\\m
FIRST COURT-HOUSE OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY.
(From plans and specifications on file in the archives of the county.)
HISTORY
OP
MONTGOMERY COUNTY,
TOGETHER WITH
HISTORIC NOTES ON THE WABASH YALLEY,
GLEANED FROM EARLY AUTHORS, OLD MAPS AND MANUSCRIPTS,
PRIVATE AND OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE, AND OTHER
AUTHENTIC, THOUGH, FOR THE MOST PART,
OUT-OF-THE-WAY SOURCES.
By H. W. BECKWITH,
h
Op the Danville Bar; Corresponding Member op the Historical Societies op
Wisconsin and Chicago.
WITH MAP AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHICAGO:
H. H. HILL AND N. IDDINGS, PUBLISHERS.
1881.
COPTKIGHT, 1881,
By H. W. BECKWITH AND SON.
XIIIGHT S. LEO HARD ."I
PREFACE.
In presenting this History to the public the editors and publishers
have had in view the preservation of certain valuable historical
facts and information which without concentrated effort would not
have been obtained, but with the passing away of the old pioneers,
the failure of memory, and the loss of public records and private
diaries, would soon have been lost. This locality being compara-
tively new, we flatter ourselves that, with the zeal and industry
displayed by our general and local historians, we have succeeded
in rescuing from the fading years almost every scrap of history
worthy of preservation. Doubtless the work is, in some respects,
imperfect; — we do not present it as a model literary effort, but, in
that which goes to make up a valuable book of reference for the
present reader and the future historian, we assure our patrons that
neither money nor time has been spared in the accomplishment of
the work. Perhaps some errors will be found. With treacherous
memories, personal, political and sectarian prejudices and prefer-
ences to contend against, it would be almost a miracle if no mistakes
were made. We hope that even these defects which may be found
^ to exist may be made available in so far as they may provoke dis-
cussion and call attention to corrections and additions necessary to
perfect history.
The "History of the Wabash Valley" — necessarily the founda-
tion for the history of this part of the country, by H. W. Beckwith,
of Danville — has already received the hearty endorsement of the
press, of the historical societies of the northwestern states, and of
the most accurate historians in the country. Mr. Beckwith has in
his possession perhaps the most extensive private library of rare
historical works bearing on the territory under consideration in the
world, and from them he has drawn as occasion demanded.
b PREFACE.
The general county history, written by P. S. Kennedy, will
be found by our readers to be in a bold, fearless style, dealing in
facts as so many causes, and pursuing effects to the end without
turning to the right or left to accommodate the opinions or prefer-
ences of friend, party or sect.
The war record, which is as complete as can possibly be obtained,
it is believed will give eminent satisfaction to the many brave boys
who still survive and who took their lives in their hands and went
forth to battle for the Union, and who have liberally patronized us
in this work.
The township histories, by Messrs. Cowan, Cochran, Raymond,
Hyde and Turner, will be found full of valuable recollections, which,
but for their patient research, must soon have been lost forever,
but which are now happily preserved for all ages to come. These
gentlemen have placed upon the county and the adjacent country
a mark which will not be obliterated, but which will grow brighter
and broader as the years go by.
The biographical department contains the names and private
sketches of nearly every person of importance in each township.
A few persons, whose sketches we should be pleased to have pre-
sented, for various reasons refused or delayed furnishing us with
the desired information, and in this matter only we feel that our
work is incomplete. However, in most of such cases we have
obtained, in regard to the most important persons, some items,
and have woven them into the county or township sketches, so
that, as we believe, we cannot be accused of either partiality or
prejudice.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART I.
CHAPTER I.
Topography — The drainage of the Lakes and the Mississippi, and the Indian and
French names by which they were severally called 11
CHAPTER II.
Drainage of the Illinois and Wabash — Their tributary streams — The portages
connecting the drainage to the Atlantic with that of the Gulf 17
CHAPTER III.
The ancient Maumee Valley — Geological features — The portage of the Wabash
and the Kankakee 21
CHAPTER IV.
The rainfall — Cultivation of the soil tends to equalize rainfall, and prevent the
recurrence of drouths and floods 26
CHAPTER V.
Origin of the prairies — Their former extent — Gradual encroachment of the
forest — Prairie fires — Aboriginal names of the prairies, and the Indians
who lived exclusively upon them 29
CHAPTER VI.
Early French discoveries — Jaques Cartier ascends the St. Lawrence in 1535 —
Samuel Cham plain founds Quebec in 1608 — In 1642 Montreal is established —
Influence of Quebec and Montreal upon the Northwest continues until subse-
quent to the war of 1812 — Spanish discoveries of the lower Mississippi in 1525, 37
CHAPTER VII.
Joliet and Marquette's Voyage — Father Marquette's Journal, descriptive of the
journey and the country through which they traveled — Biographical sketches
of Marquette and Joliet 43
CHAPTER VIII.
La Salle's Voyage — Biographical sketch of La Salle — Sketch of Father Hennepin
and the merit of his writings 54
CHAPTER IX.
La Salle's Voyage continued — He erects Fort Miamis 63
CHAPTER X.
The several rivers called the Miamis — La Salle's route down the Illinois — The
Kankakee Marshes — The French and Indian names of the Kankakee and
Des Plaines — The Illinois — "Fort Crevecoeur " — The whole valley of the
great river taken possession of in the name of the King of France 72
8 TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XI.
Death of La Salle, in attempting to establish a colony near the mouth of the
Mississippi — Chicago Creek— The origin of the name — La Salle assassinated
and his colony destroyed — Second attempt of France, under Mons. Iberville,
in 1699, to establish settlements on the Gulf — The Western Company —
Law's scheme of inflation and its consequences 87
CHAPTER XII.
Surrender of Louisiana to the French Crown in 1731 — Early routes by way of the
Kankakee, Chicago Creek, the Ohio, the Maumee and Wabash described —
The Maumee and Wabash, and the number and origin of their several names
— Indian villages 9&
CHAPTER XIII.
Aboriginal inhabitants — The several Illinois tribes — Of the name Illinois, and its
origin — The Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Tamaroas, Peorias and Metchigamis, sub-
divisions of the Illinois Confederacy — The tradition concerning the Iroquois
River — Their decline and removal westward of the Missouri 105
CHAPTER XIV.
TheMiamis — The Miami, Piankeshaw and Wea bands — Their superiority and
their military disposition — Their trade and difficulties with the French and
the English — They are upon the Maumee and Wabash — Their Villages —
They defeat the Iroquois — They trade with the English, and incur the anger
of the French — Their bravery — Their decline — Destructive effects of intem-
perance — Cession of their lands in Illinois, Indiana and Ohio — Their re-
moval westward and present condition 119
CHAPTER XV.
The Pottawatomies — Originally from the north and east of Lake Huron — Their
migrations by way of Mackinaw to the country west of Lake Michigan, and
thence south and eastward — Their games — Origin of the name Pottawato-
mie— Occupy a portion of the country of the Miamis along the Wabash —
Their villages — At peace with the United States after the war of 1812 — Cede
their lands — Their exodus from the Wabash, the Kankakee and Wabash . . . 137
CHAPTER XVI.
The Kickapoos and Mascoutins reside about Saginaw Bay in 1612 ; on Fox River,
Wisconsin, in 1670 — Their reception of the Catholic fathers— On the Maumee
in 1712 — In southern Wisconsin and northern Illinois — Migrate to the
Wabash — Dwellers of the prairie — Their destruction at the siege of De-
troit — Nearly destroy the Illinois and Piankeshaws, and occupy their country
— Join Tecumseh in a body — They, with the Winnebagoes, attack Fort
Harrison — Their country between the Illinois and Wabash — Their resem-
blance to the Sac and Fox Indians 153
CHAPTER XVII.
The Shawnees and Delawares — Originally east of the Alleghany Mountains —
Are subdued and driven out by the Iroquois — They war on the American
settlements — Their villages on the Big and Little Miamis, the St. Mary's,
the Au Glaize, Maumee and Wabash — The Delawares — Made women of by
the Iroquois — Their country on White River, Indiana, and eastward defined
— They, with the Shawnees, sent west of the Mississippi 170
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Indians — Their implements, utensils, fortifications, mounds, manners and
customs 180
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 9
CHAPTER XIX.
Stone implements used by the Indians before they came in contact with the Euro-
peans — Illustrations of various kinds of stone implements, and suggestions
as to their probable uses 195
CHAPTER XX.
The war for the fur trade — Former abundance of wild animals and water-fowl in
the Northwest — The buffalo; their range, their numbers, and final disap-
pearance — Value of the fur trade ; its importance to Canada 208
CHAPTER XXI.
The war for the empire — English claims to the Northwest — Deeds from the Iro-
quois to a large part of the country 224
CHAPTER XXII.
Pontiac's war to recover the country from the English — Pontiac's confederacy
falls to pieces — The country turned over to the English — Pontiac's death. . . 234
CHAPTER XXIII.
Gen. Clark's conquest of the " Illinois " — The Revolutionary war — Sketch of
Gen. Clark — His manuscript memoir of his march to the Illinois — He cap-
tures Kaskaskia — The surrender of Vincennes — Capt. Helm surprises a
convoy of English boats at the mouth of the Vermilion River — Organization
of the northwest territory into Illinois county of Virginia 245
HISTORY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY.
Topography and geology 1
Early history 9
A noted criminal trial 28
Montgomery County in the war of the rebellion 31
Roll of officers in the civil war .... 33
Soldiers of the war for the Union 44
The honored dead 102
Railroads of Montgomery County Ill
County officers 114
Union Township .... 116
Crawfordsville 116
Organization of city 132
Additions 137
Benevolent Orders 142
Fire Department 147
Trades and professions 149
Wabash College 153
Biographical 159
Brown Township . .'. 319
Lake Harney 322
Public improvements 324
Early history 325
Organization 327
Towns and villages 329
Secret Orders 333
Churches 336
Brown's Valley 345
New market ... 346
Biographical 349
Walnut Township 362
Towns 368
Schools and churches 370
Lodges 371
Biographical 374
10 TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Scott. Township 406
Biographical 414
Madison Township 431
Lodges 433
Churches 434
Biographical 435
Clark Township 443
Biographical 452
Coal ( !reek Township 476
Schools 484
Churches 485
Meharry Grove 488
Biographical 488
Franklin Township 521
< Irganization 525
Early history 526
First land sales 527
Early improvements 528
Biographical 540
Sugar Creek Township 562
Biographical 570
Riplev Township 583
Biographical 587
Wayne Township 590
Biographical 592
THE WABASH VALLEY.
CHAPTER I.
TOPOGRAPHY.
The reader will have a better understanding of the manner in
which the territory, herein treated of, was discovered and subse-
quently occupied, if reference is made, in the outset, to some of its
more important topographical features.
Indeed, it would be an unsatisfactory task to try to follow the routes
of early travel, or to undertake to pursue the devious wanderings of
the aboriginal tribes, or trace the advance of civilized society into a
country, without some preliminary knowledge of its topography.
Looking upon a map of North America, it is observed that west-
ward of the Alleghany Mountains the waters are divided into two
great masses ; the one, composed of waters flowing into the great
northern lakes, is, by the river St. Lawrence, carried into the Atlantic
Ocean ; the other, collected by a multitude of streams spread out like
a vast net over the surface of more than twenty states and several ter-
ritories, is gathered at last into the Mississippi River, and thence dis-
charged into the Gulf of Mexico.
As it was by the St. Lawrence River, and the great lakes connected
with it, that the Northwest Territory was discovered, and for many
years its trade mainly carried on, a more minute notice of this remark-
able water communication will not be out of place. Jacques Cartier,
a French navigator, having sailed from St. Malo, entered, on the 10th
of August, 1535, the Gulf, which he had explored the year before, and
named it the St. Lawrence, in memory of the holy martyr whose feast
is celebrated on that day. This name was subsequently extended to
the river. Previous to this it was called the River of Canada, the
name given by the Indians to the whole country.* The drainage of
the St. Lawrence and the lakes extends through 14 degrees of longi-
tude, and covers a distance of over two thousand miles. Ascending
* Father Charlevoix' "History and General Description of New France;" Dr.
John G. Shea's translation ; vol. 1, pp. 37, 115.
n
12 HISTORIC NOTES OF THE NORTHWEST.
this river, we behold it flanked with bold crags and sloping hillsides ;
its current beset with rapids and studded with a thousand islands;
combining scenery of marvelous beauty and grandeur. Seven hundred
and fifty miles above its mouth, the channel deepens and the shores
recede into an expanse of water known as Lake Ontario.*
Passing westward on Lake Ontario one hundred and eighty miles
a second river is reached. A few miles above its entry into the lake,
the river is thrown over a ledge of rock into a yawning chasm, one
hundred and fifty feet below; and, amid the deafening noise and clouds
of vapor escaping from the agitated waters is seen the great Falls of
Niagara. At Buffalo, twenty-two miles above the falls, the shores of
Niagara River recede and a second great inland sea is formed, having
an average breadth of 40 miles and a length of 240 miles. This is
Lake Erie. The name has been variously spelt, — Earie, Ilerie, Erige
and Erike. It has also born the name of Conti.f Father Hennepin
says : " The Tlurons call it Lake Erige, or Erike, that is to say, the Lake
of the Cat, and the inhabitants of Canada have softened the word to
Erie ;" vide "A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America," p. 77;
London edition, 1698.
Hennepin's derivation is substantially followed by the more accurate
and accomplished historian, Father Charlevoix, who at a later period,
in 1721, in writing of this lake uses the following words: "The name
it bears is that of an Indian nation of the Huron language, which was
formerly settled on its banks and who have been entirely destroyed by
the Iroquois. Erie in that language signifies cat, and in some accounts
this nation is called the cat nation." He adds : " Some modern maps
have given Lake Erie the name of Conti, but with no better success
than the names of Conde, Tracy and Orleans which have been given
to Lakes Huron, Superior and Michigan.";}:
At the upper end of Lake Erie, to the southward, is Maumee Bay,
of which more hereafter ; to the northward the shores of the lake again
* Ontario has been favored with several names by early authors and map makers.
Champhtin's map, 1632, lays it down as Lac St. Louis. The map prefixed to Colden's
"History of the Five Nations" designates it as Cata-ra-qui, or Ontario Lake. The
word is Huron- Iroquois, and is derived, in their language, from Ontra, a lake, and io,
beautiful, the compound word meaning a beautiful lake ; vide Letter of DuBois
D'Avaugour, August 16, 1663, to the Minister: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 16. Baron
LaHontan, in his work and on the accompanying map, calls it Lake Frontenac; vide
"New Voyages to North America," vol. 1, p. 219. And Frontenac, the name by which
this lake was most generally designated by the early French writers, was given to it in
honor of the great i'ount Frontenac. < lovernor-General of Canada.
t Narrative of Father Zenohia Membre, who accompanied Sjeur La Salle in the
voyage westward on this lake in 1679 ; vide " Discovery and Exploration of the
Mississippi," by Dr. John G. Shea, p. 90. Barou La Hontan's "Voyages to North
America," vol. 1, p. 217, also map prefixed ; London edition, 1703. Cadwalder Col-
den's map, referred to in a previous note, designates it as "Lake Erie, or Okswego."
X Journal of a Voyage to North America, vol. 2, p. 2 ; London Edition, 1761.
THE LAKES. 13
approach each other and form a channel known as the River Detroit, a
French word signifying a strait or narrow passage. Northward some
twenty miles, and above the city of Detroit, the river widens into a
small body of water called Lake St. Clair. The name as now written
is incorrect : " we should either retain the French form, Claire, or take
the English Clare. It received its name in honor of the founder of the
Franciscan nuns, from the fact that La Salle reached it on the day con-
secrated to her."* Northward some twelve miles across this lake the
land again encroaches upon and contracts the waters within another
narrow bound known as the Strait of St. Clair. Passing up this strait,
northward about forty miles, Lake Huron is reached. It is 250 miles
long and 190 miles wide, including Georgian Bay on the east, and its
whole area is computed to be about 21,000 square miles. Its magnitude
fully justified its early name, La Mer-douce, the Fresh Sea, on account
of its extreme vastness.f The more popular name of Huron, which
has survived all others, was given to it from the great Huron nation of
Indians who formerly inhabited the country lying to the eastward of
it. Indeed, many of the early French writers call it Lac des Hurons,
that is, Lake of the Hurons. It is so laid down on the maps of Hen-
nepin, La Hontan, Charlevoix and Colden in the volumes before quoted.
Going northward, leaving the Straits of Mackinaw, through which
Lake Michigan discharges itself from the west, and the chain of
Manitoulin Islands to the eastward, yet another river, the connecting
link between Lake Huron and Superior, is reached. Its current is
ewift, and a mile below Lake Superior are the Falls, where the water
leaps and tumbles down a channel obstructed by boulders and shoals,
where, from time immemorial, the Indians of various tribes have
resorted on account of the abundance of fish and the ease with which
they are taken. Previous to the year 1670 the river was called the
Sault, that is, the rapids, or falls. In this year Fathers Marquette and
Dablon founded here the mission of " St. Marie du Sault" (St. Mary
of the Falls), from which the modern name of the river, St. Mary's, is
derived.;}: Recentl}'' the United States have perfected the ship canal
cut in solid rock, around the falls, through which the largest vessels
can now pass, from the one lake to the other.
Lake Superior, in its greatest length, is 360 miles, with a maximum
breadth of 140, the largest of the five great American lakes, and the
most extensive body of fresh water on the globe. Its form has been
*Note by Dr. Shea, " Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi," p. 143.
tChamplain's map, 1632. Also "Memoir on the Colony of Quebec, " August 4,
1663 : Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 16.
1 Charlevoix' "History of New France," vol. 2, p. 113; also note.
14: HISTORIC NOTES ON THK NORTHWEST.
poetically and not inaccurately described by a Jesuit Father, whose
account of it is preserved in the Relations for the years 1669 and 1670 :
" This lake has almost the form of a bended bow, and in length is more
than 180 leagues. The southern shore is as it were the cord, the arrow
being a long strip of land [Keweenaw Point] issuing from the south-
ern coast and running more than 80 leagues to the middle of the
lake." A glance on the map will show the aptness of the comparison.
The name Superior was given to it by the Jesuit Fathers, "in conse-
quence of its being above that of Lake Huron.* It was also called
Lake Tracy, after Marquis De Tracy, who was governor-general of
Canada from 1663 to 1665. Father Claude Allouez, in his " Journal
of Travels to the Country of the Ottawas," preserved in the Relations
for the years 1666, 1667, says : " After passing through the St.
Mary's River we entered the upper lake, which will hereafter bear
the name of Monsieur Tracy, an acknowledgment of the obligation
under which the people of this country are to him." The good father,
however, was mistaken ; the name Tracy only appears on a few ancient
maps, or is perpetuated in rare volumes that record the almost for-
gotten labors of the zealous Catholic missionaries; while the earlier
name of Lake "Superior" is familiar to every school-boy who has
thumbed an atlas.
At the western extremity of Lake Superior enter the Rivers Bois-
Brule and St. Louis, the upper tributaries of which have their sources
on the northeasterly slope of a water-shed, and approximate very near
the head-waters of the St. Croix, Prairie and Savannah Rivers, which,
issuing from the opposite side of this same ridge, flow into the upper
Mississippi.
The upper portions of Lakes Huron, Michigan, Green Bay, with
their indentations, and the entire coast line, with the islands eastward
and westward of the Straits of Mackinaw, are all laid down with quite
a degree of accuracy on a map attached to the Relations of the Jesuits
for the years 1670 and 1671, a copy of which is contained in Bancroft's
History of the United States, f showing that the reverend fathers were
industrious in mastering and preserving the geographical features of
the wilderness they traversed in their holy calling.
Lake Michigan is the only one of the five great lakes that lays
wholly within the United States, — the other four, with their connect-
ing rivers and straits, mark the boundary between the Dominion of
Canada and the United States. Its length is 320 miles ; its average
breadth 70, with a mean depth of over 1,000 feet. Its area is some
* Relations of 1660 and 1669. f Vol. 3, p. 152; fourth edition.
LAKE MICHIGAN. 15
22,000 square miles, being considerably more than that of Lake Huron
and less than that of Lake Superior.
Michigan was the last of the lakes in order of discovery. The
Huron s, christianized and dwelling eastward of Lake Huron, had been
driven from their towns and cultivated fields by the Iroquois, and scat-
tered about Mackinaw and the desolate coast of Lake Superi^** Kc vyond,
whither they were followed by their faithful pastors, the Jesuits, who
erected new altars and gathered the remnants of their stricken follow-
ers about them ; all this occurred before the fathers had acquired any
definite knowledge of Lake Michigan. In their mission work for the
year 1666, it is referred to " as the Lake Illinouek, a great lake adjoin-
ing, or between, the lake of the Hurons and that of Green Bay, that
had not [as then] come to their knowledge." In the Relation for the
same year, it is referred to as "Lake Illeaouers," and " Lake Illinioues,
as yet unexplored, though much smaller than Lake Huron, and that the
Outagamies [the Fox Indians] call it Machi-hi-gan-ing." Father Hen-
nepin says: " The lake is called by the Indians, 'Illinouek,' and by the
French, ' Illinois,' " and that the " Lake Illinois, in the native lan-
guage, signifies the ' Lake of Men.' ' He also adds in the same para-
graph, that it is called by the Miamis, " Mischigonong, that is, the <
great lake." * Father Marest, in a letter dated at Ivaskaskia, Illinois,
November 9, 1712, so often referred to on account of the valuable his-
torical matter it contains, contracts the aboriginal name to Michigan,
and is, perhaps, the first author who ever spelt it in the way that has
become universal. He naively saj^s, " that on the maps this lake has
the name, without any authority, of the ' Lake of the Illinois] since
the Illinois do not dwell in its neighborhood." f
* Hennepin's " New Discovery of a Vast Country in America," vol. 1, p. 35. The
name is derived from the two Algonquin words, Michi (mishi or missi), which signifies
great, as it does, also, several or many, and Sagayigan, a lake; vide Henry's Travels,
p. 37, and Alexander Mackenzie's Vocabulary of Algonquin Words.
t Kip's Early Jesuit Missions, p. 222.
CHAPTER II.
DRAINAGE OF THE ILLINOIS AND WABASH.
The reader's attention will now be directed to the drainage of the
Illinois and Wabash Rivers to the Mississippi, and that of the Maumee
River into Lake Erie. The Illinois River proper is formed in Grundy
county, Illinois, below the city of Joliet, by the union of the Kanka-
kee and Desplaines Rivers. The latter rises in southeastern Wisconsin ;
and its course is almost south, through the counties of Cook and Will.
The Kankakee has its source in the vicinity of South Bend, Indiana.
It pursues a devious way, through marshes and low grounds, a south-
westerly course, forming the boundary-line between the counties of
Laporte, Porter and Lake on the north, and Stark, Jasper and Newton
on the south ; thence across the dividing line of the two states of Indi-
ana and Illinois, and some fifteen miles into the county of Kankakee,
at the confluence of the Iroquois River, where its direction is changed
northwest to its junction with the Desplaines. The Illinois passes
westerly into the county of Putnam, where it again turns and pursues
a generally southwest course to its confluence with the Mississippi,
twenty miles above the mouth of the Missouri. It is about five hun-
dred miles long ; is deep and broad, and in several places expands into
basins, which may be denominated lakes. Steamers ascend the river, in
high water, to La Salle ; from whence to Chicago navigation is contin-
ued by means of the Illinois and Michigan Canal. The principal trib-
utaries of the Illinois, from the north and right bank, are the Au Sable,
Fox River, Little Vermillion, Bureau Creek, Kickapoo Creek (which
empties in just below Peoria), Spoon River, Sugar Creek, and finally
Crooked Creek. From the south or left bank are successively the Iro-
quois (into the Kankakee), Mazon Creek, Vermillion, Crow Meadow,
Mackinaw, Sangamon, and Macoupin.
The Wabash issues out of a small lake, in Mercer county, Ohio, and
runs a westerly course through the counties of Adams, Wells and
Huntington in the state of Indiana. It receives Little River, just
below the city of Huntington, and continues a westwardly course
through the counties of Wabash, Miami and Cass. Here it turns
more to the south, flowing through the counties of Carroll and Tippe-
canoe, and marking the boundary -line between the counties of Warren
16
THE MAUMEE AND PORTAGES. 17
and Vermillion on the west, and Fountain and Park on the east. At
Covington, the county seat of Fountain county, the river runs more
directly south, between the counties of Vermillion on the one side,
and Fountain and Parke on the other, and through the county of Vigo,
some miles below Terre Haute, from which place it forms the boundary-
line between the states of Indiana and Illinois to its confluence with
the Ohio.
Its principal tributaries from the north and west, or right bank of
the stream, are Little Kiver, Eel River, Tippecanoe, Pine Creek, Red
Wood, Big Vermillion, Little Vermillion, Bruletis, Sugar Creek, Em-
barras, and Little "Wabash. The streams flowing in from the south and
east, or left bank of the river, are the Salamonie, Mississinewa, Pipe
Creek, Deer Creek, Wildcat, Wea and Shawnee Creeks, Coal Creek,
Sugar Creek, Raccoon Creek, Otter Creek, Busseron Creek, and White
River.
There are several other, and smaller, streams not necessary here to
notice, although they are laid down on earlier maps, and mentioned in
old " Gazetteers" and "Emigrant's Guides."
The Maumee is formed by the St. Joseph and St. Mary's Rivers,
which unite their waters at Ft. Wayne, Indiana. The St. Joseph has
its source in Hillsdale county, Michigan, and runs southwesterly
through the northwest corner of Ohio, through the county of De Kalb,
and into the county of Allen, Indiana. The St. Mary's rises in
Au Glaize county, Ohio, very near the little lake at the head of the
Wabash, before referred to, and runs northwestwardly parallel with the
Wabash, through the counties of Mercer, Ohio, and Adams, Indiana,
and into Allen county to the place of its union with the St. Joseph,
at Ft. Wayne. The principal tributaries of the Maumee are the Au
Glaize from the south, Bear Creek, Turkey Foot Creek, Swan Creek
from the north. The length of the Maumee River, from Ft. Wayne
northeast to Maumee Bay at the west end of Lake Erie, is very little
over 100 miles.
A noticeable feature relative to the territory under consideration,
and having an important bearing on its discovery and settlement, is
the fact that many of the tributaries of the Mississippi have their
branches interwoven with numerous rivers draining into the lakes.
They not infrequently issue from the same lake, pond or marsh situated
on the summit level of the divide from which the waters from one end
of the common reservoir drain to the Atlantic Ocean and from the other
to the Gulf of Mexico. By this means nature herself provided navig-
able communication between the northern lakes and the Mississippi
Valley. It was, however, only at times of the vernal floods that the
18 HISTORIC NOTES OF THE NORTHWEST.
communication was complete. At other seasons of the year it was
interrupted, when transfers by laud were required for a short distance.
The places where these transfers were made are known by the French
term portage, which, like many other foreign derivatives, has become
anglicized, and means a carrying place ; because in low stages of water
the canoes and effects of the traveler had to be carried around the dry
marsh or pond from the head of one stream to the source of that beyond.
The first of these portages known to the Europeans, of which
accounts have come down to us, is the portage of the Wisconsin, in the
state of that name, connecting the Mississippi and Green Bay by means
of its situation between the Wisconsin and Fox Rivers. The next is
the portage of Chicago, uniting Chicago Creek, which empties into
Lake Michigan at Chicago, and the Desplaines of the Illinois River.
The third is the portage of the Kankakee, near the present city of
South Bend, Indiana, which connects the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan
with the upper waters of the Kankakee. And the fourth is the portage
of the Wabash at Ft. Wayne, Indiana, between the Maumee and the
Wabash, by way of Little River.
Though abandoned and their former uses forgotten in the advance
of permanent settlement and the progress of more efficient means of
commercial intercourse, these portages were the gateways of the
French between their possessions in Canada and along the Mississippi.
Formerly the Northwest was a wilderness of forest and prairie, with
only the paths of wild animals or the trails of roving Indians leading,
through tangled undergrowth and tall grasses. In its undeveloped
form it was without roads, incapable of land carriage and could not
be traveled by civilized man, even on foot, without the aid of a savage
guide and a permit from its native occupants which afforded little or no
security to life or property. For these reasons the lakes and rivers, with
their connecting portages, were the only highways, and they invited
exploration. They afforded ready means of opening up the interior.
The French, who were the first explorers, at an early day, as we shall
hereafter see, established posts at Detroit, at the mouth of the Niagara
River, at Mackinaw, Green Bay, on the Illinois River, the St. Joseph's
of Lake Michigan, on the Maumee, the Wabash, and at other places
on the route of inter-lake and river communication. By means of
having seized these strategical points, and their influence over the
Indian tribes, the French monopolized the fur trade, and although
feebly assisted by the home government, held the whole Mississippi
Valley and regions of the lakes, for near three quarters of a century,
against all efforts of the English colonies, eastward of the Alleghany
ridge, who, assisted by England, sought to wrest it from their grasp.
CHICAGO PORTAGE. 19
Recurring to the old portage at Chicago, it is evident that at a com-
paratively recent period, since the glacial epoch, a large part of Cook
county was under water. The waters of Lake Michigan, at that time,
found an outlet through the Desplaines and Illinois Eivers into the
Mississippi.* This assertion is confirmed from the appearance of the
whole channel of the Illinois River, which formerly contained a stream
of much greater magnitude than now. The old beaches of Lake
Michigan are plainly indicated in the ridges, trending westward several
miles away from the present water line. The old state road, from
Vincennes to Chicago, followed one of these ancient lake beaches from
Blue Island into the city.
The subsidence of the lake must have been gradual, requiring
many ages to accomplish the change of direction in the flow of its
waters from the Mississippi to the St. Lawrence.
The character of the portage has also undergone changes within
the memory of men still living. The excavation of the Illinois and
Michigan Canal, and the drainage of the adjacent land by artificial
ditches, has left little remaining from which its former appearance can
now be recognized. Major Stephen H. Long, of the U. S. Topo-
graphical Engineers, made an examination of this locality in the year
1823, before it had been changed by the hand of man, and says, con-
cerning it, as follows : " The south fork of Chicago River takes its rise
about six miles from the fort, in a swamp, which communicates also
with the Desplaines, one of the head branches of the Illinois. Hav-
ing been informed that this route was frequently used by traders, and
that it had been traversed by one of the officers of the garrison, — who
returned with provisions from St. Louis a few days before our arrival
at the fort, — we determined to ascend the Chicago River in order to
observe this interesting division of waters. We accordingly left the
fort on the 7th day of June, in a boat which, after having ascended
the river four miles, we exchanged for a narrow pirogue that drew
less water, — the stream we were ascending was very narrow, rapid and
crooked, presenting a great fall. It so continued for about three miles,
when we reached a sort of a swamp, designated by the Canadian voy-
agers under the name of l Le Petit Lac.'' f Our course through this
swamp, which extended three miles, was very much impeded by the
high grass, weeds, etc., through which our pirogue passed with diffi-
culty. Observing that our progress through the fen was slow, and the
day being considerably advanced, we landed on the north bank, and
continued our course along the edge of the swamp for about three
* Geological Survey of Illinois, vol. 3, p. 240.
t What remains of this lake is now known by the name of Mud Lake.
20 HISTORIC NOTES OF THE NORTHWEST.
miles, until we reached the place where the old portage road meets the
current, which was here very distinct toward the south. "We were
delighted at beholding, for the first time, a feature so interesting in
itself, but which we had afterward an opportunity of observing fre-
quently on the route, viz, the division of waters starting from the same
source, and running in two different directions, so as to become feed-
ers of streams that discharge themselves into the ocean at immense dis-
tances apart. Lieut. Hobson, who accompanied us to the Desplaines,
told us that he had traveled it with ease, in a boat loaded with lead
and flour. The distance from the fort to the intersection of the port-
age road is about twelve or thirteen miles, and the portage road is
about eleven miles long ; the usual distance traveled by land seldom
exceeds from four to nine miles ; however, in very dry seasons it is
said to amount to thirty miles, as the portage then extends to Mount
Juliet, near the confluence of the Kankakee. Although at the time
we visited it there was scarcely water enough to permit our pirogue
to pass, we could not doubt that in the spring of the year the route
must be a very eligible one. It is equally apparent that an expendi-
ture, trifling when compared to the importance of the object, would
again render Lake Michigan a tributary of the Gulf of Mexico." *
* Long's Expedition to the Source of the St. Peter's River, vol. 1, pp. 165, 166,
167. The State of Illinois begun work on the construction of a canal on this old
portage on the 4th day of July, 1836, with great ceremony. Col. Guerdon S. Hubbard,
still living, cast the first shovelful of earth out of it on this occasion. The work was
completed in 1848. The canal was fed with water elevated by a pumping apparatus
at Bridgeport. Recently the city of Chicago, at enormous expense sunk the bed
of the canal to a depth that secures a flow of water directly from the lake, by means
of which, the navigation is improved, and sewerage is obtained into the Illinois River.
CHAPTER III.
ANCIENT MAUMEE VALLEY.
What has been said of the changes in the surface geology of Lake
Michigan and the Illinois River may also be affirmed with respect to
Lake Erie and the Maumee and Wabash Rivers. There are peculiari-
ties which will arrest the attention, from a mere examination of the
course of the Maumee and of the St. Joseph and St. Mary's Rivers, as
they appear on the map of that part of Ohio and Indiana. The St.
Joseph, after running southwest to its union with the St. Mary's at
Ft. Wayne, as it were almost doubles back upon its former course,
taking a northeast direction, forming the shape of a letter V, and after
having flowed over two hundred miles is discharged at a point within
less than fifty miles east of its source. It is evident, from an exami-
nation of that part of the country, that, at one time, the St. Joseph
ran wholly to the southwest, and that the Maumee River itself,
instead of flowing northeast into Lake Erie, as now, drained this lake
southwest through the present valley of the Wabash. Then Lake
Erie extended very nearly to Ft. Wayne, and its ancient shores are
still plainly marked. The line of the old beach is preserved in the
ridges running nearly parallel with, and not a great distance from, the
St. Joseph and the St. Mary's Rivers. Professor G. K. Gilbert, in his
report of the " Surface Geology of the Maumee Yalley," gives the
result of his examination of these interesting features, from which we
take the following valuable extract.*
"The upper (lake) beach consists, in this region, of a single bold
ridge of sand, pursuing a remarkably straight course in a northeast and
southwest direction, and crossing portions of Defiance, Williams and
Fulton counties. It passes just west of Hicksville and Bryan ; while
Williams Center, West Unity and Fayette are built on it. When
Lake Erie stood at this level, it was merged- at the north with Lake
Huron. Its southwest shore crossed Hancock, Putnam, Allen and
Van Wert counties, and stretched northwest in Indiana, nearly to Ft.
Wayne. The northwestern shore line, leaving Ohio near the south
line of Defiance county, is likewise continued in Indiana, and the two
converge at New Haven, six miles east of Ft. Wayne. They do not,
* Geological Survey of Ohio, vol. 1, p. 550.
21
22 HISTORIC NOTES OF THE NORTHWEST.
however, unite, but, instead, become parallel, and are continued as the
sides of a broad watercourse, through which the great lake basin then
discharged its surplus waters, southwestwardly, into the valley of the
Wabash River, and thence to the Mississippi. At New Haven, this
channel is not less than a mile and a half broad, and has an average
depth of twenty feet, with sides and bottom of drift. For twenty-five
miles this character continues, and there is no notable fall. Three
miles above Huntington, Indiana, however, the drift bottom is replaced
by a floor of Niagara limestone, and the descent becomes comparatively
quite rapid. At Huntington, the valley is walled, on one side at least,
by rock in situ. In the eastern portion of this ancient river-bed, the
Maumee and its branches have cut channels fifteen to twenty-five feet
deep, without meeting the underlying limestone. Most of the inter-
val from Ft. Wayne to Huntington is occupied by a marsh, over which
meanders Little River, an insignificant stream whose only claim to the
title of river seems to lie in the magnitude of the deserted channel of
which it is sole occupant. At Huntington, the Wabash emerges from
a narrow cleft, of its own carving, and takes possession of the broad
trough to which it was once an humble tributary."
Within the personal knowledge of men, the Wabash River has been,
and is, only a rivulet, a shriveled, dried up representative in comparison
with its greatness in pre-historic times, when it bore in a broader
channel the waters of Lakes Erie and Huron, a mighty flood, south-
ward to the Ohio. Whether the change in the direction of the flow of
Lakes Erie, Huron and Michigan toward the River St. Lawrence, instead
of through the Wabash and Illinois Rivers respectively, is because
hemispheric depression has taken place more rapidly in the vicinity of
the lakes than farther southward, or that the earth's crust south of the
lakes has been arched upward by subterraneous influences, and thus
caused the lakes to recede, or if the change has been produced by
depression in one direction and elevation in the other, combined, is not
our province to discuss. The fact, however, is well established by the
most abundant and conclusive evidence to the scientific observer.
The portage, or carrying place, of the Wabash,* as known to the
early explorers and traders, between the Maumee and Wabash, or rather
the head of Little River, called by the French " La Petit Riviere,"
commenced directly at Ft. Wayne ; although, in certain seasons of the
year, the waters approach much nearer and w r ere united by a low piece
* Schoolcraft's Travels in the Central Portions of the Mississippi Valley, " in the year
1821, pp. 90, 91. In this year, Mr. Schoolcraft made an examination of the locality,
with a view to furnish the public information on the practicability of a canal to unite
the waters of the Maumee and the Wabash. It was at a time when great interest
existed through all parts of the country on all subjects of internal navigation.
PORTAGE OF THE WABASH. 23
of ground or marsh (an arm or bay of what is now called Bear Lake),
where the two streams flow within one hundred and fifty yards of each
other and admitted of the passage of light canoes from the one to the
other. ,
The Miami Indians knew the value of this portage, and it was a
source of revenue to them, aside from its advantages in enabling them
to exercise an influence over adjacent tribes. The French, in passing
from Canada to New Orleans, and Indian traders going from Montreal
and Detroit, to the Indians south and westward, went and returned by
way of Ft. Wayne, where the Miamis, kept carts and pack-horses, with
a corps of Indians to assist in carrying canoes, furs and merchandise
around the portage, for which they charged a commission. At the
great treaty of Greenville, 1795, where General Anthony Wayne met
the several Wabash tribes, he insisted, as one of the fruits of his victory
over them, at the Fallen Timbers, on the Maumee, the year before, that
they should cede to the United States a piece of ground six miles
square, where the fort, named in honor of General Wayne, had been
erected after the battle named, and on the site of the present city of
Ft. Wayne ; and, also, a piece of territory two miles square at the
carrying place. The distinguished warrior and statesman, " Mishe-
kun-nogh-quah" (as he signs his name at this treaty), or the Little Turtle
on behalf of his tribe, objected to a relinquishment of their right to
their ancient village and its portage, and in his speech to General
Wayne said: "Elder Brother, — When our forefathers saw the French
and English at the Miami village — that ' glorious gate ' which your
younger brothers [meaning the Miamis] had the happiness to own,
and through which all the good words of our chiefs had to pass [that
is, messages between the several tribes] from north to south and from
east to west, the French and English never told us they wished to
purchase our lands from us. The next place you pointed out was the
Little River, and said you wanted two miles square of that place. This
is a request that our fathers the French or British never made of us ;
it was always ours. This carrying place has heretofore proved, in a
great degree, the subsistence of your brothers. That place has brought
to us, in the course of one day, the amount of one hundred dollars.
Let us both own this place and enjoy in common the advantages it
affords." The Little Turtle's speech availed nothing.*
The St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, a fine stream of uniform, rapid
current, reaches its most southerly position near the city of South
Bend, Indiana, — the city deriving its name from the bend of the river ;
* Minutes of the Treaty of Greenville: American State Papers on Indian Affairs,
vol. 1, pp. 576, 578.
24 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
here the river turns northward, reenters the State of Michigan and dis-
charges into the lake. West of the city is Lake Kankakee, from
which the Kankakee River takes its rise. The distance intervening: be-
tween the head of this little lake and»the St. Joseph is about two miles,
over a piece of marshy ground, where the elevation is so slight " that
in the year 1832 a Mr. Alexander Croquillard dug a race, and secured
a flow of water from the lake to the St. Joseph, of sufficient power to
run a grist and saw mill." *
This is the portage of the Kankakee, a place conspicuous for its
historical reminiscences. It was much used, and offered a choice of
routes to the Illinois River, and also to the Wabash, by a longer land-
carriage to the upper waters of the Tippecanoe. A memoir on the
Indians of Canada, etc., prepared in the year 1718 (Paris Documents,
vol. 1, p. 889), says : " The river St. Joseph is south of Lake Michi-
gan, formerly the Lake of the Illinois ; many take this river to pass to
the Rocks [as Fort St. Louis, situated on ' Starved Rock ' in La Salle
county, Illinois, was sometimes called], because it is convenient, and
they thereby avoid the portages ' des Chaines ' and 'des Perches] " —
two long, difficult carrying places on the Desplaines, which had to
be encountered in dry seasons, on the route by the way of Chicago
Creek.
The following description of the Kankakee portage, and its adjacent
surroundings, is as that locality appeared to Father Hennepin, when he
was there with La Salle's party of voyagers two hundred years ago the
coming December : " The next morning (December 5, 1679) we joined
our men at the portage, where Father Gabriel had made the day before
several crosses upon the trees, that we might not miss it another time."
The voyagers had passed above the portage without being aware of it,
as the country was all strange to them. We found here a great quan-
tity of horns and bones of wild oxen, buffalo, and also some canoes
the savages had made with the skins of beasts, to cross the river with
their provisions. This portage lies at the farther end of a champaign ;
and at the other end to the west lies a village of savages, — Miamis,
Mascoutines and Oiatinons (Weas), who live together. " The river of
the Illinois has its source near that village, and springs out of some
marshy lands that are so quaking that one can scarcely walk over them.
The head of the river is only a league and a half from that of the Mi-
amis (the St. Joseph), and so our portage was not long. We marked
the way from place to place, with some trees, for the convenience of
those we expected after us ; and left at the portage as well as at Fort
* Prof. G. M. Levette's Report on the Geology of St. Joseph County: Geological
Survey of Indiana for the year 1873, p. 459.
THE KANKAKEE. 25
Miamis (which they had previously erected at the mouth of the St.
Joseph), letters hanging down from the trees, containing M. La Salle's
instructions to our pilot, and the other five-and-twenty men who were
to come with him." The pilot had been sent back from Mackinaw
with La Salle's ship, the Griffin, loaded with furs ; was to discharge
the cargo at the fort below the mouth of Niagara River, and then
bring the ship with all dispatch to the St. Joseph.
" The Illinois River (continues Hennepin's account) is navigable
within a hundred paces from its source, — I mean for canoes of barks of
trees, and not for others, — but increases so much a little way from
thence, that it is as deep and broad as the Meuse and the Sambre joined
together. It runs through vast marshes, and although it be rapid
enough, it makes so many turnings and windings, that after a whole
day's journey we found that we were hardly two leagues from the place
we left in the morning. That country is nothing but marshes, full of
alder trees and bushes ; and we could have hardly found, for forty
leagues together, any place to plant our cabins, had it not been for the
frost, which made the earth more firm and consistent."
CHAPTER TV.
RAINFALL.
An interesting topic connected with our rivers is the question of
rainfall. The streams of the west, unlike those of mountainous dis-
tricts, which are fed largely by springs and brooks issuing from the
rocks, are supplied mostly from the clouds. It is within the observa-
tion of persons who lived long in the valleys of the Wabash and Illinois,
or along their tributaries, that these streams apparently carry a less
volume of water than formerly. Indeed, the water-courses seem to be
gradually drying up, and the whole surface of the country drained by
them has undergone the same change. In early days almost every
land-owner on the prairies had upon his farm a pond that furnished
an unfailing supply of water for his live stock the year around. These
never went dry, even in the driest seasons.
Formerly the Wabash afforded reliable steamboat navigation as
high up as La Fayette. In 1831, between the 5th of March and the
16th of April, fifty-four steamboats arrived and departed from Vin-
cennes. In the months of February, March and April of the same year,
there were sixty arrivals and departures from La Fayette, then a village
of only three or four hundred houses ; many of these boats were large
side-wheel steamers, built for navigating the Ohio and Mississippi, and
known as New Orleans or lower river boats."- The writer has the
concurrent evidence of scores of early settlers with whom he has con-
versed that formerly the Vermilion, at Danville, had to be ferried on
an average six months during the year, and the river was considered
low when it could be forded at this place without water running into
the wagon bed. Now it is fordable at all times, except when swollen
with freshets, which now subside in a very few days, and often within
as many hours. Doubtless, the same facts can be affirmed of the many
other tributaries of the Illinois and Wabash whose names have been
already given. ,
The early statutes of Illinois and Indiana are replete with special
laws, passed between the years 1825 and 1840, when the people of
these two states were crazed over the question of internal navigation,
providing enactments and charters for the slack-water improvement of
* Tanner's View of the Mississippi, published in 1832. p. 154.
26
RAINFALL. 27
hundreds of streams whose insignificance have* now only a dry bed,
most of the year, to indicate that they were ever dignified with such
legislation and invested with the promise of bearing upon their bosoms
a portion of the future internal commerce of the country.
