a  new  University  of  Dublin,  which  was 
to  be  a  teaching  as  well  as  an  examining  body.  It  was  to  include 
Trinity  College,  the  Catholic  University  of  Dublin,  and  the 
Queen's  Colleges  of  Cork  and  Belfast,  which  were  unsectarian. 
The  money  for  its  endowment  was  to  be  found  by  Trinity  College, 
the  Consolidated  Fund,  and  the  Irish  Church  surplus,  and  was 
to  amount  to  £50,000  a  year.  But  to  these  arrangements,  which 

263 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Rejection 
of  the 


Disraeli 
Declines 


were  not  very  wise  or  statesmanlike,  two  were  added  which  made 
it  impossible  that  the  Bill  should  pass.  By  one  of  these  any 
teacher  might  be  dismissed  who,  in  speech  or  writing,  wilfully 
gave  offence  to  the  religious  opinions  of  any  member,  and  by  the 
other  the  University  was  to  have  no  chairs  of  theology,  modern 
history,  or  of  moral  and  mental  philosophy.  The  colleges  of 
which  the  University  was  composed  might,  indeed,  teach  these 
subjects,  but  they  would  not  be  taught  authoritatively  by  the 
University. 

Mr.  Gladstone's  speech  in  introducing  these  measures  was  so 
persuasive  that  it  was  thought  on  all  hands  that  the  Bill  was 
sure  to  Pass*  ^  was  wrecked,  however,  by  the  opposition  of 
Cardinal  Cullen,  the  head  of  the  Catholic  hierarchy  of  Ireland. 
The  Cardinal  said  that  the  Bill  was  in  flat  opposition  to  what 
the  Catholics  had  been  working  for  in  Ireland  for  years.  It 
continued  the  Queen's  Colleges  and  set  up  another  Queen's  College 
in  the  shape  of  Trinity  College  with  a  large  endowment  ;  it 
perpetuated  the  mixed  system  of  education  to  which  he  had 
always  been  opposed,  while  no  endowment  or  assistance  was 
given  to  the  Catholic  University  ;  the  Council  could  appoint 
professors  to  teach  English  literature,  geology  or  zoology  who 
might  be  dangerous  men  in  Catholic  eyes.  The  Bill  was  rejected 
by  287  votes  to  284,  its  principal  opponents  being  Fawcett, 
Patrick  Smyth,  Lord  Edmond  Fitzmaurice  and  Disraeli. 

After  this  division  Gladstone  was  of  opinion  that  the  Cabinet 
ought  to  resign,  and  as  they  agreed  with  him  he  went  to  the 
Queen  for  that  purpose.  The  Queen,  of  course,  sent  for  Disraeli  ; 
but  he  was  unwilling  either  to  accept  office  in  the  present  Parlia- 
ment or  summon  a  new  one.  Thus,  a  week  after  their  defeat,  the 
Liberal  Cabinet  determined  to  remain  where  they  were,  although 
nothing  could  be  worse  for  the  country  than  the  continuation  in 
power  of  a  weak  and  discredited  Ministry.  Even  in  this  condi- 
tion they  were  able  to  pass  the  Judicature  Bill,  which  was  due 
to  the  genius  and  industry  of  Lord  Selborne.  His  plan  was  to 
unite  all  the  superior  courts  in  one  Supreme  Court  of  Judicature 
and  give  to  every  court  the  power  of  administering  equity.  The 
Courts  of  Chancery,  Queen's  Bench,  Common  Pleas  and  Exchequer 
remained  as  divisions  of  the  High  Court,  but  the  judges  of  one 
division  had  power  to  sit  in  any  other.  He  also  established  a 
Court  of  Appeal,  consisting  of  nine  judges  and  sitting  in  three 
divisions,  whose  decision  should  be  final. 

In  July,  in  consequence  of  some  irregularity  in  the  public 
accounts,  the  details  of  which  need  not  detain  us,  the  Cabinet 

264 


GLADSTONE'S    SURPRISE    DISSOLUTION 

was   remodelled,  and    Gladstone  became    Chancellor  of  the    Ex- 
chequer as  well  as  Prime  Minister. 

It  was  natural  that  Gladstone,  as  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Gladstone 
should  desire  to  construct  a  great  budget  and  carry  out  ideas  Decides  for 
which  had  long  been  in  his  mind,  but  which  he  had  not  been  able  DlB801utlon- 
to  bring  to  maturity.  He  proposed  to  abolish  the  income  tax 
and  the  duty  on  sugar,  and  make  up  part  of  the  deficit  by  raising 
the  succession  duties  and  the  duty  on  spirits.  He  could  not, 
however,  obtain  all  the  money  he  required  unless  he  could  reduce 
the  Estimates  for  the  army  and  navy.  To  this  Cardwell  and 
Goschen  strongly  objected,  and  Cardwell  said  that  he  could  only 
give  way  if  the  country  sanctioned  the  new  policy.  This  con- 
firmed the  Prime  Minister  in  his  determination  to  dissolve,  a  step 
he  had,  for  other  reasons,  long  contemplated.  He  felt  it  was 
intolerable  to  carry  on  a  Government  unless  not  only  the  House 
of  Commons  but  the  country  was  firmly  on  his  side.  This  was 
not  the  case,  for,  since  1872,  the  Opposition  had  won  twenty 
seats,  and  the  latest  contest,  at  Stroud,  proved  unfavourable.  It 
was  understood  that  Parliament  was  to  meet  on  February  8th, 
and  members  of  Parliament,  and  even  members  of  the  Govern- 
ment, were  taking  a  comfortable  holiday. 

Suddenly,  on  January  24th,  1874,  Gladstone's  address  to  his  Liberal 
constituency  appeared  in  the  morning  papers,  and  the  world  knew  Defeat, 
that  a  dissolution  was  imminent.  The  result  of  the  election  was 
a  great  surprise,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  but  it  was  decisive. 
Gladstone  had  been  informed  by  Lord  Wolverton,  the  chief  whip, 
that  he  was  sure  of  an  increased  majority,  and  the  Diplomatic 
Body  had  informed  their  Governments  that  the  Liberals  were 
sure  to  win.  The  Conservative  majority  was  fifty,  exclusive  of 
the  Irish  Home  Rulers,  who  held  aloof  from  both  parties.  Glad- 
stone, following  what*  he  believed  to  be  the  proper  constitutional 
usage,  was  reluctant  to  leave  office  without  meeting  Parliament, 
but  yielded  to  the  advice  of  his  colleagues,  and  on  February  I7th 
this  memorable  Government  ceased  to  exist.  It  perished  because 
it  was  too  good  for  the  age  and  the  circumstances  with  which  it 
had  to  deal ;  but  the  spirit  of  human  actions,  even  when  they 
fail,  often  lives  after  their  seeming  decease,  and  leads  to  greater 
successes  than  their  premature  triumph  might  have  achieved. 


265 


CHAPTER  II 
RUSSIA   AND  THE   EAST 

Alexander      THE  policies  pursued  towards  Europe  by  the   Emperor  Nicholas 

H.'i  Great  of  Russia  and  his  son  Alexander  II.  were  very  different.  The 
former  attempted  by  aggressive  means  to  raise  Russia  to  a 
position  of  supremacy  ;  the  latter  endeavoured  by  a  course  of 
important  internal  reforms  to  elevate  his  country  to  an  equality 
with  other  civilised  peoples,  and  emulate  the  example  of  Peter 
the  Great  by  bringing  his  empire  into  close  connection  with  the 
rest  of  Europe.  The  first  of  such  measures  was  the  liberation  of 
the  serfs,  which,  whatever  inconveniences  it  may  have  brought 
with  it,  was  absolutely  necessary  if  Russia  were  to  fall  into  line 
with  European  civilisation.  The  second  was  the  introduction 
of  universal  military  service  for  fifteen  years,  which  served,  as  it 
has  served  in  Germany,  to  elevate  the  intelligence  of  the  nation 
and  form  the  basis  of  a  national  education.  Other  steps  were 
the  extension  of  the  railway  system,  both  for  industrial  and 
military  purposes  ;  reform  of  the  taxes,  by  which  the  privilege  of 
exemption  was  taken  away  from  the  nobles  and  approach  made 
towards  establishing  equality  of  rank  ;  reform  of  law  and  justice  ; 
encouragement  of  commerce  and  industry  ;  and  the  improvement 
of  education  and  culture. 

The  Brussels         Alexander  also  contemplated,  what  his  successor  Nicholas  II. 

Congress.  brought  to  being,  the  extinction,  or  at  least  the  diminution,  of 
war,  by  the  general  adoption  of  principles  of  International  Law. 
For  this  purpose  a  congress,  held  at  Brussels  in  1874,  laid  the 
foundations  of  an  improved  international  code  for  the  conduct  of 
wars.  These  efforts  to  reduce  armaments  and  mitigate  the  evils 
of  war  do  not  produce  immediate  effect  and  are  often  misunder- 
stood. They  are  attributed  to  a  crafty  device  to  induce  Powers 
to  deprive  themselves  of  the  means  of  defence  in  order  that  they 
may  fall  an  easier  prey  to  their  neighbours.  But  the  seed,  once 
sown,  begins  to  grow,  and  the  bread  is  cast  upon  the  waters, 
although  someone  else  may  find  it  after  many  days. 

Alexander  pursued  a  similar  magnanimous  policy  in  his 
relations  with  the  East.  The  friendship  formed  with  Turkey 
by  the  assistance  of  the  Grand  Vizir,  Mahmoud  Pasha,  was  not 

266 


RUSSIAN    EXTENSION    IN    ASIA 

interrupted  by  the  sudden  fall  of  this  Minister ;  indeed,  in  the 
difficult  question  in  regard  to  the  Bulgarian  Patriarchate,  which 
arose  shortly  afterwards,  both  Powers  adopted  a  similar  policy. 
The  Bulgarians  were  the  most  active  and  most  promising  branch 
of  the  southern  Slavs.  They  are  more  solid,  more  laborious,  and 
more  trustworthy  than  the  Servians. 

It  is  difficult  to  unravel  the  intricacies  of  the  origin  of  the  Position  of 
races  inhabiting  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  The  history  of  any  one  Bulgaria. 
of  these  peoples  written  by  any  other  is  too  much  infected  by 
racial  jealousy  to  be  trustworthy.  The  Servians  maintain  that 
the  Bulgarians  are  not  Slavs  at  all,  but  a  Mongol  race  who  have 
adopted  the  Slavic  language  and  customs ;  the  Bulgarians  declare 
that  they  are  Slavs  who  were  conquered  by  Mongols,  and  received 
their  name  and  a  certain  tinge  of  their  language.  However  this 
may  be,  those  who  have  most  carefully  studied  the  situation  are 
of  opinion  that,  if  Constantinople  is  to  be  held  by  any  of  the 
Balkan  races,  the  Bulgarians  have  most  claim  to  it  and  would 
occupy  it  with  the  greatest  advantage  to  the  civilisation  of  the 
world.  The  Bulgarians  professed  the  Eastern  form  of  Christianity, 
generally  known  as  the  Greek  Church,  and  were  under  the 
authority  of  the  Greek  Patriarch  who  lived  in  the  Fanariote 
Quarter  of  Constantinople,  so  called  after  the  Fanar,  or  lighthouse, 
the  most  conspicuous  building  in  it.  As  the  Greeks  were  their 
principal  rivals,  were  of  an  overbearing  disposition,  and  always 
laid  claim  to  the  possession  of  Constantinople,  which  the 
Bulgarians  desired  for  themselves,  and  as  the  Bulgarian  Church 
was  an  ancient  and  distinguished  community,  dignified  by  a 
literature,  churches  and  traditions  of  its  own,  they  wished  to  have 
an  independent  Patriarch  and  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  Greeks  ; 
and  the  Sultan  and  the  Tsar  were  agreed  in  granting  these 
privileges. 

During  the  reign  of  Alexander  the  Russians  extended  their  Russia  in 
confines  far  over  the  plains  of  Central  Asia.  This  development  Asia- 
began  with  the  conquest  of  Siberia,  which  was  inaugurated  by 
Peter  the  Great  and  continued  by  Nicholas  I.  Step  by  step 
Russia  advanced  into  the  country  of  the  Kirghizes,  defending 
its  acquisitions  by  building  fortresses  as  it  proceeded,  and  in  1843 
the  great  horde  of  that  people  submitted  to  Russian  authority. 
This  was  succeeded  by  long  wars  with  the  Khan  of  Khokand,  in 
the  'fifties  and  'sixties,  which  had  the  object  of  extending  Russian 
power  in  the  valley  of  the  Syr  Daria,  the  ancient  Jaxartes,  and  of 
conquering  the  important  commercial  city  of  Tashkend.  When 
the  country  was  subdued,  it  was  incorporated  with  the  Russian 

267 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Empire  under  the  name  of  Turkestan  in  1865.  The  two  following 
years  witnessed  the  defeat  of  the  Emir  of  Bokhara  and  the 
annexation  of  his  dominions,  Samarkand,  the  capital,  falling  into 
Russian  hands  in  May,  1868.  The  Emir  was  wise  enough  to  see 
that  resistance  was  useless,  and  that  his  best  hope  lay  in  a  close 
friendship  with  the  victorious  foe. 

Conquest  Still  more  important  was  the  campaign  against  the  Khan  of 

of  Khiva.  Khiva,  the  last  portion  of  Turkestan  which  remained  unsubdued. 
These  conquests  were  not  like  the  exploits  of  the  ancient  Persians, 
mere  military  manifestations  for  the  glory  and  interest  of  the 
Sovereign.  They  were  brought  about  by  inevitable  circumstances. 
It  is  impossible  for  a  civilised  Power  to  be  the  close  neighbour  of 
an  uncivilised  Power  without  feeling  the  necessity  of  extending 
its  frontiers.  The  conqueror  who  attempts  to  introduce  civilisa- 
tion and  good  government  into  a  country  which  has  not  known 
them  finds  his  roads  of  communication  broken  up  and  his  criminals 
and  conspirators  gladly  received  across  the  border,  and  reprisals 
are  forced  upon  him,  and  war  tends  to  annexation.  The  Russian 
military  stations  in  Turkestan  were  perpetually  harassed  by  the 
raids  of  the  undisciplined  tribes  of  the  valley  of  the  Oxus,  south 
of  the  Aral  Sea.  They  were  obliged  to  put  them  down  by  force, 
and  in  the  conflict  which  ensued  the  Khan  of  Khiva  seized  some 
Russian  subjects  and  refused  to  give  them  up.  This  was  regarded 
as  a  cause  of  war.  The  Khan  was  compelled  to  submit,  and  the 
influence  of  Russia  in  Central  Asia  was  largely  increased.  The 
advance  of  Russia  caused  Great  Britain  some  alarm  with  regard 
to  her  position  in  India,  and  Count  Shuvalov  was  sent  to  London 
to  give  explanations.  He  succeeded  in  persuading  the  British 
Government  that  Russian  conquests  in  Khiva  threatened  no 
danger  to  India,  but  were  merely  measures  of  absolute  necessity 
for  the  preservation  of  those  districts  Russia  had  already 
conquered.  He  also  said  that  if  the  Russian  advance  in  Central 
Asia,  which  was  in  the  interest  of  peace  and  civilisation,  was 
unopposed  by  Great  Britain  the  Russians  would  not  object  to  an 
extension  of  British  influence  on  the  side  of  Afghanistan.  How- 
ever, Great  Britain  thought  it  prudent  to  conclude  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  with  Afghanistan,  pay  the  Ameer  a  yearly 
subvention,  and  promise  to  protect  his  country  against  aggression 
if  he  would  take  her  advice. 

In  1873  General  Kaufmann  was  placed  in  command  of  an 
expedition  against  Khiva,  which  was  to  attack  it  from  four  sides. 
His  march,  which  lasted  from  April  to  June,  lay  through  a  desert 
country,  swept  by  storms  of  wind  and  sand,  against  which  tents 

268 


THE    BALKAN    TROUBLES 

offered  no  protection.  The  heat  was  intense  and  there  was  no 
water,  but  the  Russian  soldier  is  patient  and  enduring,  and 
trained  by  long  practice  to  bear  hardship.  Khiva  was  defended 
by  a  force  of  20,000  Turkomans,  but  after  a  siege  and  bombard- 
ment Kaufmann  entered  it  as  conqueror  on  June  loth.  In  the 
meantime  Skobelev,  who  afterwards  became  so  famous,  was 
exploring  the  bed  of  the  Oxus  and  the  district  towards  the  east. 
The  Khan  had  escaped  to  the  desert,  but  returned  and  made 
peace,  on  payment  of  a  war  indemnity  of  2,000,000  roubles  and 
the  cession  of  the  country  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Amu  Daria, 
the  ancient  Oxus.  Thus  the  Khan  of  Khiva  became  a  vassal  of 
Russia. 

By  this  exploit  the  power  of  Russia  in  Central  Asia  was  Russian 
enormously  increased,  and  Great  Britain  had  reason  to  complain  Aggression 
that  the  trust  which  Russia  had  imposed  upon  herself  in  previous 
negotiations  had  been  greatly  exceeded.  Indeed,  this  sudden 
and  momentous  development  of  Russian  territory  and  influence 
gave  some  excuse  for  the  anti-Russian  policy  of  Beaconsfield, 
and  a  struggle  now  ensued  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia  for 
the  subjection  of  the  tribes  which  lay  between  their  respective 
frontiers.  In  1875  and  1876  Kaufmann  and  Skobelev  entirely 
subdued  the  Khanate  of  Khokand,  and  annexed  it  to  the  Russian 
Empire  under  the  name  of  Ferighan.  In  1880  and  1881  Skobelev 
reduced  the  wild  and  untamable  horse-riding  hordes  of  the  Tekke 
Turkomans,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Merv,  a  town  fifteen  or 
twenty  days'  journey  from  Khiva,  which  some  Englishmen  have 
described  as  the  key  to  India.  The  territory  of  Khuldja,  which 
had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Chinese,  was  also  conquered,  but 
the  greater  part  of  it  was  afterwards  given  back  to  them,  and 
the  island  of  Sakhalin  was  conquered  from  Japan.  A  similar 
struggle  was  going  on  in  Persia,  where,  since  1848,  Nasraddin 
had  been  Shah.  Moreover,  the  Russians  had  started  the  Trans- 
Caspian  railway  from  the  Caspian  Sea  to  Samarkand.  It  was 
mainly  constructed  by  General  Annenkov,  and  was  completed  in 
1888  ;  the  Trans-Siberian  railway  was  also  begun. 

A   league   was   formed   between   the   Emperors   of   Germany,  Trouble  in 
Austria   and    Russia,  with  the  immediate  purpose  of  preserving  the  Balkans, 
peace  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  but  with  certain  ulterior  objects. 
There  was,  at  this  period,  a  Panslavic  movement  which  aimed  at 
uniting  all  branches  of  the  Slavic  race  under  the  Tsar  of  Russia. 
This   was   opposed   to  the  interests   of   two  of  the  three  Powers 
mentioned,  but  the  Tsar  hoped  that  if  he  gave  way  on  this  point 
his  Imperial  brothers  might  be  willing  to  further  his  ambitious 

269 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


French 

Intervention 
in  the 
Lebanon. 


Fuad 
Pasha's 
Efforts  for 
Turkey. 


Roumania 
a  Kingdom. 


designs  in  other  directions.  At  this  time  a  spark  was  kindled  in 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  which,  gradually  spreading,  eventually 
set  Europe  in  a  flame.  Ever  since  the  Peace  of  Paris  the  Turkish 
Government  had  been  falling  into  a  state  of  decadence. 

The  Crimean  War  had  left  Turkey  weaker  than  it  found  her. 
The  "  Sick  Man  "  was  not  cured,  but  every  day  approached  nearer 
to  dissolution.  The  non-Mohammedan  races  under  the  dominion  of 
the  Sultan  aimed  more  and  more  at  independent  government, 
with  a  persistence  which  rendered  all  efforts  of  the  Christian  West 
futile,  while  the  Porte  tried  to  pacify  them  with  deceitful  promises. 
Foreign  intervention  became  a  necessity.  In  1860  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  was  compelled  to  prevent  by  arms  the  common  murders 
of  the  Druses  and  Maronites  which  drenched  the  Lebanon  with 
blood.  A  French  general  marched  into  Damascus  and  enabled 
the  Turkish  pasha  to  inflict  the  penalty  of  justice  on  the  mur- 
derers, while  the  Government  at  Constantinople  was  compelled 
to  grant  a  constitution  to  the  Lebanon,  which  would  prevent  such 
atrocities  in  future. 

On  June  26th,  1861,  Abdul  Medjid  died,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  brother  Abdul  Aziz.  After  initiating  a  few  reforms  he  fell  into 
a  condition  of  slackness  and  apathy,  and  was  swayed  by  favourites 
who  squandered  the  finances.  A  conviction  grew  up  in  Con- 
stantinople that  the  Turkish  Empire  could  only  be  saved  from 
ruin  by  the  adoption  of  reforms  on  the  European  model  and  by 
an  approach  to  European  culture.  These  views  were  put  forward 
by  the  great  statesman,  Fuad  Pasha,  who,  in  the  summer  of  1867, 
accompanied  his  Sovereign  in  a  journey  to  the  Courts  of  Paris> 
London  and  Vienna  and,  under  cover  of  the  impression  which 
this  journey  made  upon  the  mind  of  his  master,  induced  the 
Sultan  to  grant  equal  privileges  to  his  Christian  and  Mohammedan 
subjects  and  release  the  Government  from  the  hampering  principles 
of  the  Koran.  His  efforts  were  not  altogether  in  vain,  and  a  good 
deal  was  effected  oi  a  reforming  character.  But  the  ignorance 
of  the  officials,  the  prejudices  of  the  people,  the  fanaticism  of  the 
Old  Turkish  party,  the  hatred  of  the  army  towards  Christians, 
and  the  hopeless  condition  socially  and  financially  of  the  Empire 
made  it  doubtful  whether  reform  were  possible  at  all.  Unhappily, 
Fuad  Pasha  died  at  Nice  on  February  nth,  1867,  and  the  reforms 
came  to  an  end. 

One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  of  the  Porte  lay  in  the  desire  of 
her  vassal  states  for  independence.  In  January,  1859,  Moldavia 
and  Wallachia  joined  together  under  the  title  of  the  Principality 
of  Roumania.  The  Diet,  paying  no  attention  to  the  protests  of 

270 


SERVIA'S    INDEPENDENCE 

the  Porte  against  the  union,  chose  as  sovereign  Alexander  Cusa, 
descended  from  an  unimportant  Boyar  family,  who  had  risen  by 
his  own  abilities  and  character.  He  was  not  a  success.  In  May, 
1864,  tired  of  the  opposition  of  the  Diet  to  his  wilful  and 
extravagant  rule,  he  imitated  Louis  Napoleon  by  demanding  a 
plebiscite,  which  abrogated  the  Constitution  ;  but  in  less  than 
two  years  he  was  deposed  by  a  conspiracy  at  Bucharest  on 
February  23rd,  1866,  and  died  at  Heidelberg  on  May  I5th,  1873. 
A  German  Prince,  Charles  Antony  of  Hohenzollern,  brother  of  the 
Hohenzollern  whose  candidature  for  the  throne  of  Spain  was  the 
cause  of  the  Franco-Prussian  War,  was  elected  in  his  place,  and 
as  King  of  Roumania  met  with  universal  praise,  while  his  gifted 
and  beautiful  Queen  was  recognised  as  a  crowned  genius. 

Servia  had  attempted  to  liberate  herself  from  the  fetters  of  Senna's 
Turkish  supremacy  since  the  beginning  of  the  century.  Milosh  Dynastic 
Obrenovich,  the  founder  of  a  line  of  national  Princes,  went  farther  Chan£es- 
and  endeavoured  to  get  rid  of  the  Russian  patronage,  exercised 
through  the  National  Party  and  the  Senate  in  Belgrade,  which 
possessed  a  predominant  power.  He  was  unable  to  effect  this  and, 
on  July  I3th,  1839,  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  eldest  son.  Milan, 
who  was  in  bad  health,  died,  and  his  brother  Michael  Obrenovich 
was  made  Prince.  He  was  even  less  capable  than  his  father  of 
overcoming  the  obstacles  which  beset  his  path,  and,  after  having 
for  three  years  done  his  best  to  withstand  the  intrigues  and 
conspiracies  of  the  opposite  party,  also  was  forced  to  leave  the 
country  in  September,  1842,  whereupon  the  Skupshina,  the 
National  Assembly,  declared  that  the  family  of  Obrenovich  were 
deposed,  and  summoned  Alexander  Karageorgievitch  to  the 
throne,  and  he  was  confirmed  by  the  Sultan.  The  Emperor 
Nicholas  was  very  angry  at  these  proceedings,  but  when  he  was 
assured  that  the  position  of  Russia  as  protector  of  the  Christians 
in  Servia  would  not  be  affected  he  gave  his  consent. 

The  Crimean  War  was  helpful  to  Servian  independence.    Prince  Dual 
Alexander  declared  his  neutrality,  and  the  Porte  was  obliged  to  Control  in 
permit  him  to  train  an  army  in  order  to  defend  it.    The  Peace  of  SepYia» 
Paris  also  tended  in  the  same  direction.     Servia  remained  subject 
to  the  Porte,  but  it  became  perfectly  independent  in  administra- 
tion, legislation  and  religion.      Further,   it  acquired  freedom  of 
commerce  and  navigation  under  the  guarantee  of  the   Powers. 
The  Turks  continued  to  garrison  the  Turkish  fortresses,  but  were 
not  allowed  to  interfere  with  the  administration  of  the  country — 
a  dual  control  which   held  within   itself   the   seeds   of   disorder. 
Arrangements  rendered  necessary  by  the  war  and  carried  still 

271 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Obrenovich 
Recalled. 


Murder  of 
Prince 

Michael. 


farther  after  the  peace  had  the  effect  of  weakening  the  supremacy 
of  the  Sultan,  of  increasing  the  national  conscience,  and  preparing 
for  the  complete  independence  of  the  country.  A  national  militia 
was  formed  with  the  acknowledged  purpose  of  assisting  the 
Christians  against  the  Turks  if  the  occasion  arose,  and  no  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  the  protests  of  the  Porte. 

The  national  party  of  the  Young  Servians,  supported  by  the 
Senate  and  the  cultured  classes,  looked  towards  Russia  as  the 
head  of  their  national  inspirations  and  their  religion.  On  the 
other  hand,  Prince  Alexander  leaned  more  upon  the  support  of 
Austria.  The  opposition  to  him  became  stronger  and,  in  1858, 
he  was  compelled  to  summon  a  Skupshina,  which  on  December 
23rd  deposed  him.  He  took  refuge  in  Austria,  and  the  banished 
Prince  Milosh  Obrenovich  was  summoned  to  the  throne.  He 
died  next  year  and,  on  September  26th,  1860,  the  crown  came  to 
his  son,  Michael  III.,  who  declared  it  hereditary  in  his  House.  He 
tried  to  increase  the  national  army  and  also,  with  the  help  of  the 
Powers,  to  drive  the  Turks  out  of  the  country,  excepting  those 
who  garrisoned  the  fortresses.  This  arrangement  only  lasted  till 
March,  1867,  when  the  fortresses  were  evacuated  by  the  Turkish 
troops,  and  the  suzerainty  of  the  Porte  was  reduced  to  a  shadow. 

On  June  loth,  1868,  one  of  those  tragedies  occurred  which 
have  so  often  disgraced  the  annals  of  Servia.  As  Michael  was 
walking  in  the  Park  of  Topshider,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Belgrade,  he  was  attacked  by  three  insurgents  armed  with 
revolvers  and  killed,  a  relation  who  was  with  him  being  fatally 
wounded.  Popular  opinion  ascribed  this  murder  to  the  intrigues 
of  Alexander  Karageorgievitch.  If  this  were  the  case,  the 
plot  failed.  Milan  Obrenovich,  the  youthful  cousin  of  Michael, 
succeeded,  and  Radovonovitch  was  condemned  to  death  and 
three  others  to  five  years'  imprisonment.  Michael's  tragic  death 
caused  universal  sympathy.  During  his  reign  he  had  set  himself 
free  from  Turkish  influence,  had  driven  the  Turks  from  the 
country,  and  had  secured  the  possession  of  their  fortresses.  He 
had  done  his  best  to  introduce  European  culture,  and  had  placed 
the  constitution  on  a  firm  basis.  He  fell  a  victim  to  the  barbarism 
which  he  had  attempted  to  destroy.  After  four  years  of  regency 
there  followed  a  period  of  peace  and  prosperity,  in  which  the 
constitution  was  established  on  a  parliamentary  basis.  Milan 
assumed  the  government  in  August,  1872,  it  being  well  known 
that  he  was  under  the  influence  of  Russia.  Montenegro  and 
Herzegovina  were  also  occupied  in  settling  themselves  under 
the  protection  of  Russia.  Danilo,  Prince  of  Montenegro,  was 

272 


TROUBLES    IN    GREECE 

murdered    on    August    i2th,    1860,    and    was    succeeded    by   his 
brother's  son,  Nikola. 

The  kingdom  of  Greece  also  was  not  without  its  troubles.  King  King  Otto 
Otto  had  proved  a  very  bad  ruler,  but  for  thirty  years  the  sceptre  Resi#ns  the 
was  held  by  his  trembling  hands.  Bavaria  had  paid  a  large  sum 
to  maintain  the  security  and  dignity  of  his  throne.  But  the  defects 
of  his  personal  character  prevented  the  Greeks  from  feeling  grati- 
tude, and  the  injudicious  conduct  he  had  shown  after  the  crisis 
of  the  Crimean  War  estranged  the  affections  of  his  subjects,  especi- 
ally the  army.  The  gradual  dismemberment  of  Turkey  encouraged 
the  Greeks  to  hope  for  an  addition  to  their  country,  an  enlarge- 
ment they  were  hardly  likely  to  obtain  under  this  feeble  monarch. 
A  conspiracy  was  formed,  the  head  of  which  was  the  aged  Admiral 
Canaris,  so  distinguished  in  the  War  of  Liberation.  In  February, 
1862,  a  military  rising  occurred  in  Nauplia,  which,  however,  was 
put  down  in  April,  though  the  lack  of  energy  displayed  by  the 
King  in  suppressing  it  encouraged  others  to  follow  the  example. 
In  October,  as  the  King  was  occupied  in  a  progress  round  the 
Peloponnesus,  risings  took  place  in  Patras  and  Corinth  and 
eventually  in  Athens  itself.  A  provisional  Government  was 
established,  and  when  the  King  heard  of  it  he  returned  to  the 
Piraeus.  Here  he  was  advised  by  his  ambassadors  to  abandon  all 
idea  of  resistance,  and  from  Salamis  he  issued  a  proclamation 
announcing  his  intention  of  returning  to  his  own  country.  He 
went  on  board  an  English  ship  which  brought  him  to  Trieste. 

There  was  some  difficulty  in  finding  a  successor.  Prince  Alfred  Choosing  a 
of  Great  Britain  was  first  chosen,  and  crowned  as  King  of  Greece 
by  his  fellow  midshipmen  on  board  his  ship  with  a  bunch  of  tallow 
candles,  but  he  refused  the  honour.  The  Tsar  wished  for  the 
Duke  of  Leuchtenberg,  the  son  of  Prince  Eugene,  the  step-son  of 
Napoleon,  who  was  also  favoured  by  France.  It  was  then  deter- 
mined to  return  to  the  old  decision  which  excluded  the  families 
of  the  principal  European  Powers,  and  when  the  British  Govern- 
ment announced  its  intention  to  strengthen  the  new  kingdom  by 
the  cession  of  the  Ionian  Islands,  the  choice  of  a  Sovereign  was 
left  to  it.  After  searching  in  vain  in  the  favourite  preserves  of 
the  House  of  Coburg,  and  proposing  in  turn  to  the  King  of 
Portugal  and  Duke  Ernest  of  Saxe-Coburg-Gotha,  the  choice 
eventually  fell  on  the  brother  of  the  Princess  of  Wales,  who,  on 
June  5th,  1863,  became  King  of  Greece  with  the  title  of  George. 
King  George  married  a  Russian  princess,  as  was  right  and  proper, 
and  the  principal  objects  of  his  reign  were  to  acquire  a  better 
frontier  on  the  north  and  obtain  possession  of  Crete,  which  ought 
5  273 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

to  have  belonged  to  Greece  from  the  beginning,  and  would  have 
done  so  but  for  the  prejudice  and  obstinacy  of  the  Duke  of 
Wellington. 

insurrec-  After  the  Treaty  of  Frankfort  the  condition  of  the  Turkish 

hons  m  Empire  became  worse,  and  the  desire  of  her  Christian  subjects 
Herzegovina.  *or  independence  grew  stronger.  The  relations  between  the 
Christians — responsible  for  the  payment  of  taxes  and  the  per- 
formance of  services — and  their  Mohammedan  masters  gradually 
became  less  endurable,  as  the  financial  condition  in  Constantinople 
assumed  the  proportions  of  a  national  bankruptcy,  and  the 
Turkish  tax-farmers  in  the  provinces  resorted  to  the  most 
oppressive  means  to  extort  the  money  necessary  to  pay  them- 
selves and  the  troops.  In  July,  1875,  an  armed  insurrection, 
caused  by  these  abuses,  broke  out,  first  in  the  Herzegovina  and 
then  in  Bosnia.  The  women,  children  and  old  men,  with  their 
cattle  and  other  scanty  possessions,  took  refuge  in  Austria  and 
Montenegro,  while  the  men  and  youths  opened  an  irregular  warfare 
against  the  Turkish  troops,  who  were  commanded  by  Mukhtar 
Pasha,  a  natural  son  of  Abdul  Aziz.  The  rising,  which  might 
have  been  put  down  by  energetic  methods  rapidly  applied, 
gained  strength  through  the  laziness  and  carelessness  of  the 
Turks ;  and  the  insurgents,  reinforced  by  volunteers  from  Servia 
and  Montenegro,  took  up  strong  positions  in  the  passes  and 
ravines. 

Mediation  of  At  the  suggestion  of  Austria  the  Powers  attempted  to  mediate 
the  Powers,  by  means  of  a  consular  deputation.  The  insurgents  were  informed 
that  they  must  not  expect  assistance  from  a  Christian  Power, 
and  must  lay  their  grievances  before  Servar  Pasha  in  Mostar, 
while  the  Ottoman  Government  was  advised  to  remove  abuses 
and  execute  reforms.  The  mediation  had  no  result.  The  insur- 
gents knew  by  experience  that  they  could  place  no  confidence 
in  any  promises  from  Constantinople  unless  guaranteed  by  the 
Powers.  Austria,  Russia  and  Germany  gave  their  sanction  to- 
a  note  drawn  up  by  Count  Andrassy  with  the  object  of  putting 
an  end  to  the  insurrection,  by  obliging  the  Turks  to  grant  reforms 
to  improve  the  condition  of  the  Christians,  and  to  this  note  Italy 
and  France  gave  their  adhesion.  But  Great  Britain  kept 
aloof.  A  Tory  Government  was  now  in  power,  and  Disraeli 
cherished  such  jealousy  of  Russia  that  he  was  afraid  the  Tsar 
might  drive  the  Turks  out  of  Europe  and  seize  Constantinople 
for  himself. 

The  winter  passed  in  this  manner,  but  unrest  spread  through- 
out  the  Balkan  Peninsula.     At  length,   on  January   3ist,   1876,. 

274 


PANSLAVIC    ACTIVITY 

Great  Britain  gave  her  adhesion  to  the  Andrassy  Note,  which  was 
now  presented  by  Count  Zichy  to  Raschid  Pasha,  the  Foreign 
Minister  of  the  Porte.  The  note  was  considered  by  a  Council  of 
Ministers,  and  the  ambassadors  were  informed  that  the  Porte 
accepted  the  suggestions  with  regard  to  the  equality  of  Christians 
before  the  law,  the  abolition  of  tax-farming,  and  improvement 
in  the  condition  of  the  peasantry,  and  for  this  purpose  an  Irade, 
or  Circular  Note,  was  issued  on  February  23rd,  promising  an 
amnesty  to  the  insurgents,  a  safe  return  to  the  emigrants,  and 
remittance  of  the  tithe  for  one  year  and  of  other  taxes  for  two 
years.  The  insurgents,  however,  declined  to  lay  down  their  arms 
or  return  to  their  homes  unless  the  concessions  of  the  Porte  were 
guaranteed  by  the  Powers.  This,  of  course,  was  impossible,  so 
the  Andrassy  Note  failed.  Hostilities  began  anew,  the  excite- 
ment spread  to  Bulgaria,  and  Prince  Milan  in  Belgrade  began 
to  show  sympathy  with  his  brother  Slavs,  hoping  that,  in  the 
general  confusion,  he  might  be  recognised  as  Sovereign  of  Servia 
and  Bosnia.  A  secret  society,  called  the  Omladina,  was  estab- 
lished in  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  similar  to  the  Hetairia  in  Greece, 
for  the  purpose  of  spreading  the  Panslavic  propaganda. 

Through  this  increase  of  Panslavic  sentiment,  Austria,  which  Russia  as 
had  hitherto  occupied  the  principal  place  in  the  negotiations  with  Protector  of 
Turkey,  began  to  take  a  subordinate  position,  as  the  Hungarians  the  slaYS* 
had  more  sympathy  with  the  Turks  than  with  the  southern  Slavs. 
Although  the  Hungarians  had  suffered  many  hardships  from  the 
Turks  in  ancient  days,  yet  they  had  never  forgotten  the  defeat 
of  Villagos,  and  their  hatred  of  Russia  and  fears  of  an  increase  of 
the  Slavic  element  in  their  own  country  were  stronger  than  the 
recollection  of  their  own  past  history.  Thus  Russia  now  took 
the  first  place  in  the  movement.  The  southern  Slavs  in  Bulgaria, 
Bosnia  and  Servia  were  bound  to  her  not  only  by  ties  of  race, 
but  also  of  religion.  The  Russians  were  delighted  to  think  that 
the  races  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula  were  looking  to  them  for 
protection,  and  the  Tsar  was  proud  to  appear  as  the  representa- 
tive of  Europe  before  the  Turks,  to  defend  the  cause  of  humanity, 
Christianity  and  civilisation.  The  insurrection,  which  had  begun 
in  the  Herzegovina  and  Bosnia,  spread  still  farther  in  the  spring. 
When  in  April,  1876,  the  Turkish  commander  wished  to  provision 
the  fortress  of  Nicsics,  which  was  being  besieged,  his  army  was 
intercepted  at  the  Duga  Pass. 

In  May  the  insurrection  spread  to  Bulgaria,  and  there  was 
danger  of  the  whole  of  European  Turkey  being  in  a  blaze.  In 
the  middle  of  May  a  conference,  held  at  Ems,  between  Bismarck, 

275 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Gortshakov  and  Andrassy,  resulted  in  a  memorandum  being 
presented  to  the  Porte  by  the  three  Powers,  saying  that  they 
regarded  the  request  for  a  guarantee  as  reasonable,  that  there 
should  be  an  armistice  for  two  months,  and  that  if  at  the  end  of 
that  time  satisfactory  arrangements  had  not  been  made,  the  three 
Courts  would  take  steps  to  enforce  their  wishes.  Great  Britain 
declined  to  join,  and  Russia  was  designated  as  the  instrument 
to  be  employed  to  execute  the  judgment.  But  just  at  this  time 
certain  occurrences  at  Constantinople  turned  the  attention  of  the 
world  to  matters  of  greater  importance. 

Death  of  All  these  events — the  uprising  of  the  Christians,  the  support 

Abdul  Aziz.  gjven  by  the  Prince  of  Montenegro  to  the  insurgents  of  Nicsics, 
and  the  rebellion  of  the  Bulgarians — had  stimulated  Moham- 
medan fanaticism  and  the  hatred  of  the  Turks  against  the 
Russians.  Even  before  the  Conference  of  Ems  quarrels  had 
arisen  at  Salonica  between  Christians  and  Mohammedans,  which 
led  to  the  murder  of  the  German  and  French  consuls,  while  a  few 
days  later  there  was  an  outbreak  of  fanaticism  against  the  Sultan 
in  Constantinople,  Abdul  Aziz  being  considered  the  cause  of  all 
the  mischief.  On  May  nth  the  softas,  or  pupils  of  the  Moslem 
theological  seminaries,  came  together,  and  passing  in  long  pro- 
cession before  the  palace  of  the  Sultan  demanded  the  dismissal 
of  the  Grand  Vizir  Mahmoud  Pasha,  and  the  Sheikh-ul-Islam. 
The  Sultan  gave  way,  but  the  riot  was  not  at  an  end.  On  May 
30th  his  own  ministers,  with  the  consent  of  the  new  Sheikh-ul- 
Islam,  pronounced  his  deposition,  and  declared  his  heir,  Murad  V., 
to  be  Ruler  of  the  Faithful.  When  he  heard  of  this,  on  June  4th, 
Abdul  Aziz,  as  was  publicly  announced,  put  an  end  to  himself 
by  opening  his  veins.  But  it  was  afterwards  discovered  that  he 
had  been  killed  by  a  number  of  high  officials,  among  whom  was 
Midhat  Pasha  ;  eunuchs  and  palace  officials  held  him  fast  while 
he  was  stifled  by  chloroform,  and  then  a  Jewish  doctor,  a  pervert 
to  Islamism,  opened  his  veins. 

Turkish  Under    Murad    V.,    who    was    a    nonentity,    the    country    was 

Attempt  at  governed  by  the  Grand  Vizir  Rushdi,  the  War  Minister 
Hussein  Avni,  and  the  cultured  Midhat,  who  by  many  was 
thought  a  charlatan.  Their  plan  was  to  establish  parliamentary 
government  on  the  British  model,  with  equal  rights  for  all 
religions,  but  at  the  same  time  to  regenerate  the  Ottoman  Empire 
and  make  it  independent  of  external  influences.  The  Koran  and 
the  harem  were  to  cease  to  rule,  and  a  new  Eastern  Empire  was 
to  be  established  on  the  Bosphorus.  But  this  were  as  profitable 
as  to  graft  an  apple  on  an  oak  tree  ;  nations,  like  individuals, 

276 


THE    BULGARIAN    ATROCITIES 

are    too  much  bound  by  their  past  to  profit   by  these  sudden 
conversions. 

The  Bulgarian  atrocities,  which  horrified  the  conscience  of  Bulgarian 
Europe,  took  place  at  the  very  time  this  new  era  was  called  into  Atrocities- 
existence,  and  showed  that,  however  the  Turks  might  change 
their  principles,  their  actions  remained  the  same.  "  You  may 
change  a  man's  skin,"  say  the  Italians,  "  but  you  will  never 
change  his  vices."  The  spirit  of  Mohammedan  fanaticism,  instead 
of  being  pacified  by  these  proceedings,  was  roused  to  more  violent 
passions,  which  were  intensified  by  the  dispatch  of  the  British 
fleet  to  Salonica.  On  June  I5th  Raschid  Pasha  and  Hussein 
Avni,  two  of  the  murderers  of  Abdul  Aziz,  were  themselves 
murdered  at  a  Council  of  State  by  Hassan  Bey,  the  brother  of 
one  of  the  slain  Sultan's  favourite  wives.  The  Bulgarian  insur- 
rection, which  had  broken  out  prematurely,  was  put  down  by 
Circassians  and  Bashi-Bazouks  with  the  utmost  severity  and 
cruelty.  In  Batak,  on  May  i2th,  there  was  an  indiscriminate 
slaughter.  Thousands  of  Christians — men,  women  and  children 
— were  murdered,  mutilated  and  violated,  and  more  than  a 
hundred  villages  were  burned.  The  news  of  these  barbarities 
reached  England  on  June  23rd.  Further  investigations  made 
matters  worse  instead  of  better.  The  question  occupied  the 
attention  of  Parliament,  Gladstone  being  indignant,  and  Disraeli, 
shortly  to  become  Lord  Beaconsfield,  indifferent. 

We   will  desert  a  strictly  chronological    order    and    speak   of  Accession  of 
the  effect  on  Great  Britain  later.    Milan  of  Servia  and  Nikola  of  Abdul 
Montenegro  made  common  cause  with  the  insurgents  in  Bosnia     am   * 
and  the  Herzegovina,  with  the  object  of  securing  these  provinces  for 
themselves.     They   reckoned   upon   the   support   of   Russia,    and 
especially   of  the   Panslavic   party   in   Moscow.    At   the   end   of 
June  Milan  crossed  the  frontier  with  his  army ;   but  Great  Britain 
continued  to  play  an  unworthy  part.     She  sent  her  fleet  into 
Besika  Bay,  ostensibly  to  prevent  bloodshed,  but  really  to  protect 
the  Turks  from  the  attacks  of  Russia.     On  August  3ist  Murad  V., 
who  had  been  found  imbecile,  was  deposed,  and  his  brother  Abdul 
Hamid  put  in  his  place.     Milan  was  declared  King  of  Servia  by 
Russian   influence   on   September   i6th,    but   before   the   end   of 
October  his  army  had  been  so  completely  beaten  by  the  Turks 
that  the  road  lay  open  to  Belgrade. 

In    the    meantime   the    details    of    the   Bulgarian   massacres  Gladstone's 
had  begun  to  make  way  in  England.     On    September   6th,    Mr.  Bulgarian 
Gladstone    published    a    pamphlet,    Bulgarian    Horrors    and   the  PamPhlet- 
Question  of  the  East,  which  was  sold  at  the  rate  of  10,000  copies 

277 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

a  day.  He  declared  he  could  not  longer  bear  in  silence  his  share 
of  responsibility  for  the  Crimean  War.  There  was  not,  he  said, 
a  criminal  in  a  European  jail,  or  a  cannibal  in  the  South  Sea 
Islands,  whose  indignation  would  not  rise  at  the  sight  of  what 
had  been  done  by  the  one  great  anti-human  specimen  of 
humanity.  He  demanded  the  entire  withdrawal  of  the  adminis- 
trative rule  of  the  Turks  from  these  provinces.  The  words 
which  follow  have  become  famous :  "  As  an  old  servant  of  the 
Crown  and  State,  I  entreat  my  countrymen,  upon  whom, 
perhaps,  far  more  than  upon  any  other  people  in  Europe  it 
depends,  to  require  and  insist  that  our  Government,  which  has 
been  working  in  one  direction,  shall  work  in  another,  and  shall 
employ  all  its  vigour  to  concur  with  the  other  States  of 
Europe  in  obtaining  the  extinction  of  the  Turkish  executive 
power  in  Bulgaria.  Let  the  Turks  now  carry  away  then- 
abuses  in  the  only  possible  manner — namely,  by  carrying  off 
themselves.  Their  Zaptiehs  and  their  Mudirs,  their  Bimbashis 
and  their  Yuzbashis,  their  Kaimakams  and  their  Pashas,  one  and 
all,  bag  and  baggage,  shall,  I  hope,  clear  out  from  the  province 
they  have  desolated  and  profaned." 

Lord  On  September  i8th,  when  the  excitement  of  this  pamphlet  was 

Derby's         at  jts  height,  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Walter  Baring's  report  on 
tion  ^e  massacr^s  added  fuel  to  the  flames.     He  put  the  number  of 

Bulgarians  massacred  at  12,000.  The  case  of  Batak  was  even 
worse  than  the  report.  The  inhabitants  had  been  summoned  to 
give  up  their  arms,  and  were  assured  that  if  they  did  so  their 
lives  would  be  spared.  They  obeyed  and  were  all  murdered  ; 
1,200  were  burned  alive  in  a  church.  Lord  Derby,  who  felt  the 
shame  and  infamy  more  keenly  than  other  members  of  the  Cabinet, 
ordered  Sir  Henry  Elliot,  the  British  Ambassador  at  the  Porte, 
to  inform  the  Turkish  Government  that  their  atrocious  crimes 
had  roused  the  anger  of  the  British  people,  and  that  the  Powers 
could  not  be  indifferent  to  such  abominations.  He  was  instructed 
to  ask  for  a  personal  interview  with  the  Sultan,  and  demand  the 
punishment  of  the  murderers,  especially  Achmet  Aga,  to  which 
request,  it  is  needless  to  say,  the  Turks  paid  no  heed. 

Russia  Unhappily,   this  honourable  expression  of  opinion  about   the 

Heir  to  the  conduct  of  Turkey  was  checked  by  the  stupid  jealousy  which  had 

Empire!™      keen  tne  curse  °*  British  policy  in  the  East.     It  was  thought  part 

of  Great  Britain's  duty  to  defend  Constantinople  against  capture 

by   Russia,   whereas   a  saner   policy   teaches   that   Russia  is   the 

natural  heir  to  the  Byzantine  Empire,  and  that,  if  she  had  become 

mistress  of  Constantinople  a  hundred  years  before  it  would  have 

278 


THE    CONSTANTINOPLE    CONFERENCE 

been  better  for  Great  Britain  and  better  for  the  world.  It  was  idle 
for  statesmen  to  attempt  to  pervert  what  all  the  forces  of  Nature 
were  clamouring  to  have  done.  The  Tsar,  however,  gave  the 
British  Ambassador  his  word  of  honour  that  he  had  no  designs  on 
Constantinople,  nor  any  intention  of  annexing  Bulgaria. 

The  Emperor  Alexander  now  determined  on  more  energetic  Beacons- 
measures.  He  could  not  see  with  indifference  Servia  destroyed,  ficld's 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  wasted,  the  Bulgarian  Christians  mur-  Rl^Sg?an 
dered.  The  result  of  conferences  at  Livadia  was  that  on  October 
3ist,  1876,  he  gave  Turkey  the  alternative  of  war  with  Russia 
or  a  cessation  of  hostilities  within  two  months.  The  latter,  after 
some  delay,  was  agreed  to  by  Midhat.  But  this  policy  met  with 
strong  opposition  from  Great  Britain.  At  the  Guildhall  Banquet  on 
November  gth  Lord  Beaconsfield  delivered  a  speech  of  a  threaten- 
ing description.  He  said  that  there  was  no  country  so  well 
prepared  for  war  as  England,  because  there  was  no  country  whose 
resources  were  so  great,  and  he  added  that  in  a  righteous  cause 
England  would  begin  a  fight  which  would  not  end  until  right  had 
been  done.  Naturally  the  Tsar  was  very  angry  at  this.  "  Why," 
he  asked,  "  should  there  be  war  with  England,  and  what  was  the 
righteous  cause  ?  "  He  had  assented  to  a  congress  proposed  by 
England,  of  which  the  object  was  peace.  Lord  Salisbury,  who 
had  been  deputed  to  attend  the  conference,  left  England  on 
December  5th,  and  the  conference  opened  on  December  I2th. 

In  London  a  memorable  meeting  was  held  in  St.  James's  Hall,  Great 
on  December  8th,  to  protest  against  war  with  Russia.  Among  Anti-Wai1 
the  conveners  were  men  of  letters  who  did  not  as  a  rule  take 
any  part  in  politics,  such  as  William  Morris  and  Robert  Browning, 
John  Ruskin  and  Edward  Burne- Jones.  Carlyle  wrote  advising 
that  the  unspeakable  Turk  should  immediately  be  struck  out  of 
the  question  and  the  country  left  to  honest  European  guidance, 
delaying  which  could  be  profitable  and  agreeable  only  to  gamblers 
on  the  Stock  Exchange,  but  distressing  and  unprofitable  to  all 
other  men.  The  Duke  of  Westminster,  who  presided  at  the  morn- 
ing meeting,  advised  that  the  fleets  and  armies  of  Great  Britain 
should  be  sent  to  Constantinople,  not  in  opposition  to  Russia, 
but  for  the  coercion  of  the  Turks. 

The  conference  sat  in  Constantinople  from  December  i2th  to  The  Con- 
the  20th.     It  consisted  of  representatives  of  the  great  European  stantinople 
Powers    without    any    member    from    Turkey.     It    decided    that  Conference' 
reforms  should  be  introduced   into    the   Turkish   administration 
of  Bosnia,  Herzegovina  and  Bulgaria,  and  that  a  force  of   6,000 
Europeans  should  see  that  they  were  carried  out.     If  it  rejected 

279 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

this  proposal,  the  Ottoman  Empire  should  be  at  an  end.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  Powers  were  not  agreed  on  the  policy  they  should 
pursue,  and  Lord  Salisbury  was  instructed  to  oppose  occupa- 
tion. The  manner  in  which  the  Porte  met  the  proposals  was 
characteristic.  The  day  before  the  conference  met  Midhat  was 
appointed  Grand  Vizir,  and  Safvet  Pasha  announced  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  Parliamentary  Government.  By  this  instrument 
all  provinces  of  the  Turkish  Empire  were  to  enjoy  equal  rights  ; 
therefore  it  would  be  impossible  to  accept  the  proposals  of  the 
conference,  by  which  certain  provinces  were  to  be  treated  in  an 
exceptional  manner.  The  advent  of  this  precious  document  was 
announced  to  expectant  Europe  by  a  salvo  of  artillery  ;  but  its 
only  result  was,  on  December  28th,  to  prolong  the  armistice  and 
postpone  the  danger  of  immediate  war.  The  demands  of  the 
Powers  instantly  took  the  form  of  an  International  Commission 
nominated  by  them,  and  the  submission  of  the  appointment  of 
Governors-General  to  their  approval.  On  January  2oth,  1877, 
these  points  were  finally  rejected  by  Safvet  Pasha,  and  Lord 
Salisbury  declared  the  conference  to  be  at  an  end.  Shortly  after 
this,  on  March  ist,  Midhat,  the  reputed  leader  of  the  reform  party, 
was  banished,  and  Edhem  Pasha  took  his  place. 

Russia  Although    the    conference  had  failed,   owing  to  the  disagree- 

Declares  ment  of  the  Powers,  the  Emperor  of  Russia  determined  to  proceed 
with  the  beneficent  work  of  protecting  the  Christian  subjects  of 
the  Porte  from  intolerable  oppression.  He  sent  Shuvalov  and 
Ignatiev  to  London,  with  the  result  that  a  protocol  was  signed 
at  the  British  Foreign  Office  on  the  last  day  of  March.  It  declared 
that  if  the  reforms  promised  by  the  Turkish  Government  were 
not  effectively  carried  out  the  situation  would  become  intoler- 
able. On  April  loth  the  Porte  repudiated  the  protocol  as  incon- 
sistent with  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  and  after  a  short  delay  Russia 
declared  war.  Alexander  avowed  that  he  was  acting  as  the 
representative  of  Europe,  but  Great  Britain  declined  to  endorse 
this  view. 


280 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  RUSSO-TURKISH  WAR 

AFTER  the  Emperor  Alexander  had  decided  upon  war,  he  left  The  Tsar's 
St.  Petersburg,  and  on  April  23rd  arrived  at  Kishinev,  the  head-  Manifesto. 
quarters  of  his  army.  On  the  following  day  he  issued  a  manifesto 
announcing  to  the  world  that  he  undertook  the  war  in  order  to 
obtain  for  his  fellow  Christians  living  in  Turkish  territory  the 
securities  which  were  absolutely  necessary  for  their  future  welfare. 
On  the  night  of  April  23rd  he  crossed  the  Pruth  and  entered 
Roumania,  with  whose  Government  he  had  made  a  convention 
which  enabled  him  to  march  upon  the  Danube.  The  Emperor 
accompanied  the  army,  not  with  the  idea  of  taking  the  command, 
which  he  left  in  the  hands  of  Duke  Nicholas,  but  to  stimulate  the 
courage  of  the  soldiers,  and  he  remained  in  Ploesti,  where  his 
headquarters  were  stationed.  Azakov  wrote  in  a  Moscow  news- 
paper, "  The  Russian  banners  are  moving  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Danube,  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  freedom  and  the  rights  of 
humanity  to  the  Christian  races  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  hitherto 
enslaved  and  persecuted,  despised  by  the  Powers  of  Europe,  who 
are  so  proud  of  their  civilisation.  The  slumbering  Orient  is 
awake  ;  not  only  the  Slavs  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  but  the  whole 
Slavic  world  awaits  its  regeneration.  This  is  the  dawn  of  a  new, 
an  entirely  new,  epoch — a  dawn  which  announces  the  coming  of 
a  new  day  for  the  Slavic  race." 

It  is  desirable  to  give  some  account  of  the  organisation  of  the  The  Russian 
Slavic  armies.  The  Russian  army  was  organised  in  army  corps.  Army* 
It  was  recruited  by  a  system  of  compulsory  military  service  which 
had  been  introduced  in  1874,  in  consequence  of  the  lessons  of  the 
war  of  1870,  but  had  not  been  completely  developed  when  the 
present  war  broke  out.  In  each  army  corps  there  were  two 
infantry  divisions,  each  composed  of  two  brigades.  Each  brigade 
contained  two  regiments,  each  regiment  three  battalions,  each 
battalion  five  companies.  An  army  corps  also  had  a  division 
of  cavalry,  composed  of  two  brigades,  each  containing  two  regi- 
ments ;  one  brigade  had  a  regiment  of  dragoons  and  a  regiment 
of  lancers,  the  other  a  regiment  of  hussars  and  a  regiment  of 
Cossacks.  The  cavalry  division,  besides,  had  two  horse  artillery 

281 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

batteries,  each  consisting  of  six  four-pounder  guns.  The  army 
corps  had,  further,  two  brigades  of  artillery,  one  containing  three 
nine-pounder  batteries,  the  other  three  four-pounder  batteries, 
so  that  an  army  corps  at  full  strength  held  25,000  infantry,  3,000 
cavalry,  and  108  guns ;  but  in  actual  service  the  corps  were 
seldom,  if  ever,  complete.  The  Cossacks  were  a  peculiar  part  of 
the  Russian  army.  They  had  an  organisation  of  their  own — 
a  compromise  between  the  national  customs  and  the  arrangements 
of  a  modern  army.  They  were,  as  Maurice  says,  a  semi-regular 
force  of  national  horsemen,  provided  their  own  horses  and  equip- 
ment, and  rendered  military  service  in  lieu  of  taxes,  the  Govern- 
ment supplying  them  with  arms  and  ammunition.  They  were 
intelligent,  accustomed  to  rely  on  their  own  resources,  and  made 
good  scouts,  when  placed  under  suitable  officers,  but  were  deficient 
in  discipline.  They  were  organised  in  squadrons  100  strong, 
called  sotnias. 

The  Turkish         The  Turkish  army  was  composed  entirely  of  Mohammedans, 
Army.  Christians  not  being  permitted  to  serve,  but  paying  a  poll-tax 

instead.  The  army  consisted  of  four  classes  of  soldiers,  each  with 
a  different  obligation.  A  Mussulman  had  first  to  serve  in  the 
nizam,  or  active  army,  in  which  the  infantry  served  for  four  years 
and  the  cavalry  and  artillery  for  five  ;  he  then  passed  into  the 
ithick  for  two  more  years'  service  ;  from  this  he  went  into  the 
redif  for  eight  years,  and  then  into  the  mustaphiz  for  six  years. 
The  army  was  divided  into  seven  army  corps,  formed  on  a  terri- 
torial basis  :  two  of  these  were  in  Europe  and  five  in  Asia.  The 
whole  organisation  of  the  Turkish  army  was  very  loose,  but  it 
was  now  in  a  better  condition  than  usual,  having  been  employed 
in  1875  and  1876  against  Herzegovina  and  Montenegro.  The 
soldiers  were  excellent,  but  their  commanders  were  corrupt.  They 
looked  upon  their  commands  merely  as  sources  of  income,  and 
were  given  to  peculation.  They  depended  for  their  advance- 
ment, and  even  for  the  maintenance  of  their  position,  on  Court 
intrigue  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  the  pashas  were  aware  that  if 
they  did  not  do  their  duty  they  would  inevitably  lose  their 
heads. 

The  Russian  The  Russian  army  contained  fourteen  army  corps,  to  which 
Commander.  must  be  added  a  special  corps  of  Bulgarian  refugees,  under  Russian 
officers,  so  that  the  total  force  available  at  the  beginning  of  the 
operations  was  about  200,000.  It  was  commanded  by  the  Grand 
Duke  Nicholas,  the  brother  of  the  Tsar,  a  man  to  whom  the 
reorganisation  of  the  army  was  principally  due.  His  Chief  of 
Staff  was  Nepokortshitzki,  who  was  sometimes  called  "  the  Russian 

282 


THE    RUSSIANS    CROSS    THE    DANUBE 

Moltke."  On  April  i8th  the  Roumanian  army  was  mobilised  for 
the  first  time  in  its  history,  and  comprised  32,000  infantry, 
4,000  cavalry,  and  84  guns. 

The  chief  command  of  the  Turkish  army  was  given  to  Abdul  The  Turkish 
Kerim  Pasha,  who  was  seventy-one  years  of  age  and  belonged  to  Plam 
the  old  school.  Maurice  says  of  him  that  he  thought  slowly,  spoke 
little,  never  set  his  foot  to  the  ground,  and  hardly  ever  put  his 
horse  out  of  a  walk.  He  had  been  educated  in  a  military  college 
in  Vienna,  had  commanded  the  Turks  in  the  war  against  Servia, 
but  seldom  left  his  house  in  Sofia.  His  second  in  command  was 
Ahmed  Eyoub  Pasha,  who  was  a  born  fighter  but  had  had  no 
scientific  training  as  a  soldier.  Abdul  Kerim  had  under  his 
command  an  army  of  170,000  men,  in  very  scattered  positions, 
and  the  Turks  had  another  150,000  still  more  widely  dispersed 
in  different  parts  of  the  Empire.  There  was  a  quadrilateral  in 
Turkey,  as  there  was  in  Venetia,  consisting  of  the  fortresses  of 
Rustchuk,  Schumla,  Varna  and  Silistria,  and  Abdul  Kerim's 
plan  was  to  entice  the  Russians  into  it  and  destroy  them ;  but  the 
Russians  were  equally  anxious  to  avoid  the  trap.  On  May  22nd 
Prince  Charles  of  Roumania,  with  the  consent  of  his  Chambers, 
declared  the  country  to  be  independent  of  the  Porte,  and,  placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  army,  marched  into  the  field  to  fight 
against  the  Sultan  who  had  been  his  suzerain.  At  the  same  time 
Russian  troops  crossed  the  Turkish  frontiers  into  Asia,  captured 
Bayazid  without  opposition,  and  stormed  Ardahan  on  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Kur. 

Between  June  2ist  and  28th  the  Russians  successfully  crossed  Russians 
the  Danube,  partly  by  boat  and  partly  by  a  pontoon  bridge  Cross  the 
constructed  not  far  from  Galatz,  and  became  masters  of  a  number  anube* 
of  important  places  in  the  Dobrudsha,  while  the  Turks  retreated 
to  the  Wall  of  Trajan,  which  extends  from  Tchernavoda  to 
Kustendji.  This  passage  of  the  river,  which  had  been  made  with 
astonishing  ease,  cost  the  Russians  only  800  men,  and  they 
thoroughly  deserved  the  success  which  they  had  won.  Their 
plans  had  been  well  thought  out,  and  every  precaution  had  been 
taken  to  mislead  and  deceive  the  enemy.  When  ready  to  strike, 
they  had  struck  with  energy  and  decision,  whereas  the  Turks 
adopted  a  system  of  passive  defence  and  waited  for  the  blow  to 
fall.  The  Turks  ought,  if  they  had  desired  to  prevent  the  pas- 
sage, to  have  guarded  the  river  by  constant  patrolling  and  been 
prepared  to  concentrate  at  any  point  on  which  the  attack  might 
be  made.  Instead,  they  allowed  themselves  to  be  easily  deceived 
by  the  adroitness  of  the  enemy.  The  Turks  had  an  overwhelm- 

283 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

ing  force  of  gunboats  on  the  Danube,  which  proved  to  be  of  no 
service.  There  was  no  connection  either  between  the  different 
flotillas  themselves  or  between  the  army  and  the  navy,  and  this 
lack  of  understanding,  enhanced  probably  by  jealousy  between  the 
services,  led  to  inaction  and  defeat. 

The  Tsar  A  last  attempt  was  made  by  Russia  to  stop  the  war  even  at 

at  Tirnova.  this  stage  by  urging  the  British  Cabinet  to  put  pressure  on  the 
Turks  to  grant  effective  reforms  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula  ;  but 
Sir  Henry  Layard,  at  this  time  British  Ambassador  at  Constanti- 
nople, declared  that  the  Porte  would  never  consent  to  a  course 
of  action  the  result  of  which  would  be  to  change  Bulgaria  into 
an  autonomous,  although  vassal  State,  to  recognise  the  independ- 
ence of  Roumania  and  Servia,  and  to  enlarge  the  territory  of 
Montenegro.  The  Russians,  therefore,  were  left  to  do  the  work 
by  themselves.  Towards  the  end  of  June  their  main  army  crossed 
the  Danube  at  Simnitza  and  Sistova,  and  compelled  the  Turks 
to  retreat,  partly  to  Nikopolis  and  partly  to  Tirnova.  The  Tsar 
himself  advanced  to  Tirnova,  the  administrative  capital  of  the 
ancient  Bulgarian  kingdom,  and  from  this  centre  of  memories  and 
hopes  issued  a  manifesto  to  the  Bulgarian  Christians,  telling 
them  that  the  hour  had  come  to  free  them  from  Mussulman 
tyranny. 

Russians  at  In  the  first  days  of  July  the  Russians  were  in  possession  of 
the  Shipka.  ay  the  country  between  Sistova  and  Gabrova  at  the  foot  of  the 
Shipka  Pass,  so  that  the  Grand  Duke  Nicholas  could  transfer 
his  headquarters  to  Tirnova,  and  Prince  Cherkaski,  the  well- 
known  Slavophil,  could  begin  the  organisation  of  Bulgaria  as  an 
independent  State.  The  Russians  in  Moscow  thought  the  war 
would  be  a  parallel  in  success  to  the  Franco-German  War  of  1870, 
and  that  Bulgaria  would  be  a  new  Alsace.  On  July  i6th,  four 
days  after  the  arrival  of  the  main  army  at  Tirnova,  Nikopolis  fell 
into  Russian  hands,  and  the  attack  on  the  Shipka  Pass,  the 
passage  over  the  Balkans  which  opened  the  road  to  the  valley 
of  the  Maritza  and  Constantinople,  began  under  the  direction  of 
the  gallant  Gourko. 

The  Turks  The  pass  was  defended  by  Raouf  Pasha,  who  placed  his  head- 
Evacuate  quarters  at  Slivno  and  had  at  his  disposal  twenty-one  battalions 
of  infantry,  twelve  squadrons  of  cavalry,  and  two  and  a  half 
batteries  of  artillery.  On  July  i3th  a  small  body  of  Cossacks  and 
other  troops  crossed  the  summit,  bivouacked  on  the  southern 
slopes  of  the  Balkans,  and  descended,  next  morning,  into  the 
beautiful  valley  of  the  Tundja.  The  drop  from  the  summit  of 
the  pass  to  its  foot  is  one  of  3,000  feet  in  five  miles,  so  that  it  was 

284 


BRITISH    FLEET    IN    BESIKA    BAY 

necessary  to  dismount  the  greater  part  of  the  cavalry,  and  employ 
them  in  lowering  the  mountain-guns  over  the  rocks  and  through 
thick  brushwood.  When  the  Turks  knew  that  the  pass  was  being 
attacked  both  from  the  north  and  the  south,  they  determined 
to  evacuate  it,  and  Gourko's  victorious  cavalry  took  possession 
of  Eski-Sagra,  Karabunar  and  Jamboli  till,  on  July  25th,  they 
reached  Harmanli,  which  lies  between  Adrianople  and  Philippo- 
polis  and  encamped  in  the  valley  of  the  Maritza.  It  seemed  as  if 
the  campaign  would  be  over  in  a  few  weeks,  and  the  Russians 
could  march  as  conquerors  into  Constantinople.  They  were 
naturally  seconded  in  their  efforts  by  the  Bulgarian  Christians, 
who  had  many  wrongs  and  insults  to  avenge. 

It  might  have  been  thought  that  the  Russian  advance  would  Beacons- 
be  hailed  with  joy  by  all  friends  of  liberty  and  progress  through-  field's  Offer 
out  the  world.     But  the  members  of  Lord  Beaconsfield's  Cabinet  to  Turkey- 
were  of  a  different  opinion.    They  were  full  of  dismay  at  the 
Russian  success,  and  did  not  recognise  the  full  evil  and  enormity 
of    Turkish    rule.     They    strengthened    the    British    squadron    in 
Besika  Bay  and  offered  to  send  ships  into  the  Bosphorus  or  to 
occupy  Gallipoli.     But  Turkey  would  not  consent  to  this,  except 
under  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  and  so  far  the  Tories 
were  not  prepared  to  go.     They  would  not  make  war  against 
Russia   unless   Austria   would   join   them.    Andrassy   thought   it 
better  policy  to  preserve  the  Triple  Alliance,  and  an  interview 
with  Bismarck  in  Berlin  confirmed  him  in  this  opinion. 

The  view  taken  by  the  Liberals  could  not  be  better  explained  Gladstone 
than  in  the  magnificent  speech  made  by  Gladstone  on  May  7th,  °n  *?!e 
1877.  He  said :  "  There  were  other  days  when  England  was 
the  hope  of  freedom.  Wherever  in  the  world  a  high  inspiration 
was  entertained,  or  a  noble  blow  was  struck,  it  was  to  England 
that  the  eyes  of  the  oppressed  were  always  turned,  to  their 
favourite,  their  darling  home  of  so  much  privilege  and  so  much 
happiness,  where  the  people  who  had  built  up  for  themselves  a 
noble  edifice  would,  it  was  well  known,  be  ready  to  do  what  in 
them  lay  to  secure  the  same  inestimable  boon  for  others.  You 
talk  to  me  of  the  established  tradition  and  policy  with  regard  to 
Turkey.  I  appeal  to  an  established  tradition,  older,  wider,  nobler 
far — not  a  tradition  which  disregards  British  interests,  but  which 
teaches  you  to  seek  the  protection  of  these  interests  in  strengthen- 
ing the  dictates  of  honour  and  justice."  He  added,  in  conclu- 
sion :  "I  believe,  for  one,  that  the  knell  of  Turkish  tyranny  in 
these  provinces  has  sounded ;  so  far  as  human  eyes  can  judge, 
it  is  about  to  be  destroyed.  Its  destruction  may  not  come  in  the 

285 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Defence  of 
Plevna. 


way  or  by  the  means  which  we  should  use,  but,  come  from  what 
hands  it  may,  I  am  persuaded  that  it  will  be  accepted  as  a  boon 
by  Christendom  and  the  world." 

Turkey's  However,  at  this  time  the  future  of  the  Turkish  arms  began 

J?ew  to  brighten.     It  was  recognised  by  the  Turks  that  their  disasters 

Commander.  °  .  J  . 

were  due  to  the  incompetence  of  their  commanders  and  the 
inefficiency  of  the  War  Department  in  Constantinople.  Abdul 
Kerim  and  Redif  Pasha,  the  Minister  of  War,  were  accordingly 
dismissed  from  their  offices  and  sent  in  banishment  to  the  island 
of  Lemnos,  while  Chalib  Effendi,  the  new  Sheik-ul-Islam,  stirred 
the  religious  feelings  of  the  Moslems  and  talked  of  proclaiming  a 
holy  war  by  unfurling  the  banner  of  the  prophet.  The  command 
of  the  army  on  the  Danube  was  given  to  Mehemet  Ali  Pasha,  the 
descendant  of  a  Huguenot  family  which  had  emigrated  from 
France  to  Magdeburg,  and  Osman  Pasha,  who  had  been  com- 
mandant of  Widin,  took  up  a  strong  position  at  Plevna  with 
30,000  men  and  surrounded  it  with  earthworks.  His  army  was 
gradually  increased  until  it  reached  the  number  of  50,000. 

The  occupation  of  Plevna  was  of  great  importance,  both  to 
the  Russians  and  the  Turks.  It  is  situated  on  the  Vid,  which 
is  here  60  yards  wide,  and  six  roads  radiating  from  it  open 
communication  with  all  parts  of  Bulgaria.  Osman  reached  Plevna 
from  Widin  early  on  July  iQth,  having  in  six  days  and  a  half 
marched  no  miles  through  difficult  country,  his  troops  suffering 
much  from  heat  and  want  of  water.  He  was  attacked  by  the 
Russians  under  Schildner-Schuldner  on  July  20 th,  but  gained  a 
complete  victory.  Indeed,  if  his  soldiers  had  not  been  tired  out 
by  long  marches  and  want  of  sleep,  he  would  have  entirely 
destroyed  the  enemy.  The  failure  of  the  Russians  was  due  to 
the  fact  that  they  underrated  the  strength  of  the  foe.  They 
threw  themselves  upon  the  Turkish  earthworks  without  previous 
artillery  fire  or  other  preparation.  They  lost  74  officers  and  2,771 
men  killed  and  wounded,  the  Turkish  losses  being  slightly  less. 

Kriidener  was  now  bidden  drive  back  Osman  at  once,  but  he 
did  not  consider  himself  strong  enough  to  attack.  He  was,  how- 
ever, overruled  by  the  Grand  Duke  Nicholas,  who  ordered  an 
immediate  assault.  Kriidener  now  commanded  a  force  of  about 
25,000  men.  It  was  decided  to  make  the  attack  on  July  soth,  by 
two  columns,  one  moving  from  the  north-east  and  the  other  from 
the  south-east,  the  general  reserve  in  the  rear  forming  a  connect- 
ing link.  The  battle  ended  in  total  failure,  Kriidener  losing  168 
officers  and  7,167  men — nearly  a  quarter  of  his  whole  force. 
Osman  had  used  up  all  his  reserve  during  the  battle,  and  had 

286 


Kriidener's 
Attack  on 
Plevna. 


PLEVNA'S    GALLANT    DEFENCE 

no  fresh  troops  to  conduct  a  pursuit.  Indeed,  he  was  probably 
not  aware  of  the  extent  of  his  victory,  as  darkness  prevented 
him  from  seeing  the  disorder  of  the  Russian  retreat. 

When  the  news  of  the  defeat  reached  Nikopolis  and  Sistova  Russian 
it  created  the  utmost  alarm.  The  report  that  the  Turks  were  Retreat. 
approaching  caused  a  wild  panic,  the  bridges  at  Sistova  being 
blocked  for  hours  by  fugitive  Bulgarians,  who,  along  with  wounded 
men  and  camp  followers,  sought  the  protection  of  the  northern 
side  of  the  river.  If  Osman  had  been  in  a  condition  to  pursue, 
it  is  difficult  to  conjecture  what  the  result  would  have  been.  The 
Grand  Duke  Nicholas  was  forced  to  retreat,  and  moved  his  head- 
quarters from  Tirnova  to  Biela,  and  then  to  Gornia  Studena, 
where  he  was  joined  by  the  Tsar.  It  is  said  that  the  Turks 
behaved  in  a  barbarous  manner  towards  the  wounded  Russians, 
although  the  Porte  had  acceded  to  the  conditions  of  the  Geneva 
Convention. 

The  town  of  Plevna  now  occupied  a  place  in  the  Russo-Turkish  ineffectual 
War  similar  to  that  which  Metz  had  held  in  the  war  between  "®™*8  °n 
France  and  Germany.  Public  feeling  in  St.  Petersburg  and 
Moscow  was  depressed,  especially  as  telegraphic  news  from  the 
seat  of  war  was  scanty  and  uncertain,  and  foreign  newspapers 
were  generally  favourable  to  the  Turks.  It  seemed  undignified 
that  the  Tsar  should  be  at  headquarters  without  taking  command 
of  his  army  ;  and  the  Grand  Duke  Nicholas  had  not  exhibited 
those  abilities  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  which  were  expected 
from  him  when  he  was  appointed.  Moreover,  financial  difficulties 
supervened,  and  paper-money  sank  in  value.  The  Guard  was 
withdrawn  to  the  Danube  and  the  reserves  were  called  out,  even 
though  it  was  the  time  of  harvest.  Happily  for  the  Russians, 
Osman  made  no  attempt  to  advance,  contenting  himself  with 
strengthening  Plevna  by  a  very  large  circuit  of  earthworks,  and 
converting  it  into  an  impregnable  fortress  by  numerous  well- 
equipped  batteries.  On  their  side,  the  Russians  brought  new 
army  corps  into  action  and  entered  upon  an  alliance  with  the 
Roumanians  to  secure  their  help  in  their  operations.  Prince 
Charles  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops  and  took  an 
active  part  in  the  various  sanguinary  attempts  to  drive  the  Turks 
out  of  Plevna.  It  became  obvious  to  the  Russian  Government  that 
the  war  must  be  pursued  with  energy,  and  that  the  Tsar  must 
not  return  to  his  capital  save  as  a  conqueror.  But,  in  spite  of 
the  brilliant  capture  of  Lovcha  by  Skobelev,  which  formed  a 
turning-point  in  the  campaign,  and  the  third  battle  of  Plevna, 
fought  on  September  nth,  izth  and  isth,  which  was  mainly  an 

287 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

attack  on  the  Grivitza  redoubts,  the  siege  of  Plevna  still  con- 
tinued. During  these  three  days  the  Russians  lost  300  officers 
and  no  fewer  than  12,000  men  killed  and  wounded,  while  the 
Turkish  losses  were  not  more  than  3,000. 
The  War  in  In  the  meantime  the  fire  of  war  was  raging  in  other  places 
besides  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  In  Armenia  the  Turks  held  their 
own,  and  successfully  defended  Kars  and  Batoum  against  the 
assaults  of  the  enemy,  and  compelled  General  Tergukasov  to 
evacuate  Bayazid.  He  was,  however,  able  to  effect  a  masterly 
retreat  to  his  own  country,  although  his  march  was  threatened  by 
a  Mohammedan  rising  in  Abkhasia  and  Daghestan.  The  army  of 
the  Caucasus  was  not  able  to  effect  anything  until  it  had  received 
reinforcements  in  the  late  autumn.  Then  it  was  competent  to 
defeat  the  Turks  in  a  series  of  battles  before  Erzerum  and  storm 
the  fortress  of  Kars,  where  17,000  men,  among  whom  were  two 
pashas  and  800  officers,  as  well  as  300  guns  and  20  banners,  fell 
into  their  hands.  The  Grand  Duke  Michael,  the  Governor  of 
Tiflis,  was  able  to  enter  the  city  in  triumph. 

Capture  of  Noi  had  the  Turks  any  success  in  Montenegro.  Mehemet  Ali 
Nicsics.  an(j  Suleiman  Pasha  attacked  Prince  Nikita  from  three  sides,  and 
did  their  utmost  to  crush  the  rebellion  in  the  Black  Mountain, 
but  they  met  with  serious  defeats.  On  September  6th  Nikita, 
who  had  been  long  blockading  the  fortress  of  Nicsics,  compelled 
it  to  surrender,  took  the  Duga  forts,  and  turning  towards  the  sea, 
occupied  the  port  of  Spizza  and  the  defences  of  Antivari. 
Fighting  in  Bulgaria  was  the  only  portion  of  the  theatre  of  war  in  which 
the  Shipka.  fortune  smiled  upon  the  Crescent.  Here  the  Turks  were  able  to 
drive  the  invaders  back  from  their  positions  south  of  the  Balkans. 
When  Suleiman  Pasha  left  Montenegro  and,  joining  the  troops  of 
Raouf,  marched  into  the  valleys  of  the  Tundja  and  the  Maritza, 
Gourko  was  forced  to  abandon  his  position  in  Eski-Sagra,  and 
retire  with  his  cavalry  to  Kazanlik,  and  thence  to  the  Shipka  Pass. 
As  the  Russians  retired,  the  Turks  followed  them,  burning  and 
wasting  the  country.  Eski-Sagra  and  Kazanlik  were  given  to 
the  flames,  and  the  inhabitants  were  murdered  with  indescrib- 
able horrors.  Then  Suleiman,  with  admirable  strategy,  placed  his 
forty  battalions  right  across  the  path  of  the  Russians  and  barred 
their  further  advance  ;  but  he  could  not  drive  them  from  their 
entrenchments,  and  they  became  again  masters  of  the  summit  of 
the  pass.  The  struggle  continued  for  weeks.  Both  sides  fought 
with  the  utmost  energy,  and  the  losses  on  both  sides  were  very 
great,  but  the  Russians  were  still  masters  of  the  pass  at  the  end 
of  the  year. 

288 


POSITION    OF    PLEVNA 

In  northern  Bulgaria  the  fortunes  of  war  wavered  on  the  Mehemet  Ali 
Lorn  and  the  Jantra,  inclining  now  to  one  side,  now  to  the  other.  Recalled. 
Mehemet  Ali,  the  Franco-German,  whose  real  name  was  Charles 
Detroit,  held  his  own  against  the  foe  with  the  army  of  the 
Danube,  but  could  not  drive  the  Russians  across  the  river. 
The  fact  was,  he  had  completely  lost  heart.  He  could  not  trust 
his  subordinates,  and  knew  that  intrigues  against  him  were  rife 
at  Constantinople,  where  the  party  of  Suleiman  were  gaining  the 
upper  hand.  Every  pasha  in  the  army  had  some  friend  at  Court, 
who  kept  him  informed  of  what  was  going  on,  and  when  they 
knew  that  Mehemet  was  declining  in  favour  they  became  insub- 
ordinate and  rendered  effective  command  of  the  army  impossible. 
At  last  the  expected  blow  fell.  On  October  2nd  Suleiman  arrived 
on  the  field  with  an  order  from  the  Sultan  giving  him  the  chief 
command,  and  Mehemet  Ali  was  recalled  to  Constantinople. 
Suleiman  was  not,  however,  more  successful  here  than  he  had 
been  in  his  other  enterprise,  and  the  Russians  still  held  their  own 
on  the  Lorn  and  the  Jantra. 

A  radical  change  now  took  place  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Todleben's 
siege  of  Plevna.  Todleben,  who  had  won  unspeakable  glory  at  Appoint- 
Sebastopol,  was  recalled  from  the  retirement  into  which  he  had 
been  forced  by  the  jealousy  of  the  Slavs  against  a  German  to 
conduct  the  blockade  of  Plevna.  Prince  Charles  of  Roumania 
still  remained  in  nominal  charge  of  the  western  army,  but  the 
conduct  of  operations  was  left  entirely  to  Todleben.  He  effected 
reforms  in  the  command  of  the  army :  Skobelev  was  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  sixteenth  division,  and  Gourko  was  given  control  of 
all  the  cavalry  of  the  western  army.  In  order  to  raise  the  spirits 
and  strengthen  the  moral  tone  of  the  men,  a  large  number  of 
promotions  and  decorations  were  distributed  amongst  those  who 
had  distinguished  themselves. 

Osman,  on  his  side,  was  not  less  busy  with  arrangements  for  Osman's 
provisioning  Plevna,  and  repairing  the  losses  the  troops  had  PrePara- 
suffered.  He  saw  that  the  object  of  the  Russians  was  to  cut  his 
communications  and  establish  a  complete  blockade,  and  there- 
fore he  utilised  every  opportunity  to  obtain  food  and  forage.  But 
he  knew  that  his  position  was  hopeless,  and  that  if  he  remained 
at  Plevna  he  would  be  either  starved  out  or  captured  by  an  over- 
whelming force.  It  was  almost  impossible  to  preserve  his  connec- 
tion with  Sofia,  and  therefore  he  asked  permission  to  fall  back 
on  the  Etropol  Balkans,  where  he  would  be  able  to  manoeuvre 
with  freedom.  But  he  received  the  answer,  dictated  by  an 
ignorance  of  the  situation  and  the  art  of  war,  that  Plevna  must 
t  289 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Plevna 
Invested. 


Osman's 

Desperate 

Resolve. 


Suleiman's 

Dilatoriness. 


be  held  at  all  costs.  It  was  not  seen  that  Plevna  was  important 
only  so  far  as  it  was  a  danger  to  the  Russian  communications, 
but  that  as  soon  as  the  investment  was  complete  it  would  cease 
to  effect  these  ends.  The  Sultan  thought  that  Plevna  had 
become  a  watchword  of  Turkish  success  in  the  eyes  of  Europe, 
and  must,  therefore,  be  held  to  the  last. 

On  the  other  hand,  Todleben  determined  that  no  further  attack 
should  be  made  on  the  fortifications  of  Plevna,  but  that  recourse 
should  be  had  to  blockade  alone.  For  this  purpose  it  was  essential 
that  he  should  receive  every  available  man.  The  first  necessary 
step  was  to  cut  communication  between  Plevna  and  Sofia,  and 
to  occupy  the  left  bank  of  the  Vid.  This  was  committed  to  the 
competent  hands  of  Gourko,  who  succeeded  in  effecting  his  object 
on  November  ist.  A  week  later  Skobelev  occupied  the  Green 
Hill  to  the  south  of  the  town,  and  thus  rendered  the  investment 
of  the  doomed  fortress  closer  still. 

Indeed,  matters  were  becoming  desperate.  In  the  middle  of 
November  it  was  necessary  to  put  the  beleaguered  soldiers  on  half 
rations,  and  even  this  had  to  be  reduced.  By  November  27th 
Osman  came  to  the  conclusion  that  his  supplies  would  not  last 
much  more  than  a  fortnight.  There  was  no  forage  for  the 
animals,  no  medicine  or  bandages  for  the  sick  and  wounded  ; 
the  men's  clothing  was  in  rags  ;  there  was  barely  sufficient  food 
for  cooking ;  and  the  cold  was  intense.  Osman  heard  of  no 
preparations  for  his  relief ;  therefore,  on  December  ist,  he 
summoned  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  determined  that 
an  attempt  should  be  made  to  break  through  the  lines  of  invest- 
ment. The  only  side  open  to  him  was  the  west.  In  this 
direction  he  might  hope  to  reach  the  Isker  in  one  march, 
and  then  occupy  Sofia  and  come  into  touch  with  the  relieving 
army  which  was  assembling  in  the  Etropol  Balkans.  He  resolved 
to  move  at  the  end  of  the  first  week  in  December. 

Suleiman  Pasha,  who  commanded  the  relieving  force,  had 
earned  a  great  reputation  by  the  rapidity  and  skill  with  which 
he  had  transferred  his  forces  from  Montenegro  to  Roumelia.  But 
the  command  of  the  armies  of  the  quadrilateral  demanded  quali- 
ties which  he  did  not  possess.  His  subordinates  intrigued  against 
each  other  and  against  him,  and  he  was  obliged  to  employ  a  large 
portion  of  his  army  in  garrison  duty.  It  was,  therefore,  some 
time  before  he  could  organise  an  attacking  force  such  as  could 
deliver  a  rapid  and  decisive  blow  against  the  enemy.  He  had 
an  army  of  14,000  men  at  Rustchuk,  a  field  army  of  40,000 
infantry,  3,000  cavalry,  and  in  guns,  about  15,000  men  at  Eski- 

290 


FAILURE    TO    RELIEVE    PLEVNA 

Djuma,  5,000  men  at  Osman  Bazar,  and  about  30,000  men  in 
other  garrisons.  He  spent  the  whole  of  October  and  the  greater 
part  of  November  in  comparative  inactivity  ;  but  towards  the  end 
of  the  latter  month  he  was  positively  ordered  to  relieve  Osman 
Pasha.  He  determined  to  attack  the  left  flank  of  the  Tsarevitch, 
who  commanded  the  Russian  forces,  and  destroy  the  bridge 
across  the  Danube  which  the  Russians  had  constructed  and 
which  kept  up  their  communications  with  Roumania.  The  attack 
entirely  failed,  the  Turks  losing  some  1,200  men,  the  Russians 
about  700.  Although  Suleiman  could  have  disposed  of  75,000 
men,  yet  he  only  employed  25,000  for  the  attack,  and  the  rest 
of  his  army  was  scarcely  used  at  all.  His  operations  showed  no 
improvement  in  arrangement  and  cohesion. 

Having  failed  in  his  attempt  to  attack  the  left  of  the  Suleiman's 
Tsarevitch,  Suleiman  now  turned  his  attention  to  his  right,  and  Yam  Effort- 
for  this  purpose  collected  about  30,000  men.  He  seized  Elena 
and  Slataritza  and  prepared  to  attack  Tirnova  ;  had  he  succeeded 
in  capturing  this  position,  the  Russians  would  probably  have 
been  compelled  to  abandon  the  siege  of  Plevna.  But  he  failed 
at  the  critical  moment,  and  the  opportunity  was  lost.  The 
Russians  regained  the  places  they  had  lost,  and  the  expedition 
collapsed.  The  capture  of  Elena,  however,  was  a  masterly  pro- 
ceeding, and  if  Suleiman  had  persevered  in  his  efforts  on 
December  5th  he  would  have  been  able  to  seize  Tirnova. 

Another  attempt  to  relieve  Plevna  was  made  by  assembling  Mehemet 
a   force   at   Sofia   under    Mehemet   Ali.      He   had    returned   to  *|*'s 
Constantinople  after  handing  his  army  over  to  Suleiman,  as  we  Rel^g 
have  seen,  and  was  then  directed  to  organise  an  army  for  the  relief  Plevna, 
of  Osman.     He  got  together  about  30,000  infantry,  2,000  cavalry, 
and  36  guns,  his  reserve  being  placed  under  the  orders  of  an 
Englishman,   Valentine   Baker,   who  had  adhered  closely   to  his 
fortunes.     But  his  army  had  great  elements  of  weakness ;    his 
arrangements  for  supply  and  transport  were  very  defective,  and 
there  was   little  concentration    or   solidarity   in   the   force  under 
his  command. 

In  the  meantime  Gourko  had  been  very  active.      He  recog-  Gourko's 
nised  that  he  could  not  achieve  success  by  occupying  a  purely     ctlYlty- 
defensive  position,  but  that  he  must  drive  the  Turks  into  western 
Bulgaria,  south  of  the  Balkans,  and,  if  possible,  secure  the  passes 
through  them.    Mehemet  knew  that  he  was  not  strong  enough 
to  meet  Gourko  in  the  open  field,   and  contented  himself  with 
occupying  the  Balkan  provinces  for  defence,  making  no  serious 
effort   to   oppose  the  Russian  advance  in  those  districts  which 

291 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

commanded  the  issues  from  Sofia  into  western  Bulgaria.  This 
showed  that  he  had  no  immediate  intention  of  relieving  Osman, 
and  that  he  must  confine  himself  to  covering  Sofia.  Gourko, 
however,  pressed  on,  seized  the  northern  end  of  the  passes  which 
led  to  Sofia,  and  held  them,  while  Mehemet  Ali  was  recalled  to 
Constantinople  to  prepare  for  the  defence  of  the  capital. 
Pall  of  We  must  now  return  to  Osman.  As  we  have  already  said, 
Plevna.  ^e  ^a(j  (j^ded  to  begin  his  sorties  on  the  night  of  December 
gth,  a  night  on  which  the  Turkish  works  were  covered 
with  a  thick  fog,  which  enabled  him  to  evacuate  his  position 
unobserved  by  the  Russians.  He  had  gradually  slackened  his 
fire  during  the  three  previous  days,  and  entirely  suspended  it 
during  the  fourth,  in  order  that  the  suspicions  of  the  Russians 
might  not  be  roused  by  any  sudden  cessation  of  the  cannonade. 
His  first  division  had  crossed  the  Vid  at  5  a.m.  on  December  loth, 
but  the  convoy  which  followed  it  consisted  of  1,000  vehicles  and 
3,000  pack  animals,  and  before  half  of  it  had  got  over,  the 
Russians  opened  fire  on  the  crowded  and  encumbered  bridge, 
and  the  presence  of  150  Mohammedan  families  with  their  goods 
and  chattels  added  to  the  confusion.  The  Turks  found  them- 
selves exposed  to  a  heavy  artillery  fire,  both  from  the  front  and 
from  enfilading  batteries,  so  that  the  first  division  could  not 
remain  where  it  was,  and  the  second  division  had  not  begun 
to  cross  the  Vid.  Osman  determined,  therefore,  to  attack  the 
Russian  front,  from  which  the  artillery  fire  proceeded.  The 
attack,  however,  being  delivered  across  the  open  against  a  strongly 
entrenched  position,  failed,  and  Osman  himself  was  wounded. 
The  position  of  the  first  division  grew  desperate,  and  the  second 
division  did  not  appear.  Shortly  after  noon  the  major  part  of 
the  Turkish  force  found  itself  hemmed  in  between  the  Goritza 
and  the  Vid ;  and  Osman,  finding  further  resistance  useless, 
surrendered  unconditionally  with  his  whole  army.  This  disaster 
was  produced  by  the  fatal  decision  of  the  Sultan  not  to  permit 
the  evacuation  of  Plevna  in  October.  Osman  had  done  his  work 
well,  and  if  in  August  there  had  been  a  Turkish  general  able  to 
take  advantage  of  the  situation,  the  defeat  of  the  Russian  armies 
would  have  been  assured.  Osman,  by  his  march  from  Widin, 
had  nearly  ruined  the  power  of  the  Tsar,  but  the  opportunity 
was  lost.  Osman's  heroic  defence  had  lasted  six  months,  to  the 
admiration  of  the  world,  and  when  the  Tsar  rode  into  the 
conquered  city  on  the  following  day,  at  the  side  of  his  brother 
Nicholas — who  had  said  to  Osman,  after  the  surrender,  "It  is 
one  of  the  most  splendid  military  events  in  history  " — he  returned 

292 


RUSSIANS    AT  ADRIANOPLE 

his  sword  to  the  wounded  hero  and  assigned  him  Charchov  as 
a  place  of  imprisonment. 

The  fate  of  Plevna  practically  brought  the  whole  campaign  TI»e  Turks 
to  an  end.  By  the  capture  of  Osman's  army  the  whole  of  Scattered- 
Bulgaria  north  of  the  Balkans  and  west  of  the  Kara  Lorn,  with 
the  exception  of  Widin,  was  cleared  of  the  Turks,  the  Russians 
being  in  possession  of  the  principal  passes  across  the  Balkans, 
excepting  their  southern  ends.  It  was  decided  to  proceed  with  a 
winter  campaign.  Gourko's  force  was  raised  to  80,000  men,  and 
Radetzky's  to  70,000  at  the  Shipka  Pass.  On  January  4th,  1878, 
Sofia  was  occupied  by  the  Russians  without  opposition ;  and 
on  January  gth,  by  Skobelev's  advance  over  the  Shipka  Pass,  the 
Turks  were  surrounded  and  30,000  men  surrendered.  Suleiman 
was  preparing  to  oppose  Gourko's  advance  between  Philippopolis 
and  Sofia  when  he  heard  of  the  surrender  of  Shipka.  He  retired 
upon  Adrianople,  but,  finding  that  he  could  not  reach  that  city 
before  Radetzky,  took  refuge  in  Macedonia,  leaving  a  rearguard 
under  the  command  of  Fuad  Pasha.  Fuad  detained  Gourko  for 
three  days  near  Philippopolis,  but  was  finally  driven  into  the 
mountains.  The  remains  of  Suleiman's  army  were  collected  on 
the  coast  and  taken  to  Constantinople  by  sea.  The  Russians 
occupied  Adrianople  on  January  22nd,  without  opposition,  and 
on  the  last  day  of  the  month  an  armistice  was  signed  which  led 
to  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano. 

In  the  middle  of  December  Servia  began  to  join  in  the  war,  Turkey's 
and  attacked  Nish  and  Pirot  in  the  south  and  Widin  in  the  east.  Appeal  to 
The  Greeks  were  forced  to  defend  their  frontiers  against  the  wild  Britam' 
Tcherkesses,  whom  the  Turks  were  unable  to  restrain.  The  latter 
were  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  and  there  was  a  chance  at  last 
of  their  meeting  with  a  fit  punishment  for  their  prolonged  career 
of  crime,  but  they  addressed  a  circular  to  the  Powers  asking  for 
intervention.  Abdul  Hamid  wrote  a  personal  appeal  to  Queen 
Victoria,  which,  to  the  disgrace  of  Great  Britain,  met  with  a 
favourable  response.  British  traditional  policy  had  always  been 
to  oppose  Russia  and  support  Turkey,  a  policy  which  is  now 
considered  to  have  been  a  serious  error.  It  was  imagined  that  the 
aggrandisement  of  Russia  implied  danger  to  India,  whereas  wise 
statesmen  ought  to  have  seen  that  by  depriving  Russia  of  her 
natural  growth  towards  the  Mediterranean,  and  forcing  her  to 
Eastern  conquest,  instead  of  recognising  her  as  the  legitimate 
heir  to  the  Byzantine  Empire,  they  were  compelling  her  to  adopt 
a  system  of  expansion  which  threatened  to  pass  the  barrier  of  the 
Himalaya. 

293 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Britain  The  British  Cabinet  was  now  hopelessly  divided,  some  of  its 

Prepares  members  wishing  to  see  the  Christian  Cross  replace  the  Crescent 
on  the  dome  of  St.  Sophia,  others  to  declare  an  immediate  war 
with  Russia.  Parliament  met  on  January  I7th,  and  on  January 
23rd  the  British  fleet  was  ordered  to  leave  Besika  Bay  for  the 
Dardanelles,  to  keep  the  strait  open,  and,  in  the  event  of  riots 
at  Constantinople,  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  British 
subjects.  The  admiral  started  on  the  following  day,  having 
received  a  firman  from  the  Sultan,  without  which,  under  the 
Treaty  of  London,  no  ship  of  war  could  pass  the  Dardanelles. 
However,  wiser  counsels  prevailed,  and  he  was  recalled  to  Besika 
Bay,  which,  for  the  honour  of  his  country,  he  ought  never  to  have 
left.  But  a  credit  of  £6,000,000  was  asked  for  in  Parliament  to 
prepare  for  war,  should  war  be  necessary. 

Treaty  of  The   Treaty    of    San    Stefano   was    the   wisest    measure    ever 

SanStefano.  propOse(j  for  the  pacification  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  It  was 
by  no  means  favourable  to  Russian  ambition,  and,  indeed, 
suggested  the  suspicion  that  it  was  drawn  up  by  Ignatiev  with 
exaggerated  moderation,  because  he  knew  that  as  soon  as  it  was 
concluded  it  would  be  torn  to  pieces  by  Great  Britain.  It  created 
a  large  Bulgaria,  founded  on  knowledge  of  the  history  of  that 
country  and  her  claim,  through  her  energy  and  steadfastness,  to 
be  the  dominant  Power  in  the  Peninsula.  It  recognised  that 
Tirnova  and  Ochrida  are  the  two  foci  of  the  Bulgarian  nation, 
just  as  Moscow  and  Kiev  are  of  Russia,  one  the  civil,  the  other 
the  religious  capital.  The  new  Bulgaria  received  Kavala  on  the 
^Egean  as  a  port  for  the  exportation  of  her  produce.  She  was 
recognised  as  a  free  Christian  province  of  the  Turkish  Empire, 
with  an  elective  prince.  Thus  constituted,  she  could  not  have 
been  a  satellite  of  Russia,  but  was  far  more  likely  to  become 
ungrateful  to  the  Power  which  had  created  her,  and  thus  be 
an  effective  barrier  to  the  advance  of  Russia  towards  Constanti- 
nople. In  their  ignorance,  the  bulk  of  British  statesmen  knew 
nothing  of  this  ;  they  had  no  knowledge  of  Bulgarian  history, 
and  an  incorrect  map  was  issued  to  members  of  Parliament,  which 
entirely  distorted  the  true  state  of  affairs  and  represented  Ochrida 
as  a  part  of  Macedonia. 

Servia,  Montenegro  and  Roumania  were  to  be  acknowledged 
formally  as  independent  in  theory  as  they  were  already  in  fact. 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  were  made  self-governing  provinces, 
and  other  provinces  inhabited  by  Christians  acquired  a  similar 
position.  Russia  was  to  receive  an  indemnity  of  £12,000,000. 
Bessarabia,  which  was  now  part  of  Roumania,  was  to  be 

294 


BIRTH    OF    JINGOISM 

exchanged  for  the  Dobrudsha,  which  now  belonged  to  Russia, 
and  in  Asia  Russia  was  to  receive  Batoum,  Ardahan,  Kars  and 
Bayazid. 

This  very  moderate  arrangement,  which,  if  accepted,  would  have  British 
solved  most  of  the  questions  which  afterwards  disturbed  the  East, 
was  received  by  Great  Britain  with  a  shout  of  indignation,  wholly 
irrational  and  unfounded.  However,  before  its  conclusion  there 
was  danger  of  war  between  Russia  and  Great  Britain,  and  the 
feeling  between  the  two  countries  was  adroitly  stimulated  by 
Lord  Beaconsfield.  On  February,  nth  the  British  fleet  was  sent 
to  Constantinople,  without  the  permission  of  the  Porte,  and 
Prince  Gortshakov  announced  that  Russian  troops  would 
immediately  enter  Constantinople,  which  would  have  been  the 
best  thing  that  could  happen.  At  Woolwich  Arsenal  extra 
hands  were  employed,  and  the  vessels  at  Chatham  were  ordered 
to  be  ready  for  sea.  The  fleet  before  Constantinople  was 
reinforced,  and  preparations  were  made  for  a  land  expedition. 
The  music  halls  vociferously  shouted  the  refrain  of  the  song, 

"  We  don't  want  to  fight,  but,  by  Jingo,  if  we  do, 
We've  got  the  ships,  we've  got  the  men,  we've  got  the  money  too." 

Although  it  was  quite  obvious  that  the  treaty  did  not 
endanger  either  British  or  German  interests,  it  was  thought  Salisbury 
necessary  to  appeal  to  the  arrangement  of  1856,  by  which  Great 
Britain,  France  and  Austria  had  agreed  to  maintain  the  integrity 
of  the  Turkish  Empire;  and  Lord  Derby,  the  Foreign  Minister, 
informed  Gortshakov  that  the  whole  treaty  must  be  submitted 
to  a  European  congress.  This  Russia  objected  to,  declaring  that 
she  could  only  accept  a  discussion  of  those  points  which  affected 
European  interests.  When  the  reserves  were  called  out,  Lord 
Derby  resigned,  Lord  Salisbury  taking  his  place.  The  new 
Foreign  Secretary  did  not  lose  a  minute  in  issuing  a  circular 
dispatch  that  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  must  be  submitted  to  a 
congress  of  the  Powers,  which  eventually  met  at  Berlin.  To  that 
question  our  attention  must  now  be  directed. 


295 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  CONGRESS  OF  BERLIN 

British  and  GREAT  BRITAIN  and  Austria  had  been  waiting  at  the  doors  of 
Austrian  fa^  congress  house  in  the  village  of  San  Stefano  in  order  to  destroy 
C  *^e  *reaty  between  Russia  and  the  Porte  so  soon  as  it  was 
concluded.  Jealousy  and  vindictiveness  had  been  roused  by 
the  victories  of  Russia,  and  the  two  Powers  had  no  doubt  that 
the  conditions  of  peace  would  be  such  as  to  excuse  their  passions 
and  raise  them  to  a  higher  pitch.  Sincere,  therefore,  was  the 
surprise  at  the  moderation  of  the  terms  proposed ;  but  Great 
Britain,  at  least,  refused  to  be  pacified,  and  the  warlike  spirit  she 
had  so  laboriously  evoked  had  got  beyond  her  control.  A  council 
of  the  Crown  had  met  in  Vienna  on  February  24th,  at  which 
Andrassy  had  asked  for  a  credit  of  60,000,000  gulden,  which  was 
granted  by  the  delegates  on  March  2ist.  This  was  rather  with 
the  view  of  lending  emphasis  to  the  policy  of  Austria  than  as  a 
war  loan.  Indeed,  the  Minister  announced  that,  in  his  opinion, 
the  outstanding  questions  could  be  settled  without  war  ;  he  had 
no  objections  to  the  proposals  about  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina, 
but  felt  that  he  could  not  permit  the  creation  of  a  large  Bulgaria. 
Indeed,  Ignatiev,  the  author  of  the  treaty,  took  pains  to  spare 
the  susceptibilities  of  Austria  by  giving  her  a  means  of  control 
on  the  west  similar  to  that  which  Russia  was  reserving  for  herself 
on  the  east. 

Britain's  But  the  attitude  of  Great  Britain  was  very  different.     As  we 

Attitude.  have  already  said,  she  clung  closely  to  the  arrangements  of  Paris 
in  1856,  and  demanded  that  the  whole  of  the  treaty  should  be 
submitted  to  the  arbitrament  of  Europe.  The  Ministry  obtained 
from  Parliament  a  credit  of  £6,000,000,  preparations  for  war  were 
pursued  with  vigour,  the  reserves  were  called  out,  and  the  unusual 
step  was  taken  of  summoning  Indian  troops  for  active  service 
in  Europe,  a  measure  of  very  doubtful  legality.  Lord  Stanley 
was  placed  at  the  War  Office,  and  Gathorne  Hardy  took  the 
seals  of  the  India  Office,  which  had  been  left  vacant  by  the 
transference  of  Lord  Salisbury  to  the  Foreign  Office. 

A  circular  note  of  the  new  Foreign  Secretary,  dated  April  ist, 
1878,   explained  Great   Britain's  position.     He  said  that  it  had 

296 


SALISBURY'S    MANIFESTO 

been  recognised  by  the  European  Powers,  including  Russia,  in 
the  London  Protocol  of  1871,  that  no  Power  should  set  itself 
free  from  the  obligation  of  a  treaty,  or  alter  its  terms,  without 
the  consent  of  the  other  signatory  Powers  after  a  mutual  exchange 
of  views.  The  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  affected  all  the  nations  of 
south-eastern  Europe ;  the  creation  of  a  large  Bulgaria  called 
into  existence  a  powerful  Slavonic  State,  under  the  auspices  and 
control  of  Russia,  on  the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  gave  it  the 
possession  of  a  port  on  the  ^Egean,  which  would  secure  to  it  a 
powerful  influence,  both  political  and  commercial,  over  both 
waters.  It  was  so  composed  that  it  would  contain  a  consider- 
able number  of  Greeks,  and  the  first  rulers  of  the  new  State 
would  be  appointed  by  Russian  influence  and  be  supported  by  a 
Russian  army.  The  separation  of  Constantinople  from  the  Greek, 
Albanian  and  Slavic  provinces,  which  still  belonged  to  Turkey, 
would  cause  great  difiiculties  of  administration,  and  threaten 
a  condition  of  anarchy.  The  taking  away  of  Bessarabia  from 
Roumania,  the  extension  of  Bulgaria  to  the  shores  of  the  Black 
Sea,  which  were  chiefly  inhabited  by  Russians  and  Greeks,  and 
the  acquisition  of  the  harbour  of  Batoum  would  make  Russia 
the  predominant  Power  in  these  regions.  Her  influence  would  be 
further  extended  by  the  possession  of  the  Armenian  fortresses, 
and  the  trade  which  at  that  time  existed  between  Trebizond  and 
Persia  would  be  seriously  hindered  by  the  prohibitive  policy  of 
Russia.  The  circular  attacked  other  conditions  of  the  treaty, 
especially  the  war  indemnity  to  be  paid  by  Turkey,  declared  that 
the  general  effect  of  the  settlement  was  injurious  to  the  peace  of 
Europe,  and  demanded  the  serious  attention  of  the  Powers. 
Great  Britain  would  have  no  objection  to  take  part  in  a  congress 
in  which  the  whole  matter  could  be  discussed. 

This  manifesto,  based  upon  ignorance  and  prejudice,  is  a  A  Dis- 
discreditable  event  in  British  history.  As  we  have  said,  the  map  creditable 
of  the  Balkan  Peninsula  distributed  to  members  of  Parliament 
was  of  a  mendacious  character.  Reference  to  authoritative 
sources,  such  as  Petermann's  Mitteilungen,  would  have  shown 
that  the  Bulgarians  were  the  predominant  Power  in  the  peninsula 
and  that  the  Greeks  had  no  claim  to  consideration.  Salisbury 
knew  little  or  nothing  about  Bulgarian  history,  or  the  conditions 
on  which  alone  a  stable  government  could  be  erected.  This 
circular  rested  on  the  mischievous  attitude  assumed  by  Beacons- 
field  at  the  outset  of  his  Ministry,  when  he  was  in  dire  need  of  a 
policy.  Salisbury  admitted  afterwards  that  he  was  wrong ;  but 
it  is  a  poor  reparation  for  a  disastrous  error  to  say  some  years 

297 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Indian 
Troops  at 
Malta. 


Russian 
Prepara- 
tions. 


Epidemic 
of  Typhus. 


Bismarck 
and  the 
Conference. 


afterwards  that  you  "  put  your  money  on  the  wrong  horse." 
Salisbury's  dispatch  was  replied  to  by  Gortshakov  on  April  Qth, 
in  a  document  of  moderate  temper,  full  of  sound  argument  and 
accurate  knowledge,  which  was  not  listened  to  by  the  Jingo  party. 

At  the  end  of  April  and  the  beginning  of  May,  7,000  Indian 
troops,  consisting  of  infantry,  cavalry,  artillery  and  sappers,  were 
shipped  from  Bombay  to  Malta,  and  on  May  I3th  the  Queen  held 
a  review  at  Aldershot,  and  the  world  was  given  to  understand 
that  Great  Britain  could  dispose  of  70,000  European  troops. 
Russia  made  some  counter-preparations  on  her  side,  but  it  was 
doubtful  whether  she  was  in  a  condition  to  maintain  a  war  against 
Great  Britain,  which  would  probably  not  have  to  fight  alone.  The 
command  of  her  army  was  given  to  Todleben,  who  had  returned 
from  St.  Petersburg,  and  Imershinsky  was  made  Chief  of  the  Staff. 

The  condition  of  the  Russian  army  in  the  Balkans  was  very 
bad  ;  the  soldiers  were  corrupted  by  sickness,  drunkenness  and 
lack  of  discipline  ;  the  earthworks  were  neglected ;  and  effective 
measures  were  needed  to  remedy  these  evils.  The  Russians 
received  reinforcements,  as  well  as  the  artillery  which  had  been 
left  behind  in  Roumania.  Efforts  were  made  to  create  a  fleet 
by  the  purchase  of  ships  in  America,  which  might  harass  British 
commerce,  and  steps,  which  afterwards  produced  disastrous  conse- 
quences, were  taken  to  weaken  the  British  Empire  in  India. 

The  state  of  things  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula  got  worse  and 
worse.  Risings  against  the  Turks  took  place  in  Thessaly,  Epirus, 
Macedonia,  Crete,  the  Rhodope  Mountains  and  Bosnia.  The 
prisoners  taken  at  Plevna  had  produced  an  outbreak  of  typhus 
in  Roumania  and  Russia.  In  St.  Petersburg,  in  March,  there 
were  no  fewer  than  3,747  cases  of  this  disease.  The  malady  even 
affected  the  doctors,  of  whom  about  100  died,  and  nearly 
400  were  attacked  by  the  poison.  The  Russian  Governor  of 
Adrianople  was  carried  off  by  the  plague.  In  May  there  were 
70,000  men  in  hospital  suffering  from  typhus  and  other  diseases. 
A  medical  report  stated  that,  from  April  ist,  1877,  to  October 
ist,  1878,  whereas  only  3,900  men  of  the  Caucasian  army  had 
perished  in  the  field,  9,871  had  died  of  disease.  Things  in 
Constantinople  were  no  better,  the  mosques  and  other  public 
buildings  being  crowded  with  fugitives. 

Bismarck  was  lying  ill  at  his  country  house  at  Friedrichsruhe 
when  the  proposal  for  a  congress  of  the  Great  Powers  reached 
him  in  the  spring  of  1878.  He  did  not,  however,  refuse  to  engage 
in  it,  partly  from  the  desire  that  Germany  should  bear  an 
honourable  part  in  the  conclusion  of  peace,  partly  from  his 

298 


CYPRUS    CEDED    TO    BRITAIN 

personal  regard  for  Alexander  II.,  and  partly  from  an  awaken- 
ing of  the  old  friendship  between  Germany  and  Russia,  and 
declared  that  he  was  willing  to  undertake  the  office  of  mediator 
if  asked  to  do  so  by  Great  Britain  and  Austria.  On  May  7th 
Skobelev,  who  was  Russian  Ambassador  at  London,  and  was  very 
anxious  for  peace,  travelled  to  St.  Petersburg,  visiting  Bismarck 
both  on  the  outward  and  the  homeward  journey.  He  returned 
to  London  on  May  2ist  and  signed,  with  Salisbury,  an  agreement 
on  May  soth,  which  settled  most  of  the  points  in  dispute  between 
the  two  countries.  The  points  which  it  contained  had  reference 
to  the  extent  of  the  new  Bulgaria,  to  its  division  into  two  parts, 
one  north,  one  south  of  the  Balkans,  one  to  be  under  the  rule  of 
a  prince,  the  other  under  a  Christian  governor,  appointed  with 
the  consent  of  the  Powers  for  a  period  of  five  or  ten  years,  with 
a  large  administrative  independence,  the  Turkish  troops  being 
withdrawn  from  this  province.  Other  subjects  connected  with 
Russian  influence  in  Asia  were  touched  upon  in  this  lengthy 
document,  which  showed  that  the  two  contending  Powers  were 
able  to  come  together  without  being  absolutely  of  the  same  mind. 

At  the  same  time  it  was  announced  that  Cyprus  had  been  Cyprus  as  a 
ceded  to  Great  Britain  by  the  Porte,  Turkey  remaining  the  British 
suzerain  Power  and  a  tribute  being  paid  to  her.  It  was  intended  ossession* 
that  this  tribute  should  represent  the  profit  which  the  Turkish 
Government  made  out  of  the  island,  but  it  now  stands  at  an 
unreasonable  amount,  and  the  Cypriotes  complain  with  reason 
of  the  sacrifices  they  have  to  make  to  produce  a  large  sum  which 
does  not  benefit  them  in  the  slightest  degree.  The  fixing  of  this 
tribute  was  settled  at  Constantinople  by  a  commission,  of  which 
Sir  Robert  Biddulph,  afterwards  Governor  of  Cyprus,  was  a 
prominent  member.  The  amount  was  fixed  at  £96,000,  and 
included  a  large  revenue  derived  from  the  Turkish  Government 
through  the  sale  of  salt.  But  as  soon  as  the  convention  was 
concluded  the  Turks  prohibited  the  importation  of  salt  from 
Cyprus  at  any  of  their  ports,  so  that  the  island  was  encumbered 
with  unsaleable  salt.  Another  reason  for  fixing  this  tribute  at 
so  high  a  figure  was  that  Great  Britain  had  guaranteed  the  interest 
of  a  loan  contracted  by  Turkey  in  the  Crimean  War,  and  the 
British  Government  thought  that  this  was  a  convenient  way  of 
finding  the  money,  so  that  Cyprus  not  only  pays  tribute,  but 
suffers  for  the  faults  of  her  rulers.  It  is  not  easy  to  see  why 
Lord  Beaconsfield  thought  it  worth  while  to  acquire  Cyprus. 
There  may  have  been  some  idea  of  setting  to  Turkey  the  example 
of  a  well-governed  community  close  to  her  own  shores,  but  when, 

299 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

in  iqio,  forty  corpses  of  murdered  Armenians  were  thrown  up 
by  the  sea  on  the  southern  coast  of  the  island,  some  of  them  those 
of  little  girls  with  their  throats  cut,  it  was  too  abominably  evident 
that  the  example  had  been  of  little  value.  A  more  probable 
explanation  is  to  be  found  in  the  romantic  temper  of  Lord 
Beaconsfield  and  the  recollections  of  his  early  travels  in  the  East. 
Bismarck  as  On  June  4th,  1878,  a  defensive  alliance  was  signed  between 
Bhe^fnnest  Sir  Henry  Layard  and  Safvet  Pasha,  providing  that  Great  Britain 
should  engage  to  assist  Turkey  in  the  event  of  any  illegal  aggres- 
sions on  the  part  of  Russia,  and  that  the  Sultan  in  return 
should  promise  to  introduce  reforms  in  the  administration  of 
the  provinces  with  regard  to  Christians  and  the  other  inhabitants. 
A  curious  condition  was  added  that  if,  at  any  time,  Russia  should 
surrender  Kars  and  the  other  conquests  which  she  had  made  in 
Armenia,  Great  Britain  should  restore  Cyprus  to  its  former  owners. 
Bismarck  was  now  in  a  position  to  accept  the  official  invitation 
to  the  congress,  which  was  to  open  at  Berlin  on  June  13th.  He 
did  this  in  a  manner  to  conciliate  all  antagonisms,  describing 
himself  as  an  "  honest  broker,"  and,  while  not  neglecting  the 
interest  of  his  own  country,  he  gained  golden  opinions  by  the  skilful 
manner  in  which  he  averted  impending  war.  This  momentous 
congress  was  composed  as  follows :  Germany  was  represented 
by  Bismarck,  Billow,  and  the  German  Ambassador  in  Paris, 
Prince  Hohenlohe-Schillingfiirst ;  Andrassy,  Karolyi  and  Hay- 
merle  stood  for  Austria ;  of  the  representatives  of  France, 
Waddington  was  the  most  important ;  Great  Britain  had  Beacons- 
field,  Salisbury  and  Odo  Russell ;  Italy,  Corti  and  De  Launay  ; 
Russia,  Gortshakov,  Skobelev  and  Ombril ;  Turkey,  Karatheo- 
dori  Pasha,  Mehemet  Ali  and  Sedulah  Bey.  Bismarck  was 
unanimously  chosen  president. 

The  Con-  The  first  sitting  of  the  congress  was  devoted  to  the  affairs  of 

gress  and  Bulgaria.  They  were  settled,  not  without  considerable  difficulty, 
by  compromises  arranged  outside  of  the  congress  room.  At  the 
fourth  sitting  Salisbury  proposed  that  the  Balkans  should  be  the 
southern  boundary  of  the  new  province,  and  that  the  province 
south  of  the  Balkans  should  bear  the  name  of  Eastern  Roumelia  ; 
but  the  important  concession  was  made  that  the  sanjak  of  Sofia, 
which  lay  south  of  the  Balkans,  should  be  given  to  Bulgaria  for 
strategical  reasons,  in  exchange  for  Varna,  which  remained  in 
the  hands  of  the  Turks.  Eastern  Roumelia  was  to  remain  under 
the  direct  political  and  military  control  of  the  Sultan.  Bulgaria 
was  to  be  formed  into  an  autonomous  but  tributary  State,  with 
a  Christian  government  and  a  national  militia,  its  frontiers  fixed 

300 


THE    BERLIN    CONGRESS    AND    ROUMELIA 

on  the  spot  by  a  European  Commission.  The  Prince  was  to  be 
elected  by  the  people  and  confirmed  by  the  Porte  with  the  consent 
of  the  Powers,  but  no  member  of  the  reigning  families  of  the 
great  Powers  was  eligible.  Preparations  for  the  election  were  to 
be  made  by  an  assembly  of  notables  at  Tirnova.  There  was  to 
be  complete  religious  toleration  and  equality  with  regard  to  the 
exercise  of  political  and  other  rights.  Until  the  election  of  the 
Prince,  the  government  was  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  Russian 
Commission,  assisted  by  a  Turkish  commissary  and  the  consuls 
of  the  Powers,  but  this  state  of  things  was  only  to  last  nine 
months.  The  Turkish  army  was  to  leave  the  new  principality 
within  a  year,  all  fortresses  in  existence  were  to  be  razed,  and 
no  new  ones  were  to  be  erected. 

Eastern  Roumelia  was  to  possess  administrative  autonomy,  Eastern 
but  to  remain  under  the  political  and  military  control  of  the  Roumelia 
Sultan.  The  Sultan  might  construct  fortresses  for  the  defence  Settlement- 
of  the  Province,  order  was  to  be  preserved  by  an  international 
gendarmerie  and  a  local  militia,  the  officers  to  be  appointed  by 
the  Sultan,  but  no  Bashi-Bazouks  or  Tcherkesses  were  to  be 
admitted  to  the  frontier  garrisons,  nor  were  troops  to  be  billeted 
on  the  inhabitants.  The  Governor  had  the  right  of  summoning 
Turkish  soldiers  to  his  assistance  if  necessary,  but  for  giving 
consent  to  this  measure  the  Porte  was  answerable  to  the  Powers. 
The  Governor  was  nominated  by  the  Porte,  with  the  consent  of 
the  Powers,  for  five  years.  Until  matters  were  definitely  settled 
in  the  two  provinces,  they  might  be  occupied  by  a  Russian 
garrison,  consisting  of  six  divisions  of  infantry  and  two  of 
cavalry  ;  but  the  whole  number  was  not  to  exceed  50,000  men, 
the  cost  of  their  maintenance  being  borne  by  the  country  they 
occupied. 

The  settlement  of  Bulgaria  and  Eastern  Roumelia  occupied  Bosnia  and 
the  congress  from  June  I7th  to  June  26th,  but  other  questions  Herze£°Yma" 
remained  for  discussion  which  concerned  Bosnia,  Montenegro, 
Servia,  Roumania,  the  Danube,  the  Straits,  and  the  war 
indemnity.  The  question  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  was  taken 
in  hand  at  the  eighth  sitting,  and  was  a  matter  in  which  Austria 
was  particularly  interested.  It  originated  in  disturbances  which 
had  arisen  in  these  countries,  and  the  ill-feeling  between  Christians 
and  Mohammedans  was  by  no  means  allayed.  Turkey  was 
powerless  to  restore  order  ;  at  least  200,000  inhabitants  had  left 
the  country,  and  Austria  had  spent  in  the  last  three  years  at 
least  2,000,000  gulden  in  their  maintenance.  Lord  Salisbury 
proposed  that  the  occupation  and  government  of  Bosnia  and 

301 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Servian 
Independ- 
ence. 


The 
Danube. 


Greece  and 
Roumania. 


Herzegovina  should  be  entrusted  to  Austria.  This  was  supported 
by  Bismarck,  but  strongly  opposed  by  Karatheodori  Pasha,  upon 
which  Bismarck  emphatically  reminded  the  representatives  of 
Turkey  that  the  congress  had  not  met  to  preserve  the  integrity 
of  the  Turkish  frontier,  but  to  safeguard  the  future  peace  of 
Europe.  The  only  alternative  to  the  conclusions  of  the  congress 
was  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  and  Eastern  Roumelia  was  far 
better  worth  having  than  Bosnia.  The  Turks  yielded,  and  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina  were  secured  to  Austria,  with  the  exception  of 
the  sanjak  of  Novi  Bazar,  which  was  retained  by  Turkey. 

Servia  became  independent,  under  the  conditions  of  absolute 
religious  equality,  responsibility  for  portion  of  the  Turkish  debt, 
and  an  extension  of  territory  which  increased  the  population  by 
506,934  inhabitants. 

The  traveller  arriving  at  Orsova  after  a  night  journey  from 
Buda  Pest  finds  himself  in  a  new  world.  In  front  are  the  hills 
of  Servia,  to  his  left  the  Carpathians  of  Roumania,  while  the  noble 
Danube  is  divided  by  the  little  Turkish  island  which  diplomacy 
has  been  obliged  to  leave  in  the  hands  of  that  Power.  Up  the 
stream  is  the  defile  of  Kazan,  with  the  proud  inscription  of  Trajan 
and  the  remains  of  his  road,  and  down  the  stream  is  the  passage 
of  the  Iron  Gate,  now  free  from  rocks  and  available  for  traffic, 
one  of  the  most  beneficent  acts  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  ;  but  the 
current  of  the  Danube  is  still  so  strong  that  the  steamer  which 
threads  its  rapids  in  three  minutes  on  its  downward  course  takes 
twenty  minutes  to  accomplish  the  ascent.  A  little  way  below 
are  the  remains  of  Trajan's  bridge.  The  day  may  come  when 
this  exulting  and  abounding  river  may  bear  upon  its  waters  a 
similar  traffic  to  that  which  makes  the  Rhine  so  interesting  to 
the  thoughtful  traveller,  though  it  may  also  have  become  less 
attractive  to  the  artist. 

Two  representatives  of  Greece,  Delyannis  and  Rangabe,  were 
admitted  to  the  ninth  sitting,  at  which  they  proposed  the  annexa- 
tion of  Crete  and  a  rectification  of  their  northern  frontier.  After 
some  discussion  the  representatives  of  Roumania  were  allowed 
to  attend  the  tenth  meeting  of  the  congress,  held  on  July  ist. 
The  burning  question  was  the  cession  of  Bessarabia  to  Russia. 
Greece  was  not  treated  so  well,  and  the  frontier  disputes  between 
herself  and  Turkey  were  not  settled  till  1881,  when  she  received 
a  slight  readjustment  of  her  northern  frontiers.  Crete  belongs 
by  every  right  to  Greece,  and  would  have  been  annexed  to  her 
territory  when  her  kingdom  was  constituted  had  it  not  been  for 
the  prejudice  and  obstinacy  of  Wellington  ;  but  it  was  left  in 

302 


RUSSIA'S    CONCESSIONS 

the  hands  of  the  Porte,  with  the  usual  promise  of  reform,  readily 
given  because  never  meant  to  be  kept. 

Montenegro  was  declared  independent  under  the  condition  of  Montenegro 
absolute  religious  equality.  She  received  an  accession  of  terri- 
tory,  which  contained  about  50,000  inhabitants  and  included  the 
important  harbour  of  Antivari,  which  was  a  necessity  to  her 
existence.  Dulcigno  was  given  to  Turkey,  Spizza  to  Dalmatia. 
Montenegro  obtained  the  right  to  navigate  the  shores  of  the 
Adriatic,  but  might  not  keep  ships  of  war  or  have  a  war  flag. 
Antivari  and,  indeed,  all  Roumanian  waters  were  closed  to 
warships  of  all  nations.  The  martial  policing  of  Montenegro  was 
to  be  exercised  by  Austria,  and  Austrian  consuls  were  to  protect 
Roumanian  commerce.  Montenegro  took  upon  herself  responsi- 
bility for  a  certain  amount  of  the  Montenegrin  debt. 

July  6th  was  occupied  by  a  very  important  session,  in  which  Differences 
the  relations  of  Russia  to  her  Asiatic  conquests  were  discussed.  * 
Here  Russia  and  Great  Britain  found  themselves  in  direct  opposi- 
tion, Russia  claiming  accessions  of  territory  as  part  payment  of 
the  war  indemnity,  Great  Britain,  with  her  antiquated,  narrow- 
minded  policy,  doing  her  best  to  retain  all  she  could  in  the 
demoralising  and  corrupting  hands  of  Turkey.  Bismarck  had 
great  difficulties  in  keeping  the  peace,  and  it  is  said  that  Beacons- 
field  had  a  special  train  waiting  for  him  in  the  station,  ready  to 
depart  for  England  if  matters  did  not  turn  out  in  accordance 
with  his  wishes.  Happily  the  controversies  were  arranged,  and 
Gortshakov  gave  utterance  to  his  views  on  the  arrangement  in 
language  which  it  is  worth  while  to  reproduce. 

"  Thanks,"  he  remarked,  "  to  the  spirit  of  conciliation  and  GortshakoY 
reciprocal  concessions,  of  which  I  can  conscientiously  claim  a 
large  part  for  Russia,  the  work  of  the  congress  has  moved  to  its 
end,  that  of  a  peace  which  is  in  the  interests  of  the  whole  of 
Europe,  and  which  will  be  worthy  of  the  eminent  men  assembled 
at  Berlin.  Two  days'  sitting  has  been  devoted  to  a  question,  the 
solution  of  which  has  been  found  to  be  an  equitable  arrangement, 
removed  from  petty  passions,  which  will  crown  the  work  which  we 
have  in  hand.  We  make  the  concession  of  Erzerum,  of  Bayazid 
and  of  the  valley  of  Alaskand,  those  two  last  points  covering 
the  passage  of  caravans  and  the  principal  commercial  route  into 
Persia.  I  am  also  authorised  to  declare  that  my  illustrious  master 
is  disposed,  in  his  Sovereign  power,  to  declare  Batoum  a  free 
port,  a  concession  to  the  material  interests  of  all  commercial 
nations,  and  especially  of  Great  Britain,  which  has  the  largest 
commerce  in  the  world.  In  conclusion,  I  must  express  the  hope 

303 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Final 
Sitting. 


A  Curious 

Story 

of  a  Map. 


that,  in  the  sitting  of  to-day,  we  shall  have  made  an  immense  step 
towards  the  exalted  object  of  our  meeting/' 

Mutual  This   statement   of   the   Russian   representative   was   received 

Concessions.  wjth  applause,  begun  by  Bismarck  and  continued  by  Salisbury. 
It  was  then  officially  announced  that  the  Porte  surrendered  to 
Russia  in  Asia  the  territories  of  Arabashan,  Kars  and  Batoum, 
with  its  harbours,  while  the  Tsar's  offer  to  make  Batoum  a  free 
commercial  port  was  gratefully  accepted. 

On  July  23rd  the  twentieth  and  last  sitting  of  the  congress 
was  held.  Andrassy  solemnly  thanked  Bismarck  for  the  untiring 
energy  with  which  he  had  conducted  the  business  of  the  congress, 
and  expressed  the  hope  that  its  work  might  be  lasting,  and  that 
the  friendly  relations  between  the  Powers  might  strengthen  and 
confirm  the  general  feeling  of  friendship  which  existed  between 
the  Governments  that  had  taken  part  in  it. 

The  effect  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  has  certainly  not  tended 
to   increase    the    influence    of    Russia   in    the    Balkan    Peninsula. 
Bulgaria  has  proved  rather  a  barrier  to  Russian  progress  than  a 
door,   while    Roumania   has   flourished   under   a   German   Prince. 
There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  had 
it  been  duly  sanctioned,  would  have  been  any  more  favourable 
to  Russian  ambition,  whereas,  in  many  respects,  it  would  have 
been  a  better  and  more  durable  arrangement  than  the  Treaty  of 
Berlin.     Still,   the  occasion  was  very  dramatic,   for  the  meeting 
of  such  remarkable  personages  as  BeaconsfieJd  and  Bismarck  lent 
distinction  to  any  assembly.     It  was  said  by  some  that  Beacons- 
field  was  the  most  remarkable  figure  at  the  congress,  because  he 
had  the  force  of  Great  Britain  at  his  back.     A  strange  story  is 
also  told  about  the  concessions  made  by  Russia.     It  is  alleged 
that  Gortshakov  had  brought  with  him  from    St.  Petersburg    a 
map  on  which  was  carefully  marked  the  utmost  territory  which 
Russia  would  ask  for,  and  the  least  which  she  would  accept,  and 
that  when  the  British  plenipotentiaries  asked  for  a  map  to  give 
them   information   about   countries   with   which   they   were   very 
little    acquainted,   this    map  was  lent   to  them  by   Gortshakov. 
Their  task,  therefore,  became  easy,  as  they  had  nothing  to  do  but 
ask  for  what  they  knew  the  Russians  were  willing  to  surrender. 
44  Peace  with         Beaconsfield  and  Salisbury  returned  to  London  on  July  i6th, 
Honour."        when   the   Treaty   of   Berlin   was   laid  before   Parliament.     They 
were  received  with  tumultuous  rejoicings,  and  Beaconsfield  made 
a  speech  to  the  crowd,  telling  them  that  he  brought  back  "  peace 
with  honour,"   a  somewhat   exaggerated  statement   of  the  case. 
In    his  speech  in  the  House  of    Lords    he  apologised   for  having 

304 


GLADSTONE    AND    THE    TREATY    OF    BERLIN 

ceded  Sofia,  which  was  south  of  the  Balkans,  to  Bulgaria,  but 
asserted  that  between  Sofia  and  the  valley  of  the  Maritza  lay 
the  watershed  of  the  Ikhtiman  Pass,  and  that  this  was  entirely 
in  the  possession  of  Eastern  Roumelia.  He  ought  to  have  known 
that  the  Ikhtiman  Pass  was  no  barrier  at  all  to  anyone  attack- 
ing Adrianople  from  Sofia,  and  that  not  only  was  the  pass 
itself  given  to  Bulgaria  by  the  treaty,  but  that  the  town  of 
Ikhtiman  was  never  evacuated  by  Bulgarian  soldiers.  He  went 
on  to  speak  of  Greece  as  an  interesting  country  with  a  future, 
which  could  afford  to  wait.  With  such  levity  and  lack  of  know- 
ledge were  such  momentous  interests  treated  that  letters  in  the 
public  press  drawing  attention  to  misstatements  passed  entirely 
without  notice. 

Gladstone's  criticism   of   this  treaty  was  pronounced  on  July  Gladstone 
30th.     He   pointed  out  that  Servia,  Montenegro  and  Roumania,  on  the 
which   made   war   upon   Turkey   in   reliance   upon   Russia,   were    rea  y' 
rewarded  with  independence  and  an  increase  of  territory,  while 
Greece,   which   kept   quiet   and   trusted   Great   Britain,   received 
nothing.    The  action  of  the  congress,  which  was  to  deal  with  the 
Treaty    of    San    Stefano    as    a   whole,   was    invalidated   by   the 
agreement  with  Russia  and  the  Anglo-Turkish  Convention  which 
preceded  it.     The  convention  was  an  abuse  of  the  prerogative 
of  the  Crown,  made  behind  the  back  of  Parliament.     By  it  Great 
Britain    had    rendered    herself    responsible    for    Turkish    policy, 
Turkish  judicature,  and  Turkish  finance,  and  for  the  corruption 
which  paralysed  them. 

But  this  weighty  indictment  did  not  prevent  the  two  Ministers  Beacons- 
from  being  the  heroes  of  the  hour,  from  receiving  the  freedom  of  fleld's  Lof* 
the  City  of  London,  and  from  paying  a  tribute  to  the  character  of  ppor  um  y* 
the  Sultan,  who  had  imposed  a  charge  of  £2,500,000  upon  the  nation 
as  the  cost  of  a  policy  which  is  now  universally  repudiated.  With 
all  his  claims  to  be  the  champion  of  Imperialism,  Beaconsfield 
threw  away  at  Berlin  the  chance  of  acquiring  Egypt,  which  was 
offered  to  him  by  Bismarck,  not  as  plunder  of  the  Turks,  but  in 
the  best  interests  of  Europe.  The  Minister  refused  it  on  the 
ground  that  it  would  violate  the  principle  of  the  integrity  of  the 
Turkish  Empire.  There  is  no  stronger  condemnation  of  his  policy 
than  the  condition  of  Egypt  under  British  rule  at  the  present 
time.  To  pass  from  Syria  to  Egypt  is  to  pass  from  barbarism  to 
civilisation.  The  foundations  of  civilisation  are  the  security  of 
life  and  property,  but  under  Turkish  rule  it  is  dangerous  to  walk 
alone  at  night  in  the  streets  of  Beyrout,  Haifa  or  Jaffa,  and  to 
exhibit  any  signs  of  wealth  is  a  direct  incentive  to  its  being  taken 
u  305 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

forcibly  from  you.  In  Cairo  and  Alexandria  an  English  lady  may 
go  anywhere  without  being  molested,  and  the  magnificent  palaces 
of  pashas  which  fill  the  streets  testify  to  the  security  with  which 
wealth  may  be  acquired  and  displayed. 