It will not do to assume that the seeming decrease of water in the
streams is caused by a diminution of rain. The probabilities are that
the annual rainfall is greater in Indiana and Illinois than before their
settlement with a permanent population. The "settling up" of a
country, tilling its soil, planting trees, constructing railroads, and erect-
ing telegraph lines, all tend to induce moisture and produce changes
in the electric and atmospheric currents that invite the clouds to pre-
cipitate their showers. Such has been the effect produced by the hand
of man upon the hitherto arid plains of Kansas and Nebraska. Indeed,
at an early day some portions of Illinois were considered as uninhab-
itable as western Kansas and Nebraska were supposed, a few years ago,
to be on account of the prevailing drouths. That part of the state
lying between the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers, south of a line run-
ning from the Mississippi, between Rock Island and Mercer counties,
east to the Illinois, set off for the benefit of the soldiers of the War
of 1812, and for that reason called the " Military Tract," except that
part of it lying more immediately near the rivers named, was laid under
the bane of a drouth-stricken region. Mr. Lewis A. Beck, a shrewd
and impartial observer, and a gentleman of great scientific attainments,*
was through the " military tract " shortly after it had been run out into
sections and townships by the government, and says concerning it,
" The northern part of the tract is not so favorable for settlement.
The prairies become very extensive and are badly watered. In fact,
this last is an objection to the whole tract. In dry seasons it is not
unusual to walk through beds of the largest streams without finding a
drop of water. It is not surprising that a country so far distant from
the sea and drained by such large rivers, which have a course of several
thousand miles before they reach the great reservoir, should not be well
watered. This, we observe, is the case with all fine-flowing streams of
the highlands, whereas those of the Champaign and prairies settle in
the form of ponds, which stagnate and putrify. Besides, on the same
account there are very few heavy rains in the summer ; and hence
during that season water is exceedingly scarce. The Indians, in their
journeys, pass by places where they know there are ponds, but gener-
ally they are under the necessity of carrying water in bladders. This
drouth is not confined to the ' military tract,' but in some seasons is
very general. During the summer of 1820 it was truly alarming ;
* Beck's Illinois and Missouri Gazetteer, published in 1823, pp. 79, 80.
28 HISTORIC NOTES ON" THE NORTHWEST.
travelers, in many instances, were obliged to pass whole days, in the
warmest weather, without being able to procure a cupful of water for
themselves or their horses, and that which they occasionally did find
was almost putrid. It may be remarked, however, that such seasons
rarely occur; but on account of its being washed by rivers of such
immense length this section of the country is peculiarly liable to suffer
from excessive drouth." The millions of bushels of grain annually
raised in, and the vast herds of cattle and other live stock that are fat-
tened on, the rich pastures of Bureau, Henry, Stark, Peoria, Knox,
Warren, and other counties lying wholly or partially within the "mili-
tary tract," illustrate an increase and uniformity of rainfall since the
time Professor Beck recorded his observations. In no part of Illinois
are the crops more abundant and certain, and less liable to suffer from
excessive drouth, than in the " military tract." The apparent decrease in
the volume of water carried by the "Wabash and its tributaries is easily
reconciled with the theory of an increased rainfall since the settlement
of the country. These streams for the most part have their sources in
ponds, marshes and low grounds. These basins, covering a great extent
of the surface of the country, served as reservoirs ; the earth was cov-
ered with a thick turf that prevented the water penetrating the ground ;
tall grasses in the valleys and about the margin of the ponds impeded
the flow of water, and fed it out gradually to the rivers. In the tim-
ber the marshes were likewise protected from a rapid discharge of their
contents by the trunks of fallen trees, limbs and leaves.
Since the lands have been reduced to cultivation, millions of acres
of sod have been broken by the plow, a spongy surface has been turned
to the heavens and much of the rainfall is at once soaked into the
ground. The ponds and low grounds have been drained. The tall
grasses with their mat of penetrating roots have disappeared from the
swales. The brooks and drains, from causes partially natural, or artifi-
cially aided by man, have cut through the ancient turf and made w r ell
defined ditches. The rivers themselves have worn a deeper passage in
their beds. By these means the water is now soon collected from the
earth's surface and carried off with increased velocity. Formerly the
streams would sustain their volume continuously for weeks. Hence
much of the rainfall is directly taken into the ground, and only a por-
tion of it now finds its way to the rivers, and that which does has a
speedier exit. Besides this, settlement of and particularly the growing
of trees on the prairies and the clearing out of the excess of forests in the
timbered districts, tends to distribute the rainfall more evenly through-
out the year, and in a large degree prevents the recurrence of those ex-
tremes of drouth and flood with which this country was formerly visited.
CHAPTER V.
ORIGIN OF THE PRAIRIES.
The prairies have ever been a wonder, and their origin the theme of
much curious speculation. The vast extent of these natural meadows
would naturally excite curiosity, and invite the many theories which,
from time to time, have been advanced by writers holding conflicting
opinions as to the manner in which they were formed. Major Stod-
dard, H. M. Brackenridge and Governor Reynolds, whose personal
acquaintance with the prairies, eastward of the Mississippi, extended
back prior to the year 1800, and whose observations were supported
by the experience of other contemporaneous residents of the west, held
that the prairies were caused by fire. The prairies are covered with
grass, and were probably occasioned by the ravages of fire ; because
wherever copses of trees were found on them, the grounds about them
are low and too moist to admit the fire to pass over it ; and because it is
a common practice among the Indians and other hunters to set the
woods and prairies on fire, by means of which they are able to kill an
abundance of game. They take secure stations to the leeward, and
the fire drives the game to them.*
The plains of Indiana and Illinois have been mostly produced by
the same cause. They are very different from the Savannahs on the
seaboard and the immense plains of the upper Missouri. In the
prairies of Indiana I have been assured that the woods in places have
been known to recede, and in others to increase, within the recollection
of the old inhabitants. In moist places, the woods are still standing,
the fire meeting here with obstruction. Trees, if planted in these
prairies, would doubtless grow. In the islands, preserved by accidental
causes, the progress of the fire can be traced ; the first burning would
only scorch the outer bark of the tree; this would render it more
susceptible to the next, the third would completely kill. I have seen
in places, at present completely prairie, pieces of burnt trees, proving
that the prairie had been caused by fire. The grass is generally very
luxuriant, which is not the case in the plains of the Missouri. There
may, doubtless, be spots where the proportion of salts or other bodies
may be such as to favor the growth of grass only.f
* Sketches of Louisiana, by Major Amos Stoddard, p. 213.
t Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 108.
29
30 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Governor Reynolds, who came to Illinois at the age of thirteen, in
the year 1800, and lived here for over sixty years, the greater portion
of his time employed in a public capacity, roving over the prairies
in the Indian border wars or overseeing the affairs of a public and busy
life, in his interesting autobiography, published in 1855, says: "Many
learned essays are written on the origin of the prairies, but any atten-
tive observer will come to the conclusion that it is fire burning the
strong, high grass that caused the prairies. I have witnessed the
growth of the forest in these southern counties of Illinois, and know
there is more timber in them now than there was forty or fifty years
before. The obvious reason is, the fire is kept out. This is likewise
the reason the prairies are generally the most fertile soil. The vegeta-
tion in them was the strongest and the fires there burnt with the most
power. The timber was destroyed more rapidly in the fertile soil than
in the barren lands. It will be seen that the timber in the north of
the state, is found only on the margins of streams and other places
where the prairie fires could not reach it."
The later and more satisfactory theory is, that the prairies were
formed by the action of water instead of fire. This position was taken
and very ably discussed by that able and learned writer, Judge James
Hall, as early as 1836. More recently, Prof. Lesquereux prepared an
article on the origin and formation of the prairies, published at length
in vol. 1, Geological Survey of Illinois, pp. 238 to 254, inclusive ; and Dr.
Worthen, the head of the Illinois Geological Department, referring to
this article and its author, gives to both a most flattering indorsement.
Declining to discuss the comparative merits of the various theories as
to the formation of the prairies, the doctor " refers the reader to the
very able chapter on the subject by Prof. Lesquereux, whose thorough
acquaintance, both with fossil and recent botany, and the general laws
which govern the distribution of the ancient as well as the recent flora,
entitles his opinion to our most profound consideration." *
Prof. Lesquereux' article is exhaustive, and his conclusions are
summed up in the declaration " that all the prairies of the Mississippi
Valley have been formed by the slow recessions of waters of various
extent ; first transformed into swamps, and in the process of time
drained and dried; and that the high rolling prairies, and those of
these bottoms along the rivers as well, are all the result of the same
cause, and form one whole, indivisible system."
Still later, another eminent writer, Hon. John D. Caton, late Judge
of the Supreme Court of Illinois, has given the result of his observa-
* Chap. 1, p. 10, Geology of Illinois, by Dr. Worthen; vol. 1, Illinois Geological
Survey.
THE PRAIRIES. 31
tions. While assenting to the received conclusion that the prairies —
the land itself — have been formed under water, except the decomposed
animal and vegetable matter that has been added to the surface of the
lands since their emergence, the judge dissents from Prof. Lesquereux,
in so for as the latter holds that the presence of ulmic acid and other
unfavorable chemicals in the soil of the prairies, rendered them unfit
for the growth of trees ; and in extending his theory to the prairies on
the uplands, as well as in their more level and marshy portions. The
learned judge holds to the popular theory that the most potent cause
in keeping the prairies as such, and retarding and often destroying
forest growth on them, is the agency of fire. "Whatever may have
been the condition of the ground when the prairie lands first emerged
from the waters, or the chemical changes they may have since under-
gone, how many years the process of vegetable growth and decay may
have gone on, adding their deposits of rich loam to the original sur-
face, making the soil the most fertile in the world, is a matter of mere
speculation ; certain it is, however, that ever within the knowledge of
man the prairies have possessed every element of soil necessary to in-
sure a rapid and vigorous growth of forest trees, wherever the germ
could find a lodgment and their tender years be protected against the
one formidable enemy, fire. Judge Caton gives the experience of old
settlers in the northern part of the state, similar to that of Bracken-
ridge and Reynolds, already quoted, where, on the Vermillion River
of the Illinois, and also in the neighborhood of Ottawa many years
ago, fires occurred under the observation of the narrators, which
utterly destroyed, root and branch, an entire hardwood forest, the
prairie taking immediate possession of the burnt district, clothing it
with grasses of its own ; and in a few years this forest land, reclaimed
to prairie, could not be distinguished from the prairie itself, except
from its greater luxuriance.
Judge Caton's illustration of how the forests obtain a foot-hold in
the prairies is so aptly expressed, and in such harmony with the ex-
perience of every old settler on the prairies of eastern Illinois and
western Indiana, that we quote it.
" The cause of the absence of trees on the upland prairies is the
problem most important to the agricultural -interests of our state, and
it is the inquiry which alone I propose to consider, but cannot resist
the remark that wherever we do find timber throughout this broad
field of prairie, it is always in or near the humid portions of it, — as
along the margins of streams, or upon or near the springy uplands.
Many most luxuriant groves are found on the highest portions of the
uplands, but always in the neighborhood of water. For a remarkable
32 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
example I may refer to that great chain of groves extending from and
including the An Sable Grove on the east and Ilolderman's Grove on
the west, in Kendall county, occupying the high divide between the
waters of the Illinois and the Fox Rivers. In and around all the
groves flowing springs abound, and some of them are separated by
marshes, to the very borders of which the great trees approach, as if
the forest were ready to seize upon each yard of ground as soon as it is
elevated above the swamps. Indeed, all our groves seem to be located
where water is so disposed as to protect them, to a great or less extent,
from the prairie fire, although not so situated as to irrigate them. If
the head-waters of the streams on the prairies are most frequently with-
out timber, so soon as they have attained sufficient volume to impede
the progress of the fires, with very few exceptions we find forests on
their borders, becoming broader and more vigorous as the magnitude
of the streams increase. It is manifest that land located on the borders
of streams which the fire cannot pass are only exposed to one-half the
fires to which they would be exposed but for such protection. This
tends to show, at least, that if but one-half the fires that have occurred
had been kindled, the arboraceous growth could have withstood their
destructive influences, and the whole surface of what is now prairie
would be forest. Another confirmatory fact, patent to all observers, is,
that the prevailing winds upon the prairies, especially in the autumn,
are from the west, and these give direction to the prairie fires. Conse-
quently, the lands on the westerly sides of the streams are the most
exposed to the fires, and, as might be expected, we find much the most
timber on the easterly sides of the streams."
"Another fact, always a subject of remark among the dwellers on
the prairies, I regard as conclusive proof that the prairie soils are pecu-
liarly adapted to the growth of trees is, that wherever the fires have
been kept from the groves by the settlers, they have rapidly encroached
upon the prairies, unless closely depastured by the farmers' stock, or
prevented by cultivation. This fact I regard as established by careful
observation of more than thirty-five years, during which I have been
an interested witness of the settlement of this country, — from the time
when a few log cabins, many miles apart, built in the borders of the
groves, alone were met with, till now nearly the whole of the great
prairies in our state, at least, are brought under cultivation by the in-
dustry of the husbandman. Indeed, this is a fact as well recognized
by the settlers as that corn will grow upon the prairies when properly
cultivated. Ten years ago I heard the observation made by intelligent
men, that within the preceding twenty-five years the area of the timber
in the prairie portions of the state had actually doubled by the sponta-
FOREST ENCROACHMENT. 33
neons extension of the natural groves. However this may be, certain
it is that the encroachments of the timber upon the prairies have been
universal and rapid, wherever not impeded by fire or other physical
causes."
"When Europeans first landed in America, as they left the dense
forests east of the Alleghanies and went west over the mountains into
the valleys beyond, anywhere between Lake Erie and the fortieth
degree of latitude, approaching the Scioto River, they would have seen
small patches of country destitute of timber. These were called open-
ings. As they proceeded farther toward the Wabash the number and
area of these openings or barrens would increase. These last were called
by the English savannahs or meadows, and by the French, prairies.
Westward of the Wabash, except occasional tracts of timbered lands
in northern Indiana, and fringes of forest growth along the inter-
vening water-courses, the prairies stretch westward continuously across
a part of Indiana and the whole of Illinois to the Mississippi. Taking
the line of the Wabash railway, which crosses Illinois in its Greatest
breadth, and beginning in Indiana, where the railway leaves the tim-
ber, west of the Wabash nearMarshfield, the prairie extends to Quincy,
a distance of more than two hundred and fifty miles, and its contin-
uity the entire way is only broken by four strips of timber along four
streams running at right angles with the route of the railway, namely
the timber on the Vermillion River, between Danville and the Indiana
state-line, the Sangamon, seventy miles west of Danville near Decatur,
the Sangamon again a few miles east of Springfield, and the Illinois
River at Meredosia ; and all of the timber at the crossing of these
several streams, if put together, would not aggregate fifteen miles
against the two hundred and fifty miles of prairie. Taking a north
and south direction and parallel with the drainage of the rivers, one
could start near Ashley, on the Illinois Central railway, in Washing-
ton count}*, and going northward, nearly on an air-line, keeping on the
divide between the Ivaskaskia and Little Wabash, the Sangamon and
the Vermillion, the Iroquois and the Vermillion of the Illinois, cross-
ing the latter stream between the mouths of the Fox and Dn Page and
travel through to the state of Wisconsin, a distance of nearly three
hundred miles, without encountering five miles of timber during the
whole journey. Mere figures of distances across the '- Grand Prairie,"
as this vast meadow was called by the old settlers, fail to give an ade-
quate idea of its magnitude.
Let the reader, in fancy, go back fifty or sixty years, when there
were no farms between the settlement on the jSTorth Arm Prairie, in
Edgar county, and Ft. Clark, now Peoria, on the Illinois River, or
3
34 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
between the Salt Works, west of Danville, and Ft. Dearborn, where
Chicago now is, or when there was not a house between the "Wabash
and Illinois Rivers in the direction of La Fayette and Ottawa; when
there was not a solitary road to mark the way ; when Indian trails alone
led to unknown places, where no animals except the wild deer and
slinking wolf would stare, the one with timid wonder, the other with
treacherous leer, upon the ventursome traveler; when the gentle winds
moved the supple grasses like waves of a green sea under the sum-
mer's sky ; — the beauty, the grandeur and solitude of the prairies may
be Imagined as they were a reality to the pioneer when he first beheld
them.
There is an essential difference between the prairies eastward of the
Mississippi and the great, plains westward necessary to be borne in
mind. The western plains, while they present a seeming level appear-
ance to the eye, rise rapidly to the westward. From Kansas City to
Pueblo the ascent is continuous; beyond Ft. Dodge, the plains, owing
to their elevation and consequent dryness of the atmosphere and
absence of rainfall, produce a thin and stunted vegetation. The prai-
ries of Illinois and Indiana, on the contrary, are much nearer the sea-
level, where the moisture is greater. There were many ponds and
sloughs which aided in producing a humid atmosphere, all which
induced a rank growth of grasses. All early writers, referring to tlie>
vegetation of our prairies, including Fathers Hennepin, St. Cosme,
Charlevoix and others, who recorded their personal observations nearly
two hundred years aijo, as well as later English and American travel-
ers, bear uniform testimony to the fact of an unusually luxuriant
growth of grasses.
Early settlers, in the neighborhood of the author, all bear witness
to the rank growth of vegetation on the prairies before it was grazed
by live stock, and supplanted with shorter grasses, that set in as the
country improved. Since the organization of Edgar county in 1823, —
of which, all the territory north to the Wisconsin line was then a
part, — on the level prairie between the present sites of Danville and
Georgetown, the grass grew so high that it was a source of amusement
to tie the tops over the withers of a horse, and in places the height of
the grass would nearly obscure both horse and rider from view. This
was not a slough, but on arable land, where some of the first farms in
Vermillion county were broken out. On the high rolling prairies the
vegetation was very much shorter, though thick and compact ; its aver-
age height being about two feet.
The prairie fires have been represented in exaggerated pictures of
men and wild animals retreating at full speed, with every mark of ter-
PRAIRIE FIRES. 35
ror, before the devouring element. Such pictures are overdrawn. In-
stances of loss of human life, or animals, may have sometimes occurred.
The advance of the fire is rapid or slow, as the wind may be strong or
light ; the flames leaping high in the air in their progress over level
ground, or burning lower over the uplands. When a fire starts under
favorable causes, the horizon gleams brighter and brighter until a fiery
redness rises above its dark outline, while heavy, slow-moving masses
of dark clouds curve upward above it. In another moment the blaze
itself shoots up, first at one spot then at another, advancing until the
whole horizon extending across a wide prairie is clothed with flames,
that roll and curve and dash onward and upward like waves of a burn-
ing ocean, lighting up the landscape with the brilliancy of noon-day.
A roaring, crackling sound is heard like the rushing of a hurricane.
The flame, which in general rises to the height of twenty feet, is seen
rolling its waves against each other as the liquid, fiery mass moves for-
ward, leaving behind it a blackened surface on the ground, and long
trails of murky smoke floating above. A more terrific sight than the
burning prairies in early days can scarcely be conceived. Woe to the
farmer whose fields extended into the prairie, and who had suffered
the tall grass to grow near his fences ; the labor of the year would be
swept away in a few hours. Such accidents occasionally occurred,
although the preventive was simple. The usual remedy was to set
fire against fire, or to burn off a strip of grass in the vicinity of the
improved ground, a beaten road, the treading of domestic animals
about the inclosure of the farmer, would generally afford protection.
In other cases a few furrows would be plowed around the field, or the
grass closely mowed between the outside of the fence and the open
prairie.*
No wonder that the Indians, noted for their naming a place or
thing from some of its distinctive peculiarities, should have called
the prairies Mas-ko-tia, or the place of fire. In the ancient Algon-
quin tongue, as well as in its more modern form of the Ojibbeway (or
Chippeway, as this people are improperly designated), the word scoutay
means fire ; and in the Illinois and Pottowatamie, kindred dialects, it
is scotte and scutay, respectively-^ It is also eminently characteristic
that the Indians, who lived and hunted exclusively upon the prairies,
were known among their red brethren as " Maskoutes," rendered by
the French writers, Maskoutines, or People of the Fire or Prairie
Country.
North of a line drawn west from Vincennes, Illinois is wholly
* Judge James Hall: Tales of the Border, p. 244; Statistics of the West, p. 82.
t Gallatin's Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, etc.
36 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
prairie, — always excepting the thin curtain of timber draping the
water-courses ; and all that part of Indiana lying north and west of
the Wabash, embracing fully one-third of the area of the state, is
essentially so.
Of the twenty-seven counties in Indiana, lying wholly or partially
west and north of the Wabash, twelve of them are prairie ; seven are
mixed prairies, barrens and timber, the barrens and prairie predomi-
nating. In five, the barrens, with the prairies, are nearly equal to the
timber, while only three of the counties can be characterized as heavily
timbered. And wherever timber does occur in these twenty-seven
counties, it is found in localities favorable to its protection against the
ravages of fire, by the proximity of intervening lakes, marshes or
water-courses. We cannot know how long it took the forest to ad-
vance from the Scioto ; how often capes and points of trees, like skir-
mishers of an army, secured a foothold to the eastward of the lakes and
rivers of Ohio and Indiana, only to be driven back again by the prairie
tires advancing from the opposite direction ; or conceive how many
generations of forest growth were consumed by the prairie fires before
the timber-line was pushed westward across the state of Ohio, and
through Indiana to the banks of the Wabash.
The prairies of Illinois and Indiana were born of water and pre-
served by fire for the children of civilized men, who have come and
taken possession of tliem. The manner of their coming, and the diffi-
culties that befell them on the way, will hereafter be considered. The
white man, like the forests, advanced from the east. The red man,
like the prairie fires, as we shall hereafter see, came from the west.
CHAPTER VI.
EARLY DISCOVERIES.
Having given a description of the lakes and rivers, and noticed
some of the more prominent features that characterize the physical
geography of the territory within the scope of onr inquiry, and the
parts necessarily connected with it, forming, as it were, the outlines or
ground plan of its history, we will now proceed to fill in the frame-
work, with a narration of its discovery. Jacques Cartier, as already
intimated in a note on a preceding page, ascended the St. Lawrence
River in 1535. He sailed up the stream as far as the great Indian vil-
lage of Hoc Lelaga, situated on an island at the foot of the mountain,
styled by him Mont Royal, now called Montreal, a name since extend-
ed to the whole island. The country thus discovered was called New
France. Later, and in the year 1598, France, after fifty years of
domestic troubles, recovered her tranquillity, and, finding herself once
more equal to great enterprises, acquired a taste for colonization. Her
attention was directed to her possessions, by right of discovery, in the
new world, where she now wished to establish colonies and extend the
faith of the Catholic religion. Commissions or grants were accordingly
issued to companies of merchants, and others organized for this pur-
pose, who undertook to make settlements in Acadia, as Nova Scotia
was then called, and elsewhere along the lower waters of the St. Law-
rence; and, at a later day, like efforts were made higher up the river.
In 1607 Mr. De Monts, having failed in a former enterprise, was
deprived of his commission, which was restored to him on the condition
that he would make a settlement on the St. Lawrence. The company
he represented seems to have had the fur trade only in view, and this
object caused it to change its plans and avoid Acadia altogether. De
Monts' company increased in numbers and capital in proportion as the
fur trade developed expectations of profit, and many persons at St.
Malo, particularly, gave it their support. Feeling that his name
injured his associates, M. De Monts retired ; and when he ceased to be
its governing head, the company of merchants recovered the monopoly
with which the charter was endowed, for no other object than making
money out of the fur trade. They cared nothing whatever for the col-
ony in Acadia, which was dying out, and made no settlements else-
38 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
where. However, Mr. Samuel Champ] ain, who cared little for the fur
trade, and whose thoughts were those of a patriot, after maturely ex-
amining where the settlements directed by the court might be best
established, at last fixed on Quebec. He arrived there on the 3d of
July, 1608, put up some temporary buildings for himself and company,
and began to clear off the ground, which proved fertile.*
The colony at Quebec grew apace with emigrants from France;
and later, the establishment of a settlement at the island of Montreal
was undertaken. Two religious enthusiasts, the one named Jerome le
Royer de la Dauversiere, of Anjou, and the other John James Olier,
assumed the undertaking in 1636. The next who joined in the move-
ment was Peter Chevirer, Baron Fancamp, who in 1640 sent tools and
provisions for the use of the coming settlers. The projectors were
now aided by the celebrated Baron de Rent)', and two others. Father
Charles Lalemant induced John de Lauson, the proprietor of the island
of Montreal, to cede it to these gentlemen, which he did in August,
1610 ; and to remove all doubts as to the title, the associates obtained
a grant from the New France Company, in December of the same year,
which was subsequently ratified by the king himself. The associates
agreed to send out fort}' settlers, to clear and cultivate the ground ; to
increase the number annually ; to supply them with two sloops, cattle
and farm hands, and, after five years, to erect a seminary, maintain
ecclesiastics as missionaries and teachers, and also nuns as teachers and
hospitalers. On its part the New France Company agreed to trans-
port thirty settlers. The associates then contributed twenty-five thou-
sand crowns to begin the settlement, and Mr. deMaisonneuve embarked
with his colony on three vessels, which sailed from Rochelle and
Dieppe, in the summer of 1641. The colony wintered in Quebec,
spending their time in building boats and preparing timber for their
houses ; and on the 8th of May, 1642, embarked, and arrived nine
days after at the island of Montreal, and after saying mass began an
intrenchment around their tents.f
Notwithstanding the severity of the climate, the loss of life by dis-
eases incident to settling of new countries, and more especially the
* History of New France.
fFrom Dr. Shea's valuable note on Montreal, on pages 129 and 130, vol. 2, of
his translation of Father Charlevoix' History of New France. Mr. Albach, publisher
of "Annals of the West," Pittsburgh edition, 1857, p. 49, is in error in saying that
Montreal was founded in 1613, by Samuel Champlain. Champlain, in company with
a young Huron Indian, whom he had taken to and brought back from France on a
previous voyage, visited the island of Montreal in 1611, and chose it as a place for a
settlement he designed to establish, but which he did not begin, as he was obliged to
return to France; vide Charlevoix' " History of New France," vol. 2, p. 23. The Ameri-
can Clyclopedia, as well as other authorities, concur with Dr. Shea, that Montreal was
founded in 1642, seven years after Champlain's death.
QUEBEC FOUNDED. 39
destruction of its people from raids of the dreaded Iroquois Indians,
the French colonies grew until, according to a report of Governor
Mons. Denonville to the Minister at Paris, the population of Canada,
in 1GSG, had increased to 12,373 sonls. Quebec and Montreal became
the base of operations of the French in America; the places from
which missionaries, traders and explorers went out among the savages
into countries hitherto unknown, going northward and westward,
even beyond the extremity of Lake Superior to the upper waters of
the Mississippi, and southward to the Gulf of Mexico ; and it was
from these cities that the religious, military and commercial affairs of
this widely extended region were administered, and from which the
French settlements subsequently established in the northwest and at
New Orleans were principally recruited. The influence of Quebec and
Montreal did not end with the fall of French power in America. It
was from these cities that the English retained control of the fur trade
in, and exerted a power over the Indian tribes of, the northwest that
harassed and retarded the spread of the American settlements through
all the revolutionary war, and during the later contest between Great
Britain and the United States in the war of 1812. Indeed, it was
only until after the fur trade was exhausted and the Indians placed
beyond the Mississippi, subsequent to 1820, that Quebec and Montreal
ceased to exert an influence in that part of New France now known as
Illinois and Indiana.
Father Claude Allouez, coasting westward from Sault Ste. Marie,
reached Chegoimegon, as the Indians called the bay south of the Apos-
tle Islands and near La Pointe on the southwestern shore of Lake Supe-
rior, in October, 1G65. Here he found ten or twelve fragments of
Algonquin tribes assembled and about to hang the war kettle over the
Are preparatory for an incursion westward into the territory of the
Sioux. The good father persuaded them to give up their intended
hostile expedition. He set up in their midst a chapel, to which he gave
the name of the "Mission of the Holy Ghost," at the spot afterward
known as "Lapointe du Saint Esprit," and at once began his mission
work. His chapel was an object of wonder, and its establishment soon
spread among the wild children of the forest, and thither from great
distances came numbers all alive with curiosltv, — the roving Potta-
watomies, Sacs and Foxes, the Kickapoos, the Illinois and Miamis, —
to whom the truths of Christianity were announced.*
Three years later Father James Marquette took the place of Allouez,
and while here he seems to have been the first that learned of the Missis-
sippi. In a letter written from this mission by Father Marquette to
* Shea's History of Catholic Missions, 358.
40 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
his Reverend Father Superior, preserved in the Relations for 1669 and
1670, he says: "When the Illinois come to the point they pass a
great river, which is almost a league in width. It flows from north
to south, and to so great a distance that the Illinois, who know nothing
of the use of the canoe, have never as yet heard tell of the mouth ; they
only know that there are great nations below them, some of whom,
dwelling to the east-southeast of their country, gather their Indian-corn
twice a year. A nation that they call Chaouanon (Shawnees) came to
visit them during the past summer; the young man that has been
given to me to teach me the language has seen them ; they were loaded
with glass beads, which shows that they have communication with the
Europeans. They had to journey across the land for more than thirty
days before arriving at their country. It is hardly probable that this
great river discharges itself in Virginia. We are more inclined to
believe that it has its mouth in California. If the savages, who have
promised to make me a canoe, do not fail in their word, we will navi-
gate this river as far as is possible in company with a Frenchman and
this young man that they have given me, who understands several of
these languages and possesses great facility for acquiring others. We
shall visit the nations who dwell along its shores, in order to open the
way to many of our fathers who for a long time have awaited this
happiness. This discovery will give us a perfect knowledge of the sea
either to the south or to the west."
These reports concerning the great river came to the knowledge
of the authorities at Quebec and Paris, and naturally enough stimu-
lated further inquiry. There were three theories as to where the river
emptied ; one, that it discharged into the Atlantic south of the British
colony of Virginia ; second, that it flowed into the Gulf of Mexico;
and third, which was the more popular belief, that it emptied into the
Red Sea, as the Gulf of California was called ; and if the latter, that it
would afford a passage to China. To solve this important commercial
problem in geography, it was determined, as appears from a letter from
the Governor, Count Frontenac, at Quebec, to M. Colbert, Minister of
the navy at Paris, expedient "for the service to send Sieur Joliet to
the country of the Mascoutines, to discover the South Sea and the great
river — they call the Mississippi — which is supposed to discharge itself
into the Sea of California. Sieur Joliet is a man of great experience
in these sorts of discoveries, and has already been almost to that great
river, the mouth of which he promises to see. We shall have intelli-
gence of him, certainly, this summer.* Father Marquette was chosen
to accompany Joliet on account of the information he had already ob-
* Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 92.
SPANISH EXPLORATIONS. 41
tained from the Indians relating to the countries to be explored, and
also because, as he wrote Father Dablon, his superior, when informed
by the latter that he was to be Joliet's companion, " I am ready to go
on your order to seek new nations toward the South Sea, and teach
them Of our great God whom they hitherto have not known."
The voyage of Joliet and Marquette is so interesting that we intro-
duce extracts from Father Marquette's journal. The version we adopt
is Father Marquette's original journal, prepared for publication by his
superior, Father Dablon, and which lay in manuscript at Quebec, among
the archives of the Jesuits, until 1852, when it, together with Father
Marquette's original map, were brought to light, translated into Eng-
lish, and published by Dr. John G. Shea, in his " Discovery and Explo-
ration of the Mississippi." The version commonly sanctioned was
Marquette's narrative sent to the French government, where it lay
unpublished until it came into the hands of M. Thevenot, who printed
it at Paris, in a book issued by him in 1681, called " Receuil de Voy-
ages." This account diners somewhat, though not essentially, from
the narrative as published by Dr. Shea.
Before proceeding farther, however, we will turn aside a moment
to note the fact that Spain had a prior right over France to the Missis-
sippi Valley by virtue of previous discovery. As early as the year
1525, Cortez had conquered Mexico, portioned out its rich mines
among his favorites and reduced the inoffensive inhabitants to the worst
of slavery, making them till the ground and toil in the mines for their
unfeeling masters. A few years following the conquest of Mexico, the
Spaniards, under Pamphilus de Narvaez, in 1528, undertook to conquer
and colonize Florida and the entire northern coast-line of the Gulf.
After long and fruitless wanderings in the interior, his party returned
to the sea-coast and endeavored to reach Tampico, in wretched boats.
Nearly all perished by storm, disease or famine. The survivors, with
one Cabeza de Vaca at their head, drifted to an island near the present
state of Mississippi; from which, after four years of slavery, De Vaca,
with four companions, escaped to the mainland and started westward,
going clear across the continent to the Gulf of California. The
natives took them for supernatural beings. They assumed the guise
of jugglers, and the Indian tribes, through which they passed, invested
them with the title of medicine-men, and their lives were thus guarded
with superstitious awe. They are, perhaps, the first Europeans who
ever went overland from the Atlantic to the Pacific. They must have
crossed the Great River somewhere on their route, and, says Dr.
Shea, " remain in history, in a distant twilight, as the first Europeans
known to have stood on the banks of the Mississippi." In 1539,
42 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Hernando de Soto, with a party of cavaliers, most of them sons of
titled nobility, landed with their horses upon the coast of Florida.
During that and the following four years, these daring adventurers
wandered through the wilderness, traveling in portions of Florida,
Carolina, the northern parts of Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi,
crossing the Mississippi, as is supposed, as high up as White River,
and going still westward to the base of the Rocky Mountains, vainly
searching for the rich gold mines of which De Vaca had given marvel-
ous accounts. De Soto's party endured hardships that would depress
the stoutest heart, while, with fire and sword, they perpetrated atrocities
upon the Indian tribes through which they passed, burning their
villages and infiictins: cruelties which make us blush for the wicked-
ness of men claiming to be christians. De Soto died, in May or June,
1542, on the banks of the Mississippi, below the mouth of the
Washita, and his immediate attendants concealed his death from the
others and secretly, in the night, buried his body in the middle of the
stream. The remnant of his survivors went westward and then
returned back again to the river, passing the winter upon its banks.
The following spring they went down the river, in seven boats which
they had rudely constructed out of such scanty material and with the
few tools they could command. In these, after a three months' voyage,
they arrived at the Spanish town of Panuco, on the river of that name
in Mexico.
Later, in 1565, Spain, failing in previous attempts, effected a lodg-
ment in Florida, and for the protection of her colony built the fort at
St. Augustine, whose ancient ruin, still standing, is an object of curi-
osity to the health-seeker and a monument to the hundreds of native
Indians who, reduced to bondage by their Spanish conquerors, perished,
after years of unrequited labor, in erecting its frowning walls and
gloomy dungeons.
While Spain retained her hold upon Mexico and enlarged her posses-
sions, and continued, with feebler efforts, to keep possession of the
Floridas, she took no measures to establish settlements along the Mis-
sissippi or to avail herself of the advantage that might have resulted
from its discovery. The Great River excited no further notice after
De Soto's time. For the next hundred years it remained as it were
a sealed mystery until the French, approaching from the north by
way of the lakes, explored it in its entire length, and brought to
public light the vast extent and wonderful fertility of its valleys.
Resuming the thread of our history at the place wbere we turned aside
to notice the movements of the Spanish toward the Gulf, we now pro-
ceed with the extracts from Father Marquette's journal of the voyage
of discovery down the Mississippi.
CHAPTER VII.
JOLIET AND MARQUETTE'S VOYAGE.
The day of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin,
whom I had always invoked, since I have been in this Ottawa country,
to obtain of God the grace to be able to visit the nations on the River
Mississippi, was identically that on which M. Jollyet arrived with
orders of the Comte de Frontenac, our governor, and M. Talon, our
intendant, to make this discovery with me. I was the more enraptured
at this good news, as I saw my designs on the point of being accom-
plished, and myself in the happy necessity of exposing my life for the
salvation of all these nations, and particularly for the Illinois, who had,
when I was at Lapointe du Esprit, very earnestly entreated me to carry
the word of God to their country."
" We were not long in preparing our outfit, although we were
embarking on a voyage the duration of which we could not foresee.
Indian corn, with some dried meats, was our whole stock of provisions.
With this we set out in two bark canoes, M. Jollyet, myself and five
men, firmly resolved to do all and suffer all for so glorious an enterprise."
"It was on the 17th of May, 1673, that we started from the mission
of St. Ignatius, at Michilimakinac, where I then was."*
" Our joy at being chosen for this expedition roused our courage
and sweetened the labor of rowing from morning to night. As we
were going to seek unknown countries, we took all possible precau-
tions that, if our enterprise was hazardous, it should not be foolhardy ;
for this reason we gathered all possible information from the Indians
who had frequented those parts, and even from their accounts, traced
a map of all the new country, marking down the rivers on which we
were to sail, the names of the nations and places through which we
were to pass, the course of the Great River, and what direction we
should take when we got to it."
"Above all, I put our voyage under the protection of the Blessed
Virgin Immaculate, promising her that, if she did us the grace to dis-
cover the Great River, I would give it the name of the conception ;
* St. Ignatius was not on the Island of Mackinaw, but westward of it, on a point
of land extending into the strait, from the north shore, laid down on modern maps as
"Point St. Ignace." On this bleak, exposed and barren spot this mission was estab-
lished by Marquette himself in 1671. Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 364.
43
44 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
and that I would also give that name to the first mission I should
establish among these new nations, as I have actually done among the
Illinois."
After some days they reached an Indian village, and the journal
proceeds: "Here we are, then, at the Maskoutens. This won], in
Algonquin, may mean Fire Nation, and that is the name given to them.
This is the limit of discoveries made by the French, for they have not
yet passed beyond it. This town is made up of three nations gathered
here, Miamis, Maskoutens and Kikabous.* As bark for cabins, in this
country, is rare, they use rushes, which serve them for walls and roofs,
but which afford them no protection against the wind, and still less
against the rain when it falls in torrents. The advantage of this kind
of cabins is that they can roll them up and carry them easily where
they like in hunting time."
" I felt no little pleasure in beholding the position of this town. The
view is beautiful and very picturesque, for, from the eminence on which
it is perched, the eye discovers on every side prairies spreading away
beyond its reach interspersed with thickets or groves of trees. The
soil is very good, producing much corn. The Indians gather also
quantities of plums and grapes, from which good wine could be made
if they choose."
"No sooner had we arrived than M. Jollyet and I assembled the
Sachems. He told them that he was sent by our governor to discover
new countries, and I by the Almighty to illumine them with the light
of the gospel; that the Sovereign Master of our lives wished to be
known to all nations, and that to obey his will I did not fear death, to
which I exposed myself in such dangerous voyages; that we needed
two guides to put us on our way ; these, making them a present, we
begged them to grant us. This they did very civilly, and even pro-
ceeded to speak to us by a present, which was a mat to serve us on our
voyage."
"The next day, which was the 10th of June, two Miamis whom
they had given us as guides embarked with us in the sight of a great
crowd, who could not wonder enough to see seven Frenchmen, alone
in two canoes, dare to undertake so strange and so hazardous an expe-
dition."
" We knew that there was, three leagues from Maskoutens, a river
emptying into the Mississippi. We knew, too, that the point of the
compass we were to hold to reach it was the west-southwest, but the
*The village was near the mouth of Wolf River, which empties into Winnebago
Lake, Wisconsin. The stream was formerly called the Maskouten, and a tribe of this
name dwelt along its banks.
Marquette's voyage. 45
way is so cut up with marshes and little lakes that it is easy to go
astray, especially as the river leading to it is so covered with wild oats
that you can hardly discover the channel ; hence we had need of our
two guides, who led us safely to a portage of twenty-seven hundred
paces and helped us transport our canoes to enter this river, after
which they returned, leaving us alone in an unknown country in the
hands of Providence."*
"We now leave the waters which flow to Quebec, a distance of four
or five hundred leagues, to follow those which will henceforth lead us
into strange lands.
" Our route was southwest, and after sailing about thirty leagues we
perceived a place which had all the appearances of an iron mine, and
in fact one of our party who had seen some before averred that the one
we had found was very rich and very good. After forty leagues on
this same route we reached the mouth of our river, and finding our-
selves at 42^° N. we safely entered the Mississippi on the 17th of June
with a joy that I cannot express."f
* This portage has given the name to Portage City, Wisconsin, where the upper
waters of Fox River, emptying into Green Bay, approach the Wisconsin River, which,
coming from the northwest, here changes its course to the southwest. The distance
from the Wisconsin to the Fox River at this point is, according to Henry R. School-
craft, a mile and a half across a level prairie, and the level of the two streams is so nearly
the same that in high water loaded canoes formerly passed from the one to the other
across this low prairie. For many miles below the portage the channel of Fox River
was choked with a growth of tangled wild rice. The stream frequently expanding
into little lakes, and its winding, crooked course through the prairie, well justifies the
tradition of the Winnebago Indians concerning its origin. A vast serpent that lived
in the waters of the Mississippi took a freak to visit the great lakes ; he left his trail
where he crossed over the prairie, which, collecting the waters as they fell from the rains
of heaven, at length became Fox River. The little lakes along its course were, prob-
ably, the places where he flourished about in his uneasy slumbers at night. Mrs. John
H. Kinzie's Waubun, p. 80.
t Father Marquette, agreeably to his vow, named the river the Immaculate Concep-
tion. Nine years later, when Robert La Salle, having discovered the river in its entire
length, took possession at its mouth of the whole Mississippi Valley, he named the
river Colbert, in honor of the Minister of the' Navy, a man renowned alike for his
ability, at the head of the Department of the Marine, and for the encouragement he
gave to literature, science and art. Still later, in 1712, when the vast country drained by
its waters was farmed out to private enterprise, as appears from letters patent from the
King of France, conveying the whole to M. Crozat, the name of the river was changed
to St. Lewis. Fortunately the Mississippi retains its aboriginal name, which is a com-
pound from the two Algonquin words missi, signifying great, and sepe, a river. The
former is variously pronounced missil or michil, as in Michilimakinac ; michr, as in Mich-
igan ; missu, as in Missouri, and missi, as in the Mississeneway of the Wabash. The
variation in pronunciation is not greater than we might" expect in an unwritten lan-
guage. "The Western Indians," says Mr. Schoolcraft, " have no other word than missi
to express the highest degree of magnitude, either in a moral or in a physical sense, and
it may be considered as not only synonymous to our word great, but also magnificent,
supreme, stupendous, etc." Father Hennepin, who next to Marquette wrote concern-
ing the derivation of the name, says : "Mississippi, in the language of the Illinois,
means the great river." Some authors, perhaps with more regard for a pleasing fic-
tion than plain matter-of-fact, have rendered Mississippi "The Father of Waters;"
whereas, nos, noussei/ and nosha mean father, and neebi, nipi or ncpee mean water, as
universally in the dialect of Algonquin tribes, as does the word missi mean great and
sepi a river.
46 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
"Having descended as far as 41° 28', following the same direction,
we find that turkeys have taken the place, of game, and pisikious (buf-
falo) or wild cattle that of other beasts.
" At last, on the 25th of June, we perceived foot -prints of men by
the water-side and a beaten path entering a beautiful prairie. We
stopped to examine it, and concluding that it was a path leading to
some Indian village we resolved to go and reconnoitre ; we accordingly
left our two canoes in charge of our people, cautioning them to beware
of a surprise ; then M. Jollyet and I undertook this rather hazardous
discovery for two single men, who thus put themselves at the mercy of
an unknown and barbarous people. We followed the little path in
silence, and having advanced about two leagues we discovered a village
on the banks of the river, and two others on a hill half a league from
the former. Then, indeed, we recommended ourselves to God with all
our hearts, and having implored his help we passed on undiscovered,
and came so near that we even heard the Indians talking. We then
deemed it time to announce ourselves, as we did, by a cry which we
raised with all our strength, and then halted, without advancing any
farther. At this cry the Indians rushed out of their cabins, and hav-
ing probably recognized us as French, especially seeing a black gown,
or at least having no reason to distrust us, seeing we were but two and
had made known our coming, they deputed four old men to come and
speak to us. Two carried tobacco-pipes well adorned and trimmed
with many kinds of feathers. They marched slowly, lifting their pipes
toward the sun as if offering them to it to smoke, but yet without
uttering a single word. They were a long time coming the little way
from the village to us. Having reached us at last, they stopped to con-
sider us attentively.
" I now took courage, seeing these ceremonies, which are used by
them only with friends, and still more on seeing them covered with stuffs
which made me judge them to be allies. I, therefore, spoke to them
first, and asked them who they were. They answered that they were
Illinois, and in token of peace they presented their pipes to smoke.
They then invited us to their village, where all the tribe awaited us
with impatience. These pipes for smoking are all called in this country
calumets, a word that is so much in use that I shall be obliged to employ
it in order to be understood, as I shall have to speak of it frequently.
" At the door of the cabin in which we were to be received was an
old man awaiting us in a very remarkable posture, which is their usual
ceremony in receiving strangers. This man was standing perfectly
naked, with his hands stretched out and raised toward the sun, as if he
wished to screen himself from its rays, which, nevertheless, passed
PRESENTATION OF THE CALUMET. 47
through his fingers to his face. When we came near him he paid us
this compliment :„ ' How beautiful is the sun, O Frenchman, when
thou comest to visit us ! All our town awaits thee, and thou shalt
enter all our cabins in peace.' He then took us into his, where there
was a crowd of people, who devoured us with their eyes but kept a
profound silence. We heard, however, these words occasionally ad-
dressed to us : ' Well done, brothers, to visit us ! ' As soon as we had
taken our places they showed us the usual civility of the country,
which is to present the calumet. You must not refuse it unless you
would pass for an enemy, or at least for being very impolite. It is,
however, enough to pretend to smoke. While all the old men smoked
after us to honor us, some came to invite us, on behalf of the great
sachem of all the Illinois, to proceed to his town, where he wished to
hold a council with us. We went with a good retinue, for all the
people who had never seen a Frenchman among them could not tire
looking at us; they threw themselves on the grass by the wayside,
they ran ahead, then turned and walked back to see us again. All this
was done without noise, and with marks of a great respect entertained
for us.