Failure  of  If  we  look  back  over  the  years  that  have  passed  since  the 
the  Treaty.  conciusion  o{  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  we  see  that  it  has  not  settled  the 
question  which  calls  for  settlement  now  as  it  did  then,  and  which 
can  only  be  solved  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Turks  from  Europe.  It 
has  not  secured  the  peace  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula  nor  the 
proper  treatment  of  the  Christians  whom  it  left  under  Turkish 
rule.  It  has  been  violated  by  almost  every  Power  that  signed  it, 
among  others  by  Turkey,  Russia,  Austria,  Roumania,  Bulgaria  and 
Montenegro.  Two  wars  have  followed  it,  neither  of  which  need 
have  taken  place  had  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  been  adopted. 
Its  effect  has  not  been  wholly  bad,  because  some  portions  of  the 
earth's  surface,  such  as  Bosnia,  Herzegovina  and  Bulgaria  are 
better  off  than  before  ;  but  this  was  due  to  Russian  self-sacrifice 
rather  than  to  British  diplomacy.  The  whole  story  of  the  treaty 
enforces  the  melancholy  reflection  that  the  world,  after  all,  is 
governed  with  very  little  wisdom. 


306 


CHAPTER  V 
DISRAELI'S  MINISTRY— 187-1-80 

IN  the  second  Ministry  of  Disraeli  the  Conservatives  found  them-  Con- 
selves   in    office,    but   not   in   power.     Probably   they   had   been  servatism 
returned  because  the  country  felt  that  it  needed  rest  after  a  long  commerce 
period  of  legislative  activity ;    all  political  energy  is  followed  by 
an  interval  of  repose,  if  not  of  reaction.     The  leaders  of  commerce, 
who  had  been  on  the  Liberal  side  since  the  time  of  Lord  Liverpool, 
were  becoming  Conservative  from  fear  of    the   support  given  by 
the  Liberals  to  trade  unions  and  the  working  man.     Beaconsfield 
was    looked    upon    by    the    solid    mercantile    interests    as    their 
protector    against    adventurous    innovation — a    strange    fate    to 
befall  a  Jew,  the  Young  Englander  of  the  'forties  and  the  author 
of  brilliant  novels. 

The  Queen's  commands  to  form  a  Ministry  were  given  to  Disraeli's 
Disraeli  on  February  i8th,  1874,  and  he  had  no  difficulty  in  doing  Cabinet. 
so.  Lord  Cairns,  a  dignified  and  even  majestic  lawyer,  who  was 
something  also  of  a  statesman,  was  made  Lord  Chancellor  ;  the 
Duke  of  Richmond,  a  respected  peer  of  moderate  ability,  was 
President  of  the  Council  and  leader  of  the  House  of  Lords  ;  Lord 
Derby  was  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  ;  Lord  Salisbury  took 
the  India  Office  ;  Lord  Carnarvon,  a  distinguished  scholar  and 
man  of  letters,  watched  over  the  Colonies  ;  Sir  Stafford  North- 
cote,  who  had  been  trained  in  the  school  of  Gladstone,  became 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer ;  Gathorne  Hardy  was  Secretary  of 
War  ;  and  Lord  John  Manners,  afterwards  Duke  of  Rutland,  who 
had  been,  with  Disraeli,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Young  England 
party,  was  made  Postmaster-General.  The  Home  Office  was 
given  to  Richard  Assheton  Cross,  an  excellent  man  of  business, 
who  looked  after  the  Queen's  money  affairs  with  singular  tact 
and  judgment ;  and  William  Henry  Smith,  the  creator  of  the 
railway  bookstall  business,  famous  for  good  sense  and  integrity, 
was  made  Financial  Secretary  to  the  Treasury. 

This  powerful  Ministry  was  confronted  with  a  weak  Opposi- 
tion, who  were  dissatisfied  with  themselves.  The  Nonconformists, 
who  were  the  great  support  of  the  Liberal  Party,  disliked  the 
Education  Act,  and  the  trade  unions  desired  the  repeal  of 

307 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Lord  Aberdeen's  Act  against  conspiracy.  Many  Liberals  could 
not  forgive  Gladstone  for  his  sudden  dissolution  of  Parliament, 
which  took  them  by  surprise,  when  they  thought  that  they  ought 
to  have  been  consulted,  and  cost  many  of  them  their  seats.  If 
he  had  such  faith  in  the  virtues  of  his  promised  budget,  he  ought, 
the  dissentients  urged,  to  have  had  the  courage  to  produce  it. 
Gladstone  was  also  himself  weary  of  discussions,  which  he  had 
so  much  difficulty  in  controlling,  and  wished  to  resign  the  leader- 
ship of  his  party,  but  offered  to  retain  the  post  for  a  year,  on 
the  condition  that  he  should  attend  the  House  only  when  it 
suited  his  convenience,  and  this  arrangement  was  accepted.  The 
consequence  was  that  the  session  of  1874  passed  quietly.  Brand 
was  re-elected  Speaker,  and  the  only  measure  mentioned  in  the 
Queen's  Speech  was  one  to  amend  the  Licensing  Act  of  1872. 
Stafford  Much  interest  was  felt  among  Gladstone's  friends  as  to 

Northcote's  what  Stafford  Northcote  would  do  with  the  budget.  Gladstone's 
Budget.  splendid  finance  gave  the  incoming  Government  a  surplus  of 
£6,000,000,  and  the  new  Chancellor  took  the  opportunity  of  taking 
a  penny  off  the  income  tax  and  abolishing  the  duty  on  sugar. 
Gladstone  had  promised,  if  returned  to  power,  to  abolish  the 
income  tax  altogether.  Northcote  reduced  it  to  twopence,  a 
sum  which  Gladstone  always  affirmed  was  not  worth  collecting  ; 
but  of  course,  in  the  circumstances,  to  abolish  it  altogether  was 
impossible. 

Butt  and  Home  Rule  for  Ireland,  which  was  to  occupy  a  foremost  place 

Home  Rule,  in  British  politics  for  many  years  to  come,  now  began  to  make 
its  appearance.  Isaac  Butt,  who  brought  forward  an  annual 
motion  in  its  favour,  was  now  given  two  nights  to  debate  the 
subject,  and  was  found  to  have  fifty-eight  Irish  members — more 
than  half  the  members  for  Ireland — on  his  side,  a  significant  fact 
as  a  prelude  to  the  time  when  the  Irish  demand  for  Home  Rule 
would  become  almost  unanimous.  A  Church  Patronage  Bill  for 
Scotland,  to  abolish  private  patronage  for  livings  in  that  country, 
was  passed,  notwithstanding  Gladstone's  opposition.  The  powers 
of  the  Endowed  Schools  Committee,  from  which  England  might 
have  expected  an  organised  system  of  secondary  education,  were 
transferred  to  the  Charity  Commissioners,  certainly  a  retrograde 
step,  as  it  slackened  the  spirit  of  reform  ;  but  other  provisions  of 
a  sectarian  character  were  happily  averted. 

Gladstone's         The  Public  Worship  Regulation  Act,  which  established  a  new 

Retirement,  court  for  dealing  with  refractory  clergymen,  was  an  attempt  to 

arrest  the  advance  of  Ritualism.     It  was  vigorously  opposed  by 

Gladstone,   who    was  a  strong  High  Churchman.      Freedom,   he 

joS 


BEACONSFIELD'S    ADVENTUROUS    POLICY 

urged,  was  better  than  discipline  ;  leaden  uniformity  was  spiritual 
death.  Parliament  should  never  forget  the  services  of  the  clergy 
in  an  age  which  was,  beyond  all  others,  luxurious,  selfish  and 
worldly.  He  proposed  an  alternative  to  the  measure,  but  he  met 
with  no  support.  This,  however,  was  his  last  conflict,  and  in  the 
first  weeks  of  1875  he  retired  from  the  leadership  of  the  Liberal 
Party,  against  the  wishes  of  his  wife  and  of  the  majority  of  his 
friends.  He  desired,  he  said,  to  place  a  quiet  interval  between 
Parliament  and  the  grave.  But  who  was  to  be  his  successor  ? 
The  choice  lay  between  Lord  Hartington  and  Forster.  Hartington 
was  chosen,  and  thus  began  a  career,  continued  as  Duke  of 
Devonshire,  of  devoted  and  unremitting  work.  Besides  other 
reasons  for  choosing  him,  it  was  felt  that  he  would  more  easily 
make  room  for  Gladstone  if  he  should  be  willing  to  return. 

In  1875  the  leader  of  the  Opposition  had  an  easy  task,  as  the  The 
new  Government  were  not  friends  of  energetic  legislation.  The  Wim§oll 
budget  presented  no  novelties  beyond  the  establishment  of  a  Mapk* 
sinking  fund,  the  object  of  which  was  to  reduce  the  National  Debt 
by  £200,000,000  in  thirty  years.  But  Tory  extravagance  and 
Beaconsfield's  adventurous  policy  soon  rendered  this  illusory. 
The  Home  Secretary  did  something  to  secure  English  tenants  in 
the  holding  of  their  land,  to  improve  the  dwellings  of  artisans 
and  the  relations  of  employers  and  workmen.  A  notable  step 
was  made  for  the  security  of  navigation  by  the  establishment  of 
the  Plimsoll  mark,  now  so  prominently  shown  on  all  ships, 
indicating  the  depth  beyond  which  a  ship  must  not  be  loaded.  It 
was  carried  by  the  vehemence  of  its  author,  Samuel  Plimsoll,  who, 
standing  in  the  middle  of  the  floor  of  the  House,  denounced  the 
ship-knackers,  who,  by  a  nefarious  system  of  over-insurance, 
made  fortunes  out  of  drowned  men. 

Activity  was  also  displayed  by  the  Colonial  Office.  Fiji  was  Colonial 
occupied,  to  save  it  from  the  rapacious  immorality  of  unprincipled  Policy* 
beach-combers,  and,  in  the  case  of  the  Kafir  chief,  Langalibalele, 
who  had  been  treated  with  undue  severity  by  the  Natal  Govern- 
ment, Lord  Carnarvon  showed  that  he  could  brave  opinion  in 
the  exercise  of  humanity  and  public  spirit.  He  attempted  the 
federation  of  South  Africa,  which  has  been  carried  out  in  our  own 
day.  South  Africa  then  consisted  of  three  British  colonies — 
Cape  Colony,  Natal,  and  Griqualand  West — with  two  Dutch 
Republics  on  its  frontiers — the  Transvaal  and  the  Orange  Free 
State.  Carnarvon  wished  to  include  these  in  his  scheme,  for 
unless  they  were  included  federation  would  be  a  vain  dream.  But 
his  tact  was  not  equal  to  his  enthusiasm.  He  proposed  a  confer- 

309 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

ence  at  Cape  Town,  but  excited  opposition  by  stating  the  names 
of  the  delegates  who  were  to  attend  it.  He  chose  the  historian 
Froude,  who  was  more  indiscreet  and  less  cautious  than  the 
Minister  who  sent  him.  He  made  a  worse  blunder  by  attempting 
to  remove  the  seat  of  the  conference  from  Cape  Town  to  London. 
The  disastrous  award  of  MacMahon  gave  Delagoa  Bay  to  Portugal, 
although  it  was  the  natural  outlet  of  the  Transvaal  to  the  sea. 
Purchase  of  On  November  26th,  1875,  the  Prime  Minister  executed  by  a 
Suez  Canal  masterstroke  one  of  the  most  fortunate  and  most  sensational 
pieces  of  business  which  have  ever  occurred  in  British  history. 
He  bought,  for  the  price  of  £4,000,000,  the  shares  in  the  Suez 
Canal  which  had  belonged  to  the  Khedive  of  Egypt.  The  idea  was 
suggested  by  the  astuteness  of  Mr.  Frederick  Greenwood,  the 
editor  of  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette,  but  it  was  Disraeli  who  recog- 
nised the  importance  of  it  and  had  the  courage  to  carry  it  out. 
The  state  of  Turkey,  the  suzerain  Power  of  Egypt,  was  desperate. 
In  October  she  had  confessed  her  inability  to  pay  more  than  ten 
shillings  in  the  pound,  and  the  British  Government  had  refused 
to  assist  those  who  had  lost  their  money  on  bad  security.  The 
Khedive,  Ismail  Pasha,  spent  on  his  own  pleasures  the  money 
which  came  to  him  from  the  oppression  of  his  subjects,  and  was 
driven  to  sell  the  shares  which  had  been  assigned  him  in  the 
French  company  which  opened  the  Canal ;  for,  although  the  canal 
was  more  largely  used  by  Great  Britain  than  by  any  other  nation, 
and  the  closing  of  it  would  bar  the  way  to  India,  yet  she  had 
no  voice  in  its  management.  It  was,  therefore,  exceptionally 
fortunate  that  the  British  Government  was  enabled  to  gain  the 
position  which  it  might  have  held  from  the  first  if  only  the 
sanction  of  Lord  Palmerston  had  allowed  it,  while  the  possession 
of  a  Prime  Minister  gifted  with  imagination  enabled  us  to  take 
advantage  of  the  deal. 

A  Successful  It  is  significant  to  reflect  that  the  Foreign  Secretary,  Lord  Derby, 
Enterprise,  and  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Sir  Stafford  Northcote, 
were  opposed  to  the  purchase.  The  Chancellor  said  in  the  House 
that  he  had  rather  the  Khedive  had  kept  the  shares,  that  the 
Government  had  acted  in  self-defence,  and  that  he  did  not  object 
to  the  canal  being  mainly  under  French  control.  Even  Gladstone 
made  a  feeble  attack  upon  the  measure.  But  the  good  sense  and 
patriotism  of  the  English  people  supported  the  Minister.  Disraeli 
was  able  to  say  both  with  force  and  truth  that  if  Gladstone  had 
been  in  office  the  shares  would  have  been  purchased  by  France. 
The  success  of  the  enterprise  far  exceeded  the  hopes  of  its 
promoters,  and  the  possession  of  the  shares  has  brought  many 

310 


DISRAELI    AND    IMPERIALISM 

millions  into  the  British  Exchequer  and  strengthened  the  hold 
upon  the  gate  of  India.  The  purchase  of  the  shares  made  it 
desirable  to  inquire  more  fully  into  the  financial  condition  of 
Egypt,  and  Stephen  Cave,  an  able  financier,  was  sent  out  to 
report.  He  said  that  Egypt  was  suffering  from  the  ignorance, 
dishonesty,  waste  and  extravagance  of  the  East,  such  as  had 
already  brought  Turkey  to  the  verge  of  ruin,  and  also  from  the 
expense  caused  by  the  hasty  and  ill-considered  endeavours  to 
adopt  the  civilisation  of  the  West.  The  report  led  to  the  sending 
out  of  a  joint  commission,  French  and  British,  and  the  placing  of 
Egyptian  revenue  under  two  Controllers-General,  one  British  and 
the  other  French,  which  did  not  prove  to  be  a  success. 

At  the  beginning  of  1876  Disraeli  was  at  the  height  of  his  Empire  of 
power.  In  the  winter  the  Prince  of  Wales  had  made  a  tour  India. 
through  India,  and  this  fact,  coupled  with  other  considerations, 
induced  the  Prime  Minister  to  introduce  into  Parliament  a  Royal 
Titles  Bill,  which  granted  to  the  Queen  the  right  to  assume  by 
proclamation  any  new  title  which  she  might  think  fit  to  adopt. 
It  was  generally  known  that  the  object  of  the  measure  was  to  give 
the  Queen  the  title  of  Empress  of  India.  The  proposition  excited 
a  good  deal  of  ridicule,  but  the  proposal  really  emanated  from 
the  serious  and  not  the  theatrical  side  of  Disraeli's  nature,  and  it 
is  conceivable  that  a  grandiose  title  may  have  an  advantage  in 
the  governance  of  the  country  to  which  it  refers. 

Disraeli  is  generally  credited  with  having  introduced  the  Disraeli  and 
spirit  of  Imperialism  into  British  politics,  and  the  belief  that  he  Imperialism, 
did  so  accounts  for  his  extraordinary  popularity,  which  has 
followed  him  after  his  decease.  There  are  two  opinions  on  the 
matter.  Some  think  that  he  possessed  powerful  convictions  on 
the  position  which  ought  to  be  held  by  the  British  monarchy  ; 
others  that  he  was  an  opportunist,  and  that,  coming  into  office 
unexpectedly  and  without  a  cry,  he  clutched  at  the  first  idea 
which  presented  itself,  and  took  up  the  line  of  opposing  Russia 
and  exalting  the  predominant  power  of  Great  Britain  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  The  latter  opinion,  which  is  held  by  persons  who 
knew  him  well,  seems  the  more  probable.  He  had  nothing  but 
contempt  for  the  British  Constitution,  which  he  was  never  tired 
of  comparing  with  that  of  Venice,  with  its  phantom  Doge,  its 
subservient  people,  and  its  predominant  aristocracy.  He  cared 
too  little  for  certain  features  of  the  body  politic  to  attempt  to 
reform  the  abuses  that  had  grown  up  in  them,  and  he  knew 
that  if  they  were  reformed  it  would  not  be  in  the  direction  of 
which  he  would  approve.  His  object  was  to  maintain  the 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Disraeli 
and  Queen 
Victoria. 


Earl  of 

Beaconsfield. 


supremacy  of  the  Tory  Party,  of  which  he  was  the  faithful 
servant,  and  he  was  ready  to  employ  any  means  to  that  end. 

At  the  same  time,  he  determined  to  treat  the  Queen  in  a  different 
manner  from  that  which  Gladstone  had  adopted.  Gladstone, 
although  personally  devoted  to  the  monarchy  and  to  the  noble 
woman  who  held  the  throne,  was  unfortunate  in  the  manner  he 
assumed  to  the  Queen,  who,  as  we  have  already  said,  complained 
that  he  addressed  her  as  if  she  were  a  public  meeting.  He  opposed 
her  visits  to  Scotland  and  absence  from  the  centre  of  affairs  at  the 
time  of  political  crisis.  A  man  well  acquainted  with  the  correspond- 
ence which  passed  upon  this  topic  describes  it  as  one  in  which  the 
Minister  had  gone  as  far  as  a  subject  could,  and  the  Queen  farther 
than  a  Sovereign  ought.  Gladstone  was  too  proud  and  too  clumsy 
to  conciliate  the  Queen's  humble  friends,  who  exercised  great 
influence  over  her  and  for  whom  she  felt  a  deep  affection.  Disraeli, 
on  the  other  hand,  did  not  hesitate  to  conciliate  them. 

Nothing  is  more  noticeable  than  the  change  which  came  over 
the  Queen's  feelings  towards  this  remarkable  man.  The  Prince 
Consort  did  not  like  him,  and  the  Queen  shared  his  judgment. 
In  the  early  days  of  their  association  Disraeli  gave  the  Queen 
a  magnificently  bound  collection  of  his  works,  with  a  fulsome 
inscription.  The  Queen,  instead  of  keeping  them  in  her  own 
apartments,  sent  them  to  her  public  library,  where  it  was  not 
likely  she  would  ever  see  them  again.  But  in  later  years  Disraeli 
became  one  of  her  most  trusted  friends,  and  at  the  end  of  her  life 
she  hung  over  the  two  contiguous  doors  which  led  to  her  private 
apartments  in  Windsor  Castle  the  portraits  of  Salisbury  and 
Beaconsfield.  The  Queen  undoubtedly  liked  the  new  title.  She 
always  signed  herself  "  Victoria  R.  and  I.,"  and  in  India,  at  the 
banquets  of  the  Viceroy  and  other  great  officers,  the  toast  of  the 
King-Emperor  is  drunk  with  enthusiasm  and  is  followed  by 
the  strains  of  the  National  Anthem.  Lord  Lytton,  a  man  of 
exuberant  ability  and  vivid  imagination,  was  sent  to  India  to 
inaugurate  the  new  Imperial  policy,  and  the  proclamation  of 
the  Queen-Empress  took  place  under  his  auspices  at  Delhi,  on 
January  ist,  1877. 

We  have  already  given  an  account  of  the  events  in  the  East 
which  culminated  in  the  Treaty  of  Berlin.  Disraeli's  last  speech 
in  the  House  of  Commons  was  made  on  the  subject  on  August 
nth,  1876,  when  he  said  that  the  nation's  duty  at  that  critical 
moment  was  to  uphold  the  Empire  of  Great  Britain,  by  which  he 
apparently  meant  the  Empire  of  Turkey.  Next  day  the  papers 
announced  that  he  had  been  created  Earl  of  Beaconsfield.  In 


ANNEXATION    OF    THE    TRANSVAAL 

this  position  he  emphasised  more  strongly  than  before  his  opposi- 
tion to  Russia  and  his  intention  to  adopt  an  Imperial  policy.  At 
the  Lord  Mayor's  banquet,  on  November  gth,  he  made  a  speech 
in  the  Guildhall  which  shook  the  confidence  of  the  world,  much 
as  the  speech  of  Napoleon  III.,  to  which  we  have  already  referred, 
had  done  on  January  ist,  1859.  What,  it  was  asked,  did  this  ill- 
omened  oration  portend  ?  The  Emperor  of  Russia  had  consented 
to  a  congress,  the  object  of  which  was  peace,  but  these  attacks 
drove  him  into  war. 

The  session  of  1877  witnessed  some  measures  of  beneficent  First 
but  rather  feeble  legislation,  and  the  first  appearance  of  Charles  Appearance 
Stewart  Parnell,  a  young  Irish  landlord,  born  of  an  American  °  arne  ' 
mother.  He  was  educated  by  a  private  tutor  in  England,  and 
had  made  himself  conspicuous  in  early  life  by  an  ambition  to  set 
the  fashion  in  personal  attire.  As  a  passionate  Home  Ruler,  he 
determined  to  adopt  a  more  aggressive  and  more  militant  attitude 
than  that  of  Butt,  and  diligently  studied  the  rules  of  the  House, 
with  the  view  of  obstructing  the  operation  of  the  British 
Parliament  if  he  could  not  obtain  for  Ireland  a  Parliament 
of  her  own.  He  was  assisted  by  Mr.  J.  G.  Biggar,  a  vigorous 
but  uncouth  man,  who  was  little  understood  and  who  was  fond 
of  stating  that  his  great  ambition  in  life  was  to  be  an  English 
clergyman.  Parnell  began  by  obstructing  the  business  of  Supply 
by  dilatory  motions,  although  he  had  only  a  few  colleagues  to 
support  him.  He  succeeded  in  getting  suspended  from  the  service 
of  the  House,  but  the  evil  went  on  unchecked. 

If  the  advent  of  Parnell  heralded  the  troubles  of  Home  Rule,  Annexation 
the  annexation  of  the  Transvaal  in  April,  1877,  was  a  step  towards  of  the 
the  South  African  War.  The  Dutch  farmers  who  wished  to  escape  TransYaal- 
from  the  control  of  British  government  had  formed  the  Republic 
of  the  Transvaal  in  1852,  and,  by  proclamation,  this  was  now 
annexed  to  the  British  Empire  by  Sir  Theophilus  Shepstone.  It 
was  true  that  the  finances  of  the  country  were  in  a  desperate 
condition,  that  the  mineral  wealth  concealed  in  the  hills  was 
entirely  unknown,  that  the  inhabitants  were  not  able  to  hold 
their  own  against  the  attacks  of  the  surrounding  natives. 
Burgers,  the  President,  advised  the  Boers  to  submit  to  the  British 
Government,  as  the  Republican  Constitution  had  broken  down 
and  their  taxes  could  not  be  collected.  The  Transvaal  Parlia- 
ment did  not  agree  with  him,  and  two  delegates,  one  of  whom 
was  Paul  Kruger,  were  sent  to  England  to  show  cause  against 
the  annexation.  But  the  Government  insisted,  and  the  Liberal 
Party  did  not  oppose,  although  some  courageous  statesmen,  such 

313 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

as   Leonard   Courtney    and    Henry   Fawcett,    did   their   best    to 
prevent  it. 

UniYersities  Another  measure  of  importance  belonging  to  this  year  was  the 
Commission,  appointment  of  a  commission  to  investigate  the  affairs  of  the 
Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  University  commissions 
are  neither  very  popular  nor  very  useful.  It  is  much  better  that 
the  Universities  should  reform  themselves  than  that  they  should 
be  tampered  with  from  outside  by  persons  who  understand  very 
little  about  the  matter.  The  commission  now  established  did  a 
certain  amount  of  good,  but  not  so  much  as  was  anticipated. 
Some  clerical  restrictions  were  abolished,  fellows  were  allowed  to 
marry,  and  a  certain  amount  of  money  was  given  by  the  colleges 
to  the  University.  The  intention  had  been  to  transfer  the  greater 
part  of  teaching  from  the  colleges  to  the  University  and  establish 
a  large  scheme  for  the  endowment  of  research.  But  this  proved 
an  entire  failure.  It  has  been  found  that  in  every  department, 
even  in  Natural  Science,  the  colleges  do  much  better  work  than 
the  University.  A  further  step  was  taken  to  give  the  franchise 
to  agricultural  labourers,  which  was  eventually  effected  by  the 
Reform  Bill  of  1880.  George  Trevelyan's  annual  resolution  on  this 
subject  was  this  year  supported  by  Lord  Hartington  as  leader 
of  the  Opposition,  but  the  motion  was,  nevertheless,  defeated, 
Lowe  and  Goschen  being  opposed  to  the  measure.  The  year 
1878  was  taken  up  with  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  and  with  the  Zulu 
and  Afghan  troubles,  which  will  be  treated  of  later. 

The  Afghan  We  will  now  take  a  summary  view  of  BeaconsfiekTs  Imperial 
Negotiations,  policy.  Lord  Northbrook  had  resigned  the  office  of  Viceroy 
because  he  could  not  agree  with  the  proposal  to  ask  the  Amir  of 
Afghanistan  to  receive  a  British  Resident  at  Cabul ;  but  Lord 
Lytton,  who  succeeded  him,  did  not  mind  whether  he  offended  the 
Amir  or  not.  Russia  had  made  large  advances  in  Central  Asia 
during  the  last  four  years,  and  Gladstone  was  inclined  to  enter 
into  direct  negotiations  with  the  Tsar  in  order  to  avoid  difficulties 
for  the  future.  Beaconsfield  preferred  to  use  British  influence  with 
the  Afghans  in  order  to  counteract  Russian  influence  with  the 
Turkomans.  Lytton,  therefore,  sent  Shere  Ali,  the  Amir,  a  letter 
announcing  his  appointment  as  Viceroy  and  the  Queen's  assump- 
tion of  the  title  of  Empress  of  India  ;  he  also  asked  the  Amir 
to  receive  a  British  Agent,  Sir  Lewis  Pelly,  and  discuss  with  him 
matters  that  might  be  in  dispute.  The  Amir  replied  that  he 
preferred  to  send  to  India  a  confidential  agent  of  his  own.  Lytton 
considered  this  answer  disrespectful,  and  refused  to  receive  Shere 
Ali's  messenger,  and  intimated  that  if  the  Amir  did  not  receive 


THE    "SCIENTIFIC    FRONTIER" 

Sir  Lewis  Pelly,  his  country  would  be  treated  as  a  State 
which  had  virtually  isolated  itself  from  the  alliance  of  the 
British  Government.  This  was  almost  equivalent  to  a  threat  of 
war,  and  was  strongly  objected  to  by  members  of  the  Indian 
Council.  The  Amir  replied  that,  in  his  opinion,  no  Englishman 
would  be  safe  at  Cabul,  and  that  if  he  received  a  British  he  must 
also  receive  a  Russian  agent,  but  that  he  wanted  neither. 
On  December  8th  Quetta  was  occupied,  which  gave  the  Indian 
Government  control  of  the  Bolan  Pass  into  Afghanistan.  This 
frightened  the  Amir  still  more,  and  a  letter  of  Lytton's,  dated 
March  3rd,  1877,  which  told  him  that  he  could  no  longer  depend 
upon  the  support  of  the  British  Government,  turned  him  into 
an  active  foe. 

Whilst  these  things  were  happening  Bombay  and  Madras  A  "Scientific 
were  oppressed  by  a  cruel  famine,  which  taxed  all  the  resources  of  Frontier." 
the  Administration.  In  the  spring  of  1878  the  movement  of 
Indian  troops  to  Malta  was  met  by  the  dispatch  of  a  Russian 
mission  to  Cabul.  Lytton  expected  war  with  Russia,  and  thought 
that  this  would  be  a  favourable  opportunity  for  disintegrating 
Afghanistan,  though,  by  restraining  the  vernacular  Press  in  India, 
he  deprived  himself  of  the  best  means  of  ascertaining  public 
opinion  in  that  country.  The  object  of  the  Russian  envoy  at 
Cabul  was  to  embroil  the  Amir  with  Great  Britain.  In  this  he 
completely  succeeded,  Lytton  walking  into  the  trap  with  apparent 
readiness.  He  argued  for  the  rectification  of  the  north-western 
boundaries — a  "  scientific  frontier/'  as  it  was  called  in  those  days 
— consisting  of  the  range  of  the  Hindu  Rush  and  its  spurs,  with 
such  outposts  as  might  be  necessary  to  secure  the  passes.  This 
was  strongly  opposed  by  Henry  Fawcett  and  all  who  were  best 
acquainted  with  India.  Amongst  these  was  Lord  Lawrence, 
who  wrote  a  number  of  weighty  letters  to  The  Times  deprecating 
a  forward  policy.  Even  the  Cabinet  hesitated  and,  when  Lytton 
proposed  that  Shere  AH  should  be  dethroned  and  his  government 
broken  up,  refused  to  support  the  Viceroy. 

On    November    gth,    however,    at    the    Guildhall,  in  London,  Gladstone 
Beaconsfield    denounced  these    cautious  waverings  as  the    "  hair-  and  the 
brained  chatter  of  irresponsible  frivolity,"  and  defended  the  scien-  Afghan  War« 
tific  frontier  as  the  voice  of  security  and  truth.     In  the  meantime 
war  had  broken  out  and  was  powerfully  denounced  by  Gladstone. 
The  war  found  many  supporters  in  the  Upper  House,  including 
six  bishops  ;    but  in  the  House  of  Commons  the  policy  that  pro- 
voked  it  was    pulverised    by  Gladstone    and    Hartington.     The 
latter  said  :    "It   is  we,  and  we   alone,   who   drive   the   Afghans 

315 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bartle 
Frere  and 
Cetewayo. 


Tory 

Financial 

Difficulties. 


into  the  arms  of  Russia  ;  whatever  else  may  be  done,  the  present 
Viceroy  of  India  should  be  recalled.  We  have  seen  him  imitat- 
ing at  Delhi  the  fallen  state  of  the  Mogul  Empire ;  we  see  him 
fidgeting  about  the  harmless  eccentricities  of  the  Indian  Press ; 
we  now  see  him  addressing  the  envoy  of  a  puzzled  and  frightened 
sovereign  in  terms  which  seem  to  be  borrowed  partly  from  a 
lawyer's  letter,  partly  from  a  tale  in  the  Arabian  Nights." 
Stafford  Northcote,  who  replied,  felt  no  enthusiasm  for  the  cause 
he  was  defending.  But  Jingoism  was  rampant  and  the  voice 
of  truth  and  reason  was  hushed  for  a  time.  All  this  contention 
was  carried  on  with  a  falling  exchequer.  The  state  of  trade  was 
deplorable,  and  the  failure  of  the  City  of  Glasgow  Bank  for 
£6,000,000  had  paralysed  enterprise  in  Scotland.  Taxes  had  been 
raised,  wages  reduced,  and  the  splendour  of  Imperialism  coruscated 
against  a  background  of  gloom. 

A  cartoon  in  Punch  respecting  the  heavy  burden  which  John 
Bull  had  to  bear  represented  a  naked  Zulu  jumping  on  the  tail 
of  the  patient  British  lion  with  the  words,  "  Just  room  enough  for 
me."  Sir  Bartle  Frere  was  to  South  Africa  what  Lytton  was  to 
India.  He  had  formed  the  opinion  that  the  power  of  Cetewayo, 
the  King  of  the  Zulus,  who  was  establishing  a  strong  military 
government,  ought  to  be  crushed,  and  sent  him,  even  against  the 
opinion  of  the  Colonial  Office,  an  ultimatum  threatening  war. 
The  results  of  this  disastrous  war  will  be  related  in  another 
chapter. 

In  1879  the  expenses  of  Imperialist  adventure  had  not  only 
squandered  the  magnificent  surplus  which  had  been  accumulated 
by  the  genius  of  Gladstone,  but  had  caused  deep  and  disastrous 
depression.  Stafford  Northcote  was  afraid  to  impose  more  taxes, 
but  preferred  to  live  upon  his  capital  by  contracting  loans.  The 
Zulu  War  cost  £4,500,000,  and  depression  extended  to  agriculture 
for  the  first  time  since  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws.  Remon- 
strance went  so  far  that  the  Government  appointed  a  Royal 
Commission,  with  a  Cabinet  Minister  at  its  head,  to  investigate  the 
condition  of  farm  labourers,  the  law  and  practice  of  agricultural 
tenure,  the  importation  of  agricultural  produce,  and  the  state 
of  agricultural  knowledge,  Ireland  being  included  in  the  inquiry. 
Troubles  also  arose  in  Egypt.  In  February,  1879,  the  Khedive 
dismissed  Nubar  Pasha,  the  Minister  of  the  Dual  Control,  and 
put  in  his  place  Shereef  Pasha  with  a  native  Ministry.  This  was 
too  much  for  the  bond-holders.  In  June  Ismail  was  deposed 
and  Tewfik,  his  son,  was  put  in  his  place.  The  Dual  Control 
was  established  with  even  greater  authority,  and  the  British 

316 


GLADSTONE    IN    MIDLOTHIAN 

representative  appointed  was  Major  Baring,  who  afterwards,  as 
Lord  Cromer,  was  to  make  for  himself  an  honoured  name. 

When  the  autumn  of  1879  approached  Parliament  was  nearly  Foundation 
six  years  old,  and  a  General  Election  could  not  long  be  delayed,  of  the  Land 
Both  parties  began  to  arm  for  the  fray,  and  combative  oratory  league. 
was  transferred  from  St.  Stephen's  to  the  platforms.  To  meet 
the  growing  agricultural  depression,  a  Farmers'  Alliance  was 
formed,  the  object  of  which  was  to  protect  tenant  farmers  against 
loss  of  their  capital  and  give  them  security  in  their  holdings  and 
prevent  their  interests  from  suffering  from  the  undue  preserva- 
tion of  game.  This  led  to  a  discussion  on  the  policy  of  small 
holdings,  which  were  supported  by  Hartington  and  attacked  by 
Beaconsfield.  The  condition  of  Ireland  was  even  worse  than  that 
of  England,  as  it  suffered  from  a  bad  harvest,  the  failure  of  the 
potato  crop,  and  damage  done  to  the  peat  by  rain.  Pauperism 
increased,  saving  was  impossible,  railway  traffic  diminished,  and 
many  farmers  became  bankrupt.  The  result  was  the  foundation 
of  the  Land  League  by  Michael  Davitt  and  Parnell.  It  was  not 
unlawful  in  its  objects,  which  were  to  protect  the  tenants  from 
unjust  rent ;  but  it  was  likely  for  the  present  to  employ  means 
which  violated  the  law.  The  farmers  were  advised  to  pay  no 
more  rent  than  they  thought  advisable.  Davitt  said  that  rent 
for  land,  in  any  circumstances,  whether  times  were  prosperous 
or  bad,  was  nothing  more  or  less  than  an  unjust  and  immoral  tax 
on  the  industry  of  the  people ;  and  Daly,  the  proprietor  of  the 
Connaught  Telegraph,  spoke  strongly  against  eviction.  For  the 
bitterness  of  their  opinions  Davitt  and  Daly  were  arrested  by 
the  Government,  but  no  further  steps  were  taken. 

The  most  prominent  place  in  the  Parliamentary  struggle  was  Gladstone's 
taken   by    Gladstone   in   Midlothian,    where   he   was   contending  Midlothian 
against  the  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  Buccleuch,  Lord  Dalkeith.  Campaign. 
The  invitation  had  come,  in  the  beginning  of  1879,  from  Lord 
Rosebery  and  William  Adam,  the  Liberal  Whip,  with  the  approval 
of  Lord  Granville  and  Lord  Wolverton.     The  Liberals  were  over- 
joyed at  the  constituency  being  contested  by  the  man  whom  they 
regarded  as  the  greatest  living  Scotsman,  and  Adam  predicted  a 
majority  of  200.     Gladstone  left  Liverpool  for  Edinburgh  to  open 
the  campaign  on  November  24th.     The  journey  was  a  triumphal 
procession,  the  like  of  which  had  never  been  seen  before.     On 
this  bleak  winter  day  the  whole  countryside  was  roused.     Wher- 
ever the  train  stopped,  thousands  flocked  to  greet  the  statesman, 
and    even    at    wayside    spots    hundreds    assembled    to    catch    a 
glimpse  of  the  express  as  it  hurried  past.     Addresses  were  pre- 


3*7 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

sented  at  Carlisle,  Hawick  and  Galashiels.  Edinburgh  was  reached 
after  a  nine  hours*  journey ;  the  streets  were  crowded  by  a  joyous 
multitude,  and  Lord  Rosebery  conducted  his  guest  to  Dalmeny. 
Gladstone  wrote  in  his  diary  that  he  had  never  gone  through  a 
more  extraordinary  day. 

Gladstone's  Similar    enthusiasm    accompanied    the    speeches    themselves. 

Arraignment  People  came  from  the  Hebrides  to  hear  the  orator,  and  the 
applications  for  seats  were  nearly  ten  times  as  many  as  the 
rooms  would  hold.  The  weather  was  bitter,  the  hills  being 
covered  with  snow ;  but  this  could  not  chill  enthusiasm.  In 
this  wonderful  series  of  speeches,  which  lasted  more  than  a  week, 
Gladstone  traversed  the  whole  field  of  Tory  government,  attack- 
ing it  at  every  point.  He  showed  how  an  ample  surplus  had 
been  converted  into  a  disastrous  deficit ;  how  there  had  been  a 
lack  of  beneficent  legislation ;  how  national  honour  had  been 
compromised  by  the  breach  of  public  law ;  how  in  foreign 
politics  the  country  had  earned  the  enmity  of  Russia  and  yet 
had  not  prevented  the  increase  of  the  Tsar's  power  ;  how  Great 
Britain's  friendship  and  support  of  Turkey,  given  to  her  with 
great  sacrifices,  had  not  prevented  her  ruin ;  how  blood  had 
been  shed  to  no  purpose  in  Zululand  ;  how  freedom  had  been 
destroyed  in  the  Transvaal ;  how  confusion  had  been  caused  in 
Afghanistan  ;  and  how  India  had  been  left  in  a  worse  condition 
than  that  in  which  the  present  Government  had  found  it.  He 
laid  down  the  great  principles  which  the  country  ought  to 
follow — the  passing  of  just  laws,  the  fostering  of  economy,  the 
preservation  of  peace,  the  cultivation  of  European  union  and 
friendship,  the  avoidance  of  entangling  engagements,  the  devotion 
to  freedom,  and  the  acknowledgment  of  the  equal  rights  of  all 
nations. 

"  Remember/'  he  said  at  one  meeting,  "  that  the  sanctity  of 
life  in  the  hill  villages  of  Afghanistan,  among  the  winter  snows, 
is  as  inviolable  in  the  sight  of  Almighty  God  as  can  be  your 
own.  Remember  that  He  who  has  created  you  a  human  being 
in  the  same  flesh  and  blood  has  bound  you  by  the  law  of  mutual 
love  ;  that  mutual  love  is  not  limited  by  the  shores  of  this  island, 
is  not  limited  by  the  boundaries  of  Christian  civilisation,  that 
it  has  power  over  the  whole  surface  of  the  earth  and  embraces 
the  meanest  as  well  as  the  greatest  in  its  unmeasured  scope." 
Never  since  the  days  of  Edmund  Burke  had  the  case  of  Liberalism 
and  the  plea  for  the  restoration  of  a  Liberal  Government  been 
placed  so  powerfully  and  so  convincingly  before  the  tribunal  of 
the  nation.  The  effects  of  this  campaign  were  not  immediately 

318 


THE    HOME    RULE    QUESTION 

apparent.  The  London  Press  was  hostile,  and  the  by-elections 
were  indecisive.  But  at  the  end  of  November  a  great  victory 
was  won  at  Sheffield,  which  was  a  harbinger  of  hope  and  confid- 
ence. The  battle  of  oratory  continued  during  1880,  beginning 
at  the  close  of  the  Christmas  holidays,  as  a  dissolution  was 
imminent  and  no  member  knew  when  he  might  have  to  meet  his 
constituents.  Parliament  met  on  February  4th,  and  it  became 
necessary  to  legislate  at  once  for  the  relief  of  Irish  distress, 
which  was  very  acute.  To  supplement  private  charitable  efforts 
the  Government  authorised  the  construction  of  public  works  to 
be  paid  for  out  of  the  Irish  Church  Fund.  A  provision  restrain- 
ing eviction  on  the  relieved  estates  was  unfortunately  struck  out 
by  the  Lords. 

The  month  of  March  had  now  arrived,  and  Ministers  announced  Homc  Rulc 
that  as  soon  as  the  budget  had  been  introduced  and  the  necessary  Denounced. 
votes  taken  Parliament  would  be  dissolved.  The  budget  had  to 
deal  with  a  deficit  of  £3,000,000,  which  was  provided  for  by  the 
suspension  of  the  sinking  fund.  The  Prime  Minister  addressed 
the  country  by  means  of  a  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Marlborough, 
the  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  on  the  danger  of  Home  Rule,  a 
political  doctrine  which  had  hitherto  received  very  slight  support 
from  British  politicians  and  none  from  the  country.  Beacons- 
field  denounced  it  as  being,  in  its  ultimate  results,  scarcely 
less  disastrous  than  pestilence  or  famine,  and  summoned  all  men 
of  light  and  leading  to  resist  disintegration  of  the  United 
Kingdom.  This  was  the  only  topic  treated  of,  but  Imperialism 
received  some  recognition  in  the  assurance  that  peace  rests  on 
the  presence,  not  to  say  the  ascendancy,  of  Great  Britain  in 
the  councils  of  Europe.  Lord  Hartington  replied  on  March  nth 
in  an  address  to  the  electors  of  North-East  Lancashire.  He 
denounced  Home  Rule  as  impracticable  and  mischievous,  but 
repudiated  Beaconsfield's  expressions  as  extravagant  and  over- 
strained, and  urged  the  adoption  of  equal  laws  as  a  remedy  for 
Irish  discontent.  Leading  Liberals  rejected  Home  Rule  as  part 
of  their  platform,  and  the  only  English  Home  Ruler  appears  to 
have  been  Joseph  Cowen,  of  Newcastle,  who,  however,  supported 
Beaconsfield  warmly  in  his  foreign  policy.  The  result  was  that 
the  question  of  Home  Rule  did  not  form  part  of  the  controversy 
in  the  election. 

Gladstone's    address    was   very    powerful.     It    repudiated    the  Gladstone's 
assertion  that  the  Liberal  policy  aimed  at  repeal  of  the  Union  Second 
with  Ireland  and  the  abandonment  of  the  colonies.     He  said  that  Midlothian 
the  enemies  of  the  Union  were  those  who  maintained  in  Ireland  CamPai^n' 

319 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

an  alien  Church,  unjust  land  laws,  and  a  franchise  inferior 
to  that  of  the  sister  countries.  The  colonies,  he  maintained, 
were  united  by  the  principles  of  Free  Trade  with  the  rest  of  the 
world,  of  popular  and  responsible  government,  and  of  confedera- 
tion where  it  was  possible  to  carry  it  out,  and  by  the  promise  to 
defend  them  in  case  of  need  with  all  the  strength  of  the  Empire. 
On  March  i6th  he  set  out  for  another  campaign  in  Midlothian, 
accompanied  by  similar  manifestations  of  a  royal  progress  to 
those  which  he  had  before  experienced.  He  received  addresses 
at  Grantham,  York  and  Newark,  and  was  greeted  at  Edinburgh 
with  as  much  enthusiasm  as  ever.  When  he  arrived  at  Dalmeny 
he  set  himself  to  work  with  unbounded  energy  and,  indeed, 
spoke  every  day  for  a  whole  fortnight.  Hartington  made  even 
more  speeches  than  Gladstone,  and  conducted  in  Lancashire 
a  close  duel  with  Cross,  by  no  means  a  contemptible  antagonist. 
A  main  proposal  of  the  Liberals  was  to  extend  the  franchise 
in  the  counties,  and  it  was  to  fight  this  issue  that  the 
Eighty  Club,  which  afterwards  became  such  a  powerful  in- 
stitution, was  founded.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  then  an  ardent 
Radical,  established  the  caucus  system  at  Birmingham,  adminis- 
tered by  the  able  hands  of  Schnadhorst,  and  this  contributed 
largely  to  the  success  of  the  election. 

Liberal  Parliament  was  dissolved  on  March  24th,  and  the  first  elec- 

Triumph.  tions  took  place  on  March  3Oth  ;  it  was  at  once  evident  that 
the  Liberals  would  have  a  majority.  On  the  first  day  they  had 
a  net  gain  of  fifteen  seats  in  sixty-nine  constituencies,  and  by 
the  end  of  the  fourth  day  a  net  gain  of  fifty  seats  was  announced, 
and  the  Ministerial  majority  had  disappeared.  Gladstone  was 
elected  both  for  Midlothian  and  for  Leeds,  and  when  he  preferred 
the  former,  his  youngest  son,  Herbert,  was  returned  for  Leeds 
without  a  contest,  and  thus  began  a  distinguished  and  successful 
political  career.  The  result  of  the  elections  was  a  great  surprise 
to  both  parties,  but  it  spoke  with  no  uncertain  voice.  The  new 
Parliament  contained  347  Liberals  as  against  351  Tories  in  the 
old.  The  Conservative  Opposition  was  now  240,  whereas  the 
Liberal  Opposition  in  the  late  House  had  been  250.  The  numbers 
of  the  Home  Rule  party  had  risen  from  50  to  65.  Beaconsfield 
heard  the  result  of  the  elections  at  Hatfield,  where  he  was  staying 
alone  in  the  absence  of  Lord  Salisbury.  He  had  expected  a  very 
different  result,  but  he  viewed  the  ruin  of  his  Government  and 
the  end  of  his  career  with  unshaken  serenity  and  magnanimity. 
Gladstone  wrote :  "  The  downfall  of  Beaconsfield  is  like  the 
vanishing  of  some  vast,  magnificent  castle  in  an  Italian  romance. 

320 


GLADSTONE    AND    QUEEN    VICTORIA 

We  may  be  well  content  to  thank  God  in  silence.  But  the  out- 
look is  tremendous.  The  gradual  unravelling  of  the  tangled 
knots  of  the  foreign  and  Indian  policy  will  indeed  be  a  task  for 
skilled  and  strong  hands  if  they  can  be  found,  and  there  can 
hardly  be  found  such  as  the  case  requires." 

Beaconsfield  determined  not  to  meet  the  new  Parliament,  and  The  Queen 
only  delayed  his  resignation  until  the  Queen  returned  from  the  ReProYes 
Continent.  The  last  meeting  of  the  outgoing  Cabinet  was  held 
on  April  21  st.  On  the  following  day  the  Queen  sent  for 
Hartington,  and  urged  him  to  form  a  Government,  expressing 
confidence  in  his  moderation,  which  is  perhaps  the  main  reason 
why  she  chose  him  in  preference  to  Gladstone  and  Granville. 
Hartington  replied  that  no  Cabinet  could  be  formed  without 
Gladstone,  and  that  no  post  could  be  offered  him  except  that 
of  First  Minister,  an  obvious  proposition  which  the  Queen,  how- 
ever, appeared  to  doubt,  asking  him  to  ascertain  if  this  were 
really  the  case.  Of  course,  it  was  found  to  be  the  case,  and,  after 
another  interview  with  Granville  and  Hartington,  the  Queen  sent 
for  Gladstone.  In  the  interview  which  followed,  the  Queen  asked 
some  questions  about  suggested  Ministers,  and  ended  by  saying, 
"  I  must  be  frank  with  you,  Mr.  Gladstone,  and  must  firmly  say 
that  there  have  been  some  little  things  which  caused  me  concern." 

Gladstone  was  free  to  admit  that  he  had  used  a  mode  of 
speech  and  language  different  in  some  degree  from  what  he 
would  have  used  had  he  been  the  leader  of  a  party  or  a 
candidate  for  office  ;  that  in  office  he  would  use  every  effort 
to  diminish  her  cares,  or,  at  any  rate,  not  to  aggravate  them ; 
but  that,  considering  his  years,  he  could  only  look  forward  to 
a  short  period  of  active  exertion  and  a  personal  retirement  at 
a  comparatively  early  date.  She  answered  that,  with  regard  to 
the  freedom  of  language,  he  would  have  to  bear  the  consequences, 
to  which  Gladstone  assented.  He  then  kissed  hands  and  the 
interview  ended. 


331 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  ZULU  WAR 

The  Zulus.  THE  land  of  the  Zulus,  lying  between  the  Transvaal  and  the 
Indian  Ocean,  is  a  most  interesting  portion  of  South  Africa,  and 
the  Zulus  are  a  very  attractive  people.  Their  language  closely 
resembles  Kafir,  but  is  more  musical  and  more  refined.  It  is 
spoken  by  many  English  men  and  women,  and  is  used  for 
religious  purposes  by  many  missionaries.  The  war,  the  incidents 
of  which  we  now  have  to  relate,  sprang  out  of  the  endless  conflict 
between  barbarous  and  civilised  races  which  is  always  going 
on — and  from  the  forward  policy  of  which  we  have  already 
given  some  account. 

A  competent  historian  tells  us  that  the  Emashlabatini  country 
was  originally  occupied  by  a  small  tribe  called  the  Abanguni, 
that  of  its  more  ancient  kings  little  is  known,  except  that  they 
seem  to  have  been  of  peaceful  habits,  making  no  wars  and  breed- 
ing cattle,  and  that  the  name  of  one  of  them  was  Zulu.  The 
tribe  was  comprised  of  several  families  or  clans,  each  having 
its  own  chieftain.  The  first  king  of  whom  any  particulars  are 
known  was  Senzagacone,  son  of  Ufaina,  who  had  a  son  Chaka, 
who  at  the  death  of  his  father  was  made  king  with  great 
rejoicings. 

Chaka's  Chaka's  authority  was  disputed  by  some  of  the  other  tribes 

Autocracy.  an(j  needed  many  wars  to  support  it,  but  he  eventually  became 
chief  potentate,  levying  tribute  from  the  tribes  around  him.  He 
then  endeavoured  to  extend  his  authority,  especially  over  the 
Pondos,  so  that  he  claimed  to  rule  over  the  entire  country  from 
the  sea  to  Pondoland.  He  then  proceeded  to  consolidate  his 
position.  The  petty  kings  under  his  power  became  tributary  chief- 
tains, and  if  any  did  not  pay  his  tribute  an  impi  was  sent  to  eat 
him  up.  He  also  established  a  standing  army,  military  service 
being  made  compulsory,  the  army  becoming  the  King's  army 
instead  of  the  army  of  the  tribes.  Women  were  also  compelled 
to  marry  into  regiments  at  the  King's  command,  and  the 
regiments  were  not  allowed  to  marry  until  they  were  entitled 
to  wear  head  rings,  and  this  did  not  occur  until  the  men  had 

322 


THE    ZULUS    AND    BOERS 

reached  forty  years  of  age.  He  also  defeated  the  Swazis  and 
compelled  them  to  pay  tribute.  Chaka  was  a  great  adminis- 
trator, like  Charles  the  Great  on  a  small  scale,  comparable  to 
those  heroes  whom  we  are  taught  to  admire  in  the  dawn  of 
European  history.  But  one  day,  while  his  army  was  absent  on 
a  military  expedition,  Dingaan  and  four  more  of  the  King's 
brothers  fell  treacherously  upon  Chaka  and  killed  him.  He  is 
said  to  have  been  contemplating  a  journey  to  England  about  the 
time  of  his  death. 

Dingaan  began  his  reign  by  killing  all  his  brothers  except  Cetewayo's 
Panda  ;  but  he  soon  came  into  conflict  with  the  Boers,  who  sent  Kingship. 
Pieter  Retief  to  chastise  him.  Retief  was  killed  on  February 
5th,  1838.  Dingaan  then  invaded  Natal  and  waged  war  with 
considerable  success  ;  but  Panda,  recollecting  the  fate  which 
had  befallen  the  rest  of  his  family,  joined  the  Boers,  and  with 
them  invaded  Zululand  and  defeated  Dingaan,  who  was  slain 
by  the  Swazis.  Upon  this  Panda  became  king,  and  ceded  to 
the  Boers  the  territory  of  Natal  as  far  as  the  Tugela.  He  had 
many  sons,  the  best  known  of  whom  were  Cetewayo  and 
Umbulazi,  but  Cetewayo  defeated  Umbulazi  and  killed  him. 
Cetewayo,  being  accepted  as  King  of  the  Zulus  after  Panda's 
death  in  October,  1872,  asked  the  British  Government  to  accept 
him.  Shepstone,  the  British  envoy,  publicly  crowned  him,  saying 
to  the  Zulus,  "He  is  your  King.  You  have  recognised  him  as 
such,  and  I  will  now  do  so  also  in  the  name  of  the  Queen  of 
England.  If  you  kill  him  we  shall  surely  require  his  blood  of 
you."  Cetewayo  reigned  well,  but  it  could  be  hardly  expected 
of  him  that  he  should  be  entirely  devoid  of  cruelty. 

Questions  of  frontier  were  bound  to  arise  between  the  Zulus  Friction 
and  the  Boers.     Moreover,  the  young  men  of  the  army  wanted  Between 


to  "  wash  their  spears  "  and  to  attack  the  Boers  with  that  object,  °*™  and 
but  the  British  Government  refused  to  allow  it.  It  was  only 
natural  that  the  people  of  Natal  should  be  afraid  of  the  military 
nation  of  the  Zulus  on  their  borders,  and  should  dread  a  possible 
invasion  of  their  colony,  though,  in  fact,  a  certain  section  of  the 
colonists  eagerly  desired  war.  They  disliked  the  neighbourhood 
of  black  people,  whom  they  could  neither  tax  nor  force  to  work  ; 
if  the  power  of  this  native  race  were  broken,  they  would  get  a 
hut  tax  out  of  them,  and  the  presence  of  British  troops  would, 
in  a  variety  of  ways,  also  be  very  lucrative.  Besides,  the  white 
young  men  were  just  as  anxious  to  try  their  rifles  as  the  Zulus 
to  "  wash  their  spears."  Some  even  of  the  missionaries  clamoured 
for  war,  and  said  that  only  the  utter  destruction  of  the  Zulus 

323 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

could  secure  peace  in  South  Africa,  and  that  in  making  war  they 
would  have  the  approbation  of  their  God,  their  Queen,  and  their 
conscience. 

British  For  many  years  there  had  been  a  dispute  between  the  Zulus 

Demands  on  and  the  Boers  upon  a  question  of  boundary.  The  claims  of  both 
parties  were  examined  by  the  British  Commissioner,  Sir  Bartle 
Frere,  and  the  result  was  communicated  to  Cetewayo's  envoys 
at  the  Lower  Tugela  Drift  on  December  nth,  1878.  The  award 
was  favourable  to  the  Zulus,  but  with  it  was  delivered  an  ulti- 
matum involving  the  destruction  of  the  whole  system  of  Zulu 
government.  They  were  not  only  asked  to  pay  600  head  of 
cattle  for  supposed  offences,  but  to  undertake  to  observe  certain 
promises  which  it  was  asserted  Cetewayo  had  given  at  his 
coronation — to  disband  the  Zulu  army  ;  to  discontinue  the  Zulu 
military  system  ;  to  allow  men  to  marry  when  they  pleased  ; 
to  readmit  missionaries  and  their  converts,  who  had  been  expelled 
in  1877  for  disloyalty  ;  to  allow  a  British  Agent  to  reside  in 
Zululand,  so  that  all  cases  in  which  Europeans  were  engaged 
should  be  heard  in  public  ;  and  to  expel  no  one  from  the  country 
except  with  the  commissioner's  approval.  It  was  stated  that  if 
these  demands  were  not  agreed  to  before  the  end  of  the  year, 
that  is,  within  twenty  days,  the  British  army  would  invade  the 
country  on  the  first  day  of  the  New  Year  and  enforce  them 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  —  a  term  afterwards  extended  to 
January  nth. 

Preparations  It  is  quite  clear  that  the  King  could  not  accept  these  demands, 
for  War.  which  were  of  a  most  humiliating  and  most  destructive  character, 
without  consulting  his  Indunas,  and  that  the  cattle  could  not  be 
collected  for  delivery  within  the  time  specified  ;  but  Sir  Bartle 
Frere  had  made  up  his  mind  that  the  existence  of  the  Zulu  State 
was  inconsistent  with  British  rule  in  South  Africa,  and  that  it 
must  be  crushed  at  all  hazards.  Cetewayo  did  not  desire  war, 
and  wished  to  live  in  peace  with  neighbours  who  had  been  kind 
and  friendly.  He  had  contemplated  nothing  but  self-defence  and, 
by  the  exercise  of  patience  and  moderation,  matters  might  have 
been  peacefully  arranged  without  the  loss  of  men,  money  and 
honour.  Sir  Michael  Hicks  Beach,  the  Secretary  for  the  Colonies, 
expressed  a  hope  that,  by  meeting  the  Zulus  in  a  spirit  of  forbear- 
ance and  reasonable  compromise,  the  very  serious  danger  of  a 
war  might  be  avoided.  But  the  Natal  Government  set  to  work  to 
raise  a  corps  of  7,000  natives  to  fight  against  their  countrymen, 
and  declared  that  the  time  had  arrived  for  decisive  action,  that 
there  would  never  be  so  favourable  an  opportunity  for  smashing 

324 


BARTLE    FRERE'S    RESPONSIBILITY 

the  Zulu  power,  and  that  if  it  were  lost  Great  Britain  would  sooner 
or  later  be  taken  at  a  disadvantage. 

At  this  time  Sir  Bar  tie  Frere,  a  proconsul  of  the  greatest  The  Zulu 
eminence,  was  Governor  of  Cape  Colony,  and  was  responsible  for  War  an 
settling  such  important  matters.  No  historian  can  deny  Frere's 
high  qualities  or  belittle  the  value  of  the  services  he  rendered  to 
the  Empire  during  his  administration  of  Sind  and  Bombay,  and 
his  conduct  during  the  Indian  Mutiny.  But  when  sent  to  the 
Cape  he  was  advanced  in  years,  and  found  himself  in  a  most 
difficult  position,  which  he  imperfectly  understood,  and  his  train- 
ing as  an  Indian  official  made  him  less  fit  to  deal  with  the  strange 
problems  before  him.  He  conceived  a  strong  dislike  to  Cetewayo, 
and  a  deep  distrust  for  the  methods  which  had  been  adopted  for 
welding  the  Zulus  into  a  powerful  nation,  and  in  the  steps  he 
took  to  remedy  these  evils  he  went  not  only  beyond  what  the 
occasion  demanded,  but  exceeded  the  powers  committed  to  him 
by  the  Government.  In  the  controversy  which  ensued  upon  his 
conduct  between  himself,  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Home  Govern- 
ment and  Mr.  Gladstone  on  the  other,  it  is  impossible  to  avoid 
the  conclusion  that  they  were  right  and  that  Frere  was  wrong, 
and  that  the  Zulu  War  which  he  brought  about  was  a  serious  and 
unnecessary  crime.  Hicks  Beach  wrote,  in  January,  1879,  that 
the  demands  with  which  Cetewayo  had  been  called  upon  to 
comply,  and  Frere's  own  description  of  the  situation  with  which 
he  had  to  deal,  had  not  prepared  the  Government  for  the  course 
which  Frere  was  now  taking.  The  Colonial  Secretary  said  that 
he  had  impressed  upon  Frere  the  importance  of  using  every  effort 
to  avoid  war,  but  that  Cetewayo  would  not  improbably  refuse 
the  terms  offered  him  even  at  the  risk  of  hostilities,  and  that 
Frere  ought  to  have  consulted  the  Home  Government  before 
presenting  such  conditions  to  the  Zulu  king. 

War  was  now  inevitable,  and  it  was  determined  to  advance  The  War 
into  Zululand  with  four  columns,  each  complete  in  itself,  with  Begins. 
its  own  artillery,  cavalry,   and  independent  leader.     The  native 
levies,  which  should  never  have  been  employed,  were  armed  with 
rifles  and  clothed  in  corduroy  tunics  and  breeches  with  long  boots 
of  untanned  leather  and  the  now  familiar  cowboy  hat.     There 
were  also  1,000  European  volunteers  and  a  contingent  of  mounted 
Boers,    trained   horsemen    and    deadly    shots,    who    were    savage 
against  the  Zulus  and  did  not  realise  that  the  destruction  of  the 
natives'  liberty  was  to  be  a  prelude  to  the  subversion  of  their  own. 

The  first  column,  under  Pearson,  was  to  assemble  on  the  Lower 
Tugela,  garrison  Fort  Pearson,  cross  the  river,  and  encamp  on 

325 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

the  Zulu  side,  under  the  protection  of  the  guns  of  the  fort.  The 
second,  under  Durnford,  composed  almost  entirely  of  natives, 
was  to  cross  the  Tugela  ;  the  third,  under  Glyn,  was  to  cross  at 
Rorke's  Drift ;  the  fourth,  under  Evelyn  Wood,  was  to  advance 
to  the  Blood  River.  The  strength  of  the  Imperial  and  Colonial 
troops  has  been  placed  at  6,669.  The  Zulu  army  was  composed 
of  the  natives  in  arms,  all  males  between  fifteen  and  sixty-five 
being  compelled  to  serve  without  exemption.  It  consisted  of 
large  regiments,  each  containing  a  right  and  left  wing,  each 
wing  being  divided  into  companies.  The  companies  were  really 
families  or  clans,  and  varied  in  strength  from  10  to  200,  each 
possessing  their  own  kraal  or  headquarters.  At  certain  intervals, 
varying  from  two  to  five  years,  a  general  levy  had  been  held, 
when  all  the  males  who  had  attained  the  age  of  fifteen  were 
formed  into  regiments  and  had  to  undergo  a  year's  probation 
to  mark  the  change  from  boyhood  to  manhood.  There  were, 
in  all,  thirty-three  regiments,  some  married,  some  unmarried, 
none  being  allowed  to  marry  without  the  King's  consent,  which 
they  did  not  receive  till  they  were  about  forty  years  of  age. 
The  married  men  had  their  heads  shaved  in  a  Capuchin  tonsure, 
and  bore  white  shields  ;  the  unmarried,  with  unshaven  heads, 
bore  coloured  shields.  It  was  reckoned  that  only  about  twenty- 
five  regiments  would  be  fit  for  active  service,  numbering  some 
40,000.  They  were  fed  by  three  or  four  days'  supply  of  grain, 
carried  by  lads  who  followed  each  corps,  and  by  herds  of  cattle 
driven  with  each  column. 

The  Camp  The  Tugela  was  crossed  on  January  I2th,  1879,  the  day  after 

at  Isandhl-  tne  expiry  of  the  ultimatum  ;  but  the  difficulties  of  advance  were 
found  to  be  great.  The  long  train  of  wagons  was  very  cumber- 
some, and  the  invaders  were  almost  completely  ignorant  of  the 
country.  On  January  2oth  the  third  column  moved  from  Rorke's 
Drift  to  Isandhlwana  Hill,  the  spot  selected  for  a  camp.  The 
Lion  Hill  rises  abruptly  to  the  west,  representing  the  head  of  the 
crouching  animal,  and  after  forming  the  back  extends  sharply 
to  the  east.  At  both  ends  are  necks  or  ridges  connecting  the  hill 
with  smaller  elevations  ;  the  road  from  Rorke's  Drift  passes  over 
the  western  ridge,  and  on  the  north  is  a  deep  ravine  and  water- 
course. On  the  left  of  the  camp  was  posted  the  Natal  native 
contingent ;  in  the  centre  were  the  Colonial  regular  infantry  and 
the  headquarters  camp  of  Lord  Chelmsford,  the  commander-in- 
chief  ;  on  the  right  were  the  guns  and  mounted  corps  lining  the 
edge  of  the  road,  and  behind  was  the  precipitous  Lion  Hill ;  so 
that  the  camp  was  placed  with  its  back  to  the  wall. 

326 


THE    ISANDHLWANA    DISASTER 

On  January  22nd,  at  6  in  the  morning,  a  company  of  Natal  Boer  Advice 
natives  was  despatched  to  scout  towards  the  left,  to  search  for  !?.*?* 
the  enemy.  At  9  Durnford  came  up  with  a  rocket  battery  and  Disregarded. 
500  native  troops.  False  intelligence  was  brought  that  the  Zulus 
were  retiring  in  all  directions.  However,  about  10  they  were 
found  in  force  on  a  range  of  hills  about  five  miles  off.  Lord 
Chelmsford  had  very  little  acquaintance  with  South  Africa,  or  with 
Zulu  methods  of  fighting,  and  Frere  managed  that  he  should  meet 
Kruger  and  Joubert,  who,  twenty  years  later,  became  so  prominent 
in  the  Boer  War.  They  impressed  upon  him  the  absolute 
necessity  of  collecting  his  wagons  in  a  laager  every  evening  and 
whenever  there  was  any  danger  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 
Chelmsford,  however,  continued  to  hold  his  own  opinions ;  he 
despised  the  enemy  and  clung  to  English  methods.  Attaching 
himself  to  the  third  corps,  he  crossed  the  Buffalo  at  Rorke's  Drift 
and  encamped  at  Isandhlwana. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fatal  22nd  the  general  set  out  to  attack  The  Zulu 
the  Zulus.  He  left  Pulleine  in  command  of  the  camp  and  sent  Advance, 
a  message  to  Durnford  to  move  up  from  Rorke's  Drift.  Pulleine 
had  been  ordered  to  draw  in  his  line  of  defence  and  his  infantry 
outposts,  but  to  keep  his  cavalry  vedettes  still  far  advanced. 
After  the  departure  of  the  advance  column  at  daybreak  every- 
thing remained  quiet  in  the  camp  until  between  7  and  8  o'clock, 
when  news  came  that  some  Zulus  were  approaching.  Pulleine 
communicated  this  to  Chelmsford,  who  received  the  news  between 
9  and  10.  Durnford  reached  the  camp  at  about  n,  and  found 
that  some  preparations  were  made  and  that  reports  were  coming 
in  announcing  the  retirement  of  the  enemy.  Durnford  deter- 
mined to  move  out  and  reconnoitre,  but  about  five  miles  off  met 
a  large  body  of  the  Zulus,  in  skirmishing  order,  who  opened  fire 
and  advanced  very  rapidly.  Durnford  fell  back,  keeping  up  a 
steady  fire,  for  about  two  miles,  and  disputing  every  yard  of 
ground,  until  he  reached  a  gully,  about  800  yards  in  front  of 
the  camp,  where  he  made  a  stand.  He  held  the  gully  most 
heroically  and  is  supposed  to  have  killed  1,000  Zulus. 

Firing  was  not  heard  in  the  camp  till  mid-day,  and  soon  after-  The  Camp 
wards  the  Zulus  swept  down  upon  it  in  overwhelming  numbers.  °Yer- 
They   completely   surrounded   the    24th   Regiment ;     the   retreat  w  c 
by  the  Rorke's  Drift  road  was  blocked ;    the  soldiers  ran  away 
down  a  ravine,  and  the  Zulus  mingled  with  them,  striking  at  them 
with  their  assegais  as  they  ran.    At  last  the  Buffalo  was  reached, 
about  five  miles  below  Rorke's  Drift,  and  here  a  number  of  the 
fugitives  were   shot  or  carried  away  by  the  stream  and  drowned. 

327 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Saving  the 
Colours  of 
the  24th. 


Durnford's 
Last  Fight. 


Chelrasford's 

Happy 

Ignorance. 


The  ground  was  rugged,  broken  up  with  small  streams  of  water 
and  strewn  with  boulders,  but  was  such  as  a  Zulu  could  traverse 
more  quickly  than  a  horse.  The  river,  which  ran  fast,  was  deep 
and  without  a  ford,  sharp  rocks  alternating  with  deep  water.  Not 
half  of  those  who  escaped  from  the  camp  succeeded  in  crossing  it. 
Here  occurred  the  brilliant  action  of  Lieutenants  Melvill  and 
Coghill  which  still  lives  in  history  and  art.  Seeing  that  all  was 
lost,  they  attempted  to  escape  on  horseback  with  the  colours  of 
the  24th  Regiment.  Coghill  got  safely  across  the  Buffalo,  but 
Melvill  was  shot  just  as  he  was  reaching  the  farther  bank.  Coghill 
turned  back  to  help  his  comrade,  and  suffered  the  same  fate. 
Their  bodies  were  found  close  to  each  other,  surrounded  by  dead 
Zulus,  and  the  colours  which  they  had  sacrificed  their  lives  to 
defend  were  discovered  in  the  bed  of  the  river,  saved  from  dis- 
honour. 

When  the  attack  ceased,  Durnford  rallied  the  white  troopers 
on  the  right  of  the  camp,  and  with  them  and  the  Basutos  forced 
the  Zulu  left,  keeping  open  the  road  across  the  Nek,  by  which 
retreat  was  still  possible.  Durnford  held  his  position  until  all 
hope  of  retrieving  the  day  was  gone.  He  and  his  companions  left 
their  horses  to  cover  the  retreat  of  their  comrades  and  died  to 
a  man  at  their  posts.  Durnford's  body  was  afterwards  dis- 
covered in  a  patch  of  long  grass  near  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy, 
surrounded  by  the  corpses  of  the  brave  men  who  had  fought  it 
out  with  him  to  the  bitter  end.  Durnford  was  a  remarkable 
man  ;  he  strongly  disapproved  of  the  whole  policy  of  the  Colonial 
Government  towards  the  natives,  and,  while  the  best-abused  man 
in  the  colony,  was  adored  by  the  Zulus.  Indeed,  he  inspired 
them  with  such  love  and  devotion  that  they  sold  their  lives  at 
his  side.  Bulwer  described  him  as  a  soldier  of  soldiers,  with  his 
whole  heart  in  his  profession,  keen,  active-minded,  and  indefatig- 
able, unsparing  of  himself,  brave  and  utterly  fearless,  honourable, 
loyal,  of  great  gentleness  and  goodness  of  heart.  There  perished 
at  Isandhlwana  twenty-six  British  officers  and  600  men,  the  loss 
of  the  Colonials  not  being  less. 

In  the  meantime  Chelmsford  was  perfectly  happy,  having  no 
fear  for  the  safety  of  the  camp,  continuing  his  operations  against 
the  supposed  main  body  of  the  Zulus.  At  2  o'clock  he  was 
selecting  a  fit  spot  for  a  camp,  when  he  heard  from  a  native 
horseman  of  the  attack  on  Pulleine  and  the  heavy  firing  of  big 
guns.  He  surveyed  the  camp  from  the  summit  of  a  hill,  and 
everything  seemed  quiet.  The  sun  shone  on  the  white  tents  ; 
there  were  no  signs  of  firing,  and  it  was  not  until  some  time  later 

328 


DEFENCE    OF    RORKE'S    DRIFT 

that  he  was  mformed  that  the  camp  was  in  the  possession  of  the 
enemy.  He  sent  Glyn  and  his  force  towards  the  camp ;  but, 
in  spite  of  all  his  exertions,  he  could  not  reach  it  before  dark. 
He  found  it  an  entire  wreck,  the  ground  being  strewn  with  corpses, 
broken  tents,  dead  horses,  oxen,  and  other  signs  of  complete 
destruction.  His  men,  most  of  whom  were  without  ammuni- 
tion and  had  not  eaten  anything  for  forty-eight  hours,  were 
obliged  to  bivouac  amongst  the  relics  of  the  slaughter,  and  were 
entirely  unable  to  withstand  the  Zulus  if  they  attacked.  Next 
morning  the  British  retreated  to  Rorke's  Drift. 

In  this  place  a  deed  of  heroic  daring  had  taken  place  which  The  Position 
illuminates  the  sad  history  and  will  live  for  ever  in  the  annals  at  Rorke's 
of  valour.  Lieutenant  Chard,  with  a  sergeant  and  six  men,  was  Driftt 
guarding  the  pontoon  bridge  over  the  Tugela  at  this  point,  and 
Lieutenant  Bromhead  had  command  over  the  commissariat  depot 
with  a  company  of  the  24th.  They  heard  of  the  disaster  at 
Isandhlwana  and  of  the  advance  of  the  Zulus  about  3  in  the 
afternoon,  and,  joining  together,  loopholed  and  barricaded  the 
storehouse  and  hospital,  and  connected  the  two  with  "  works  " 
of  mealie-bags.  At  3.30  about  100  natives  of  Durnford's  Horse 
arrived,  but  eventually  deserted  and  galloped  off  to  Helpmakaar. 
As  they  could  not  defend  all  their  buildings  with  their  small 
numbers,  they  made  an  inner  entrenchment  of  biscuit-boxes,  the 
wall  being  two  boxes  high.  Suddenly  they  were  attacked  by  600 
Zulus,  who,  braving  their  fire,  came  within  fifty  yards  of  the 
biscuit  boxes.  Then  the  larger  number  of  them  swung  to  the 
left,  round  the  hospital,  and  rushed  upon  the  wall  of  mealie  bags. 
Others  held  a  ridge  of  rocks  overlooking  the  British  position, 
and  kept  up  a  constant  fire  at  the  distance  of  100  yards ;  others 
occupied  a  garden  in  a  hollow  on  the  road  and  the  bush  beyond. 

At  last  the  fire  from  the  ridge  of  rocks  compelled  the  defenders  The  Gallant 
to  retire  behind  the  inner  defence  of  biscuit  boxes.  Presently  Defence, 
the  hospital  was  set  on  fire  and  the  garrison  defended  the  build- 
ing room  by  room,  bringing  out  all  the  sick  who  could  be  moved 
before  they  retired.  Five  patients,  however,  had  to  be  left. 
They  now  made  a  redoubt  of  the  lines  of  mealie  bags,  thus 
obtaining  a  second  line  of  fire,  and  in  this  way  defended  them- 
selves until  darkness  fell.  The  attacks  continued  throughout  the 
night,  until  at  4  in  the  morning  of  January  23rd  the  enemy  retired 
over  the  hill.  The  defenders  then  examined  the  ground,  collected 
the  arms  of  the  dead  Zulus,  and  strengthened  the  position  as  far 
as  they  could.  At  7  a  large  body  of  Zulus  were  seen  to  approach, 
but  an  hour  later  the  British  troops  began  to  appear,  the  enemy 

329 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Lesson 

of  Isandh  1  - 
wana. 


Defence 
of  Ekowe. 


Relief  of 
Ekowe. 


fell  back,  and  the  post  of  Rorke's  Drift  was  saved.  The  defence 
had  been  conducted  by  eight  officers  and  about  131  men  of  lower 
rank  against  a  force  of  nearly  4,000  Zulus,  of  whom  370  lay  dead 
around  the  spot.  Chard  and  Bromhead — one  belonging  to  the 
Royal  Engineers  and  the  other  to  the  24th  Regiment — received 
the  thanks  of  Parliament  for  their  services,  and  were  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  major. 

Such  is  the  story  of  Isandhlwana.  The  British  underrated 
the  power  of  the  Zulus,  overrated  the  courage  of  their  native 
allies,  neglected  the  most  obvious  precautions,  and  allowed  masses 
of  the  enemy,  who  had  no  plan  of  their  own,  to  blunder  into  the 
British  camp  and  cause  terrible  disaster.  But  the  chief  lesson  to 
be  derived  from  what  happened  was  that  the  war  should  never 
have  been  undertaken  at  all. 

The  next  point  of  interest  is  Ekowe,  a  position  of  great 
natural  beauty,  2,000  feet  above  the  sea-level,  commanding  a 
view  of  Port  Durnford,  the  sea  being  about  twenty  miles  distant 
as  the  crow  flies.  The  buildings  on  this  site  consisted  of  three 
structures  of  brick  and  a  small  church,  which  was  afterwards 
turned  into  a  hospital.  Pearson,  who  commanded  the  first 
division,  had  entrenched  himself  here,  intending  to  make  it  a 
place  of  support  to  the  invading  army,  as  it  was  about  seventy 
miles  distant  from  Cetewayo's  kraal  at  Ulundi,  which  was  the 
main  point  of  attack.  Here  Pearson  heard  the  news  of  Isandhl- 
wana, and  determined  to  remain  where  he  was,  being  confident 
he  could  hold  out  for  at  least  two  months.  He  laboured  hard  to 
make  a  very  strong  fort,  and  had  an  excellent  supply  of  water. 
His  force  had  not  much  to  eat,  two  pounds  of  freshly-killed  beef 
(very  tough),  two  commissariat  biscuits  as  hard  as  flint,  a  little 
coffee,  tea  and  sugar,  one  spoonful  of  lime  juice,  and  a  small 
quantity  of  preserved  vegetables  being  the  daily  ration  per  man. 
They  had  no  lack  of  ammunition  and  the  troops  led  an  orderly 
and  strenuous  life,  part  of  their  time  being  spent  in  raiding  for 
the  destruction  of  kraals.  At  the  same  time  Pearson's  force  was 
wholly  isolated  and  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  so  that  it  became 
necessary  to  release  it. 

The  advance  for  this  purpose  began  on  March  27th,  the  first 
division  consisting  of  3,720  infantry  and  350  cavalry,  commanded 
by  Lowe,  and  the  second  of  2,060  infantry  and  196  cavalry, 
commanded  by  Pemberton,  the  whole  forming  an  aggregate  of 
6,320  men.  The  column  was  made  as  light  as  possible,  no 
tents  being  taken,  and  each  man  being  allowed  only  a  blanket 
and  waterproof  sheet,  while  the  wagons  and  pack  animals  were 

33° 


RELIEF    OF    EKOWE 

reduced  to  the  smallest  proportions.  It  was  a  great  help  that 
sun-signalling  was  possible  between  Pearson  and  Chelmsford. 
A  battle  took  place  on  April  2nd  in  which  the  Zulus  were 
defeated,  after  fighting  with  conspicuous  bravery.  They  wore 
crests  of  leopard  skins  and  feathers,  the  tails  of  wild  oxen 
dangled  from  their  necks,  and  they  carried  white  and  coloured 
shields.  They  approached  with  a  sort  of  measured  dance,  but 
at  about  three  hundred  yards  the  flame  burst  forth  from  the 
shelter-pit,  and  a  number  of  the  fearless  enemy  fell.  But,  nothing 
daunted,  the  main  body  again  advanced  and  boldly  faced  the 
murderous  fire.  At  last  a  charge  of  cavalry  decided  the  fate  of 
the  conflict.  The  British  loss  was  small,  only  two  officers  and 
four  privates  being  killed,  and  three  officers  and  thirty-four 
privates  wounded,  whereas  the  Zulus  must  have  lost  nearly  a 
thousand  men — a  number  which  pains  one  to  chronicle  and 
which  seriously  detracts  from  the  glory  of  the  exploit.  At 
length,  on  April  3rd,  Pearson  and  Chelmsford  met,  and  a 
rousing  British  cheer  celebrated  the  event.  Pearson  had  been 
beleaguered  for  seventy  days,  the  monotony  of  which  had  been 
relieved  by  lawn  tennis,  bowls,  ninepins  and  quoits,  together 
with  concerts  and  theatrical  performances. 

With  the  relief    of   Ekowe,  the  first  period  of  the  Zulu  War  Reinforce- 
came  to  an  end.     There  was  no  danger  of  an  invasion  of  Natal,  ments  for 
but    it    was    thought    necessary    to    capture    Cetewayo.      Large  the  Cape* 
reinforcements    arrived    from    England,    comprising    9,000    troops 
and    2,000  horses,  the    cavalry  being    the   most  wanted  and  the 
most  important.     With  the  force  arrived  the  Prince  Imperial  of 
France,   a  noble  and  chivalrous  youth,   destined  to  perish  in  a 
quarrel  not  his  own,  in  a  moment  of  surprise  and  treachery.     A 
new  plan  of  campaign  was  formed,  by  which  the  principal  forces 
operating,  one  from  Utrecht  and  the  other  from  Durban,  were 
to  make  an  attack  upon  the  King's  kraal  at  Ulundi. 

About    the    middle    of   May   the    task,    too   long    delayed,    of  The  Field 
burying  the  dead  at   Isandhlwana  was   undertaken.      The  work  of 
was  a  very  sad  one.      At  the  same  time,  there  was   nothing    of  * 
the    horrors    of    a    recent    battlefield.      Silence    reigned    in    the 
solitude  ;    grass   had  grown   luxuriantly   round   the   wagons   and 
shrouded  the  dead,  who  had  been  lying  there  for  four  months. 
Rider  and  horse,  officer  and  private,  man  and  boy,  their  parch- 
ment-looking  skins   half   eaten   by   the   carrion   crows   and   half 
covering  the  bleaching  bones,   formed  a  gruesome  sight.     Many 
of  the  bodies  were  recognised  ;    Durnford  was  found  in  a  patch 
of  grass,  surrounded  by  those  who  had  fallen  near  him,  and  was 

331 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Cetewayo's 
Efforts  for 
Peace. 


The  War 
Continued. 


buried  with  deep  respect  in  a  donga,  close  to  the  spot  where  he 
fell.  The  dead  were  roughly  buried,  excepting  the  men  of  the 
24th  Regiment,  who  were  left  to  be  interred  by  their  comrades. 
Fifty-five  wagons  were  brought  away  by  the  horses  and  mules, 
and  a  quantity  of  stores  was  stowed  in  them.  The  staff  which 
had  borne  the  colours  of  the  24th  was  also  recovered,  and  the 
men  returned  to  the  camp  with  due  precautions  for  their 
safety. 

During  the  whole  of  this  time  Cetewayo  was  continuously 
asking  for  peace,  professing  not  to  understand  the  object  of 
the  war.  As  early  as  March  3rd  he  sent  a  message  to  Bishop 
Schneider,  saying  that  he  had  taken  care  of  the  deserted  mission 
stations,  not  allowing  them  to  be  damaged,  thinking  that  the 
missionaries  might  return  to  them  ;  but  in  some  cases  they  had 
come  back  and  converted  them  into  forts,  whereupon  his  people 
had  destroyed  them,  which  he  could  not  complain  of,  seeing  the 
use  which  had  been  made  of  them.  He  also  said  that  he  had 
never  desired  war,  that  he  had  never  refused  the  terms  proposed 
to  him,  that  he  had  collected  the  600  head  of  cattle  which 
were  asked  for,  that  the  attack  upon  Isandhlwana  was  not  made 
by  his  orders,  and  that  his  Induna  was  in  disgrace  for  it,  and  that 
he  wished  negotiations  to  be  resumed,  with  a  view  to  a  permanent 
settlement.  He  also  sent  back  the  book  given  to  him  by  the 
Government  at  the  time  of  his  accession,  and  asked  that  it  might 
be  shown  to  him  in  what  respect  he  had  transgressed  its 
provisions.  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  open  communications, 
because  his  messengers  were  fired  upon  and  in  some  cases  detained. 
In  one  case  the  Natal  papers  reported  that  when  a  small  party 
bearing  a  white  flag  approached  the  British  station  the  flag  was 
fired  at  to  test  its  sincerity.  Unfortunately,  Cetewayo's  efforts 
to  make  peace  were  never  encouraged,  and  the  opinion  was  held 
that  his  messengers  were  spies. 

At  the  same  time  the  Home  Government  was  expressing  its 
desire  that  the  war  should  terminate  at  the  earliest  moment 
consistent  with  the  honour  of  the  British  arms  and  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Zulu  question.  But  when  war  is  once  begun  the 
officers  conducting  it  are  generally  reluctant  to  make  peace  until 
the  enemy  has  been  entirely  crushed.  In  May  it  was  reported 
that  the  King  was  suing  for  peace.  He  said,  "  White  men 
have  made  me  King,  and  I  am  their  son.  Do  they  kill  the 
man  in  the  afternoon  whom  they  have  made  King  in  the  morn- 
ing ?  What  have  I  done  ?  I  want  peace ;  I  ask  for  peace." 
Lord  Chelmsford,  however,  was  of  opinion  that  Cetewayo  must 

332 


DEATH    OF    THE    PRINCE    IMPERIAL 

be  deposed,  and  that  peace  must  be  signed  at   Ulundi,   in  the 
presence  of  the  British  force. 

On  Sunday,  June  ist,  occurred  the  episode  in  which  the  The  Prince 
Prince  Imperial  lost  his  life.  It  is  so  important  in  itself  and  so  imperial's 
characteristic  of  the  conduct  of  the  war  that  a  detailed  account 
should  be  given  of  it.  The  Prince  had  arrived  in  Natal  early  in 
April.  He  acted  at  first  as  extra  aide-de-camp  to  Chelmsford, 
but  afterwards  became  attached  to  Colonel  Harrison,  of  the 
Engineers.  Harrison  was  requested  to  find  him  some  work,  and 
he  was  asked  to  collect  information  about  the  distribution  of 
troops  and  similar  objects.  He  then  accompanied  Harrison  on 
a  skirmishing  expedition  into  Zululand,  undertaken  with  the 
object  of  ascertaining  which  route  the  invading  forces  should 
take.  They  were  thus  occupied  from  May  I3th  to  I7th,  camp- 
ing by  night  with  their  horses  saddled  and  bridled,  marching 
at  dawn,  and  driving  the  Zulu  scouts  before  them.  The  Prince 
was  then  sent  back,  but  on  May  i8th  received  permission  to 
return  and  begin  a  new  reconnaissance.  Harrison  was  now 
informed  that  he  was  to  consider  the  Prince  Imperial  as  attached 
to  the  quartermaster's  staff  for  duty,  but  that  it  was  not  put 
into  orders  because  the  Prince  did  not  belong  to  the  army.  He 
did  not  live  with  Harrison,  and  only  saw  him  when  he  came  for 
work  or  orders,  which  was  very  frequently.  On  May  24th  the 
Prince  was  ordered  to  prepare  the  plan  of  a  divisional  camp  ; 
but  that  evening  Harrison  was  rebuked  by  Chelmsford  for  having 
allowed  the  Prince  to  go  out  of  the  lines  without  an  escort,  and 
gave  orders  that  this  should  not  be  done  in  future,  and  the  Prince 
received  orders  to  this  effect  in  writing.  He  was  then  required 
to  make  a  map  of  the  country,  from  the  reports  received,  and 
this  he  did  very  well. 

As  the  month  advanced,  reconnaissances  were  extended  into  The  Fatal 
the  country  and  no  enemy  was  seen.     On  May  3ist  the  Prince  Reconnais- 
was  told  that  the  army  was  to  march  on  the  following  day,  and  sance> 
that  he  might  go  out  and  report  on  the  roads  and  the  camps  for 
the  purpose.     Lieutenant  Carey,  who  was  Harrison's  subordinate 
officer,  expressed  a  desire  to  go  with  the  Prince,  as  he  wished  to 
verify  a  sketch  previously  made,  and  Harrison  said  to  him,  "  All 
right,  you  can  look  after  the  Prince  "  ;    but  at  the  same  time  he 
was  told  that  the  Prince  was  to  be  allowed  to  do  the  work  of 
making  a  report  upon  the  road  and  fixing  a  site  for  the  camp. 
Carey  and  the   Prince  were   to  set   out   with  an  escort    of   six 
Europeans,  a  friendly  Zulu,  and  six  Basutos ;    but  the  Basutos, 
who  were  invaluable  as  scouts,  never  arrived. 

333 


A   HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Precautions 
Neglected. 


Death  of 
the  Prince. 


Wolseley 

Supersedes 

Chelmsford. 


The  party  set  out  along  a  valley  running  north-east  and 
gradually  narrowing.  They  reached  the  watershed  in  about  an 
hour,  and  were  overtaken  by  Harrison,  who  ordered  them  to 
wait  till  the  Basutos  came  up.  The  Prince  said,  "  Oh  !  we  are 
quite  strong  enough,"  and  they  pushed  on  to  the  river.  They 
proceeded  for  four  miles  along  a  deep,  sandy  ravine,  with  pre- 
cipitous sides,  and  came  to  an  open  space  from  which  a  path  led 
to  a  deserted  kraal  about  two  miles  away.  They  went  on  about 
two  miles  farther,  but  then  off-saddled.  It  was  a  very  dangerous 
place — a  kraal,  surrounded  by  tall  grass.  Remains  of  cooking 
showed  that  the  kraal  had  been  recently  occupied,  and  dogs 
came  out  and  barked  at  the  intruders.  No  precautions  were 
taken ;  the  horses  were  knee-haltered  and  turned  out  to  graze, 
coffee  was  prepared,  and  no  search  was  made  in  the  surrounding 
grass. 

Yet  all  this  time  a  party  of  thirty  or  forty  Zulus  were  watch- 
ing the  doomed  men,  waiting  for  the  moment  to  attack.  They 
crept  up  through  the  rank  vegetation  till  their  presence  was 
detected  by  the  Zulu  who  accompanied  the  British.  He  gave  the 
alarm,  the  horses  were  collected,  and  the  men  prepared  to  mount. 
Suddenly  a  volley  was  fired  from  the  river,  the  horses  were  seized 
with  terror  and  broke  away,  and  a  private  was  shot  dead.  The 
Prince's  horse  —  a  grey,  sixteen  hands  high,  very  difficult  to 
control — became  wild  with  fear.  The  escort  galloped  away,  each 
anxious  to  save  his  own  life,  and  the  Prince  was  left  alone.  He 
made  desperate  attempts  to  mount,  by  means  of  his  holster  flap, 
but  the  leather  broke,  and  he  fell  beneath  his  horse,  which 
trampled  on  him.  His  body  was  afterwards  found,  pierced  with 
eighteen  assegai  wounds,  stripped,  with  nothing  but  the  amulet 
which  his  mother  had  given  him  hanging  round  his  neck  The 
body  was  conveyed  to  England  and  buried  beside  his  father's 
at  Chislehurst. 

About  the  middle  of  June  news  arrived  in  South  Africa  that 
Chelmsford  had  been  superseded,  Sir  Garnet  Wolseley  having 
been  recalled  from  Cyprus  and  made  Governor  of  South  Africa, 
High  Commissioner  of  Natal  and  the  Transvaal,  and  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  forces  in  South  Africa.  However,  till  his  arrival 
operations  were  continued  which  lasted  till  the  end  of  the  month. 
On  July  27th  some  natives  arrived  from  Cetewayo  bringing  150 
of  the  oxen  captured  at  Isandhlwana,  a  pair  of  elephant's  tusks, 
and  a  letter  written  by  a  Dutch  dealer,  who  was  with  the  King. 
The  letter  said  that  the  King  could  not  comply  with  the  whole 
of  Chelmsford's  demands,  as  the  arms  taken  at  Isandhlwana  had 

334 


BATTLE    OF    ULUNDI 

not  all  come  in,  and  that  he  had  no  power  as  King  to  disband  his 
regiments.  He  asked  the  English,  on  receipt  of  what  they  had 
asked  for,  to  retire  from  the  country.  To  this  Chelmsford  replied 
that  he  must  advance  to  the  Umvolosi,  that  he  would  remain 
there  quietly  till  noon  on  July  3rd,  when,  if  certain  conditions 
were  complied  with,  proposals  for  peace  would  be  entertained, 
Apparently  no  reply  was  received  to  this  ultimatum. 

Wolseley  landed  at  Durban  on  June  28th,  and  Chelmsford  Battle  of 
acquainted  him  with  what  he  had  done.  The  final  battle  of  Ulundi  Ulundi. 
was  fought  on  July  4th.  Chelmsford  had  under  his  command  a 
force  of  a  little  over  5,000  men.  Redvers  Buller,  who  led  the 
attack,  fought  with  his  men  in  two  ranks.  The  first  were 
mounted,  ready  to  attack  any  weak  point  in  the  enemy's  line ; 
the  second  dismounted,  using  their  saddles  as  a  rest  for  their 
rifles.  When  the  front  rank  were  exhausted  they  retired,  and  the 
second  then  took  their  places,  each  thus  in  turn  relieving  the 
other.  At  last  the  Zulus  advanced  with  a  grand  front  attack, 
showing  great  courage.  One  who  was  present  tells  us  that  their 
wild  yells  and  unearthly  war-cries  were  heard  through  the  bang 
and  rattle  of  the  musketry  fire.  Drury-Lowe  charged  with  his 
lancers,  who,  in  their  furious  onslaught,  pressed  through  the  wall 
of  human  flesh,  but  the  Zulus  fought  on  stubbornly,  stabbing 
at  the  horses'  bellies  and  trying  to  drag  the  men  from  their 
saddles.  Lord  William  Beresford  pursued  the  flying  Zulus  with  his 
dragoons.  At  last  the  enemy's  force  was  broken  and  the  Battle 
of  Ulundi  was  won,  and  was  celebrated  at  the  time  as  a  great 
victory  for  British  arms.  The  Zulus  numbered  at  least  23,000, 
of  whom  over  1,500  were  lost.  The  British  loss  was  very  small, 
about  a  dozen  killed  and  eighty  wounded.  The  King's  five  great 
kraals  had  been  destroyed. 

For  some  reason  the  Battle  of  Ulundi  was  not  followed  up.  Wolseley 
The  Zulu  army  had  been  thoroughly  broken  and  dispersed,  and  Assumes 
nothing  could  have  prevented  Chelmsford  from  destroying  the 
King's  stronghold  and  securing  a  complete  victory.  Instead  of 
this,  he  retired  and  resigned  his  command ;  but  it  cannot  be  said 
whether  this  was  due  to  the  action  of  Wolseley  or  not.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  Wolseley  had  been  sent  out  to  finish  the  war  as 
speedily  as  possible.  Accordingly,  he  crossed  the  Tugela  on 
July  6th,  reached  the  headquarters  of  the  first  division  near  Port 
Durnford  next  day,  set  to  work  to  reduce  expenses,  dispensed 
with  the  services  of  the  Naval  Brigade,  stopped  reinforcements 
of  every  description,  and  gave  up  the  idea  of  an  invasion  of 
Swaziland. 

335 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Search  for  it  only  remained  to  find  Cetewayo,  who  was  said  to  be  some 
Cetewayo.  wjjere  to  the  north  of  the  Black  Umvolosi,  with  a  small  number 
of  adherents ;  and  a  force  of  cavalry  was  sent  from  Ulundi  for 
this  purpose.  They  endeavoured  in  vain  to  induce  his  people 
to  betray  him,  but  his  folk  clung  to  him  with  the  utmost 
devotion,  as  the  Highlanders  clung  with  loyalty  to  the  fugitive 
Prince  Charlie.  The  chase  was  most  adventurous  and  most 
picturesque.  The  men  had  to  live  on  what  they  found  in  the 
kraals — sour  milk,  cakes  of  Indian  corn,  pumpkins,  sweet  potatoes, 
and  native  beer.  Their  road  led  through  a  thickly- wooded  forest, 
with  strange  trees,  like  an  artificial  park.  In  some  places  they 
came  to  treeless  plains  and  flats  broken  by  bamboos  and  massive 
jungles  which  seemed  almost  impenetrable  ;  but  in  others  they 
met  with  better  cultivated  land,  with  large  fields  of  maize.  Now 
they  found  tamarinds,  which  gave  them  a  pleasant  shade  ;  now 
tracts  of  long,  stiff  grass,  which  came  up  to  their  saddle-flaps  and 
tickled  the  horses ;  now  an  open  steppe,  with  a  distant  view  of 
the  hills  in  front ;  now  a  thick  wood,  where  the  foliage  was  so 
dense  that  they  could  scarcely  see  the  steps  of  those  in  front  ; 
now  they  gazed  at  the  valleys  and  rivers  below  from  an 
elevation  of  2,000  feet. 

The  King  From  August   igth  to  August   27th  their  long  marches  were 

irs>  incessant.  At  last  they  came  to  a  kraal  which  the  King 
had  left  early  in  the  morning  ;  mats,  blankets,  and  a  snuff- 
box were  recognised  as  belonging  to  him.  Marching  all  night, 
they  came  at  daybreak  within  four  miles  of  the  kraal  in  which 
they  were  told  that  the  King  was  lying.  They  knew  that  he  was 
footsore  and  very  weary.  By  and  by  his  hut  was  surrounded, 
and  the  native  friendlies  said  to  the  King's  men,  "  The  white 
man  is  here  ;  you  are  caught  !  " 

Major  Marter,  who  commanded  the  detachment,  rode  up  and 
called  on  Cetewayo  to  surrender. 

The  King  replied,  '  Enter  into  my  hut  ;  I  am  your 
prisoner." 

This  Marter  declined  to  do,  and  the  King  came  forth  with  a 
dignity  which  could  not  have  been  surpassed,  and  when  a 
dragoon  tried  to  lay  hands  on  him,  he  said  to  the  soldier,  "  Do 
not  touch  me.  I  surrender  to  your  chief." 

When  Lord  Gifford,  who  had  commanded  the  expedition,  came 
upon  the  scene,  the  King  said  that  he  surrendered  to  him,  and  not 
to  Marter  ;  and  then,  as  an  eyewitness  tells  us,  with  head  erect 
and  regal,  though  savage,  dignity,  and  the  mien  of  a  Roman 
Emperor,  he  marched  between  the  lines  of  the  6oth  Rifles  to 

336 


CETEWAYO    A    PRISONER 

the    tent    prepared    for   him,    the   men   presenting    arms    as   he 
passed. 

Thus  ended  the  Zulu  War.  Cetewayo  was  taken  as  prisoner 
to  Cape  Town ;  and  the  Zulu  country,  so  well  governed  by  a 
single  man,  was  split  up  into  thirteen  districts,  each  governed  by 
its  own  chief. 


337 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  PACIFICATION  OF  AFGHANISTAN 

Mayo's  AT  the  risk  of  repetition,  we  must  give  an  account  of  Great 
Yiceroyalty.  Britain's  dealings  with  India  under  the  Beaconsfield  Govern- 
ment, on  which  we  have  already  touched  in  the  chapter  devoted 
to  the  general  survey  of  his  Ministry.  The  suppression  of  the 
Mutiny  marked  an  epoch  in  the  relations  of  Great  Britain  to  her 
Indian  dependency.  The  conquest  of  India  within  natural 
frontiers  was  at  an  end.  The  native  States  were  at  peace,  their 
limits  defined,  their  dynasties  were  established,  and  their  exist- 
ence was  guaranteed.  In  1869  Sir  John  Lawrence  was  succeeded 
as  Viceroy  by  the  Earl  of  Mayo,  appointed  by  Disraeli  just  before 
his  Government  came  to  an  end.  The  appointment  was  far  from 
popular,  and  Gladstone  was  urged  to  cancel  it ;  but  the  proposed 
Viceroy  proved  a  success.  On  his  arrival  in  India  he  found  the 
Afghan  question  still  unsolved,  the  dispute  about  the  frontier 
being  difficult  to  determine.  From  Baluchistan  to  Chitral  there 
is  a  debatable  zone  of  tribal  territory,  occupied  by  restless 
warriors,  who  owed  a  very  imperfect  submission  to  their  nominal 
suzerain,  the  Amir  of  Afghanistan  ;  and  it  was  hard  to  decide 
where  the  limit  of  British  rule  should  be  drawn,  especially  in  view 
of  the  advance  of  Russia  in  Central  Asia.  Various  plans  had 
been  formed  of  a  very  divergent  character,  some  authorities  hold- 
ing that  the  frontier  of  the  British  Empire  should  be  withdrawn 
to  the  Indus ;  others  that  the  intermediate  zone  should  be 
conquered  ;  some  that  Afghanistan  should  be  partitioned,  or  the 
country  conquered  between  the  Oxus  and  the  Indus  ;  but,  as  a 
fact,  Great  Britain  had  stopped  at  the  base  of  the  mountains, 
had  left  the  tribes  independent,  and  had  regarded  Afghanistan 
as  an  inviolable  buffer  State. 

Shere  All's  A  new  epoch  began  with  the  death  of  Dost  Mohammed  in 

Reign.  1863,  an  event  which  was  followed  by  an  internecine  war  between 

his  sons.  Shere  Ali  held  the  throne  for  two  years,  and  was  then 
driven  from  Cabul  and  Candahar  by  his  elder  brother  Afzal. 
Afzal  died  and,  as  his  eldest  son,  Abdurrahman,  gave  up  the  claim 
to  the  succession,  the  throne  passed  to  another  brother,  Azim. 
In  1868  Shere  Ali,  starting  from  Herat,  gained  possession  of  all. 

338 


SHERE    ALI    AND    BRITAIN 

the  dominions  of  Dost  Mohammed,  and  ruled  them  for  ten  years. 
The  policy  of  Great  Britain,  at  this  time,  was  to  recognise  the 
de  facto  ruler,  whoever  he  might  happen  to  be.  Lawrence,  there- 
fore, recognised  Shere  Ali,  as  soon  as  he  had  consolidated  his 
power,  and  made  him  a  present  of  arms  and  money.  Lord  Mayo 
met  Shere  Ali  in  conference  at  Amballa  in  March,  1869 ;  but 
when  the  Amir  made  proposals  for  a  closer  alliance  the  Viceroy 
was  compelled  by  the  Home  Government  to  refuse  them,  much 
to  Shere  Ali's  disappointment.  He  took  back  with  him  no  treaty, 
but  only  a  promise  of  moral  support,  whatever  that  might  mean. 
In  1869  an  agreement  had  been  made  with  Russia  that  the  Oxus 
should  be  accepted  as  a  boundary  of  Shere  Ali's  dominions 
to  the  north,  and  that  Russia  should  respect  the  integrity  of 
his  country  so  long  as  he  promised  not  to  interfere  with 
Bokhara. 

In  1872  Lord  Mayo,  while  visiting  the  convict  settlement  in  Shere  Ali's 
the  Andaman  Islands,  was  assassinated  by  a  fanatic,  and  was  APPe^  to 
succeeded  by  Lord  Northbrook.  The  latter's  relations  with  the 
Amir  were  not  so  good  as  those  of  his  predecessor.  Russia  was 
making  rapid  advances  in  Central  Asia,  and  Shere  Ali  was  alarmed 
at  them,  especially  at  the  conquest  of  Khiva  in  June,  1873.  The 
Amir  was  deeply  anxious  for  an  alliance  with  Great  Britain  to 
protect  him  against  Russia.  But  the  Liberal  Government,  afraid 
of  entanglements,  gave  him  nothing  but  vague  promises.  Yet 
the  opportunity  of  making  friends  with  the  Amir  ought  not  to 
have  been  allowed  to  pass.  Shere  Ali  was  bitterly  disappointed, 
and  sought  with  Russia  the  friendship  which  Great  Britain  had 
denied  him.  Consequently,  when  Disraeli  became  Prime  Minister, 
the  Government,  with  a  dread  of  the  advance  of  Russia,  suspected 
Shere  Ali  of  friendly  feelings  towards  their  enemy,  and  desired 
the  Viceroy  to  press  upon  him  the  admission  of  a  British  Resident 
into  his  country,  to  be  stationed  first  at  Herat  and  afterwards  at 
Cabul.  The  Viceroy  and  his  whole  Council  protested  against 
the  proposal,  on  the  ground  that  this  change  of  policy  would 
produce  a  disastrous  effect  in  the  mind  of  the  Amir.  In  1868 
and  1873  Shere  Ali  had  entreated  the  British  Government  to 
make  a  close  alliance  with  him,  in  order  to  protect  him  against 
Russia,  and  he  had  been  assured  there  was  no  need  for  appre- 
hension. It  would  be  inconsistent  and  unwise  to  force  upon 
him  the  alliance  which  had  been  emphatically  rejected,  together 
with  a  condition  which  he  had  always  regarded  as  impossible. 
Unable  to  convince  the  Home  Government  of  the  soundness  of 
his  views,  and  unwilling  to  commit  himself  to  their  adventurous 

339 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Lytton  and 
Shere  Ali. 


War 

Declared 
with 
Afghanistan. 


policy,  Lord  Northbrook  magnanimously  resigned  his  office,  and 
Lord  Lytton  was  appointed  in  his  place. 

Lytton  proved  himself  the  willing  instrument  of  the  new 
Imperial  policy,  which,  if  he  did  not  originate,  at  all  events  he 
executed.  He  acceded  to  the  demands  which  Shere  Ali  had  put 
forward  in  1873,  but  the  latter  was  stubborn  in  refusing  the 
acceptance  of  a  Resident.  The  Amir  pointed  out,  with  truth, 
that  he  would  be  unable  to  protect  a  British  Resident  against 
the  fanaticism  of  his  subjects,  and  urged  that  if  he  admitted  a 
representative  from  Great  Britain  he  must  also  admit  one  from 
Russia.  Lytton  apparently  believed  that  Shere  Ali  was  intriguing 
with  Russia,  and  such  ultimately  became  the  case,  although  up 
to  May,  1877,  all  letters  from  Russia  were  opened  in  the  presence 
of  the  native  who  represented  the  British  Government  at  Cabul, 
and  communicated  to  the  Viceroy.  The  occupation  of  Quetta 
in  1876  increased  the  terror  of  the  Amir,  and  an  interview  which 
took  place  at  Peshawar  between  the  representatives  of  the  Viceroy 
and  the  Amir  produced  no  result.  When  the  Afghan  envoy, 
Syed  Nur  Mohammed,  whose  name  should  be  mentioned 
with  honour,  died,  Lytton  refused  to  receive  his  successor, 
who  was  already  on  his  way,  and  broke  off  communications 
with  Shere  Ali,  who  naturally  turned  to  Russia.  It  is  difficult 
to  defend  the  vacillating  and  yet  precipitate  policy  of  Great 
Britain  towards  Afghanistan  during  the  ten  years  which  followed 
1868. 

We  have  already  narrated  at  length  the  conduct  of  the  British 
Government  towards  Russia.  The  two  nations  were  on  the 
brink  of  war,  which  was  only  averted  by  the  Congress  of  Berlin, 
and  Russia  naturally  endeavoured  to  create  a  diversion  in  India. 
On  June  isth,  1878,  the  very  day  on  which  the  Congress  of  Berlin 
held  its  first  sitting,  a  Russian  mission,  under  General  Stoletov, 
began  its  march  from  Tashkent  to  Cabul.  Shere  Ali  endeavoured 
to  arrest  its  progress  ;  but  the  Russians  threatened  him  with  the 
rivalry  of  Abdurrahman,  his  nephew,  who  resided  in  their  country, 
so  that  he  was  compelled  to  submit,  and  possibly  even  signed  a 
treaty  with  the  Russian  Government.  This  news  decided  Lytton 
upon  vigorous  action,  and  he  announced  his  intention  of  sending 
Sir  Neville  Chamberlain  to  Cabul.  Stoletov,  on  hearing  of  this, 
left  Cabul,  and,  on  September  3Oth,  Major  Cavagnari,  who  com- 
manded the  advance  guard  of  Chamberlain's  mission,  was  stopped 
at  the  fort  of  Ali  Musjid,  refused  an  entrance  to  the  Khyber  Pass, 
and  eventually  war  was  declared  on  November  zist,  1878.  Shere 
Ali  deserves  our  pity  ;  he  had  done  his  best  to  avert  the  dangeis 

340 


MURDER    OF    CAVAGNARI 

which  threatened  his  country,  and  the  death  of  his  younger  son, 
Abdullah  Jan,  had  nearly  disordered  his  mind. 

Afghanistan  was  invaded  by  three  columns — Sir  Samuel 
Browne  marched  from  the  Khyber  to  Jelalabad  ;  Sir  Frederick 
Roberts  executed  his  famous  advance  through  the  Kuram  Pass, 
and  stormed  the  heights  of  Peiwar ;  and  Sir  Donald  Stewart 
marched  from  Quetta  to  Candahar.  Shere  Ali  fled  northwards 
to  Turkestan,  leaving  his  son  Yakub  Khan  to  make  terms  with 
the  invader ;  and,  rejected  by  the  Russian  General  Kauffmann, 
died  broken-hearted  in  February,  1879.  Lytton  would  have 
preferred  to  dismember  the  conquered  country,  but  the  British 
Government  made  with  Yakub  Khan  the  Treaty  of  Gundamuk 
in  May,  1879.  By  the  terms  of  this  treaty  the  Amir  was  to  follow 
the  orders  of  the  British  Government  in  conducting  his  foreign 
relations,  to  receive  a  British  Resident  at  Cabul,  to  place  under 
British  control  the  districts  of  Kuram,  Pishin  and  Sibi,  together 
with  the  passes  of  Khyber  and  Michni.  In  return  for  these 
concessions  the  Amir  was  to  be  protected,  by  arms,  money  and 
troops,  from  foreign  aggression  and  to  receive  an  annual  subsidy 
of  six  lakhs  of  rupees. 

The  chief  object  of  the  Treaty  of  Gundamuk  was  to  secure  Murder  of 
that  a  British  Resident  should  be  established  at  the  court  of  the  Cavagnari. 
Amir  Yakub  Khan  of  Afghanistan,  and  in  accordance  with  it  Sir 
Louis  Cavagnari  was  received  at  Cabul  as  Resident  on  July  24th, 
1879.  He  had,  as  escort,  a  mounted  guard  of  twenty-five  sowars, 
and  fifty  sepoys  of  the  Guides,  the  Amir  having  promised  to 
protect  him.  Certain  regiments  arrived  from  Herat  on  August 
5th  and  swaggered  through  the  streets  of  Cabul,  declaiming 
against  the  admission  of  the  ambassador.  Cavagnari  was  warned 
of  the  coming  storm,  but  remained  calm,  refusing  to  believe  the 
rumours  and,  when  convinced  of  their  truth,  saying,  "  They  can 
only  kill  the  three  or  four  of  us  here,  and  our  deaths  will  be 
avenged."  On  September  2nd  he  sent  a  message  to  the  Viceroy 
that  all  was  well ;  next  day  he  and  the  whole  mission  were  mur- 
dered ;  not  one  of  them  was  left.  Yakub  Khan  sat  in  his  palace, 
vacillating  and  sullen,  but  did  nothing.  Instead  of  employing 
the  troops  which  were  faithful  to  him  to  quell  the  disorder,  he 
only  sent  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  remonstrate.  It  was  not 
till  Cavagnari's  head  was  carried  through  the  bazaar  by  an  excited 
crowd  that  he  began  to  fear  British  vengeance. 

The  news  reached  Sir  Frederick  Roberts  at  Simla  at  midnight  Roberts  in 
on  September  4th,  and  he  secured  the  Shutargardan  Pass  and 
determined  to  move  6,000  men  upon  Cabul  as  soon  as  possible. 

341 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Mysterious 
Explosions 
in  Cabul. 


On  September  27th  the  Amir  arrived  in  the  British  camp  and 
was  treated  with  every  possible  mark  of  respect  and  given  a  guard 
of  honour.  The  visit  proved  that  he  had  lost  all  authority  in 
his  capital,  and  he  expected  that  the  British  Government  would 
avenge  the  murder  of  the  Embassy  but  replace  him  on  the  throne. 
The  Amir  tried  to  delay  the  advance,  but  Roberts  told  him  that 
not  a  day's  delay  would  take  place.  Roberts,  however,  issued 
a  proclamation  that  a  distinction  would  be  observed  between 
the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  Afghanistan  and  the  treacherous 
murderers  of  Cavagnari.  On  October  6th  the  mutinous  troops 
were  defeated  and  driven  from  the  heights  above  Charasiah,  and 
next  day  the  force  encamped  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Bala  Hissar 
and  the  city  of  Cabul.  On  October  I2th  Roberts  took  formal 
possession  of  the  Bala  Hissar,  and  a  durbar  was  held  at  which 
the  terms  imposed  upon  Cabul  were  announced.  The  proclama- 
tion asserted  that  justice  would  be  done  if  Cabul  were  utterly 
destroyed  and  its  name  for  ever  blotted  out,  but  that  the  British 
Government  would  be  merciful  and  spare  the  city.  At  the  same 
time,  the  buildings  which  interfered  with  the  military  efficiency 
would  be  levelled  with  the  ground  and  a  fine  imposed  upon  the 
inhabitants.  Cabul  and  the  country  for  ten  miles  round  were 
placed  under  martial  law  ;  a  military  governor  of  the  city  was 
appointed  to  administer  justice ;  the  carrying  of  arms  within 
the  city  or  within  five  miles  of  the  gates  was  forbidden,  and  anyone 
infringing  this  regulation  was  liable  to  the  penalty  of  death. 

Cabul  is,  in  itself,  not  an  impressive  city,  nor  is  the  Cabul 
river  a  majestic  stream.  Sometimes  it  rises  in  flood,  carrying 
away  all  obstacles  and  drowning  those  who  attempt  to  cross ; 
generally  it  crawls  along,  impotent  for  good  or  evil,  a  shallow 
streamlet  which  a  child  could  wade.  But  the  city  is  the  link 
between  Central  Asia  and  India,  and  its  bazaars  contain  both 
the  cloths  of  Bokhara  and  the  textiles  of  Manchester,  the 
hardware  of  Sheffield  and  Birmingham,  and  the  jewellery  of 
native  artificers — everything,  in  fact,  from  a  diamond  to  a  dhoti. 
Although  the  reception  of  the  British  troops  had  been  fairly 
friendly,  suspicions  were  aroused  by  an  explosion  in  the  arsenal, 
in  which  were  stored  some  millions  of  cartridges  and  nearly 
seventy  tons  of  gunpowder.  The  explosion  was  like  the  shock 
of  an  earthquake.  Darkness  blotted  out  everything,  and 
showers  of  bullets,  stones,  cartridges,  and  rubbish  fell  into  the 
surrounding  garden,  some  twelve  men  being  killed  and  seven 
wounded.  When  another  explosion  took  place  in  the  afternoon 
the  city  was  seized  with  panic,  the  shops  were  shut,  and  the 

342 


REPRISALS    IN    CABUL 

streets  deserted.     The  disaster  was  due  to  the  treachery  of  those 
who  resented  the  British  occupation. 

At  the  time  of  the  occupation  of  the  city  Yakub  Khan  had  Yakub  Khan 
resigned  the  office  of  Amir.  Roberts  was  strongly  opposed  to  his  Resi6ns- 
doing  so ;  but  Yakub  declared  he  would  rather  be  a  grass-cutter 
in  the  British  camp  than  Amir  of  Afghanistan.  He  was  ready 
to  go  to  India,  London,  Malta,  or  wherever  the  Viceroy  should 
send  him.  The  resignation  could  not  be  valid  until  it  was 
accepted  by  the  Viceroy,  and  when  this  was  given  Roberts 
assumed  the  government ;  but  the  Amir  was  kept  under  close 
guard,  lest  he  should  escape  to  Turkestan.  During  this  time  the 
causes  of  the  rising  against  Cavagnari  were  being  carefully  and 
systematically  investigated.  No  one  was  condemned  without  a 
fair  and  deliberate  trial,  nor  executed  without  the  personal  order 
of  Roberts.  Altogether  eighty-seven  persons  were  executed  under 
the  Military  Commission,  either  for  complicity  in  the  massacre 
or  for  subsequent  disturbances  of  the  peace.  At  the  beginning  of 
November  the  British  army  moved  into  cantonments  at  Sherpur, 
and  the  Bala  Hissar  was  dismantled.  The  cold  grew  intense,  and 
the  watercourses  were  frozen,  which  made  the  life  in  tents  very 
trying. 

Roberts  tells  us  that  probably  the  general  expectation  among  winter  in 
the  Afghans  was  that,  after  punishment  had  been  exacted  from  Cabul. 
the  people  and  the  city,  the  British  force  would  be  withdrawn ; 
but  the  occupation  of  the  fortified  lines  which  had  been  prepared 
by  Shere  Ali  for  his  own  army,  the  capture  of  the  artillery  and 
the  munitions  of  war  of  which  they  were  so  proud,  and  which 
had  been  so  laboriously  collected,  the  destruction  of  the  Bala 
Hissar,  and  the  exile  of  the  Amir,  had  animated  the  Afghans 
with  a  patriotic  hatred  of  the  foreign  invader.  This  feeling  was 
made  more  intense  by  the  preaching  of  the  aged  mullah,  or 
priest,  Mushk-i-Alam,  who  denounced  the  British  in  every  mosque 
throughout  the  country,  so  that  the  movement  speedily  assumed 
the  character  of  a  religious  war.  Thus,  in  the  winter,  there  were 
many  serious  risings  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cabul,  and  it  was 
only  by  hard  fighting  that  Roberts  was  able  to  keep  his  com- 
munications with  India  open.  With  great  skill  he  prevented  the 
different  sections  of  the  enemy  from  concentrating  at  Cabul. 

At  the  beginning  of  1880  Roberts  considered  the  condition  The 
of    Afghanistan    fairly    satisfactory.    The    country    had    become  Question 
tranquillised,   even  as  far  as  Candahar,   and  preparations  were  of  a  Ruler* 
made  for  the  advance  of  Sir  Donald  Stewart's  force  into  southern 
Afghanistan.    But  before  the  troops  could  withdraw,  it  had  to 

343 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Abdurrah- 
man 
Proclaimed 

Amir. 


be  settled  what  Great  Britain  was  to  do  with  Afghanistan  now 
that  she  had  got  it,  and  who  could  be  set  up  as  ruler,  with 
any  chance  of  being  able  to  hold  his  own.  Abdurrahman  Khan, 
who  occurred  to  some  as  a  likely  man,  had  been  living  since  1868 
in  exile  beyond  the  Oxus,  under  Russian  protection.  Roberts 
now  heard  that  he  was  at  Kanduz,  on  his  way  to  Badakhshan.  A 
fortnight  later  Sir  Donald  Stewart  was  informed  by  the  Prince's 
mother,  who  lived  at  Candahar,  that  his  cousin,  Ayub  Khan, 
having  asked  him  to  march  with  him  against  the  British,  her  son 
had  replied  that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  family  of 
Shere  Ah',  that  he  had  no  intention  of  opposing  the  British,  that 
he  could  not  leave  Russian  territory  without  the  permission  of 
the  Russians,  or  come  to  Cabul  without  an  invitation  from  the 
British  ;  but  that,  if  he  received  such  an  invitation,  he  would 
obey  it  at  once.  Lytton  felt  very  sanguine  about  Abdurrahman, 
and  desired  to  place  him  on  the  throne  of  Cabul.  By  the  end 
of  March  it  was  known  that  Abdurrahman  had  made  himself 
master  of  Afghan  Turkestan,  and  overtures  were  made  to  him. 
He  answered  them  in  a  guarded  manner,  saying  that  he  wished 
to  be  friends  with  the  British,  but  that  he  was  under  great 
obligations  to  the  Russians.  In  the  meantime,  Roberts  held  a 
durbar  on  April  I3th,  at  which  it  was  declared  that  Yakub  Khan 
would  not  be  allowed  to  return,  that  there  was  no  intention  of 
annexing  the  country,  that  the  British  would  withdraw  as  soon 
as  a  suitable  ruler  had  been  found,  and  that  Candahar  would  not 
again  be  united  to  Cabul. 

Sir  Donald  Stewart  had  left  Candahar  on  March  soth,  had 
gained  a  victory  at  Ahmed  Khel  on  April  igth,  and  reached 
Cabul  on  May  5th.  On  the  same  day  Roberts  heard  that 
Beaconsfield  had  ceased  to  be  Prime  Minister,  his  place  having 
been  taken  by  Gladstone,  that  Lytton  had  resigned  the  Vice- 
royalty,  that  Lord  Ripon  was  to  be  his  successor,  and  that 
Hartington  was  Secretary  of  State  for  India.  Ripon's  instruc- 
tions were  to  effect  a  peaceable  settlement  with  Afghanistan, 
the  Liberal  Cabinet  being  determined  as  far  as  possible  to  return 
to  the  state  of  things  which  existed  before  1876.  On  July  22nd 
Abdurrahman  was  formally  proclaimed  Amir,  with  the  under- 
standing that  he  was  to  have  no  foreign  relations  with  any  other 
State  except  Great  Britain.  He  was  to  be  defended  against 
outside  aggression  so  long  as  he  observed  this  condition,  and  he 
was  not  required  to  admit  a  British  Resident.  It  was  not, 
however,  intended  that  he  should  succeed  to  all  the  dominions 
of  Shere  AM,  for  Candahar  was  to  be  ruled  by  an  independent 

344 


THE    MARCH    ON    CANDAHAR 

prince,  and  Herat  was  to  remain  for  the  time  in  the  possession  of 
Ayub  Khan,  a  son  of  Shere  Ali. 

Immediately  after  the  durbar  orders  were  issued  for  the  Roberts' 
retirement  of  the  troops.  Some  time  later  Roberts  started  off  Promise- 
to  ride  to  the  Khyber  Pass ;  but,  obeying  a  sudden  presentiment, 
determined  to  return  to  Cabul,  and  on  the  way  was  met  by  Sir 
Donald  Stewart,  who  told  him  that  Ayub  Khan  had  almost 
annihilated  a  British  brigade  at  Maiwand  on  July  27th  and  was 
besieging  General  Primrose  in  Candahar.  Roberts  was  deeply 
affected  by  the  news.  It  was  impossible  to  say  how  far  what 
had  happened  would  affect  the  arrangements  with  Abdurrah- 
man or  what  the  attitude  of  the  tribesmen  would  be  ;  but  it  was 
certain  that  his  first  duty  was  to  send  assistance  to  Candahar 
from  Cabul.  He  was  strongly  in  favour  of  this  course,  although 
the  Government  first  thought  that  the  advance  should  be  made 
from  Quetta.  He  promised  that  he  would  reach  Candahar  within 
the  month,  and  Lord  Ripon  assented  to  this  proposal.  The  force 
under  him  consisted  of  about  10,000  men  of  all  ranks  and  18 
guns,  comprising  three  brigades  of  infantry,  one  of  cavalry,  and 
three  batteries  of  mountain  artillery.  The  army  had  to  take 
with  them  8,000  animals,  and  had  great  difficulty  in  providing 
food  and  fuel.  Sometimes  the  soldiers  could  only  cook  with  tiny 
roots  of  southern-wood,  which  had  to  be  dug  out  and  collected 
after  a  long  day's  march  before  the  men  could  eat  their  dinner. 

Roberts  began  the  memorable  march  on  Monday,  August  6th.  The 
As  a  rule,  the  army  rose  at  2.45  in  the  morning  and  by  4  every-  Wonderful 
thing  was  ready  for  the  day's  start.  A  halt  of  ten  minutes  candahar 
was  called  at  every  hour,  and  at  8  twenty  minutes  was  allowed 
for  breakfast.  The  column  changed  its  face  every  day,  the  front 
brigade  becoming  the  rearguard,  which  had  the  most  arduous 
duty,  in  preventing  the  followers  from  lagging  behind,  which 
meant  certain  death.  Towards  the  end  of  the  march  the  followers 
were  so  weary  and  footsore  that  they  laid  themselves  down  in 
ravines,  making  up  their  minds  to  die  and,  when  discovered, 
entreating  to  be  left  where  they  were.  But  such  care  was  taken 
that  only  twenty  were  lost,  besides  four  native  soldiers.  The 
temperature  varied  from  freezing-point  to  110°  F.,  and  was  very 
trying,  and  the  force  suffered  from  sandstorms  as  well  as  want 
of  water.  The  Zambak  Kotal,  8,000  feet  high,  had  to  be  crossed 
on  August  1 2th,  and  by  August  i5th  the  army  reached  Ghazni. 
At  Charden  they  learned  that  Candahar  was  closely  invested,  but 
had  supplies  for  two  months  and  forage  for  fifteen  days,  and 
on  August  2ist  they  opened  heliograph  communication  with  the 

345 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Surrender  of 
Candahar. 


Afghan 

Boundary 

Commission, 


town.  On  August  23rd  the  army  rested  for  a  day,  having  made 
a  continuous  march  of  275  miles.  On  August  3ist  Roberts — 
still  weak  from  the  fever  which  had  attacked  him — rode  into 
Candahar,  313  miles  from  Cabul.  He  had  covered  the  whole 
distance  in  twenty  days.  The  garrison  turned  out  and  gave  the 
relieving  force  a  hearty  welcome,  very  grateful  for  rendering  their 
assistance  so  quickly.  They  were  in  a  state  of  deep  depression, 
and  had  not  even  hoisted  the  Union  Jack  until  succour  was  close 
at  hand.  The  decisive  battle  took  place  on  September  ist,  and 
Ayub  Khan  was  completely  defeated.  Roberts  was  so  exhausted 
that  he  with  difficulty  found  strength  to  announce  his  victory 
to  the  Queen ;  but  he  woke  on  the  following  morning  to  realise 
that  the  march  had  ended.  Candahar  had  been  saved,  Ayub 
Khan's  army  was  routed  and  dispersed,  and  southern  Afghanistan 
was  freed  from  further  disturbance. 

The  evacuation  of  the  country  proceeded,  the  British  troops 
being  withdrawn  through  the  Bolan  and  Khyber  passes.  The 
policy  of  placing  Candahar  under  an  independent  ruler  proved 
a  failure  and  he  was  allowed  to  resign.  Candahar  was  evacuated 
in  1 88 1,  although  a  great  clamour  against  its  surrender  was  made 
by  the  so-called  Imperial  party,  of  which  Gladstone  was  believed 
to  be  a  bitter  antagonist.  In  point  of  fact,  the  evacuation  proved 
to  be  a  most  salutary  measure.  Nothing  bound  the  Amir  so 
closely  to  the  British  alliance  as  the  possession  of  a  place  he  had 
always  ardently  coveted.  It  is  true  that  it  was  not  obtained 
without  a  struggle,  because  Ayub  Khan,  advancing  from  Herat, 
occupied  and  held  the  city  for  a  few  months  ;  but  he  was  defeated 
by  Abdurrahman,  who  thus  became  master  both  of  Candahar  and 
Herat,  and  in  1883  his  subsidy  was  increased  to  eight  lakhs.  In 
this  manner  the  dominions  of  Dost  Mohammed  were  at  last  con- 
solidated under  a  capable  ruler,  who  was  firmly  convinced  of  his 
divine  right  to  hold  them  and  also  understood  that,  while  it  was 
the  interest  of  Russia  to  dismember  his  country,  it  was  the  interest 
of  Great  Britain  to  preserve  it  intact.  He  thus  fulfilled  his  part 
as  an  outpost  in  defence  of  the  northern  frontier  of  India. 

Ripon  was  succeeded  as  Viceroy  by  Lord  Dufferin,  and  in  1884 
the  occupation  of  Merv  by  Russian  troops  once  more  raised  the 
question  of  a  definite  boundary  between  Afghanistan  and  Russian 
territory  in  Asia.  The  chief  difficulty  arose  with  regard  to 
Penjdeh,  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  Afghans  ;  but  in  March, 
1885,  they  were  attacked  and  driven  out  by  the  Russians.  War 
between  Russia  and  Great  Britain,  however,  was  avoided  by  the 
statesmanlike  good  sense  of  Abdurrahman  and  the  diplomacy  of 

346 


LORD    LANSDOWNE    AND    THE    AMIR 

Dufferin.  The  Amir  was  determined  at  all  costs  to  prevent  a 
war  between  the  two  Powers  which  enclosed  his  frontier,  well 
knowing  that  it  would  be  a  fatal  calamity.  He  was  ready  to 
abandon  Penjdeh  if  he  were  allowed  to  hold  Zulfikar.  An  Afghan 
Boundary  Commission  was  appointed  which  worked  hard  to 
arrive  at  a  conclusion  during  the  years  1885  and  1886,  and  their 
conclusions  were  supplemented  and  ratified  by  an  agreement 
signed  at  St.  Petersburg  in  1887.  A  frontier  line  was  marked 
out  between  the  Heri  Rud  and  the  Oxus,  beyond  which  Russia 
was  not  to  advance  towards  India,  and  there  was  prospect  of  peace 
for  the  future. 

From  this  time  Abdurrahman  remained  consistently  faithful  The 
to  Great  Britain ;  but  his  personal  relations  with  successive  "  Forward 
Viceroys  naturally  varied  with  their  character  and  their  policies.  Policy«" 
Lord  Lansdowne,  who  succeeded  Dufferin,  was  not  so  intimate 
with  the  Amir  as  his  predecessor  had  been,  and  there  had  come 
about  a  gradual  change  in  British  frontier  policy.  Between  the 
two  countries  lay  a  belt  of  territory  occupied  by  semi-savage 
tribes  which  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Indian  Government  to  keep 
in  order,  although  it  was  impossible  to  foresee  anything  to  prevent 
their  depredations,  while  it  was  easy  for  the  Amir  to  foment 
disturbances  if  he  desired  to  do  so.  A  school  of  administrators 
arose  in  India  who  were  in  favour  of  a  forward  policy,  of  the 
rectification  of  the  frontier,  the  extension  of  railways,  and  the 
reduction  of  these  semi-independent  clans  to  order.  The  Amir 
viewed  approach  to  his  frontiers  with  jealousy,  and  desired  that 
the  tribes  under  his  religious  headship  should  be  left  alone. 
Abdurrahman  also  cherished  grievances  against  Great  Britain  for 
acts  of  aggression  in  the  Pamirs,  and  was  alarmed  at  the  approach 
of  the  British  railway  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Candahar.  How- 
ever, satisfactory  arrangements  were  made  in  1893,  when  it  was 
agreed  that  the  Afghan  frontier,  both  as  regarded  Great  Britain 
and  Russia,  should  be  settled  as  soon  as  possible.  The  Amir's 
yearly  subsidy  was  raised  from  £80,000  to  £120,000,  and  he  was 
promised  further  supplies  of  arms  and  ammunition.  Up  to  the 
time  of  his  death,  in  1901,  the  friendliness  of  his  relations  with 
the  British  Government  remained  unbroken. 

The   difficult   question   of   Indian   frontier   policy   had   to  be  Lord  Curzon 
settled  by  Lord  Curzon  of  Kedleston,  who  succeeded  Lord  Elgin  as  Viceroy. 
as  Viceroy  in  1899.    Having  made  a  special  study  of  the  frontier 
question  before  he  assumed  office,  he  held  a  position  intermediate 
between  the  two  schools,  the  forwards  and  their  opponents.    He 
did   not,    on   the    one    hand,  believe    in    extending    the    British 

347 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

dominion  until  it  touched  the  Afghan  frontier ;  nor,  on  the 
other,  was  he  in  favour  of  evacuating  Chitral,  Quetta,  and  the 
points  already  reached.  He  held  that  in  the  restless  districts 
the  place  of  British  troops  should  be  taken  by  tribal  levies,  trained 
and  commanded  by  British  officers.  The  tribes  were  assured  that 
no  interference  would  be  permitted  either  with  their  religion  or 
their  independence,  but  they  were  given  to  understand  that 
strict  order  must  be  kept  on  the  borderland.  Advantage  was 
taken  of  their  mutual  jealousies  and  suspicions,  and  they  were 
set  to  watch  each  other,  instead  of  looking  for  an  opportunity  to 
attack  their  common  enemy.  A  concentration  of  force  and  an 
increase  of  garrison  were  effected  within  the  British  lines,  the 
traffic  in  arms  and  ammunition  was  suppressed  so  far  as  possible, 
and  strategic  railways  were  pushed  forward.  This  wise  policy 
brought  about  an  era  of  peace  on  the  north-western  frontier, 
thus  testifying  to  the  success  with  which  it  had  combined 
the  advantages  of  economy,  efficiency  and  respect  for  tribal 
independence. 


348 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  TRAGEDY  OP  KHARTUM 

TEWFIK  PASHA  had  been  placed  on  the  throne  of  Egypt  in  1879  The 

by  the  joint  action  of  Great  Britain  and  France.     He  entered  Khedive's 

upon  his  office  with  a  high  reputation  for  integrity  and  accessi-  Reforms' 

bility  to  Western  ideas.     His  habits  were  simple,  thus  contrasting 

in  a  striking  manner  with  those  of  his  predecessor,  Ismail.     His 

first  act  on  succeeding  to  the  Khediviate  was  to  reduce  the  Civil 

List   from   £360,000   to   £200,000    a   year.     The   Porte   issued   a 

firman   confirming  Tewfik  in   all  the  privileges   enjoyed  by  his 

father.    Cherif  Pasha   was   ordered   to  resign,   and   Riaz   Pasha, 

who  was  reported  to  be  the  most  Liberal  of  Egyptian  statesmen, 

and  had  been  one  of  the  creators  of  the  system  of  Dual  Control, 

was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Government.     It  seemed  that  an 

era  of  peace  and  tranquillity  had  settled  over  the  land.     In  1880 

a  law  of  liquidation   was  passed  which   appeared  to  place  the 

financial  affairs  of  Egypt   on  a  satisfactory  footing,   and  other 

reforms  were  begun.     But  the  East  is  the  land  of  surprises,  and 

it  is  difficult  for  Western  rulers  to  understand  or  to  divine  what 

is  passing  in  the  Eastern  mind. 

There  was,  indeed,  some  cause  for  discontent.  The  law  of  "Egypt 
liquidation,  passed  to  secure  the  interests  of  foreign  bondholders,  for  the 
prevented  the  Khedive  and  his  ministers  from  devoting  the  E£yPtians!> 
revenue  of  their  country  to  the  development  of  Egypt,  and  the 
Dual  Control  involved  the  employment  and  maintenance  of  more 
than  1,300  persons  at  the  cost  of  nearly  £400,000.  A  cry  arose 
of  "  Egypt  for  the  Egyptians  !  "  and  in  1881  signs  of  trouble  began 
to  show  themselves.  Under  Ismail  Egypt  had  not  been  free  from 
military  pronunciamientos  and  the  interference  of  the  army  in 
the  government  was  to  be  expected.  On  February  ist  a  quarrel 
broke  out  between  the  Circassian  and  Egyptian  officers,  the  latter 
complaining  that  the  Circassians  were  treated  with  undue  favour, 
the  Minister  of  War  being  himself  a  Circassian.  Three  of  the 
Egyptian  colonels  having  been  placed  under  arrest,  the  regiment 
commanded  by  one  of  them  marched  to  the  military  prison,  broke 
open  the  doors,  and  released  their  chief.  The  soldiers  clamoured 
for  his  reinstatement  and  the  dismissal  of  the  Minister  of  War. 

349 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

The  Khedive  took  counsel  of  his  masters,  the  French  and  British 
consuls-general,  but  it  was  found  that  the  troops  in  Cairo  were 
not  strong  enough  to  put  down  the  mutineers,  and  that  a  black 
regiment  was  marching  to  join  the  latter.  Their  demands  were 
acceded  to,  the  Minister  of  War  was  dismissed,  and  the  soldiers 
returned  with  shouts  of  "  Long  live  the  Khedive  !  " 

The  Rise  of          Military  discontent  continued,  however,  and  a  colonel  in  the 
Arabi.  army,    known    as   Ahmed   Arabi,    "  the    Egyptian,"    but   better 

perhaps  as  Arabi  Bey,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  movement. 
Some  believed  that  he  was  an  enthusiastic  patriot,  eager  to  free 
his  country  from  a  foreign  yoke,  and  this  view  was  probably 
correct ;  but  he  could  not  make  himself  champion  of  the  national 
cause  without  becoming  a  mutinous  soldier,  and  as  that  he  had 
to  be  regarded.  He  would  certainly  have  deposed  the  Khedive 
if  he  had  found  an  opportunity  of  doing  so.  The  tone  of  Arabi's 
party  in  addressing  Tewfik  grew  increasingly  disrespectful,  and 
early  in  September  the  Khedive  ordered  that  the  4th  Regiment, 
of  which  Arabi  was  colonel,  should  be  transferred  from  Cairo 
to  Alexandria. 