" Having arrived at the great sachem's town, we espied him at his
cabin door between two old men ; all three standing naked, with their
calumet turned to the sun. He harangued us in a few words, to con-
gratulate us on our arrival, and then presented us his calumet and made
us smoke ; at the same time we entered his cabin, where we received
all their usual greetings. Seeing all assembled and in silence, I spoke
to them by four presents which I made. By the first, I said that we
marched in peace to visit the nations on the river to the sea ; by the
second, I declared to them that God, their creator, had pity on them,
since, after their having been so long ignorant of him, he wished to
become known to all nations ; that I was sent on his behalf with this
design ; that it was for them to acknowledge and obey him ; by the
third, that the great chief of the French informed them that he spread
peace everywhere, and had overcome the Iroquois ; lastly, by the fourth,
we begged them to give us all the information they had of the sea, and
of nations through which we should have to pass to reach it.
" When I had finished my speech, the sachem rose, and laying his
hand on the head of a little slave whom he was about to give us, spoke
thus : ' I thank thee, Black-gown, and thee, Frenchman,' addressing
M. Jollyet, ' for taking so much pains to come and visit us. Never has
the earth been so beautiful, nor the sun so bright, as to-day ; never has
our river been so calm, nor so free from rocks, which your canoes have
removed as they passed ; never has our tobacco had so fine a flavor,
48 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
nor our corn appeared so beautiful as we behold it to-day. Here is my
son that I give thee that thou mayest know my heart. I pray thee
take pity on me and all my nation. Thou knowest the Great Spirit
who has made us all ; thou speakest to him and hearest his word ; ask
him to give me life and health, and come and dwell with us that we
may know him.' Saying this, he placed the little slave near us and
made us a second present, an all mysterious calumet, which they value
more than a slave. By this present he showed us his esteem for our
governor, after the account we had given of him. By the third he
begged us, on behalf of his whole nation, not to proceed farther on
account of the great dangers to which we exposed ourselves.
"I replied that I did not fear death, and that I esteemed no happi-
ness greater than that of losing my life for the glory of him who made
us all. But this these poor people could not understand. The coun-
cil was followed by a great feast which consisted of four courses, which
we had to take with all their ways. The first course was a ereat wooden
dish full of sagamity, — that is to say, of Indian meal boiled in water
and seasoned with grease. The master of ceremonies, with a spoonful
of sagamity, presented it three or four times to my mouth, as we would
do with a little child ; he did the same to M. Jollyet. For the second
course, he brought in a second dish containing three fish ; he took
some pains to remove the bones, and having blown upon it to cool it,
put it in my mouth as w r e would food to a bird. For the third course
they produced a large dog which they had just killed, but, learning
that we did not eat it, withdrew it. Finally, the fourth course was a
piece of wild ox, the fattest portions of which were put into our
mouths.
" We took leave of our Illinois about the end of June, and em-
barked in sight of all the tribe, who admire our little canoes, having
never seen the like.
"As we were discoursing, while sailing gently down a beautiful,
stjll, clear water, we heard the noise of a rapid into which we were
about to fall. I have seen nothing more frightful ; a mass of large
trees, entire, with branches, — real floating islands, — came rushing from
the mouth of the river Pekitanoiii, so impetuously that we could not,
without great danger, expose ourselves to pass across. The agitation
was so great that the water was all muddy and could not get clear.*
* Pekitanoiii, with the aboriginals, signified " muddy water," on the authority of
Father Marest, in his letter referred to in a previous note. The present name, Mis-
souri, according to Le Page du Pratz, vol. 2, p. 157, was derived from the tribe, Mis-
souris, whose village was some forty leagues above its mouth, and who massacred a
French garrison situated in that part of the country. The late statesman and orator,
Thomas A. Benton, referring to the muddiness prevailing at all seasons of the year in
the Missouri River, said that its waters were "too thick to swim in and too thin to
walk on."
PLOT AGAINST MARQUETTE'S LIFE. 49
"After having made about twenty leagues due south, and a little
less to the southeast, we came to a river called Ouabouskigou, the mouth
of which is at 36° north.* This river comes from the country on the
east inhabited by the Chaouanons, in such numbers that they reckon
as many as twenty-three villages in one district, and fifteen in another,
lying quite near each other. They are by no means warlike, and are
the people the Iroquois go far to seek in order to wage an unprovoked
war upon them ; and as these poor people cannot defend themselves
they allow themselves to be taken and carried off like sheep, and, inno-
cent as they are, do not fail to experience the barbarit}' of the Iroquois,
who burn them cruelly.'
Having arrived about half a league from Akansea (Arkansas
River), we saw two canoes coining toward us. The commander was
standing up holding in his hand a calumet, with which he made signs
according to the custom of the country. He approached us, singing quite
agreeably, and invited us to smoke, after which he presented us some
sagamity and bread made of Indian corn, of which we ate a little.
We fortunately found among them a man who understood Illinois much
better than the man we brought from Mitchigameh. By means of
him, I first spoke to the assembly by ordinary presents. They admired
what I told them of God and the mysteries of our holy faith, and
showed a great desire to keep me with them to instruct them.
" We then asked them what they knew of the sea ; they replied
that we were only ten days' journey from it (we could have made the
distance in five days); that they did not know the nations who inhab-
ited it, because their enemies prevented their commerce with those
Europeans ; that the Indians with fire-arms whom we had met were
their enemies, who cut off the passage to the sea, and prevented their
making the acquaintance of the Europeans, or having any commerce
with them ; that besides we should expose ourselves greatly by passing
on, in consequence of the continual war parties that their enemies sent
out on the river; since, being armed and used to war, we could not,
without evident danger, advance on that river which they constantly
occupy.
" In the evening the sachems held a secret council on the design of
some to kill us for plunder, but the chief broke up all these schemes,
and sending for us, danced the calumet in our presence, and then, to
remove all fears, presented it to me.
"M. Jollyet and I held another council to deliberate on what we
should do, whether we should push on, or rest satisfied with the dis-
*The Wabash here appears, for the first time, by name. A more extended notice
of the various names by which this stream has been known will be given farther on.
4
50 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
covery that we had made. After having attentively considered that
we were not far from the Gulf of Mexico, the basin of which is 31°
40' north, and we at 33° 40'; so that we could not be more than two
or three days' journey off; that the Mississippi undoubtedly had its
mouth in Florida or the Gulf of Mexico, and not on the east in Vir-
ginia, whose sea-coast is at 34° north, which we had passed, without
having as yet reached the sea, nor on the western side in California,
because that would require a west, or west-southwest course, and we
had always been going south. We considered, moreover, that we
risked losing the fruit of this voyage, of which we could give no
information, if we should throw ourselves into the hands of the Span-
iards, who would undoubtedly at least hold us as prisoners. Besides
it was clear that we were not in a condition to resist Indians allied to
Europeans, numerous and expert in the use of fire-arms, who contin-
ually infested the lower part of the river. Lastly, we had gathered all
the information that could be desired from the expedition. All these
reasons induced us to return. This we announced to the Indians, and
after a day's rest prepared for it.
"After a month's navigation down the Mississippi, from the 42d to
below the 34th degree, and after having published the gospel as well
as I could to the nations I had met, we left the village of Akansea on
the 17th of July, to retrace our steps. "We accordingly ascended the
Mississippi, which gave us great trouble to stem its currents. We left
it, indeed, about the 38th degree, to enter another river (the Illinois),
which greatly shortened our way, and brought us, with little trouble,
to the lake of the Illinois.
" We had seen nothing like this river for the fertility of the land, its
prairies, woods, wild cattle, stag, deer, wild-cats, bustards, swans, ducks,
parrots, and even beaver; its many little lakes and rivers. That on
which we sailed is broad deep and gentle for sixty-five leagues.
During the spring and part of the summer, the only portage is half a
league.
" We found there an Illinois town called Kaskaskia, composed of
seventy-four cabins ; they received us well, and compelled me to promise
them to return and instruct them. One of the chiefs of this tribe, with
his young men, escorted us to the Illinois Lake, whence at last we
returned in the close of September to the Bay of the Fetid (Green Bay),
whence we had set out in the beginning of June. Had all this voyage
caused but the salvation of a single soul, I should deem all my fatigue
well repaid, and this I have reason to think, for, when I was returning,
I passed by the Indians of Peoria. I was three days announcing the
faith in their cabins, after which, as we were embarking, they brought
BIOGRAPHY OF JOLIET. * • 51
me, on the water's edge, a dying child, which I baptized a little before
it expired, by an admirable providence for the salvation of that inno-
cent sonl."
Count Frontenac, writing from Quebec to M. Colbert, Minister of
the Marine, at Paris, under date of November 14, 1674, announces that
"Sieur Joliet, whom Monsieur Talon advised me, on my arrival from
France, to dispatch for the discovery of the South Sea, has returned three
months ago. He has discovered some very fine countries, and a navi-
gation so easy through beautiful rivers he has found, that a person can
go from Lake Ontario in a bark to the Gulf of Mexico, there being
only one carrying place (around Niagara Falls), where Lake Ontario
communicates with Lake Erie. I send you, by my secretary, the map
which Sieur Joliet has made of the great river he has discovered, and
the observations he has been able to recollect, as he lost all his minutes
and journals in the shipwreck he suffered within sight of Montreal,
where, after having completed a voyage of twelve hundred leagues,
he was near being drowned, and lost all his papers and a little Indian
whom he brought from those countries. These accidents have caused
me great regret."*
Louis Joliet, or Jolliet, or Jolly et, as the name is variously spelled,
was the son of Jean Joliet, a wheelwright, and Mary d'Abancour; he
was born at Quebec in the year 1645. Having finished his studies at
the Jesuit college he determined to become a member of that order, and
with that purpose in view took some of the minor orders of the society
in August, 1662. He completed his studies in 1666, but during this
time his attention had become interested in Indian affairs, and he laid
aside all thoughts of assuming the " black gown." That he acquired
great ability and tact in managing the savages, is apparent from the
fact of his having been selected to discover the south sea by the way of
the Mississippi. The map which he drew from memory, and which
was forwarded by Count Frontenac to France, was afterward attached
to Marquette's Journal, and was published by Therenot, at Paris, in
1681. Sparks, in his " Life of Marquette," copies this map,- and ascribes
it to his hero. This must be a mistake, since it differs quite essentially
from Marquette's map, which has recently been brought to public notice
by Dr. Shea.
Joliet's account of the voyage, mentioned by Frontenac, is published
in Hennepin's " Discovery of a Vast Country in America." It is very
meagre, and does not present any facts not covered by Marquette's nar-
rative.
In 1680 Joliet was appointed hydrographer to the king, and many
* Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 121.
52 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
well-drawn maps at Quebec show that his office was no sinecure. After-
ward, he made a voyage to Hudson's Bay in the interest of the king;
and as a reward for the faithful performance of his duty, he was granted
the island of Anticosti, which, on account of the fisheries and Indian
trade, was at that time very valuable. After this, he signed himself
Joliet d'Anticosty. In the year 1G97, he obtained the seignory of
Joliet on the river Etchemins, south of Quebec. M. Joliet died in
1701, leaving a wife and four children, the descendants of whom are
living in Canada still possessed of the seignory of Joliet, among whom
are Archbishop Taschereau of Quebec and Archbishop Tache of Red
River.
Mount Joliet, on the Desplaines River, above its confluence with the
Kankakee, and the city of Joliet, in the county of "Will, perpetuate
the name of Joliet in the state of Illinois.
Jacques Marquette was born in Laon, France, in 1637. His was
the oldest and one of the most respectable citizen families of the place.
At the age of seventeen he entered the Society of Jesus; received or-
ders in 1666 to embark for Canada, arriving at Quebec in September
of the same year. For two years he remained at Three Rivers, study-
ing the different Indian dialects under Father Gabriel Druillentes.
At the end of that period he received orders to repair to the upper
lakes, which he did, and established the Mission of Sault Ste. Marie.
The following year Dablon arrived, having been appointed Superior of
the Ottawa missions; Marquette then went to the " Mission of the Holy
Ghost" at the western extremity of Lake Superior; here he remained
for two years, and it was his accounts, forwarded from this place, that
caused Frontenac and Talon to send Joliet on his voyage to the Mis-
sissippi. The Sioux having dispersed the Algonquin tribes at Lapointe,
the latter retreated eastward to Mackinaw ; Marquette followed and
tbunded there the Mission of St. Ignatius. Here he remained until
Joliet came, in 1673, with orders to accompany him on his voyage of
discovery down the Mississippi. Upon his return, Marquette remained
at Mackinaw until October, 1674, when he received orders to carry out
his pet project of founding the " Mission of the Immaculate Concep-
tion of the Blessed Virgin " among the Illinois. He immediately set
out, but owing to a severe dysentery, contracted the year previous, he
made but slow progress. However, he reached Chicago Creek, De-
cember -4, where, growing rapidly worse, he was compelled to winter.
On the 29th of the following March he set out for the Illinois town,
on the river of that name. He succeeded in getting there on the 8th
of April. Being cordially received by the Indians, he was enabled to
realize his long deferred and much cherished project of establishing
DEATH OF MARQUETTE. 53
the " Mission of the Immaculate Conception.' 1 Believing that his life
was drawing to a close, he endeavored to reach Mackinaw before his
death should take place. But in this hope he was doomed to disap-
pointment ; by the time he reached Lake Michigan " he was so weak
that he had to be carried like a child." One Saturday, Marquette and
his two companions entered a small stream — which still bears his
name — on the eastern side of Lake Michigan, and in this desolate
spot, virtually alone, destitute of all the comforts of life, died James
Marquette. His life-long wish to die a martyr in the holy cause of
Jesus and the Blessed Virgin, was granted. Thus passed away one of
the purest and most sacrificing servants of God, — one of the bravest
and most heroic of men.
The biographical sketch of Joliet has been collated from a number
of reliable authorities, and is believed truthful. Our notice of Father
Marquette is condensed from his life as written by Dr. Shea, than
whom there is no one better qualified to perform the task.
CHAPTER VIII.
EXPLORATIONS BY LA SALLE.
The success of the French, in their plan of colonization, was so
great, and the trade with the savages, exchanging fineries, guns, knives,
and, more than all, spirituous liquors for valuable furs, yielded such
enormous profits, that impetus was given to still greater enterprises.
They involved no less than the hemming in of the British colonies
along the Atlantic coast and a conquest of the rich mines in Mexico,
from the Spanish. These purposes are boldly avowed in a letter of
M. Talon, the king's enterprising intendant at Quebec, in 1071 ; and
also in the declarations of the great Colbert, at Paris, "I am," says M.
Talon, in his letter to the king referred to, " no courtier, and assert,
not through a mere desire to please the king, nor without just reason,
that this portion of the French monarchy will become something
grand. What I discover around me makes me foresee this ; and those
colonies of foreign nations so long settled on the seaboard already
tremble with fright, in view of what his majesty has accomplished
here in the interior. The measures adopted to confine them within
narrow limits, by taking possession, which I have caused to be effected,
do not allow them to spread, without subjecting themselves, at the
same time, to be treated as usurpers, and have war waged against them.
This in truth is what by all their acts they seem to greatly fear. They
already know that your name is spread abroad among the savages
throughout all those countries, and that they regard your majesty alone
as the arbitrator of peace and war; they detach themselves insensibly
from other Europeans, and excepting the Iroquois, of whom I am not
as } 7 et assured, we can safely promise that the others will take up a.rms
whenever we please." " The principal result," says La Salle, in his
memoir at a later day, ( ' expected from the great perils and labors which
I underwent in the discovery of the Mississippi Mas to satisfy the wish
expressed to me by the late Monsieur Colbert, of finding a port where
the French might establish themselves and harass the Spaniards in
those regions from whence they derive all their wealth. The place I
propose to fortify lies sixty leagues above the mouth of the river Col-
bert (i. e. Mississippi) in the Gulf of Mexico, and possesses all the
advantages for such a purpose which can be wished for, both on account
54
EAKLY LIFE OF LA SALLE. 55
of its excellent position and the favorable disposition of the savages who
live in that part of the country."* It is not our province to indulge
in conjectures as to how far these daring purposes of Talon and Col-
bert would have succeeded had not the latter died, and their active
assistant, Robert La Salle, have lost his life, at the hands of an assassin,
when in the act of executing the preliminary part of the enterprise.
We turn, rather, to matters of historical record, and proceed with a
condensed sketch of the life and voyages of La Salle, as it was his dis-
coveries that led to the colonization of the Mississippi Valley by the
French.
La Salle was born, of a distinguished family, at Rouen, France.
He was consecrated to the service of God in early life, and entered the
Society of Jesus, in which he remained ten years, laying the foundation
of moral principles, regular habits and elements of science that served
him so well in his future arduous undertakings. Like many other
young men having plans of useful life, he thought Canada would offer
better facilities to develop them than the cramped and fixed society
of France. He accordingly left his home, and reached Montreal in
1GG6. Being of a resolute and venturesome disposition, he found
employment in making explorations of the country about the lakes.
He soon became a favorite of Talon, the intendant, and of Frontenac,
the governor, at Quebec. He was selected by the latter to take com-
mand of Fort Frontenac, near the present city of Kingston, on the St.
Lawrence River, and at that time a dilapidated, wooden structure on
the frontier of Canada.- He remained in Canada about nine years,
acquiring a knowledge of the country and particularly of the Indian
tribes, their manners, habits and customs, and winning the confidence
of the French authorities. He returned to France and presented a
memoir to the king, in which he urged the necessity of maintaining
Fort Frontenac, which he offered to restore with a structure of
stone ; to keep there a garrison equal to the one at Montreal ; to em-
ploy as many as fifteen laborers during the first year; to clear and till
the land, and to supply the surrounding Indian villages with Recollect
missionaries in furtherance of the cause of religion, all at his own ex-
pense, on condition that the king would grant him the right of seigniory
and a monopoly of the trade incident to it. He further petitioned for
title of nobility in consideration of voyages he had alread} T made in
Canada at his own expense, and which had resulted in the great bene-
fit to the king's colony. The king heard the petition graciously, and
* Talon's letter to the king: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 73. La Salle's Memoir to
the king, on the necessity of fitting out an expedition to take possession of Louisiana:
Historical Collections of Louisiana, part 1, p. 5.
56 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
on the 13th May, 1675, granted La Salle and his heirs Fort Frontenac,
with four leagues of the adjacent country along the lakes and rivers
above and below the fort and a half a league inward, and the adjacent
islands, with the right of hunting and fishing on Lake Ontario and
the circumjacent rivers. On the same day, the king issued to La Salle
letters patent of nobility, having, as the king declares, been informed
of the worthy deeds performed by the people, either in reducing or
civilizing the savages or in defending themselves against their frequent
insults, especially those of the Iroquois ; in despising the greatest dan-
gers in order to extend the king's name and empire to the extremity
of that new world ; and desiring to reward those who have thus ren-
dered themselves most eminent; and wishing to treat most favorably
Hobert Cavalier Sieur de La Salle on account of the good and laudable
report that has been rendered concerning his actions in Canada, the
king does ennoble and decorate with the title of nobility the said cav-
alier, together with his wife and children. He left France with these
precious documents, and repaired t© Fort Frontenac, where he per-
formed the conditions imposed by the terms of his titles.
He sailed for France again in 1677, and in the following year after
he and Colbert had fully matured their plans, he again petitioned the
king for a license to prosecute further discoveries. The king granted
his request, giving him a permit, under date of May 12, 1678, to en-
deavor to discover the western part of New France; the king avowing
in the letters patent that " he had nothing more at heart than the dis-
covery of that country where there is a prospect of finding a way to
penetrate as far as Mexico," and authorizing La Salle to prosecute dis-
coveries, and construct forts in such places as he might think necessary,
and enjoy there the same monopoly as at Fort Frontenac, — all on con-
dition that the enterprise should be prosecuted at La Salle's expense,
and completed within five years ; that he should not trade with the
savages, who carried their peltries and beavers to Montreal ; and that
the governor, intendant, justices, and other officers of the king i;i New
France, should aid La Salle in his enterprise.* Before leaving France,
La Salle, through the Prince de Conti, was introduced to one Henri
de Tonti, an Italian by birth, who for eight years had been in the
French service. Having had one of his hands shot off while in Sicily,
he repaired to France to seek other employment. It was a most for-
tunate meeting. Tonti — a name that should be prominently associ-
ated with discoveries in this part of America — became La Salle's
companion. Ever faithful and courageous, he ably and zealously fur-
* Vide the petitions of La Salle to, and the plants from, the king, which are found
at length in the Paris Documents, vol. 9, pp. 122 to 127.
LOUIS HENNEPIN. 57
thered all of La Salle's plans, followed and defended him under the
most discouraging trials, with an unselfish fidelity that has few paral-
lels in any age.
Supplied with this new grant of enlarged powers, La Salle, in com-
pany with Tonti, — or Tonty, as Dr. Sparks says he has seen the name
written in an autograph letter, — and thirty men, comprising pilots,
sailors, carpenters and other mechanics, with a supply of material
necessary for the intended exploration, left France for Quebec. Here
the party were joined by some Canadians, and the whole force was
sent forward to Fort Frontenac, at the outlet of Lake Ontario, since
this fort had been granted to La Salle. He had, in conformity to the
terms of his letters patent, greatly enlarged and strengthened its de-
fenses. Here he met Louis Hennepin, a Franciscan Friar, whom it
seems had been sent thither along with Father Gabriel de la Ribourde
and Zenobius Membre, all of the same religious order, to accompany
La Salle's expedition. In the meantime, Hennepin was occupied in
pastoral labors among the soldiers of the garrison, and the inhabitants
of a little hamlet of peasants near by, and proselyting the Indians of
the neighboring country. Hennepin, from his own account, had not
only traveled over several parts of Europe before coming to Canada,
but since his arrival in America, had spent much time in roaming
about among the savages, to gratify his love of adventure and acquire
knowledge.
Hennepin's name and writings are so prominently connected with
the early history of the Mississippi Valley, and, withal, his contradic-
tory statements, made at a later day of his life, as to the extent of his
own travels, have so clouded his reputation with grave doubt as to his
regard for truth, that we will turn aside and give the reader a sketch
of this most singular man and his claims as a discoverer. He was
bold, courageous, patient and hopeful under the most trying fatigues ;
and had a taste for the privations and dangers of a life among the
savages, whose ways and caprices he well understood, and knew how
to turn them to insure his own safety. He was a shrewd observer and
possessed a faculty for that detail and little minutiae, which make a
narrative racy and valuable. He was vain and much given to self-
glorification. He accompanied La Salle, in the first voyage, as far as
Peoria Lake, and he and Father Zenobe Membre are the historians of
that expedition. From Peoria Lake he went down the Illinois, under
orders from La Salle, and up the Mississippi beyond St. Anthony's
Falls, giving this name to the falls. This interesting voyage was not
prosecuted voluntarily ; for Hennepin and his two Companions were
captured by the Sioux and taken up the river as prisoners, often in
58 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
great peril of their lives. He saw La Salic no more, after parting with
him at Peoria Lake. He was released from captivity through the
intervention of Mons. Duluth, a French Coureur de Bois, who had
previously established a trade with the Sioux, on the upper Mississippi,
by way of Lake Superior. After his escape, Hennepin descended the
Mississippi to the mouth of the Wisconsin, which he ascended, made
the portage at the head of Fox River, thence to Green Bay and Mack-
inaw, by the route pursued by Joliet and Marquette on their way to
the Mississippi, seven years before. From Mackinaw he proceeded to
France, where, in 1683, he published, under royal authority, an account
of his travels. For refusing to obey an order of his superiors, to return
to America, he was banished from France. He went to Holland and
obtained the favor and patronage of William III, king of England, to
whose service, as he himself says, "he entirely devoted himself."' In
Holland, he received money and sustenance from Mr. Blathwait, King
William's secretary of war, while engaged in preparing a new volume
of his voyages, which was published at Utrecht, in 1697, and dedicated
"To His Most Excellent Majesty William the Third." The revised
edition contains substantially all of the first, and a great deal besides;
for in this last work Hennepin lays claim, for the first time, to having
gone down the Mississippi to its mouth, thus seeking to deprive La
Salle of the glory attaching to his name, on account of this very dis-
covery. La Salle had now been dead about fourteen years, and from
the time he went down the Mississippi, in 1682, to the hour of his
death, although his discovery was well known, especially to Hennepin,
the latter never laid any claim to having anticipated him in the discov-
ery. Besides, Hennepin's own account, after so long a silence, of his
pretended voyage down the river is so utterly inconsistent with itself,
especially with respect to dates and the impossibility of his traveling
the distances within the time he alleges, that the storv carries its own
refutation. For this mendacious act. Father Hennepin has merited the
severest censures of Charlevoix, Jared Sparks, Francis Parkman, Dr.
Shea and other historical critics.
His first work is generally regarded as authority. That he did go
up the Mississippi river there seems to be no controversy, while grave
doubts prevail as to many statements in his last publication, which
would otherwise pass without suspicion were they not found in com-
pany with statements known to be untrue.
In the preface to his last work, issued in 1697, Father Hennepin
assigns as a reason why he did not publish his descent of the Missis-
sippi in his volume issued in 1683, "that I was obliged to say nothing
of the course of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the Illinois down
HENNEPIN AND LA SALLE. 59'
to the sea, for fear of disobliging M. La Salle, with whom I began my
discovery. This gentleman, alone, would have the glory of having dis-
covered the course of that river. But when he heard that I had done
it two years before him he could never forgive me, though, as I have
said, I was so modest as to publish nothing of it. This was the true
cause of his malice against me, and of the barbarous usage I met with
in France."
Still, his description of places he did visit ; the aboriginal names
and geographical features of localities ; his observations, especially upon
the manners and customs of the Indians, and other facts which he had
no motive to misrepresent, are generally regarded as true in his last as
well as in his first publication. His works, indeed, are the only repos-
itories of many interesting particulars relating to the northwest, and
authors quote from him, some indiscriminately and others with more
caution, while all criticise him without measure.
Hennepin was born in Belgium in 1640, as is supposed, and died
at Utrecht, Holland, within a few years after issuing his last book. This
was republished in London in 1698, the translation into English being
wretchedly executed. The book, aside from its historical value and the
notoriety attaching to it because of the new claims Hennepin makes,
is quite a curiosity. It is made up of Hennepin's own travels, blended
with his fictitious discoveries, scraps and odd ends taken from the
writings of other travelers without giving credit ; the whole embellished
with plates and a map inserted by the bookseller, and the text empha-
sized with italics and displayed type; all designed to render it a speci-
men, as it probably was in its day, of the highest skill attained in the
art of book-making.
La Salle brought up the St. Lawrence to Fort Frontenac the
anchors, cordage and other material to be used in the vessel which he
designed to construct above the Falls of Niagara for navigating the
western lakes. He alreadv had three small vessels on Lake Ontario,
which he had made use of in a coasting trade with the Indians. One
of these, a brigantine of ten tons, was loaded with his effects; his men,
including Fathers Gabriel, Zenobius Membre and Hennepin, who were,
as Father Zenobia declares, commissioned with care of the spiritual
direction of the expedition, were placed aboafd, and on the 18th of
November the vessel sailed westward for the Niagara River. They
kept the northern shore, and run into land and bartered for corn with
the Iroquois at one of their villages, situated where Toronto, Canada,
is located, and for fear of being frozen up in the river, which here
empties into the lake, had to cut the ice from about their ship. Detained
by adverse winds, they remained here until the wind was favorable,
60 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
when they sailed across the end of the lake and found an anchorage in
the mouth of Niagara River on the 6th of December. The season was
far advanced, and the ground covered with snow a foot deep. Large
masses of ice were floating down the river endangering the vessel, and
it was necessary to take measures to give it security. Accordingly the
vessel was hauled with cables up against the strong current. One of
the cables broke, and the vessel itself came very near being broken to
pieces or carried away by the ice, which was grinding its way to the
open lake. Finally, by sheer force of human strength, the vessel was
dragged to the shore, and moored with a strong hawser under a protect-
ing cliff out of danger from the floating ice. A cabin, protected with
palisades, for shelter and to serve as a magazine to store the supplies,
was also constructed. The ground was frozen so hard that it had to be
thawed out with boiling water before the men could drive stakes into it.
The movements of La Salle excited, first the curiosity of the Iro-
quois Indians, in whose country he was an intruder, and then their jeal-
ousy became aroused as they began to fear he intended the erection of a
fort. The Sieur de La Salle, says the frank and modest-minded Father
Zenobe Membre, "with his usual address met the principal Iroquois
chiefs in conference, and gained them so completely that they not only
agreed, but offered, to contribute with all their means to the execu-
tion of his designs. The conference lasted for some time. La Salle
also sent many canoes to trade north and south of the lake among
these tribes." Meanwhile La Salle's enemies were busy in thwarting
his plans. They insinuated themselves among the Indians in the
vicinity of Niagara, and filled their ears with all sorts of stories to La
Salle's discredit, and aroused feelings of such distrust that work on the
fort, or depot for supplies, had to be suspended, and La Salle content
himself with a house surrounded by palisades.
A place was selected above the falls,* on the eastern side of the
river, for the construction of the new vessel.
The ground was cleared away, trees were felled, and the carpen-
ters set to work. The keel of the vessel was laid on the 20th of Jan-
uary, and some of the plank being ready to fasten on, La Salle drove
the first spike. As the work progressed, La Salle made several trips, over
ice and snow, and later in the spring with vessels, to Fort Frontenac, to
hurry forward provisions and material. One of his vessels was lost on
Lake Ontario, heavily laden with a cargo of valuable supplies, through
the fault or willful perversit}' of her pilots. The disappointment over this
calamity, says Hennepin, would have dissuaded any other person than
♦Francis Parkman, in his valuable work, "The Discovery of the Great West,"
p. 133, locates the spot at the mouth of Cayuga Creek on the American shore.
THE FIRST SAIL ON LAKE ERIE. 61
La Salle from the further prosecution of the enterprise. The men
worked industriously on the ship. The most of the Iroquois having
gone to war with a nation on the northern side of Lake Erie, the few
remaining behind were become less insolent than before. Still they
lingered about where the work was going on, and continued expres-
sions of discontent at what the French were doing. One of them let
on to be drunk and attempted to kill the blacksmith, but the latter
repulsed the Indian with a piece of iron red-hot from the forge. The
Indians threatened to burn the vessel on the stocks, and might have
done so were it not constantly guarded. Much of the time the only
food of the men was Indian corn and fish ; the distance to Fort Fron-
tenac and the inclemency of the winter rendering it out of power to
procure a supply of other or better provisions.
The frequent alarms from the Indians, a want of wholesome food,
the loss of the vessel with its promised supplies, and a refusal of the
neighboring tribes to sell any more of their corn, reduced the party to
such extremities that the ship-carpenters tried to run away. They
were, however, persuaded to remain and prosecute their work. Two
Mohegan Indians, successful hunters in La Salle's service, were fortu-
nate enough to bring in some wild goats and other game they had
killed, which greatly encouraged the workmen to go on with their task
more briskly than before. The vessel was completed within six months
from the time its keel was laid. The ship was gotten afloat before en-
tirely finished, to prevent the designs of the natives to burn it. She
was sixty tons burthen, and called the " Griffin," a name given it by
La Salle by way of a compliment to Count Frontenac, whose armorial
bearings were supported by two griffins. Three guns were fired, and
"Te Deums" chanted at the christening, and prayers offered up for a
prosperous voyage. The air in the wild forest rung with shouts of
joy; even the Iroquois, looking suspiciously on, were seduced with
alluring draughts of brandy to lend their deep-mouthed voices to the
happy occasion. The men left their cabins of bark and swung their
hammocks under the deck of the ship, where they could rest with
greater security from the savages than on the shore.
The Griffin, under press of a favorable breeze, and with the help
of twelve men on the shore pulling at tow-ropes, was forced up against
the strong current of the Niagara River to calmer waters at the en-
trance of the lake. On the 7th of August, 1679, her canvas was spread,
and the pilot steering by the compass, the vessel, with La Salle and his
thirty odd companions and their effects aboard, sailed out westward
upon the unknown, silent waters of Lake Erie. In three days they
reached the mouth of Detroit River. Father Hennepin was fairly
62 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
delighted with the country along this river — it was "so well situated
and the soil so fertile. Vast meadows extending back from the strait,
and terminating at the uplands, which were clad with vineyards, and
plum and pear and other fruit-bearing trees of nature's own planting, all
so well arranged that one would think they could not have been so dis-
posed without the help of art. The country was also well stocked
with deer, bear, wild goats, turkeys, and other animals and birds, that
supplied a most relishing food. The forest comprised walnut and
other timber in abundance suitable for building purposes. So charmed
was he with the prospect that he " endeavored to persuade La Salle to
settle at the ' De Troit,' " it being in the midst of so many savage na-
tions among whom a good trade could be established. La Salle would
not listen to this proposal. He said he would make no settlement
within one hundred leagues of Frontenac, lest other Europeans would
be before them in the new country they were going to discover. This,
says Hennepin, was the pretense of La Salle and the adventurers who
were with him ; for I soon discovered that their intention was to buy all
the furs and skins of the remotest savages who, as thev thought, did
not know their value, and thus enrich themselves in one single voyage.
On Lake Huron the Griffin encountered a storm. The main-yards
and topmast were blown away, giving the ship over to the mercy of
the winds. Tbere was no harbor to run into for shelter. La Salle,
although a courageous man, gave way to his fears, and said they all
were undone. Everyone thereupon fell upon their knees to say pray-
ers and prepare for death, except the pilot, who cursed and swore all
the while at La Salle for bringing him there to perish in a nasty lake,
after he had acquired so much renown in a long and successful naviga-
tion on the ocean. The storm abated, and on the 27th of August, the
Griffin resumed her course northwest, and was carried on the evening
of the same day beyond the island of Mackinaw to point St. Ignace,
and safely anchored in a bay that is sheltered, except from the south,
by the projecting mainland.
CHAPTER IX.
LA SALLE'S VOYAGE CONTINUED.
St. Ignace, or Mackinaw, as previously stated, had become a princi-
pal center of the Jesuit missions, and it had also grown into a head-
quarters for an extensive Indian trade. Duly licensed traders, as well
as the Coureurs de Bois, — men who had run wild, as it were, and by
their intercourse with the nations had thrown off all restraints of
civilized life, — resorted to this vicinity in considerable numbers. These,
lost to all sense of national pride, instead of sustaining took every
measure to thwart La Salle's plans. They, with some of the dissatis-
fied crew, represented to the Indians that La Salle and his associates
were a set of dangerous and ambitious adventurers, who meant to
engross all the trade in furs and skins and invade their liberties. These
jealous and meddlesome busybodies had already, before the arrival of
the Griffin, succeeded in seducing fifteen men from La Salle's service,
whom with others, he had sent forward the previous spring, under
command of Tonty, with a stock of merchandise; and, instead of
going to the tribes beyond and preparing the way for a friendly recep-
tion of La Salle, as they were ordered to do, they loitered about
Mackinaw the whole summer and squandered the goods, in spite of
Tonty's persistent efforts to urge them forward in the performance of
their duty. La Salle sent out other parties to trade with the natives,
and these went so far, and were so busy in bartering for and collect-
ing furs, that they did not return to Mackinaw until November. It
was now getting late and La Salle was warned of the dangerous storms
that sweep the lakes at the beginning of winter ; he resolved, therefore,
to continue his voyage without waiting the return of his men. He
weio-hed anchor and sailed westward into Lake Michigan as far as the
islands at the entrance of Green Bav, then called the Pottawatomie
Islands, for the reason that they were then occupied by bands of that
tribe. On one of these islands La Salle found some of the men
belonging to his advance party of traders, and who, having secured a
large quantity of valuable furs, had long and impatiently waited his
coming.
La Salle, as is already apparent, determined to engage in a fur trade
that already and legitimately belonged to merchants operating at
63
64 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Montreal, and with which the terms of his own license prohibited his
interfering. Without asking any one's advice he resolved to load his
ship with furs and send it back to Niagara, and the furs to Quebec, and
out of the proceeds of the sale to discharge some very pressing debts.
The pilot with five men to man the vessel were ordered to proceed with
the Griffin to Niagara, and return with all imaginable speed and join La
Salle at the mouth of the St. Joseph River, near the southern shore of
Lake Michigan. The Griffin did not go to Green Bay City, as many
writers have assumed in hasty perusals of the original authorities, or
even penetrate the body of water known as Green Bay beyond the
chain of islands at its mouth.
The resolution of La Salle, taken, it seems, on the spur of the
moment, to send his ship back down the lakes, and prosecute his
voyage the rest of the way to the head of Lake Michigan in frail
birchen canoes, was a most unfortunate measure. It delayed his
discoveries two years, brought severe hardships upon himself and
greatly embarrassed all his future plans. The Griffin itself was lost,
with all her cargo, valued at sixty thousand livres. She, nor her crew,
was ever heard of after leaving the Pottawatomie Islands. What
became of the ship and men in charge remains to this day a mystery,
or veiled in a cloud of conjecture. La Salle himself, says Francis
Parkman, "grew into a settled conviction that the Griffin had been
treacherously sunk by the pilot and sailors to whom he had intrusted
her; and he thought he had, in after-years, found evidence that the
authors of the crime, laden with the merchandise they had taken from
her, had reached the Mississippi and ascended it, hoping to join Du
Shut, the famous chief of the Coureurs de Bois, and enrich them-
selves by traffic with the northern tribes.*
The following is, substantially, Hennepin's account of La Salle's
canoe voyage from the mouth of Green Bay south, along the shore of
Lake Michigan, past Milwaukee and Chicago, and around the southern
end of the lake ; thence north along the eastern shore to the mouth of
the St. Joseph River; thence up the St. Joseph to South Bend, mak-
ing the portage here to the head-waters of the Kankakee; thence down
the Kankakee and Illinois through Peoria Lake, with an account of
the building of Fort Crevecceur. Hennepin's narrative is full of in-
teresting detail, and contains many interesting observations upon the
condition of the country, the native inhabitants as they appeared nearly
two hundred years ago. The privation and suffering to which La Salle
and his party were exposed in navigating Lake Michigan at that early
day, and late in the fall of the year, when the waters were vexed with
* Discovery of the Great West, p. 169.
FIKST VOYAGE ON LAKE MICHIGAN. 65
tempestuous storms, illustrate the courage and daring of the under-
taking.
Their suffering did not terminate with their voyage upon the lake.
Difficulties of another kind were experienced on the St. Joseph, Kan-
kakee and Illinois Rivers. Hennepin's is, perhaps, the first detailed
account we have of this part of the "Great West," and is therefore of
great interest and value on this account.
" We left the Pottawatomies to continue our voyage, being fourteen
men in all, in four canoes. I had charge of the smallest, which carried
five hundredweight and two men. My companions being recently
from Europe, and for that reason being unskilled in the management
of these kind of boats, its whole charge fell upon me in stormy
weather.
" The canoes were laden with a smith's forge, utensils, tools for car-
penters, joiners and sawyers, besides our goods and arms. We steered
to the south toward the mainland, from which the Pottawatomie
Islands are distant some forty leagues ; but about midway, and in the
night time, we were greatly endangered by a sudden storm. The
waves dashed into our canoes, and the night was so dark we had great
difficulty in keeping our canoes together. The daylight coming on,
we reached the shore, where we remained for four days, waiting for the
lake to grow calm. In the meantime our- Indian hunter went in quest
of game, but killed nothing other than a porcupine ; this, however,
made our Indian corn more relishing. The weather becoming fair, we
resumed our voyage, rowing all day and well into the night, along the
western coast of the Lake of the Illinois. The wind again grew to fresh,
and we landed upon a rocky beach where we had nothing to protect
ourselves against a storm of snow and rain except the clothing on our
persons. We remained here two days for the sea to go down, hav-
ing made a little fire from wood cast ashore by the waves. We pro-
ceeded on our voyage, and toward evening the winds again forced us
to a beach covered with rushes, where we remained three days ; and in
the meantime our provisions, consisting only of pumpkins and Indian
corn purchased from the Pottawatomies, entirely gave out. Our
canoes were so heavily laden that we could not carry provisions with
us, and we were compelled to rely on bartering for such supplies on
our way. We left this dismal place, and after twelve leagues rowing
came to another Pottawatomie village, whose inhabitants stood upon
the beach to receive us. But M. La Salle refused to let anyone land,
notwithstanding the severity of the weather, fearing some of his men
might run away. We were in such great peril that La Salle flung
himself into the water, after we had gone some three leagues farther,
5
66 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
and with the aid of his three men carried the canoe of which he had
charge to the shore, upon their shoulders, otherwise it would have been
broken to pieces by the waves. We were obliged to do the same with
the other canoes. I, myself, carried good Father Gabriel upon my
back, his age being so well advanced as not to admit of his ventur-
ing in the water. "We took ourselves to a piece of rising ground to
avoid surprise, as we had no manner of acquaintance with the great
number of savages whose village was near at hand. We sent three
men into the village to buy provisions, under protection of the calu-
met or pipe of peace, which the Indians at Pottawatomie Islands had
presented us as a means of introduction to, and a measure of safety
against, other tribes that we might meet on our way."
The calumet has always been a symbol of amity among all the In-
dian tribes of North America, and so uniformly used by them in all
their negotiations with their own race, and Europeans as well ; and
Father Hennepin's description of it, and the respect that is accorded to
its presence, are so truthful that we here insert his account of it at
length :
"This calumet," says Father Hennepin, "is the most mysterious
thing among the savages, for it is used in all important transactions.
It is nothing else, however, than a large tobacco pipe, made of red,
black, or white stone. The head is highly polished, and the quill or
stem is usually about two feet in length, made of a pretty strong reed
or cane, decorated with highly colored feathers interlaced with locks of
women's hair. Wings of gaudily plumaged birds are tied to it, mak-
ing the calumet look like the wand of Mercury, or staff which ambas-
sadors of state formerly carried when they went to conduct treaties of
peace. The stem is sheathed in the skin of the neck of birds called
'Huars'' (probably the loon), which are as large as our geese, and
spotted with white and black; or else with those of a duck (the little
wood duck whose neck presents a beautiful contrast of colors) that
make their nests upon trees, although the water is their ordinary ele-
ment, and whose feathers are of many different colors. However,
every tribe ornament their calumets according to their own fancy, with
the feathers of such birds as they may have in their own country.
"A pipe, such as I have described, is a pass of safe conduct among all
the allies of the tribe which has given it ; and in all embassies it is car-
ried as a symbol of peace, and is always respected as such, for the sav-
ages believe some great misfortune would speedily befall them if they
violated the public faith of the calumet. All their enterprises, declara-
tions of war, treaties of peace, as well as all of the rest of their cere-
monies, are sealed with the calumet. The pipe is filled with the best
CANOE VOYAGE ON LAKE MICHIGAN. 67
tobacco they have, and then it is presented to those with whom they
are about to conduct an important affair ; and after they have smoked
out of it, the one offering it does the same. I would have perished,"
concludes Hennepin, " had it not been for the calumet. Our three
men, carrying the calumet and being well armed, went to the little
village about three leagues from the place where we landed ; they
found no one at home, for the inhabitants, having heard that we refused
to land at the other village, supposed we were enemies, and had aban-
doned their habitations. In their absence our men took some of their
eorn, and left instead, some goods, to let them know we were neither
their enemies nor robbers. Twenty of the inhabitants of this village
came to our encampment on the beach, armed with axes, small guns,
bows, and a sort of club, which, in their language, means a head-
breaker. La Salle, with four well-armed men, advanced toward them
for the purpose of opening a conversation. He requested them to come
near to us, saying he had a party of hunters out who might come
across them and take their lives. They came forward and took seats
at the foot of an eminence, where we were encamped ; and La Salle
amused them with the relation of his voyage, which he informed them
he had undertaken for their advantage ; and thus occupied their time
until the arrival of the three men who had been sent out with the
calumet ; on seeing which the savages gave a great shout, arose to their
feet and danced about. We excused our men from having taken some
of their corn, and informed them that we had left its true value in
goods ; they were so well pleased with this that they immediately sent
for more corn, and on the next day they made us a gift of as much as
we could conveniently find room for in our canoes.
" The next day morning the old men of the tribe came to us with
their calumet of peace, and entertained us with a free offering of wild
goats, which their own hunters had taken. In return, we presented
them our thanks, accompanied with some axes, knives, and several little
toys for their wives, with all which they were very much pleased.
" We left this place and continued our voyage along the coast of
the lake, which, in places, is so steep that we often found it difficult to
obtain a landing ; and the wind was so violent as to oblige us to carry
our canoes sometimes upon top of the bluff, to prevent their being
dashed in pieces. The stormy weather lasted four days, causing us
much suffering; for every time we made the shore we had to wade
in the water, carrying our effects and canoes upon our shoulders. The
water being very cold, most of us were taken sick. Our provisions
again failed us, which, with the fatigues of rowing, made old Father
Gabriel faint away in such a manner that we despaired of his life.
68 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
With a use of a decoction of hyacinth I had with me, and which I
found of great service on our voyage, he was restored to his senses.
We had no other subsistence but a handful of corn per man every
twenty-four hours, which we parched or boiled ; and, although reduced
to such scanty diet, we rowed our canoes almost daily, from morning
to night. Our men found some hawthorns and other wild berries,
of which they ate so freely that most of them were taken sick, and we
imagined that they were poisoned.