Arabi's  To  resist  this  a  meeting  was  held  by  Arabi  and  his  partisans 

Demands.  on  September  7th,  at  which  it  was  determined  to  make  a 
demonstration  for  the  purpose  of  intimidating  the  Khedive  and 
compelling  the  resignation  of  Ministers.  On  Friday,  September 
9th,  the  Minister  of  War  received  a  letter  at  i  in  the  afternoon, 
signed  "  Arabi  Bey,"  in  which  he  was  informed  that  at  3  the 
army  would  assemble  in  the  square  before  the  Abdin  Palace  at 
Cairo,  and  demand  the  dismissal  of  Riaz  Pasha  and  his  colleagues, 
the  summoning  of  the  Chamber  of  Notables,  and  the  increase  of 
the  army  by  18,000  men.  Tewfik,  who  was  at  the  palace  of 
Ismailieh,  asked  the  advice  of  Sir  Auckland  Colvin,  one  of  the 
comptrollers  of  finance,  and  Mr.  Cookson,  the  consul-general, 
and,  in  accordance  with  their  views,  went  first  to  the  Abdin 
barracks,  where  he  summoned  the  ist  Regiment  of  the  Guard, 
and  then  to  the  citadel,  where  he  found  another  loyal  regiment, 
being  received  by  both  with  acclamation.  Had  he  marched  with 
these  two  regiments  to  Abdin  Square,  all  would  have  been  well, 
but  instead  he  drove  to  Abassieh,  where  Arabi's  regiment  was 
posted,  with  the  view  of  intercepting  him.  On  arriving  there  he 
found  that  Arabi  had  marched  off  half  an  hour  before  with 
eighteen  pieces  of  artillery,  and  on  returning  to  Abdin  Square 
he  saw  that  it  was  held  by  4,000  troops,  with  cavalry  in  the  centre 
and  guns  pointed  at  his  windows.  The  two  regiments  on  whom 
he  had  relied  had  joined  the  mutineers,  and  he  had  to  enter  the 

350 


TRIUMPH    OF    ARABI    PASHA 

palace  by  the  back  door.  Stimulated  by  Cookson,  he  went  into 
the  square,  but  showed  little  vigour  or  determination,  and  the 
result  was  that  Riaz  Pasha,  who  would  have  hanged  Arabi  at 
once,  was  forced  to  retire.  Cherif  Pasha  was  reinstated,  the 
Chamber  of  Notables  was  summoned,  and  the  mutinous  Arabi 
was  created  a  pasha. 

It  was  time  for  the  Dual  Control  to  interfere,  but  nothing  was  Arabi  and 
done  at  the  moment.  Tewfik  telegraphed  to  the  Porte  for  10,000  the  Sultan. 
men  to  put  down  the  revolt ;  but  Arabi  believed  that  he  had 
the  support  of  the  Sultan.  Cherif  Pasha  refused  to  accept  office 
unless  the  mutinous  regiments  were  dismissed  from  Cairo ;  but 
Arabi's  party  refused  to  allow  this,  and  demanded  the  right  to 
appoint  the  Minister  of  War,  an  increase  of  the  army,  and  a 
constitution.  Discovering,  however,  that  they  were  not  sup- 
ported by  the  Notables,  the  officers  agreed  to  leave  Cairo  for  a 
time,  to  adjourn  the  questions  of  the  increase  of  the  army  and 
the  constitution,  and  to  allow  Cherif  Pasha  to  choose  his  own 
Ministers.  But  although  peace  was  apparently  restored  it  was 
evident  that  Tewfik's  power  had  been  seriously  weakened. 

In  the  first  week  of  January,  1882,  Arabi  returned  to  Cairo,  Arabi's 
and  was  appointed  Under-Secretary  in  Cherif's  Ministry.  A  Manifesto, 
manifesto,  which  appears  to  have  been  drawn  up  by  him,  was 
published  in  The  Times,  demanding  the  abolition  of  the  Dual 
Control,  the  dismissal  of  European  officials,  and  the  adoption  of 
the  principle  of  Egypt  for  the  Egyptians.  This  movement  was 
resisted  by  the  Powers.  The  Notables  claimed  the  right  of 
regulating  the  budget,  to  which  the  comptrollers  objected,  and 
Cherif  Pasha  resigned,  his  place  being  taken  by  Mahmud  Samy, 
while  Arabi  was  appointed  Minister  for  War.  The  Notables 
became  an  important  part  of  the  Government.  Gambetta,  the 
Prime  Minister  of  France,  was  eager  for  intervention,  and  sup- 
ported the  sending  of  a  joint  Note  to  the  Khedive  assuring  him 
of  the  support  of  the  Western  Powers ;  but  France  was  not 
strong  enough  to  support  a  statesman  of  Gambetta's  energy,  and 
he  fell  from  power,  Freycinet,  a  man  of  very  different  stamp, 
taking  his  place.  Tewfik  was  helpless  and  Arabi  became  the 
most  powerful  man  in  Egypt. 

The  party  of  revolution  impudently  ignored  the  authority  of  The  Khedive 
the  Khedive,  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  summon  the  Chamber  ignored. 
without  consulting  him.    The  French  and  British  Governments 
were  so  much  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  Europeans  that  they  each 
sent   an   ironclad   to   Alexandria.    The   Nationalist   Government 
promised  to  protect  the  lives  of  foreigners,  but  intimated  that 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Arabi's 
Defiance. 


Arab! 

Controls  the 
Government. 


France 
Declines  to 
Interfere. 


they  only  recognised  the  authority  of  the  Porte  and  not  that  of 
Tewfik.  France  and  Great  Britain  now  moved  their  whole  fleets 
from  Suda  Bay  in  Crete  to  Alexandria,  declaring  that  they  would 
use  such  means  as  they  might  think  necessary  to  maintain  order 
and  the  authority  of  the  Khedive.  This  terrified  the  Ministers, 
and  they  hastened  to  the  Ismailieh  Palace  and  made  their  sub- 
mission to  Tewfik.  But  they  were  strongly  opposed  to  more 
vigorous  measures.  Arabi  was  ordered  to  retire  from  Egypt  for 
a  year,  but  he  refused  to  go,  and  the  whole  Ministry  resigned. 
Cherif  Pasha  was  asked  to  undertake  the  work  of  government, 
but  he  refused.  The  military  party  became  more  arrogant  than 
ever,  and  informed  the  Khedive  that  they  would  not  listen  to  the 
remonstrance  of  the  Powers  and  rejected  all  authority  except 
that  of  the  Porte.  Indeed,  on  May  27th,  Arabi  stimulated  a 
demonstration  with  the  object  of  warning  Tewfik  that,  unless 
the  portfolio  of  the  War  Office  were  returned  to  him,  the 
Khedive's  life  would  be  in  danger. 

When  the  combined  fleets  arrived  at  Alexandria,  Arabi,  the 
only  person  in  the  country  whose  authority  was  respected,  gave 
orders  to  put  the  harbour  in  a  condition  of  defence,  and  earth- 
works were  thrown  up  and  batteries  erected.  This  caused  great  un- 
easiness and,  on  May  soth,  Mr.  Cookson,  the  British  consul-general, 
sent  to  Lord  Granville  a  memorandum,  signed  by  the  principal 
merchants,  stating  the  dangerous  condition  of  affairs.  Arabi 
proceeded  to  increase  the  defences;  and  the  Porte  sent  a  com- 
missioner, Dervish  Pasha,  to  examine  the  situation,  but  no  one, 
apparently,  paid  the  slightest  attention  to  him.  Arabi  treated 
the  Khedive,  the  Sultan,  and  the  British  admiral,  Sir  Beauchamp 
Seymour,  with  equal  contempt. 

At  last,  on  June  nth,  a  riot  broke  out.  Mr.  Cookson  was 
dragged  out  of  his  carriage,  the  Greek  consul-general  was  attacked, 
and  a  French  consular  dragoman  and  several  French  and  British 
subjects  were  killed.  The  loss  of  life  was  estimated  at  from  fifty 
to  200.  The  representatives  of  the  Powers  at  Cairo  appealed  to 
Dervish  Pasha  to  ensure  the  security  of  Europeans  throughout 
Egypt,  but  he  declined  to  undertake  the  responsibility,  as  he  had 
no  troops.  They  had,  accordingly,  no  alternative  but  to  apply 
to  Arabi,  who  undertook  the  duty,  the  Khedive  and  Dervish  Pasha 
associating  themselves  with  him. 

What  was  to  be  done  ?  Gladstone  and  Granville  would  have 
been  false  to  their  promises  and  antecedents  if  they  had  not  used 
their  best  efforts  to  keep  clear  of  Egyptian  entanglements  ;  but 
they  could  not  continue  to  recognise  Arabi  as  the  ruler  of  Egypt. 

352 


BOMBARDMENT    OF    ALEXANDRIA 

They  endeavoured  to  act  in  concert  with  France,  but  the  Govern- 
ment of  that  country  was  not  in  a  position  to  take  vigorous 
measures,  and  the  only  French  statesman  who  could  have  done 
so  had  recently  fallen  from  power.  The  task  was  therefore  left 
to  Great  Britain  alone,  and  the  stress  of  circumstances  imposed 
upon  this  country  a  duty  which  had  been  continually  offered 
to  her,  which  she  had  persistently  rejected,  but  which  she  was 
now  forced  to  accept. 

On  July  loth  Sir  Beauchamp  Seymour  sent  an  ultimatum  to  Admiral 
Arabi,  demanding  not  only  that  the  work  on  the  forts  should  be 
discontinued,  but  that  they  should  be  placed  in  British  hands. 
By  this  time  nearly  all  the  European  inhabitants  had  taken  refuge 
on  the  foreign  ships.  As  no  message  was  received  from  Arabi  at 
nightfall  on  July  loth  the  British  ships  left  the  inner  harbour 
and  took  up  their  position  for  the  bombardment  of  the  forts,  and 
the  French  ships  sailed  away  to  Port  Said.  France  deliberately 
left  Great  Britain  master  of  the  field. 

Thirteen  British  vessels  were  present,  and  at  7  in  the  morning  The  Bom- 
of  July  nth  the  first  shot  was  fired  by  the  Alexandra,  and  the 
conflict  became  general.  One  of  the  forts  was  blown  up  at  8.30 
and  at  11.30  the  guns  of  another  were  silenced.  Fort  Pharos, 
at  the  extremity  of  the  beautiful  bay,  which  preserves  the  un- 
dying memory  of  Cleopatra,  and  perhaps  enshrines  her  embalmed 
remains,  held  out  till  4,  and  the  order  to  cease  fire  was  not  given 
till  5.30.  The  British  loss  was  five  killed  and  twenty-seven 
wounded.  As  the  forts  were  not  formally  surrendered,  the  bom- 
bardment was  resumed  on  the  following  morning.  The  Egyptians 
hoisted  a  white  flag,  but  said  to  those  who  replied  to  it  that 
they  could  not  surrender  the  forts  without  the  authority  of  the 
Khedive.  A  truce  was  agreed  to,  but  at  the  expiration  of  it 
the  Inflexible  opened  fire. 

It  was  then  found  that  the  entire  line  of  fortifications  had  Chaos  in 
been  evacuated  by  Arabi  and  his  troops  under  cover  of  the  white  AIexandri*» 
flag.  But,  by  accident  or  design,  the  prisons  had  been  thrown 
open  and  the  city  was  filled  with  abandoned  criminals,  who 
committed  every  outrage.  During  two  days,  July  I2th  and  i3th, 
the  city  was  given  up  to  every  kind  of  horror.  Property 
was  destroyed  and  many  people  were  killed,  chiefly  Greeks  and 
Levantines.  On  July  i4th  Seymour  deemed  it  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  send  a  force  of  bluejackets  and  marines  ashore  to  quell 
the  riots.  The  work  was  executed  promptly  and  efficiently. 
Plunderers  caught  red-handed  were  shot,  and  malefactors  were 
sent  to  the  prisons  from  which  they  had  escaped,  to  await  their 

*  353 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


trial.  Within  twenty-four  hours  order  had  been  restored.  The 
Khedive  had  been  confined  in  the  small  palace  which  lies  at  the 
end  of  the  Ramleh,  the  beautiful  sandy  stretch  which  extends 
six  miles  from  Alexandria  and  ends  with  the  Victoria  College. 
He  was  now  released  and,  placing  himself  under  British  protec- 
tion, was  conveyed  to  the  Palace  of  Ras-el-tin,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  harbour.  Alexandria  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the  British, 
but  Cairo  was  still  in  the  power  of  the  insurgent  military  chiefs  ; 
and  Arabi,  having  withdrawn  all  his  troops  from  the  former  city, 
was  prepared  to  defend  himself  in  the  desert. 

The  Powers  It  may  be  supposed  that  this  action  of  the  British  Government 
and  Britain.  was  noj.  consented  to  by  Gladstone  without  great  pain — a  feeling 
intensified  by  the  fact  that  John  Bright  felt  constrained  to  retire 
from  the  Ministry.  At  the  same  time  it  met  with  the  approval 
of  Europe.  Germany  and  Austria  were  cordial  and  respectful ; 
France  was  only  desirous  of  obtaining  some  equivalent  for  the 
decline  of  her  power  in  Egypt ;  Italy  was  pleased  that  British 
association  with  France  had  become  less  close  ;  and  Russia  was 
thinking  chiefly  of  her  interests  in  the  Black  Sea.  Freycinet 
would  have  fought  for  the  Canal,  but  France  would  not  support 
him  ;  the  terror  of  what  Bismarck  might  attempt  paralysed  her 
energies.  Indeed,  on  July  2gth,  the  French  Chamber  turned 
Freycinet  out  of  office  by  a  large  majority  rather  than  sanction 
intervention  even  for  the  protection  of  the  Suez  Canal. 

Let  us  now  hear  what  Gladstone  said  in  defence  of  his  action  : 
"  It  had  come  to  pass  that  in  Egypt  everything  was  governed 
by  military  violence  ;  every  legitimate  authority — the  Khedive, 
the  Sultan,  the  Notables,  and  the  best  men  of  the  country — had 
been  put  down.  A  situation  of  force  had  been  created  which 
could  only  be  met  by  force,  and  everything  had  been  done  to 
make  that  force  the  force  of  a  united  Europe  acting  in  the 
interests  of  civilisation.  The  British  fleet  at  Alexandria  found 
itself  threatened  by  the  armament  of  fortifications.  Demands  of 
surrender  having  been  met  by  fraud  and  falsehood,  there  was 
no  alternative  but  to  destroy  them.  The  pillage  of  the  released 
convicts  which  followed  was  done  by  the  wickedness  of  Arabi. 
These  were  the  causes  of  our  action,  which  has  not  been  met 
with  a  word  of  disapproval,  great  or  small,  from  any  source 
having  the  slightest  authority.  It  brought  again  to  light  the 
benignness  of  British  rule,  and  advanced  the  Egyptian  question 
towards  a  permanent  and  peaceful  solution."  Gladstone  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  in  this  work  he  had  been  a  labourer  in  the 
cause  of  peace. 

354 


Gladstone 
Defence. 


WOLSELEY    IN    EGYPT 

It  now  became  necessary  for  the  British  Government,  having  The 
gone  so  far,  to  take  stronger  measures.  A  vote  of  credit  of  Mili*ary 
£2,300,000  was  obtained  from  Parliament  on  July  27th,  and  xpe  !  lon* 
three  days  later  the  first  battalion  of  an  expeditionary  force 
sailed  for  Egypt.  Originally  numbering  1,010  officers  and  21,000 
men,  the  force  was  afterwards  increased,  first  to  33,000,  and  later, 
by  the  addition  of  Indian  troops  to  the  number  of  7,200,  to 
40,560.  Sir  Garnet  Wolseley,  who  had  command  of  the  expedi- 
tion, having  been  delayed  by  an  attack  of  fever,  did  not  reach 
Alexandria  till  August  i6th.  Finding  that  Alexandria  was  full 
of  spies,  he  had  recourse  to  stratagem  to  conceal  his  operations. 
He  gave  out  that  he  was  going  to  Abukir  to  silence  the  forts 
and  land  the  troops,  and  on  August  i8th  the  whole  fleet  of  war- 
ships and  transports  sailed  apparently  for  that  place.  But  next 
day  the  public  heard  that  Port  Said  had  been  the  objective,  that 
it  was  occupied  by  the  first  division  of  the  Guards,  and  that  the 
fleet  was  blockading  the  land.  This  was  done  with  such  ease 
that  the  duty  of  taking  possession  of  the  offices  of  the  Suez  Canal 
Company  on  behalf  of  the  British  fleet  and  army  was  entrusted 
to  a  single  midshipman. 

It  was  a  great  advantage  that   the  waterway   of  the  canal  The 
was  available  for  the  advance.     Ismailia  was  seized  without  delay,  Insur£ents 

Dpfp&iipd 

a  Highland  Brigade  which  had  arrived  from  India  occupying 
Shaluf  and  the  Freshwater  Canal.  On  August  22nd  the  first 
division  disembarked  at  Ismailia,  and  on  August  24th  a  strong  body 
of  the  enemy  was  found  posted  at  Tel-el-Mahuta,  about  two  miles 
from  Ismailia.  They  were  some  10,000  strong  and  were  defended 
by  twelve  Krupp  guns  ;  but  two  British  pieces  of  artillery  served 
to  dislodge  them.  By  the  end  of  the  day  the  insurgents  were 
entirely  defeated,  and  retreated.  After  another  combat  by  the 
Freshwater  Canal  the  belligerents  rested  for  a  time. 

Arabi  had  taken  up  a  position  at  a  place  called  Tel-el-Kebir,  The  Stand 
or  the  "  Large  Mound,"  a  place  distant  about  thirty  miles  by  at  Tel-el- 
railway  from  Ismailia  and  a  little  farther  than  that  from  Cairo 
across  the  desert.  This  he  fortified  whilst  Wolseley  was  waiting  for 
the  reinforcements  from  England  and  India  ;  but  on  September 
9th  Sir  Garnet  advanced  from  Ismailia  towards  the  enemy's 
fortifications.  Arabi's  position  was  very  strong.  It  was  four 
miles  in  length,  and  consisted  of  a  double  line  of  earthworks, 
interrupted  at  intervals  by  redoubts,  mounted  with  guns  which 
could  fire  both  in  front  and  on  the  flank.  This  fortress  was 
manned  by  20,000  Egyptian  troops,  while  the  force  opposed  to 
them  did  not  exceed  13,000. 

355 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Capture  of 
Cairo. 


Battle  of  Wolseley  determined  on  a  night  attack  as  best  suited  to  his 

Tel-el-Kebir.  pUIpOse^  an(j  On  September  i2th,  after  dark,  the  camp  was  broken 
up  and  the  British  army  advanced.  After  a  short  halt,  an  hour 
past  midnight,  the  march  was  resumed,  and  the  attacking  force 
arrived  within  500  yards  of  the  entrenchments  before  they  were 
perceived  by  the  enemy.  Suddenly  a  shot  was  fired  by  the 
Egyptians  and  a  sheet  of  flame  burst  from  the  whole  position. 
The  first  line  was  carried  by  the  Infantry  Brigade  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet,  the  second  and  stronger  line  offering  little  diffi- 
culty. The  redoubts  were  scaled,  the  gunners  bayoneted  at 
their  guns,  and  in  less  than  twenty  minutes  the  whole  of  the 
right  of  the  Egyptian  line  was  broken  and  taken.  The  attack  was 
equally  successful  against  their  left.  Indeed,  the  Egyptian  army 
was  in  danger  of  being  enclosed,  as  in  a  net,  by  the  two  divisions 
of  the  attacking  force.  The  cavalry  completed  the  rout,  and 
Arabi's  soldiers  fled  far  and  wide  across  the  desert,  hotly 
chased  by  General  Drury-Lowe  and  Sir  Baker  Russell.  The  flat 
of  the  sword  was  used  more  than  the  point,  and  a  smart  smack  of 
the  cold  steel  on  the  cheek  or  the  hinder  parts  was  sufficient  to 
effect  complete  collapse. 

Wolseley  then,  with  the  audacity  of  genius,  dispatched  300 
cavalry  and  mounted  infantry  under  Drury-Lowe  across  the 
desert,  the  small  force,  after  a  trying  march  of  thirty-nine  miles 
through  heavy  sand  and  beneath  a  torrid  sun,  reaching  Cairo  on 
the  evening  of  September  i4th.  The  invaders  were  admitted 
into  the  city  without  resistance,  and  Arabi  was  taken  prisoner 
in  his  own  house.  Thus  Cairo  was  taken  by  a  brilliant  coup  de 
main,  the  enterprise  of  Napoleon  and  his  French  in  Egypt  paling 
before  the  exploit  of  Wolseley  and  his  British  troops.  The  Indian 
contingent,  under  General  Macpherson,  pushed  forward  from  the 
battlefield  of  Tel-el-Kebir  and  occupied  Zagazig. 

With  the  fall  of  Cairo  and  the  capture  of  Arabi  the  national 
movement  collapsed,  and  Wolseley  was  soon  able  to  send  home 
the  bulk  of  the  British  troops,  retaining  only  a  force  of  about 
10,000  men.  Wolseley's  brilliant  achievement  has  scarcely  ever 
been  surpassed  in  British  military  history.  The  country  showed 
its  gratitude  by  giving  him  the  thanks  of  Parliament,  a  grant 
of  £30,000,  and  a  peerage  with  the  title  of  Lord  Wolseley  of 
Cairo. 

What  was  to  be  done  with  Egypt,  which  had  now  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly  fallen  into  British  hands  ?  Some  wished  to 
re-establish  the  Dual  Control,  which  had  proved  a  complete  failure 
and  was  the  cause  of  all  the  troubles.  Others  desired  Great 

356 


Great 

Britain's 

Task. 


GREAT    BRITAIN    AND    THE    SUEZ    CANAL 

Britain  to  withdraw  altogether  and  leave  the  country  to  the 
Khedive,  and  this  opinion  was  held  by  no  less  a  veteran  than 
Leonard  Courtney,  then  Secretary  to  the  Treasury.  Great  Britain 
made  the  serious  mistake,  which  she  is  now  expiating,  of  not 
assuming  boldly  the  responsibility  which  circumstances  had  laid 
upon  her,  and  of  which  she  could  not  divest  herself.  The  assump- 
tion of  the  government  of  Egypt,  if  not  its  actual  possession, 
would  have  been  treated  by  Europe  as  a  relief,  and  would  have 
received  the  approbation  of  all  reasonable  men.  But  British 
statesmen  were  haunted  by  dislike  of  Imperialism,  which  had 
certainly  been  discredited  by  the  disastrous  adventures  of 
Beaconsfield,  and  had  not  learnt  that  British  rule  in  the  East 
means  the  establishment  of  civilisation  in  place  of  barbarism. 
Lord  Dufferin,  sent  out  to  arrange  matters,  arrived  at  Cairo  in 
the  first  week  of  November,  1882,  and  within  a  fortnight  of  his 
arrival  a  Note  was  delivered  from  the  Egyptian  Government  to  the 
Governments  of  London  and  Paris,  asking  that  the.  Dual  Control 
should  terminate.  In  fact,  it  had  already  come  to  an  end  at 
Alexandria  and  Tel-el-Kebir.  France  objected  to  the  loss  of 
her  influence,  which  she  had  emphatically  refused  to  make  an 
effort  to  preserve,  and  perhaps  too  much  heed  was  paid  to  her 
susceptibilities. 

Great  Britain,  however,  was  determined  that  the  canal  should  Neutralisa- 
be  safeguarded,  its  destruction  having  formed  part  of  Arabi's  tion  of 
insane  plan  for  the  liberation  of  his  country.  In  January,  1883,  the  Canal* 
Lord  Granville,  a  perfectly  delightful  personality,  but  a  dawdling 
and  timid  Minister,  addressed  to  the  Powers  a  circular  dispatch 
of  unwonted  firmness  and  decision,  saying  that  the  British 
Government  considered  that  the  free  and  unimpeded  navigation 
of  the  canal  at  all  times,  and  its  protection  from  destruction  or 
damage  by  act  of  war,  were  matters  of  importance  to  all  nations, 
and  proposing  that  it  should  be  free  for  the  ships  of  all  nations, 
in  any  circumstances,  and  that  it  should  never  be  affected  by 
military  operations.  There  was  considerable  delay  before  this 
suggestion  was  put  into  a  regular  form  ;  but  two  years  later, 
Waddington,  the  French  Foreign  Minister,  suggested  that  an 
International  Commission,  consisting  of  representatives  of  each 
of  the  six  Great  Powers  and  Turkey,  should  be  convened,  and 
this  was  done.  The  discussions  really  turned  on  the  different 
views  of  France  and  Great  Britain,  Britain  wishing  to  inter- 
nationalise the  canal  completely,  being  anxious  to  preserve 
the  independence  and  territorial  rights  of  Egypt,  with  which 
her  interests  were  closely  connected.  The  treaty  embodying 

357 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

these  conclusions  was  not  signed  till  October,  1886,  and  in 
the  end  the  canal  was  not  wholly  internationalised,  but,  in  the 
language  of  Lord  Granville,  "  clothed  with  that  neutrality 
which  attaches  by  international  law  to  the  territorial  waters 
of  a  neutral  State,  in  which  a  right  of  universal  passage  for 
belligerent  vessels  exists,  but  no  right  to  commit  an  act  of 
hostility."  How  this  artificial  fabric  would  stand  the  strain  of 
war  remains  to  be  seen. 

Clou*8  in  Peace  was  established  in  Cairo  and  Alexandria  ;    but  on  the 

upper  waters  of  the  Nile,  in  the  south  of  the  Sudan,  a  storm  was 
arising.  At  the  beginning  of  November,  at  the  time  of  Dufferin's 
arrival,  news  reached  Cairo  that  a  Mahdi,  or  prophet,  had  arisen 
in  those  regions  and  was  preparing  to  march  against  Khartum 
with  a  formidable  force.  Already  it  was  seen  that  Great  Britain 
had  committed  a  grave  error  in  not  establishing  a  protectorate 
in  Egypt.  Neglect  to  do  this  created  a  situation  which  has  always 
been,  and  still  is,  difficult.  Lord  Cromer  tells  us  that  no  British 
Ministry  since  the  occupation  began  has  held  any  other  language 
with  regard  to  Egypt  save  that  of  declaring  that  Great  Britain's 
presence  there  is  merely  a  temporary  expedient,  and  that  she 
will  withdraw  as  soon  as  Egypt  is  fit  to  govern  itself.  When 
will  a  country  admit  that  it  is  not  fit  to  govern  itself  ?  Every 
advance  made  by  Egypt  in  security  and  civilisation  is  regarded 
by  her  as  an  indication  of  her  capacity  for  self-government. 

Gladstone's  These  considerations  agitated  Gladstone  and  Granville  in  the 
year  1884,  and  the  historian  must  take  some  account  of  them. 
Gladstone  admitted  in  the  spring  of  this  year  that  he  was 
principally  animated  by  three  considerations- — respect  for  public 
law,  the  just  claims  of  the  Khedive,  and  the  reluctance  to 
increase  the  responsibilities  of  England.  These  were  mere 
phantoms.  It  was  not  likely  that  France  would  undertake  a 
war  against  us,  when  she  had  refused  her  support  both  to  the 
vigorous  Gambetta  and  the  cautious  Freycinet.  All  the  other 
European  countries  would  have  supported  us.  The  fault  of 
Gladstone's  mind  was  that  he  applied  his  faculty  of  psychological 
and  ethical  analysis  to  every  question  equally,  and  never  allowed 
himself  to  follow  an  instinct  more  powerful  and  more  just  than 
any  course  which  could  be  arrived  at  by  an  elaborate  process 
of  ratiocination.  Instinct  induced  Beaconsfield  to  purchase  the 
canal  shares  ;  instinct  should  have  led  Gladstone  to  establish  an 
English  Protectorate  in  Egypt  in  1882.  As  it  was,  circumstances 
proved  too  strong  for  him.  We  were  forced  by  them  to  annex 
a  territory  larger  than  Egypt  and  to  govern  it  on  principles  which 

358 


THE    SUDAN    ABANDONED 

secured  us  a  far  greater  liberty  of  action  than  we  have  ever  been 
able  to  use  in  Egypt  itself. 

A  Mahdi  is  a  hermit,  an  inspired  prophet,  honest  or  dishonest,  The  Disaster 
or  a  mixture  of  the  two,  as  the  case  may  be,  and  not  infrequently  to  Hicks 
arises  among  some  Eastern  peoples.  Such  a  Mahdi,  a  native  Pasna« 
of  Dongola,  appeared  in  the  Sudan,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the 
autumn  of  1882,  his  mission  being  to  confound  the  wicked,  the 
hypocrites,  and  the  unbelievers,  and  turn  the  world  to  the  true 
faith  in  the  One  God  and  His  prophet.  He  was  assisted  by  a 
powerful  friend,  afterwards  known  as  the  Khalifa.  The  Sudan 
belonged  to  Egypt,  having  been  captured  by  Mehmed  in  1829, 
and  the  Equatorial  Provinces  were  added  to  it  by  Sir  Samuel 
Baker  in  1870.  The  Sudan  had  always  been  badly  ruled  from 
Cairo,  but  that  was  no  reason  for  abandoning  it,  and  whoever 
reigned  at  Cairo  was  responsible  for  its  proper  administration. 
In  the  spring  of  1883  General  Hicks,  belonging  to  the  Staff  of  the 
Egyptian  army,  was  dispatched  by  the  Khedive  from  Khartum 
for  the  recovery  of  regions  which  had  revolted  under  the  Mahdi's 
influence.  He  succeeded  in  clearing  Sennar  of  rebels  and  pro- 
tecting Khartum  ;  but,  against  the  advice  of  Dufferin,  Malet  and 
Stewart,  he  continued  his  operations  in  Darfur  and  Kordofan, 
which  the  British  advisers  of  the  Khedive  at  Cairo  were  anxious 
to  abandon.  When  Gladstone  was  asked  to  restrain  Hicks  from 
further  advance,  he  said  that  it  was  not  within  the  responsibility 
of  Great  Britain.  However,  Hicks'  rashness  brought  with  it 
signal  punishment,  for  on  November  5th,  1883,  the  whole  of  his 
force  was  cut  to  pieces  and  the  victorious  Dervishes  were  free  to 
march  upon  Khartum. 

The  British  authorities  at  Khartum  declared  that  the  Egyptian  Gladstone 
Government  could  not  hold  it  against  an  attack,  and  that,  AdYises 
unless  some  other  force  came  to  the  rescue,  the  Sudan  must  be 
abandoned.  Gladstone  refused  to  employ  British  or  Indian 
troops  for  the  purpose,  but  would  have  allowed  the  Turks  to  act 
at  their  own  expense.  He  therefore  advised  the  Khedive  to 
abandon  all  territory  south  of  Assuan  or  Wady  Haifa,  and  Evelyn 
Baring  agreed  with  him.  Baring  was  instructed  to  inform  the 
Egyptian  Government  that  the  Sudan  would  be  abandoned. 
Upon  this  Cherif  Pasha  resigned,  Riaz  Pasha  declined  to  take  his 
place,  and  Nubar  Pasha  was  with  difficulty  persuaded  to  accept  office. 

When  the  evacuation  of  the  Sudan  was  determined  upon,  it  Gordon 
was  assumed  that  this  would  carry  with  it  the  duty  of  extricating  Called  in. 
the    Egyptian   garrisons,    which    occupied    posts    in    the    several 
provinces,  lest  they  should  be  massacred  by  the  Mahdi's  forces. 

359 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

But  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  conclusion  was  correct,  for  in 
the  cases  where  opportunity  afforded,  the  garrisons  were  not 
massacred,  but  joined  the  Mahdi.  When,  however,  it  was 
declared  that  British  honour  rendered  deliverance  necessary, 
means  had  to  be  devised  for  carrying  out  the  operation 
effectively.  In  December,  1883,  the  Cabinet  conceived  the 
idea  that  General  Gordon  might  be  the  man  for  the  purpose, 
and  there  was  much  to  justify  this  opinion.  After  gaining  a 
great  reputation  and  the  title  of  "  Chinese  Gordon  "  for  suppress- 
ing the  Taiping  Rebellion  in  1869,  he  was  appointed  by  the 
Egyptian  Government,  in  1874,  Governor  of  the  Equatorial 
Provinces  of  Central  Africa.  He  resigned  this  office  in  1876,  but 
in  1877  was  created  Governor-General  of  the  Sudan,  Darfur,  the 
Equatorial  Provinces,  and  the  coast  of  the  Red  Sea.  He  held 
this  position  till  1879,  having  succeeded  in  establishing  compara- 
tive order.  The  work  he  had  done  did  not  survive  his  departure, 
but  it  was  reasonable  to  assume  that  what  he  had  done  once 
he  might  do  again.  The  authorities  in  Egypt  were  reluctant  to 
agree  to  his  appointment,  but  under  pressure  from  home  at  last 
yielded,  provided  he  would  pledge  himself  to  carry  out  the  work 
of  evacuation.  Gladstone  somewhat  reluctantly  gave  his  consent 
on  January  i6th,  1884,  and  the  die  was  cast. 

Gordon  Gordon  was  at  this  time  in  Brussels,  conferring  with  the  King 

greeg  to  Qf  ^e  Belgians  about  a  proposed  mission  to  the  Congo,  which 

Khartum,  afterwards  produced  remarkable  results.  On  receiving  a  telegram 
from  Wolseley  summoning  him  to  England,  he  started  at  once 
and  arrived  in  London  at  6  in  the  evening  of  January  i6th,  when 
he  had  a  long  interview  with  the  general  who  had  summoned 
him.  On  January  i8th  Hartington,  who  was  Secretary  for  War, 
Granville,  Northbrook,  and  Sir  Charles  Dilke,  who  was  Under 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  met  at  the  War  Office  in  Pall  Mall. 
Wolseley  brought  Gordon  and  left  him  in  the  ante-room.  After 
a  conversation  with  the  Ministers,  he  came  out  and  said  to 
Gordon,  "  Government  are  determined  to  evacuate  the  Sudan, 
for  they  will  not  guarantee  its  future  government.  Will  you 
go  out  and  do  it  ?  "  Gordon  said  that  he  would,  and  Wolseley 
told  him  to  go  into  the  room. 

Gordon  says  :  "I  went  in  and  saw  them.  They  said,  '  Did 
Wolseley  tell  you  our  orders  ?  '  I  said,  '  Yes ;  you  will  not 
guarantee  future  government  of  the  Sudan,  and  you  wish  me  to 
go  up  and  evacuate  now/  They  said,  *  Yes/  and  it  was  over,  and 
I  left  at  8  p.m.  for  Paris/'  Such  is  Gordon's  own  account,  written 
in  1884.  It  is  graphic,  but  probably  does  not  give  a  full  narrative 

360 


GORDON    IN    KHARTUM 

of  what  passed.  At  the  station  Granville  bought  Gordon's 
ticket,  Wolseley  carried  his  bag,  and  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  held 
open  the  carriage  door.  Next  day  one  of  the  four  Ministers  said, 
"  We  were  proud  of  ourselves  yesterday  ;  are  you  sure  that  we 
did  not  commit  an  act  of  gigantic  folly  ?  "  It  is  clear  that  in 
sending  Gordon  Wolseley  was  the  moving  spirit. 

Lord  Morley  has  given  an  excellent  account  of  Gordon's  Morley's 
character.  "  Gordon,"  he  writes,  "  was  a  hero  of  heroes.  He  Appreciation 
was  a  soldier  of  infinite  personal  courage  and  daring,  of  striking  of  Gordon* 
military  energy,  initiative  and  resource  ;  a  high,  pure  and  single 
character,  dwelling  much  in  the  region  of  the  unseen.  But,  as  all 
who  knew  him  admit,  and  as  his  own  records  testify,  notwith- 
standing an  undercurrent  of  shrewd  common  sense,  he  was  the 
creature,  almost  the  sport,  of  impulse :  his  impressions  and 
purposes  changed  almost  with  the  speed  of  lightning  ;  anger  often 
mastered  him ;  he  went  often  by  intuitions  and  inspirations 
rather  than  by  cool  inference  from  carefully-surveyed  fact ;  with 
many  variations  of  mood,  he  mixed  an  inexhaustible  faith  in 
his  own  rapid  prepossessions  while  they  lasted.  Everybody  now 
discerns  that  to  send  a  soldier  of  this  temperament  on  a  piece  of 
business  that  was  not  only  difficult  and  dangerous,  but  profoundly 
obscure,  was  little  better  than  to  call  in  a  wizard  with  his  magic." 

Gordon  left  England  with  the  intention  of  going  to  Suakin  ;  Gordon  and 
but  the  plan  was  changed,  and  he  proceeded  to  Cairo  to  confer  the  Mahdi- 
with  Baring,  and  then  went  on  t©  Khartum.  He  left  Cairo  on 
January  26th,  and  reached  Khartum  on  February  i8th.  His 
first  idea  had  been  that  he  could  pacify  the  Sudan  by  restoring 
the  old  rulers  of  the  different  provinces  ;  but  on  his  arrival  he 
found  that,  with  one  exception,  they  had  all  disappeared,  and  his 
plan  of  action  had  to  be  reconstructed.  On  February  28th  he 
wrote  to  Baring,  "  If  Egypt  is  to  be  quiet,  Mahdi  must  be  smashed 
up.  Remember  that  once  Khartum  belongs  to  Mahdi,  to  leave 
it  will  be  far  more  difficult.  I  repeat  that  evacuation  is  possible  ; 
but  you  will  feel  the  effect  in  Egypt,  and  will  be  forced  to 
enter  into  a  far  more  serious  affair  to  guard  Egypt."  Gordon 
clearly  saw  what  afterwards  became  obvious,  that  with  the  Mahdi 
at  Khartum  the  whole  situation  in  Egypt  became  uncertain. 

Immediately   after   his   arrival   at    Khartum,    Gordon   sent    a  Investment 
message    to    Baring   proposing   that,    upon   his  withdrawal   from  of  Khartum. 
the  city,  Zobeir  Pasha  should  be  named  as  his  successor  in  the 
Governorship   of   the   Sudan.     He  should   be   made   a   K.C.M.G. 
and   have   presents  made   to   him.      Zobeir   had   been   a   noted 
slave-dealer  and  had  acquired  Darfur  for  Egypt.     He  was  a  great 

361 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

soldier  and  the  ablest  leader  in  the  Sudan.  He  is  described  by 
Wingate  as  a  far-seeing,  thoughtful  man,  of  iron  will,  a  born 
ruler  of  men.  Gordon  had  been  responsible  for  the  shooting 
of  Zobeir's  son,  and  this  would  naturally  have  produced  a  death 
feud  between  them  ;  but  they  met  at  Cairo,  and  although  Zobeir 
reproached  Gordon  with  having  killed  his  son,  they  were  appar- 
ently not  bitter  enemies.  Baring  and  Stewart  supported  Gordon's 
request  for  Zobeir,  and  Nubar  was  favourable  to  it,  but  it  was 
strongly  opposed  by  the  religious  and  anti-slavery  societies  in 
England.  Gordon  said  that  if  Zobeir  was  not  sent  there  would 
be  no  chance  of  getting  the  garrisons  away.  Gladstone  came 
round  to  Gordon's  opinion,  and  the  Queen  supported  it,  but  it 
became  certain  that  the  opposition  in  Parliament  would  be  too 
strong,  and  therefore  he  was  not  sent — a  fatal  and  irreparable 
mistake.  Gordon  was  from  this  time  gradually  surrounded  by 
the  Mahdists  until  all  chance  of  escape  had  vanished.  From  the 
end  of  March  it  was  probable  that  no  road  of  retreat  was  open, 
and  when  Berber  fell,  on  May  26th,  the  investment  became 
complete.  As  the  troops  could  not  be  depended  upon,  Gordon 
was  obliged  to  remain  on  the  defensive  behind  his  earthworks, 
but  he  succeeded,  nevertheless,  in  sending  down  2,600  persons 
in  safety  to  Assuan. 

Gordon's  During  the  remaining  months  of  1884  the  question  of  the 
Peril.  reiief  of  Gordon  was  debated.  Popular  opinion  was  strongly 
in  favour  of  it,  and  it  occupied  the  attention  of  the  Cabinet 
during  the  whole  of  May  and  June.  At  last  Hartington 
declined  to  be  responsible  for  the  War  Department  unless  a 
decision  were  reached,  and  before  Parliament  was  prorogued 
a  pledge  was  given  that  an  expedition  should  be  sent,  and 
the  money  necessary  for  it  was  voted.  But  long  weeks  were 
consumed  in  the  discussion  as  to  the  best  route  to  be  adopted, 
whether  the  relief  force  should  be  sent  up  the  Nile  or  from 
Suakin  to  Berber.  Wolseley,  who  was  to  command  the  ex- 
pedition, strongly  advocated  the  Nile  route,  and  a  Departmental 
Committee,  after  careful  deliberation,  reported  in  favour  of  it 
on  July  2gth,  so  that  he  was  able  to  leave  London  for  Cairo 
on  September  ist.  Ten  days  later  Gordon  sent  Colonel  Stewart, 
his  second  in  command,  down  the  Nile  in  the  Abbas  steamer 
to  convey  news  to  Lower  Egypt,  but  the  steamer  was 
treacherously  run  aground  and  the  party  murdered.  All  their 
papers  were  captured,  among  which  were  some  which  gave  full 
details  of  the  stores  and  food  in  the  city  up  to  September  o,th, 
with  the  exact  strength  of  the  garrison.  It  was  thus  possible 

362 


SLOW    ADVANCE    OF    THE    RELIEF    COLUMN 

for  the  enemy  to  calculate  exactly  how  long  Gordon  could  hold 
out,  and  the  siege  was  therefore  more  closely  pressed. 

Kitchener   recommended   that    the    expedition   should   consist  An 
of   a    small    and   handy    column,    but    it    gradually   grew   to    an  Unwieldy 
unwieldy  body  of  10,000  men.     In  consequence,  it  moved  very     ° umn* 
slowly,  and  on  October  2ist  was  still  at  Wady  Haifa,  struggling 
with  difficulties  of  transport  and  the  lack  of  coal.     On  November 
1 2th  the  Dervishes  made  a  strong  attack  upon  Omdurman,  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Nile,  opposite  to  Khartoum.     Gordon  was 
suffering  much  from  want  of  food,  and  actual  starvation  set  in  ; 
rats  and  mice,  the  leather  of  boots,  the  straps  and  plaited  strips 
of  native  bedsteads,  the  flower  of  the  mimosa,  the  inner  fibre  of 
the   palm   tree   being   all   eagerly   consumed.     The   enemy   were 
pressing  the  attack  night  and  day,  and  the  relief  seemed  as  far 
off  as  ever. 

On  December  I4th,  which  marks  the  last  entry  in  Gordon's  Battle  of 
diary,  the  leading  troops  had  just  reached  Korti,  the  point  where  Abu  Klea< 
the  caravan  route  crosses  to  Metammeh.  A  halt  of  sixteen  days 
was  made  here,  and  the  march  was  not  resumed  until  December 
30th.  Even  then  the  advance  was  very  slow.  The  column  was 
short  of  baggage  animals  and  was  obliged  to  move  in  detach- 
ments, sending  the  camels  back  to  Korti  to  fetch  up  more  men 
and  stores.  The  column  did  not  reach  Gakdul  until  January 
1 2th,  and  the  camels  were  so  exhausted  that  another  rest  of  three 
days  was  necessary.  After  Gakdul  they  met  with  severe  resist- 
ance, and  on  January  I7th  was  fought  the  battle  of  Abu  Klea, 
in  which  Sir  Herbert  Stewart  was  mortally  wounded  and  was 
replaced  by  Sir  Charles  Wilson.  On  January  igth  a  battle  took 
place  at  Metammeh,  but  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  the  Nile 
was  reached  at  Gubat,  only  100  miles  distant  from  Khartum. 

Here,   on  January  2ist,   four  steamers  arrived  from  Gordon  The  Last 
and,  to  the  great  delight  of  the  expedition,  brought  tidings  of  News  of 
him.     Every  consideration  urged  immediate  departure,  and  it  is  Gordon> 
probable  that  if  the  steamers  had  started  at  once  the  sight  of  the 
red  coats  would  have  driven  the  Mahdi's  army  into  Kordofan 
and   Khartum   would   have   been   saved.     But   three   days   were 
unaccountably  wasted,  partly  in  exchanging  the  Egyptian  troops 
for  Sudanese,  and  partly  in  making  reconnaissances,  and  it  was 
not   until   January   24th   that    Sir   Charles   Wilson   started   with 
steamers,  containing  a  detachment  of  the  Sussex  Regiment,  for 
the  beleaguered  city.     At  midday  on  January  28th,  the  steamers, 
having    cleared    the    cataract    which    lies    between    Gubat    and 
Khartum,  reached  the  island  of  Forti,  from  which  Khartum  can 

363 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

be  discerned.  Alas  !  no  flag  was  flying  from  the  roof  of  the 
palace.  Half  an  hour  later  the  city  was  in  full  view,  and  they 
were  received  by  the  fire  of  artillery  and  musketry.  Khartum 
had  fallen.  In  the  Dervishes'  final  assault,  only  made  on  January 
26th,  Gordon  boldly  met  his  fate  on  the  steps  of  the  palace  which 
he  had  so  long  defended.  He  was  killed  by  a  revolver  shot,  and 
his  head  was  cut  off  and  thrown  at  the  feet  of  Slatin  Pasha. 
Public  xhe  news  of  the  fall  of  Khartum  was  received  in  Great  Britain 

Indignation.  Qn  pebniary  5th,  and  caused  an  outbreak  of  universal  indigna- 
tion. Gladstone,  who  was  staying  at  Holker  with  Hartington, 
hurried  to  London.  The  Queen  sent  an  angry  telegram,  not 
written  in  cipher,  blaming  her  Ministers  for  what  had  happened. 
Votes  of  censure  were  moved  in  both  Houses  ;  that  in  the  House 
of  Lords  was  carried  by  181  votes  to  81,  but  in  the  Commons 
the  Government  escaped  defeat  by  a  majority  of  14.  Resigna- 
tion was  thought  of,  but  Gladstone  was  opposed  to  it.  Some 
feeble  attempts  were  made  to  repair  the  disaster.  A  mixed 
British  and  Indian  force,  with  a  contingent  of  Colonials  from 
New  South  Wales,  advanced  from  Suakin  and  began  to  lay  down 
a  railway  from  that  point  to  Berber.  But  the  pressure  on  the 
Afghan  frontier  caused  unexpected  difficulties  ;  and  in  April,  in 
spite  of  the  strong  opposition  of  the  Queen,  the  Sudan  was  finally 
deserted.  Its  eventual  recovery  will  be  related  in  another  place. 
All  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  loss  of  Khartum 
were  undoubtedly  most  discreditable,  and  exhibited  a  culpable 
feebleness  in  every  part  of  the  Administration.  Between  the 
end  of  March  and  the  beginning  of  August  the  Government  showed 
constant  vacillation,  military  operations  dawdled  on  through 
August  and  September,  and  this  incompetence  lasted  until  the 
fatal  delay  at  Gubat,  which  sealed  the  fate  of  the  hero.  The 
death  of  Gordon  remains  an  indelible  stain  on  the  Liberal 
Government  of  1880. 


364 


CHAPTER  IX 
INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  TRANSVAAL 

WE  must  now  relate  the  events  which  led  to  the  resignation  of  Bradlaugh 
Gladstone's  Ministry  in  1885.  Charles  Bradlaugh  became  promi-  and  the 
nent,  and  we  must  give  some  account  of  him.  He  was  a  man  of  Oathi 
high  character  and  rigid  sternness,  but  held  opinions  which 
shocked  the  conscience  of  the  people,  partly  on  religion  and  partly 
on  questions  of  sexual  morality.  Being  elected  to  Parliament  in 
1880  as  junior  member  for  Northampton,  he  claimed  to  make 
an  affirmation  instead  of  taking  an  oath,  as  he  had  been  already 
allowed  to  do  in  courts  of  justice.  The  matter  was  referred 
to  a  Select  Committee,  which  decided  against  Bradlaugh  by  a 
majority  of  one.  He  then  agreed  to  take  the  oath,  but  this  he 
was  not  allowed  to  do.  A  second  committee  decided  he  could 
not  take  the  oath,  but  might  affirm  at  his  own  risk.  Then,  on 
June  29th,  a  motion  was  carried  that  he  could  neither  affirm 
nor  take  the  oath.  Bradlaugh  came  to  take  the  oath,  but 
was  ordered  to  withdraw,  and,  refusing  to  do  so,  was  committed 
to  the  Clock  Tower.  On  July  ist  Gladstone  proposed  that  any 
member  might  affirm  without  taking  the  oath,  subject  to  his 
liability  by  statute.  This  was  carried  by  a  large  majority,  and 
Bradlaugh  took  his  seat,  ending  for  the  time  a  most  discredit- 
able scandal. 

In  March,  1881,  the  Court  of  Appeal  decided  that  Bradlaugh, 
not  being  a  Quaker,  had  forfeited  his  seat  by  voting  without 
taking  the  oath.  He  was  re-elected  for  Northampton,  but  on 
attempting  to  take  his  seat  was  excluded  from  the  precincts  of 
the  House,  and,  afterwards,  on  endeavouring  to  force  his  way 
through  the  doors,  was  dragged  by  policemen  into  Palace  Yard. 
Being  re-elected  in  1882  and  denied  the  oath  as  before,  he  adminis- 
tered the  oath  to  himself  and  took  his  seat.  For  this  he  was 
expelled  the  House,  but  by  an  absurd  compromise  was  allowed 
to  sit  below  the  bar.  In  1883  the  House  of  Lords  decided  that 
he  was  not  liable  for  the  enormous  debt  of  £45,000,  which  he  was 
supposed  to  have  incurred  for  having  voted  without  having  been 
sworn ;  but  before  this  award  Ministers  had  introduced  a  Bill 
which  allowed  members  to  choose  between  affirmation  or  oath. 

365 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

In  spite  of  the  eloquent  advocacy  of  Gladstone,  the  Bill  was 
defeated  by  the  majority  of  three.  In  1884  Bradlaugh  again 
administered  the  oath  to  himself,  voted  in  three  discussions, 
resigned  his  seat,  and  was  re-elected  by  a  larger  majority  than 
ever.  However,  the  Court  of  Appeal  decided  that  Bradlaugh  had 
not  taken  the  oath  and,  having  no  religious  belief,  was  incapable 
of  taking  an  oath,  so  that  the  sore  continued  unclosed ;  but 
at  the  meeting  of  the  new  Parliament  in  1886  the  Speaker  declared 
that  he  would  not  allow  any  objection  to  a  newly-elected  member 
taking  the  oath,  so  that  Bradlaugh  sat  and  voted  till  his  death 
in  1891.  He  died  universally  respected,  and  three  days  before 
his  death  the  House  of  Commons  expunged  from  its  journals 
the  resolutions  passed  against  him  eleven  years  before. 

Dynamite  At  this  time  London  was  startled  by  an  apparent  conspiracy 

Outrages.  to  destroy  it  by  dynamite,  attempts  to  produce  wreckage 
by  explosion  taking  place  at  four  railway  stations — Victoria, 
Paddington,  Charing  Cross  and  Ludgate  Hill.  Two  men  were 
sentenced  to  penal  servitude  respectively  for  life  and  twenty 
years  ;  but  this  did  not  stop  the  evil,  for  in  January,  1885,  an 
explosion  occurred  in  the  banqueting-room  in  the  Tower  and  a 
piece  of  dynamite  under  the  Treasury  Bench  blew  up  Mr.  Glad- 
stone's usual  seat.  Another  packet  was  placed  under  the  steps 
of  the  crypt  of  Westminster  Hall,  but  was  prevented  from 
doing  damage  by  the  courageous  promptitude  of  Constable  Cole. 
Though  none  of  the  Irish  members  had  anything  to  do  with 
these  crimes,  they  inevitably  discredited  the  Nationalist  cause. 
Mr.  The  year  1882  was  critical  in  the  history  of  Great  Britain, 

Chamberlain  an(j  the  divisions  of  opinion  which  agitated  the  public  mind 
Ica1'  were  reflected  in  the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Chamberlain,  then  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  began  to  give  trouble  as  a  Radical. 
He  attacked  the  House  of  Lords  and  described  England  as  the 
paradise  of  the  rich  but  the  purgatory  of  the  poor.  He  was  in 
favour  of  compulsory  allotments,  small  proprietors,  a  large  tax 
on  property,  and  free  education.  The  Queen  remonstrated 
with  the  Prime  Minister  on  his  leniency,  but  he  replied  that 
these  proposals  did  not  raise  any  definite  point  on  which  he 
was  entitled  to  interfere.  Chamberlain  went  on  to  say  worse 
things  and  to  advocate  the  abolition  of  plural  voting,  the  pay- 
ment of  members,  and  manhood  suffrage,  drawing  up,  in  fact, 
a  valuable  programme  for  a  future  Radical  Ministry,  which, 
however,  by  the  irony  of  fate,  he  was  condemned  violently  to 
oppose  when  these  reforms  came  within  the  range  of  practical 
politics. 

366 


THE    PHOENIX    PARK    MURDERS 

Lord  Spencer  was  at  this  time  Viceroy  of  Ireland,  where  his  The 
administration  had  been  a  conspicuous  success.  Shortly  after  Phoenix  Park 
his  appointment  Forster  resigned  the  office  of  Chief  Secretary, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Lord  Frederick  Cavendish.  Spencer  and 
Cavendish  entered  Dublin  together,  on  Saturday,  May  6th,  the 
day  on  which  Michael  Davitt  was  released  from  prison  at 
Portland,  and  the  work  of  conciliation  seemed  to  have  begun  in 
earnest.  Returning  from  the  Castle  to  Phoenix  Park,  Spencer 
rode  with  a  small  escort,  and  Cavendish  walked  across  the  Park 
with  the  Under-Secretary,  Burke.  Four  men,  who,  on  April 
1 9th,  had  only  been  prevented  by  accident  from  assassinating 
Forster,  were  now  waiting  for  Burke,  whom  they  stabbed  to 
death  near  the  Viceregal  Lodge ;  Cavendish,  of  whom  they 
had  never  heard,  went  to  his  assistance,  and  he  also  was 
killed.  The  miscreants  then  drove  away  and  disappeared. 
Englishmen  who  were  alive  at  this  time  will  never  forget  the 
gloom  which  fell  upon  the  country  on  that  terrible  7th  of 
May.  No  one  felt  the  blow  more  than  Parnell.  He  went 
to  Gladstone  and  offered  to  retire  from  Parliament,  but  Glad- 
stone dissuaded  him.  Forster  chivalrously  offered  to  take  the 
place  of  Cavendish,  but  that  could  not  be  accepted.  The  office 
was  given  to  George  Trevelyan,  who  nobly  did  his  duty, 
though  suffering  severely  from  the  strain.  It  had  previously 
been  determined  by  the  Cabinet  to  introduce  a  Coercion  Bill 
of  a  mild  character,  which,  although  making  the  law  more 
stringent,  did  not  authorise  the  imprisonment  of  any  man  with- 
out a  trial.  But  the  murder  of  Burke  and  Cavendish  led  to  its 
being  made  more  severe,  by  the  addition  of  clauses  which  were 
never  employed,  but  which  irritated  Irishmen. 

Lord  Spencer  devoted  his  energies  to  the  discovery  of  the  The  "In- 
Phoenix  Park  murderers,  and  seventeen  men  were  arrested  in  Yincibles." 
January,  1883.  Three  of  these  were  identified  as  having  been  in 
Phcenix  Park  on  May  6th,  and  Kavanagh,  a  car-driver,  declared 
that  he  had  driven  four  of  the  arrested  men  to  the  Park,  and  that 
one  of  them,  James  Carey,  had  given  the  signal  for  the  murder 
by  waving  a  white  handkerchief,  and  that  after  the  deed  he 
had  driven  the  assassins  away.  Carey  turned  Queen's  evidence. 
He  said  that  the  crime  was  arranged  by  a  body  known  as  the 
Invincibles,  under  the  orders  of  "  Number  One,"  a  man  called 
Tynan.  Carey  said  that  he  was  himself  responsible  for  what  had 
happened  in  Phoenix  Park,  and  that  the  original  plan  had  been 
to  murder  Earl  Cowper,  Forster  and  Burke,  but  that  the  first 
had  escaped  and  Cavendish  was  slain  because  he  defended  his 

367 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

companion.  By  this  evidence  five  men  were  hanged,  and  three 
were  sent  into  penal  servitude  for  life.  The  Invincibles  detested 
Parnell,  and  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Land  League.  Carey 
was  sent  to  the  Cape  to  save  his  life,  but  was  shot  before  he 
reached  his  destination  by  a  former  comrade,  named  O'Donnell, 
who  was  tried  and  executed  for  the  crime. 

Popster's  In    this  way  Spencer   had   put    down    political  assassinations 

Attack  on  m  Ireland  without  resorting  to  the  exceptional  measures  of  the 
8  '  Crimes  Act.  But  the  Irish  trouble  was  not  over.  In  February, 
1883,  Forster  made  a  violent  attack  on  Parnell,  not  accusing 
him  of  murder,  but  of  presiding  over  an  organisation  which 
encouraged  outrage.  This  speech  showed  clearly  that,  although 
Parnell  and  the  Land  League  had  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
Phoenix  Park  murders,  its  members  had  stood  passively  by  while 
landlords  were  shot  and  while  tenants  who  had  offended  the 
League  were  dragged  from  their  homes  to  be  slain  in  the  presence 
of  their  families.  The  speech  was  unanswerable.  Parnell  did 
not  reply  till  the  next  day,  when  he  did  not  rebut  the  assertions, 
but  only  said  that  he  was  not  responsible  to  England,  but 
to  Ireland,  and  that  the  House  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the 
matter.  He  did  not  refute  the  charges,  because  it  was  im- 
possible to  do  so. 

Majuba  The  Government  was  gradually  becoming  weaker,  and  one  of 

Hilli  the    issues    used    most   persistently   against   it   was    that   of  the 

retrocession  of  the  Transvaal  after  the  Battle  of  Majuba.  It  is 
necessary  to  explain  this.  In  May,  1880,  in  pursuance  of  the 
policy  of  reviving  the  Imperialism  of  Beaconsfield,  it  was  decided 
by  the  Cabinet  not  to  relinquish  the  Queen's  sovereignty  over 
the  Transvaal,  but  to  give  the  country  self-government  as  part  of 
a  South  African  federation.  This  was  a  bitter  disappointment 
to  Kruger  and  Joubert,  who,  relying  on  the  Midlothian  speeches, 
had  expected  entire  independence.  Bright  and  Chamberlain 
were  in  favour  of  independence — although  Chamberlain  was,  at 
a  later  period,  to  be  the  author  of  the  Boer  War — and  Gladstone 
was  inclined  to  agree  with  them ;  but  Lord  Kimberley  was 
strong  on  the  other  side.  The  Dutch  farmers  took  up  arms, 
and  on  December  i6th,  1880,  the  Boer  Republic  was  proclaimed 
at  Heidelberg  and  the  British  garrisons  were  invested.  On 
January  28th,  1881,  the  Battle  of  Laing's  Nek  was  favourable 
to  the  Boers,  but  Sir  George  Colley,  the  Governor  of  Natal, 
occupied  Majuba  Hill,  four  miles  within  the  frontier  of  Natal, 
in  the  hope  of  making  Laing's  Nek  untenable.  He  reached  the 
summit  unobserved,  and  believed  his  position  to  be  impreg- 

368 


AFTER    MAJUBA 

nable ;  but  next  day,  February  27th,  the  Boers  climbed  the 
mountain  and  opened  fire  on  Colley.  He  was  shot  through  the 
head,  about  90  others  fell,  and  60  prisoners  were  taken, 
although  the  force  of  the  Boers  was  less  than  200  strong. 
Roberts  was  sent  out  to  succeed  Colley,  who  had  been  ordered 
by  the  Cabinet  to  tell  Kruger  that,  if  he  would  cease  from 
further  resistance,  a  commission  would  be  appointed  to  settle 
the  terms  in  dispute.  This  message  was  dispatched  on  February 
2 ist,  a  reply  being  demanded  in  forty-eight  hours.  As  Colley 
did  not  receive  it,  Majuba  Hill  was  occupied  as  described  on 
February  26th  ;  but,  in  point  of  fact,  the  letter  did  not  reach 
Kruger  till  February  28th,  the  day  after  the  disaster.  Kruger 
replied  on  March  7th  that  he  accepted  the  terms  offered.  Some 
distinguished  officers  thought  that  Colley's  death  ought  to  be 
avenged;  but  the  Cabinet  determined  to  go  on  with  the  negotia- 
tions, as  the  Boers  had  acted  in  perfect  good  faith.  The  Con- 
vention of  Pretoria  was  signed  in  August,  and  Roberts  was 
recalled  from  Cape  Town  twenty-four  hours  after  his  arrival. 
The  righteous  act  of  restoring  the  independence  of  the  Trans- 
vaal afterwards  formed  for  a  time  a  favourite  subject  of  attack 
on  the  Liberal  Government,  and  the  refusal  to  avenge  Majuba 
was  ignorantly  declared  to  be  one  of  the  most  prominent  causes 
of  the  second  Boer  War. 

The  great  measure  of  1884  was  the  Reform  Bill  for  the  enfran-  County 
chisement   of  the  counties,    which  was   introduced  on   February  Enfranchise- 
28th.     Counties  were  given  the  household  and  the  lodger  franchise,  mentt 
which  had  existed  in  boroughs  since  1867,   and   the  number  of 
voters    in    the    United    Kingdom    was    increased    from    3,000,000 
to  5,000,000.     The  question  of   the  redistribution   of   seats   was 
left  over  for  another  year.     The  Bill    was  not    directly  opposed 
by  the  Conservatives,  but    they  moved  an  amendment    that  re- 
distribution should  precede  reform.     Ireland  was  included  in  the 
Reform  measure,  which  made  Home  Rule  certain  at  some  time 
or  other. 

The  Bill  passed  the  Commons,  but  was  thrown  out  by  the  The  Re- 
Lords.     Gladstone  thereupon  announced  an  autumn  session,  when  distribution 
the  Bill  would  again  be  introduced.     Parliament  met  on  October  Illlf 
23rd ;    but,  through  the  influence  of  the  Queen,  a  meeting  was 
arranged  between  the  leaders  of  the  two  parties,  and  Salisbury 
and  Northcote  went  to  tea  in  Downing  Street  and  discussed  the 
question  of  redistribution.     Before  the  adjournment  on  December 
6th  the  Franchise  Bill  had  passed  the  Lords,  and  the  Redistribu- 
tion Bill  had  been  read  a  second  time  in  the  Commons.    Boroughs 
y  369 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Defeat  of 


Parneii's 
Power. 


having  a  population  of  less  than  15,000  were  merged  in  the 
counties  ;  those  with  less  than  50,000  lost  one  member  if  they 
had  two  ;  the  members  for  the  City  of  London  were  reduced  from 
four  to  two,  and  thirty-seven  members  were  added  to  the  remainder 
of  London.  Towns  having  more  than  two  members  were  divided 
into  wards  with  one  member  each,  and  the  counties,  with  the 
exception  of  Rutland,  were  all  divided.  The  number  of  members 
in  the  House  was  slightly  increased.  The  dissensions  between 
the  two  Houses,  which  seemed  nearly  incurable,  had  been  healed 
by  the  interposition  of  the  Sovereign. 

The  Government  eventually  fell  from  an  attack  upon  the 
bud£et>  which  was  introduced  by  Childers  on  April  3oth,  1885. 
A  deficit  of  £15,000,000  had  to  be  met,  and  the  national  expendi- 
ture had  reached  the  then  unparalleled  amount  of  £100,000,000. 
Childers  proposed  to  raise  the  income  tax  from  sixpence  to  eight- 
pence,  to  increase  the  succession  duties,  to  impose  a  heavier 
duty  on  spirits  and  beer,  and  to  suspend  the  Sinking  Fund.  It 
was  a  budget  difficult  to  attack,  but  the  Opposition  knew  that 
Chamberlain  and  Dilke  were  opposed  to  the  increase  of  the  duty 
on  beer,  and  that  the  landed  proprietors  would  stubbornly  resent 
a  larger  succession  duty  unless  a  more  generous  subsidy  were 
given  to  the  local  governing  bodies.  An  amendment  was  there- 
fore moved  by  Sir  Michael  Hicks  Beach  that  the  duty  on  spirits 
and  beer  should  not  be  made  higher  without  a  corresponding 
change  in  the  duty  on  wine,  and  that  the  new  succession  duty 
was  unjust  without  a  corresponding  grant  from  the  Treasury  for 
the  relief  of  land  rates.  On  a  division  the  Government  was 
beaten  by  twelve  votes  (264  against  252),  and  the  Cabinet  re- 
signed. The  defeat  was  due  to  a  coalition  between  the  Tories 
and  the  Irish,  the  latter  opposed  to  renewal  of  the  Crimes  Act 
in  any  form,  the  former  to  any  relaxation  of  it.  It  was  evident 
that  parties  would  never  resume  their  normal  position  until  the 
Irish  question  was  settled.  The  Cabinet  was  itself  divided  on 
the  Irish  question  as  well  as  on  the  policy  to  be  pursued  in 
Egypt. 

It  was  time,  however,  that  the  Administration  should  cease 
to  be,  but  it  had  done  a  great  work.  It  had  passed  the  Irish  Land 
Act,  had  largely  increased  the  franchise,  had  improved  the  condi- 
tion of  the  farmer,  protected  him  from  the  ravages  of  agrarian 
agitators,  obtained  for  him  compensation  for  improvements  ; 
secured  the  decent  burial  of  Dissenters  ;  protected  workmen 
against  accidents  ;  defended  the  property  of  married  women  ; 
improved  the  law  of  bankruptcy  ;  and  more  fully  provided  for 


THE    MAN    OF    THE    HOUR 

the  purity  of  elections.  Egypt  could  wait,  but  Ireland  remained 
to  be  pacified,  and  Parnell  was  a  man  needing  to  be  dealt  with. 
He  was,  in  truth,  the  master  of  the  situation.  What  he  had 
failed  to  obtain  from  the  Liberals  he  hoped  to  win  from  the 
Tories,  but  he  was  doomed  to  disappointment. 


371 


The 

Penjdeh 
Incident. 


War  Pre- 
parations. 


CHAPTER   X 
HOME  RULE 

BEFORE  Gladstone  resigned  office,  difficulties  with  Russia  had 
arisen  on  the  Afghan  frontier  with  regard  to  Penjdeh.  A  Joint 
Commission  of  British  and  Russians  had  been  appointed  to  settle 
the  boundary  north  of  Herat,  the  two  Commissioners  being 
Sir  Peter  Lumsden  for  Great  Britain  and  Zelenov  for  Russia. 
Lumsden  reached  the  debatable  land  on  November  igth,  1884, 
but  Zelenov  was  supposed  to  be  ill  and  did  not  appear.  However, 
bodies  of  Russian  troops,  under  the  command  of  Alikhanov,  a 
Russianised  Mussulman,  advanced  south  of  Sarakhs.  The  Amir 
moved  to  the  north  to  defend  his  territory,  and  the  two  hostile 
forces  met  at  Penjdeh,  which  was  regarded  as  indisputably  Afghan 
territory.  The  Russians  refused  to  retire  at  the  request  of  the 
British,  but  said  that  they  would  avoid  a  conflict  with  the  Afghans. 
There  was  such  danger  of  hostilities  that  the  Queen  approached 
the  Tsar  personally  in  favour  of  peace.  A  half-promise  was  given, 
but  on  March  soth,  1885,  Komarov  attacked  the  Afghans  and 
routed  them.  Penjdeh  was  declared  to  be  annexed  to  Russia, 
and  Lumsden  retired  towards  Herat.  It  was  impossible  to  pass 
over  this  violent  conduct  in  silence.  Dufferin  prepared  to  dispatch 
25,000  men  to  Quetta,  in  order  to  occupy  Herat  before  the 
Russians  should  arrive  there,  and  an  arrangement  was  made  which 
allowed  50,000  men  to  cross  the  frontier  if  war  were  declared, 
while  the  construction  of  the  railway  to  Quetta  was  hastened. 
On  April  2ist  Gladstone  asked  for  a  credit  of  £11,000,000, 
£4,000,000  of  which  were  for  the  Sudan  and  the  rest  for  special 
preparations.  Port  Hamilton,  an  island  in  the  Pacific,  which 
threatened  Vladivostok,  was  occupied.  Negotiations,  from  which 
a  friendly  issue  might  be  expected,  were,  however,  continued ; 
but  little  progress  had  been  made  when  the  Gladstone  Ministry 
came  to  an  end.  They  were  resumed  by  Salisbury,  and  Sir  West 
Ridge  way  was  appointed  in  the  place  of  Lumsden.  A  compromise 
was  made  which  allowed  the  Russians  the  road  and  the  Afghans 
the  command  of  the  pass  ;  but  the  final  treaty  which  delineated 
the  whole  frontier  between  the  Heri  Rud  and  the  Oxus  was  not 
signed  till  July,  1887. 

372 


LORD    SALISBURY'S    MINISTRY 

Lord  Salisbury,  on  taking  office,  found  himself  in  a  minority  A  Party 
of  nearly  100  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  it  was  impossible  Compromise. 
for  a  dissolution  to  take  place  before  November,  when  the  new 
Franchise  and  Redistribution  Bills  would  come  into  operation. 
This  led  to  a  crisis,  which  lasted  a  fortnight,  during  which  period 
there  was  practically  no  Ministry.  Salisbury  could  not  take  office 
unless  pledges  were  given  not  to  embarrass  his  government  in 
Parliament,  and  Gladstone  would  only  come  back  if  Salisbury 
failed  to  form  a  Ministry.  Sir  Henry  Ponsonby,  the  Queen's 
Private  Secretary,  one  of  the  most  devoted  and  most  self-sacri- 
ficing servants  that  the  Crown  ever  possessed,  called  on  Gladstone 
no  fewer  than  six  times  on  June  22nd.  On  the  following  day 
the  Queen  was  able  to  tell  Salisbury  that  in  her  opinion  he  might 
trust  Gladstone's  assurances  that  the  Opposition  in  majority 
would  have  no  idea  of  withholding  ways  and  means,  and  the  crisis, 
almost  unique  in  British  history,  came  to  an  end.  It  remains 
as  an  example  of  the  dignity,  the  patriotism,  and  the  wise  spirit 
of  compromise  which  animated  the  Sovereign  and  the  leaders  of 
the  two  contending  parties — qualities  which  tend  to  make  party 
government  a  blessing  rather  than  a  curse. 

But  the  foundation  of  a  Tory  Ministry  was  no  easy  task.  As  Lord 
Gladstone  had  to  reckon  with  Chamberlain,  so  Salisbury  had  to  ?and<??? 
reckon  with  Lord  Randolph  Churchill,  the  most  prominent  member 
of  the  Fourth  Party,  a  little  group  of  active  Conservatives,  which 
included  also  Arthur  Balfour,  Drummond  Wolff  and  John  Gorst. 
Lord  Randolph  had  an  extraordinary  power  of  speech,  which 
did  not  consist  wholly  of  invective.  He  was  more  of  a  Liberal 
than  a  Tory,  or  even  a  Conservative,  and  might  be  called  a  Tory 
Democrat  with  original  ideas  of  his  own.  He  believed  that  the 
working  classes  could  unite  with  the  Tories  in  framing  a  fresh 
energetic  and  moral  policy  for  the  country.  He  was  in  favour 
of  a  different  treatment  of  Ireland  ;  but,  above  all,  he  wanted 
new  men  in  office,  and  spoke  contemptuously  of  the  "  old  gang." 
Salisbury  gave  in  to  him.  Stafford  Northcote  was  banished  to 
the  House  of  Lords  with  the  title  of  Lord  Iddesleigh  and  the 
unmeaning  office  of  the  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury.  Salisbury 
became  Prime  Minister  and  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
Randolph  Churchill  received  the  seals  of  the  India  Office,  and 
Carnarvon  was  made  Viceroy  of  Ireland,  a  pledge  that  a 
different  attitude  towards  that  country  was  in  contemplation. 
Cross  received  the  seals  of  the  Home  Office,  and  Hicks  Beach 
led  the  House  of  Commons  as  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 

After  adjourning  for  a  few  days  to  enable  the  new  members 

373 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Gladstone's 
Conversion 
to  Home 
Rule. 


of  the  Government  who  belonged  to  the  House  of  Commons  to 
be  re-elected,  the  House  met  for  business  on  July  6th.  Little 
was  done  except  to  wind  up  the  session  as  soon  as  possible. 
Carnarvon  declared  that  he  did  not  ask  for  a  renewal  of  the 
Coercion  Act  in  Ireland,  and  Hicks  Beach  accepted  the  budget 
of  Childers  as  far  as  it  was  possible  to  do  so.  Randolph  Churchill 
made  an  impressive  speech  on  Indian  finance,  which  showed  his 
capacity  for  managing  important  business,  and  justified  the 
opinion  held  of  him  by  distinguished  Indian  officials  such  as  Sir 
Henry  Maine  ;  and  on  August  i4th  Parliament  was  prorogued 
by  commission,  on  the  understanding  that  it  was  shortly  to  be 
dissolved.  Churchill  signalised  his  tenure  of  the  India  Office  by 
the  annexation  of  Upper  Burma,  governed  by  King  Thebaw,  who 
was  an  impossible  sovereign.  He  gave  the  order  to  advance  in 
November,  1885  ;  the  conquest  was  announced  as  complete  on 
December  ist,  and  annexation  was  authorised  before  the  end  of 
the  month.  He  also  carried  the  foundation  of  the  Indian  Midland 
Railway  against  considerable  opposition.  There  is  little  doubt 
that,  had  health  permitted  and  circumstances  been  more  favour- 
able, the  name  of  Randolph  Churchill  would  stand  to-day  in  the 
first  rank  of  British  statesmen. 

It  soon  became  certain  that  the  question  of  Home  Rule  for 
Ireland  would  be  a  dominant  factor  in  the  new  election  for 
Parliament.  Gladstone  stated  in  his  address  that  history  would 
combine  to  disgrace  the  name  of  every  man  who,  having  it  in 
his  power,  did  not  aid  in  providing  and  maintaining  an  equitable 
settlement  between  Ireland  and  Great  Britain  ;  and  John  Morley 
expressed  a  confident  hope  that  Gladstone  would  complete  his 
work  in  Ireland  by  giving  that  country  a  system  of  government 
which  would  meet  her  highest  claims.  At  the  same  time  Glad- 
stone desired  that  the  Irish  Question  should  be  settled  by  a 
Parliament  in  which  the  Liberal  majority  should  be  so  powerful 
as  to  be  able  to  act  independently  of  the  Irish  vote.  This  was 
misunderstood  by  the  Irish  party,  and  the  consequence  was  that 
the  Irish  vote  was  cast  for  the  Tories.  It  is  true  that  Carnarvon 
was  at  this  time  in  favour  of  a  kind  of  Home  Rule  and  was 
negotiating  with  Parnell,  but  it  is  doubtful  how  far  he  could  have 
carried  the  Cabinet  with  him.  The  results  of  the  elections  became 
known  in  the  middle  of  December.  The  Liberals  returned  334 
members,  the  Conservatives  250,  and  the  Irish  Nationalists  86 
out  of  103.  It  is  clear  that  if  the  Liberals  were  joined  by  the 
Irish  Nationalists  they  would  have  a  very  large  majority,  but 
if  the  contrary  were  the  case  the  Tories  might  sometimes  have  a 

374 


CHAMBERLAIN'S    PROGRESS 

majority  of  two  or  three  votes.  It  became  known  that  Gladstone 
was  being  gradually  converted  to  Home  Rule  as  a  remedy  for 
Irish  grievances.  He  had  been  studying  the  question  for  many 
years,  but  in  accordance  with  the  habit  of  his  mind  he  would  have 
thought  it  wrong  to  advocate  it  publicly  unless  he  was  sure  that 
the  Irish  people  were  in  favour  of  it.  The  present  election  left 
no  doubt  on  that  score. 

Joseph  Chamberlain,  whose  name  now  comes  prominently  Chamber- 
forward,  had  made  his  reputation  as  mayor  of  Birmingham,  where  lain's  y»- 
he  had  established  a  model  of  municipal  government,  besides  *uttlorised 
amassing  a  fortune  by  the  scientific  manufacture  of  screws.  First 
elected  to  Parliament  in  1876,  he  proved  himself  to  be  one  of  the 
keenest  and  most  formidable  debaters  in  the  House.  He  had  a 
clear,  incisive  voice,  great  self-control,  and  readiness  of  repartee. 
He  was  thought  to  be  a  first-class  fighting  Radical,  whose  object 
was  to  overthrow  the  altar  and  the  throne.  He  was  an 
enthusiastic  Home  Ruler,  and  when  he  opposed  Home  Rule  in 
Birmingham  in  1892  many  of  those  whom  he  attacked  said  that 
they  had  first  learnt  Home  Rule  from  him.  He  was  now 
ambitious  of  leading  the  Liberal  Party  in  succession  to  Gladstone, 
whose  age,  he  thought,  would  soon  drive  him  into  retirement 
from  the  stage  of  politics.  He  therefore  issued  what  was  known 
as  the  Unauthorised  Liberal  Programme,  demanding,  under  the 
name  of  "  ransom/'  the  sacrifices  from  the  rich  many  of  which 
afterwards  became  law — free  education,  improved  dwellings  for 
the  poor  at  moderate  rents,  the  abolition  of  indirect  taxation, 
the  restoration  of  enclosed  land  to  the  people,  disestablishment 
of  the  Church,  a  graduated  income  tax,  and  an  increased  burden 
on  landowners ;  in  fact,  the  whole  Radical  programme  as  we 
know  it  in  these  modern  days. 

Parliament  was  opened  by  the  Queen  on  January  2ist,  1886,  "Three 
but  it  was  evident  that  the  Government  would  be  defeated  on  Acres  *nd 
the  Address.  The  amendment  which  effected  this  was  proposed 
by  Jesse  Collings,  a  staunch  friend  and  faithful  henchman  of 
Chamberlain,  and  proposed  the  policy  of  giving  small  allotments 
and  small  holdings  to  agricultural  labourers — afterwards  com- 
monly known  as  "  Three  acres  and  a  cow,"  although  he  was 
not  the  inventor  of  the  phrase.  This  amendment,  supported  by 
Gladstone,  Joseph  Arch  and  Chamberlain,  but  opposed  by 
Hartington  and  Goschen,  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  329 
votes  to  250,  and  Salisbury  immediately  went  out  of  office.  In 
Gladstone's  new  Government  Harcourt  became  Chancellor  of 
the  Exchequer,  Childers  Home  Secretary,  Rosebery  Secretary  for 

375 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Gladstone 
Introduces 
the  Home 
Rule  Bill. 


Foreign  Affairs,  Granville  for  the  Colonies,  Kimberley  for  India, 
Lord  Aberdeen  was  made  Viceroy  of  Ireland  with  John  Morley 
as  Chief  Secretary,  and  Chamberlain  was  appointed  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade.  Hartington's  name  did  not  appear  on 
the  list,  and  it  was  known  that  he  differed  from  Gladstone  on 
the  policy  of  Home  Rule. 

On  April  8th,  1886,  Gladstone  moved  in  the  House  of  Commons 
for  leave  to  introduce  the  Bill  which  was  eventually  known  as 
the  Home  Rule  Bill.  The  excitement  was  beyond  all  descrip- 
tion. Although  the  House  was  opened  at  the  unusually  early 
hour  of  6  in  the  morning,  some  members  arrived  as  early  as  5, 
and  stood  ready  to  rush  in  as  soon  as  the  doors  were  open.  The 
Chamber  was  so  crammed  that  chairs  were  placed  across  the  floor 
from  the  bar  to  the  table.  Gladstone  rose  in  the  House  at  4.40 
in  the  afternoon,  and  spoke  for  nearly  three  hours  and  a  half, 
yet  the  speech  did  not  appear  to  anyone  too  long. 

The  Bill  provided  that  Ireland  should  have  a  Parliament  of 
her  own,  and  that  the  Irish  representation  at  Westminster  should 
cease — an  arrangement  which  had  been  accepted  by  Parnell  and 
his  colleagues.  They  thought  that  it  would  be  better  to  allow 
Irishmen  to  manage  their  own  affairs  apart,  without  direct  com- 
munication with  Westminster,  and  that  it  would  be  more  easy 
to  attract  the  best  intellects  of  Ireland  to  a  Parliament  sitting 
in  Dublin  if  the  attraction  of  Westminster  were  out  of  the  way. 
The  new  Legislature,  as  it  was  called  instead  of  Parliament,  was  to 
consist  of  two  Houses  or  Orders,  the  Upper  formed  of  Irish  Peers 
and  members  elected  under  a  high  pecuniary  qualification,  the 
Lower  of  the  present  Irish  members  and  an  additional  101  chosen 
by  all  Irish  constituencies  except  Trinity  College.  The  Irish 
judges  were  to  be  subject  to  the  Irish  Legislature,  and  the  Irish 
Executive  were  to  control  the  police.  The  Legislature  would  be 
unable  to  deal  with  matters  affecting  the  Crown,  with  military  or 
naval  forces,  trade,  navigation  or  coinage,  and  proposals  to  estab- 
lish or  endow  any  religious  institution.  It  would  have  no  power 
to  impose  duties  on  British  or  foreign  goods.  Ireland  would  levy 
her  own  taxes  and  pay  to  the  London  Treasury  a  sum  amount- 
ing to  one-twelfth  of  the  British  revenue.  The  Legislature,  as 
well  as  the  Executive,  were  to  be  subject  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant, 
who  could  hold  office  independently  of  British  parties.  There 
was  great  discussion  whether  the  refusal  of  consent  to  any  Bill 
was  to  rest  with  the  Irish  or  the  British  Ministry  ;  but  the  Irish 
members  had  no  doubt  that  it  would  be  in  the  hands  of  the  British 
Executive,  and  this  opinion  was  confirmed  by  Mr.  Gladstone. 

376 


THE    HOME    RULE    BILL 

The  Home  Rule  Bill  was  accompanied  by  a  Land  Bill,  intro- 
duced a  few  •days  afterwards,  by  which  every  Irish  landlord  would 
have  the  option  of  selling  his  estate  to  his  tenants,  at  the  price 
of  twenty  years'  purchase,  the  money  being  lent  by  the  Treasury 
under  stringent  conditions.  The  Land  Bill  was  not  agreeable  to 
the  Irish  Home  Rulers,  but  was  accepted  by  them  as  a  price  for 
self-government. 

It  was  probably  a  mistake  to  introduce  an  elaborate  measure  Liberal 
like  that  of  Home  Rule  in  the  form  of  a  Bill  containing  so  many  sPHt' 
conditions  which  would  give  rise  to  acrid  discussion,  and  it  would 
have  been  better  to  proceed  by  resolutions  ;  but  Gladstone  was 
old  and  conscious  of  the  shortness  of  life,  and  his  mind  delighted 
in  the  task  of  working  out  details.  It  is,  therefore,  scarcely 
surprising  that  the  Bill  was  opposed  by  some  who  reckoned 
themselves  as  stalwart  Liberals.  Trevelyan  and  Chamberlain 
left  the  Cabinet.  Trevelyan  had  been  Chief  Secretary  in  the 
troubled  times  following  the  murder  of  Cavendish,  and  he  could 
not  bring  himself  to  consent  to  leave  the  Irish  police  in  the 
hands  of  the  Executive.  He  voted  against  the  Bill  because,  in 
his  opinion,  it  was  bad ;  but  he  afterwards  regretted  his  action 
and  returned  to  the  Liberal  fold. 

The  case  of  Chamberlain  was  different.  He  had  been  a  Home  Chamber- 
Ruler  before  Gladstone  ;  his  friends  in  Birmingham,  who  voted  lain's  ^ 
against  his  son  Austen  in  1892,  declared,  as  we  have  seen,  that  °PPosltlon* 
whatever  they  knew  about  Home  Rule  they  had  learnt  from  him. 
But  he  was  a  man  of  strong  personal  ambition,  and  desired  to 
be  leader  of  the  Liberal  Party  and  Liberal  Prime  Minister,  and 
he  was  too  impatient  to  wait  until  Gladstone's  vigorous  life  had 
run  its  natural  course.  He  therefore  determined  to  oppose  the 
measure— more,  it  may  be  feared,  from  pique  than  from  political 
prescience.  He  might  have  hoped  to  be  able  to  turn  Gladstone 
out  and  fill  his  place,  but  he  could  hardly  have  foreseen  that  he 
was  to  be  the  founder  of  an  anti-Liberal  party  and  a  prominent 
member  of  a  Tory  Government.  He,  like  Trevelyan,  rejected 
the  Land  Bill,  but  had  difficulty  in  finding  reasons  for  voting 
against  Home  Rule.  He  took  his  standing  on  the  sacredness  of 
federal  principles,  and  the  bad  policy  of  excluding  Irish  members 
from  Parliament,  which  Bright,  on  the  other  hand,  regarded  as 
the  redeeming  feature  of  the  measure.  When  Gladstone  proposed 
a  different  arrangement  in  his  second  Home  Rule  Bill,  Chamber- 
lain again  found  reasons  for  opposing  what  he  had  previously 
advocated.  This  was  the  turning-point  of  his  career.  Up  to 
this  moment  the  world  would  have  predicted  a  brilliant  and 

377 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Foundation 
of  the 
"  Unionist " 
Party. 


The  Bill 
Defeated. 


victorious   rise ;     from   this   time   he   pursued   a   devious   course 
which  ended  in  disaster  and  failure. 

A  large  meeting  was  held  in  Her  Majesty's  Opera  House 
to  uphold  the  legislative  union  between  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland.  Lord  Cowper,  who  had  been  an  Irish  Viceroy,  presided, 
and  Hartington  and  Salisbury  were  found  on  the  same  platform. 
Goschen  was  one  of  the  prominent  speakers,  and  many  lifelong 
Liberals  and  even  Radicals  supported  the  movement.  Churchill 
gave  to  the  party  the  name  of  Unionist,  which  has  remained 
ever  since,  although  the  designation  has  frequently  changed  its 
meaning.  The  intellect  of  the  country  was  against  Home  Rule, 
chiefly  because  it  took  people  by  surprise  and  they  had  not 
adequately  considered  the  question.  They  were  reluctant  to 
admit  that  a  British  Parliament  was  incompetent  to  govern 
Ireland,  and  the  conduct  of  the  Irish  had  not  been  such  as  to 
command  respect. 

The  debate  on  the  second  reading  took  place  on  May  loth, 
and  lasted  for  nearly  a  month.  Hartington  moved  the  rejection 
of  the  Bill.  The  attitude  of  Chamberlain  was  well  sketched  in 
Gladstone's  concluding  speech.  Chamberlain  had  said  that  a 
dissolution  had  no  terrors  for  him.  Gladstone  rejoined  :  "  I  do 
not  wonder  at  it.  He  has  trimmed  his  vessel,  and  he  has  handled 
his  rudder  in  such  a  masterly  way  that,  in  whichever  direction 
the  winds  of  heaven  may  blow  they  must  fill  his  sails.  If  an 
election  were  favourable  to  the  Bill  he  would  say,  '  I  declared  that 
I  accepted  the  principles  of  the  Bill '  ;  if  public  opinion  were  in 
favour  of  a  large  measure  of  Home  Rule,  he  would  say  that  he 
had  advocated  the  principle  of  federation ;  if  in  favour  of  a 
smaller,  he  would  declare  that  he  had  been  in  favour  of  four 
provincial  councils,  controlled  from  London."  At  i  o'clock  in 
the  morning  of  June  8th  the  House  divided,  and  the  Bill  was 
defeated  by  343  votes  to  313.  Ninety-three  Liberals  voted  with 
the  "  Noes,"  including  Bright,  Hartington,  Chamberlain,  Goschen, 
Trevelyan  and  Henry  James.  Gladstone  determined  to  dissolve 
Parliament,  which  was  effected  on  June  26th.  The  elections 
began  on  July  ist,  and  from  the  beginning  were  unfavourable 
to  the  Government.  In  the  midst  of  the  polls,  just  before  the 
counties  began  to  vote,  John  Bright  issued  a  strong  manifesto 
against  Home  Rule  which  had  a  powerful  effect.  The  final  result 
was  the  election  of  315  Conservatives,  78  Liberal  Unionists,  191 
Liberals,  and  86  Nationalists.  The  Cabinet  resigned  at  once.  If 
they  had  not  done  this  they  would  have  been  beaten  on  the 
Address,  as  there  was  a  majority  of  more  than  100  against  them. 

378 


RANDOLPH    CHURCHILL'S    RESIGNATION 

Salisbury  succeeded  Gladstone  as  Prime  Minister ;  but  the  The  Plan  of 
Conservatives,  although  the  most  numerous  party  in  the  House,  Campaign, 
did  not  command  an  absolute  majority,  and  had  to  depend  on 
the  support  of  the  Liberal  Unionists.  Hartington  was  offered  a 
place  in  the  Cabinet,  but  refused  it,  and  continued  to  sit  on  the 
same  bench  as  Gladstone  and  his  former  friends,  although  he 
persistently  voted  against  them,  a  most  inconvenient  and  dis- 
turbing arrangement.  Lord  Iddesleigh  became  Foreign  Secretary, 
Randolph  Churchill  led  the  House  of  Commons  as  Chancellor  of 
the  Exchequer,  Hicks  Beach  became  Secretary  for  Ireland,  and 
Henry  Matthews,  afterwards  Lord  Llandaff,  was  Home  Secretary. 
The  disorder  in  Ireland  became  worse ;  the  rents,  although  fixed 
by  law,  were  more  than  the  tenants  could  pay.  Parnell  intro- 
duced a  Bill  to  relieve  the  tenants,  which  was  supported  by 
Gladstone,  but  it  was  rejected  by  a  large  majority,  and  the 
consequence  was  the  establishment  of  the  system  called  the  Plan 
of  Campaign,  by  which  the  tenants  of  any  Irish  estate  who 
considered  their  rents  too  high  should  agree  what  they  would 
offer  to  the  landlord,  and  if  the  landlord  refused  the  offer  the 
money  was  paid  to  trustees  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  evictions. 
This  method  of  procedure  was  undoubtedly  illegal,  and  was 
declared  by  the  Irish  judges  to  be  a  criminal  conspiracy  ;  but  it 
worked  well  and  saved  many  Irish  tenants  from  ruin  and  starva- 
tion. Parnell  disapproved  of  it,  but  Gladstone  did  not  condemn 
it/  and  Spencer  was  well  disposed  towards  it. 

Then  a  thunderbolt  burst  from  a  clear  sky  by  the  sudden  Churchill's 
resignation  of  Randolph  Churchill.  As  a  Tory  Democrat  he  was  Resignation 
anxious  to  identify  his  party  with  progress  and  reform,  and  had 
drawn  up  a  budget  which,  besides  reducing  the  expenditure  on 
the  army  and  navy,  increased  the  estate  duties  by  £4,500,000, 
the  house  duties  by  £1,500,000,  and  lowered  the  tea  duty,  the 
tobacco  duty,  and  the  income  tax.  This  masterly  scheme  was 
opposed  by  the  heads  of  the  departments  threatened  with  reduc- 
tion, and  when  the  Chancellor  made  the  acceptance  of  it  a 
condition  of  his  remaining  in  office  the  Prime  Minister  refused  to 
give  way  and  Churchill  resigned,  Goschen  being  appointed  in  his 
place.  Churchill  said  afterwards  that  he  had  forgotten  Goschen. 
By  this  sudden  and  inconsiderate  step  he  ruined  what  promised 
to  be  a  first-rate  political  career.  This  characteristic  event  led 
to  other  changes.  Mr.  W.  H.  Smith,  who  had  made  a  fortune 
by  selling  newspapers  and  establishing  railway  bookstalls,  became 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  Salisbury  was  so  taken 
aback  by  the  Churchill  incident  that  he  took  the  seals  of  the 

379 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Round 

Table 

Conference, 


Balfour's 
"  Resolute 

Govern- 
ment." 


Introduction 
of  the 
Closure. 


Foreign  Office  himself,  without  informing  Iddesleigh,  the  actual 
holder  of  them,  that  he  had  done  so.  This  caused  the  aged 
statesman  such  a  shock  that  he  died  in  Salisbury's  presence  on 
January  I2th,  1887. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  patch  up  the  quarrel  with  the  dissi- 
dent Liberals  by  a  friendly  meeting  at  the  house  of  Sir  William 
Harcourt,  at  which  Herschell,  Morley,  Chamberlain  and  Trevelyan 
sat  at  a  round  table  and  endeavoured  to  come  to  an  agreement. 
Gladstone  and  Hartington  held  aloof.  Chamberlain  went  so  far 
as  to  acknowledge  the  expediency  of  establishing  a  Parliament  in 
Dublin  and  having  an  Irish  executive ;  but  just  as  the  first 
proceedings  of  the  round  table  conference  were  being  communi- 
cated to  Gladstone,  an  article  of  Chamberlain's  in  the  Baptist 
produced  a  breach,  and  he  afterwards  declined  to  have  anything 
more  to  do  with  the  matter,  so  the  Tory  Government  in  Ireland 
was  left  to  pursue  its  own  course. 

When  Parliament  met  in  January,  1887,  coercion  was  proposed 
as  a  remedy  for  Irish  disorder,  and  was  supported  by  the  Liberal 
Unionists.  The  "  resolute  government,"  advocated  by  Salisbury 
as  an  alternative  to  Home  Rule,  was  begun,  and  Arthur  Balfour, 
Lord  Salisbury's  nephew,  was  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  carrying 
it  out,  becoming  Irish  Secretary  in  the  place  of  Hicks  Beach. 
Balfour  began  by  bringing  in  a  permanent  Coercion  Bill  of  most 
stringent  character.  It  gave  the  power  of  trying  in  England 
murders  and  other  serious  crimes  committed  in  Ireland  ;  it  allowed 
the  Lord  Lieutenant  to  declare  an  assembly  unlawful  if  he  thought 
it  dangerous,  and  to  permit  resident  magistrates  to  try  cases  of 
conspiracy  without  juries. 

In  order  to  secure  the  passage  of  this  measure,  and  to  prevent 
obstruction,  a  new  method  of  parliamentary  procedure  was  intro- 
duced by  Mr.  Smith,  which  gave  the  power  of  closing  the  debate 
at  any  time  by  the  vote  of  200  members  if  the  Speaker  allowed 
the  motion  to  be  put.  This  machinery  of  the  "  guillotine,"  as 
it  has  been  called,  has  been  strengthened  since,  and  used  by 
both  parties.  It  has  proved  indispensable  in  the  congested  condi- 
tion of  business  in  the  House  of  Commons,  but  at  the  moment  it 
was  a  triumph  for  the  Irish  in  their  attempt  to  render  Parlia- 
mentary government  for  Ireland  impossible.  The  Coercion  Bill 
was  strongly  opposed  by  Gladstone.  Indeed,  the  situation  was  a 
tragic  one  for  Home  Rulers.  The  country  was  about  to  celebrate 
the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  Queen's  accession.  London  was 
full  of  evidences  of  exuberant  loyalty  ;  the  whole  Empire  was 
asked  to  concur  in  honouring  the  national  festival,  but  a  thick  pall 

380 


PARNELL    AND    "THE    TIMES" 

of  tyrannous  government  hovered  over  unhappy  Ireland.  The 
contrast  was  striking,  and  Gladstone  might  well  ask  whether 
Ireland  deserved  this  exceptional  treatment  for  having  been  born 
with  a  double  dose  of  original  sin. 

The  division  on  the  second  reading  of  the  Coercion  Bill  was  The  Times 
fixed    for   April    i8th,  1887,  and    on    the    morning    of   that    day  Letter. 
The  Times  published  the  facsimile  of   a   letter   signed,   "  Yours 
very  truly,  Chas.    S.    Parnell."     Any  critic  of   historical  sources 
would  have  pronounced  the  authenticity  of  this  document  to  be 
extremely  doubtful,  as  the  signature,  even    if   genuine,  appeared 
on  a  different  page  from  the  substance  of  the  letter  and  might 
have  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.    The  letter  was  dated  nine  days 
after  the  murder  of  Frederick  Cavendish.     It  purported  to  run 
as  follows  : — 

"  DEAR  SIR, — 

"  I  am  not  surprised  at  your  friend's  anger,  but  he 
and  you  should  know  that  to  denounce  the  murders  was  the 
only  course  open  to  us.  To  do  that  promptly  was  plainly  our 
best  policy.  But  you  can  tell  him  and  all  others  concerned 
that,  though  I  regret  the  accident  of  Lord  F.  Cavendish's 
death,  I  cannot  refuse  to  admit  that  Burke  got  no  more 
than  his  deserts.  You  are  at  liberty  to  show  him  this,  and 
others  whom  you  can  trust  also,  but  let  not  my  address  be 
known.  He  can  write  to  the  House  of  Commons. 

"  Yours  very  truly, 

"  CHAS.  S.  PARNELL." 

Parnell,  like  many  others,  regarded  this  letter  as  so  absurd  Coercion 
in  itself  that  he  did  not,  perhaps,  take  sufficient  pains  to  denounce  Bil1 
it  in  the  face  of  the  great  excitement  of  public  opinion.  However, 
rising  in  the  House  after  midnight,  he  stigmatised  it  as  a  villainous 
and  barefaced  forgery,  and  declared  that  he  never  had  heard  of  the 
letter,  or  directed  such  a  letter  to  be  written,  or  seen  such  a  letter, 
before  he  saw  it  in  The  Times.  A  society  of  fair-minded  gentle- 
men should  have  at  once  accepted  this  statement,  but  the  temper 
of  the  Tories  was  at  this  time  not  fair-minded,  and  within  two 
days  Salisbury  made  a  speech  at  Battersea  in  which  he  assumed 
the  authenticity  of  the  letter.  The  Coercion  Bill  was  passed  by 
the  end  of  the  month. 

Arthur  Balfour  showed  unexpected  qualities  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Crimes  Act.  He  had  the  reputation  of  being  some- 
thing of  a  dilettante,  and  he  undoubtedly  cared  more  for  music 
and  philosophy  than  he  did  for  politics  ;  but  he  now  showed  he 

381 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Mitchels- 
town 


Balfour's 
Popularity. 


could  govern  in  a  manner  steady,  courageous  and  determined. 
His  health  and  vigour  improved  in  the  conflict,  and  he  developed 
qualities  seldom  found  save  in  the  first  rank  of  Cabinet  Ministers. 
His  chief  object  was  to  defeat  the  Plan  of  Campaign,  and  from 
this  he  never  flinched.  He  gave  orders  to  the  executive  officers 
of  the  Castle,  the  resident  magistrates,  and  the  Royal  Irish 
Constabulary  as  to  the  duty  which  lay  upon  them  of  executing 
the  law  in  all  circumstances  and  at  all  costs.  He  ordered  them 
to  employ  such  force  as  might  be  necessary  for  the  purpose,  and 
promised  them  the  fullest  support  if  they  did  their  duty,  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  slackness  would  be  severely  punished. 

A  crisis  occurred  at  Mitchelstown  on  September  Qth.  A  public 
meeting  of  several  thousand  people  was  held  there,  at  which  two 
English  members  of  Parliament  were  present  and  several  English 
ladies.  While  John  Dillon  was  speaking,  some  police  endeavoured 
to  press  through  the  crowd  to  make  way  for  a  Government 
reporter,  and  were  driven  back  with  shillelaghs.  The  constables 
retreated  to  their  barracks  and  fired  upon  the  people,  killing  one 
man  and  mortally  wounding  two  others.  No  proper  inquiry  into 
this  outrage,  which  was,  on  the  face  of  it,  murder,  was  held ;  and 
Balfour,  three  days  after  the  event,  said  in  the  House  that  those 
who  called  the  meeting  were  responsible  and  that  the  police  were 
blameless.  In  the  following  month  the  coroner's  jury  found  the 
county  inspector  and  three  constables  guilty  of  willful  murder  ; 
but  in  February,  1888,  the  High  Court  in  Dublin  quashed  the 
verdict,  so  that  the  question  of  murder,  manslaughter  or  justifi- 
able homicide  was  never  decided  at  all. 

Besides  this,  200  branches  of  the  National  League  were 
suppressed  in  six  counties,  and  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin  was 
prosecuted  and  committed  to  prison.  William  O'Brien,  Balfour's 
chief  opponent,  was  convicted  on  a  similar  charge,  but,  unlike 
the  Lord  Mayor,  he  was  deprived  of  his  ordinary  clothes  and 
treated  as  if  he  had  been  a  malefactor.  The  struggle  in  Ireland 
aroused  great  interest  amongst  English  Liberals,  and  many  of 
them  went  over  to  Ireland  to  help  in  the  movement,  as  they 
would  have  helped  Garibaldi  in  Italy.  But  Balfour  was  deter- 
mined to  put  this  down.  He  threw  Wilfrid  Blunt,  a  man  of  great 
literary  and  social  distinction,  into  prison,  treating  him  as  an 
ordinary  criminal,  for  creating  a  disturbance  on  Lord  Clanricarde's 
estate,  and  was  bent  on  carrying  out  the  law  ruthlessly  and  with- 
out respect  of  persons.  In  this  course  he  gained  great  esteem 
and  popularity,  which  was  felt  even  by  the  Irish  whom  he 
attacked.  He  was  not  hated  as  Forster  had  been,  for  the  Irish 

382 


"PARNELLISM    AND    CRIME" 

admired  chivalry,  even  when  it  was  turned  against  themselves. 
"  Prince  Arthur,"  as  he  was  called,  became  the  darling  of  both 
countries,  and  Gladstone's  influence  was  correspondingly  dimin- 
ished. It  looked  for  the  moment  as  if  Salisbury's  "  resolute 
government  "  would  assert  its  pre-eminence  over  the  policy  of 
Home  Rule. 

In  the  summer  of  1888  the  Home  Rule  controversy  entered  The  Parnell 
into  a  new  phase.  A  year  before,  about  the  time  of  the  publish-  Commission. 
ing  of  the  supposed  Parnell  letters  in  The  Times,  that  journal 
had  also  printed  a  number  of  articles  entitled  "  Parnellism  and 
Crime."  They  contained  charges  of  an  indefinite  character 
against  the  Irish  leader.  They  used,  as  Morley  says,  allusion, 
suggestion  and  innuendo  to  make  a  crude  and  hideous  mosaic. 
These  articles  were  afterwards  published  in  book  form,  and 
O'Donnell,  a  former  member  of  the  Nationalist  party,  whose  name 
occurred  in  them,  brought  an  action  for  libel  against  Mr.  Walter, 
the  proprietor  of  The  Times,  claiming  as  damages  £50,000.  As 
O'Donnell  would  not  go  into  the  witness  box  he  lost  the  action, 
in  the  course  of  which  the  Attorney-General,  Sir  Richard  Webster, 
counsel  for  The  Times,  read  a  number  of  letters,  purporting  to 
be  written  by  Parnell,  showing  complicity  in  and  approval  of 
the  Phoenix  Park  murders.  Parnell  having  no  legal  redress  for 
these  libels,  took  the  only  course  possible.  He  emphatically  denied 
in  the  House  the  authenticity  of  the  letters,  and  asked  for 
a  Select  Committee,  from  which  all  Irish  Members  of  Parliament 
should  be  excluded,  to  investigate  the  matter.  This  reasonable 
demand  was  refused,  and,  instead,  the  Government  offered  to 
bring  in  a  Bill  to  appoint  a  Commission,  consisting  wholly  or 
mainly  of  judges,  to  inquire  into  the  allegations  and  charges 
made  against  members  of  Parliament  by  The  Times.  This  was 
accepted  by  Parnell  and  his  friends,  but  the  Government  then 
altered  their  offer  by  inserting  the  words  "  and  other  persons  " 
after  "  members."  This  changed  the  Commission  from  an  inquiry 
into  specific  charges  made  against  known  individuals  into  a  general 
investigation  into  the  course  of  Irish  politics  since  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Land  League. 

This  Commission  consisted  of  three  English  judges,  Sir  James  AnUnconsti- 
Hannen,  a  man  of  the  highest  character,  presiding.     It  first  met  tutional 
on  September  lyth,  1888,  and  sat  for  120  days,  rising  for  the  last  Tpibima1' 
time   on   November   22nd,    1889.     It    examined   more   than   450 
witnesses  ;    one  counsel  spoke  for  five  days,  another  for  seven, 
and  a  third  for  nearly  twelve.    The  questions  put  to  witnesses 
numbered   nearly   8,000.     The   Commission  was   itself   unconsti- 

383 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Origin  of  ! 
the  Letters. 


Pigott's 
Confession. 


Collapse 
of  Pigott. 


tutional  and  unfair,  for  it  tried  men  on  a  political  charge  without 
giving  them  the  benefit  of  a  jury,  and  left  to  the  judges  the 
decision  on  the  facts. 

The  letters  which  formed  the  occasion  of  the  Commission  were 
not  reached  till  the  fiftieth  day — February  i4th,  1889.  The 
manager  of  The  Times,  called  to  tell  his  story,  said  he  had  pur- 
chased three  batches  of  letters  for  £2,500  from  the  Secretary  of 
the  Irish  Loyal  and  Patriotic  Union.  It  was  not  known  to  whom 
they  were  addressed,  there  were  no  envelopes  with  the  letters, 
the  signatures  corresponded  with  those  admitted  to  be  Parnell's  ; 
but  the  editor's  chief  reason  for  believing  in  their  genuineness 
was  that  he  thought  that  they  were  the  kind  of  letters  which 
Parnell  would  be  likely  to  write. 

After  some  reluctance  on  the  part  of  the  prosecution,  the  judges 
called  the  secretary  of  the  union,  and  he  said  he  had  received 
them  from  a  certain  Richard  Pigott,  who  was  the  next  witness. 
This  man  was  notorious  in  Dublin  as  "  Dick  "  Pigott,  a  broken-down 
hack,  living  from  hand  to  mouth,  and  begging  from  anyone  who 
was  likely  to  believe  him.  In  the  autumn  of  1885  he  had  received, 
from  the  Irish  Loyal  and  Patriotic  Union,  £60  for  a  pamphlet 
called  "  Parnellism  Unmasked,"  and  had  been  paid  a  guinea  a 
day  and  travelling  expenses  to  collect  evidence  against  Parnell 
and  his  friends.  He  appeared  to  make  a  substantial  living,  and 
took  trips  to  New  York,  Lausanne  and  Paris.  He  forged  the 
letters  which  he  pretended  to  have  obtained  from  Parnellite 
conspirators,  and  received  £500  for  the  conspirators  and  £100 
for  himself.  He  said,  at  a  later  period,  "  I  have  been  in  diffi- 
culties and  great  distress  for  want  of  money  for  the  last  twenty 
years  and,  in  order  to  find  means  of  support  for  myself  and  my 
large  family,  I  have  been  guilty  of  many  acts  which  must  for  ever 
disgrace  me."  In  October,  1888,  just  after  the  opening  of  the 
Commission,  he  made  a  full  confession  to  Parnell's  solicitor,  which 
he  afterwards  withdrew. 

He  went  into  the  witness-box  on  February  2ist,  1889,  and, 
under  the  cross-examination  of  Sir  Charles  Russell,  who  conducted 
the  defence  with  rare  dignity  and  statesmanship,  he  completely 
broke  down.  It  was  shown  that  his  customary  errors  in  spelling 
were  precisely  similar  to  those  which  occurred  in  the  Parnell 
letters.  Correspondence  between  him  and  the  Catholic  Archbishop 
of  Dublin,  as  well  as  with  W.  E.  Forster,  was  read.  Pigott 
entirely  collapsed,  and  when  the  court  opened  on  the  following 
morning  he  did  not  appear.  After  confessing  his  crime,  he  went 
to  Spain,  thinking  that  England  had  no  treaty  of  extradition  with 

384 


EXONERATION    OF    PARNELL 

that   country.     But  when  the  police  entered  his  hotel  in  Madrid 
on  March  ist  with  a  warrant    for  his  arrest  he  shot  himself. 

The  report  of  the  commission  was  presented  to  Parliament  Parnell's 
on  February  I3th,  1890.  It  was  eagerly  read  and  admitted  to  Hour  .of 
be  an  acquittal.  The  only  condemnation  expressed  was  that  TriumPh« 
the  Parnellites  had  denounced  crime,  yet  did  not  denounce  the 
system  which  led  to  crime  and  outrage,  but  persisted  in  it  with 
a  knowledge  of  its  effects.  No  action  was  taken  by  Parliament 
with  regard  to  the  report,  but  on  the  first  appearance  of  Parnell 
in  the  House  after  its  publication  he  was  greeted  by  an  extra- 
ordinary demonstration.  The  House  was  crowded  when  he 
appeared,  and  at  the  sight  of  him  the  whole  of  the  Liberals  rose 
to  their  feet  and,  standing  up,  cheered  him  again  and  again, 
while  even  some  Tories  joined  in  the  applause.  Parnell  took  it 
very  quietly,  but  with  some  embarrassment,  and  as  he  sat  down 
said  to  a  friend  next  to  him,  "  Why  did  you  fellows  all  stand  up  ? 
You  almost  frightened  me."  That  scene  was  the  zenith  of  Parnell's 
parliamentary  career. 

We  must  now  give  some  account  of  Salisbury  as  Foreign  The  Triple 
Secretary.  When  he  took  office  at  the  beginning  of  1887  Egypt  Alliance. 
was  a  burning  question.  Five  years  before  Great  Britain  had 
talked  about  leaving  in  six  months,  but  she  was  still  in  possession, 
and  likely  to  remain.  In  May  she  proposed  a  treaty  to  the 
Sultan,  promising  to  leave  in  three  years ;  but  this  was  never 
ratified,  and  she  had,  moreover,  signed  an  agreement  with  France 
which  effectually  neutralised  the  Suez  Canal.  Salisbury  also 
attempted  to  settle  the  long-standing  dispute  with  France  about 
the  Newfoundland  fisheries,  but  his  endeavours  were  frustrated 
by  the  rashness  of  his  chosen  envoy,  Joseph  Chamberlain.  In 
the  autumn  of  1887  a  change  took  place  in  the  international 
relations  of  Europe  by  the  formation  of  a  Triple  Alliance  between 
Germany,  Austria  and  Italy,  which  claimed  to  be  a  league  of 
peace.  It  was  inaugurated  by  Ciispi,  on  a  visit  to  Bismarck 
at  Friedrichsruhe.  In  Italy  dread  of  France  had  taken  the  place 
of  hatred  of  Austria,  and  France,  in  her  jealousy  of  Italy,  was 
inclined  to  turn  to  Russia.  Salisbury  favoured  the  Triple  Alliance, 
thinking  it  favourable  to  European  quiet.  He  also  believed  that 
friendship  with  Italy  would  be  useful  in  checking  the  preponder- 
ance of  France  in  the  Mediterranean. 

In  Egypt  Salisbury  made  no  attempt  to  reconquer  the  Sudan,  African 
but  left  it  to  the  Khalifa.     He,  however,  sent  an  expedition  to  Questions. 
secure   Suakin   against   attack  by   the   Dervishes.    At   the   same 
time,    he    saw    that,    in    order    to    prevent    complications    with 

*  385 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Germany,  it  would  be  well  to  make  some  arrangement  for  the 
delimitation  of  Africa,  in  which  country  exploration  and  annexa- 
tion had  gone  on  with  extreme  rapidity.  In  1885  Carl  Peters, 
a  German  explorer,  had  acquired  for  the  German  East  Africa 
Company  a  large  amount  of  territory  which  might  have  been 
obtained  for  Great  Britain.  In  1887  the  Royal  Niger  Company 
had  been  formed,  and  the  King  of  the  Belgians  had  become 
Sovereign  of  the  Congo  State.  Bechuanaland  had  been  placed  under 
British  protection,  and  Matabeleland  and  Mashonaland  had  been 
annexed.  For  the  administration  of  these  districts  the  South 
Africa  Company  had  been  founded,  and  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company  had  been  established  in  the  previous  year.  The 
head-quarters  of  this  company  were  at  Mombasa,  but  their  principal 
acquisition  was  Uganda,  on  the  shores  of  Victoria  Nyanza.  A 
charter  was  given  to  the  South  Africa  Company  on  October  I5th, 
1889,  which  eventually  brought  about  unexpected  results. 
Cession  of  In  1890  Germany  had  acquired  a  considerable  portion  of  East 

Heligoland.  Africa,  and  put  in  a  claim  to  what  is  called  the  hinterland  or 
back  country  of  Zanzibar,  affirming  the  doctrine  that  when  a 
Power  has  taken  possession  of  a  coast  line  the  unoccupied  territory 
behind  it  cannot  be  claimed  by  any  other  Power.  Thereupon 
Caprivi,  who  had  succeeded  Bismarck  as  Chancellor  of  the  German 
Empire,  set  to  work  to  define  what  were  called  British  and 
German  spheres  of  influence.  By  an  agreement  signed  between 
Great  Britain  and  Germany  on  July  ist,  1890,  a  road  called  the 
Stevenson  Road  was  recognised  as  the  frontier  between  the  two 
Empires.  Nyassa  and  Uganda  became  British,  the  frontier  line 
being  drawn  across  Victoria  Nyanza,  and  a  British  protectorate 
was  established  over  the  island  of  Zanzibar  and  the  adjacent 
island  of  Pemba.  In  return,  Great  Britain  ceded  Heligoland 
to  Germany,  a  place  of  great  use  to  us  during  the  Napoleonic 
wars,  but  which  had  ceased  to  be  of  much  value.  A  French  sphere 
of  influence  was  also  marked  out,  which  included  the  French 
Congo  on  the  West  Coast,  occupied  in  1888,  and  the  whole 
of  the  Sahara  from  Algeria  to  Timbuctoo,  a  very  valuable 
possession.  Portugal  received  1,000  square  miles  on  the  north 
of  the  Zambesi  in  return  for  a  narrow  slip  of  Manicaland  which 
gave  access  to  the  domain  of  the  Chartered  Company.  The 
results  of  these  "  arrangements "  have  been  on  the  whole  satis- 
factory, and  since  their  conclusion  no  disputes  have  arisen  in 
Africa  of  any  importance  with  regard  to  undefined  and  un- 
occupied land. 

On  November   I5th,    1890,   ten   days  before   the  meeting   of 

3*6 


GOSCHEN'S    BUDGET 

Parliament  for  the  autumn  session,  a  case  came  before  the  Divorce 
Court  in  which  Parnell  was  involved  as  co-respondent.  Parnell 
was  unmarried,  had  no  regular  home,  and  no  address  except  that 
of  the  House  of  Commons.  The  intrigue  with  Mrs.  O'Shea  had 
gone  on  for  a  long  time,  the  suit  was  undefended,  and  judgment 
was  bound  to  go  against  him.  This  unfortunate  affair  ruined 
for  the  time  being  the  cause  of  Home  Rule.  The  Irish  Nationalists 
expressed  their  unabated  confidence  in  Parnell,  but  British 
Liberals  refused  to  support  the  cause  of  Home  Rule  if  he  continued 
to  be  at  the  head  of  it.  It  was  hoped  that  he  would  resign  the 
leadership  of  his  own  accord,  but  he  declined  to  go.  For  several 
days  the  battle  between  the  two  sections  of  the  Irish  Party  raged 
within  the  walls  of  the  House  of  Commons  in  Committee  Room 
No.  15.  Parnell  stood  at  bay  and  fought  with  tremendous  energy. 
As  he  was  chairman  of  the  meeting  it  was  impossible  to  turn  him 
out.  At  last  the  majority  of  forty-five  left  the  room,  and  elected 
Justin  MacCarthy  as  their  chairman,  though  twenty-five  con- 
tinued to  follow  Parnell's  lead.  On  December  5th  Parnell  crossed 
over  to  Ireland  and  conducted  a  hopeless  battle  with  restless 
vigour  and  passion,  but  he  found  no  support,  either  amongst 
Catholics  or  others.  He  married  Mrs.  O'Shea  on  July  7th,  but 
this  offended  the  Catholics,  who  prohibit  all  marriages  between 
divorced  persons.  He  was  a  stricken  man,  and  died  at  his  house 
at  Brighton  on  October  6th,  1891,  at  the  early  age  of  forty-five. 
His  last  words  were,  "  Let  my  love  be  conveyed  to  my  colleagues 
and  to  the  Irish  people,"  and  he  was  buried  at  Glasnevin  Cemetery 
in  Dublin  on  October  nth,  amidst  manifestations  of  profound 
sorrow  and  respect. 

Mr.  Goschen's  budget  for  1890  produced  an  important  result  Technical 
which  was  entirely  unanticipated.  He  had  to  deal  with  a  surplus  Education 
of  £3,500,000,  which  was  popularly  supposed  to  be  due  to  the 
excessive  consumption  of  whisky.  He  used  it  to  remit  taxation, 
reducing  the  duty  on  tea  and  currants,  and  diminishing  the  house 
duty.  With  the  residue  he  proposed  to  create  a  fund  for  the 
purchase  and  extinction  of  publicans'  licences.  This  raised  a 
storm  among  the  friends  of  temperance,  the  licensing  clauses  were 
dropped,  and  the  money  was  given  to  the  county  councils  to  be 
spent  upon  technical  education.  This  laid  upon  the  county 
authorities,  for  the  first  time,  the  duty  of  considering  how  educa- 
tion, other  than  elementary,  could  be  best  provided  in  the  districts 
which  they  controlled.  The  operation  of  this  and  other  causes 
is  gradually  removing  from  our  country  the  well-merited  reproach 
of  being  an  uneducated  people. 

387 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Free 
Education. 


Gladstone's 

Fourth 

Premiership. 


In  the  following  year  free  education  was  established  in  the 
public  elementary  schools  of  England  and  Wales,  greatly  through 
the  influence  of  Chamberlain,  who,  many  years  before,  had  been 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  Birmingham  Education  League,  and 
had  included  free  education  in  the  Unauthorised  Programme  to 
which  we  alluded  on  an  earlier  page.  The  country  was  already 
familiar  with  the  payment  for  education  by  the  Government.  All 
elementary  schools  certified  by  an  inspector  to  be  efficient  received 
a  contribution  from  the  rates,  whereas  the  so-called  voluntary 
schools,  which  were  generally  Church  schools,  were  maintained 
largely  by  subscriptions.  It  was  proposed  to  endow  both  classes 
of  schools  at  an  estimated  cost  of  los.  a  child,  and  the  Act, 
originated  by  the  Liberals,  was  passed  by  the  Tories.  It  has  had 
an  effect  little  contemplated,  and  even  now  little  observed 
and  understood.  Since  1891  the  standard  of  national  culture 
has  been  raised  in  a  surprising  manner.  The  democracy,  educated 
in  elementary  schools,  or  in  higher  schools  of  the  elementary  type, 
has  developed  a  knowledge  and  love  of  literature,  music  and 
art  which  in  some  respects  places  it  above  that  of  other  nations. 
Shakespeare  has  taken  his  place  by  the  side  of  the  Bible  as  the 
chief  source  of  national  education,  and  the  culture  thus  obtained 
has  tended  to  compensate  for  the  withering  blight  which  devotion 
to  amusement  and  self-indulgence  has  cast  upon  the  governing 
classes. 

The  Parliament  of  1886  was  now  nearing  its  natural  end,  and 
was  dissolved  on  June  26th,  1892.  It  was  understood  that  the 
contest  would  turn  on  the  question  of  Home  Rule,  although 
temperance  and  the  disestablishment  of  the  Welsh  Church  would 
also  be  considered.  The  election  was  fought  with  great  enthu- 
siasm. Gladstone  declined  to  give  a  sketch  of  the  Bill  which 
he  intended  to  propose,  except  that  it  would  provide  for  the 
Irish  members  sitting  in  Parliament.  But  the  results  of  the 
contest  were  unsatisfactory,  as  it  gave  no  party  a  majority  of 
the  whole  House,  and  the  balance  was  held  by  the  Irish. 
Salisbury  did  not  resign  until  he  was  defeated  on  an  amend- 
ment to  the  Address  by  350  to  310  votes.  Gladstone  became 
Prime  Minister  for  the  fourth  time,  but  he  was  at  the  mercy 
of  the  Irish.  Any  Home  Rule  Bill,  moreover,  which  might  be 
passed  by  the  Commons  was  certain  to  be  rejected  by  the 
House  of  Lords.  He  formed  a  strong  Cabinet,  Rosebery  going 
to  the  Foreign  Office  and  Morley  becoming  again  Chief  Secretary 
for  Ireland.  Asquith,  then  at  the  outset  of  a  distinguished 
career,  was  given  the  Home  Office,  and  the  Queen,  as  she  gazed 

388 


THE    SECOND    HOME    RULE    BILL 

with  veiled  apprehension  at  the  Minister  to  whom  she  was 
obliged  to  entrust  the  seals  of  office,  thought  him  very  young  for 
the  post.  Bryce,  the  brilliant  Oxford  historian,  became  Chancellor 
of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster. 

Gladstone  introduced  his  Home  Rule  Bill  on  February  I3th,  The  Lords 
1893.  It  was  virtually  the  same  as  the  first,  excepting  that  Irish  Reject 
members  were  allowed  to  vote  at  Westminster  on  any  Imperial  Home  Rule§ 
question  or  any  question  affecting  Ireland,  their  numbers  being 
reduced  from  103  to  80.  The  second  reading  was  passed  on  April 
22nd,  by  a  majority  of  43.  The  Unionists  caused  great  obstruc- 
tion in  Committee,  and  Balfour  declared  his  intention  of  voting 
for  any  amendment  which  might  improve  the  Bill  and  for  any 
which  might  destroy  it.  In  the  discussion  the  clauses  limiting 
the  subjects  on  which  Irish  members  might  vote  were  dropped, 
after  some  very  stormy  scenes,  which  culminated  at  the  end  of 
July  in  disorder  unparalleled  in  Parliament  in  recent  years.  The 
Bill  was  read  for  the  third  time  by  a  majority  of  34  and  was 
taken  to  the  Lords  on  September  ist.  Lord  Spencer  did  his  best 
for  it,  but  there  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  its  fate.  The  Bill  was 
rejected  in  a  House  of  unprecedented  fullness  by  417  votes  to  41, 
the  largest  division  ever  taken  in  the  Lords. 

Gladstone  had  previously  given  a  pledge  that  he  would  not  Gladstone's 
dissolve  if  the  Lords  threw  out  the  Home  Rule  Bill,  so  that  the  Resignation. 
session  went  on,  all  Liberal  legislation  being  nullified  or  impeded 
by  the  action  of  the  Upper  House.  This  reached  such  a  pitch 
that  Gladstone  thought  a  new  election  might  be  favourable  to 
his  party,  based  upon  the  conduct  of  the  Lords.  They  had 
rejected  the  Home  Rule  Bill,  to  which  the  Commons  had  given 
eighty-two  days'  discussion,  and  had  marred  the  Parish  Councils 
Bill,  which  had  been  debated  for  forty-one  days  in  the  Lower 
House.  Gladstone  urged  that,  for  practical  purposes,  the  Lords 
had  destroyed  the  work  of  the  House  of  Commons,  unexampled 
as  that  work  was  in  the  time  and  pains  bestowed  upon  it.  But 
the  Cabinet  were  entirely  averse  to  dissolution,  and  the  only 
alternative  was  his  own  resignation  ;  but  Lord  Morley  tells  us 
that  up  to  the  last  moment  he  held  that  it  would  have  been  a 
right  course  to  dissolve  upon  the  relations  between  the  two 
Houses.  His  desire  to  resign  office  was  intensified  by  his  inability 
to  persuade  his  colleagues  of  the  necessity  of  reducing  the  naval 
and  military  Estimates. 

Gladstone's  last  Cabinet  Council  was  held  on  March  ist,  1894. 
Morley  has  given  us  a  touching  account  of  it.  "  Mr.  Gladstone 
sat,  composed  and  still  as  marble,  and  the  emotion  of  the  Cabinet 

389 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Gladstone's 
Farewell. 


did  not  gain  him  for  a  moment.  He  followed  the  '  words  of 
acknowledgment  and  farewell '  in  a  little  speech  of  four  or  five 
minutes,  his  voice  unbroken  and  serene,  the  tone  low,  grave  and 
steady  .  .  .  then  hardly  above  a  breath  and  every  accent  heard, 
he  said,  '  God  bless  you  all.'  He  rose  slowly  and  went  out  of 
one  door,  while  his  colleagues,  with  minds  oppressed,  filed  out 
of  the  other."  He  entered  in  his  diary  that  "  it  was  a  very 
moving  scene." 

His  last  speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  delivered  the  same 
afternoon,  was  a  vigorous  assault  upon  the  House  of  Lords.  The 
question,  he  said,  was  whether  the  function  of  the  House  of  Lords 
was  not  merely  to  modify  but  to  annihilate  the  whole  work  of  the 
House  of  Commons.  He  ended  by  saying  that  the  present  state 
of  things  could  not  continue,  and  that  the  issue  which  was  raised 
between  a  deliberative  assembly,  elected  by  the  votes  of  more 
than  6,000,000  people,  and  a  hereditary  assembly  occupied  by 
many  men  of  virtue,  many  men  of  talent,  of  course  with  consider- 
able diversities  and  varieties,  was  a  controversy  which,  when 
once  raised,  must  go  forwards  to  an  issue.  On  his  resignation 
being  accepted  by  the  Queen,  he  wrote  to  General  Ponsonby  that 
he  had  witnessed  in  him  such  a  combination  of  tact  and  temper, 
with  loyalty,  intelligence  and  truth,  as  he  could  not  expect  to 
see  again. 

If  Gladstone  had  been  consulted  about  his  successor,  he  would 
as  Premier.  have  recommended  Lord  Spencer  ;  but  his  advice  was  not  sought, 
and  the  Queen  on  her  own  responsibility  sent  for  Lord  Rosebery, 
although  Sir  William  Harcourt  had  superior  claims.  The  new 
session  began  on  March  I2th.  Rosebery  was  not  keenly  in  favour 
of  Home  Rule.  He  agreed  with  Lord  Salisbury  in  thinking  that, 
before  it  could  be  conceded,  England,  the  predominant  partner, 
must  be  convinced  that  it  was  just.  The  session  was  mainly 
occupied  with  Harcourt's  Radical  budget,  which  largely  increased 
the  death  duties.  The  difference  between  real  and  personal 
property  in  this  matter  was  abolished,  duty  was  made  payable 
on  the  estate  as  a  whole,  and  it  had  to  be  assessed  according 
to  its  value  in  the  open  market,  and  not  on  the  worth  of 
the  estate  to  the  recipient.  The  rate  of  duty  was  graduated 
from  i  to  8  per  cent.,  according  to  the  value  of  the  estate. 
By  alterations  in  the  income  tax  the  burden  of  the  poorer 
taxpayers  was  lightened  ;  while  the  death  duties,  under  the  new 
scheme,  brought  to  the  Exchequer  an  increase  of  more  than 
£4,000,000.  The  Finance  Bill  was  much  abused,  and  only 
passed  the  House  by  a  majority  of  14,  but  time  proved  its 

390 


Rosebery 


A    DRAMATIC    MINISTERIAL    DEFEAT 

soundness,   and  no  Conservative  Government  has  attempted  to 
repeal  it. 

In  the  session  of  1895  efforts  were  made  to  redeem  the  promises  The 
given  in  the  general  election  of  1892,  by  dealing  with  the  questions  "Cordite" 
of  Welsh  Disestablishment  and  temperance  reform.  The  Welsh  Resolution- 
Disestablishment  Bill,  which  included  a  large  measure  of  dis- 
endowment,  was  read  a  second  time  on  April  3rd,  by  304  votes 
to  260,  Chamberlain  voting  in  the  majority  ;  but,  owing  to  the 
fall  of  the  Government,  did  not  get  beyond  the  Committee  stage. 
The  Local  Option  Bill,  as  it  was  called,  did  not  get  beyond  a  first 
reading.  The  defeat  of  the  Government  was  paltry,  but  dramatic. 
Mr.  Brodrick  moved  an  amendment  to  the  Estimates,  calling 
attention  to  the  small  supply  of  cordite  in  the  Government 
magazines,  although  there  was  really  a  larger  supply  than  usual 
or  than  was  necessary.  He  had,  with  great  astuteness,  collected 
members  of  his  party  for  a  snap  division,  and  when  this  was  taken 
it  was  found  that  his  amendment  was  carried  by  132  votes  to 
125,  the  Government  being  beaten  by  a  majority  of  7.  There 
was  no  need  for  the  Cabinet  to  resign  on  such  a  vote,  but  they 
were  weary  of  their  position,  and  were  glad  to  be  relieved  of  it. 
Lord  Rosebery,  in  a  farewell  speech,  dwelt  on  the  misery  of 
governing  with  a  small  and  uncertain  majority,  and,  he  might 
have  added,  with  a  leader  in  the  Lower  House  who  was  thoroughly 
unsympathetic.  He  reiterated  the  attack  already  made  by  Glad- 
stone on  the  House  of  Lords.  Thus  ended  the  Gladstonian  regime, 
and  the  curtain  was  about  to  rise  on  a  new  phase  of  Imperialism, 
in  which  Joseph  Chamberlain  was  the  chief  actor. 


391 


CHAPTER  XI 
OLD  CHINA  AND  NEW  JAPAN 

Europe  Pre-  IN  the  sixteenth  century  the  Christian  nations  of  the  Aryan  stock 
dominant.  did  not  occupy  more  than  a  five-and-twentieth  part  of  the  surface 
of  the  globe,  whereas  the  followers  of  Mohammed,  Buddha  and 
Confucius  had  spread  themselves  over  nearly  one  half.  During 
the  last  three  centuries  this  proportion  has  notably  changed. 
Armenia,  Siberia,  South  Africa,  and  the  islands  of  Asia  have  been 
conquered  by  Europeans.  This  progress,  which  had  been  hindered 
in  Central  and  Southern  Asia  by  the  increasing  power  of  the 
Manchus,  received  a  great  impulse  in  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Europeans  now  govern,  directly  or  indirectly, 
three-fourths  of  the  globe  ;  indeed,  their  only  formidable  antago- 
nists are  the  Arabs  and  the  inhabitants  of  Eastern  Asia.  The 
Arabs  have  less  importance,  because  they  are  not  a  seafaring 
nation  and  have  no  fleet  of  war,  so  that  the  struggle  between 
the  Aryans  and  other  races  for  the  domination  of  the  world  is 
likely  to  concentrate  itself  in  Eastern  Asia,  and  it  is  possible  that 
the  conflict  between  them  may  become  prominent  in  the 
impending  future. 

Rise  of  The  chances  of  success  seem  to  be  on  the  side  of  the  Euro- 

Japan,  peans.     The  United    States  and  Canada  are  the  centre  and    the 

starting  place  of  a  conquering  civilisation.  India,  Hong  Kong  and 
Shanghai  are  becoming  rapidly  Europeanised  ;  Australia,  Manila 
and  Saigon  are  pressing  the  Eastern  Asiatics  from  the  south, 
while  Russia  presses  them  from  the  north.  It  is  hardly  likely 
that  Japan  will  be  able  to  place  herself  at  the  head  of  a  new 
Eastern  Empire  under  the  rule  of  the  Mikado,  because  the  Malays 
differ  from  the  Japanese  in  race,  language,  religion  and  political 
ideas.  However,  since  1900  a  change  has  taken  place  in  favour 
of  the  Eastern  civilisation,  and  it  is  possible  that  the  independ- 
ence of  ideas  and  government  which  has  made  Japan  almost  a 
member  of  the  European  family  of  nations  may  spread  to  China 
and  produce  results  difficult  to  foresee.  There  can,  however,  be 
no  doubt  that  Japan  has  won  a  strong  position  for  herself  by 
her  own  strength,  and  is  likely  to  keep  it.  The  war  of  1894  had 

392 


OPENING    OF    CHINA 

the  effect  of  giving  to  Japan  a  considerable  moral  and  material 
development. 

The  intercourse  between  Great  Britain  and  China  began  later  The  East 
than  that  of  other  European  Powers,  but  has  grown  to  large  *ndia 
dimensions.  In  1613  the  East  India  Company  established  a 
factory  in  Japan  and,  two  years  later,  opened  agencies  in  Formosa 
and  Amoy.  Little  progress,  however,  was  made  until  Oliver 
Cromwell  concluded  the  treaty  with  Portugal  which  gave  England 
free  access  to  China  by  way  of  the  East  Indies.  In  1644  tne 
reigning  dynasty  in  China  was  replaced  by  the  Ts'ing,  a  Manchu, 
dynasty,  and  the  new  government  showed  itself  hostile  to  the 
foreigner.  The  East  India  Company's  factory  at  Amoy  was 
destroyed  in  1681.  Trade  continued,  subject  to  great  difficulties 
and  interruptions,  and  it  was  only  in  1771  that  permission  was 
given  to  foreigners  to  reside  at  Canton  during  the  winter — that  is, 
during  the  trading  season. 

For  more  than  two  centuries  the  relations  of  the  East  India  The  Treaty 
Company  towards  the  new  government  were  those  of  a  suppliant,  Ports« 
humbly  acknowledging  the  supreme  sovereignty  of  the  Son  of 
Heaven.  The  higher  classes,  the  Court,  the  officials,  and  the 
educated  mandarins  despised  trade  as  only  fit  for  the  lowest  class  ; 
foreign  traders  were  tolerated  for  brief  periods  in  the  suburbs  of 
Canton,  but  were  not  allowed  to  enter  the  gates  or  travel  inside, 
nor  to  come  into  contact  with  any  but  the  lowest  orders  of  the 
Chinese.  The  embassies  of  Lord  Macartney  in  1792  and  of  Lord 
Amherst  in  1816  were  treated  as  tribute-bearing  deputations, 
and,  until  a  comparatively  recent  date,  Great  Britain  was  only 
allowed  a  place  in  the  roll  of  tributary  nations.  At  last,  in  1839, 
war  broke  out,  the  results  of  which  were  that  the  island  of  Hong 
Kong  was  ceded  to  the  British,  and  five  ports — Canton,  Amoy, 
Foochow,  Ningpo  and  Shanghai — were  opened  to  British  trade. 
Another  war  broke  out  in  1856,  and  the  Treaty  of  Tientsin  was 
signed  in  1858  and  confirmed  by  the  Convention  of  Peking  in 
1860.  Additional  ports  in  China  were  opened  to  British  trade, 
a  British  representative  was  allowed  to  reside  permanently  in 
Peking,  and  the  territory  of  Kowloon  opposite  to  Hong  Kong  was 
ceded  to  Great  Britain. 