" Yet the more we suffered, the more, by God's grace, did I become
stronger, so that I could outrow the other canoes. Being in great dis-
tress, He, who takes care of his meanest creatures, provided us with
an unexpected relief. We saw over the land a great many ravens
and eagles circling in mid-air ; from whence we conjectured there was
prey near by. We landed, and, upon search, found the half of a wild
goat which the wolves had strangled. This provision was very ac-
ceptable, and the rudest of our men could not but praise a kind Provi-
dence, who took such particular care of us.
" Having thus refreshed ourselves, we continued our voyage directly
to the southern part of the lake, every day the country becoming liner
and the climate more temperate. On the 16th of October we fell in
with abundance of game. Our Indian hunter killed several deer and
wild goats, and our men a great many big fat turkey-cocks, with
which we regaled ourselves for several days. On the 18th we came to
the farther end of the lake.* Here we landed, and our men were sent
out to prospect the locality, and found great quantities of ripe grapes,
the fruit of which were as large as damask plums. We cut down the
trees to gather the grapes, out of which we made pretty good wine,
which we put into gourds, used as flasks, and buried them in the sand
to keep the contents from turning sour. Many of the trees here are
loaded with vines, which, if cultivated, would make as good wine as
any in Europe. The fruit was all the more relishing to us, because we
wanted bread."
Other travelers besides Hennepin, passing this locality at an early
day, also mention the same fact. It would seem, therefore, that Lake
Michigan had the same modifying influence upon, and equalized the
temperature of, its eastern shore, rendering it as famous for its wild
fruits and grapes, two hundred years ago, as it has since become noted
for the abundance and perfection of its cultivated varieties.
" Our men discovered prints of men's feet. The men were ordered
* From the description given of the country, the time occupied, and forest growth,
the voyagers must now be eastward of Michigan City, and where the lake shore trends
more rapidly to the north.
SAVAGES PLUNDER LA SALLE. 69
to be upon guard and make no noise. In spite of this precaution, one
of our men, finding a bear upon a tree, shot him dead and dragged
him into camp. La Salle was very angry at this indiscretion, and, to
avoid surprise, placed sentinels at the canoes, under which our effects
.had been put for protection against the rain. There was a hunting
party of Fox Indians from the vicinity of Green Bay, about one hun-
dred and twenty in number, encamped near to us, who, having heard
the noise of the gun of the man who shot the bear, became alarmed,
and sent out some of their men to discover who we were. These
spies, creeping upon their bellies, and observing great silence, came
in the night-time and stole the coat of La Salle's footman and some
goods secreted under the canoes. The sentinel, hearing a noise, gave the
alarm, and we all ran to our arms. On being discovered, and thinking
our numbers were greater than we really were, they cried out, in
the dark, that they were friends. We answered, friends did not visit
at such unseasonable hours, and that their actions were more like
those of robbers, who designed to plunder and kill us. Their headsman
replied that they heard the noise of our gun, and, as they knew that
none of the neighboring tribes possessed firearms, they supposed we
were a war party of Iroquois, come with the design of murdering
them; but now that they learned we were Frenchmen from Canada,
whom they loved as their own brethren, they would anxiously wait
until daylight, so that they could smoke out of our calumet. This is a
compliment among the savages, and the highest mark they can give of
their affection.
"We appeared satisfied with their reasons, and gave leave to four of
their old men, only, to come into our camp, telling them we would not
permit a greater number, as their young men were much given to
stealing, and that we would not suffer such indignities. Accordingly,
four of their old men came among us ; we entertained them until
morning, when they departed. After they were gone, we found out
about the robbery of the canoes, and La Salle, well knowing the genius
of the savages, saw, if he allowed this affront to pass without resenting
it, that we would be constantly exposed to a renewal of like indigni-
ties. Therefore, it was resolved to exact prompt satisfaction. La
Salle, with four of his men, went out and captured two of the Indian
hunters. One of the prisoners confessed the robbery, with the cir-
cumstances connected with it. The thief was detained, and his comrade
was released and sent to his band to tell their headsman that the cap-
tive in custody would be put to death unless the stolen property were
returned.
" The savages were greatly perplexed at La Salle's peremptory mes-
70 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
sage. They could not comply, for they had cut up the goods and coat
and divided among themselves the pieces and the buttons; they there-
fore resolved to rescue their man by force. The next day, October
30, they advanced to attack us. The peninsula we were encamped
on was separated from the forest where the savages lay by a little sandy
plain, on which and near the wood were two or three eminences. La
Salle determined to take possession of the most prominent of these
elevations, and detached five of his men to occupy it, following him-
self, at a short distance, with all of his force, every one having rolled
their coats about the left arm, which was held up as a protection
against the arrows of the savages. Only eight of the enemy had fire-
arms. The savages were frightened at our advance, and their young
men took behind the trees, but their captains stood their ground, while
we moved forward and seized the knoll. I left the two other Francis-
cans reading the usual prayers, and went about among the men ex-
horting them to their duty ; I had been in some battles and sieges in
Europe, and was not afraid of these savages, and La Salle was highly
pleased with my exhortations, and their influence upon his men. When
I considered what might be the result of the quarrel, and how much
more Christian-like it would be to prevent the effusion of blood, and
end the difficulty in a friendly manner, I went toward the oldest
savage, who, seeing me unarmed, supposed I came with designs of a
mediator, and received me with civility. In the meantime one of our
men observed that one of the savages had a piece of the stolen cloth
wrapped about his head, and he went up to the savage and snatched
the cloth away. This vigorous action so much terrified the savages that,
although they were near six score against eleven, they presented me
with the pipe of peace, which I received. M. La Salle gave his word
that they might come to him in security. Two of their old men came
forward, and in a speech disapproved the conduct of their young men ;
that they could not restore the goods taken, but that, having been cut
to pieces, they could only return the articles which were not spoiled,
and pay for the rest. The orators presented, with their speeches, some
garments made of beaver skins, to appease the wrath of M. La Salle,
who, frowning a little, informed them that while he designed to wrong
no one, he did not intend others should affront or injure him ; but, inas-
much as they did not approve what their young men had done, and were
willing to make restitution for the same, he would accept their gifts and
become their friend. The conditions were fully complied with, and
peace happily concluded without farther hostility.
" The day was spent in dancing, feasting and speech-making. The
chief of the band had taken particular notice of the behavior of the
INDIAN SPEECH TO THE GRAY-COATS. 71
Franciscans. ' These gray-coats,'* said the chief of the Foxes, ' we
value very much. They go barefooted as well as we. They scorn our
beaver gowns, and decline all other presents. They do not carry arms
to kill us. They natter and make much of our children, and give them
knives and other toys without expecting any reward. Those of our
tribe who have been to Canada tell us that Onnotio (so they call the
Governor) loves them very much, and that the Fathers of the Gown
have given up all to come and see us. Therefore, you who are captain
over all these men, be pleased to leave with us one of these gray-coats,
whom we will conduct to our village when we shall have killed what
we design of the buffaloes. Thou art also master of these warriors ;
remain with us, instead of going among the Illinois, who, already
advised of your coining, are resolved to kill you and all of your
soldiers. And how can you resist so powerful nation ? '
" The day November 1st we again embarked on the lake, and came
to the mouth of the river of the Miamis, which comes from the south-
east and falls into the lake."
* While the Jesuit Fathers wore black gowns as a distinctive mark of their sect, the
Recollects, or Franciscan missionaries, wore coats of gray.
CHAPTER X.
THE SEVERAL MIAMIS — LA SALLE'S V.OYAGE DOWN THE ILLINOIS.
Much confusion has arisen because, at different periods, the name
of " Miami " has been applied to no less than five different rivers, viz. :
The St. Joseph, of Lake Michigan ; the Maumee, often designated as
the Miami of the Lakes, to distinguish it from the Miami which falls
into the Ohio River below Cincinnati ; then there is the Little Miami
of the Ohio emptying in above its greater namesake ; and finally
the Wabash, which with more propriety bore the name of the
" River of the Miamis." The French, it is assumed, gave the name
" Miami " to the river emptying into Lake Michigan, for the reason that
there was a village of that tribe on its banks before and at the time of La
Salle's first visit, as already noted on page 24. The name was not of
long duration, for it was soon exchanged for that of St. Joseph, by which
it has ever since been known. La Hontan is the last authority who
refers to it by the name of Miami. Shortly after the year named, the
date being now unknown, a Catholic mission was established up the
river, and, Charlevoix says, about six leagues below the portage, at
South Bend, and called the Mission of St. Joseph ; and from this cir-
cumstance, we may safely infer, the river acquired the same name. It
is not known, either, by whom the Mission of St. Joseph was organ-
ized ; very probably, however, by Father Claude Allouez. This good
man, and to whose writings the people of the west are so largely
indebted for many valuable historical reminiscences, seems to have been
forgotten in the respect that is showered upon other more conspicuous
though less meritorious characters. The Mission of the Immaculate
Conception, after Marquette's death, remained unoccupied for the space
of two years, then Claude Jean Allouez received orders to proceed
thither from the Mission of St. James, at the town of Maskoutens, on
Fox River, Wisconsin. Leaving in October, 1GT6, on account of an
exceptionally early winter, he was compelled to delay his journey until
the following February, when he again started ; reaching Lake Mich-
igan on the eve of St. Joseph, he called the lake after this saint.
Embarking on the lake on the 23d of March, and coasting along the
western shore, after numerous delays occasioned by ice and storm, he
arrived at Chicago River. He then made the portage and entered the
72
LA SALLE BEACHES THE ST. JOSEPH. 73
Kaskaskia village, which was probably near Peoria Lake, on the 8th of
April, 1677. The Indians gave him a very cordial reception, and
nocked from all directions to the town to hear the "Black Gown"
relate the truths of Christianity. For the glorification of God and the
Blessed Virgin Immaculate, Allouez " erected, in the midst of the
village, a cross twenty-five feet high, chanting the Vexilla Regis in the
presence of an admiring and respectful throng of Indians ; he covered
it with garlands of beautiful flowers."* Father Allouez did not remain
but a short time at the mission ; leaving it that spring he returned in
1678, and continued there until La Salle's arrival in the winter of
1679-80. The next succeeding decade Allouez passed either at this
mission or at the one on St. Joseph's River, on the eastern side of Lake
Michigan, where he died in 1690. Bancroft says : " Allouez has
imperishably connected his name with the progress of discovery in the
West ; unhonored among us now, he was not inferior in zeal and ability
to any of the great missionaries of his time."
We resume Hennepin's narrative:
"We had appointed this place (the mouth of the St. Joseph) for our
rendezvous before leaving the outlet of Green Bay, and expected to
meet the twenty men we had left at Mackinaw, who, being ordered to
come by the eastern coast of the lake, had a much shorter cut than we,
who came by the western side ; besides this, their canoes were not so
heavily laden as ours. Still, we found no one here, nor any signs that
they had been here before us.f
" It was resolved to advise M. La Salle that it was imprudent to
remain here any longer for the absent men, and expose ourselves to
the hardships of winter, when it would be doubtful if we could find
the Illinois in their villages, as then they would be divided into fami-
lies, and scattered over the country to subsist more conveniently. We
further represented that the game might fail us, in which event we
must certainly perish with hunger ; whereas, if we went forward, we
would find enough corn among the Illinois, who would rather supply
* "Allouez' Journal," published in Shea's " Discovery on Exploration of the Missis-
sippi Valley."
t In some works, the Geological Surveys of Indiana for 1873, p. 458, among others,
it is erroneously assumed that La Salle was the discoverer of the St. Joseph River.
While Fathers Hennepin and Zenobe Membre, who were with La Salle, may be the only
accessible authors who have described it, the stream and its location was well known
to La Salle and to them, as appears from their own account of it before they had ever
seen it. Before leaving Mackinaw, Tonti was ordered to hunt up the deserters from,
and to bring in the tardy traders belonging to, La Salle's party, and conduct them to
the mouth of the St. Joseph. The pilot of the Griffin was under instruction to bring
her there. Indeed, the conduct of the whole expedition leaves no room to doubt that
the whole route to the Illinois River, by way of the St. Joseph and the Kankakee port-
age, was well known at Mackinaw, and definitely fixed upon by La Salle, at least be-
fore leaving the latter place.
74 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
fourteen men than thirty-two with provisions. We said further that
it would be quite impossible,, if we delayed longer, to continue the
voyage until the winter was over, because the rivers would be frozen
over and we could not make use of our canoes. Notwithstanding
these reasons, M. La Salle thought it necessary to remain for the rest
of the men, as we would be in no condition to appear before the Illi-
nois and treat with them with our present small force, whom they
would meet with scorn. That it would be better to delay our entry
into their country, and in the meantime try to meet with some of their
nation, learn their language, and gain their good will by presents.
La Salle concluded his discourse with the declaration that, although all
of his men might run away, as for himself, he would remain alone with
his Indian hunter, and find means to maintain the three missionaries —
meaning me and my two clerical brethren. Having come to this con-
clusion, La Salle called his men together, and advised them that he
expected each one to do his duty ; that he proposed to build a fort
here for the security of the ship and the safety of our goods, and our-
selves, too, in case of any disaster. None of us, at this time, knew
that our ship had been lost. The men were quite dissatisfied at La-
Salle's course, but his reasons therefor were so many that they yielded,
and agreed to entirely follow his directions.
" Just at the mouth of the river was an eminence with a kind of
plateau, naturally fortified. It was quite steep, of a triangular shape,
defended on two sides by the river, and on the other by a deep ravine
which the water had washed out. We felled the trees that grew on
this hill, and cleared from it the bushes for the distance of two musket
shot. We began to build a redoubt about forty feet long by eighty
broad, with great square pieces of timber laid one upon the other, and
then cut a great number of stakes, some twenty feet long, to drive into
the ground on the river side, to make the fort inaccessible in that direc-
tion. We were employed the whole of the month of November in
this work, which was very fatiguing. — having no other food than the
bears our savage killed. These animals are here very abundant, be-
cause of the great quantity of grapes they find in this vicinity. Their
flesh was so fat and luscious that our men grew weary of it, and desired
to £0 themselves and hunt for wild o-oats. La Salle denied them that
liberty, which made some murmurs among the men, and they went
unwillingly to their work. These annoyances, with the near approach
of winter, together with the apprehension that his ship was lost, gave
La Salle a melancholy which he resolutely tried to but could not con-
ceal.
'"We made a hut wherein we performed divine service every Sun-
FORT MIAMIS. 75
day ; and Father Gabriel and myself, who preached alternately, care-
fully selected such texts as were suitable to our situation, and fit to
inspire us with courage, concord, and brotherly love. Our exhorta-
tions produced good results, and deterred our men from their meditated
desertion. We sounded the mouth of the river and found a sand-bar,
on which we feared our expected ship might strike ; we marked out a
channel through which the vessel might safely enter by attaching
buoys, made of inflated bear-skins, fastened to long poles driven into
the bed of the lake. Two men were also sent back to Mackinac to
await there the return of the ship, and serve as pilots.*
" M. Tonti arrived on the 20th of November with two canoes, laden
with stags and deer, which were a welcome refreshment to our men.
He did not bring more than about one-half of his men, having left
the rest on the opposite side of the lake, within three days' journey of
the fort. La Salle was angry with him on this account, because he
was afraid the men would run away. Tonti's party informed us that
the Griffin had not put into Mackinaw, according to orders, and that
they had heard nothing of her since our departure, although they had
made inquiries of the savages living on the coast of the lake. This
confirmed the suspicion, or rather the belief, that the vessel had been
cast away. However, M. La Salle continued work on the building of
the fort, which was at last completed and called Fort Miamis.
" The winter was drawing nigh, and La Salle, fearful that the ice
would interrupt his voyage, sent M. Tonti back to hurry forward the
men he had left, and to command them to come to him immediately ;
but, meeting with a violent storm, their canoes were driven against
the beach and broken to pieces, and Tonti's men lost their guns and
equipage, and were obliged to return to us overland. A few days,
after this all our men arrived except two, who had deserted. We pre-
pared at once to resume our voyage ; rains having fallen that melted
the ice and made the rivers navigable.
" On the 3d of December, 1679, we embarked, being in all thirty-
three men, in eight canoes. We left the lake of the Illinois and
went up the river of the Miamis, in which we had previously made
soundings. We made about five-and-twenty leagues southward, but
failed to discover the place where we were to land, and carry our canoes
and effects into the river of the Illinois, which falls into that of the
Meschasipi, that is, in the language of the Illinois, the great river.
We had already gone beyond the place of the portage, and, not know-
ing where we M r ere, we thought proper to remain there, as we were
expecting M. La Salle, who had taken to the land to view the country.
*This is the beginning, at what is now known as Benton Harbor, Michigan.
76 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
We staid here quite a while, and, La Salle failing to appear, I went a
distance into the woods with two men, who tired off their guns to
notify him of the place where we were. In the meantime two other
men went higher up the river, in canoes, in search of him. "We all
returned toward evening, having vainly endeavored to find him. The
next day I went up the river myself, but, hearing nothing of him, 1
came back, and found our men very much perplexed, fearing he was
lost. However, about four o'clock in the afternoon M. La Salle returned
to us, having his face and hands as black as pitch. He carried two
beasts, as big as muskrats, whose skin was very fine, and like ermine.
He had killed them with a stick, as they hung by their tails to the
branches of the trees.
" He told us that the marshes he had met on his way had compelled
him to bring a large compass ; and that, being much delayed by the
snow, which fell very fast, it was past midnight before he arrived upon
the banks of the river, where he fired his gun twice, and, hearing no
answer, he concluded that we had gone higher up the river, and had,
therefore, marched that way. He added that, after three hours' march,
he saw a fire upon a little hill, whither he went directly and hailed us
several times; but, hearing no reply, he approached and found no per-
son near the fire, but only some dry grass, upon which a man had laid
a little while before, as he conjectured, because the bed was still warm.
He supposed that a savage had been occupying it, who fled upon his
approach, and was now hid in ambuscade near by. La Salle called out
loudly to him in two or three languages, saying that he need not be afraid
of him, and that he was agoing to lie in his bed. La Salle received
no answer. To guard against surprise, La Salle cut bushes and placed
them to obstruct the way, and sat down by the fire, the smoke of
which blackened his hands and face, as I have already observed. Hav-
ing warmed and rested himself, he laid down under the tree upon the
dry grass the savage had gathered and slept well, notwithstanding the
frost and snow. Father Gabriel and I desired him to keep with his
men, and not to expose himself in the future, as the success of our
enterprise depended solely on him, and he promised to follow our
advice. Our savage, who remained behind to hunt, finding none of
us at the portage, came higher up the river, to where we were, and
told us we had missed the place. We sent all the canoes back under
his charge except one, which I retained for M. La Salle, who was so
weary that he was obliged to remain there that night. I made a little
hut with mats, constructed with marsh rushes, in which we laid down
together for the night. By an unhappy accident our cabin took fire,
and we were very near being burned alive after we had gone to
sleep."
ABORIGINAL NAME OF "KANKAKEE." 77
Here follows Hennepin's description of the Kankakee portage, and
of the marshy grounds about the headwaters of this stream, as already
quoted on page 24.
" Having passed through the marshes, we came to a vast prairie, in
which nothing grows but grasses, which were at this time dry and
burnt, because the Miamis set the grasses on fire every year, in hunt-
ing for wild oxen (buffalo), as I shall mention farther on. We found
no game, which was a disappointment to us, as our provisions had
begun to fail. Our men traveled about sixty miles without killing
anything other than a lean stag, a small wild goat, a few swan and
two bustards, which were but a scanty subsistence for two and thirty
men. Most of the men were become so weary of this laborious life
that, were it practicable, they would have run aw r ay and joined the
savages, who, as we inferred by the great fires which we saw on the
prairies, were not very far from us. There must be an innumerable
quantity of wild cattle in this country, since the ground here is every-
where covered with their horns. The Miamis hunt them toward the
latter end of autumn."*
That part of the Illinois River above the Desplaines is called the
Kankakee, which is a corruption of its original Indian name. St.
Cosme, the narrative of whose voyage down the Illinois River, by
way of Chicago, in 1699, and found in Dr. Shea's work of " Early
Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi," refers to it as the The-a-li-ke,
" which is the real river of the Illinois, and (says) that which we de-
scended (the Desplaines) w T as only a branch." Father Marest, in his
letter of November 9, 1712, narrating a journey he had previously
made from Kaskaskia up to the Mission of St. Joseph, says of the Illi-
nois River : " We transported all there was in the canoe toward the
source of the Illinois (Indian), which they call Hau-ki-ki." Father
Charlevoix, who descended the Kankakee from the portage, in his let-
ter, dated at the source of the river Theakiki, September 17, 1721,
says : " This morning I walked a league farther in the meadow, having
my feet almost always in the water ; afterward I met with a kind of a
pool or marsh, which had a communication with several others of dif-
ferent sizes, but the largest was about a hundred paces in circuit ; these
are the sources of the river The-a-ki-ki, which, by a corrupted pronun-
ciation, our Indians call Ki-a-ki-ki. Theak signifies a wolf, in what
language I do not remember, but the river bears that name because the
Mahingans (Mohicans), who were likewise called wolves, had formerly
* Hennepin and his party were not aware of the migratory habits of the buffalo ;
and that their scarcity on the Kankakee in the winter months was because the herds
had gone southward to warmer latitude and better pasturage.
78 HISTOKIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
taken refuge on its banks." * The Mohicans were of the Algonquin
stock, anciently living east of the Hudson River, where they had been
so persecuted and nearly destroyed by the implacable Iroquois that
their tribal integrity was lost, and they were dispersed in small fami-
lies over the west, seeking protection in isolated places, or living at
sufferance among their Algonquin kindred. They were brave, faithful
to the extreme, famous scouts, and successful hunters. La Salle, ap-
preciating these valuable traits, usually kept a few of them in his em-
ploy. The "savage," or "hunter," so often referred to by Hennepin,
in the extracts we have taken from his journal, was a Mohican.
In a report made to the late Governor Ninian Edwards, in 1812,
by John Hays, interpreter and Coureur de Bois of the routes, rivers
and Indian villages in the then Illinois Territory, Mr. Hays calls the
Kankakee the Quin-que-que, which was probably its French-Indian
name.f Col. Guerdon S. Hubbard, who for many years, dating back
as early as 1819, was a trader, and commanded great influence with
the bands of Pottawatomies, claiming the Kankakee as their country,
informs the writer that the Pottawatomie name of the Kankakee is
Ky-an-ke-a-kee, meaning " the river of the wonderful or beautiful
land, — as it really is, westward of the marshes. "A-kee," "Ah-ke" and
"Aki," in the Algonquin dialect, signifies earth or land.
The name Desplaines, like that of the Kankakee, has undergone
changes in the progress of time. On a French map of Louisiana, in
1717, the Desplaines is laid down as the Chicago River. Just after
Great Britain had secured the possessions of the French east of the
Mississippi, by conquest and treaty, and when the British authorities
were keenly alive to everything pertaining to their newly acquired
possessions, an elaborate map, collated from the most authentic sources
by Eman Bowen, geographer to His Majesty King George the Third,
was issued, and on this map the Desplaines is laid down as the Illinois,
or Chicago River. Many early French writers speak of it, as they
do of the Kankakee above the confluence, as the " River of the Illi-
nois." Its French Canadian name is Au Plein, now changed to Des-
plaines, or Riviere Au Plein, or Despleines, from a variety of hard
maple, — that is to say, sugar tree. The Pottawatomies called it She-
shik-mao-shi-ke Se-pe, signifying the river of the tree from which a
great quantity of sap flows in the spring.;}: It has also been sanctified
by Father Zenobe Membre with the name Divine River, and by authors
* Charlevoix' "Journal of a Voyage to America," vol. 2, p. 184. London edition,
1761.
t " History of Illinois and Life of Governor Edwards," by his son Ninian W.
Edwards, p. 98.
X Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, p. 173.
NAMES OF THE ILLINOIS. 79
of early western gazetteers, vulgarized by the appellation of Kicka/poo
Creek.
Below the confluence of the Desplaines, the Illinois River was, by
La Salle, named the Seignelay, as a mark of his esteem for the brilliant
young Colbert, who succeeded his father as Minister of the Marine.
On the great map, prepared by the engineer Franquelin in 1684, it
is called River Des Illinois, or Macoupins. The name Illinois, which,
fortunately, it will always bear, was derived from the name of the con-
federated tribes who anciently dwelt upon its banks.
"We continued our course," says Hennepin, " upon this river (the
Kankakee and Illinois) very near the whole month of December, at
the latter end of which we arrived at a village of the Illinois, which
lies near a hundred and thirty leagues from Fort Miamis, on the Lake
of the Illinois. We suffered greatly on the passage, for the savages
having set fire to the grass on the prairie, the wild cattle had fled, and
we did not kill one. Some wild turkeys were the only game we
secured. God's providence supported us all the while, and as we
meditated upon the extremities to which we were reduced, regarding
ourselves without hope of relief, we found a very large wild ox stick-
ing fast in the mud of the river. We killed him, and with much diffi-
culty dragged him out of the mud. This was a great refreshment to
our men ; it revived their courage, — being so timely and unexpectedly
relieved, they concluded that God approved our undertaking.
The great village of the Illinois, where La Salle's party had now
arrived, has been located with such certainty by Francis Parkman, the
learned historical writer, as to leave no doubt of its identity. It
was on the north side of the Illinois Eiver, above the mouth of the
Vermillion and below Starved Rock, near the little village of Utica,
in La Salle county, Illinois.*
" We found," continues Father Hennepin, " no one in the village,
as we had foreseen, for the Illinois, according to their custom, had di-
vided themselves into small hunting parties. Their absence caused
great perplexity amongst us, for we wanted provisions, and yet did
not dare to meddle with the Indian corn the savages had laid under
ground for their subsistence and for seed. However, our necessity be-
ing very great, and it being impossible to continue our voyage without
any provisions, M. La Salle resolved to take about forty bushels of
corn, and hoped to appease the savages with presents. We embarked
again, with these fresh provisions, and continued to fall down the river,
* Mr. Parkman gives an interesting account of his recent visit to, and the identifi-
cation of, the locality, in an elaborate note in his " Discovery of the Great West," pp.
221, 222.
80 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
which runs directly toward the south. On the 1st of January we went
through a lake (Peoria Lake) formed hy the river, about seven leagues
long and one broad. The savages call that place Pimeteoui, that is, in
their tongue, ' a place where there is an abundance of fat animals. ' *
Resuming Hennepin's narrative : "The current brought us, in the
meantime, to the Indian camp, and M. La Salle was the first one
to land, followed closely by his men, which increased the consterna-
tion of the savages, whom we easily might have defeated. As it was
not our design, we made a halt to give them time to recover them-
selves and to see that we were not enemies. Most of the savages who
had run away upon our landing, understanding that we were friends,
returned ; but some others did not come back for three or four days,
and after they had learned that we had smoked the calumet.
" I must observe here, that the hardest winter does not last longer
than two months in this charming country, so that on the 15th of Jan-
uary there came a sudden thaw, which made the rivers navigable, and
the weather as mild as it is in France in the middle of the spring.
M. La Salle, improving this fair season, desired me to go down the
river with him to choose a place proper to build a fort. We selected
an eminence on the bank of the river, defended on that side by the
river, and on two others by deep ravines, so that it was accessible only
on one side. We cast a trench to join the two ravines, and made the
eminence steep on that side, supporting the earth with great pieces of
timber. We made a rough palisade to defend ourselves in case the
Indians should attack us while we were engaged in building the fort ;
but no one offering to disturb us, we went on diligently with our work.
* Louis Beck, in his " Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri," p. 119, says: "The Indi-
ans call the lake Pin-a-tah-wee, on account of its being frequently covered with a
scum which has a greasy appearance." Owing to the rank growth of aquatic plants
in the Illinois River before they were disturbed by the frequent passage of boats, and to
the grasses on the borders of the stream and the adjacent marshes, and the decay
taking place in both under the scorching rays of the summer's sun, the surface of the
river and lake were frequently coated with this vegetable decomposition. Prof. School-
craft ascended the Illinois River, and was at Fort Clark on the 19th of August, 1821.
Under this date is the following extract from his "Narrative Journal": "About 9
o'clock in the morning we came to a part of the river which was covered for several
hundred yards with a scum or froth of the most intense green color, and emitting a
nauseous exhalation that was almost insupportable. We were compelled to pass
through it. The fine green color of this somewhat compact scum, resembling that of
verdegris, led us at the moment to conjecture that it might derive this character from
some mineral spring or vein in the bed of the river, but we had reasons afterward
to regret this opinion. I directed one of the canoe men to collect a bottle of this
mother of miasmata for preservation, but its fermenting nature baffled repeated at-
tempts to keep it corked. We had daily seen instances of the powerful tendency of
these waters to facilitate the decomposition of floating vegetation, but had not before
observed any in so mature and complete a state of putrefaction. It might certainly
justify an observer less given to fiction than the ancient poets, to people this stream
with the Hydra, as were the pestilential-breeding marshes of Italy." — Schoolcraft's
"Central Mississippi Valley," p. 305.
FORT CREVECOEUR AND ITS LOCATION. 81
When the fort was half finished, M. La Salle lodged himself, with M.
Tonti, in the middle of the fortification, and every one took his post.
We placed the forge on the curtain on the side of the wood, and laid
in a great quantity of coal for that purpose. But our greatest diffi-
culty was to build a boat, — our carpenters having deserted us, we did
not know what to do. However, as timber was abundant and near at
hand, we told our men that if any of them would undertake to saw
boards for building the bark, we might surmount all other difficulties.
Two of the men undertook the task, and succeeded so well that we
began to build a bark, the keel whereof was forty-two feet long. Our
men went on so briskly with the work, that on the 1st of March our
boat was half built, and all the timber ready prepared for furnishing it.
Our fort was also very near finished, and we named it ' Fort Creve-
cceur, ' because the desertion of our men, and other difficulties we
had labored under, had almost ' broken our hearts. ' *
" M. La Salle," says Hennepin, " no longer doubted that the Griffin
was lost ; but neither this nor other difficulties dejected him. His
great courage buoyed him up, and he resolved to return to Fort Fron-
tenac by land, notwithstanding the snow, and the great dangers attend-
ing so long a journey. We had many private conferences, wherein it
was decided that he should return to Fort Frontenac with three men,
to bring with him the necessary articles to proceed with the discov-
ery, while I, with two men, should go in a canoe to the River Me-
schasipi, and endeavor to obtain the friendship of the nations who
inhabited its banks.
"M. La Salle left M. Tonti to command in Fort Crevecceur, and
ordered our carpenter to prepare some thick boards to plank the deck
of our ship, in the nature of a parapet, to cover it against the arrows
of the savages in case they should shoot at us from the shore. Then,
calling his men together, La Salle requested them to obey M. Tonti's
orders in his absence, to live in Christian union and charity ; to be
courageous and firm in their designs ; and above all not to give credit
to false reports the savages might make, either of him or of their com-
rades who accompanied Father Hennepin."
Hennepin and his two companions, with a supply of trinkets suitable
* "Fort Crevecceur," or the Broken Heart, was built on the east side of the Illi-
nois River, a short distance below the outlet of Peoria Lake. It is so located on the
great map of Franquelin, made at Quebec in 1684. There are many indications on
this map, going 1 to show that it was constructed largely under the supervision of La-
Salle. The fact mentioned by Hennepin, that they went down the river, and that coal
was gathered for the supply of the fort, would confirm this theory as to its location;
for the outcrop of coal is abundant in the bluffs on the east side of the river below
Peoria. There is also a spot in this immediate vicinity that answers well to the site
of the fort as described by Fathers Hennepin and Membre.
6
82 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
for the Indian trade, left Fort Crevecoeur for the Mississippi, on the
29th of February, 1680, and were captured by the Sioux, as already
stated. From this time to the ultimate discovery and taking possession
of the Mississippi and the valleys by La Salle, Father Zenobe Membre
was the historian of the expedition.
La Salle started across the country, going up the Illinois and Kan-
kakee, and through the southern part of the present State of Michigan,
lie reached the Detroit River, ferrying the stream with a raft ; he at
length stood on Canadian soil. Striking a direct line across the wilder-
ness, he arrived at Lake Erie, near Point Pelee. B} r this time only
one man remained in health, and with his assistance La Salle made a
canoe. Embarking in it the party came to Niagara on Easter Monday.
Leaving his comrades, m t 1io were completely exhausted, La Salle on the
6th of May reached Fort Frontenac, making a journey of over a thou-
sand miles in sixty -five days, " the greatest feat ever performed by a
Frenchman in America."*
La Salle found his affairs in great confusion. His creditors had
seized upon his estate, including Fort Frontenac. Undaunted by this
new misfortune, he confronted his creditors and enemies, pacifying the
former and awing the latter into silence. He gathered the fragments
of his scattered property and in a short time started west with a com-
pany of twenty -five men, whom he had recruited to assist in the prose-
cution of his discoveries. He reached Lake Huron by the way of Lake
Simcoe, and shortly afterward arrived at Mackinaw. Here he found
that his enemies had been very busy, and had poisoned the minds of
the Indians against his designs.
We leave La Salle at Mackinaw to notice some of the occurrences
that took place on the Illinois and St. Joseph after he had departed for
Fort Frontenac. On this journey, as La Salle passed up the Illinois,
lie was favorably impressed with Starved Rock as a place presenting
strong defenses naturally. He sent word back to Tonti, below Peoria
Lake, to take possession of " The Rock " and erect a fortification on its
summit. Tonti accordingly came up the river with a part of his avail-
able force and began to work upon the new fort. While engaged in
this enterprise the principal part of the men remaining at Fort Creve-
coeur mutinied. They destroyed the vessel on the stocks, plundered
the storehouse, escaped up the Illinois River and appeared before Fort
Miami. These deserters demolished Fort Miami and robbed it of goods
and furs of La Salle, on deposit there, and then fled out of the country.
These misfortunes were soon followed by an incursion of the Iroquois,
* Parkman's "Discovery of the Great West."
DEATH OF FATHER GABRIEL. 83
who attacked the Illinois in their village near the Starved Rock. Tonti,
acting as mediator, came near losing his life at the hand of an infuriated
Iroquois warrior, who drove a knife into his ribs. Constantly an object
of distrust to the Illinois, who feared he was a spy and friend of the
Iroquois, in turn exposed to the jealousy of the Iroquois, who imag-
ined he and his French friends were allies of the Illinois, Tonti
remained faithful to his trust until he saw that he could not avert the
blow meditated by the Iroquois. Then, with Fathers Zenobe Membre
and Gabriel Rebourde, and a few Frenchmen who had remained faith-
ful, he escaped from the enraged Indians and made his way, in a leaky
canoe, up the Illinois River. Father Gabriel one fine day left his com-
panions on the river to enjoy a walk in the beautiful groves near by,
and while thus engaged, and as he was meditating upon his holy call-
ing, fell into an ambuscade of Kickapoo Indians. The good old man,
unconscious of his danger, was instantly knocked down, the scalp torn
from his venerable head, and his gray hairs afterward exhibited in tri-
umph by his young murderers as a trophy taken from the crown of an
Iroquois warrior. Tonti, with those in his company, pursued his course,
passing by Chicago, and thence up the west shore of Lake Michigan.
Subsisting on berries, and often on acorns and roots which they dug
from the ground, they finally arrived at the Pottawatomie towns. Pre-
vious to this they abandoned their canoe and started on foot for the
Mission of Green Bay, where they wintered.
La Salle, when he arrived at St. Joseph, found Fort Miamis plun-
dered and demolished. He also learned that the Iroquois had attacked
the Illinois. Fearing for the safety of Tonti, he pushed on rapidly,
only to find, at Starved Rock, the unmistakable signs of an Indian
slaughter. The report was true. The Iroquois had defeated the Illi-
nois and driven them west of the Mississippi. La Salle viewed the
wreck of his cherished project, the demolition of the fort, the loss of
his peltries, and especially the destruction of his vessel, in that usual
calm way peculiar to him ; and, although he must have suffered the
most intense anguish, no trace of sorrow or indecision appeared on his
inflexible countenance. Shortly afterward he returned to Fort Miamis.
La Salle occupied his time, until spring, in rebuilding Fort Miamis,
holding conferences with the surrounding Indian tribes, and confeder-
ating them against future attacks of the Iroquois. He now abandoned
the purpose of descending the Mississippi in a sailing vessel, and de-
termined to prosecute his voyage in the ordinary wooden pirogues or
canoes.
Tonti was sent forward to Chicago Creek, where he constructed a
number of sledges. After other preparations had been made, La Salle
84 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
and his party left St. Joseph and came around the southern extremity
of the lake. The goods and effects were placed on the sledges pre-
pared by Tonti. La Salle's party consisted of twenty-three French-
men and eighteen Indians. The savages took with them ten squaws
and three children, so that the party numbered in all fifty-four persons.
They had to make the portage of the Chicago River. After dragging
their canoes, sledges, baggage and provisions about eighty leagues
over the ice, on the Desplaines and Illinois Rivers, they came to the
great Indian town. It was deserted, the savages having gone down
the river to Lake Peoria. From Peoria Lake the navigation was open,
and embarking, on the 6th of February, they soon arrived at the Mis-
sissippi. Here, owing to floating ice, they were delayed tilt the 13th
of the same month. Membre describes the Missouri as follows: "It is
full as large as the Mississippi, into which it empties, troubling it so
that, from the mouth of the Ozage (Missouri), the water is hardly
drinkable. The Indians assured us that this river is formed by many
others, and that they ascend it for ten or twelve days to a mountain
where it rises ; that beyond this mountain is the sea, where they see
great ships ; that on the river are a great number of large villages.
Although this river is very large, the Mississippi does not seem aug-
mented by it, but it pours in so much mud that, from its mouth, the
water of the great river, whose bed is also slimy, is more like clear
mud than river water, without changing at all till it reaches the sea, a
distance of more than three hundred leagues, although it receives seven
large rivers, the water of which is very beautiful, and which are almost
as large as the Mississippi." From this time, until they neared the
mouths of the Mississippi, nothing especially worthy of note occurred.
On the 6th of April they came to the place where the river divides
itself into three channels. M. La Salle took the western, the Sieur
Dautray the southern, and Tonti, accompanied by Membre, followed
the middle channel. The three channels were beautiful and deep.
The water became brackish, and two leagues farther it became perfectly
salt, and advancing on they at last beheld the Gulf of Mexico. La
Salle, in a canoe, coasted the borders of the sea, and then the parties
assembled on a dry spot of ground not far from the mouth of the river.
On the 9th of April, with all the pomp and ceremony of the Holy
Catholic Church, La Salle, in the name of the French King, took pos-
session of the Mississippi and all its tributaries. First they chanted
the " Vexilla Regis " and " Te Deum," and then, while the assembled
voyageurs and their savage attendants fired their muskets and shouted
" Vive le Roi," La Salle planted the column, at the same time pro-
claiming, in a loud voice, " In the name of the Most High, Mighty,
TAKING POSSESSION OF LOUISIANA. 85
Invincible, and Victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of
God King of France and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name, I, this
9th day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two, in virtue
of the commission of His Majesty, which I hold in my hand, and
which may be seen by all whom it may concern, have taken, and do now
take, in the name of His Majesty and his successors to the crown, posses-
sion of this country of Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, bays, adjacent
straits, and all the people, nations, provinces, cities, towns, villages,
mines, minerals, fisheries, streams and rivers within the extent of the
said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St. Louis, otherwise
called Ohio, as also along the river Colbert, or Mississippi, and the
rivers which discharge themselves therein, from its source beyond the
country of the Nadonessious (Sioux), as far as its mouth at the sea,
and also to the mouth of the river of Palms, upon the assurance we
have had from the natives of these countries that we were the first
Europeans who have descended or ascended the river Colbert (Missis-
sippi).; hereby protesting against all who may hereafter undertake to
invade any or all of these aforesaid countries, peoples or lands, to the
prejudice of His Majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations
dwelling herein. Of which, and of all else that is needful, I hereby
take to witness those who hear me, and demand an act of the notary
here present."
At the foot of the tree to which the cross was attached La Salle
caused to be buried a leaden plate, on one side of which were engraven
the arms of France, and on the opposite, the following Latin inscription:
LVDOVICUS MAGNUS REGNAT.
NONO APRILIS CIO IOC LXXXII.
ROBERTVS CAVALIER, CVM DOMINO DETONTI LEGATO, R. P. ZENOBIO
MEMBRE, RECCOLLECTO, ET VIGINTI GALLIS PRIMVS HOC FLVMEN,
INDE AB ILINEORVM PAGO ENAVAGAVIT, EZVQUE OSTIVM FECIT
PERVIVM, NONO APRILIS ANNI.
CIO IOC LXXXI.
Note. — The following is a translation of the inscription on the leaden plate:
" Louis the Great reigns.
"Robert Cavalier, with Lord Tonti as Lieutenant, R. P. Zenobe Membre, Recollect,
and twenty Frenchmen, first navigated this stream from the country of the Illinois,
and also passed through its mouth, on the 9th of April, 1682."
After which, La Salle remarked that His Majesty, who was the
eldest son of the Holy Catholic Church, would not annex any country
to his dominion without giving especial attention to establish the
86 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Christian religion therein. He then proceeded at once to erect a cross,
before which the "Vexilla" and " Doraine Salvum fac Regem" were
sung. The ceremony was concluded by shouting "Vive le Roi ! "
Tlius was completed the discovery and taking possession of the
Mississippi valley. By that indisputable title, the right of discovery,
attested by all those formalities recognized as essential by the laws of
nations, the manuscript evidence of which was duly certified by a no-
tary public brought along for that purpose, and witnessed by the sig-
natures of La Salle and a number of other persons present on the occa-
sion, France became the owner of all that vast country drained by the
Mississippi and its tributaries. Bounded by the Alleghanies on the
east, and the Rocky Mountains on the west, and extending from an
undefined limit on the north to the burning sands of the Gulf on the
south. Embracing within its area every variety of climate, watered
with a thousand beautiful streams, containing vast prairies and exten-
sive forests, with a rich and fertile soil that only awaited the husband-
man's skill to yield bountiful harvests, rich in vast beds of bituminous
coal and deposits of iron, copper and other ores, this magnificent
domain was not to become the seat of a religious dogma, enforced by
the power of state, but was designed under the hand of God to become
the center of civilization, — the heart of the American republic, — where
the right of conscience was to be free, without interference of law, and
where universal liberty should only be restrained in so far as its unre-
strained exercise might conflict with its equal enjoyment by all.
Had France, with the same energy she displayed in discovering
Louisiana, retained her grasp upon this territory, the dominant race in
the valley of the Mississippi would have been Gallic instead of Anglo-
Saxon.
The manner in which France lost this possession in America will
be referred to in a subsequent chapter.
CHAPTER XL
LA SALLE'S RETURN, AND HIS DEATH IN ATTEMPTING A
SETTLEMENT ON THE GULF.
La Salle and his party returned up the Mississippi. Before they
reached Chickasaw Bluffs, La Salle was taken dangerously ill.
Dispatching Tonti ahead to Mackinaw, he remained there under
the care of Father Membre. About the end of July he was enabled to
proceed, and joined Tonti at Mackinaw, in September. Owing to the
threatened invasion of the Iroquois, La Salle postponed his projected
trip to France, and passed the winter at Fort St. Louis. From Fort
St. Louis, it would seem, La Salle directed a letter to Count Frontenac,
giving an account of his voyage to the Mississippi. It is short and his-
torically interesting, and was first published in that rare little volume,
Thevenot's " Collection of Voyages," published at Paris in 1687. This
letter contains, perhaps, the first description of Chicago Creek and the
harbor, and as everything pertaining to Chicago of a historical charac-
ter is a matter of public interest, we insert La Salle's account. It
seems that, even at that early day, almost two centuries ago, the idea
of a canal connecting Lake Michigan and the Illinois was a subject of
consideration :
' ; The creek (Chicago Creek) through which we went, from the lake
of the Illinois into the Divine River (the Au Plein, or Des Plaines) is
so shallow and so greatly exposed to storms that no ship can venture
in except in a great calm. Neither is the country between the creek
and the Divine River suitable for a canal ; for the prairies between
them are submerged after heavy rains, and a canal would be immedi-
ately filled up with sand. Besides this, it is not possible to dig into
the ground on account of the water, that country being nothing but a
marsh. Supposing it were possible, however, to cut a canal, it would
be useless, as the Divine River is not navigable for forty leagues
together ; that is to say, from that place (the portage) to the village of
the Illinois, except for canoes, and these have scarcely water enough in
summer time."
The identity of the " River Chicago," of early explorers, with the
modern stream of the same name, is clearly established by the map of
Franquelin of 1684, as well, also, as by the Memoir of Sieur de Tonti.
87
88 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
The latter had occasion to pass through the Chicago River more fre-
quently than any other person of his time, and his intimate acquaint-
ance with the Indians in the vicinity would necessarily place his decla-
rations beyond the suspicion of a mistake. Referring to his being sent
in the fall of 1687, by La Salle, from Fort Miamis, at the mouth of the
St. Joseph, to Chicago, already alluded to, he says : " We went in
canoes to the ' River Chicago,' where there is a portage which joins that
of the Illinois." *
The name of this river is variously spelled by early writers, " Chi-
cago!), "f " Che-ka-kou," + " Chikgoua."§ In the prevailing Algonquin
language the word signifies a polecat or skunk. The Aborigines, also,
called garlic by nearly the same word, from which many authors have
inferred that Chicago means "wild onion." ||
While La Salle was in the west, Count Frontenac was removed,
and M. La Barre appointed Governor of Canada. The latter was the
avowed enemy of La Salle. He injured La Salle in every possible
* Tonti's Memoir, published in the Historical Collections of Louisiana, vol. 1, p. 59.
f Joutel's Journal.
X La Hontan.
§ Father Gravier's Narrative Journal, published in Dr. Shea's ''Voyages Up and
Down the Mississippi."
I A writer of a historical sketch, published in a late number of "Potter's Monthly,"
on the isolated statement of an old resident of western Michigan, says that the Indi-
ans living thereabouts subsequent to the advent of the early settlers called Chicago
"Tuck-Chicago," the meaning of which was, "a place without wood," and thus in-
vesting a mere fancy with the dignity of truth. The great city of the west has taken
its nanne from the stream along whose margin it was first laid out, and it becomes im-
portant to preserve the origin of its name with whatever certainty a research of all
accessible authorities may furnish. In the first place, Chicago was not a place "with-
out wood," or trees; on the contrary, it is the only locality where timber was anything
like abundant for the distance of miles around. The north and south branches west-
ward, and the lake on the east, afforded ample protection against prairie fires; and Dr.
John M. Peck, in his early Gazetteer of the state, besides other authorities, especially
mention the fact that there was a good quality of timber in the vicinity of Chicago,
particularly on the north branch. There is nowhere to be found in the several Indian
vocabularies of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, Dr. Edwin James, and the late Albert Gal-
latin, in their extensive collections of Algonquin words, any expressions like those used
by the writer in Potter's Monthly, bearing the signification which he attaches to them.
Pn Mackenzie's Vocabulary, the Algonquin word for polecat is "Shi-Ink." In Dr.
James' Vocabulary, the word for skunk is "She-gahg (shegag); and Shig-gau-ga-toin-
zheeg is the plural for onion or garlic, literally, in the Indian dialect, "skunk-weeds."
Dr. James, in a foot-note, says that from this word in the singular number, some have
derived the name Chi-ka-go, which is commonly pronounced among the Indians, Shig-
gau-go, and Shi-gau-go-ong (meaning) at Chicago.
An association of English traders, styling themselves the " Illinois Land Compa-
ny," on the 5th of July, 1773, obtained from ten chiefs of the Kaskaskia, Cahokia and
Peoria tribes, a deed for two large tracts of land. The second tract, in the description
of its boundaries, contains the following expression: "and thence up the Illinois River,
by the several courses thereof, to Chicago, or Garlic Creek;" and it may safely be as-
sumed that the parties to the deed knew the names given to identify the grant. Were
an additional reference necessary. "Wau Bun," the valuable work of Mrs. John H.
Kinzie, might also be cited, p. 190. The Iroquois, who made frequent predatory
excursions from their homes in New York to the Illinois country, called Chicago Kan-
era-ghik; ride Cadwalder Colden's " History of the Five Nations."
MISFORTUNES OF LA SALLE'S COLONY. 89
way, and finally seized upon Fort Frontenac. To obtain redress, La-
Salle went to France, reaching Rochelle on the 13th of December,
1683. Seignelay (young Colbert), Secretary of State and Minister of
the Marine, was appealed to by La Salle, and became interested and
furnished him timely aid in his enterprise.
Before leaving America La Salle ordered Tonti to proceed and finish
"Fort St. Louis," as the fortification at Starved Rock, on the Illinois
River, was named. " He charged me," says Tonti, " with the duty to
go and finish Fort St. Louis, of which he gave me the government,
with full power to dispose of the lands in the neighborhood, and left
all his people under my command, with the exception of six French-
men, whom he took to accompany him to Quebec. We departed from
Mackinaw on the same day, he for Canada and I for the Illinois.* On
his mission to France La Salle was received with honor by the king
and his officers, and the accounts which he gave relative to Louisiana
caused them to further his plans for its colonization. A squadron of
four vessels was fitted out, the largest carrying thirty-six guns. About
two hundred persons were embarked aboard of them for the purpose
long projected, as we have foreseen, of establishing a settlement at the
mouth of the Mississippi. The fleet was under the command of M.
de Beaujeu, a naval officer of some distinction. He was punctilious in
the exercise of authority, and had a wiry, nervous organization, as the
portrait preserved of him clearly shows, f La Salle was austere, and
lacked that faculty of getting along with men, for the want of which
many of his best-laid plans failed. A constant bickering and collision
of cross purposes was the natural result of such repellant natures as
he and Beaujeu possessed.
After a stormy passage of the Atlantic, the fleet entered the Gulf
of Mexico. Coasting along the northern shore of the gulf, they failed
to discover the mouths of the Mississippi. Passing them, they finally
landed in what is now known as Matagorda Bay, or the Bay of St.
Barnard, near the River Colorado, in Texas, more than a hundred
leagues westward of the Mississippi. The whole number of persons
left on the beach is not definitely known. M. Joutel, one of the sur-
vivors, and the chronicler of this unfortunate undertaking, mentions
one hundred and eighty, besides the crew of the " Belle," which was
lost on the beach, consisting of soldiers, volunteers, workmen, women
and children.;}: The colony being in a destitute condition, La Salle,
*Tonti's Memoir.
\ A fine steel engraving copy of Mons. Beaujeu is contained in Dr. Shea's transla-
tion of Charlevoix's " History of New France."
X Spark's "Life of La Salle."
90 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
accompanied by Father Anastius Douay and twenty others, set out to
reach the Mississippi, intending to ascend to Fort St. Louis, and there
obtain aid from Tonti. They set out on the 7th of January, and after
several days' journey, reached the village of the Cenis Indians. Here
some of La Salle's men became dissatisfied with their hardships, and
determined to slay him and then join the Indians. The tragic tale is
thus related by Father Douay : " The wisdom of Monsieur de La Salle
was unable to foresee the plot which some of his people would make
to slay his nephew, as they suddenly resolved to do, and actually
did, on the 17th of March, bv a blow of an ax, dealt bv one Liotot.
They also killed the valet of the Sieur La Salle and his Indian ser-
vant, Nika, who, at the risk of his life, had supported them for three
years. The wretches resolved not to stop here, and not satisfied
with this murder, formed a design of attempting their commander's
life, as they had reason to fear his resentment and chastisement. As
M. La Salle and myself were walking toward the fatal spot where his
nephew had been slain, two of those murderers, who were hidden in
the grass, arose, one on each side, with guns cocked. One missed Mon-
sieur La Salle ; the other, firing at the same time, shot him in the head.
He died an hour after, on the 19th of March, 1687.
" Thus," says Father Douay, " died our commander, constant in ad-
versity, intrepid, generous, engaging, dexterous, skillful, capable of
everything. He who for twenty years had softened the fierce temper
of countless savage tribes was massacred by the hands of his own domes-
tics, whom he had loaded with caresses. He died in the prime of life,
in the midst of his course and labors, without having seen their success."*
The colony which La Salle had left in Texas was surprised and
destroyed by the Indians. Not a soul was left to give an account of
the massacre. Of the twenty who accompanied him in his attempt to
reach the Mississippi, Joutel, M. Cavalier, La Salle's brother, and four
others determined to make a last attempt to find the Mississippi ; the
others, including La Salle's murderers, became the associates of the less
brutal Indians, and of them we have no farther account. After a long
and toilsome journey Joutel and his party reached the Mississippi near
the mouth of the Arkansas. Here they found two men who had been
sent by Tonti to relieve La Salle. Embarking in canoes, they went up
the Mississippi, arrived at Fort St. Louis in safety, and finally returned
to France by way of Quebec.
From this period until 1698 the French made no further attempts
to colonize the Lower Mississippi. They had no settlements below the
* Father Douay's Journal, contained in Dr. Shea's " Discovery and Exploration of the
Mississippi."
BIL0X1 AND MOBILE FOUNDED. '.»1
Ohio, and above that river, on the Illinois and the upper lakes, were
scattered only a few missions and trading posts.
Realizing the great importance of retaining possession of the Mis-
sissippi valley, the French court lit ted out, an expedition which con-
sisted of four vessels, for the purpose of thoroughly exploring the mouth
of the Mississippi and adjacent territory. Le Moyne Iberville was put
in command of the expedition. He was the third of the eleven sons
of Baron Longueil. They all held commissions from the king, and con-
stituted one of the most illustrious of the French Canadian families.
The ileet sailed from Brest, France, on the 24th of October, HW8.
They came in sight of Florida on the 27th of .January, L699. They
ran near the coast, and discovered that they were in the vicinity of
Pensacola Bay. Here they found a colony of three hundred Spaniards.
Sailing westward, they entered the mouth of the Mississippi on Quin-
quagesima Monday, which was the 2d of March. Iberville ascended
the river far enough to assure himself of its being the Mississippi, then,
descending the river, he founded a colony at Biloxi Bay. Leaving his
brother, M. dc Sauvole, in command of the newly creeled fort, he sailed
for France. Iberville returned te Biloxi on the 8th of .January, and,
hearing that the English were exploring the Mississippi. Ik; took formal
possession of the Mississippi valley in the name of the French king.
He, also, erected a small four-gun fort on Poverty Point, 38 miles below
New Orleans. The fort was constructed very rudely, and was occupied
for only one year. In the year 1701 Iberville made a settlement at
Mobile, and this soon became the principal French town on the gulf.
The unavailing efforts of the king in the scheme of colonization induced
a belief that a greater prosperity would follow under the stimulus of
individual enterprise, and he determined to grant Louisiana to Monsieur
Crozat, with a monopoly of its mines, supposed to be valuable in gold
and silver, together with the exclusive right of all ils commerce for the
period of fifteen years. The patent or grant of Louis to M. Grozat is
an interesting document, not only because it passed the title of the
Mississippi valley into the hands of one man, but for the reason that it
embraces a part of the history of the country ceded. We, therefore,
quote the most valuable part of it. The instrument bears date Sep-
tember 1 2th, 1712:
"Louis (the fourteenth), King of France and Navarre; To all who
shall see these presents, greeting : The care we have always had to
procure the welfare and advantage; of our subjects, having induced us,
notwithstanding the almost continual wars which we have been en-
gaged to support from the beginning of our reign, to seek all possible
opportunities of enlarging and extending the trade of our American
92 HISTOKIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
colonies, we did, in the year 1683, give our orders to undertake a dis-
covery of the countries and lands which are situated in the northern
parts of America, between New France (Canada) and New Mexico.
And the Sieur de La Salle, to whom we committed that enterprise,
having had success enough to confirm the belief that a communication
might be settled from New France to the Gnlf of Mexico by means of
large rivers ; this obliged us, immediately after the peace of Ryewick
(in 1697), to give orders for the establishment of a colony there (under
Iberville in 1699), and maintaining a garrison, which has kept and
preserved the possession we had taken in the year 1683, of the lands,
coasts and islands which are situated in the Gulf of Mexico, between
Carolina on the east, and old and New Mexico on the west. But a
new war breaking out in Europe shortly after, there was no possi-
bility till now of reaping from that new colony the advantages that
might have been expected from thence ; because the private men who
are concerned in the sea trade were all under engagements with the
other colonies, which they have been obliged to follow. And where-
as, upon the information we have received concerning the disposition
and situation of the said countries, known at present by the name of
the province of Louisiana, we are of opinion that there may be estab-
lished therein a considerable commerce, so much the more advan-
tageous to our kingdom in that there has been hitherto a necessity of
fetching from foreigners the greatest part of the commodities that may
be brought from thence ; and because in exchange thereof we need
carry thither nothing but the commodities of the growth and manu-
facture of our own kingdom ; we have resolved to grant the com-
merce of the country of Louisiana to the Sieur Anthony Crozat,
our counsellor, secretary of the household, crown and revenue, to
whom we intrust the execution of this project. We are the more
readily inclined thereto because of his zeal and the singular knowledge
he has acquired of maritime commerce, encourages us to hope for as
good success as he has hitherto had in the divers and sundry enter-
prises he has gone upon, and which have procured to our kingdom great
quantities of gold and silver in such conjectures as have rendered them
very welcome to us. For these reasons, being desirous to show our
favor to him, and to regulate the conditions upon which we mean to
grant him the said commerce, after having deliberated the affair in our
council, of our own certain knowledge, full power and royal authority,
we by these presents, signed by our hand, have appointed and do ap-
point the said Sieur Crozat to carry on a trade in all the lands pos-
sessed by us, and bounded by New Mexico and by the English of Caroli-
na, all the establishments, ports, havens, rivers, and particularly the port
LOUISIANA GRANTED TO CROZAT. 93
and haven of Isle Dauphin, heretofore called Massacre ; the river St.
Louis, heretofore called Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as far as
the Illinois* together with the river St. Philip, heretofore called Mis-
souris, and St. Jerome, heretofore called the Ouabache (the Wabash),
with all the countries, territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which
fall directly or indirectly into that part of the river St. Louis. Our
pleasure is, that all the aforesaid lands, countries, streams, rivers and
islands, be and remain comprised under the name of the Government
of Louisiana, which shall be dependent upon the general government
of New France, to which it is subordinate."
Crozat was permitted to search and open mines, and to pay the
king one-fifth part of all the gold and silver developed. Work in de-
veloping the mines was to be begun in three years, under penalty of
forfeiture. Crozat was required to send at least two vessels annually
from France to sustain the colonies already established, and for the
maintenance of trade.
The next year, 1713, there were, within the limits of Crozat's vast
grant, not more than four hundred persons of European descent.
Crozat himself did little to increase the colony, the time of his
subordinates being spent in roaming over the country in search of the
precious metals. He became wearied at the end of three years spent
in profitless adventures, and, in 1717, surrendered his grant back to the
crown. In August of the same year the French king turned Louis-
iana over to the " Western Company," or the " Mississippi Company,"
subsequently called " The Company of the Indies," at whose head
stood the famous Scotch banker, John Law. The rights ceded to Law's
company were as broad as the grant to Crozat. Law was an infla-
tionist, believing that wealth could be created without limit by the
mere issuing of paper money, and his wild schemes of finance were
the most ruinous that ever deluded and bankrupted a confiding people.
Louisiana, with its real and undeveloped wealth a hundred times mag-
* The expression, " as far as the Illinois," did not refer to the river of that name,
but to the country generally, on both sides of the Mississippi, above the month of the
Ohio, which, under both the French and Spanish governments was denominated "the
country of the Illinois," and this designation appeared in all their records and official
letters. For example, letters, deeds, and other official documents bore date, respect-
ively, at Kaskaskia, of the Illinois; St. Louis, of the Illinois; St. Charles, of the Illi-
nois; not to identify the village where such instruments were executed merely, but to
denote the country in which these villages were situated. Therefore, the monopoly of
Crozat, by the terms of his patent, extended to the utmost limit of Louisiana, north-
ward, which, by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, was fixed at the 49th° of latitude; vide
Stoddard's " Sketches of Louisiana," Brackenridge's "Views of Louisiana." From
the year 1700 until some time subsequent to the conquest of the country by the British,
in 1763, a letter or document executed anywhere within the present limits of the states
of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, or Missouri, would have borne the superscription of "Les
Illinoix" or "the Illinois."
94 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
nified, became the basis of a fictitious value, on which an enormous
volume of stock, convertible into paper money, was issued. The stock
rose in the market like a balloon, and chamber-maids, alike with
wealthy ladies, barbers and bankers, — indeed, the whole French peo-
ple, — gazing at the ascending phenomenon, grew mad with the desire
for speedy wealth. The French debt was paid off; the depleted treasury
filled ; poor men and women were made rich in a few days by the con-
stantly advancing value of the stocks of the " Company of the West."
Confidence in the ultimate wealth of Louisiana was all that was re-
quired, and this was given to a degree that would not now be credited
as true, were not the facts beyond dispute.
After awhile the balloon exploded ; people began to doubt ; they
realized that mere confidence was not solid value; stocks declined;
they awoke to a sorrowful contemplation of their delusion and ruin.
Law, from the summit of his glory as a financier, fell into ignominy,
and to escape bodily harm fled the country ; and Louisiana, from be-
ing the source of untold wealth, sunk into utter ruin and contempt.
It should be said to the credit of " the company " that they made
some efforts toward the cultivation of the soil. The growth of tobacco,
sugar, rice and indigo was encouraged. Negroes were imported to till
the soil. New Orleans was laid out in 1718, and the seat of govern-
ment of lower Louisiana subsequently established there. A settlement
was made about Natchez. A large number of German emigrants were
located on the Mississippi, from whom a portion of the Mississippi has
ever since been known as the " German coast." The French settle-
ments at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, begun, as appears from most authen-
tic accounts, about the year 1700, — certainly not later, — were largely
increased by emigration from Canada and France. In the year 1718
the " Company of the West " erected a fortification near Kaskaskia, and
named it Fort Chartes, having a charter from the crown so to do. It
is situated in the northwest corner of Randolph county, Illinois, on the
American bottom. It was garrisoned with a small number of soldiers,
and was made the seat of government of " the Illinois." Under the
mild government of the " Company," the Illinois marked a steady
prosperity, and Fort Chartes became the center of business, fashion and
gaiety of all "the Illinois country." In 1756 the fort was reconstruct-
ed, this time with solid stone. Its shape was an irregular quadrangle,
the exterior sides of the polygon being four hundred and ninety feet,
and the walls were two feet two inches thick, pierced with port-holes
for cannon. The walls of the fort were eighteen feet high, and con-
tained within, guard houses, government house, barracks, powder
house, bake house, prison and store room. A very minute description
FORT CHARTES. 95
is given of the whole structure within and without in the minutes of
its surrender, October 10, 1765, by Louis St. Ange de Belrive, captain
of infantry and commandant, and Joseph Le Febvre, the king's store-
keeper and acting commissary of the fort, to Mr. Sterling, deputed by
Mr. De Gage (Gage), governor of New York and commander of His
Majesty's troops in America, to receive possession of the fort and coun-
try from the French, according to the seventeenth article of the treaty
of peace, concluded on the 10th of February, 1763, between the kings
of France and Great Britain.* Fort Chartes was the strongest and
most elaborately constructed of any of the French works of defense in
America. Here the intendants and several commandants in charge,
whose will was law, governed " the Illinois," administered justice to
its inhabitants, and settled up estates of deceased persons, for nearly
half a century. From this place the English commandants governed
" the Illinois," some of them with great injustice and severity, from
the time of its surrender, in 1765, to 1772, when a great flood inun-
dated the American Bottom, and the Mississippi cut a new channel so
near the fort that the wall and two bastions on the west side were un-
dermined and fell into the river. The British garrison then abandoned
it, and their headquarters were afterward at Kaskaskia.
Dr. Beck, while collecting material for his " Gazetteer of Illinois
and Missouri," in 1820, visited the ruins of old Fort Chartes. At that
time enough remained to show the size and strength of this remarkable
fortification. Trees over two feet in diameter were growing within its
walls. The ruin is in a dense forest, hidden in a tangle of under-
growth, furnishing a sad memento of the efforts and blasted hopes of
La Belle France to colonize u Les Illinoix"
* The articles of surrender are given at length in the Paris Documents, vol. 10,
pp. 1161 to 1166.
CHAPTER XII.
SURRENDER OF LOUISIANA BY THE INDIES COMPANY— EARLY ROUTES.
In 1731 the company of the Indies surrendered to France, Louisiana,
with its forts, colonies and plantations, and from this period forward to
the time of the conquest by Great Britain and the Anglo-American
colonies, Louisiana was governed through officers appointed by the
crown.
We have shown how, when and where colonies were permanently
established by the French in Canada, about Kaskaskia, and in Lower
Louisiana. It is not within the scope of our inquiries to follow these
settlements of the French in their subsequent development, but rather
now to show how the establishments of the French along the lakes
and near the gulf communicated with each other, and the routes of
travel by which they were connected.
The convenient way between Quebec and the several villages in the
vicinity of Kaskaskia was around the lakes and down the Illinois
River, either by way of the St. Joseph River and the Kankakee port-
age or through Chicago Creek and the Des Plaines. The long winters
and severe climate on the St. Lawrence made it desirable for many
people to abandon Canada for the more genial latitudes of southern
Illinois, and the still warmer regions of Louisiana, where snows were
unknown and flowers grew the year round. It only required the pro-
tection of a fort or other military safeguards to induce the Canadians
to change their homes from Canada to more favorable localities
southward.
The most feasible route between Canada and the Lower Mississippi
settlements was by the Ohio River. This communication, however,
was effectually barred against the French. The Iroquois Indians, from
the time of Champlain, were allies, first of the Dutch and then of the
English, and the implacable enemies of the French. The upper waters
of the Ohio were within the acknowledged territory of the Iroquois,
whose possessions extended westward of New York and Pennsylvania
well toward the Scioto. The Ohio below Pittsburgh was, also, in the
debatable ground of the Miamis northward, and Chickasaws south-
ward. These nations were warring upon each other continually, and
THE MAUMEE AND WABASH ROUTE. 97
the country for many miles beyond either bank of the Ohio was
infested with war parties of the contending tribes.*
There were no Indian villages near the Ohio River at the period
concerning which we now write. Subsequent to this the Shawnees and
Delawares, previously subdued by the Iroquois, were permitted by the
latter to establish their towns near the confluence of the Scioto, Mus-
kingum and other streams. The valley of the Ohio was within the
confines of the " dark and bloody ground." Were a voyager to see
smoke ascending above the forest line he would know it was from the
camp fire of an enemy, and to be a place of danger. It would indi-
cate the presence of a hunting or war party. If they had been suc-
cessful they would celebrate the event by the destruction of whoever
would commit himself to their hands, and if unfortunate in the chase
or on the war-path, disappointment would give a sharper edge to their
cruelty, f
The next and more reliable route was that afforded by the Maumee
and Wabash, laying within the territory of tribes friendly to the
French. The importance of this route was noticed by La Salle; in his
letter to Count Frontenac, in 1683, before quoted. La Salle says: "There
is a river at the extremity of Lake Erie,:}: within ten leagues of the
strait (Detroit Eiver), which will very much shorten the way to the
Illinois, it being navigable for canoes to within two leagues of their
river." § As early as 1699, Mons. De Iberville conducted a colony of
Canadians from Quebec to Louisiana, by way of the Maumee and Wa-
bash. " These were followed by other families, under the leadership
of M. Du Tessenet. Emigrants came by land, first ascending the St.
Lawrence to Lake Erie, then ascending a river emptying into that lake
to the portage of Des Miamis ; their effects being thence transported
to the river Miamis, where pirogues, constructed out of a single tree,
and large enough to contain thirty persons, were built, with which the
voyage down the Mississippi was prosecuted." This memoir corre-
sponds remarkably well with the claim of Little Turtle, in his speech
to Gen. Wayne, concerning the antiquity of the title, in his tribe, to
the portage of the Wabash at Fort Wayne. It also illustrates the
fact that among the first French settlers in lower Louisiana were
* A Miami chief said that his nation had no tradition of " a time when they were
not at war with the Chickasaws."
t General William H. Harrison's Address before the Historical Society of Cin-
cinnati.
t The Maumee.
§ Meaning the Wabash.
|| Extract taken from a memoir, showing that the first establishments in Louisiana
were at Mobile, etc., the original manuscript being among the archives in the depart-
ment " De la Marine et Des Colonies," in Paris, France.
7
98 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
those who found their way thither through the " glorious gate," be-
longing to the Miamis, connecting the Maumee and Wabash.
Originally, the Maumee was known to the French as the "Miami,"
" Oumiami," or the " River of the Miamis," from the fact that bands
of this tribe of Indians had villages upon its banks. It was also called
" Ottawa," or " Tawwa," which is a contraction of the word Ottawa,
as families of this tribe " resided on this river from time immemorial."
The Shawnee Indian name is " Ottawa-sepe," that is " Ottawa River."
By the Hurons, or Wyandots, it was called " Cagh-a-ren-du-te," the
" River of the Standing Rock." * Lewis Evans, whose map was pub-
lished in 1755, and which is, perhaps, the first English map issued of
the territory lying north and west of the Ohio River, lays down the
Miami as " Mine-a-mi," a way the Pennsylvania Indian traders had of
pronouncing the word Miami. In 1703, Mens Cadillac, the French
commandant at Detroit, in his application for a grant of land six
leagues in breadth on either side of the Maumee, upon which he pro-
posed to propagate silk-worms, refers to the river as " Grand River " f
As early as 1718 it is mentioned as the " Miamis River," ^ and it bore
this name more generally than that of any other from 1718 to a pe-
riod subsequent to the War of 1812. Capt, Robert M'Afee, who was
in the various campaigns up and down the Maumee during the War
of 1812, and whose history of this war, published at Lexington, Ky.,
in 1816, gives the most authentic account of the military movements
in this quarter, makes frequent mention of the river by the name of
" Miami," occasionally designating it as the " Miami of the Lake."
Gen. Joseph Harmar, in his report of the military expedition con-
ducted by him to Fort Wayne, in October, 1790, calls the Miami the
"Omee." He says: "As there are three Miamis in the north-western
territory, all bearing the name of Miami, I shall in the future, for dis-
tinction's sake, when speaking of the Miami of the Lake, call it the
' Omee,' and its towns the Omee Towns. By this name they are best
known on the frontier. It is only, however, one of the many corrup-
tions or contractions universally used among the French-Americans in
pronouncing Indian names. 'Au-Mi,' for instance, is the contraction
for 'Au Miami.' " §
The habit of the " Coureur de Bois" and others using the mongrel
language of the border Canadians, as well, also, the custom prevailing
* "Account of the Present State of Indian Tribes, etc., Inhabiting Ohio." By John
Johnson, Indian Agent, June 17, 1819. Published in vol. 1 of Archseologia Americana.
t Sheldon's History of Michigan, p. 108.
i Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 886 and 891.
§ Gen. Harmar's official letter to the Secretary of War, under date of November 23,
1790, published in the American State Papers.
OEIGIN OF THE NAME MAUMEE. 99
among this class of persons in giving nicknames to rivers and locali-
ties, has involved other observers besides Gen. Harmar in the same
perplexity. Thomas Hutchins, the American geographer, and Capt.
Harry Gordon visited Kaskaskia and the adjacent territory subsequent
to the conquest of the northwest territory from the French, and be-
came hopelessly entangled in the contractions and epithets applied to
the surrounding villages on both sides of the Mississippi. Kaskaskia
was abbreviated to "Au-kas," and St. Louis nicknamed " Pain Court "
— Short Bread; Carondelet was called " Vide Pouche" — Empty
Pocket; Ste. Genevieve was called "Missier" — Misery. The Kas-
kaskia, after being shortened to Au-kaus, pronounced " Okau," has
been further corrupted to Okaw, and at this day we have the singu-
lar contradiction of the ancient Kaskaskia being called Kaskaskia near
its mouth and " Okaw " at its source.
The Miamis, or bands of their tribe, had villages in order of time ;
first on the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, then upon the Maumee ; after
this, 1750, they, with factions of other tribes who had become disaffected
toward the French, established a mixed village upon the stream now
known as the Great Miami, which empties into the Ohio, and in this way
the name of Miami has been transferred, successively, from the St. Jo-
seph to the Miami, and from the latter to the present Miami, with
which it has become permanently identified.* The Miamis were, also,
called the " Mau-mees," — this manner of spelling growing out of one
of the several methods of pronouncing the word Miami — and it is
doubtless from this source that the name of Maumee is derived f
In this connection we may note the fact that the St. Marys and the
Au-glaize were named by the Shawnee Indians, as follows : The first
was called by this tribe, who had several villages upon its banks, the
" Co-kothe-ke-sepe," Kettle River; and the Auglaize "Cow-then-e-
ke-sepe," or Fallen Timber River. These aboriginal names are given
by Mr. John Johnson, in his published account of the Indian tribes
before referred to4
We will now give a derivation of the name of the Wabash, which
has been the result of an examination of a number of authorities.
Early French writers have spelled the word in various ways, each en-
deavoring, with more or less success, to represent the name as the sev-
*The aboriginal name of the Great Miami was "Assin-erient," or Rocky River,
from the word Assin, or Ussin, the Algonquin appellation for stone or stony. Lewis
Evan's map of 1755.
f In an official letter of Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of War, dated March 22,
1814, the name " Miamis " and "Maumees " are given as synonymous terms, referring
to the same tribe.
| Mr. Johnson had charge of the Indian affairs in Ohio for many years, and was
especially acquainted with the Shawnees and their language.
790994A
100 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
eral Algonquin tribes pronounced it. First, we have Father Marquette's
orthography, " Oua-bous-kigou ; " and by later French authorities it is
spelled "Abache," "Ouabache," " Oubashe," " Oubache," " Oubash,"
" Oubask," " Oubache," " Wabascou," " Wabache," and " Waubache."
It should be borne in mind that the French alphabet does not contain
the letter W, and that the diphthong " ou " with the French has nearly
the same sound as the letter "W of the English alphabet. The Jesuits
sometimes used a character much like the figure S, which is a Greek
contraction formulated by them, to represent a peculiar guttural sound
among the Indians, and which we often, though imperfectly, represent
by the letter W, or Wau.*
That "Wabash is an Indian name, and was early applied to the stream
that now bears this name, is clearly established by Father Gravier.
This missionary descended the Mississippi in the year 1700, and speak-
ing of the Ohio and its tributaries, says : " Three branches are assigned
to it, one that comes from the northwest (the "Wabash), passing
behind the country of the Oumiamis, called the St. Joseph,f which
the Indians properly call the Ouabachei; the second comes from the
Iroquois (whose country included the head-waters of the Ohio),
and is called the Ohio ; and the third, which comes from the Chaou-
anona^; (Shawnees). And all of them uniting to empty into the Mis-
sissippi, it is commonly" called Ouabachi." §
In the variety of manner in which "Wabash is spelled in the exam-
ples given above, we clearly trace the Waw-bish-kaw, of the Ojibe-
ways ; the Wabisca (pronounced "Wa-bis-sa) of the modern Algon-
quin ; Wau-bish of the Menominees, and Wa-bi of the ancient Algon-
quins, words which with all these kindred tongues mean White. \
Therefore the aboriginal of "Wabash (Sepe) should be rendered
White River. This theory is supported by Lewis Evans, who for many
years was a trader among the Indians, inhabiting the country drained
by the Wabash and its tributary waters. The extensive knowledge
which he acquired in his travels westward of the Alleghanies resulted
* Shea's Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi, p. 41, foot-note. For
example, we find in the Journal of Marquette, 8ab8kig8, for Wabash. The same man-
ner of spelling is also observed in names, as written by other missionaries, where they
design to represent the sound of the French " ou," or the English W.
t Probably a mistake of the copyist, and which should be the St. Jerome, a name
given by the French to the Wabash, as we have seen in the extracts taken from Crozat's
grant. Dr. Shea has pointed out numerous mistakes made by the copyist of the man-
uscripts from which the " Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi " are composed.
t The Tennessee.
S Father Gravier 's Journal in Dr. Shea's Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi,
pp. 120, 121.
|| The several aboriginal names for white, which we have given above, are taken
from the vocabularies of Mackenzie, Dr. Ewin James and Albert Gallatin, which are
regarded as standard authorities.
ORIGIN OF THE NAME WABASH. 101
in his publishing, in 1755, a map, accompanied with an extended de-
scription of the territory it embraced. In describing the Wabash, Mr.
Evans calls it by the name the Iroquois Indians had given it, viz : the
" Quia-agh-tena," and says " it is called by the French Ouabach, though
that is truly the name of its southeastern branch." Why the White
Hiver, of Indiana, which is the principal southeastern branch of the
Wabash, should have been invested with the English meaning of the
word, and the aboriginal name should have been retained by the river
to which it has always properly belonged, is easily explained, when we
consider the ignorance and carelessness of many of the early travelers,
whose writings, coming down to us, have tended to confuse rather than
aid the investigations of the modern historian. The Ohio River below
the confluence of the Wabash is designated as the Wabash by a majority
of the early French writers, and so laid down on many of the contem-
poraneous maps. This was, probably, due to the fact that the Wabash
was known and used before the Ohio had been explored to its mouth.
So fixed has become the habit of calling the united waters of these two
streams Wabash, from their union continuously to their discharge into
the Mississippi, that the custom prevailed long after a better knowledge
of the geography of the country suggested the propriety of its aban-
donment. Even after the French of Canada accepted the change, and
treated the Ohio as the main river and the Wabash as the tributary, the
French of Louisiana adhered to the old name.
We quote from M. Le Page Du Pratz' History of Louisiana:*
" Let us now repass the Mississippi in order to resume a description of
the lands to the east, which we quit at the river Wabash. This river
is distant from the sea four hundred and sixty leagues ; it is reckoned
to have four hundred leagues in length from its source to its conflu-
ence with the Mississippi. It is called Wabash, though, according to
the usual method, it ought to be called the Ohio, or Beautiful E,iver,f
seeing the Ohio was known under that name before its confluence
was known ; and as the Ohio takes its rise at a greater distance off
than the three others which mix together before they empty them-
selves into the Mississippi, this should make the others lose their
*The author was for sixteen years a planter of Louisiana, having- gone thither from
France soon after the Company of the West or Indes restored the country to the crown.
He was a gentleman of superior attainments, and soon acquired a thorough knowledge
of the French possessions in America. He returned to France, and in 1758 published
his " History of Louisiana," with maps, which, in 1763, was translated into English.
These volumes are largely devoted to the experience of the author in the cultivation of
rice, indigo, sugar and other pi-oducts congenial to the climate and soil of Louisiana,
and to quite an extended topographical description of the whole Mississippi Valley.
fThe Iroquois' name for the Ohio was " O-io," meaning beautiful, and the French
retained the signification in the name of "La Belle Riviere,'" by which the Ohio was
known to them.
102 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
names; but custom has prevailed in this respect. The first known
to us which falls into the Ohio is that of the Miamis (Wabash), which
takes its rise toward Lake Erie. It is by this river of the Miamis that
the Canadians come to Louisiana. For this purpose they embark on
the River St. Lawrence, go up this river, pass the cataracts quite to
the bottom of Lake Erie, where they find a small river, on which they
also go up to a place called the carriage of the Miamis, because that
people come and take their effects and carry them on their backs for
two leagues from thence to the banks of the river of their name which
I just said empties itself into the Ohio. From thence the Canadians
go down that river, enter the Wabash, and at last the Mississippi,
which brings them to New Orleans, the capital of Louisiana. They
reckon eighteen hundred leagues from the capital of Canada to that
of Louisiana, on account of the great turns and windings they are
obliged to take. The river of the Miamis is thus the first to the north
which falls into the Ohio, then that of the Chaouanons to the south,
and lastly, that of the Cherokee, all which together empty themselves
into the Mississippi. This is what we (in Louisiana) call the Wabash,
and what in Canada and New England is called the Ohio.'" *
A failure to recognize the fact that the Ohio below the mouth of the
Wabash was, for a period of over half a century, known to the French
as the Wabash, has led not a few later writers to erroneously locate
ancient French forts and missionary stations upon the banks of the
Wabash, which were in reality situated many miles below, on the Ohio.f
*On the map prefixed to Du Pratz' history, the Ohio from the Mississippi up to
the confluence of the Wabash is called the " Wabash "; above this the Ohio is called
Ohio, and the Wabash is called "The River of the Miamis," with villages of that
tribe noted near its source. The Maumee is called the "River of the Carrying Place."
The Upper Mississippi, the Illinois River and the lakes are also laid down, and, alto-
gether, the map is quite accurate.
t A noticeable instance of such a mistake will be found relative to the city of Vin-
cennes. On the authority of LaHarpe, and the later historian Charlevoix, the French
in the year 1700, established a trading post near the mouth of the Ohio, on the site of
the more modern Fort Massac, in Massac county, 111., for the purpose of securing
buffalo hides. The neighboring Mascotins, as was customary with the Indians, soon
gathered about for the purpose of barter. Their numbers, as well as the expressed
wish of the French traders, induced Father Merment to visit the place and engage in
mission work. At the end of four or five years, in 1705, the establishment was broken
up on account of a quarrel of the Indians among themselves, and which so threatened
the lives of the Frenchmen that the latter fled, leaving behind their effects and 13,000
buffalo hides which they had collected. Some years later Father Marest, writing from
Kaskaskia, in his letter before referred to, relates the failure of Father Merment to
convert the Indians at this " post on the Wabash "; and on the authority of this letter
alone, and although Father Marest only followed the prevailing style in calling the
lower Ohio the Wabash, some writers, the late Judge John Law being the first, have
contended that this post was on the Wabash and at Vincennes. Charlevoix says " it
was at the mouth of the Wabash which discharges itself into the Mississippi." La
Harpe, and also Le Suere, whose personal knowledge of the post was contemporaneous
with its existence, definitely fix its position near the mouth of the Ohio. The latter
gives the date of its beginning, and the former narrates an account of its trade and
final abandonment. In this way an antiquity has been claimed for Vincennes to which
it is not historically entitled.
EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE MAUMEE. 103
We now give a description of the Maumee and Wabash, the location
of the several Indian villages, and the manners of their inhabitants,
taken from a memoir prepared in 1718 by a French officer in Canada,
and sent to the minister at Paris.*
" I return to the Miamis River. Its entrance from Lake Erie is
very wide, and its banks on both sides, for a distance of ten leagues
up, are nothing but continued swamps, abounding at all times, espe-
cially in the spring, with game without end, swans, geese, ducks, cranes,
etc., which drive sleep away by the noise of their cries. This river is
sixty leagues in length, very embarrassing in summer in consequence
of the lowness of the water. Thirty leagues up the river is a place
called La Glaise,\ where buffalo are always to be found ; they eat the
clay and wallow in it. The Miamis are sixty leagues from Lake Erie,
and number four hundred, all well formed men, and well tattooed $
the women are numerous. They are hard working, and raise a species
of maize unlike that of our Indians at Detroit. It is white, of the
same size as the other, the skin much finer, and the meal much whiter.
This nation is clad in deer skin, and when a woman goes with another
man her husband cuts off her nose and does not see her any more.
They have plays and dances, wherefore they have more occupation.
The women are well clothed ; but the men use scarcely any covering,
and are tattooed all over the body.
" From this Miami village there is a portage of three leagues to a
little and very narrow stream,§ that falls, after a course of twenty
leagues, into the Ohio or Beautiful River, which discharges into the
Ouabache, a fine river that falls into the Mississippi forty leagues from
the Cascachias. Into the Ouabache falls also the Casquinampo, || which
communicates with Carolina ; but this is far off, and is always up
stream.
" The River Ouabache is the one on which the Ouyatanons ^[ are
settled.
" They consist of five villages, which are contiguous the one to the
other. One is called Oujatanon, the other Peanguichias,** and another
*The document is quite lengthy, covering 1 all the principal places and Indian trihes
east of the Mississippi, and showing the compiler possessed a very thorough acquaint-
ance with the whole subject. It is given entire in the Paris Documents, vol. 9; that
relating to the Maumee and Wabash on pages 886 to 89L
t Defiance, Ohio.
X These villages were near the confluence of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph, and
this is the first account we have of the present site of Fort Wayne.
§ Little River, that empties into the Wabash just below Huntington.
I The Tennessee River.
11" The " Weas," whose principal villages were near the mouth of Eel River, near
Logansport, and on the Wea prairie, between Attica and La Fayette.
**The ancient Piankashaw town was on the Vermilion of the Wabash, and the
Miami name of the Vermilion was Piankashaw.
104 HISTORIC NOTES ON" THE NORTHWEST.
Petitscotias, and a fourth Le Gros. The name of the last I do not
recollect, but they are all Oujatanons, having the same language as the
Miamis, whose brothers they are, and properly all Miamis, having the
same customs and dress.* The men are very numerous ; fully a
thousand or twelve hundred.
" They have a custom different from all other nations, which is to
keep their fort extremely clean, not allowing a blade of grass to remain
within it. The whole of the fort is sanded like the Tuilleries. The
village is situated on a high hill, and they have over two leagues of
improvement where they raise their Indian corn, pumpkins and
melons. From the summit of this elevation nothing is visible to the
eye but prairies full of buffaloes. Their play and dancing are inces-
sant.f
"All of these tribes use a vast quantity of vermilion. The women
wear clothing, the men very little. The River Ohio, or Beautiful river,
is the route which the Iroquois take. It would be of importance that
they should not have such intercourse, as it is very dangerous. Atten-
tion has been called to this matter long since, but no notice has been
taken of it."
*The "Le Gros," that is, The Great (village), was probably "Chip-pe-co-ke," or
the town of "Brush- wood," the name of the old village at Vincennes, which was the
principal city of the Piankashaws.
fThe village here described is Ouatanon, which was situated a few miles below
La Fayette, near which, though on the opposite or north bank of the Wabash, the
Stockade Fort of "Ouatanon" was established by the French.
CHAPTER XIII.
ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS — THE SEVERAL ILLINOIS TRIBES.
The Indians who lived in and claimed the territory to which our
attention is directed were the several tribes of the Illinois and Miami
confederacies, — the Pottawatomies, the Kickapoos and scattered bands
of Shawnees and Delawares. Their title to the soil had to be extin-
guished by conquest or treatise of purchase before the country could
be settled by a higher civilization ; for the habits of the two races, red
and white, were so radically different that there could be no fusion, and
they could not, or rather did not, live either happily or at peace
together.
We proceed to treat of these several tribes, observing the order in
which their names have been mentioned ; and we do so in this con-
nection for the reason that it will aid toward a more ready under-
standing of the subjects which are to follow.
The Illinois were a subdivision of the great Algonquin family.
Their language and manners differed somewhat from other surround-
ing tribes, and resembled most the Miamis, with whom they originally
bore a very close affinity. Before Joliet and Marquette's voyage to the
Mississippi, all of the Indians who came from the south to the mission
at La Pointe, on Lake Superior, for the purposes of barter, were by the
French called Illinois, for the reason that the first Indians who came
to La Pointe from the south " called themselves IllinoisP *
In the Jesuit Relations the name Illinois appears as " Illi-mouek,"
"Illinoues," " Ill-i-ne-wek," " Allin-i-wek " and " Lin-i-wek." By
Father Marquette it is "Ilinois," and Hennepin has it the same as it
is at the present day. The ois was pronounced like our way, so that
ouai, ois, wek and oueh were almost identical in pronunciation^
"Willinis" is Lewis Evans' orthography. Major Thomas Forsyth,
who for many years was a trader and Indian agent in the territory, and
subsequently the state, of Illinois, says the Confederation of Illinois
* As we have given the name of Ottawas to all the savages of these countries, al-
though of different nations, because the first who have appeared among the French
have been Ottawas; so also it is with the name of the Illinois, very numerous, and
dwelling toward the south, because the first who have come to the " point of the Holy
Ghost for commerce called themselves Illinois." — Father Claude Dablon, in the Jesuit
Relations for 1670, 1671.
t Note by Dr. Shea in the article entitled " The Indian Tribes of Wisconsin," fur-
nished by him for the Historical Society of Wisconsin, and published in Vol. Ill ol
their collections, p. 128.
106 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
"called themselves Linneway" — which is almost identical with the
Lin-i-wek of the Jesuits, having a regard for its proper pronuncia-
tion, — " and that by others they were called Minneway, signifying men,"
and that their confederacy embraced the combined Illinois and Miami
tribes ; " that all these different bands of the Minneway nation spoke
the language of the present Miamis, and the whole considered them-
selves as one and the same people, yet from their local situation, and
having no standard to go by, their language became broken up into
different dialects."* They were by the Iroquois called " Chick-tagh-
icks."
Many theories have been advanced and much fine speculation in-
dulged in concerning the origin and meaning of the word Illinois.
We have seen that the Illinois first made themselves known to the
French by that name, and we have never had a better signification of
the name than that which the Illinois themselves gave to Fathers Mar-
quette and Hennepin. The former, in his narrative journal, observes:
" To say Illinois is, in their language, to say ' the men,' as if other
Indians, compared to them, were mere beasts." + " The word Illinois
signifies a man of full age in the vigor of his strength. This word Illi-
nois comes, as it has already been observed, from Illini, which in the
language of that nation signifies a perfect and accomplished man." %
Subsequently the name Illini, Linneway, Willinis or Illinois, with
more propriety became limited to a confederacy, at first composed of
four subdivisions, known as the Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Tamaroas and
Peorias. Not many years before the discovery of the Mississippi by
the French, a foreign tribe, the Metchigamis, nearly destroyed by wars
with the Sacs to the north and the Chickasaws to the south, to save
themselves from annihilation appealed to the Kaskaskias for admission
into their confederacy. § The request was granted, and the Metchiga-
mis left their homes on the Osage river and established their villages
on the St. Francis, within the limits of the present State of Missouri
and below the mouth of the Kaskaskia.
The subdivision of the Illinois proper into cantons, as the French
writers denominate the families or villages of a nation, like that of
other tribes was never very distinct. There were no villages exclu-
sively for a separate branch of the tribe. Owing to intermarriage,
adoption and other processes familiar to modern civilization, the sub-
* Life of Black-Hawk, by Benjamin Drake, seventh edition, pp. 16 and 17.
t Shea's Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 25.
X Hennepin's Discovery of America, pp. 35 and 119, London edition, 1698.
$ Charlevoix's " Narrative Journal," Vol. II, p. 228. Also note of B. F. French, p.
61 of Vol. Ill, First Series of Historical Collections of Louisiana.
LOCATION OF VILLAGES. 107
tribal distinctions were not well preserved ; and when Charlevoix, that
acute observer, in 1721 visited these several Illinois villages near Kas-
kaskia, their inhabitants were so mixed together and confounded that
it was almost impossible to distinguish the different branches of the
tribe from each other.*
The first accounts we have of the Illinois are given by the Jesuit
missionaries. In the "Relations" for the year 1655 we find that the
Lin-i-ouek are neighbors of the Winnebagoes ; again in the " Rela-
tions " for the next year, " that the Illinois nation dwell more than
sixty leagues from here, f and beyond a great river, ^ which as near
as can be conjectured flows into the sea toward Virginia. These
people are warlike. They use the bow, rarely the gun, and never the
canoe.