The  Treaty  of  Tientsin  and  the  subsequent  conventions  which  Hatred  of 
accompanied  it  form  an  epoch  in  the  relations  between  China  Foreigners. 
and  Europe.     China  was  brought,  for  the  first  time,  face  to  face 
with  the  fact  that  her  supposed  supremacy  was  at  an  end,  and 
that  she  must   acknowledge  the  equality  of  other  States.     But 
whatever   privileges   were   granted   to   foreigners   on   paper,    the 

393 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Chinese  were,  in  spirit,  as  much  opposed  to  them  as  ever.  In 
1875  friendly  relations  between  Great  Britain  and  China  were 
seriously  interrupted  by  the  murder  of  Augustus  Margary,  an 
official  in  the  British  consular  service.  Trade  between  China 
and  Burma  having  been  interrupted  by  a  rebellion  of  the 
Mussulmans  of  Yunnan,  which  was  suppressed  in  1873,  the  British 
were  desirous  of  reopening  it,  and  collected  an  expedition  for 
the  purpose  at  Bhamo,  to  which  Margary  was  to  act  as  interpreter. 
Margary  readily  went  ahead  of  the  expedition  to  test  the  feeling 
of  the  Chinese,  and  was  killed  just  across  the  frontier.  Colonel 
Horace  Browne,  who  was  in  command  of  the  expedition,  had  to 
retire,  and  reached  Bhamo  in  safety.  Sir  Thomas  Wade,  the 
British  representative  at  Peking,  demanded  reparation,  and  when 
delays  took  place  hauled  down  his  flag  and  left  the  Chinese  capital. 
He,  however,  agreed  to  meet  Li  Hung  Chang,  a  prominent  and 
powerful  Chinese  statesman  at  Cheefoo,  and  an  envoy  was  sent 
to  London  with  an  apology  for  the  crime.  In  1872  the  Emperor 
Tung-chi,  having  arrived  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  was  obliged  to 
assume  the  Imperial  sceptre  and  to  take  to  himself  a  wife.  AMI, 
the  daughter  of  a  Manchu  official,  was  chosen  for  the  purpose, 
and  the  marriage  took  place  on  October  i6th. 
"The  It  was  hoped  that  the  succession  of  the  new  Emperor  would 

P*ace  *ke  representatives  of  foreign  Powers  in  a  better  position. 
They  had  hitherto  been  denied  personal  audiences,  on  the  ground 
that  the  Sovereign  was  not  of  age  to  receive  them,  but  that  excuse 
now  became  invalid.  So  on  June  2gth,  1873,  they  were  permitted 
to  have  an  audience.  But  the  ceremony,  instead  of  being  held 
in  the  State  Hall  of  the  Imperial  Palace,  took  place  in  an  apart- 
ment used  for  less  solemn  occasions,  and  the  concession  was 
regarded  rather  as  a  slight  than  an  honour.  Any  effort  in  the 
direction  of  improving  the  relations  between  China  and  Europe 
was  cut  short  by  the  sudden  death  of  Tung-chi  on  January  i2th. 
It  was  announced  that  he  died  of  small-pox,  but  it  is  believed 
he  was  poisoned  by  the  two  Empresses,  into  whose  hands  the 
Regency  now  returned.  These  were  the  widow  of  the  late  Emperor 
Hien  Fung  and  the  mother  of  Tung-chi.  It  was  the  duty  of  the 
Regents  to  nominate  a  successor  to  the  throne,  and  the  choice  fell 
upon  Tsai-tien,  a  child  of  four  years  old.  This  nomination  was 
illegal  in  several  ways.  It  violated  the  rule  that  the  successor 
to  the  throne  must  belong  to  a  later  generation  than  the  previous 
occupant,  and  it  disregarded  the  fact  that  Aluli,  the  widow  of 
Tung-chi,  was  with  child  and  that  no  appointment  should  be  made 
until  it  became  known  whether  the  infant  was  a  son  or  a  daughter. 

394 


FRANCO-CHINESE    WAR 

Aluli,  however,  conveniently  died,  the  other  objection  was  over- 
ruled, and  the  boy  of  four  years  old  was  recognised  as  Emperor 
under  the  name  of  Kwang  Hsu,  the  "  Successor  of  Glory." 

It  was  only  natural  that  these  events  should  strengthen  the  The  Great 
feeling  in  China  against  the  foreigner.  Mission  houses  were  * ™™® 
destroyed  and  missionaries  attacked  and  murdered,  the  out- 
breaks taking  place  in  country  districts  where  their  causes  were 
difficult  to  ascertain.  However,  the  pressure  for  greater  liberty 
continued,  and  in  1876  four  new  ports  were  opened  to  foreign 
trade.  The  feeling  towards  the  foreigners  was  further  improved 
by  the  action  of  the  missionaries,  who  organised  relief  for  the 
sufferers  from  the  terrible  famine  of  1878,  which  destroyed  9,000,000 
people.  The  Chinese  Government  went  so  far  as  to  send  a  formal 
letter  of  thanks  to  the  foreign  representatives  at  Peking. 

Great  activity  was  now  shown  in  external  affairs.  In  July,  Russia  and 
1871,  the  Chinese  had  allowed  the  Russians  to  occupy  the  province  u  ja" 
of  Kuldja,  on  the  understanding  that  they  should  receive  the 
territory  back  again  so  soon  as  they  were  able  to  occupy  it  effec- 
tually. After  the  death  of  their  great  enemy,  Yakub  Khan,  the 
Chinese  considered  that  the  time  for  this  had  arrived,  and  began 
negotiations  with  the  Russians  for  this  purpose.  An  incompetent 
ambassador  completed  an  agreement  in  October,  1879,  which 
ceded  the  greater  part  of  the  province  to  the  Russians,  and  when 
he  returned  to  Peking  he  was  promptly  condemned  to  death 
and  a  more  discreet  emissary,  the  well-known  Marquis  Tseng,  was 
dispatched  in  his  place.  By  the  payment  of  a  sum  of  money 
he  recovered  the  ceded  territory. 

In  April,  1881,  the  co-regent  died  and  the  government  remained  War  with 
in  the  hands  of  Tsu-tsi,  the  mother  of  the  late  Emperor.  She, 
however,  became  responsible  for  a  war  with  France,  which  lasted 
from  1882  to  1885.  The  origin  of  this  lay  in  the  desire  of  the 
Ferry  Ministry  in  France  to  force  the  note  of  colonial  enterprise, 
which  led  to  the  mission  of  Admiral  Courbet,  first,  to  compel 
the  Emperor  of  Anam  to  acknowledge  the  French  protectorate, 
and,  secondly,  to  wrest  the  delta  of  Tonking  from  the  Black  Flags, 
which  was  effected  in  the  Treaty  of  Tientsin,  signed  on  May  nth, 
1884.  The  Chinese  Government,  who  had  secretly  assisted  the 
Black  Flags,  resented  this  arrangement  and  attacked  a  French 
force,  with  the  view  of  expelling  the  hated  foreigners  from  Tonking. 
But  Courbet  destroyed  the  arsenal  of  Foochow,  took  possession 
of  Formosa,  and  the  Pescadores  Islands,  besides  blockading  the 
southern  part  of  China  to  prevent  the  trade  in  rice.  The  Chinese 
were  compelled  to  accept  peace,  which  was  signed  on  June  9th, 

395 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

1885,    at    Tientsin,    under   which   they   definitely   recognised   the 
establishment  of  a  French  protectorate  over  Tonking  and  Anam. 
Rise  of  Li  The  young  Emperor  came  of  age  in  1889,  when  he  not  only 

Hung  Chang,  had  to  take  to  himself  a  wife,  but  also  to  assume  the  reins  of 
government,  and  the  Dowager  Empress  chose  her  own  niece  for 
his  consort.  The  Emperor  followed  the  example  of  his  predecessor 
in  receiving  the  foreign  envoys,  and  with  some  difficulty  was 
persuaded  to  do  this  in  the  large  Hall  of  Audience,  instead  of  in 
the  smaller  which  had  been  used  for  the  purpose  by  Tung-chi. 
The  head  of  the  progressive  party  at  this  time  was  Li  Hung 
Chang,  who  persistently  urged  the  desirability  of  constructing 
railways  for  commercial  and  military  purposes.  The  Emperor 
strongly  opposed  the  project,  but  eventually  Li  gained  a  certain 
amount  of  success  for  his  policy.  Attempts  were  also  made  to 
modernise  the  system  of  official  examination,  to  establish  schools 
and  colleges,  to  open  a  college  of  science  at  Peking  ;  but  all  these 
failed  for  the  moment.  Reforms  were  introduced  in  the  currency, 
which  were  absolutely  necessary  for  commercial  operations  ;  but 
these,  too,  for  the  time,  did  not  meet  with  success. 

Death  of  In  1888  a  new  era  was  opened  by  a  number  of  concessions  of 

the  Marquis  Chinese  soil  to  foreign  Powers.  Macao,  which  in  1557  had  been 
handed  over  to  Portuguese  traders  for  a  sum  of  money,  which 
ceased  to  be  paid  in  1848,  was  in  1887  surrendered  to  Portugal  on 
the  same  footing  as  any  other  Portuguese  possession,  Portugal 
promising  not  to  alienate  it  without  the  consent  of  China.  Russia 
also  began  to  advance,  her  left  eye  looking,  as  was  said, 
covetously  at  Korea  and  her  right  at  Mongolia.  In  1888  a 
treaty  was  concluded  between  Russia  and  Korea,  which  gave  her 
the  right  to  trade  at  various  Korean  ports,  such  as  Chemulpo, 
Gensan,  Fusan,  and  the  town  of  Seoul.  Li  happened  to  be  a 
warm  supporter  of  the  Russian  schemes.  Li  and  the  Empress 
were  opposed  by  the  Marquis  Tseng,  a  man  of  great  ability, 
who  might  have  rendered  to  China  invaluable  assistance  in  the 
troublous  times  which  were  approaching,  but  he  was  taken  ill 
after  a  dinner  given  by  one  of  his  colleagues  which  he  was  foolish 
enough  to  attend,  and  died  on  April  i2th,  1890. 

Japan  and  Before   we   deal   with  the   war  between   China   and  Japan   in 

Feudalism.  1894,  which  forms  such  an  important  epoch  in  the  history  of 
the  Far  East,  we  must  give  some  account  of  the  development 
of  Japan  and  Korea,  which  was  the  cause  of  the  war.  The  most 
remarkable  fact  about  the  history  of  Japan  in  modern  times  was 
the  sudden  abolition  of  feudalism,  effecting  at  one  stroke  what 
it  cost  other  nations  similarly  situated  years  to  accomplish. 

396 


JAPAN    AND    FEUDALISM 

Feudalism  in  Japan  is  generally  considered  to  have  begun  in 
1192,  when  the  civil  government  of  the  several  provinces,  previ- 
ously chosen  from  the  Kuge,  or  Court  nobles,  was  replaced  by  one 
composed  of  Shugo,  or  protectors  drawn  from  the  military  class. 
However,  three  hundred  years  before  that  time  an  economical 
change  had  taken  place  which  substituted  large  estates  exempt 
from  taxation  for  peasant  holdings  subject  to  taxation,  which 
had  previously  existed.  Four  centuries  of  civil  war  succeeded, 
favourable  to  the  development  of  the  great  territorial  lords,  who 
had  risen  from  the  military  order,  and  to  whom  the  peasants  were 
responsible  for  the  payment  of  taxes  and  the  performance  of 
services  in  labour. 

The  feudal  system  was  completely  established  at  the  begin-  Tl»e  Position 
ning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  power  was  vested  in  the 
Daimios,  or  great  feudal  lords,  owing  a  nominal  allegiance  to  the 
Mikado,  a  phantom  sovereign  without  power,  and  in  a  number  of 
smaller  owners,  who  were  really  dependent  on  their  feudal  lords. 
The  Daimios  and  their  feudal  followers  formed  the  Samurai,  the 
military  and  noble  class  who  were  the  rulers  of  the  land.  These, 
however,  were  subdivided,  as  in  other  countries,  some  being 
granted  land,  others  receiving  pay,  usually  in  the  form  of  rice  ; 
some  serving  with  their  personal  vassals,  some  alone,  some  on 
horseback,  some  on  foot.  Service  in  the  cavalry  was  considered 
more  respectable,  as  in  Greece  and  Rome  and  other  feudal  States, 
and  the  man  who  had  a  horse  was  able  to  ride  it  in  times 
of  peace.  The  Mikado  and  the  Kuge  retained  all  their  titles 
and  prerogatives,  but  lost  every  vestige  of  influence  and  power. 
They  were  allowed  only  a  moderate  income,  and  were  excluded 
almost  entirely  from  intercourse  with  the  external  world.  But, 
curiously  enough,  this  entire  deprivation  of  power  was  coincident 
with  the  theory  that  the  Emperor  was  supreme,  and  for  this  reason 
devotion  to  the  Emperor  never  died  out.  He  lived  in  his  palace, 
as  in  heaven,  in  order  to  keep  his  noble  heart  unharmed.  Every 
day  he  was  to  pray  to  heaven  that  he  might  be  an  example  to 
his  country,  for  by  such  means  the  lofty  virtues  of  the  Emperor 
were  spread  abroad  ;  all  the  country  under  heaven  belonged  to 
the  Emperor ;  his  duty  was  to  help  and  educate  his  people,  and 
for  this  reason  he  committed  the  care  of  the  peace  and  prosperity 
of  the  country  to  officials  and  warriors.  This  duty  might  have 
been  entrusted  to  the  Kuge,  but  the  people  preferred  that  it 
should  be  given  to  the  Buke  or  military  class.  The  rulers  of 
provinces  were  called  Kokushu,  and  of  them  the  Shogun  was  the 
chief.  Beginning  at  first  as  primus  inter  pares,  he  gradually  arrived 

397 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

at   predominant   authority.      The  Kokushu  could  only  approach 
the  Mikado  through  the  Shogun  ;    all  direct  communication  with 
the   Imperial   Court   was   forbidden  ;    they  were  not   allowed  to 
visit  the  capital  without  the  approval  of  the  Shogun,  and  even 
then  they  must  not  come  within  a  certain  distance  of  the  Imperial 
palace.     Marriages    between    the    Buke    families    and    the    Kuge 
families  were  not  allowed  without  the  permission  of  the  Shogun, 
and  also  every  precaution  was  taken  to  maintain  the  authority  of 
the  Shogun  over  the  Daimios,  generally  on  the  principle  of  divid- 
ing   and    governing.     The    most    powerful    of    the    Shoguns    was 
lyemitsu,    who    held    the    office    from    1623  to    1651,    and  made 
himself  and  his  successors  masters  of  Japan.     The  visit  he  paid  to 
the  Mikado  in  Kioto  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign  was  the  last  paid 
by  any  Shogun  until  1863.     Under  his  rule  the  British  and  Chinese 
were   sent   to   Nagasaki,   and   all   other   foreigners   were   expelled 
the  country,   the  Japanese  themselves  being  forbidden  to  leave 
it.     The   administration   of  his   dominions   was   admirable   in   all 
respects.     He  was  the  first  to  assume  the  title  of  Tycoon,  or  "  great 
lord,"  which  he  used  in  intercourse  with  other  countries. 
The  Shogun         It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  supremacy  of  the  Shogun 
and  the        was  universally  accepted  without  opposition.     lyemitsu  belonged 
to  the  powerful  family  of  the  Tokugawa,  but  there  were  divisions 
in  this  family  itself  as  to  the  policy  by  which  the  Mikado  had 
been  deprived   of  his  rights.     The  opposition  to  it  was  mainly 
literary,  and  the  leaders  of  it  were  the  princes  of  the  House  of 
Mito.     Mitsukumi,  who  died  in   1700,  published  a  great  history 
and  a  book    of    ceremonial,  which    drew  attention  to  the  early 
history  of  Japan  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  restoration  of  the 
Mikado.     The  poverty  of  the  Samurai,  the  growth  of  Ronins  (or 
masterless  Samurai),  who  were  no  better  than  brigands  ;    the  rise 
of  a  bureaucracy  which  ate  like  a  canker  into  the  land  of  the 
Shogunate,  the  spread  of  foreign  ideas,  the  desire  of  the  Daimios 
for  independence,  led  to  the  formation  of   parties  at  the  courts 
both  of  the  Mikado  and  the  Shogun,  and  the  situation  was  brought 
to  a  crisis  by  the  appearance   of  foreign  vessels  off  the   coast. 
Political  parties  arose,  some  of  which  were  for  the  Mikado,  some 
for  the  Shogun,  while  others  wavered  between  the  two.     In  the 
midst   of  this   ferment   in   1853,   Commodore   Matthew  Galbraith 
Perry  arrived  at  Yokohama  and  demanded  the  opening  of  Japan 
in  the  name  of  the  United  States  of  America.     By  treaty  signed 
on  March   3ist,    1854,   the   ports   of  Shimonoseki  and  Hakodate 
were  opened  to  the  Americans.     The  Mikado  and  his  followers 
seized  the  opportunity  of  raising  the  cry  of  "  Jo-i  f  "    ("  Drive 

398 


THE    MIKADO    TRIUMPHANT 

out  the  strangers  !  ")  with  the  object  of   weakening   the  power 
of  the  Shogun. 

At  length,  in  1858  conventions  were  executed  with  the  The  Last  of 
United  States,  Great  Britain,  France,  Russia  and  Portugal,  and  <*e  Shoguns 
Prussia  in  1861,  by  which  the  ports  of  Kanagawa,  Nagasaki  and 
Hakodate  were  thrown  open  to  foreign  trade,  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives were  admitted  to  Yedo  and  consuls  to  the  Treaty 
ports,  the  Mikado  still  opposing  the  policy  for  his  own  purposes. 
As  may  be  imagined,  the  movement  was  not  universally  popular, 
and  a  number  of  murders  of  foreigners  took  place.  It  became 
evident  that  no  finality  could  be  secured  unless  the  conventions 
made  with  foreigners  by  the  Shogun  were  recognised  by  the 
Mikado.  This  concession  was  obtained  in  November,  1866,  but 
the  feeling  against  foreigners  remained.  The  struggle  between 
the  Mikado  and  the  Shogun  continued,  with  varied  fortunes, 
until  on  January  I3th,  1868,  the  Shogun  was  finally  defeated  at 
Fushimi.  His  life  was  spared,  but  the  Tokugawa  was  deprived 
of  nearly  all  its  revenue  and  of  a  large  portion  of  its  territory. 
Resistance  was  finally  crushed  on  June  26th,  1868.  Thus  fell 
the  dynasty  of  the  Tokugawa  Shoguns  which,  for  nearly  400 
years,  had  given  peace  and  prosperity  to  the  country.  Its 
fall  was  due  to  its  own  weakness  and  the  treachery  of  those 
whose  interest  it  was  to  support  it.  It  is  certainly  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  facts  in  history  that  a  dynasty,  which  had  been 
powerless  for  700  years,  and  had  been  excluded  from  all  inter- 
course with  the  outer  world  for  250  years,  should  have  been  able 
to  assert  itself  in  this  decisive  manner. 

The  movement  against  the  rule  of  the  Shogun  had  begun  with  The  Mikado's 
the  cry  of  "  Down  with  the   foreigner !  "    The  fact  that  they  Difficulties- 
had  one  national  object  in  view  consolidated  the  Mikado's  party 
as  nothing  else  would  have  done.     But  some  of  their  influential 
advisers   realised   that   progress   was   intimately   connected   with 
the  admission  of  foreigners  and  foreign  ideas,  and  they  did  not 
hesitate  to  give  utterance  to  these  opinions  even  at  the  risk  of 
their  lives.     More  than  one  of  them  suffered  death  or  damage  at 
the  hands  of  the  Jo-i  party. 

The  Mikado  had,  indeed,  a  difficult  task  in  reorganising  his 
government.  The  first  plan  was  to  re-establish  the  Taikwa,  a 
constitution  promulgated  by  the  Emperor  Kotoku  in  645,  which 
implied  a  well-organised  centralised  government.  But  in  April, 
1868,  the  Mikado  gave  a  solemn  assurance  that  a  deliberative 
assembly  should  be  summoned ;  a  few  days  afterwards  he 
reviewed  the  army  and  fleet  at  Osaka,  and  on  January  5th, 

599 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The 
Samurai. 


Great 
Social 
Reforms. 


Prince  Ito. 


1869,  received  the  representatives  of  foreign  courts  at  Yedo.  The 
work  of  reform  was  carried  on  with  less  difficulty  than  might 
have  been  expected. 

A  great  problem  was  how  to  raise  the  position  of  the  lower 
classes  and  depress  that  of  the  Samurai  so  as  to  'form  a  fairly 
homogeneous  population.  As  we  have  seen,  the  Samurai  were 
formed  of  the  Daimios  and  their  retainers,  and  occupied  them- 
selves as  notabilities  have  done  in  all  countries  and  in  all  ages — 
the  more  intelligent  as  statesmen,  the  lower  ranks  in  fencing, 
riding,  and  learning  the  use  of  the  spear  and  the  bow.  The 
remainder  of  the  population  consisted  of  three  classes — the  No, 
or  farmers,  the  Ko,  or  artisans,  and  the  Sho,  or  traders  ;  but 
below  these  were  two  other  classes,  or  rather  two  unclassed 
sections,  reminding  us  of  ancient  Rome  and  modern  India,  the 
Eta  and  the  Hinin,  the  latter  word  meaning  "  Not  human,"  the 
pariahs  of  the  nation,  living  entirely  apart  from  their  fellow- 
countrymen.  They  were  employed  in  slaughtering  animals, 
tanning  skins,  burying  executed  criminals  and  similar  pursuits, 
the  No,  the  Ko,  and  the  Sho  regarding  the  touch  or  presence 
of  these  people  as  contamination.  Yet  the  position  of  the  two 
lowest  classes,  with  regard  to  those  immediately  above  them,  was 
not  worse  than  the  relation  of  these  latter  to  the  Samurai.  In 
the  presence  of  a  Samurai  they  either  prostrated  themselves 
on  the  ground  or  stood  bowing  with  downcast  eyes.  They  could 
not  retaliate  if  struck,  nor  would  they  be  avenged  if  murdered. 

On  such  foundations  the  fabric  of  modern  Japan  had  to  be 
built.  The  first  task  was  to  abolish  or  modify  profoundly  class 
distinctions.  The  Kuge  and  the  Daimios  were  merged  in  a  new 
class  of  nobles  ;  the  remainder  of  the  Samurai  were  grouped 
together  with  distinctions  of  rank,  and  the  rest  of  the  popu- 
lation, including  the  Eta  and  the  Hinin,  were  formed  into  a 
single  class  of  commoners.  Disabilities  of  every  kind  and  all 
sumptuary  laws  were  abolished,  and  every  office  in  the  Govern- 
ment was  thrown  open  to  the  people.  The  foundations  of  a 
national  army,  with  universal  military  service,  were  laid  ;  railway, 
postal,  and  telegraph  services  were  organised ;  a  system  of 
compulsory  education  was  established,  and  a  uniform  coinage 
was  introduced. 

The  moving  spirit  of  all  these  reforms  was  Prince  Ito,  of  whom 
Professor  Longford  enables  us  to  conceive  a  trustworthy  picture. 
Born  a  simple  Samurai,  he  early  discerned  the  advantages  of 
Western  civilisation.  Leaving  his  country  with  four  others,  under 
pain  of  death,  he  made  his  way  to  England.  To  do  this  he  shipped 

400 


RISE    AND    FALL    OF    KOREA 

before  the  mast  and  worked  his  way  as  a  common  sailor.  When 
he  returned  he  ran  the  danger  of  assassination,  but  was  saved 
by  the  devotion  of  a  young  girl,  who  afterwards  became  his  wife, 
He  held  many  offices  in  his  own  country,  but  his  chief  merit  lies 
in  the  fact  that  in  every  crisis  of  the  Empire,  whenever  a  mission 
required  special  tact,  decision,  sacrifice,  broad-mindedness  and 
elaborate  investigation,  he  was  chosen  as  ambassador.  He  was 
the  first  Prime  Minister  when  the  system  of  responsible  govern- 
ment was  introduced,  and  before  his  death,  in  1909,  had  held  that 
office  four  times. 

Great  pains  were  taken  in  the  preparation  of  a  Constitution,  Japan's 
and  the  best  intellects  of  Europe  were  consulted  on  the  subject,  Constitution, 
and  at  last,  on  February  nth,  1890,  the  document  was  formally 
presented  to  his   subjects  by  the  Emperor.      The  first  general 
election  took  place  in  the  summer  of  1890,  and  the  parliament 
met    in    the    following    November.     The  Constitution    resembled 
that  of  Germany  rather  than  that  of  Great  Britain,  the  Ministers 
being  responsible  to  the  Emperor  and  holding  their  offices  at  his 
will ;    but,  considering  the  difficulties  in  the  path,  parliamentary 
government  in  Japan  cannot  be  regarded  as  other  than  a  success. 

The  narrow  peninsula  of  Korea,  jutting  out  from  the  continent  "The  Land 
of  Asia,  washed  on  one  side  by  the  Yellow  Sea  and  on  the  other  of  the 
by  the  Sea  of  Japan,  has,  during  the  greater  part  of  its  history, 
been  an  apple  of  discord  and  a  theatre  of  war  between  its  contend- 
ing neighbours.  Struggles  between  China  and  Korea  occupied 
the  two  centuries  before  the  Christian  era.  These  wars,  which 
continued  for  nearly  1,400  years,  ended  in  the  acknowledgment 
of  the  supremacy  of  China.  Korea  had  been  the  teacher  of  Japan 
in  almost  all  its  arts  and  sciences,  and  a  higher  civilisation  existed 
in  the  "  Land  of  the  Morning  Calm  "  than  in  China  itself ;  but 
under  the  Ming  dynasty  the  country  became  wholly  dependent 
on  China,  the  calendar,  chronology,  methods  of  government,  and 
the  dress  of  the  Chinese  being  adopted.  Buddhism  was  almost 
entirely  suppressed,  and  priests  were  forbidden  to  enter  Seoul, 
the  capital,  strict  Confucianism  becoming  the  State  religion  of 
the  country.  At  the  same  time  advances  were  made  in  civilisa- 
tion ;  the  practices  of  human  sacrifice  and  of  burying  slaves 
alive  at  the  burial  of  their  masters  were  given  up.  But  whatever 
advances  were  made  in  Korean  self-government,  the  country  was 
dependent  on  its  more  powerful  neighbours,  and  embassies  were 
sent  both  to  China  and  Japan  as  bearers  of  tribute. 

Tribute    to    Japan    was    discontinued   in    1460,    but    in    1592 
Hideyoshi,    the   ambitious   ruler   of   Japan,    set   out   to   conquer 
2  a  401 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Japan 
Recognises 


The 


Korea,  as  the  first  step  to  the  conquest  of  China.  In  eighteen 
days  Seoul  was  captured,  and  the  Japanese  reached  the  Ta  Tung. 
It  is  said  that  Hideyoshi's  army  consisted  of  nearly  200,000  men. 
Chinese  troops  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Koreans,  but  they 
were  defeated,  and  peace  was  made  between  Japan  and  China. 
By  this  treaty  the  southern  provinces  of  Korea  were  ceded  to 
Japan  and  her  tributary  relations  with  that  country  were  acknow- 
ledged. A  few  years  later  war  broke  out  again,  and  the  Japanese 
were  again  victorious,  Korea,  however,  retaining  a  certain  measure 
of  independence,  though  greatly  weakened.  On  the  fall  of  the 
Ming  dynasty,  Korea  was  invaded  by  the  Manchus  and  forced 
to  pay  tribute  to  China.  We  see,  therefore,  that  from  the  dawn 
of  its  annals,  Korea,  although  proud  of  its  individuality  and 
possessing  a  noble  history  and  many  excellent  traditions,  was 
obliged  to  live  on  sufferance,  a  buffer  State  between  two  imperious 
neighbours. 

After  the  revolution  in  Japan  and  the  restoration  of  the 
Mikado  the  new  Government  demanded  from  Korea  the  resump- 
t*on  °*  ^e  Payment  o*  tribute,  which  was  indignantly  refused. 
The  Japanese  clamoured  for  conquest,  and  an  expedition  against 
Formosa  was  undertaken  to  direct  popular  sentiment  into  another 
channel.  However,  in  September,  1875,  when  a  Japanese  war- 
ship, which  was  surveying  the  coast  of  Korea,  was  captured,  it 
was  impossible  to  restrain  the  popular  feeling.  The  Japanese 
sent  an  embassy  to  Peking  to  ask  for  definite  information  with 
regard  to  the  position  of  the  Chinese  Government  in  respect  to 
Korea,  and,  upon  the  Chinese  declining  all  responsibility  for  the 
affairs  of  that  country,  an  expedition  was  sent  to  the  peninsula. 
Negotiations  took  place,  however,  and  on  February  27th,  1876, 
a  convention  was  signed  in  which  Japan  recognised  the  independ- 
ence of  Korea,  and  her  harbours  were  thrown  open  to  Japanese 
trade. 

This  led  to  the  rebellion  of  the  Satsuma  in  Japan.  Saigo,  the 
head  of  that  clan,  one  of  the  most  powerful  personalities  in  Japan, 
was  profoundly  dissatisfied  with  the  peaceful  policy  adopted 
towards  Korea,  and  withdrew  to  his  native  province,  where  he 
was  said  to  devote  his  time  to  farming  and  field  sports.  But  he 
was  really  organising  rebellion,  as  in  his  own  clan  he  had  kept 
the  Samurai  on  their  former  footing  and  had  trained  them  as 
soldiers  of  the  modern  type.  He  was  able  to  do  this  without 
difficulty,  because  his  clansmen  regarded  him  with  passionate 
devotion. 

Satsuma  was  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  Daimiotes  ;  it  lay 

402 


DISTURBANCES    IN    KOREA 

in  the  extreme  south  of  Japan,  and  was  protected  by  a  frontier 
of  hills  ;  while  Kagoshima,  the  capital,  situated  at  the  head  of 
a  long,  narrow  bay,  could  easily  be  guarded.  Everything,  there- 
fore, favoured  its  isolation  and  secrecy.  In  1871  the  Daimios 
accepted  the  new  order  of  things  ;  but  Saigo  refused  to  admit 
the  officials  dispatched  from  Tokio  and  sent  them  back  by  the 
steamers  which  brought  them.  The  Government,  not  being 
able  to  coerce,  attempted  to  flatter,  heaping  honours  on  Saigo 
himself  and  giving  important  duties  to  other  members  of  the 
clan ;  but  Satsuma  continued  to  maintain  its  gws^-independence. 
When,  however,  an  edict  was  issued  in  1876,  forbidding  the 
Samurai  to  wear  their  accustomed  swords,  Saigo  lost  all  patience, 
and,  on  February  I4th,  1877,  marched  out  of  his  capital  at  the 
head  of  14,000  men,  equipped  with  modern  weapons  and  well 
drilled  in  their  use,  to  "  address,"  as  he  said,  "  some  inquiries  to 
the  Government." 

The  campaign  lasted  more  than  seven  months ;    at  first  the  Defeat 
Satsuma  were  victorious.    After  firing  a  few  volleys  with  their  °*  the 
rifles,  they  rushed  upon  the  troops  of  the  Government  with  their  Satsuma' 
terrible  swords  and  routed  them.     But  the  Imperialists,  largely 
exceeding  the  rebels  in  number,  gradually  gained  confidence,  and 
the  clansmen  were  driven  back  and  eventually  surrounded.  Saigo, 
with  a  few  faithful  followers,  broke  through  the  investing  forces 
and    entrenched    himself    on    a    hill    near    Kagoshima,    leaving 
the  others  to  surrender  if  they  pleased.     On  September  24th  the 
hill  was  stormed  by  the  Imperial  troops,  and  all  the  insurgents, 
excepting    200,    who    were    made    prisoners,    were    killed.      The 
campaign  cost  the  Government  17,000  lives  and  £8,500,000,  but 
feudalism  received  its  last  blow  ;   Satsuma  was  placed  under  the 
Tokio  officials,  and  has  been  quiet  ever  since. 

In  1882  the  United  States,  and  then  Great  Britain  and  Germany,  Anti- 
iollowed  the  example  of  Japan  and  concluded  conventions  with  Japanese 
Korea.  But  in  that  year  a  rebellion  broke  out  in  Seoul,  directed 
against  the  Japanese,  and  the  members  of  the  Japanese  Embassy 
had  to  flee  the  country.  They  returned,  however,  a  few  weeks 
afterwards,  and  a  convention  was  signed  at  Chemulpo,  by  which 
Japan  obtained  the  right  to  keep  troops  in  Seoul  for  the  protec- 
tion of  her  Embassy.  In  1884  fresh  disturbances  occurred  in 
Seoul,  the  object  being  to  destroy  the  Chinese  conservative 
influence  and  substitute  the  Japanese  progressive  party  in  its 
place.  Fighting  ensued,  but  ultimately  the  Chinese  gained 
possession  both  of  the  palace  and  the  person  of  the  King.  At  the 
same  time  an  anti- Japanese  riot  broke  out,  the  houses  of  Japanese 

403 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

traders  were  destroyed  and  their  inhabitants  murdered.  The 
Japanese  Legation  was  attacked,  the  members  of  the  Embassy 
had  great  difficulty  in  making  their  way  to  the  coast,  and  the 
Legation  itself  was  burned. 

Convention  Popular  opinion  in  Japan  was  more  excited  against  the  Chinese 
of  Tientsin.  than  against  Korea ;  but  the  Government,  better  informed,  kept 
the  parties  quiet,  and  Ito  was  sent  to  Peking.  A  treaty  was 
drafted  providing  that  both  China  and  Japan  should  withdraw 
their  troops  from  Korea,  but  should  have  the  power  of  sending 
them  back  should  circumstances  require  it ;  neither  country, 
however,  was  to  act  without  the  knowledge  of  the  other.  Korea 
was  to  be  left  to  herself  and  to  be  encouraged  to  train  her  own 
population  to  arms.  This  was  signed  on  April  i8th,  1885,  by 
Ito  and  Li  Hung  Chang,  under  the  name  of  the  Convention  of 
Tientsin.  Peace  continued  for  some  years,  although  the  com- 
mercial rivalry  of  the  two  Powers  created  perpetual  friction, 
and  the  establishment  of  constitutional  and  parliamentary  govern- 
ment in  Japan  caused  a  recrudescence  of  a  more  vigorous  foreign 
policy.  The  proceedings  of  the  ambassador,  Oishi,  who  was  sent 
to  Seoul  in  1893,  would  have  produced  a  war  but  for  the 
diplomatic  wisdom  of  Li  Hung  Chang. 

Japan  In  1894  a  fanatical  religious  sect  revolted  in  Korea,  and  the 

Occupies  Government,  being  unable  to  suppress  the  disturbance,  applied 
to  China  for  help.  Two  thousand  troops  were  sent  to  Seoul  by 
orders  from  Peking,  the  Chinese  Government  informing  the 
Japanese  of  what  they  had  done.  Upon  this  the  Japanese 
dispatched  an  army  of  equal  strength  to  the  peninsula  and 
collected  a  reserve  in  case  of  emergency.  The  first  Chinese 
troops  landed  on  the  east  coast  of  Korea  on  June  8th,  and  the 
first  Japanese  troops  at  Chemulpo  on  June  I2th.  The  revolt  was 
quickly  suppressed  ;  but,  when  the  Chinese  sent  information  of 
the  fact  and  of  their  intention  to  withdraw  their  troops,  the 
Japanese  replied  that  they  had  no  intention  of  evacuating  Korea 
until  an  understanding  had  been  come  to  with  China  as  to  the 
reforms  to  be  introduced  into  the  affairs  of  the  peninsula.  China 
refused  to  take  part  in  this  policy,  and  maintained  that  Korea 
should  be  left  to  take  care  of  herself  and  work  out  her  own 
reforms.  Japan  then  addressed  Korea  in  the  same  terms,  and, 
not  meeting  with  an  adequate  response,  sent  an  ultimatum  on 
July  2oth,  1894,  demanding  that  reforms  should  be  accepted 
within  three  days.  Two  days  later  an  unsatisfactory  reply  was 
delivered,  Seoul  was  attacked  and  captured,  and  the  King  was 
taken  prisoner. 

404 


CHINO-JAPANESE    WAR 

This  was  an  act  of  war,  and  the  civilised  world  heard  that  the  War 
two    great  nations  of    the  Far  East  were  about  to  contend  for  between 


supremacy.     Those  who  thought  they  knew  the  situation  best  con-  and 


sidered  that  China  would  have  an  easy  victory,  and  were  not  sorry 
that  the  upstart  Japanese  should  receive  a  lesson  from  their 
more  solid  and  more  trustworthy  neighbours.  The  innate  strength 
of  China  and  the  hollowness  of  Japanese  civilisation  would  become 
apparent  to  the  world.  Chinese  transports  were  dispatched  to 
the  Yalu  River,  the  northern  boundary  of  Korea,  and  to  Oram, 
on  the  south-western  coast.  On  July  25th  three  Japanese  men- 
of-war  sent  to  guard  the  coast  sighted  two  Chinese  ships  of 
similar  strength.  Within  an  hour  one  of  these  ships  was  driven 
ashore  and  the  other  escaped  to  Wei-hai-wei.  At  the  end  of  the 
action  a  Chinese  man-of-war  appeared,  apparently  escorting  the 
Kowshing,  an  English  vessel.  The  Chinese  ship  hauled  down 
its  flag,  but  the  Kowshing  refused  to  obey.  Thereupon  the 
Japanese  opened  fire,  and  sank  the  transport  with  1,500  men. 
Asan  was  captured  shortly  afterwards,  and  the  struggle  shifted 
to  Ping  Yang,  a  very  strong  place  farther  north.  This  was 
captured  on  September  i6th.  The  garrison  were  pursued,  and 
1,500  of  them  killed,  the  rest  making  their  escape  across  the 
Yalu.  Two  days  later  a  great  battle  took  place  off  the  island  of 
Hai  Yang,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu.  The  battle  lasted  three 
hours  ;  four  Chinese  ships  were  sunk,  but  the  Japanese  did  not 
lose  one.  The  Japanese  then  crossed  the  Yalu  and  continued 
their  victorious  march  into  Manchuria.  They  now  proceeded  to 
attack  Port  Arthur,  which  was  defended  by  a  wall  of  forts  con- 
solidated by  French  engineers,  and  fell  on  November  21  st.  The 
Chinese  retreated  northwards  along  the  coast. 

Li  Hung  Chang  now  advised  the  Emperor  to  sue  for  peace  ;  Treaty  of 
but  the  Japanese  were  unwilling  for  the  moment  to  consider  it.  Shimonoseki. 
The  one  remaining  Chinese  fortress,  Wei-hai-wei,  was  attacked  by 
Admiral  Ito  and,  after  the  loss  of  five  ships  of  war,  surrendered 
by  Admiral  Ting,  who,  shamed  by  this  defeat,  committed  suicide. 
Li  Hung  Chang  presented  himself  personally  at  Shimonoseki  on 
March  igth,  1895.  By  the  treaty  signed  on  April  i7th,  China 
ceded  to  Japan  the  Liao-tung  peninsula,  the  island  of  Formosa  and 
the  Pescadores  ;  a  war  indemnity  of  £50,000,000  was  to  be  paid 
in  eight  instalments  ;  four  new  cities  were  to  be  open  to  trade  ; 
and  Japanese  vessels  were  allowed  to  navigate  the  Upper  Yangtsze- 
kiang  and  other  Chinese  waters.  As  a  guarantee  of  the  fulfilment 
of  these  conditions  the  Japanese  were  to  occupy  Wei-hai-wei. 

But  the  European  Powers  now  interfered.    They  could  not 

405 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

view  with  indifference  the  surrender  of  Port  Arthur,  which,  they 
said,  would  dominate  Peking.  The  Japanese  wisely  yielded  on 
the  payment  of  a  larger  indemnity.  Out  of  this  originated  the 
secret  convention  between  Count  Cascini,  the  Russian  Minister 
at  Peking,  and  China,  which  is  supposed  to  have  guaranteed  the 
integrity  of  her  Empire  to  China  and  resistance  to  any  attempt 
of  the  Japanese  to  gain  a  footing  on  the  mainland.  The  Chinese  in 
return  were  to  give  facilities  for  the  making  of  Russian  railways 
through  Manchuria,  and  to  agree  to  the  settlement  of  certain 
disputed  questions  concerning  the  long-extended  frontier  between 
China  and  Russia.  Russia  did  not  gain  her  way  without  some 
difficulty,  but  the  general  result  of  the  war  was  to  place  her  in 
Korea  instead  of  China,  although  one  of  the  objects  of  Japanese 
policy  had  been  to  check  the  advance  of  that  aggressive  Power. 


CHAPTER  XII 
FEDERATION  OF  AUSTRALIA 

TASMANIA  was  discovered  by  Abel  Tasman  (who  named  it  Van  Convict 
Diemen's  Land)  in  1642,  and  Australia  by  Captain  Cook  in  1770,  Settlements. 
though  Australia  had  often  been  sighted  before  that  date. 
When  the  exportation  of  criminals  to  Virginia  came  to  an  end 
after  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776,  Botany  Bay,  of 
which  Sir  Joseph  Banks,  the  botanist,  had  given  a  glorious 
account,  praising  its  magnificent  scenery  and  splendid  climate, 
was  chosen  as  a  dumping-ground  for  convicts.  A  more  rational 
plan  of  colonisation  by  exiled  American  loyalists  was  proposed 
by  Matra,  afterwards  British  Consul  at  Algiers,  and  Lord 
Sydney,  Secretary  for  the  Colonies  and  Plantations,  favoured  the 
scheme  in  1784,  but  afterwards  recurred  to  the  plan  of  trans- 
portation. It  is  a  pity  that  the  idea  did  not  receive  the  serious 
attention  of  Pitt. 

On  May  13th,  1787,  a  frigate  and  tender  of  the  Royal  Navy,  Develop  - 
six  transports,  and  three  store  ships  sailed  from  England  with  ment  of 
1,100  men,  of  whom  some  250  were  free,  and  landed  at  Botany  ?®*  South 
Bay  about  January  2Oth,  1788,  but  removed  in  a  few  days  to  the 
site  of  the  modern  city  of  Sydney.  The  expedition  was  com- 
manded by  Captain  Arthur  Phillip,  the  son  of  a  German  governess 
who  had  married  an  English  seaman.  Phillip  remained  Governor 
for  five  years  (1788-92)  and  did  his  work  admirably.  Sheep- 
farming  owes  its  origin  to  John  MacArthur,  who  was  also  the 
first  to  introduce  Australian  wine  culture.  In  1797  he  procured 
some  fine  merinos  from  Cape  Town,  and  these,  with  some  ordinary 
Cape  sheep  which  were  afterwards  added,  were  the  progenitors 
of  the  immense  flocks  which  were  the  foundation  of  the  wealth 
of  the  island-continent.  MacArthur  obtained  a  concession  in 
perpetuity  of  5,000  acres  of  grazing  land,  with  convicts  as 
labourers,  and  founded  the  Camden  estate,  so  called  in  honour 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  who  had  given  it  to  him.  The  results 
of  this  policy  were  prodigious.  On  the  retirement  of  Phillip 
in  1792,  only  1,700  acres  were  under  cultivation,  and  the 
number  of  domestic  animals  could  be  reckoned  by  dozens. 
In  1806,  after  five  years  of  the  government  of  Gidley  King, 

407 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

the  stock  amounted  to  37,768  and  the  white  population  to  9,462 
persons. 

Early  The  close  of  the  Napoleonic  wars  gave  a  great  impulse  to 

Notabilities.  Australian  emigration,  and  New  South  Wales  received,  besides 
criminals,  a  large  number  of  free  colonists,  mainly  time-expired 
soldiers  or  discharged  convicts.  When  Governor  Macquarie  retired 
in  1821,  after  holding  office  for  eleven  years,  the  white  population 
was  reckoned  at  39,000  persons,  32,267  acres  were  under  cultiva- 
tion, and  there  were  103,000  head  of  cattle,  4,564  horses,  and 
more  than  250,000  sheep.  The  revenue  of  the  community  was 
£30,000.  After  Macquarie's  departure  the  power  of  the  Governor 
was  limited,  and  Brisbane,  his  successor,  who  held  office  from 
1821  to  1825,  was  obliged  to  act  in  conjunction  with  an  advisory 
board.  Under  him  the  income  of  the  colony  more  than  doubled. 
Brisbane  was  succeeded  by  Darling,  who  ruled  from  1825  to 
1831,  but  did  not  gain  that  popularity  which  his  name  would 
seem  to  imply.  He  treated  the  convicts  with  inhumanity  and 
the  free  settlers  with  tyranny  and  hostility.  Still,  his  term  of 
office  witnessed  an  increase  of  material  prosperity.  On  May 
22nd,  1840,  transportation  to  New  South  Wales  was  abolished, 
but  it  still  continued  to  North  Island  and  Tasmania  ;  afterwards 
it  was  partially  restored  and  did  not  come  finally  to  an  end  till 
1868. 

Extinction  of  Of  the  six  States  of  which  the  Commonwealth  of  Australia  is 
Tasmanian  composed,  only  three — Tasmania,  Victoria  and  Queensland — were 
offshoots  from  New  South  Wales.  South  Australia  and  Western 
Australia  were  founded,  like  New  Zealand,  by  direct  colonisation 
from  Great  Britain.  Tasmania  was  founded  as  a  penal  colony 
by  Lieutenant  Bower  in  June,  1805,  the  reason  being  fear  of 
French  aggression,  and  the  necessity  for  providing  additional 
accommodation  for  the  convicts,  who  were  becoming  too  numerous 
for  New  South  Wales.  The  wanton  destruction  of  the  natives 
in  Tasmania  is  a  blot  on  civilisation.  They  were  naturally 
peaceable,  harmless,  and  contented,  and  bore  the  cruelty  of 
the  barbarous  criminals  with  exemplary  patience  ;  but  in  1826, 
driven  to  desperation,  they  retaliated  and  murdered  all  the  whites 
who  fell  into  their  hands.  Since  the  landing  of  the  whites  they 
had  lived  upon  the  produce  of  the  sea  ;  but,  being  driven  into 
the  interior,  this  supply  failed  them.  They  fought  heroically  for 
their  existence.  At  last  large  sums  of  head-money  were  offered 
for  the  shooting  or  capture  of  the  blacks,  and  aboriginals  were 
brought  over  from  Australia  to  track  them  more  securely.  The 
process  of  extinction  was  cruel  and  pitiless.  The  convicts  killed 

408 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  COLONIES 

the  natives  from  lust  of  blood,  the  settlers  pursued  them  in  self- 
defence,  and  the  Government  helped  to  destroy  them  from  desire 
of  territory.  At  last  Colonel  Arthur,  the  then  Governor  (1823 
to  1836),  organised  a  colossal  drive.  A  cordon  was  drawn  across 
the  island  from  coast  to  coast  and  the  natives  were  forced 
into  a  narrow  peninsula.  This  elaborate  design,  which  cost  this 
country  £30,000,  resulted  in  the  capture  of  two  natives,.  The  last 
Tasmanian  native,  called  Trukanini,  or  Lalla  Rookh,  died  in 
London  in  1876.  She  had  been  born  in  1803,  the  year  of 
Bower's  expedition,  when  the  native  population  was  numbered  at 
8,000.  In  1830,  the  time  of  the  native  war,  they  had  been  reduced 
to  700,  and  in  1861  to  18.  The  last  male  Tasmanian  died  at 
Hobart  in  1869,  aged  thirty-four. 

Originally  known  as  Port  Phillip,  Victoria,  which  changed  Victoria. 
its  name  in  1851,  was  founded  in  1835  by  settlers  from  Van 
Diemen's  Land,  against  the  will  of  the  Government  of  New  South 
Wales.  But  the  colony,  once  established,  soon  developed  and 
grew  very  prosperous.  In  1840  Melbourne  became  a  free  port ; 
in  1843  the  trade  of  the  colony  amounted  to  £341,000,  and  in 
1848  to  £1,049,000.  The  relations  between  the  colonists  and  the 
natives  were  friendly.  In  1851  it  was  separated  from  New  South 
Wales  and  raised  to  the  position  of  an  independent  colony. 

Queensland  derives  its  origin  from  settlers  who  proceeded  Queensland. 
from  New  South  Wales  to  the  north,  from  the  Liverpool  Plains 
to  the  Darling  Downs,  the  best  pasture  grounds  in  the  world. 
There  was  at  this  time  a  penal  settlement  at  Moreton  Bay,  which 
is  the  modern  Brisbane,  but  it  could  only  be  reached  from  the 
interior  by  a  difficult  mountain  path,  and  settlement  by  squatters 
was  absolutely  forbidden.  It  was  not  until  the  abolition  of  the 
penal  settlement  in  1839  that  good  roads  were  made  over  the 
mountains,  and  the  value  of  the  position  was  enormously 
increased.  Therefore  the  development  of  this  country  is  unique 
from  the  fact  that  it  proceeded  from  the  interior  to  the  coast. 
Queensland  was  declared  an  independent  colony  in  1859,  the 
population  then  consisting  of  30,000  souls. 

West  Australia,  formerly  Swan  River  Settlement,  was  founded  Western 
directly  from  England  in  1829  by  Thomas  Peel,  who  had  grand  Australia. 
schemes,  but  lost  £50,000  in  attempting  to  carry  them  out.     Lack 
of  labour  compelled  the  colonists  to  invite  convicts  to  their  shores, 
an  offer  which  was  readily  accepted  by  the  British  Government 
in   1849.      By   1852   there   were    1,500   transported   men   in   the 
country,  half  of  whom  were  ticket-of-leave  men.     This  proved  to 
be  a  blessing,  and  the  influx  of  new  workers  brought  money  and 

409 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

life  into  the  colony.  Coalfields  were  discovered,  guano  beds 
were  exploited,  sandal-wood  was  exported,  a  pearl  fishery  was 
established,  and  studs  for  breeding  horses  were  introduced  on  a 
large  scale.  It  profited  largely  by  the  money  obtained  from  the 
Mother  Country  for  the  support  of  the  convicts.  Transportation 
to  Western  Australia  finally  ceased  in  1868,  after  the  colony  had 
received  9,718  convicts.  The  stoppage  of  this  source  of  men 
and  money  hindered  the  development  of  the  colony,  which  was 
not  considered  ripe  for  responsible  government  until  1890. 
South  South  Australia  was,  like  West  Australia,  colonised  from 

Australia.  England,  and  the  South  Australian  Land  Company,  formed  in 
London  in  1831,  contained  amongst  its  directors  Edward  Gibbon 
Wakefield,  the  distinguished  originator  of  scientific  colonisation. 
According  to  his  plan,  large  tracts  of  land  were  to  be  assigned 
to  a  colonisation  company  and  provided  with  sufficient  means, 
on  the  understanding  that  it  founded  settled  communities.  The 
company  was  to  recoup  itself  for  its  initial  expenditure  by  selling 
land  at  fixed  prices,  the  profits  to  be  expended  by  bringing  over 
British  workmen.  In  1834  the  Government  gave  its  practical 
consent  to  Wakefield's  scheme,  and  the  success  of  the  experiment 
was  very  great.  A  capital  was  chosen,  called  Adelaide,  after 
the  name  of  the  consort  of  William  IV.  In  1840  there  were 
10,000  settlers,  who  owned  200,000  sheep  and  15,000  head  of 
cattle.  Indeed,  the  flood  of  prosperity  was  so  great  and  so  sudden 
that  the  colony  soon  got  largely  into  debt.  The  situation  was 
saved  by  the  appointment  of  the  great  statesman,  George  Grey, 
to  govern  the  colony.  He  adopted  drastic  measures,  especially 
in  the  direction  of  economy,  and  in  five  years  ended  a  brilliant 
term  of  office,  after  which  he  was  transferred  to  New  Zealand. 
In  1849  the  population  amounted  to  52,000,  and  in  the  follow- 
ing year  South  Australia  became  a  recognised  colony. 

Self  Govern-  Australia  having  thus  been  called  into  existence  with  its  six 
ment  in  colonies  (counting  Tasmania  as  one),  each  as  large  as  a  European 
Australia.  kingdom,  the  next  step  was  to  endow  it  with  the  magic  powers 
of  self-government.  New  South  Wales  had  enjoyed  this  privilege 
since  1842,  and  a  Bill  became  law  on  August  5th,  1850,  by  which 
Tasmania,  South  Australia  and  Victoria,  now  separated  from 
New  South  Wales,  received  Constitutions.  Every  proprietor  of 
land  of  the  value  of  £10,  who  was  at  least  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
received  the  franchise,  as  well  as  anyone  who  rented  or  held  a 
farm  of  the  annual  value  of  £10.  Customs  and  excise  were  left 
to  the  colonies  under  the  condition  that  no  preferential  duties 
were  to  be  proposed ;  but  the  customs  continued  to  be  collected 

410 


DISCOVERY    OF    GOLD    IN    AUSTRALIA 

by  officials  nominated  from  Great  Britain.  Self-government  was 
incomplete,  as  half  the  profits  drawn  from  Crown  lands  were  at 
the  disposal  of  the  Mother  Country,  and  the  nomination  of  the 
higher  officials  rested  entirely  with  the  Colonial  Office  in  London. 
At  last,  owing  to  the  discovery  of  gold,  fear  lest  the  colonies  might 
secede,  and  the  distractions  of  the  Crimean  War,  the  demands 
of  South  Australia  and  Tasmania  for  greater  and  more  complete 
liberty  were  granted  in  1854,  and  those  of  Victoria  and  New 
South  Wales  were  confirmed  by  Parliament  in  the  following  year. 

These  new  Constitutions  introduced  a  bicameral  system.  The  Colonial 
former  Legislative  Council  became  an  Upper  House,  and  to  this  Parliaments, 
a  Lower  House  was  added.  In  New  South  Wales  the  Upper 
Chamber  consisted  of  twenty-one  members,  nominated  by  the 
Crown  for  life,  and  the  Lower  Chamber  of  fifty-four  elected 
representatives,  a  number  which  has  now  increased  to  125.  In 
Tasmania  the  Council  has  always  numbered  eighteen  and  the 
Lower  House  thirty-seven,  all  elected.  The  Governor  is  nominated 
by  the  Crown  but  paid  by  the  Colony,  and  holds  office  for  six 
years.  He  occupies  the  position  of  a  constitutional  sovereign, 
but  is  controlled  by  the  Colonial  Office.  His  consent  is  necessary 
to  all  colonial  legislation,  but  his  actions  may  be  reversed  by 
the  Colonial  Secretary.  The  Colonial  Parliaments  are  regarded 
as  Parliaments  of  the  King,  passing  laws  which  bind  the  Australian 
subjects  of  the  Sovereign.  Indeed,  the  Crown  is  the  link  which 
binds  the  colonies — recognised  as  States  since  the  founding  of  the 
Commonwealth — and  the  Mother  Country  together.  The  colonists 
enjoy  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  British  subjects,  without 
paying  one  penny  to  Great  Britain,  and  English  law  holds  good 
in  Australia,  except  so  far  as  it  has  been  superseded  by  local 
legislation.  The  executive  power  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Ministers, 
who  vary  in  number  from  six  in  Tasmania  to  nine  in  New  South 
Wales.  Their  nomination  depends  upon  Parliamentary  majorities 
in  the  different  colonies,  and  in  consequence  they  change  very 
rapidly.  Between  1858  and  1876  South  Australia  had  twenty-nine 
different  Ministers  at  the  head  of  affairs. 

The  discovery  of  gold  produced  a  profound  effect  upon  the  The  Gold 
development   of  the  country.    The  ore  was  first   found  in  the  B<>om« 
mountains   near    Bathurst    in    1851  ;     a    few    weeks    later   near 
Ballarat,  in  Victoria ;    in  October  in  Mount  Alexander,  not  far 
from  Melbourne,  and  a  little  later  at  Bendigo  ;  in  1856  in  Queens- 
land ;     and  in   1886  in  West  Australia.    The  whole  population 
rushed  to  the  goldfields.     Melbourne  was  left  with  a  single  police- 
man,  South  Australia  seemed  to  be   inhabited  by  women   and 

411 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

children,  and  crowds  of  emigrants  flocked  from  the  Old  World. 
The  growth  of  population  was  phenomenal.  In  ten  years  that  of 
Victoria  increased  from  70,000  to  581,000.  This  enhanced  the 
difficulties  of  the  Government,  which  was  still  more  embarrassed 
when  the  majority  of  the  Civil  Service  deserted  their  offices 
for  the  goldfields.  Soldiers  had  to  be  imported  from  England, 
and  the  place  of  government  officials  was  supplied  by  English 
pensioned  prison  warders. 

The  Gold  Another    difficulty    was    to    determine    to    whom    the    gold 

Output.  belonged.  At  the  outset  it  was  claimed  for  the  Crown,  and  it  was 
even  proposed  to  stop  mining  altogether  ;  but  this  was  impossible, 
even  if  it  had  been  desirable.  It  was  difficult  to  insist  even  on  the 
payment  of  a  royalty,  and  the  questions  of  the  amount  to  be  im- 
posed and  the  tax  on  the  exportation  of  the  precious  metal  were  not 
settled  for  some  time.  The  average  yearly  output  of  gold  from 
1851  to  1901  was  not  less  than  £9,000,000  sterling.  But  great 
expenditure  was  needed  to  meet  the  new  problems  which  had 
arisen.  In  1900  the  public  debt  of  Australia  reached  £187,000,000, 
or  £50  per  head  of  the  population.  The  land  question  assumed 
great  prominence,  and  there  was  a  severe  contest  between  the 
large  and  the  small  proprietors,  which  is  not  even  now  completely 
at  an  end.  The  population  trebled  in  forty  years,  owing  mainly 
to  emigration  from  the  United  Kingdom. 

British  New  The  internal  development  of  Australia  was  accompanied  by 
Guinea.  ^he  desire  and  the  effort  to  spread  its  sway  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  continent.  This  was  shown,  first,  in  the  anxiety  to  relieve 
the  Mother  Country  of  Fiji,  and,  secondly,  in  the  wish  to  take 
over  at  least  a  portion  of  the  immense  island  of  New  Guinea,  on 
which  Germany  had  cast  covetous  eyes.  The  Australians  sug- 
gested the  acquisition  of  that  part  of  New  Guinea  which  was  not 
occupied  by  the  Dutch,  and  Great  Britain  consented  on  condition 
that  Australia  bore  the  cost  of  administration,  but  this  she 
refused  to  do.  As  the  fear  of  German  encroachment  grew  more 
imminent,  the  Prime  Minister  of  Queensland  declared,  in  March, 
1883,  that  he  had  taken  possession  of  the  island.  The  Mother 
Country  still  refrained  from  decisive  action,  and  Germany  did 
actually  annex  the  northern  portion  of  the  island,  whereupon,  on 
November  6th,  1884,  the  British  flag  was  hoisted  on  the  southern 
coast.  British  New  Guinea  became  a  Crown  Colony,  Queensland, 
New  South  Wales  and  Victoria  paying  a  fixed  sum  every  year 
towards  the  cost  of  its  administration.  The  authority  at  the 
head  of  British  New  Guinea  communicates  with  the  Colonial 
Office  through  the  Governor  of  Queensland.  Pitcairn  and  Norfolk 

412 


QUESTION    OF    FEDERATION 

Islands  stand  in  the  same  relation  to  New  South  Wales.  Questions 
of  a  kindred  character  have  also  arisen  with  regard  to  Samoa, 
but  these  so  far  have  been  happily  settled,  though  it  is  impossible 
to  predict  what  may  be  the  future  of  a  greater  Australia. 

The  necessity  or  prudence  of  federation  in  course  of  time  Tariff 
became  a  question  of  importance.  Early  in  the  'fifties  the  creation  Questions 
of  an  Australian  Parliament  was  proposed  to  settle  the  differences  ?;n^ 
of  tariff,  but  it  was  rejected.  Then  the  adoption  of  a  Customs 
union  in  Canada  in  1871  stimulated  the  movement.  From  the 
first  one  of  the  greatest  obstacles  to  union  had  been  conflicts  on 
the  tariff.  In  the  'forties,  New  South  Wales  and  Tasmania  differ- 
ing in  opinion  on  the  subject,  it  was  felt  to  be  undesirable  that 
the  colonies  should  pass  hostile  or  retaliatory  measures  which 
were  likely  to  interfere  with  trade  and  commerce  and  excite 
feelings  of  jealousy  and  ill-will,  and  possibly  produce  even  worse 
results.  As  early  as  1849  the  establishment  of  a  uniform  tariff 
for  Australia,  to  be  fixed  by  the  British  Parliament,  was  proposed, 
to  be  adjusted  from  time  to  time  by  representatives  of  all  the 
colonies  in  council.  Thus  the  federation  of  Australia,  like  the 
federation  of  the  United  States,  took  its  origin  from  the  difficulties 
arising  out  of  the  adjustment  of  mutual  trade. 

Indeed,  a  Constitution  Bill  was  introduced  by  Earl  Grey  to  Early 
establish  a  general  executive  and  legislative  authority  in  Australia  Efforts 
for  the  promotion  of  the  common  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the 
separate  communities,  as  well  as  a  Supreme  Court  for  the  settle- 
ment of  disputes  between  them.  The  clauses  passed  the  Commons, 
but  were  withdrawn  in  the  Lords.  The  movement  was  premature. 
However,  in  1851  Sir  Charles  Fitzroy  was  appointed  Governor- 
General  for  the  whole  of  Australia,  with  lieutenant-governors  for 
the  separate  provinces  ;  but  this  arrangement  only  lasted  until 
1855,  and  was  finally  repealed  in  1861,  so  that  the  attempt  of 
Earl  Grey  to  construct  a  central  government  came  to  an  end. 
Efforts  at  federation  still  continued.  In  1858  New  South  Wales, 
Tasmania,  Victoria  and  South  Australia  agreed  to  a  conference, 
and  in  1860  the  new  colony  of  Queensland  gave  her  adhesion.  But 
some  of  the  colonies  thought  that  the  proper  moment  had  not  yet 
come,  and  the  first  conference,  held  in  1863,  to  discuss  questions 
of  tariff,  declined  to  consider  federation. 

As  the  six  colonies  developed  separate  interests  and  separate  inter- 
politics  the  prospects  of  union  became  more  and  more  remote,  colonial 
The  tariff  had,  as  we  have  seen,  been  a  source  of  trouble  from  the  Tariffs' 
beginning.     Each  of  the  colonies  had  a  separate  scale  of  import 
duties,  and  it  was  found  that  goods  imported  into  a  colony  with 

413 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Problem  of 

Military 

Protection. 


lower  duties  could  easily  find  their  way  into  another  colony,  while 
the  colonies  could  not  bear  the  expense  of  guarding  their  several 
frontiers.  Also  the  natural  port  of  one  colony  might  be  situated 
in  another.  Accordingly,  rough-and-ready  agreements  were  made 
to  provide  a  kind  of  remedy.  A  modified  system  of  intercolonial 
free  trade  was  suggested  by  the  South  Australians  in  1862,  but 
received  little  encouragement.  Indeed,  all  the  colonies  were 
restrained  by  Act  of  Parliament  from  establishing  differential  or 
proportional  duties,  either  between  themselves  or  with  the  world 
outside,  and  attempts  made  to  abrogate  the  Act  were  not  success- 
ful. At  last,  in  1873,  an  Australian  Duties  Act  was  passed  which 
removed  all  obstacles  to  tariff  arrangements  between  the  Australian 
colonies.  This,  in  some  ways,  made  matters  worse.  Victoria 
had  adopted  a  strong  protective  policy,  and  she  was  just  as 
anxious  to  protect  her  agricultural  and  pastoral  industries  against 
her  neighbours  as  her  manufactures  against  the  competition  of 
Europe.  She  would  not  hear  of  Free  Trade,  unless  her  manu- 
factures found  a  free  market  in  other  colonies.  Protection  begat 
retaliation,  and  in  the  interests  of  internal  peace  the  question  of  a 
common  tariff  had  to  be  laid  aside. 

Beside  the  question  of  a  Customs  union,  the  general  political 
condition  of  Europe  favoured  a  federal  union  of  the  Australian 
colonies.  The  year  1870  brought  war  very  close  to  the  United 
Kingdom,  and  it  was  thought  that  if  Great  Britain  were  involved 
in  a  European  war  the  colonies  might  be  a  source  of  danger  to 
the  Mother  Country,  while  the  connection  with  Great  Britain 
might  cause  danger  to  them.  There  were  also  some  who  feared 
lest  federation  should  be  a  step  towards  independence.  Imperial 
troops  had  recently  been  withdrawn  from  the  colonies,  a  fact  which 
tended  to  expose  them  to  the  dangers  of  war.  A  commission, 
presided  over  by  Charles  Gavan  Duffy,  emphasised  the  view 
that  the  colonies  possessed  responsibility  without  either  authority 
or  protection.  They  were  exposed  to  the  hazards  of  war,  which 
they  were  powerless  to  avert,  and  could  not  rely  on  defence  from 
the  Mother  Country.  The  commission,  therefore,  was  in  favour 
of  greater  independence,  especially  in  the  direction  of  power  to 
contract  agreements  with  foreign  States.  It  also  approved  of  the 
eventual  separation  between  the  colonies  and  the  Mother  Country. 
As  a  French  writer  once  expressed  it,  in  somewhat  infelicitous 
language,  Great  Britain  says  to  her  colonies  when  they  have 
grown  up,  "  Wayward  sisters  !  "  (Allez,  mes  sceurs  /),  imagining 
that  "  wayward  "  was  a  synonym  for  "  onward." 

After  1870  the  power  of  other  countries  began  to  develop  in 

414 


IMPERIAL    DEFENCE 

the  Pacific,  and  the  necessity  for  definite  action  became  urgent. 
Great  Britain  annexed  Fiji  in  1874.  There  being  some  likelihood 
of  France  acquiring  the  New  Hebrides  and  using  them  for  the 
transportation  of  convicts,  in  1878  an  agreement  was  made 
between  France  and  Great  Britain  that  neither  country  should 
annex  these  islands,  but  suspicion  of  danger  still  remained. 
Similar  difficulties  arose  with  regard  to  Samoa,  The  result  was 
that  in  1883  federation  assumed  a  more  tangible  shape,  which 
was  strengthened  by  the  question  of  New  Guinea,  to  which  we 
have  already  referred.  In  August,  1885,  a  Federal  Council  of 
Australia  was  established  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the 
marine  defences  of  Australasia,  the  relation  of  Australia  to  the 
islands  of  the  Pacific,  the  prevention  of  the  influx  of  criminals, 
the  regulation  of  quarantine,  and — using  a  phrase  employed  on  a 
similar  occasion  by  Alexander  Hamilton — "  other  matters "  of 
general  Australian  importance  and  interest.  The  council  was  a 
permanent  body  ;  it  was  to  meet  at  least  once  in  every  two  years 
and  had  power  to  make  laws.  At  its  first  meeting,  in  1886,  it 
appointed  a  standing  committee  to  assemble  out  of  session  and 
communicate,  through  its  chairman,  with  the  Secretary  of  State. 
But  the  council  was  not  received  with  equal  enthusiasm  by  all 
the  States.  Queensland,  Victoria,  Tasmania  and  West  Australia 
were  the  only  constant  members,  Fiji  was  represented  only 
at  the  first  meeting,  and  South  Australia  soon  withdrew.  New 
Zealand  and  New  South  Wales  were  not  represented  at  all.  The 
great  weakness  of  the  council  was  that  it  did  not  possess  the 
power  of  the  purse. 

The  further  development  of  the  principle  of  federation  was  Federal 
connected  with  Imperial  defence.  In  1887  an  agreement  was  Convention, 
made  by  which  Australia  was  to  contribute  £126,000  a  year 
towards  the  expenses  of  an  Australian  squadron.  This  was  the 
result  of  a  conference  held  in  London  on  the  occasion  of  Queen 
Victoria's  Jubilee,  when  the  widespread  character  of  the  British 
Empire  was  the  subject  of  an  ocular  and  visible  demonstration  to 
the  colonies,  to  the  Mother  Country,  and  to  the  Powers  of  the 
world.  It  was  also  agreed  that  periodical  inspection  of  the 
Australian  forces  should  be  made  by  a  general  officer  of  the 
Imperial  army.  The  first  report,  issued  by  the  inspector  in 
October,  1889,  recommended  the  federation  of  the  colonies  for 
the  purposes  of  defence,  and  the  adoption  of  a  common  gauge  for 
the  Australian  system  of  railways.  In  pursuance  of  this  idea,  a 
conference  of  the  six  colonies  met  at  Melbourne  on  February  6th, 
1890,  when  a  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted  that  it  was 

415 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Conference 
of  Premiers. 


Federation 
Accom- 
plished. 


desirable  to  effect  union  between  the  colonies  under  the  Crown, 
and  under  a  single  legislative  and  executive  government. 
Consequently,  a  National  Australian  Convention  was  appointed, 
consisting  of  not  more  than  seven  delegates  from  each  of  the  self- 
governing  colonies  and  four  from  each  of  the  Crown  colonies. 
The  Convention  met  at  Sydney  on  March  2nd,  1891,  and  sat  till 
April  gth.  In  these  short  weeks  they  agreed  that  a  federal 
Constitution  should  be  formed,  containing  a  Parliament  of  two 
Houses,  a  federal  Supreme  Court,  and  a  federal  Executive. 
Committees  were  formed  to  deal  severally  with  questions  of 
Constitution,  finance  and  justice,  and  finally  a  drafting  committee 
of  four  produced  a  Bill  to  constitute  the  Commonwealth  of 
Australia.  This  draft  Bill  contained  in  substance  the  Constitu- 
tion which  received  the  Royal  assent  in  1900  and  came  into 
operation  on  January  ist,  1901. 

When  the  Convention  had  drawn  up  the  draft  Bill  of  1891, 
it  recommended  that  as  soon  as  the  Constitution  had  been 
accepted  by  three  colonies  the  Home  Government  should  take 
steps  to  put  it  into  execution.  But  much  had  to  be  done  before 
that  result  could  be  realised.  New  South  Wales  held  back ; 
Victoria,  South  Australia  and  Tasmania  were  uncertain  ;  and  the 
other  colonies  did  nothing.  Sir  Henry  Parkes  suggested  that 
the  matter  should  be  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  Parliament,  and 
that  the  Australian  people  should  elect  a  federal  Congress  repre- 
senting all  the  colonies  and  the  whole  people.  Steps  in  this 
direction  were  taken,  and  a  conference  of  Premiers,  held  at  Hobart 
in  January,  1895,  recommended  that  the  duty  of  fixing  a  federal 
Constitution  should  be  given  to  the  representatives  of  each  colony 
directly  chosen  by  the  electors,  the  Constitution  so  formed  to  be 
submitted  to  the  electors  for  acceptance  or  rejection  by  a  direct 
vote,  and  that  these  resolutions  should  be  confirmed  by  the 
Parliaments  of  each  colony. 

The  elections  for  the  Convention  took  place  in  March,  1897, 
and  four  colonies  were  represented — Victoria,  New  South  Wales, 
South  Australia  and  Tasmania.  The  Convention  met  at  Adelaide 
on  March  22nd,  1897,  and  it  was  evident  that  Edmund  Barton 
was  the  leading  spirit.  The  draft  Bill  of  1891  was  adopted  as 
the  foundation  of  the  work  of  the  Convention.  The  first  session 
came  to  an^  end  after  a  month,  and  the  Bill  was  sent  to  the 
Colonial  Parliaments  for  consideration  and  amendments.  At  the 
second  session,  held  in  Sydney  between  September  2nd  and 
September  24th,  the  most  troublesome  problems  lay  in  the  diffi- 
culty of  determining  the  Constitution  and  the  power  of  the  Senate, 

416 


THE    FEDERAL    CONSTITUTION 

and,  as  in  the  American  Constitution,  the  conflicting  claims  of 
population  and  the  rights  of  individual  States.  Financial  ques- 
tions also  occupied  much  time.  The  third  and  final  session  was 
held  at  Melbourne  between  January  2ist  and  March  I7th,  1898. 
The  Bill  had  now  to  be  submitted  to  a  popular  vote  by  means  of 
the  referendum.  It  was  passed  in  Victoria  and  Tasmania  by  a 
majority  of  five  to  one,  and  in  South  Australia  by  two  to  one  ; 
but  in  New  South  Wales,  although  there  was  a  small  majority 
for  it,  the  statutory  number  of  votes  was  not  obtained.  As  the 
Bill  had  been  accepted  by  three  colonies,  it  was  competent  to 
present  it  to  the  Crown  for  enactment,  but  it  was  felt  impossible 
to  move  without  the  concurrence  of  New  South  Wales.  At  last 
matters  were  adjusted,  and  on  June  2Oth,  1899,  the  Bill  was 
passed  by  New  South  Wales.  In  September  Queensland,  which 
had  hitherto  stood  aloof,  came  in ;  but  West  Australia  did  not 
join  until  the  Act  had  received  the  Royal  assent. 

In   every    federal   Constitution   it   is   necessary   to   determine  The 
who  is   the   residuary  legatee.     Is  the   central  federal  authority  Australian 
entrusted  with  certain  regulated  and  defined  powers,  everything  Constitution- 
not  so  enumerated  being  left  to  the  component  parts  ?     Or,  are 
the  States  entrusted  with  certain  powers,  everything  not  so  given 
being   left   to   the   central   government  ?     America  is  representa- 
tive of  one  system,  Ireland  under  Home  Rule  would  be  an  example 
of  the  other. 

Australia  followed  the  American  model,  every  power  not 
directly  given  to  the  central  authority  being  left  to  the  States. 
The  States  remained  separate  entities,  sovereign  within  their  own 
sphere,  intact  in  their  territories,  capable  of  modifying  their  own 
Constitutions,  and  in  direct  relation  with  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment, not  being  obliged  to  communicate  through  the  federal 
body.  They  surrendered  to  the  central  body  certain  specified 
powers — the  control  of  commerce,  Customs,  post  office,  foreign 
affairs,  defence,  navigation,  naturalisation,  railways  and  State 
debts.  The  States  retained  control  over  education,  the  police  and 
the  land. 

The  federal  Government  consists  of  a  Parliament,  a  Federal 
Council,  and  a  High  Court  of  Judicature,  the  Parliament  having 
two  Chambers,  a  Senate  and  a  House  of  Representatives.  The 
qualification  for  members  and  for  electors  is  the  same  for  both 
Houses,  and  the  members  of  both  receive  the  same  salary.  In 
this  bicameral  Parliament  the  principles  adopted  in  America  and 
in  Switzerland  are  followed.  The  Senate  represents  the  States, 
each  State  sending  an  equal  number  of  representatives,  six  for 
zb  417 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

each  province.  The  senators  are  chosen  for  six  years,  and  one 
half  of  the  members  retire  every  third  year.  The  Lower  House 
is  elected  according  to  population,  it  sits  for  not  more  than 
three  years  and  is  twice  as  large  as  the  Senate.  The  Senate 
cannot  initiate  or  amend  money  Bills,  but  it  may  reject  them. 
A  dispute  between  the  two  Houses  that  cannot  be  arranged 
is  met  either  by  a  simultaneous  dissolution  or  by  a  joint  sitting 
of  the  Houses.  The  head  of  the  Executive  is  a  Governor- 
General.  The  ministers  are  appointed  by  the  Governor-General 
to  administer  certain  departments,  their  number,  however, 
being  fixed  by  Parliament,  and  they  may  be  dismissed  by  him. 
The  ministers  are  always  members  of  the  Executive  Council, 
but  all  members  of  the  council  are  not  necessarily  ministers.  The 
High  Court  has  original  jurisdiction  in  certain  defined  matters, 
and  a  general  appellate  jurisdiction,  but  appeal  may  be  made  from 
its  decision  to  the  Privy  Council. 

A  Demo-  The  Constitution  of  Australia,  following  the  lead  of  America 

cratic  3^3   Great    Britain   rather   than   that    of   Canada,    is    essentially 

Constitution.  Democratic.     It  bears  every  mark  of  confidence  in  the  capacity  of 

the  people  to  undertake  any  and  every  function  of  government. 

In  the  constitution  of   Parliament,  in  the  relations  between  the 

Houses,  and  in  the  amendment  of    the  Constitution    the    people 

play  a  direct  part,  and  the  qualifications  both  for  members  and 

electors  rest  on  the  widest  possible  basis. 

Common-  The  creation  of  the  Commonwealth  has  opened  a  new  phase 

wealtf  jn  the  history  of  Australia.     No  great  change  has  taken  place  in 

the  policy  of  the  country,  because  the  principles  and  objects  of 
its  government  remain  the  same  as  before.  But  the  unity  to 
which  all  progress  had  been  tending  was  now  embodied  in  definite 
institutions,  and  the  ideals  which  had  been  cherished  in  different 
parts  of  the  Commonwealth  could  now  be  regarded  as  the  expres- 
sion of  national  feeling.  A  firmer  stand  was  made  against  slavery. 
The  importation  of  native  labourers  was  forbidden  in  1901,  and 
in  1906  those  already  introduced  were  sent  out  of  the  country. 
Care  was  taken  in  the  introduction  of  new  citizens,  educational 
tests  were  imposed  on  immigrants,  and  sugar  planters  who  only 
employed  white  labour  received  pecuniary  encouragement  from 
the  State.  Tariff  barriers  between  the  several  States  were 
removed,  the  bonds  between  the  separate  provinces  rapidly 
increased,  and  a  policy  of  Protection  was  introduced,  partly  from 
the  necessity  of  providing  for  the  heavy  expenses  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  partly  from  the  desire  to  encourage  nascent  industries. 
At  the  same  time  the  policy  of  Imperial  Preference  has  made  some 

418 


THE  LABOUR  PARTY  IN  AUSTRALIA 

progress ;  but  the  question  of  preference  between  Australia  and 
Great  Britain  divides  parties  in  the  Mother  Country,  and  is  still 
far  from  settlement. 

One  of  the  most  notable  facts  has  been  the  growth  of  the  Growth  of 
Labour  Party,  which  has  brought  the  regulation  of  industry  in  the  Labour 
the  interests  of  the  workman  into  prominence.  This,  again,  has  Party- 
made  it  necessary  to  determine  what  are  the  spheres  of  the  State 
and  what  of  the  individual.  A  tendency  has  been  shown  towards 
the  increase  of  federal  power,  a  movement  which  is  observable 
in  all  federal  constitutions,  and  which  is  checked  in  Switzerland 
by  the  operation  of  the  referendum.  It  has  been  felt  that  a 
revision  of  the  Constitution  is  desirable  to  increase  the  authority 
of  the  central  Government.  The  Labour  Party  has  shown  itself 
desirous  of  strengthening  and  extending  federal  control,  and  a 
change  of  this  nature  would  have  an  important  bearing  on  the 
policy  of  Protection,  on  government  regulation  of  industry,  and 
on  legislation  with  regard  to  land  and  labour.  An  increase  of 
federal  revenue  has  also  become  desirable,  and  it  is  possible  that 
the  future  will  see  an  increase  of  federal  taxation.  The  site  of 
a  federal  capital  has  been  settled  by  the  choice  of  a  territory 
about  140  miles  to  the  south-west  of  Sydney. 

It  is  impossible  to  forecast  the  history  of  Australia,  but  there  The  Future 
is  no  doubt  that  the  Pacific  Ocean  will  gradually  become  more  of  Australia, 
and  more  important  in  the  history  of  the  world.    Australia  is  at 
the  outset  of  a  great  career  and  will  play  a  more  energetic  part 
in  the  policy  of  the  Pacific  than  has  hitherto  been  the  case.     For 
a  long  time  to  come  her  policy  will  be  identical  with  that  of  the 
Mother  Country,  but  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal  may  pro- 
duce results  which  cannot  be  foreseen. 


419 


in  the 
Sudan. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

RECONQUEST  OF  THE  SUDAN 

The  Italians  WE  have  already  seen  how,  after  the  death  of  Gordon  in  1885* 
the  Sudan  was  abandoned  by  Egypt  to  the  rule  of  the  Mahdi 
and  Osman  Digna.  This  lasted  for  thirteen  years,  during  which 
period  the  country  was  devastated  and  almost  depopulated.  Five 
months  after  the  capture  of  Khartum  the  Mahdi  died  and  was 
succeeded  by  the  Khalifa.  The  Dervishes  under  him  conceived 
the  design  of  invading  Egypt,  but  their  troops  were  crushed 
at  Toski  on  August  3rd,  1889.  Osman  Digna,  the  chief  supporter 
of  the  Mahdi  and  the  Khalifa,  was  defeated  hi  February,  1891, 
near  Tokar,  an  event  which  permitted  the  Egyptians  to  reoccupy 
part  of  the  Eastern  Sudan,  and  establish  a  settled  frontier  and 
a  tranquillised  province.  Before  this  date  fighting  had  taken 
place  on  the  border  of  Abyssinia.  Some  of  the  Egyptian 
garrisons,  abandoned  in  1883,  were  in  great  danger,  from  the 
Mahdi  on  the  one  side  and  the  Abyssinians  on  the  other.  King 
John  of  Abyssinia  was  eventually  persuaded  to  allow  them  to 
retire  through  his  country.  The  Italians,  who  were  anxious  to 
follow  the  example  of  the  rest  of  Europe  by  acquiring  a  colonial 
dominion,  occupied  Massowah,  a  port  on  the  Red  Sea.  This  led 
to  hostilities  between  King  John  and  the  Italians,  but  the  differ- 
ences were  adjusted  by  the  intervention  of  Queen  Victoria  in 
October,  1887.  A  war  which  broke  out  between  the  Abyssinians 
and  the  Dervishes  in  1889  resulted  in  the  death  of  the  King, 
and  the  project  of  capturing  Khartum,  which  had  brought  it  about, 
was  abandoned. 

In  the  meantime  Egypt  remained  in  a  most  unsettled  con- 
dition as  a  consequence  of  Great  Britain  not  having  declared 
a  protectorate  of  the  country  after  the  defeat  of  Arabi  in  1882. 
The  French,  who  had  refused  to  assist  in  that  enterprise,  did  all 
they  could  to  impede  the  results  of  victory.  Other  European 
Powers,  from  jealousy  of  Great  Britain,  aided  and  abetted  France, 
while  Abdul  Hamid  used  to  the  full  his  opportunities  of  fomenting 
disorder,  by  proposing  that  Tewfik  should  be  deposed  and  the 
hold  of  Turkey  over  Egypt  strengthened.  The  cause  of  this 
trouble  was  the  weakness  of  Gladstone  and  Granville,  who  shrank 

420 


Egyptian 
Unrest. 


FINANCES    OF    EGYPT 

from  assuming  the  responsibilities  which  their  policy  had  imposed 
upon  them,  and  talked  of  retiring  from  Egypt,  as  if  the  interests 
of  civilisation  or  a  proper  regard  for  moral  considerations  would 
admit  of  such  a  course.  Feeble  attempts  were  made  to  improve 
the  situation  with  very  little  success.  Clifford  Lloyd  did  what  he 
could  for  a  few  months  in  1883  and  1884  in  this  direction, 
but  found  that  serious  reforms  were  impossible  in  the  face  of 
Mohammedan  prejudice,  nor  was  the  mission  of  Lord  Northbrook 
in  1884  productive  of  better  results. 

When  Salisbury  succeeded  Gladstone  in  1885  he  sent  Sir 
Henry  Drummond  Wolff,  who  was  supposed  to  have  a  special  lj  ^yp  ' 
knowledge  of  Eastern  affairs  and  to  be  popular  with  the  Turks, 
to  arrange  matters.  But  he  was  met  by  the  invincible  jealousy 
of  France,  supported  by  Russia,  and  under  their  combined  influ- 
ence the  Sultan  refused  to  ratify  the  Convention,  and  the  only 
result  was  that  a  permanent  Turkish  Commissioner  was  placed 
as  an  additional  thorn  in  the  side  of  Great  Britain.  However, 
notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  which  might  have  been  removed 
by  a  firmer  and  more  vigorous  policy,  some  progress  was  made. 
The  use  of  the  kurbash,  a  whip  of  hippopotamus  hide,  in  driving 
the  fellahin,  or  peasants,  to  forced  labour  in  clearing  the  canals, 
was  abolished ;  the  corvee  ceased  to  exist,  and  a  small  wage 
was  paid,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  France,  out  of  the  interest 
due  to  Great  Britain  on  account  of  the  Suez  Canal  shares.  But 
it  took  many  years  to  effect  a  permanent  settlement  of  the 
question. 

The  whole  of  this  period  had  been  one  of  great  financial  The 
difficulties.  The  release  of  Egypt  from  debt  and  the  placing  of 
the  Egyptian  budget  on  a  secure  footing  were  due,  more  than  to 
anyone  else,  to  Evelyn  Baring  (afterwards  Lord  Cromer).  He 
had  been  appointed  in  1877  British  Commissioner  to  the  Public 
Debt  of  Egypt  by  Goschen,  to  whom  the  Khedive  had  applied 
for  a  suitable  official.  He  next  undertook  the  office  of  Agent 
and  Consul-General,  and  began  his  duties  in  Cairo  on  September 
nth,  1883.  In  1885  he  proposed  to  the  Powers  to  raise  a  loan 
of  £9,000,000  for  the  purpose  of  paying  off  the  war  indemnities 
in  connection  with  the  bombardment  of  Alexandria,  of  wiping 
off  the  deficit  which  had  accumulated  since  1882,  and  of  providing 
a  surplus  of  £1,000,000  for  the  purposes  of  irrigation.  The  careful 
expenditure  of  this  sum  brought  about  a  condition  of  equilibrium 
in  1888,  and  in  time  raised  Egyptian  credit  to  a  level  only  a 
little  below  that  of  the  richest  European  Powers.  The  outlay  on 
railways,  roads  and  public  buildings  has  been  provided  out  of 

421 


Egypt's 
Progress. 


Italy  in 
the  Sudan. 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

annual  revenue,  and  the  only  increase  in  taxation  has  been  in 
the  tobacco  duty.  The  administration  has  been  essentially  honest. 
Natives  have  been  encouraged  to  become  proprietors  of  small 
holdings  of  land,  the  traditional  industry  of  the  peasants  has 
been  stimulated  and  rewarded,  and  in  a  quarter  of  a  century  a 
transformation  has  been  accomplished  which  is  unique  in  history. 

Egypt  was  now  completely  civilised  under  British  rule ;  the 
roads  had  been  cleansed  and  extended ;  drainage  of  the  land, 
which  is  as  important  as  its  irrigation,  had  been  introduced  ;  and 
the  great  barrage,  situated  a  short  distance  below  Cairo,  had  been 
repaired  and  rendered  serviceable.  The  result  of  this  was  that 
in  ten  years  the  cotton  and  sugar  crops  were  both  trebled  and  the 
country  was  covered  by  a  network  of  light  railways  and  agricul- 
tural roads.  In  1898  a  dam  was  established  at  Assuan,  which, 
though  it  partially  submerged  the  beautiful  temple  of  Philae,  has 
rendered  infinite  service  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  The  only 
dangers  are  that  more  water  should  be  supplied  than  the  cultivators 
are  able  to  utilise,  and  that  the  truth  should  be  forgotten  that  the 
flooding  of  land  for  crops  is  useless,  and,  indeed,  mischievous, 
unless  accompanied  by  a  system  of  carrying  off  the  superfluous 
waters,  a  process  almost  as  costly  as  irrigation  itself.  Another 
great  step  in  advance  has  been  the  creation  of  a  serviceable 
Egyptian  army.  In  old  days  conscripts,  chained  together  like 
convicts,  were  torn  from  their  homes  and  dispatched  to  distant 
garrisons,  from  which  they  seldom  returned.  Egyptians,  excellent 
as  soldiers,  were  useless  as  officers  ;  but  Sir  Evelyn  Wood,  the 
first  Sirdar  of  the  Egyptian  army,  inaugurated  a  system  by  which 
the  new  soldiers  taken  from  the  land,  when  well  fed,  well  clothed, 
punctually  paid,  instructed  and  officered  by  British  soldiers, 
became  efficient  instruments  of  war.  The  army  was,  moreover, 
strengthened  by  the  enrolment  of  black  volunteers  from  distant 
places  in  the  Sudan. 

In  consequence  of  all  these  improvements  a  desire  arose  for 
the  reconquest  of  the  Sudan,  a  measure  necessary  for  the  security 
of  civilisation  in  Egypt ;  but  the  stimulus  to  this  effort  proceeded 
from  the  relations  of  Italy  to  Abyssinia,  of  which  we  must  give 
some  account.  Italy  had  taken  no  part  in  the  suppression  of 
Arabi ;  indeed,  popular  sympathy  in  that  country  ran  strongly 
in  his  favour,  but  in  1884,  when  Depretis  was  Prime  Minister, 
Great  Britain  suggested  to  the  Italian  Government  that  they 
should  occupy  some  country  on  the  shore  of  the  Red  Sea  as  a 
counterpoise  to  the  French.  Therefore,  early  in  1885,  Bailul  and 
Massowah  were  taken  by  the  Italians,  although  Lord  Cromer 

422 


ITALY'S    APPEAL    TO    BRITAIN 

was  opposed  to  the  policy.  The  abandonment  of  the  Sudan  by 
the  British  was  an  unforeseen  blow,  and  the  Italians  complained 
that  they  had  first  been  instigated  to  embark  upon  colonial 
adventure  and  then  deserted.  The  Abyssinians  resented  the 
Italian  occupation,  and  in  January,  1887,  a  whole  battalion  of 
500  men  was  cut  to  pieces  by  Ras  Alula  at  Dogali,  while  a  force 
of  20,000  men,  sent  to  retrieve  the  disaster,  had  to  be  recalled. 
However,  in  1890  the  suzerainty  of  Italy  over  Abyssinia  was 
announced,  money  was  coined  with  the  effigy  of  King  Humbert 
wearing  the  Abyssinian  crown,  and  a  colonial  Eritrea  was  estab- 
lished. The  Dervishes  were  defeated  at  Agordat  and  Kassala ; 
and  Crispi,  who  was  Prime  Minister,  conceived  the  idea  of  a  vast 
African  Empire.  But  on  March  ist,  1896,  the  Italians  suffered 
a  terrible  defeat  at  Adowa,  losing  all  their  artillery.  The  killed 
included  254  officers  and  nearly  4,500  men,  and  the  prisoners 
45  officers  and  1,500  men.  The  suzerainty  over  Abyssinia  was 
abandoned,  and  by  the  treaty  signed  in  September,  1900,  the 
Italian  possessions  were  reduced  to  a  territory  of  80,000  (?)  square 
miles. 

Dismayed  by  this  defeat  the  Italians  turned  to  Great  Britain  Kassala 
for  assistance.  They  represented  that  they  had  originally  under-  in  PeriL 
taken  the  occupation  of  a  portion  of  the  Red  Sea  littoral  under 
British  advice,  and  that  unless  energetic  steps  were  taken  the 
whole  of  their  Eritrean  colony  was  in  danger.  The  matter  was 
brought  before  the  Cabinet,  and  the  request  of  the  Italians 
appeared  to  be  reasonable.  But  there  was  no  decision  to  recover 
Khartum ;  the  plan  was  to  advance  as  far  as  Akasheh  and 
then  to  await  events.  Kassala,  with  the  Italian  garrison,  was 
threatened  by  the  Dervishes,  and  was  in  imminent  peril.  It  was 
obvious  that  if  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Dervishes  there  was 
a  danger  that  they  would  overrun  the  whole  of  the  Nile  valley. 
It  was  deemed  essential  to  save  Kassala  by  a  diversion  towards 
Dongola,  and  this  could  best  be  done  while  the  Khalifa's  forces 
were  occupied. 

Other  European  Powers,  however,  were  contending  for  the  The  Dongola 
occupation  of  the  Upper  Nile.  The  French  were  advancing  from 
the  south-west,  the  Belgians  from  the  south,  and  it  was  necessary 
that  the  British  should  exhibit  similar  activity.  In  March  Lord 
Curzon,  Under  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  stated  in  the  House 
of  Commons  that,  in  view  of  the  forward  movements  of  the 
Dervishes  in  different  directions,  and  the  threatened  attack  on 
Kassala,  the  Government  had  ordered  an  advance  to  Akasheh 
in  order  to  avert  danger  to  Italy,  Egypt  and  Great  Britain. 

423 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Battle  of 

Ferkeh, 


The  advance,  he  said,  might  be  extended  to  Dongola,  but  that 
would  depend  on  circumstances.  The  Dongola  expedition  was 
to  consist  of  9,000  Egyptian  troops  under  the  command  of  the 
Sirdar,  Sir  Herbert  Kitchener,  but  some  British  troops  were  to 
advance  to  Wady  Haifa  to  take  the  place  of  the  Egyptians 
stationed  there.  Although  some  Liberals  approved  of  the  expedi- 
tion, it  was  opposed  by  the  party  as  a  whole,  and  the  National 
Liberal  Federation,  at  a  meeting  in  Huddersfield,  condemned  it ; 
while  Morley,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  proposed  a  vote  of 
censure  against  it,  which  was  defeated  by  288  votes  to  143. 
Money  had  to  be  provided  for  the  expedition,  and  the  British 
Cabinet  thought  that  Egypt  ought  to  pay  for  the  recovery  of  her 
lost  territory.  She  had  the  money,  and  was  willing  to  give  it, 
but  could  not  do  so  without  the  consent  of  the  six  Commissioners 
of  the  Debt.  Four  of  them  authorised  payment  and  advanced 
the  money,  but  the  French  and  Russian  Commissioners  dissented. 
The  mixed  tribunal  of  Cairo  ordered  the  Egyptian  Government 
to  refund  the  money  with  interest,  but  Lord  Cromer  induced 
the  British  Government  to  lend  Egypt  £800,000  with  interest  at 
2f  per  cent.,  so  that  the  money  was  repaid. 

On  March  2ist,  1896,  the  Sirdar,  with  Colonel  Wingate,  and 
the  first  battalion  of  the  North  Staffordshire  Regiment,  917 
strong,  left  Cairo  for  Assuan  and  Wady  Haifa.  Wingate, 
who  was  stationed  at  Wady  Haifa,  moved  forward  to  Akasheh, 
which  had  been  for  some  time  the  advanced  post  of  the 
Dervishes,  and  occupied  it  without  opposition.  On  June  7th  an 
advance  was  made  to  Ferkeh,  and  the  Dervishes  were  attacked 
with  masterly  skill  by  the  Sirdar,  who  divided  his  forces  into  a 
desert  and  river  column,  so  that  the  enemy  had  no  chance  of 
escape.  In  two  hours  the  Dervishes  were  completely  routed, 
losing  1,000  killed  and  wounded  and  400  taken  prisoners,  whereas 
the  Egyptian  losses  were  very  slight.  By  the  victory  of  Ferkeh 
forty  miles  of  the  Nile  valley  were  cleared  of  Dervishes  and  the 
only  organised  army  of  the  Khalifa  over  the  frontier  was  destroyed 
near  Suakin,  which  had  been  for  many  years  the  starting-place  for 
raids  against  the  Nile  villages  and  was  now  the  advanced  post  of 
the  Sirdar's  army. 

After  the  victory  of  Ferkeh  and  the  occupation  of  Suakin 
of  Dongola.  there  was  an  jntervai  of  three  months,  a  time  of  very  hard  work. 
The  railway  had  to  be  pushed  on,  stores  collected  at  the  front, 
and  steamers  tugged  up  the  cataracts,  while,  to  make  matters 
worse,  the  troops  were  attacked  with  cholera,  which  killed  nearly 
200  Egyptians  and  some  British.  The  attack  on  Dongola  was 

424 


Occupation 


SUCCESSES    IN    THE    SUDAN 

made  on  September  3rd,  at  7  in  the  morning.  But  the  Dervishes 
refused  to  fight,  retiring  whenever  the  Egyptians  advanced.  The 
Sudanese  garrison  of  the  town  surrendered  to  the  Egyptians  and 
at  ii  in  the  morning  Dongola  was  occupied.  The  inhabitants 
crowded  amongst  the  troops,  seizing  the  hands  of  the  soldiers 
and  kissing  them  in  their  delirious  joy  at  being  delivered 
from  oppression.  On  the  same  night  the  army  bivouacked  in 
and  near  Dongola  or  its  ruins.  The  British  troops  were  sent 
back  to  Cairo,  having  lost  seventy-four  of  their  number,  chiefly 
from  enteric  fever.  Every  Dervish  fled  for  his  life,  the  horse- 
men riding  across  the  desert  into  Omdurman,  the  foot  soldiers 
following  the  Nile  to  Berber,  which  now  became  the  next  objective. 

While  Dongola  was  being  rebuilt  and  its  government  re-  Kitchener's 
organised,  news  was  brought  to  the  Sirdar  by  Slatin  Pasha  and  Sudan 
other  escaped  prisoners  that  the  Khalifa's  rule  was  crumbling  ai  way* 
to  dust,  and  the  British  Government  announced  that  they 
contemplated  the  reconquest  of  the  Sudan.  On  February  5th, 
1897,  Hicks  Beach,  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  in  asking  for  a 
vote  of  £800,000,  declared  in  the  House  of  Commons  that  Egypt 
could  never  be  considered  secure  so  long  as  hostile  Powers  were 
in  occupation  of  Khartum,  and  that  Great  Britain,  having  com- 
pelled the  Egyptian  Government  to  abandon  the  Sudan,  was  now 
bound  in  honour  to  recover  it  for  civilisation.  Between  Dongola 
and  Berber  the  Nile  makes  a  large  loop  to  the  north  and,  in 
order  to  avoid  this,  the  Sirdar  determined  to  make  a  railway 
across  the  desert,  thus  saving  a  distance  of  330  miles.  In  order 
to  make  the  railway,  Abu  Hamed  had  to  be  captured,  and  this 
was  effected  on  August  7th,  four-fifths  of  the  Dervishes  being 
killed  or  taken  prisoners,  and  the  rest  fleeing  to  Omdurman, 
spreading  everywhere  the  news  of  their  defeat.  The  consequence 
was  that  they  evacuated  Berber,  and  General  Hunter  was  able 
to  enter  it  on  September  I3th.  Formerly  a  large  and  important 
town,  the  centre  of  a  flourishing  trade,  it  had  been  sacked  and 
destroyed  and  was  only  represented  by  a  large  Dervish  village  two 
miles  from  the  river. 

Whilst  Hunter  was  advancing  upon  Abu  Hamed  and  Berber,  Italy 
Osman  Digna  had  collected  a  force  of  5,000  men  at  a  place  on  the  Abandons 
Atbara,  situated  about  ninety  miles  from  Ed  Darner,  where  the  Kassi 
Atbara  flows  into  the  Nile  above  Berber.     Hunter  determined  to 
attack  him,  and,  leaving  Berber  on  October  23rd,  reached  Adarana, 
where  Osman  Digna  had  established  himself,  six  days  later.     They 
found  he  had  evacuated  the  town  and  was  in  the  desert  between 
Omdurman    and    Kassala.     As    nothing    more    could    be    done, 

425 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


British 
Reinforce- 
ments for 
the  Sudan. 


Kitchener 
Awaits  His 
Opportunity. 


Adarana  was  burnt  and  the  expedition  returned  to  Berber.  The 
road  between  Berber  and  Suakin,  which  had  been  closed  for  many 
years,  was  now  open,  and  plenty  of  water  was  obtainable  on  the 
way.  There  was  at  this  time  bad  feeling  between  the  Mahdist 
leaders,  Mahmoud  and  Osman  Digna,  the  first,  who  was  at 
Metammeh  on  the  Nile,  halfway  between  Ed  Darner  and  Khartum, 
being  anxious  to  advance,  Osman  being  unwilling  to  help  him. 
The  Khalifa  at  Omdurman  could  not  weaken  himself  by  sending 
supplies  to  Mahmoud,  who  had,  therefore,  to  remain  inactive. 
Demonstrations  were  made  against  him,  but  nothing  important 
was  done.  The  railway  from  Wady  Haifa  to  Abu  Hamed  was 
completed  on  October  3ist  and  pushed  on  to  Berber.  The 
Italians  now  arranged  that  Kassala  with  its  surrounding  territory 
should  be  handed  over  to  the  Egyptians  on  December  25th,  1897. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  expedition  was  originally  under- 
taken with  the  object  of  preventing  Kassala  from  being  taken 
from  the  Italians  by  the  Dervishes.  The  town  is  situated  near 
the  Atbara,  and  forms  the  third  point  of  a  triangle  with  Berber 
and  Khartum,  the  three  places  being  at  an  equal  distance  from 
each  other.  The  Egyptian  troops  who,  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Parsons,  were  to  occupy  Kassala  marched  through  the 
Italian  colony  of  Eritrea,  being  received  everywhere  with  the 
greatest  courtesy. 

Early  in  1898  the  military  position  was  somewhat  as  follows  : 
the  Khalifa  was  at  Omdurman  with  40,000  men  ;  Mahmoud,  who 
had  been  joined  by  Osman  Digna,  was  at  Metammeh  with  20,000  ; 
the  Egyptian  army  had  its  headquarters  at  Berber,  with  an 
advanced  post  at  Ed  Darner,  occupying  also  Abu  Hamed,  Merawi 
and  Dongola,  as  well  as  Kassala  and  various  positions  between 
Berber  and  Suakin  ;  and  the  desert  railway  was  well  advanced 
towards  completion.  It  was  known  that  Mahmoud  intended  to 
move  down  the  Nile  and  attack  Berber.  It  having  been  deemed 
necessary  that  British  troops  should  be  employed  to  reinforce 
the  Egyptians,  three  battalions  were  sent  up  from  Cairo,  and 
the  Seaforth  Highlanders  were  summoned  from  Malta.  General 
Gatacre  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  British  brigade. 

Mahmoud  began  to  move  on  February  loth,  and  it  would 
have  been  possible  to  intercept  his  force  and  cut  it  to  pieces 
before  it  could  reach  its  destination,  but  probably  the  Sirdar 
desired  to  do  nothing  which  might  prevent  a  general  and 
decisive  engagement.  Such  a  conflict  was  approaching,  and 
troops  of  both  nationalities  were  rapidly  moved  up,  the  Sirdar  com- 
manding 13,000  Egyptians  and  Gatacre  four  battalions  of  British 

426 


THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ATBARA 

infantry.  On  March  3ist  Mahmoud  occupied  a  strong  position 
between  Omdurman  and  Berber,  well  fortified,  but  he  was  in 
great  straits  for  food,  his  soldiers  being  disaffected  and  anxious 
to  desert.  He  could  not  advance  to  Berber,  because  the  Sirdar 
stopped  him ;  to  come  out  into  the  open  meant  disastrous  defeat ; 
to  retire  to  Omdurman  would  demoralise  his  followers.  He  had, 
therefore,  no  alternative  but  to  remain  where  he  was  and  await 
the  Sirdar's  attack.  At  the  same  time  the  Sirdar's  army  was 
receiving  its  own  supplies  with  difficulty,  and  the  British  troops 
began  to  suffer  from  dysentery  and  enteric. 

At  last  the  attack  took  place  on  April  8th.  Mahmoud  was  Defeat 
strongly  fortified  by  a  zariba,  formed  by  cut  mimosa  branches  of  the 
and  strengthened  by  a  palisade  of  palm  logs,  laid  endways  on  Dervishes. 
the  ground,  and  an  encircling  trench.  The  bombardment,  begun 
at  6.15  in  the  morning,  lasted  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  at  8.15 
the  advance  was  sounded.  The  whole  line  marched  in  quick 
time,  inspired  by  the  bagpipes  and  the  bands  of  the  native 
regiments.  The  Camerons,  Warwicks,  Leicesters  and  Lincolns 
came  up  to  the  zariba,  tore  down  the  thorn  bushes,  gaps  were 
soon  made,  and  the  zariba  was  entered  at  about  8.30.  The 
trenches  were  full  of  crouching  Dervishes,  who  fired  as  fast  as 
they  could  load,  neither  wishing  for  nor  receiving  quarter.  After 
half  an  hour's  fighting  the  Battle  of  the  Atbara  was  won,  and 
orders  were  given  to  cease  firing.  The  troops  indulged  in  mutual 
congratulations,  and  the  Sudanese  soldiers  danced  with  joy,  waving 
their  rifles  in  the  air  and  shaking  hands  with  every  British  soldier 
they  came  across.  When  they  met  the  Sirdar  they  greeted  him 
with  enthusiastic  cheers.  The  British  brigade  had  5  officers 
and  21  men  killed,  with  99  officers  and  men  wounded.  The 
Egyptian  loss  was  more  severe,  57  men  being  killed  and  386 
wounded,  including  10  British  officers.  Osman  Digna  escaped 
with  the  cavalry,  but  Mahmoud  was  taken  prisoner.  His  force 
had  numbered  14,000,  and  of  these  only  8,000  remained.  On 
April  i4th  the  Sirdar  made  a  triumphal  entry  into  Berber  and  a 
review  was  held,  at  which  Mahmoud,  a  tall,  majestic  figure,  with 
his  hands  tied  behind  his  back,  was  a  conspicuous  object.  He 
was  afterwards  sent  down  to  Wady  Haifa. 

In   May,  1898,  preparations  were   made   for   the   advance   to  The 
Omdurman ;    the  railway  had   now  reached   El  Abeidieh,   only  Advance  on 
twelve    miles    north   of    Berber,    but    military    operations    were  Omdurman. 
suspended  for  a  time  and  the  Sirdar  went  to  England.    However, 
by  the  middle  of  August  the  Nile  had  risen  sufficiently  and  a 
start  was  made,  the  force  being  only  six  miles  from  Omdurman  on 

437 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The 

Position  at 
Omdurman. 


The  Dervish 
Attack. 


September  ist.  When  they  reached  this  place  they  found  the 
whole  Dervish  army  drawn  up  in  battle  array  in  the  desert  outside 
of  the  city.  They  were  in  five  divisions,  and  numbered  between 
40,000  and  50,000  men.  On  the  night  of  September  ist  everyone 
in  the  Sirdar's  camp  was  anxious.  The  two  opposing  armies  were 
only  five  miles  distant ;  a  report  had  come  that  the  Khalifa 
intended  to  make  a  night  attack,  and  the  men  lay  down  on  the 
sand,  fully  dressed,  with  arms  and  accoutrements  beside  them. 
The  night  was  cloudy  and  the  enemy  could  only  be  looked  for  with 
the  help  of  the  searchlight  from  the  gunboats.  By  a  ruse  the 
Khalifa  was  led  to  suppose  that  the  British  intended  an  attack, 
and  he  kept  quiet  and  the  night  passed  in  peace.  But  he  missed 
a  grand  opportunity,  as  no  one  could  foretell  what  a  night  assault 
might  have  produced,  for  though  victory  would  doubtless  have 
waited  on  British  prowess  the  loss  of  life  would  have  been  terrible. 

However,  the  decisive  battle  was  to  take  place  next  day, 
September  2nd.  The  Sirdar  had  under  his  command  a  force  of 
22,000  men,  naval  and  military.  His  camp  formed  a  kind  of 
horseshoe,  the  ends  resting  on  the  side  protected  by  the  gunboats. 
The  order  of  the  brigades  was  as  follows,  counting  from  the  left  : 
Lyttelton's,  with  the  Rifles  and  the  Grenadiers ;  Wauchope's,  with 
the  Seaforths  and  the  Camerons  ;  Maxwell's,  with  the  Egyptians 
and  the  Sudanese ;  then  came  Macdonald's,  Lewis's,  and 
Collinson's — all  black  troops.  Along  the  British  line  was  a 
rampart  of  bushes,  which  proved  afterwards  a  hindrance  rather 
than  a  help,  while  the  Egyptians  were  defended  by  a  shallow 
trench.  The  buglers  sounded  the  reveille  at  3.30,  and  all 
the  troops  stood  to  their  arms.  When  after  an  hour's  waiting 
there  seemed  to  be  no  sign  of  an  advance,  the  Sirdar  determined 
to  march  out  against  the  Dervish  forces. 

At  5.30  in  the  morning  the  booming  of  guns  announced 
the  bombardment  of  Omdurman,  but  the  cannonade  had  hardly 
begun  when  the  patrols  announced  that  the  enemy  were  in 
motion.  According  to  George  Steevens,  the  brilliant  and  gifted 
war  correspondent,  who  by  his  death  at  Ladysmith  robbed 
England  of  a  great  literary  name,  "  an  electric  whisper  came  run- 
ning down  the  line,  '  They  are  coming.'  The  noise  of  something 
began  to  creep  in  upon  us ;  it  advanced  and  divided  into  the  tap 
of  drums  and  the  far-away  surf  of  raucous  war  cries  ;  a  shiver  of 
expectancy  ran  along  our  army,  and  then  a  sigh  of  content.  They 
were  coming  on.  Allah  help  them !  they  were  coming  on !  It 
was  now  6.30.  The  flags  seemed  still  very  distant,  the  roar 
very  faint,  and  the  thud  of  our  first  gun  was  almost  startling.  It 

428 


"THE    LAST    DAY    OF    MAHDISM " 

may  have  startled  them,  but  it  startled  them  into  life.  The  line 
of  flags  swung  forward,  and  a  mass  of  white,  flying  linen  swung 
forward  with  it  too.  They  came  very  fast,  and  they  came  very 
straight,  and  then  presently  they  came  no  farther.  The  crash 
of  bullets  leapt  out  of  the  British  rifles." 

The  courage  of  the  Dervishes  was  without  parallel.  They  The 
advanced  in  an  immense  mass,  marching  with  military  regularity  Wonderful 
and  well-kept  ranks,  shouting  the  defiant  cry  of  "There  is  one  DerY18hee- 
God,  and  Mohammed  is  His  Prophet."  Emirs  and  sheikhs  led  the 
way,  and  Baggara  horsemen  trotted  abreast  of  the  men  on  foot. 
From  one  end  to  the  other  of  the  British  line  there  was  a  con- 
tinual blaze  of  flame,  the  men  firing  both  in  volleys  and  inde- 
pendently. Through  the  smokeless  air  the  Dervishes  were  seen 
falling  in  heaps.  As  whole  ranks  dropped  others  rushed  in  to 
supply  their  places.  When  the  Dervishes  were  within  800  yards 
of  the  British  line  their  advance  was  practically  arrested.  Yet 
even  then  individuals  attempted  to  rush  on.  One  old  man  with  a 
white  flag  started  with  five  comrades  ;  all  fell  but  he,  and  by 
himself  he  came  bounding  forwards  to  within  200  yards  of  the 
Sudanese.  Then  he  folded  his  arms  across  his  face,  his  limbs 
loosened,  and  he  dropped  to  the  earth  beside  his  flag.  As  Steevens 
says,  "it  was  the  last  day  of  Mahdism  and  the  greatest." 

The  ground  was  white  with  dead  men's  drapery,  for  it  was  The 
not  a  battle,  but  a  battue.    At  first  the  British  loss  had  been  Baggara 
slight,  the  Dervishes   not    halting  to  fire,  but  discharging  their  char^e< 
weapons  into  the  air ;   careless  of  aim,  their  bullets   fell  short ; 
when  they  got  closer  their  fire  began  to  tell,  and  casualties  became 
frequent.     But   this   was   as   nothing   compared   with   the   awful 
slaughter  of  the  Dervishes.    They  were  not  driven  back ;    they 
were  simply  killed  as  they  came  on.     Just  before  the  British  fire 
ceased  a  last  Dervish  effort  was  made,  taking  the  form  of  a  cavalry 
attack.    A  party  of  Baggara  horsemen,  200  in  number,  gallantly 
charged  Maxwell's  white  brigade.     Shot  down  by  rifle  and  Maxim, 
the   undaunted  remnant  repeatedly   dashed   on  until   there   was 
nothing  to  be  seen  but  a  struggling  heap  of  men  and  horses  lying 
on  the  ground.    At  8  the  grand  attack  was  finished  and  the  main 
body  of  the  enemy  was  in  retreat  to  the  hills  three  miles  distant. 

At    8.30   the    bugle    sounded    for    the    advance    to    Omdur-  Scene 
man.    As  the  soldiers  passed  over  the  field  of  battle  they  saw  on  the 
the  slaughter  they  had  done.    The  bodies— nearly  all  of  Arabs  Battlel 
— were  not  in  masses,  but  spread  evenly  over  acres  and  acres. 
Some  lay  very  composedly,  with  their  slippers  placed  under  their 
heads  for  a  pillow;    some  were  kneeling,  killed  in  the  midst  of  a 

429 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


"The 

Dervishes 

were 

Superb." 


Omdurman 
•Occupied. 


last  prayer ;  some  were  torn  to  pieces ;  others,  not  dead  yet, 
sprang  up  as  the  soldiers  approached  and  rushed  savagely,  hurl- 
ing spears.  These  were  bayoneted  or  shot.  The  losses  of  the 
Dervishes  were  immense.  No  fewer  than  10,800  bodies  were 
counted  on  the  field,  and  the  wounded  numbered  at  least  16,000, 
making  a  total  of  27,000  out  of  a  force  of  52,000.  Besides  these, 
4,000  black  troops  surrendered,  and  three  of  Gordon's  steamers 
were  captured.  The  Sirdar's  losses  were  only  nominal — 48  killed 
and  382  wounded. 

Steevens  pays  a  magnificent  tribute  to  the  Dervishes.  He 
says  that  "  the  British  were  perfect,"  but  that  "  the  Dervishes  were 
superb  beyond  perfection." 

"  It  was  the  largest,  best  and  bravest  army  which  ever  fought 
against  us  for  Mahdism,  and  it  died  worthily  of  the  huge  Empire 
which  Mahdism  won  and  kept  so  long.  Their  riflemen,  mangled 
by  every  kind  of  death  and  torment  which  man  can  devise,  clung 
round  the  black  flag  and  the  green,  emptying  their  poor,  rotten, 
home-made  cartridges  dauntlessly.  Their  spearmen  charged  death 
at  every  minute  hopelessly.  Their  horsemen  led  each  attack,  riding 
into  the  bullets  till  nothing  was  left  but  their  horses  trotting 
up  to  our  lines.  It  was  over  ;  the  avenging  squadrons  of  the 
Egyptian  cavalry  swept  over  the  field.  Now,  under  the  black 
flag,  in  a  ring  of  bodies,  stood  only  three  men,  facing  the  3,000 
of  the  British  brigade.  They  folded  their  arms  about  their  staff 
and  gazed  steadily  forward.  Two  fell.  The  last  Dervish  stood 
up  and  filled  his  chest ;  he  shouted  the  name  of  his  God  and 
hurled  his  spear,  then  he  stood  quite  still,  waiting.  It  took  him 
full ;  he  quivered,  gave  at  the  knees,  and  toppled  with  his  head 
on  his  arms  and  his  face  towards  the  legions  of  his  conquerors." 

In  the  afternoon,  when  the  fight  was  over,  the  Sirdar  rode 
forward  to  occupy  Omdurman.  When  the  surrender  of  the  fight- 
ing men  was  accepted,  the  inhabitants  swarmed  out  of  their  houses 
and  cheered  the  troops.  The  victorious  army  marched  down  the 
broad  street  leading  to  the  Khalifa's  house  and  the  Mahdi's  tomb. 
Finding  that  the  Khalifa's  house  was  barred,  the  gunboats  pro- 
ceeded to  shell  it  from  the  river,  and  in  doing  this  nearly  killed 
the  Sirdar  and  did  kill  Herbert  Howard,  the  son  of  Lord  Carlisle, 
a  newspaper  correspondent.  The  Khalifa  had  run  away  after  a 
vain  attempt  to  organise  renewed  resistance.  The  prisoners  were 
released,  the  chief  of  them  being  Charles  Neufeld,  a  German 
subject  (who  had  been  for  eleven  years  in  captivity  and  was  kept 
in  chains),  two  Italians,  and  thirty  Greeks.  In  the  arsenal  were 
found  large  stores  of  ammunition. 

430 


THE    FASHODA    INCIDENT 

It  was  necessary  to  crush  the  feeling  of  fanatical  reverence  Thc  Mahdi's 
which  had  grown  up  around  the  Mahdi,  by  destroying  his  tomb 
and  throwing  his  burnt  ashes  into  the  Nile,  and  those  who 
criticised  this  action  can  have  little  idea  of  the  requirements  of 
statesmanship  in  dealing  with  ignorant  and  superstitious  natives. 
Lord  Crewe  declared  the  deed  to  be  a  practical  necessity.  Duty 
demanded  a  visit  to  Gordon's  grave  at  Khartum,  and  a  memorial 
service  was  held  in  the  remains  of  his  palace.  This  accomplished, 
the  British  army  left  as  soon  as  possible,  as  it  began  to  feel  the 
inevitable  reaction  from  fatigue,  and  fever  also  had  set  in.  By 
the  end  of  September  nearly  the  whole  of  the  British  division  had 
left  for  the  north.  The  Khalifa  fled  from  Omdurman  into  the 
wilds  of  Kordofan,  wandered  about  for  a  year,  and  was  there 
killed  by  Sir  Reginald  Wingate,  who  succeeded  Kitchener  as  Sirdar 
of  the  Egyptian  army.  The  Khartum  expedition  was  not  only  a 
thorough  success,  but  owing  to  the  Sirdar's  excellent  management 
cost  only  £1,000,000,  besides  the  £1,200,000  spent  on  permanent 
improvements  on  railways  and  telegraphs. 

The  taking  of  Khartum  was  followed  by  a  surprising  incident  Marchand 
which  nearly  brought  about  war  between  Great  Britain  and  at  Fashoda' 
France.  On  September  7th  one  of  Gordon's  old  steamers,  which 
had  been  sent  up  the  White  Nile  by  the  Khalifa,  returned  to 
Omdurman  to  find  the  place  in  the  hands  of  the  British.  The 
captain  reported  that  at  Fashoda  he  had  been  fired  at  by  some 
white  men,  and  produced  bullets  of  European  manufacture  in 
support  of  his  statement.  It  was  evident  that  some  European 
expedition  had  reached  Fashoda,  and  Kitchener  determined  to 
ascertain  what  it  was.  Having,  with  characteristic  caution,  sent 
all  the  newspaper  correspondents  to  Cairo,  he  left  Omdurman  on 
September  loth  with  a  small  fleet  of  vessels.  On  September  i8th 
he  reached  a  point  ten  miles  from  Fashoda,  and,  after  five  miles' 
further  journey,  was  met  by  a  boat  bearing  the  French  flag,  and 
learned  that  Lieut.  Marchand,  a  French  explorer,  had  occupied 
Fashoda  since  July  loth.  When  Fashoda  was  reached  the  French 
flag  was  seen  flying,  with  Marchand's  fleet  close  to  the  old  Egyptian 
fort.  The  Sirdar  told  him  that  the  presence  of  a  French  force  in 
Egyptian  territory  was  inadmissible,  and  Marchand  replied  that  he 
was  acting  under  orders  from  the  French  Government.  Kitchener 
landed  his  troops  and  posted  the  Egyptian  flag  about  500  yards 
from  the  French  flag.  The  Sirdar  returned  to  Cairo,  but  the 
relations  between  the  French  and  Egyptian  Governments  assumed 
a  serious  aspect,  and  for  twenty-four  hours  war  between  the 
two  countries  seemed  probable.  The  French  held  that  Fashoda, 

431 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

although  formerly  belonging  to  Egypt,  had,  by  abandonment, 
ceased  to  belong  to  anyone  and  might  be  legally  claimed  by  either 
France  or  Belgium  ;  the  British,  on  the  other  hand,  claimed  the 
whole  valley  of  the  Nile  for  Egypt.  Eventually  the  French  with- 
drew from  an  untenable  position,  and  on  November  4th,  when 
the  Sirdar  was  entertained  by  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  Lord 
Salisbury  was  able  to  announce  that  the  incident  was  closed. 
Tranquillity  In  the  final  settlement  of  the  Sudan  some  of  the  mistakes  made 
in  Egypt  in  1882  were  avoided.  The  agreement  of  January,  1899, 
gave  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain  sovereign  rights  in  the  Sudan  in 
conjunction  with  the  Khedive,  based  upon  the  right  of  conquest. 
The  frontier  of  the  Sudan  towards  the  south  was  left  undefined. 
The  supreme  military  and  civil  command  was  vested  in  a  Governor- 
General  appointed  by  the  Khedive  on  British  recommendation, 
and  no  foreign  consuls  were  allowed  to  reside  in  the  Sudan  without 
the  previous  consent  of  Great  Britain.  It  was  also  decided  that 
in  all  matters  concerning  trade,  with  a  residence  in  the  Sudan, 
no  special  privileges  would  be  accorded  to  the  subjects  of  any 
one  Power.  Consequently,  in  the  following  years  the  Sudan 
advanced  greatly  in  prosperity,  and  the  population  increased. 
Port  Sudan,  on  the  Red  Sea,  was  made  into  a  well-equipped 
harbour ;  the  White  Nile  was  rendered  navigable  by  the  removal 
of  400  miles  of  sitdd ;  and  Gordon  University  at  Khartum  provided 
for  the  enlightenment  of  one  of  the  darkest  spots  in  the  Dark 
Continent. 


432 


CHAPTER     XIV 
THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  OF  1898 

THE  war  between  the  United  States  and  Spain  in  1898  was  of  Causes  of 
such  importance  in  the  history  and  development  of  the  great  the  War* 
Republic  that  some  account  of  it  is  inevitable,  although  it  did  not 
produce  much  effect  upon  Europe,  excepting  that  it  put  the  finish- 
ing touch  to  the  course  of  humiliation  to  which  Spain  had  exposed 
herself  ever  since  the  era  of  her  grandeur  in  the  Middle  Ages.  The 
war,  which  had  been  impending  for  a  considerable  period,  was  due 
to  an  accumulation  of  causes.  The  Americans,  for  one  thing,  could 
not  suffer  a  small  country  at  their  very  doors,  closely  connected 
by  commerce  with  themselves,  to  remain  in  a  condition  of  malad- 
ministration which  was  a  perpetual  menace  to  good  government 
in  their  own  country.  For  another,  controlling,  as  it  did,  the 
approaches  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Panama  Canal,  it 
was  felt  undesirable  that  Cuba  should  be  in  the  hands  of  a 
Power  that  might  possibly  become  hostile.  Relations  had  grown 
so  strained  and  feeling  was  so  tense  that  it  only  required  a  spark 
to  fire  the  magazine. 

In  1898  the  Cubans  were  in  revolt  against  Spain,  and  the  United  The  Maine 
States  had  been  urged  to  give  them  assistance.  Nevertheless,  Dlsaster- 
there  was  a  strong  party,  not  only  in  the  United  States,  but  even  in 
the  Government,  which  was  opposed  to  interference  in  the  affairs 
of  Spain  or  of  any  other  country,  and  there  is  every  probability  that 
nothing  would  have  been  done  had  not  an  event  occurred  which 
changed  the  whole  situation.  The  United  States  battleship  Maine 
was  blown  up  in  the  harbour  of  Havana  on  February  I5th  in  a 
mysterious  manner,  with  a  loss  of  266  lives.  The  general  belief 
was  that  the  ship  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards  or  by 
Cuban  sympathisers  to  force  the  hands  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  testimony  of  the  survivors  confirmed  this  opinion.  The  whole 
country  was  in  a  state  of  excitement,  the  newspapers  clamoured 
that  the  outrage  on  the  Maine  should  be  revenged,  and,  although 
a  large  number  of  cool-headed  people,  including  President  McKinley 
himself,  were  against  hostilities,  the  President  was  compelled  to 
declare  war  upon  Spain  on  April  2ist,  1898. 

The  news  was  received  with  great  joy  in  New  York.    The  Stars 
and  Stripes  were  hung  across  the  streets  and  from  the  windows  of 
2C  433 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Bombard- 
ment of 
Havana. 


American 

Naval 

Difficulties. 


Dewey 
in  the 
Philippines. 


towns  and  cities,  and  everywhere  was  seen  the  motto,  "  Remember 
the  Maine."  Steps  were  immediately  taken  to  meet  the  crisis.  The 
American  army,  which  on  a  peace  footing  consists  of  25,000  men, 
was  raised  to  71,000,  while  the  President  called  for  a  volunteer  force 
of  125,000  men.  The  first  shot  was  fired  on  April  23rd  at  Key 
West,  when  the  Spanish  merchant  ship,  Buena  Ventura  was  cap- 
tured by  the  Nashville.  President  McKinley  announced  a  blockade 
of  the  northern  coast  of  Cuba  between  Cardenas  and  Bahia  Honda, 
as  well  as  of  the  harbour  of  Cienfuegos  upon  the  south  coast.  This 
was  carried  out  by  a  squadron  of  twenty-three  men-of-war,  under 
the  command  of  Admiral  Sampson,  in  the  New  York,  who  started 
from  Key  West  Islands,  which  are  only  a  hundred  miles  distant 
from  Havana,  the  capital  of  Cuba. 

The  American  fleet  began  the  bombardment  of  Castel  Morro, 
one  of  the  defences  of  Havana,  on  April  25th,  and  of  Matanzas 
on  the  two  following  days.  An  eyewitness  of  the  first  engagement 
tells  us  that  the  shots  fell  in  the  ramparts,  throwing  the  earthworks 
fifty  feet  in  the  air  and  cutting  them  level  with  the  ground.  Only 
three  shots  from  the  enemy's  batteries  struck  the  New  York,  and  of 
the  others  none  came  closer  than  a  hundred  yards,  although  the 
engagement  lasted  fifteen  minutes. 

Sampson's  fleet  could  not  sail  out  to  intercept  the  fleet  of  Admiral 
Cervera,  on  its  way  from  Spain,  because  it  was  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  to  discover  its  whereabouts  in  the  broad  expanse  of  the 
Atlantic,  and  because  two  American  warships,  expected  from 
Brazil,  could  not  be  left  off  the  coast  of  Cuba  without  protection. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  Cervera's  fleet  were  left  unmolested,  it  might 
attack  the  east  coast  of  North  America  without  being  materially 
prevented  by  the  flying  squadron  commanded  by  Admiral  Schley. 
Consequently,  some  apprehension  was  felt  in  the  towns  of  the 
United  States  seaboard,  and,  as  a  precautionary  measure,  mines 
were  laid  in  the  harbour  of  New  York. 

Whilst  in  the  West  Indies  every  one  was  on  the  tiptoe  of  expecta- 
tion with  regard  to  the  coming  of  Cervera's  fleet,  news  of  momentous 
import  arrived  from  the  Far  East.  Admiral  Dewey,  commanding  an 
American  squadron  of  eight  ships-of-war  in  the  harbour  of  Hong- 
Kong,  sailed  on  April  25th  for  the  Philippines,  with  orders  to  capture 
or  destroy  the  Spanish  fleet  lying  off  the  islands.  This  squadron  of 
thirteen  ships,  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Montojo  y  Pasaron, 
went  out  to  meet  Dewey,  but  soon  returned  with  the  intention  of 
awaiting  the  attack  in  the  Bay  of  Canacao,  near  Cavite,  in  the 
Bay  of  Manila.  They  would  thus  be  supported  by  the  land  bat- 
teries, and  a  bombardment  of  Manila  during  the  sea-fight  would 

434 


DEWEY'S    MAY-DAY    VICTORY 

be  impossible.  Dewey,  who  had  anchored  in  Mirs  Bay,  on  the 
coast  of  China,  left  on  April  27th,  and  on  May  ist  sailed  into  the 
Bay  of  Manila  without  being  stopped  by  the  batteries  of  the 
Corregidor  Islands  which  lie  at  the  entrance,  and  laid  his  ships 
alongside  of  the  Spanish  fleet  at  the  extremity  of  the  Peninsula 
of  Cavite.  His  fleet  was  armed  with  122  guns  of  modern  construc- 
tion, some  of  enormous  size,  and  in  seven  hours  he  completely 
destroyed  the  whole  of  the  Spanish  ships. 

The  Spaniards  defended  themselves  with  heroic  courage,  but  the  Destruction 
combatants  were  unequally  matched.  Of  the  Spanish  cruisers,  of  the 
armed  with  ninety-six  guns,  only  five  were  fit  for  battle,  while  the 
American  ordnance  consisted  mainly  of  long  eight-inch  guns  of  the 
newest  construction,  which  had  a  longer  range  and  never  missed 
their  mark.  Of  course,  the  Spanish  vessels,  which  had  no  similar 
resources,  were  either  at  once  set  on  fire  or  sunk.  The  Spaniards 
lost  175  killed  and  214  wounded  ;  the  Americans  had  none  killed  and 
only  seven  wounded.  Apparently  it  had  never  occurred  to  the 
Spanish  Government  that  a  number  of  antiquated  vessels,  sufficient 
for  the  local  needs  of  the  far-distant  and  extensive  group  of  islands 
and  the  maintenance  of  Spanish  sovereignty,  would  be  useless 
against  an  enemy  possessing  serviceable  vessels  of  modern  type. 

Needless  to  say,  tidings  of  this  disaster  caused  the  utmost  con-  Troops  for 
sternation  in  Madrid,  and  Sagasta's  Ministry  was  attacked  for  the  Manila. 
insufficiency  of  its  preparations.     On  May  2nd  a  state  of  siege  was 
proclaimed  in  the  capital,  and  eventually  the  Ministry  was  recon- 
structed.   In  the  United  States  the  victory  of  Admiral  Dewey  on 
May  Day  was  received  with  enthusiasm,  and  when  he  reported 
that  he  had  not  sufficient  men  to  take  possession  of  Manila,  it  was 
determined  to  dispatch  an  army  to  his  support. 

On  May  2nd,  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Cervera,  consisting  of  four  Cervera 
armoured    cruisers,    three    torpedo    boats,    and    three    destroyers,  m 
was  sighted  at  Fort  de  France,  in  the  Island  of  Martinique.     It 
appears  to  have  been  Cervera's  intention  to  discover  as  soon  as 
possible  one  of  the  two  American  squadrons  which  had  not  yet 
been  able  to  unite,  to  engage  with  it,  and  inflict  so  much  damage 
as  to  render  it  incapable  of  protecting  the  transports  which  had 
left  Tampa,  in  Florida,  on  May  nth,  with  the  troops  destined  for 
action  in  Cuba. 

Cervera,  forbidden  to  land  at  Martinique,  which  belonged  to 
the  French,  proceeded  to  the  harbour  of  Santiago,  on  the  southern 
coast  of  Cuba.  The  town  is  situated  in  a  large  bay,  surrounded  by 
the  mountains  of  the  Sierra  Maestra,  and  has  ample  space  for  the 
evolutions  of  many  large  ships-of-war.  The  narrow  and  difficult 

435 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The 

Fight  at 
Santiago. 


The 

Spaniards 

Hopeful. 


Roosevelt 
in  Cuba. 


entrance  is  defended  by  the  castles  of  Morro  and  Estrella.  Cervera 
thought  that  from  this  basis  he  would  be  able  to  defend  the  neigh- 
bouring coast,  and  was  the  more  confident  of  his  ability  to  do  so 
because  the  squadron  of  Admiral  Sampson,  who  had  been  misin- 
formed with  regard  to  Cervera's  movements,  was  crossing  to  the 
north  of  Hayti  and  proceeding  in  the  direction  of  Key  West,  where 
there  happened  to  be  a  serious  scarcity  of  fresh  water. 

Sampson's  fleet  reached  Santiago  on  May  igth,  and  was  joined 
here,  on  the  last  day  of  the  month,  by  the  flying  squadron  of  Schley. 
The  two  admirals  then  undertook  to  bombard  the  forts,  whose 
defective  armaments  had  to  be  strengthened  by  cannon  from  Cer- 
vera's ships.  The  attack  was  renewed  on  June  3rd,  and  on  this 
occasion  the  American  schooner  Merrimac  was  sunk  in  the  entrance 
of  the  harbour,  but  not  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  the  egress 
impossible,  although  it  increased  the  difficulties  of  entrance.  A 
third  attempt  was  made  on  the  following  day,  June  4th,  but  an 
assault  on  the  forts  of  La  Sorapa  and  Puertegrande  was  repelled, 
and  it  seemed  as  if  Cervera  intended  to  break  out  and  sacrifice  his 
fleet  in  preventing  the  arrival  of  an  invading  army.  He  still,  how- 
ever, remained  in  the  vicinity,  and  on  June  6th  5,000  American 
infantry  were  landed  at  Punto  Cabrera  under  the  shelter  of  a  heavy 
bombardment,  and  on  the  following  day  600  at  Carminanera. 

The  Bay  of  Santiago  is  so  extensive  that  Sampson's  heavy  guns 
could  barely  reach  the  town  (which  lies  at  its  furthest  extremity), 
or  even  Cervera's  fleet.  At  the  same  time  the  admiral  did  not  feel 
justified  in  forcing  an  entrance.  He  therefore  sent  to  the  American 
Government,  on  June  I7th,  a  pressing  request  for  further  reinforce- 
ments on  a  considerable  scale.  Some  detachments  which  had  landed 
at  Guantanamo  on  June  8th,  had  a  few  days  later  serious  engage- 
ments with  the  Spanish  troops.  The  Spaniards  began  to  congratu- 
late themselves  on  their  successes,  as  the  American  fleet  had  not 
been  able  to  effect  anything  conclusive,  and  the  only  loss  they 
had  suffered  had  been  the  sinking  of  the  torpedo-boat  destroyer 
Terror  by  the  American  line-of-battle  ship  Oregon. 

At  length  the  army  which  had  been  so  anxiously  expected  sailed 
from  Tampa  on  June  8th,  under  the  command  of  General  Shafter, 
who  had  served  in  the  War  of  Secession,  and  landed  on  June  23rd 
at  Baiquiri,  a  harbour  half-way  between  Santiago  and  Guantanamo, 
an  operation  in  which  two  men  were  drowned.  After  landing  they 
were  assisted  by  3,000  insurgents  under  the  command  of  Calixto 
Garcia,  who  speedily  united  himself  with  Shafter.  But  on  the 
following  day,  June  24th,  was  fought  the  battle  of  Las  Guasimas, 
which,  after  a  vigorous  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards, 

436 


ATTACK    ON    SANTIAGO 

ended  in  the  victory  of  the  Americans.  The  burden  of  the  fight 
fell  upon  the  regiment  of  "  Rough  Riders  "  commanded  by  Colonel 
Theodore  Roosevelt.  It  had  been  intended,  at  first,  to  recruit  it 
mostly  from  cowboys,  picked  up  from  the  ranches,  but  actually 
there  enlisted  fashionable  young  men  from  New  York  clubs,  under- 
graduates and  graduates  from  the  Universities,  and  athletes  from 
schools  and  colleges,  and  it  certainly  achieved  much  distinction.  In 
the  battle  of  Las  Guasimas  the  enemy  numbered  at  least  4,000, 
whereas  the  Rough  Riders  were  only  500  and  General  Young's 
force  464.  Of  the  former  force  eight  were  killed  and  thirty-four 
wounded,  and  of  the  latter  eight  killed  and  eighteen  wounded.  The 
Americans  had  thus  attacked  and  vanquished  an  enemy  over  four 
times  their  number,  entrenched  behind  rifle-pits  and  bushes  in  a 
mountain  pass. 