When Joliet and Marquette were descending the Mississippi, they
found villages of the Illinois on the Des Moines river, and on their
return they passed through larger villages of the same nation situated
on the Illinois river, near Peoria and higher up the stream.
While the Illinois were nomads, though not to the extent of many
other tribes, they had villages of a somewhat permanent character, and
when they moved after game they went in a body. It would seem
from the most authentic accounts that their favorite abiding places
were on the Illinois river, from the Des Plaines down to its confluence
with the Mississippi, and on the Mississippi from the Kaskaskia to the
mouth of the Ohio. This beautiful region abounded in game ; its riv-
ers were well stocked with fish, and were frequented by myriads of
wild fowls. The climate was mild. The soil was fertile. By the
mere turning of the sod, the lands in the rich river bottoms yielded
bountiful crops of Indian corn, melons and squashes.
In disposition and morals the Illinois were not to be very highly
commended. Father Charlevoix, speaking of them as they were in
1700, says: "Missionaries have for some years, directed quite a flour-
ishing church among the Illinois, and they have ever since continued
to instruct that nation, in whom Christianity had already produced a
change such as she alone can produce in morals and disposition. Before
the arrival of the missionaries, there were perhaps no Indians in any
part of Canada with fewer good qualities and more vices. They have
* " These tribes are at present very much confounded, and are become very inconsid-
erable. There remains only a very small number of" Kaskaskias, and the two villages
of that name are almost entirely composed of Tamaroas and Metchigamis, a foreign
nation adopted by the Kaskaskias, and originally settled on a small river you meet
with going down the Mississippi." — Charlevoix' " Narrative Journal," Letter XXVIII,
dated Kaskaskia, October 20, 1721; p. 228, Vol. II.
t The letter is sent from the Mission of the Holy Ghost, at La Pointe.
\ The Mississippi.
108 HISTORIC NOTES ON" THE NORTHWEST.
always been mild and docile enough, but they were cowardly, treach-
erous, tickle, deceitful, thievish, brutal, destitute of faith or honor,
selfish, addicted to gluttony and the most monstrous lusts, almost un-
known to the Canada tribes, who accordingly despised them heartily,
but the Illinois were not a whit less haughty or self-complacent on
that account.
" Such allies could bring no great honor or assistance to the French ;
yet we never had any more faithful, and, if we except the Abenaqui
tribes, they are the only tribe who never sought peace with their ene-
mies to our prejudice. They did, indeed, see the necessity of our aid
to defend themselves against several nations who seemed to have sworn
their ruin, and especially against the Iroquois and Foxes, who, by con-
stant harrassing, have somewhat trained them to war, the former taking
home from their expeditions the vices of that corrupt nation." *
Father Charlevoix' comments upon the Illinois confirm the state-
ments of Hennepin, who says : " They are lazy vagabonds, timorous,
pettish thieves, and so fond of their liberty that they have no great
respect for their chiefs."f
Their cabins were constructed of mats, made out of flags, spread
over a frame of poles driven into the ground in a circular form and
drawn together at the top.
"Their villages," says Father Hennepin,;}: "are open, not enclosed
with palisades because they had no courage to defend them ; they would
flee as they heard their enemies approaching." Before their acquaint-
ance with the French they had no knowledge of iron and fire-arms.
Their two principal weapons were the bow and arrow and the club.
Their arrows were pointed with stone, and their tomahawks were made
out of stag's horns, cut in the shape of a cutlass and terminating in a
large ball. In the use of the bow and arrow, all writers agree, that
the Illinois excelled all neighboring tribes. For protection against the
missies of an enemy they used bucklers composed of buffalo hides
stretched over a wooden frame.
In form they were tall and lithe. They were noted for their swift-
ness of foot. They wore moccasins prepared from buffalo hides; and,
in summer, this generally completed their dress. Sometimes they wore
a small covering, extending from the waist to the knees. The rest of
the body was entirely nude.
The women, beside cultivating the soil, did all of the household
drudgery, carried the game and made the clothes. The garments
* Charlevoix's " History of New France," vol. 5, page 130.
t Hennepin, page 132, London edition, 1698.
% Page 132.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 109
were prepared from buffalo hides, and from the soft wool that grew
upon these animals. Both the wool and hides were dyed with bril-
liant colors, black, yellow or vermilion. In this kind of work the
Illinois women were greatly in advance of other tribes. Articles of
dress were sewed together with thread made from the nerves and ten-
dons of deer, prepared by exposure to the sun twice in every twenty-
four hours. After which the nerves and tendons were beaten so that
their fibers would separate into a fine white thread. The clothing of
the women was something like the loose wrappers worn by ladies of
the present day. Beneath the wrapper were petticoats, for warmth in
winter. With a fondness for finery that characterizes the feminine sex
the world over, the Illinois women wore head-dresses, contrived more
for ornament than for use. The feet were covered with moccasins, and
leggings decorated with quills of the porcupine stained in colors of
brilliant contrasts. Ornaments, fashioned out of clam shells and other
hard substances, were worn about the neck, wrists and ankles ; these, with
the face, hands and neck daubed with pigments, completed the toilet of
the highly fashionable Illinois belle.
Their food consisted of the scanty products of their fields, and prin-
cipally of game and fish, of which, as previously stated, there was in
their country a great abundance. Father Allouez, who visited them in
1673, stated that they had fourteen varieties of herbs and forty-two
varieties of fruits which they use for food. Their plates and other
dishes were made of wood, and their spoons were constructed out of
buffalo bones. The dishes for boiling food were earthen, sometiines
glazed*
From all accounts, it seems that the Illinois claimed an extensive
tract of country, bounded on the east by the ridge that divides the
waters' flowing into the Illinois from the streams that drain into the
Wabash above the head waters of Saline creek, and as high up the Illi-
nois as the Des Plaines, extending westward of the Mississippi, and
reaching northward to the debatable ground between the Illinois,
Chippeways, Winnebagoes, Sacs and Foxes. Their favorite and most
populous cities were on the Illinois river, near Starved Rock, and
* The account we have given of the manners, habits and customs of the Illinois is
compiled from the following authorities : La Hontan, Charlevoix, Hennepin, Tonti,
Marquette, Joutel, the missionaries Marest, Rasles and Allouez. Besides, the historic
letter of Marest, found in Kip's Jesuit Missions, is another from this distinguished
priest, written from Kaskaskia to M. Bienville, and incorporated in Penicaut's Annals
of Louisiana, a translation of which is contained in the Historical Collections of Louisi-
ana and Florida, by B. F. French. In this letter of Father Marest, dated in 1711, is a
very fine description of the customs of the Illinois Indians, and their prosperous condi-
tion at Kaskaskia and adjacent villages.
110 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
below as far as Peoria. The missionary station founded by Father
Marquette was, in all probability, near the latter place.
Prior to the year 1700, Father Marest had charge of a mission at
the neck, strait or narrows of Peoria lake. In Peoria lake, above
Peoria, is a contracted channel, and this is evidently referred to by
Father Gravier in his " Narrative Journal " where he states : " I ar-
rived too late at the Illinois du Detroit, of whom Father Marest has
charge, to prevent the transmigration of the village of the Kaskaskias,
which was too precipitately made on vague news of the establishment
on the Mississippi. I do not believe that the Kaskaskias would have
thus separated from the Peouaroua and other Illinois du Detroit. At
all events, I came soon enough to unite minds a little, and to prevent
the insult which the Peouaroua and the Mouin-gouena were bent on
offering to the Kaskaskias and French as they embarked. I spoke to
all the chiefs in full council, and as they continued to preserve some
respect and good will for me, we separated very peaceably. But I
argue no good from this separation, which I have always hindered,
seeing too clearly the evil results. God grant that the road from
Chikagoua to this strait " (au Detroit) " be not closed, and the whole
Illinois mission suffer greatly. I avow to you, Reverend Father, that
it rends my heart to see my old flock thus divided and dispersed, and
I shall never see it, after leaving it, without having some new cause of
affliction. The Peouaroua, whom I left without a missionary (since
Father Marest has followed the Kaskaskias), have promised me that
they would preserve the church, and that they would await my return
from the Mississippi, where I told them I went only to assure myself
of the truth of all that was said about it." *
The area of the original country of the Illinois was reduced by
continuous wars with their neighbors. The Sioux forced them east-
ward ; the Sac and Fox, and other enemies, encroached upon them
from the north, while war parties of the foreign Iroquois, from the east,
rapidly decimated their numbers. These unhappy influences were doing
* Father Gravier's Journal in Shea's Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi,
pp. 116 and 117. Dr. Shea, in a foot note, p. 116, says: "This designation (Illinois
Du Detroit) does not appear elsewhere, and I cannot discover what strait is referred to.
It evidently includes the Peorias."
Dr. Shea's conjecture is very nearly correct. The narrows in Peoria lake retained
the appellation of Little Detroit, a name handed down from the French-Canadians.
Dr. Lewis Beck, in his "Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri," p. 124, speaks of ''Little
Detroit, an Indian village situated on the east bank of lake Peoria, six miles above
' Ft. Clark." On the map prefixed to the Gazetteer prepared in 1820 the contraction of
the lake is shown and designated as " Little Detroit."
We have seen from extracts from Father Marquette's Journal, quoted on a preced-
ing page, that it was the Kaskaskias at whose village this distinguished missionary
Eromised to return and to establish a mission, and that with the ebbing out of his life
e fulfilled his engagement. From Father Gravier's Journal, just quoted, it is appar-
ATTACK OF THE IKOQUOIS. Ill
their fatal work, and the Illinois confederacy was in a stage of decline
when they first came in contact with the French. Their afflictions made
them accessible to the voice of the missionary, and in their weakness
they hailed with delight the coming of the Frenchman with his prom-
ises of protection, which were assured by guns and powder. The mis-
fortunes of the Illinois drew them so kindly to the priests, the courcurs
des Bois and soldiers, that the friendship between the two races never
abated ; and when in the order of events the sons of France had de-
parted from the Illinois, their love for the departed Gaul was inculcated
into the minds of their children.
The erection of Fort St. Louis on the Illinois, St. Joseph on the
stream of that name, and the establishment at Detroit, for a while
stayed the calamity that was to befall the Illinois. Frequent allusion
has been made to the part the Iroquois took in the destruction of this
powerful confederacy. For the gratification of the reader we give a
condensed account of some of these Iroquois campaigns in the Illinois
country. The extracts we take are from a memoir on the western
Indians, by M. Du Chesneau,* dated at Quebec, September 13, 1681 :
" To convey a correct idea of the present state of all those Indian na-
tions it is necessary to explain the cause of the cruel war waged by the
Iroquois for these three years past against the Illinois. The former
were great warriors, cannot remain idle, and pretend to subject all other
nations to themselves, and never want a pretext for commencing hos-
tilities. The following was their assumed excuse for the present war:
Going, about twenty years ago, to attack the Outagamis (Foxes),
they met the Illinois and killed a considerable number of them. This
continued during the succeeding years, and finally, having destroyed a
great many, they forced them to abandon their country and seek refuge
in very distant parts. The Iroquois having got quit of the Illinois,
took no more trouble with them, and went to war against another
nation called the Andostagues.f Pending this war the Illinois re-
turned to their country, and the Iroquois complained that they had
ent that the mission had for some years been in successful operation at the combined
village of the Kaskaskias, Peorias and Mouin-gouena, situated at the Du Detroit of the
Illinois; and also that the Kaskaskias, hearing that the French were about to form es-
tablishments on the lower Mississippi, in company with the French inhabitants of their
ancient village, were in the act of going down the Mississippi at the time of Gravier's
arrival, in September, 1700. All these facts taken together would seem to definitely
locate the Mission of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary at the
narrows, six miles above the present city of Peoria, which is upon the site of old Fort
Clark, and probably, from the topography of the locality, upon the east bank of the
strait. In conclusion, we may add that the Kaskaskias were induced to halt in their
journey southward upon the river, which has ever since borne their name ; and the
mission, transferred from the old Kaskaskias, above Peoria, retained the name of " The
Immaculate Conception," etc.
* Paris Documents, vol. 9, pp. 161 to 166.
t The Eries, or Cats, were entirely destroyed by the Iroquois.
112 HISTORIC NOTES ON" THE NORTHWEST.
killed forty of their people who were on their way to hunt beaver in
the Illinois country. To obtain satisfaction, the Iroquois resolved to
make war upon them. Their true motive, however, was to gratify the
English at Manatte * and Orange, f of whom they are too near neigh-
bors, and who, by means of presents, engaged the Iroquois in this ex-
pedition, the object of which was to force the Illinois to bring their
beaver to them, so that they may go and trade it afterward to the
English ; also, to intimidate the other Indians, and constrain them to
to do the same thing.
"The improper conduct of Sieur de la Salle, £ governor of Fort
Frontenac, has contributed considerably to cause the latter to adopt
this proceeding ; for after he had obtained permission to discover the
Great River Mississippi, and had, as he alleged, the grant of the
Illinois, he no longer observed any terms with the Iroquois. He ill-
treated them, and avowed that he would convey arms and ammunition
to the Illinois, and would die assisting them.
"The Iroquois dispatched in the month of April of last year, 1680,
an army, consisting of between five and six hundred men, who ap-
proached an Illinois village where Sieur Tonty, one of Sieur de la
Salle's men happened to be with some Frenchmen and two Recollect
fathers, whom the Iroquois left unharmed. One of these, a most holy
man, § has since been killed by the Indians. But they would listen
to no terms of peace proposed to them by Sieur de Tont} r , who was
slightly wounded at the beginning of the attack ; the Illinois having
fled a hundred leagues thence, were pursued by the Iroquois, who
killed and captured as many as twelve hundred of them, including
women and children, having lost only thirty men.
" The victory achieved by the Iroquois rendered them so insolent that
they have continued ever since that time to send out divers war parties.
The success of these is not yet known, but it is not doubted that they
have been successful, because those tribes are very warlike and the Illi-
nois are but indifferently so. Indeed, there is no doubt, and it is the
universal opinion, that if the Iroquois are allowed to proceed they will
subdue the Illinois, and in a short time render themselves masters of
all the Outawa tribes and divert the trade to the English, so that it is
absolutely essential to make them our friends or to destroy them."
* New York.
t Albany, New York.
X It must be remembered that La Salle was not exempt from the jealousy and envy
which is inspired in souls of little men toward those engaged in great undertakings ;
and we see this spirit manifested here. La Salle could not have done otherwise than
supply fire-arms to the Illinois, who were his friends and the owners of the country, the
trade of which he had opened up at great hardship and expense to himself.
§ Gabriel Ribourde.
DEFEAT OF THE IKOQUOIS. 113
The Iroquois were not always successful in their western forays.
Tradition records two instances in which they were sadly discomfited.
The first was an encounter with the Sioux, on an island in the Missis-
sippi, at the mouth of the Des Moines. The tradition of this engage-
ment is preserved in the curious volumes of La Hontan, and is as fol-
lows : " March 2nd, 1689, 1 arrived in the Mississippi. To save the labor
of rowing we left our boats to the current, and arrived on the tenth in
the island of Rencontres, which took its name from the defeat of four
hundred Iroquois accomplished there- by three hundred Nadouessis
(Sioux). The story of the encounter is briefly this : A party of
four hundred Iroquois having a mind to surprise a certain people in
the neighborhood of the Otentas (of whom more anon), marched to
the country of the Illinois, where they built canoes and were furnished
with provisions. After that they embarked upon the river Mississippi,
and were discovered by another little fleet that was sailing down the
other side of the same river. The Iroquois crossed over immediately
to that island which is since called Aux Rencontres. The Nadouessis,
i. <?., the other little fleet, being suspicious of some ill design, without
knowing what people they were (for they had no knowledge of the
Iroquois but by hear-say) — upon this suspicion, I say, they tugged hard
to come up with them. The two armies posted themselves upon the
point of the island, where the two crosses are put down in the map,*
and as soon as the Nadouessis came in sight, the Iroquois cried out in
the Illinese language : ' Who are ye V To which the Nadouessis
answered, ' Somebody'; and putting the same question to the Iroquois,
received the same answer. Then the Iroquois put this question to
'em : ' Where are you going?' l To hunt buffalo,' answered the JVa-
douessis ; ' but, pray,' says the Nadouessis, ' what is your business ? ' ' To
hunt men,' reply'd the Iroquois. ' 'Tis well,' says the Nadouessis ;
' we are men, and so you need go no farther.' Upon this challenge,
the two parties disembarked, and the leader of the Nadouessis cut his
canoes to pieces, and, after representing to his warriors that they be-
hoved either to conquer or die, marched up to the Iroquois, who
received them at first onset with a cloud of arrows. But the Nadou-
essis having stood their first discharge, which killed eighty of them,
fell in upon them with their clubs in their hands before the others
could charge again, and so routed them entirely. This engagement
lasted for two hours, and was so hot that two hundred and sixty Iro-
quois fell upon the spot, and the rest were all taken prisoners. Some
of the Iroquois, indeed, attempted to make their escape after the action
* On La Hontan's map the place marked is designated by an island in the Missis-
sippi, immediately at the mouth of the Des Moines.
8
114 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
was over ; but the victorious general sent ten or twelve of his men to
pursue them in one of the canoes that he had taken, and accordingly
they were all overtaken and drowned. The Nadouessis having ob-
tained this victory, cut off the noses and ears of two of the cleverest
prisoners, and supplying them with fusees, powder and ball, gave them
the liberty of returning to their own country, in order to tell their
countrymen that they ought not to employ women to hunt after men
any longer."*
The second tradition is that" of a defeat of a war party of Iroquois
upon the banks of the stream that now bears the name of " Iroquois
River." Father Charlevoix, in his Narrative Journal, referring to his
passage down the Kankakee, in September, 1721, alludes to this defeat
of the Iroquois in the following language : " I was not a little sur-
prised at seeing so little water in the The-a-ki-ki, notwithstanding it
receives a good many pretty large rivers, one of which is more than a
hundred and twenty feet in breadth at its mouth, and has been called
the River of the Iroquois, because some of that nation were surprised
on its banks by the Illinois who killed a great many of them. This
check mortified them so much the more, as they held the Illinois in
great contempt, who, indeed, for the most part are not able to stand
before them.'" f
The tradition has been given with fuller particulars to the author^
by Colonel Guerdon S. Hubbard, as it was related by the Indians to
him. It has not as yet appeared in print, and is valuable as well as
interesting, inasmuch as it explains why the Iroquois River has beeiv.
so called for a period of nearly two centuries, and also because it gives
the origin of the name Watseka.
The tradition is substantially as follows: Many years ago the Iro
quois attacked an Indian village situated on the banks of the river a
few miles below the old county seat, — Middleport, — and drove out
the occupants with great slaughter. The fugitives were collected in
the night time some distance away, lamenting their disaster. A wo-
man, possessing great courage, urged the men to return and attack the
Iroquois, saying the latter were then rioting in the spoils of the village
and exulting over their victory ; that they would not expect danger
from their defeated enemy, and that the darkness of the night would
prevent their knowing the advance upon them. The warriors refused
to go. The woman then said that she would raise a party of squaws
' and return to the village and fight the Iroquois; adding that death or
captivity would be the fate of the women and children on the morrow,
*La Hontan's New Voyages to America, vol. 1, pp. 128, 129.
f Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 199.
IKDIAN LEGEND. 115
and that they might as well die in an effort to regain their village and
property as to submit to a more dreadful fate. She called for volun-
teers and the women came forward in large numbers. Seeing the
bravery of their wives and daughters the men were ashamed of their
cowardice and became inspired with a desperate courage. A plan of
attack was speedily formed and successfully executed. The Iroquois,
taken entirely unawares, were surprised and utterly defeated.
The name of the heroine who suggested and took an active part in
this act of bold retaliation, bore the name of Watch-e-kee. In honor
of her bravery and to perpetuate the story of the engagement, a coun-
cil of the tribe was convened which ordained that when Watch-e-kee
died her name should be bestowed upon the most accomplished maiden
of the tribe, and in this way be handed down from one generation to
another. By such means have the name and the tradition been pre-
served.
The last person who bore this name was the daughter of a Potta-
watomie chief, with whose band Col. Hubbard was intimately associ-
ated as a trader for many years. She was well known to many of the
old settlers in Danville and upon the Kankakee. She was a person of
great beauty, becoming modesty, and possessed of superior intelligence.
She had great influence among her own people and was highly re-
spected by the whites. She accompanied her tribe to the westward of
the Mississippi, on their removal from the state. The present cwntit,
seat of Iroquois county is named after her, and ColJ^iubbard advises
the author that Watseka, as the name is generally spelled, is incorrect,
and that the orthography for its true pror .mnciation should be "Watch-e-
kee.*
We resume the narration of tb^ie decline of the Illinois : La Salle's
fortification at Starved Rock gathered about it populous villages of
Illinois, Shawnees, Weas, Pian iV keshaws and other kindred tribes, shown
on Franquelin's map as the C^Jolonie Du Sr. de la Salle, f The Iroquois
were barred out of the country of the Illinois tribes, and the latter
enjoyed security from thg jir old enemies. La Salle himself, speaking
of his success in establis) lP aing a colony at the Rock, says : " There would
be nothing to fear fro^m the Iroquois when the nations of the south,
* The Iroquois also 1 ^ore the name of Can-o-wa-ga, doubtless an Indian name. It
had another aboriginal -+hame, Mocabella (which was, probably, a French-Canadian cor-
ruption of the Kickap oo word Mo-qua), signifying a bear. Beck's Illinois and Mis-
souri Gazetteer, p. 90.-e The joint commission appointed by the legislatures of Indiana
and Illinois to run tl le boundary line between the two states, in their report in 1821,
and upon their map deposited in the archives at Indianapolis, designate the Iroquois
by the name of Picl«\--a-mink River. They also named Sugar Creek after Mr. McDon-
ald, of Vincennes, Ir ndiana, who conducted the surveys for the commission.
fThis part of IiVranquelin's map appears in the well executed frontispiece of Park-
insons Discovery ofW the Great West.
116 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
strengthened through their intercourse with the French, shall stop
their conquest, and prevent their being powerful by carrying off a great
number of their women and children, which they can easily do from
the inferiority of the weapons of their enemies. As respects com-
merce, that post will probably increase our traffic still more than has
been done by the establishment of Fort Frontenac, which was built
with success for that purpose; for if the Illinois and their allies were
to catch the beavers which the Iroquois now kill in the neighborhood
in order to carry them to the English, the latter not being any longer
able to get them from their own colonies would be obliged to buy from
us, to the great benefit of those who have the privilege of this traffic.
These were the views which the Sieur de la Salle had in placing the
settlement where it is. The colony has already felt its effects, as all
our allies, who had fled after the departure of M. de Frontenac, have
returned to their ancient dwellings, in consequence of the confidence
caused by the fort, near which they have defeated a party of Iroquois,
and have built four forts to protect themselves from hostile incursions.
The Governor, M. de la Barre, and the intendant, M. de Muelles, have
told Sieur de la Salle that they would write to Monseigneur to inform
him of the importance of that fort in order to keep the Iroquois in
check, and that M. de Sagny had proposed its establishment in 1678.
Monsiegneur Colbert permitted Sieur de la Salle to build it, and
orontprl it to him as a property." *
The fort z^rL": Rocher (the rock) was constructed on its summit in
1682, and enclosed wit/A a palisade. It was subsequently granted to
Tonti and Forest, f It was ..abandoned as a military post in the year
1702; and when Charlevoix wem/ down the Illinois in 1721 he passed
the Rock, and said of it: "This fo the point of a very high terrace
stretching the space of two hundred ; paces, and bending or winding
with the course of the river. This rock; is steep on all sides, and at a
distance one would take it for a fortress. »» Some remains of a palisado
are still to be seen on it, the Illinois having formerly cast up an en-
trenchment here, which might be easily repaired in case of any inter-
ruption of the enemy." % \
The abandonment of Fort St, Louis in 1702 vvras followed soon after
by a dispersion of the tribes and remnants of trib.es that La Salle and
Tonti had gathered about it, except the straggling village of the
Illinois.
* Memoir of the Sieur de la Salle, reporting to Monseigneur die Seingelay the dis-
coveries made by him under the order of His Majesty. Historical Elections of
Louisiana, Part I, p. 42.
t Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 494.
t Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. &, p. ■iW-
DECLINE OF THE ILLINOIS. 117
The Iroquois came no more subsequent to 1721, having war enough
on their hands nearer home ; but the Illinois were constantly harassed
by other enemies ; the Sacs, Foxes, Kickapoos and Pottawatomies.
In 1722 their villages at the Rock and on Peoria Lake were besieged
by the Foxes, and a detachment of a hundred men under Chevalier de
Artaguette and Sieur de Tisne were sent to their assistance. Forty of
these French soldiers, with four hundred Indians, marched by land to
Peoria Lake. However, before the reinforcements reached their des-
tination they learned that the Foxes had retreated with a loss of more
than a hundred and twenty of their men. " This success did not,
however, prevent the Illinois, although they had only lost twenty men,
with some women and children, from leaving the Rock and Pimiteony,
where they were kept in constant alarm, and proceeding to unite with
those of their brethren who had settled on the Mississippi ; this was a
stroke of grace for most of them, the small number of missionaries
preventing their supplying so many towns scattered far apart ; but on
the other side, as there was nothing to check the raids of the Foxes
along the Illinois River, communication between Louisiana and New
France became much less practicable."*
The fatal dissolution of the Illinois still proceeded, and their
ancient homes and hunting grounds were appropriated by the more
vigorous Sacs, Foxes, Pottawatomies and Kickapoos. The killing of
Pontiac at Cahokia, whither he had retired after the failure of his
effort to rescue the country from the English, was laid upon the
Illinois, a charge which, whether true or false, hastened the climax of
their destruction.
General Harrison stated that " the Illinois confederacy was com-
posed of five tribes : the Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Peorians, Michiganians
and the Temarois, speaking the Miami language, and no doubt
branches of that nation. When I was first appointed Governor of the
Indiana Territory (May, 1800), these once powerful tribes were re-
duced to about thirty warriors, of whom twenty-five were Kaskaskias,
four Peorians, and a single Michiganian. There was an individual
lately alive at St. Louis who saw the enumeration made of them by
the Jesuits in 1745, making the number of their warriors four thou-
sand. A furious war between them and the Sacs and Kickapoos
reduced them to that miserable remnant which had taken refuse
amongst the white people in the towns of Kaskaskia and St. Genieve."f
* History of New France, vol. 6, p. 71.
t Official letter of Gen. Harrison to Hon. John Armstrong, Secretary of War,
dated at Cincinnati, March 22, 1814: contained in Captain M'Afee's " History of the
Late War in the Western Country."
118 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
By successive treaties their lands in Illinois were ceded to the
United States, and they were removed west of the Missouri. In 1872
they had dwindled to forty souls — men, women and children all told.
Thus have wasted away the original occupants of the larger part of
Illinois and portions of Iowa and Missouri. In 1684 their single vil-
lage at La Salle's colony, could muster twelve hundred warriors. In the
days of their strength they nearly exterminated the Winnebagoes, and
their war parties penetrated the towns of the Iroquois in the valleys of
the Mohawk and Genesee. They took the Metchigamis under their
protection, giving them security against enemies with whom the latter
could not contend. This people who had dominated over the surround-
ing tribes, claiming for themselves the name Illini or Linneway, to rep-
resent their superior manhood, have disappeared from the earth ; another
race, representing a higher civilization, occupy their ancient domains,
and already, even the origin of their name and the location of their
cities have become the subjects of speculation.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE MIAMIS— THE MIAMI, PIANKESHAW, AND WEA BANDS.
The people known to us as the Miamis formerly dwelt beyond the
Mississippi, and, according to their own traditions, came originally
from the Pacific. " If what I have heard asserted in several places be
true, the Illinois and Miamis came from the banks of a very distant sea
to the westward. It would seem that their first stand, after they made
their first descent into this country, was at Moingona** At least it is
certain that one of their tribes bears that name. The rest are known
under the name of Peorias, Tamaroas, Caoquias and Kaskaskias."
The migration of the Miamis from the west of the Mississippi,
eastward through Wisconsin and northern Illinois, around the south-
ern end of Lake Michigan to Detroit, and thence up the Maumee and
down the Wabash, and eastward through Indiana into Ohio as far as
the Great Miami, can be followed through the mass of records handed
down to us from the missionaries, travelers and officers connected with
the French. Speaking of the mixed village of Maskoutens, situated on
Fox River, Wisconsin, at the time of his visit there in 1670, Father
Claude Dabiou says the village of the Fire-nation " is joined in the
circle of the same barriers to another people, named Oumiami, which
is one of the Illinois nations, which is, as it were, dismembered from
the others, in order to dwell in these quarters, f It is beyond this
great river \ that are placed the Illinois of whom we speak, and from
whom are detached those who dwell here with the Fire-nation to form
here a transplanted colony."
From the quotations made there remains little doubt that the Mi-
amis were originally a branch of the great Illinois nation. This theory
is confirmed by writers of our own time, among whom we may men-
tion General William H. Harrison, whose long acquaintance and official
connection with the several bands of the Miamis and Illinois gave him
* Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 227. Moingona, from undoubted
authorities, was a name given to the Des Moines River; and we find on the original
map, drawn by Marquette, the village of the Moingona placed on the Des Moines
above a village of the Peorias on the same stream.
t Father Dablon is here describing the same village referred to by Father Mar-
quette in that part of his Journal which we have copied on page 44.
J The Mississippi, of which the missionary had been speaking in the paragraph
preceding that which we quote.
119
120 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
the opportunities, of which he availed himself, to acquire an intimate
knowledge concerning them. "Although the language, manners
and customs of the Kaskaskias make it sufficiently certain that they
derived their origin from the same source with the Miamis, the
connection had been dissolved before the French had penetrated
from Canada to the Mississippi.""- The assertion of General Har-
rison that the tribal relation between the Illinois and Miamis had
been broken at the time of the discovery of the Upper Mississippi
valley by the French is sustained with great unanimity by all other
authorities. In the long and disastrous wars waged upon the Illinois
by the Iroquois, Sacs and Foxes, Kickapoos and other enemies, we
have no instance given where the Miamis ever offered assistance to
their ancient kinsmen. After the separation, on the contrary, they
often lifted the bloody hatchet against them.
Father Dablon, in the narrative from which we have quoted, f
gives a detailed account of the civility of. the Miamis at Mascouten,
and the formality and court routine with which their great chief was
surrounded. "The chief of the Miamis, whose name was Tetin-
choua, was surrounded by the most notable people of the village,
who, assuming the role of courtiers, with civil posture full of defer-
ence, and keeping always a respectful silence, magnified the great-
ness of their king. The chief and his routine gave Father Dablon
every mark of their most distinguished esteem. The physiognomy
of the chief was as mild and as attractive as any one could wish to
see ; and while his reputation as a warrior was great, his features
bore a softness which charmed all those who beheld him."
Nicholas Perrot, with Sieur de St. Lussin, dispatched by Talon,
the intendant, to visit the westward nations, with whom the French
had intercourse, and invite them to a council to be held the follow-
ing spring at the Sault Ste. Marie, was at this Miami village shortly
after the visit of Dablon. Perrot was treated with great consider-
ation by the Miamis. Tatinchoua "sent out a detachment to meet
the French agent and receive him in military style. The detach-
ment advanced in battle array, all the braves adorned with feathers,
armed at all points, were uttering war cries from time to time. The
Pottawatomies who escorted Perrot, seeing them come in this guise,
prepared to receive them in the same manner, and Perrot put him-
self at their head. When the two troops were in face of each other,
they stopped as if to take breath, then all at once Perrot took the
right, the Miamis the left, all running in Indian file, as though they
wished to gain an advantage to charge.
* Memoirs of General Harrison, by Moses Dawson, p. 62.
t Relations, 1670. 1671.
OF THE NAME MIAMI. 121
" But the Miamis wheeling in the form of an arc, the Pottawat-
omies were invested on all sides. Then both uttered loud yells,
which were the signals for a kind of combat. The Miamis fired a
volley from their guns, which were only loaded with powder, and
the Pottawatomies returned it in the same way ; after this they
closed, tomahawk in hand, all the blows being received on the tom-
ahawks. Peace was then made ; the Miamis presented the calumet
to Perrot, and led him with all his chief escort into the town, where
the great chief assigned him a guard of fifty men, regaled him mag-
nificently after the custom of the country, and gave him the diver-
sion of a game of ball."* The Miami chief never spoke to his
subjects, but imparted his orders through some of his officers. On
account of his advanced age he was dissuaded from attending the
council to be held at Ste. Marie, between the French and the Indians;
however, he deputized the Pottawatomies to act in his name.
This confederacy called themselves "Miamis," and by this name
were known to the surrounding tribes. The name was not bestowed
upon them by the French, as some have assumed from its resem-
blance to Mon-ami, because they were the friends of the latter.
When ITennepin was captured on the Mississippi by a war party of
the Sioux, these savages, with their painted faces rendered more
hideous by the devilish contortions of their features, cried out in
angry voices, " (, Mia-hama ! Mia-hama ! ' and we made signs with
our oars upon the sand, that the Miamis, their enemies, of whom
they were in search, had passed the river upon their flight to join
the Illinois, "f
"The confederacy which obtained the general appellation of
Miamis, from the superior numbers of the individual tribe to whom
that name more properly belonged," were subdivided into three
principal tribes or bands, namely, the Miamis proper, Weas and
Piankeshaws. French writers have 'given names to two or three
other subdivisions or families of the three principal bands, whose
identity has never been clearly traced, and who figure so little in
the accounts which we have of the Miamis, that it is not necessary
here to specify their obsolete names. The different ways of writing
* History of New France, vol. 3, pp. 166, 167. Father Charlevoix improperly
locates this village, where Perrot was received, at "Chicago, at the lower end of Lake
Michigan, where the Miamis then were," page 166, above quoted. The Miamis were
not then at Chicago. The reception of Perrot was at the mixed village on Fox River,
Wisconsin, as stated in the text. The error of Charlevoix, as to the location of this
village, has been pointed out by Dr. Shea, in a note on page 166, in the "History of
New France," and also by Francis Parkman, in a note on page 40 of his "Discovery
of the Great West."
t Hennepin, p. 187.
122 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Miamis are: Oumiamwek,* Oumamis,f Maumees,:}: Au-Miami §
(contracted to An-Mi and Omee) and Mine-ami. |
The French called the Weas Ouiatenons, Syatanons, Ouyatanons
and Ouias ; the English and Colonial traders spelled the word,
Ouicatanon,*[ Way-ough-ta nies,** Wawiachtens,ft and "Wehahs.^
For the Piankeshaws, or Pou-an-ke-M-as, as they were called in
the earliest accounts, we have Peanguichias, Pian-gui-shaws, Pyan-
ke-shas and Pianquishas.
The Miami tribes were known to the Iroquois, or Five Nations
of New York, as the Twir/ht-wees, a name generally adopted by the
British, as well as by the American colonists. Of this name there
are various corruptions in pronunciation and spelling, examples of
which we have in " Twich-twichs," " Twick-twicks," " Twis-twicks,"
4 k Twigh-twees, " and "Twick-tovies." The insertion of these many
names, applied to one people, would seem a tedious superfluity, were
it otherwise possible to retain the identity of the tribes to which
these different appellations have been given by the French, British
and American officers, traders and writers. It will save the reader
much perplexity in pursuing a history of the Miamis if it is borne in
mind that all these several names refer to the Miami nation or to
one or the other of its respective bands.
Besides the colony mentioned by Dablon and Charlevoix, on the
Fox River of Wisconsin, Hennepin informs us of a village of
Miamis south and west of Peoria Lake at the time he was at the
latter place in 1679, and it was probably this village whose inhabit-
ants the Sioux were seeking. St. Cosmie, in 1699, mentions the
"village of the ' Peanzichias-Miamis, who formerly dwelt on the
— of the Mississippi, and who had come some years previous
and settled ' on the Illinois River, a few miles below the confluence
of the DesPlaines." §§
The Miamis were within the territory of La Salle's colony, of
which Starved Rock was the center, and counted thirteen hundred
warriors. The Weas and Piankeshaws were also there, the former
having five hundred warriors and the Piankeshaw band one hundred
and fifty. This was prior to 1 GST. jj j At a later day the Weas "were
at Chicago, but being afraid of the canoe people, left it."T"f Sieur
de Courtmanche, sent westward in 1701 to negotiate with the tribes
in that part of New France, was at " Chicago, where he found some
Marquette. fLaHontan. \ Gen. Harrison. § Gen. Harmar. || Lewis Evans.
IT George Croghan's Narrative Journal. ** Croghan's List of Indian Tribes,
ft John Heckwelder, a Moravian Missionary. \% CatlhTs Indian Tribes.
§§ St. Cosmie's Journal in " Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi," p. 58.
M Parkman's Discovery of the Great West, note on p. 290.
^f*I Memoir on the Indian tribes, prepared in 1718: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 890.
AT WAR WITH THE SIOUX. 123
Weas (Ouiatanons), a Miami tribe, who had sung the war-song
against the Sioux and the Iroquois. He obliged them to lay down
their arms and extorted from them a promise to send deputies to
Montreal." *
In a letter dated in 1721, published in his "Narrative Journal,"
Father Charlevoix, speaking of the Miamis about the head of Lake
Michigan, says: " Fifty years ago the Miamis were settled on the
southern extremity of Lake Michigan, in a place called Chicagou,
from the name of a small river which runs into the lake, the source
of which is not far distant from that of the river of the Illinois ;
they are at present divided into three villages, one of which stands
on the river St. Joseph, the second on another river which bears
their name and runs into Lake Erie, and the third upon the river
Ouabache, which empties its waters into the Mississippi. These last
are better known by the appellation of Ouyatanons." f
In 1694, Count Frontenac, in a conference with the Western In-
dians, requested the Miamis of the Pepikokia band who resided on
the Maramek,^; to remove, and join the tribe which was located on
the Saint Joseph, of Lake Michigan. The reason for this request,
as stated by Frontenac himself, was, that he wished the different
bands of the Miami confederacy to unite, "so as to be able to exe-
cute with greater facility the commands which he might issue." At
that time the Iroquois were at war with Canada, and the French
were endeavoring to persuade the western tribes to take up the tom-
ahawk in their behalf. The Miamis promised to observe the Gov-
ernor's wishes and began to make preparations for the removal. §
"Late in August, 1696, they started to join their brethren settled
on the St. Joseph. On their way they were attacked by the Sioux,
who killed several. The Miamis of the St. Joseph, learning this
hostility, resolved to avenge their slaughter. They pursued the
Sioux to their own country, and found them entrenched in their fort
with some Frenchmen of the class known as coureurs des bois (bush-
lopers). They nevertheless attacked them repeatedly with great res-
olution, but were repulsed, and at last compelled to retire, after
losing several of their braves. On their way home, meeting other
Frenchmen carrying arms and ammunition to ftie Sioux, they seized
all they had, but did them no harm." |
The Miamis were very much enraged at the French for supplying
* History of New France, vol. 5, p. 142.
t Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 1, p. 287.
JThe Kalamazoo, of Michigan.
§ Paris Documents, vol. 9, pp. 624, 625.
J Charlevoix' History of New France, vol. 5, p. 65.
124 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
their enemies, the Sioux, with guns and ammunition. It took all
the address of Count Frontenac to prevent them from joining the
Iroquois ; indeed, they seized upon the French agent and trader,
Nicholas Perrot, who had been commissioned to lead the Maramek
band to the St. Josephs, and would have burnt him alive had it not
been for the Foxes, who interposed in his behalf.*" This was the
commencement of the bitter feeling of hostility with which, from
that time, a part of the Miamis always regarded the French. From
this period the movements of the tribe were observed by the French
with jealous suspicion.
"We have already shown that in 1699 the Miamis were at Fort
Wayne, engaged in transferring across their portage emigrants from
Canada to Louisiana, and that, within a few years after, the Weas
are described as having their fort and several miles of cultivated
fields on the Wea plains below La Fayette. f From the extent and
character of these improvements, it may be safely assumed that the
Weas had been established here some years prior to 1718, the date
of the Memoir.
When the French first discovered the Wabash, the Piankeshaws
were found in possession of the land on either side of that stream,
from its mouth to the Vermilion Jiiver, and no claim had ever
been made to it by any other tribe until 1804, the period of a ces-
sion of a part of it to the United States by the Delawares, who had
obtained their title from the Piankeshaws themselves. ^
We have already seen that at the time of the first account we
have relating to the Maumee and the Wabash, the Miamis had vil-
lages and extensive improvements near Fort Wayne, on the Wea
prairie below La Fayette, on the Vermilion of the Wabash, and at
Yincennes. At a later day they established villages at other places,
viz, near the forks of the Wabash at Huntington, on the Mississin-
ewa,$ on Eel River near Logansport, while near the source of this
river, and westward of Fort Wayne, was the village of the "Little
Turtle." Near the mouth of the Tippecanoe was a sixth village.
* Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. C72.
fVide, p. 104. *
i Memoirs of General Harrison, pp. 61, 63.
§This stream empties into the Wabash near Peru, and on the opposite side of the
river from that city. The word is a compound of missi, great, and assin, stone, signify-
ing the river of the great or much stone. "The Mississinewa, with its pillared rocks,
is full of geological as well as romantic interest. Some three miles from Peru the
channel is cut through a solid wall of cherty silico-magnesian limestone. The action
of the river and unequal disintegration of the rocks has carved the precipitous wall,
which converts the river's course into a system of pillars, rounded buttresses, alcoves,
chambers and overhanging sides." Prof. Collett's Report on the Geology of Miami
county, Indiana.
A WARLIKE PEOPLE. 125
Passing below the Vermilion, the Miarais had other villages, one
on Sugar creek* and another near Terre Haute, f
The country of the Miamis extended west to the watershed be-
tween the Illinois and Wabash rivers, which separated their posses-
sions from those of their brethren, the Illinois. On the north were
the Pottawatomies, who were slowly but steadily pushing their lines
southward into the territory of the Miamis. The superior numbers
of the Miamis and their great valor enabled them to extend the
limit of their hunting grounds eastward into Ohio, and far within
the territory claimed by the Iroquois. "They were the undoubted
proprietors of all that beautiful country watered by the Wabash and
its tributaries, and there remains as little doubt that their claim ex-
tended as far east as the Scioto.":};
Unlike the Illinois, the Miamis held their own until they were
placed upon an equal footing with the tribes eastward by obtaining
possession of fire-arms. With these implements of civilized warfare
they were able to maintain their tribal integrity and the independ-
ence they cherished. They were not to be controlled by the French,
nor did they suffer enemies from any quarter to impose upon them
without prompt retaliation. They traded and fought with the
French, English and Americans as their interests or passions in-
clined. They made peace or declared war against other nations of
their own race as policy or caprice dictated. More than once they
compelled even the arrogant Iroquois to beg from the governors of
the American colonies that protection which they themselves had
failed to secure by their own prowess. Bold, independent and
flushed with success, the Miamis afforded a poor field for missionary
work, and the Jesuit Relations and pastoral letters of the French
priesthood have less to say of the Miami confederacy than any of the
other western tribes, the Kickapoos alone excepted.
The country of the Miamis was accessible, by way of the lakes,
to the fur trader of Canada, and from the eastward, to the adven-
turers engaged in the Indian trade from Pennsylvania, New York
and Virginia, either by way of the Ohio River or a commerce car-
ried on overland by means of pack-horses. The English and the
French alike coveted their peltries and sought their powerful alli-
*This stream was at one time called Rocky River, vide Brown's Western Gazet-
teer. By the Wea Miamis it was called Pun-go-se-con-e, "Sugar tree" (creek), vide
statement of Mary Ann Baptiste to the author.
fThe villages below the Vermilion and above Vincennes figure on some of the early
English maps and in accounts given by traders as the lower or little Wea towns. Be-
sides these, which were the principal ones, the Miamis had a village at Thorn town,
and many others of lesser note on the Wabash and its tributaries.
X Official Letter of General Harrison to the Secretary of War, before quoted.
126 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
ance, therefore the Miamis were harassed with the jealousies and
diplomacy of both, and if they or a part of their several tribes be-
came inveigled into an alliance with the one, it involved the hostility
of the other. The French government sought to use them to check
the westward advance of the British colonial influence, while the
latter desired their assistance to curb the French, whose ambitious
schemes involved nothing less than the exclusive subjugation of
the entire continent westward of the Alleghanies. In these wars
between the English and the French the Miamis were constantly
reduced in numbers, and whatever might have been the result to
either of the former, it only ended in disaster to themselves. Some-
times they divided ; again they were entirely devoted to the interest
of the English and Iroquois. Then they joined the French against
the British and Iroquois, and when the British ultimately obtained
the mastery and secured the valley of the Mississippi, — the long
sought for prize, — the Miamis entered the confederacy of Pontiac
to drive them out of the country. They fought with the British,
— except the Piankeshaw band, — against the colonies during the
revolutionary war. After its close their young men were largely
occupied in the predatory warfare waged by the several Maumee
and Wabash tribes upon the frontier settlements of Ohio, Pennsyl-
vania, Virginia and Kentucky. They likewise entered the con-
federacy of Tecumseh, and, either openly or in secret sympathy,
they were the allies of the British in the war of 1812. Their history
occupies a conspicuous place in the military annals of the west,
extending over a period of a century, during which time they main-
tained a manly struggle to retain possession of their homes in the
valleys of the Wabash and Maumee.
The disadvantage under which the Miamis labored, in encounters
with their enemies, before they obtained fire-arms, was often over-
come by the exercise of their cunning and bravery. "In the year
1680 the Miamis and Illinois were hunting on the St. Joseph Eiver.