On  June  25th  fighting  began  for  the  possession  of  Sevilla,  south  Battle  of 
of  Santiago,  which  was  captured  on  June  28th.  Then  took  place  the  San  Juan* 
Battle  of  San  Juan,  the  entrenchments  of  which  were  the  outer 
defences  of  Santiago.  The  advance  began  on  the  afternoon  of 
June  30th,  "  twelve  thousand  men,  with  their  eyes  fixed  on  a  balloon, 
treading  on  each  other's  heels  in  three  inches  of  mud."  At  El  Pozo 
the  trail  forked,  the  right-hand  road  leading  to  El  Caney,  the  left 
to  Santiago.  The  troops  slept  in  the  mist,  seeing  the  street  lamps 
of  Santiago  and  the  moon  shining  over  the  hill  of  San  Juan. 
Before  the  moon  rose  again  every  sixth  man  who  slept  in  the  mist 
that  night  had  either  been  killed  or  wounded. 

El  Caney,  about  four  miles  to  the  east  of  Santiago,  was  held  by  Capture  of 
500  Spanish  soldiers,  and  it  was  thought  the  Americans  would  take  El  Caney. 
it  without  difficulty.     The  idea  was  that  the  right  division  should 
attack  towards  the  north,  and  after  the  capture  of  El  Caney,  turn 
south-westwards  and  join  the  left  division  in  the  attack  on  Santiago. 
But  the  village  was  strongly  defended,  and  El  Caney  was  not  taken 
till  late  in  the  afternoon,  the  Americans    having    lost  377  killed 
and  wounded. 

On  the  left  the  battle  was  far  more  serious.     The  greatest  loss  American 
took  place  at  the  San  Juan  River,  where  the  Americans — com-  Bosses 
manded  not  to  return  the  fire,  but  lie  still  and  wait  for  further 
orders — were  simply  fired  into.     For  a  whole  hour  they  lay  on  their 
rifles  while  the  bullets  drove  past  incessantly,  sharpshooters  and 
guerillas  being  hid  in  the  trees  above  the  stream  and  above  the 
track.    They  spared  no  one,  neither  wounded,  nor  surgeons,  nor 
attendants  carrying  the  litters.    The  balloon,  intended  as  a  point 
of  observation,  was  a  complete  failure  ;   not  only  was  it  of  no  use, 
but  it  directed  the  fire  of  the  enemy. 

437 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


A 

Magnificent 

Assault. 


Cervera's 
Defeat. 


Surrender 
of  Santiago. 


At  last  the  division  came  within  sight  of  the  hill  on  the  top 
of  which  stood  the  Spanish  blockhouse  and  fort  of  San  Juan.  The 
troops  were  intended  to  take  it,  although  it  was  almost  impregnable. 
Though  it  was  madness  to  assault  this  hill  without  artillery,  it  was 
done,  tuckily,  the  Spanish  trenches  on  the  summit  were  built 
so  far  back  from  the  brow  that,  unless  the  Spanish  soldiers  lay  on 
the  breastworks  or  outside  of  them,  they  could  not  depress  their 
rifles  sufficiently  to  fire  down  the  hill.  Thus  the  fire  was  hotter  in 
the  last  stage  than  in  the  actual  assault.  At  length  the  Americans 
flooded  the  ridges,  swarmed  into  the  blockhouse,  and  carried 
the  crest.  Then  the  invaders  halted,  gazing  at  the  city  beneath 
them.  It  is  reckoned  that  the  loss  on  both  American  wings  did 
not  fall  short  of  2,000  men.  On  the  side  of  the  Spaniards, 
General  Linares  was  severely  wounded,  467  men  were  killed,  and 
half  their  force  was  disabled. 

An  unexpected  incident  now  supervened.  The  moment  had 
arrived  when  Cervera's  fleet  could  be  of  great  service,  although  up 
to  the  present  it  had  been  of  little  good.  But,  to  the  surprise  of 
all,  at  9.30  a.m.  on  Sunday,  July  3rd,  it  came  out  of  the  harbour 
under  full  steam,  and,  in  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  was  entirely 
destroyed  by  the  American  fleet,  three  times  superior  in  number, 
and  armed  with  excellent  artillery.  The  Spanish  ships  were  set  on 
fire  and  driven  on  to  the  coast,  where  they  blew  up. 

Field-Marshal  Blanco  had  sent  Cervera  repeated  orders  to  come 
out,  and  he  had  at  last  obeyed,  because  his  supply  of  coal  was 
nearly  exhausted,  and  because,  seeing  that  Santiago  was  closely 
invested,  he  did  not  wish  to  be  caught,  like  Montojo  at  Cavite, 
but  preferred  to  perish  in  the  open  sea.  Unfortunately,  he  was 
misinformed  as  to  the  position  and  number  of  the  American  fleet, 
and  sailed  in  the  wrong  direction.  As  the  engagement  took  place 
at  a  distance  beyond  the  range  of  the  Spanish  guns,  not  a  single 
shot  touched  the  American  ships,  although  the  flagship,  the  Vizcaya, 
continued  to  fire  after  she  was  in  flames,  and  the  Colon  did  not 
haul  down  her  colours  until  she  had  done  her  utmost  to  escape. 
This  Spanish  fleet  was  not  ten  years  old,  but  the  armour-plates  were 
thin  ;  it  carried  6  heavy,  46  medium,  and  96  light  guns,  whereas 
the  American  fleet  had  67  heavy,  36  medium,  and  196  light  guns. 
Cervera  was  taken  prisoner,  and,  with  his  companions,  honourably 
treated. 

Before  Santiago  an  armistice  was  arranged  from  July  2nd 
to  July  9th,  during  which  period  many  discussions  were  held  about 
surrender,  although  Marshal  Blanco  talked  about  making  the  place 
a  second  Saragossa.  Both  sides  were  really  desirous  of  peace,  for 

438 


THE    CAMPAIGN    IN    THE    PHILIPPINES 

though  the  position  of  the  Americans  was  anything  but  secure, 
the  garrison  of  Santiago,  which  had  been  reinforced  with  18,000 
men  under  General  Pondo  from  Seilobo,  was  gradually  running  short 
of  provisions  and  ammunition.  At  length,  on  July  I5th,  the  town 
and  province  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  was  surrendered  to  the  United 
States,  under  the  condition  that  the  garrison,  amounting  to  22,780 
men,  should  be  sent  back  to  Spain  unarmed.  Sampson's  fleet  now 
entered  the  harbour,  and  on  July  I7th  President  McKinley  issued 
orders  for  the  Government  of  the  Province. 

In  the  Philippines,  Admiral  Dewey  was  still  waiting  for  a  force  The 
to  begin  operations  on  land,  but  meanwhile  the  Spanish  troops  Insurgent 
were  hardly  pressed  by  the  insurgents.  At  the  end  of  June,  the  FiliPinos' 
Governor-General,  Augusti,  proposed  to  the  German  Vice-Admiral, 
Von  Diedrichs,  who  was  at  Manila  for  the  purpose  of  protecting 
German  commerce,  that  the  admirals  of  the  neutral  Powers  should 
take  Manila  under  their  protection.  This  offer  was  refused  in 
consequence  of  the  American  blockade.  On  the  other  side,  Emilio 
Aguinaldo,  who  commanded  the  insurgent  Filipinos,  and  who,  on 
June  1 2th,  had  proclaimed  the  independence  of  the  islands,  made 
a  declaration  to  the  same  admiral  that  any  claim  made  by  the 
United  States  was  excluded  by  the  convention  which  had  been 
signed  by  him  and  Admiral  Dewey  on  April  24th,  and  agreed  to  by 
President  McKinley,  Great  Britain  and  Japan,  in  virtue  of  which 
the  insurgents  should  join  the  Americans  in  making  war  upon 
Spain,  with  the  object  of  establishing  in  the  Philippines  an  inde- 
pendent Federal  Republic  under  American  protection. 

The  American  land  forces  were  still  detained  at  sea.     On  their  TheLadrone 
way  they  had  hoisted  the  American  flag  in  the  Ladrone  Islands,  Islands 
which  belonged  to  Spain,  and  carried  off  the  garrison,  which  had  0ccuPied« 
heard  nothing  of  the  outbreak  of  the  war.     On  July  I7th  they 
eventually  arrived  at  the  island  of  Luzon,  and  engaged  the  Spanish 
troops  on  July  3ist.     This  enabled  Admiral  Dewey  to  demand  the 
surrender  of  Manila  on  the  following  day.     The  summons,  however, 
was  rejected,  and  the  Americans  did  not  become  masters  of  the  city 
until  August  1 3th,  after  it  had  suffered  a  bombardment. 

The  capture  of  the  island  of  Porto  Rico  forms  a  striking  contrast  Capture  of 
to  the  operations  in  Cuba,  the  difference  being  attributed  by  the  Porto  Rico« 
Americans  to  the  incompetence  of  the  commanders  in  the  one  case, 
and  their  competence  in  the  other.     General  Miles  had  assumed 
the  command  of  the  American  army  in  Cuba  in  the  latter  half  of 
July,  and  immediately  turned  his  attention  to  Porto  Rico,  where 
the  feeling  of  the  inhabitants  was  strongly  ant  i- Spanish.     The  island 
had  been  declared  independent  on  February  gth,  and  a  Parliament 

439 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Spain 
Asks  for 
Peace. 


American 
Concessions. 


assembled  on  July  24th,  which  protested  against  the  attack  of 
America  on  the  freedom  of  the  country.  The  invading  army 
marched,  it  was  said,  with  the  precision  of  a  set  of  chessmen  ;  its 
moves  were  carefully  considered  and  followed  by  corresponding 
success  ;  its  generals,  acting  independently  and  yet  along  routes 
reconnoitred  by  Generals  Ray  and  Stone  and  Major  Flagler  and 
selected  by  General  Miles,  never  missed  a  point,  nor  needlessly 
lost  a  man,  nor  retreated  from  a  foot  of  ground  over  which  they 
had  advanced.  Accordingly,  eight  cities  or  towns,  with  700,000 
inhabitants,  were  won  over  to  the  United  States  at  the  cost  of 
very  few  men  killed.  General  Miles  landed  at  Geronimo  on 
July  25th,  and  the  reduction  of  the  island  was  completed  by  the 
surrender  of  Ponce  on  July  28th. 

Although  only  a  small  portion  of  Cuba  had  surrendered  to  the 
Americans,  and  the  Spaniards  still  had  80,000  men  on  the  island, 
the  latter  could  not  continue  the  war,  which  had  cost  Spain  about 
5,000,000,000  pesetas  in  six  months,  and  was  likely  to  cost  12,000,000 
or  15,000,000  a  month  in  the  future.  Moreover,  the  destruction 
of  the  Spanish  fleet  made  it  impossible  to  raise  the  blockade. 
Therefore,  on  July  27th,  through  the  friendly  offices  of  the  French 
Ambassador,  Cambon,  in  Washington,  the  Spanish  Government 
avowed  itself  beaten,  and  asked  for  conditions  of  peace. 

On  August  i2th,  preliminaries  were  signed,  in  terms  of  which 
Spain  surrendered  all  the  Antilles,  except  Cuba,  the  town,  bay,  and 
harbour  of  Manila,  and  a  coaling  station  on  the  Ladrones,  to  the 
United  States,  besides  further  renouncing  its  sovereignty  over 
Cuba.  The  United  States,  on  its  side,  while  declining  to  take  over 
the  debt  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  made  no  claim  to  a  war  indemnity. 
A  commission  to  settle  the  details  of  the  treaty  was  also  appointed 
on  the  understanding  that  Spanish  troops  should  be  immediately 
withdrawn  from  Porto  Rico  and  the  remaining  provinces  of  Cuba. 

By  the  definite  treaty,  signed  at  Paris  on  December  loth,  1898, 
Spain  relinquished  her  sovereignty  and  right  to  possession  in  respect 
of  Cuba,  and  made  over  to  the  United  States  Porto  Rico  and  the 
rest  of  her  West  Indian  islands,  the  island  of  Guam,  the  most  southerly 
of  the  Ladrone  group,  and  the  Philippine  archipelago,  on  the  con- 
dition that  for  ten  years  Spanish  ships  should  be  allowed  to  have 
access  to  them  on  the  same  conditions  as  the  ships  of  the  United 
States.  The  United  States  was  to  pay  20,000,000  dollars  to  Spain, 
which  thus  abandoned  every  title  to  be  deemed  a  colonial  empire, 
and  stripped  herself  of  the  last  shred  of  claim  to  rank  among  the 
Great  Powers  of  the  world. 


440 


CHAPTER   XV 
THE  BOXERS  IN  CHINA 

ON  November  ist,  1897,  two  German  missionaries  were  murdered  Germans 
in  a  village  near  Chining  Chow,  in  the  province  of  Shantung.  The  Occupy 
country  to  which  they  belonged  was  bound  to  resent  this,  as  there  Shantun£* 
was  no  cause  for  the  outrage,  and  the  deed  had  been  executed 
in  cold  blood,  with  special  circumstances  of  barbarity.  A  German 
admiral  lost  no  time  in  avenging  the  insult.  He  steamed  into 
Kiaochow,  the  harbour  of  the  province,  and  took  possession  of 
the  island  of  Tsingtao  situated  within  it.  He  demanded  an 
indemnity  of  200,000  taels  of  silver  (over  £6,000),  the  rebuilding 
of  the  mission  chapel  (which  had  been  destroyed  in  the  riot),  the 
repayment  of  the  expenses  incurred  by  Germany  in  these  opera- 
tions against  Kiaochow,  the  dismissal  of  the  Governor  of  Shantung, 
and  the  condign  punishment  of  the  murderers.  The  Germans 
also  demanded  that  the  territory  which  had  been  seized  should 
be  leased  to  them  for  ninety-nine  years,  with  rights  of  mining 
and  making  railways,  and  all  these  demands  were  granted. 

Shantung  province  forms  a  peninsula  which  lies  between  the 
Yellow  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  the  Bay  of  Kiaochow  being 
situated  on  its  southern  coast.  Shantung  has  enormous  mineral 
wealth  in  gold,  iron,  and  coal,  and  pays  the  largest  land  tax  of 
any  province  in  China.  The  natives  possess  high  physical  and 
moral  qualities ;  from  them  the  Chinese  navy  draws  its  best 
recruits,  and  the  overflow  from  it  has  peopled  the  rich  lands  of 
Manchuria.  The  Germans  made  full  use  of  the  privileges  granted 
to  them.  They  have  opened  a  railway  from  Tsi-nan-fu,  the 
capital  of  the  province,  and  have  erected  a  German  town  at 
Tsingtao. 

The  example  of  Germany  was  soon  followed  by  other  Powers.  Russia  and 
In  1897  Russia  opened  negotiations  at  Peking  for  permission  to  Port  Arthur, 
anchor   her    fleet    at    Port    Arthur.      This    being   granted,    they 
demanded  that  the  harbour  might  be  leased  to  them  on  the  same 
terms  that  Kiaochow  had  been  leased  to  Germany,  and  this  was 
conceded  without  demur.     Port  Arthur,  which  derives  its  name 
from  the  English  captain  who  discovered  it,  lies  at  the  extremity 
of  the  peninsula  of   Liaotung,  in    the  very  north    of  which   is 

441 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Great 

Britain's 

Claims. 


Position  of 
Missionaries. 


situated  the  town  of  Mukden.  Liaotung  is  opposite  Shantung, 
and  with  it  helps  to  close  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  and  is  only  163 
miles  from  Taku,  the  fort  which  commands  the  passage  to  Peking. 
It  is,  therefore,  the  key  to  Northern  China.  The  treaty  making 
these  concessions  was  signed  on  March  I5th,  1898. 

As  Great  Britain  could  not  acquiesce  in  this  act  of  Russian 
aggression,  a  convention  was  signed  on  July  ist,  1898,  by  which 
Wei-hai-Wei,  an  important  area  at  the  extremity  of  the  Shantung 
peninsula,  not  far  from  Chifu,  was  ceded  to  Great  Britain,  so 
long  as  Port  Arthur  remained  in  the  possession  of  Russia.  Not 
to  be  behind  in  the  loot,  France  demanded  the  port  of  Kwang- 
chow-wan,  together  with  an  assurance  from  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment that  this  part  of  China  should  be  recognised  as  subject  to 
French  influence.  Kwang-chow  is  in  the  south  of  China,  not  far 
from  Canton  and  Hong-Kong  on  the  one  side  and  the  French 
province  of  Tonking  on  the  other.  To  counterbalance  this,  Great 
Britain  asked  for  and  received  an  accession  of  200  square  miles  of 
territory  on  the  mainland  opposite  to  Hong-Kong  and  an  assur- 
ance that  no  other  foreign  Power  should  be  allowed  to  acquire 
territorial  rights  in  the  basin  of  the  Yang-tsze-Kiang,  the  river 
which  passes  by  Nanking  and  reaches  the  sea  at  Shanghai.  The 
Foreign  Office  of  China  was,  at  this  time,  administered  by  Prince 
Kung,  who  died  in  1898.  Next  year,  when  the  Italian  Minister 
at  Peking  asked  for  a  concession  to  his  country  similar  to  that 
which  had  been  granted  to  other  Powers  it  was  summarily 
refused. 

In  1898  the  question  of  preaching  Christianity  in  China  became 
acute.  The  European  missionaries,  who  were  supported  by  the 
diplomatic  influence  of  their  own  countries,  were  powerful  and 
determined  and  the  native  converts  supported  them.  On  the 
other  side  was  the  vast  majority  of  the  non-Christian  natives, 
who  were  encouraged  by  the  mandarins  and  other  Government 
officials.  The  dispute  was  not  entirely  religious,  but  social  and 
political  also.  Missionaries  of  all  kinds,  Catholic  as  well  as 
Protestant,  were  accused  of  using  influence  in  favour  of  Christian 
converts  in  the  native  courts  of  justice,  and  the  Catholics  tried 
to  exert  both  a  political  and  a  religious  influence.  Notwithstand- 
ing this,  when  the  French  Legation  brought  pressure  to  bear  on 
the  Chinese  Government,  the  latter  issued,  on  March  I5th,  1899, 
an  Imperial  edict  granting  officially  to  all  missionaries  a  public 
status  of  an  important  character.  The  privilege  was  accepted  and 
at  once  put  in  force  by  the  Catholic  missionaries,  but,  being 
declined  by  the  Protestants,  it  was  withdrawn  in  1908. 

442 


THE    OPIUM    QUESTION 

There  were  other  causes  of  irritation.  The  French  Treaty  of  Anti-Foreign 
1860  allowed  the  Catholic  missionaries  to  recover  buildings  which  Campaign, 
had  been  wrested  from  them  during  the  popular  outbreaks  of 
that  period ;  but  as  many  of  these  buildings  had  been  converted 
to  secular,  or  even  to  religious  uses,  some  more  than  a  hundred 
years  before,  the  resumption  caused  great  resentment.  More- 
over, the  orphanages  established  by  the  sisters  of  mercy  were 
completely  misunderstood,  and  were  believed  by  the  Chinese 
Foreign  Office  to  be  instituted  solely  for  the  purpose  of  political 
propaganda.  The  disastrous  result  of  the  war  with  Japan  also 
embittered  the  feeling  between  the  Chinese  and  the  foreigners. 
Placards  issued  with  the  purpose  of  stirring  up  hostility  between 
the  yellow  and  the  white  races  warned  the  British,  French  and 
Americans  that  if  in  future  they  wished  to  preach  their  doctrines 
in  China,  they  must  drive  the  Japanese  back  into  their  own 
country.  The  worst  of  these  documents  came  from  the  Tsungli 
Yamen,  and  the  Chinese  Foreign  Office  refused  to  take  measures 
for  their  suppression. 

The  opium  traffic  had  also  its  share  in  increasing  this  anti-  The  Opium 
foreign  odium,  as  it  was  well  known  that  it  was  favoured  by  Question. 
foreigners  for  their  own  pecuniary  advantage.  A  strong  move- 
ment against  the  smoking  of  opium  had  recently  taken  place  in 
China.  One  of  the  principal  opponents  of  this  traffic,  Chang 
Chihtung,  wrote  :  "  Assuredly  it  is  not  foreign  intercourse  that 
is  ruining  China,  but  this  dreadful  poison.  Opium  has  spread 
with  frightful  rapidity  and  heartrending  results  throughout  the 
provinces.  Millions  upon  millions  have  been  struck  down  by  the 
plague.  The  ruin  of  the  mind  is  the  most  woeful  of  its  many 
deleterious  effects.  The  poison  enfeebles  the  will,  saps  the  strength 
of  the  body,  renders  the  consumer  incapable  of  performing  his 
regular  duties.  It  consumes  his  substance  and  reduces  the 
miserable  wretch  to  poverty,  barrenness  and  senility.  Unless 
something  is  done  to  arrest  this  awful  scourge  in  its  devastating 
march,  the  Chinese  people  will  be  transformed  into  satyrs  and 
devils." 

Convinced  by  these  and  other  opinions  to  a  like  effect,  ener-  Opium 
getic  steps  were  taken  by  the  Government.     On  September  20th,  Prohibited. 
1906,  the  following  edict  was  issued  by  order  of  the  Emperor  : 
"  Since  the  first  prohibition  of  opium  almost  the  whole  of  China 
has  been  flooded  by  the  poison.     Smokers  of  opium  have  wasted 
their  time,   neglected  their  employments,   ruined  their  constitu- 
tions,    and    impoverished    their    households.     Thus    for    several 
decades  China  has  presented  a  spectacle   of  increasing  poverty 

443 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The 

Dowager 

Empress. 


Origin 
of  the 
"  Boxers.' 


Boxer 
Outrages. 


and  weakness.  The  Court  is  now  determined  to  make  China 
powerful,  and  it  is  our  duty  to  urge  our  people  to  reformation  in 
this  respect.  We  decree,  therefore,  that  within  the  limit  of  ten 
years  this  harmful  filth  be  fully  and  entirely  swept  away.  We 
therefore  command  the  Council  of  State  to  consider  means  for  the 
strict  prohibition  both  of  opium  smoking  and  of  poppy  growing." 
There  is  much  to  be  said  for  the  exclusive  attitude  of  the  Chinese 
against  foreigners.  The  Chinese  Empire  is  self -sufficing,  contain- 
ing within  its  bounds  everything  it  requires  for  itself.  If  foreigners 
insist  upon  being  admitted  to  China  for  their  own  purposes  they 
are  bound  to  submit  to  its  laws. 

Even  in  the  later  'eighties  outrages  against  foreigners  had 
taken  place  in  the  valley  of  the  Yang-tsze-Kiang ;  at  Chin-kiang 
the  British  consulate  was  burned  to  the  ground,  and  similar 
outrages  took  place  in  the  west  and  north.  The  defeat  of  China 
by  Japan  impressed  some  statesmen  with  the  imperative  necessity 
of  reforming  the  Empire.  But  the  reactionary  party  at  Peking 
had  recourse  to  the  Dowager  Empress,  and  begged  her  to  resume 
the  reins  of  power.  Therefore,  in  1898,  she  ordered  the  Emperor 
to  surrender  his  power  into  her  hands,  reversed  his  edicts,  and 
commanded  the  punishment  of  his  friends.  This  increased  the 
hostility  to  the  foreigners,  and  in  many  places  the  Christians  were 
assaulted. 

But  the  most  remarkable  result  was  the  emergence  of  a  secret 
society,  known  in  Europe  as  the  "  Boxers,"  in  China  as  the  Ino 
Chuan,  or  the  "  Patriotic  Harmonious  Fists/'  This  society 
received  vigorous  Imperial  support  :  '  The  Powers  cast  looks  of 
tiger-like  voracity  on  the  Empire  ;  to  resist  this,  Viceroys  and 
Governors  should  act  together  without  distinction  of  jurisdiction  ; 
the  word  '  peace '  should  be  banished  from  their  lips ;  they 
should  preserve  the  homes  and  the  graves  of  their  ancestors  from 
desecration  at  the  hands  of  the  invader."  The  Dowager  Empress 
was  the  soul  of  this  encouragement. 

The  foreign  Ministers  besought  the  Tsungli  Yamen  to  suppress 
the  Boxer  movement,  and  were  told  that  everything  was  being 
done  to  effect  this,  and  that  a  large  army  was  at  hand  for  the 
purpose  under  the  command  of  Tung  Fuhsiang.  But  he  really 
took  the  other  side,  and  when  he  arrived  matters  became  worse, 
three  British  officers  being  pelted  with  stones  by  his  soldiers  in 
October,  1899.  The  Boxers  now  drilled  openly  and  threatened 
foreigners  and  their  native  servants.  Throughout  winter  matters 
continued  in  a  very  grave  condition.  Christians  were  massacred 
and  burnt  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Peking,  and  the  Boxers 

444 


THE    LEGATIONS    BESIEGED 

destroyed  the  railway  and  tore  up  the  track  not  far  from  the 
capital. 

The  foreign  representatives  were  obliged  to  send  to  the  ships  Fighting  at 
stationed  at  Taku  for  additional  guards,  and  the  Legations  were  Tientsin 
protected  by  340  men.  Prince  Tuan,  a  professed  supporter  of  an 
the  Boxers,  became  President  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  and  the 
Legations  could  no  longer  be  considered  safe.  The  Boxers  now 
reckoned  themselves  strong  enough  to  take  active  steps,  and  the 
Legations  called  on  the  admirals  for  protection.  On  June  loth 
Admiral  Seymour  marched  from  Tientsin  with  a  force  of  2,000 
men.  At  Antung  he  found  the  railway  line  destroyed  and  a  large 
body  of  Boxers  in  position.  After  staying  there  some  days  he 
discovered  the  railway  cut  behind  him,  and  determined  to  retire 
to  Tientsin  by  water.  On  June  22nd  he  seized  the  Chinese  arsenal, 
finding  in  it  large  stores  of  rice  and  ammunition,  and  with  some 
difficulty  returned  to  Tientsin  on  June  26th.  The  Boxers  being 
joined  by  the  Imperial  troops,  the  Legations  at  Peking  and  the 
foreign  settlements  at  Tientsin  were  besieged,  and  but  for  the 
opportune  arrival  of  1,700  Russian  troops  a  catastrophe  would 
have  taken  place.  The  foreigners  at  Tientsin  were  in  a  hopeless 
plight ;  they  had  few  works  of  defence,  and  their  communica- 
tions with  the  Taku  forts  were  cut  off.  On  June  i5th  the  Boxers, 
who  had  sixty  guns  at  their  disposal,  bombarded  the  foreign 
settlements  at  Tientsin  from  the  walls  of  the  native  city.  Not 
until  June  24th  could  a  relieving  force  arrive,  but  with  this  the 
allied  commanders  were  able  to  act,  though  the  bombardment 
did  not  take  place  until  July  isth.  On  the  following  day  the 
city  was  occupied  by  the  allied  forces,  whose  next  business  was  to 
relieve  the  Legations  at  Peking.  This  was  done  by  a  column 
drawn  from  the  whole  of  the  allied  armies.  On  the  night  of 
August  I3th  the  Russians  began  an  attack  on  the  city  wall  of 
the  capital,  and,  asking  for  reinforcements,  these  were  supplied 
by  the  Japanese. 

The  Legations  had  been  besieged  for  eight  weeks.     On  June  Relief 
20th  Baron  von  Ketteler,  the  German  Minister,  had  been  shot  of  the 
dead  a  few  hundred  yards  from  his  Legation,  as  he  was  riding  Le*ations- 
out  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Tsungli  Yamen.     Peace  was  no  longer 
possible,  and  foreigners  of  all  nationalities  retired  to  their  Lega- 
tions ;     the   British   Legation,   being   the   largest,    accommodated 
the  largest  number  of  fugitives.     On  the  arrival  of  the  relieving 
columns  the  Chinese  made  only  a  faint-hearted  resistance.     The 
Dowager   Empress,   with   the   Emperor   and   the   Court,   fled   to 
Li-an-fu,  the  capital  of  the  province  of  Shensi.     Prince  Ching  and 

445 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Li  Hung  Chang  being  given  full  powers  to  arrange  terms,  it 
was  decided  that  the  officials  connected  with  the  Boxer  move- 
ment should  be  punished,  an  indemnity  paid,  the  Taku  forts 
dismantled,  the  importation  of  arms  prohibited,  the  Tsungli  Yamen 
abolished,  and  a  rational  system  of  intercourse  with  the  Emperor 
established.  In  pursuance  of  these  terms,  Princes  Tuang  and 
Tsailan  were  sentenced  to  death,  three  high  officials  were  con- 
demned to  commit  suicide,  and  three  mandarins  were  beheaded. 
Prince  Chun  proceeded  to  Berlin  to  apologise  for  the  murder  of 
Ketteler,  and  the  indemnity  was  fixed  at  about  £10,000,000.  The 
conditions  of  peace  were  signed  on  September  yth,  1901.  Two 
months  later  Li  Hung  Chang,  the  most  powerful  statesman  whom 
China  at  that  time  possessed,  died  after  a  short  illness. 
Russian  The  movement  of  the  Boxers,  which  meant  the  regeneration 

Mawacre  of  t^e  fighting  power  of  China,  was  viewed  with  great  suspicion 
by  the  Russian  Government,  which  feared  they  would  endeavour 
to  recover  some  of  the  territory  which  China  had  lost  in  Manchuria. 
The  town  of  Blagovestchensk,  on  the  Amur,  had  grown  very 
rapidly,  and  a  small  force  of  Russians  was  face  to  face  with  a  large 
Chinese  population.  The  Governor,  Chichegov,  afraid  of  what 
might  occur,  commanded  all  the  Chinese  to  cross  to  the  south  side 
of  the  river,  and,  when  they  hesitated  to  obey,  the  soldiers  were 
ordered  to  drive  them  over  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The 
result  of  this  atrocity  was  that  4,500  people  were  drowned  in  the 
stream,  a  barbarous  outrage  on  the  Mongols  which  was  soon  to 
be  avenged. 


446 


CHAPTER    XVI 
THE  BOER  WAR 

THE  Cape  of  Good  Hope  was  so  named  by  John  II.  of  Portugal,  The  Dutch 
who  hoped  it  might  prove  a  place  of  call  on  a  new  and  easier  at  the  CaPe- 
route  to  India.  In  1620  Captain  Fitzherbert  claimed  it  as  British 
territory,  but  did  nothing  to  secure  its  possession,  so  that  in  1652 
the  Dutch  East  India  Company  were  able  to  occupy  it  in  order 
to  assist  their  trade  with  India.  The  Dutch  did  everything  to 
keep  the  Cape  to  themselves  and  exclude  other  nations  from  it. 
They  deposed  Governor  Quellbergen  with  dishonour  because  he 
showed  friendliness  to  a  French  ship.  The  Company  forbade  all 
commerce,  and  the  farmers  were  required  to  sell  their  produce 
to  them  alone  at  prices  they  fixed.  Taxes  and  tithes  were 
oppressive,  all  settlers  holding  their  position  on  sufferance  and 
being  thus  liable  to  expulsion  at  any  moment.  The  French 
Huguenots,  who  came  to  the  Cape  in  1690  and  formed  the  most 
valuable  part  of  the  population,  were  forbidden  to  employ  their 
language  in  public  affairs,  and  found  the  oppression  of  the  Dutch 
Governor  just  as  irksome  as  that  of  Louis  XIV.,  from  which  they 
had  escaped.  At  the  same  time  the  Government  was  thoroughly 
corrupt,  and  all  complaints  were  punishable  by  death.  The 
colonists  possessed  freedom  only  in  name,  and  their  condition 
was  such  that  they  would  have  welcomed  at  any  moment  the 
arrival  of  a  British  fleet  to  rescue  them  from  an  intolerable 
tyranny. 

From  this  discontent  arose  the  system  of  treks,  or  wholesale  HOW  the 
migrations,  which  have  since  been  so  characteristic  of  the  Boer  Cape  became 
community.    In  1795  there  was  a  revolution  and  the  districts  of  Britishi 
Graaf  Reinet  and  Swellendam  declared  their  independence.    In 
the  same  year  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  driven  out  of  Holland 
by  the  French  and  fled  to  England.     Having  urged   the  British 
Government  to  occupy  Cape  Colony  in  order  to  save  it  from  the 
French,  Admiral  Elphinstone  was  sent  to  the  Cape  with  a  letter 
from  the  Prince  recommending  its  surrender.    This  was  arranged, 
and  the  British  were  welcomed  as  liberators ;    but  in  the  Peace 
of  Amiens  in  1802  the  Colony  was  restored  to  Holland.     During 
the  years  1803  to  1806  the  Batavian  Republic  gave  rise  to  no 

447 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


complaints,  but  in  1806  Holland  was  at  war  with  Great  Britain 
and  the  Cape  was  conquered  without  difficulty.  After  the  fall 
of  Napoleon  and  the  return  of  the  Orange  family  to  Holland 
the  Cape  was  ceded  to  Great  Britain  on  October  29th,  1814,  for 
£6,000,000,  the  price  being  heavier  because  the  Cape  lay  on  the 
then  direct  sea  road  to  India.  The  little  house  in  which  the 
treaty  for  the  cession  of  the  Cape  was  signed  still  exists  ;  but 
in  1906  Great  Britain's  position  in  the  country  was  not  such  as 
to  enable  her  to  celebrate  the  centenary  of  its  acquisition. 
The  Great  Having  become  master  of  the  Cape,  Great  Britain  gave  the 

Boer  Trek.  j)utch  two  occasions  of  offence — one,  that  she  insisted  upon  the 
use  of  the  English  language  ;  the  other,  that  she  interfered  with 
their  treatment  of  the  natives.  This  made  them  anxious  to  with- 
draw to  territories  where  they  might  do  as  they  pleased.  They 
first  moved  to  Natal.  When  Natalia,  as  it  was  called,  became 
important,  the  British  annexed  it,  on  the  ground  that  its  Boer 
inhabitants  were  British  subjects.  But  they  had  a  better  reason, 
because  in  1842  a  Dutch  ship  had  made  its  appearance  on  the 
coast  and  the  skipper  had  advised  the  Natal  Boers  to  adopt  the 
Dutch  flag  and  to  place  themselves  under  the  suzerainty  of 
Holland.  In  search  of  liberty,  the  Boers  travelled  to  the  country 
which  afterwards  became  the  Orange  Free  State  and  the  Transvaal, 
and  founded  there  independent  communities.  The  Orange  Free 
State  was  temporarily  occupied  by  Great  Britain  from  1848  to 
1854,  but  was  voluntarily  given  up,  and  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Boer  War  in  1899  was  as  little  connected  with  Great  Britain  as 
Switzerland.  In  1852  the  Sand  River  Convention  recognised 
the  independence  of  the  Boer  community  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Vaal. 

The  Dutch  of  the  Transvaal  were  at  first  organised  in  separate 
communities,  and  in  1852  there  were  four  of  these — Potchef- 
stroom,  Utrecht,  Lydenburg  and  Zoutpansberg — bound  together 
in  a  loose  confederation.  In  1857  the  Boers  of  Potchefstroom, 
attempting  to  conquer  the  Orange  Free  State,  desisted  when  they 
saw  that  the  latter  could  defend  itself,  but  in  1862  civil  war  broke 
out.  This  was  put  an  end  to  in  1864  by  Pretorius,  who  founded 
the  Transvaal  Republic.  In  1872  Pretorius  was  succeeded  by 
Burgers,  who  was  too  liberal  both  in  politics  and  religion  to 
please  his  fellow  countrymen,  and  the  condition  of  the  country 
deteriorated.  The  disorganisation  became  gradually  worse  and 
worse,  the  Government  was  nearly  bankrupt,  and  money  was 
scarcely  to  be  had.  In  1876,  in  the  north-east,  the  Boers  were 
at  war  with  Sikukuni,  whom  they  were  not  able  to  conquer ;  while 

448 


The 

Transvaal 

Republic. 


DISCOVERY    OF    GOLD 

Cetewayo,  then  at  the  height  of  his  power,  was  pressing  them  from 
the  south. 

The  condition  of  the  Transvaal  being  regarded  as  a  danger  Annexation 
to  Natal,  the  country  was,  on  April  i2th,  1877,  annexed  to  Great  °f  *ne 
Britain,  Burgers,  the  President,  receiving  a  pension.  It  was  TranSYaa  • 
believed  at  the  time  that  this  met  with  the  approval  of  the  Boer 
inhabitants,  but,  as  a  fact,  only  2,500  out  of  8,000  Boers  had  given 
their  consent  in  writing.  This  arbitrary  proceeding  led  to  the 
rebellion  which  has  been  already  described,  and  this  in  turn  was 
succeeded  by  the  Treaty  of  Pretoria,  signed  in  1881,  by  which  its 
independence  was  restored  to  the  Transvaal,  the  suzerainty  of 
Great  Britain,  however,  being  directly  acknowledged.  This  was 
modified  by  the  Treaty  of  London  in  1884,  in  which  the  term 
"  suzerainty  "  was  expressly  deleted,  and  an  article  substituted 
which  provided  that  the  Transvaal  should  not  contract  any  agree- 
ment with  any  country,  excepting  the  Orange  Free  State  and 
the  native  States  to  the  east  and  west  of  the  Republic,  without 
the  consent  of  the  British  Crown.  The  Boers  might  make  a 
treaty  with  Germany,  but  it  would  have  no  validity  unless  the 
consent  of  Great  Britain  had  been  previously  given  to  its  provi- 
sions. Article  2,  a  repetition  of  Article  19  of  the  superseded 
treaty,  provided  that  the  Transvaal  should  confine  itself  to  its 
own  territory,  and  not  permit  its  subjects  to  cross  the  frontiers. 
The  situation  was,  however,  altered  by  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
1886  and  also  by  the  development  of  the  spirit  of  colonial 
expansion  which  had  seized  upon  all  European  nations  since 
1880. 

The  discovery  of  gold  especially  produced  important  effects.  Prosperity 
In  1885  the  whole  revenue  of  the  Transvaal  Republic  amounted  of  the 
to  £177,876 ;  in  1897  it  had  increased  to  £4,480,217.  All  nations 
flocked  to  the  new  source  of  wealth,  millions  of  capital  had  been 
attracted  to  the  country,  roads  constructed,  and  the  economic 
foundations  of  a  modern  State  laid.  A  change  on  this  scale 
could  not  have  been  brought  about  by  the  Boers  themselves. 
The  progress  was  due  to  the  foreign  settlers — the  Uitlanders,  as 
they  were  called — Dutch,  German,  French  and  British.  Out  of 
this  mixed  community  arose  a  conflict,  not  so  much  racial  as  of 
economic  character.  The  Boers,  essentially  farmers,  were  wedded 
to  a  country  life  ;  the  new  settlers,  essentially  a  town  population, 
lived  together  in  one  area  for  the  purpose  of  making  money. 
Another  cause  of  difference  was  the  attitude  of  the  Boers  and  the 
British  towards  the  natives.  The  Boers  regarded  them  as  animals, 
hardly  distinguishable  from  the  wild  creatures  they  had  been 
2d  449 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Two 

Schemes 
for  Unity. 


The 

Grievances 
of  the 
Uitlanders. 


obliged  to  get  rid  of  in  order  to  secure  their  safety.  The  British 
detested  slavery,  and  approved  of  missionary  efforts  to  convert 
and  instruct  the  natives. 

From  these  differences  arose  two  ideals,  both  of  them  extreme, 
held  only  by  an  advanced  section  of  either  people — the  driving  out 
of  the  British  from  South  Africa  with  the  help  of  the  Dutch  and 
the  Germans  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  constitution  of  South 
Africa  as  a  British  community  under  the  British  Crown  on  the 
other.  The  necessity  for  expansion  tended  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. South  Africa,  with  only  500,000  of  white  population,  was 
divided  into  seven  different  provinces,  each  with  different  laws 
and  different  economical  and  political  ideals.  Both  Kruger,  the 
President  of  the  Transvaal  Republic,  and  Cecil  John  Rhodes,  the 
most  powerful  of  the  British  settlers,  looked  forward  to  a  united 
South  Africa,  but  they  were  divided  as  to  the  flag  under  which 
the  union  should  take  place.  The  desire  of  the  British  and  the 
Boers  for  expansion  was  likely  to  bring  about  a  conflict  unless 
pains  were  taken  to  avoid  it.  There  is  no  doubt  also  that  the 
Transvaal  had  broken  the  contract,  adopted  in  1881  and  1884, 
which  forbade  the  Republic  to  extend  its  frontiers.  It  had 
advanced  its  influence  in  every  direction,  from  Bechuanaland  in 
the  west  to  Mashonaland  in  the  north,  to  Swaziland  in  the  east, 
and  to  Zululand  in  the  south.  The  British  opposed  a  barrier  to 
this  expansion  in  all  directions.  Bechuanaland  was  placed  under 
British  protection,  the  Republic  of  Goshen  was  conquered  by  the 
Crown,  the  Boers  were  cut  off  from  the  sea  to  the  east,  and  the 
territory  of  Lobengula  was  secured  by  Rhodes  to  the  north. 
Kruger  saw  that  Rhodes'  energy  was  gradually  surrounding  him 
by  a  wall  which  he  could  not  pass.  The  irritation  thus  produced 
brought  about  an  economic  struggle  of  a  petty  but  vexatious 
kind.  The  British  tried  to  prevent  direct  communication  between 
Cape  Colony  and  the  Transvaal,  forcing  it  thus  to  the  circuitous 
route  by  Delagoa  Bay.  Kruger,  for  his  part,  gave  an  advantage 
to  Dutch  and  Germans  in  granting  concessions  and  monopolies, 
hoping  to  secure  their  co-operation  in  case  of  a  war  with  Great 
Britain. 

The  main  cause  of  dissension  was  formed  by  the  so-called 
grievances  of  the  Uitlanders.  No  doubt  the  miners  had,  in  the 
first  instance,  been  welcomed  and  even  invited  by  the  Boers. 
When  the  Transvaal  was  an  agricultural  settlement  efforts  were 
made  to  encourage  colonists,  and  rights  of  naturalisation  were 
virtually,  if  not  legally,  promised.  But  the  advance  of  a  stream 
of  undesirable  adventurers  attracted  by  the  gold  modified  the 

45° 


THE    NATURALISATION    QUESTION 

condition  of  things  and  induced  the  Boers  to  alter  their  naturalisa- 
tion law  so  as  to  make  it  difficult  or  impossible  for  new-comers 
to  become  complete  citizens  of  the  Republic.  There  was  much 
excuse  for  this  ;  agricultural  settlers  were  welcome  so  long  as 
they  were  likely  to  assume  the  conditions  of  Boer  life  ;  but  it 
was  reasonable  that  the  Boers  should  take  precautions  against 
being  swamped  by  a  motley  influx  of  men  who  would  stifle  and 
eventually  destroy  their  national  character,  and  who  had  not — 
most  of  them  at  least — the  remotest  intention  of  settling 
permanently  in  the  country.  These  so-called  grievances  were 
exaggerated  by  the  jingo  Press  in  England,  just  as  the  British 
nationality  claimed  by  a  mass  of  speculators  of  Jewish  origin 
with  German  names  seemed  to  be  of  a  very  shadowy  description. 
Yet  the  Uitlanders  had  some  rights,  and  their  desire  to  be  admitted 
to  a  share  in  the  government  had  a  real  and  reasonable  basis, 
as  was  shown  by  the  National  Union,  founded  in  1892,  though 
it  was  not  until  1895  that  capitalists,  by  the  advice  of  Rhodes, 
began  to  take  part  in  it.  Even  then  Barney  Barnato  stood  aloof, 
while  J.  B.  Robinson  was  directly  opposed  to  it. 

The  condition  of  the  Transvaal  was  indeed  very  peculiar,  Boers  Out- 
hardly  paralleled  by  that  of  any  other  State  known  to  history,  numbered  by 
The  number  of  foreign  settlers  was  double,  or  nearly  double,  that  Ultlanders- 
of  the  Boers,  and  they  paid  nineteen-twentieths  of  the  taxes. 
Their  principal  grievances  were  that  the  taxes  were  too  high, 
amounting  to  £4,000,000  in  a  country  inhabited  by  scarcely 
250,000  whites,  the  larger  proportion,  too,  being  paid  by 
Uitlanders  ;  the  absence  of  any  proper  budget  or  other  state- 
ment as  to  how  the  money  was  spent ;  the  absence  of  English 
schools  supported  by  the  State  ;  the  commandeering  of  British 
subjects  for  military  service  ;  the  exclusive  use  of  Dutch  in  the 
law  courts  ;  the  bad  municipal  rule  of  Johannesburg  ;  and  the 
corrupt  character  of  the  Government.  The  Boers,  viewing  the 
British  as  enemies  to  their  freedom  and  independence,  were  not 
disposed  to  place  them  in  a  position  of  influence  ;  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Dutch  whom  they  imported  from  Holland  to  supply 
their  own  deficiencies  were  corrupt  and  tyrannical,  and  not 
qualified  to  improve  the  relations  between  the  rival  peoples,  but 
rather  to  embitter  them. 

Of    all   the   grievances    the    most    serious   was   the    question  Franchise 
of   naturalisation — the  admission   of   Uitlanders  to  the  franchise,  Inequalities. 
the   right    to   elect    and   to   be   elected.      A    Boer    received    full 
political  franchise  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  but  a  Briton  could  not 
be   fully  enfranchised  until  he  had  been  fourteen  years   in   the 


A   HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

country  and  was  forty  years  of  age,  and  even  then  he  had  no 
vote  for  the  office  of  President  or  Commander-in-Chief.  These 
restrictions  were  felt  more  deeply  because,  up  to  1883,  citizen- 
ship had  been  obtained  after  a  single  year's  residence,  and,  up  to 
1890,  after  five  years'  residence  ;  while  the  Orange  Free  State 
asked  for  only  two  years'  residence,  and  Cape  Colony  for  none 
at  all.  The  reformers  set  themselves  to  obtain,  in  the  first 
instance,  a  more  generous  law  of  naturalisation  ;  but  they  forgot 
that  a  man  cannot  be  a  citizen  of  two  countries  at  the  same  time, 
that  an  Englishman  cannot  become  a  Boer  without  ceasing  to 
be  an  Englishman,  and  it  was  doubtful  whether  any  of  those  who 
complained  most  loudly  of  their  grievances  would  have  accepted 
relief  on  such  a  condition. 

The  A   spark   fell   into   this   mass   of  explosive   matter  when   Dr. 

Jameson      L  S.  Jameson  made  a  raid  into  the  Transvaal  on  December  29th, 
Raldi  1895,  with  a  view  to  entering  Johannesburg,  joining  there  with 

the  Uitlanders  who,  he  believed,  were  ready  to  rise,  and  estab- 
lishing a  reformed  government  under  the  Dutch  flag.  The  enter- 
prise was  insane  ;  it  was  undertaken  against  the  wishes  of  Rhodes 
and  with  the  strong  disapproval  of  the  British  Government.  A 
few  Boer  commandos  were  hastily  summoned  together,  and  the 
raiders  ignominiously  surrendered  to  them  at  Krugersdorp.  Kruger 
behaved  magnanimously.  He  might  justifiably  have  tried  the 
raiders  by  court-martial  and  shot  them  ;  but  he  gave  them  up 
to  the  British  Government,  which,  when  the  first  passion  of 
indignation  had  passed,  treated  them  with  undue  leniency.  The 
part  played  by  Chamberlain,  the  Secretary  for  the  Colonies,  in 
the  matter  has  never  been  adequately  explained.  Kruger  now 
recognised  the  necessity  of  arming  if  he  wished  to  preserve  his 
independence.  In  1897  more  than  147,000  rifles  were  imported 
into  the  Transvaal  by  way  of  Delagoa  Bay,  whereas  the  number 
of  fighting  citizens  was  only  29,500,  and  a  close  alliance  was 
formed  with  the  Orange  Free  State.  The  idea  of  a  Dutch  South 
Africa  came  again  into  prominence.  There  was  no  organised 
conspiracy  against  British  rule,  as  has  sometimes  been  asserted, 
but  the  most  violent  spirits  amongst  the  Boers  cherished  the 
hope  of  independence,  and  this  was  stimulated  by  Dr.  Leyds,  an 
able  Dutch  lawyer,  who  had  a  pernicious  influence  over  Kruger 's 
administration. 

Milner  on          In  February,  1897,  Sir  Alfred  Milner  was  sent  out  to  succeed 

South          Lord  Rosmead,  formerly  Sir  Hercules  Robinson,  as  Governor  of 

Africa.        Cape  Colony,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  set  himself  to  make 

a  fair  and  unprejudiced  examination  of  the  situation.     He  was 

452 


MILNER    AND    THE    WAR 

well  disposed  to  the  Boers,  learnt  their  language,  and  made  speeches 
in  it,  but,  being  more  of  an  administrator  than  a  statesman,  was 
soon  drawn  into  close  communion  with,  and  strong  support 
of,  the  Uitlander  party.  He  seems  to  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  war  was  inevitable,  which  he  believed  would  be 
short  and  decisive,  and  that  any  attempt  at  conciliation  was  only 
putting  off  the  evil  day.  In  the  spring  of  1899  he  sent  to  England 
a  petition  of  the  Uitlanders  with  23,000  signatures,  demanding  a 
redress  of  grievances.  To  this  Chamberlain  replied,  on  May  loth, 
that  a  conference  should  take  place  between  Milner  and  Kruger 
at  which  all  matters  in  dispute  should  be  fairly  discussed.  The 
conference  took  place  at  Bloemfontein,  but  it  was  foredoomed 
to  failure.  Milner  had  made  up  his  mind  that  it  could  not 
succeed,  and  did  not  wish  that  Kruger  should  make  concessions 
which  could  only  be  illusory  and  would  hinder  the  only  settle- 
ment possible — that  of  the  sword.  He  was  therefore  relieved 
when  the  conference  came  to  nothing.  At  the  same  time  Cham- 
berlain embittered  the  relations  between  the  Transvaal  Govern- 
ment and  himself  by  the  revival  of  the  term  "  suzerainty," 
which  had  appeared  in  the  Convention  of  1,881,  but  had  been 
expressly  omitted  from  that  of  1884.  The  Transvaal  was  not  an 
absolutely  free  government  in  the  sense  in  which  the  Orange  Free 
State  was,  because  its  power  of  making  treaties  with  other  countries 
was  circumscribed.  But  it  had  complete  independence  in  the 
management  of  its  own  affairs,  and  could  not  be  said  to  be  under 
the  suzerainty  of  the  British  Crown.  The  abuse  of  this  title  drove 
the  Transvaal  to  declare  itself  to  be  a  "  sovereign  independent 
State,"  rather  a  strained  expression. 

After  the  Bloemfontein  conference  was  over,  a  Bill  submitted 
by  Kruger  was  passed  by  the  Raad,  granting  the  suffrage  after  ConceS8ioilB» 
seven  years'  residence  upon  certain  conditions  of  registration. 
This  being  only  partially  accepted  by  the  British  Government, 
a  further  step  was  taken,  which  conceded  everything  which  Milner 
had  asked  at  Bloemfontein,  and  more.  This  proposal,  made  on 
August  1 2th,  gave  a  five  years'  retrospective  franchise,  as  had 
been  proposed,  eight  new  seats  in  the  First  Chamber,  and  more, 
if  necessary,  in  the  Second.  The  new  citizens  would  have  equal 
rights  with  the  old,  and  friendly  suggestions  from  the  British 
Government  would  be  considered.  To  this  Chamberlain  gave,  on 
August  3oth,  what  he  called  a  qualified  acceptance,  but  expressed 
in  an  ambiguous  manner  and  in  language  which  would  be  certain 
to  be  offensive  to  the  Boers. 

It  is  possible  that  this  so-called  acceptance,  although  indirect, 

453 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


War 

Inevitable. 


Chamber- 
lain's 

Ultimatum. 


qualified  and  excluding  finality,  might  have  been  accepted  at 
Pretoria.  But  two  days  before  it  reached  the  Boer  Government 
Chamberlain  had  made  at  Highbury,  his  residence  near  Birming- 
ham, a  speech  of  an  irritating  character,  in  which  he  implied  that 
concessions  had  been  squeezed  out  of  Kruger  as  out  of  a  sponge, 
and  that  the  time  was  running  out  during  which  a  peaceful 
solution  was  possible.  This  speech  was  immediately  cabled  to 
Pretoria  and  produced  the  most  disastrous  effect.  Up  to  that 
time  the  better-disposed  Boers  hoped  for  a  peaceful  settlement, 
believing  that  the  Boer  Government,  if  pressed,  was  ready  to 
give  a  liberal  franchise  and  representation,  and  submit  all  other 
disputes  to  conference  or  arbitration.  The  speech  at  Highbury, 
however,  shattered  these  hopes,  for  they  felt  that  it  meant  war, 
being  a  direct  denial  of  finality  to  all  British  demands.  The 
consequence  was  that  Chamberlain's  dispatch  was  regarded,  not  as 
a  qualified  acceptance,  but  as  a  virtual  refusal. 

It  is  difficult  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  both  Chamberlain 
and  Milner  had  made  up  their  minds  that  war  was  inevitable. 
Probably  these  two  responsible  public  men  believed  that  the  war 
would  be  short  and  would  entail  only  a  moderate  expenditure. 
Following,  however,  the  best  precedents  of  British  government, 
Lord  Salisbury  should,  as  soon  as  the  danger  of  war  became 
imminent,  have  taken  the  negotiations  into  his  own  hands,  as 
he  would  certainly  have  done  had  it  been  a  European  complica- 
tion, in  which  event  war  might  have  been  avoided.  But  it  was 
the  long  vacation ;  Salisbury  was  at  Dieppe,  and  undoubtedly  did 
not  realise  the  calamity  which  was  impending. 

On  September  8th  Chamberlain  sent  an  ambiguous  dispatch, 
which  was  regarded  by  the  Boers  as  an  ultimatum,  and  at  the 
same  time  large  bodies  of  troops  were  sent  out  from  England,  in 
addition  to  those  previously  ordered  from  India.  The  dispatch 
spoke  of  the  British  Government  formulating  proposals  for  a  final 
settlement,  but  it  has  never  been  revealed  what  these  proposals 
were,  nor  is  there  any  ground  for  supposing  that  they  really 
existed.  At  the  end  of  September  the  Transvaal  Government 
asked  for  information,  but  were  told  that  the  proposals  would 
not  be  ready  for  some  days.  In  the  meantime  Parliament  had 
been  summoned,  the  reserves  called  out,  troops  landed  at  the 
Cape  and  moved  towards  the  frontier,  and  during  the  whole  of 
these  events  no  further  dispatch  arrived  from  the  Colonial  Office. 
Consequently,  on  October  gth,  the  Boers  sent  a  request  that  all 
points  of  mutual  difference  should  be  relegated  to  friendly  arbitra- 
tion, and  that  the  British  Government  should  withdraw  its  troops 

454 


BRITAIN    UNPREPARED    FOR    WAR 

from  the  frontier  and  cease  to  land  and  send  forward  other  troops. 
To  this  Chamberlain  replied  that  the  conditions  imposed  made 
discussion  impossible.  The  result  of  this  was  war. 

As    a    counter-move    to    the    British    massing    of   troops    the  Burghers 
Republics  of  the  Transvaal  and  the  Orange  Free  State  took  a  Become 
number  of  farmers  from  their  homes  and  set  them  on  the  frontier  ImPatiett*- 
awaiting  the  final  proposals  of  Great  Britain.     Days  and  weeks 
passed  and  the  proposals  did  not  come.     The  burghers,  stationed 
on  the  veldt  in  days  and  nights  of   heavy  rain,  mostly  without 
tents,  began  to  grow  restive.     They  thought   of  their  neglected 
farms,  where  ploughing  and  sowing  were  beginning,  and  of  their 
wives   and   children.     Grumbling    led    to   open   discontent,    and 
they  refused  to  remain  idle  while  Great  Britain  strengthened  her 
artillery  and  brought  up  her  armies.     They  threatened  to  return 
to  their  homes  unless  those  in  command  took  action.    No  one  can 
blame  them  for  refusing  to  wait  until  the  forces  of  the  British 
Empire  had  assembled  ready  to  crush  them  before  they  struck 
a  blow  in  their  own  defence. 

The  justification  of  the  war,  which  was  at  first  sought  in  the  Possibilities 
grievances  of  the  Uitlanders,  was  afterwards  based  upon  the  belief  °* 
that  there  was  a  conspiracy  among  the  Boers  to  drive  the  British 
out  of  South  Africa.  There  is  not  the  slightest  proof  that  any 
such  conspiracy  ever  existed,  and  no  papers  have  been  published, 
although  all  the  documents  which  might  lend  it  colour  and  support 
afterwards  came  into  the  hands  of  the  British.  There  were  some, 
indeed,  who  thought  that  a  favourable  moment  had  arrived  for 
achieving  the  independence  of  South  Africa,  and  they  were  as 
anxious  as  Chamberlain  and  Milner  that  the  war  should  not  be 
avoided.  In  fact,  there  is  little  doubt  that,  could  the  Boers  have 
compelled  the  British  garrisons  to  surrender  before  reinforce- 
ments arrived  from  England,  the  Boers  might  in  a  few  days  have 
been  in  Cape  Town  and  Durban,  that  the  Dutch  residents  in 
British  territory  would  have  joined  them,  and  that  South  Africa 
would  have  been  free,  united,  and  Dutch.  This,  however,  was 
not  to  be  ;  the  British  were  too  vigorous  and  the  Dutch  too 
indolent. 

The  outbreak  of  the  war  found  Great  Britain  unprepared.    She  Boers 
had  failed  to  realise  the  seriousness  of  the  conflict,  although  Sir  Commence 
William  Butler  had  warned  the  Government  on  this  point.    The 
public  feeling  of  the  world  was  strongly  against  her,  and  reason- 
ably so,  for  in  contradiction  to  the  lessons  of  her  history  she  was 
unjustly  oppressing  a  small  nation,  depriving  it   of  liberty  and 
coveting  valuable  territory  which  did  not  belong  to  her.     She  had 

455 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

exceptional  difficulties  to  contend  with  owing  to  the  enormous 
extent  of  territory  over  which  the  war  was  spread,  and  the  con- 
trast between  the  lightly  equipped,  easily  moving  Boers  and  the 
lumbering  transport  of  a  regular  army.  Every  burgher  between 
the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty  had  to  be  prepared  to  fight  for  his 
country  at  any  moment.  If  required  for  active  service  he  must 
provide  himself  with  a  riding  horse,  saddle  and  bridle,  a  rifle  and 
thirty  cartridges,  or,  if  unable  to  obtain  a  rifle,  thirty  bullets, 
thirty  caps,  and  Jib.  of  powder,  together  with  provisions  for 
eight  days.  The  provisions  consisted  of  meat  cut  into  strips, 
salted,  peppered  and  dried,  or  sausages  and  Boer  biscuits.  When 
meat  was  served  out  the  British  received  theirs  cooked,  the 
burghers  theirs  raw  and  had  to  cook  it  themselves.  The  Boer 
ultimatum  to  the  British  expired  on  October  nth,  1899,  and 
war  had  broken  out.  The  British  Parliament  met  a  few  days 
afterwards  and  voted  £10,000,000  for  the  conduct  of  the  war. 
It  is  believed  that  if  at  that  time  the  operations  of  the  Boers  had 
not  already  begun,  Parliament  would  have  taken  a  peaceful  line 
and  the  South  African  War  would  have  been  averted. 

False  Ideas  When  Milner  and  Chamberlain  entered  upon  this  struggle  with 
of  the  War.  the  Boers  they  had  no  idea  of  the  kind  of  resistance  their  enemies 
were  likely  to  offer ;  they  thought  the  conflict  would  be  over  in 
a  few  months  and  would  cost  only  a  moderate  amount  of  money, 
which  would  be  easily  repaid  out  of  the  profit  of  the  gold  mines. 
On  the  other  hand,  a  different  view  was  taken  by  some  in  Great 
Britain.  They  regarded  the  South  African  conflict  as  a  parallel 
to  the  attempt  to  reduce  the  North  American  colonies  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  foresaw  the  costly  nature  of  the  struggle, 
recognised  the  difficulty  of  vanquishing  the  Boers,  and  doubted 
whether  they  would  be  conquered  at  all. 

Continental  Moreover,  as  we  have  said,  the  public  opinion  of  Europe  was 
Opinion,  opposed  to  Great  Britain's  war  policy.  At  this  time  two 
questions  were  agitating  the  Continent — the  trial  of  Dreyfus  in 
France  and  the  treatment  of  the  Boers  by  Great  Britain.  France 
was  made  so  unpopular  by  the  one  that  she  was  almost  ostracised 
by  her  sister  communities,  and  in  consequence  of  the  other  British 
travellers  were  so  rudely  treated  on  the  Continent  that  few 
ventured  to  go  abroad  for  pleasure.  In  the  efforts  of  other 
countries  to  obtain  liberty  Great  Britain  had  hitherto  borne  an 
honourable  part.  She  had  always  been  on  the  side  of  the  weak, 
and  had  even  lately  supported  struggling  Finland  against  the 
encroachments  of  Russia,  and  it  appeared  incredible  that  she 
should  now  employ  her  immense  resources  to  crush  a  small 

456 


THE    OPENING    BATTLE 

community  of  farmers,   whose   only  crime  was  a  determination 
to  live  under  their  own  laws  and  their  own  flag. 

Germany  took  full  advantage  of  the  opportunity  which  Great  German 
Britain  afforded  her.  While  the  German  Press  teemed  with  Insults. 
exasperating  insults  and  insinuations,  their  Government  set  them- 
selves to  extend  their  commerce  and  increase  their  fleet.  The 
Boer  War  not  only  laid  upon  Great  Britain  an  expenditure  of 
£270,000,000,  but  it  left  her  burdened  with  the  task  of  recovering 
her  lost  position  and  of  contending  against  fresh  advantages  which 
her  absorption  in  war  had  enabled  her  rivals  to  consolidate.  It  is 
providential  that  no  other  nation  took  the  opportunity  of  attack- 
ing Great  Britain  or  assisting  the  Boers ;  her  neighbours  thought 
it  better  to  use  her  extremity  for  their  own  advantage  rather  than 
imperil  their  chances  by  attacking  her.  In  India  the  masterly 
diplomacy  and  wise  government  of  the  Viceroy,  Lord  Curzon, 
prevented  any  movement  on  the  part  of  Russia  to  profit  by  the 
occasion.  That  Great  Britain  rose  superior  to  these  misfortunes 
was  due  to  the  admirable  qualities  of  King  Edward  VII.,  who, 
by  his  personal  popularity,  wide  knowledge  of  European  affairs, 
and  diplomatic  skill,  succeeded,  within  the  ten  short  years  of  his 
reign,  in  leaving  his  country  as  powerful  and  as  much  respected 
in  Europe  as  she  had  ever  been. 

The  period  fixed  by  the  Boer  ultimatum  came  to  an  end  at  invasion 
5  in  the  afternoon  of  Wednesday,  October  nth,  1899,  and  next  of  Natal, 
morning,  amid  cold  and  mist,  their  camps  were  broken  up  and 
the  Boers  rode  to  the  war.  Twelve  thousand  mounted  burghers 
and  two  batteries  of  eight  Krupp  guns  each  invaded  Natal  from 
the  north,  hoping  to  be  joined  later  by  contingents  from  the  Free 
State  and  the  Transvaal.  An  eyewitness  tells  us  that  their  faces 
wore  an  expression  of  determination  and  bull-dog  pertinacity, 
with  no  sign  of  fear  or  wavering.  They  were  evidently  no 
cowards,  nor  unworthy  antagonists  of  British  valour.  They  were 
commanded  by  Piet  Joubert,  a  Boer  of  Huguenot  extraction. 

The    British    troops    in    North    Natal    had    been    under    the  British 
command  of  General  Sir  William  Penn  Symons,   who  had  been  Retire  on 
superseded  only  a  few  days  before  the  declaration  of  war  by  Sir  Ladysmith» 
George  White.    Their  main  position  was  at  Ladysmith,  but  there 
was  a  force  of  4,000  men  at  Glencoe,  which  was  five  miles  from 
the  railway  station  at  Dundee,  and  forty  miles  from  Ladysmith. 
The  garrison  of   the  place  was  8,000  to    10,000  strong,  and  was 
commanded  under  White  by  Archibald  Hunter,  John  French  and 
Ian  Hamilton.     The  first  contest  took  place  on  October  2Oth,  at 
Talana  Hill.     In  the  attack  Symons  was  shot  in  the  stomach  and 

457 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Invest- 
ment of 
Ladysmithi 


Mafeking 

and 

Kimberley. 


fell  mortally  wounded.  The  British  won  the  hill,  but  with  a 
serious  loss,  mainly  of  officers,  so  that  the  affair  was  a  tactical 
victory  but  an  actual  defeat.  It  was  a  crude  front  attack  with- 
out any  attempt  at  flanking,  and  was  carried  through  by  the 
dogged  valour  of  the  British  troops.  This,  for  some  time  to 
come,  was  to  be  the  characteristic  note  of  the  British  operations. 
The  conflict  involved  retreat  to  Ladysmith,  which  was  reached  on 
October  26th,  leaving  200  sick  and  wounded,  together  with 
Symons,  in  the  hospital  at  Dundee.  The  Battle  of  Elandslaagte 
was  fought  on  October  2ist,  with  a  view  to  enabling  the  Dundee 
column  to  retire  to  Ladysmith.  It  was  a  brilliant  action  and 
disengaged  the  railway,  but  had  no  permanent  results.  At  the  end 
of  the  first  week  the  Boers  had  made  the  position  of  the  British 
in  Dundee  untenable  and  had  forced  them  back  to  Ladysmith  ; 
they  had  thus  the  northern  quarter  of  the  country  in  their 
possession.  They  had  killed  or  wounded  between  600  and  700 
of  their  foes,  and  were  so  insistent  that  the  British  had  to 
leave  considerable  stores  as  well  as  their  wounded  behind  at 
Dundee. 

George  White  now  commanded  at  Ladysmith  an  army  of 
12,000  men.  His  best  policy  was  to  remain  on  the  defensive 
and  await  reinforcements  from  England.  But  his  chivalrous 
feeling  led  him  to  court  actions  which  would  have  better  been 
avoided.  The  Battle  of  Ladysmith  was  fought  on  October  3Oth, 
but  resulted  in  defeat.  At  the  end  of  a  fortnight  100  miles  of 
railway  line  were  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  ;  out  of  five  actions 
only  one  was  a  victory,  and  one  a  positive  disaster.  The  Boers 
had  lost  two  guns  and  300  prisoners,  the  British  had  lost  1,200 
prisoners  and  a  battery  of  small  guns.  Besides,  12,000  British 
troops  were  shut  up  in  Ladysmith,  and  there  was  no  reason  why 
the  invaders  should  not  reach  the  sea. 

Two  other  important  towns  were  invested  by  the  Boers — 
Mafeking  and  Kimberley.  Kimberley,  the  seat  of  the  diamond 
mines,  was  defended  by  Kekewich  ;  but  Cecil  Rhodes,  the  founder 
and  director  of  the  De  Beers  mines,  had  thrown  himself  into  the 
town.  Mafeking  was  defended  by  the  genius  and  resource  of 
Baden  Powell,  and,  although  it  was  of  no  great  importance  in 
itself,  the  attempt  to  capture  it  kept  Boers  employed  who  might 
have  been  doing  mischief  in  other  directions.  The  Boers  appeared 
before  Mafeking  on  October  I3th ;  after  three  days  the  siege 
began  in  earnest,  and  a  week  later  a  bombardment  began  which 
lasted  with  intermissions  for  seven  months.  The  successes  of  the 
Boers  continued.  The  burghers  of  the  Orange  Free  State  seized 

458 


BRITISH    TACTICAL    BLUNDERS 

the  railway  junctions  of  Naauwpoort  and  Stormberg,  and  threatened 
De  Aar,  where,  if  they  had  persevered  in  their  attack,  they 
would  have  found  large  quantities  of  provisions  and  supplies. 
But  great  as  their  opportunities  were,  and  great  as  their  advance 
had  been,  the  invaders  were  lacking  in  energy,  definiteness  of 
purpose  and  initiative.  They  allowed  Kimberley  and  Lady  smith 
to  hold  out  until  such  reinforcements  should  arrive  as  would 
crush  all  resistance. 

The  war  entered  into  a  second  stage  by  the  arrival  of  Sir  Buller's 
Redvers   Buller   from   England   in   November.     Strenuous   efforts  Wrong 
were  made  to  relieve  both  Kimberley  and  Lady  smith,  but  they  Method8' 
were  not  successful,  mainly  for  two  reasons.     In  the  first  place, 
the  British  had  not  realised  that  they  required  a  much  larger 
force   to   subdue   an   enemy  fighting  on   interior   lines,   with   an 
intimate   knowledge   of   the   country   and   possessed   of   extreme 
mobility ;    and,  secondly,  they  had  not  learned  the  proper  way 
of   fighting  against  them.    The  British  attacked  in  the   open  an 
enemy  who  had  the   art  of  concealing   themselves  behind  every 
stone  and  every  tussock,  whose  firing  was  admirable,  and  who 
used  smokeless  powder,   and  the  soldiers  had  the  demoralising 
experience  of  seeing  their  comrades  killed  while  lying  on  the  ground 
by  a  mysterious  foe,  whose  position  and  means  of  offence  were 
equally  inscrutable. 

Lord  Methuen  reached  the  Orange  River  on  November  I2th,  Methuen's 
and  ten  days  later  came  into  touch  with  the  Boers  at  Belmont.  Disaster. 
The  British  gained  a  victory  of  a  sort,  but  with  little  material 
result,  for  the  enemy  galloped  away  comfortably  after  the  action 
and  pursuit  was  impossible.  The  Battle  of  Enslin  was  fought  on 
November  25th,  and  in  it  the  Naval  Brigade  behaved  splendidly ; 
but  little  advantage  was  derived  from  it  because,  as  Conan  Doyle 
says,  if  the  British  won  the  kopjes  they  lost  the  men.  They  had 
200  killed  and  wounded  and  the  Boers  less  than  100.  The  British 
had  set  out  from  the  Orange  River  on  Wednesday ;  on  Thursday 
they  fought  at  Belmont,  on  Saturday  at  Enslin  ;  on  Monday  the 
column  set  out  again,  and  on  Tuesday  reached  the  Modder  River, 
defended  by  the  famous  Cronje,  on  November  28th.  Here  was 
fought  a  desperate  battle,  which  ended  in  victory  for  the  British, 
because  the  Boers  retired  and  left  the  former  masters  of  the 
field.  But  it  was  a  Pyrrhic  triumph,  for  the  British  losses  were 
enormous.  Cronje  sullenly  retired  to  new  defences,  while  the 
British  slept  exhausted  upon  the  stricken  field. 

But    disaster   overtook   Methuen   at    Magersfontein,    when   he 
attempted  to  force  his  way  across  the  hills  which  separated  him 

459 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Gatacre  at 
Stormberg. 


The  "  Black 
Week." 


from  Kimberley.  His  force  moved  out  on  Sunday,  December  loth, 
in  pouring  rain  and  bivouacked  on  the  cold,  soaked  ground.  In 
the  middle  of  the  night  they  started  in  a  dense  mass,  but  before 
they  could  deploy  a  hail  of  Boer  bullets  dashed  against  them, 
which  slew  them  by  hundreds.  Their  leader,  General  Wauchope, 
was  killed,  and  the  rest  of  the  Highland  Brigade  broke.  The 
Highland  regiments  re-formed  next  morning  and  advanced,  but 
nothing  could  be  done  against  Cronje's  trenches.  After  remain- 
ing all  day  under  a  burning  sun  without  food  or  water,  they  were 
compelled  to  retire,  and  the  whole  force  returned  with  bitter 
humiliation  to  the  place  from  which  they  had  started.  The 
British  lost  nearly  1,000  men  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  of 
whom  700  were  Highlanders,  and  57  officers  of  the  Highland 
Brigade  had  fallen. 

Similar  ill-success  befell  General  Gatacre,  who  on  December 
9th  advanced  from  Sterkstroom  to  attack  the  enemy  at  Storm- 
berg,  to  carry  out  a  storm  movement  which  had  been  minutely 
described  by  The  Times  correspondent  two  days  before  it  was 
begun.  He  started  with  3,000  men  in  open  railway  trucks,  detrained 
at  Molteno  in  the  evening,  missed  his  way,  and  in  the  dawn  of 
December  loth  was  entirely  defeated  by  the  Boers.  Only  a  few 
men  fell,  26  being  killed  and  68  wounded,  but  600  were  taken 
prisoners  and  two  guns  were  captured.  The  losses  of  the  Boers 
were  very  slight. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  the  efforts  to  relieve  Kimberley,  but  the 
mind  of  the  British  at  home  was  set  upon  the  beleaguered  Lady- 
smith.  White  had  been  driven  back  into  that  town  on  October 
3Oth  ;  a  few  days  afterwards  both  its  railway  and  telegraph  were 
cut  and  Ladysmith  isolated.  Buller  now  made  serious  attempts 
to  relieve  it.  His  troops  were  massed  at  Chieveley,  and  on  Friday, 
December  I5th,  he  moved  out  to  attack  the  Boers  at  Colenso, 
with  a  force  of  about  21,000  men.  The  expedition  was  a  complete 
failure.  The  British  advanced  in  masses  against  an  invisible 
enemy,  concealed  behind  every  rock  and  protected  by  every  fold 
of  the  ground.  At  12  o'clock  all  the  troops  were  retreating, 
having  lost  1,127  men>  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  the  enemy 
having  lost  not  more  than  100,  while  the  British  guns  were  left  as 
trophies  to  the  Boers.  Conan  Doyle  says  that  the  week  between 
December  loth  and  December  I7th,  1899,  was  tne  blackest  known 
for  one  generation,  and  the  most  disastrous  to  British  arms  during 
the  century.  They  had  lost  in  seven  days,  in  three  separate 
actions,  3,000  men  and  12  guns,  which  involved  despair  to 
themselves  and  triumph  to  their  enemies. 

460 


SPION    KOP 

At  length  Great  Britain  realised  the  magnitude  of  the  enter-  Roberts  and 


prise   and   the   seriousness   of   the   position.     Lord   Roberts,    the 
greatest  general  she  possessed,  was  sent  to  take  command,  with 


Lord  Kitchener  as  Chief  of  Staff.  Volunteers  offered  themselves 
with  eagerness,  crowds  of  young  men  in  frock  coats  and  top  hats 
waiting  to  be  enlisted,  one  fashionable  club  sending  300  of  its 
members  to  the  war.  A  fact  of  significance  for  the  whole  world 
was  the  dispatch  by  Canada,  Australia  and  New  Zealand  of 
voluntary  levies  in  aid  of  the  Mother  Country.  There  was  there- 
fore a  lull  in  the  operations,  Methuen  strengthening  himself  at  the 
Modder,  Gatacre  at  Sterkstroom,  and  Buller  preparing  for  a  final 
advance  on  Ladysmith. 

In  January  Buller  determined  to  turn  the  Boer  right  flank  and  sPion  K°P* 
gain  the  hills  which  overlooked  Ladysmith,  with  an  army  of  20,000 
men.  The  operations  began  on  January  loth,  but  the  decisive 
conflict  did  not  take  place  till  twelve  days  later.  On  the  evening 
of  January  22nd  a  portion  of  the  British  force  climbed  up  a  bare 
hill  2,000  feet  high,  called  Spion  Kop  (Spy  Hill),  because  from 
its  summit  in  1835  the  Boers  looked  down  upon  the  promised 
land  of  Natal.  But  when  they  reached  the  summit  they  found 
that  they  only  held  half  of  the  hill  and  that  the  rest  was  occupied 
by  the  Boers,  strongly  entrenched.  They  stayed  there  all  the 
following  day,  but  were  in  a  hopeless  position.  If  they  retreated 
the  Boers  would  rush  the  summit  they  occupied  ;  if  they  held 
their  ground  they  were  exposed  to  a  murderous  fire  of  shells. 
Reinforcement  merely  meant  adding  more  victims  to  the  slaughter. 
The  situation  was  saved  for  the  moment  by  the  advance  of  some 
Rifles  from  Lyttelton's  Brigade,  who  climbed  up  the  precipitous 
path  with  an  activity  and  a  heroism  rarely  surpassed  in  war. 
At  last  night  came  and  Colonel  Thorneycroft  determined  to 
retreat,  feeling  that  he  could  not  face  another  day  such  as  that 
through  which  he  had  passed.  The  Boers  were  probably  in  as 
bad  a  position  as  himself,  and  were  themselves  on  the  point  of 
retreating  ;  but  the  sight  of  1,300  dead  and  dying  unnerved  the 
commander,  and  he  gave  the  word  to  retire  on  January  24th. 

In  the  morning  the  hill-top  was  in  the  hands  of  Louis  Botha,  Failure  of 
but  it  was  known  that  at  daybreak  he  had  regarded  the  affair  as  the  AttemPt' 
hopeless,  and  that  no  one  was  more  surprised  at  the  victory  than 
himself  —  a  victory  which  had  been  won  by  the  excellence  of  the 
Boer  guns.     It  is  clear  that  Buller  and  his  subordinate,  Sir  Charles 
Warren,  ought  to  have  taken  more  personal  interest  in  the  opera- 
tions, and  should  have  decided  the  momentous  issue  of  retreat. 
Four  thousand  troops  had  been  crowded  into  a  space  which  could 

461 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Relief  of 

Ladysmith, 


French 

Relieves 

Kimberley. 


only  hold  500  in  proper  cover,  and  the  British  losses  were  very 
severe,  1,500  being  killed,  wounded  or  missing.  The  Boers  lost 
only  50  killed  and  150  wounded.  Buller  had  lost  2,000  men  since 
he  passed  the  Tugela,  and  on  January  27th  he  retired  across  the 
river,  unmolested  by  the  Boers.  All  he  had  to  show  for  his 
exertions  was  the  possession  of  Mount  Alice. 

Buller  having  failed  in  his  attacks  upon  the  Boers'  centre  and 
their  extreme  right,  now  determined  to  assault  the  extreme  left 
with  the  hope  of  better  results.  He  started  on  this  expedition 
at  daybreak  on  February  I7th,  and  after  three  days  had  estab- 
lished himself  fairly  along  the  whole  south  bank  of  the  Tugela. 
On  the  following  evening  he  crossed  the  river  at  Colenso,  and 
attacked  the  formidable  post  of  Pieters  Hill.  Conan  Doyle  is  of 
opinion  that  this  direct  attack  should  never  have  been  attempted, 
and  that  a  flanking  movement  should  have  been  persisted  in  from 
the  first.  Buller  only  came  to  this  conclusion  after  the  sad 
experience  of  repulse  and  after  terrible  losses  had  been  incurred 
on  both  sides.  The  Tugela  was  recrossed,  and  another  advance 
was  made  in  a  different  direction.  At  last  a  hill  was  taken  which 
was  known  to  be  the  key  of  the  position.  A  great  plain  lay  before 
them  which  extended  as  far  as  Bulwhana,  a  mountain  overlooking 
Ladysmith.  The  British  pushed  over  the  plain  until  Dundonald's 
cavalry  were  met  by  a  picket  from  Ladysmith,  and  it  was  known 
that  the  town  was  saved.  Relieved  on  February  28th,  1900, 
Ladysmith  had  held  out  for  118  days,  16,000  shells  having  fallen 
in  the  town.  Buller  in  his  efforts  to  relieve  it  had  lost  over  5,000 
men,  more  than  20  per  cent,  of  the  whole  army.  He  entered 
the  rescued  city  in  state  on  March  3rd,  passing  between  the  lines 
of  the  defenders,  and  those  who  saw  that  the  Dublin  Fusiliers, 
who  had  suffered  most  and  were  placed  in  the  van  of  honour,  were 
represented  only  by  five  officers  and  a  handful  of  men,  sobbed 
like  children. 

Kimberley  was  finally  relieved  by  a  body  of  cavalry — hussars, 
dragoons  and  lancers — under  the  command  of  General  John 
French,  who  rode  100  miles  in  four  days  with  insufficient  food 
and  water.  On  the  night  of  February  i5th,  1900,  the  relieving 
column  camped  in  the  plain  two  miles  from  the  town,  while  French 
and  his  staff  rode  in.  The  relief  of  Kimberley  had  really  been 
effected  by  the  operations  of  Roberts,  of  which  we  must  now  give 
some  account.  His  second  object,  besides  this  relief,  was  to  cut 
the  connection  between  Cronje  and  Bloemfontein.  Cronje  was 
hidden  in  most  extraordinary  entrenchments  on  the  Modder, 
which,  in  spite  of  all  remonstrances,  he  refused  to  leave.  It  had 

462 


SURRENDER    OF    CRONJE 

been  found  by  bitter  experience  impossible  to  attack  him  in  front, 
and  the  only  alternative  was  to  advance  from  each  end  of  his 
position  and  reduce  the  length  of  river  held  by  him.  With  the  loss 
of  1,100  men,  the  length  of  his  position  had  been  shortened  from 
three  miles  to  less  than  two.  The  cordon  around  the  Boer  lines 
gradually  grew  tighter  and  tighter,  and  on  February  26th  it  was 
determined  to  attack.  After  a  furious  onslaught  of  nine  hours  a 
white  flag  was  shown  at  the  trench.  A  haggard  figure  appeared  and 
said,  "  The  burghers  have  had  enough ;  what  are  they  to  do  ?  " 

At  6  o'clock  next  morning,  Conan  Doyle  tells  us,  a  white-  Cronje 
headed  man  on  a  white  horse  rode  up  to  Lord  Roberts'  head-  SuprendePS- 
quarters.  He  was  of  middle  age,  thickly  built,  with  grizzled  hair 
flowing  from  under  a  tall  brown  felt  hat.  He  was  dressed  in 
black  broadcloth  with  a  green  summer  overcoat,  and  carried  in 
his  hands  a  small  whip,  looking  more  like  a  cattle  drover  than 
a  famous  general.  He  agreed  to  unconditional  surrender,  stipu- 
lating that  his  wife,  secretary,  adjutant,  and  servant  might 
accompany  him,  and  on  the  same  evening  he  was  dispatched 
to  Cape  Town.  His  men,  a  pallid,  ragged  crew,  emerged  from 
their  holes  and  burrows,  and  delivered  up  their  muskets  and  rifles. 
The  prisoners  consisted  of  3,000  from  the  Transvaal  and  1,100 
from  the  Free  State.  They  formed  a  singular  assemblage  of 
people — ragged,  patched,  grotesque  ;  some  with  goloshes,  some 
with  umbrellas  and  coffee-pots ;  all  with  Bibles,  which  they 
always  carried  with  them.  They  had  crouched  for  six  days  in 
deep,  narrow  trenches,  in  which  a  rifleman  could  lie  with  little 
danger  from  shells  and  in  which  the  non-combatants  remained 
in  absolute  safety. 

De  Wet  and  Botha  made  a  gallant  attempt  to  rescue  Cronje,  De  Wet's 
but  it  was  not  successful.     With  the  help  of  a  Krupp  gun  and  a  Effo£t 
Maxim-Nordenfeldt,  a  way  of  escape  had  been  made  for  him,  if  °nje* 

he  would  leave  everything  and  be  content  with  saving  his  life 
and  the  lives  of  his  burghers.  His  losses  would  not  have  been 
heavy,  and  some  of  the  burghers  did  escape  and  join  De  Wet.  On 
the  night  of  February  25th  De  Wet  sent  Danie  Theron  to  urge 
Cronje  to  fly.  He  crawled  past  the  British  lines,  tearing  his 
clothes  to  rags  as  he  did  so.  When  he  returned  to  De  Wet,  on 
February  27th,  the  blood  was  running  from  his  knees  where  the 
skin  had  been  rubbed  off.  He  reported  that  he  had  seen  Cronje, 
but  that  he  refused  to  accept  De  Wet's  advice,  because  he  did 
not  think  the  attempt  would  be  successful ;  and  that  morning, 
as  we  have  seen,  he  surrendered.  De  Wet  believed  that  Cronje 
was  not  only  wedded  to  the  defensive  position  he  had  constructed 

463 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


De  Wet's 
Defeat 
at  Poplar 

Grove. 


Occupation 
of  Bloem- 
fontein. 


with  so  much  care,  but  that  he  did  not  realise  the  consequences 
of  his  capture.  He  did  not  see  that  it  would  cause  a  panic  in 
Colesberg,  Stormberg  and  Ladysmith,  and  throughout  all  the 
laagers  on  the  veldt.  Cronje  could  have  escaped  that  night,  for 
the  British  did  not  at  that  time  employ  Kafirs  and  Hottentots  to 
guide  them  in  the  darkness,  and  De  Wet  had  a  force  of  1,600  men, 
with  whom  he  could  have  held  Roberts  back  had  he  attempted  to 
pursue  Cronje.  De  Wet  regarded  the  surrender  of  Cronje  as  the  most 
terrible  blow  which  the  Boer  cause  suffered  throughout  the  war. 

After  Cronje  had  surrendered,  Christian  De  Wet  was  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Orange  Free  State  forces,  and,  as 
Roberts  rested  after  his  exertions  from  February  27th  to  March  yth, 
De  Wet  spent  this  interval  in  fortifying  his  position  at  Poplar  Grove, 
ten  miles  from  the  scene  of  Cronje's  surrender.  Here  he  received 
a  visit  from  Kruger,  who  had  made  the  journey  of  ninety-six  miles 
from  Bloemfontein  in  a  horse  wagon.  However,  the  danger  of 
Roberts'  advance  compelled  him  to  retire  immediately.  Roberts 
had  made  elaborate  dispositions  for  the  capture  of  Poplar  Grove,  but 
the  Boers  did  not  stop  to  defend  it.  Before  the  assault  began 
they  ran  away  in  mad  terror,  much  to  De  Wet's  disgust,  until 
they  reached  a  farm  eighteen  miles  distant.  Here  they  defended 
their  position  gallantly  during  a  whole  day,  but  in  the  evening  ran 
away  again,  so  much  had  Cronje's  surrender  demoralised  them. 

On  March  5th  Kruger  and  Steyn,  the  Presidents  of  the  two 
Republics,  sent  proposals  for  peace  to  the  British  Government, 
saying  that  they  had  only  fought  for  their  independence  and 
asking  that  this  might  be  recognised  by  the  Prime  Minister. 
Salisbury  replied  that  he  could  accept  no  terms  but  unconditional 
surrender.  So  the  war  went  on.  De  Wet  tried  in  vain  to  infuse 
something  of  his  own  courage  and  enthusiasm  into  his  citizen 
soldiers,  but  it  was  in  vain.  He  had  hoped  for  a  vigorous  defence 
of  Bloemfontein,  and  had  ridden  at  nightfall  from  position  to 
position,  haranguing  to  no  purpose  both  the  officers  and  the 
privates.  Wellbach  deserted  the  key  to  Bloemfontein,  and  the 
British  occupied  it.  After  a  sleepless  night,  De  Wet  found,  on 
March  I3th,  one  post  after  another  abandoned  by  his  command- 
ants, and  Bloemfontein  fell  on  that  day  without  a  shot  having 
been  fired.  Roberts  rode  into  the  town  amid  the  sympathies 
of  many  of  the  inhabitants,  a  number  of  Union  Jacks  floating 
from  the  windows. 

After  Bloemfontein  had  fallen,  De  Wet  gave  permission  to 
his  burghers  to  return  home  and  remain  there  till  March  25th. 
He  knew  that  many  of  them  would  not  come  back,  but  that  those 

464 


DISASTER    AT    SANNA'S    POST 

who  did  would  fight  hard.  On  March  2Oth  a  council  of  war  was 
held  at  Kroonstad,  now  the  capital  of  the  Orange  Free  State,  at 
which  Kruger  and  Steyn  were  present.  Salisbury's  proposal  of 
unconditional  surrender  had  made  peace  impossible.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  were  no  hopes  of  ultimate  victory  against  the 
overwhelming  forces  of  Great  Britain.  But  they  felt  that,  as 
men,  they  were  bound  to  fight  for  their  independence,  and  show 
that  they  were  worthy  to  exist  as  a  free  nation  under  a  Repub- 
lican form  of  government.  The  meeting  decided  to  continue  the 
war  more  energetically  than  ever,  to  abandon  the  plan  of  great 
wagon  laagers,  and  employ  nothing  but  horse  commandos.  De 
Wet  tells  us  that  the  effect  of  this  council  was  to  introduce  a  fine 
spirit  into  the  Boer  army,  and  that  the  watchword  "  Forward  !  " 
was  in  the  mind  and  on  the  tongue  of  every  one. 

Whilst  Roberts  was  at  Bloemfontein  preparing  for  his  advance  Disaster 
to  Pretoria  occurred  the  disastrous  defeat  of  Sanna's  Post,  or  **  Banna's 
Koorn  Spruit,  as  it  is  also  called,  arranged  and  carried  out  by  Postt 
the  crafty  and  courageous  De  Wet  on  March  3ist.  Broad  wood, 
in  command  of  Sanna's  Post  on  the  Modder,  was  retreating  to 
Bloemfontein  for  greater  security,  and  De  Wet  was  anxious  to 
capture  the  waterworks  in  order  that  he  might  deprive  the 
garrison  of  Bloemfontein  of  their  supply  of  that  necessity.  De 
Wet,  who  had  350  men  with  him,  occupied  a  ravine  which  com- 
municated with  the  Modder,  called  Koorn  Spruit,  and  he  placed 
his  force,  concealed  in  this  ravine,  on  either  side  of  the  ford, 
through  which  the  road  from  Sanna's  Post  to  Bloemfontein  passes. 
There  was  another  force  of  Boers,  1,150  strong,  to  the  left  of  the 
Modder.  The  British  wagons  came  first,  containing  chiefly  women 
and  children.  As  they  crossed  the  Drift  they  were  threatened 
by  De  Wet  that  if  they  gave  the  slightest  sign  the  drivers  would 
be  shot.  The  British  troops,  seeing  the  wagons  pass  in  safety, 
thought  that  everything  was  secure,  and  descended  into  the 
stream.  As  they  reached  it,  they  were  met  with  the  cry,  "  Hands 
up !  "  More  troops  followed,  and  200  were  secured  before  they 
knew  where  they  were.  When  the  disaster  was  discovered  the 
British  retreated  to  the  railway  station,  about  1,300  yards  distant, 
a  terrific  fire  being  opened  upon  them  as  they  retreated.  The 
larger  force  of  Boers  did  not  arrive  for  three  hours,  and 
during  that  time  the  battle  raged  severely.  Broadwood  received, 
most  unaccountably,  no  help  from  Bloemfontein,  which  was 
only  seventeen  miles  distant.  At  last,  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Boer  reinforcements,  the  British  retreated.  De  Wet  had  only 
three  killed  and  five  wounded  ;  Broadwood  had  330  dead  and 
ze  465 


Boer 
Distrust. 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

wounded,  besides  the  loss  of  421   prisoners,  seven  guns,  and  117 
wagons. 

Reddersberg.  Four  days  later  another  disaster  took  place  at  Reddersberg. 
De  Wet  had  with  him  a  force  of  over  800  men  and  three 
Krupp  guns.  The  British  and  the  Boers  marched  together 
towards  a  ridge,  the  former  getting  there  first.  However, 
De  Wet,  finding  himself  in  a  superior  position,  wrote  to  the 
commanding  officer,  calling  upon  him  to  surrender  to  avoid 
bloodshed,  to  which  the  officer  replied,  "I  am  damned  if  I 
will  surrender !  "  De  Wet  made  it  impossible  for  the  British 
to  escape  during  the  night,  and  began  his  attack  at  daylight  next 
morning,  April  4th,  and  at  n  the  white  flag  was  hoisted,  and 
they  had  to  surrender,  470  prisoners  being  taken. 

De  Wet  tells  us  that,  notwithstanding  a  proclamation  of  Lord 
Roberts  guaranteeing  the  property  and  personal  liberty  of  the 
burghers  who  did  not  fight,  they  were  captured  while  peace- 
fully working  on  their  farms.  This  was  probably  due  to  accident, 
but  it  made  the  Boers  feel  that  the  British  were  not  to  be  trusted, 
and  justified  the  message  sent  by  De  Wet  to  Steyn  that  Roberts 
was  his  best  recruiting  officer. 

At  this  time  the  enormous  forces  at  the  disposal  of  the  British 
commander  began  to  produce  an  effect,  and  all  De  Wet  could 
do  was  to  hang  upon  their  rear  and  offer  a  certain  amount  of 
resistance.  Kroonstad  was  taken  and,  on  May  i8th,  Roberts 
prepared  to  advance  farther.  It  was  decreed  that  Louis  Botha, 
who  commanded  the  Transvaal  forces,  should  cross  the  Vaal, 
and  that  the  Orange  burghers  should  remain  behind  in  their  own 
country.  This  division  between  the  two  allies  was  made  purely 
for  strategic  purposes.  The  number  of  45,000  burghers,  with 
which  the  campaign  had  begun,  was  now  reduced  to  15,000,  partly 
by  Cronje's  surrender  and  partly  by  the  fact  that  a  number  of 
Boers  had  returned  to  their  farms.  It  was  hopeless  for  this 
handful  to  make  a  stand  against  240,000  men  and  350  guns.  De 
Wet  says  that  he  was  ashamed  to  retreat,  but  that  if  he  did  so  it 
was  because  it  was  impossible  for  one  man  to  stand  against  twelve. 
On  May  28th  Roberts  passed  the  Klip  River  without  fighting. 
The  country  had  become  more  populous,  and  on  the  hills  were 
seen  high  chimneys  and  iron  pumps  which  made  the  northern 
soldiers  feel  homesick.  This  was  the  famous  Rand,  the  cause  of 
the  war,  the  source  of  untold  wealth.  A  battle  was  fought  at 
Doornkop  by  the  British  left  flank,  and  on  May  3ist  Johannes- 
burg was  entered.  After  two  days'  halt  the  army  advanced  to 
Pretoria,  thirty  miles  to  the  north,  and  in  the  early  morning  of 

466 


Pretoria 
Occupied, 


DE    WET'S    HUMOUR 

June  5th  that  beautiful  city,  the  pride  of  the  Boer  Government, 
was  entered.  The  first  thought  was  to  release  the  prisoners,  who 
had  been  admirably  treated.  On  June  lyth  Buller  had  forced 
his  way  over  the  Drakensberg,  crossing  the  mountains  between 
Botha's  Pass  and  Laing's  Nek,  so  that  the  Boers  were  surrounded 
on  all  sides.  Steyn  and  De  Wet  were  full  of  anxiety.  The 
burghers  were  leaving  in  crowds  for  their  farms,  so  that  there 
were  plenty  of  officers,  but  no  men.  But  besides  De  Wet,  Louis 
Botha  and  Delarey  showed  splendid  examples  of  foititude,  and 
pursued  the  war  with  invincible  determination.  The  force  of  the 
Orange  Free  State  was  reduced  to  8,000  men. 

After  the  capture  of  Bloemfontein  and  Pretoria  and  the  The  Boers' 
annexation  of  the  Orange  Free  State,  later  called  the  Orange  River  SP°U  at 
Colony,  and  the  Transvaal,  the  war  continued  for  a  considerable  RoodeYaL 
time,  sustained  mainly  by  the  genius  and  energy  of  Christian  de 
Wet.  He  has  left  an  account  of  it  in  his  well- written  and  amusing 
memoirs,  which  give  a  clear  idea  of  the  fight  from  the  inside.  The 
capture  near  Heilbron  of  200  Highlanders  and  forty  heavily-laden 
wagons  was  followed  by  the  assault  of  Roodeval  Station.  After 
a  furious  fire  the  white  flag  was  hoisted  by  the  British,  the  defeated 
body  being  allowed  to  retain  their  personal  belongings,  but  the 
mail  bags  remaining  a  prize  of  war.  The  post  contained  all  kinds 
of  articles — underclothing,  stockings,  oranges,  and  plum  puddings. 
The  Boers,  allowed  to  carry  away  anything  they  pleased,  almost 
sank  under  the  weight  of  the  spoil.  All  that  was  left  was  con- 
sumed by  fire.  Shortly  afterwards  Kitchener  had  a  narrow  escape 
from  capture.  He  was  in  a  train  which  the  Boers  stopped,  and 
orders  to  storm  it  were  not  obeyed.  The  general  procured  a 
horse  from  one  of  the  vans,  mounted  it,  and  disappeared  into 
the  darkness. 

Almost  as  great  a  blow  to  the  Boers  as  the  capture  of  Cronje  Surrender  of 
was  the  surrender  of  Prinsloo  on  July  3oth.  Towards  the  end  Prinsloo. 
of  this  month  the  Boers  were  being  hemmed  in  on  every  side  by 
the  British,  and  the  pressure  was  becoming  unendurable.  Every 
hill  round  the  Boer  position  sparkled  with  heliographs,  nor  had 
the  Boer  generals  the  spirit  of  De  Wet.  They  elected  Prinsloo 
irregularly  to  the  chief  command,  and  the  first  use  he  made  of 
his  authority  was  to  surrender.  He  sent  a  message  to  Hunter 
asking  for  an  armistice,  and  when  this  was  refused,  hoisted  the 
white  flag  and  surrendered  unconditionally  with  all  his  men. 
Such  was  the  independence  of  the  Boers  that  it  was  some  time 
before  they  all  came  in.  Indeed,  Olivier,  with  1,500  men 
and  several  guns,  broke  away  and  escaped  through  the  hills. 

467 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

But  the  loss  to  the  Boers  amounted  to   more  than   4,000   com- 
batants. 

De  Wet's  De  Wet  now  adopted  the  policy  of  dividing  the  commandos 

Guerilla  jnto  small  parties,  so  as  not  to  risk  any  great  battles,  but  to  force 
Tactics.  tjie  British  to  split  up  their  forces  as  well.  In  this  way,  although 
the  Boers  lost  many  men,  their  enemies  lost  more,  and  the  former 
made  a  number  of  prisoners  whom  they  were  not  able  to  keep. 
The  habit  came  into  vogue  of  stripping  the  prisoners  of  their 
clothing,  partly  with  a  view  to  prevent  them  from  immediately 
taking  part  again  in  the  struggle,  and  partly  to  supply  the  Boers 
with  garments  of  which  they  were  sorely  in  need.  The  bitterness 
of  the  war  became  accentuated.  De  Wet's  army  had  no  provi- 
sions except  meat,  bread  and  maize,  and  even  these  were  scarce. 
Coffee  and  sugar  were  entirely  lacking,  except  when  they  could 
be  captured  from  the  enemy.  The  practice  was  adopted  of  blow- 
ing up  trains  by  placing  the  barrel  and  lock  of  a  gun  with  a 
dynamite  cartridge  under  a  sleeper,  so  that,  when  the  engine 
passed  it  exploded  and  the  train  was  blown  up.  Thus  it  became 
necessary  to  guard  the  railway  with  soldiers  and  impossible  to 
run  trains  by  night. 

On  August  7th,  1901,  Kitchener  issued  a  proclamation  calling 
upon  all  burghers  to  surrender  before  September  I5th.  To  this 
De  Wet  replied  stating  that  the  Boers  were  still  hoping  for  inter- 
vention, and  that  the  moral  feeling  of  the  civilised  world  would 
protect  them  against  the  crime  which  Great  Britain  was  com- 
mitting in  South  Africa,  of  exterminating  a  young  nation  ;  but 
that  should  this  not  be  the  case  they  would  exert  their  utmost 
strength  to  defend  themselves,  firmly  trusting  in  the  mercy  of 
God. 

Kitchener's  There  is  no  doubt,  from  De  Wet's  narrative,  that  the  Boers 
Blockhouses.  were  greatly  assisted  by  the  farmers,  and  that,  as  they  were 
pursued,  they  found  rest  and  sometimes  sustenance  at  one  farm 
or  another,  as  was  but  natural.  Roberts,  however,  determined 
to  burn  these  farms,  which  created  great  resentment  amongst 
the  famishing  Boers  and  tended  to  prolong  rather  than  to  shorten 
the  war.  The  farm-houses  were  destroyed  with  everything  they 
contained,  and  the  women  and  children  were  collected  into 
concentration  camps,  where  they  suffered  great  hardships.  An 
enormous  number  of  blockhouses  were  also  erected,  never  more  than 
a  thousand  paces  from  each  other,  joined  together  with  barbed 
wire,  and  so  placed  that  one  could  be  seen  from  the  other.  De 
Wet's  opinion  is  that  the  blockhouses  prolonged  the  war  for  three 
months,  and  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  they  repaid  the 

468 


BOER    TERMS    OF    PEACE 

cost  of  building  them  and  of  maintaining  the  garrisons  which 
occupied  them.  More  embarrassing  to  the  Boers  were  the  night 
attacks,  which  kept  them  in  continual  unrest  and  led  to  many 
disasters. 

The  last  months  of  the  war  were  spent  in  efforts  to  catch  The  Elusive 
De  Wet,  who  not  only  eluded  capture,  but  inflicted  considerable  De  Wefc- 
loss  on  his  pursuers.     At  the  end  of  January,  1902,  a  drive  began 
with  the  object  of  forcing  De  Wet's  army  against  one  of  the  two 
lines  of  blockhouses,  but  the  elusive  guerilla  general  cut  through 
the  wire  fence  close  to  a  blockhouse,  and  made  the  other  side 
in   safety.     So    on    two    or    three    other  occasions  De  Wet  just 
managed  to  elude  capture. 

By  this  time   King  Edward   had   succeeded  Queen  Victoria,  Overtures 
and  the  Government  of  the  Netherlands  made  offers  of  media-  for  peace. 
tion,   which  were  rejected  by  Great  Britain.    Lord  Lansdowne, 
however,   suggested   that   Steyn,   President   of   the   Orange   Free 
State,  and  Schalk  Burger,  Vice-President  of  the  Transvaal,  acting 
in  the  place  of  Kruger,  who  was  now  in  Europe,  should  com- 
municate  with   the   British   Commander-in-Chief  and  make   any 
proposals  which  occurred  to  them.?  This  looked  like  a  suggestion 
that  the  Presidents  might  meet  Lord  Kitchener  with  a  view  to 
making  peace. 

Representatives  of  the  two  Boer  Governments  met  at  Klerks-  Kitchener 
dorp  on  April  9th,  1902,  Schalk  Burger,  Louis  Botha  and  Delarey  Meets  Boep 
appearing  with  others  on  behalf  of  the  Transvaal,  and  Steyn,  De  Leaders> 
Wet  and  Olivier  on  behalf  of  the  Free  State.  After  Louis  Botha, 
De  Wet  and  Delarey  had  given  an  account  of  the  condition  of 
affairs,  Steyn  said  that  unless  the  British  were  prepared  to  grant 
independence  the  war  must  go  on.  "  We  would  rather  submit 
to  unconditional  surrender  than  make  terms/'  After  further 
discussions  it  was  determined  to  offer  terms  of  peace  to  Kitchener 
and  suggest  a  meeting  to  discuss  them,  and  these  were  outlined 
in  a  letter  sent  to  Kitchener,  who  was  at  Pretoria,  signed  by  Steyn 
and  Burger.  The  letter  proposed  that  the  peace  should  include 
a  customs,  post,  telegraph,  and  railway  union,  the  granting  of 
the  franchise,  equal  rights  for  the  English  and  Dutch  languages 
in  schools,  and  arrangements  for  arbitration  in  frontier  disputes. 
The  meeting  took  place  at  Pretoria  on  April  I2th,  but  it  was 
found  that  there  was  strong  divergence  on  the  most  vital  point, 
the  independence  of  the  two  Republics,  the  Boers  declaring  that 
they  had  no  powers  to  surrender  the  countries  they  governed, 
the  British  refusing  to  annul  the  annexation  which  had  already 
taken  place. 

469 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Miiner  Milner  was  now  nominated  to  act  with  Kitchener  as  repre- 

Acts  with  senting  the  British  Government.  The  two  plenipotentiaries  con- 
sented to  allow  the  various  commandos  to  be  consulted  on  the 
question  of  independence,  and  that  representatives  should  be 
chosen,  who  should  meet  at  Vereeniging  on  May  I5th,  for  the 
purpose  of  declaring  the  people's  will.  Louis  Botha,  Delarey  and 
De  Wet  received  safe  conducts,  enabling  them  to  visit  the  several 
commandos.  They  consulted  eight  commandos,  who  unanimously 
decided  to  maintain  their  independence,  and  the  commandos 
consulted  by  others  were  of  like  mind.  Representatives  were 
chosen  to  meet  at  Vereeniging  on  the  day  appointed,  each 
accompanied  by  one  man. 

Treaty  of  Steyn  was  very  ill,  and  his  doctor  positively  forbade  him  to 

Ye*eeniging  attend  the  meeting.  His  absence  was  a  very  serious  loss.  De 
Signed.  ^et  says  tkat  ne  was  a  statesman  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word, 
that  he  had  gained  the  respect  and  affection  of  all,  and  that  no 
task  was  too  heavy  for  him,  no  burden  too  great  if  he  could  serve 
his  people.  He  never  complained  ;  he  fought  for  Boer  independ- 
ence until  he  could  fight  no  longer  and  he  was  worn  out,  as  weak 
as  a  child,  although  his  mind  was  still  strong.  The  Commission 
that  discussed  the  terms  of  peace  with  Kitchener  at  Pretoria 
were  Louis  Botha,  De  Wet,  Delarey,  Hertzog  and  Smuts.  The 
negotiations  continued  from  May  i8th  to  May  2gth,  and  on  May 
3 ist  the  proposals  of  the  British  Government  were  accepted,  and 
the  independence  of  the  two  Republics  was  at  an  end.  The 
representatives  agreed  that  nothing  else  could  be  done.  The 
Boers  still  had  20,000  soldiers — 10,000  from  the  Transvaal,  6,000 
from  the  Free  State,  and  4,000  from  Cape  Colony — but  further 
resistance  was  felt  to  be  impossible.  The  plenipotentiaries  met 
on  the  evening  of  May  3ist,  1902,  at  Kitchener's  house  at 
Pretoria  and  signed  the  treaty.  The  burghers  in  the  commandos 
laid  down  their  arms  and  by  June  i6th  the  war  was  over  and 
the  Dutch  farmers  had  submitted  to  their  fate. 

British  De  Wet,  giving  an  account  of  this  event  six  months  after  it 

Generosity,  ^ad  happened,  addressed  a  last  word  to  his  countrymen  :  "  Be 
loyal  to  the  new  Government.  Loyalty  pays  best  in  the  end ; 
loyalty  alone  is  worthy  of  a  nation  which  has  done  its  best  and 
shed  its  blood  for  freedom."  Happily  this  advice  was  followed, 
and  the  loyalty  of  the  Boers  to  their  new  masters  was  met  by 
generosity  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  The  Government  which 
made  the  war  proceeded  with  cautious  steps,  but  the  advent 
of  the  Liberal  Government  in  1905  hastened  matters.  Full 
self-government  was  granted  to  the  Transvaal  in  1906,  and  to 

470 


UNITED    SOUTH    AFRICA 

the  Orange  River  Colony  in  1907.  A  convention,  sitting  from 
October,  1908,  to  February,  1909,  first  at  Durban  and  then  at 
Cape  Town,  drafted  a  Constitution  for  South  Africa  which  was 
ratified  by  Act  of  Parliament  in  September,  1909. 

Under  this  Constitution,  at  the  head  of  the  Union  is  a  The 
Governor-General,  appointed  by  the  Crown,  and  there  is  a  Parlia-  Constitution 
ment  of  two  Houses — a  Senate  and  a  House  of  Assembly.  The  ° 
Senate  contains  forty  members  holding  office  for  ten  years,  eight 
nominated  by  the  Governor-General,  and  thirty-two  representing 
equally  the  four  provinces.  The  members  of  the  Lower  House 
are  elected  according  to  population.  Members  of  both  Houses 
must  be  British  subjects  of  European  descent.  The  Senate  has 
no  power  to  originate  or  to  amend  money  Bills,  and  in  case  of  a 
dispute  there  is  to  be  a  joint  session  of  both  Chambers.  The 
Governments  of  the  four  provinces  are  administrative  bodies, 
free  from  party  politics.  They  are  governed  by  an  administrator 
appointed  by  the  Governor-General,  a  council  elected  for  three 
years,  and  an  executive  of  four  chosen  by  the  council  to  act  with 
the  administrator.  The  councils  control  local  institutions,  works, 
and  other  matters  referred  to  them  by  Parliament.  Lord  Glad- 
stone, the  son  of  the  great  Minister,  was  appropriately  appointed 
the  first  Governor-General. 

The  coronation  of  George  V.  was  the  occasion  of  a  Colonial 
Conference,  in  which  the  unity  of  the  British  Empire  was  con- 
solidated on  the  wise  principles  of  trust  and  confidence.  No 
colonial  representative  was  acclaimed  more  loyally  or  greeted 
more  affectionately  than  Louis  Botha,  the  general  who  had  fought 
so  bravely  against  the  British.  There  seemed  every  hope  that 
the  close  of  a  bitter  war  would  ensure  a  lasting  peace,  just  as  the 
richest  harvest  grows  on  the  field  of  battle  on  which  human 
slaughter  has  been  most  severe. 


47' 


Japan's 
Loss  of 
Influence 
in  Korea. 


Anglo- 
Japanese 
Alliance. 


CHAPTER  XVII 
THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR 

THE  Treaty  of  Shimonoseki,  which  closed  the  war  between  China 
and  Japan,  was  signed  in  the  spring  of  1895.  On  October  8th 
in  the  same  year  the  Queen  of  Korea  was  murdered.  She  was 
a  woman  of  great  strength  of  character  and  intellectual  ability. 
She  had  lofty  ambitions,  both  for  herself  and  her  country,  founded 
on  association  with  China  and  enthusiasm  for  Chinese  civilisa- 
tion. But  the  result  of  the  war  of  1894  had  been  to  substitute 
the  influence  of  Japan  for  that  of  China  in  the  affairs  of  Korea. 
On  the  day  mentioned  a  sudden  attack  was  made  on  the  palace 
by  a  crowd  composed  mainly  of  Japanese.  They  forced  an  entry 
into  the  Queen's  apartments,  where  she  and  some  of  her  ladies 
were  ruthlessly  murdered  with  every  circumstance  of  cruelty  and 
indignity.  The  Japanese  Government  strongly  disapproved  of 
this  crime,  and  all  who  had  taken  part  in  the  outrage  were  recalled 
from  Korea  ;  but  the  result  was  to  destroy  Japanese  influence 
in  the  peninsula.  The  King  took  refuge  in  the  Russian  Legation 
at  Seoul  and  did  not  move  out  of  it  for  two  years.  The  influence 
of  Japan  was  entirely  annihilated,  and  that  of  Russia  prevailed 
in  its  stead.  Korea  was  gradually  becoming  a  possession  of 
Russia. 

This  was  one  of  the  ultimate  causes  of  the  Russo-Japanese 
War.  Another  cause  lay  in  the  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the 
island  of  Sakhalin.  This  island,  which  had  belonged  to  Japan 
from  the  eighteenth  century,  was  ceded  to  Russia  in  the  Treaty 
of  St.  Petersburg,  1875.  But,  as  time  went  on,  the  value  of 
Sakhalin  as  a  field  of  Japanese  extension  was  discovered,  and  the 
increase  of  her  population  made  it  essential  to  find  further 
territory  for  her  surplus  people.  Japan  took  an  important  share 
in  the  suppression  of  the  Boxer  movement,  which  was  effected 
by  the  concert  of  Europe,  and  before  relief  had  come  from  the 
West  had  landed  an  army  of  21,000  excellent  soldiers,  fully 
equipped  in  every  particular,  at  Taku,  and  fought  side  by  side 
with  the  British  and  the  Americans.  On  January  soth,  1902, 
Great  Britain  signed  a  defensive  treaty  with  Japan,  which  made 
the  two  countries  guarantors  of  peace  in  the  Far  East.  The 

472 


JAPAN    CHALLENGES    RUSSIA 

former  was  relieved  from  the  burden  of  maintaining  a  powerful 
fleet  in  Eastern  waters,  and  the  Japanese  obtained  recognition 
as  a  great  civilising  Power. 

A  few  months  after  this,  on  April  8th,  1902,  a  treaty  was  Russia's 
signed  between  China  and  Russia  by  which  Russia  promised  to  Broken 
respect  the  integrity  of  China  and  to  evacuate  Manchuria.  These, 
coupled  with  other  events,  seemed  to  open  up  a  prospect  of  peace 
in  the  Far  East.  Russia  had  obtained  an  ice-free  port  in  the 
Pacific,  Japan  had  come  to  an  arrangement  with  Russia  about 
Korea,  and  Manchuria,  which  had  been  occupied  by  Russia,  was 
to  be  gradually  evacuated.  This  operation  was  to  be  effected 
in  three  periods  of  six  months  each,  a  definite  section  being 
restored  to  China  at  the  close  of  each  period.  At  the  end  of  the 
first  period,  which  ended  in  October,  1902,  the  money  was  duly 
paid  and  the  section  evacuated  ;  but  at  the  end  of  the  second,  in 
April,  1903,  Russia  declined  to  fulfil  her  engagements  unless  some 
new  arrangements,  not  mentioned  in  the  original  treaty,  were 
made  with  regard  to  Manchuria.  This  China,  supported  by  Great 
Britain,  America  and  Japan,  refused  to  do.  There  was  also 
evidence  of  Russian  encroachment  in  Korea,  while  the  memory 
of  the  cession  of  Sakhalin  in  1875  and  of  Port  Arthur  at  a  more 
recent  date  rankled  in  the  minds  of  the  Japanese.  They,  there- 
fore, protested,  asking  Russia  to  fulfil  her  engagements  with  regard 
to  Manchuria  and  refrain  from  agitation  in  Korea.  The  rest 
of  the  year  was  spent  in  diplomatic  negotiations,  during  which 
time  Russia  took  the  opportunity  of  strengthening  her  military 
position.  At  last  in  January,  1904,  Japan  agreed  to  withdraw 
from  the  advocacy  of  Chinese  interests  in  Manchuria,  but  pressed 
her  claims  with  regard  to  Korea. 

As  no  answer  was  received  to  her  ultimatum,  Japan  practic-  japan 
ally   declared   war   on   February   5th,    1904.     It   was   a   strange  Declares 
position.    A  small  Asiatic  Power,  only  a  short  time  ago  a  stranger  War- 
to  European  affairs,  challenged  the  Colossus  of  whose  encroach- 
ments all  the  world  was  afraid,  who  had  her  feet  in  the  East  and 
the  West  and  seemed  to  bestride  the  habitable  globe.     But  Japan 
had  well  calculated  her  task,  and  knew  what  she  was  about. 

What   forces   could   Russia   bring   against   Japan   in   the   Far  The  Russian 
East  ?     She  had  at  the  moment  a  comparatively  small  number  Forces, 
of  available  troops  east  of  Lake  Baikal,  and  these  were  scattered 
over  a  large  area  of  nearly  1,000  miles  in  extent.     Reinforcements 
could  only  be  brought  up  by  the  Eastern  Siberian  Railway,  and 
the  road  was  interrupted  by  Lake  Baikal,  the  railway  round  the 
lake  not  having  been  at  that  time  completed.    This  necessitated 

473 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

a  journey  of  thirty  miles  over  an  inland  sea.  In  the  winter  the 
lake  was  frozen,  in  the  spring  the  ice  was  breaking  up,  and  not 
until  May  could  the  steamers  get  to  work.  Japan,  therefore, 
knew  that  in  the  most  favourable  circumstances  Russia  could 
only  place  80,000  men  in  the  field  at  the  beginning  of  the 
campaign.  On  the  other  hand,  Japan  could  mobilise  150,000 
men  immediately,  and  had  plenty  more  in  reserve.  She  had  also 
national  enthusiasm  and  self-devotion  on  her  side.  Her  people 
were  ready  to  sacrifice  blood  and  treasure  in  the  pursuit  of  objects 
they  believed  essential  to  their  existence,  and  in  obedience  to 
the  commands  of  the  Emperor,  devotion  to  whom  was  the  main- 
spring of  the  national  life.  Russia  dreaded  the  war  which  was 
forced  upon  her,  and  went  to  meet  her  doom  with  a  sullen 
determination  which  presaged  the  disaster  she  feared.  The  sea- 
power  of  the  two  combatants  was  nearly  equal  on  paper :  Japan 
had  seven  battleships  and  thirty-one  cruisers,  Russia  seven 
battleships  and  eighteen  cruisers.  The  battle-fleet  of  Russia 
was  stronger  in  metal,  but  the  Japanese  fleet  was  the 
admiration,  the  Russian  the  ridicule,  of  the  world. 
Attack  on  The  first  object  of  the  Japanese  was  to  capture  Port  Arthur, 

Port  Arthur  yfafch  ^ey  had  wrested  from  China  in  their  war  with  that  country, 
but  had  been  compelled  to  surrender  in  1895,  and  which  had 
become  Russian  in  1897.  Japan  determined,  therefore,  to  attack 
at  once  the  Russian  fleet  at  Port  Arthur  and  Chemulpo,  and  to 
force  Korea  into  a  position  of  benevolent  neutrality  in  order  that 
she  might  be  able  to  march  through  that  country  to  the  Yalu. 
On  February  6th  a  body  of  troops,  escorted  by  a  small  squadron, 
sailed  for  Chemulpo,  while  the  main  fleet,  under  the  famous 
Admiral  Togo,  set  out  for  Port  Arthur.  On  February  gth  Seoul, 
the  capital  of  Korea,  was  occupied  by  the  Japanese,  and  on  the 
same  day  Togo  inflicted  a  severe  defeat  on  the  Russian  ships  at 
Port  Arthur.  By  April  2Oth  the  Japanese  had  marched  through 
Korea  and  were  concentrated  behind  the  Yalu,  while  Togo 
exhibited  ceaseless  activity  before  Port  Arthur.  The  Russian 
admiral,  Makarov,  had  arrived  from  Europe  early  in  March,  and 
for  a  time  stimulated  the  activity  of  the  Russian  fleet ;  but  on 
April  1 3th  his  flagship,  the  Petropavlovsk,  was  sunk  by  a  mine 
with  himself  and  600  men  on  board,  and  the  Pobieda,  another 
battleship,  was  severely  injured. 

Kouropatkin  In  March,  1905,  Kouropatkin  appeared  on  the  scene,  having 
been  appointed  Russian  Commander-in-Chief  in  the  Far  East. 
He  had  gained  his  reputation  by  being  Skobelev's  right-hand  man 
in  the  Russo-Turkish  War  in  1877,  and  had  been  for  some  years 

474 


JAPAN    PROVES    HER    SUPERIORITY 

head  of  the  War  Ministry  at  St.  Petersburg.  He  determined  to 
concentrate  his  army  at  Liaoyang,  the  point  at  which  the  roads 
from  Korea  and  the  southern  and  western  coasts  of  Manchuria 
meet,  and  not  assume  the  offensive  until  he  had  amassed  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  troops  to  be  able  to  act  with  effect.  But  the 
carrying  out  of  this  project  required  more  resolution  and  endurance 
than  the  Russians  possessed.  Admiral  Alexeiev,  the  Viceroy  of 
Manchuria,  was  extremely  anxious  to  secure  Port  Arthur,  not 
realising  that  it  must  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  final  victors, 
and  that  it  mattered  little  whether  it  was  held  for  a  time 
by  Russia  or  Japan,  so  long  as  the  eventual  triumph  was  secured 
for  the  Russian  arms.  He  therefore  strongly  opposed  the  Fabian 
policy  of  Kouropatkin  and  did  his  best  to  undermine  his  influence 
with  the  Russian  Court. 

At  the  end  of  April  the  Russian  military  forces  east  of  Lake  The 
Baikal  were  divided  into  four  sections.  Kouropatkin  had  about  Opposing 
45,000  men  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Liaoyang,  Stoessel  19,000 
in  Port  Arthur,  Linevich  16,000  near  Vladivostok,  and  Zasulich 
9,000  on  the  Korean  frontier.  On  May  ist  the  Japanese  general, 
Kuroki,  made  a  scientific  attack  upon  Zasulich's  position ;  this 
was  a  complete  success,  and  after  two  hours  the  Japanese  found 
themselves  on  the  north  of  the  Yalu.  This  was  the  first  battle 
which  had  been  fought  with  equal  conditions  of  weapons  and 
other  matters  between  white  and  yellow  troops,  and  the  yellow 
race  gained  a  signal  victory.  The  Russians  lost  1,800  killed  and 
wounded,  600  prisoners,  and  29  guns,  the  Japanese  only  1,021 
killed  and  wounded.  This  victory  produced  a  great  moral  effect, 
and  showed  how  fruitful  had  been  the  pains  taken  by  Japan  in 
the  training  of  her  army  under  German  instructions.  The  soldiers 
were  steady,  cleanly  and  abstemious ;  the  officers  trained  up  to 
the  highest  level  of  modern  military  science.  This  theoretical 
training  now  received  the  consecration  of  practical  advantage, 
and  produced  a  powerful  effect  not  only  in  Japan,  but  on  the 
world  at  large.  The  Russian  troops  were  very  different.  The 
men  were  dogged,  determined  and  patient,  but  lacking  in  initia- 
tive ;  the  officers  were  deficient  in  scientific  training,  and  the 
colonels  were  given  over  to  jealousy  and  intrigue.  The  cumbrous, 
inert,  but  passively  powerful  Russian  troops  were  ill-matched 
against  the  alert,  vigorous  and  resourceful  enemies  to  whom  they 
were  opposed,  and  the  contrast  became  more  prominent  as  the 
war  proceeded. 

The  next  efforts  of  the  Japanese  were  directed  to  cutting  off 
Port  Arthur  from  any  prospect  of  help  by  land  from  the  interior 

475 


Kouro- 
patkin's 
Ignorance 
of  His 
Enemy. 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

of  Russia.  This  was  effected  by  the  second  army  under  Baron 
Oku,  which  had  gradually  been  collected  at  Chinampo.  On 
May  3rd  Togo  reported  that  he  had  so  far  succeeded  in  blocking 
the  mouth  of  the  harbour  of  Port  Arthur,  that  battleships  and 
large  cruisers  were  no  longer  able  to  come  out  to  hinder  Japanese 
operations.  So,  on  the  evening  of  May  4th,  some  of  the  second 
army  appeared  off  the  mouth  of  the  Huaguan,  where  they  had 
landed  in  the  previous  war  in  1894,  and  began  to  disembark  on 
the  following  morning  under  cover  of  fire  from  the  gunboats.  As 
the  tide  was  low  the  soldiers  had  to  wade  breast-deep  1,000  yards, 
but  the  Japanese  flag  was  hoisted  on  the  heights  of  the  Liaotung 
Peninsula.  Indeed,  10,000  men  were  landed  before  nightfall. 
On  May  6th  the  railway  was  severed,  and  a  few  days  later  the 
Japanese  were  established  securely  across  the  peninsula  and  Port 
Arthur  was  cut  off  from  communication  with  the  world.  The 
scheme  had  been  admirably  conceived  and  was  perfectly  executed. 

The  Japanese  kept  the  number  and  nature  of  the  troops  which 
were  being  disembarked  in  Manchuria  secret,  and  the  Russians 
had  to  rely  on  native  rumours.  Kouropatkin,  under  the  impres- 
sion that  the  Japanese  force  was  much  larger  than  it  really  was, 
delayed  the  attack,  and  when,  at  the  end  of  the  month,  he 
endeavoured,  by  means  of  cavalry,  to  recover  his  connection  with 
the  coast,  he  found  this  was  impossible.  On  May  igth,  10,000 
men,  under  General  Kamamura,  landed  at  Takushan,  and  thus 
connected  the  forces  of  Kuroki  and  Oku.  The  Russians  were 
entirely  in  the  dark  as  to  the  number  of  this  army,  which  they 
greatly  exaggerated,  and  Kouropatkin's  ignorance  of  his  adver- 
sary's strength  continued  throughout  the  war,  and  was  a  serious 
hindrance  to  his  strategy. 

Oku  now  began  to  advance  against  Port  Arthur,  while  a 
Port  Arthur.  Japanese  naval  squadron  demonstrated  along  the  coast,  deterring 
Kouropatkin  from  sending  reinforcements  for  fear  of  a  landing  on 
his  flank.  The  position  in  Port  Arthur  itself  was  by  no  means 
satisfactory.  Stoessel  had  the  chief  command,  but  Smirnov  had 
been  sent  from  Europe  to  take  control  of  the  fortress,  so  that 
the  place  was  exposed  to  all  the  difficulties  of  a  divided  command. 
Kouropatkin  foreseeing  the  consequences,  had  ordered  Stoessel 
to  leave,  but  the  latter  suppressed  the  order  and  remained  until 
the  place  was  so  closely  invested  that  it  was  impossible  for  him 
to  depart. 

Oku  proceeded  to  attack  the  strong  position  of  Nanshan, 
situated  on  the  Kuantung  Peninsula,  between  the  Bay  of 
Kinchow  on  one  side  and  Hamid  Bay  on  the  other.  The  place 

476 


Position  in 


OPERATIONS    AGAINST    PORT    ARTHUR 

itself  was  defended  by  General  Fock.  The  assault  was  made  on 
May  26th,  Oku  being  assisted  by  gunboats  and  torpedo  boats, 
vessels  of  a  deeper  draught  being  unable  to  operate  in  the  shallow 
waters  of  Kinehow.  But  Nanshan  was  extremely  strong,  and 
the  vigorous  assaults  of  the  Japanese  infantry  were  for  a  long 
time  repulsed.  Russian  ammunition  ran  short,  but  Fock  might 
have  gained  a  victory  with  his  immense  superiority  of  position. 
At  last  the  Japanese  concentrated  their  efforts  on  a  fresh  bom- 
bardment, and  under  this  the  Russians  began  to  give  way,  and 
at  7  in  the  evening,  after  sixteen  hours'  incessant  fighting,  the 
Japanese  infantry,  wading  through  the  shoal  water  on  the  Russian 
left,  penetrated  into  the  works  and  became  masters  of  the  entire 
position.  Stoessel  ordered  Fock  to  retire,  and  consequently 
eighty-two  cannon  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors.  The 
Japanese  lost  the  enormous  number  of  4,192  men,  the.  Russians 
perhaps  over  2,000.  On  the  following  day  the  Russians  were 
pursued  to  Port  Arthur  and  the  terminus  of  the  Siberian  Railway 
was  occupied.  This  brilliant  and  complete  victory  was  achieved 
by  the  marvellous  dash  and  persistence  of  the  Japanese,  and  the 
effective  co-operation  of  the  army  and  fleet. 

On  May  3Oth  Dalny  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Japanese  Japanese 
without  opposition,  and  with  it  290  railway  wagons.     Its  posses-  NaYal 
sion  gave  the   Japanese   an   ice-free   port   for   the  next   winter,     osses* 
whether   Port  Arthur  stood  or  fell.      On    the   other  hand,    the 
Japanese  suffered  a  serious  loss  by  the  destruction  of  the  two  battle- 
ships Hatsuse  and  Yashima,  by  mines,  on  May  i5th.      The  loss 
of  the  Hatsuse  produced  a  sensation  in  Europe,  but  that  of  the 
Yashima  was  not  known  until  months  afterwards.     The  crew  of 
the  latter  were  saved  and  drafted  into  other  ships. 

At  the  beginning  of  June  the  Japanese  were  free  to  engage  Japanese 
in  direct  operations  against  Port  Arthur.  A  third  army  under  Advance. 
Baron  Noghi  was  to  conduct  the  siege  ;  the  second  army,  under 
Oku,  advanced  along  the  railway  up  to  Yingkow ;  and  the 
first  army,  under  Kuroki,  had  advanced  as  far  as  Fenghwang- 
cheng.  Kuroki  proceeded  into  the  valley  of  the  Liao  by  the 
Motien  Pass,  the  tenth  division  through  the  Fenshui  Pass,  and 
Oku,  as  has  been  already  said,  by  the  railway.  Kouropatkin, 
who  had  received  considerable  reinforcements,  opposed  Kuroki 
with  21,000  men,  under  the  command  of  Keller ;  Mistchenko 
commanded  3,000  Cossack  cavalry  attached  to  the  tenth  division ; 
and  Stackelberg  had  35,000  men  at  Yingkow.  The  reserve  con- 
sisted of  35,000  men,  which  extended  as  far  as  Mukden. 

Kouropatkin's  design  was  to  hold  two  of  the  Japanese  divisions 

477 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Marshal 

Oyama 

Takes 


in  check  and  devote  the  whole  of  his  energies  to  crushing  the 
third ;  but  he  had  no  transport  to  enable  him  to  attack  with 
success  the  Japanese  in  the  mountain  passes,  and  if  he  were  to 
concentrate  upon  Oku  the  enemy  in  the  mountains  would  cut  off 
his  communications.  He  therefore  determined  to  evacuate  Liao- 
yang  and  to  concentrate  upon  Harbin,  but  the  Government 
intervened  and  demanded  that  an  effort  should  be  made  to  relieve 
Port  Arthur.  This  led  to  the  Battle  of  Telissu  on  June  i4th  and 
1 5th,  between  Stackelberg  with  25,000  men  and  Oku  with  37,000. 
The  victory  of  the  Japanese  was  complete ;  the  position  of 
Stackelberg  was  turned  and  exposed  to  an  effective  fire  from 
front,  flanks,  and  rear,  and  the  Russians  gave  way.  The  Japanese 
lost  1,190  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  Russians  more  than  4,000, 
with  sixteen  guns.  Bad  weather  and  other  reasons  prevented  the 
Japanese  from  pursuing  Stackelberg. 

The  scene  of  interest  now  shifts  to  the  first  army.  On  June 
24th  Kuroki  advanced  from  Fenghwangcheng,  and  on  June  3Oth 
Command  secure(^  possession  of  the  Motien  Pass,  which  the  Japanese  held 
against  the  assaults  of  Keller,  and  on  June  27th  the  tenth  division 
occupied  the  Fenshui  Pass.  A  fourth  army  was  formed  under 
Count  Nodzu,  so  that  there  were  now  three  Japanese  armies 
advancing  towards  the  Liao  Valley.  The  Russians,  setting  out 
from  Vladivostok,  gained  a  temporary  superiority  at  sea,  which 
hindered  the  dispatch  of  reinforcements  and  supplies,  the  conse- 
quence being  that  the  operations  of  all  four  armies  were  hindered. 
Togo,  on  his  side,  made  torpedo-boat  attacks  on  the  harbour, 
and  drew  the  blockade  closer,  while  Noghi  obtained  advantages 
against  Stoessel.  The  chief  command  of  all  the  Japanese  armies 
was  now  given  to  Marshal  Oyama,  who  left  Japan  on  July  6th. 
Shortly  afterwards  the  Battle  of  Ta-shih-chias  was  fought  between 
Zarutieiev,  with  36,000  men,  and  Oku,  with  55,000,  and  ended 
in  the  retreat  of  the  Russians.  The  harbour  of  Yingkow  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Japanese  and  supplied  them  with  a  valuable 
base  for  future  operations. 

On  August  ist  Nodzu,  in  command  of  the  fourth  army,  joined 
hands  with  Oku  at  Haicheng,  and  at  the  same  time  Keller  was 
slowly  collecting  forces  to  attack  the  Motien  Pass,  which  had 
been  occupied  by  the  Japanese.  But  the  Japanese  took  the 
offensive  and  occupied  the  whole  valley  of  the  Liao.  Keller  was 
struck  by  the  bursting  of  a  shrapnel  in  the  afternoon  of  July  3ist, 
and  fell,  covered  with  many  wounds.  In  these  operations  the 
Japanese  first  army  lost  946  killed  and  wounded,  the  Russians 
2,000  men,  2  guns,  5,300  rifles,  and  157  prisoners.  After  these 

478 


Enormous 
Losses. 


RUSSIAN    FLEET    DESTROYED 

defeats  Kouropatkin  collected  his  forces  at  Liaoyang  on  August 
3rd,  and  on  the  same  day  Oku  occupied  Haicheng  and  Nuichwang. 
Kouropatkin  might  have  united  his  forces  at  Liaoyang  a  month 
earlier,  and  would  thus  have  been  spared  the  loss  of  6,000  men 
and  a  great  diminution  of  prestige.  Since  the  campaign  opened 
on  land  the  Japanese  had  lost  12,000  men,  and  the  Russians  about 
three  times  the  number.  Kouropatkin  was  now  about  sixteen 
miles  distant  from  each  of  the  divisions  of  the  Japanese  force,  but 
he  was  in  no  mind  to  attack  them,  although  superior  in  numbers. 
The  Japanese  had,  therefore,  about  a  fortnight's  respite. 

During  this  interval  Noghi  pressed  the  attack  on  Port  Arthur,  Port  Arthur 
now  defended  by  about  50,000  soldiers,  besides  sailors  and  civilians.  Fleet 
He  began  operations  on  the  night  of  July  26th,  and  by  August  DestF°y«d* 
8th  had  taken  two  small  forts  with  a  loss  of  2,200  killed  and 
wounded.    He  had  not  done  much,  but  he  had  had  an  unexpected 
stroke  of  good  fortune  in  the  destruction  of  the  Russian  fleet. 
Admiral  Witthoft,  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  ships,  determined 
to  break  out  of  the  harbour  and  endeavour  to  reach  Vladivostok. 
At  the  very  beginning  of  the  action  Witthoft  was  killed  by  a 
chance  shot  and  his  flagship  disabled.    The  result  of  the  affair 
was  the  virtual  annihilation  of  the  Port  Arthur  fleet.    Ten  days 
later,  on  August  20 th,  Noghi  began  the  assault.    The  result  must 
be  told  in  the  vivid  words  of  Major-General  Maurice  : — 

"  Then  was  seen  the  curious  and  horrible  spectacle  of  chivalrous  siege  of 
devotion  and  absolute  contempt  of  death  at  grips  with  every  Port  Arthur. 
engine  of  destruction  which  modern  science  has  devised.  For 
two  days  and  nights  this  wonderful  infantry  flung  itself  against 
powerful  works,  crammed  with  stubborn  and  unyielding  foes. 
Small  remnants,  left  by  the  waves  of  assault,  clung  desperately  to 
such  positions  as  they  had  won,  till  they  were  forced  back  at 
last,  human  endurance  being  capable  of  no  more,  with  a  loss  of 
more  than  15,000  killed  and  wounded ;  but  a  lesson  was  needed 
to  teach  these  brave  soldiers  that  there  were  limits  to  the  power 
of  their  valour.  So  the  siege  settled  down  to  the  business  of  sap, 
mine  and  countermine,  while  the  main  armies  returned  to  the 
business  of  attack  and  defence/* 

We  now  come  to  the  great  Battle  of  Liaoyang,  fought  by  Battle  of 
Kuroki  against  Kouropatkin,  which  lasted  for  nine  days.  When 
Kuroki  began  operations  on  August  23rd  the  Russians  held  a 
chain  of  advanced  positions  to  the  south  and  east  of  Liaoyang 
forty  miles  in  length.  Kouropatkin  had  in  all  about  140,000 
men  and  was  expecting  more  from  Mukden.  The  Japanese, 
numbering  about  135,000,  were  slightly  inferior  to  the  Russians 

479 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Russian 
Retirement 
on  Mukden. 


Japanese 

Naval 

Superiority. 


Kouropatkin 
Reinforced. 


in  number,  and  during  the  battle  Kouropatkin  received  an 
addition  of  10,000  men.  The  town  of  Liaoyang  was  the  military 
capital  of  southern  Manchuria,  being  a  large  city  with  60,000 
inhabitants.  It  lies  on  the  railway  at  the  junction  of  the  main 
roads,  one  leading  to  Korea  and  the  other  to  Port  Arthur.  It 
was  full  of  stores,  supplies,  and  munitions  of  war  of  every  kind 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  an  army  in  the  field.  It  was, 
therefore,  worth  a  deadly  struggle  to  the  Japanese,  and  its  loss 
would  be  irreparable  to  Kouropatkin.  The  armies  of  Oku,  Nodzu 
and  Kunshi  all  advanced  to  the  attack.  The  three  armies  of  the 
Japanese  came  in  touch  with  each  other  on  August  29th,  and  the 
main  attack  began  on  the  following  day.  On  September  3rd 
Kouropatkin  retreated  in  good  order,  so  that  the  victory  was  by 
no  means  decisive  for  the  Japanese.  They  had  lost  23,615  killed 
and  wounded,  and  were  too  weak  to  pursue,  whereas  the  loss  of 
the  Russians,  who  had  been  on  the  defensive,  was  only  16,500. 

Both  sides  now  prepared  for  more  serious  efforts.  A  law  was 
passed  in  Japan  which  enabled  the  troops  intended  only  for  home 
service  to  be  sent  abroad,  and  in  St.  Petersburg  reinforcements 
were  prepared  for  Kouropatkin  with  like  energy.  After  the 
abandonment  of  Liaoyang  the  Russians  retired  to  Mukden,  and 
Oyama  was  following  slowly  in  the  same  direction.  During 
September  the  forces  under  Kouropatkin  were  raised  to  the 
number  of  220,000,  and  those  under  Oyama  to  160,000.  They 
were  extended  over  a  front  ninety  miles  in  extent,  a  distance 
from  the  Commander-in-Chief  which  would  have  been  impossible 
but  for  the  telegraph  and  heliograph. 

The  next  great  event  in  this  momentous  conflict  was  the  Battle 
of  the  Shaho  from  October  gth  to  October  i7th,  1905.  It  is  a 
peculiarity  of  this  wonderful  war  that  the  land  battles  lasted  for 
days  and  the  sea  battles  only  a  few  hours.  The  former  feature 
was  due  to  the  extreme  tenacity  of  the  Japanese,  who  never  knew 
when  they  were  beaten,  fighting  against  a  nation  as  stubborn  and 
as  valiant  as  themselves,  but  led  with  far  less  intelligence  and 
skill ;  and  the  latter  to  the  facts  that  science  had  taken  the  place 
of  personal  valour,  and  that  the  Russian  ships  could  not  stand 
against  the  concentration  of  intelligence  of  which  the  Japanese 
navy  was  the  embodiment. 

Kouropatkin  having  received  important  reinforcements,  be- 
came convinced  that  it  was  his  duty  to  attack.  On  October  2nd 
he  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  army  announcing  this,  and 
declaring  that  his  first  object  was  the  relief  of  Port  Arthur.  His 
plan  was  as  follows  :  On  the  Japanese  side  Kuroki  occupied  the 

480 


BATTLE    OF    THE    SHAHO 

right,  Nodzu  the  centre,  and  Oku  the  left.  Kouropatkin's  object 
was  to  keep  Nodzu  and  Oku  in  their  places  and  to  throw  his 
force  against  Kuroki.  The  attack  against  Kuroki  was  committed 
to  Stackelberg  ;  but  whereas  Kuroki  was  quite  able  to  hold  his 
ground  against  Stackelberg,  Bilderling,  whose  business  it  was  to 
hold  back  Nodzu  and  Oku,  found  that  he  could  not  do  so.  During 
the  whole  of  October  loth  and  nth  the  battle  raged  along  the 
front,  and  on  the  night  between  October  I2th  and  I3th  the 
Russian  army  was  driven  back  to  the  Shaho.  On  the  evening  of 
October  i3th  the  position  of  the  Russians  was  extremely  serious. 
They  had  been  driven  back  in  every  part  of  the  field  and  had  lost 
heavily  in  men,  along  with  thirty-eight  guns.  It  was  necessary 
to  retreat,  but  extremely  difficult  to  do  so.  Stackelberg,  who 
was  far  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  the  Russian  line,  must  be  with- 
drawn first.  Zarubaiev,  who  was  in  the  centre  and  in  advance 
of  the  Russian  right,  must  follow,  and  for  the  success  of  the 
operations,  Bilderling,  in  command  of  the  Russian  right,  must 
stand  firm.  Bilderling  held  his  ground  by  the  skin  of  his  teeth. 
On  October  i3th  Oku's  impetuous  advance  broke  the  Russian 
centre,  and  if  that  advantage  had  been  maintained  the  Russian 
army  must  have  been  destroyed.  But  they  brought  up  their 
last  reserve  and  recaptured  what  had  been  lost. 

For  thirty-six  hours  the  battle  raged  at  the  central  point,  and  A  Ten  Days' 
at  the  end  the  centre  and  the  left  were  saved.  On  the  south  bank  Battle, 
of  the  Shaho  was  an  elevation  known  as  Solitary  Tree  Hill,  with 
the  village  of  Sha-ho-pu  at  its  foot.  On  October  I4th  this 
was  taken  by  the  Russians  and  regained  twice,  fourteen  Japanese 
guns  remaining  as  the  prize  of  victory.  On  October  i5th  the 
Japanese  again  reconquered  the  hill,  but  it  was  recovered  by 
General  Putilov,  who  held  it  against  all  assaults  and  gave  it  his 
name.  On  Sunday,  October  i6th,  the  Russians  attacked  Oku 
seven  times,  but  were  always  driven  back  with  loss.  At  length, 
by  October  2oth,  after  ten  days'  fighting,  the  armies  were  facing 
each  other  on  either  side  of  the  Shaho,  a  line  fifteen  miles  north 
of  that  which  the  Japanese  had  occupied  during  the  engagement. 
The  Russians  had  lost  32,300  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  and 
the  Japanese  20,300. 

In  the  meantime  the  siege  of  Port  Arthur  continued,  with  the  Failure  of 
usual    apparatus    of   such  operations — the   building   of   batteries,  Attack  on 
the   opening   of   parallels,    the   final   bombardment.     On   October  pwt  Arthur, 
26th   a   general  attack  was   made,  which   lasted  five  days  ;    but 
it  ended  in  comparative  failure,  the  Japanese  losing  151  officers 
and  1,970  men. 

2f  481 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


The  Baltic 
Scare. 


Stoessel's 

Depressing 

Report. 


Port  Arthur 
Surrendered. 


Then  occurred  the  extraordinary  incident  of  the  Baltic  fleet 
in  the  North  Sea.  On  the  calm  night  of  October  2ist,  1904,  a 
division  of  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Rozhdeshtvensky,  which  had  for 
months  been  anxiously  expected  for  the  relief  of  Port  Arthur, 
in  crossing  the  Dogger  Bank  passed  through  a  fleet  of  Hull 
trawlers.  The  Russians  opened  fire  upon  them,  with  the  result 
that  one  vessel  was  sunk  and  two  fishermen  were  killed  and 
eighteen  wounded.  When,  two  days  later,  the  matter  became 
public,  a  wave  of  indignation  swept  over  Great  Britain,  and  had 
it  not  been  for  the  patriotism  and  courage  of  Mr.  Balfour  and 
Lord  Lansdowne,  war  might  have  resulted.  But,  on  October 
28th,  the  Prime  Minister  announced  that  the  Tsar  had  expressed 
his  regret  and  had  promised  compensation.  The  matter  was 
referred  to  arbitration,  and  a  Committee  of  Admirals  met  in 
Paris  in  January,  1905.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Russian 
admiral  really  believed  he  had  Japanese  torpedo  boats  in  front 
of  him,  but  the  fact  that  he  did  so  made  the  whole  situation 
supremely  ridiculous.  The  commission  awarded  an  adequate 
compensation,  while  contriving  to  save  Rozhdeshtvensky 's  face. 
The  Russian  fleet  continued  its  voyage,  and  at  length  arrived  in 
Eastern  waters. 

Whilst  it  was  on  its  way  the  Japanese  continued  to  attack 
Port  Arthur  with  stubborn  persistence.  On  December  5th  Noghi 
captured  an  eminence  known  as  the  "  Two  hundred  and  three 
Metre  Hill."  In  the  attack  the  Japanese  lost  13,000  men,  9,000 
of  whom  had  fallen  round  the  hill  itself,  and  under  the  works  the 
corpses  of  400  Russians  were  discovered.  On  December  I5th 
General  Kondranshenko  died,  an  officer  of  high  rank,  whom  it  was 
impossible  to  replace.  The  generals  conducting  the  defence  began 
to  lose  heart.  On  December  28th  Stoessel  leported  to  his  Govern- 
ment that  the  position  of  the  fortress  was  becoming  very  painful, 
that  scurvy  was  mowing  down  the  men,  and  that  there  were  only 
a  few  who  had  not  been  attacked  by  it.  The  next  day  he  said, 
"  We  can  only  hold  out  a  few  days  longer  ;  we  have  hardly  any 
ammunition  left.  I  have  now  only  10,000  men  under  arms.  They 
are  all  ill." 

On  January  ist,  1905,  Stoessel  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  Noghi 
without  the  knowledge  of  his  council,  and  on  the  same  evening 
the  capitulation  was  signed.  The  Japanese  had  gained  the  first 
great  object  of  the  war.  At  the  same  time  Stoessel  telegraphed 
to  the  Emperor :  "  Great  Sovereign,  forgive.  We  have  done  all 
that  was  humanly  possible.  Judge  us,  but  be  merciful.  Eleven 
months  of  ceaseless  fighting  have  exhausted  our  strength  ;  the 

482 


SITUATION    AT    MUKDEN 

men  are  reduced  to  shadows."  Stoessel's  policy  can  scarcely  be 
justified,  as  the  means  of  defence  had  not  been  exhausted.  The 
prisoners  of  war  who  marched  out  comprised  878  officers  and 
23,491  men,  while  provisions  for  three  months  and  2,500,000 
cartridges  were  found.  Had  the  Russian  commanders  not  quar- 
relled with  each  other  the  defence  might  have  been  prolonged 
until  the  arrival  of  the  Baltic  fleet.  The  Russian  soldiers  behaved 
splendidly.  They  lost  28,200  killed  and  wounded  during  the 
siege,  the  Japanese  sacrificing  57,780  killed  and  wounded,  besides 
many  who  died  from  sickness. 

The  fall  of  Port  Arthur  made  it  possible  for  Noghi    to  join  Concentra- 
Oyama,  but  before  he  could  do  so  it  was  necessary  to  reinforce  tion  of  the 
him  and  make  up  the  terrible  losses  he  had  suffered,  and  this  would    aPanese< 
consume  much  time.     But  as  the  weather  grew  more  wintry  the 
supply  of  troops  to  Kouropatkin  became  more  difficult.     At  the 
beginning  of  January  Kouropatkin  had  control  of  250,000  men, 
Oyama    of    185,000.     The    Russians    made    several    attempts    to 
interrupt   Noghi's   movements   and   delay   his   arrival,    but    they 
were  not  successful,  and  at  the  close  of  January  both  armies  were 
in  their  positions,  except  that  they  had  each  lost  about  10,000 
men   in   the   struggle.     Eventually   Noghi   brought   an   auxiliary 
force  of  100,000  men  to  the  assistance  of  Oyama. 

The  interest  of  the  war  now  centred  round  Mukden.  In  the 
month  of  February,  1905,  the  Russians  occupied  the  position  on 
the  Shaho  and  round  Mukden  which  they  had  held  during  the 
preceding  five  months.  Mukden  had  been  transformed  into  the 
advanced  base  of  operations  for  the  intended  march  on  Liaoyang, 
important  reinforcements  had  arrived,  and  confidence  had  been 
restored.  The  first  Manchurian  army  was  commanded  by 
Linevich,  the  second  by  Kaulbars,  and  the  third  by  Bilderling. 
Remenkamp  commanded  the  cavalry.  The  whole  front  of  the 
army  measured  forty-four  miles  and  the  depth  four  to  six  miles. 
The  Japanese  had  five  armies,  numbering  altogether  about  300,000 
men,  concentrated  within  striking  distance  of  the  enemy.  They 
prepared  to  strike  at  the  moment  when  the  severity  of  winter 
had  passed,  but  before  the  thaw,  which  usually  set  in  in  the 
second  week  of  March,  and  which  rendered  the  rivers  impassable 
owing  to  the  melting  of  the  ice,  and  the  country  difficult  for  the 
movement  of  guns. 

The  first,   fourth,   and  second  armies  retained  their  relative  Preparation 
positions  from  right  to  left.    A  fifth  army  was  moved  through  the  for  the 
mountains  and  placed  on  the  right  of  Kuroki.     Noghi's  army  was 
situated  in  a  position  which  concealed  it  from  observation,  and 

483 


A    HISTORY    OF   THE    MODERN    WORLD 

there  was  a  reserve  of  20,000  men  under  Oyama.  On  the  Russian 
side  Linevich  was  on  the  left,  Bilderling  in  the  centre,  and 
Kaulbars  on  the  right.  Kouropatkin  occupied  Mukden  with  the 
reserve,  his  army  amounting  to  about  310,000.  Thus  the  numbers 
of  the  two  armies  were  about  equal,  the  Japanese  being  stronger 
in  infantry,  the  Russians  in  cavalry,  while  the  two  artilleries 
were  nearly  of  the  same  strength,  although  the  Russians  were 
superior  in  quality. 

Battle  of  The  series  of  operations  which  may  be  called  the  Battle  of 

Mukden.         Mukden   lasted   fourteen   days.     The   first   move   was   taken   by 


Kamamura,  who  advanced  in  two  columns  on  February 
driving  in  the  Russians.  On  February  23rd  heavy  snow  fell  and 
obscured  the  view,  while  the  ice  on  the  Taitse  began  to  melt. 
Operations  became  difficult  and  progress  slow  from  the  pre- 
cipitous nature  of  the  ground.  Nevertheless,  Kamamura  boldly 
attacked  Alexeiev,  and  in  the  evening  of  February  24th  the 
Russians  finally  broke  and  retired  northwards  in  disorder,  having 
lost  about  1,000  men.  Kuroki  moved  out  on  February  24th. 
On  March  ist  he  was  able  to  operate  with  Kamamura,  and  the 
general  effect  of  these  combined  operations  was  to  drive  in  the 
Russian  left  and  to  place  the  Japanese  in  a  favourable  position, 
north  of  the  Shaho,  to  co-operate  in  a  general  northward 
advance.  Nodzu's  army  did  not  begin  to  take  a  serious  part  in 
the  action  till  February  27th.  After  two  days  the  Russians  who 
opposed  him  were  driven  across  the  Shaho.  The  next  river  to 
deal  with  was  the  Hun.  On  February  27th  Oku  advanced 
between  the  Shaho  and  this  river,  and  then  along  its  banks,  and 
proceeded  victoriously  till  March  6th,  when  he  was  stopped  by 
superior  forces.  Noghi  advanced  rapidly  and  was  soon  in  touch 
with  Oku's  left.  The  effect  of  these  successes  was  that  Kaulbars 
was  forced  to  evacuate  his  position  and  send  his  siege  guns  by 
railway  to  the  north.  The  loss  of  these  guns  left  Kouropatkin 
at  a  great  disadvantage. 

Kouropatkin         Kouropatkin  did  not  discover  the  real  nature  of  the  Japanese 

on  the  pian  until  March  ist.     He  was  concentrating  his  defences  on  his 

Defensive.      Je^   whereas  his  real   danger   was   on   his   right,   where  he   was 

threatened  by  Noghi  and  Oku.     He  was  now  obliged  to  withdraw 

from  his  southern  front  to  the  line  of  the  Hun  and  take  up  a  firm 

position  round  Mukden.     Bilderling  and  Linevich  received  these 

orders  with  dismay.     For  ten  days  or  more  they  had  resisted  the 

attack  of  the  Japanese  armies,  but  the  army  obeyed  the  order 

with  anger  and  terror  in  their  eyes.     They,  however,  performed 

the  movement  steadily,   and  at  dawn  on  March  8th  the  third 

484 


THE    RUSSIAN    RETREAT 

army  reached  the  entrenched  camp  at  Mukden.  Any  idea  which 
Kouropatkin  may  have  held  for  making  a  general  attack  upon 
the  Japanese  had  to  be  given  up,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
remain  entirely  on  the  defensive.  The  retreating  Russians  were 
vigorously  pursued  by  the  Japanese,  Oku,  Nodzu  and  Noghi  all 
defeating  the  forces  opposed  to  them. 

On  March  gth,  in  spite  of  a  violent  storm,  with  icy  blasts  and  A  Disorderly 
clouds  of  dust,  Nodzu  crossed  the  Hun,  and  the  sounds  of  firing  Retreat, 
to  the  east  of  Mukden  electrified  the  Russian  headquarters  and 
sounded  the  knell  of  the  Russian  hopes.  Kouropatkin  had  no 
further  hope  of  victory,  and  gave  the  order  for  a  general  retreat. 
By  the  activity  of  the  Japanese  this  was  effected  with  confusion, 
and  much  booty  fell  into  the  pursuers'  hands.  The  third  Russian 
army  was  intending  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  enemy  on  March 
loth,  but  at  10  on  the  previous  night  it  was  ordered  to  retreat. 
It  did  so  in  great  disorder,  being  fired  into  by  the  Japanese 
marching  parallel  on  its  flank.  The  condition  of  the  second 
army  was  even  worse ;  they  were  scattered  about  the  hills  like 
sheep  without  a  shepherd.  Companies,  battalions,  regiments  and 
brigades  were  all  mixed  up  in  inextricable  confusion,  Linevich 
alone  preserving  some  semblance  of  order.  The  Japanese  occu- 
pied Mukden  at  10  on  the  morning  of  March  loth,  but  resistance 
was  not  wholly  quelled  until  the  following  day. 

By  March  I2th  the  Russians  were  twenty- six  miles  distant  on  Kouropatkin 
the  road  to  Tieling.  Even  then  they  pressed  on,  and  Linevich  Resigns. 
was  unable  to  halt  till  March  2Oth,  his  rearguard  on  that  day 
being  seventy  miles  to  the  north  of  Tieling.  Oyama  occupied 
Tieling  on  March  i6th  and  fixed  his  headquarters  there,  pushing 
his  outposts  to  within  twelve  miles  of  the  Russian  advanced  posts. 
Both  armies  were  exhausted  and  stood  in  position  facing  each 
other  until  the  end  of  the  war,  both  commanders  being  unwilling 
to  undertake  active  operations.  The  Japanese  had  lost  71,014 
killed  and  wounded,  the  Russians  about  60,000  and  25,000 
prisoners,  together  with  immense  quantities  of  munitions  of 
war.  Kouropatkin,  feeling  that  he  had  no  longer  the  confidence 
of  the  army,  tendered  his  resignation,  but  was  anxious  to  be 
employed  in  a  subordinate  capacity.  Linevich  was  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief,  and  Kouropatkin  took  command  of  the 
first  army. 

We  must  now  follow  the  fortunes  of  Rozhdeshtvensky,  whose  Rozhdesht- 
operations  began  with  the  tragic  comedy  on  the  Dogger  Bank,  vensky's 
As  Port  Arthur  had  fallen,  there  was  no  need  for  him  to  hurry,  pr°£reBS* 
so  he  made  a  long  halt  at  Madagascar  to  train  his  crews,  and, 

485 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

after  coaling  and  furnishing  his  fleet  in  a  masterly  manner,  got 
his  squadron  together  in  the  China  Sea  on  May  Qth.  He  had 
eight  battleships,  twelve  cruisers,  nine  destroyers,  and  a  number 
of  auxiliary  ships.  But  many  of  his  vessels  were  antiquated, 
and  their  efficiency  was  impaired  by  their  long  voyage.  Togo 
commanded  a  squadron  somewhat  similar  in  size,  but  thoroughly 
up  to  date.  In  making  for  Vladivostok  the  Russian  admiral  had 
to  pass  through  the  Strait  of  Korea.  Togo,  who  was  always 
supplied  with  the  most  accurate  information,  heard  of  this  by 
wireless  telegraphy  at  5  a.m.  on  May  27th. 

Battle  of  The  battle  began  at  2  in  the  afternoon  to  the  east  of  the  Island 

Tsushima.  of  Tsushima.  The  Japanese  engaged  the  enemy  at  7,000  yards, 
which  was  the  most  favourable  distance  for  their  artillery.  They 
steered  across  the  Russian  fleet,  so  as  to  bring  every  possible  gun 
to  bear,  and  thus  developed  a  crushing  force,  whereas  the  Russian 
fire  was  comparatively  ineffective.  Rozhdeshtvensky  advanced 
in  three  long  columns,  with  his  unarmed  auxiliary  ships  in  the 
centre.  In  less  than  three-quarters  of  an  hour  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  engagement  the  battleships  of  the  two  main  columns 
were  out  of  action  and  the  admiral  himself  was  severely  wounded. 
By  nightfall  every  attempt  of  the  Russian  ships  to  break  through 
to  Vladivostok  had  been  frustrated,  and  all  cohesion  in  the  fleet 
had  been  destroyed.  During  the  night  the  Japanese  torpedo  boats 
continued  the  work  of  destruction,  and  the  pursuit  was  followed 
up  on  the  next  day.  The  Russian  fleet  was  annihilated.  Four 
battleships,  seven  cruisers,  five  destroyers,  and  five  auxiliary 
ships  were  sunk,  and  the  rest  completely  disabled.  Only  four 
ships  out  of  the  whole  fleet  reached  Vladivostok. 

Roosevelt  as  The  supreme  victory  of  Togo  decided  the  fortunes  of  the 
Mediator.  contest.  The  war  was  unpopular  in  Russia,  and  Japan  was  on 
the  verge  of  exhaustion  ;  but  there  was  no  opportunity  of  a 
decisive  Japanese  victory  on  land.  Vladivostok  could  not  be 
taken  as  Port  Arthur  had  been,  but  the  crushing  Battle  of 
Tsushima  paved  the  way  for  negotiations.  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  put  himself  forward  as  a 
mediator,  and  in  June  both  belligerents  agreed  to  nominate 
plenipotentiaries  to  consider  terms.  But  the  fighting  went  on. 
The  Russians  were  driven  out  of  north-eastern  Korea,  Sakhalin 
and  the  north  of  the  Amur  being  occupied  without  opposition. 
The  negotiations  for  peace  were  held  at  Portsmouth,  N.H.,  Count 
Komura  representing  Japan  and  de  Witte  Russia.  The  negotia- 
tions continued  throughout  August,  de  Witte,  on  behalf  of  Russia, 
refusing  to  pay  an  indemnity.  At  length  Komura  agreed  to 

486 


THE    TREATY    OF    PORTSMOUTH 

waive  the  indemnity,  and  the  offer  to  surrender  half  of  Sakhalin 
was  also  accepted. 

The  Treaty  of  Portsmouth  gave  to  Japan  most  of  the  objects  Japan's 
for  which  she  had  entered  upon  the  war.  It  gained  for  her  a  Gains. 
preponderating  influence  in  Korea,  secured  the  evacuation  of 
Manchuria,  gave  her  the  Liaotung  Peninsula,  including  Port 
Arthur  and  Dalny,  and  the  southern  portion  of  the  Island  of 
Sakhalin.  The  Japanese  negotiators  showed  themselves  extremely 
moderate  ;  indeed,  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  gave  rise  to  serious 
riots  in  Japan.  But  they  were  certainly  wise,  for  to  have  inflicted 
further  humiliation  on  Russia  would  have  been  disastrous  to 
Japan.  The  war  cost  each  nation  £100,000,000 ;  each  had 
mobilised  about  1,000,000  men,  of  whom  230,000  Japanese  and 
220,000  Russians  had  died. 

Japan's  victory  offered  a  great  surprise,  but  also  a  great  lesson,  The  Secret 
to  the  world.  She  owed  her  success  to  the  patriotic  devotion  °*  Japanese 
with  which  statesman,  diplomat,  soldier  and  sailor  had  worked  Success> 
harmoniously  together  to  achieve  a  common  result ;  whereas  the 
Russians  had  been  inspired  by  no  enthusiasm,  nor  had  unity  of 
purpose  and  action  possessed  her  leaders.  At  the  back  of  the  ex- 
traordinary heroism  of  Japan  lay  the  deep-seated  sense  of  the 
obligation  of  personal  honour,  generally  spoken  of  as  Bushido. 
Bushi  is  the  hero,  Bushido  is  the  heroism.  Bushido  offers  the  idea 
of  poverty  instead  of  wealth,  humility  in  place  of  ostentation, 
reserve  instead  of  self-assertion,  self-sacrifice  instead  of  selfish- 
ness, the  interest  of  the  State  before  that  of  the  individual.  It 
inspires  courage  and  looks  death  in  the  face,  preferring  it  to  dis- 
honour. It  enjoins  a  strict  physical  and  mental  discipline,  develops 
a  martial  spirit,  and  enjoins  the  virtues  of  courage,  fortitude, 
faithfulness  and  self-restraint.  It  trains  the  man  as  well  as  the 
warrior,  the  woman  as  well  as  the  man,  and  is  as  useful  in  times  of 
peace  as  in  times  of  war.  It  was  to  the  constant  presence  of  this 
ideal  standard  of  morality  and  conduct  that  Japan  owed  her 
success,  and  those  who  would  be  her  rivals  must  educate  them- 
selves in  a  similar  school. 


487 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
EDWARD  THE  PEACEMAKER 

The          ON  September  23rd,  1896,  Queen  Victoria  achieved  the  distinction 
Diamond    of  having  reigned  longer  than  any  other  English  sovereign.     She 
Jubilee.     kad  worn  {kg  crown  nearly  twice  as  long  as  any  other  contem- 
porary  monarch   in   the   world,   excepting   only  the   Emperor  of 
Austria,  and  he  ascended  his  throne  eleven  years  after  her  acces- 
sion.    Hitherto  George  III.'s  reign  of  fifty-nine  years  and  ninety- 
six  days  had  been  the  longest  known  to  English  history.     There 
had  been  a  Jubilee  celebration  of  her  reign  in  1887,  and  it  was 
now  determined  that  there  should  be  another  in  1897 — a  Diamond 
Jubilee. 

As  in  the  first  Jubilee  the  sovereigns  and  princes  of  Europe 
and  Asia  were  the  most  conspicuous  figures  in  the  pageant,  so 
now  the  Imperial  position  of  Great  Britain  was  to  be  signalised 
by  the  presence  of  representatives  of  the  Colonies  and  of  British 
settlements  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  These  representatives  were 
entertained  with  regal  munificence.  The  streets  of  London  were 
thronged  with  Royal  carriages,  with  servants  in  scarlet  liveries 
seated  on  the  box,  carrying  Colonial  ministers  or  dusky  potentates, 
subjects  of  the  British  Crown. 

On  June  22nd  there  was  a  State  procession  through  London, 
when  the  Queen  made  almost  a  circuit  of  her  capital,  attended  by 
her  family,  by  envoys  from  foreign  lands,  Indian  and  Colonial 
officials,  and  a  great  body  of  Imperial  troops,  Indian  native  levies, 
mounted  riflemen  from  Canada,  Australia  and  South  Africa, 
Colonial  soldiers  from  the  West  Coast  of  Africa,  Cyprus,  Hong- 
Kong  and  Borneo.  The  procession  traversed  a  space  of  six  miles 
from  Buckingham  Palace  to  St.  Paul's,  then  over  London  Bridge 
and  through  the  poorer  districts  of  the  City  on  the  southern  side 
of  the  Thames.  As  the  Queen  set  out  from  the  Palace  she  sent  a 
telegraphic  dispatch  to  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  "  From  my  heart 
I  thank  my  beloved  people.  May  God  bless  them  !  "  At  night 
all  cities  were  illuminated,  and  every  headland  from  Cornwall  to 
Caithness  was  ablaze  with  beacon  fires.  A  great  naval  review  was 
held  at  Spithead,  in  which  173  war  vessels  were  drawn  up  in  four 
lines,  stretching  over  a  course  of  four  miles.  These  Jubilee  cele- 


DEATH    OF    GLADSTONE 

brations,  indeed,  constituted  the  high-water  mark  of  Colonial 
loyalty  and  of  the  manifestation  of  the  qualities  and  the  unity 
of  the  Empire. 

But   it   was    also    an    object-lesson  in   Home   Rule.      It   was  ^n  object- 
expressed  by  the  Colonial  Premiers,  and  felt  by  every  reflecting  Lesson  in 
observer,  that  the  tie  which  bound  this  great  organism  together  Home  Rule> 
derived  its  strength  not  from  force,  or  self-interest,  or  jealousy 
of  other  nations,  but  from  the  spirit  of  liberty  and  self-government 
which  made  every  part  of  the  great  political  body  vibrate  with  a 
like  intensity  of  life  to  that  which  animated  the  heart  of  the  free 
Mother  Country  herself,   and  that   neglect  or  ignorance  of  this 
would  mean  ruin  and  decay. 

On  May  igth,  1898,  Mr.  Gladstone  died.  During  his  closing  Death  of 
days  he  suffered  intense  pain,  nervous  exhaustion,  and  the  weaken-  Gladstone. 
ing  of  his  physical,  but  not  of  his  intellectual  faculties.  He  died 
at  Hawarden,  the  favourite  home  of  his  happiest  hours,  with  the 
porch  commemorating  the  welcome  of  his  home-coming  with 
his  wife  ;  the  study — the  Temple  of  Peace,  with  its  two  tables, 
one  for  home  and  one  for  public  affairs,  proclaiming  his  keenness 
of  literary  interest  and  his  spirit  of  untiring  labour  up  to  the  very 
last.  His  illness  was  soothed  by  his  wife,  who  had  been  through- 
out these  many  years  his  faithful  confidante  and  companion.  He 
was  a  truly  great  statesman,  one  of  the  greatest  known  to  modern 
times,  greater  than  Bismarck,  whose  death  closely  followed  his 
own.  His  departure  marked  the  close  of  one  epoch  and  the 
beginning  of  another.  He  entered  Parliament  immediately  after 
the  Reform  Bill  of  1832,  and  his  career  may  be  described  as  the 
bringing  of  the  principles  embodied  in  that  measure  to  a  success- 
ful conclusion  in  all  departments.  His  passing  also,  perhaps, 
marked  the  close  of  a  distinct  era  in  Parliamentary  oratory. 

In  the  Upper  House  Lord  Salisbury  said  that  Gladstone  had  Tributes  to 
always  sought  the  achievement  of  great  ideals,  which  could  only  Gladstone. 
have  proceeded  from  the  highest  and  purest  aspirations,  and 
would  leave  behind  him  the  memory  of  a  great  Christian  states- 
man, whose  character,  motives,  and  purposes  could  not  fail  to 
impress  the  whole  world.  In  the  House  of  Commons  Mr.  Balfour 
described  him  as  the  greatest  member  of  the  greatest  deliberative 
assembly  the  world  had  ever  seen,  and  proposed  that  he  should 
have  a  public  funeral  in  Westminster  Abbey.  The  funeral  took 
place  on  May  28th,  and  a  more  impressive  sight  was  never 
witnessed  in  that  historic  church,  which  has  been  the  scene  of 
so  many  solemn  spectacles.  Both  Houses  of  Parliament  met  at 
10  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  marched  in  procession  through 

489 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Queen 

Victoria's 

Energy. 


Harcourt 
Retires. 


Sir  Henry 
Campbell- 
Bannerman 
as  Leader. 


Westminster  Hall  to  the  Abbey.  The  majestic  appearance  of 
the  Speaker,  Gully,  as  he  led  the  Commons  of  the  realm  to 
their  places  will  never  be  forgotten.  The  pall-bearers  represented 
the  Sovereign,  the  Lords  and  the  Commons,  and  nothing  was 
more  deeply  touching  than  the  sight  of  Mrs.  Gladstone  kneeling 
at  the  head  of  the  grave  and  gazing  into  the  vault  which  held 
the  mortal  shell  of  so  much  glory  and  so  much  greatness — the 
vault  into  which  she  was,  in  God's  own  time,  to  follow  him. 

On  Gladstone's  resignation  in  1894,  the  Queen,  of  her  own 
authority  and  without  seeking  any  advice,  chose  Rosebery  as  his 
successor  ;  but  it  was  a  relief  to  her  when,  after  a  short  interval, 
he  was  succeeded  by  Salisbury.  She  played  a  very  active  part  in 
the  government  of  the  country,  an  important  fact  of  which  the 
people  generally  were  in  ignorance,  regarding  the  Sovereign  rather 
as  a  figure-head  than  an  important  political  force.  She  required 
all  papers  to  be  regularly  sent  to  her,  found  fault  at  any  sign  of 
slackness  in  public  business,  and  insisted  on  full  time  being  given 
her  for  the  consideration  of  important  questions.  She  took  a 
personal  interest  in  her  Ministers'  speeches,  and  an  active  share  in 
political  appointments.  She  flinched  from  no  exertion  to  fulfil  her 
duties.  Sir  Sidney  Lee  tells  us  that  she  often  travelled  to  Osborne 
or  Balmoral  with  hundreds  of  boxes  filled  with  documents  which 
required  her  sign-manual,  that  she  would  work  at  these  con- 
tinuously for  two  or  three  hours  a  day,  and  sign  two  or  three 
hundred  papers  at  a  sitting. 

One  effect  of  Gladstone's  death  was  the  resignation  by  Sir 
William  Harcourt  of  the  leadership  of  the  Liberal  party  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  He  had  never  worked  harmoniously  with 
Lord  Rosebery,  of  whose  appointment  as  Prime  Minister  he  dis- 
approved. It  is  said  that  when  he  led  the  House  of  Commons 
under  Rosebery 's  premiership,  he  never  consulted  his  chief  on 
anything  which  had  to  be  done,  and  Rosebery  himself  declared 
that  the  position  was  intolerable. 

Harcourt  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman, 
a  singularly  modest  man  of  very  remarkable  qualities  ;  he  always 
distrusted  his  own  capacity  for  exercising  the  duties  of  high 
office,  but  his  speeches  were  admirable,  his  common  sense  unusual, 
his  devotion  to  the  cause  of  Liberalism  without  a  flaw.  In  his 
conduct  as  Leader  of  the  House  he  had  to  suffer  from  the  jealousy 
of  those  who  were  anxious  to  bring  others  prematurely  to  the 
front,  but  his  unfailing  good  temper  always  prevented  an 
explosion.  As  Prime  Minister  he  invited  the  goodwill  and  secured 
the  admiration  of  his  country,  the  Colonies,  and  the  world.  His 

490 


LORD    CURZON    AS    VICEROY 

industry  was  untiring,  but  his  strength  was  greatly  impaired  by 
the  demands  made  upon  him  by  the  weak  health  of  his  wife,  to 
whom  he  was  passionately  devoted  and  to  whom  he  owed  so  much 
in  the  conduct  of  his  public  career.  He  died  in  1908.  He  was 
not  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey,  but  the  memorial  service  in 
that  place  has  seldom  been  equalled  in  intensity  of  public  respect 
and  private  sorrow. 

An  important  event  of  the  year  1898  was  the  appointment  of  Curzon's 
George  Nathaniel  Curzon  to  be  Viceroy  of  India,  a  country  which  Rule  in 
he  administered  for  nearly  seven  years  with  skill  and  judgment,  n  ia" 
leaving  a  mark  upon  its  development  which  will  last  as  long  as 
that  dependency  is  a  portion  of  the  British  Empire.  A  tiained 
speaker  and  writer,  a  man  of  unwearied  industry  and  business- 
like intelligence,  he  had  already  won  his  spurs  as  Under- Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  in  which  capacity  Salisbury,  who  knew  and 
trusted  him,  committed  much  of  the  administration  of  that 
department  to  his  hands.  When  he  arrived  in  India,  he  deter- 
mined to  review  personally  the  action  of  every  part  of  the  public 
service,  and  leave  nothing  to  subordinate  officials  which  he  could 
do  himself.  His  predecessor,  Lord  Elgin,  had  pursued  a  different 
course,  and  Curzon's  conduct  met  with  some  resistance.  Hints 
were  conveyed  to  him  that  if  he  persisted  in  this  policy  resigna- 
tions would  probably  ensue.  He  answered  by  letting  them 
know  that  if  their  resignations  were  tendered  they  would  be 
immediately  accepted,  and  he  heard  no  more  of  the  matter.  He 
paid  particular  attention  to  education,  literature  and  archaeology, 
matters  which  his  predecessors  had  so  often  neglected,  appointing 
general  administrators  of  education,  archeology  and  libraries, 
and  these  departments  have  gained  much  in  consequence,  with 
the  result  that  the  lace-like  fretwork  of  the  East  is  no  longer 
stained  by  the  uniform  blue  wash  of  the  P.W.D.,  nor  the  Taj 
Mahal,  the  paragon  of  royal  tombs,  profaned  by  picnics  and 
dances.  He  gave  to  the  world  the  spectacle  of  a  dignified,  pure, 
and  majestic  Court,  and  in  all  his  actions  he  was  seconded  by 
his  noble-hearted  wife,  whose  beauty  made  her  the  cynosure  of 
Indian  society,  and  did  not  prevent  her  kindness  of  heart  and 
well-considered  charities  from  making  her  beloved  by  her  own  sex. 

With   regard    to    the    Boer  War,    Sir   Sidney  Lee  says  that,  The  Queen 
though  the    Queen  was  profoundly  anxious   for   peace,   she  was  and  the 
not  altogether  averse  to  the  course  which  Chamberlain  took.     He  War* 
had  impressed  her  by  his  lofty,  but,  in  the  eyes  of  many,  mistaken 
and  unstatesmanlike  views  as  to  the  right    manner  of    welding 
together   a   Colonial   empire ;    and   from   the   opening   of   active 

491 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Death  of 

Queen 

Victoria. 


India  and 
Queen 

Victoria. 


operations  until  her  death  in  1901  the  conflict  occupied  the  chief 
place  in  her  thoughts.  Throughout  1900  the  Queen  showed 
untiring  energy  in  inspecting  troops  intended  for  the  seat  of  war, 
sending  encouraging  messages  to  the  field  of  battle,  and  writing 
letters  of  condolence  to  the  families  of  those  who  had  lost  relations 
during  the  struggle.  Touched  by  the  devotion  of  the  Irish 
regiments  in  South  Africa,  she  accorded  to  them  the  privilege 
of  wearing  the  shamrock  on  St.  Patrick's  Day,  hitherto  denied 
them.  A  similar  feeling  constrained  her  to  visit  Ireland  in  1900 
instead  of  going  abroad,  as  had  been  her  custom.  As  a  memorial 
of  her  visit,  she  established  the  regiment  of  Irish  Guards.  But 
her  life  was  saddened  by  the  casualties  of  the  war,  especially  by 
the  death  of  her  grandson,  Prince  Christian  Victor  of  Schleswig- 
Holstein,  the  son  of  Princess  Helena,  her  third  daughter,  who 
died  on  October  29th,  1900.  It  is  said  that  she  never  recovered 
from  this  blow.  She  spent  the  autumn  at  Windsor  and  left  on 
December  i8th  for  Osborne,  the  last  journey  of  her  life. 

The  vital  powers  of  the  Queen  had,  indeed,  been  gradually 
failing.  Rheumatism  compelled  her  to  use  a  stick  in  walking, 
and  to  be  wheeled  about  in  a  bath  chair.  Her  eyes  began  to  fail, 
and  she  was  scarcely  able  to  read.  She  began  to  lose  her  memory, 
which  had  been  phenomenally  strong,  and  suffered  a  little  from 
difficulty  in  speech.  She  lost  in  weight  and  ability  to  sleep.  She 
received  Lord  Roberts,  however,  on  his  return  from  South  Africa, 
although  the  exertion  of  talking  to  him  produced  a  collapse,  and 
her  last  interview  with  a  Minister  was  with  Mr.  Chamberlain  on 
October  nth.  On  January  I5th,  1901,  she  drove  out  for  the  last 
time,  and  her  physicians  knew  that  her  condition  was  hopeless. 
The  brain  was  failing,  and  life  slowly  ebbing.  Her  critical  state, 
which  had  been  kept  secret,  was  made  public  on  January  I9th, 
and  she  died  at  6.30  in  the  evening  of  Friday,  January  22nd, 
being  eighty-one  years  of  age  and  having  reigned  for  sixty-three 
years  seven  months  and  two  days. 

The  effect  produced  by  her  death  all  over  the  world  is  almost 
indescribable.  In  India  the  grief  was  most  intense.  There  the 
Queen  was  regarded  not  only  as  a  Sovereign,  but  almost  as  an 
object  of  worship.  She  was  reverenced  as  a  just  and  beneficent 
ruler,  but  still  more  as  a  fruitful  mother  of  Sovereigns  and  Princes, 
for  she  exhibited  in  their  most  striking  form  those  virtues  of 
maternity  which  impress  the  imagination  of  the  East  with  singular 
effect.  To  every  child  in  that  vast  country  it  seemed  as  if  a 
shadow  had  fallen  upon  the  land  and  the  sun  had  been  darkened 
in  the  heavens.  Monarchy  appeared  to  have  come  to  an  end,  and 

492 


INFLUENCE    OF    QUEEN    VICTORIA 

it  was  difficult  to  believe  that  any  successor  could  wield  the 
sovereignty  and  gain  the  respect  which  had  attached  to  the  person 
of  the  departed  Queen.  The  Queen's  funeral  was  deeply  impres- 
sive. All  the  details,  even  the  music  to  be  performed  at  it,  had 
been  previously  ordained  by  the  Queen  herself.  No  one  who 
witnessed  it  will  ever  forget  the  scene  as  the  Queen's  coffin  was 
conveyed  across  London  from  Victoria  to  Paddington  amidst  the 
silence  and  tears  of  mourning  millions.  The  long  procession  of 
soldiers  was  broken  by  the  little  casket,  which  was  borne,  by  her 
wishes,  on  a  gun-carriage,  and  decorated  with  robes  and  the  Crown, 
shining  like  a  precious  jewel  in  the  midst  of  the  funeral  gloom, 
followed  by  her  son  and  grandson,  the  new  King  and  the  Emperor 
of  Germany.  As  the  coffin  passed,  the  crowds  in  the  Parks  and 
the  streets  felt  as  if  they  had  suffered  a  personal  loss,  and  many 
of  those  who  viewed  it  from  the  windows  fell  instinctively  on 
their  knees  and  breathed  a  prayer  for  the  departed  spirit. 

There  can  be  no  greater  mistake  than  to  suppose  that  the  Queen 
Queen  had  no  influence  in  politics.     She  was  a  voluminous  letter-  Victoria's 
writer,  studied  every  detail  of  public  business,  and  formed  opinions  Jc????*y  itt 

,  ,  i_-    v        i_       11  Ji  JT_  t  •  PolltlCS, 

of  her  own,  which  she  boldly  expressed  ;  but,  strong  as  her  views 
were,  she  always  yielded  to  any  manifestation  of  the  popular  will. 
Any  letter  written  by  her  to  the  Prime  Minister  was  the  first 
business  considered  at  the  next  meeting  of  the  Cabinet.  Her 
opinions  had  naturally  great  weight.  She  had  known  intimately 
every  public  man  in  England  during  the  whole  of  her  reign,  and 
most  of  those  on  the  Continent.  She  had  discussed  with  them 
every  detail  of  policy  from  different  points  of  view ;  she  had  a 
most  retentive  memory  and  an  admirable  judgment.  Some  thought 
that  she  had  no  commanding  strength  of  intellect,  but  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  this  was  the  case.  As  has  been  before  remarked, 
it  is  questionable  whether,  in  her  intercourse  with  her  husband, 
she  was  not  the  genius  and  he  the  well-educated  scholar.  One 
thing  is  certain  :  she  possessed  the  most  guileless  simplicity  of 
mind,  the  utmost  piety  of  heart,  and  instinctively  recoiled  from 
all  falseness  and  insincerity.  The  character  of  her  counsellors 
showed  this. 

Gerald  Wellesley,  Dean  of  Windsor,  and  Frederick  Ponsonby,  The  Queen'a 
her   private   secretary,   both  her  trusted   advisers,   were  men  of  Advisers, 
the  most  conspicuous  honesty.     The  position  of  the  two  towards 
her  was   very  different.     Wellesley  never  hesitated  to  give  her 
advice,    however   unpalatable.       When   Gladstone   came   to   stay 
at  the  Windsor  Deanery  in  1876,  the  Queen  objected  to  his  long 
visit,  and  suggested  that  his  prolonged  sojourn  in  the  neighbour- 

493 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


A  High- 
water  Mark 
of  Britain's 
History. 


King 
Edward  VII. 


Every  Inch 
>  King." 


hood  of  the  Castle,  when  other  advisers  were  at  her  side  and 
other  parties  predominant,  might  produce  an  unfavourable  impres- 
sion. The  Dean  was  indignant  with  this  interference  with  his 
private  friendships  and  hospitalities,  and  said  afterwards,  "  Didn't 
I  write  her  a  tickler  ?  "  On  the  other  hand,  when  Ponsonby 
was  appointed,  she  expressly  stipulated  that  he  should  give  her 
no  advice.  "  I  am  older  than  you,"  she  said,  "  and  I  know  more  ; 
I  want  assistance,  but  no  advice."  If  she  occasionally  fell  under 
the  influence  of  some  whose  honesty  and  unselfishness  were  less 
generally  acknowledged,  it  may  be  that  she  discovered  in  them 
qualities  of  excellence  which  were  not  so  apparent  to  the  world  as 
they  were  to  herself. 

In  spite  of  her  many  cares  and  the  gloom  of  mourning  for  her 
husband  which  enveloped  her  for  so  many  years,  she  was  full  of 
good  spirits  and  merriment,  and  was  given  to  hearty  and  even 
exuberant  laughter.  She  was,  perhaps,  take  her  all  in  all,  the 
greatest  of  English  Sovereigns — greater  even  than  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, but  with  far  less  taste  and  appreciation  of  literature  and  art. 
Every  noble  personality  after  death  enters  into  a  penumbra,  and 
is  partly  obscured  ;  but  when  the  shadow  moves  away  it  shines 
more  brightly  than  ever,  and  the  lustre  becomes  more  vivid  the 
farther  the  presence  is  removed.  So,  as  ages  move  on,  the  reign 
of  Queen  Victoria  will  be  regarded  as  a  high-water  mark  in  the 
history  of  Great  Britain — not,  we  may  hope,  to  be  illuminated  by 
contrast  with  any  decadence  or  misfortune. 

At  his  first  Privy  Council,  held  upon  January  23rd,  1901,  the 
day  following  Queen  Victoria's  death,  the  new  King  said  :  "In 
undertaking  the  heavy  load  which  now  devolves  upon  me,  I  am 
determined  to  be  a  Constitutional  sovereign  in  the  strictest  sense 
of  the  word,  and  as  long  as  there  is  strength  in  my  body  to  work 
for  the  good  and  amelioration  of  my  people.  I  have  resolved  to 
be  known  by  the  name  of  Edward,  which  has  been  held  by  many 
of  my  ancestors.  In  doing  this,  I  do  not  undervalue  the  name 
of  Albert,  which  I  have  inherited  from  my  ever-to-be-lamented, 
great,  and  wise  father,  who  by  universal  consent  is,  I  think,  known 
by  the  name  of  Albert  the  Good,  and  I  desire  that  his  name  should 
stand  alone." 

The  new  King  found  himself,  at  his  accession,  in  a  very  diffi- 
cult position.  He  was  now  advanced  in  years,  and  nearly  forty 
years  had  passed  since  his  father's  death  ;  yet  he  had  never  been 
admitted  to  any  share  in  the  government ;  indeed,  had  been 
carefully  excluded.  Full  of  excitement,  energy,  and  the  enjoy- 
ment of  life,  he  had  sought  in  amusement  the  outlet  denied  him 

494 


KING    EDWARD'S    DIFFICULT    TASK 

In  serious  occupations,  and  became  surrounded  by  many  friends, 
male  and  female,  who  were  unworthy  of  him.  His  extreme  good 
temper  and  remarkable  power  of  sympathy  were  frequently 
abused,  even  at  times  to  the  harm  of  his  reputation.  All  this 
had  to  be  altered,  and  he  proved  every  inch  a  King,  gifted  with 
dignity  of  mind  and  character,  worthy  to  maintain  the  record 
of  the  best  of  his  ancestors. 

He  found  his  country  in  a  most  unfortunate  position.  The  Britain's 
Boer  War,  like  the  American  War  of  Independence,  had  left  Great  Isolation. 
Britain,  as  we  have  seen,  without  a  friend  in  Europe.  The  feeling 
against  her  was  so  strong  that  it  was  difficult  for  Englishmen  to 
travel  abroad,  so  palpable  were  the  insults  to  which  they  had 
to  submit,  and  in  1900  even  the  Queen,  instead  of  taking  her 
accustomed  holiday  on  the  Continent,  sought  change  of  air  and 
scene  in  Ireland.  It  was  not  only  necessary  that  the  Boer  War 
should  come  to  an  end  before  the  Coronation,  but  after  that 
had  been  accomplished  the  prestige  of  Great  Britain  had  to  be 
reasserted.  It  was  the  King's  glory  that  he  achieved  this,  for  it 
was  apparent  to  every  one  that  at  the  crowning  of  his  successor, 
George  V.,  the  nation  stood  in  popularity  and  power  inferior  to 
none. 

After  the  Accession  came  the  Coronation.    It  had  been  fixed  Preparations 
for  June  26th,  1902,  peace  with  the  Boers  having  been  signed  on  for  the . 
May  3ist.     The  interest  manifested  in  this  solemnity  was  beyond    orona  lon* 
all    precedent.    London    was    concealed    under    picturesque    and 
variegated  decorations,  every  little  street  in  the  lowest  slum  dis- 
playing its  flag  or  bit  of  bunting.    The  curiosity  and  interest  of 
country  folk  seemed  insatiable.     Day  after  day,  hour  after  hour, 
streams  of  village  wagons,  adorned  with  ornaments  and  filled  with 
yokels,  their  wives  and  children,  passed  through  Pall  Mall  and 
up  St.  James's  Street  in  endless  procession.     Few  living  persons 
had  ever  been  present  at  a  Coronation  at  all.     Windows  were  let 
at  fabulous  prices,   and  every  one  was  in  a  fever  of  excitement 
for  the  great  day. 

Suddenly,  on  June  24th,  the  shock  came  that  the  Coronation      The  King's 
would  not  take  place.     The  King  had  an  attack  of  perityphlitis,      illness. 
against  which  he  had  fought  with  heroic  courage  ;    but  he  had 
now  to  undergo  an  operation,  the  postponement  of  which  would 
endanger  his  life.     He  said,  "  Will  my  people  ever  forgive  me  ?  " 
But  there  was  no  talk  of  forgiveness,  all  feeling  being  absorbed 
in  anxiety  for  his  health  and  prayers  for  his  recovery.    The  King 
rapidly  recovered,  and  the  Coronation  took  place,  though  with 
diminished  interest,  on  August  9th.    Temple,  the  aged  Primate, 

495 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Balfour 
as  Prime 
Minister. 


The 

Education 

Bill. 


The  Passive 

Resistance 

Campaign. 


crowned  the  King,  who  had  to  guide  the  trembling  hands  of  the 
Archbishop  in  the  solemn  function. 

Lord  Salisbury  had  hoped  to  be  present  at  the  ceremony  in 
the  capacity  of  Prime  Minister  ;  but  his  nerves  had  been  for  some 
time  failing,  and  he  was  obliged  to  resign  his  office  in  July,  his 
place  being  taken  by  his  nephew,  Arthur  Balfour,  a  paragon  of 
knightly  virtue,  whom  to  know  was  to  love  and  to  love  to  admire. 
In  no  other  country  could  a  man  of  such  spotless  integrity,  devoid 
of  all  the  mean  arts  of  political  intrigue,  have  obtained  such  a 
position,  with  a  career  unsmirched  by  any  of  the  artifices  by 
which  such  eminence  is  generally  reached.  Throughout  his  career 
he  never  failed  to  raise  the  tone  of  political  controversy  and  to 
prefer  patriotism  to  party. 

Balfour's  first  task  was  to  deal  with  the  question  of  education, 
one  of  unrivalled  importance  but  of  much  difficulty,  which  has 
proved  the  grave  of  many  political  reputations.  It  is  difficult  in 
England  to  have  educational  questions  settled  on  their  merits. 
They  are  usually  discussed,  often  with  much  heat,  from  the  point 
of  view  of  religious  controversy,  the  disputes  having  no  existence 
in  the  schools  and  not  being  shared  by  those  engaged  in  teaching. 
Balfour  took  a  bold  line.  Following  Sir  John  Gorst,  he  estab- 
lished a  single  authority  for  primary,  secondary,  and  technical 
education — the  county  councils  in  the  counties,  and  the  borough 
councils  in  county  boroughs,  working  through  education  com- 
mittees chosen  by  the  councils.  The  important  change, 
however,  consisted  in  placing  voluntary  schools  on  the  rates 
— an  entirely  new  departure.  The  Act  of  1890  had  provided 
that  undenominational  schools  should  be  supported  by  public 
funds,  but  that  denominational,  or,  as  they  were  called,  voluntary, 
schools  had  largely  to  be  paid  for  by  private  contributions. 
As  the  standard  of  education  increased,  the  expense  of  keeping 
the  voluntary  schools  up  to  the  level  of  Board  schools  became, 
as  Balfour  said,  "  an  intolerable  strain/'  and  the  subscriptions 
were  not  sufficient  to  meet  it.  Only  two  courses  were  possible 
— to  make  all  schools  undenominational  or  place  the  denomina- 
tional schools  on  a  similar  footing  with  the  others  with  regard 
to  public  maintenance. 

Balfour  chose  the  statesmanlike,  but  dangerous  course  of 
taking  the  second  alternative.  He  knew  that  public  opinion  on 
the  whole  was  in  favour  of  religious  and  opposed  to  secular 
education,  and  he  thought  that  the  education  which  the  people 
preferred  should  be  supported  out  of  public  funds.  This,  of 
course,  produced  an  outcry,  and  a  national  Passive  Resistance 

496 


INTRODUCTION    OF    TARIFF    REFORM 

Committee  was  formed  to  encourage  individuals  to  refuse  to  pay 
rates  for  the  maintenance  of  denominational  schools.  But  the 
common  sense  of  the  more  reasonable  and  less  political  Dissenters 
supported  Balfour's  policy,  and  Quintin  Hogg,  a  Radical  and  a 
Nonconformist,  whose  statue  stands  in  Regent  Street,  in  London, 
close  to  the  Polytechnic  which  he  founded,  said,  a  few  days 
before  his  death,  that  he  supported  the  Bill,  but  that  he  never 
thought  he  could  have  brought  himself  to  approve  of  a  Tory 
educational  measure. 

The  amendment  of  the  Education  Bill  formed  a  prominent  Creation  of 
plank  in  the  Liberal  platform  at  the  next  general  election,  and  Secondary 
Mr.  Birrell  had  the  ungrateful  task  of  presenting  an  alternative 
measure,  which  was  rejected  by  the  House  of  Lords.  Balfour's 
Act,  however,  created  secondary  education  in  England,  before  non- 
existent, stimulated  a  wholesome  rivalry  between  counties  as  to 
which  should  possess  the  best  system  of  education,  extended  and 
developed  national  education  in  England  in  a  manner  which 
is  gradually  transforming  the  character  of  our  people,  and  will 
bear  comparison  with  any  other  system  of  national  education  in 
the  world. 

On  August  22nd,  1903,  Lord  Salisbury  died,  his  death  showing  Death  of 
that   his  resignation   could  not  have  been  delayed  longer.     He  Lord 
was  a  man  of   great    ability  and   dignity   of   character,  but   his  Sallsbury' 
Conservatism  was  often  too  much  influenced  by  prejudice  and 
passion  to  be  the  outcome  of  philosophical  inquiry,  or  of  rever- 
ence for  the  past  as  the  only  progenitor  of  a  sound  and  secure 
future.     He  was   a  worthy  member  of  that   distinguished  Cecil 
family  which  had  been  the  advisers  of  Sovereigns  for  more  than 
300  years,  and  had  inspired  many  of  the  weightiest  pages  of  the 
national  history. 

A  revolution  was  suddenly  introduced  into  Imperial  politics  Tariff 
when  Joseph  Chamberlain  avowed  himself  in  favour  of  Protection,  Reform* 
or,  as  it  was  now  called,  Tariff  Reform.  It  had  been  supposed 
that  since  the  great  struggle  of  the  'forties,  Protection  was 
dead  in  British  politics,  and  that  Free  Trade,  the  open  door, 
was  accepted  as  the  corner-stone  of  her  prosperity.  Now,  how- 
ever, for  what  reason  can  only  be  conjectured,  Chamberlain  lent 
the  force  of  his  will  and  his  great  influence  over  the  masses  to 
attempt  to  reverse  this  policy.  He  had  recently  paid  a  visit  to 
South  Africa,  during  which  he  must  have  become  convinced  that 
the  Boer  War,  for  which  he  was  ready  to  assume  the  responsibility, 
was  a  blunder,  if  not  a  crime  ;  and  the  idea  of  inaugurating  a  new 
policy  with  which  his  name  might  be  connected  may  have  occurred 

2g  497 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Free  Trade 
or 
Protection  ? 


Free  Trade 
Paramount. 


Chamber- 
lain's Insub- 
ordination. 


to  him  in  his  solitary  breedings,  either  on  the  illimitable  veldt 
or  on  the  voyage  home.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  Free  Trade 
has  not  produced  all  the  good  effects  which  were  anticipated, 
and  has  brought  with  it  some  evils  which  were  not  foreseen. 
This  is  probably  the  case  with  all  legislative  measures. 

If  a  wholly  wise  and  truly  honest  Prime  Minister  were  entrusted 
with  the  duty  of  imposing  and  remitting  taxes  on  his  own  respon- 
sibility, a  state  of  things  might  be  brought  about  more  satisfactory 
than  absolute  Free  Trade  or  absolute  Protection.  But  this  is 
impossible.  Financial  matters  must  be  left  to  the  judgment  of 
the  House  of  Commons,  and  arranged  in  accordance  with  discus- 
sion. Protection,  even  of  a  limited  and  restricted  nature,  would 
be  liable  to  similar  evils  to  those  of  Free  Trade,  only  of  a  more 
serious  kind  ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  predict  with  any  approach 
to  accuracy  the  good  it  might  produce  or  the  harm  it  might  cause. 
Therefore,  the  almost  unanimous  verdict  of  scientific  political 
economists  is  in  favour  of  Free  Trade  for  the  United  Kingdom, 
although  it  is  admitted  that  a  limited  Protection  may  sometimes 
be  of  advantage  to  young  countries,  in  order  to  foster  nascent 
industries.  At  the  same  time,  Protection  appeals  to  the  lower 
instincts  of  business  men.  Each  man  feels  the  spur  of  competi- 
tion in  his  own  case,  and  thinks  that  if  his  particular  trade  or 
industry  could  be  protected  he  would  be  better  off.  It  is  the 
coward's  refuge.  All  cannot  be  benefited,  but  each  trader,  never- 
theless, thinks  he  will  join  in  the  lottery. 

Happily  the  danger  has  been  averted.  It  was  seen  that 
Protection  could  not  be  introduced  without  taxes  on  food,  and 
to  tax  food  in  the  British  Isles,  which  must  draw  so  much  of  their 
subsistence  from  foreign  parts,  would  be  a  calamity  of  which  the 
least  instructed  can  comprehend  the  danger.  The  nation  has 
come  to  see  that  its  economical  safety  lies  in  producing  good 
work,  and  that  it  can  leave  to  neighbours,  far  or  near,  the  task 
of  supplying  the  cheap  commodities  which  may  give  grace  and 
comfort  to  our  lives,  but  which  it  cannot  produce  itself.  A 
healthy  preference  for  British  products  has  grown  up,  and  these 
have  been  stimulated,  but  the  additional  revenue  required  under 
modern  conditions  can  better  and  more  justly  be  obtained  by 
taxing  the  rich  than  by  laying  fresh  burdens  on  the  poor. 

This  pronouncement  of  Chamberlain  was  a  serious  act  of 
insubordination.  A  Cabinet  Minister  has  no  right  to  announce 
a  policy  unless  it  has  received  the  approval  of  his  colleagues  or,  at 
least,  of  his  chief.  Balfour  should  have  informed  Chamberlain 
that  his  new  departure  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  remain  in 

498 


EDWARD    THE    PEACEMAKER 

the  Cabinet,  and  he  should  have  demanded  his  resignation.  It 
is,  indeed,  possible  that  he  intended  at  first  to  take  this  course, 
but  deemed  it  wiser  to  temporise  than  adopt  a  measure  which 
might  dislocate  the  party.  Chamberlain,  however,  left  the 
Cabinet  in  order  to  carry  out  his  propaganda  of  Protection 
without  the  restrictions  of  office.  Ritchie,  who  objected  to  a 
tax  on  wheat,  and  Lord  George  Hamilton  resigned  their  port- 
folios, and  Austen  Chamberlain  became  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer and  Alfred  Lyttelton,  a  man  of  vigorous  and  inde- 
pendent intellect,  Colonial  Secretary.  Balfour  steadily  refused  to 
declare  his  opinions,  which,  though  philosophically  correct,  were 
necessarily  of  a  nature  too  subtle  and  complicated  to  lend  them- 
selves to  a  proposition  intelligible  to  the  masses  or  capable  of 
embodiment  in  a  cry.  But  later  fiscal  developments  made  Tariff 
Reform  a  question  of  secondary  importance. 

The  government  of  King  Edward  was  essentially  a  govern-  Edward  the 
ment  of  peace,  by  whatever  Ministry  he  was  served.  His  first  Peacemaker. 
act  after  his  accession  was  to  make  a  treaty  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Boers,  and  he  speedily  obtained  the  name,  which  he 
amply  deserved,  of  "  The  Peacemaker."  His  policy  was  to  come 
to  a  friendly  understanding  with  other  nations,  when  there 
were  disputes  which  in  untoward  circumstances  might  bring 
about  a  war.  After  the  adjustment  of  the  South  African  diffi- 
culties, the  first  country  to  which  he  turned  was  France,  a  land 
in  which  he  had  spent  many  happy  hours,  and  where  he 
possessed  many  devoted  friends.  In  1904  an  Anglo-French  agree- 
ment was  drawn  up  which  settled  many  points  in  debate.  France 
was  given  a  free  hand  in  Morocco,  and  in  return  Great  Britain 
was  allowed  to  consolidate  and  extend  her  power  in  Egypt. 
The  vexed  question  of  the  Newfoundland  Fisheries,  the  despair 
of  diplomatists  since  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  was  placed  on  a 
secure  basis.  The  French  rights  of  drying  fish  and  securing 
passports  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  were  abandoned.  France 
obtained  access  to  the  Gambia,  the  Los  Islands,  off  the  west 
coast  of  Africa,  opposite  Konakry,  and  a  rectification  of  the 
frontier  of  Nigeria,  which  gave  a  more  direct  route  into  her  terri- 
tory from  the  Niger  to  Lake  Chad.  With  regard  to  Siam,  French 
influence  was  recognised  as  predominant  in  the  valley  of  the 
Mekong,  British  in  the  valley  of  the  Menam.  Great  Britain 
abandoned  her  protest  against  the  French  Customs  regime  in 
Madagascar,  and  the  disputes  which  existed  between  Great  Britain 
and  France  with  regard  to  the  New  Hebrides  were  to  be  settled 
by  a  Joint  Commission.  The  King  continued  to  pay  visits  to 

499 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

Paris  and  to  receive  the  President  of  France  in  London.  This 
happy  friendship  between  the  two  neighbouring  peoples  became 
known  as  the  Entente  cordiale. 

Liberal  In  1905  the  Conservative  Ministry  came  to  an  end,  and  the 

Triumph  Liberals  accepted  office  with  Campbell-Bannerman  at  their  head. 
of  1906.  jje  was  SUpp0rte(i  Dy  Herbert  Gladstone  at  the  Home  Office,  Sir 
Edward  Grey  at  the  Foreign  Office,  Lloyd  George  at  the  Board 
of  Trade,  Asquith  at  the  Exchequer,  and  John  Burns  at  the  Local 
Government  Board.  This  was  followed  in  1906  by  a  general 
election,  which  placed  the  Liberals  in  power  by  an  enormous 
majority.  It  was  almost  impossible  for  a  Liberal  to  stand  with- 
out being  elected.  Many  found  themselves  in  Parliament  who 
were  much  embarrassed  at  being  elected,  and  the  Liberal  pre- 
ponderance in  the  House  was  a  cause  of  weakness,  and  even 
of  danger.  Three  hundred  and  seventy-four  Liberals,  fifty-four 
Labour  members,  and  eight-four  Nationalists  gave  their  support 
to  the  Ministry,  whereas  the  Opposition  could  only  rely  on  the 
votes  of  a  hundred  and  thirty-one  Conservatives  and  twenty- 
seven  Liberal  Unionists.  On  a  division  the  Government  would 
have  a  majority  of  354.  Various  reasons  were  assigned  for 
this  remarkable  veering  of  public  opinion.  The  Tories  put  it 
down  to  the  calumnies  alleged  to  have  been  circulated  by 
Liberals  with  regard  to  Chinese  labour  in  the  Transvaal  mines. 
It  is  more  reasonable  to  consider  it  as  a  vote  condemnatory  of 
the  Boer  War,  the  hollowness  of  which  had  become  apparent, 
while  the  victory  of  the  "  Khaki "  election  held  during  the 
progress  of  the  struggle  was  now  regarded  rather  as  a  disgrace 
than  a  triumph.  The  strength  of  the  Government  was  unhappily 
wasted  by  an  attempt,  led  by  Birrell,  to  amend  Balfour's 
Education  Bill,  which  caused  acrimonious  discussion  and  pro- 
duced no  practical  result,  as  the  amendments  introduced  by  the 
House  of  Lords  were  rejected  by  the  House  of  Commons. 

The  year  1906  witnessed  the  passing  of  some  useful  measures. 
The  Agricultural  Holdings  Act  gave  the  tenant-farmer  compensa- 
tion for  improvements  he  had  made  and  for  the  termination  of 
his  lease  without  sufficient  cause.  An  Act  was  passed  allowing 
local  authorities  to  provide  meals  for  school  children,  and  a  new 
Workmen's  Compensation  Act  included  domestic  servants  in  its 
scope.  In  1907  perhaps  the  most  important  part  in  domestic 
affairs  was  borne  by  Haldane,  who,  with  admirable  self-sacrifice, 
had  undertaken  the  office  of  Minister  of  War.  A  man  of  con- 
summate ability  and  rare  intellectual  force,  he  had  gained  the 
highest  reputation  at  the  Bar,  and  had  deserved  to  be  placed  at 

500 


THE    PERSIAN    CONVENTION 

the  head  of  his  profession  ;  but  he  elected  to  devote  his  patient 
acuteness  and  phenomenal  power  of  work  to  the  task  of  reorganis- 
ing the  British  Army,  a  labour  which  had  brought  failure  to  many 
patriotic  and  devoted  Ministers.  He  established  what  is  called 
a  Territorial  army  as  a  reserve  to  the  regular  army.  The  regular 
army  at  home  was  to  consist  of  a  first  line  of  six  infantry 
divisions,  of  four  cavalry  brigades  of  twelve  regiments  each, 
making  in  all  160,000  men.  The  second  line  was  composed  of 
a  Territorial  army,  consisting  of  militia,  yeomanry,  and  volunteers. 
The  country  was  divided  into  fourteen  regimental  districts,  and 
in  each  county  an  association  was  to  be  formed  under  the  Lord 
Lieutenant  for  organising  the  force.  The  strength  of  the  Terri- 
torial army  was  to  be  made  up  to  300,000  men.  Service  in  the 
Territorial  army  was  to  last  four  years,  terminable  at  three 
months'  notice  on  the  payment  of  £5. 

The  most  important  event  of  the  year  1907  was  the  signing  Ancient  Foes 
of  a  Convention  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia,  which  defined  United« 
the  spheres  of  influence  of  the  two  countries  in  Persia,  and  agreed, 
among  other  things,  that  neither  should  send  representatives 
to  Lhassa,  the  sacred  city  of  Tibet.  The  rivalry  between  Russia 
and  Great  Britain  had  been  one  of  the  most  momentous  facts, 
and  certainly  the  most  disastrous,  in  British  foreign  politics  since 
the  fall  of  Napoleon.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  it  originated,  or 
on  what  reasons  it  was  based.  Nicholas  I.,  one  of  the  greatest 
of  the  Tsars,  was  devotedly  attached  to  Great  Britain  and  was 
received  with  the  most  friendly  hospitality  by  the  British  Court 
in  the  'forties.  Great  Britain  was  led  into  the  Crimean  War  by 
the  intrigues  of  Napoleon  III.,  and  into  unfriendly  relations  with 
Alexander  II.  by  the  partisanship  of  Beaconsfield  and  the 
necessity  of  finding  a  cry  to  replace  him  in  power.  Madame  de 
Novikov  worked  hard  to  improve  the  relations  between  the  two 
Courts  and  make  them  understand  each  other,  and  she  influenced 
Gladstone  in  the  same  direction.  But  the  unreasoning  predi- 
lection of  the  British  for  Turkey,  one  of  the  mysteries  of  their 
statesmen's  policy,  prevented  the  nation  from  following  a  new 
lead,  and  the  suspicion  of  Russia  still  remained.  A  section  of 
British  Radicals  detested  Russian  systems  of  government,  not 
knowing  what  they  really  are,  not  realising  how  difficult  it  is  to 
alter  them,  and  not  understanding  that  the  Tsar  Nicholas  II.  is 
one  of  the  best,  the  most  enlightened,  the  most  peace-loving, 
monarchs  in  Europe,  and  had  set  himself  to  inaugurate  a  system 
of  constitutional  government  in  his  country,  so  far  as  was  possible 
under  the  peculiar  conditions. 

501 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 


Irritation  in 
Germany. 


The  Tibet 
Expedition. 


King 

Edward's 

Influence. 


That  an  agreement  should  at  last  be  effected  between  these 
two  nations  was  like  sun  in  winter.  It  was  due  to  the  wisdom  of 
Sir  Edward  Grey,  the  statesmanship  of  Asquith,  the  sagacious 
counsel  of  Sir  Arthur  Nicholson  (the  British  Ambassador  at  St. 
Petersburg,  who  then  happened  to  be  in  London),  the  determined 
enthusiasm  of  John  Morley,  and,  above  all,  the  encouraging 
courtesy  and  sympathy  of  the  Russian  Foreign  Office.  Great 
Britain's  relations  with  France  and  Russia  thus  became  smooth, 
the  prudent  course  being  taken  of  removing  out  of  the  path  all 
controversies  which  might  produce  a  serious  quarrel.  The  quasi- 
alliance,  which  never  became  a  real  alliance,  between  Great 
Britain,  France  and  Russia,  caused  suspicion  and  irritation  in 
Germany,  which  began  to  feel  isolated  ;  but  Campbell-Bannerman 
assured  the  German  Foreign  Office  that  these  agreements  were 
not  hostile  to  its  interests,  and  that  the  only  reason  why  a  similar 
arrangement  was  not  made  with  Germany  was  because  no  similar 
causes  of  quarrel  existed  at  the  moment  between  it  and  Great 
Britain. 

We  have  seen  that  one  of  the  clauses  in  the  Anglo-Russian 
Convention  provided  that  neither  country  should  interfere  with 
Lhassa.  Lord  Curzon,  as  Viceroy  of  India,  had  found  it  impera- 
tive to  send  a  military  expedition  to  Tibet  to  conquer  Lhassa. 
This  mysterious  city,  the  home  of  the  Dalai  Lama,  is  more  likely 
than  any  other  place  in  the  world  to  contain  evidence  of  the 
beginnings  of  definite  relations  between  God  and  man,  because 
the  first  worshippers  of  an  All- Wise  and  an  All-Mighty  God  were 
Mongolian,  and  Lhassa  is  the  oldest  seat  of  Mongolian  religion. 
This  expedition,  commanded  by  Younghusband,  was  eminently 
successful,  and  led  to  a  treaty  which  was  afterwards,  unfortun- 
ately, disregarded.  When  the  expedition  was  sent  Russia  had 
not  been  conquered  by  Japan.  There  is  now  less  chance  of  her 
advance  in  this  direction  ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  it  was 
wise  to  leave  Tibet  in  the  hands  of  China :  a  country  permeated 
with  spirituality  controlled  by  a  material  and  irreligious  horde. 

During  these  years  dislike  of  Great  Britain  had  been  gradu- 
ally fading  away,  owing,  as  we  have  seen,  more  than  anything 
else,  to  the  personal  popularity  and  tact  of  Edward  VII.  He 
was  acquainted  with,  indeed  more  or  less  related  to,  all  European 
sovereigns,  and  worked  hard  in  strengthening  these  ties.  He 
was  in  the  habit  of  paying  a  yearly  visit  to  Marienbad  to  drink 
the  waters,  a  custom  which,  under  the  care  of  Dr.  Ott, 
undoubtedly  extended  his  life.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  affec- 
tionate enthusiasm  with  which  he  was  received  in  that  health 


502 


BRITAIN    THE    DOMINATING    POWER 

resort,  Russians,  French,  Austrians,  and  above  all  Germans, 
who  had  been  most  embittered  against  England  and  against 
him  personally  during  the  Boer  War,  thronging  to  do  him 
honour.  Embarrassing  as  their  attentions  must  sometimes  have 
been,  he  valued  them  as  evidence  that  the  cloud  which  had 
hung  over  his  country  was  passing,  and  he  was  becoming  a 
potent  factor  in  the  counsels  of  Europe  as  the  ambassador  of 
peace.  The  effect  produced  by  his  ten  years  of  rule  in  this 
respect — the  difference  between  the  isolation,  the  ostracism,  of 
Great  Britain  in  1901  and  her  commanding  influence  in  1911 — 
is  only  comparable  with  the  first  ten  years  of  the  younger  Pitt, 
which  saw  Great  Britain  in  1783  the  pariah  of  the  world,  and 
in  1793  the  dominating  Power  in  Europe. 

Early  in  1908  Campbell-Bannerman,  worn  out  by  political  Death  of 
labour,  intensified  by  the  calamity  of  his  wife's  death  and  the  CamPbe11- 
heroic  efforts  he  had  made  to  prolong  her  life,  was  obliged  to 
resign  office,  and,  indeed,  shortly  afterwards  died.  His  was 
succeeded  by  a  Ministry  which  was  destined  to  leave  a  great 
mark  on  the  history  of  the  country,  in  respect  of  the  progress  of 
democracy  and  the  preservation  of  peace.  Campbell-Bannerman 
had  worked  hard  for  both  objects  and  left  a  name  honoured  on 
both  counts.  In  the  new  Cabinet,  Asquith  became  Prime  Minister, 
an  office  now  for  the  first  time  recognised  by  the  Constitution ; 
and  Lloyd  George,  a  man  of  consummate  genius  and  the  highest 
character,  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 

The  summer  saw  the  Franco-British  Exhibition  in  London,  The  Franco- 
which  did  much  to  consolidate  the  friendship  between  Great  British 
Britain  and  France,  and,  at  the  same  place,  the  celebration  Exhlbl  lon* 
of  the  so-called  Olympic  games  in  the  Stadium,  where  the  youth 
of  the  world  competed  together  in  honourable  rivalry  in  almost 
every  branch  of  athletic  exercise  and  sport.  Lord  Desborough,  to 
whose  energy  and  statesmanlike  wisdom  the  success  of  this 
enterprise  was  due,  said  that  nothing  pleased  him  more  in  this 
experience  than  having  to  preside,  night  after  night,  at  banquets 
of  young  men  of  all  countries,  singing  their  national  songs, 
meeting  in  peace  and  harmony,  and  establishing  thereby  the 
solidarity  of  nations,  and  making  war  impossible.  Kings  and 
statesmen  may  do  what  they  please,  but  when  nations  meet 
together  in  athletic  sport,  or  friendly  intercourse,  in  Olympic 
games  or  in  Esperanto  congresses,  to  enjoy  the  same  amusements 
and  speak  the  same  language,  war  must  gradually  become  im- 
possible. Olympia  was  regarded  as  the  strongest  bond  of  Greek 
unity  in  ancient  times ;  there  is  no  reason  why  a  similar  associa- 

503 


Democratic 
Reforms. 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE    MODERN    WORLD 

tion  in  these  times,  embracing,  not  a  nation,  but  the  whole  world, 
should  not  achieve  as  much  for  us. 

In  the  same  year  a  Pan-Anglican  Congress  brought  together 
every  section  of  the  English  Church  throughout  the  world. 
The  King  made  visits  of  amity  and  peace  to  the  President  of 
the  French  Republic,  the  Tsar — an  admirable  action,  much  re- 
sented by  intemperate  Radicals — the  Emperors  of  Austria  and 
Germany,  while  the  Prince  of  Wales  strengthened  the  bond  of 
union  with  Canada.  In  the  political  sphere  the  rejection  of  the 
Licensing  Bill  by  the  Lords  accentuated  the  agitation  against 
the  Upper  House.  The  Old  Age  Pensions  Act,  promised  by  the 
Unionists  but  never  given,  brought  peace  and  comfort  into 
many  a  home  and  diminished  the  terrible  pauperism  of  the 
country ;  the  Children's  Act,  due  mainly  to  Herbert  Samuel, 
tended  to  make  the  youngest  and  most  important  members  of 
society  temperate  and  moral.  All  these  measures  were  consum- 
mated by  Lloyd  George's  democratic  budget,  which  provided  the 
money  necessary  for  the  increased  expenses  of  the  country,  not 
in  the  taxation  of  food  and  raw  material,  which  would  have  pressed 
heavily  upon  the  poor  and  upon  industry,  but  in  the  taxation  of 
the  rich.  The  budget  was,  by  a  grave  display  of  unwisdom,  which 
much  disturbed  the  King,  rejected  by  the  House  of  Lords,  but 
was  carried  after  a  general  election  had  decided  in  its  favour. 

Steps  were  now  taken  to  carry  out  what  had  been  promised 
Edward  YII,  by  Campbell-Bannerman  and  been  discussed  long  before  his 
time — namely,  the  making  the  veto  of  the  Lords  suspensive, 
instead  of  absolute ;  but  in  the  very  act  of  this  settlement,  King 
Edward  died,  and  the  task  was  left  to  his  successor,  George  V. 
Shortly  before  midnight  on  Friday,  May  6th,  1910,  the  tolling  of 
the  great  bell  of  St.  Paul's  announced  that  Edward  the  Peacemaker 
had  passed  away. 


Death  of 


504 


INDEX 


ABD-EL-KADER,  i.  272,  281,  283 

Abdul  Aziz,  ii.  270,  276 

Abdul  Hamid,  ii.  277,  293,  420 

Abdul  Kerim  Pasha,  ii.  283 

Abdul  Mejid,  i.  277  ;  ii.  270 

Abdur  Rahman,  Sultan  of  Morocco,  i.  282 

Abdurrahman  Khan,  of  Afghanistan,  ii.  338, 
340,  344,  346-7 

Aberdeen,  Earl  of,  Viceroy  of  Ireland,  ii.  376 

Aberdeen,  Lord,  becomes  Foreign  Secretary, 
i.  1 66  ;  on  the  blockade  of  Bosphorus 
and  Dardanelles,  168  ;  on  Prussia's  in- 
tentions, 172 ;  on  Turkey's  position, 
176 ;  recalls  Codrington,  179 ;  disap- 
proves Stratford  Canning's  action,  182  ; 
and  Greek  independence,  182  ;  and 
Portugal,  195  ;  forms  Ministry,  372  ;  and 
Emperor  Nicholas,  374-5  ;  on  Sir  C. 
Napier,  379  ;  resignation,  392 

Abisbal,  General,  i.  107,  109 

Abu  Hamed,  capture  of,  ii.  425-6 

Abu  Klea,  battle  of,  ii.  363 

Abyssinia:  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  ii. 
136 ;  cost  of  expedition  to,  253  ;  re- 
tirement of  Egyptian  garrisons  through, 
420 ;  war  with  Italy,  and  with  the 
Dervishes,  420  ;  and  Italy,  422  ;  Italian 
suzerainty,  423 

Achovo,  defeat  of  Greeks  at,  {.131 

Aci,  Prince,  murder  of,  i.  62 

A' Court,  William,  British  Ambassador  at 
Madrid,  i.  101,  117,  185 

Acre,  capture  of,  i.  264 

Acrocorinthus,  capture  of,  i.  83,  128 

Adam,  Frederick,  i.  140 

Adarana,  General  Hunter  at,  ii.  425  ;  the 
town  destroyed,  426 

Addington  (see  Sidmouth,  Lord) 

"  Address  to  the  German  People,"  by 
Fichte,  i.  29 

Adelaide,  ii.  410,  416 

Adowa,  defeat  of  the  Italians  at,  ii.  423 

Adrianople  captured  by  Russians  (1829), 
i.  172  ;  peace  signed  at  (1829),  173  ; 
Treaty  of,  173-6 ;  occupied  by  the 
Russians,  ii.  293 

Adullamites,  the,  ii.  129 


Affirmation  Bill,  ii.  365 

of  Pans,  1.  315 
Afghan  Boundary  Commission,  U.  347 


Affre,  Archbishop  of  Paris, 


Afghan  War  (1839),  *•  424 

Afghanistan,  first  war  with,  i.  425  ;  Great 
Britain  concludes  an  alliance  with, 
ii.  268  ;  Beaconsfield's  policy  in,  314-5  ; 

guetta  occupied  by  the  British,  315  ; 
reat  Britain  at  war  with,  315-6  ;  the 
frontier  dispute,  338  ;  agreement  with 
Russia,  339  ;  alliance  with  Great  Britain 
refused,  339  ;  war  with,  declared,  340  ; 
Abdurrahman  Khan  proclaimed  Amir 


Afghanistan  (continued) 

of,  344 ;  British  evacuation  of,  346 ; 
consolidaton  of,  346  ;  boundary  dispute, 
372  ;  Treaty  signed,  372 

Africa,  delimitation  of,  ii.  386 

Agordat,  defeat  of  Dervishes  at,  ii.  423 

Agout,  i.  215,  217,  218 

Aguinaldo,  Emilio,  ii.  439 

Ahmed  Arabi  (see  Arabi  Pasha) 

Ahmed  Khel,  defeat  of  the  Afghans  at,  ii.  344 

Ahmed  Eyoub  Pasha,  ii.  283 

"  Aide-toi,  le  del  faidera,"  i.  201,  209 

Aimerich,  General,  i.  118-9 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  Congress  of,  questions  for 
discussion  at,  i.  23 ;  evacuation  of 
France  decided  on,  24 ;  German  and 
Spanish  questions  at,  25  ;  Barbary 
pirates  and  slavery  question,  25  ;  the 
Congress  dissolved,  26 

Akashah,  British  advance  on,  ii.  423 

Akkerman,  Treaty  of,  i.  150 

Alabama  claims  and  award,  ii.  262 

Alagon,  Duke  of,  i.  43 

Alaskand,  valley  of,  conceded  by  Russia, 
ii.  303 

Albanian  Islands,  Greek  rising  in,  i.  78 

Albert,  Archduke,  ii.  61,  94,  103,  171 

Albert  of  Saxe-Coburg  Gotha,  Prince, 
selected  as  husband  by  Queen  Victoria, 
i.  263  ;  marriage  and  character  of,  264  ; 
influence  in  foreign  affairs,  355-6  ;  and 
Palmerston,  358  ;  position  in  politics, 
359 ;  and  International  Exhibition, 
360  ;  feeling  against,  379  ;  and  Napo- 
leon, 398  ;  death  of,  ii.  124 

Alessandria,  revolutionary  outbreak  at,  i.  70  ; 
surrendered  to  Austrians,  72  ;  occupa- 
tion of,  by  Austrians,  ii.  i  ;  fortification 
of,  5  ;  its  position  defined  in  the  Austro- 
Italian  war,  ii  ;  Garibaldi's  imprison- 
ment at,  155 

Alexander  I.,  Emperor,  as  mediator  between 
Richelieu  and  Princeof  Anhalt-Bemburg, 
i.  22  ;  Metternich  and,  23  ;  visits  Paris, 
24 ;  on  Napoleon  at  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
26 ;  on  Spanish  Revolution,  64 ;  at 
Troppau,  65  ;  on  revolution,  67 ;  at 
Laibach,  68  ;  his  anger  at  Piedmontese 
Revolution,  71  ;  Ypsilanti's  appeal  to, 
76 ;  attends  funeral  of  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  80  ;  sends  ultimatum 
to  Turkey,  80  ;  again  intervenes  for 
Greece,  87  ;  and  Capodistrias,  88  ;  ready 
to  send  army  to  Spain,  97  ;  on  risings  in 
Spain,  98  ;  interview  with  Wellington, 
99  ;  at  Verona,  99  ;  indignation  against 
Spain,  100  ;  and  Chateaubriand,  101  ; 
and  question  of  Spanish  colonies,  104  ; 
and  French  war  with  Spain,  108  ;  meet- 
ing with  Emperor  of  Austria  concerning 
Greece,  139;  death  of,  142;  arrangements 
for  his  successor,  144;  and  Poland,  285 


505 


INDEX 


Alexander  II.,  accession  of,  i.  395  ;  in  the 
Crimea,  410  ;  and  the  peace  negotia- 
tions, 414-5  ;  is  fired  upon  in  Paris,  II. 
153  ;  his  important  reforms,  266 ;  his 
policy  as  regards  the  East,  266-7  ;  ex- 
tension of  Russian  dominion  in  Asia 
under,  267-9 ;  his  anger  at  Beacons- 
field's  speech,  279 ;  declares  war  on 
Turkey,  280  ;  crosses  into  Roumania, 
281  ;  issues  a  manifesto  from  Tirnova, 
284  ;  rides  into  Plevna,  292 

Alexandra,  Princess,  of  Denmark :  marriage 
to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  ii.  126 

Alexandria,  British  and  French  warships 
sent  to,  ii.  351  ;  riot  at,  352  ;  bombard- 
ment of,  353  ;  arrival  of  Sir  Garnet 
Wolseley,  355  ;  indemnity  for  the  bom- 
bardment of,  421 

Alexeiev,  Admiral,  ii.  475,  484 

Algiers,  piracy  at,  I.  207  ;  French  expedition 
to,  208-9  ;  as  a  French  colony,  272 

Ali  Pasha  of  Janina,  i.  76-7  ;  murder  of,  85 

Aliwal,  battle  of,  i.  428 

Allard,  Abbe,  ii.  247 

"  Alley  of  the  Dead,  The  "  ii.  193 

Alma,  battle  of,  i.  382,  384 

Almeida,  Count,  i.  134 

Alsace,  ii.  203,  223 

Alsen,  the  Danes  routed  at,  ii.  77 

Alta  Italia,  Kingdom  of,  ii.  10 

Althprp,  Lord,  i.  243,  254-5 

Aluli,  Tung-chi,  Emperor  of  China,  ii.  394-5 

Alvensleben,  ii.  189,  194-6 

Amadeus  of  Savoy,  Prince,  i.  327 

Amanweiler,  ii.  197-9 

Amarante,  Count,  i.  113-4 

America,  North,  confederation  of,  ii.  135 

Amherst,  Lord,  i.  424  ;  Ii.  393 

Amiens,  Peace  of,  il.  447 

Amoy,  ii.  393 

Amur,  the,  ii.  486 

Anam,  ii.  395 

Anarchists  in  France,  i.  313 

Anatoliko,  defence  of,  i.  128 

Ancillon,  i.  81 

Andrassy,  Count :  note  to  Turkey,  ii.  274-5  ; 
at  Ems,  276  ;  and  the  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano,  296  ;  at  Berlin,  300 

Andujar,  Ordinance  of,  i.  no 

Annichiarico,  Ciro,  i.  59 

Anson,  Hon.  George,  i.  435 

Anti-Bourbon  press  campaign,  i.  207,  212 

Antietam,  battle  of,  ii.  45 

Antilles,  the,  ii.  440 

Antologia,  the,  I.  56 

Anton,  Prince,  of  Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, 
ii.  6 1 

Antwerp,  revolutionary  fighting  at,  i.  232  ; 
Dutch  refuse  to  evacuate,  234 

"Apostolical"  Party,  the,  i.  118-9, 186-7, 190 

Arabi  Pasha,  ii.  350-3,  355-6,  422 

Arachova,  defeat  of  Turks  at,  i.  153 

Arago,  i.  213,  274,  31-2,  314  ;    ii.  236 

Aranda,  ii.  248 

Arch,  Joseph,  ii.  375 

Arcorito,  i.  73 

Ardahan,  ii.  283,  259 

Argiielles,  i.  43,  47,  106,  in 

Argyll,  Duke  of,  I.  394  ;j  ii.  251 

Armenia,  ii.  288 

"  Army  of  the  Ionian  Islands,"  i.  81 

Army  reform  in  France,  i.  20-1  ;  in  Great 
Britain,  ii.  256,  257,  258,  259 


Arthur,  Sir  George,  Governor  of  Tasmania,, 
11.  409 

Aryan  nations,  their  predominance,  ii.  392 

Asan,  capture  of,  ii.  405 

Aschaffenburg,  capture  of,  ii.  114 

Ashley,  Lord  (see  Shaftesbury,  Earl  of) 

Asia,  extension  of  Russian  dominions  in,, 
ii.  267-9 

Asia  Minor,  Turkish  atrocities  in,  1.  80 ; 
settlement  under  treaty  of  Akkerman, 
150  ;  Russian  successes  in  (1828),  168 

Asquith,  H.  H.,  becomes  Home  Secretary, 
II.  388  ;  becomes  Prime  Minister,  503 

Assuan  dam,  the,  ii.  422 

Atalanta,  Sherman's  march  on,  II.  57  ;  taken 
by  Sherman,  58 

Atbara,  Battle  of  the,  ii.  427 

Athanasios,  i.  77 

Athens:  Odysseus  raises  siege  of  the  Acro- 
polis, 1.  80  ;  captured  by  Reshid  Pasha,. 
153  ;  defence  of  the  Acropolis,  153-4  ; 
capture  of  the  Acropolis,  155 

Auckland,  Lord,  i.  425 

Augusta,  Princess,  of  Weimar,  i.  171-2 

Augustenburg,  ii.  76,  79,  81-3,  88 

Augusti,  Governor-General  of  the  Philip- 
pines, ii.  439 

Aumale,  Due  d',  i.  281,  312  ;   ii.  248 

Aurelle  de  Paladines,  ii.  228-30 

Australia:  its  effect  on  Eastern  Asiatics,  ii.. 
392  ;  its  discovery  by  Captain  Cook, 
407  ;  its  six  States,  408  ;  discovery  of 

fold,  411  ;  constitution  of  the  various 
tates,  411  ;  and  federation,  413  ;  its 
tariffs,  413  ;  Federal  Council  established 
1885,  415  ;  National  Australian  Con- 
vention appointed,  416  ;  inception  of 
the  Commonwealth  of,  416 ;  the 
Federal  constitution  of,  417  ;  Protection 
adopted,  418  ;  growth  of  the  Labour 
Party,  419  ;  site  of  its  Federal  capital, 
419 

Australian  Duties  Act,  the,  II.  414 
Austria,  founding  of  the  empire  of,  i.  32  r 
number  of  votes  in  the  Bundestag,  33  ; 
absolutism  in,  34  ;  prepared  to  keep- 
peace  in  Italy,  64 ;  agreement  with 
Russia  and  Prussia  as  to  treatment  of 
revolution,  66  ;  to  occupy  Naples,  68  ; 
victory  at  Rieti,  69  ;  prominent  position 
of,  in  Triple  Alliance,  73  ;  in  Italy,  125  ; 
and  Turko-Greek  question,  140-1  ; 
neutrality  in  Russo-Turkish  war,  1828, 
167  :  suggests  intervention  in  Russo- 
Turkish  war,  169  ;  Turkey  tries  to  form 
alliance  with,  171  ;  strained  relations 
with  Russia,  172  ;  and  treaty  of  Adrian  - 
ople,  175  ;  irritation  in  Italy  against, 
304  ;  revolutionary  outbreak  in,  320  ; 
riots  in  Vienna,  321  ;  refuses  to  mediate, 
328  ;  gains  Bologna  and  Ancona,  329  ; 
war  in  Italy,  331-3 ;  and  Hungarian 
independence,  334-5  ;  campaign  against 
Hungary,  336-7  ;  abdication  of  Em- 
peror, 337  ;  defeats  in  Hungary,  339  ; 
appeal  to  Russia,  339  ;  Palmerston  and, 
356-7;  and  the  Crimean  war,  396-7; 
peace  proposals  of,  414  ;  the  Italian  war 
indemnity,  ii.  i  ;  treaty  of  peace  with 
Italy,  i  ;  relaxes  the  Sequestration 
edict,  8  ;  Napoleon  III.'s  antagonism  to, 
9  ;  Italy's  pretexts  for  war  with,  10  „ 
endeavours  to  keep  the  peace  with  Italy; 


506 


INDEX 


Austria  (continued) 

ii  ;  the  war  with  Italy  begins,  13  ;  the 
Austro-Italian  war,  13  et  seq.  (see 
Austro-Italian  war) ;  loss  of  Lombardy, 
25  ;  overtures  to  Prussia,  6 1  ;  sides  with 
Poland,  67  ;  makes  terms  with  Russia, 
67  ;  war  with  Denmark,  71  ;  the  Schles- 
wig  campaign,  73-4  ;  the  fleet  engaged 
by  Tegethoff,  76  ;  retirement  of  Rech- 
berg,  78  ;  Count  Mensdorff  in  power,  79  ; 
war  with  Prussia  foreshadowed,  78  ;  is 
supported  by  Hanover  and  Saxony,  81  ; 
attempts  to  break  Bismarck's  hold  on 
Schleswig-Holstein,  82 ;  treaty  with 
Prussia,  82  ;  protests  against  the  naval 
station  at  Kiel,  83  ;  the  convention  at 
Gastein,  84 ;  Italy  offers  to  purchase 
Venetia,  87  ;  its  perilous  financial  posi- 
tion, 87  ;  determines  to  keep  Venetia, 
89  ;  concentrates  troops  on  the  Prussian 
frontier,  93  ;  mobilises  her  army,  94  ; 
a  loan  of  £60,000,000,  94  ;  offers  to  sur- 
render Venetia,  94  ;  Bismarck's  plan 
for  settlement  rejected,  95  ;  sounds  the 
call  to  war,  96  ;  Count  Karolyi  recalled 
from  Berlin,  97  ;  the  Austro- Prussian 
war,  98  et  seq.  (see  also  Austro -Prussian 
war) ;  prepared  to  surrender  Venetia, 
108  ;  seeks  for  French  mediation  after 
Sadowa,  in  ;  sues  for  peace,  116  ;  the 
visit  of  Napoleon  III.,  153  ;  an  alliance 
with  France  mooted,  167 ;  Russia's 
warning  to,  against  violation  of  neu- 
trality, 203  ;  declares  herself  free  from 
all  engagements,  204  ;  league  with  Ger- 
many and  Russia,  269  ;  and  Andrassy's 
note,  274  ;  presents  note  to  the  Porte, 
276  ;  her  jealousy  of  Russia,  296  ;  feel- 
ing towards  Great  Britain  on  Egyptian 
affairs,  354  ;  Triple  Alliance  with  Ger- 
many and  Italy,  1887,  385 
Austro-Italian  war :  outline  of  Napoleon 
III.'s  plan,  ii.  9  ;  secret  negotiations,  10 ; 
the  treaty  of  1859,  ii  ;  Cavour  still 
working  for  war,  12 ;  the  Franco- 
British  Congress,  13 ;  the  Austrians 
cross  the  frontier,  13  ;  strength  of  the 
opposing  forces,  14 ;  Montebello,  15  ; 
Palestro  taken  by  the  allies,  16  ; 
Austrian  retreat  to  the  Ticino,  17  ; 
Magenta,  17  ;  Napoleon  III.  in  diffi- 
culties, 1 8  ;  the  taking  of  Magenta,  19  ; 
Napoleon  III.'s  proclamation,  19  ;  flight 
of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  20  ;  the 
Austrians  withdraw  to  the  Quadrilateral, 
20  ;  area  of  the  battle  of  Solferino,  20  ; 
strength  of  the  forces  at  Solferino,  21  ; 
the  battle  of  Solferino  begins,  22  ;  dis- 
position of  the  armies,  23  ;  victory  for 
the  allies,  23  ;  peace  of  Villafranca,  24  ; 
Cavour's  rage  at  the  terms,  25  ;  results 
of  the  peace,  26  (see  also  Italy,  Austria) 
Austro- Prussian  war  :  incidents  leading  up 
to  the,  ii.  78  ;  the  mobilisation  begins, 
94 ;  the  war  opens  at  Olmiitz,  97 ; 
strength  of  the  forces,  98  ;  the  Prus- 
sians occupy  Saxony,  Hesse  and  Han- 
over, 99 ;  the  armistice  of  Langen- 
salza,  100  ;  Italy's  rejoicing  at  the  war, 

100  ;    operations  in  Lombardy  and  the 
Tyrol,  101  ;  plans  for  invading  Venetia, 

10 1  ;  the  struggle  at  Custozza,  102  ;  the 
position    at    Villafranca,    103 ;     a   big 


Austro -Prussian  war  (continued) 

Austrian  victory,  103  ;  La  Marmora  in 
flight,  104  ;  the  Prussians  occupy  Dres- 
den, 104  ;  Bohemia  invaded,  105  ;  en- 
gagements at  Podol,  Miinchengratz  and 
Gitschin,  106  ;  the  Austrians  in  retreat, 
107  ;  Koniggratz,  109  ;  the  Prussians 
march  on  Vienna,  in  ;  peace  mediation 
by  France,  112  ;  operations  of  the  Army 
of  the  Main,  113  ;  battle  of  Dermbach, 
113 ;  the  Bavarians  defeated,  114 ; 
Frankfort  occupied,  114;  Benedek  be- 
sieged in  Olmiitz,  115  ;  in  sight  of 
Vienna,  115  ;  an  armistice,  116  ;  Bis- 
marck dictates  the  terms  of  peace,  116  ; 
Peace  of  Prague,  117  ;  progress  of  the 
war  in  Venetia,  118  ;  a  naval  victory  by 
Austria,  119  ;  Italy  secures  Venetia,  119  ; 
peace  signed  at  Vienna,  119 

Autun,  Garibaldi  at,  ii.  236 

Ayub  Khan,  ii.  344-6 

Azim,  of  Afghanistan,  ii.  338 


"BADEN,  Articles  of,"  i.  305 

Baden,  founding  as  a  State  of,  i.  32  ;  Con- 
stitution established,  34  ;  revolutionary 
outbreak  in,  319  ;  and  the  Union  of 
North  and  South  Germany,  ii.  234 ;  ad- 
mitted into  North  German  League,  234 

Baden  Powell,  General  Sir  R.  S.,  ii.  458 

Bagno,  Libri,  i.  228-9 

Bahadur  Shah  (see  Delhi,  King  of) 

Baker,  Sir  Samuel,  ii.  359 

Baker,  Valentine,  ii.  291 

Bala  Hissar,  the  capture  of,  ii.  342-3 

Balaklava,  capture  of,  i.  383  ;  battle  of,  386 

Balan,  ii.  210  ;    fighting  at,  211-2 

Balbo,  Cesare,  i.  302 

Balbo,  Prospero,  i.  53 

Balfour,  Rt.  Hon.  A.  J.,  and  the  Fourth 
Party,  ii.  373  ;  becomes  Secretary  for 
Ireland,  380  ;  and  the  Crimes  Act,  381  ; 
opposes  the  Plan  of  Campaign,  382  ; 
becomes  popular,  383  ;  and  the  Home 
Rule  Bill  of  1893,  389  ;  and  the  Dogger 
Bank  incident,  482 ;  becomes  Prime 
Minister,  496  ;  his  Education  Bill,  497  ; 
and  Tariff  Reform,  499 

Balkan  Peninsula,  League  formed  for  pre- 
serving peace  in,  ii.  269  ;  unrest  in, 
274-5  ;  Powers  and,  279-80  ;  Treaty  of 
San  Stefano  and,  294 ;  risings  against  the 
Turks  in,  298  ;  the  Berlin  Congress  and, 
300-3  ;  Russia's  influence  in,  304,  306 

Ballarat,  ii.  411 

Ballesteros,  General,  ii.  46,  49,  95,  107,  no 

Balloon  in  Spanish-American  war,  ii.  437 

Ballot  Act  rejected  by  the  Lords,  1871,  ii. 
263  ;  passed,  1872,  263 

Ballot,  vote  by,  and  first  Reform  Bill,  i.  244 

Bandiera,  Attilio  and  Emilio,  i.  300-1 

Bank  Holidays,  institution  of,  ii.  260-1 

Bank  of  England  :  resumption  of  cash  pay- 
ments by  (1818),  i.  6  ;  Charter  renewed, 

253 
Bank  of  France  restrains  discounts  (1818), 

i.  25 

Bafios,  Lopez,  i.  96 
Barante,  i.  27,  92 
Barbacena,  Marquis,  i.  195 
Barbary  Pirates,  i.  25 


507 


INDEX 


Barbes,  i.  313 

Baring,  Evelyn  (see  Cromer,  Lord) 

Baring,  Walter,  ii.  277 

Barnard,  Sir  Henry,  1.  435 

Barnato,  Barney,  ii.  451 

Baroche,  I.  345 

Barrot,  Odilon,  i.  201,  266,  271,  276,  310, 
311,  315,  330,  342-3 

Bastide,  i.  207 

Batak,  slaughter  at,  ii.  277 

Batavian  Republic,  the,  ii.  447 

Bathurst,  Australia,  ii.  411 

Bathurst,  Earl,  i.  278 

Batoum,  successful  defence  of,  ii.  288 ;  Treaty 
of  San  Stefano  and,  295  ;  Russia's 
readiness  to  declare  a  free  port,  303-4 

Batthyani,  Count  Louis,  i.  334,  336,  341 

Bavaria,  founding  as  a  State  of,  ii.  32  ; 
Number  of  votes  in  the  Bundestag,  33  ; 
Constitution  established,  34  ;  Prussian 
operations  in,  113-4 ;  treaty  with 
Prussia,  117  ;  alliance  with  Prussia, 
118  ;  and  the  North  German  League, 
234  ;  treaty  with,  signed,  234-5 

Bayazid,  taken  by  the  Russians,  ii.  283  ; 
General  Tergukasov  forced  to  evacuate, 
288  ;  confirmed  to  Russia  by  Treaty  of 
San  Stefano,  295  ;  conceded  by  Russia, 
303 

Bazaine,  Marshal,  in  Mexico,  ii.  144  ;  his 
treachery  to  Maximilian,  145  ;  his  frau- 
dulent practices,  146  ;  leaves  Mexico, 
147  ;  forces  under,  184  ;  fails  to  send 
reinforcements  to  Frossard,  189  ;  his 
incompetence  and  selfishness,  190  ;  the 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  Rhine,  191; 
his  blundering  tactics,  193  ;  wounded 
in  battle  of  Colurnbey,  193  ;  attacked 
by  Alvensleben,  194-5  ;  orders  retreat 
on  Metz,  196  ;  position  of  his  forces 
round  Metz,  197  ;  surveys  the  fighting 
from  Plappeville,  198  ;  Metz  invested, 
200  ;  plans  retiring  to  Chalons,  202  ; 
and  MacMahon,  203  ;  MacMahon  starts 
to  his  relief,  204  ;  and  MacMahon's 
retreat  on  Mezieres,  206  ;  and  sorties 
from  Metz  in  direction  of  Thionville, 
208  ;  proposes  terms  to  the  enemy, 
225  ;  secret  negotiations  with  the 
Empress,  225  ;  is  forced  to  capitulate, 
225  ;  course  of  the  war  as  affected  by 
his  action,  226 

Bazeilles,  French  at,  on  the  eve  of  Sedan, 
ii.  209  ;  advance  of  Bavarians  on,  210  ; 
attack  on,  by  Bavarians,  211  ;  capture 
of,  212 

Beaconsfield,  Earl  of  (see  Disraeli) 

Beaumont,  French  defeat  at,  ii.  207 

Beaune-la-Rolande,  battle  of,  ii.  229 

Beauregard,  General,  ii.  33 

Bechuanaland,  ii.  386,  450 

Beira,  Prince  of,  i.  291 

Belfort,  mutiny  at,  i.  93  ;  its  defence  by 
Denfert-Rochereau,  ii.  227,  238  ;  efforts 
to  relieve,  236-7  ;  capitulation  of,  238  ; 
march  of  German  troops  through  Paris 
conceded  as  a  ransom  for,  240 

Belgium,  added  to  the  Netherlands  by  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  i.  224 ;  the  Eight 
Articles  of  London  and,  225  ;  its  vote 
overwhelmed  by  Holland,  225  ;  re- 
actionary movements  in,  226-8  ;  revolu- 
tion begins,  229 ;  Van  Maanen  dis- 


Belgium  (continued) 

missed  and  States-General  summoned, 
230 ;  mob  rule  in  Brussels,  230  ;  Pro- 
visional Government  formed,  231  ;  in- 
dependence proclaimed,  232  ;  Leopold 
of  Saxe-Coburg  elected  King,  233 ; 
Holland  declares  war  and  the  Powers 
intervene,  234 

Belluno,  Due  de  (Marshal  Victor),  1.  91-2,  120 

Belmpnt,  battle  of,  ii.  459 

Bendigo,  Australia,  ii.  411 

Benedek,  General,  at  Solferino,  11.  22 ; 
commands  the  Northern  Army,  94  ;  his 
plans  against  the  Prussians  fail,  105  ; 
withdraws  to  Koniggratz,  108  ;  at  Konig- 
gratz,  no  ;  besieged  at  Olniiitz,  115  ; 
ordered  to  Vienna,  115  ;  retires  to  Press- 
burg,  115 

Benedetti,  and  British  fleet,  i.  375  ;  goes  as 
a  peace  envoy  to  William  I.,  ii.  116  ;  his 
unsuccessful  interview  with  William  I., 
176  ;  refused  further  audience  with  the 
King,  177  ;  seeks  safety  in  emigration, 
220 

Bentinck,  Lord  George,  i.  350 

Bentinck,  Lord  William,  i.  59,  425 

Beranger,  on  "  holy  alliance  of  peoples,"  i. 
40 ;  attempts  to  influence  army  for 
Spain,  107  ;  and  Revolution  of  July,  217 

Berber,  ii.  362  ;  occupied  by  General  Hunter, 
425  ;  Egyptian  army  at,  426  ;  trium- 
phal entry  of  Kitchener,  427 

Beresford,  Lord  William,  ii.  335 

Beresford,  Marshal,  on  condition  of  Portugal, 
i.  50  ;  goes  to  Rio  to  report,  51  ;  returns 
to  Spain,  51  ;  departs  for  England,  51  ; 
recommended  by  Wellington  for  com- 
mand of  Portuguese  army,  115  ;  ap- 
proved by  the  King  and  accuses 
Subserra  as  a  traitor,  116 ;  leaves 
Portugal,  116 

Berlin,  Congress  of,  representatives  of  Euro- 
pean Powers  at,  ii.  300  ;  settlement  of 
Bulgaria  and  Eastern  Roumelia,  300-1  ; 
secures  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  to 
Austria,  301-2  ;  secures  the  independ- 
ence of  Servia,  302  ;  settles  questions 
concerning  Crete  and  Bessarabia,  302-3  ; 
declares  independence  of  Montenegro, 

303  ;    Russia's  Asiatic  conquests,  303  ; 
differences  between  Great  Britain  and 
Russia   at,    303 ;    Bismarck   keeps   the 
peace  at,  303  ;    Gortshakov  on,  303-4 

Berlin,  Philhellenic  enthusiasm  in,  i.  138  ; 
revolutionary  scenes  in,  322-3  ;  excite- 
ment in,  at  Bismarck's  dispatch,  ii.  178  ; 
first  German  Reichstag  held  in,  249  ; 
Americans  more  popular  in,  than  the 
British,  263 

Berlin,  Treaty   of,  effect   of,  on    Russia,   ii. 

304  ;  Gladstone's  criticism  of,  305  ;  its 
violation  by  the   Powers  and  general 
failure  of,  306 

Bermudez,  Zea,  i.  290 

Bernetti,  i.  204 

Bernstorff,  Alexander  von,  1.  146 

Bernstorff,  Count,  at  Congress  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  i.  24  ;  and  Greek  insurrection, 
8 1  ;  at  Verona,  99  ;  on  recognition  of 
independence  of  Spanish  colonies,  104  ; 
on  Navarino,  160  ;  opposes  Metternich's 
suggestion  of  intervention  in  Russo- 
Turkish  War,  169 


508 


INDEX 


Berri,  Due  de,  i.  12,  29,  64 

Berri,  Duchesse  de,  i.  22,  204,  212,  219,  268 

Bertin,  editor  of  the  Debats,  i.  206 

Berton,  General,  i.  93 

Besancon,  ii.  225 

Besika  Bay,  British  fleet  at,  ii.  277  ;  fleet 
ordered  to  leave  for  the  Dardanelles, 
294  ;  recalled  to,  294 

Bessarabia  exchanged  for  the  Dobrudsha, 
ii.  294-5  ;  the  Berlin  Congress  and,  303 

Bessieres,  i.  106-7,  109,  119 

Beugnot,  i.  14,  20 

Bhamo,  British  expedition  at,  ii.  394 

Biarritz,  Bismarck  and  Napoleon  III.  at, 
ii.  85 

Biddulph,  Sir  Robert,  ii.  299 

Biggar,  J.  G.,  ii.  313 

Bignon,  i.  221,  266 

Bigny,  defeat  of  Fiereck  at,  ii.  228 

Bilderling,  General,  ii.  481 

Binder,  i.  71 

Birmingham,  and  Second  Reform  Bill,  i.  247 

Birmingham  Education  League,  the,  ii.  388 

Bismarck,  Prince,  and  Prussia's  position  at 
the  Congress  of  Paris,  i.  416  ;  appointed 
Prime  Minister,  ii.  63  ;  his  plans  for 
Prussia,  64  ;  he  dismisses  Parliament, 
64 ;  his  fight  for  power,  65  ;  inter- 
venes in  the  Polish  insurrection,  66  ; 
threatens  to  resign,  67  ;  is  exercised  over 
the  Schleswig-Holstein  question,  68  ; 
his  diplomacy  in  regard  to  Denmark,  70  ; 
flouted  by  the  Prussian  Parliament,  71  ; 
and  the  Austro-Danish  War,  71  ;  again 
threatens  to  resign,  72  ;  his  plans  for 
Kiel,  72 ;  demands  separation  of 
Duchies,  76 ;  and  Augustenburg,  76 ; 
King  and  Parliament  recognise  his  aims, 
77 ;  dictates  terms  of  Prusso-Danish 
peace,  78;  rejects  the  Austrian  proposals, 
79  ;  Mensdorff's  opposition  to,  81  ;  con- 
ditionally admits  the  claims  of  Augus- 
tenburg, 82  ;  outmano3uvres  Mensdorff, 
82  ;  his  triumph  on  the  Schleswig-Hol- 
stein question,  84  ;  and  Napoleon  III., 
85  ;  makes  overtures  to  Italy,  87 ;  he 
breaks  with  Austria,  88  ;  refuses  to  con- 
sider French  extensions,  90  ;  his  plans 
for  a  united  Germany,  92  ;  proposes  to 
reconstruct  the  German  Federation,  93  ; 
makes  peace  proposals  to  Austria,  95  ; 
accuses  Austria  of  breaking  faith,  96  ; 
prepares  for  war  against  Austria,  97  ; 
his  policy  vindicated  on  every  hand, 
113  ;  dictates  the  terms  of  peace  to 
Austria,  116  ;  allows  no  interference  by 
France  and  Russia,  117 ;  the  most 
prominent  figure  in  Europe,  125  ;  and 
Luxemburg  question,  151  ;  flattering 
reception  in  Paris,  153  ;  his  attitude  to 
France,  168 ;  nis  complicity  in  the 
Mentana  campaign,  169 ;  at  work 
making  modern  Germany,  169 ;  dis- 
approves of  Daru's  caution,  171  ;  deter- 
mines to  render  peace  impossible,  177  ; 
warns  King  Leopold,  209 ;  interview 
with  the  Emperor  near  Donchery,  215  ; 
determines  to  invest  Paris,  221  ;  pur- 
posely deceives  Bazaine,  225  ;  signs 
Peace  of  Frankfort,  249  ;  at  the  confer- 
ence at  Ems,  276  ;  and  dispute  concern- 
ing the  San  Stefano  Treaty,  299  ;  as 
the  "  honest  broker,"  300  ;  president  of 


Bismarck  (continued) 

the  Berlin  Congress,  300,  302-3 ;  his 
offer  of  Egypt  to  Great  Britain,  305  ; 
visited  by  Crispi,  385 

Bitsch,  ii.  226 

Bittenfeld,  ii.  106 

Blacas,  i.  68 

"  Black  Cabinet,  The,"  i.  202 

"  Black  Commission,  The,"  at  Mainz,  i.  38 

Black  Flags,  the,  and  Tongking,  ii.  395 

Black  Sea,  question  of,  discussed  at  Congress 
of  Verona,  i.  102,  139  ;  neutrality  of 
discussed  at  Vienna,  396-7 ;  Russia 
desires  liberation  of,  ii.  204 

"Black  Week,  The,"  in  the  second  Boer 
War,  ii.  460 

Blagovestchensk,  ii.  446 

Blanc,  Louis,  i.  310,  312  ;  ii.  236,  242 

Blanco,  Field  Marshal,  ii.  438 

"  Blanketeers,"  march  from  Manchester  of, 
i.  4 

Blanqui,  i.  207,  314 ;  ii.  217,  243,  244> 
247 

Blaquiere,  Captain  Edward,  i.  135-6 

Bloemfontein,  ii.  453,  464 

Blomfield,  Bishop,  i.  253 

Blunt,  Wilfrid  Scawen,  ii.  382 

Boers,  their  dispute  with  the  Zulus,  ii.  324  ; 
Sir  Bartle  Frere's  award  concerning, 
324  ;  assist  the  British,  325  ;  war  with 
Sikukuni,  448  ;  and  with  Cetewayo,  449 
(see  Boer  War) 

Boer  War,  the  first,  ii.  368 

Boer  War,  the  second,  its  outbreak,  ii.  455  ; 
Boer  ultimatum  expires,  456  ;  European 
opinion  on,  456 ;  overtures  for  peace, 
464  ;  council  of  war  at  Kroonstad,  465  ; 
disaster  at  Sanna's  Post,  465  ;  at 
Reddersberg,  466 ;  the  British  take 
Kroonstad,  466  ;  battle  of  Doornkop, 
466  ;  British  enter  Johannesburg,  466  ; 
occupy  Pretoria,  466-7 ;  capture  of 
Highlanders  near  Heilbron,  467  ;  assault 
on  Roodeval  Station,  467  ;  surrender  of 
Prinsloo,  467  ;  De  Wet's  guerilla  tactics, 
468  ;  Kitchener  calls  on  the  burghers  to 
surrender,  468  ;  destruction  of  farms  and 
erection  of  blockhouses,  468  ;  overtures 
for  peace,  469 ;  meeting  between 
Kitchener  and  the  Boer  delegates  at 
Klerksdorp,  469  ;  terms  of  peace  offered 
by  Boer  leaders,  469  ;  commandos  con- 
sulted on  the  question  of  independency, 
470  ;  Treaty  of  Vereeniging  signed  at 
Pretoria,  470 

Bohemia  entered  by  the  Prussians,  ii.  105 

Boissy  d'Anglas,  i.  18,  20,  92 

Bokhara,  annexation  of,  by  Russia,  ii.  268 

"  Bomba,"  King,  i.  327  ;  ii.  20 


Bonald,  i.  25,  31,  91 
Bonaparte,     Charles 


(Prince     of 


Lucien 

Canino),  i.  329 
Bonaparte,  Jerome,  i.  19,  137 
Bonaparte,  Joseph,  i.  19 
Bonaparte,  Lucien,  i.  19 
Bonaparte,    Prince    Pierre,    shoots    Victor 

Noir,  ii.  165 

Bonapartism,  revival  of,  i.  19 
Bonjeau,  President,  death  of,  ii.  247 
Bordeaux,  seat  of  Government  removed  to, 

ii.  230  ;  Gambetta's  efforts  to  arouse  the 

army  at,  232  ;  the  National  Assembly 

at,  235,  240 


5°9 


INDEX 


Bordeaux,  Due  de  ("  Child  of  the  Miracle  "), 
i.  66,  200 

Borelli,  Pasquale,  i.  63,  73,  123 

Borgarelli,  i.  53 

Borne,  i.  40 

Borny,  battle  of,  ii.  193 

Boroughs,  creation  of,  by  Lord  John  Russell, 
i.  257 

Bosnia,  insurrection  in,  1785,  ii.  274  ;  Servia 
and  Montenegro  make  common  cause 
with,  277  ;  treaty  of  San  Stefano  and, 
294  (see  Balkan  Peninsula) ;  secured 
to  Austria  by  the  Berlin  Congress,  301-2 

Bosphorus,  the,  Russian  terms  concerning, 
under  Treaty  of  Adrianople,  i.  174  ;  and 
Treaty  of  London  (1841),  280 

Botany  Bay,  ii.  407 

Botha,  General,  and  Cronje,  II.  463  ;  parts 
from  his  ally  and  crosses  the  Vaal,  466  ; 
his  fortitude,  467  ;  a  delegate  at  Klerks- 
dorp,  469  ;  discusses  terms  of  peace  at 
Pretoria,  470  ;  reception  of,  at  Colonial 
Conference,  471 

Botsaris,  Markos,  i.  128 

Botsaris,  Notis,  i.  132 

Bouillon,  Napoleon  III.  at,  ii.  215 

Bourbaki,  Colonel,  i.  154  ;  ii.  184,  191,  199, 
225-6,  230,  232,  236-8 

Bourbon,  Cardinal  de,  i.  46 

Bourbon,  House  of,  ii.  248 

Bourges,  ii.  225 

Bourmont,  General,  i.  118,  206,  209 

Bower,  Lieut.,  ii.  408 

Boxers,  the,  ii.  444-5 

Braccio  Nuovo,  i.  57 

Bradlaugh,  Charles,  ii.  365 

Braila,  Pasha  of,  i.  77 

Bravo,  Prime  Minister  of  Spain,  i.  295-6 

Brazil,  created  a  kingdom,  i.  50  ;  revolution 
in,  52  ;  Empire  under  Don  Pedro,  185 

Brea,  General,  i.  315 

Bremi,  i.  135 

Brigandage  in  Papal  states  under  Pius  VII., 
i.  57 

Bright,  John,  President  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  ii.  251  ;  retires  from  the 
Ministry,  354  ;  and  the  Home  Rule  Bill, 
377-8 ;  and  Transvaal  independence, 
368 

Brindley,  and  canal  system,  i.  249 

Brisbane,  Sir  Thomas  Makdougall,  ii.  408 

Brisbane,  penal  settlement  at,  ii.  409 

Bristol,  Reform  riots  at,  i.  247 

British  and  Foreign  School  Society,  I.  253 

British  East  Africa  Company,  the  Imperial, 
ii.  386 

Broadwood,  Major,  il.  465-6 

Brodrick,  Mr.,  ii.  391 

Broglie,  Due  de,  i.  18,  20,  92,  107,  121,  198-9, 
217,  221,  266 

Broglie,  Duchesse  de,  i.  139 

Broglie,  Prince  Maurice  de,  Bishop  of  Ghent, 
i.  226-7 

Bromhead,  Lieut.,  ii.  330 

Brougham,  Lord,  and  the  "  Three  Gentle- 
men of  Verona,"  i.  107  ;  and  Canning, 
189 ;  defends  Queen  Caroline,  236 ; 
Lord  Chancellor  in  Grey's  Ministry,  243  ; 
and  second  Reform  Bill,  247 

Browne,  Sir  Horace,  ii.  394 

Browne,  Sir  Samuel,  ii.  341 

Brussels,  revolutionary  scenes  in,  i.  229  ; 
People's  Club  in,  230  ;  fighting  in,  231  ; 


Brussels  (continued) 

National  Congress  at,  232  ;  King  Leo- 
pold enters,  233  ;  congress  at,  1874,  ii. 
266 

Bryce,  Rt.  Hon.  J.,  il.  389 

Brydon,  Dr.  William,  I.  426 

Buchanan,  James,  ii.  30 

Bucharest,  Ypsilanti  enters,  I.  76;  Turks 
capture,  77  ;  occupied  by  Russian  army, 
1828,  167  ;  treaty  of,  148,  150 

Buk6s,  the,  of  feudal  Japan,  ii.  397 

Bulgaria,  Russian  advance  into,  1828,!.  167  ; 
the  Patriarchate  of,  ii.  267  ;  insurrection 
in,  275  ;  atrocities  in,  277  ;  Gladstone's 
pamphlet  concerning,  277-8  ;  Baring's 
report  on,  278  ;  as  independent  state, 
284  ;  success  of  Turks  in,  288  ;  posts 
held  by  Russians  in,  289  ;  Turks  cleared 
from  the  north  of,  293  ;  and  treaty  of 
San  Stefano,  294  ;  dispute  concerning, 
between  Great  Britain  and  Russia,  297  ; 
an  agreement  upon,  299  ;  and  the  Berlin 
Congress,  300-1 

Bull  Run,  the  engagement  at,  ii.  33 

Buller,  Charles,  i.  260 

Buller,  Sir  Redvers,  at  Ulundi,  Ii.  335  ; 
arrival  in  South  Africa,  459  ;  attempts 
to  relieve  Ladysmith,  460  ;  at  Spion 
Kop,  461  ;  crosses  the  Drakensberg,  467 

Biilow,  Count  von,  ii.  300 

Bundestag,  the,  constitution  of,  i.  33  ;  adopts 
Carlsbad  resolutions,  38 

Bunsen,  German  ambassador  at  Rome,  i.  123 

Buol,  Count,  i.  397,  399 

Burdett,  Sir  Francis,  i.  189 

Burger,  Schalk,  ii.  469 

Burgers,  second  President  of  the  Transvaal 
Republic,  ii.  448-9 

Burke,  T.  H.,  ii.  367  ;  381 

Burnside,  General,  ii.  45-7 

Burschenschaft,  the,  i.  36-7 

Bushido,  explanation  of,  ii.  487 

Butera,  Prince  of,  i.  327 

Butler,  Sir  William,  ii.  455 

Butt,  Isaac,  ii.  308 

Buxton,  Thomas  Fowell,  I.  252 

Buyukdere,  Turkish  atrocities  in,  i.  80 

Byron,  Lord,  i.  132,  135-6 


"  CABINET  Vert,  the,"  i.  91 

Cabral,  Costa,  i.  299 

Cabrera,  Ramon,  i.  293 

Cabul,  murder  of  Macnaghten  at,  i.  426  ; 
captured  by  Pollock  and  Sale,  426  ;  dis- 
pute concerning  a  British  resident  at, 
ii.  314-5  ;  Stoletov  leaves,  340  ;  Sir 
Neville  Chamberlain's  mission  to,  340  ; 
British  resident  at,  341  ;  under  martial 
law,  324 

Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,  ii.  12 

Cadaval,  Duke  of,  i.  193 

Cadiz,  Cortes  of,  i.  41 

Cadiz,  revolutionary  tribunal  at,  I.  44 ; 
attacked  by  military  rebels,  45;  mas- 
sacre at,  47 

Cairns,  Lord,  ii.  307 

Cairo,  mutiny  at,  ii.  350  ;  taken  by  British, 
356 

Calabria,  Duke  of,  I.  61 

Calatrava,  L  48,  109,  in,  293 

Calderari  (the  "  Kettlers"),  I.  58-9 


510 


INDEX 


California,  enters  the  Union,  ii.  28  ;  dis- 
covery of  gold  in,  28 

Calomarde,  i.  118,  190,  290 

Cambon,  ii.  440 

Cambridge,  Duke  of,  i.  380 

Campagna,  the,  under  Pius  VII.,  i.  57 

Campana,  General,  i.  47 

Campbell-Bannerman,  Sir  Henry,  becomes 
leader  of  the  Liberal  party,  ii.  490  ; 
accepts  the  Premiership,  490  ;  his  death, 
491 

Campbell,  Sir  Colin,  arrival  at  Calcutta,  i. 
440  ;  at  Delhi,  441  ;  at  Cawnpur,  442  ; 
relief  of  Lucknow,  443-4 ;  relieves  Cawn- 
pur, 444  ;  attack  on  Lucknow,  445-6 

Campochiaro,  Duke  of,  i.  61,  66 

Canada,  Papineau's  rebellion,  i.  259  ;  Lord 
Durham  and  pacification  of,  260  ;  the 
repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  and  Navigation 
Acts,  354  ;  the  Fenian  invasion,  ii.  134  ; 
the  Federation  of,  135  ;  effect  of  adop- 
tion of  Customs  Union  on  Australian 
feeling,  413 

Canals,  in  England,  i.  249 

Canaris,  Admiral,  ii.  273 

Candahar,  ii.  344-5,  347 

Canning,  George,  visits  Paris  (1816),  i.  17; 
succeeds  Castlereagh,  98  ;  and  Black 
Sea  question,  102  ;  and  recognition  of 
Spanish  American  colonies,  103 ;  on 
Franco-Spanish  War,  107-8  ;  supports 
Brazilianjindependence,  117  ;  defends  in- 
dependence of  Spanish  Colonies,  119-20 ; 
declines  to  attend  Conference  to  con- 
sider Spanish  Colonies,  120  ;  and  Greeks, 
*35>  137  ;  differences  with  Metternich, 
140  ;  in  Vienna,  141  ;  declines  Protector- 
ate to  Greece,  142  ;  dislikes  Austria's 
proposals  to  Russia,  148  ;  on  Russo- 
British  mediation  for  Greece,  150 ; 
negotiations  with  Lieven,  151;  forms 
new  Government,  152  ;  triumphs  over 
Metternich,  152  ;  and  battle  of  Navarino, 
160;  and  Portuguese  Constitution, 
186-7  ;  appeals  for  help  for  Portugal, 
188 ;  differences  with  his  colleagues, 
189  ;  forms  new  Ministry,  189  ;  death  of, 
189 ;  Gentz  and  Metternich  on,  190  ; 
and  Queen  Caroline,  236 ;  succeeds 
Castlereagh  as  Foreign  Secretary,  237  ; 
and  Catholic  emancipation,  239  ;  forms 
a  Ministry,  239  ;  death  of,  240 

Canning,  Lord,  becomes  Governor-General  of 
India,  i.  430  ;  and  Dost  Mohammed, 
430-1  ;  and  the  Sepoys,  431  ;  and  King 
of  Delhi,  434 ;  prompt  measures  at  out- 
break of  mutiny,  434  ;  his  judicial  ad- 
ministration after  the  mutiny,  447 

Canning,  Stratford  (see  Stratford  de  Red- 
cliffe,  Lord) 

Canosa,  Prince  of,  i.  59,  72 

Canova,  in  Rome,  i.  57 

Canrobert,  Marshal,  i.  383,  400  ;  ii.i8,  23, 184, 
196-8,  226 

Canton,  foreigners  accorded  trading  facilities 
at,  ii.  393  ;  opened  to  British  trade, 

393 

Capape,  i.  118 

Cape  Colony,  naturalisation  in,  ii.  452 
Cape   of   Good   Hope,    acquired   by   Great 

Britain,    i.    225  ;    claimed    for    Great 

Britain,  1620,  ii.  447  ;  final  acquisition 

of,  448 


Capodistrias,  assures  Metternich  of  Russia's 
peaceful  policy,  i.  23  ;  at  Congress  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  24 ;  Richelieu's  letter 
on  Austrian  intervention  in  Italy,  65  ; 
note  to  the  Powers  on  Italy,  66  ;  at 
Laibach,  68  ;  rejects  the  overtures  of  the 
Hetairia,  75  ;  replies  to  Ypsilanti's 
appeal,  77  ;  opinion  of  Ypsilanti,  77  ; 
supports  Tsar  in  intervention  for  Greeks, 
80  ;  Metternich's  struggle  with,  87  ;  fall 
foreshadowed,  88  ;  elected  President  of 
Greek  National  Assembly,  155  ;  his  tour 
through  Europe,  178  ;  suspends  Con- 
stitution, 178  ;  ignorance  of  Greek  needs, 
179  ;  unable  to  comply  with  terms  of 
London  Protocol,  180  ;  assumes  Dicta- 
torship, 181  ;  suggests  Prince  Leopold 
of  Saxe-Coburg  as  King,  182  ;  criticism 
of,  183  ;  notes  to  Powers,  and  Prince 
Leopold,  184 

Capodistrias,  Vivaro,  i.  179 

Capponi,  Gino,  i.  54,  56,  302,  330 

Caprivi,  ii.  386 

Carbonari  ("The  Charcoal  Burners"), 
founding  of,  I.  58 ;  persecuted  by 
Canosa,  59  ;  spread  of  principles  of,  60  ; 
in  Neapolitan  Revolution,  61-2  ;  Met- 
ternich on,  64  ;  branch  established  in 
France,  92  ;  Leo  XII. 's  effort  to  sup- 
press, 124 ;  Byron's  association  with, 
136 

Cardwell,  Lord,  ii.  251,  256,  265 

Carey,  James,  ii.  367-8 

Carey,  Lieutenant,  ii.  333 

Carignan,  House  of,  i.  54 

Carignan,  Prince  of,  i.  71-2 

Carlist  War,  i.  291,  293 

Carlos,  Don,  greeted  with  hisses  in  Madrid, 
i.  46  ;  urges  Ferdinand  to  go  against 
Cortes,  48  ;  supported  by  Apostolicals, 
118;  and  Portuguese  Constitution,  186; 
position  as  regards  succession,  190  ;  and 
revival  of  Pragmatic  Sanction,  191, 
290  ;  assumes  title  of  Charles  V.  and 
declared  a  usurper,  291 

Carlota,  Queen,  refuses  to  take  the  oath  and 
banished,  i.  112  ;  proposed  Regency  for, 
114;  supports  Dom  Miguel's  rising, 
116  ;  refuses  to  leave  Lisbon,  116  ;  death 
of  John  VI.,  185  ;  rebellions  in  favour  of, 
188  ;  and  Dom  Miguel,  192-3  ;  death  of, 
196,  297 

Carlsbad,  Conference  of  German  States  at, 
i.  38 

Carlyle,  Thomas,  ii.  279 

Carnarvon,  Lord,  ii.  135,  307,  309-10,  373, 
374 

Carnot,  i.  347  ;  ii.  242 

Caroline,  Queen,  i.  235-6 

Carrascosa,  I.  69-70 

Carrel,  Armand,  i.  207,  309 

Casa  Trujo,  i.  1 1 1 

Castanos,  i.  46 

Castelbajac,  i.  18 

Castel  Morro,  bombardment  of,  ii.  434 

Castlereagh,  Lord,  i.  4,  24,  40,  64,  81,  98, 
237 

Castro,  Augustin  da,  i.  43 

Cathcart,  Sir  George,  i.  383 

Catholic  Association,  founded  by  Daniel 
O'Connell,  i.  239 ;  secures  O'Connell's 
election  for  Clare,  241  ;  suppression  of, 
242 


511 


INDEX 


Catholic  Emancipation,  Wellington  opposed 
to,  i.  189 ;  motion  in  favour  of,  defeated, 
189  ;  question  of,  239  ;  Canning  and, 
239;  opposed  by  Duke  of  York,  239; 
supported  by  Peel,  241  ;  Bill  passed  for 
relief  of  Catholics,  242 

Cato  Street  conspiracy,  i.  9 

Cattolica,  Prince,  murder  of,  i.  62 

Cavagnari,  Major  Sir  Louis,  ii.  340-1 

Cavaignac,  General,  i.  207,  221,  314-6,  343 

Cave,  Stephen,  ii.  311 

Cavendish,  Lord  Frederick,  ii.  367,  381 

Cavour,  Count,  at  Congress  of  Paris,  i.  416, 
419-20  ;  on  the  ecclesiastical  laws,  ii.  2  ; 
his  popularity,  3  ;  leadership  of  Liberals, 
3  ;  becomes  Minister  of  Agriculture 
and  Marine,  3 ;  his  activity  as 
Minister,  3  ;  commercial  treaties  with 
various  European  Powers,  3  ;  Minister 
of  Finance,  3  ;  Free  Trade  principles, 
3,  5  ;  resigns,  4  ;  forms  his  "  great 
Ministry,"  4  ;  his  financial  genius,  5  ; 
at  the  Congress  of  Paris,  7  ;  becomes 
master  of  the  Chamber,  8  ;  interview 
with  Napoleon  III.,  9  ;  designs  to  force 
a  war  with  Austria,  10 ;  makes  the 
Napoleon-Clothilde  marriage  arrange- 
ments, ii  ;  his  defiance  of  Napoleon  III., 
13;  hurries  to  Villafranca,  24;  retire- 
ment of,  125 

Cawnpur,  Sir  Hugh  Wheeler's  preparations 
at,  i.  436  ;  outbreak  of  mutiny,  436  ; 
Nana  Sahib  at,  437  ;  massacre  at,  437  ; 
capture  of,  438-9 

Cayla,  Madame  de,  i.  91-2 

Central  Italy,  the  proposed  formation  as  a 
State,  ii.  10  ;  its  plans  for  revolt,  10 

Cerruti,  i.  53 

Cervera,  Admiral,  ii.  434-5,  43$ 

Cetewayo,  receives  ultimatum  from  Sir 
Bartle  Frere,  ii.  316  ;  his  early  history, 
323  ;  crowned  by  the  British  Envoy, 
323 ;  refuses  to  accede  to  British 
demands,  324 ;  his  efforts  for  peace, 
332  ;  his  reply  to  Chelmsford's  demands, 
334-5  ;  his  surrender,  336  ;  at  war  with 
the  Boers,  449 

Cevallos,  i.  44 

Chabrol,  i.  201-2,  206,  209 

Chalil  Pasha,  i.  177 

Chalons,  third  army  of  the  French  at,  u. 
183 ;  conference  at,  between  Emperor, 
MacMahon  and  Trochu,  201  ;  Em- 
peror lingers  at,  202  ;  camp  at,  broken 
up,  203  ;  Bazaine  unable  to  reach,  208 

Chamberlain,  Joseph,  establishes  the  Caucus 
system,  ii.  320  ;  as  a  Radical,  366  ;  and 
Transvaal  independence,  368  ;  and  the 
budget  of  1885,  370  ;  Mayor  of  Bir- 
mingham, 375  ;  enters  Parliament, 
1876,  375  ;  his  unauthorised  Liberal 
programme,  375  ;  supports  the  small 
holdings  policy,  375  ;  President  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  376  ;  leaves  the  Cabinet 
on  the  question  of  Home  Rule,  377  ; 
Gladstone's  opinion  of,  378  ;  and  the 
Round  Table  Conference  of  Liberals, 
1886,  380 ;  and  the  Newfoundland 
fisheries,  385  ;  and  free  education,  388  ; 
and  Welsh  Disestablishment,  391  ;  and 
the  Jameson  raiders,  452  ;  and  the  Uit- 
landers,  453  ;  his  dispatch  regarded  by 
the  Boers  as  an  ultimatum,  454  ;  his 


Chamberlain  (continued) 

Tariff  Reform  campaign,  497  ;  breaks 
with  his  party,  499  ;  his  Tariff  Reform 
tour,  499 

Chamberlain,  Sir  Neville,  ii.  340 

Chambord,  Comte  de,  ii.  248 

Chambre  Introuvable,  Le,  i.  14,  121 

Chancellorsville,  Federal  defeat  at,  ii.  47 

Chan  Chihtung,  ii.  443 

Changarnier,  i.  314-5,  346 

Chantelauze,  i.  209-10 

Chanzy,  General,  ii.  230-1 

Chapultepec,  Maximilian  retires  to,  ii.  146 

Charalampis,  i.  127 

Chard,  Lieutenant,  ii.  329-30 

Charing  Cross  Station,  attempt  to  blow  up, 
ii.  366 

Charity  Commission,  establishment  of,  i.  372 

Charles,  Duke  of  Parma,  i.  331 

Charles  of  Bavaria,  Prince,  i.  183 

Charles  of  Mecklenburg,   Prince,  i.  183 

Charles,  Prince  of  Roumania,  ii.  287 

Charles  III.  of  Spain,  i.  41 

Charles  X.  of  France,  accession  of,  i.  121 ;  de- 
sires Polignac  as  Foreign  Minister,  170  ; 
and  Capodistrias,  178  ;  condition  of 
France  at  accession  of,  197  ;  "a  new 
Henry  IV.,"  197  ;  crowned  at  Rheims, 
199  ;  revival  of  Jesuitism  under,  199  ; 
and  Press  Laws,  200  ;  reviews  National 
Guards,  201  ;  vacillation  on  defeat  of 
Villele,  201  ;  expresses  determination 
to  legislate  in  harmony  with  the  Charte, 
202  ;  anger  with  the  Chamber,  203  ; 
royal  progress,  204  ;  and  Martignac's 
Ministry,  205  ;  and  the  Chamber,  208-9  ; 
election  proclamation,  209  ;  signs  Polig- 
nac's  ordinances,  211-2 ;  temporises 
with  revolution,  213  ;  refuses  to  with- 
draw ordinances,  214  ;  consents  to  sum' 
mon  the  Council,  215  ;  recalls  ordin- 
ances, 216  ;  appoints  Mpntemart  Presi- 
dent of  Council,  217  ;  signs  ordinances, 
218  ;  retires  to  Versailles,  219  ;  retreats 
to  Rambouillet,  220  ;  deposed  at  Paris, 
220  ;  agrees  to  appointment  of  Due 
d' Orleans  as  Lieutenant-General,  221  ; 
abdication,  222  ;  retires  to  Maintenon, 
223  ;  takes  refuge  in  England,  223  ; 
death,  275 

Charles  Albert,  Prince,  as  heir  to  crown  of 
Piedmont,  i.  54 ;  interviews  revolu- 
tionary leaders,  70  ;  dissatisfaction  of 
Liberals  with,  71  ;  reputation  as  traitor, 
72  ;  position  of,  considered  at  Congress 
of  Verona,  103  ;  reconciled  with  Charles 
Felix,  124  ;  Metternich's  advice  to,  125  ; 
reforms  of,  304  ;  effect  of  action  against 
Austria,  326 ;  "  the  Sword  of  Italy," 
331  ;  successes  against  the  Austrians, 
331-2  ;  leaves  Milan  and  accepts 
amnesty,  332  ;  defeat  at  Novara  and 
abdication,  332,  ii.  i  ;  death,  i.  333 

Charles  Felix,  Prince  of  Piedmont  (King  of 
Sardinia),  i.  54  ;  Victor  Emmanuel  I. 
abdicates  in  favour  of,  70  ;  denounces 
the  Constitution,  71 ;  refuses  Mocenigo's 
mediation,  72  ;  and  Prince  of  Carignan, 
72  ;  returns  to  Naples,  72  ;  excellent 
government  of,  124 

Charles  Louis,  Duke  of  Lucca,  I.  122 

Charlotte,  Empress,  ii.  145-6 

Charter,  the  People's,  of  1816,  i.  4,  260 


512 


INDEX 


Chartered  Company,  the  (see  South  Africa 
Company)  • 

Chartists,  i.  4,  261,  352 

Chateaubriand,  protests  against  Lame's 
franchise  scheme,  1. 18  ;  revision  of  Press 
Laws,  20 ;  opposes  Saint-Cyr  and  Royer- 
Collard,  22  ;  contributes  to  the  Con- 
servative, 25  ;  on  fall  of  Decazes,  30  ; 
retires  from  the  Berlin  Embassy,  91  ; 
ambassador  to  London,  92  ;  at  Verona, 
99  ;  views  on  Spain,  101  ;  prominence 
of,  at  Verona,  101  ;  warns  the  Congress 
against  recognition  of  Spanish  colonies, 
104  ;  succeeds  Montmorency,  105  ;  his 
scheme  for  Spain,  106 ;  warns  Spain, 
106  ;  persuades  the  King  for  war,  106  ; 
avowal  with  regard  to  Ferdinand,  106  ; 
and  Spanish  Regency,  109 ;  on  Ordin- 
ance of  Andujar,  no  ;  against  adoption 
of  La  Charte  in  Portugal,  115  ;  advice 
to  Talaru,  118  ;  scheme  for  America, 
119  ;  and  Britain's  action  over  Spanish 
Colonies,  120  ;  his  dismissal,  121  ;  joins 
Philhellenic  Committee,  136 ;  orders 
concerning  captured  Greeks,  139  ;  on 
new  Press  Laws,  200  ;  supports  coali- 
tion against  Villele,  20 1  ;  and  the 
Martignac  Ministry,  202  ;  ambassador 
in  Rome,  202  ;  Charles  X.  refuses  to 
admit  him  to  the  Ministry,  204-5  ;  re- 
signs embassy  in  Rome,  206 

Chatillon,  il.  221,  227 

Chattanooga,  ii.  51-2 

Chaumont,  Treaty  of,  i.  23 

Chelmsford,  Lord,  ii.  326-8,  334-5 

Chemulpo,  ii.  396,  403 

Cherif  Pasha,  ii.  349,  351,  359 

Cherkaski,  Prince,  ii.  284 

Chevreaus,  the  two,  ii.  219,  220 

Chevren,  ii.  201 

Chian  Kiang,  ii.  444 

Chichegov,  ii.  446 

Chickamauga  Creek,  battle  of,  ii.  51 

Child  Labour  in  England,  evils  of,  i.  252-3 

"Child  of  the  Miracle"  (see  Bordeaux, 
Due  de) 

Childers,  H.  C.  E.,  ii.  251,  37o,  373,  375 

Chile  revolts  against  Spain,  i.  45 

Chilianwala,  battle  of,  i.  429 

China  and  the  spread  of  modern  ideas,  ii. 