A party of four hundred Iroquois surprised them and killed thirty
or forty of their hunters and captured three hundred of their women
and children. After the victors had rested awhile they prepared to
return to their homes by easy journeys, as they had reason to believe
that they could reach their own villages before the defeated enemy
would have time to rally and give notice of their disaster to those of
their nation who were hunting in remoter places. But they were
deceived ; for the Illinois and Miamis rallied to the number of two
hundred, and resolved to die fighting rather than suffer their women
and children to be carried away. In the meantime, because they
DEFEAT OF THE IROQUOIS. 127
were not equal to their enemies in equipment of arms or numbers,
they contrived a notable stratagem.
After the Miamis had duly considered in what way they would at-
tack the Iroquois, they decided to follow them, keeping a small dis-
tance in the rear, until it should rain. The heavens seemed to favor
their plan, for, after awhile it began to rain, and rained continually
the whole day from morning until night. When the rain began to
fall the Miamis quickened their march and passed by the Iroquois,
and took a position two leagues in advance, where they lay in an am-
buscade, hidden by the tall grass, in the middle of a prairie, which
the Iroquois had to cross in order to reach the woods beyond, where
they designed to kindle fires and encamp for the night. The Illi-
nois and Miamis, lying at full length in the grass on either side of
the trail, waited until the Iroquois were in their midst, when they
shot off their arrows, and then attacked vigorously with their clubs.
The Iroquois endeavored to use their fire-arms, but finding them of
no service because the rain had dampened and spoiled the priming,
threw them upon the ground, and undertook to defend themselves
with their clubs. In the use of the latter weapon the Iroquois were
no match for their more dexterous and nimble enemies. They were
forced to yield the contest, and retreated, fighting until night came
on. They lost one hundred and eighty of their warriors.
The fight lasted about an hour, and would have continued through
the night, were it not that the Miamis and Illinois feared that their
women and children (left in the rear and bound) would be exposed
to some surprise in the dark. The victors rejoined their women and
children, and possessed themselves of the fire-arms of their enemies.
The Miamis and Illinois then returned to their own country, without
taking one Iroquois for fear of weakening themselves.*
Failing in their first efforts to withdraw the Miamis from the
French, and secure their fur trade to the merchants at Albany and
New York, the English sent their allies, the Iroquois, against them.
A series of encounters between the two tribes was the result, in
*This account is taken from La Hontan, vol. 2, pp. 63, 64 and 65. The facts con-
cerning the engagement, as given by La Hontan, may be relied upon as substantially
correct, for they were written only a few years after the event. La Hontan, as appears
from the date of his letters which comprise the principal -part of his volumes, was in
this country from November, 1683, to 1689, and it was during this time that he was
collecting the information contained in his works. The place where this engagement
between the Miamis and Illinois against the Iroquois occurred, is a matter of doubt.
Some late commentators claim that it was upon the Maumee. La Hontan says that
the engagement was "near the river Oumamis." When he wrote, the St. Joseph of
Lake Michigan was called the river Oumamis, and on the map accompanying La Hon-
tan's volume it is so-called, while the Maumee, though laid down on the map, is
designated by no name whatever. It would, therefore, appear that when La Hontan
mentioned the Miami River he referred to the St. Joseph.
128 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
which the blood of both was profusely shed, to further the purposes
of a purely commercial transaction.
In these engagements the Senecas — a tribe of the Iroquois, or
Five Nations, residing to the west of the other tribes of the confed-
eracy, and, in consequence, being nearest to the Miamis, and more
directly exposed to their fury — were nearly destroyed at the out-
set. The Miamis followed up their success and drove the Senecas
behind the palisades that inclosed their villages. For three years
the war was carried on with a bitterness only known to exasperated
savages.
When at last the Iroquois saw they could no longer defend them-
selves against the Miamis, they appeared in council before the Gov-
ernor of New York, and, pittyingly, claimed protection from him,
who, to say the least, had remained silent and permitted his own
people to precipitate this calamity upon them.
''You say you will support us against all your kings and our
enemies ; we will then forbear keeping any more correspondence
with the French of Canada if the great King of England will de-
fend our people from the Twichtwicks and other nations over whom
the French have an influence and have encouraged to destroy an
abundance of our people, even since the peace heiween the tioo crowns"
etc. *
The governor declined sending troops to protect the Iroquois
against their enemies, but informed them: "You must be sensible
that the Dowaganhaes, Twichtwicks, etc., and other remote Indians,
are vastly more numerous than you Five Nations, and that, by their
continued warring upon you, they will, in a few years, totally de-
stroy you. I should, therefore, think it prudence and good policy in
you to try all possible means to fix a trade and correspondence with
all those nations, by which means you would reconcile them to your-
selves, and with my assistance, I am in hopes that, in a short time,
they might be united with us in the covenant chain, and then you
might, at all times, without hazard, go hunting into their country,
which, I understand, is much the best for beaver. I wish you would
try to bring some of them to speak to me, and perhaps I might pre-
vail upon them to come and live amongst you. I should think my-
self obliged to reward you for such a piece of service as I tender
your good advantage, and will always use my best endeavor to pre-
serve you from all your enemies."
* Speech of an Iroquois chief at a conference held at Albany, August 26, 1700, be-
tween Richard, Earl of Belmont, Captain- General and Governor-in-Chief of His Maj-
esty's provinces of New York, etc., and the sachems of the Five Nations. New York
Colonial Documents, vol. 4, p. 729.
TRADE WITH THE ENGLISH. 129
The conference continued several days, during which the Iroquois
stated their grievances in numerous speeches, to which the governor
graciously replied, using vague terms and making no promises,
after the manner of the extract from his speech above quoted, but
placed great stress on the value of the fur trade to the English, and
enjoining his brothers, the Iroquois, to bring all their peltries to
Albany ; to maintain their old alliance with the English, offensive
and defensive, and have no intercourse whatever, of a friendly na-
ture, with the rascally French of Canada.
The Iroquois declined to follow the advice of the governor,
deeming it of little credit to their courage to sue for peace. In the
meantime the governor sent emissaries out among the Miamis, with
an invitation to open a trade with the English. The messengers were
captured by the commandant at Detroit, and sent, as prisoners, to
Canada. However, the Miamis, in July, 1702, sent, through the
sachems of the Five Nations, a message to the governor at Albany,
advising him that many of the Miamis, with another nation, had
removed to, and were then living at, Tjughsaghrondie,* near by the
fort which the French had built the previous summer ; that they had
been informed that one of their chiefs, who had visited Albany two
years before, had been kindly treated, and that they had now come
forward to inquire into the trade of Albany, and see if goods could
not be purchased there cheaper than elsewhere, and that they had
intended to go to Canada with their beaver and peltries, but that
they ventured to Albany to inquire if goods could not be secured on
better terms. The governor replied that he was extremely pleased
to speak with the Miamis about the establishment of a lasting friend-
ship and trade, and in token of his sincere intentions presented his
guests with guns, powder, hats, strouds, tobacco and pipes, and sent
to their brethren at Detroit, waumpum, pipes, shells, nose and ear
jewels, looking-glasses, fans, children's toys, and such other light
articles as his guests could conveniently carry ; and, finally, assured
them that the Miamis might come freely to Albany, where they
would be treated kindly, and receive, in exchange for their peltries,
everything as cheap as any other Indians in covenant of friendship
with the English. f
During the same year (1702) the Miamis and Senecas settled their
quarrels, exchanged prisoners, and established a peace between
themselves. X
* The Iroquois name for the Straits of Detroit.
t Proceedings of a conference between the parties mentioned above. New York
Colonial Documents, vol. 4, pp. 979 to 981.
X New York Colonial Documents, vol. 4, p. 989.
9
130 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
The French were not disposed to allow a portion of the fur trade
to be diverted to Albany. Peaceable means were first used to dis-
suade the Miamis from trading with the English ; failing in this,
forcible means were resorted to. Captain Antoine De La Mothe
Cadillac marched against the Miamis and reduced them to terms."
The Miamis were not unanimous in the choice of their friends.
Some adhered to the French, while others were strongly inclined to
trade with the English, of whom they could obtain a better quality
of goods at cheaper rates, while at the same time they were allowed
a greater price for their furs. Cadillac had hardly effected a coercive
peace with the Miamis before the latter were again at Albany. " I
have," writes Lord Cournbury to the Board of Trade, in a letter
dated August 20, 1708,f "been there five years endeavoring to get
these nations [referring to the Miamis and another nation] to trade
with our peojDle, but the French have always dissuaded them from
coming until this year, when, goods being very scarce, they came to
Albany, where our people have supplied them with goods much
cheaper than ever the French did, and they promise to return in the
spring with a much greater number of their nations, which would be
a very great advantage to this province. I did, in a letter of the
25th day of June last, inform your Lordships that three French
soldiers, having deserted from the French at a place they call Le
Destroit, came to Albany. Another deserter came from the same
place, whom I examined myself, and I inclose a copy of his exam-
ination, by which your Lordships will perceive how easily the French
may be beaten out of Canada. The better I am acquainted with this
country, and the more I inquire into matters, so much the more I
am confirmed in my opinion of the facility of effecting that conquest,
and by the method I then proposed."
Turning to French documents we find that Sieur de Callier de-
sired the Miamis to withdraw from their several widely separated
villages and settle in a body upon the St. Joseph. At a great council
of the westward tribes, held in Montreal in 1694, the French In-
tendant, in a speech to the Miamis, declares that "he will not believe
that the Miamis wish to obey him until they make altogether one
and the same fire, either at the River St. Joseph or at some other
place adjoining it. He tells them that he has got near the Iroquois,
and has soldiers at Katarakoui, | in the fort that had been abandoned ;
that the Miamis must get near the enemy, in order to imitate him
*"Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 671 : note of the editor.
t New York Colonial Documents, vol. 5, p. 65.
% At Fort Frontenac.
URGED TO UNITE AT ONE PLACE. 131
(the Intendant), and be able to strike the Iroquois the more readily.
My children," continued the Intendant, "tell me that the Miamis
are numerous, and able of themselves to destroy the Iroquois. Like
them, all are afraid. What ! do you wish to abandon your country
to your enemy ? . . . Have you forgotten that I waged war against
him, principally on your account, alone ? Your dead are no longer
visible in his country ; their bodies are covered by those of the
French who have perished to avenge them. I furnished you the
means to avenge them, likewise. It depends only on me to receive
the Iroquois as a friend, which I will not do on account of you, who
would be destroyed were I to make peace without including you in
its terms." *
"I have heard," writes Governor Yaudreuil, in a letter dated
the 28th of October, 1719, to the Council of Marine at Paris, "that
the Miamis had resolved to remain where they were, and not go
to the St. Joseph Kiver, and that this resolution of theirs was dan-
gerous, on account of the facility they would have of communicating
with the English, who were incessantly distributing belts secretly
among the nations, to attract them to themselves, and that Sieur
Dubinson had been designed to command the post of Ouaytanons,
where he should use his influence among the Miamis to induce them
to go to the Eiver St. Joseph, and in case they were not willing,
that he should remain with them, to counteract the effect of those
belts, which had already caused eight or ten Miami canoes to go that
year to trade at Albany, and which might finally induce all of the
Miami nation to follow the example, "f Finally, some twenty-five
years later, as we learn from the letter of M. de Beauharnois, that
this French officer, having learned that the English had established
trading magazines on the Ohio, issued his orders to the command-
ants among the Weas and Miamis, to drive the British off by force
of arms and plunder their stores.:}:
Other extracts might be drawn from the voluminous reports of
the military and civil officers of the French and British colonial
governments respectively, to the same purport as those already
quoted ; but enough has been given to illustrate the unfortunate
position of the Miamis. For a period of half a- century they were
placed between the cutting edges of English and French pur-
poses, during which there was no time when they were not threat-
ened with danger of, or engaged in, actual war either with the
French or the English, or with some of their several Indian allies.
* Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 625. t Ibid, p. 894. % Ibid, p. 1105.
J32 HI8T0RIC XOTKS ON THE NTOKTH W EST.
By this continual abrasion, the peace and happiness which should
have been theirs was wholly lost, and their numbers constantly
reduced. They bad no relief from the strife, in which only injury
could result to themselves, let the issue have been what it might
between the English and the French, until the power of the Latter
was finally destroyed in 1763; and even then, after the French had
given up the country, the Miamis were compelled to defend their
own title to it against the arrogant claims of tin; English. In the
effort of the combined westward tribes to wrest their country from
the English, subsequent to the close of the colonial war, the Miamis
took a conspicuous part. This will be noticed in a subsequent chap-
ter. After the conclusion of the revolutionary war, tin; several
Miami villages from the Vermilion River to Fort Wayne suffered
severely from the attacks of the federal government under General
Ilarmer, and the military expeditions recruited in Kentucky, and
commanded by Colonels Scott and Wilkinson. Besides these dis-
asters, whole villages were nearly depopulated by the ravages of
small-pox. The uncontrollable thirst for whisky, acquired, through
a long course of years, by contact with unscrupulous traders, reduced
their numbers still more, while it degraded them to the last degree.
This was their condition in 1814, when General Harrison said of
them: "The Miamis will not be in our way. They are a poor,
miserable, drunken set, diminishing every year. Becoming too lazy
to hunt, they feel the advantage of their annuities. The fear of the
other Indians has alone prevented them from selling their whole
claim to the United States; and as soon as there is peace, or when
the British can no longer intrigue, they will sell."* The same
authority, in his historical address at Cincinnati in 1S38, on the
aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio, says: "At any time before
the treaty of Greenville in 1795 the Miamis alone could have fur-
nished more than three thousand warriors. Constant war with our
frontier had deprived them of many of their braves, but the ravages
of small-pox was the principal cause of the great decrease in their
numbers. They composed, however, a body of the finest light
troop* in the world. And had they been under an efficient system of
discipline, or possessed enterprise equal to their valor, the settle-
ment of the country would have been attended with much greater
difficulty than was encountered in accomplishing it, and their final
subjugation would have been delayed for some years." f
Vet their decline, from causes assigned, was so rapid, that when
* Official letter of General Harrison to the Secretary of War, of date March 24, 1814.
fP. 39 of General Harrison's address, original pamphlet edition.
CESSION OF Til HI K LANDS. 1 .','■',
the Baptist missionary, Isaae MeCoy, was among them from 1S17
until 1822, and drawing conclusions from personal contact, declared
that the Miamis were not a warlike people. There is, perhaps, in
the history of the North American Indians, no instance parallel to
the utter demoralization of the Miami's, nor an example of a tribe
which stood so high and had fallen so low through the practice of
all the vices which degrade human beings. Mr. McCoy, within the
period named, traveled up and down tin- Wabash, from Terre Haute
to Fort "Wayne : and at the village- near Montezuma, on Eel River,
at the Mississinewa and Fori Wayne there were continuous rounds
of drunken debauchery whenever whisky could be obtained, of which
men, women and children all partook, and life was often sacrificed
in personal broil- or by exposure of the debauchees to the inclemency
of the weather.'--
By treaties, entered into at various times, from 1795 to 1S45. in-
elusive, the Miami- ceded their land- in Illinois, Indiana and Ohio,
and removed west of the Mississippi, going In villages or by detach
ments. from time to time. At a single cession in 1838 they sold
the government 177,000 acre- of land in Indiana, which was only a
fragment of their former possessions, -till retaining a large tract.
Thus they alienated their heritage, and gradually disappeared from
the valleys of the Maumee and Wabash. A few remained on their
reservations and adapted themselves to the way- of the white- peo
pie, and their descendants may be occasionally met with about Peru.
Wabash and Fort Wayne. The money received from sales of their
lands proved to them a calamity, rather than a blessing, as it intro-
duced the most demoralizing habits. It i- estimated that within a
period of eighteen years subsequent to the close of the war of 1812
more than five hundred of them perished in drunken broil- and fights. \
The last of the Miamis to go westward were the Mississinewa
band. This remnant, comprising in all three- hundred and fifty per-
sons, under charge of Christmas Dagney,$ left their old home in the
*Mr. McCoy has contributed a valuable fund of original information in his History
of Baptist Indian Missions, published in 1840. The volume contain- :-ix bo and
eleven pages. He mentions many instances of drunken orgies which he witnessed in
the several Miami towns. We quote one of thern: "An intoxicated Indian at J
Wayne dismounted from his horse and ran up to a young Indian woman w\ his
sister-in-law, with a knife in his hand. She first ran around one of the compan
ent, and then another, to avoid the murderer, but in vain. He -tabbed her with I
knife, she then fled from the company. He stood looking after her, and seeing
did not fall, pursued her, threw her to the earth and drove his knife into her heart, in
presence of the whole company, none of whom ventured to save th - life."
P. 85.
t Vide American Cyclopaedia, vol. 11. p. 400.
X His name was, also, spelled Dazney and bagnett. He was bom on the 85tt
December, 1700, at the Wea village of Old Orchard Town, or We-au-ta-no, "":
Risen Sun," situated two miles below Fort Harrison. His father, Ambroise Dagney,
132 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
By this continual abrasion, the peace and happiness which should
have been theirs was wholly lost, and their numbers constantly
reduced. They had no relief from the strife, in which only injury
could result to themselves, let the issue have been what it might
between the English and the French, until the power of the latter
was finally destroyed in 1763 ; and even then, after the French had
given up the country, the Miamis were compelled to defend their
own title to it against the arrogant claims of the English. In the
effort of the combined westward tribes to wrest their country from
the English, subsequent to the close of the colonial war, the Miamis
took a conspicuous part. This will be noticed in a subsequent chap-
ter. After the conclusion of the revolutionary war, the several
Miami villages from the Vermilion River to Fort Wayne suffered
severely from the attacks of the federal government under General
Ilanner, and the military expeditions recruited in Kentucky, and
commanded by Colonels Scott and Wilkinson. Besides these dis-
asters, whole villages were nearly depopulated by the ravages of
small-pox. The uncontrollable thirst for whisky, acquired, through
a long course of years, by contact with unscrupulous traders, reduced
their numbers still more, while it degraded them to the last degree.
This was their condition in 1814, when General Harrison said of
them: "The Miamis will not be in our way. They are a poor,
miserable, drunken set, diminishing every year. Becoming too lazy
to hunt, they feel the advantage of their annuities. The fear of the
other Indians has alone prevented them from selling their whole
claim to the United States ; and as soon as there is peace, or when
the British can no longer intrigue, they will sell."* The same
authority, in his historical address at Cincinnati in 1S38, on the
aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio, says: "At any time before
the treaty of Greenville in 1795 the Miamis alone could have fur-
nished more than three thousand warriors. Constant war with our
frontier had deprived them of many of their braves, but the ravages
of small-pox was the principal cause of the great decrease in their
numbers. They composed, however, a body of the finest light
troops in the world. And had they been under an efficient system of
discipline, or possessed enterprise equal to their valor, the settle-
ment of the country would have been attended with much greater
difficulty than was encountered in accomplishing it, and their final
subjugation would have been delayed for some years." f
Yet their decline, from causes assigned, was so rapid, that when
* Official letter of General Harrison to the Secretary of War, of date March 24, 1814.
t P. 39 of General Harrison's address, original pamphlet edition.
CESSION OF THEIR LANDS. 133
the Baptist missionary, Isaac McCoy, was among them from 1817
until 1822, and drawing conclusions from personal contact, declared
that the Miamis were not a warlike people. There is, perhaps, in
the history of the North American Indians, no instance parallel to
the utter demoralization of the Miamis, nor an example of a tribe
which stood so high and had tallen so low through the practice of
all the vices which degrade human beings. Mr. McCoy, within the
period named, traveled up and down the Wabash, from Terre Haute
to Fort "Wayne ; and at the villages near Montezuma, on Eel River,
at the Mississinewa and Fort Wayne, there were continuous rounds
of drunken debauchery whenever whisky could be obtained, of which
men, women and children all partook, and life was often sacrificed
in personal broils or by exposure of the debauchees to the inclemency
of the weather.*
By treaties, entered into at various times, from 1795 to 1845, in-
clusive, the Miamis ceded their lands in Illinois, Indiana and Ohio,
and removed west of the Mississippi, going in villages or by detach-
ments, from time to time. At a single cession in 1838 they sold
the government 177,000 acres of land in Indiana, which was only a
fragment of their former possessions, still retaining a large tract.
Thus they alienated their heritage, and gradually disappeared from
the valleys of the Maumee and Wabash. A few remained on their
reservations and adapted themselves to the ways of the white peo-
ple, and their descendants may be occasionally met with about Peru,
Wabash and Fort Wayne. The money received from sales of their
lands proved to them a calamity, rather than a blessing, as it intro-
duced the most demoralizing habits. It is estimated that within a
period of eighteen years subsequent to the close of the war of 1812
more, than five hundred of them perished in drunken broils and fights, f
The last of the Miamis to go westward were the Mississinewa
band. This remnant, comprising in all three hundred and fifty per-
sons, under charge of Christinas Dagney,^: left their old home in the
*Mr. McCoy has contributed a valuable fund of original information in his History
of Baptist Indian Missions, published in 1840. The volume contains six hundred and
eleven pages. He mentions many instances of drunken orgies which he witnessed in
the several Miami towns. We quote one of them: "An intoxicated Indian at Fort
Wayne dismounted from his horse and ran up to a young Indian woman who was his
sister-in-law, with a knife in his hand. She first ran around one of the company pres-
ent, and then another, to avoid the murderer, but in vain. He stabbed her with his
knife. She then fled from the company. He stood looking after her, and seeing she
did not fall, pursued her, threw her to the earth and drove his knife into her heart, in
the presence of the whole company, none of whom ventured to save the girl's life."
P. 85.
t Vide American Cyclopaedia, vol. 11, p. 490.
i His name was, also, spelled Dazney and Dagnett. He was born on the 25th of
December, 1799, at the Wea village of Old Orchard Town, or We-au-ta-no, "The
Risen Sun," situated two miles below Fort Harrison. His father, Ambroise Dagney,
136
HISTORIC NOTES OX THE NORTHWEST.
little confederation disposed of their reservation in Miami county,
Kansas, and adjacent vicinity, and retired to a tract of reduced
dimensions within the Indian Territory. Since their last change of
location in 1867 they have made but little progress in their efforts
toward a higher civilization. The numbers of what remains of the
once numerous Illinois and Miami confederacies are reduced to less
than two hundred persons. The Miamis, like the unfortunate man
who has carried his dissipations beyond the limit from which there
can be no healthy reaction, seem not to have recovered from the
vices contracted before leaving the states, and with some notable
exceptions, they are a listless, idle people, little worthy of the spirit
that inspired the breasts of their ancestors.
ana and Illinois to their reservations beyond the Mississippi. His duties as Indian
agent brought him in contact with many of the early settlers on the Illinois and the
Wabash, from Vincennes to Fort Wayne. In 1818, when about twenty-five years of
age, Batticy represented his tribe at the treaty at Edwardsville. By this treaty, which is
signed by representatives from all the five tribes comprising the Illinois or Illini nation
of Indians, viz, the Peorias. Kaskaskias, Mitchigamias, Cahokias and Tamaoris, it
appears that for a period of years anterior to that time the Peorias had lived, and were
then living, separate and apart from the other tribes named. Treaties with the Indian
Tribes, etc., p. 247, government edition. 1837. By this ti-eaty the several tribes named
ceded to the United States the residue of their lands in Illinois. For nearly thirty years
was Baptiste Peoria in the service of the United States. In 18(57 Peoria became the
chief of the consolidated tribes of the Miamis and Illinois, and went with them to
their new reservation in the northeast corner of the Indian Territory, where he died
on the 13th of September, 1873, aged eighty years. Some years before his death he
married Mary Baptiste. the widow of Christmas Dagney, who, as before stated, still
survives. 1 am indebted to this lady for copies of the " Western Spirit," a newspaper
published at Paola, and the "Fort Scott Monitor," containing obituary notices and
biographical sketches of her late husband, from which this notice of Baptiste Peoria
has been summarized. Baptiste may be said to be "the last of the Peorias." He
made a manly and persistent effort to save the fragment of the Illinois and Miamis,
and by precepts and example tried to encourage them to adopt the ways of civilized
life.
CHAPTER XV.
THE POTTAWATOMIES.
"When the Jesuits were extending their missions westward of
Quebec they found a tribe of Indians, called Ottawas, living upon
a river of Canada, to which the name of Ottawa was given. After
the dispersion of the Hurons by the Iroquois, in 1649, the Ottawas,
to the number of one thousand, joined five hundred of the discom-
fited Hurons, and with them retired to the southwestern shore of
Lake Superior.* The fugitives were followed by the missionaries,
who established among them the Mission of the Holy Ghost, at La
Pointe, already mentioned. Shortly after the establishment of the
mission the Jesuits made an enumeration of the western Algonquin
tribes, in which all are mentioned except the Ojibbeways and Pian-
keshaws. The nation which dwelt south of the mission, classified as
speaking the pure Algonquin, is uniformly called Ottawas, and the
Ojibbeways, by whom they were surrounded, were never once noticed
by that name. Hence it is certain that at that early day the Jesuits
considered the Ottawas and Ojibbeways as one people, f
In close consanguinity with the Ottawas and Ojibbeways were
the Pottawatomies, between whom there was only a slight dialectical
difference in language, while the manners and customs prevailing in
the three tribes were almost identical.:}: This view was again re-
asserted by Mr. Gallatin: "Although it must be admitted that the
Algonquins, the Ojibbeways, the Ottawas and the Pottawatomies
speak different dialects, these are so nearly allied that they may be
considered rather as dialects of the same, than as distinct languages. "§
This conclusion of Mr. Gallatin was arrived at after a scientific
and analytical comparison of the languages of the tribes mentioned.
In confirmation of the above statement we have the speeches of
three Indian chiefs at Chicago in the month of August, 1821. Dur-
ing the progress of the treaty, Keewaygooshkum, a chief of the first
authority among the Ottawas, stated that "the Chippewas, the Pot-
* Jesuit Relations for 1666.
t Albert Gallatin's Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, p. 27.
X Jesuit Relations.
§ Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, p. 29.
137
138 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
tawatomies and the Ottawas were originally one nation. We sepa-
rated from each other near Michilimackinac. We were related by
the ties of blood, language and interest, but in the course of a long*
time these things have been forgotten," etc.
At the conclusion of this speech, Mich-el, an aged chief of the
( Ihippewas, said : "My Brethren, — I am about to speak a few words.
I know you expect it. Be silent, therefore, that the words of an old
man may be heard.
"My Brethren, — You have heard the man who has just spoken.
We are all descended from the same stock, — the Pottawatomies, the
Chippeways and the Ottawas. We consider ourselves as one. Why
should we not always act in concert? "
Metea, the most powerful of the Pottawatomie chieftains, in his
speech made this statement:
"Brothers, Chippeways and Ottawas, — we consider ourselves as
one people, which you know, as also our father- here, who has trav-
eled over our country."
Mr. Schoolcraft, in commenting on the above statements, re-
marks : "This testimony of a common origin derives additional
weight from the general resemblance of these tribes in person, man-
ners, customs and dress, but above all by their having one council-
fire and speaking one language. Still there are obvious characteris-
tics which will induce an observer, after a general acquaintance, to
pronounce the Pottawatomies tall, fierce, haughty ; the Ottawas
short, thick-set, good-natured, industrious ; the Chippeways warlike,
daring, etc. But the general lineaments, or, to borrow a phrase
from natural history, the suite features, are identical, f
The first mention that we have of the Pottawatomies is in the
Jesuit .Relations for the years 1639-4:0. They are then mentioned as
dwelling beyond the River St. Lawrence, and to the north of the
great lake of the Hurons. At this period it is very likely that the
Pottawatomies had their homes both north of Lake Huron and
south of it, in the northern part of the present State of Michigan.
Twenty-six or seven years after this date the country of the Potta-
watomies is described as being "about the Lake of the Ilimouek."^:
They were mentioned as being "a warlike people, hunters and fish-
ers. Their country is very good for Indian corn, of which they
plant fields, and to which they willingly retire to avoid the famine
that is too common in these quarters. They are in the highest de-
gree idolaters, attached to ridiculous fables and devoted to polygamy.
* Lewis Cass. f Schoolcraft's Central Mississippi Valley, pp. 357, 360, 368.
\ Lake Michigan.
THE POTTAWATOMIES. 139
We have seen them here* to the number of three hundred men, all
capable of bearing arms. Of all the people that I have associated with
in these countries, they are the most docile and the most affectionate
toward the French. Their wives and daughters are more reserved
than those of other nations. They have a species of civility among
them, and make it apparent to strangers, which is very rare among
our barbarians, "f
In 1670 the Pottawatomies had collected at the islands at the
mouth of Green Bay which have taken their name from this tribe.
Father Claude Dablon, in a letter concerning the mission of St.
Francis Xavier, which was located on Green Bay, in speaking of
this tribe, remarks that "the Pouteouatami, the Ousaki, and those
of the Forks, also dwell here, but as strange?>s, the fear of the Iro-
quois having driven them from their lands, which are between the
Lake of the Hurons and that of the Illinois.";};
In 1721, says Charlevoix, "the Poutewatamies possessed only
one of the small islands at the mouth of Green Bay, but had two
other villages, one on the St. Joseph and the other at the Nar-
rows."!
Driven out of the peninsula between lakes Huron and Michigan,
the Pottawatomies took up their abode on the Bay de Noquet, and
other islands near the entrance of Green Bay. From these islands
they advanced southward along the west shore of Lake Michigan.
Extracts taken from Hennepin's Narrative of La Salle's Voyage
mention the fact that the year previous to La Salle's coming west-
ward (1678), he had sent out a party of traders in advance, who had
bartered successfully with the Pottawatomies upon the islands
named, and who were anxiously waiting for La Salle at the time of
his arrival in the Griffin. Hennepin further states that La Salle's
party bartered with the Pottawatomies at the villages they passed
on the voyage southward.
From this time forward the Pottawatomies steadily moved south-
ward. When La Salle reached the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan
there were no Pottawatomies in that vicinity. Shortly after this
date, however, they had a village on the south bank of this stream,
near the present city of Niles, Michigan. "On the northern bank
was a village of Miamis. The Mission of St. Joseph was here
established and in successful operation prior to 1711, from which
fact, with other incidental circumstances, it has been inferred that
* La Pointe. \ Jesuit Relations, 1670-71.
t Jesuit Relations, 1666-7. § Detroit.
140 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
tlie Pottawatomies, as well as the mission, were on the St. Joseph as
early as the year 1700.'*
Father Charlevoix fixes the location of both the mission and the
military post as being at the same place beyond a doubt. " It was
eight days yesterday since I arrived at this post, where we have a
mission, and where there is a commandant with a small garrison.
The commandant's house, which is a very sorry one, is called the
fort, from its being surrounded by an indifferent palisado, which is
pretty near the case in all the rest, except Forts Chambly and Cata-
rocony, which are real fortresses. We have here two villages of
Indians, one of Miamis and the other of Pottawatomies, both of
them mostly Christians ; but as they have been for a long time with-
out any pastors, the missionary who has lately been sent them will
have no small difficulty in bringing them back to the exercise of
their religion." f
The authorities for locating the old mission and fort of St. Joseph
near Niles are Charlevoix, Prof. Keating and the Kev. Isaac Mc-
Coy. Commenting on the remains of the old villages upon the St.
Joseph Pi ver at the time Long's expedition passed that way, in 1823,
the compiler states that "the prairies, woodland and river were
rendered more picturesque by the ruins of Strawberry, Rum and
St. Joseph's villages, formerly the residence of the Indians or of
the first French settlers. It was curious to trace the difference in
the remains of the habitations of the red and white man in the
midst of this distant solitude. While the untenanted cabin of the
* Some confusion has arisen from a confounding of the Mission of St. Joseph and
Fort St. Joseph with the Fort Miamis. The two were distinct, some miles apart, and
erected at different dates. It is plain, from the accounts given by Hennepin, Membre
and LaHontan, that Fort Miamis was located on Lake Michigan, at the month of the
St. Joseph. It is equally clear that the Mission of St. Joseph and Fort St. Joseph
were some miles up the St. Joseph River, and a few miles below the "portage of the
Kankakee " at South Bend. Father Charlevoix, in his letter of the 16th of August,
1721,— after having in a previous letter referred to his reaching the St. Joseph and
going up it toward the fort, — says: "We afterward sailed up twenty leagues before
we reached the fort." Vol. 2, p. 94. Again, in a subsequent letter (p. 184): "I de-
parted yesterday from the Fort of the River St. Joseph and sailed up that river about
six leagues. I went ashore on the right and walked a league and a quarter, first along
the water side and afterward across a field in an immense meadow, entirely covered
with copses of wood." And in the next paragraph, on the same page, follows his
description of the sources of the Kankakee, quoted in this work on page 77. Here,
then, we have the position of Fort St. Joseph and the mission of that name and the
two villages of the Pottawatomies and the Miamis, on the St. Joseph River, six leagues
below South Bend. In Dr. Shea's Catholic Missions, page 423, it is stated that "La Salle,
on his way to the Mississippi, had built a temporary fort on the St. Joseph, not far
from the portage leading to the The-a-ki-ke' ; and Mr. Charles R. Brown, in his
Missions, Forts and Trading Posts of the Northwest, p. 14, says that "Fort Miamis,
built at the mouth of the St. Joseph's River by La Salle, was afterward called St.
Joseph, to distinguish it from (Fort) Miamis, on the Maumee." In this instance
neither of these writers follow the text of established authorities,
t Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, pp. 93, 94.
ST. JOSEPH. 141
Indian presented in its neighborhood but the remains of an old
cornfield overgrown with weeds, the rude hut of the Frenchman was
surrounded with vines, and with the remains of his former garden-
ing exertions. The asparagus, the pea vine and the woodbine still
grow about it, as though in defiance of the revolutions which have
dispersed those who planted them here. The very names of the
villages mark the difference between their former tenants. Those
of the Indians were designated by the name of the fruit which grew
abundantly on the spot or of the object which they coveted most,
while the French missionary has placed his village under the patron-
age of the tutelar saint in whom he reposed his utmost confidence."*
The asparagus, the pea-vine and the woodbine preserved the
identity of the spot against the encroachments of the returning for-
ests until 1822, when Isaac McCoy established among the Pottawat-
omies the Baptist mission called Carey, out of respect for the Rev.
Mr. Carey, a missionary of the same church in Hindostan. "It is
said that the Pottawatomies themselves selected this spot for Carey's
mission, it being the site of their old village. This must have been
very populous, as the remains of corn-hills are very visible at this
time, and are said to extend over a thousand acres. The village
was finally abandoned about fifty years ago (1773), but there are a
few of the oldest of the nation who still recollect the sites of their
respective huts. They are said to frequently visit the establishment
and to trace with deep feeling a spot which is endeared to them." f
On a cold winter night in 1833 a traveler was ferried over the
St. Joseph at the then straggling village of Niles. "Ascending the
bank, a beautiful plain with a clump of trees here and there upon its
surface opened to his view. The establishment of Carey's mission,
a long, low, white building, could be distinguished afar off faintly
in the moonlight, while several winter lodges of the Pottawatomies
were plainly visible over the plain." \
Concerning the Pottawatomie village near Detroit, and also some
of the customs peculiar to the tribe, we have the following account.
It was written in 1718 : §
"The fort of Detroit is south of the river. The v^lage of the
Pottawatomies adjoins the fort ; they lodge partly under ApaquoisJ
* Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, pp. 147, 148.
t Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, p. 153, McCoy's History of Baptist Indian Mis-
sions.
X Hoffman's Winter in the West, vol. 1, p. 225.
§ Memoir on the Indians between Lake Erie and the Mississippi. Paris Documents,
vol. 9, p. 887.
J Apaquois, matting made of flags or rushes; from apee, a leaf, and wiggwot'am, a
hut. They cover their huts with mats made of rushes platted. Carver's Travels.
142 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
which are made of mat-grass. The women do all the work. The
men belonging to that nation are well clothed, like our domiciliated
Indians at Montreal. Their entire occupation is hunting and dress ;
they make use of a»great deal of vermilion, and in winter wear
buffalo robes richly painted, and in summer either blue or red cloth.
They play a good deal at La Crosse in summer, twenty or more on
each side. Their bat is a sort of a little racket, and the ball with
which they play is made of very heavy wood, somewhat larger than
the balls used at tennis. When playing they are entirely naked,
except a breech cloth and moccasins on their feet. Their body is
completely painted with all sorts of colors. Some, with white clay,
trace white lace on their bodies, as if on all the seams of a coat, and
at a distance it would be apt to be taken for silver lace. They play
very deep and often. The bets sometimes amount to more than
eight hundred livres. They set up two poles, and commence the
game from the center; one party propels the ball from one side and
the others from the opposite, and whichever reaches the goal wins.
This is fine recreation and worth seeing. They often play village
against village, the Poux* against the Ottawas or Hurons, and
lay heavy stakes. Sometimes Frenchmen join in the game with
them. The women cultivate Indian corn, beans, peas, squashes and
melons, which come up very fine. The women and girls dance at
night ; adorn themselves considerably, grease their hair, put on a
white shift, paint their cheeks with vermilion, and wear whatever
wampum they possess, and are very tidy in their way. They dance
to the sound of the drum and sisiquoi, which is a sort of gourd con-
taining some grains of shot. Four or five young men sing and beat
time with the drum and sisiquoi, and the women keep time and do
not lose a step. It is very entertaining, and lasts almost the entire
night. The old men often dance the Medicine, f They resemble a
set of demons ; and all this takes place during the night. The
young men often dance in a circle and strike posts. It is then they
recount their achievements and dance, at the same time, the war
dance ; and whenever they act thus they are highly ornamented. It
is altogether very curious. They often perform these things for
tobacco. When they go hunting, which is every fall, they carry
their apaquois with them, to hut under at night. Everybody follows,
* The Pottawatomies were sometimes known by the contraction Poux. La Hontan
uses this name, and erroneously confounds them with the Puans or Winnebagoes. In
giving the coat-of-arms of the Pottawatomies, representing a dog crouched in the
grass, he says: "They were called Puants." Vol. 2, p. 84.
t Medicine dance.
\
ORIGIN OF POTTAWATOMIE. 143
men, women and children. Thev winter in the forest and return in
v
the spring."
The Pottawatomies swarmed from their prolific hives about the
islands of Mackinaw, and spread themselves over portions of Wis-
consin, and eastward to their ancient homes in Michigan. At a
later day they extended themselves upon the territory of the ancient
Illinois, covering a large portion of the state. From the St. Joseph
River and Detroit their bands moved southward over that part of
Indiana north and west of the Wabash, and thence down that
stream. They were a populous horde of hardy children of the
forests, of great stamina, and their constitutions were hardened by
the rigorous climate of the northern lakes.
Among the old French writers the orthography of the word
Pottawatomies varied to suit the taste of the writer. We give some
of the forms : Poutouatimi,* Pouteotatamis, f Poutouatamies,^: Pou-
tewatamis,§ Pautawattamies, Puttewatamies, Pottowottamies and
Pottawattamies. | The tribe was divided into four clans, the Golden
Carp, the Frog, the Crab, and the Tortoise. *[ The nation was not
like the Illinois and Miamis, divided into separate tribes, but the
different bands would separate or unite according to the scarcity or
abundance of game.
The word Pottawatomie signifies, in their own language, we are
making afire, for the origin of which they have the following tradi-
tion : " It is said that a Miami, having wandered out from his cabin,
met three Indians whose language was unintelligible to him; by signs
and motions he invited them to follow him to his cabin, where they
were hospitably entertained, and where they remained until after
dark. During the night two of the strange Indians stole from the
hut, while their comrade and host were asleep ; they took a few
embers from the cabin, and, placing these near the door of the hut,
they made a fire, which, being afterward seen by the Miami and
remaining guest, was understood to imply a council fire in token of
peace between the two nations. From this circumstance the Miami
called them in his language Wa-ho-na-ha, or the fire-makers, which,
being translated into the language of the three guests, produced the
term by which their nation has ever since been distinguished."
After this the Miamis termed the Pottawatomies their younger
brothers ; but afterward, in a council, this was changed, from the
* Jesuit Relations. § Charlevoix,
t Father Membre. || Paris Documents.
tJoutel's Journal.
IT Enumeration of the Indian tribes, the Warriors and Armorial Bearings of each
Nation, made in 1736. Published in Documentary History of New York.
144 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
circumstance that they resided farther to the west ; "as those nations
which reside to the west of others are deemed more ancient."*
The Pottawatomies were unswerving in their adherence to the
French, when the latter had possession of the boundless Northwest.
In 1712, when a large force of Mascoutins and Foxes besieged De-
troit, they were conspicuous for their fidelity. They rallied the
other tribes to the assistance of the French, and notified the besieged
garrison to hold out against their enemies until their arrival. Mak-
is-abie, the w r ar chief of the Pottawatomies, sent word through Mr.
de Yincennes, "just arrived from the Miami country, that he would
soon be at Detroit w T ith six hundred of his warriors to aid the French
and eat those miserable nations who had troubled all the country."
The commandant, M. du Buisson, was gratified wdien he ascended
a bastion, and looking toward the forest saw the army of the nations
issuing from it ; the Pottawatomies, the Illinois, the Missouris, the
Ottawas, the Sacs and the Menominees were there, armed and painted
in all the glory of w T ar. Detroit never saw such a collection. " My
Father," says the chief to the commandant, "I speak to you on
the part of all the nations, your children who are before you. What
you did last year in drawing their flesh from the fire, which the Ou-
tagamies (Foxes) were about to roast and eat, demands we should
bring you our bodies to make you the master of them. We do not
fear death, whenever it is necessary to die for you. We have only
to request that you pray the father of all nations to have pity on our
women and our children, in case we lose our lives for you. We beg
you throw a blade of grass upon our bones to protect them from the
flies. You see, my father, that we have left our villages, our women
and children to hasten to join you. Have pity on us ; give us some-
thing to eat and a little tobacco to smoke. We have come a long
ways and are destitute of everything. Give us powder and balls to
fight with you."
Makisabie, the Pottawatomie, said to the Foxes and Mascoutines:
"Wicked nations that you are, you hope to frighten us by all the
red color which you exhibit in your village. Learn that if the earth
is covered with blood, it will be with yours. You talk to us of the
English, they are the cause of your destruction, because you have
listened to their bad council. . . . The English, who are cowards,
only defend themselves by killing men by that wicked strong drink,
which has caused so many men to die after drinking it. Thus we
shall see what will happen to you for listening to them." f
* Long's Expedition to the Sources of the St. Peter's River, vol. 1, pp. 91, 92, 93.
t The extracts we have quoted are taken from the official report of Du Buisson,
WARS AGAINST THE WHITES. 145
The Pottawatomies sustained their alliance with the French con-
tinuously to the time of the overthrow of their power in the north-
west. They then aided their kinsman, Pontiac, in his attempt to
recover the same territory from the British. They fought on the
side of the British against the Americans throughout the war of the
revolution, and their war parties made destructive and frequent raids
upon the line of pioneer settlements in Pennsylvania, Kentucky,
Ohio and Indiana. In the war of 1812 they were again ranged on
the side of the British, with their bloody hands lifted alike against
the men, women and children of "the States."
In the j>rogramme of Pontiac' s war the capture of Post St.
Joseph, on the St. Joseph's river of Lake Michigan, was assigned to
the Pottawatomies, which was effected as will be hereafter narrated.
It was also the Pottawatomies who perpetrated the massacre at
Chicago on the 15th day of August, 1812. Bands of this tribe, from
their villages on the St. Joseph, the Kankakee and the Illinois rivers,
whose numbers were augmented by the appearance- of Metea with
his warriors, from their village westward of Fort Wayne, fell upon
the forces of Captain Heald, and the defenseless women and chil-
dren retreating with him after the surrender of Fort Dearborn, and
murdered or made prisoners of them all. Metea was a conspicuous
leader in this horrible affair.*
Robert Dixon, the British trader sent out among the Indians
during the war of 1812 to raise recruits for Proctor and Tecumseh,
gathered in the neighborhood of Chicago, which after the massacre
was his place of general rendezvous, nearly one thousand warriors
of as wild and cruel savages as ever disgraced the human race. They
were the most worthless and abandoned desperadoes whom Dixon
had been enabled to collect from among all the tribes he had visited.
These accomplices of the British were to be let loose upon the re-
mote settlements under the leadership of the Pottawatomie chief,
Mai-pock, or Mai-po, a monster in human form, who distinguished
himself with a girdle sewed full of human scalps, which he wore
around his waist, and strings of bear's claws and bills of owls and
hawks around his ankles, worn as trophies of his power in arms and
as a terror to his enemies, f
relating to the siege of Detroit. The manuscript copy of it was obtained from the
archives at Paris, by Gen. Cass, when minister to France, and is published at length
in volume III of the History of Wisconsin, compiled by the direction of the legislature
of that state by William R. Smith, President of the State Historical Society ; a work
of very great value, not only to the State of Wisconsin but to the entire Northwest, for
the amount of reliable historical information it contains.
* Hall and McKenney's History of the Indian Tribes of North America, vol. 2,
pp. 59, 60.
t McAfee's History of the Late War, pp. 297, 298.
10
146 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Their manners, like their dialect, were rough and barbarous as
compared with other Algonquin tribes. They were not the civil,
modest people, an exceptional and christianized band of whom tin-
Jesuits before quoted drew a nattering description.
"It is a fact that for many years the current of emigration as to
the tribes east of the Mississippi has been from the north to the south.