392  ;    intercourse  with   Great   Britain, 

393  ;    war  with  Great  Britain  in  1839 
and    1856,    393;     anti-foreign    feeling, 
395  ;    the  famine  of    1878,   395  ;    war 
with    France,    1882-5,    395  ;    attempts 
at    modernisation,    396 ;     and    Korea, 
401-2  ;      rebellion     at     Seoul    against, 
403  ;    agrees  with  Japan  on  policy  in 
Korea,  404  ;   secret  treaty  with  Russia, 
406 ;     makes    concessions    to    various 
European  Powers,  441-2  ;    missionaries 
in,  442  ;    anti-foreign  feeling  in,  443  ; 
treaty  with  Russia,  473 

Ching,  Prince,  ii.  445 

Chino-Japanese  war,  its  effect  on  Japan,  ii. 

392  ;  its  causes,  396  ;  its  outbreak  and 

progress,  404-6 
Chios,  i.  79,  $5-6 
Chlopieki,  i.  287 
Chosrev,  Kapudan  Pasha,  i.  127,  130-3,  153, 

156,  177 

Christian  IX.,  ii.  70,  81 
Christianity  in  China,  ii.  442 

2h  513 


Chun,  Prince,  ii.  446 

Church,  General,  i.  59,  62 

Church,  Richard,  i.  154-6,  179,  181,  184 

Church  schools  and  free  education,  ii. 
388 

Churchill,  Lord  Randolph,  a  Tory  Democrat, 
ii»  373  ;  becomes  Secretary  of  State  for 
India,  373 ;  his  speech  on  Indian  finance, 
374  ;  gives  the  name  "  Unionist  "  to  the 
new  party,  378  ;  leader  of  House  of 
Commons  and  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer, 1886,  379  ;  his  budget  defeated 
and  his  resignation,  379 

Churchit,  Pasha  of  the  Morea,  i.  77-9,  85, 

127 

Cialdini,  ii.  102 

Ciceruacchio,  i.  304,  330 

Cienfuegos,  blockade  of,  ii.  434 

Circar,  i.  43 

Circassians  in  the  Egyptian  army,  ii.  349 

Cirilo,  Father,  i.  48-9 

Civil  Service,  reform  regarding  appointments 
to,  iU  257 

Civil  War  in  America,  the,  causes  of  the,  ii. 
27  ;  John  Brown's  raid,  30  ;  capture  of 
Fort  Sumter,  31  ;  the  Confederacy  set 
up  with  Jefferson  Davis  as  President, 
31  ;  Lincoln  calls  out  the  militia,  32  ; 
securing  the  sinews  of  war,  32-3  ;  occu- 
pation of  Manassas,  33  ;  Bull  Run,  33  ; 
the  army  of  the  Potomac,  35  ;  Federal 
victories  in  West  Virginia,  35  ;  the 
Federals  defeated  at  Ball's  Bluff,  35  ; 
the  attitude  of  Great  Britain,  36  ;  the 
Trent  affair,  36  ;  area  of  operations  in 
the  Civil  War,  36  ;  struggle  for  command 
of  the  Mississippi,  37  ;  General  Grant's 
early  successes,  38  ;  the  battle  of  Shiloh, 

40  ;  New  Orleans  taken,  40  ;  the  battle 
of  Fair  Oaks,  41  ;  McClellan  superseded, 
39  ;  General  Lee  secedes  to  the  South, 

41  ;  battle  of  Richmond,  42  ;  Stonewall 
Jackson's  exploits,  42  ;  McClellan's  last 
stand,  43  ;  Halleck  becomes  commander- 
in-chief,  43  ;  second  engagement  at  Bull 
Run,  44;  Lee  marches  into  Maryland,  44 ; 
battle  of  Antietam,  45  ;  Burnside  takes 
command,  45  ;  the  defeat  at  Fredericks- 
burg,    46 ;    the    "  Mud    March,"    46 ; 
Hooker  succeeds   Burnside,   47  ;   Con- 
federate victory  at  Chancellorsville,  47  ; 
death  of  Stonewall  Jackson,  48  ;   Lee 
marches   north,    48 ;    Lee's    defeat    at 
Gettysburg,  49  ;  the  fall  of  Vicksburg, 
49 ;    a    run    of    Confederate    defeats, 
49-50  ;  the  National  Cemetery  at  Gettys- 
burg, 50  ;  Lincoln's  great  oration,  50  ; 
the  campaign  in  Tennessee,  51  ;  battle 
of  Chickamauga  Creek,  51  ;  Thomas's 
good  work,  152  ;  battle  of  Chattanooga, 
52  ;  the  taking  of  Missionary  Ridge,  53  ; 
Bragg' s  army  in  full  retreat,  53  ;  Grant 
given  full  command  of  the  Federals, 
54  ;  the  situation  changes,  54  ;  the  fight 
in  the  Wilderness,  55  ;  the  engagement  at 
Spotsylvania,  55  ;  Sheridan's  raid,  56  ; 
fighting  round  Richmond,  56  ;  casualties 
totalling  10,000  in  12  days,  56 ;  Sher- 
man's march  to  Atalanta,  57  ;  and  to 
Savannah,  58  ;  the  battle  of  Five  Forks, 
59  ;  closing  in  on   Richmond,  59  ;  the 
beginning  of   the  end,  60 ;    Richmond 
falls,  60  ;  the  war  ends,  60 


INDEX 


Clarendon,  Lord,  I.  372,  375f  416-8  ;  ii.  127, 
251 

Clarkson,  and  slave  trade,  I.  251 

Clauzel,  Marshal,  1.  273 

C16raenceau,  11.  242 

Clericalism,  revival  of,  11.  8  ;  Cavour's  alarm 
at  its  success,  8 

Clermont-Tonnerre,  Cardinal,  1. 92,  203-4 

Clinchant,  General,  li.  238 

Clinton,  General,  1.  189,  193 

Clothilde,  Princess,  11.  9,  n 

Clubs  of  Independence  in  Turin,  Alessandria 
and  Coni,  i.  64 

Cluseret,  II.  245 

Cobden,  Richard,  1.  350  ;  ii.  122 

Cochrane,  Lord,  1.  132 

Cochrane,  Thomas  (see  Dundonald,  Lord) 

Code  Napoleon  in  Germany,  1.  32 ;  in 
Naples,  58 

Codrington,  Admiral,  1.  157-61,  179 

Coercion  Act,  the,  II.  367  ;  renewal  not  asked 
for  (1885),  374 

Coercion  Bill,  the,  introduced  by  A.  J.  Bal- 
four,  11.  380  ;  passed,  381 

Coercion  for  Ireland  supported  by  the 
Unionists  (1887),  11.  380 

Coghill,  Lieutenant,  ii.  328 

Colenso,  battle  of,  ii.  460 

Collegno,  Major,  1.  70,  131,  134 

Colletta,  i.  73,  123 

Colley,  Sir  George,  Ii.  368 

Collier,  Sir  Robert,  ii.  263 

Ceilings,  Jesse,  and  "  three  acres  and  a 
cow,"  ii.  375 

Columbey,  battle  of,  II.  193  ;  Bazaine  reaches, 
in  one  of  his  sorties,  208 

Colvin,  Sir  Auckland,  ii.  350 

Committee  of  Public  Safety  elected  under  the 
Commune,  ii.  246 

Commonwealth  of  Australia,  its  inception,  ii. 

416 

Commune,  the,  first  signs  of  in  Paris,  ii.  236  ; 
first  meeting  of  its  Central  Committee 
at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  241  ;  proclamation 
drawn  up  by,  242  ;  Committee  ordered 
to  leave  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  242-3  ;  form- 
ally proclaimed  in  Paris,  243  ;  declares 
all  acts  of  the  Government  at  Versailles 
null  and  void,  244  ;  its  general  work, 

244  ;  lack  of  security  of  property  under, 

245  ;  its  soldiers  march  upon  Versailles! 
245  ;  its  principles  spread  to  the  pro- 
vinces, 245  ;   declares  its  objects  in   a 
"  Testament,"    246 ;    changes    in    the 
army  under,  246  ;  elects  a  Committee  of 
Public    Safety,    246  ;     confiscates    the 
public  revenues  and  seizes  Church  pro- 
perty,   247  ;    puts   hostages    to    death, 

247  ;  destruction  of  public  buildings  by, 

248  ;     overpowered     by     Government 
troops,  248  ;  wholesale  execution  of  its 
members,  248 

Communeros,  the,  I.  49 
Concistoriali,  the,  Secret  Society,  i.  58 
Conduriotti,  Lazarus,  i.  181 
Confalonieri,  Federigo,  i.  56,  122,  304 
Confucianism,  the  State  religion  of  Korea, 

11.  401 
Congo  State,  the,  the  King  of  the  Belgians 

becomes  sovereign,  Ii.  386 
"  Congregation,"  the,  I.  91,  199 
Congregationists,    political   influence    of,   i. 

91-2,  199 


"  Connecticut  Compromise,"  the,  1.  307 
Consalvi,  1.  56,  66,  68,  123 
Conscription    in    France,  i.   21  ;    result   of, 
179-80 ;   abolished  by  the  Commune,  11. 
244 

Conseils  des  PrucT  homines,  1.  369 
Constant,  Benjamin,  supports  Saint-Cyr  and 
Royer-Collard,  1.  22  ;  and  the  Ultras  in 
1821,  92  ;  defeat  of,  102  ;  supports  pro- 
posal to  contribute  to  Greeks,  139;  on 
Villele  Ministry,  201  ;  opposes  Villele, 
201  ;  and  Martignac's  Press  reforms, 
203 

Constantine,  Grand  Duke,  passed  over  in 
favour  of  Nicholas  for  succession  to 
throne,  I.  144 ;  renounces  succession 
and  refuses  the  crown,  144  ;  receives 
homage  at  Moscow,  145  ;  rebellion  in 
favour  of,  146  ;  favoured  by  Metternich, 
148  ;  and  the  Poles,  286-7  ;  death  of, 
288 

Constantinople,  murder  of  Sultan  at,  11. 276  ; 
conference  of  Powers  at,  279-80 ; 
British  fleet  sent  to,  295  ;  outbreak  of 
typhus  in,  298 

Constitution  of  1812  (Spain),  i.  41  ;  pro- 
claimed by  Riego,  45  ;  accepted  by 
Ferdinand  VII.,  46;  proclaimed  by 
military  insurgents  in  Avellino,  61  ; 
accepted  by  King  of  Naples,  61  ;  pro- 
claimed in  Messina,  62  ;  proclaimed  in 
Piedmont,  71 

Constitutional  Codex  (Portugal),  I.  186 

Convict  settlements  in  Australia,  11.  407 
j    Cook,  Captain,  discovers  Australia,  ii.  407 
I    Cookson,  Mr.,  ii.  350,  352 
i    Conyngham,  Lord,  i.  259,  262 

Copley,  Sir  John,  I.  189  (see  Lyndhurst, 
Lord) 

Corbiere,  i.  18,  90-2 

Corcundas,  the  ("  Hump-backed  "),  of  Por- 
tugal, I.  112,  114 

Cordite  amendment,  the,  moved  by  Mr. 
Brodrick,  ii.  391 

Cordova,  Luiz  Fernandez  de,  i.  94-5 

Corn  Laws,  Canning's  attempt  to  reform, 
i.  239  ;  repeal,  350 

Corporation  Act,  repeal  of,  i.  240 

Corsini,  Prince  Neri,  i.  55 

"  Cortes  of  Lamego,"  1.  193 

Corti,  at  the  Berlin  Congress,  11.  300 

Corvee,  cessation  of,  in  Egypt,  ii.  421 

Cos,  massacres  in,  i.  80 

Council  of  Castile,  i.  43 

County  enfranchisement,  11.  369 

Courbet,  Admiral,  II.  395 

Courier,  Paul  Louis,  i.  107 

Courtney,  Leonard,  ii.  314,  357 

Courvoisier,  i.  206,  209 

Cowen,  Joseph,  ii.  319 

Cowley,  Lord,  II.  12 

Cowper,  Earl,  ii.  367,  378 

Cowper-Temple,  his  amendment  to  the 
Education  Act,  1870,  il.  256 

Cradpck,  Colonel,  i.  157 

Credit  Banks,  establishment  in  Italy,  11.  5 

Credit  Foncier,  foundation  of,  i.  368 

Credit  Mobilier,  foundation  of,  1.  368 

Cremer,  General,  ii.  236,  238 

Cremieux,  11.  219 

Crete,  Greek  rising  in,  I.  79  ;  atrocities  by 
Egyptian  army  in,  130  ;  Tahir  Pasha 
appointed  Governor,  156  ;  Capodistrias 


INDEX 


Crete  (continued) 

sends  Baron  Rheineck  to,  180-1  ;  the 
London  Conference  and,  181  ;  Prince 
Leopold  tries  to  secure  for  Greece,  183  ; 
Greece's  desire  to  annex,  273-4,  3°2  ; 
question  concerning,  settled  at  the  Ber- 
lin Congress,  302-3 

Cri  du  Peuple,  ii.  247 

Crimean  war,  causes  of,  i.  369,  372-7  ;  de- 
claration of  war,  378  ;  concentration  of 
allied  armies  at  Varna,  379  ;  advance 
on  Sebastopol,  381  ;  Alma,  382  ;  cap- 
ture of  Balaklava,  383  ;  bombardment 
of  Sebastopol,  384-5  ;  battle  of  Bala- 
klava, 386 ;  before  Inkerman,  388  ; 
battle  of  Inkermann,  389  ;  sufferings  of 
the  Allies,  390-1  ;  Florence  Nightingale 
and  hospitals,  392  ;  the  "  Four  Points," 

393  ;    defeat  of  Russians  at  Eupatoria, 

394  ;    fighting  round  Sebastopol,  395  ; 
Pelissier's  plans  against  Sebastopol,  400  ; 
capture  of  the  Mamelon,  401  ;   death  of 
Raglan,  402  ;   attack  on  the  Tchernaia, 
403-4  ;    Russian  defeat,  405  ;    capture 
of  Kertch,  405  ;  attack  on  the  Malakov, 
406-7  ;    attack  on  the  Great  and  Little 
Redan,    407 ;     Sebastopol    evacuated, 
408  ;    capture  of  Eupatoria  and   Kin- 
burn,  410  ;  Russians  capture  Kars,  411  ; 
"  the    most    useless    war    of    modern 
times,"    411  ;     Italy's   participation   in 
the,   ii.  4,   5  ;    the   Italian   victory   at 
the  Tchernaia,    6 ;     Italian    casualties 
at,  7 

Crimes  Act,  the,  ii.  368  ;  and  A.  J.  Balfour, 
381 

Crispi,  inaugurates  the  Triple  Alliance  be- 
tween Germany,  Austria,  and  Italy, 
1887,  ii.  385  ;  Prime  Minister  of  Italy, 
423 

Cristina,  Queen,  and  marriage  of  Queen 
Isabella,  i.  281  ;  appointed  Regent,  290  ; 
and  Don  Carlos,  291  ;  and  the  rioters, 
293  ;  disputes  with  Espartero,  294  ; 
abdication,  294  ;  plots  against  Espar- 
tero, 295 

Croatians,  struggle  with  Magyars,  i.  334-5 

Cromer,  Lord,  appointed  British  representa- 
tive in  Egypt,  ii.  316-7  ;  on  the  tem- 
porary occupation  of  Egypt,  ii.  358  ; 
advises  the  abandonment  of  the  Sudan, 
359  ;  and  Egyptian  finance,  420  ;  ap- 
pointed British  Commissioner  to  the 
Public  Debt  of  Egypt,  and  Agent  and 
Consul-General  at  Cairo,  421  ;  induces 
British  Government  to  advance  money 
to  Egypt,  424 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  his  treaty  with  Portugal, 
ii.  393 

Cronje,  ii.  459,  462-3 

Cross,  Richard  Assheton,  ii.  307,  309,  373 

Cuba  and  the  Spanish -American  war,  ii.  433 
et  seq.  ;  Spain  relinquishes  sovereignty 
of,  440 

Cubieres,  General,  i.  309 

Cullen,  Cardinal,  ii.  264 

Cumberland,  Duke  of,  i.  257,  259 

Curzon,  Lord,  succeeds  Lord  Elgin  as  Viceroy 
of  India,  ii.  347  ;  and  Egyptian  affairs, 
423  ;  appointed  Viceroy  of  India,  491 

Cusa,  Alexander,  ii.  271 

Custozza,  battle  of,  ii.  102 

Cyclades,  the,  Greek  rising  in,  i.  79 


Cyprus,  massacre  of  Greeks  in,  i.  80  ;  ceded 
to  Great  Britain,  ii.  299  ;  heavy  tribute 
paid  by,  299 

Czerny,  General,  ii.  230 


DA  COSTA,  General,  i.  194 

Dahlmann's  Constitution,  i.  323 

Daimios,  their  position  in  feudal  Japan,  ii. 
397  ;  merged  with  the  Kuge,  400 ; 
accept  the  new  conditions,  403 

Dalberg,  Duke  of,  i.  54,  107 

Dalberg,  E.  L.  von,  i.  134 

Dalhousie,  Lord,  i.  430,  434,  478-9 

Dalny,  Japanese  at,  ii.  477 

Daly,  ii.  317 

Damas,  Baron  de,  i.  120 

Damas,  General,  i.  121 

D'Angouleme,  Due,  after  the  restoration  of 
the  monarchy,  i.  12  ;  protests  against 
Laine's  franchise  scheme,  18 ;  to  lead 
French  army  in  Spain,  107  ;  crosses  the 
Bidassoa  and  defeats  Fabvier,  108  ; 
captures  Vittoria  and  Burgos,  108  ; 
proclamation  to  Spain,  109  ;  represses 
excesses  in  Madrid,  no  ;  issues  Ordin- 
ance of  Andujar,  in  ;  advice  to  Ferdi- 
nand, in  ;  meets  the  King,  112  ;  return 
to  France,  112 ;  member  of  Royal 
Council,  197  ;  tour  with  the  King,  204  ; 
and  the  Revolution.  219 

Danilo,  Prince  of  Montenegro,  ii.  272-3 

Dantzig,  ii.  83 

Danube,  the,  crossed  by  Russian  army 
(1828-9),  167,  171  ;  arrangement  under 
Peace  of  Adrianople  concerning,  173  ; 
passage  of,  by  the  Russians,  ii.  283-4 

Darboy,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  ii.  247 

Dardanelles,  the,  Russian  terms  under  treaty 
of  Adrianople,  concerning,  i.  174  ;  and 
Treaty  of  London  (1841),  280  ;  English 
fleet  ordered  to,  ii.  294  ;  recalled  to 
Besika  Bay,  294 

Darfur,  General  Hicks  in,  ii.  359  ;  acquired 
for  Egypt,  361 

Darling,  Sir  Ralph,  ii.  408 

D'Artois,  Comte  ("Monsieur"),  character 
of,  12  ;  supports  the  Clericals,  15  ;  over- 
tures to  English  Tories,  17  ;  protests 
against  Laine's  franchise  scheme,  18  ; 
against  Saint  Cyr's  army  reform  scheme, 
21  ;  calls  for  the  dismissal  of  Decazes, 
30  ;  as  leader  of  the  Ultras,  91  ;  leads 
war  party,  105  ;  and  Spanish  Regency, 
109  ;  accession  to  throne  as  Charles  X., 

121 

Davis,  Jefferson,  ii.  31 
Davitt,  Michael,  ii.  317,  367 
D'Azeglio,  Massimo,  i.  302  ;  ii.  i,  4,  20 
Decabrists,  rebellion  of,  i.  146  ;  trial  of,  147 
Decazes,   as  minister  and   friend  of  Louis 
XVIII,  i.  14  ;    Talleyrand's  hatred  of, 
17  ;  favours  revision  of  Press  Laws,  20  ; 
becomes  Home  Secretary,   26  ;     "  the 
real  Prime  Minister,"  27  ;    attacked  by 
the  "  Ultras,"  and  scheme  for  franchise 
reform,  29  ;    dismissal  of,  30  ;    excite- 
ment in  Paris  at  fall  of,  64  ;    Chateau- 
briand takes  place  of,  in  London,  92 
De'  Concili,  i.  61 
De  Freycinet,  ii.  351,  354 
Delacroix,  i.  136 


5*5 


INDEX 


De  la  Cruz,  i.  118 

Delagoa  Bay  given  to  Portugal,  ii.  310 

Delarey,  General,  11.  467,  469-70 

De  1'Artigue,  11.  186 

Delatot,  i.  200 

De  Launay,  11.  300 

Delavigne,  i.  136,  207 

Delescluze,  11.  217,  236,  243-4 

Delhi,  King  of,  1.  433-4,  442,  446 

Delhi,  the  palace  at,  i.  433  ;  mutiny  at,  434  ; 
Sir  Henry  Barnard  at,  435  ;  siege  of, 
440  ;  assault  on  the  Kashmir  Gate,  441  ; 
captured,  442  ;  proclamation  of  Victoria 
as  Queen-Empress  at,  ii.  312 

Delia  Genga,  Cardinal,  elected  Pope,  i.  123 
(see  Leo  XII.) 

Delyannis  at  the  Berlin  Congress,  11.  302 

Denmark,  refuses  to  honour  the  1852  London 
Protocol,  ii.  68-71 ;  the  new  constitution, 
68-9  J  offends  Europe,  68  ;  death  of 
King  Frederick  VII.,  69  ;  Christian  IX. 
ascends  the  throne,  70 ;  war  with 
Austria,  71  ;  an  intercepted  dispatch, 
72  ;  the  Schleswig  campaign,  73  ;  op- 
poses Great  Britain's  suggestion  of  a 
conference  as  to  Schleswig,  74  ;  com- 
promise refused,  76  ;  attitude  of  Europe, 
76  ;  the  defeat  at  Alsen,  77  ;  peace 
demanded  by  the  army,  77  ;  Mourad 
resigns,  77  ;  the  terms  of  peace,  78  ; 
loses  Schleswig-Holstein,  78 

Depretis,  ii.  422 

Derby,  Lord,  Ministry  of,  i.  370  ;  becomes 
Prime  Minister,  ii.  130  ;  resigns  the  Pre- 
miership, 136  ;  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  307  ;  opposes  purchase  of  Suez 
Canal  shares,  310 ;  his  resignation, 
295 

Derby,  Reform  riots  at,  i.  247 

Dermbach,  the  battle  of,  ii.  113 

D'Eroles,  Baron,  i.  96 

Dervish  Pasha,  ii.  352 

Dervishes,  the,  defeat  General  Hicks,  ii.  359  ; 
war  with  Abyssinia,  420  ;  the,  their 
defeat  at  Toski,  420  ;  defeat  of  at  Agor- 
dat  and  Kassala,  423  ;  defeated  by 
Kitchener  at  Ferkeh,  424  ;  their  disper- 
sion, 425  ;  defeat  of,  at  Abu  Hamed, 
425  ;  defeat  of,  at  the  Atbara,  427 ; 
their  defeat  at  Omdunnan,  429 

Descamisados,  the,  in  Spain,  i.  90 

de  Serre,  i.  14,  20,  29,  31 

Dessolles,  General,  i.  26 

Determinate,  the,  i.  59 

de  Tocqueville,  i.  330,  344,  346 

Deutsche  Bund,  Der,  formation  of,  1.  33 

De  Wet,  General,  attempts  to  rescue  Cronje, 
ii.  463  ;  and  the  Boer  flight  from  Poplar 
Grove,  464  ;  defeats  the  British  at 
Sanna's  Post,  465  ;  surrender  of  British 
to,  at  Reddersberg,  466  ;  complains  of 
the  British  not  keeping  faith,  466  ;  his 
genius  and  energy,  467  ;  adopts  guerilla 
tactics,  468  ;  continues  to  elude  cap- 
ture, 469  ;  one  of  the  Boer  delegates  at 
Klerksdorp,  469  ;  appointed  to  consult 
the  commandos,  470  ;  discusses  terms 
of  peace  at  Pretoria,  470  ;  signs  the 
treaty  at,  470 ;  his  last  word  to  his 
countrymen,  470 

Dewey,  Admiral,  ii.  434-5,  439 

De  Witte,  ii.  486 

d'Hilliers,  Baraguay,  ii.  23 


d'Hoogvoorst,  Baron  ,  i.  230-1 

Diakos,  death  of,  i.  79 

Diaz,  Pornrio,  11.  147 

Didier,  i.  16-7 

Diebich,  General,  i.  144,  165,  170-3,  387-8 

Dijon,  II.  227,  236,  237 

Dilke,  Sir  Charles,  ii.  261,  360,  370 

Dillon,  John,  ii.  382 

d'Infantado,  Due,  43,  49,  109,  in,  119 

Disraeli,  Benjamin,  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer, i.  370 ;  first  Budget,  371  ;  and 
the  Treaty  of  Paris,  421  ;  opposes  new 
Reform  Bill,  ii.  124 ;  becomes  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer  and  leader  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  130  ;  gives  hi  on  the 
Reform  Bill,  132-3 ;  becomes  Prime 
Minister,  136 ;  dissolves  Parliament, 
139  ;  announces  his  intention  of  resign- 
ing, 25 1  ;  his  speech  at  Manchester,  263  ; 
his  opposition  to  the  Irish  University 
Bill,  264  ;  declines  office,  264  ;  his  anti- 
Russian  policy,  269  ;  his  jealousy  and 
fear  of  Russia,  274  ;  his  indifference  as 
regards  the  Bulgarian  atrocities,  277  ; 
sends  warning  to  Russia,  279  ;  stimu- 
lates feeling  between  Great  Britain  and 
Russia,  295;  and  Cyprus,  299-300  ;  at  the 
Berlin  Congress,  300,  303,  304 ;  his 
speech  on  his  return,  304-5  ;  refuses 
Bismarck's  offer  of  Egypt,  305  ;  Bills  on 
home  affairs  passed  under,  308-9  ; 
Colonial  policy  under,  309-10  ;  purchase 
of  Suez  Canal  shares,  310  ;  introduces 
Royal  Titles  Bill,  311  ;  his  contempt  for 
the  British  Constitution,  311  ;  his  atti- 
tude towards  the  Queen,  312 ;  her 
growing  confidence  in,  312  ;  his  speech 
on  affairs  in  theEast,  3,12  ;  created  Earl 
of  Beaconsfield,  312 ;  his  increasing 
opposition  to  Russia,  313  ;  effect  on  the 
world  of  his  speech  313;  annexation  of  the 
Transvaal  under,  313  ;  and  Afghanistan, 
314-5  ;  and  the  "  scientific  frontier  "  for 
India,  315-6  ;  opposes  policy  of  small 
holdings,  317  ;  denounces  Home  Rule, 
319  ;  views  with  serenity  the  end  of  his 
career,  320  ;  is  succeeded  as  Premier  by 
Gladstone,  344  ;  as  an  Imperialist,  357 

Dittmar,  i.  138 

Dobrudsha,  the,  exchanged  for  Bessarabia, 
ii.  294-5 

Doctrinaires,  the,  i.  18,  20-1,  28,  201,  205 

Dogger  Bank  incident,  the,  ii.  482 

Dolly's  Brae,  battle  of,  i.  355 

Dombrowski,  ii.  245 

Donchery,  ii.  210,  212,  215 

Dongola,  attack  on  and  capture  of,  ii.  424  ; 
occupied  by  Egyptian  army,  426 

Dongola  expedition,  the,  Ii.  423 

Donnadieu,  General,  1.  17 

Doom  Kop,  battle  at,  Ii.  466 

Doria,  of  Genoa,  i.  86 

Dost  Mohammed,  i.  425,  429-30  ;  ii.  338 

Douay,  General,  ii.  183,  185 

Dramali,  1.  86,  126-7 

Dresden,  Prussians  in,  ii.  99,  104 

Dreyfus,  trial  of,  ii.  456 

Drouyn  de  1'Huys,  i.  342-4,  396-8 

Drury-Lowe,  General,  ii.  335,  356 

Dual  control  in  Egypt,  ii.  349,  351,  357 

Dubba,  battle  of,  i.  427 

Dublin  Fusiliers,  the,  at  Ladysmith,  11.  462 

Dubourg,  i.  215,  220-1 


516 


INDEX 


Ducrot,  General,  ii.  186,  211-4,  231,  233 

Dudley,  i.  163,  165-6 

Dufaure,  i.  344 ;  ii.  245 

Dufferin,  Lord,  becomes  Viceroy  of  India, 
ii.  346  ;  sent  to  Egypt,  357  ;  and  the 
Penjdeh  incident,  ii.  372 

Duffy,  Charles  Gavan,  ii.  414 

Duguerry,  ii.  247 

Dulcigno  given  to  Turkey,  ii.  303 

Duleep  Sing,  Maharaja,  i.  427,  429 

Dumas,  Alexandre,  i.  207 

Duncannon,  Lord,  i.  244 

Dundee,  Boers  drive  British  from,  ii.  458 

Dundonald,  Lord,  accepts  command  of 
Greek  fleet,  i.  154 ;  arrival  in  Greece, 
154  ;  leads  attack  on  Turks,  155  ;  de- 
feated at  Athens,  155  ;  attacks  Alexan- 
dria, 156  ;  bombards  Fort  Vasiladhi  at 
Mesolonghi,  158 

Dundonald,  Lord,  and  the  relief  of  Lady- 
smith,  ii.  462 

Dupanlpup,  Abbe,  i.  342,  367  ;  ii.  230 

Duperre,  Admiral,  i.  209 

Dupin,  i.  266 

Dupont  de  1'Eure,  i.  221,  266,  274,  312 

Durham,  Lord,  and  first  Reform  Bill,  i.  244  ; 
resigns  and  created  Earl,  251  ;  mission 
to  Canada,  260 

Durnford,  ii.  326-8,  331 

Dutch,  the,  at  the  Cape,  ii.  447  et  seq. 

Dutch  East  India  Company,  ii.  447 

Duvergier  de  Hauranne,  i.  201 

Dynamite  outrages  in  London,  ii.  366 


EAST  INDIA  COMPANY,  the,  i.  253.  425, 
446 ;  ii.  393 

Eastern  civilisation,  ii.  392 

Ecclesiastical  Commission,  establishment  of, 
i.  372 

Ecclesiastical  Courts,  Italy,  abolition  of 
privileges,  ii.  2 

Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill,  i.  361 

Education  Act  of  1891,  the,  ii.  388 

Education,  attempts  at  modernisation  in 
China,  ii.  396 

Education  Bill,  the,  Mr.  Balfour's  plan,  ii. 
496 

Education,  Elementary,  in  England,  i.  253  ; 
reform  of,  under  Gladstone,  ii.  253;  Act 
of  1870,  255  ;  School  Boards  established 
by,  255  ;  opposition  to,  255  ;  Cowper- 
Temple  amendment,  256 ;  dislike  of 
Nonconformists  to  the  Act,  307  ;  fresh 
powers  given  to  the  Charity  Commis- 
sioners, 308 

Education,  Free,  advocated  by  Chamberlain, 
ii.  366  ;  established  in  England  and 
Wales,  388 

Education,  Technical,  and  county  authori- 
ties, ii.  387 

Edward,  Prince  of  Wales  (afterwards 
Edward  VII.),  marriage  of,  ii.  126; 
public  thanksgiving  for  his  recovery, 
261 

Edward  VII.,  his  personal  influence  on  the 
Continent,  ii.  457  ;  accession  of,  494  ; 
preparing  for  his  Coronation,  495  ; 
the  Imperial  situation  at  his  accession, 
495 ;  his  sudden  illness,  496 ;  the  Corona- 
tion postponed,  496 ;  the  Coronation 
takes  place,  496  ;  his  efforts  in  cause  of 


Edward  VII.  (continued) 

a  world  peace,  499  ;  visits  to  France 
and  meetings  with  European  sovereigns, 
504;  illness  and  death  of,  504 

Eguia,  i.  93,  109 

Egypt,  under  Mehmed  Ali,  i.  130  ;  Beacons- 
field  refuses  offer  of  by  Bismarck,  ii. 
305  ;  contrast  of  British  and  Turkish 
rule  in,  305  ;  Stephen  Cave's  report 
on  affairs  in,  311  ;  Khedive  dismisses 
Nubar  Pasha,  316  ;  deposition  of  Ismail 
and  Shereef  Pasha  made  Khedive,  316  ; 
strengthening  of  the  dual  control  in, 
316  ;  political  situation  in  1879,  349  ; 
mutiny  of  the  army,  350  ;  expeditionary 
force  leaves  England  for,  355  ;  proposed 
treaty  between  Great  Britain  and,  1889, 
385  ;  reoccupation  of  Eastern  Sudan  by, 
420  ;  financial  difficulties  in,  421  ;  pro- 
gress of,  422 

"  Egypt  for  the  Egyptians,"  ii.  349 

Eight  Articles  of  London,  the,  i.  225 

Ekowe,  defence  of,  ii.  330 

Elandslaagte,  battle  of,  ii.  458 

El  Caney,  capture  of,  ii.  437 

Eldon,  Lord,  i.  163,  189,  239,  448 

Elementary  schools,  and  free  education,  ii. 
388 

Elio,  i.  94,  96 

Ellenborough,  Lord,  i.  107,  426 

Elphinstone,  Admiral,  ii.  447 

Elphinstone,  General  William,  i.  425 

Emigration  from  Great  Britain  in  1832,  i.  250 

Emir  Ali  Pasha,  i.  396 

Ems,  the  fateful  interview  at,  ii.  174  ;  con- 
ference at,  on  the  Balkan  Peninsula, 
275-6 

England,  Philhellenic  agitation  in,  i.  135  ; 
England,  the  Church  of,  the  Pan- 
Anglican  Congress,  ii.  504 

Enslin,  battle  of,  ii.  459 

Ephories,  Committees  of  the  Hetairia,  i.  75 

"  Epidaurus,  Organic  Law  of,"  i.  84-5 

Eritrea,  Italian  colony  founded,  ii.  423 

Erskine,  Lord,  i.  135 

Erzerum,  Turks  defeated  at,  ii.  288 

Eski-Sagra,  ii.  285,  288 

Espafia,  General,  i.  190 

Espartero,  General,  i.  292-5 

Estatulo  Real,  the,  Spanish  Constitution  of, 
1834,  i.  292 

Esterhazy,  i.  414 

Eta,  Japanese  pariahs,  ii.  400 

Eton,  visit  of  Garibaldi  to,  ii.  125 

Eugene  of  Wurtemberg,  Prince,  i.  167 

Eugene,  Prince,  i.  19 

Eugenie  de  Montijo,  marriage  with  Napo- 
lepn  III.,  i.  366 

Eugenie,  Empress,  her  furious  eagerness  for 
war,  ii.  178  ;  intervenes  at  the  Council 
of  St.  Cloud,  179  ;  her  jubilation  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  war,  183  ;  receives  tele- 
gram from  Emperor  and  summons  the 
Cabinet,  191  ;  sends  for  Montauban, 
192  ;  receives  sanguine  telegram  from 
her  son,  194  ;  her  dislike  of  Trochu,  201  ; 
Paris  under  her  Regency,  201 ;  expresses 
herself  strongly  against  the  return  of 
the  Emperor,  201  ;  Emperor  sends  her 
reassuring  dispatch  after  the  battle  of 
Beaumont,  207 ;  receives  news  of 
Sedan,  217  ;  opposed  to  anything  likely 
to  cause  civil  war,  217  ;  advised  by 


517 


INDEX 


Eugenie,  Empress  (continued) 

ministers  to  escape,  219  ;  flight  to  Eng- 
land, 219  ;  Bazaine  conducts  secret 
negotiations  with,  225 

Europe,  influence  of  Napoleon's  fall  in,  1.  2  ; 
spread  of  Liberalism  in,  39 ;  Greek 
national  appeal  to,  85  ;  indifference  in, 
to  Russo-Turkish  War  of  1828-9,  166  ; 
Polignac's  "  Great  Plan  "  for  the  division 
of,  175  ;  and  revolutions,  243  ;  spread 
of  democracy  in,  283  ;  effect  of  French 
Revolution  of  1848  in,  318  ;  exhausted 
condition  of,  after  1849,  342  ;  Napoleon 
III.  proposes  a  congress  of  the  Powers, 
li.  67,  70  ;  the  general  political  position 
in  1866,  89  ;  evinces  a  distrust  of  Bis- 
marck, 93  ;  the  general  position  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  121  ;  another  Euro- 
pean congress  proposed  by  Napoleon 
III. ,96;  the  effect  upon,  of  the  Treaty  of 
Vienna,  121  ;  the  struggles  for  national 
unity  and  independence,  121 

European  nations,  their  progress  and  pre- 
dominance in  modern  times,  ii.  392 

Evans,  Dr.,  ii.  183,  219 

Exaltados,  the,  in  Cortes  of  1840,!.  47-9,  90, 
94 

Exhibition,  International  (1851),  i.  360,  362 

Eynard,  i.  136,  138 

Eyre,  Governor,  ii.  128-9 


FABVIER,  i.  107-8,  134,  137,  153,  161 

Faidherbe,  ii.  230,  232 

Failly,  General,  ii.  184,  207,  209 

Falck,  i.  227 

Falkenstein,  ii.   114 

Falloux,  Act  of,  i.  345 

Falloux,  Minister  of  Education,  i.  342-3 

Farina,  ii.  20 

Farragut,  Admiral,  ii.  40 

Fashoda  incident,  the,  ii.  431 

Faurel,  "  Popular  Songs  of  Modern  Greece," 
i.  136 

Favre,  Jules,  and  Republican  rising,  i.  347  ; 
proposes  the  deposition  of  Napoleon  III., 
ii.  217  ;  heads  the  members  of  the 
Chamber  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  218  ; 
becomes  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  219 ; 
signs  preliminaries  of  peace,  240  ;  signs 
Peace  of  Frankfort,  249 

Fawcett,  Henry,  ii.  264,  314-6 

Federal  Assembly  (see  Bundestag) 

Feliu,  i.  89 

Felner,  Baron,  i.  231 

Fenian  outrages,  the,  H.  133-5 

Fenianism,  inception  of,  ii.  134 

Fenshwi  Pass  held  by  the  Japanese,  ii. 
478 

Ferdinand  I.,  Sicily  under,  i.  59  ;  Naples 
under,  59-60  ;  retires  in  favour  of  his 
son,  6 1  ;  swears  fidelity  to  Constitution, 
62  ;  plays  traitor  to  Revolution,  62  ; 
opens  Neapolitan  Parliament,  63 ;  in- 
vited to  Troppau  Congress,  66  ; 
"  allowed "  to  leave  Naples  for  the 
Congress,  67  ;  at  Laibach,  68  ;  return 
from  Laibach,  69 ;  claims  Spanish 
throne,  109  ;  death  of,  122 

Ferdinand  II.,  of  Naples,  i.  326  ;  action  in 
Sicily,  327  ;  "  King  Bomba,"  327  ; 
death  of,  ii.  20 


Ferdinand  III.,  of  Tuscany,  1.  55 

Ferdinand  VII.,  of  Spain,  confinement  at 
Valencey  and  return  to  Spain,  42  ;  re- 
nounces the  Constitution,  43  ;  "  Sweet, 
holy  Ferdinand,"  43  ;  accepts  the  Con- 
stitution of  1812,  46  ;  retires  to  the 
Escurial,  49  ;  dismay  in  Paris  at  his 
acceptance  of  Constitution,  64 ;  and 
French  Ultras,  93  ;  aims  at  absolutism  : 
revolt  against,  94  ;  his  meanness,  95  ; 
declared  absolute  by  Northern  insur- 
gents, 96  ;  confined  to  his  palace,  97  ; 
promises  to  restore  Cortes  of  Estates, 
97  ;  terrified  by  Apostolicals,  118  ;  con- 
tinues "  White  Terror,"  118-9  ;  refuses 
to  recognise  Isabel  Maria  as  Regent  of 
Portugal,  1 86-8  ;  and  Apostolical  risings, 
190 ;  marriage  with  Maria  Cristina, 
190-1  ;  revives  Pragmatic  Sanction, 
191,  290  ;  death,  291 

Ferdinand  of  Este,  Archduke,  i.  148 

Ferdinand  of  Saxe-Coburg,  Prince,  i.  298 

Ferdinand  of  the  Netherlands,  Prince,  i.  183 

Ferkeh,  battle  of,  ii.  424 

Ferry  Ministry  (France),  its  colonial  aspira- 
tions, ii.  395 

Feudalism,  abolition  of,  in  Japan,  ii.  396  ;  its 
death-blow,  403 

Feutrier,  Bishop  of  Beauvais,  i.  202-3 

Fichte,  "  Address  to  the  German  People  " 
forbidden,  i.  39 

Ficquelmont,  General  Count,  i.  169-70 

Fieschi,  Joseph,  i.  271 

Fievee,  i.  18,  22 

Fiji,  ii.  309,  412,  415 

Finland,  ii.  456 

Finlay,  George,  i.  358 

Firozshah,  battle  of,  i.  428 

Fitzjames,  Duke,  i.  136 

Fitzmaurice,  Lord  Edmond,  ii.  264 

Fitzwilliam,  Lord,  i.  8 

Fitzroy,  Sir  Charles,  ii.  413 

Flagler,  Major,  ii.  440 

Fleury,  and  Louis  Napoleon,  i.  346 

Floing,  fighting  at,  ii.  210-1,  213 

Floquet,  ii.  236,  242 

Florence,  as  capital  of  Italy,  ii.  80-1,  222 

Florida,  Mata,  i.  96 

Fock,  General,  ii.  477 

Foller  Karl,  i.  37 

Fontana  de  Oro,  i.  89 

Foochow,  ii.  393,  395 

Forey,  General,  ii.  143 

Formosa,  ii.  393,  395,  402,  405 

Forster,  William  Edward,  his  Education 
Act,  1870,  ii.  255-6;  resigns  Chief 
Secretaryship  of  Ireland,  ii.  367  ; 
attacks  Parnell,  368  ;  correspondence 
with  Richard  Pigott,  384 

Fort  Sumter,  capture  of,  ii.  31 

Fortoul,  Minister  of  Instruction,  i.  368 

Fossombroni,  Count  Vittorio,  i.  55,  65, 123 

Fouclie,  i.  13-4 

Four  Powers  League,  i.  23 

Fourth  Party,  the,  ii.  373 

Foy,  General,  i.  91,  198-9,  201 

France,  effect  of  Revolution  of  1789  on,  i.  i  ; 
effects  of  Napoleon's  Government  on, 
ii  ;  the  Bourbon's  La  Charte,  n  ;  the 
Powers  take  control  after  Waterloo,  12  ; 
the  "  White  Terror,"  13  ;  Lc  Chantbre 
Introuvable,  14 ;  Royalist  revival,  14 ; 
Royalist  reprisals,  15  ;  increase  of 


518 


INDEX 


France  (continued) 

clerical  influence,  15  ;  anti- Royalist  ex- 
cesses at  Grenoble  and  Paris,  17  ;  defeat 
of  the  Ultras,  17  ;  Richelieu's  Ministry 
and  policy,  18  ;  Laine's  franchise  scheme, 
1 8  ;  Napoleonic  revival,  19  ;  famine  and 
riots  (1817),  19  ;  Saint-Cyr's  scheme  of 
Army  Reform,  20-1  ;  foreign  creditors 
settled,  22  ;  condition  at  time  of  Con- 
gress of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  22 ;  its  evacua- 
ation  by  foreign  armies  decided  at  Con- 
gress of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  24  ;  financial 
crisis  (1818),  25  ;  sixty  new  peers  created, 
27  ;  spread  of  Liberalism,  27  ;  new  Press 
Law,  27  ;  constitutional  and  electoral 
reforms  by  Doctrinaires,  28  ;  Decazes' 
scheme  for  electoral  reform,  29  ;  Riche- 
lieu's Press  and  Suspect  Laws,  30  ;  elec- 
toral reform  carried  (1820),  31  ;  refuses 
to  agree  to  Troppau  Protocol,  67  ;  agrees 
to  intervention  in  Naples,  68  ;  the  Con- 
gregationalists  in,  91  ;  influence  of  the 
Pavilion  Marsan,  92  ;  severity  of  the 
"  Ultras,"  93 ;  and  intervention  in 
Spain,  97  ;  British  offer  of  mediation 
with  Spain  rejected,  105  ;  Chateau- 
briand's warning,  105  ;  treaty  with 
Spain,  112  ;  defeat  of  the  Liberals,  120  ; 
fall  of  Chateaubriand,  120  ;  death  of 
Louis  XVIII.  and  accession  of  Charles 
X.,  120;  Philhellenic  movement  in,  136  ; 
and  Russian  scheme  for  settlement  of 
Turko-Greek  question,  140  ;  interest  of, 
in  Eastern  Question,  141  ;  and  Can- 
ning's proposals  for  Greece,  151  ;  Treaty 
of  London  with  Great  Britain  and 
Russia,  152  ;  and  the  Battle  of  Nava- 
rino,  161  ;  fall  of  Villele's  Ministry, 
163  ;  attitude  to  Russia  in  war  of  1828-9, 
1 66  ;  joint  Protocol  with  Great  Britain 
as  to  Greece,  170  ;  supports  Prussia's 
mediation  between  Russia  and  Turkey, 
172  ;  and  Treaty  of  Adrianople,  174-5  ; 
sends  expedition  to  the  Morea,  180 ; 
attitude  to  Portuguese  Constitution, 
187 ;  effect  of  Canning's  appeal  for 
Portugal  in,  188  ;  condition  of  at  acces- 
sion of  Charles  X.,  197  ;  compensation 
for  emigres,  197  ;  other  reactionary  laws, 

198  ;   Charles  X.   crowned  at   Rheims, 

199  ;  influence  of  the  "  Congregation  " 
and  Jesuits,  199  ;  anti- Jesuit  campaign, 
199  ;  primogeniture  law  rejected,  200  ; 
proposed    Press    Law    defeated,    200 ; 
National  Guard  dismissed  in  Paris,  201  ; 
Villele's  Ministry   defeated,    201  ;    the 
Martignac  Ministry,  202  ;  election  and 
Press    Laws    revised,    203 ;     education 
reforms,  203;    Martignac's    scheme    of 
municipal  reform,  204  :    Martignac  dis- 
missed, 205 ;  Polignac's  Ministry.  205-6  ; 
and  Algiers,  207  ;  seeks  help  of  Egypt 
in   Algiers,   208  ;    Chambers    dissolved, 
209 ;   success   of   Algerian   Expedition, 
209 ;   outbreak   of   Revolution,   212-3  ; 
Paris  in  the  hands  of  Revolutionaries, 
217;  "  No  King  in  France,"  219  ;  Louis 
Philippe  appointed  Lieutenant -General, 
220  ;  abdication  of  Charles  X.,  223  ;  the 
mob    marches    to    Rambouillet,    223  ; 
Charles  X.  flees  to  England,  223  ;  Louis 
Philippe   as    King,    266-7 ;    cholera   in 
Paris,  268  ;  the  Duchesse  de  Berri's  re- 


France  (continued) 

bellion,  268  ;  Guizot's  education  scheme, 
269  ;  severe  Press  Laws,  270 ;  attempts 
to  assassinate  Louis  Philippe,  270 ; 
"  The  Laws  of  September,"  271  ; 
rise  of  Thiers,  271 ;  resignation  of 
Thiers,  272  ;  Algiers  annexed,  272  ;  an 
African  Empire,  273 ;  appearance  of 
Prince  Louis  Napoleon,  273 ;  Napo- 
leonic revival,  274  ;  high-water  mark  of 
Monarchy  of  July,  275  ;  attack  on  the 
monarchy,  276  ;  and  Mehemet  Ali,  279  ; 
the  Ministry  of  Oct.  19,  280  ;  death  of 
Due  d'Orleans,  280-1  ;  the  Spanish  mar- 
riage question,  281 ;  entente  cordiale  with 
Great  Britain,  282  ;  the  Tahitian  diffi- 
culty, 282  ;  war  with  Morocco,  282  ;  de- 
cline of  Louis  Philippe,  284  ;  under  the 
Monarchy  of  July,  309  ,-  "  Reform " 
banquets,  310 ;  riots  in  Paris,  311  ; 
abdicatpn  of  Louis  Philippe,  311  ; 
Republic  proclaimed,  312 ;  universal 
suffrage,  313  ;  Social  Democratic  revolt, 
314 ;  Republican  Constitution,  315  ; 
Louis  Napoleon  elected  President,  316  ; 
assists  Pius  IX.,  329  ;  condition  of,  after 
Revolution,  342  ;  expedition  to  Rome, 
343-4  ;  clerical  influence,  344  ;  revision 
of  the  franchise,  345  ;  revision  of  Con- 
stitution, 346  ;  the  coup  d'etat,  346  ;  anti- 
Republican  measures,  347  ;  Louis  Napo- 
leon's Constitution,  348  ;  Napoleon  III., 
349 ;  under  Napoleon  III.,  364-5  ; 
municipal  government  under  Napoleon 
III.,  365  ;  the  Legislative  Body  and 
Council  of  State,  367  ;  progress  under 
the  Empire,  368-9  ;  and  negotiations 
before  Crimean  War,  375  ;  French  fleet 
sent  to  Salamis,  376 ;  outbreak  of 
Crimean  War,  378  ;  bombs  thrown  at 
Napoleon  III.,  ii.  8;  the  proposed  alliance 
with  Italy,  9  ;  Napoleon  III.'s  stipula- 
tions to  Italy,  ii  ;  friendliness  towards 
Italy,  12 ;  strong  opinions  against 
Austrian  War,  12  ;  Austro-Italian  War, 
13  et  seq.  ;  secret  overtures  to  Prussia, 
76  ;  favours  Prussia's  claim  to  Schles- 
wig-Holstein,  84 ;  disagrees  with  the 
Gastein  agreement,  84 ;  Napoleon 
assures  Bismarck  of  France's  friendli- 
ness, 85  ;  wants  territory  from  Germany, 
90  ;  alliance  with  Italy,  90  ;  the  agree- 
ment with  Austria,  96  ;  alienates  Europe 
over  the  Prussian  situation,  112  ;  wants 
some  benefit  from  the  Prussian  victory, 
116  ;  a  commercial  treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  122 ;  her  position  in  1866, 
141  ;  hesitates  on  the  Mexican  financial 
Treaty  and  La  Soledad,  142  ;  her  secret 
intentions  in  Mexico,  142  ;  her  intrigue 
exposed,  143  ;  military  operations  in 
Mexico,  143  ;  the  attack  on  Puebla,  143  ; 
is  ordered  by  the  United  States  to  evacu- 
ate Mexico,  144  ;  Maximilian's  unhappy 
reign  in  Mexico,  146  ;  the  betrayal  and 
death  of  Maximilian,  148  ;  the  origin  of 
the  Third  Party,  149 ;  Emile  Ollivier 
leads,  149  ;  Napoleon  III.  grants  Con- 
stitutional concessions,  150  ;  the  Luxem- 
burg question,  151  ;  the  Franco- Italian 
Convention  is  signed,  154;  the  troops 
are  withdrawn  from  Rome,  154 ;  intends 
to  protect  the  Pope,  154 ;  the  occupation 


519 


INDEX 


France  (continued) 

of  Rome  ceases,  155  ;  decides  to  help  the 
Pope,  156  ;  the  Papal  expedition  sets 
out,  157  ;  the  French  troops  assist  in 
crushing  Garibaldi,  158  ;  the  Republican 
party  reconstituted,  158  ;  rise  of  Leon 
Gambetta,  158  ;  French  troops  back  in 
Rome,  159  ;  the  beginnings  of  Socialism, 
159 ;  Prussia  becomes  a  constant 
anxiety,  159  ;  the  conscription  system, 
159 ;  the  reform  of  army  undertaken, 
1 60  ;  Niel  is  appointed  Minister  of  War, 
1 60  ;  reforming  the  army,  the  new  plan, 
1 60  ;  the  "  amendment  of  the  forty- 
two,"  161  ;  Freedom  of  the  Press  is 
granted,  162  ;  the  Empire  in  decline, 
162  ;  Henri  Rochefort's  outspoken  at- 
tack on  Napoleon  III.,  162  ;  the  year 
1870  opens,  164  ;  Parliamentary  Reform 
in  operation,  164  ;  Ollivier  forms  his 
Ministry,  164  ;  the  Victor  Noir  affair, 
165  ;  the  plebiscite  of  1870,  166  ;  possi- 
bility of  Austria  as  an  ally,  167  ;  seeks 
alliance  with  Italy,  167  ;  a  plan  of  cam- 
paign against  Prussia,  171  ;  war  is 
declared  against  Prussia,  172  ;  Franco- 
Prussian  War,  172  et  seq.  (see  also 
Fran co- Prussian  War) ;  is  eager  for  war, 
174;  insists  on  Prussia  taking  action,  175; 
excitement  in  Paris  at  Bismarck's  dis- 
patch, 178  ;  Cabinet  in  favour  of  peace, 

178  ;  war  decided  upon  in  the  Chamber, 

179  ;  sends  ultimatum  to  Berlin,  179  ; 
army  compared  with  that  of  Prussia, 
179-81  ;    its  ill-equipment,   181-2 ;    in- 
competence   of    the    reservists,     184  ; 
strength   of   the  army  compared  with 
that   of   Prussia,    184 ;     destruction   of 
army  at  Froeschweiler,  187  ;    strength 
of  the  army  increased,  203  ;  general  call 
to  arms,  203  ;  Crown  diamonds,  bullion, 
etc.,  sent  to  Brest,  203  ;   anarchy  in  the 
provinces,  203  ;    effort  to  secure  allies, 
203  ;    terms  of  surrender  demanded  by 
Prussia,  215  ;    fall  of  the  Empire,  217 
et   seq.  ;     ideas   and   tone   of   army  no 
match    for    German    discipline,    224  ; 
divided   into    four    governments,    225  ; 
formation  of  camps  of  instruction  in, 
225  ;    Gambetta's  efforts  to  rouse  the 
country,  225  ;   the  whole  north  one  vast 
battlefield,  226  ;    feeling  of  desperation 
in,  230  ;  pitiable  condition  of  the  troops 
and  general  loss  of  spirit  in,  232  ;   elec- 
tion of  National  Assembly,  236  ;  general 
desire  in,  for  peace,  240  ;    meeting  of 
Assembly   at    Bordeaux,    240 ;     formal 
deposition  of  the  Emperor,  240  ;    As- 
sembly removes  to  Versailles,  241  ;    the 
Commune   proclaims   the    Republic   as 
the  legal  government,  242  ;    principles 
of  the  Commune  spread  to  the  provinces, 
245  ;  standing  army  in,  to  be  replaced 
by  a  National  Guard,  246  ;    separation 
of  Church   and  State   decreed  by  the 
Commune,  247  ;    end  of  the  Commune, 
248  ;    the  moderate  Republicans  come 
into  power,  248  ;    provisional  constitu- 
tion of  the   Republic,   249  ;    Peace  of 
Frankfort  signed,  249  ;  payment  of  war 
indemnity,  249  ;  decision  as  to  frontier, 
249 ;    gives    adhesion    to    Count   An- 
drassy's  note,  274 ;  her  Egyptian  policy, 


France  (continued) 

351  ;  feeling  towards  Great  Britain  on 
Egyptian  affairs,  354  ;  and  the  neutrali- 
sation of  the  Suez  Canal,  385  ;  relations 
with  Italy  and  with  Russia,  1887,  385  ; 
in  West  Africa,  386  ;  war  with  China, 
1882-5,  395  ;  convention  with  Japan, 
1858,  399  ;  and  the  New  Hebrides,  415; 
and  Egypt,  420 ;  and  the  Fashoda 
incident,  431  ;  obtains  cession  of 
Kwang-chow,  442  ;  the  Anglo-French 
agreement  of  1904,  499 
Franchise  Bill,  the  (1884),  li.  369 
Franchise  reform,  in  France,  Laine's  scheme 
(1816),  I.  1 8  ;  Doctrinaires'  scheme 
(1819),  28  ;  Decazes'  scheme  (1820),  29  ; 
Richelieu's  Bill  carried,  31  ;  Polignac's 
Ordinance,  210  ;  foundation  of  the  new 
Revolution,  211  ;  universal  suffrage, 
313;  Baroche's  scheme,  1850,  345; 
in  Great  Britain,  under  first  Reform 
Bill,  i.  244;  Trevelyan's  motion  for 
extension  of,  ii.  314  ;  question  of,  in 
England,  320  ;  formation  of  the  Eighty 
Club,  320 

Francis,  Don,  of  Assisi,  I.  283 
Francis,  Emperor,  Pepe's  plot  to  arrest,  I. 
60  ;  at  Troppau,  65  ;  on  Greek  insur- 
rection, 8 1  ;  visit  to  Charles  Felix,  124  ; 
meeting  with  the  Tsar  concerning 
Greece,  139  ;  advises  Tsar  against  war 
with  Turkey,  165  ;  writes  to  the  Tsar, 
169  ;  and  treaty  of  Adrianople,  175  ; 
and  Portuguese  constitution,  186 
Francis  Joseph,  Emperor,  accession  of,  i. 
337 ;  and  Crimean  war,  397  ;  visits 
Lombardy  and  Venetia,  ii.  8  ;  at  Sol- 
ferino,  21  ;  meets  Napoleon  III.  at  Villa- 
franca,  24  ;  refuses  to  sue  for  peace,  108  ; 
visits  Paris,  153 
Francis  I.  of  Naples,  i.  122 
Francis  IV.,  Duke  of  Modena,  I.  54 
Francis  X.,  Duke  of  Modena,  I.  331 
Franco -Prussian  war,  cause  of  the,  ii.  172; 
declaration  of  war  by  France,  179 ; 
position  of  the  contending  armies  in 
July,  1870,  183  ;  action  at  Saarbriick, 
184;  forces  engaged  in,  184  ;  Prussia's 
strategic  plans,  185  ;  battle  of  Weis- 
senberg,  185-6 ;  'of  Froeschweiler, 
186-7  ;  capture  of  Worth,  187  ;  French 
stationed  in  Valley  of  Forbach,  188  ; 
struggle  round  Stieringin,  and  retreat 
of  French,  188-9  ;  retirement  of  whole 
French  army  behind  the  Meuse,  192  ; 
Prussians  round  Metz,  192  ;  retreat  of 
French  from,  193  ;  battle  of  Borny  or 
Columbey,  193  ;  Vionville  and  Flagny 
carried  by  the  Prussians,  195  ;  artillery 
duel  at  Rezonville,  196 ;  battle  of 
Gravelotte  or  St.  Privat,  199-200  ;  Metz 
invested,  200  ;  MacMahon's  efforts  to 
relieve  Bazaine,  204  et  seq.  ;  battle  of 
Beaumont,  207  ;  battle  of  Sedan,  211-4  ; 
terms  of  surrender  demanded  by  Prussia, 
215  ;  miserable  condition  of  French 
army,  215-6  ;  German  advance  on  Paris, 
220  ;  investment  of  Paris,  221  ;  fall  of 
Toul  and  Strassburg,  222  ;  guerilla 
warfare  in  the  Vosges,  222  ;  sorties  from 
Paris,  225  ;  capitulation  of  Metz,  226  ; 


course  of  the  war  materially  affected  by 
Bazaine's  action,   226  ;    disposition  of 


520 


INDEX 


Franco -Prussian  war  (continued) 

German  forces  during  siege  of  Paris,  226; 
fall  of  Soissons,  Verdun,  Thionville, 
Pfalzburg,  Montmedy,  Mezieres,  226  ;  of 
Belfort  and  Dijon,  227  ;  Athis  burnt  by 
the  Germans,  227 ;  engagement  at 
Artenay,  227  ;  capture  of  CMteaudun 
by  Germans,  228  ;  French  victory  at 
Coulmiers,  228  ;  defeat  of  French  at 
Dreux,  Chateau  Neuf,  Bigny  and  St. 
Jean,  228  ;  battle  of  Beaune-la-Rolande, 
229 ;  of  Loigny,  229 ;  Army  of  the 
Loire  driven  south,  229  ;  hope  of  its 
relief  of  Paris  abandoned,  229  ;  capture 
of  Orleans  by  the  Germans,  229  ;  second 
Army  of  the  Loire  under  Chanzy  driven 
back,  230  ;  Bourbaki  driven  south,  230  ; 
Paris  cut  off  from  relief,  230  ;  battle  of 
Le  Mans,  231  ;  fighting  round  Paris, 
231  ;  concentration  of  German  forces 
hampered,  232  ;  advance  on  Paris  of 
relieving  force  still  possible,  232  ;  Ger- 
mans become  masters  of  the  Valley  of 
the  Somme,  232  ;  Amiens  taken,  232  ; 
fall  of  Rouen,  232  ;  of  Dieppe,  232  ; 
sortie  at  Le  Bourget  repulsed,  232 ; 
battle  of  Hallue,  232  ;  indecisive  action  at 
Bapaume,  232 ;  capture  of  Roncy  and 
Peronne,  232  ;  fall  of  Longwy,  232 ;  bom- 
bardment of  Paris,  233  ;  last  sortie  from, 
repulsed,  233 ;  convention  signed  for  sus- 
pension of  hostilities,  233  ;  surrender 
of  Paris,  235-6  ;  French  compelled  to 
retreat  from  Nuits,  236  ;  Bourbaki's 
advance  towards  Belfort,  237  ;  defeat 
of  French  at  Villersexel,  237  ;  Bourbaki 
defeated  at  Hericourt,  237  ;  German 
victory  at  St.  Quentin,  237  ;  repeated 
defeats  of  Bourbaki,  238  ;  battle  of 
Frasne,  238  ;  the  Army  of  the  Loire 
rendered  useless,  238  ;  capitulation  of 
Belfort,  238  ;  end  of  the  war,  238  ; 
number  of  killed  and  wounded  on  both 
sides,  239  ;  of  prisoners,  239  ;  prelimi- 
naries of  peace  signed,  240  j  Peace  of 
Frankfort  signed,  249 

Frankfort,  meeting  of  Bundestag  at,  i.  33 ; 
the  confederation  scheme  discussed  at, 
ii.  67  ;  the  Diet  rebuffs  Bismarck,  93  ; 
Prince  Alexander  marches  to  defend, 
114  ;  evacuation  of,  114 

Fransecky,  ii.  199-200,  237 

Frasne,  battle  of,  ii.  238 

Fratelli,  the,  secret  society,  severe  oaths  of, 
i.  58 

Frayssinous,  the  Abbe,  i.  93,  121,  202 

Frederick  Charles,  Prince,  ii.  77,  106,  115, 
183-4,  196,  200-1,  226,  230-1 

Frederick,  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia,  ii.  183-5, 

187,   2O7,   212,   220-1,   241 

Frederick  Francis,  Grand  Duke,  ii.  228-31 

Frederick,  Prince  of  the  Netherlands,  i. 
230-1 

Frederick  VII.  of  Denmark,  i.  325 ;  death 
of,  ii.  69 

Frederick  William  IV.  of  Prussia,  reviews 
army  of  occupation  at  Sedan  and  visits 
Paris,  i.  24  ;  favours  reactionaries,  36  ; 
meets  Metternich  after  assassination  of 
Kotzebue,  38  ;  at  Troppau,  65  ;  at 
Verona,  99  ;  subscribes  to  Philhellenic 
fund,  138  ;  neutrality  in  Russo-Turkish 
war,  1848, 167  ;  meeting  with  Tsar,  171 ; 


Frederick  William  IV.  (continued] 

and  revolutionary  spirit,  321-2  ;  grants 
amnesty,  322 ;  and  the  Tsar,  414 ; 
death  of,  ii.  63 

Fredericksburg,  the  Federal  defeat  at,  ii.  47 

Free  Trade,  extension  of,  ii.  350,  354;  Canada 
and,  354  ;  Cavour's  endeavours  for,  in 
Italy,  ii.  3,  5  ;  the  movement  favouring, 
123  ;  Australia  and,  414  ;  the  Tariff 
Reform  movement,  497 

Freemasons,  Portuguese  officials  forbidden 
to  join  the,  i.  114  ;  Dom  Miguel  and  the 
"devilish  sect  "  of,  116  ;  rebellion  in 
Aragon  against  influence  of,  118  ;  per- 
secution in  Spain  of,  119 ;  Queen 
Carlota's  proclamation  against,  195 

Freire  de  Andrade,  Lieut. -General,  i.  50-1 

French  Congo,  ii.  386 

French,  General  Sir  John,  ii.  457,  462 

French  Revolution  (1789),  immediate  effects 
of,  i.  i ;  spread  of  principles  of,  to  Spain, 
41  ;  cause  of,  243 

Frere,  Sir  Bartle,  ii.  316,  324-5 

Freycinet  (see  de  Freycinet) 

Frimont  General,  i.  68 

Froeschweiler,  battle  of,  ii.  186-7 

Frossard,  General,  ii.  184,  188-9,  190,  195, 
197-8 

Froude,  ii.  310 

Frullani,  Leonardo,  i.  55 

Fuad  Pasha,  i.  375,  379  ;  ii.  270 

Fushimi,  defeat  of  the  Shogun  at,  ii.  399 


GAETANO  DE  CASTIGLIA,  i.  71 

Gagern,  Heinrich  von,  i.  324 

Galitzin,  i.  145 

Galliano,  i.  in 

Gallo,  Duke  of,  i.  67-9 

Gamba,  Count,  i.  136 

Gambetta,  Leon,  rise  of,  ii.  158  ;  defends 
Republicanism,  163  ;  makes  known  his 
views,  165  ;  Minister  of  the  Interior, 
219  ;  leaves  Paris  in  a  balloon,  225  ; 
joins  provisional  government  at,  225  ; 
urges  the  national  duty  of  people  to 
annihilate  the  enemy,  227  ;  his  hopes 
in  the  Army  of  the  Loire,  228  ;  his  nar- 
row escape  of  being  made  prisoner,  230  ; 
his  efforts  at  Lille  and  Bordeaux  to  rouse 
the  spirits  of  the  soldiers,  232  ;  elected 
to  the  National  Assembly,  236 ;  his 
Egyptian  policy,  351 

Garcia,  Calixto,  ii.  436 

Garde  Mobile,  the,  its  organisation,  ii.  180 

Gardes  Nationaux  Ftderis  (see  National 
Guards) 

Garibaldi,  Giuseppe,  arrival  at  Rome,  i.  329, 
332 ;  retires  to  America,  330 ;  dis- 
patched to  stir  up  rebellion,  ii.  10  ;  made 
a  general,  16  ;  repulses  General  Urban, 
17 ;  operates  against  the  Austrians,  100 ; 
in  the  Tyrol,  118  ;  raid  on  Rome,  119  ; 
defeat  at  Mentana,  119 ;  rides  into 
Turin  beside  Victor  Emmanuel  II.,  122  ; 
in  England,  125  ;  and  Papal  authority, 
155  ;  raid  on  Viterbo,  155  ;  attends  the 
Congress  of  Peace  at  Geneva,  155  ; 
arrest  and  imprisonment,  155  ;  escapes 
from  Caprera,  156  ;  march  on  Rome, 
157  ;  defeated  at  Mentana,  158  ;  assists 
French,  226  ;  receives  command  of  the 


521 


INDEX 


Garibaldi,  Giuseppe  (continued) 

free  corps  on  the  Vosges,  227  ;  forced 
to  retreat  from  Nuits,  236  ;  fights  with 
Kettler,  237 

Garibaldi,  Menotti,  11.  156 

Garibaldi,  Ricciotti,  11.  226,  227 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  11.  27 

Gastein,  the  convention  of,  11.  84,  88 ;  the 
treaty  of,  96 

Gatacre,  General,  11.  426,  460 

Gendebien,  Alexandre,  1.  229-31 

General  Election,  in  Great  Britain,  1818, 1.  5 

Genestrello,  occupation  by  Austrians,  11.  15 

Geneva,  the  Congress  of  Peace,  II.  155  ;  Gari- 
baldi at,  155 

Genoa,  1.  53,  72,  136  ;  11.  i,  8,  155 

Gentz,  as  Secretary  of  Congress  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  1.  24  ;  warns  parents  against 
Jena  University,  36  ;  and  the  Carlsbad 
Conference,  38  ;  "  Principles  of  a 
Fundamental  Law  for  the  Government 
of  the  Two  Sicilies,"  68  ;  at  Congress  of 
Verona,  101,  102  ;  on  Stratford  Canning, 
141  ;  on  Navarino,  160 ;  on  Russian 
War,  169  ;  and  Treaty  of  Adrianople, 
176  ;  on  Canning's  death,  190  ;  on 
Jesuits,  199 

George  III.,  death  of,  i.  9 

George  IV.  meets  Metternich  at  Hanover, 
1.  8 1  ;  invites  Metternich  to  England, 
141  ;  and  Capodistrias,  178  ;  and  Prince 
Leopold  as  candidate  for  Greek  throne, 
183  ;  character  of,  235  ;  and  Queen 
Caroline,  235  ;  death  of,  243 

George  V.,  accession  of,  ii.  504 

George,  Lloyd,  ii.  503 

George,  Prince,  of  Denmark,  ii.  273 

Gerard,  General,  i.  216-7,  221,  266 

Gerlach,  Leopold  von,  i.  165 

Gerlache,  de,  i.  228 

German  East  Africa  Company,  ii.  386 

Germanic  Confederation,  formation  of,  i.  33-4, 
38 

Germany,  effect  of  Revolution  and  Napo- 
leonic wars  in,  I.  32  ;  results  of  Congress 
of  Vienna  on,  34  ;  disaffection  among 
Liberals,  35  ;  students'  associations  in, 
36  ;  celebration  of  sooth  anniversary  of 
Reformation,  36  ;  consternation  at  Carls- 
bad Revolutions,  38  ;  Republicanism 
appears  in,  39;  Philhellenism  in,  134; 
condition  of,  in  1848,  318  ;  revolutionary 
outbreaks  in,  319  ;  National  Parliament 
at  Frankfort,  323  ;  constitution  of  Vos- 
parlament,  324  ;  the  Schleswig-Holstein 
question,  325  ;  revolt  in  Poland,  325  ; 
general  history,  1858-71,  ii.  61,  etc.  (and 
see  Prussia)  ;  Austria's  federation  pro- 
posals rejected  by  the  Southern  States, 
67  ;  foreshadowings  of  Federation,  67  ; 
first  steps  to  unification,  80  ;  Bismarck's 
plans  for  a  Union  of  States,  92  ;  a  general 
arming  against  Austria,  94  ;  France's 
opposition  to  a  Union  of  States,  95  ; 
Napoleon  III.  and  German  unity,  96  ; 
the  Empire  within  practical  politics,  113; 
the  North  German  League  founded,  117  ; 
the  formation  of  a  South  German 
League,  118  ;  Prussia  at  work  making  an 
Empire,  168  ;  general  desire  to  make  it 
a  united  kingdom,  233-4  ;  States  of  the 
South  admitted  into  the  North  German 
League,  234  ;  William  I.  as  Emperor, 


Germany  (continued) 

235  ;  Peace  of  Frankfort  signed,  249  ; 
first  German  Reichstag  held  in  Berlin, 
249  ;  league  with  Austria  and  Russia, 
269  ;  and  Count  Andrassy's  note,  274 ; 
presents  note  to  the  Porte,  276  ;  feeling 
towards  Great  Britain  on  Egyptian 
aff  airs,"354  ;  Triple  Alliance  with  Austria 
and  Italy,  1887,  385  ;  and  New  Guinea, 
412  ;  murder  of  missionaries  in  China, 
441 ;  and  the  second  Boer  War,  457  ; 
Anglophobia  in,  502 

Gettysburg,  battle  of,  11.  49 

Giampietri,  murder  of,  1.  69 

Gibson,  Milner,  I.  350 

Gifford,  Lord,  Ii.  336 

Gioberti,  Vincenzo,  i.  301,  304 

Girardin,  Emile  de,  i.  284,  309,  344 

Gitschin,  Austrians  defeated  at,  11.  106 ; 
Prussian  headquarters  at,  107 

Giulay,  General,  ii.  17 

Gladstone,  Herbert,  ii.  320 

Gladstone,  W.  E.,  as  Vice- President  of 
Board  of  Trade  and  Navigation  Acts, 
i.  354  ;  attacks  Disraeli's  first  budget, 
371  ;  his  first  budget,  372  ;  resigns  during 
Crimean  War,  394 ;  his  influence  on 
European  policy,  ii.  122  ;  again  becomes 
Chancellor  of  Exchequer,  122  ;  averts  a 
war  with  France,  123  ;  his  great  budget 
speech  of  1860,  123  ;  expresses  confid- 
ence in  Italy,  124  ;  defeated  at  Oxford, 
126  is  returned  for  South  Lancashire, 
126  as  leader  of  House  of  Commons, 
129  his  Ministry  resigns,  130 ;  his 
criticism  of  the  Fenian  outrages,  135  ; 
his  efforts  to  pacify  Ireland,  137  ;  be- 
comes Prime  Minister,  139  ;  his  Ministry, 
1868-74,  251  et  seq.  ;  memorable  session 
of  1870,  258  ;  tries  to  draw  the  Queen 
from  her  retirement,  261  ;  her  dislike  of 
him,  261,  263  ;  Ballot  Act  passed,  263  ; 
his  Irish  University  Scheme,  263-4  ;  as 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  265  ;  his 
budget,  265  ;  decides  for  dissolution, 
265  ;  his  Bulgarian  pamphlet,  277-8  ; 
and  Russo-Turkish  War,  285  ;  discon- 
tent of  his  party  at  his  dissolution  of 
Parliament,  308  ;  opposes  Church 
Patronage  Bill  for  Scotland,  308  ;  his 
retirement,  309  ;  opposes  the  purchase 
of  the  Suez  Canal  shares,  310 ;  his 
attitude  to  the  Queen  compared  with 
that  of  Beaconsfield,  312  ;  denounces  the 
Afghan  War,  315  ;  his  Midlothian  cam- 
paign, 317-8  ;  on  affairs  in  Ireland, 
319-20  ;  his  second  Midlothian  cam- 
paign, 320  ;  elected  for  Midlothian,  320  ; 
is  sent  for  by  Queen  and  reproved  by 
her,  321  ;  succeeds  Beaconsfield  as 
Premier,  344  ;  and  Egypt,  352  et  seq.  ; 
advises  abandonment  of  the  Sudan,  359 ; 
and  Charles  Bradlaugh,  365  ;  and  the 
Phoenix  Park  murders,  367  ;  and  Trans- 
vaal independence,  368  ;  and  the  Reform 
Bill  of  1884,  369  ;  defeat  of  his  Govern- 
ment (1885),  370  ;  and  the  Penjdeh  in- 
cident, 372  ;  and  the  ministerial  crisis  of 
!885,  373  ;  conversion  to  Home  Rule, 
374 ;  supports  Jesse  Collings'  small 
holdings  policy,  375  ;  forms  a  Govern- 
ment in  1886,  375  ;  introduces  Home 
Rule  Bill,  376  ;  his  opinion  of  Chamber  - 


522 


INDEX 


Gladstone,  W.  E.  (continued) 

lain,  378  ;  defeat  of  his  Ministry  of 
1886,  378  ;  and  the  Plan  of  Campaign, 
379  ;  opposes  the  Coercion  Bill,  380  ; 
does  not  attend  the  Round  Table  Con- 
ference of  1886,  380  ;  declines  to  fore- 
cast Home  Rule  Bill  in  1892,  388  ;  be- 
comes Premier  for  the  fourth  time,  388  ; 
introduces  Home  Rule  Bill  of  1893, 
389  ;  his  last  Cabinet  Council,  389  ;  his 
farewell  speech  and  resignation,  390  ; 
weakness  with  regard  to  Egypt,  420  ; 
death  of,  489  ;  Lord  Salisbury's  tribute, 
489  ;  the  State  funeral,  489 
Glencoe,  battle  of,  ii.  457 
Goderich,  Lord  (Earl  of  Ripon),  i.  161,  163, 

239-40,  251 

Goethe,  farewell  to  Byron  of,  i.  136 
Gold,    discovery   of    in    California,    ii.   28  ; 
discovery  of  in  Australia,  411  ;  yearly 
output,  412  ;  discovery  of  in  the  Trans- 
vaal, 449 

Gordon,  General,  appointed  Governor  of  the 
Equatorial  Provinces  of  Central  Africa, 
ii.  360  :  appointed  to  carry  out  evacua- 
tion of  Sudan,  360  ;  reaches  Khartum, 
361  ;  surrounded  at  Khartum,  362  ; 
relief  force  sent  out,  362  ;  death  of,  364  ; 
three  of  his  steamers  recaptured  after 
Omdurman,  430  ;  memorial  service  at 
his  grave,  431 

Gordon,  General  Thomas,  i.  82,  154-5 
Gordon,  George  William,  execution  of,  ii.  128 
Gordon,  Sir  Robert,  i.  171-3 
Gordon  University,  Khartum,  ii.  432 
Gorgei,  Arthur  von,  ii.  336-7,  340 
Gorst,  Sir  John,  ii.  373 
Gortshakov,  Prince,  i.  394,  397,  399,  403-5  ; 

ii.  276,  298,  300,  303 

Goschen,  George  J.  (afterwards  Viscount 
Goschen),  ii.  251,  265,  314,  375,  378-9, 
387 

Goshen,  Republic  of  (South  Africa),  ii.  450 
Gough,  General,  at  Sobraon,  i.  428 
Gourko,  General,  ii.  284-5,  289-90,  292 
Government,  principles  of,  i.  243 
Graaf  Reinet  declares  independence,  ii.  447 
Graham,  Sir  James,  i.  244,  379 
Gramont,  ii.  171,  178-9,  192,  204,  220 
Grant,  General,   at  Cairo,    U.S.A.,  ii.   38  ; 
early   successes,    38  ;     at   Corinth,   39 ; 
attack  on  Vicksburg,    49  ;    defeats  the 
Confederates  at  Raymond  and  Jackson, 
50  ;     receives    full    command    of    the 
Federals,    54 ;    defeats    Lee    at    Spot- 
sylvania,   55 

Granville,  Lord,  Foreign  Secretary  (1851), 
i.  350 ;  acts  as  mediator  between 
France  and  Prussia,  ii.  178  ;  his  answer 
to  the  Italian  Ambassador,  204 ;  head  of 
the  Colonial  Office,  251  ;  and  Egypt, 
352  ;  and  the  evacuation  of  the  Sudan, 
360  ;  and  the  neutralisation  of  the  Suez 
Canal,  357  ;  becomes  Secretary  for  the 
Colonies,  376  ;  weakness  with  regard  to 
Egypt,  420 

Gravelotte,  ii.  194,  199-200 
Great  Britain,  influence  on  European  politics 
after  Napoleon,  i.  2 ;  position  after 
Peace  of  Vienna  of,  3  ;  Luddite  riots,  3  ; 
rise  of  Radicalism  in,  4  ;  the  Chartist's 
Charter,  4 ;  the  "  Blanketeers'  "  march, 
4  ;  increasing  prosperity  of  (1817),  5  ; 


Great  Britain  (continued) 

rising  prosperity  in  (1818),  6  ;  right  of 
public  meeting  in  limited  by  "  Six 
Acts,"  8-9  ;  advocates  suppression  of 
slave  trade  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  25  ; 
against  intervention  in  Spain,  64  ;  not 
opposed  to  Austrian  intervention  in 
Italy,  65  ;  refuses  to  be  bound  by  deci- 
sions of  Congress  of  Troppau,  65  ;  pro- 
tests against  Troppau  Protocol,  67 ; 
stands  aloof  at  Laibach,  68  ;  intervenes 
for  Greece,  87 ;  and  intervention  in 
Spain,  97  ;  breach  with  Eastern  Powers 
at  Verona,  100  ;  separation  from  the 
Alliance,  101  ;  recognises  Spanish 
colonies  in  America  as  belligerents,  103  ; 
attempts  to  mediate  between  France  and 
Spain,  106 ;  assurance  of  neutrality, 
107-8  ;  and  revolted  Spanish  colonies, 
120 ;  and  the  St.  Petersburg  Con- 
ferences, 140-1  ;  understanding  with 
Russia,  141-2,  148  ;  Emperor  Nicholas 
and,  148  ;  Turkey  declines  mediation 
of,  149 ;  protocol  with  Russia,  149 ; 
Treaty  of  London  with  France  and 
Russia,  152  ;  King's  Speech  and  battle 
of  Navarino,  163  ;  curious  position  of, 
in  Russo -Turkish  war  of  1828,  168  ; 
joint  protocol  with  France  and  Russia 
as  to  Greece,  170  ;  strained  relations 
with  Russia,  172  ;  declines  to  guarantee 
succession  of  Dom  Pedro  in  Portugal, 
185  ;  Portugal's  appeal  for  help,  188-9  ; 
supports  Dom  Miguel  as  Regent,  192  ; 
deal  with  Holland  for  Dutch  Colonies, 
225  ;  changes  in  Ministry  (1822),  236  ; 
Reciprocity  of  Duties  Act,  237  ;  reform 
of  duties,  238  ;  financial  crisis  of  1825, 

238  ;  question  of  Catholic  emancipation, 

239  ;     Duke   of   Wellington's   Ministry, 

240  ;    Catholic  Relief  Act  passed,  242  ; 
O'Connell  inaugurates  Home  Rule  agita- 
tion,   242  ;     Wellington    resigns,    243  ; 
position  with  regard  to  Revolution,  243  ; 
first  Reform  Bill,  244  ;   majority  of  one 
for  second  reading  of  Reform  Bill,  245  ; 
Reform   Bill   defeated,    246 ;     Lord   J. 
Russell's  second  Reform  Bill  passed  by 
Commons,   246  ;    Reform  Bill  defeated 
by  Lords,  247  ;   indignation  in  country, 
247  ;  third  Reform  Bill  introduced,  247  : 
obstruction  in  Lords,  248  ;    Reform  Bill 
passed,  248  ;  increase  of  population  and 
wealth,  249  ;    industrial  changes,  249  ; 
social  and  political  improvements,  250  ; 
poverty  in,  250 ;  General  Election  (1832), 
250  ;   condition  of  Ireland,  250-1  ;   anti- 
slavery  movement,  251-2  ;   child-labour 
question,  252  ;  education  and  Poor  Law 
administration,  253  ;  Poor  Law  Reform, 
254  ;     end   of   Reform   Ministry,    255  ; 
Melbourne's  Ministry,  255  ;    Municipal 
Reform,  256-7  ;    death  of  William   IV. 
and  accession  of  Victoria,  258  ;    inter- 
vention   in    Syria,    264 ;     Melbourne's 
Ministry  defeated,   264  ;    and  Turkey, 
276 ;     and    Spanish    marriages,    281 ; 
French  entente  cordiale,  282  ;    difference 
with  France  over  Tahiti,  282  ;    recog- 
nises French  position  in  Algiers,  283  ; 
treaty  with  Spain  and  Portugal,  292  ; 
action    in    Portugal,    296,    299 ;     and 
Pius  IX.,  304  ;  and  Switzerland,  306-7; 


523 


INDEX 


Great  Britain  (continued) 

Lord  John  Russell's  Ministry  (1846),  350; 
distress  in  Ireland,  350-1  ;  the  Chartist 
giant  petition,  35 £  ;  fears  of  French 
invasion,  353  ;  Palmerston  as  Foreign 
Secretary,  355-8  ;  Roman  Catholic  hier- 
archy, 361  ;  Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill, 
361  ;  window  tax,  361  ;  condition  of, 
before  Crimean  War,  370 ;  death  of 
Wellington,  371  ;  Disraeli's  first  budget, 
371  ;  Gladstone's  first  budget,  372  ; 
Lord  Stratford  de  Redcliffe  and  Crimean 
War,  376-7  ;  outbreak  of  Crimean  War, 
378  ;  popular  feeling  as  to  war,  379  ; 
mismanagement  in  Crimea  condemned, 
392  ;  negotiations  after  the  Crimean 
War,  413-4  ;  demands  at  the  Congress 
of  Paris,  416  ;  administration  of  India 
taken  over,  446-7  ;  endeavours  to  main- 
tain Austrq- Italian  peace,  ii.  n  ;  the 
Trent  affair,  36 ;  attitude  in  the 
American  Civil  War,  36  ;  as  Bismarck's 
pawn  in  the  Danish  trouble,  71  ;  pro- 
poses a  conference  on  the  Danish  situa- 
tion, 74 ;  is  hostile  to  the  Gastein 
agreement,  85  ;  commercial  treaty  with 
France,  122  ;  and  France's  annexation 
of  Savoy  and  Nice,  122  ;  war  with 
France  averted,  123  ;  the  trouble  over 
the  Paper  Tax  repeal,  123  ;  a  new 
Reform  Bill,  123-4  ;  and  Garibaldi,  125  ; 
indignation  at  the  Prussian  attitude  re- 
garding August enburg,  125  ;  on  the 
verge  of  war,  125  ;  effect  of  Civil  War 
of  America,  126  ;  the  Alabama  trouble, 
126  ;  marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Wales 
and  Princess  Alexandra,  126  ;  Lord 
Russell  in  power,  128  ;  the  rebellion  in 
Jamaica,  128  ;  resignation  of  Gladstone's 
Ministry,  130  ;  Lord  Derby's  Ministry, 
130  ;  the  Hyde  Park  Reform  meetings, 
130  ;  the  Tory  Reform  Bill,  131-2  ;  the 
Household  Suffrage  scheme,  132  ;  votes 
for  women  in  1867,  133  ;  a  new  Reform 
Bill  by  the  Tories,  133  ;  the  Fenian 
outrages,  133-4  ;  the  Federation  of 
Canada,  135  ;  Lord  Derby  resigns,  136  ; 
the  Government  purchase  the  tele- 
graphs, 136 ;  the  Abyssinian  War, 

136  ;    the  Irish  Church  disestablished, 

137  ;    the  Disraeli  Ministry  falls,   139  ; 
Gladstone  in  power,  139  ;  and  Mexico, 
141-2  ;  sympathies  with  the  Germans, 
204 ;      concludes      alliance     with     Af- 
ghanistan,   268  ;     anti-Russian    policy 
of,    269  ;     cedes    the    Ionian    Islands, 
273 ;      stands     aloof     from      Turkish 
affairs,  274  ;    gives  adhesion  to  Count 
Andrassy's    note,     275  ;     dismay     in, 
at  Russia's  success,  277  ;   sends  fleet  to 
Besika  Bay,  277  ;    Bulgarian  atrocities, 
277-8  ;  opposition  in,  to  Russia's  policy, 
279 ;    protocol    signed    at    the    Foreign 
Office,  280  ;    urged  by   Russia  to  put 
pressure  on  the  Porte,  284  ,  Gladstone's 
speech  on  the  position,  285  ,    Turkey's 
appeal  to,  293  ;   division  hi  the  Cabinet, 
294 ;    the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  295  ; 
fleet  sent  to  Constantinople,  295  ;    pre- 
parations  for   war   in,    295  ;     birth   of 
Jingoism    in,    295  ;     Lord    Salisbury's 
manifesto,  296  ;    Indian  troops  shipped 
from     Bombay,     298  ;      dispute     with 


Great  Britain  (continued) 

Russia  settled  by  agreement,  299 ; 
Cyprus  ceded  to,  by  the  Porte,  299  ; 
defensive  alliance  with  Turkey,  300  ; 
differences  with  Russia  at  the  Berlin 
Congress,  303 ;  Bismarck's  offer  of 
Egypt  to,  305  ;  Conservatives  in  power, 
307  et  seq.  ;  Colonial  policy  under 
Beaconsfield,  309-10 ;  annexation  of 
Transvaal,  313  ;  the  franchise  question, 
314  ;  rupture  with  Afghanistan,  314-5  ; 
opinions  in,  concerning  the  "  scientific 
frontier "  for  India,  315  ;  war  with 
Afghanistan,  315-6  ;  depressed  state  of 
trade  in,  316  ;  beginning  of  Zulu  War, 
316 ;  action  in  Egypt,  316 ;  agri- 
cultural depression  in,  317  ;  Tory  policy 
of,  attacked  by  Gladstone,  318-9 ; 
danger  to,  of  Home  Rule,  319  ;  Liberals 
return  to  power,  320 ;  policy  in 
Egypt,  349  et  seq.  ;  intercourse  with 
China,  393  ;  convention  with  Japan, 
1858,  399  ;  withdraws  troops  from  the 
Colonies,  414  ;  assists  Italy  in  North 
Africa,  423  ;  the  Fashoda  incident,  431  ; 
and  final  settlement  of  the  Sudan,  432  ; 
and  affairs  in  the  Philippines,  439 ; 
secures  lease  of  Wei-hai-wei,  442  ;  and 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  447  et  seq.  ; 
rejects  offers  of  mediation  made  by  the 
Netherlands,  469  ;  end  of  second  Boer 
War,  470  ;  ratines  the  constitution  for 
South  Africa,  471  ;  unity  of  the  Empire 
consolidated  by  the  Colonial  Conference, 

471  ;  signs  defensive  treaty  with  Japan, 

472  ;    the  Dogger  Bank  incident,  482  ; 
Queen  Victoria's  Diamond  Jubilee,  489  ; 
death  of  Mr.  Gladstone,  489  ;    resigna- 
tion of  Sir  William  Harcourt,  490  ;    Sir 
Henry  Campbell -Bannerm an  as  leader 
of  the  Liberal  party,  490  ;   Lord  Curzon 
appointed  Viceroy  of  India,  491  ;  death 
of  Queen   Victoria,   492  ;     accession  of 
Edward  VII.,  494  ;   the  situation  at  the 
beginning  of  Edward's  reign,  495  ;  resig- 
nation   of   Lord    Salisbury,    496 ;     Mr. 
Balfour  becomes    Prime   Minister,   496 
Balfour's  Education  Bill,  496-7  ;    death 
of  Lord  Salisbury,  497  ;   Tariff  Reform 
comes   to   the   front,    497  ;     the   peace 
agreements  arranged  by  Edward  VII., 
499  ;    the  Cabinet  split  over  Tariff  Re- 
form,    499 ;      a     remarkable     Liberal 
majority,  500  ;   achievements  of  amelio- 
rative   legislation,    500 ;      the    Anglo- 
Russian  agreement  of  1907,  501  ;    the 
formation  of   the  Territorial  force,  501  ; 
the  mission  to  Tibet,  502 

Greece,  founding  of  Hetairia  ton  philicdn, 
i.  75  ;  Ypsilanti  appointed  leader  of  re- 
bellion, 75  ;  Ypsilanti' s  proclamation, 
76  ;  defeat  of  Ypsilanti,  77  ;  rising  in 
the  Morea,  77-8  ;  revolt  in  the  islands, 
78  ;  success  of  fleet  of,  79  ;  Demetrius 
Ypsilanti  and,  82  ;  Mavrocordatos  and 
the  rebellion,  83 ;  Constitutions  of 
Western  and  Eastern  Hellas,  84  ;  inde- 
pendence declared,  84  ;  "  Organic  Law 
of  Epidaurus,"  84  ;  appeal  to  Europe, 
85  ;  Turkish  massacres  in,  85  ;  flight 
of  Government  to  Argos,  86  ;  Greeks 
defeated  at  Peta,  86-7 ;  Russia  and 
Great  Britain  intervene  for,  87  ;  emis- 


524 


INDEX 


Greece  (continued) 

saries  sent  to  Verona,  102  ;  detained  at 
Ancona  and  refused  passage  to  Verona, 
103  ;  condition  of,  in  1822,  126 ; 
National  Assembly  meets  at  Astros,  127; 
Civil  War  in,  128 ;  financial  difficulties 
of  national  Government,  129  ;  Turko- 
Egyptian  campaign  against,  130-1  ;  de- 
frauded in  attempt  to  form  fleet,  132  ; 
growth  of  European  sympathy  for,  134 
et  seq.  ;  provisional  Government  appeals 
to  Britain,  137;  Turkish  campaign  of, 
1826,  137  ;  Russian  plan  for  pacification 
of,  140 ;  discussed  at  St.  Petersburg 
Conferences,  140-1  ;  seeks  protection  of 
Great  Britain,  142  ;  Stratford  Canning's 
mediation  for,  declined  by  Turkey,  149  ; 
Russp -British  proposals  for,  149  ;  serious 
condition  after  fall  of  Mesolonghi  of, 
153 ;  appointment  of  Committee  of 
Government,  153  ;  Athens  captured  by 
Turks,  153  ;  assisted  by  Philhellenes, 
154  ;  dissensions  in  National  Party,  154  ; 
Capodistrias  elected  President,  155  ; 
capture  of  the  Acropolis,  155  ;  constitu- 
tion issued  by  Assembly  at  Troezen,  156 ; 
intervention  by  three  Powers  on  behalf 
of,  156  ;  Capodistrias  arrives,  178 ;  new 
Government  formed,  1 79  ;  French  army 
in,  1 80;  Capodistrias  assumes  dictator- 
ship, 181  ;  financial  difficulties,  181  ; 
frontiers  determined  by  ambassadors  of 
Powers  at  Paris,  182  ;  frontiers  fixed 
by  London  Protocol,  182  ;  question  of 
hereditary  sovereign  for,  183  ;  Leopold 
declines  kingship,  ^84  ;  Otto  of  Bavaria 
elected  King,  184 ;  the  Congress  of 
Paris  and,  418  ;  conspiracy  in,  under 
Admiral  Canaris,  II.  273  ;  resignation  of 
King  Otto,  273  ;  Prince  George  of  Den- 
mark chosen  as  King,  273 ;  Ionian 
Islands  ceded  to,  by  Great  Britain,  273  ; 
her  representatives  at  the  Berlin  Con- 
gress, 302 

Greenwood,  Frederick,  ii.  310 

Gregoire,  i.  27-9 

Gregoire,  Ernest,  i.  231 

Gregory,  Bishop,  i.  131 

Gregory  XVI.,  Pope,  death  of,  i.  303 

Grenoble,  i.  16-7 

Grevy,  Jules,  ii.  240 

Grey,  Earl,  ii.  413 

Grey,  Lord,  i.  243,  247-8,  254 

Grey,  Sir  George,  ii.  410 

Grieg,  Admiral,  i.  82,  168 

Grote,  George,  i.  306 

Grousset,  Paschal,  ii.  244-5 

Grudzinska,  Countess,  i.  144 

Guerazzi,  and  Tuscan  Republic,  i.  330 

Guilleminot,  General,  i.  141,  162,  167,  171-3, 
182 

"  Guillotine "  method  of  Parliamentary 
procedure,  ii.  380 

Guizot,  in  Richelieu's  Ministry,  i.  18  ;  helps 
to  frame  new  Press  Law,  27  ;  expelled 
from  Council  of  State,  31  ;  member  of, 
"Aide-toi,  le  del  f  aider  a  "  Society,  201; 
209 ;  and  Revolution  of  July,  216 ; 
appointed  Minister  of  Education,  221  ; 
on  Robert  Peel,  256  ;  and  Monarchy  of 
July,  266 ;  as  successor  to  Casimir 
Perier,  269  ;  education  scheme,  269 ; 
Minister  of  Education,  277  ;  leader  of 


Guizot  (continued) 

Right  Centre,  275  ;  attacks  the  Mon- 
archy,  276 ;  ambassador  to  London, 
277  ;  Foreign  Secretary,  279  ;  position 
in  1841,  280-1  ;  and  Spanish  marriages, 
281  ;  and  Tahitian  difficulty,  282  ; 
struggle  with  Thiers,  283  ;  and  Switzer- 
land, 306  ;  influence  on  Louis  Philippe, 
309  ;  unpopularity  of,  310  ;  dismissal 
of,  311 

Gujerat,  battle  of,  i.  429 

Gundamuk,  Treaty  of,  ii.  341 

Guras,  i.  153 

Gwalior,  i.  427,  435 


HABEAS  CORPUS  ACT,  suspension  of,  in  1817, 

i.  4  ;  restored  1818,  5 
Hai  Yang,  battle  of,  ii.  405 
Hakodate,  ii.  398-9 
Halleck,  General,  ii.  43 
Hallue,  battle  of,  ii.  232 
Hamid  Bey,  i.  177 

Hamilton,  Commodore,  i.  131,  137,  I54»  *55 
Hamilton,  General  Sir  Ian,  ii.  457 
Hammelburg,  battle  of,  ii.  114 
Hannen,  Sir  James,  ii.  383 
Hanover,  number  of  votes  in  the  Bundestag, 

i.  33  ;  occupied  by  the  Prussians,  ii.  99  ; 

capitulation  of,  100 
Harcourt,  Sir  William,  becomes  Chancellor 

of  the  Exchequer,  ii.  375  ;  and  Round 

Table  Conference  of  Liberals,  1886,  380 ; 

and  the  death  duties,  390  ;  resigns  the 

Liberal  leadership,  490 
Hardenberg,  i.  24,  38,  99 
Hardinge,  Lord,  i.  428 
Hardy,  Gathorne,  ii.  296,  307 
Harrison,  Colonel,  ii.  333 
Harrison,  Frederic,  ii.  260 
Harrowby,  Lord,  i.  239,  248 
Hartington,  Marquis  of  (afterwards  Duke  of 

Devonshire),     succeeds     Gladstone     as 

leader  of  the  Liberal  Party,  ii.  309  ;  sup- 

Eorts  motion  for  extension  of  the 
ranchise,  314  ;  opposition  to  the  Afghan 
War,  316 ;  supports  policy  of  small 
holdings,  317  ;  denounces  Home  Rule, 
319  ;  the  Queen  sends  for,  to  form  a 
Ministry,  321  ;  Secretary  of  State  for 
India,  344  ;  and  the  evacuation  of  the 
Sudan,  360 ;  opposed  to  the  small 
holdings  policy,  375  ;  not  in  Ministry  of 
1886,  376  ;  at  anti-Home  Rule  meeting, 
378  ;  moves  rejection  of  Home  Rule 
Bill,  378  ;  refuses  seat  in  the  Conserva- 
tive administration  of  1886,  379  ;  and 
Round  Table  Conference,  380 
Hassan  Bey,  ii.  277 
Hastings,  Captain  Frank  Abney,  i.  131,  i54» 

158,  179 

Hastings,  Marquis  of,  i.  424 
Hatherley,  Lord  (see  Page  Wood) 
Hauranne,  Duvergier  de,  i.  310,  315 
Haussez,  insulted  by  rioters,  i.  212 
Haussmann,  appointed  to  Ministry,  i.  217, 

369 
Havana,  the  Maine  blown  up  at,  ii.  433 ; 

bombardment  of,  434 
Havelock,  Sir  Henry,  i.  438-40,  442,  444 
Hawarden,  ii.  489 
Haymerle  at  the  Berlin  Congress,  ii.  300 


525 


INDEX 


Haynau,  General,  I.  340 
Heideck,  Colonel  von,  i.  154 
Helen   of   Mecklenburg-Schwerin,    Princess, 
i.  275 

Heligoland  ceded  by  Great  Britain  to  Ger- 
many, 11.  386 

Herat,  11.  344 

Herbert,  Sidney,  i.  391-2,  394 

Herreros,  Garcia,  1.  43,  47 

Herries,  Lord,  1.  240 

Herschell,  Lord,  11.  380 

Hertzog,  General,  11.    470 

Herzegovina,  11.  272,  274,  277,  294,  301-2  (see 
Balkan  Peninsula) 

Hesse,  11.  99-100,  234 

Hesse-Darmstadt,  1.  34 

Hetairia  tdn  philicdn,  founding  of,  i.  75 

Heyden,  Admiral  von,  1.  157,  159-60,  168 

Hicks,  General,  11.  359 

Hicks-Beach,  Sir  Michael,  tries  to  prevent 
Zulu  War,  11.  324-5  ;  and  the  budget  of 
1885,  370  ;  becomes  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer,  373  ;  and  Childers'  budget, 
374  ;  Secretary  for  Ireland,  1886,  379  ; 
succeeded  by  A.  J.  Balfour,  350  ;  and 
Egypt,  425 

Hideyoshi,  11.  401-2 

Hill,  Rowland,  and  Penny  Post,  i.  261 

Hinin,  Japanese  pariahs,  11.  400 

Hobhouse  and  Greek  Committee,  1.  135 

Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen,  Prince,  ii.  63 

Hohenlohe-Schillingfiirst,  Prince,  11.  300 

Hohenzollern,  Charles  Antony  of,  11.  271 

Holland,  Lord,  i.  189 

Holland,  under  Napoleon  I.,  1.  224  ;  declares 
independence  under  Prince  of  Orange, 
224 ;  Constitution  drawn  up,  224 ;  Bel- 
gium added  to,  224 ;  declares  war 
against  Belgium,  234 ;  Powers  assist 
Belgium,  234  ;  and  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  11.  447 

Holstein,  ii.  8 1  (see  also  Schleswig-Holstein) 

Holy  Alliance,  the,  Pozzo  di  Borgo  on,  i.  23  ; 
formed  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  24  ;  applica- 
tion of  principles  of,  at  Troppau,  65  ; 
Frau  von  Kriidener,  the  soul  of,  80  ; 
Britain  breaks  from,  104 

Home  Rule  for  Ireland,  ii.  369,  372  et  seq.  ; 
Gladstone's  conversion  to,  374 ;  Bill 
introduced  by  Gladstone,  376  ;  the 
intellect  of  the  country  opposed  to  it, 
378  ;  delayed  through  Parnell's  share 
in  the  O'Shea  divorce,  387  ;  Bill  of  1893, 
introduced  by  Gladstone,  389  ;  in  1892, 

388  ;  the  Bill  of  1893  passed  through  the 
Commons  but  rejected  by  the  Lords, 

389  ;  an  object-lesson  in,  489 
Hone,  William,  trial  of,  i.  5 

Hong  Kong,  Europeanisation  of,  11.  392  ; 
ceded  to  Great  Britain,  393  ;  grant  of 
territory  near,  to  Great  Britain,  442 

Hoogendorp,  Van,  i.  224,  227 

Hoogvoorst,  Emmanuel,  i.  231 

Hooker,  General,  Ii.  47 

Hortense,  Queen,  death  of,  i.  275 

Houses  of  Parliament,  dynamite  outrage  at, 
11.  366 

Howard,  Hon.  Herbert,  11.  430 

Huber  and  Social  Democracy,  i.  314 

Hughes,  Thomas,  11.  260 

Hughes,  Thomas  Stuart,  i.  135 

Huguenots,  arrival  of,  at  the  Cape,  11.  447 

Hugo,  Victor,  I.  160,  344,  346  ;  11.  236 


Humboldt,  Alexander  von,  i.  99 

Hume/ Joseph,  i.  135,  260 

Hungary,  revolutionary  outbreak  in,  1.  320, 

334  ;  war  between  Slavs  and  Magyars, 

335  ;  attacked  by  Croatians,  336  ;  Kos- 
suth's    national    army    defeated,    337  ; 
Gorgei    leads    Hungarian    cause,    338  ; 
Magyar    successes,    339 ;    invasion    by 
Austria  and  Russia,  340  ;  crushed  by 
Austria,    341  ;    and    Palmerston,    357 ; 
operations  of  the  Prussians  in,  11.  115 

Hunter,  General  Sir  Archibald,  Ii.  425,  457 
Huskisson,  i.  161,  163,  166,  189,  237-41,  249 
Hyde  de  Neuville,  1.  114-5,  117,  139,  201-2 
Hydra,  Greek  rising  in,  i.  78 


I  BELL,  attempt  to  assassinate,  i.  38 

Ibrahim  Pasha  (of  Egypt),  i.,  130-1,  133 
137-8,  156-8,  179,  279 

Iddesleigh,  Lord  (see  Northcote,  Stafford) 

//  Gesuita  Moderno,  by  Gioberti,  i.  302 

Imperial  Preference  between  Great  Britain 
and  Australia,  11.  418 

Imperialism,  British  dislike  of,  in  the  early 
'eighties,  11.  357  ;  and  Lord  Beaconsneld, 
368 

India,  events  in,  from,  1815-57,  1.  424-30  ; 
war  in  Afghanistan,  425-6;  annexation 
of  Sind,  427  ;  the  Sikh  war,  427-9 ; 
annexation  of  Pegu,  429  ;  extension  of 
British  dominions  by  "  rule  of  lapse," 
430  ;  annexation  of  Oudh,  430  ;  begin- 
nings of  the  Mutiny,  431  ;  outbreak  of 
Mutiny,  432 ;  history  of  the  Mutiny, 
433-46  ;  administration  taken  over  by 
Crown,  446-7  ;  Victoria  proclaimed  as 
Queen-Empress  at  Delhi,  11.  312 ; 
famine  in,  315  ;  question  concerning  a 
"  scientific  frontier,"  315  ;  under  the 
Beaconsneld  Government,  338  ;  frontier 
policy  settled  by  Lord  Curzon,  347  ; 
Europeanisation  of,  392  ;  Lord  Curzon 
appointed  Viceroy,  491 

Indian  Midland  Railway,  II.  374 

Indian  Mutiny,  the  cartridge  scare,  i.  431  ; 
outbreak  at  Berhampur,  432  ;  at  Meerut 
and  Delhi,  433-4 ;  Lord  Dalhousie's 
prompt  measures,  434 ;  massacre  at 
Gwalior,  435  ;  preparations  at  Cawn- 
pur,  and  Lucknow,  436  ;  at  Allahabad, 
436 ;  Nana  Sahib  at  Cawnpur,  437  ; 
Havelock  and  Cawnpur,  438  ;  Have- 
lock's  march  on  Lucknow,  439  ;  siege 
of  Delhi,  440  ;  assault  on  Delhi,  441  ; 
capture  of  Delhi,  442  ;  attack  on  Luck- 
now,  442-4,  445-6  ;  lesson  of  the  Mutiny, 
446 

Inkerman,  battle  of,  I.  389-90 

Ino  Chuan  (see  Boxers) 

Inquisition,  the,  i.  42-3,  46 

International,  the,  11.  236,  244 

"  Invincibles,"  the,  11.  367 

Ionian  Islands,  i.  81,  137  ;  II.  273 

/  Promessi  Sposi,  by  Manzoni,  1.  301 

Ireland,  condition  of,  in  1832,  i.  250-1  ;  tithe 
question  in,  254  ;  Coercion  Bill,  255  ; 
foundation  of  "  Orange  "  Lodges,  257 ; 
distressful  condition  of,  in  1846-7,  350  ; 
crime  in,  351  ;  Smith  O'Brien's  "  re- 
bellion," 352  ;  Poor  Law  relief,  353  ; 
battle  of  Dolly's  Brae,  354-5  ;  visit  of 


526 


INDEX 


Ireland  (continued) 

Queen  Victoria  to,  355  ;  suspension  of 
the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  ii.  133  ;  Glad- 
stone's schemes  of  pacification,  137;  dis- 
establishment of  the  Irish  Church,  137, 
251-3  ;  Irish  Land  Bill  passed,  253-5  ; 
Coercion  Act  passed,  254-5  ;  Gladstone's 
University  scheme  for,  263-4  :  rejection 
of  the  Bill,  264  ;  Home  Rule  for,  makes 
its  appearance,  308  ;  foundation  of  Land 
League  in,  317  ;  Gladstone's  speech  on 
general  affairs  in,  319-20  ;  the  Phoenix 
Park  murders,  367 ;  Lord  Randolph 
Churchill  and,  373  ;  disorder  in  (1886), 
379  ;  Queen  Victoria  visits,  in  1900,  492 

Irish  Church  Bill  (1832),  i.  251 

Irish  Church,  disestablishment  of,  Bill 
brought  in  March  ist,  1869,  ii.  251  ; 
provisions  of,  251-2  ;  meets  with  slight 
opposition  in  the  Commons,  252  ;  second 
reading  of,  carried,  252  ;  alterations  of, 
in  Committee,  252  ;  Gladstone  refuses  to 
accept  amendments,  253  ;  Bill  returned 
to  Lords,  253  ;  a  compromise  effected, 

253 

Irish  Loyal  and  Patriotic  Union,  ii.  384 
Irrigation  in  Egypt,  ii.  422 
Isabel  Maria  of  Portugal,  i.  185-6,  192,  296 
Isabella,  Queen  of  Spain,  i.  281,  295 
Isandhlwana,  battle  of,  ii.  326-8,  331-2 
Ismail  Pasha,  Khedive  of  Egypt,  ii.  310,  316, 

349 

Ismailia,  ii.  355 

Isturiz,  i.  in,  292-3,  296 

Italy,  Napoleon  and,  i.  53  ;  its  condition  re- 
garded as  satisfactory  by  Metternich, 
125  ;  secret  societies  in,  300  ;  "  Young 
Italy  "  movement,  300  ;  literary  move- 
ment, 301  ;  the  Revolution  begins,  304  ; 
free  from  occupation,  305  ;  revolutionary 
movements  in,  326  ;  civil  war  in  Sicily, 
327  ;  effect  of  revolutionary  movements, 
333  ;  and  Palmerston,  357  ;  the  Congress 
of  Paris  and,  418-9  ;  accession  of  Victor 
Emmanuel  II.,  ii.  i  ;  France  and 
England  as  mediators,  i  ;  passing  of  the 
Siccardi  laws,  2  ;  Cavour  in  power,  3  ; 
changes  in  the  Ministry,  3  et  seq.  ;  Civil 
Marriage  Bill  rejected,  4  ;  formation  and 
policy  of  Cavour' s  "  Great  Ministry," 
4  et  seq.  ;  the  war  of  1859,  5  >  develop- 
ment of  the  railway  system,  5  ;  Cavour's 
victory  of  1853,  5  ;  her  growing  power 
under  Cavour,  6  ;  troops  at  Balaklava, 
6  ;  casualties  in  Crimean  war,  7  ;  the 
rebellion  of  1857,  8  ;  proposals  at  the 
Plombieres  meeting,  9-10  ;  the  begin- 
nings of  Confederation,  10  ;  aspires  to  a 
place  among  the  Powers,  ii  ;  the  army 
mobilised  against  Austria,  12  ;  Austro- 
Italian  war,  13  et  seq.  (see  Austro-Italian 
War)  ;  her  progress  towards  liberty,  20  ; 
the  Confederacy  idea  revived,  24  ;  the 
treaty  signed  for  the  French  to  evacuate 
Rome,  80  ;  Florence  made  the  capital, 
81  ;  offers  to  purchase  Venetia,  87 ; 
alliance  with  France,  90  ;  the  treaty  of 
alliance  with  Prussia  signed,  91  ;  mobil- 
ises her  army,  94 ;  Napoleon  III.  works 
against  Italian  unity,  96  ;  disposition  of 
Italian  and  Austrian  troops  in,  100 ; 
stands  firm  for  straightforward  recogni- 
tion, 112  ;  the  peace  with  Austria  is 


Italy  (continued) 

signed  at  Vienna,  119  ;  first  Parliament 
sits  in  Turin,  122  ;  Mr.  Gladstone's  con- 
fidence in,  124  ;  the  Franco-Italian  Con- 
vention is  signed,  154  ;  arrest  of  Gari- 
baldi, 155  ;  Garibaldi's  10,000  revolu- 
tionaries attack  Rome,  157  ;  Garibaldi 
defeated  and  again  made  prisoner,  158  ; 
France  opens  negotiations  for  alliance, 
1 68  ;  refuses  alliance  with  France  unless 
Rome  is  evacuated  by  the  French,  203  ; 
refuses  Gramont's  request  for  assistance, 
204  ;  French  garrison  withdrawn  from 
Rome,  222 ;  capital  transferred  by 
declaration  from  Florence  to  Rome, 
222 ;  Rome  entered  by  the  Italians, 
223  ;  plebiscite  taken  for  the  annexation 
of  Papal  territory,  223  (see  Rome)  ; 
gives  adhesion  to  Count  Andr assy's 
note,  274  ;  feeling  towards  Great  Britain 
on  Egyptian  affairs,  354  ;  Triple  Alli- 
ance with  Germany  and  Austria  (1887), 
385  ;  occupies  Massowah,  420 ;  and 
Abyssinia,  422  ;  relinquishes  Kassala  to 
Egypt,  426  ;  cessions  in  China  refused, 
442 

Ito,  Prince,  ii.  400,  404 

Izzet  Pasha,  i.  171 


JACKSON,  ANDREW,  11.  29 
'ackson,  "  Stonewall,"  ii.  42 
ahn,  Father,  i.  35,  39 
amaica,  ii.  128-9 
amaica  Bill,  i.  261 
ames,  Henry,  ii.  328 
ameson  Raid,  the,  ii.  452 
Janina,  fall  of,  i.  85 

Japan,  and  a  possible  new  Eastern  Empire, 
ii.   392 ;    abolition   of   feudalism,   396 ; 
expulsion    of    foreigners,    398 ;    opens 
various  ports  to  foreign  trade,  399  ;  anti- 
foreign  feeling,  399  ;  the  various  classes 
of  its  population,  397,  400  ;  social  re- 
forms,  400  ;  its  new  constitution  and 
first  Parliament,  401  ;  war  with  Korea 
and    China    (1592-1600),    401-2 ;    con- 
vention with  Korea,  402  :  risings  against 
in   Korea,  403  ;  agrees  with  China  on 
policy  in  Korea,  404  ;  war  with  China 
(see  Chinp- Japanese  War) ;  and  affairs 
in  the  Philippines,  439  ;  and  suppression 
of  the  Boxer  movement,  472  ;  defensive 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  472  ;  arrange- 
ment with  Russia  concerning  Korea  and 
Manchuria,  473  ;  declares  war  on  Russia 
473  (see  Russo-Japanese  War) 
Jellachich,  Ban  of  Croatia,  i.  335-8,  340 
ena,  University  of,  i.  35-6,  39 
esuits,  i.  43,  91,  109,  199,  203,  283 
ingoism,  birth  of,  in  England,  ii.  295 
ohannesburg,  ii.  451 
ohn,  Archduke,  of  Austria,  i.  321,  324 
John,  King,  of  Abyssinia,  ii.  420 
John,  Prince,  of  Saxony,  i.  183 
John  VI.,  of  Portugal,  i.  50,  113-4,  116,  185, 

296 

Jo-i  Party,  the,  in  Japan,  ii.  398-9 
Joinville,  Prince  de,  i.  278,  312  ;  ft.  248 
Josef  a  Amalia,  Queen,  i.  190 
Joubert,  General,  ii.  368,  457 
Jourdan  Camille,  i.  20,  31 


527 


INDEX 


Juarez,  Benito  Pablo,  II.  141-3,  148 
Jutland,  II.  74-5 


KABUL  (see  Cabul) 

Kamamura,  General,  ii.  484 

Kanagawa,  opened  to  foreign  trade,  II.  399 

Kanaris,  i.  126,  130-1 

Kapsalis,  the  Primate,  I.  138 

Kara  Ali,  1.  83,  85-6 

Kara  Georg,  murder  of,  i.  75 

Kara  Mehmed,  Kapudan  Pasha,  I.  126 

Karageorgpvitch,  Alexander,  11.  271-2 

Karaiskakis,  i.  138,  153-5 

Karathecdori  Pasha,  ii.  300,  302 

Karolyi  at  the  Berlin  Congress,  ii.  300 

Kars,  1.  411  ;  ii.  288,  295,  304 

Kassala,  ii.  423,  426 

Kaufmann,  General,  ii.  268-9,  341 

Kaulbars,  General,  ii.  484 

Kazanlik,  ii.  288 

Kekewich,  Sir  George,  ii.  458 

Keller,  General,  ii.  477-8 

Kerartry,  ii.  228 

Kettler,  General,  ii.  237 

Key  West,  ii.  434 

Khalifa,  the,  ii.  359,  385,  420,  424,  430 

Khartum,  ii.  358-9,  361,  363-4,  420,  430,  432 

Khiva,  ii.  268-9,  339 

Khokand,  ii.  267-9 

Khuldja,  ii.  269 

Khyber  Pass,  ii.  340-1 

Kiaochow,  ii.  441 

Kiel,  i.  35  ;  ii.  83 

Kimberley,  ii.  458,  462 

Kimberley,  Lord,  ii.  368,  376 

King,  Gidley,  ii.  407 

Kissingen,  the  battle  of,  ii.  114 

Kitchener,  Lord,  and  the  Gordon  relief  force, 
ii.  363  ;  commands  expedition  to  Don- 
gola,  424  ;  builds  railway  between  Don- 
gola  and  Berber,  425  ;  waits  his  oppor- 
tunity, 426  ;  defeats  Mahmoud  at  the 
Atbara,  427  ;  visits  England,  427 ;  routs 
the  Dervishes  at  Omdurman,  428  ;  occu- 
pies Omdurman,  430;  at  Fashoda,  431  ; 
appointed  Chief  of  Staff  to  Lord  Roberts 
in  South  Africa,  461  ;  narrowly  escapes 
capture,  467  ;  his  blockhouses,  468  ; 
meets  the  Boer  delegates  at  Klerksdorp, 
469  ;  meeting  of  plenipotentiaries  at 
house  of,  470 

Klephts,  I.  78-80,  127,  138 

Klonaris,  i.  179 

Kingsley,  Charles,  i.  359 

Ko,  the  Japanese  artisans,  ii.  400 

Kokinis,  death  of,  i.  138 

Kokushu,  the,  of  feudal  Japan,  ii.  397 

Kolettis,  Dr.,  i.  128-9 

Kolokotronis,  storms  Kalamata,  i.  78  ;  na- 
tional hero  of  Greece,  78;  defeats  Musta- 
pha  Bey,  78  ;  at  capture  of  Tripolitza, 
82  ;  appointed  Commander-in-Chief,  84  ; 
reconciled  with  Ypsilanti  and  Petrobey, 
126 ;  defeats  Mehmed  Dramali,  126 ; 
refuses  place  in  national  Government, 
127 ;  refuses  to  recognise  the  Kranidhi 
Government,  128  ;  defeat  at  Tripolitza, 
128;  recalled,  131;  and  Lord  Byron, 
136  ;  and  Mesolonghi,  137  ;  and  General 
Church,  154  ;  as  leader  of  Greek  party, 
154  ;  dislike  of  British,  155  ;  supports 
Capodistrias,  179,  181 


Kolokotronis,  Panos,  i.  128 

Komura,  ii.  486 

Kondranshenko,  General,  ii.  482 

Konduriotti,  George,  i.  128,  131,  154,  179 

Kpniggratz,  battle  of,  Ii.  108-9 

Koniginhof,  captured  by  the  Prussians,  II. 
107 

Koorn  Spruit  (see  Sanna's  Post) 

Korea,  II.  396,  401-4,  472-4,  486  (see  Russo- 
Japanese  War)  ;  Strait  of.  naval  battle , 
486 

Kornilov,  Admiral,  i.  383 

Koslowski,  Prince,  i.  231 

Kossuth,  Louis,  i.  334,  336-41 

Kotzebue,  I.  37-8 

Kouropatkin,  ii.  474-5,  476-8i,  483-5 

Kowloon,  ii.  393 

Kowshing,  the,  ii.  405 

Krponstad,  Ii.  465-6 

Kriidener,  Frau  von,  i.  23,  80 

Kriidener,  Ii.  286-7 

Kruger,  Paul,  ii.  313,  368-9,  450.  452-3, 
464-5 

Krugersdorp,  ii.  452 

Kuge,  the,  of  feudal  Japan,  ii.  397,  400 

Kung,  Prince,  ii.  442 

Kurbash,  discontinuance  of  its  use  in  Egypt, 
ii.  421 

Kuroki,  General,  ii.  475,  477-1,  484 

Kutajah,  Treaty  of,  i.  276 

Kwang-chow,  ii.  442 

Kwang  Hsu,  ii.  395-6 


,  execution  of,  i.  14 
Labour  Party  in  Australia,  ii.  419 
Labourdonnaye,  i.  15,  18,  93,  201,  205-6 
La  Charte,  i.  ii,    115,    197 
Ladmirault,  ii.  184,  197-9 
Ladrone  Islands,  ii.  439-40 
Ladysmith,  ii.  457-8,  460,  462 
Lafayette,  i.  92-3,  201,  206,  213,  216-7,  220, 

266 
Laferronays,  i.   66,  101,  107,  150,  163,  166, 

169,  170,  204 
Laffitte,  i.  136,  201,  213,  216-7,  220,  266, 

274 

Lagarde,  Comte  de,  i.  89,  97,  106 
La  Granja,  revolution  of,  i.  293 
Lahore,  Treaty  of,  i.  428 
Laibach,  Congress  of,  i.  67-9,  73,  76 
Laine,  franchise  scheme  of,  1816,  i.  18 
Laing's  Nek,  battle  of,  ii.  368 
La  Marmora,  ii.  81,  87,  100-3 
Lamartine,  i.  310-5 
Lamb,  Frederick,  i.  187,  192-3 
Lamb,  William  (see  Melbourne,  Viscount) 
Lamberg,  Count,  murder  of,  i.  336 
Lamennais,  i.  22,  25 
Lamoriciere,  i.  315,  346 
La  Motterouge,  ii.  227-8 
Land  Bill,  Irish,  passed  in   1870,  ii.  253-4; 

introduced,    377 
Land  League,  the,  ii.  317 
Landstdnde,  constitution  of,  i.  34. 
Landwehr,  the,  ii.  180-1,  200 
Lanfach,  Prussian  victory  at,  ii.  114 
Langalibalele,  ii.  309 
Langensalza,  the  battle  of,  11.  100 
Lansdowne,  Lord,  i.  107,  189,  372;  Viceroy 

of  India,  ii.  347 
Lanjuinais,  i.  92,  344 


INDEX 


Lanza,  Pietro,  i.  327 

La  Plata  revolts  against  Spain,  i.  45 

La  Rochefaucauld,  i.  18 

La  Rochelle,  execution  of  revolutionaries  at, 

*•  93 

Lasagni,  mission  to  Pope  Leo  XII.,  i.  204 
La  Soledad,  Treaty  of,  ii.  142 
Latifundia,  the,  i.  59 
Latil,  Archbishop  of  Rheiras,  i.  204 
Latour  d'Auyergne,  ii.  192 
Latour  du  Pin,  i.  64 
Latour  Maubourg,  i.  28 
Laveno,  Garibaldi  repulsed  at,  ii.  17 
Lawrence,  Lord,  ii.  315 
Lawrence,  Sir  Henry,  at  Lahore,  i.  428  ;   at 

Lucknow,  437,  439  ;   death  of,  439 
Lawrence,  Sir  John,  at  Lahore,  i.  428  ;   ap- 
pointed Governor-General,  448  ;  ii.  338 
"  Laws  of  September,"  i.  271 
Layard,  Sir  Henry,  ii.  284,  300 
Lazardiere  opposes  Villele,  i.  201 
"  League  of  Friends,  the,"  i.  75 
Lebanon,  II.  270 
Leboeuf,  Marshal,  ii.  178-9, 182-3, 191-2,  194, 

197-8,  226 

Le  Bourget,  ii.  225,  232 
Lebreton,  Madame,  ii.  219 
Lebrun,  ii.  214 
Lebzeltern,  Count,  Austrian  Ambassador  at 

St.  Petersburg,  i.  148,  150 
Lecomte  shot  by  the  Paris  mob,  ii.  241 
Lee,  General,  ii.  41-2,  44,-5,  48-9,  60 
Le  Flo,  ii.  219 
Le  Francois,  death  of,  ii.  189 
Legations,  siege  of  the,  at  Peking,  ii.  44 
Leggi  Siccardiani  (Italy),  ii.  2,  3 
Le  Mans,  II.  225,  231 
Leo  XII.,  i.  123-4,  204 
Le  Mie  Prigione,  by  Silvio  Pellico,  i.  122, 

301 
Leopold,  King  of  the  Belgians,  1.  233,  263  ;  ii. 

386 
Leopold  II.,  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  i.  123, 

330 
Leopold  of  Saxe-Coburg,  Prince,  i.  137,  142, 

182-4,  233,  281 ;   ii.  177  (see   Leopold, 

King  of  the  Belgians) 
Le  Speranze  d?  Italia,  by  Balbo,  i.  302 
Lesseps,  Ferdinand  de,  mission  to  Rome,  i. 

Leuchtenberg,  Duke  of,  I.  233,  298 

Levico,  the  battle  of,  ii.  119 

Leyds,   Dr.,   and  Transvaal  independence, 

Ii.  452 

Liao,  valley  of,  ii.  477-8 
Liao-tung  peninsula,  ii.  405 
Liaoyang,  ii.  475,  479-80 
Lieber,  Franz,  joins  Greeks,  i.  134 
Lieven,  Count,  i.  82,  142,  151, 160-1,  166 
Lieven,  Countess,  i.  99 
Li  Hung  Chang,  ii.  394,  396,  404-5,  446 
Linares,  General,  ii.  438 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  ii.  30,  45,  50,  60 
Linevich,  ii.  475,  483,  485 
Lisbon,  revolutionary  rising  at,  i.  51  ;  riots 

in,  52 

Lisio,  Count,  i.  70 
Lissa,  the  battle  of,  ii.  119 
Liverpool  and  Manchester  Railway,  opening 

of,  i.  249 

Liverpool,  Lord,!.  107, 135, 152, 189, 239, 278 
Llandaff ,  Lord  (see  Matthews,  [Sir]  Henry) 
Lloyd,  Clifford,  ii.  42 1 

2  *  529 


Lobau,  Comte  de,  i.  216 

Lobengula,  ii.  450 

Local  Option  Bill,  the,  ii.  391 

London,  Committee  for  assisting  Greeks 
formed  in,  i.  135  ;  and  first  Reform  Bill, 
245  ;  burning  of  Houses  of  Parliament, 
256 

London  Conference,  the,  agreement  as  to 
Greece,  i.  168,  170, 180  ;  and  Crete,  181  ; 
of  1831  and  frontier  of  Belgium,  232 

London,  Convention  of  (1840),  i.  279  ;  re- 
garding Mexico,  ii.  141 

London,  the  Eight  Articles  of,  i.  225 

London,  Treaty  of  (1841),  i.  280  ;  terms  of, 
152  ;  effect  of,  in  Greece,  156  ;  is  declared 
void,  ii.  143  ;  and  the  suzerainty  of  the 
Transvaal  (1884)  449 

Londonderry,  Lord  (see  Castlereagh,  Lord) 

Lords,  House  of,  rejects  second  Reform  Bill, 
i.  347  ;  agitation  against,  247  ;  obstruc- 
tion to  Reform  Bill,  248  ;  proposal  to 
create  new  members,  248  ;  passes  Reform 
Bill,  248  ;  and  creation  of  boroughs,  257  ; 
rejects  the  Home  Rule  Bill  of  1893,  ii.  389 

Lorencez,  General,  ii.  143 

Louis  XVIII. ,i.  n-2,  20,  24,  65,  67,  97,  105, 
107,  121,  197 

Louis  Napoleon,  appearance  at  Strasbourg, 
i.  273  ;  trial  and  imprisonment,  278  ; 
escape  from  Ham,  283 ;  returned  to 
National  Assembly,  314 ;  elected  Presi- 
dent, 316 ;  character  and  career  of, 
316;  his  first  Cabinet,  342 ;  and  the 
Clericals,  344 ;  change  of  Ministers, 
345  ;  preparations  for  coup  d'etat,  346  ; 
at  the  Tuileries,  347  ;  vicious  methods 
of,  348  ;  declaration  as  Emperor,  349  ; 
as  special  constable  in  London,  352  ; 
the  coup  d'etat  of  1851,  ii.  3  (see 
Napoleon  III.) 

Louis  Philippe,  his  character  and  career, 
i.  12  ;  subscribes  to  Philhellenic  fund,, 
136  ;  has  hopes  of  the  Greek  crown  for 
his  son,  136-7  ;  created  "  Royal  High- 
ness," 197 ;  subscribes  to  Foy  fund, 
199  ;  his  circle  at  the  Palais  Royal,  207  ; 
favoured  for  the  Crown,  ai8  ;  summoned 
to  Paris,  219 ;  appointed  Lieutenant- 
General,  220  ;  King  agrees  to  appoint- 
ment, 221  ;  and  abdication  of  Charles  X., 
222  ;  and  Dutch  Government,  229  ;  as 
King,  266  ;  and  Casimir  Perier,  267  ;  at- 
tempt to  assassinate,  270 ;  and  Thiers, 
271-2 ;  Meunier's  attempt  on,  275  ; 
visited  by  Queen  Victoria,  282  ;  visit  to 
Windsor,  283  ;  attempt  to  assassinate 
in  Fontainebleau,  284 ;  foreign  policy, 

310  ;  abdication  and  flight  to  England, 

311  ;  death  of,  312 

Louie,  Marquis,  murder  of,  i.  115 

Lowe,  Robert,  ii.  129,  251,  253,  260,  314 

Lowe,  Sir  Hudson,  i.  278 

Lubbock,  Sir  John  (afterwards  Lord  Ave- 

bury),  ii.  261 

Lucca,  Duchy  of,  i.  55,  122 
Lucifer  matches,  introduction  of,  i.  249 
Lucknow,  i.  436,  439-40,  442-5 
Ludd,  Ned,  breaks  the  stocking  frames,  i.  3 
Luddite  Riots,  i.  3 
Ludwig,  King  of  Bavaria,  i.  135,  138,  .ii. 

Ludwig  XVIIL,  i.  69 
Lumsden,  Sir  Peter,  ii.  372 


INDEX 


Luxemburg,  given  to  Holland  by  London 
Conference,  i.  233  ;  history  of,  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  II.  151  ;  the  Confer- 
ence,  152 

Luzon,  battle  of,  II.  439 

Lykurgus,  of  Samos,  1.  85 

Lyndhurst,  Lord,  I.  189,  239,  247-8,  255,  257 

Lyttelton,  General,  11.  461 

Lytton,  Lord,  11.  71-2,  3",  3H-5,  34O,  344 


MAANEN,  VAX,  1.  227,  229-30 

Macanaz  and  Ferdinand  VII.,  I.  43-4 

Macao  ceded  to  Portugal,  11.  396 

MacArthur,  John,  11.  407 

Macartney,  Lord,  11.  393 

MacCarthy,  Justin,  11.  387 

McClellan,  General,  11.  35-6,  39,  42-3,  44 

McDowell,  11.  33 

McKinley,  President,  II.  433 

MacMahon,  Marshal,  II.  18-9,23,183-4,  186-7, 

192,  201-3,  205-11,  246-7 
Macnaghten,  C,  1.  425-6 
Macpherson,  General,  II.  356 
Macquarie,  Lachlan,  II.  408 
Madrid,  reception  of  Ferdinand  VII.  at,  1. 42  ; 
scenes  in,  on  acceptance  of  Constitution 
of  1812,  46  ;  revolutionary  scenes  in,  49  ; 
riots  in   1821,   89-90  ;   fighting  in,  94  ; 
French  troops  in,   113  ;    state  of  siege 
declared,  11.  435 
Mafeking,  siege  of,  II.  458 
Magenta,  the  battle  of,  II.  17, 19  ;  MacMahon 

created  Duke  of,  19 
Magersfontein,  battle  of,  II.  459 
Magnan  and  Louis  Napoleon,  I.  346 
Magyars,   the,  efforts  for  independence,  1. 

334-5 

Mahdi,  the,  II.  358-9,  361,  420,  431 
Mahdism,  its  defeat  at  Omdurman,  II.  429 
Mahmoud  II.,  I.  76,  162,  172-3,  276-7 
Mahmoud  Pasha,  Grand  Vizir,  11.  266-7 
Mahmud  Samy,  11.  351 
Maine,  the,  blown  up  in  Havana  harbour, 

ii.  433 

Mainz,  "  Black  Commission  "  at,  1.  38 

Maison,  General,  1.  180 

Maitland,  Sir  Thomas,  death  of,  I.  140 

Maiwand,  battle  of,  11.  345 

Majuba  Hill,  battle  of,  11.  368 

Malays,  the,  and  Japan,  11.  392 

Malmesbury,  Lord,  11.  n 

Mamiani,  Terenzio,  I.  303,  328-9 

Manchester,  march  of  "  Blanketeers  "  from, 
1.  4  ;  election  of  "  Legislational  Attor- 
ney "  at,  6  ;  "  massacre  of  Peterloo,"  7 

Manchu  dynasty,  II.  393 

Manchus,  their  power,  II.  392 

Manchuria,  Japanese  march  into,  ii.  405  ; 
Russians  in,  406,  473 

Manicaland,  II.  386 

Manila,  11.  435,  439-4O 

Manin,  Daniele,  1.  304,  333 

Manners,  Lord  John  (afterwards  Duke  of 
Rutland),  II.  307 

Manteuffel,  II.  208,  226,  232,  237 

Manuel,  1.  107,  201 

Manuscript  from  St.  Helena,  an  impudent 
forgery,  1.  19 

Manzoni,  Alessandro,  I.  301 

Marchand,  Lieut.,  11.  431 

Maria  II.,  Queen  of  Portugal,  1.  298-9 


Maria  Cristina,  Queen,  1.  190-1  (see  Cristina 

Queen) 
Maria  de  Gloria,  1.  185,  195,  296  (see  Maria 

II.,  Queen) 

Maria,  Donna,  the  Infanta,  I.  185,  195 
Marie  Louise,  Archduchess,  1.  55 
Marie    Louise,   Duchess  of    Lucca,  1.  55 ; 

death  of,  122 
Marie  Therese,  L  12 

Margary,  Augustus,  murder  of,  in  China, 
ii.  394 

Marmont,  Marshal  (Duke  of  Ragusa),  L 18-20, 
211-6,  219 

Maroncelli,  1.  71,  73,  103 

Maroto,  General,  and  Don  Carlos,  i.  193-4 

Marrast,  Armand,  1.  315-6 

Marter,  Major,  II.  336 

Martignac,  1.  163,  174,  202-5 

Martin,  Henri,  i.  274  ;    11.  245 

Martinez  de  la  Rosa,  i.  43,  47,  94-6>  292 

Maryland,  11.  45 

Masaniello,  first  performance  of,  1.  229 

Mashonaland,  11.  386,  450 

Massena,  funeral  of,  I.  19,  25 

Massowah  occupied  by  Italy,  11.  420,  422 

Mastai-Ferretti,  Giovanni  Maria  (see  Pius 
IX.,  Pope) 

Mathew,  Father,  I.  350 

Matabeleland,  11.  386 

Matthews,  Sir  Henry,  Home  Secretary,  1886, 
II.  379 

Maupas  and  Louis  Napoleon,  1.  346-7 

Mavrocordatos,  Alexander,  scheme  for  parti- 
tion of  Turkey,  1.  83  ;  meets  Greek 
leaders  and  forms  Constitutional  As- 
sembly, 84  ;  defeat  of,  at  Peta,  86-7  ; 
concentrates  forces  at  Mesolonghi,  126  ; 
as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  127 ; 
arrives  in  Anatoliko,  128  ;  as  Prime 
Minister,  129  ;  accompanies  Konduriotti 
against  Turko-Egyptian  army,  131  ; 
and  Lord  Byron,  136  ;  persuades  Execu- 
tive Council  to  accept  British  protection, 
137  ;  interview  with  Stratford  Canning, 
149 ;  leads  anti-Kolokotronis  party, 
154 ;  assists  Capodistrias,  179 ;  un- 
friendly with  Capodistrias,  181 

Mavromichaelis,  Petros,  1.  78,  82-3,  126,  136, 
179 

Maximilian,  Archduke,  II.  8,  10,  141,  143 

Maximilian,  Emperor,  ii.  143-8 

Mayo,  Earl  of,  11.  338-9 

Mazzini,  1.  300,  329-30  ;    II.  I,  8,  81 

Meanee,  battle  of,  i.  427 

Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  Duke  of,  II.  226 

Medole,  occupation  of,  ii.  21 

Mehemet  Ali,  i.  76,  264,  276-7,  279 ;  11. 291-2, 
300 

Mehemet  Ali  Pasha  (Charles  Detroit),  Ii.  286, 
288-9 

Mehmed  Ali,  I.  129-30,  153,  156-7,  179,  208 

Mehmed  Dramali  (see  Dramali) 

Mehmed  Kiuse,  i.  126-7 

Mehmed  Selim,  I.  171 

Melbourne,  11.  409,  411,  417 

Melbourne,  Viscount,  1.  240,  243,  255-6,  259, 
261,  264-5 

Melvill,  Lieutenant,  11.  328 

Members  of  Parliament,  payment  of,  advo- 
cated by  Chamberlain,  ii.  366 

Mendizabal,  Don  Juan  Alvarez  de,  1.  392 

Menichini,  i.  61 

Mensdorff,  Count,  II.  81-3 


530 


INDEX 


Menshikov,  Prince,  i.  375-6,  381-2,  384,  394 
Mentana,    Garibaldi   at,  ii.   119,   158 ;    the 

battle  of,  158 

Merode,  Felix,  Count  de,  i.  230-1 
Merrimac,  the,  sunk  at  Santiago,  ii.  436 
Merv  occupied  by  Russia,  ii.  346 
Mesolonghi,  i.  80,  84,  127-8,  132,  136-8,  155, 

179-80 

Messina,  bombardment  of,  I.  327 
Metaxas,  Andrea,  Count,  i.  102-3,  I27>  *54 
Metaxas,  the  Brothers,  i.  81 
Methuen,  Lord,  ii.  459 
Methuen  Treaty,  the,  effect  on  Portugal,  50 
Metternich,  and  Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
i.  23-4  ;  expresses  his  fears  of  Prussia, 
26  ;  warns  the  Bundestag,  33  ;  as  con- 
troller of  Austria,   34  ;   warns  parents 
against  Jena  University,  36  ;   and  the 
Carlsbad  Conference,  38  ;  dissatisfaction 
with  result  of  Vienna  Conference,  39  ; 
alarm    at    spread   of   Liberalism,   40  ; 
endeavours    to    prevent    accession    of 
Charles  Albert,  54 ;   alarmed  by  ambi- 
tions of  Duke  of  Modena,  55  ;  satisfac- 
tion at  failure  of  Sicilian  Constitution, 
59  ;  Pepe's  plot  to  arrest,  60  ;  horror  at 
Neapolitan  Revolution,  61  ;  Ferdinand's 
explanation  to,  62  ;  and  Russian   note 
on    Spanish    Revolution,  64 ;  note    to 
Powers  on  Neapolitan  Revolution,  64 
on  Austrian  intervention  in  Naples,  65 
Laferronays  and,  66  ;  scores  over  Capo 
distrias  at  Troppau,  67  ;  at  Laibach,  68 
"  Principles  of  a  fundamental  law   for 
the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,"  68 
on    Piedmontese    Revolution,   71 ;   am 
Victor     Emmanuel's     abdication,     72 
counsels    moderation    in    Naples,    72 
created  Chancellor,  73  ;  and  the  work  of 
Napoleon,   74 ;   opinion   of   Greek   and 
Italian     revolutionaries,      81  ;     meets 
George  IV.  at  Hanover,  81  ;  and  Count 
Lieven,   82  ;    denies    Russia's  right   to 
intervene    in    Greek    affairs,    87  ;    and 
intervention  in  Spain,  97  ;  and  the  Con- 
gress of  Verona,  98  ;  plans  for  Spain,  99  ; 
suggests    peaceful    intervention,    100 ; 
embarrassment  at  Verona,  102  ;  threats 
to  Italy,  103  ;  complains  to  Papal  Gov- 
ernment of  Greek  refugees,   103  ;  and 
recognition  of  independence  of  Spanish 
colonies,  104  ;    displeased  with  France, 
108  ;  incites  Ferdinand  to  claim  Spanish 
throne,  109  ;  complains  of  Pozzo's  child- 
ish vanity,   118  ;   pleased  at  Chateau- 
briand's fall,  121  ;  and  Conf alonieri,  122; 
Delia  Genga  elected  Pope  contrary  to 
wishes  of,  123  ;  and  Charles  Felix,  124  ; 
and  Charles  Albert,  125  ;  and  the  Phil- 
hellenic movement,   134-5  ;   unable  to 
attend  meeting  of  Emperors,  139  ;  differ- 
ences   with    Canning,    140 ;    Stratford 
Canning's   conference   with,    141  ;   and 
Russian    proposals    for    Turkey,    141  ; 
in  Paris,  141  ;  supports  French  policy, 
141  ;  invited  to  England  by  George  IV., 

141  ;  goes  to  Milan,  142  ;  and  Russia, 

142  ;  and  the  Russian  succession,  148  ; 
efforts  to  avert  war  between  Russia  and 
Turkey,  148  ;  on  Stratford  Canning,  149  ; 
effort  to  discredit    Canning,   152 ;    on 
Treaty  of  London,  152  ;  after  Navarino, 
1 60  ;  and  the  action  of  the  Powers  after 


Metternich  (continued) 

Navarino,  163  ;  efforts  for  peace,  164-5  ; 
efforts  for  peace  in  Russo -Turkish 
War  (1828),  168  ;  on  the  Brothers  Hum- 
boldt,  1 68  ;  suggests  a  conference,  169  ; 
the  Tsar's  anger  with,  169  ;  defeated  by 
Nesselrode,  170  ;  on  Treaty  of  Adria- 
nople,  176;  effort  to  renew  Triple  Alli- 
ance, 176;  and  Dom  Miguel,  185;  and 
Portuguese  Constitution,  186-7  ;  on  Can- 
ning's appeal  for  Portugal,  188 ;  on 
Canning's  death,  190 ;  on  Dom  Miguel's 
Cortes,  194 ;  attempts  to  mediate  in 
Portugal,  194  ;  and  reactionary  move- 
ment in  France,  199 ;  on  Polignac's  coup 
<T6tat,  210  ;  influence  on  Europe,  243  ;  and 
Pius  IX.,  303  ;  and  Italian  Revolution, 
304  ;  evil  influence  of,  319-20  ;  flight  to 
England,  320  ;  advises  Empress  to  seek 
safety  in  flight,  ii.  219 

Metz,  ii.  183,  193-3,  196-8,  200,  203,  208-9, 
226 

Mexico,  independence  recognised  by  Great 
Britain,  i.  120  ;  Napoleon  III.'s  policy 
in,  ii.  141 ;  Europe  intervenes,  141 ;  her 
first  President,  142  ;  French  military 
operations  in,  143  ;  Maximilian  becomes 
Emperor,  143  ;  the  United  States  inter- 
vene, 144 ;  Maximilian  retires  from 
Mexico  city,  146  ;  a  fateful  council,  146  ; 
Maximilian  returns,  146 ;  the  capital 
blockaded,  147  ;  Maximilian  shot,  148 

Meyer,  Dr.,  i.  137-8 

Mezieres,  ii.  206,  210-2,  226 

Miaoulis,  the  Hydriote,  i.  86,  132-3,  137,  155, 
181 

Michael,  Grand  Duke,  i.  144,  146-7  ;  ii.  288 

Midhat  Pasha,  ii.  276,  279 

Mieroslavski,  Dictator  of  Poland,  ii.  66 

Mignet,  i.  207,  217 

Miguel,  Dom,  takes  the  oath  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, i.  H2;  joins  revolutionaries,  113; 
opposes  Constitution  on  lines  of  La 
Charte,  and  re-establishment  of  Cortes 
of  Estates,  115  ;  leads  military  rising, 
which  is  defeated,  and  he  leaves 
Portugal,  116  ;  expresses  submission  to 
Regency,  185  ;  rebellions  in  favour  of, 
1 86,  1 88  ;  appointed  Regent,  192,  297  ; 
swears  obedience  to  Constitution,  193  ; 
his  coup  d'etat,  193  ;  proclaimed  King, 
193-4.  297;  retirement  from  Portugal 
and  death,  298 

Mikado,  the,  his  position  in  feudal  Japan, 
ii«  397 ;  recognises  conventions  with 
foreigners,  399 ;  consolidation  of  his 
party,  399  ;  receives  foreign  representa- 
tives, 400 

Milan,  Prince  of  Servia,  il.  272,  275,  277 

Miles,  General,  takes  Porto  Rico,  ii.  440 

Mill,  John  Stuart,  ii.  127,  133 

Milner,  Lord,  ii.  452-3,  470 

Miloradovich,  Governor-General  of  St. 
Petersburg,  i.  144-5,  *47 

Milos,  of  Servia,  i.  75 

Mincio,  Austrians  at  the,  ii.  20,  22 

Minghetti  Ministry,  the,  ii.  81 

"  Ministry  of  All  the  Talents,"  i.  251 

Minto,  Lord,  i.  304,  327,  357 

Missionaries  in  China,  ii.  442 

Missouri  enters  the  Union,  ii.  27 

Mitchelstown,  ii.  382 

Mitsukumi,  his  History  of  Japan,  ii.  398 


531 


INDEX 


Mizewski  joins  Greeks,  1.  134 

Mocenigo,  Count,  i.  71 

Modder  River,  battle  of,  11.  459 

Modena,  Duke  of,  1.  72,  123 

Modena,  Duchy  of,  I.  54,  326 

Mohasseim  Bey,  1.  159 

Moldavia,  Russians  enter  in  1828,  1.  167 

Mole,  1. 18, 92, 107, 198,  266,  272-3,  275-6,  311 

Moltke,  Count  von,  his  military  genius,  11. 
170  ;  his  eagerness  for  war,  177  ;  Chief 
of  the  Staff.  183  ;  success  of  his  plans, 
184  ;  his  plans  against  Bazaine,  197  ; 
decides  to  invest  Metz,  200  ;  plans  to 
march  on  Paris,  205  ;  his  strategic 
move,  205-6  ;  his  fears  as  to  the  enemy's 
escape,  210 ;  and  the  capitulation  of 
the  French  army,  215  ;  directs  advance 
on  Paris,  221 

Mombasa,  11.  386 

Monasteries,  suppression  of,  in  Spain,  1.  48 

Mongolia,  Russian  designs  on,  11.  396 

Monitor  and  Merrimac,  duel  between  the, 
11.  38 

Monrad  resigns  leadership  of  Eider  Danes, 
11.  77 

Monroe  Doctrine  established,  1.  103,  120 

Mont  Cenis  tunnel,  11.  5 

Montalembert,  1.  343,  367 

Montalivet,  1.  267 

Montanelli  and  Tuscan  Republic,  1.  330 

Montauban,  11.  190,  192 

Montbel,  1.  206 

Montebello,  the  battle  of,  11.  15 

Montemart,  Due  de,  1.  166,  175,  214,  217-9 

Montenegro,  11.  272-3,  276,  288,  294,  303 

Montijo,  Count,  and  Ferdinand  VII.,  1.  42 

Montmorency,  Due  de,  1.  18,  91-2,  99-100, 
102,  105 

Montmorency,  Laval,  French  Ambassador 
in  Vienna,  1.  169 

Montpensier,  Due  de,  1.  281,  283 

Morea,  the,  1.  75,  77-8,  81,  83-4,  86,  126,  129, 
135,  167-8,  179-80,  183 

Moreau,  Edward,  11.  241 

Morello,  General,  107,  no 

Moreton  Bay,  penal  settlement  at,  11.  409 

Morley,  John  (afterwards  Lord  Morley),  11. 
361,  374;  becomes  Chief  Secretary  for 
Ireland,  376 ;  attends  Round  Table 
Conference,  1886,  380  ;  on  "  Parnellism 
and  Crime,"  383  ;  becomes  Chief  Secre- 
tary for  Ireland,  388  ;  opposes  the 
Dongola  Expedition,  424 

Morny,  Count,  i.  346-7,  413 

Moro,  Domenico,  i.  301 

Morocco,  war  with  France,  i.  282 

Moselle,  the  Prussians  at,  ii.  192  ;  retreat  of 
French  army  over,  192 

Motien  Pass,  11.  478 

Mudki,  battle  of,  1.  428 

Muffling,  General,  i.  172-3 

Mukden,  11.  442,  480,  483-4,  485 

Miiller,  William,  i.  135 

Miinchengratz,  Austrian  retreat  to,  11.  106 

Municipal  Reform,  under  Lord  Melbourne, 
I.  256-7 

Murad  V.,  11.  276-7 

Murat,  11.  10 

Murat,  Caroline,  i.  19 

Museo  Chiaramonti,  i.  57 

Mushk-i-Alam,  11.  343 

Musso,  I.  53 

Mustapha  Bey,  1.  78,  153 


N 

NAAUWPOORT,  11.  459 

Nagasaki,  11.  398-9 

Nana  Sahib,  1.  427,  437-8,  446 

Nanshan,  battle  of,  11.  476-7 

Napier,  Sir  Charles,  I.  136,  264,  279,  298,  379 

Naples,  under  Ferdinand  IV.,  1.  58  ;  under 
Ferdinand  I.,  59  ;  low  state  of  education 
in,  60  ;  Revolution  in,  61-2;  reception 
of  news  of  Sicilian  Revolution,  62  ;  con- 
stitution of  Parliament  of,  63  ;  excite- 
ment in,  at  Austrian  intervention,  66  ; 
occupation  of,  by  Austria,  68  ;  Metter- 
nich's  Constitution  for,  68  ;  defence  pre- 
parations against  Austria,  69  ;  occupied 
by  Austrians,  70  ;  scenes  in,  at  King's 
return,  72 ;  under  Francis  I.,  122 ; 
Austrian  troops  withdrawn,  122 

Napoleon  I.,  position  in  world's  history,  i.  i ; 
effects  of  fall  of,  i  ;  his  genius  as  a 
builder  of  Empire,  2  ;  effect  of  his 
government  on  France,  1 1  ;  his  exile  at 
St.  Helena,  19  ;  appeal  to  Congress  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle  by  his  mother  and  Las 
Cases,  25  ;  Congress  decides  against  re- 
laxation of  his  imprisonment,  26  ;  and 
Spain,  41 ;  and  Italy,  53  ;  effect  in  Rome 
of  his  fall,  57  ;  death  of,  74  ;  principles 
of  Empire  of,  243  ;  treatment  at  St. 
Helena,  277  ;  body  taken  to  Paris,  278  ; 
Metternich  and,  320 ;  his  aims  of 
government,  364 

Napoleon  III.  (see  Louis  Napoleon),  Louis 
Napoleon  assumes  title,  i.  349  ;  aims  as 
Emperor,  364  ;  powers  under  the  Con- 
stitution, 364-5  ;  his  Ministers,  365  ; 
his  Court,  366  ;  marriage,  366  ;  his  rela- 
tions with  the  Church,  367  ;  and  the 
causes  of  Crimean  War,  369  ;  and  the 
Tsar,  374  ;  decides  to  go  to  Crimea,  394  ; 
and  neutrality  of  Black  Sea,  397  ;  visit 
to  England,  398  ;  attempted  assassina- 
tion, 399  ;  interference  with  Pelissier, 
401  ;  dispatch  on  Sebastopol,  409  ;  nego- 
tiations after  the  Crimean  War,  413  ; 
his  object  in  precipitating  the  Crimean 
War,  11.  6  ;  his  interest  in  Italy,  7  ;  and 
Cavour,  7  ;  attempted  assassination  of» 
in  Paris,  8  ;  his  plans  for  a  Franco- 
Italian  alliance,  9  ;  seeks  war  with 
Austria,  10  ;  defines  terms  of  supporting 
Italy  against  Austria,  n  ;  secedes  from 
the  Plombieres  compact,  13  ;  lands  at 
Genoa,  14  ;  at  Magenta,  17-8  ;  his  pro- 
clamation after  Magenta,  19  ;  at  Sol- 
ferino,  23  ;  meets  Francis  Joseph,  24  ; 
Cavour' s  charge  of  deceit  against,  25  ; 
attitude  towards  the  Polish  insurrec- 
tion, 66  ;  proposes  the  Congress  of 
Europe,  67  ;  and  unification  of  Italy, 
80  ;  interview  with  Bismarck,  85  ;  re- 
mains neutral  on  the  Austro -Prussian 
question,  89  ;  alliance  with  Victor 
Emmanuel,  90 ;  intervenes  in  the 
Austro -Prussian  dispute,  95  ;  and  treaty 
of  Vienna,  96  ;  his  feelings  after  Sadowa, 
in  ;  adopts  intrigue,  112  ;  is  humi- 
liated, 113  ;  seeks  to  put  Maximilian  on 
the  throne  of  Mexico,  141  ;  instals  Max- 
milian  as  Emperor  of  Mexico,  143  ;  gives 
way  to  the  United  States,  144  ;  leaves 
Maximilian  to  his  fate,  145  ;  is  con- 


532 


INDEX 


Napoleon  III.  (continued) 

cerned  as  to  the  future,  149  ;  visits 
Austria,  153  ;  complains  to  Italy  of  the 
Garibaldian  invasion,  156 ;  essays  to 
reconstruct  the  army,  160  ;  denounces 
the  Republicans,  163  ;  his  illness,  163  ; 
invites  Ollivier  to  form  a  Ministry,  164  ; 
holds  Council  as  to  war  with  Prussia, 
171  ;  welcomes  proposition  for  a  Con- 
gress, 178  ;  joins  the  army  at  Metz,  183  ; 
sends  news  of  defeat  to  Empress,  191  ; 
demand  in  Paris  for  his  deposition,  191-2 ; 
leaves  Metz  for  Paris,  193  ;  at  Grave- 
lotte,  194  ;  conference  with  MacMahon 
and  Trochu,  201  ;  lingers  at  Chalons, 
202  ;  refuses  to  abandon  the  Pope,  203  ; 
his  trust  in  Victor  Emmanuel,  204  ;  with 
the  first  corps  near  Beaumont,  207  ; 
reaches  Carignan,  207  ;  leaves  Carignan 
for  Sedan,  208  ;  hears  of  approach  of 
enemy  on  Mezieres,  210  ;  rides  out  to- 
wards Bazeilles,  211  ;  does  not  share 
Wimpffen's  optimism,  212  ;  hoists  the 
white  flag,  213  ;  opens  negotiations  with 
the  enemy,  214  ;  surrenders,  214  ;  meets 
Bismarck,  215  ;  starts  for  Wilhelmshohe 
215  ;  deposition  proposed  by  Jules 
Favre,  217  ;  formal  deposition  of,  240 

Napoleon,  Prince,  ii.  9,  10,  n,  204,  220 

Napoleonism,  revival  of,  I.  274 

Narvaez,  General,  i.  293,  295-6 

Natal,  annexation  of,  ii.  448  ;  Boer  invasion 
of,  457 

National  Assembly,  election  of,  ii.  235  ;  seat 
of,  at  Bordeaux,  235  ;  Gambetta  and, 
236 ;  members  of  the  International 
voted  into,  236  ;  composition  of,  240  ; 
Jules  Grevy  as  President,  240  ;  Thiers 
at  the  head  of  the  executive,  240  ;  resigr 
nation  of  deputies  from  Paris,  241  ; 
determines  to  sit  at  Versailles,  241  ; 
Commune  declares  its  acts  null  and  void, 
244 ;  refuses  to  make  terms  with  the 
Commune,  246 ;  Government  troops 
gain  possession  of  Paris,  248  ;  head  of 
the  executive  made  President  of  the 
French  Republic,  249  ;  gives  approval 
to  provisions  of  the  peace,  249 

National  Debt  of  Great  Britain  after  Peace 
of  Vienna,  i.  3 

National  Guard,  proposed  reorganisation  of, 
in  1819,  i.  25  ;  and  revolutionary  Repub- 
licans in  Paris,  ii.  241  ;  Federation  of, 
241  ;  its  central  committee  at  the  Hotel 
de  Ville,  241  ;  Commune  declares  the 
right  of  the  Guard  to  choose  its  own 
officers,  242  ;  criminals  in,  245  ;  the 
march  on  Versailles,  245 

National  League,  ii.  382 

National  Liberal  Federation  and  the  Don- 
gola  Expedition,  ii.  424 

National  Society  and  elementary  education, 
I.  253 

Navarino,  i.  131,  *57,  159-60 

Navarro  as  Minister  of  Justice,  i.  96 

Navigation  Acts,  repeal  of,  i.  354 

Neander  and  Philhellenism,  i.  138 

Negris,  Theodore,  i.  84,  129 

Neipperg,  Count,  i.  55,  122 

Nemours,  Due  de,  i.  136,  281 

Nemours,  Louis  de,  i.  233 

Nesselrode,  at  Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
i.  24 ;  note  on  Spanish  revolution,  64  ; 


Nesselrode  (continued) 

and  Russo-Turkish  war,  85  ;  at  Verona, 
99 ;  and  Stratford  Canning,  141  ;  on 
position  of  Greece,  141  ;  announces  that 
Russia  will  act  independently  on  East- 
ern Question,  142  ;  on  Navarino,  161  ; 
proposals  to  Lieven  after  Navarino, 
162  ;  announces  Russia's  determination 
for  war,  164  ;  assures  Laferronays  that 
France  should  not  lose  by  Russo- 
Turkish  war,  1 66  ;  agrees  to  action  of 
Great  Britain  and  France  in  Greece, 
1 68  ;  replies  to  Austria,  170  ;  approaches 
Prussia  for  peace  negotiations,  171  ;  on 
Treaty  of  Adrianople,  174  ;  on  Turkey's 
position,  176 ;  Polignac's  coup  d'etat, 
210 

Netherlands,  the,  i.  224,  226,  232 

Neufeld,  Charles,  ii.  430 

Neutral  League,  the,  ii.  204 

New  Guinea,  ii.  412 

New  Hebrides,  ii.  412 

New  Orleans,  ii.  40 

New  South  Wales,  ii.  408,  410-1,  413,  415-7 

New  Spain  (see  Mexico) 

New  Zealand,  ii.  408,  415 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  i.  189 

Newfoundland  fisheries  dispute,  ii.  385 

Newspaper  Tax,  i.  258 

Ney,  Marshal,  i.  15 

Nicholas,  Emperor,  secures  the  release  of 
Ypsilanti,  i.  77  ;  story  of  his  accession, 
144-7  ;  views  on  Eastern  Question,  148  ; 
congratulates  British  Admiral  after 
Navarino,  161  ;  on  Greeks,  and  eager- 
ness for  war,  164  ;  Austrian  Emperor 
writes  to,  165  ;  anger  with  Metternich, 
169 ;  receives  letter  from  Emperor 
Joseph,  169  ;  his  reply,  170  ;  asks  King 
of  Prussia  to  negotiate  with  Turkey, 
170  ;  crowned  at  Warsaw  and  visits 
Berlin,  171  ;  magnanimity  to  Turkey, 
176  ;  and  Capodistrias,  178  ;  and  Greek 
independence,  182 ;  remits  Turkish 
debt,  183  ;  and  Portuguese  Constitution, 
187  ;  and  Polignac's  coup  d'&tat,  210  ; 
and  Poland,  286 ;  and  the  Second 
Empire,  374 ;  and  Turkey,  374-5  ;  death 
of,  394  ;  his  views  justified  by  history, 
422  ;  his  policy  compared  with  that  of 
Alexander  II.,  ii.  266  ;  continues  pro- 
tector of  the  Christians,  271 

Nicholas,  Grand  Duke,  ii.  282,  287 

Nicholson,  Sir  J.,  i.  440-1 

Nicsics,  ii.  288 

Niebuhr,  i.  38,  56-8,  69,  138 

Niel,  Marshal,  ii.  23,  160 

Nightingale,  Florence,  at  Scutari,  i.  392 

Nigra,  Count,  ii.  3,  9,  219 

Nikita,  Prince  of  Montenegro,  ii.  288 

Nikola,  Prince  of  Montenegro,  ii.  273,  277 

Nile,  the,  Gordon  relief  force  reaches,  ii.  363 

Ningpo  opened  to  British  trade,  ii.  393 

No,  the  Japanese  farmers,  ii.  400 

Nodzu,  General,  ii.  478,  480-1,  484-5 

Noghi,  Baron,  ii.  477-9,  482-4 

Noir,  Victor,  ii.  165 

Nola,  military  rising  at,  I.  61 

Norfolk  Island  and  New  South  Wales,  II.  412 

Northbrook,  Lord,  ii.  314,  339-4Q,  360,  421 

Northcote,  Sir  Stafford  (afterwards  Lord 
Iddesleigh),  ii.  257,  307-10,  316,  369, 
373,  379-80 


533 


INDEX 


North  German  League,  11.  234-5 
Notables,  Egyptian  Chamber  of,  11.  350 
Nottingham,  Reform  riots  at,  1.  247 
Novara,  Italians  defeated  at,  11.  i 
Novi  Bazar,  Sanjak  of,  retained  by  Turkey, 

11.  302 

Nubar  Pasha,  11.  316,  359 
Nuichwang  occupied  by  Oku,  11.  479 
Nyassa  annexed  to  Great  Britain,  ii.  386 


OBOLENSKI,  PRINCE,  1.  147 

Obrenovich,  Michael  III.,  Prince  of  Servia, 
11.  272 

Obrenovich,  Milosh,  Prince  of  Servia,  11.  271 

O'Brien,  Smith,  1.  352 

O'Brien,  William,  11.  382 

O'Connell,  Daniel,  founds  the  Catholic 
Association,  i.  239  ;  elected  to  Parlia- 
ment, 241  ;  inaugurates  Home  Rule 
movement,  242,  250,  254 ;  increased 
power  of,  255 

O'Connor,  Feargus,  i.  352 

Odier  and  Revolution  of  July,  i.  216 

Odysseus  of  Ithaca,  i.  79,  86,  126,  128-9 

Oku,  Baron,  ii.  476-81,  484 

Ollivier,  Einile,  1.  369;  11.  149-50,  161,  164-6, 
178,  192 

Olmiitz,  ii.  98,  115 

Olozaga,  Professor,  i.  295 

Omar  Pasha,  i.  377,  380,  394-5,  401,  4U 

Omdurman,  attack  on  (1884),  ii.  363  ;  flight 
of  the  Dervishes  to,  425  ;  the  Khalifa  at, 
426  ;  British  preparations  for  advance 
on,  427  ;  the  battle  of,  428  ;  occupied 
by  Kitchener,  430 

Omer  Brionis,  i.  127,  167,  170-1 

Opium  prohibited  in  China,  ii.  443 

Oporto,  revolutionary  rising  at,  i.  51 

"  Orange  Lodges,"  i.  257-8,  355 

Orange,  Prince  of,  i.  224  (see  William  I.  of 
Netherlands),  230-2  ;  ii.  447 

Orange  Free  State,  the,  ii.  448,  452 

Orange  River  Colony,  full  self-government 
granted,  1907,  11.  471 

Orleans,  ii.  227,  229-30 

Orleans,  Due  d'  (see  Louis  Philippe) 

Orleans,  Due  d'  (son  of  Louis  Philippe),  i.  273, 
275,  280-1 

Orleans,  Duchesse  d',  i.  311-2 

Orleans,  House  of,  ii.  248 

Orloff,  Count  Alexis,  i.  173,  177 

Orsini  attempts  the  assassination  of  Napo- 
leon III.,  ii.  8,  9 

O'Shea,  Mrs.,  and  Charles  Stewart  Parnell, 
ii.  38.7 

Osman  Digna,  ii.  420,  425-7 

Osman  Pasha,  ii.  286-7,  289-90,  292-3 

Ostolazza,  Confessor  to  Ferdinand  VII.,  1.  42 

Ostrolenka,  battle  of,  i.  288 

Otho,  King  of  Greece,  and  Lord  Palmerston, 
1.  358 

Otto  of  Bavaria,  Prince,  elected  King  of 
Greece,  i.  184 

Otto,  King  of  Greece,  his  feeble  government 
and  resignation,  ii.  273 

Oudh,  i.  430-1 

Oudinot,  Commandant  of  Madrid,  1.  no 

Oudinot,  General,  i.  329-30,  343-4 

Outram,  Sir  James,  1.  427,  44O,  442,  445 

Overbeck  in  Rome,  1.  57  ; 

Oyama,  Marshal,  11.  478,  480,  483,  485 


PACIFICO,  Don,  1.  358 

Padua,  occupation  of,  11.  n 8 

Page  Wood,  Lord  Justice,  11.  251 

Pages,  Gamier,  1.  274,  276,  311-4 

Pahlen,  Count,  1.  173 

Paleocapo,  Pietro,  i.  304 

Palermo,  revolutionary  scenes  at,  1.  62,  305 

Palestro,  battle  of,  11.  1 6 

Palikao,  ii.  201-2,  204,  206,  212,  217-8, 
219-20,  225 

Pallavicino,  Marchese,  i.  71 

Palmella,  Count,  1.  52,  115-6,  188,  194-5, 
296-9 

Palmerstpn,  Lord,  on  election  of  King  of 
Belgium,  i.  233  ;  joins  Canning's 
Ministry,  239 ;  leaves  Wellington's 
Ministry,  240 ;  Foreign  Secretary  in 
Grey's  Ministry,  243  ;  Foreign  Secretary 
in  Melbourne's  Ministry,  256  ;  and  the 
Sultan,  276-7  ;  and  Spanish  marriages, 
283  ;  and  Switzerland,  307  ;  as  Foreign 
Secretary,  350,  355  ;  and  France,  Spain, 
Portugal  and  Switzerland,  356 ;  and 
Italy  and  Hungary,  357  ;  and  Prince 
Albert,  358  ;  and  Greek  Government, 
358  ;  and  Queen  Victoria,  358 ;  his 
great  work  as  Foreign  Secretary,  359  ; 
and  Louis  Napoleon,  362  ;  and  army 
reform,  370 ;  in  Lord  Aberdeen's 
Ministry,  372  ;  and  Crimean  War,  379  ; 
called  on  to  form  Ministry,  392,  394  ; 
suggests  help  for  the  Danes,  ii.  73  ;  Paper 
Tax,  123  ;  wants  to  go  to  war,  125  ; 
death  of,  127  ;  burial  in  Westminster 
Abbey,  127  ;  an  estimate  of  his  political 
position,  127 

Pamplona  (see  Subserra,  Count) 

Panama  Canal,  the,  and  Australia,  ii.  419 

Pando,  "The  Apostle  of  Liberalism,"  1.  51 

Panhellion,  i.  179,  181 

Panurias,  i.  79 

Papal  States,  under  Pius  VII.,  i.  57  ;  secret 
societies  in,  58  ;  under  Pius  IX.,  303, 
328  ;  revolt  in,  329  ;  reforms  promised, 
ii.  25 

Papineau  and  Canadian  rebellion,  i.  259-60 

Paris,  Philhellenic  Committee  formed  in, 
i.  136 ;  renewed  Philhellenic  enthu- 
siasm, 138  ;  scenes  in,  on  defeat  of 
reactionary  measures,  200  ;  after  review 
of  Guards  by  Charles  X.,  201  ;  anti- 
Bourbon  riots  in,  212-3  ;  in  the  hands 
of  revolutionaries,  214-5  ;  Provisional 
Government  established,  217  ;  anti- 
clerical riots,  267  ;  outbreak  of  cholera 
in,  268  ;  insurrection  in,  269  ;  "Reform 
banquets  "  in,  310  ;  Reform  riots,  311  ; 
revolutionary  scenes  in,  312  ;  Hauss- 
mann's  work  in,  369 ;  International 
Exhibition  of  1857,  421  ;  the  Exhibition 
of  1867,  11.  149,  152  ;  the  visit  of 
Emperor  Francis  Joseph,  153 ;  the 
rapid  growth  of  Republicanism,  163  ; 
excitement  in,  at  Bismarck's  dispatch, 
178  ;  false  rumour  in,  of  Prussian  defeat, 
191  ;  preparations  for  defence,  191  ; 
clamour  for  Emperor's  deposition,  191-2; 
under  the  regency  of  the  Empress,  201  ; 
Trochu  arrives  as  Governor,  201  ; 
defences  of,  strengthened,  203  ;  news 
of  Sedan  reaches,  217  ;  Jules  Favre  pro- 


534 


INDEX 


Paris  (continued) 

poses  the  deposition  of  the  Emperor  and 
his  dynasty,  217  ;  election  of  a  Council 
of  Regency  proposed,  217  ;  popular 
excitement  in,  217  ;  Chamber  attacked 
by  mob,  218  ;  "  The  Government  of  the 
National  Defence "  established  under 
Trochu,  219  ;  revolutionary  frenzy  in, 
220  ;  investment  of,  221  ;  its  fortifica- 
tions, 221  ;  sorties  from,  225,  229  ; 
carrier  pigeons  and  balloons,  225  ; 
attempts  to  relieve,  227-9  ;  Ducrot's 
determined  effort  to  relieve,  231  ; 
bombardment  of,  begins,  233  ;  a  last 
sortie,  233 ;  Convention  signed,  233 ; 
arrangements  for  election  of  a  National 
Assembly,  235  ;  forts  occupied  by 
Germans,  236  ;  signs  in,  of  the  coming 
Commune,  236  ;  German  troops  march 
through,  240  ;  a  day  of  mourning,  241  ; 
cannon  removed  to  Montmartre  and 
Belleville,  241  ;  offence  caused  in,  by 
the  Assembly  deciding  to  sit  at  Ver- 
sailles, 241  ;  red  flag  hoisted  on  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  241  ;  the  Commune  pro- 
claim the  Republic,  242  ;  the  Commune 
formally  proclaimed  in,  243  ;  work  of 
the  Commune  in,  244  ;  a  corps  of  women 
formed,  245  ;  second  siege  begins,  245  ; 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  elected,  246  ; 
Thiers  calls  upon  the  city  to  throw  off 
the  tyranny  of  the  Commune,  247  ;  the 
Vendome  Column  pulled  down,  247  ;  the 
"  Bloody  Week,"  247  ;  the  Government 
troops  gain  possession,  248  ;  wholesale 
executions,  248 

Paris,  Comte  de,  Louis  Philippe  abdicates  in 
favour  of,  i.  311 

Paris,  Congress  of  (1856),  composition  of,  i. 
416-22  ;  ii.  5,  7 

Paris,  Convention  of,  signed,  ii.  233  ;  its  line 
of  demarcation  and  provisions,  235-6 

Paris,  Treaty  of  (1856)  terms  of,  i.  417  ; 
Russia's  desire  for  its  abrogation,  ii. 
204 

Parkes,  Sir  Harry,  ii.  416 

Parliamentary  Reform,  question  of,  in  Great 
Britain,  i.  244 

Parma,  Duchy  of,  i.  55,  326  ;    ii.  24-5 

Parnell,  Charles  Stewart,  his  first  appearance, 
ii.  313  ;  obstructs  the  business  of  Parlia- 
ment, 313  ;  founds  the  Land  League, 
317  ;  and  the  Phoenix  Park  murders, 
367  ;  and  the  "  Invincibles,"  368  ; 
master  of  the  political  situation,  371  ; 
negotiations  with  Lord  Carnarvon,  374  ; 
introduces  an  Irish  Tenants  Bill,  1886, 
379  ;  and  the  Plan  of  Campaign,  379  ; 
the  forged  letter  reproduced  in  the 
Times,  381  ;  more  forged  letters,  383  ; 
demands  and  obtains  a  Commission  of 
Inquiry,  383  ;  as  co-respondent  in  the 
O'Shea  divorce  suit,  387  ;  his  death,  387 

"  Parnellism  and  Crime,"  ii.  383 

"  Parnellism  Unmasked,"  ii.  384 

Parish  Councils  Bill,  ii.  389 

Parsons,  Colonel,  ii.  426 

Pasarpn,  Admiral  Montojo  y,  ii.  434 

Pasini,  Valentino,  i.  304 

Paskevich,  General,  i.  162,  165,  172.  288-9, 
339-341,  380,  405 

Pasquier,  i.  14,  28,  69,  89,  91,  205 

Patras,  Greek  rising  at,  i.  78 


"  Patriotic  Harmonious  Fists,"  ,  the  (see 
Boxers) 

Patriotic  Society  of  Poland,  i.  286 

Pauperism  in  1832,  i.  250,  252-4 

Pavilion  Marsan,  the,  i.  15,  91-2,  121,  197 

Pearson,  Major,  ii.  325-6,  330-1 

Pedro,  Dom,  as  Emperor  of  Brazil,  i.  112, 
117  ;  right  of  accession  to  Portugal  re- 
tained, 185  ;  renounces  Portuguese 
throne  in  favour  of  his  daughter, 
185  ;  plans  for  his  daughter's  mar- 
riage, 185  ;  reception  of  his  Con- 
stitution in  Lisbon,  186  ;  the  Powers 
and,  186-7  ;  Dom  Miguel  and,  187  ;  ap- 
points Dom  Miguel  as  Regent,  192 ; 
sends  his  daughter  to  England,  195  ; 
establishes  provisional  Government  in 
Terceira,  195  ;  his  charter  for  Portugal, 
296 ;  resigns  Empire  of  Brazil,  297  ; 
establishes  Government  in  Azores,  298  ; 
invades  Portugal,  298  ;  death,  298 

Pedro  II.  as  Emperor  of  Brazil,  i.  298 

Pedro  IV.  as  Crown  Prince,  i.  52,  296 

Peel,  Sir  Robert,  i.  163  ;  opposed  to  Catholic 
emancipation,  189 ;  retires  from  Cab- 
inet, 189 ;  becomes  Home  Secretary, 
236  ;  declines  to  serve  under  Canning, 
239  ;  supports  emancipation  of  Catholics, 
241  ;  resigns  from  Oxford  and  elected 
for  Westbury,  242  ;  establishes  police 
force,  241  ;  and  first  Reform  Bill,  245  ; 
declines  to  form  Ministry,  248  ;  becomes 
Chancellor  of  Exchequer,  255  :  career 
of,  255-6  ;  founds  Conservative  Party, 
256  ;  defeat  and  resignation,  256  ;  and 
Jamaica  Bill,  261  ;  supports  Free  Trade 
Ministry,  350  ;  death  of,  360 

Peel,  Thomas,  ii.  409 

Pegu,  i.  429,  446 

Peking,  the  Convention  of,  ii.  393  ;  massacre 
of  Christians  at,  444  ;  siege  of  the  Lega- 
tions, 445 

Pelissier,  General,  i.  400-2,  404 

Pellico,  Silvio,  i.  71,  73,  103,  122,  301 

Pelly,  Sir  Lewis,  ii.  314-5 

Peloponnesus  blockaded  by  Spezziote  ships, 
i.  78 

Pemba,  British  protectorate  established,  ii. 
386 

Peninsular  War,  effect  on  Portugal  of,  i.  49 

Penjdeh  incident,  the,  ii.  346,  372 

Penny  Post,  introduction  of,  i.  261 

Pepe,  Florestan,  i.  62-3 

Pepe,  General  William,  i.  60- 1,  63,  69,  72 

Perenzi,  execution  of,  in  Pest,  i.  341 

Perier,  Casimir,  i.  139,  201,  215-7,  266-8 

Pescadores  Islands,  ii.  395,  405 

Peschiera,  the  siege  of,  Ii.  103 

Pertev  Pasha,  i.  161 

Perry,  Commodore,  ii.  398 

Peta,  battle  of,  i.  86-7,  126 

Peterloo,  i.  7-8 

Peters,  Carl,  and  the  German  East  Africa 
Company,  il.  386 

"  Petrobey,  Lord  of  Maniotes"  (see  Mavro- 
michaelis,  Petros) 

Peyronnet,  i.  92,  201,  209-10,  266 

Philhellenes,  the,  rise  of,  in  Germany,  i.  134 ; 
in  Switzerland,  135  ;  in  England,  135  ; 
Byron  joins,  135-6 ;  in  France,  136  ; 
enthusiasm  after  fall  of  Mesolonghi, 
138-9,  153  ;  rejoicings  at  battle  of  Nava- 
rino,  1 60 


535 


INDEX 


Philip  of  Hesse-Homburg,  Prince,  I.  183 

Philippines,  Admiral  Dewey  in,  11.  434,  439 ; 
Independent  Federal  Republic  pro- 
posed, 439  ;  surrendered  to  the  United 
States,  440 

Phillip,  Captain  Arthur,  ii.  407 

Phoenix  Park  murders,  ii.  367  ;  Parnell's 
supposed  approval  of  the,  381,  383 

Picard,  ii.  219,  245 

Piedmont,  under  the  Restoration,  i.  53  ; 
revolution  in,  70  ;  evacuation  of,  decided 
on  at  Congress  of  Verona,  103  ;  ready 
for  war  with  Austria,  305 ;  commercial 
prosperity  of,  ii.  5  ;  the  forerunner  of  a 
new  Italy,  5 ;  its  bold  policy,  5  ;  its 
population  in  18.55,  6  ;  religious  orders 
in,  6 

Pieters  Hill,  battle  of,  ii.  462 

Pietri  and  Empress  Eugenie,  ii.  219-20 

Pigott,  Richard,  ii.  354,  385 

Ping  Yang,  capture  of,  by  Japan,  ii.  405 

Pishin,  to  be  under  British  control,  II.  341 

Pitcairn  Island  and  New  South  Wales,  ii.  412 

Pitt  and  Australian  colonisation,  ii.  407 

Pius  VII.  gives  constitution  to  Papal  States, 
i.  56  ;  death  of,  123 

Pius  IX.,  Pope,  election  of,  I.  303  ;  his  re- 
forms, 303-4  ;  no  desire  for  war,  305  ; 
unpopularity  of,  326,  328  ;  and  Pelle- 
prini  Rossi,  328  ;  flees  to  Gaeta,  329  ; 
appeal  to  the  Powers,  329  ;  returns  to 
Rome,  330  ;  and  the  Siccardi  laws,  ii.  2  ; 
and  d'Azeglio,  4  ;  and  civil  marriage,  4  ; 
wholesale  excommunication  by,  6  ; 
Napoleon  III.  proposes  the  Pope  as 
President  of  United  Italy,  10,  24  ;  stric- 
tures on  his  government,  10  ;  rejects 
Victor  Emmanuel's  offers,  222 

"  Plan  of  Campaign,  The,"  ii.  379,  382 

Pletinkx,  i.  230-1 

Plevna,  ii.  286-7,  289-92 

Plimsoll,  Samuel,  ii.  309 

Plombieres,  the  interview  between  Napoleon 
III.  and  Cavour,  ii.  9 

"  Plon  Plon,"  i.  366 

Pocrio,  Giuseppe,  i.  63,  73,  123 

Poland,  division  of,  i.  285  ;  Russian  govern- 
ment of,  285  ;  Patriotic  Society  of,  286  ; 
military  outbreak,  286  ;  revolution  in, 
287  ;  war  with  Russia,  288  ;  crushed  by 
Russia,  and  a  futile  appeal  to  the 
Powers,  289  ;  insurrection  in,  ii.  66  ; 
Russia  and  Prussia  take  common  action, 
66  ;  Great  Britain  keeps  an  eye  on  the 
insurrection,  66 

Pole  and  Company,  Sir  Peter,  i.  238 

Polignac,  Prince  de,  protests  against  Laine's 
franchise  scheme,  i.  18  ;  as  member  of 
"  the  Cabinet  Vert,"  91  ;  Canning  and 
the  independence  of  Spanish  colonies 
and,  120 ;  Lord  Aberdeen  discusses 
Greek  question  with,  167  ;  King  desires 
him  for  Foreign  Minister,  170  ;  as  Prime 
Minister,  174  ;  his  "  Great  Plan,"  175  ; 
summoned  from  London  to  take  office, 
204  ;  appointed  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  205  ;  his  Ministry,  206 ;  and 
Algiers,  207-8  ;  defeated  at  elections  and 
proffers  resignation,  210  ;  his  coup  d'ttat, 
210  ;  insulted  by  rioters,  212  ;  advises 
King  not  to  leave  St.  Cloud,  219 ; 
imprisoned  at  Vincennes,  266 

Pomare,  Queen,  of  Tahiti,  1.  282 


Pombal,  founder  of  elementary  schools  in 
Portugal,  i.  50 

Pondo,  General,  ii.  439 

Ponsonby,  General,  ii.  390 

Ponsonby,  Sir  Henry,  ii.  373 

Poor  Law,  commission  as  to  working  of,  1. 253 

Poplar  Grove,  De  Wet  at,  ii.  464 

"  Popular  Songs  of  Modern  Greece,"  by 
Faurel,  i.  136 

Portalis,  i.  170,  203-5 

Port  Arthur,  captured  by  Japanese,  1894, 
Ii.  405  ;  leased  from  China  by  Russia, 
441 ;  defeat  of  Russian  fleet  at,  474 ; 
siege  of,  475-83 

Port  Hamilton  occupied  by  the  British,  ii. 
372 

Port  Phillip,  its  name  changed  to  Victoria, 
ii.  409 

Port  Said  occupied  by  the  Guards,  ii.  355 

Porto  Rico,  capture  of,  by  Americans,  ii.  439  ; 
surrendered  to  the  United  States,  440 

Portsmouth,  U.S.A.,  peace  overtures  at 
(Russo-Japanese  War),  ii.  486;  the 
Treaty  of,  487 

Portugal,  effect  of  Peninsular  War  in,  i.  49  ; 
relations  with  Brazil,  50  ;  condition  of, 
ing  1812,  50;  anti-English  conspiracy, 
50  ;  independence  proclaimed,  51  ;  meet- 
ing of  first  Cortes,  51  ;  John  V.  returns 
and  recognises  Constitution,  52 :  con- 
dition of,  in  1822,  112  ;  Queen  Carlota 
banished,  112  ;  Liberal  discontent, 
1 12-3 ;  Regency  formed,  113  ;  Dom 
Miguel  joins  the  counter-revolution- 
aries, 113  ;  the  King  captured  by 
counter-revolutionaries,  114;  John  VI. 
promises  new  Constitution,  114;  British 
fleet  in  the  Tagus,  114  ;  murder  of  Louie, 
114  ;  Dom  Miguel's  rising,  116  ;  French 
and  British  struggle  for  mastery  in,  1 16  ; 
fall  of  Subserra,  117  ;  independence  of 
Brazil  recognised,  117;  Dom  Pedro's 
right  of  succession  to,  185  ;  illness  of 
John  VI.  and  appointment  of  Regency, 
185  ;  death  of  John  VI.,  185  ;  Dom 
Pedro's  Constitution,  185;  Constitution 
adopted,  186  ;  effect  in  Spain  of  Portu- 
guese Constitution,  186;  Metternich  on 
the  Constitution,  186-7  ;  Great  Britain 
and  France  and  the  Constitution,  187  ; 
Dom  Miguel  submits,  187  ;  rebellions 
against  Regency,  187-8  ;  appeal  to  Great 
Britain,  188  ;  British  troops  landed,  189  ; 
Constitution  not  successful,  191  ;  Sal- 
danha  becomes  Prime  Minister,  191  ; 
British  troops  withdrawn,  193  ;  Dom 
Miguel  proclaimed  King,  193  ;  opposi- 
tion to  Dom  Miguel,  194  ;  the  White 
Terror,  194  ;  Donna  Maria  seeks  refuge 
in  England,  195  ;  persecution  of  anti- 
Miguelists,  195  ;  financial  condition 
under  Dom  Miguel,  196  ;  treaty  with 
Great  Britain  and  Spain,  292 ;  Dom 
Miguel's  Regency,  296 ;  Miguel  pro- 
claimed King,  297  ;  reign  of  terror, 
297  ;  invasion  by  Dom  Pedro,  298  ; 
under  Maria  II.,  298  ;  British  inter- 
vention, 299 ;  Delagoa  Bay  awarded  to, 
ii.  310  ;  possessions  in  Africa,  386  ;  treaty 
with  Cromwell  giving  Great  Britain 
access  to  China,  393  ;  convention  with 
Japan,  1858,  399 

Posen,  the  Prussians  and,  i.  325 


536 


INDEX 


Potomac,  McLellan  crosses  the,  ii.  45 
Potter,  Louis  de,  i.  228-32 
Pottinger,  Eldred,  i.  425 
Pouyer-Quertier  signs  Peace  of  Frankfort, 

ii.  249 
Pozzo  di  Borgp,  on  balance  of  Powers,  i.  23  ; 

on  Austrian  occupation  of  Italy,   67  ; 

draws  up  declaration  at  Laibach,  72  ; 

asked  by  King  of  Spain  to  go  to  Madrid, 

89  ;  supports  the  Tsar,  98  ;  at  Congress 

of  Verona,  100,  105  ;    and  Spain,  118  ; 

gives  assurances  to  Laferronays,   166  ; 

on  Metternich,  169 ;  on  Polignac's  coup 

d'etat,  210 
Pragmatic  Sanction,  Institution  of,  in  Spain, 

and  revival  by  Ferdinand  VI I., i.  191, 290 
Prague,  occupied  by  the  Prussians,  ii.  115  ; 

the  Peace  of,  117 
Press  Laws,  in  England  (1817),  i.  5  ;    "  Six 

Acts,"  8 
Press  Laws,  in  France,  Doctrinaires  advocate 

reform  of,  i.  20;  revisions  in,  1819,  27; 

Richelieu's    repressive    measures,    30 ; 

Ultras  revise  in  1821,  92;    Charles  X. 

removes  censorship,   197  ;    attempt  to 

revive  repressive  laws,  200;   reformed 

by  Martignac,  203 ;  repressive  measures 

of  1834,  270,  271 
Press    Laws,   in   Germany,    restrictions   by 

"The  Black  Commission,"  i.  38 
Pretoria,  the  Convention  of,  ii.  369  ;   treaty 

of  (1881),  449  ;  occupation  of,  by  the 

British,    466-7 ;     Committee    at,     dis- 
cusses   terms    of    peace,    470 ;     treaty 

signed  at,   470 
Pretorius,  founds  the  Transvaal  Republic, 

ii.  448 

Prim,  Marshal,  i.  295 
Primato  Morale  e  Civile  degli  Italiani,  by 

Gioberti,  i.  301 
Primrose,  General,  ii.  345 
Prince  Imperial,  ii.  183-4,  193-4,  201-2,  220, 

"  Principles  of  a  Fundamental  Law  for  the 
Government  of  the  Two  Sicilies,"  by 
Metternich  and  Gentz,  i.  68 
Prinsloo,  surrender  of,  ii.  467 
Prolegomena  al  Primato,  by  Gioberti,  i.  301 
Protection,  Australia  and,  ii.  414,  417 
Prussia,  Metternich  expresses  his  fears  of, 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  i.  26 ;  number  of  votes 
in  the  Bundestag,  33 ;  absolutism  in,  34  ; 
disappoints  German  Liberals,  35  ;  leads 
in  reactionary  movement,  39 ;  and 
Austrian  intervention  in  Italy,  65  ; 
agreement  with  Russia  and  Austria  as 
to  treatment  of  revolutions,  66  ;  neu- 
trality in  Russo-Turkish  War,  1828, 167  ; 
approached  by  Russia  to  negotiate  with 
Turkey,  171 ;  and  Treaty  of  Adrianople, 
175 ;  revolutionary  movement  in,  321 ; 
and  the  Congress  of  Paris  (1856),  416-7  ; 
Prince  William  made  Regent,  ii.  61  ; 
overtures  from  Austria,  61  ;  changes  in 
the  army  system  :  compulsory  training 
introduced,  62 ;  death  of  Frederick 
William  IV.,  63  ;  William  I.  ascends  the 
throne,  63  ;  power  of  the  Fortschritts- 
partei  in  the  Landtag,  63;  Bismarck 
made  Prime  Minister,  63 ;  his  high- 
handed policy,  64 ;  danger  threatens 
from  Poland,  66 ;  risks  of  war,  67  ;  stands 
aloof  from  Federation,  67  ;  the  Schles- 

2**  537 


Prussia  (continued) 

wig-Holstein  question  is  raised,  68  ;  the 
policy  in  regard  to  Denmark,  69  ;  war 
in  the  air,  70  ;  Bismarck  flouted,  71  ; 
the  Austro-Danish  war,  71  ;  Bismarck 
threatens  to  resign,  72  ;  the  invasion  of 
Schleswig,  73  ;  Schleswig  occupied,  74  ; 
a  conference  of  the  Powers  again  pro- 
posed, 74  ;  European  opinion  on  the 
situation,  75  ;  a  truce  arranged  in 
London,  76  ;  the  conference  fails,  76  ; 
war  resumed,  76  ;  attitude  of  Europe, 
76  ;  the  Augustenburg  difficulty,  76  ; 
Bismarck's  plans  thereon,  76 ;  the 
Danes  defeated  at  Alsen,  77  ;  Jutland 
and  Schleswig  conquered,  78  ;  another 
armistice,  78  ;  terms  of  the  peace,  78  ; 
Schleswig-Holstein  freed  from  Danish 
rule,  78  ;  the  Peace  of  Vienna,  78  ;  war 
with  Austria  foreshadowed,  78  ;  attains 
dominant  position  in  Germany,  79  ;  the 
Bund  decides  on  dual  control  of  the 
Duchies,  81  ;  Bismarck  accepts  con- 
ditionally, 82  ;  Austria  disagrees,  82  ; 
the  Duchies  incline  to  Prussia,  83  ;  the 
naval  station  removed  to  Kiel,  83  ;  the 
council  at  Berlin,  84 ;  the  Gastein  Con- 
vention, 84  ;  its  conclusions,  84  ;  greater 
favour  shown  to  Bismarck's  policy,  84  ; 
Bismarck's  interview  with  Napoleon  III. 

85  ;    a  proposal  of  alliance  with  Italy, 

86  ;   acknowledges  Victor  Emmanuel  as 
King   of   Italy,    87  ;     friction   between 
Gablentz  and  Manteuffel,  88  ;   a  crisis  in 
Bismarck's  career,  88  ;   more  trouble  in 
the  Duchies,  88  ;  complaints  of  Austrian 
aggression,  88  ;  a  possibility  of  war,  89  ; 
William  I.  holds  council,  89  ;   Bismarck 
works  for  war,  90  ;    an  alliance  with 
Italy,  91  ;   Prussia  on  the  defensive,  93  ; 
Bismarck's  final   peace  proposals,   95  ; 
the  Gastein  Convention  is  broken,  96  ; 
the  Austro- Prussian  war,  96  et  seq.  (see 
also  Austro-Prussian  War) ;    becomes  a 
great  Power,  in  ;  defeats  Austria,  119  ; 
the  military  system  of  recruiting,  160  ; 
consolidates  the  German  confederation, 
168  ;  welding  the  Southern  States,  169  ; 
Moltke's    years    of    preparation,    170 ; 
Daru  advocates  a  continuance  of  peace, 
170  ;    Bismarck  wants  war,   171  ;    de- 
clares war  against  France,   172 ;    the 
Franco- Prussian  War,   172  et    seq.  (see 
also  Fran co- Prussian  War) ;  excitement 
in  Berlin  at  Bismarck's  dispatch,  178  ; 
receives  ultimatum  from  France,  179  ; 
its  army  compared  with  that  of  France, 
179-81,184;  mobilisation  of ,  181-2;  posi- 
tion of  its  three  divisions  at  beginning 
of  the  war,  1870,  183  ;   plan  of  action, 
185  ;    uniformity   of   Prussian   tactical 
system,  190  ;  terms  demanded  by,  after 
Sedan,  215  ;  organisation  and  discipline 
of  its  army,  223-4  ;   Moltke's  orders  for 
the  general  conduct  of  the  war,  224  ; 
how  its  victories  were  won,  224  ;    con- 
vention with  Japan,  1861,  399  (see  also 
Germany) 

Public  Worship  Regulation  Act,  ii.  308-9 
Puebla,  the  siege  of,  ii.  143,  147 
Pulleine,  at  Isandhlwana,  ii.  327 
"  Punctuation,"  a,  drawn  up  by  Metternich 
after  Kotzebue's  murder,  i.  38 


INDEX 


Punta  Cabrera,  American  infantry  land  at, 

11.436 

Putilov,  General,  II.  481 
Pyat,  Felix,  II.  243 


QUADRILATERAL,  the  famous,  il.  20,  101 

Quadruple  Alliance  renewed,  i.  25  ;  interven- 
tion in  Syria,  264 ;  Thiers  protests 
against  intervention  in  Spain,  272  ; 
agreement  as  to  Egypt  and  Syria,  279  ; 
agreement  as  to  Spain  and  Portugal, 
292 

"  Qualifying  for  office,"  ceremony  of,  I.  241 

Queensland,  its  foundation,  ii.  408-9  ;  dis- 
covery of  gold  in,  411  ;  annexes 
southern  portion  of  New  Guinea,  412  ; 
and  federation,  413  ;  and  the  Federal 
Council  of  1885,  415  ;  and  Federation, 
4i7 

Queretaro,  the  fighting  at,  ii.  147 

Quesada,  General,  i.  96 

Quetta,  ii.  315,  340,  372 

euintana,  i.  43,  47 
uiroga,  i.  45,  47,  in 


RADETZKY,  Marshal,  i.  331-3 

Radical,  origin  of  name,  i.  4  ;  synonymous 
with  rioter,  4  ;  programme  of  1816,  4  ; 
meeting  at  St.  Peter's  Fields,  Man- 
chester, 6 ;  association  of  name  with 
Cato  Street  conspiracy,  10 

Radziwill,  Prince  Michael,  i.  288 

Radziwill,  Prince,  ii.  177 

Raglan,  Lord,  i.  379-80,  391,  402 

Railways,  introduction  of,  into  England,  i. 
249 

Ranjit  Sing,  i.  425,  427 

Ras  Alula,  ii.  423 

Raspail,  i.  207,  314 

Ratazzi,  Urbano,  ii.  4,  8 

Ray,  General,  in  Porto  Rico,  ii.  440 

Rechberg,  ii.  76,  79 

Reciprocity  of  Duties  Act  (1823),  !•  237 

Reddersberg,  surrender  of  the  British  at,  ii. 
466 

Redesdale,  Lord,  on  Peterloo  massacre,  i.  7 

Redistribution  Bill,  the,  ii.  369 

Refad  Pasha,  i.  375 

Referendum,  the,  in  Switzerland,  ii.  419 

Reform  Bill,  preparation  of  first,  i.  244  ; 
second  reading  carried  by  one,  245  ; 
defeated,  246  ;  second  Bill  introduced 
and  carried  in  Commons,  246  ;  defeated 
in  Lords,  247  ;  third  Bill  carried  in 
Commons,  247  ;  in  Lords,  248  ;  of  1884, 
ii.369 

Reform  Bills,  the  new,  11.  123-132 

Rego,  and  the  Portuguese  Revolution,  1.  113 

Reichstadt,  Duke  of,  i.  74,  93 

Reims,  11.  202-3,  220-21 

Remusat,  i.  201,  207,  310 

Resenda,  Count,  i.  51 

Reshid  Pasha,  i.  131-3,  137-8,  153-5,  171 

"  Resolute  Government,  the,"  11.  380,  383 

Revel,  Count,  1.  72 

"  Revolt  of  the  Marshals,"  i.  299 

Revolution  of  July,  1.  214 

Rezonville,  ii.  196,  200 

Rheineck,  Baron,  i.  180-1 

Rhodes,  massacres  in,  1.  80 


Rhodes,  Cecil  John,  and  a  united  South 
Africa,  11.  450  ;  and  the  Jameson  Raid, 
453  ;  in  Kimberley  during  the  siege,  458 

Riaz  Pasha,  11.  349-51 

"  Ribbon  Men,"  i.  257,  355 

Ribeaupierre,  i.  162,  167,  177,  182 

Ricasoli,  11.  20,  102 

Ricciardi,  1.  61 

Rice,  Spring,  i.  256 

Richelieu,  Due  de,  appointed  Prime  Minister, 
i.  14 ;  and  Royalist  fanaticism,  15  ; 
seeks  to  obtain  withdrawal  of  foreign 
garrison,  18  ;  and  claims  of  Prince  of 
Anhalt-Bernburg,  22  ;  at  Congress  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  24  ;  resigns  office,  26 ; 
return  to  power,  30  ;  favours  interven- 
tion in  Spain,  64  ;  letter  to  Capodistrias 
on  Austrian  intervention  in  Italy,  64  ; 
and  Greek  rebellion,  81  ;  Ministry  of 
1820,  90  ;  confidence  of,  91  ;  resigna- 
tion and  death,  92 

Richempnt,  General,  on  France  and  the 
Rhine,  1.  175 

Richmond,  Duke  of,  11.  307 

Richmond,  the  Federal  operations  against, 
ii.  41  ;  the  battle  of,  42  ;  is  captured 
by  the  Federals,  60 

Ridgeway,  Sir  West,  ii.  372 

Riego,  Colonel  Rafael  del,  i.  45-9,  90,  94-5, 
in 

Rieti,  defeat  of  Pepe  at,  I.  69 

Rigny,  Admiral  de,  i.  141,  155,  157-8,  160, 
206,  221 

Ripon,  Earl  of  (see  Goderich,  Lord) 

Ripon,  Lord,  appointed  Viceroy  of  India, 
ii.  344 

Rivarola,  Cardinal,  i.  124 

Riviere,  Due  de,  i.  200 

Roberts,  Sir  Frederick  (Lord),  storms  the 
heights  of  Peiwar,  ii.  341  ;  secures  the 
Shutargardan  Pass,  341  ;  his  march 
on  Cabul,  342  ;  assumes  the  govern- 
ment of  Afghanistan,  343  ;  his  march 
on  Candahar,  345  ;  sent  to  succeed 
Colley  in  South  Africa,  369  ;  sent  to 
command  in  South  Africa,  461 ;  occupies 
Bloemfontein,  464  ;  advance  on  Pre- 
toria, 465  ;  crosses  the  Klip  River,  466  ; 
determines  to  burn  the  farms,  468 

Robinson,  J.  B.,  11.  451 

Robinson,  Sir  Hercules,  Ii.  452 

Rochefort,  Henri,  ii.  162,  165,  236,  244 

Roebuck,  Mr.,  i.  392-4 

Rogier,  and  Belgian  Revolution,  i.  230-2 

Rogon,  Bishop  of,  i.  138 

Rollin,  Ledru,  1.  274,  310,  312-4  ;    ii.  236 

Romagnosi,  1.  71 

Rome,  under  Pius  VII.,  i.  56;  the  capital  of 
art,  57  ;  fears  of  invasion  of  Neapolitan 
Carbonari,  69;  under  Leo  XII.,  123; 
Republic  formed,  329 ;  captured  by 
French,  330,  344  ;  the  French  troops 
leave,  11.  80  ;  the  French  troops  depart, 

119  ;    still  outside   the   Italian   Union, 

1 20  ;  withdrawal  of  French  troops,  154  ; 
the  Legion  of  Antibes  formed,  154  ;   the 
end   of   the   French   occupation,    155  ; 
Garibaldi  attacks,  with  10,000  men,  157  ; 
withdrawal   of    French    garrison    from, 
222  ;    Italian  troops  enter  Roman  terri- 
tory, 222  ;    the  city  stormed,  223  ;   sur- 
render of  Papal  troops,  223 

Ronins,  the,  of  feudal  Japan,  11.  398 


538 


INDEX 


Roon,  ii.  178,  184 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  ii.  437,  486 

Rorke's  Drift,  ii.  326,  329-30 

Rosebery,  Lord,  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  1886,  ii.  375  ;  Foreign  Secretary, 
388  ;  as  Premier,  390 ,-  attacks  the 
House  of  Lords,  and  resigns,  391  ; 
appointed  Premier,  490  ;  disagreements 
with  Sir  William  Harcourt,  490 

Rosmead,  Lord  (see  Robinson,  Sir  Hercules) 

Rosmini,  Antonio,  i.  301 

Rossarolli,  General,  i.  72,  134 

Rossi,  Pellegrino,  i.  328-9 

Rossini,  i.  56,  99,  139 

Rouher,  i.  345  ;   ii.  150,  163,  202,  220 

Roumania,  Prince  Cusa  resigns  the  throne, 
ii.  90  ;  Principality  of,  formed  by  the 
union  of  Moldavia  and  Wallachia,  270  ; 
Alexander  Cusa  chosen  as  sovereign  of, 
271  ;  Charles  Antony  of  Hohenzollern 
becomes  King,  271  ;  Alexander  II. 
crosses  into,  281  ;  mobilisation  of  its 
army,  283  ;  country  declared  indepen- 
dent of  the  Porte,  283;  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano  and,  294  ;  at  the  Berlin  Con- 
gress, 302  ;  the  cession  of  Bessarabia,  302 

Roumelia,  Hetairia  makes  proselytes  in,  i.  75 

Roumelia,  Eastern,  settlement  of,  by  the 
Berlin  Congress,  ii.  300-1 

Round  Table  Conference,  the,  of  1886,  ii. 
380 

Royal  Niger  Company,  the,  ii.  386 

"  Royal  Volunteers,"  the,  i.  109,  119 

Royer,  Prussian  Ambassador  at  Constanti- 
nople, i.  173 

Royer-Collard,  and  Royalist  revival  in 
France,  i.  14  ;  as  leader  of  Doctrinaires 
and  Vice- President  of  the  Chamber,  18  ; 
career  of,  20  ;  on  restrictive  Press  Law, 
20 ;  his  educational  reform  schemes 
opposed  by  Ultras,  22  ;  helps  to  frame 
new  Press  Law,  27  ;  expelled  from 
Council  of  State,  31  ;  on  sacrilege  law, 
198  ;  and  Press  Laws,  200 ;  elected  in 
seven  constituencies,  201;  appointed 
President  of  Chamber,  202 ;  reads 
address  to  King,  202  ;  formulates  address 
to  the  King,  203 ;  opposes  "  Laws  of 
September,"  271 

Ruffo-Scilla,  Count,  i.  66 

Russell,  Lord  John,  proposes  abolition  of 
"  qualifying  for  office  "  scheme,  i.  241  ; 
member  of  Grey's  Ministry,  243  ;  and 
first  Reform  Bill,  244-5  ;  introduces 
second  Reform  Bill,  246 ;  introduces 
third  Reform  Bill,  247  ;  the  King  refuses 
to  accept  him  as  Prime  Minister,  255  ; 
as  Home  Secretary,  256 ;  creates 
borough  franchise,  257 ;  epoch-mark- 
ing Ministry  of,  1846,  350  ;  and  Roman 
Catholic  hierarchy,  361  ;  defeated,  but 
retains  office,  361  ;  and  Lord  Aberdeen's 
Ministry,  372 ;  replies  to  Emperor 
Nicholas,  375  ;  retirement  over  Crimean 
War,  392 ;  serves  under  Palmerston 
394  ;  at  Vienna  Conference,  396  ;  favours 
the  revolt  of  Sicily  and  Naples,  ii.  122  ; 
introduces  Reform  Bill,  123  ;  as  Premier 
128 

Russell,  Odo,  ii.  300 

Russell,  Sir  Baker,  ii.  356 

Russell,  Sir  Charles,  ii.  384 

Rozhdeshtvensky,  Admiral,  ii.  482,  485-6 


Russia,  Metternich's  fears  of,  i.  23  ;  proposals 
with  regard  to  intervention  in  Italy,  64  ; 
political  principles  in  Protocol  of  Novem- 
ber igth,  1820,  66  ;  intervenes  on  behalf 
of  Greece,  80  ;  prepares  for  war  with 
Turkey,  82  ;  again  intervenes,  87  ;  ques- 
tions with  Turkey  left  for  settlement 
after  Congress  of  Verona,  139  ;  plan  for 
pacification  of  Greece,  140 ;  proposals 
for  Greece  at  second  St.  Petersburg 
Conference,  141  ;  differences  between 
Austria  and,  141  ;  decides  to  act  inde- 
pendently on  Eastern  Question,  142  ; 
rapprochement  with  Great  Britain,  142  ; 
death  of  Alexander  I.,  143  ;  question  of 
succession,  144  et  seq.  ;  Decabrist  rebel 
lion,  146  ;  accession  of  Nicholas,  147  ; 
ultimatum  to  Turkey,  148  ;  Protocol 
signed  with  Great  Britain,  149  ;  treaty 
of  Akkerman  signed,  150 ;  treaty  of 
London  with  Great  Britain  and  France, 
152  ;  prepares  for  war  with  Turkey,  162  ; 
proposals  to  Powers,  162-3  ;  decision 
for  war,  164  ;  war  declared  with  Turkey, 
165  ;  plan  of  campaign,  167  ;  campaign 
of  1829,  170 ;  Turks  defeated  at 
Kulevscha,  171  ;  seeks  intervention  of 
Prussia,  171  ;  strained  relations  with 
Great  Britain  and  Austria,  172  ;  Adria- 
nople  captured,  172  ;  Peace  of  Adria 
nople  signed,  173  ;  favourable  terms 
of  peace  to,  173-4  ;  refuses  to  join  in 
scheme  for  guaranteeing  Turkish  pos- 
sessions in  Europe,  176 ;  diplomatic 
triumph  of,  177 ;  and  Poland,  285  ; 
negotiations  before  the  Crimean  War, 
374-5  ;  ultimatum  from  Turkey,  377  ; 
"  massacre  of  Sinope,"  378  ;  war  de- 
clared, 378  ;  death  of  Nicholas,  and 
accession  of  Alexander  II.,  395  ;  and  the 
peace  negotiations  after  the  Crimean 
War,  413-16  ;  losses  by  the  Treaty  of 
Paris,  421  ;  suppresses  the  Polish  insur- 
rection, ii.  66  ;  jealous  of  Prussia,  117  ; 
warns  France  against  violation  of 
neutrality,  203  ;  and  the  Black  Sea,  204  ; 
liberation  of  serfs,  266  ;  other  reforms 
under  Alexander  II.,  266  ;  extension  of 
influence  in  Central  Asia,  267-9  ;  trans- 
Caspian  and  trans-Siberian  railways 
begun,  269  ;  league  with  Austria  and 
Germany,  269  ;  and  Count  Andrassy's 
Note,  274  ;  Slavs  of  the  Balkan  Penin  - 
sula,  and,  275  ;  presents  Note  to  the 
Porte,  with  the  other  two  Powers,  276  ; 
ultimatum  to  Turkey,  279  ;  declares  war 
on  Turkey,  280 ;  organisation  of  its 
army,  281-2  ;  last  effort  made  by,  to 
stop  the  war,  284  ;  war  indemnity,  294  ; 
possessions  in  Asia,  and  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano,  294-5  ;  Austria's  jealousy  of, 
296  ;  increasing  influence,  297  ;  condi- 
tion of  army  in  the  Balkans,  298  ;  efforts 
to  create  a  fleet,  298  ;  outbreak  of 
typhus  in,  298  ;  dispute  with  Great 
Britain  settled,  299  ;  cession  of  Bess- 
arabia to,  302  ;  relations  with  Asiatic 
conquests  discussed  at  Berlin,  303  ;  dif - 
ferences  with,  303  ;  concessions,  303  ; 
and  Berlin  Treaty,  304  ;  and  Afghanis 
tan,  315  339 ;  (see  Russo-Turkish  War) 
advances  in  Central  Asia,  339  ;  drives 
the  Afghans  from  Penjdeh,  346  ;  feeling 


539 


INDEX 


Russia  (continued) 

towards  Great  Britain  on  Egyptian 
affairs,  354  ;  and  the  Penjdeh  incident, 
372  ;  relations  with  France,  1887,  385  ; 
its  effect  on  Eastern  Asiatics,  392  ;  occu- 
pies Kuldja,  395  ;  her  advance  towards 
China,  396 ;  convention  with  Japan, 
1858,  399  ;  secret  treaty  with  China, 
406  ;  obtains  lease  of  Port  Arthur,  441  ; 
and  the  relief  of  the  Peking  Legations, 
445  ;  massacre  at  Blagovestchensk,  446  ; 
treaty  with  China,  473  ;  arrangement 
with  Japan  about  Korea,  473  ;  fails  to 
fulfil  her  undertakings,  473 ;  Japan 
presses  her  claims,  473  ;  Japan  declares 
war  on,  473  (see  Russo-Japanese  War) ; 
the  Dogger  Bank  incident,  482  ;  the 
Anglo-Russian  agreement  of  1907,  501 

Russo-Japanese  war,  causes  of,  ii.  472  ; 
Japan's  ultimatum,  473  ;  number  and 
position  of  the  Russian  forces,  473-4  ; 
the  Japanese  army,  474  ;  their  con- 
trasted sea-power,  474  ;  occupation  of 
Seoul  by  the  Japanese,  474  ;  defeat  of 
Russian  fleet  at  Port  Arthur,  474 ; 
Japanese  march  through  Korea,  474  ; 
sinking  of  Admiral  Makarov's  flag-ship, 
474  ;  Kouropatkin  made  Russian  com- 
mander-in -chief,  475  ;  position  of  the 
four  sections  of  the  Russian  army,  475  ; 
defeat  of  Zasulich,  475  ;  comparison  of 
morale  and  training  of  the  opposed 
forces,  475  ;  Port  Arthur  cut  off,  476  ; 
further  operations  under  Oku,  476-7  ; 
victory  of  the  Japanese  at  Nanshan, 
477  ;  Dalny  taken,  477  ;  destruction 
of  Japanese  battleships,  477  ;  further 
advance  on  Port  Arthur,  477  ;  battle 
of  Telissu,  478  ;  Kouropatkin's  move- 
ments, 477-8  ;  Japanese  advance  into 
the  Liao  Valley,  478 ;  temporary 
naval  success  of  Russians,  478  ;  battle 
of  Ta-shih-chias,  478  ;  Oku's  successes, 
479  ;  losses  sustained  on  both  sides,  479  ; 
Noghi  presses  attack  on  Port  Arthur, 
479  ;  annihilation  of  Russian  fleet,  479  ; 
nine  days'  battle  of  Liaoyang,  479-80  ; 
naval  battle  of  Shaho,  480 ;  the  Japanese 
before  Port  Arthur,  481  ;  the  ten  days' 
battle,  481  ;  the  difficulties  of  retreat, 
481 ;  the  losses  on  the  Shaho,  481  ;  the 
general  attack  on  Port  Arthur,  481  ;  the 
Dogger  Bank  incident,  482  ;  Rozhdesht- 
vensky's  ludicrous  mistake,  482  ;  further 
attacks  on  Port  Arthur,  482  ;  Stoessel 
capitulates,  482  ;  the  fall  of  Port  Arthur, 
483  ;  the  battle  of  Mukden  opens,  484  ; 
a  wild  retreat  by  the  Russians,  485  ; 
Oyama  occupies  Tieling  485  ;  Kouro- 
patkin resigns,  485  ;  Linevich  as  com- 
mander-in-chief,  485  ;  Rozhdeshtven- 
sky's  fleet  destroyed  by  Togo,  486 ; 

6sace     negotiations     at     Portsmouth, 
.S.A.,  486  ;   terms  of  treaty  of  peace, 
487  ;  what  Japan  gained,  487  ;  elements 
of  Japanese  success,  487  ;  the  power  of 
Bushido,  487 

Russo -Turkish  war:  Russians  enter  Rou- 
mania,  ii.  281  ;  Bayazid  captured,  283  ; 
storming  of  Ardahan,  283  ;  Russians 
cross  the  Danube,  283  ;  Gourko's 
attack  on  the  Shipka,  284-5  ;  defeat  of 
Schildner-Scbuldner  by  Osman  Pasha, 


Russo-Turkish  war  (continued) 

286 ;  Kriidener  defeated  at  Plevna, 
286  ;  capture  of  Sovcha  by  Skobelev, 
287 ;  third  battle  of  Plevna,  287-8  ; 
storm  of  Kars,  288 ;  defeat  of  Turkish 
forces  in  Montenegro,  288  ;  success  of 
the  Turks  in  Bulgaria,  288  ;  Gourko 
forced  to  retire  from  Eski-Sagra,  288  ; 
blockade  of  Plevna,  289-90 ;  capture 
of  Elena  and  Slataritza,  291 ;  Mehemet 
Ali's  attempt  to  relieve  Plevna,  291  ; 
fall  of  Plevna,j  292  ;  armistice  signed 
at  San  Stefano,  293 


SAARBRDCK,  battle  of,  ii.  184 

Sachovski,  Prince,  i.  145 

Sacy,  Sylvestre  de,  i.  93 

Sa-da-Bandeira,  i.  299 

Sadik  Pasha  and  the  "  Four  Points,"  i.  82 

Sadler,  Thomas,  i.  253 

Sadowa,  battle  of,  ii.  109-10 

Safvet  Pasha,  ii.  300 

Sagasta,  Ministry  of,  ii.  435 

St.  Arnaud,  Marshal,  i.  346-7,  379 

St.  Cloud,  ii.  178-9,  183,  224,  233 

Saint-Cyr,  Marshal,  i.  21-2,  27-9 

St.  Marsan,  Colonel,  i.  70 

St.  Petersburg,  military  riots  in,  on  acces- 
sion of  Nicholas,  i.  146  ;  conferences  of 
140-1 ;  proposals  of,  rejected  by  Turkey, 
142 

St.  Privat,  ii.  197-9 

St.  Quentin,  battle  of,  ii.  232,  237 

Saisons,  Spciete  de,  i.  276,  310 

Sakhalin,  island  of,  ii.  269,  472,  486 

Salabery,  Count,  i.  200 

Saldanha,  i.  191,  194-5,  296-7,  299 

Sale,  General,  i.  425 

Salisbury,  Lord,  as  Foreign  Secretary,  ii. 
295  ;  the  San  Stefano  Treaty,  ii.  297  ; 
Gortshakov's  reply  to,  298  ;  signs  an 
agreement  with  the  Russian  Ambassa- 
dor, 299 ;  at  the  Berlin  Congress,  ii. 
300-1,  304  ;  head  of  the  India  Office, 
307  ;  and  the  Redistribution  Bill,  369  ; 
and  the  Penjdeh  incident,  372  ;  pre- 
carious position  of  his  Ministry,  1885, 
373 ;  and  Lord  Randolph  Churchill, 
373 ;  becomes  Prime  Minister  and 
Secretary  for  India,  373  ;  his  defeat  in 
1886,  375  ;  at  anti-Home  Rule  meeting, 

378  ;  succeeds  Gladstone  in  1886,  379  ; 
appoints    himself    Foreign     Secretary, 

379  ;  advocates  the  "  resolute  govern- 
ment,"  380  ;  and  the   Parnell  forgery, 
381  ;  as  Foreign  Secretary,  1887,  385  ; 
and  the  Triple  Alliance,  1887,  385  ;  his 
resignation    in    1892,    388  ;    sends    Sir 
Henry    Drummond    Wolff     to     Egypt, 
420 ;    and   the   Boer  War,   454  ;   reply 
to  Boer  overtures  for  peace,  464  ;   his 
tribute  to  Gladstone,  489  ;  resignation 
of,  496  ;  death  of,  497 

Salonica,  murder  of  Consuls  at,  ii.  276 

Samarkand,  ii.  268-9 

Samoa,  ii.  413,  415 

Samos,  Greek  rising  in,  i.  79 

Sampayo,  Colonel,  i.  113-4 

Sampson,  Admiral,  blockades  Cuba,  ii.  434 

bombards  Santiago,  436  ;  his  fleet  enters 

Santiago  harbour,  439 


540 


INDEX 


Samurai,  the  rulers  of  feudal  Japan,  Ii.  397, 

400 

San  Carlos,  i.  42-4 

San  Juan  dispute,  ii.  262  ;  battle  of,  437 
San  Miguel,  i.  96,  106,  109 
San  Stefano,  armistice  signed  at,  ii.  293  ; 
Treaty  of,  294  ;  Great  Britain's  indigna- 
tion at,  295 

Sand  assassinates  Kptzebue,  i.  37 
Sand  River  Convention,  the,  ii.  448 
Sanfedisti,  the,  i.  58,  124 
Sanna's  Post,  disaster  at,  ii.  465-6 
Santa  Rosa,  Santone  di,  i.  70-2, 131, 134  ;  ii.  3 
Santiago,   bombarded  by  American   fleets, 
ii.  436  ;  surrender  of  town  and  province, 

439 

Sardinia,  i.  72  ;  ii.  9 

Satsuma  Rebellion,  the,  ii.  402 

Saumur,  military  rising  at,  i.  93 

Savoy,  the  proposed  cession  to  France,  ii.  10 

Saxe- Weimar,  Grand  Duke  of,  i.  34 

Saxony,  number  of  votes  in  the  Bundestag 
of,  i.  33 ;  invited  to  make  an  alliance 
with  Prussia,  ii.  98  ;  capitulates  to  Prus- 
sia, 99  ;  the  invasion  of,  104 ;  Crown 
Prince  of,  201,  220-1 

Scheffer,  Ary,  i.  92,  207 

Schildner-Schuldner,  General,  ii.  286 

Schligel,  i.  39 

Schleswig,  Duchy  of,  absorbed  by  Denmark, 
i«  325  ;  the  invasion  of,  ii.  73 ;  the 
Prussians  in  occupation,  74 

Schleswig-Holstein  and  Germany,  i.  325  ;  the 
position  in  1863,  ii.  68  ;  attitude  of 
Austria,  68  ;  war  in  the  Duchies,  71  ; 
their  position  after  the  war,  75  ;  favours, 
becoming  part  of  Prussia,  76 ;  freed 
from  Danish  rule,  78  ;  evacuated  by  the 
troops  of  the  Bund,  81  ;  continues  under 
the  dual  administration,  82  ;  internal 
position  in  1864,  83 ;  terms  of  the 
Gastein  agreement,  84;  the  position 
again  becomes  acute,  88  ;  Prince  Chris- 
tian Victor  of,  492 

Schley,  Admiral,  ii.  434,  436 

Schneider,  General,  i.  180 

Schon,  on  Battle  of  Navarino,  i.  160 

Scotland,  Church  Patronage  Bill  for,  passed, 
ii.  308 

Scurtis,  Captain,  i.  131 

Sebastopol,  Russian  fleet  at,  i.  377-8  ;  attack 
on,  decided,  380  ;  advance  on,  381  ;  de- 
cision to  bombard,  383  ;  bombardment, 
384-5  ;  defences  of,  384-5  ;  fighting  at, 
395-6 ;  attacks  on,  400 ;  capture  of 
Mamelon,  401  ;  Russian  success,  402  ; 
attack  on  the  Tchernaia,  403-5  ;  attack 
on  the  Karabelnaia  suburb,  405  ;  attack 
and  capture  of  the  Malakov,  406-7  ; 
attack  on  the  Great  and  Little  Redan, 
407  ;  evacuation  of,  408 

Secret  Societies,  Italian,  i.  58-9,  300 ;  in 
Poland,  286 

Sedan,  review  of  army  of  occupation  by 
Tsar  and  King  of  Prussia  at,  i.  24  ; 
MacMahon  concentrates  his  remaining 
forces  at,  ii.  208  ;  Emperor  arrives  at, 
208  ;  Wimpffen  arrives  at,  with  orders 
to  supeseede  Failly,  209  ;  position  of 
French  army  at,  on  September  ist,  1870, 
210 ;  beginning  of  battle  of,  211; 
Emperor  hoists  the  white  flag,  213 ; 
fortress  summoned  to  surrender,  214 


Sedulah  Bey,  ii.  300 

Selborne,  Lord,  his  Judicature  Bill,  ii.  264 

Semonville,  i.  215,  217 

Seo  de  Urgel,  i.  96,  101 

Seoul,  ii.  396,  401,  403-4,  474 

Septembrists,  the,  of  Portugal,  i.  298-9 

Sepulveda,  i.  51,  112,  114 

Sermoneta,  Due  de,  i.  316 

Servia,  Greek  hopes  shattered  concerning, 
1.  75  ;  the  reigning  family  of  Obrenovich 
deposed,  ii.  271  ;  accession  of  Michael 
III.,  272  ;  his  murder,  272  ;  succeeded 
by  Milan,  272  ;  joins  in  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War,  293  ;  and  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano,  294  ;  independence  secured  to, 
by  the  Berlin  Congress,  302 

Servile  Party  in  Spain,  i.  41-2,  49,  90,  93, 
94-5,  109 

Servite  Brotherhood,  suspension  of,  ii.  3 

Settimo,  Ruggieri,  i.  305,  327-8 

Seville,  disorder  in,  i.  90 

Seymour,  Admiral,  ii.  445 

Seymour,  Sir  Beauchamp,  arrives  in  Egypt, 
ii.  352  ;  bombards  Alexandria,  353 

Seymour,  Sir  Hamilton,  i.  374-5 

Shaftesbury,  Earl  of,  i.  253 

Shafter,  General,  ii.  436 

Shah  Shuja,  i.  425 

Shaho,  the,  Russians  driven  back  to,  ii. 
480-1 

Shanghai,  ii.  392-3 

Sharp,  Granville,  and  slavery,  i.  251 

Sheep-farming  in  Australia,  its  origin,  ii.  407 

Shepstone,  Sir  Theophilus,  ii.  313,  323 

Shere  Ali,  ii.  314-5,  338-41 

Shereef  Pasha,  ii.  316 

Sherman,  General,  ii.  57-9 

Shiloh,  the  battle  of,  ii.  40 

Shimonoseki,  ii.  398 

Shimonoseki,  Treaty  of,  1895,  405,  472 

Shipka  Pass,  ii.  284-5,  288,  293 

Sho,  the  Japanese  traders,  ii.  400 

Shogun,  the,  of  feudal  Japan,  ii.  397,  399 

Shugo,  Japanese  military  class,  ii.  397 

Shumla,  i.  167,  171 

Shutargardan  Pass,  i.  341 

Shuvalov,  Count,  ii.  268 

Siberia,  ii.  267,  269 

Siccardi  laws  (see  Leggi  Siccardiani) 

Sicily,  Constitution  granted  by  Lord  William 
Bentinck,  i.  59  ;  united  to  Naples,  59  ; 
under  Ferdinand  I.,  59  ;  Revolution  in, 
62  ;  repression  of,  63  ;  the  Revolution 
begins  in  Palermo,  305 ;  Ferdinand 
dethroned,  327  ;  civil  war,  327  ;  Naples 
victorious,  328 

Sidmouth,  Lord,  i.  5,  237 

Sikh  War,  the,  i.  427-9 

Sikukuni,  ii.  448 

Silistria,  i.  167,  171-2,  176 

Silveira,  Count  Antonio,  i.  51,  H3-4i  298 

Simon,  Jules,  i.  344 ;   ii.  236 

Simpson,  General,  i.  402,  410 

Simson,  President,  ii.  235 

Sind,  war  with,  i.  426-7 

Sinope,  "  Massacre  "  of,  i.  378 

Sismondi  and  Philhellenism,  i.  136 

"  Six  Acts,"  i.  8 

Skobelev,  General,  II.  269,  287,  289-90,  299- 
300 

Slave  trade,  suppression  of,  discussed  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  i.  25  ;  Anglo-Portuguese 
treaty  on,  117 


541 


INDEX 


Slavery,  abolition  of,  question  raised  in 
England,  i.  238,  251  ;  history  of,  in 
America,  11.  27 ;  prohibition  of,  in 
America,  27  ;  the  non-slavery  States, 
27  ;  hostility  to,  27  ;  growth  of  the 
abolition  movement,  28 ;  the  anti- 
slavery  cause  gains  in  power,  29 ;  Lincoln 
states  the  issue,  30  ;  John  Brown's  raid, 
30  ;  its  suppression  in  Australia,  418 

Slavs,  struggle  with  Magyars,  1.  335 

Smith,  William  Henry,  Financial  Secretary 
under  Beaconsfield,  11.  307  ;  becomes 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  1886, 
379  ;  introduces  the  "  guillotine,"  380 

Smuts,  General,  11.  470 

Smyrna,  massacre  of  Greeks  in,  1.  80 

Smyth,  Patrick,  11.  264 

Sobraon,  battle  of,  i.  428 

Social  Democracy,  rise  of,  in  France,  i.  313 

Sofia,  11.  293,  300,  304-5 

Soledad,  Treaty  of,  11.  143 

Solferino,  battle  of,  11.  20  et  seq. 

Somaglia,  Cardinal,  i.  123 

Somerset,  Lord  Fitzroy,  1.  106 

Sonderbund,  the,  i.  306,  356 

Sonntag  and  Philhellenism,  i.  138 

"  Sons  of  Padilla,"  the,  i.  49 

Soult,  Marshal,  i.  269,  276-7,  279 

South  Africa,  Lord  Carnarvon's  scheme  for 
the  federation  of,  11.  309-10  ;  drafting 
of  Constitution  for,  1909,  471 

South  Africa  Company,  foundation  of,  II.  386 

South  America,  revolt  of  Spanish  Colonies 
in,  1.  45 

South  Australia,  its  foundation,  11.  408,  410  ; 
self-government  of,  410  ;  and  federation, 
413  ;  and  inter-colonial  Free  Trade,  414  ; 
and  the  Federal  Council  of  1885,  415  ; 
and  Federation,  416-7 

Spa  Fields,  meeting  of  Radicals  in,  December, 
1816,  i.  4 

Spain,  relations  with  South  American 
Colonies  discussed  at  Congress  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  i.  25  ;  Revolution  and,  41  ; 
Constitution  of  1812,  41  ;  effect  of 
Constitution,  42  ;  return  of  Ferdinand 
VII.,  42  ;  retrograde  condition  under 
Ferdinand,  43-4  ;  revolt  of  American 
Colonies,  45  ;  military  rising  in  the 
south,  45  ;  other  risings  in  the  north, 
46  ;  Ferdinand  accepts  the  Constitution 
of  1812,  46  ;  rejoicings  in  Madrid  and 
the  provinces,  46-7  ;  Liberal  Ministry  of 
1820,  47  ;  suppression  of  monasteries 
and  religious  orders,  48  ;  terrible  condi- 
tion in  1820,  49  ;  question  of  interven- 
tion at  Laibach,  69  ;  unrest  in  1821,  89  ; 
as  an  asylum  of  political  refugees,  90  ; 
disorder  in,  90,  94  ;  revolt  of  Ameri- 
can Colonies,  94  ;  revolts  against  the 
King,  94 ;  Regency  established  by 
Northern  insurgents,  96 ;  attitude  of 
the  Powers,  97  ;  considered  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Verona,  99  ;  reply  to  the  Powers 
106  ;  Great  Britain's  efforts  to  prevent 
war  with  France,  106  ;  Bessiere's  rebel- 
lion, 106-7  ;  invaded  by  France,  108  ; 
Government  moves  to  Seville,  108  ; 
French  victories,  108  ;  Provisional 
Junta  formed,  109  ;  Jesuits  recalled, 
109  ;  Cortes  retires  to  Cadiz,  109  ;  White 
Terror  in,  109  ;  disorder  in,  no  ;  Angou- 
leme  and  the  Regency,  no  ;  the  King 


Spain  (continued) 

set  free,  in  ;  French  warning  to  the 
King,  in  ;  return  of  the  King  to- 
Madrid,  in  ;  treaty  with  France,  112  ; 
rise  of  the  "Apostolicals,"  118  ;  reign- 
of  terror  revived,  118  ;  deplorable  con- 
dition of  the  country,  119  ;  effect  of 
Portuguese  Constitution  in,  186;  Apos- 
tolical risings,  190 ;  death  of  the  Queen „ 
190;  Ferdinand's  marriage  with  Maria* 
Cristina,  191  ;  Pragmatic  Sanction  re- 
vived, 191  ;  Thiers'  proposed  inter- 
vention in,  272  ;  the  Pragmatic  Sanc- 
tion withdrawn  and  again  revived,  290  ,- 
Cristinos  and  Carlists,  290  ;  death  of 
Ferdinand,  291  ;  Queen  Isabella  and 
Don  Carlos,  291  ;  the  Estatuto  Real,  292  r 
Reyolution  of  La  Granja,  293  ;  Consti- 
tution of  1836,  293  ;  abdication  of 
Cristina,  294 :  Espartero's  Regency, 
294-5  ;  rise  of  Narvaez  and  his  rule  as- 
dictator,  295  ;  the  rebellion  in,  11.  172  ; 
the  complications  arising  from  the 
vacant  throne,  173  ;  Prince  Leopold 
refuses  the  Crown,  176  ;  her  humiliation 
by  the  United  States,  440 

Spanish-American  War,  the,  11.  433  et  seq. 

Spanish  Constitution  (see  Constitution  of: 
1812) 

Spaun,  Count,  i.  329 

Spencer,  Earl,  Viceroy  of  Ireland,  11.  367  ; 
and  the  Plan  of  Campaign,  379  ;  and  the- 
Home  Rule  Bill  of  1893,  389 

Spencer,  Lord  (see  Althorp,  Lord) 

"  Spheres  of  influence,"  British  and  German,, 
in  Africa,  11.  386 

Spezzia,  Greek  rising  in,  1.  78 

Sphakiotes,  rising  of  the,  i.  79 

Spion  Kop,  11.  461 

Sporades,  the,  Greek  rising  in,  1.  79 

Stackelberg,  General,  11.  477-8,  481 

Stanley,  Lord,  i.  251-2,  255  (see  Derby,  Lord). 

Stein,  Baron,  i.  32,  39,  138,  160 

Steevens,  George,  11.  428 

Stephen,  Grand  Duke,  1.  336 

Stephenson,  George,  i.  249 

Sterkstroom,  General  Gatacre  at,  11.  461 

Stewart,  Colonel,  murder  of,  11.  362 

Stewart,  Lord,  on  French  elections,  1819,  i.  25, 

Stewart,  Sir  Charles,  1.  117,  186-7 

Stewart,  Sir  Donald,  11.  341,  344 

Stewart,  Sir  Herbert,  11.  363 

Steyn,  President  of  the  Orange  Free  State,. 
11.  465,  469-70 

Stockton  and  Darlington  Railway,  opening, 
of,  1.  249 

Stoessel,  General,  11.  475,  478,  482 

Stoletov,  General,  11.  340 

Stone,  General,  in  Porto  Rico,  11.  440 

Stormberg,  11.  459-60 

Stourdza,  hatred  of  German  students  of,  1.  37- 

Straffoldo  on  Piedmontese  Revolution,  1.  71 

Strangford,  Lord,  1. 81-2,  87,  99, 102, 140, 142: 

Strassburg,  siege  of,  11.  222 

Stratford  de  Redcliffe,  Lord,  succeeds  Lord 
Strangford  at  Constantinople,  1.  140  ; 
interview  with  Metternich  and  Nessel- 
rode,  141  ;  negotiates  with  Mavrocor- 
datos  and  the  Porte,  149  ;  in  constant 
communication  with  Mavrocordatos, 
154  ;  sanctions  appointment  of  Cochrane 
and  Church  to  command  of  Greek  forces, 
155 ;  effect  of  new  Greek  constitution 


542 


INDEX 


Stratford  de  Redcliffe  (continued) 

on  plans  of,  156  ;  instruction  to  Admiral 
Codrington,  157  ;  to  meet  Greek  repre- 
sentatives in  Corfu,  167  ;  at  Paris  Con- 
ference on  Greek  frontiers,  187  ;  am- 
bassador to  Constantinople,  375  ;  arrival 
in  Constantinople,  376  ;  offends  Russia 
and  given  control  of  British  fleet,  376  ; 
responsibility  for  Crimean  War,  376  ; 
Queen  Victoria  and,  377 

Strauss,  David  F.,  i.  305 

Strognov,  i.  80-1 

Students'  agitation  for  liberty  in  Germany, 
i«  35 

Students'  Association  in  Germany,  i.  36 

Suakin,  ii.  385,  424 

Subserra,  Count,  i.  115-7 

Suchosanet,  General,  i.  147 

Sudan,  outbreak  of  war  in  the,  ii.  358  ;  the 
decision  to  abandon  and  evacuate  it, 
359  ,-  its  abandonment,  364  ;  left  in  the 
possession  of  the  Khalifa,  385  ;  British 
reconquest  of  contemplated,  425  ;  final 
settlement  of  the,  432 

Suez  Canal,  shares  purchased  by  Beacons- 
field,  ii.  310-1 ;  offices  of  the  Company 
taken  possession  of  by  the  British,  355  ; 
its  neutralisation,  357,  385 

Suffrage,  manhood,  advocated  by  Chamber- 
lain, ii.  366 

Sugar  tax,  alteration  of,  i.  350 

Suleiman  Pasha,  ii.  288-91,  293 

Sussex,  Duke  of,  and  Queen  Victoria,  i.  259 

Sutsos,  Gregory,  i.  75 

Swan  River  Settlement,  ii.  409 

Swaziland,  ii.  450 

Swellendam  declares  independence,  ii.  447 

Swiss  Guard,  death  of,  in  the  Tuileries,  i. 
215 

Switzerland,  Philhellenic  movement  in, 
i.  135,  138  ;  revolution  begins  in,  305  ; 
the  Sonderbund,  306  ;  civil  war,  306  ; 
Federal  reforms,  307  ;  a  model  consti- 
tution, 307  ;  progress  of,  308  ;  the  refer- 
endum in,  ii.  419 

Sydney,  Lord,  ii.  407 

Sydney,  National  Australian  Convention 
meets  at,  ii.  416 

Syed  Nur  Mohammed,  ii.  340 

Symons,  General  Sir  William  Penn,  ii.  457 

Syria,  British  intervention  in,  i.  264 


TAHITI,  i.  282 

Taikwa,  ancient  Japanese  constitution,  ii. 
399 

Takir  Pasha,  i.  156-7,  209 

Taku  forts,  dismantling  of,  ii.  446  ;  landing 
of  Japanese  forces  at,  472,  476 

Talana  Hill,  battle  of,  ii.  457 

Talaru,  French  Ambassador  in  Madrid,  i. 
109-11,  118 

Talleyrand,  character  of,  i.  13;  appointed 
Grand  Chamberlain,  14 ;  supports  the 
Extremists,  17 ;  on  Laine's  franchise 
scheme,  18  ;  against  Saint  Cyr's  army 
reform  scheme,  21  ;  and  Ferdinand  VII. 
of  Spain,  42  ;  and  Press  Law,  92  ;  pro- 
tests against  war  with  Spain,  107  ;  and 
Louis  Philippe,  207  ;  founds  Le  National, 
207 

Tantia  Topee,  i.  427,  446 


Tariff  Reform  comes  into  practical  politics, 

ii.  497  ;  Mr.  Chamberlain  and,  499 
Tartuffe,  i.  199 

Ta-shih-chias,  battle  of,  ii.  478 
Tasmania,  its  discovery,  ii.  407  ;  an  offshoot 
from     New    South    Wales,     408;     ex- 
tinction  of   the   aborigines,    408  ;   self- 
government   of,    410 ;    constitution   of, 
411  ;  and  federation,  413,  416-7  ;    and 
the  Federal  Council  of  1885,  415 
Tatischev,  i.  102,  142,  169 
Tegethoff,  Admiral,  ii.  76 
Tel-el-Kebir,  battle  of,  ii.  356 
Tel-el-Mahuta,  defeat  of  Egyptians  at,  ii.  355 
Telissu,  battle  of,  ii.  478 
Temperance  legislation,  ii.  387-8  ;  reform,  391 
Terceira,  i.  194-5,  297 
Tergukasov,  General,  ii.  288 
Territorial  force,  the  formation  of  the,  ii.  501 
Test  Act,  repeal  of,  i.  240 
Tewfik  Pasha,  ii.  316,  349-50,  354,  42o 
Texas  enters  the  Union,  ii.  27 
Texeira,  i.  51 
The  Black  Dwarf,  i.  5 
Thebaw,  King,  ii.  374 
Thermopylae,  defeat  of  Diakos  near,  i.  79 
Theron,  Daniel,  ii.  463 
Thessaly,  revolt  in,  i.  80 
Thiers,  Louis,  founds  Le  National,  i.  207  ; 
and  Revolution  of  July,  217  ;    and  the 
Due  d' Orleans,  218 ;  reconciles  Repub- 
licans and  Due  d' Orleans,  221 ;  in  Soult's 
Ministry,     269 ;      energetic     measures 
against  revolutionists,  270  ;    Secretary 
for   Foreign    Affairs,    271  ;     differences 
with  the  King,  271  ;    resignation,  272  ; 
and    conquest    of    Algiers,    273 ;     and 
Napoleonism,     274 ;      leader     of    Left 
Centre,  275  ;    attack  on  the  Monarchy, 
276  ;   Prime  Minister,  277  ;  resignation, 
279  ;  turns  his  attention  to  writing,  281  ; 
struggle  with  Guizot,  283  ;    and  "  Re- 
form "    banquets,    310 ;     returned    to 
National     Assembly,     314 ;      on     the 
Republic,    317 ;     member    of    "  Union 
Electoral,"    343 ;     arrested    by    Louis 
Napoleon,    346 ;      and    Committee    of 
Government  and  National  Defence,  ii. 
218  ;    on  the  dissolution  of  the  Senate, 
220  ;    at  head  of  the  Executive  of  the 
National    Assembly,    240 ;     his    popu- 
larity, 240  ;  signs  preliminaries  of  peace, 
240 ;     arrives    at    Versailles,    241  ;     is 
arraigned  by  the  Commune,  245,  247  ; 
begins  the  siege  of  Paris,  245  ;  denounces 
the   Commune,   247 ;    his   work  of   re- 
pression, 248  ;    President  of  the  French 
Republic,  249 

Thiersch,  Frederick,  i.  134-5 
Thionville,  ii.  226,  249 
Thistlewood,  Arthur,  and  the  Cato  Street 

Conspiracy,  i.  9 
Thomas,  Clement,  ii.  241 
Thomaz,  Manoel  Fernandez,  i.  51,  113 
Thorneycroft,  Colonel,  iL  461 
Thornton,  British  Minister  at  Lisbon,  i.  117 
Thorwaldsen  in  Rome,  i.  57 
"  Three  acres  and  a  cow,"  ii.  375 
Tibet,  the  mission  to,  ii.  502 
Ticino,  Austrian's  retreat  to,  ii.  17 
Tieling,  occupied  by  Oyama,  ii.  485 
Tientsin,  bombardment  of,  by  Boxers,  445 
Tientsin,  Convention  of  (1885),  404 


543 


INDEX 


Tientsin,  Treaty  of,  ii.  393 ;  Treaty  of 
(1884),  395 

Times,  The,  publication  of  Russo-British 
Protocol  in,  1.  150  ;  Treaty  of  London 
published  in,  152  ;  and  the  Parnell 
forgery,  ii.  381,  383-4 

Ting,  Admiral,  ii.  405 

Tirnova,  ii.  284 

Todleben,  General,  i.  383.5,  395-7,  402-3; 
ii.  189,  298 

Togo,  Admiral,  11.  474,  476,  478,  486 

Tokar,  battle  of,  ii.  420 

Tokugawa,  powerful  Japanese  family,  ii. 
398  ;  their  defeat,  399 

Tongking,  and  France,  ii.  395 

Toreno,  the  Marquis,  I.  47 

Torre,  General  della,  i.  71 

Toski,  defeat  of  the  Dervishes  at,  ii.  420 

Toulouse,  Communal  Government  set  up  in, 
ii.  245 

Tours,  provisional  Government  at,  ii.  225, 230 

Tower  of  London,  dynamite  outrage  at,  ii. 
366 

Trade  Unions  (Great  Britain),  legalisation  of, 
ii.  260  ;  desire  repeal  of  Lord  Aberdeen's 
Act,  307-8 

Transportation  to  New  South  Wales,  cessa- 
tion of,  ii.  408 

Transvaal,  annexation  of,  by  Great  Britain, 
ii.  313 ;  unsuccessful  opposition  to, 
313-4  ;  and  Great  Britain's  withdrawal, 
368  ;  independence  restored,  369  ;  Boers 
form  independent  community  there,  448; 
Republic  founded,  448  ;  annexation  of, 
by  Great  Britain  (1877),  independence 
restored,  and  suzerainty  acknowledged, 

449  ;    attempts  to  extend  its  borders, 

450  ;   naturalisation  in  the,  450-3  ;   im- 
portation  of   arms   after   the   Jameson 
Raid,  452  ;  full  self-government  granted 
to,  in  1906,  470  (see  Boer  War) 

Transylvania,  i.  337-8 

Trautenau,  battle  of,  ii.  107 

Trelawney,  accompanies  Byron  to  Greece, 

i.  136 

Trent  affair,  the,  ii.  36,  124 
Trevelyan,  Sir  Charles,  11.  257 
Trevelyan  (Sir)  George,  ii.  258,   314,    367, 

377,  380 

Tricoupis,  Constantine,  i.  138 
Tricoupis,  Spiridion,  i.  137,  179,  181 
Tricoupis,  the  Primate,  i.  136 
"  Trimmers,"  the,  i.  248 
Triple  Alliance  of  1820  (Austria,  Prussia,  and 

Russia),    i.    66 ;     Metternich    tries    to 

revive,    176 
Triple    Alliance,    the,    between     Germany, 

Austria,  and  Italy,  1887,  ii.  385 
Tripolitza,  1.  77-8,  83,   131 
Trochu,  General,  ii.  201,  217-9,  229,  232-3 
Troppau,  Congress  of,  i.  65 
Trubetzkoi,  Prince,  and  Decabrist  revolt,  I. 

146-7 

Tsailan,  Prince,  sentenced  to  death,  ii.  446 
Tsai-tien,   becomes  Emperor    of    China    as 

Kwang  Hsu,  ii.  394 
Tseng,  Marquis,  ii.  395-6 
Ts'ing,  the  first  Manchu  ruler  of  China,  ii.  393 
Tsingtao,  seized  by  Germany,  ii.  441 
Tsungli  Yamen,    the,    foments    anti-foreign 

feeling,  ii.  443  ;   abolition  of,  446 
Tsushima,  battle  of,  ii.  486 
Tsu-tsi,  sole  regent  of  China,  ii.  395 


Tuan,  Prince,  ii.  445-6 

Tugela,  the,  crossing  of,  during  the  Zulu  war, 

U.  326,  335  ;  Buller  at,  462 
Tung-chi,  Emperor  of  China,  ii.  394 
Turbigo,  French  forces  at,  ii.  18 
Turin,  i.  70,  72  ;  11.  ii,  14,  80,  122 
Turkey,  and  Greek  rebellion,  1.  76  et  seq.  ; 
ultimatum  from  Russia,  81  ;  Austria 
and  Great  Britain  press  "  Four  Points," 
82 ;  Russian  plan  of  settlement  of  Turko- 
Greek  question,  140  ;  at  St.  Petersburg 
Conferences,  140-1  ;  rejects  proposals 
of  St.  Petersburg  Conference,  142  ; 
abolition  of  janizaries,  150  ;  Treaty  of 
Akkerman,  signed,  150  ;  manifesto  to 
Powers  against  intervention  in  Greece, 
151  ;  three  Powers  send  Collective  Note, 
156  ;  right  of  intervention  denied,  157  ; 
action  after  Navarino,  161  ;  proposals 
of  Powers  rejected  and  preparations  for 
war,  162  ;  Russia  declares  war  against, 
165  ;  defeated  by  Russia,  and  tries  to 
form  alliance  with  Austria,  171  ;  declines 
peace  proposals  of  British  and  French 
Ambassadors,  171  ;  defeat  at  Adrian - 
ople,  172  ;  seeks  for  peace,  173  ;  peace 
of  Adrianople,  173  ;  losses  under  peace 
of  Adrianople,  173  ;  plan  suggested  by 
Great  Britain  for  guaranteeing  posses- 
sions in  Europe  of,  176  ;  Tsar's  mag- 
nanimity to,  176  ;  and  Mehemet  Ali,  279- 
280  ;  Emperor  Nicholas  and,  374-5  ; 
negotiations  before  Crimean  War,  375  ; 
ultimatum  to  Russia,  377  ;  "  Massacre 
of  Sinope,"  378  ;  integrity  guaran- 
teed by  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Austria,  421  ;  friendship  of,  with 
Russia,  ii.  266-7  ;  French  intervention 
in  affairs  of,  270  ;  armed  insurrection 
in,  274 ;  further  spread  of  insurrection 
in,  275  ;  joint  note  presented  to,  by  the 
three  Powers,  276  ;  murder  of  the  Sultan 
and  accession  of  Murad  V.,  276  ;  Abdul 
Hamid  becomes  Sultan,  277  ;  punish- 
ment of  those  concerned  in  the  Bul- 
garian atrocities  demanded  by  Great 
Britain,  278  ;  Conference  of  Powers  in 
Constantinople,  concerning  reforms  in 
the  administration  of  the  Balkan  Penin- 
sula, 279-80  ;  war  declared  against,  by 
Russia,  280  ;  organisation  of  its  army, 
282 

Turkey,  Great  Britain's  offer  of  ships  to,  ii. 
285  ;  disasters  to  Turkish  arms,  284-5  ; 
inefficiency    of    its    commanders    and 
Ministers,  286  ;  addresses  a  circular  to 
the  Powers,  293  ;  and  the  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano,   295  ;   defensive   alliance  with 
Great  Britain,  300  ;  Dulcigno  given  to, 
303  ;  surrenders  Arabashan,  Kars,  and 
Batoum,    304 ;    desperate   state   of   its 
finances,  310  ;  and  Egypt,  420  ;  appoints 
Commissioner,  421 
Turnhallen,  closed  in  Germany,  i.  39 
Turnen,  invented  by  Father  Jahn,  I.  35 
Turnplatz,  first  established  near  Berlin,  I. 

Tuscany,  Duchy  of,  under  Ferdinand  III., 
i.  55  ;  Ridolfi  becomes  head  of  Govern- 
ment of,  305  ;  under  Republican  Govern- 
ment, 326,  330  ;  Ricasoli  in  power,  ii. 
20  ;  Leopold,  Duke  of,  20 

Tycoon,  lyemitsu  assumes  the  title,  ii.  398 


544 


INDEX 


UGANDA,  ii.  386 

Ugarte,  resignation  of,  i.  119 

Uitlanders,  the,  in  the  Transvaal,  ii.  449  ; 

their  grievances,  450-1  ;  and  Sir  Alfred 

Milner,  453 
"  Ultras,"  the,  i.  15-8,  22,  25,  68,  8r,  91-3, 

101,  107,  187,  200,  202-3 

Ulundi,  battle  of,  ii.  335 

"  Union  Electoral,"  i.  343 

Unionist  Party,  the,  its  foundation,  ii.  377 

Unionists,  the,  support  coercion  for  Ireland, 
1887,  ii.  380  ;  and  the  Home  Rule  Bill 
of  1893,  ii.  389 

United  States  of  America,  the :  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  i.  103,  120 ;  history  of  the 
slavery  question,  ii.  27  (see  also  Slavery) ; 
the  Civil  War,  27  et  seq  (see  Civil  War  in 
America)  ;  Texas  admitted  to  the 
Union,  27  ;  the  war  with  Mexico,  28  ; 
gold  discoveries  in,  28  ;  California,  New 
Mexico,  and  Utah  admitted  to  the 
Union,  28  ;  rise  of  Democratic  Party, 
29  ;  John  Brown's  raid,  30  ;  Lincoln  be- 
comes President,  30 ;  the  Civil  War 
breaks  out,  31  ;  Jefferson  Davis  made 
President  of  the  South,  31  ;  President 
Johnson's  warning  to  Napoleon  III., 
141  ;  Congress  and  the  Mexican  ques- 
tion, 142  ;  secures  free  entry, at  Shim- 
onoseki  and  Hakodate,  398  ;  convention 
with  Japan,  1858,  399 ;  war  with  Spain 
(see  Spanish-American  War) 

Universities  (Great  Britain),  abolition  of 
religious  tests  at,  ii.  259  ;  Commission 
appointed  to  investigate  affairs  of,  314 

Unkiar  Skelessi,  Treaty  of,  i.  276-7 

Upper  Nile,  European  Powers  and  the,  ii. 
423 


VAL£E,  MARSHAL,  i.  273 

Valencay,  Treaty  of,  i.  42 

Valencia,  rising  at,  i.  94 

Valtetsi,  battle  of,  i.  78 

Van  Diemen's  Land,  discovery  of,  ii.  407 

Vardarelli,  Gaetano,  i.  60 

Varna,  i.  167  ;  ii.  300 

Veregas,  General,  i.  90 

Venetia,  Austria  relaxes  her  rule  in,  ii.  8  ; 
Italy's  offer  of  purchase,  87  ;  offered  to 
Italy  by  Austria,  94;  the  invasion  of, 
101 ;  again  the  centre  of  political  strife, 
112;  war  operations  in,  n8 ;  becomes 
part  of  Italy,  119 

Venezuela  revolts  against  Spain,  i.  45 

Venice,  revolutionary  rising  in,  i.  71  ;  effect 
of  Novara  on,  333  ;  Republic  formed, 
333  ;  conquered  by  Austria,  333 

Verdun,  capture  of,  ii.  226 

Verona,  Congress  of,  i.  98-104 

Versailles,  headquarters  of  King,  ii.  221, 
224 ;  National  Assembly  at,  241  ;  its 
army  marches  on  Paris,  245-7  ;  gains 
possession  of  Paris,  248 

Veuillot  and  Catholic  Party,  L  367 

Vicenza,  occupation  of,  ii.  118 

Vicksburg,  fall  of,  ii.  49 

Victor,  Marshal  (see  Belluno,  Due  de) 

Victor  Emmanuel  I.,  i.  53,  70 

Victor  Emmanuel  II.,  i.  72,  333  ;  ii.  i,  4,  6,  7, 
9.  ii,  19,  24-5,  81,  90,  119,  204 


Victoria,  Australia,  its  foundation,  ii.  408-9  ; 
self-government  of,  410  ;  rapid  increase 
of  population  on  discovery  of  gold,  412  ; 
and  federation,  413,  416-7  ;  and  pro- 
tection, 414  ;  and  the  Federal  Council 
of  1885,  415 

Victoria,  Queen,  accession  of,  i.  258-9 ; 
coronation,  262  ;  chooses  her  husband, 
263 ;  marriage,  264 ;  visit  to  Louis 
Philippe,  282  ;  on  the  Spanish  marriages, 
283  ;  visit  to  Ireland,  355  ;  and  foreign 
policy,  355  ;  and  Palmerston,  358  ;  and 
Louis  Napoleon,  362  ;  on  Wellington, 
371 ;  against  war  with  Russia,  376  ;  and 
Lord  Stratford  de  Redcliffe,  377  ;  and 
Crimean  War,  393-4  ;  on  Emperor  and 
Empress  of  France,  398  ;  visit  to  Paris, 
402  ;  on  the  capture  of  Sebastopol,  408  ; 
and  Duleep  Sing,  429  ;  proclamation  on 
Indian  Government,  467  ;  determines 
the  British  policy  on  the  Danish  crisis, 
ii.  72  ;  promises  a  new  Reform  Bill,  129  ; 
and  Sir  Charles  Dilke,  261  ;  and  Glad- 
stone and  Balmoral,  261  ;  dislike  of 
the  Prime  Minister,  261  ;  receives  a 
personal  appeal  from  Abdul  Hamiz, 
293 ;  her  trust  in  Beaconsfield,  312  ; 
proclamation  as  Queen-Empress,  312  ; 
sends  for  Hartington  and  Gladstone  to 
form  a  Ministry,  321  ;  her  reproof  to  the 
latter,  321  ;  indignation  at  the  fall  of 
Khartum,  364 ;  remonstrates  with 
Gladstone,  366  ;  and  the  Reform  Bill  of 
1884,  369  ;  and  the  Penjdeh  incident, 

372  ;  and  the  Ministerial  crisis  of  1885, 

373  ;    her   Jubilee,    380,   415  ;   adjusts 
differences  between  Italy  and  Abyssinia, 
420  ;  the  Diamond  Jubilee  celebrations, 
488  ;  her  personal  activity  in  governing, 
490  ;  and  the  Boer  War,  491 ;  her  visit 
to  Ireland  in  1900,  492  ;  death  of,  492  ; 
scenes  at  the  funeral  of,  493  ;  an  assess- 
ment of  her  influence,  493 

Vienna,  Conference  of  German  States  at, 
i.  39  ;  riots  in,  321 

Vienna,  in  terror  of  a  Prussian  invasion, 
ii.  114  ;  Prince  Frederick  Charles  ad- 
vances upon,  115 

Vienna,  Conference  of,  on  Crimean  settle- 
ment, i.  396-7 

Vienna,  Congress  of,  question  of  German 
unity  at,  i.  32  ;  disappointment  of 
German  Liberals  with  results  of,  34 ; 
and  Greece,  75 

Vienna  Note,  i.  377 

Vienna,  Peace  of,  i.  3,  U.  119 

Vienna,  Treaty  of,  Genoa  joined  to  Piedmont 
by,  i.  53  ;  House  of  Carignan  safe- 
guarded by,  54  ;  Duchy  of  Lucca  and, 
55  ;  Austria  appointed  guardian  of 
peace  in  Italy  by,  64 

Vieusseux,  Giampietro,  i.  56,  123 

Villaflor  and  Dom  Miguel,  i.  194 

Villafranca,  ii.  21,  24,  103 

Villafranca,  Peace  of,  i.  24 

Villafranca,  .Prince  of,  i.  62 

Villele,  i.  15-6,  18-9,  31,  90-2,  97,  101-2,  105, 
109,  120-1,  139,  187,  197-200 

Villemain  and  Louis  Philippe,  i.  207 

Viller,  Jules,  ii.  247 

Villersexel,  battle  of,  ii.  237 

Villiers,  Mr.,  i.  350,  371 

Vincent,  Austrian  Ambassador  in  Paris,  i.  92 


545 


INDEX 


Vionville,  battle  of,  il.  194-5 

Vitrolles  and  Charles  X.,  I.  214,  217-8 

Vitzthum,  il.  203-4 

Vladivostok,  II.  475,  486 

Volkonski,  Prince,  i.  144 

Voluntary  schools  and  free  education,  il.  388 

Von  der  Tann,  li.  211,  226,  228,  230 

Von  Ketteler,  Baron,  ii.  44.*: 

Von  Roon,  Albert,  ii.  63 

Vorparlament  at  Frankfort,  I.   323-4 

W 

WADDINGTONT,  M.,  ii.  300,  357 

Wade,  Sir  Thomas,  ii.  394 

Wady  Haifa,  Ii.  363,  424,  427 

Wakefield,  Edward  Gibbon,  ii.  410 

Wales,  Prince  of  (Edward),  marriage  to 
Princess  Alexandra,  ii.  126 ;  public 
thanksgiving  for  his  recovery,  261  (see 
Edward  VII.,  King) 

Walewski,  I.  399,  416-8 

Wallachia,  Russians  enter  in  1828,  i.  167 

Walpole,  William,  i.  195 

War  of  Liberation,  I.  35,  39 

Warren,  Sir  Charles,  II.  461 

Wasa,  Prince  of,  i.  137 

Wauchope,  General,  Ii.  428,  460 

"  Waverers,"  the,  i.  248 

Webb,  Sidney,  ii.  260 

Webster,  Sir  Richard,  ii.  383 

Wei-hai-wei,  ii.  405,  442 

Weissenberg,  battle  of,  II.  185-6 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  his  influence  in  France 
after  Waterloo,  I.  13 ;  warns  Louis 
XVIII.  against  the  Comte  d'Artois,  16  ; 
opposes  Richelieu  on  question  of  with- 
drawal of  foreign  troops,  18  ;  mediates 
on  Saint-Cyr's  scheme  of  army  reform, 
21  ;  mediates  on  Prince  of  Anhalt- 
Bernburg's  claims,  22  ;  at  Congress  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  24 ;  disturbed  by 
creation  of  new  French  Peers,  27  ;  por- 
tents of  Peterloo,  40  ;  and  lost  cause  of 
Spain,  41  ;  opposes  Liberal  Party  in 
Spain,  42  ;  efforts  to  protect  Spanish 
Liberals,  43  ;  Beresford's  letters  from 
Portugal,  50  ;  against  intervention  in 
Spain,  64  ;  appointed  British  represen- 
tative at  Verona,  98  ;  and  the  Tsar,  99  ; 
at  Verona,  99  ;  declares  Britain's  policy 
at  Verona,  100  ;  refuses  to  sign  the  pro- 
tocol, 101  ;  opens  question  of  Spanish 
Colonies  at  Verona  Conference,  103 ; 
offers  to  mediate  between  France  and 
Spain,  105  ;  recommends  Beresford  as 
head  of  Portuguese  army,  115  ;  pro- 
poses to  protect  King  of  Portugal  with 
Hanoverians,  117  ;  goes  to  St.  Peters- 
burg, 148-9  ;  leaves  the  Cabinet,  152  ; 
as  Prime  Minister,  163  ;  reply  to  Metter- 
nich's  note,  164  ;  cautious  action  over 
Russo-Turkish  war,  166 ;  secessions 
from  Cabinet  of,  166  ;  loses  popularity, 
1 68  ;  opposed  to  suggestions  of  Metter- 
nich,  169  ;  and  General  Muffling,  172  ; 
on  Turkey's  position,  176  ;  recalls  Cod- 
rington,  179  ;  disapproves  of  Stratford 
Canning's  action,  182  ;  and  Greek  inde- 
pendence, 182  ;  and  Prince  Leopold's 
candidature  for  Greek  crown,  183  ;  and 
Portuguese  Constitution,  187  ;  disagrees 
with  Canning,  189  ;  on  withdrawal  of 


Wellington  (continued) 

British  troops  from  Portugal,  193  ; 
attempts  to  mediate  between  Dom 
Pedro  and  Portugal,  194 ;  refuses  to 
help  Brazilian  expedition  to  Terceira, 
195  ;  attacked  in  Parliament,  195  ;  and 
French  Algerian  expedition,  209 ;  de- 
clines to  serve  under  Canning,  239  ; 
becomes  Prime  Minister,  240  ;  opposes 
reform,  242  ;  resigns,  243  ;  and  first 
Reform  Bill,  245  ;  opposes  second 
Reform  Bill,  247  ;  and  third  Reform 
Bill,  248  ;  and  death  of  Huskisson,  249  ; 
again  becomes  Prime  Minister,  255  ; 
advises  Lords  to  submit  on  Municipal 
Reform,  257  ;  and  Chartists'  great  peti- 
tion, 352  ;  denounces  national  defences, 
35  3;  death,  371 

Welsh  Disestablishment,  ii.  388,  391 
Werder,  Von,  ii.  222-3,  226,  236-7 
West  Indies,  abolition  of  slavery  in,  i.  252 
Western  Australia,  its  foundation,  ii.  408-9  ; 
industries,4io;  self-government  granted, 
410  ;    discovery  of  gold  in,  411  ;    and 
the  Federal  Council  of  1885,  415  ;  and 
Federation,  417 
Westminster,  Duke  of,  ii.  279 
Westminster  Hall,  attempted  dynamite  out- 
rage at,  ii.  366 
Weyer,  Van  de,  i.  230-1,  233 
Wharncliffe,  Lord,  i.  248 
Wheeler,  Sir  Hugh,  i.  436 
White,  Sir  George,  II.  457,  460 
White  Nile,  the,  ii.  432 
White  Terror,  the,  i.  13,  19,  45,  109,  119-20 
Wilberforce,  W.,  and  slavery,  i.  251-2 
Wilhelmshohe,  II.  215 

William  I.  of  Netherlands,  i.  224,  227,  229-31 
William  I.,  Emperor  (of  Germany)  hears  of 
Tsar's  arrangements  for  the  succession, 
I.  144  ;  visit  to  St.  Petersburg  when 
Crown  Prince,  165  ;  forbidden  by  King 
to  take  part  in  Russo-Turkish  war,  1828, 
167  ;  marriage  with  Princess  Augusta, 
171-2  ;  sent  to  England,  323  ;  seeks  to 
prevent  war  with  Austria,  II.  79  ;  favours 
war  with  Austria,  84,  89  ;  determines  to 
resist  rash  counsels,  92  ;  gives  the  word 
for  war,  97  ;  takes  command  of  the 
army,  108  ;  astounded  at  Napoleon's 
duplicity,  112  ;  in  sight  of  Vienna,  115  ; 
refuses  "  guarantees  for  the  future " 
demanded  by  Gramont,  176-7  ;  holds  in- 
formal council  at  Brandenburg  Station, 
179  ;  in  command  of  central  Prussian 
army,  183  ;  his  anxiety,  184  ;  enters 
Mainz,  185  ;  commands  during  fight 
round  Metz,  199  ;  at  Pont-a-Mousson, 
200  ;  arrives  at  Buzancy,  209  ;  at  the 
battle  of  Sedan,  212  ;  his  answer  to  the 
Emperor's  letter,  214  ;  at  Rethel,  220  ; 
at  Reims,  220  ;  crowned  Emperor  at 
Versailles,  232  ;  his  coronation  at  Ver- 
sailles, 235  ;  abstains  from  accompany- 
ing the  troops  in  their  march  through 
Paris,  241  ;  and  the  San  Juan  dispute, 
262 

William  IV.,  I.  243,  246,  248,  255,  258 
William,  Prince,  of  Baden,  ii.  227 
William,  Prince,  of   Prussia,  il.  61,  63  (see 

William  I.) 

Wilson,  Sir  Charles,  ii.  363 
Wimpffen,  General,  ii.  18,  209,  212-5 


546 


INDEX 


Windischgratz,  Prince,  i.  321,  337,  339 

Window  tax,  i.  361 

Wingate,  General,  ii.  424,  431 

Witthoft,  Admiral,  ii.  479 

Wolff,  Sir  Henry  Drummond,  ii.  373,  421 

Wolseley,  Sir  Garnet,  ii.  334-5,  355-6,  360, 

362 

Wood,  Alderman,  i.  236 
Wood,  Sir  Charles,  i.  350 
Wood,  Sir  Evelyn,  ii.  326,  422 
Wooler,  printer  of  The  Black  Dwarf,  i.  5 
Workmen's  Parliament  in  Paris,  i.  314 
Worth,  battle  of,  ii.  187,  203 
Wurtemberg,  i.  33-4;  ii.  117,  234 
Wiirtemberg,  King  of,  i.  135 
Wiirzburg,  armistice  signed  at,  ii.  117 


YAKUB  KHAN,  ii.  341-4,  395 

Yalu  River,  ii.  405 

Yedo,  ii.  399 

Yokohama,  ii.  398 

York,    Duke    of,    opposition    to    Catholic 

Emancipation,  and  death  of,  i.  239 
Young,  General,  ii.  437 
4i  Young  Italy  "  Society,  i.  300-1 
Ypsilanti,  Demetrius,  i.  82-4,  86, 126-7,  180-1 
Ypsilanti,  George,  i.  76 


Ypsilanti,  Nicholas,  i.  76 

Ypsilanti,  Prince  Alexander,  i.  75-7,  80 

Z 

ZAGAZIG,  ii.  356 

Zaimis,  Andrew,  i.  179 

Zaimis,  Primate  of  Kalavryta,  i.  78,  127 

Zanzibar,  ii.  386 

Zastrow,  ii.  189,  193,  226,  237 

Zasulich,  ii.  475 

Zea  Bermudez,  I.  119 

"  Zelanti,"  the,  i.  56 

Zichy,  Count,  murder  of,  i.  336 

Zobeir  Pasha,  ii.  361-2 

Zululand,  ii.  322,  450 

Zulu  War — Cetewayo  receives  ultimatum 
from  Sir  Bartle  Frere,  ii.  316 ;  cause  of 
the  war,  324 ;  British  forces  engaged  in, 
325-6 ;  the  Zulu  army,  326 ;  Lord 
Chelmsford  encamps  at  Isandhlwana, 
326-7  ;  camp  overwhelmed  by  Zulus, 
327  ;  scene  at  the  Buffalo  River,  327-8 ; 
gallant  defence  of  Rorke's  Drift, 
329-30  ;  relief  of  Ekowe,  330-1  ;  death 
of  .the  Prince  Imperial,  333-4;  battle 
of  Ulundi,  335 

Zumalacarregui,  i.  292 

Zurich,  Philhellenic  movement  at,  i.  135 

Zurlo,  i.  6 1 


547 


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