This was owing to two causes: the diminution of those animals from
which the Indians derive their support, and the pressure of the two
great tribes, — the Ojibbeways and the Sioux, — to the north and
west. So long ago as 1795, at the treaty of Greenville, the Potta-
watomies notified the Miamis that they intended to settle upon the
Wabash. They made no pretensions to the country, and the only
excuse for the intended aggression was that they were tired of eating
fish and wanted meat"* And come they did. They bore down
upon their less populous neighbors, the Miamis, and occupied a large
portion of their territory, impudently and by sheer force of numbers,
rather than by force of arms. They established numerous villages
upon the north and west bank of the Wabash and its tributaries
flowing in from that side of the stream above the Vermilion. They,
with the Sacs, Foxes and Ivickapoos, drove the Illinois into the vil-
lages about Kaskaskia, and portioned the conquested territory among
themselves. By other tribes they were called squatters, who justly
claimed that the Pottawatomies never had any land of their own,
and were mere intruders upon the prior rights of others. They were
foremost at all treaties where lands were to be ceded, and were clam-
orous for a lion's share of presents and annuities, particularly where
these last were the price t given for the sale of others' lands rather
than their own.f Between the years 1789 and 1837 the Pottawato-
mies, by themselves, or in connection with other tribes, made no
less than thirty-eight treaties with the United States, all of which, —
excepting two or three which were treaties of peace only, — were for
cessions of lands claimed wholly by the Pottawatomies, or in com-
mon with other tribes. These cessions embraced territory extending
from the Mississippi eastward to Cleveland, Ohio, and reaching over
the entire valleys of the Illinois, the Wabash, the Maumee and their
tributaries.^:
They also had villages upon the Kankakee and Illinois rivers.
Among them we name Minemaung, or Yellow Head, situated a
* Official letter to the Secretary of War, dated March 22, 1814.
t Schoolcraft's Central Mississippi Valley, p. 358.
X Treaties between the United States and the several Indian tribes, from 1778 to
1837: Washington, D.C., 1837.
THEIR VILLAGES. 147
few miles north of Momence, at a point of timber still known as
Yellow Head Point; She-mar-gar, or the Soldier's Village, at the
mouth of Soldier Creek, that runs through Kankakee City, and the
village of "Little Rock " or Shaw-waw-nas-see, at the mouth of Hock
Creek, a few miles below Kankakee City.* Besides these, the Pot-
tawatomies had villages farther down the Illinois, particularly the
great town of Como, Gumo, or Gumbo as the pioneers called it, at the
upper end of Peoria Lake. They had other towns on the Milwaukee
River, Wisconsin. On the St. Joseph, near Niles, was the village of
To-pen-ne-bee, the great hereditary chief of the Pottawatomie nation ;
higher up, near the present village of White Pigeon, was situated
Wajp-pe-me-me 's, or White Pigeon's town. Westward of Fort Wayne,
Indiana, nine miles, was JJ£us-kwa-wa-sepe-ota?i, ' ' the town of old
Red Wood creek," where resided the band of the distinguished war-
rior and orator of the Pottawatomies, Metea, whose name in their
language signifies kiss me.
Finally, the renowned Kesis, or the sun, the old friend of Gen-
eral Hamtrauck and the Americans, in a speech to General Wayne
at the treaty of Greenville in 1795, said that Ms village "was a day's
walk below the Wea towns on the Wabash," referring, doubtless, to
the mixed Pottawatomie and Kickapoo town which stood on the site
of the old Shelby farm, on the north bank of the Vermilion, a short
distance above its mouth, f
The positions of several of the principal Pottawatomie villages
have been given for the purpose of showing the area of country
over which this people extended themselves. As late as 1823 their
hunting grounds appeared to have been "bounded on the north by
the St. Joseph (which on the east side of Lake Michigan separated
them from the Ottawas) and the Milwacke,^; which, on the west side
of the lake, divided them from the Menomonees. They spread to the
south along the Illinois River about two hundred miles ; to the west
* The location of these three villages of Pottawatomies is fixed by the surveys of
reservations to Mine-maung, Shemargar and Shaw-waw-nas-see respectively, secured
to them by the second article of a treaty concluded at Camp Tippecanoe, near Logans-
port, Indiana, on the 20th of October, 1832, between the United States and the chiefs
and head men of the Pottawatomie tribe of Indians of the prairie and of the Kanka-
kee. The reservations were surveyed in the presence of the Indians concerned and
General Tipton, agent on the part of the United States, in the month of May, 1834,
by Major Dan W. Beckwith, surveyor. The reservations were so surveyed as to include
the several villages we have named, as appears from the manuscript volumes of the
surveys in possession of the author.
t Journal of the Proceedings at the Treaty of Greenville: American State Papers
on Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 580. The author has authorities and manuscripts from
which the location of Kesis' band at the mouth of the Vermilion may be quite confi-
dently affirmed.
% Milwaukee.
148 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
their grounds extended as far as Rock River, and the Mequin or
Spoon River of the Illinois ; to the east they probably seldom passed
beyond the Wabash."- After the EQckapoos and Pottawatomies
had established themselves in the valley of the AY abash, it was
mutually agreed between them and the Miamis that the river should
be the dividing line, — the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos to occupy
the west, and the Miamis to remain undisturbed on the east or south
side of the stream. It was a hard bargain for the Miamis, who were
unable to maintain their rights, f
The Pottawatomies were among the last to leave their possessions
in Illinois and Indiana, and it was the people of this tribe with
whom the first settlers came principally in contact. Their hostility
ceased at the close of the war of 1812. After this their intercourse
with the whites was uniformly friendly, and they bore the many im-
positions and petty grievances which were put upon them by not a
few of their unprincipled and unfeeling white neighbors with a for-
bearance that should have excited public sympathy.
The Pottawatomies owned extensive tracts of land on the AV abash,
between the mouth of Pine Creek, in "Warren county, and the Fort
Wayne portage, which had been reserved to them by the terms of
their several treaties with the United States. They held like claims
upon the Tippecanoe and other westward tributaries of the Wabash,
and elsewhere in northwestern Indiana, eastern Illinois and southern
Michigan. These reservations are now covered by some of the
finest farms in the states named. The treaties by which such reser-
vations were granted generally contained a clause that debarred the
owner from alienating them without having first secured the sanction
of the President of the United States. This restriction was de-
signed to prevent unprincipled persons from overreaching the Indian,
who, at best, had only a vague idea of the fee simple title to, and
value of, real estate. It afforded little security, however, against the
wiles of the unscrupulous, and whenever the Indian could be in-
duced by the arts of his "White Brother ' : to put his name to an
instrument, the purport of which, in many instances, he did not at
all understand as forever conveying away his possessions, the ratify-
ing signature of the President followed as a matter of department
routine. The greater part of the Pottawatomie reservations was
retroceded to the United States in exchange either for annuities or
for lands west of the Mississippi, and the title disposed of in this
way.
* Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, p. 171.
f The writer was informed of this agreement by Mary Baptiste.
THE EXODUS. 149
The final emigration of the Pottawatomies from the Wabash,
under charge of Col. Pepper and Gen. Tipton, of Indiana, took place
in the summer of 1838. Many are yet living who witnessed the
sad exodus. The late Sanford Cox has recorded his impressions of
this event in the valuable little book which he published.* ' ; Hearing
that this large emigration, numbering nearly a thousand of all ages
and sexes, would pass within eight or nine miles west of La Fayette,
a few of us procured horses and rode over to see the retiring band,
as they reluctantly wended their way toward the setting sun. It
was, indeed, a mournful spectacle to see these children of the forest
slowly retiring from the homes of their childhood, where were not
only the graves of their loved ancestors but many endearing scenes
to which their memories would ever recur as sunny spots along their
pathway through the wilderness. They felt that they were bidding
a last farewell to the hills, the valleys and the streams of their
infancy : the more exciting hunting grounds of their advanced
youth ; the stern and bloody battle-fields on which, in riper man-
hood, they had received wounds, and where many of their friends
and loved relatives had fallen, covered with gore and with glory. All
these they were leaving behind, to be desecrated by the plowshare
of the white man. As they cast mournful glances back toward these
loving scenes that were rapidly fading in the distance, tears fell from
the cheek of the downcast warrior, — old men trembled, matrons wept,
the swarthy maiden 1 s cheek turned pale, and sighs and half-suppressed
sobs escaped from the motley groups, as they passed along, some on
foot, some on horseback, and others in wagons, sad as a funeral pro-
cession. I saw several of the aged warriors glancing upward to the sky
as if invoking aid from the spirits of their departed sires, who were
looking down upon them with pity from the clouds, or as if they were
calling upon the great spirit to redress the wrongs of the red man,
whose broken bow had fallen from his hand. Ever and anon one
of the throng would strike off from the procession into the woods
and retrace his steps back to the old encampments on the Wabash,
Ell Piver, or the Tippecanoe, declaring that he would die there
rather than be banished from his country. Thus would scores leave
the main party at different points on the journey and return to their
former homes ; and it was several years before they could be induced
to join their countrymen west of the Mississippi."
This body, on their westward journey, passed through Danville,
Illinois, where they halted several days, being in want of food. The
* Recollections of the Early Settlement of the Wabash Valley, La Fayette, Ind.,
1860, pp. 154, 155.
150 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
commissary department was wretchedly supplied. The Indians
begged for food at the houses of the citizens. Others, in their
extremity, killed rats at the old mill on the North Fork and ate
them to appease their hunger. Without tents or other shelter,
many of them, with young babes in their arms, walked on foot, as
there was no adequate means of conveyance for the weak, the aged
or infirm. Thus the mournful j)rocession passed across the state of
Illinois.
The St. Joseph band were removed westward the same year. So
strong was their attachment to southern Michigan and northern
Indiana, that the Federal government invoked the aid of troops to
coerce their removal. The soldiers surrounded them, and, as prison-
ers of war, compelled them to leave. At South Bend, Indiana, was
the village of Chichipe Oxdipe. The town was on a rising ground
near four small lakes, and contained ten or twelve hundred christian-
ized Pottawatomies. Benjamin M. Petit, the Catholic missionary in
charge at Po-ke-ganns village on the St. Joseph, asked Bishop Brute
for leave to accompany the Indians, but the prelate withheld his
consent, not deeming it proper to give even an implied indorsement
of the cruel act of the government. But being himself on their
route, he afterward consented. The power of religion then appeared.
Amid their sad march he confirmed several, while hymns and prayers,
chanted in Ottawa, echoed for the last time around their lakes. Sick
and well were carried off" alike. After giving all his Episcopal bless-
ing, Bishop Brute proceeded with Petit to the tents of the sick,
where they baptized one and confirmed another, both of whom ex-
pired soon after. The march was resumed. The men, women and
elder children, urged on by the soldiers in their rear, were followed
with the wagons bearing the sick and dying, the mothers, little chil-
dren and property. Thus they proceeded through the country, tur-
bulent at that time on account of the Mormon war. to the Osage
Eiver, Missouri, where Mr. Petit confided the wretched exiles to the
care of the Jesuit Father J. Hoecken.*
In the year 1840 the different bands of Pottawatomies united on
the west side of the Mississippi. A general treaty was made, in
which the following clause occurs: "Whereas, the various bands of
the Pottawatomie Indians, known as the Chippeways, Ottawas and
Pottawatomies, the Pottawatomies of the Prairie, the Pottawatomies
of the Wabash, and the Pottawatomies of Indiana, have, subsequent
to the year 1820, entered into separate and distinct treaties with the
* Extract from Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 397.
THE POTTAWATOMIE NATION. 151
United States, by which they have been separated and located
in different countries, and difficulties have arisen as to the proper
distributions of the stipulations under, various treaties, and being
the same people by kindred, by feeling and by language, and
having in former periods lived on and owned their lands in com-
mon, and being desirous to unite in one common country and
.again become one people and receive their annuities and other
benefits in common, and to abolish all minor distinctions of bands
by which they have heretofore been divided, and are anxious to
be known as the Pottawatomie Nation, thereby reinstating the
national character ; and whereas, the United States are also anxious
to restore and concentrate said tribes to a state so desirable and
necessary for the happiness of their people, as well as to enable
the government to arrange and manage its intercourse with them ;
now, therefore, the United States and said Indians do hereby agree
that said people shall hereafter be known as a nation, to be called
the Pottawatomie ^Nation. "
Pursuant to the terms of this treaty, the Pottawatomies received
$850,000, in consideration of which they released all lands owned
by them within the limits of the territory of Iowa and on the Osage
River in Missouri, or in any state or place whatsoever. Eighty-
seven thousand dollars of the purchase money coming to them was
paid, by cession from the United States, of 576,000 acres of land
lying on both sides of the Kansas River. The tract embraces the
finest body of land within the present state of Kansas, and Topeka,
the state capital, has since been located nearly in the center of the
reservation. While the territory was going through the process of
organization, adventurers trespassed upon the lands of the Potta-
watomies, sold them whisky, and spread demoralization among
them. The squatters who intruded upon the farmer-Indians killed
their stock and burned some of their habitations, all of which was
borne without retaliation. Notwithstanding the old habendum clause
inserted in Indian treaties (as a mere matter of form, as may be in-
ferred from the little regard paid to it) that these lands should inure
to Pottawatomies, "their heirs and assigns forever," the squatter
sovereigns wanted them, and resorted to all the well-known methods
in vogue on the border to make it unpleasant for the Indians, who
were progressing with assured success from barbarism to the ways
of civilized society. The usual result of dismemberment of the re-
serve followed. The farmer-Indians, who so desired, had their por-
tions of the reserve set off in severaltv ; the uncivilized members of
the tribe had their proportion set off in common. These last, which
152 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
were exchanged for money, or lands farther southward, fell into the
possession of a needy railroad corporation.
We gather from the several reports of the commissioners on In-
dian affairs that, in 1863, the tribe numbered 2,274, inclusive of men,
women and children, which was an alarming decrease since the cen-
sus of 1854. The diminution was caused, probably, aside from the
casualties of death, by some having returned to their former homes
east of the Missouri, while many of the young and wild men of the
tribe went to the buffalo grounds to enjoy the exciting and unre-
strained freedom of the chase. The farmers raised 3,720 bushels of
wheat, 45,000 of corn, 1,200 of oats and 1,000 tons of hay, and had
1,200 horses, 1,000 cattle and 2,000 hogs, as appears from the offi-
cial report for 1863.
The Catholic school at St. Mary's enumerated an average of
ninety-five boys and seventy-five girls in 1863, and in 1866 the total
number was two hundred and forty scholars. Of his pupils the
superintendent says: "They not only spell, read, write and cipher,
but successfully master the various branches of geography, history,
book-keeping, grammar, philosophy, logic, geometry and astronomy.
Besides this, they are so docile, so willing to improve, that between
school-hours they employ their time, with pleasure, in learning
whatever handiwork may be assigned to them ; and they particu-
larly desire to become good farmers." The girls, in addition to
their studies, are "trained to whatever is deemed useful to good
housekeepers and accomplished mothers."
The Pottawatomies attested their fidelity to the government by
the volunteering of seventy-five of their young men in the "army
of the Union."
In 1867, out of a population of 2,400, 1,400 elected to become
citizens of the United States, under an enabling act passed by con-
gress. Of those who became citizens, some did well, others soon
squandered their lands and joined the wild band. There are still
a few left in Michigan, while about one hundred and eighty remain
in Wisconsin.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE KICKAPOOS AND MASCOUTINS.
The Kickapoos and Mascoutins, if there was more than a nominal
difference between the two tribes, are here treated of together, for
reasons explained farther on in the chapter. The name of the Kick-
apoos has been written by the French, "Kicapoux," " Kickapous,"
"Kikapoux," " Quickapous," " Eickapoos," "Kikabu." This
tribe has long been connected with the northwest, and have acquired
a notoriety for the wars in which they were engaged with other tribes,
as well for their persistent hostility to the white race, which con-
tinued uninterrupted for more than one hundred and fifty years.
They were first noticed by Samuel Champlain, who, in 1612, dis-
covered the "Mascoutins residing near the place called Sakinam,"
meaning the country of the Sacs, comprising that part of the state
of Michigan bordering on Lake Huron, in the vicinity of Saginaw
Bay.*
Father Claude Allouez visited the mixed village of Miamis, Kick-
apoos and Mascoutins on Fox River, Wisconsin, in the winter of
1669-70. Leaving his canoe at the water's edge he walked a league
over beantiful prairies and perceived the fort. The savages, having
discovered him, raised the cry of alarm in their villages, and then
ran out to receive the missionary with honor, and conducted him to
the lodge of the chief, where they regaled him with refreshments,
and further honored him by greasing his feet and legs. Every one
took their places, a dish was filled with powdered tobacco ; an old
man arose to his feet, and, filling his two hands with tobacco from
the dish, addressed the missionary thus :
" This is well, Black-robe, that thou hast come to visit us ; have
pity on us. Thou art a Manitou.-f- We give thee wherewith to
* Memoir of Louis XIV, and Cobert, Minister of France, on the French Limits in
North America: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 378, and note by E. B. O'Callaghan, the
editor, on p. 293.
t Manitou, with very few changes in form of spelling or manner of pronunciation,
is the word used almost universally by the Algonquin tribes to express a spirit or God
having control of their destinies. Their Manitous were numerous. It was also an
expression sometimes applied to the white people,— particularly the missionaries. At
first they regarded the Europeans as spirits, or persons possessing superior intelligence
to themselves.
153
154 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
smoke. The Nadoiiessious and the Iroquois eat us up ; have pity
on us. We often are sick, our children die, we are hungry. Listen,
my Manitou, I give thee wherewith to £moke, that the earth may
yield us corn, that the rivers may furnish us with fish, that sickness
no more shall kill us, that famine no longer shall so harshly treat
us." At each wish, the old men who were present answered by a
great "O-oh!"*
The good father was shocked at this ceremony, and replied that
they should not address such requests to him. Protesting that he
could afford them no relief other than offering prayers to Him who
was the only and true God, of whom he was only the servant and
messenger, f
Father Allouez says in the same letter that four leagues from this
village "are the Kikabou and Kitchigamick, who speak the same
language with the Machkouteng. "
The Kickapoos were not inclined to receive religious impressions
from the early missionaries. In fact, they appear to have acquired
their first notoriety in history by seizing Father Gabriel Ribourde,
whom they "carried away and broke his head," as Tonti quaintly
expresses it in referring to this ruthless murder. Again, in 1728,
as Father Ignatius Guignas, compelled to abandon his mission among
the Sioux, on account of the victory of the Foxes over the French,
was attempting to reach the Illinois, he, too, fell into the hands of
the Kickapoos and Mascoutins, and for five months was held a cap-
tive and constantly exposed to death. During this time he was con-
demned to be burnt, and was only saved through the friendly inter-
vention of an old man in the tribe, who adopted him as a son.
While held a prisoner, the missionaries from the Illinois relieved
his necessities by sending timely supplies, which Father Guignas
used to gain over the Indians. Having induced them to make
peace, he was taken to the Illinois missions, and suffered to remain
there on parole until November, 1729, when his old captors returned
and took him back to their own country ;^ after which nothing
seems to have been known concerning the fate of this worthy mis-
sionary.
The Kickapoos early incurred the displeasure of the French by
*The o-oh of the Algonquin and the yo-hah of the Iroquois (Colden's History of
. the Five Nations) is an expression of assent given by the hearers to the remarks of the
speaker who is addressing them, and is equivalent to good or braro! The Indians
indulged in this kind of encouragement to their orators with great liberality, drawing
out their o-ohs in unison and with a prolonged cry, especially when the speaker's
utterances harmonized with their own sentiments.
t Jesuit Relations, 1669-70.
t Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 379.
MIGRATIONS OF THE KICKAPOOS. 155
committing depredations south of Detroit. A band living at the
mouth of the Maumee River in 1712, with thirty Mascoutins, were
about to make war upon the French. They took prisoner one
Langlois, a messenger, on his return from the Miami country,
whither he was bringing many letters from the Jesuit Fathers of the
Illinois villages, and also dispatches from Louisiana. The letters and
dispatches were destroyed, which gave much uneasiness to M. Du
Boisson, the commandant at Detroit. A canoe laden with Kicka-
poos, on their way to the villages near Detroit, was captured by the
Hurons and Ottawas residing at these villages, and who were the
allies of the French. Among the slain was the principal Kickapoo
chief, whose head, with those of three others of the same tribe,
were brought to De Boisson, who alleges that the Hurons and
Ottawas committed this act out of resentment, because the previous
winter the Kickapoos had taken some of the Hurons and Iroquois
prisoners, and also because they considered the Kickapoo chief to
be a "true Outtagamie" ; that is, they regarded him as one of the
Fox nation.*
From the village of Machkoutench, where first Father Claude
Allouez, and afterward Father Marquette, found the Kickapoos inhab-
iting the same village with the Muscotins and Miamis, the Kickapoos
and the Muscotins appear to have passed to the south, extending
their flanks to the right in the direction of Rockf River, and their
left to the southern trend of Lake Michigan. Referring to the
country on Fox River about Winnebago Lake, Father Charlevoix
says::}: "All this country is extremely beautiful, and that which
stretches to the southward as far as the river of the Illinois is still
more so. It is, however, inhabited by two small nations only, who
are the Kickapoos and the Mascoutins." Father Charlevoix, §
speaking of Fox River, says: "The largest of these," referring to
the streams that empty into the Illinois, "is called Pisticoui, and
proceeds from the fine country of the Mascoutins. "|
* Extract from M. Du Boisson's official report to the Marquis De Vaudreuil, gov-
ernor-general of New France, of the siege of Detroit, dated June 15, 1712. This val-
uable paper is published entire in vol. 3 of Wm. R. Smith's History of Wisconsin,
a work that contains many important documents not otherwise accessible to the gen-
eral public. Indeed, the publications of the Historical Society of Wisconsin, of which
Judge Smith's two volumes are the beginning, are the repository of a fund of infor-
mation of great utility, not only to the people of that state, but to the entire North-
west.
fRock River — Assin-Sepe — was also called Kickapoo River, and so laid down on a
map of La Salle's discoveries.
\ Narrative Journal, vol. 1, p. 287.
§Vol. 2, p. 199.
fl "The Fox River of the Illinois is called by the Indians Pish-ta-ko. It is the
same mentioned by Charlevoix under the name of Pisticoui, and which flows as he,
156 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Prior to 1718 the Mascoutins and Kickapoos had villages upon
the banks of Rock River, Illinois. M Both these tribes together do
not amount to two hundred men. They are a clever people and
brave warriors. Their language and manners strongly resemble
those of the Foxes. They are the same stock. They catch deer by
chasing them, and even at this day make considerable use of bows
and arrows."* On a French map, issued in 1712, a village of Mas-
coutins is located near the forks of the north and south branches of
Chicago River.
From references given, it is apparent that this people, like the
Miamis and Pottawatomies, were progressing south and eastward.
This movement was probably on account of the fierce Sioux, whose
encroaching wars from the northwest were pressing them in this
direction. Even before this date the Foxes, with Mascoutins and
Kickapoos, were meditating a migration to the Wabash as a place of
security from the Sioux. This threatened exodus alarmed the French,
who feared that the migrating tribes would be in a position on the
Wabash to effect a junction with the Iroquois and English, which
would be exceedingly detrimental to the French interests in the
northwest. From an official document relative to the "occurrences
in Canada, sent from Quebec to France in 1(505, the Department at
Paris is informed that the Sioux, who have mustered some two or
three thousand warriors for the purpose, would come in large num-
bers to seize their village. This has caused the outagamies to quit
their country and disperse themselves for a season, and afterward
return and save their harvest. They are then to retire toward the
river Wabash to form a settlement, so much the more permanent, as
they will be removed from the incursions of the Sioux, and in a
position to effect a junction easily with the Iroquois and the English
without the French being able to prevent it. Should this project be
realized, it is very apparent that the Mascoutins and Kickapoos will
be of the party, and that the three tribes, forming a new village of
fourteen or fifteen hundred men, would experience no difficulty in
considerably increasing it by attracting other nations thither, which
would be of most pernicious consequence, "f That the Mascoutins,
at least, did go soon after this date toward the lower Wabash is con-
says, through the country of the Mascoutins. 1 ' Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, p.
176. The Algonquin word Pish-tah-te-koosh, according to Edwin James' vocabulary,
means an antelope. The Pottawatomies, from whom Major Long's party obtained the
word Pish-ta-ko, may have used it to designate the same animal, judging from the
similarity of the two words.
* Memoir prepared in 1718 on the Indians between Lake Erie and the Missis-
sippi: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 889.
t Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 019.
OF THE NAME MASCOUTINS. 157
clusively shown by the fact of their presence about Juchereau's
trading post, which was erected near the mouth of the Ohio in the
year 1700.
It is doubtful if either the Foxes or the Kickapoos followed the
Mascoutins to the Wabash country, and it is evident that the Mas-
coutins who survived the epidemic that broke out among them at
Juchereau's post on the Ohio soon returned to the north. The
French effected a conciliation with the Sioux, and for a number of
years subsequent to 1705 we find the Mascoutins back again among
the Foxes and Kickapoos upon their old hunting grounds in northern
Illinois and southern Wisconsin.
The Kickapoos entered the plot of the Mascoutins to capture the
post of Detroit in 1712, and the latter had repaired to the neighbor-
hood of Detroit, and were awaiting the arrival of the Kickapoos to
execute their purposes, when they were attacked by the confedera-
tion of Indians who were friendly toward the French and had hast-
ened to the relief of the garrison.*
The Mascoutins were called "Machkoutench,"f "Machkouteng,"
" Maskouteins " and "Masquitens," by French writers. The Eng-
lish called them " Masquattimes,";}; " Musquitons," § "Mascou-
tins,"! and "Musquitos," a corruption used by the American colo-
nial traders, and ' ' Meadows, ' ' the English synonym for the French
word " prairie. "T
The derivation of the name has been a subject of discussion.
Father Marquette, with some others, following the example of the
Hurons, rendered it " fire-nation," while Fathers Allouez and Char-
levoix, with recent American authors, claim that the word signifies
a prairie, or " a land bare of trees," such as that which this people
inhabit.** The name is doubtless derived from mus-kor-tence,-ff or
mus-ko-tia, a prairie, a derivative from skoutay or scote, the word for
fire.^ " The Mascos or Mascoutins were, by the French traders of a
more recent day, called gens des prairies, and lived and hunted on
the great prairies between the Wabash and Illinois Rivers.' '§§ That
* History of New France, vol. 5, p. 257.
t Fathers Claude Allouez and Marquette.
\ George Croghan's Narrative Journal.
§ Minutes of the treaty at Greenville in 1795.
|| Samuel R. Brown's Western Gazetteer.
"IT It was some years after the conquest of the northwest from the French before
the name " prairie " became naturalized, as it were, into the English language.
** Charlevoix 1 Narrative Journal, vol. 1, p. 287. Father Allouez, in the Jesuit Re-
lations between the years 1670 and 1671.
tfNote of Callaghan: Paris Documents, vol. 10.
XX Tanner, Gallatin, Mackenzie and Johnson's vocabularies of Algonquin words.
§§ Manuscript account of this and other tribes, by Major Forsyth, quoted by Drake,
in his Life of Black Hawk.
158 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
the word Muskotia is synonymous with, and has the same meaning
as, the word prairie, is further confirmed by the fact that the Indians
prefixed it to the names of those animals and plants found exclu-
sively on the prairies.*
Were the Kickapoos and Mascoutins separate tribes, or were they
one and the same? These queries have elicited the attention of
scholars well versed in the history of the North American Indians,
among whom might be named Schoolcraft, Gallatin and Shea.
Sufficient references have been given in this chapter to show that,
by the French, the Kickapoos and Mascoutins were regarded as dis-
tinct tribes. If necessary, additional extracts to the same purport
could be produced from numerous French documents down to the
close of the French colonial war, in 1763, all bearing uniform testi-
mony upon this point.
The theory has been advanced that the Mascoutins and Kickapoos
were bands of one tribe, first known to the French by the former
name, and subsequently to the English by the latter, under which
name alone they figure in our later annals, f This supposition is at
variance with English and American authorities. It was a war party
of Kickapoos and Mascoutins, from their contiguous villages near
Fort Ouitanon, on the Wabash, who captured George Cr.oghan, the
English plenipotentiary, below the mouth of that river in 1765. % Sir
William Johnson, the English colonial agent on Indian affairs, in
the classified list of Indians within his department, prepared in 1763,
enumerates both the Kickapoos and Mascoutins, locating them ' ' in
the neighborhood of the fort at Wawiaghta, and about the Wabash
River."§ Captain Imlay, "commissioner for laying out lands in the
back settlements," — as the territory west of the Alleghanies was
termed at that period, — in his list of westward Indians, classifies the
Kickapoos (under the name of Vermilions) and the Muscatines, lo-
cating these two tribes between the Wabash and Illinois Rivers. This
was in 1792. J The distinction between these two tribes was main-
tained still later, and down to a period subsequent to the year 1816.
At that time the Mascoutins were residing on the west bank of the
Wabash, between Yincennes and the Tippecanoe River, while their
old neighbors, the Kickapoos, were living a short distance above
*For example, mus-ko-tia-chit-ta-mo, prairie squirrel; mus-ko-ti-pe-neeg, prairie
potatoes. Edwin James' Catalogue of Plants and Animals found in the country of
the Ojibbeways. See further references on page 35.
fThe Indian Tribes of Wisconsin: Historical Collections of that State, vol. 3, p.
130.
X Vide his Narrative Journal.
§ Colonial History of New York, vol. 7: London Documents, p. 583.
|| Imlay's America, third edtion, London, 1797, p. 290.
KICKAPOOS AND MASCOUTINS ONE PEOPLE. 159
them in several large villages. At this date the Kickapoos could
raise four hundred warriors.* From the authors cited, — and other
references to the same effect would be produced but for want of space,
— it is evident that the English and the Americans, equally with the
French, regarded the KickapOos and Mascoutins as separate bands
or subdivisions of a tribe.
While this was so, the language, manners and customs of the two
tribes were not only similar, but the two tribes were almost invaria-
bly found occupying continguous villages, and hunting in company
with each other over the same country. "The Kickapoos are neigh-
bors of the Mascoutins, and it seems that these two tribes have
always been united in interests, "f There is no instance recorded
where they were ever arrayed against each other, nor of a time when
they took opposite sides in any alliance with other tribes. Another
noticeable fact is that, with but one exception, the Mascoutins were
never known as such in any treaty with the United States, while the
Kickapoos were parties to many. We have seen that the former
were occupying the Wabash country in common with the latter as
far back, at least, as 1765, when they captured Croghan, until 1816 ;
and in all of the treaties for the extinguishment of the title of the
several Indian tribes bordering on the Wabash and its tributaries,
the Mascoutins are nowhere alluded to, while the Kickapoos are
prominent parties to many treaties at which extensive tracts of coun-
try were ceded. No man living, in his time, was better informed
than Gen. Harrison, — who conducted these several treaties on behalf
of the United States, — of the relations and distinctions, however
trifling, that may have existed among the numerous Indian tribes
with whom, in a long course of official capacity, he came in contact,
either with the pen, around the friendly council-fire, or with the up-
lifted sword upon the field of hostile encounter. In all his volumi-
nous correspondence during the years when the northwest was com-
mitted to his charge the General makes no mention of the Mascoutins
* Western Gazetteer, by Samuel R. Brown, p. 71. This work of Mr. Brown's is
exceedingly valuable for the amount of reliable information it affords not obtainable
from any other source. He was with Gen. Harrison in the campaigns of the war of
1812. In the preface to his Gazetteer he says : ' ' Business and curiosity have made the
writer acquainted with a large portion of the western country never before described.
Where personal knowledge was wanting I have availed myself of the correspondence of
many of the most intelligent gentlemen in the west. ' ' At the time Mr.Brown was compil-
ing material for his Gazetteer, "the Harrison Purchase was being run out into townships
and sections," and Mr. Brown came in contact with the surveyors doing the work, and
derived much information from them. The book is carefully prepared, covering a
topographical description of the country embraced, its towns, rivers, counties, popula-
tion, Indian tribes, etc., and altogether is one of the most authentic and useful books
relative to " the west," which was attracting the attention of emigrants at the time of
its publication.
t Charlevoix' History of New France.
160 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
by that name, but often refers to "the Kickapoos of the prairies,"
to distinguish them from other bands of the same tribe who occupied
villages in the timbered portions of the Wabash and its tributaries.*
At a subsequent treaty of peace and friendship, concluded on the
27th of September, 1815, between Governor Ninian Edwards, of
Illinois Territory, and the chiefs, warriors, etc., of the Kickapoo
nation, Wash-e-own, who at the treaty of Vincennes signed as a Mas-
coutin, was a party to it, and in this instance signed as a Kickapoo.
No Mascoutins by that name appear in the record of the treaty. f
The preceding facts, negative and direct, admit of the following
inferences : that there were two subdivisions of the same nation,
known first to the French, then to the English, and more recently
to the Americans, the one under the name of Kickapoos and the
other as Mascoutines ; that they spoke the same language and ob-
served the same customs ; that they were living near each other,
and always had a community of interest in their wars, alliances and
migrations ; and that since the United States have held dominion
over the territory of the northwest the Kickapoos and Mascoutines
have considered themselves as one and the same people, whose tri-
bal relations were so nearly identical that, in all official transactions
with the federal government, they were recognized only as Kicka-
poos. And is it not apparent, after all, that there was only a nom-
inal distinction between these two tribes, or, rather, families of the
same tribe ? Were not the Mascoutins bands of the Kickapoos who
dwelt exclusively on the prairies ? It seems, from authorities cited,
that this question admits of but one answer.
The destruction that followed the attempt of the Mascoutins to
capture Detroit was, perhaps, one of the most remorseless in which
white men took a part of which we have an account in the annals of
Indian warfare. As before stated, the Muscotins in 1712 laid siege
to the Fort, hearing of which the Pottawatomies, with other tribes
friendly to the French, collected in a large force for their assistance.
*The only treaty which the Mascoutins, as such, were parties to was the one
concluded at Vincennes on the 27th of September, 1792, between the several Wabash
tribes and Gen. Rufus Putnam, on behalf of the United States v Two Mascoutins
signed this treaty, viz, Waush-eown and At-schat-schaw. Three Kickapoo chiefs also
signed the parchment, viz, Me-an-ach-kah, Ma-en-a-pah and Mash-a-ras-a, the Black
Elk, and, what is singular, this last person, although a Kickapoo, signs himself to the
treaty as "The Chief of The Meadows.' 1 '' This treaty was only one of peace and friend-
ship. The text of the treaty is found in the American State Papers, Indian Affairs,
. vol. 1, p. 388; in Judge Dillon's History of Indiana, edition of 1859, pp. 293, 294, and
in the Western Annals, Pittsburg edition, pp. 605, GOG. The names of the tribes and
of the individual chiefs who participated in it are not given in any of the works cited.
They only appear in the copy on file at the War Department and in the original manu-
script journal of Gen. Putnam. The author is indebted to Dr. Israel W. Andrews,
president of Marietta College, for transcripts from Gen. Putnam's journal,
t Treaties with the Indian Tribes, Washington edition, p. 172.
IDENTITY OF KICKAPOOS WITH THE MASCOUTINS. 161
The Muscotines, after protracted efforts, abandoned the position in
which they were attacked, and fled, closely pursued, to an intrenched
position on Presque Isle, opposite Hog Island, near Lake St. Clair,
some distance above the fort. Here they held out for four days
against the combined French and Indian forces. Their women and
children were actually starving, numbers dying from hunger every
day. They sent messengers to the French officer, begging for quar-
ter, offering to surrender at discretion, only craving that their re-
maining women and children and themselves might be spared the
horror of a general massacre. The Indian allies of the French
would submit to no such terms. "At the end of the fourth day,
after fighting with much courage," says the French commander,
"and not being able to resist further, the Muscotins surrendered at
discretion to our people, who gave them no quarter. Our Indians
lost sixty men, killed and wounded. The enemy lost a thousand
souls — men, women and children. All our allies returned to our
fort with their slaves (meaning the captives), and their amusement
was to shoot four or five of them every day. The Hurons did not
spare a single one of theirs."*
We find no instance in which the Kickapoos or Muscotins assisted
either the French or the English in any of the intrigues or wars for
the control of the fur trade, or the acquisition of disputed territory
in the northwest. At the close of Pontiac's conspiracy, the Kicka-
poos, whose temporary lodges were pitched on the prairie near Fort
Wayne, notified Captain Morris, the English ambassador, on his
way from Detroit to Fort Chartes, to take possession of "the coun-
try of the Illinois ' ' ; that if the Miamis did not put him to death,
they themselves would do so, should he attempt to pass their camp.f
Still later, on the 8th of June, 1765, as George Croghan, likewise
an English ambassador, on his route by the Ohio Kiver to Fort
Chartes, was attacked at daybreak, at the mouth of the Wabash, by
a party of eighty Kickapoo and Mascoutin warriors, who had set out
from Fort Ouiatanon to intercept his passage, and killed two of his
men and three Indians, and wounded Croghan himself, and all the
rest of his party except two white men and one Indian. They then
made all of them prisoners, and plundered them of everything they
had.}
* Official Report of M. Du Boisson on the Siege of Detroit.
f Parkman's History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac, 3d single volume edition, p. 474.
X The narrative, Journal of Col. George Croghan, "who was sent, at the peace
of 1768, etc., to explore the country adjacent to the Ohio River, and to conciliate the
Indian nations who had hitherto acted with the French." [Reprinted! from Feather-
stonhaugh Am. Monthly Journal of Geology, Dec. 1831. Pamphlet, p. 17.
11
162 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Having thrown such obstacles as were within their power against
the French and English, the Kickapoos were ready to offer the
same treatment to the Americans ; and, when Col. Rogers Clark
was at Kaskaskia, in 1778, negotiating peace treaties with the west-
ward Indians, his enemies found a party of young Kickapoos the
willing instruments to undertake, for a reward promised, to kill him.
As a military people, the Kickapoos were inferior to the Miamis,
Delawares and Shawnees in movements requiring large bodies of
men, but they were preeminent in predatory warfare. Parties con-
sisting of from five to twenty persons were the usual number com-
prising their war parties. These small forces would push out hun-
dreds of miles from their villages, and swoop down upon a feeble
settlement, or an isolated pioneer cabin, and burn the property, kill
the cattle, steal the horses, capture the women and children, and be
off again before an alarm could be given of their approach. From
such incursions of the Kickapoos the people of Kentucky suffered
severely. *
A small war party of these Indians hovered upon the skirts of
Gen. Planner's army when he was conducting the campaign against
the upper Wabash tribes, in 1790. They cut out a squad of ten
regular soldiers of Gen. PParmer by decoying them into an ambuscade.
Jackson Johonnot, the orderly sergeant in command of the regulars,
gave an interesting account of their capture and the killing of his
companions, after they were subjected to the severest hunger and
fatigue on the march, and the running of the gauntlet on reaching
the Indian villages.!
The Kickapoos were noted for their fondness of horses and their
skill and daring in stealing them. They were so addicted to this
practice that Joseph Brant, having been sent westward to the Maumee
River in 1788, in the interest of the United States, to bring about a
reconciliation with the several tribes inhabiting the Maumee and
"Wabash, wrote back that, in his opinion, "the Kickapoos, with the
Shawnees and Miamis, were so much addicted to horse stealing that
it would bo difficult to break them of it, and as that kind of business
was their best harvest, they would, of course, declare for war and
decline giving up any of their country.":};
*0ne of the reasons urged to induce the building of a town at the falls of the
Ohio was that it would afford a means of strength against, and be an object of terror
to, "our savage enemies, the Kickapoo Indians." Letter of Col. Williams, January
3, 1776, from Boonsborough, to the proprietors of the grant, found in Sketches of the
West, by James Hall.
t Sketches of Western Adventure, by M'Lung, contains a summarized account,
taken from Johonnot's original narrative, published at Keene, New Hampshire, 1816.
t Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, vol. 2, p. 278.
KICKAPOOS DESTROY THE ILLINOIS. It):}
Between the years 1786 and 1796, the Kickapoo war parties, from
their villages on the "Wabash and Vermilion Rivers, kept the settle-
ments in the vicinity of Kaskaskia in a state of continual alarm.
Within the period named they killed and captured a number of
men, women and children in that part of Illinois. Among their
notable captures was that of William Biggs, whom they took across
the prairies to their village on the west bank of the Wabash, above
Attica, Indiana.*
Subsequent to the close of the Pontiac war, the Kickapoos, as-
sisted by the Pottawatomies, almost annihilated the Kaskaskias at a
place since called Battle Ground Creek, on the road leading from
Kaskaskia to Shawneetown, and about twenty-five miles from the
former place. f The Kaskaskias were shut up in the villages of
Kaskaskia and Cahokia, and the Kickapoos became the recognized
proprietors of a large portion of the territory of the Kaskaskias on
the west, and the hunting grounds of the Piankeshaw-Miamis on
the east, of the dividing ridge between the Illinois and Wabash
Rivers. The principal Kickapoo towns were on the left bank of the
Illinois, near Peoria, and on the Yermilion, of the Wabash, and at
several places on the west bank of the latter stream. ^
The Kickapoos of the prairie had villages west of Charleston,
Illinois, about the head-waters of the Kaskaskia and in many of the
groves scattered over the prairies between the Illinois and the Wa-
bash and south of the Kankakee, notable among which were their
•towns at Elkhart Grove, on the Mackinaw, twelve miles north of
Bloomington, and at Oliver's Grove, in Livingston county, Illinois.
These people were much attached to the country along the Yer-
milion River, and Gen. Harrison had great trouble in gaining their
consent to cede it away. The Kickapoos valued it highly as a
desirable home, and because of the minerals it was supposed to
contain. In a letter, dated December 10, 1809, addressed to the
* Biggs was a tall and handsome man. He had been one of Col. Clark's soldiers,
and had settled near Belief ountaine. He was well versed in the Indians' ways and
their language. The Kickapoos took a great fancy to him. They adopted him into their
tribe, put him through a ridiculous ceremony which transformed him into a genuine
Kickapoo, after which he was offered a handsome daughter of a Kickapoo brave for a
wife. He declined all these nattering temptations, however, purchased his freedom
through the agency of a Spanish trader at the Kickapoo village, and returned home to
his family, going down the Wabash and Ohio and up the Mississippi in a canoe. His-
torical Sketch of the Early Settlements in Illinois, etc., by John M. Peck, read before
the Illinois State Lyceum, August 16, 1832. In 1826, shortly before his death, Mr.
Biggs published a narrative of his experience " while he was a prisoner with the Kick-
apoo Indians." It was published in pamphlet form, with poor type, and on very com-
mon paper, and contains twenty-three pages.
t J. M. Peck's Historical Address.
X Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, J. M. Peck's Address, and Gen. Harrison's
Memoirs.
1G4 HISTORIC NOTES OK THE NORTHWEST.
Secretary of War, by Gen. Harrison, the latter, — referring to the
treaty at Fort Wayne in connection with his efforts at that treaty to
induce the Kickapoos to release their title to the tract of country
bounded on the east by the Wabash, on the south by the northern
line of the so-called Harrison Purchase, extending from opposite the
mouth of Raccoon Creek, northwest fifteen miles; thence to a point
on the Vermilion River, twenty-five miles in a direct line from its
mouth; thence down the latter stream to its confluence, — says "he
was extremely anxious that the extinguishment of title should extend
as high up as the Vermilion River. This small tract [of about
twenty miles square] is one of the most beautiful that can be con-
ceived, and is, moreover, believed to contain a very rich copper
mine. The Indians were so extremely jealous of any search being
made for this mine that the traders were always cautioned not to
approach the hills which were supposed to contain it."*
In the desperate plans of Tecumseh and his brother, the Prophet,
to unite all of the Indian tribes in a war of extermination against
the whites, the Kickapoos took an active part. Gen. Harrison made
extraordinary efforts to avert the troubles that culminated in the bat-
tle of Tippecanoe. The Kickapoos were particularly uneasy ; and
in 1806 Gen. Harrison dispatched Capt. Wm. Prince to the Vermil-
ion towns with a speech addressed to all the chiefs and warriors of
the Kickapoo tribe, giving Capt. Prince further instructions to pro-
ceed to the villages in the prairies, if, after having delivered the
speech at the Vermilion towns, he discovered that there would be no
danger in proceeding beyond. The speech, which was full of good
words, had little effect, and "shortly after the mission of Capt.
'•"General Harrison's Official Letter: American State Papers of Indian Affairs, vol.
1, p. 726. It was not copper, but a mineral having something like the appearance of
silver, that the Indians so jealously guarded. Recent explorations among the bluffs on
the Little Vermilion have resulted in the discovery of a number of ancient smelting
furnaces, with the charred coals and slag remaining in and about them. The furnaces
are crude, consisting of shallow excavations of irregular shape in the hillsides. These
basins, averaging a few feet across the top, were lined with fire-clay. The bottoms of
the pits were connected by ducts or troughs, also made of fire-clay, leading into reser-
voirs a little distance lower down the hillside, into which the metal could flow, when
reduced to a liquid state, in the furnaces above. The pits were carefully filled with
earth, and every precaution was taken to prevent their discovery, a slight depression in
the surface of the ground being the only indication of their presence. The mines are
from every appearance entitled to a claim of considerable antiquity, and are probably
"the silver mines on the Wabash " that figure in the works of Hutchins, Inday, and
other early writers, as the geological formation of the country precludes there being
.any of the metals as high up or above "Ouiatanon," in the vicinity of which those
authors, as well as other writers, have located these mines. The most plausible ex-
planation of the use to which the metal was put is given by a half-breed Indian,
whose ancestors lived in the vicinity and were in the secret that, after being smelted,
the metal was sent to Montreal, where it was used as an alloy with silver, and con-
verted into brooches, wristbands, and other like jewelry, and brought back by the
traders and disposed of to the Indians.
PA-KOI-SHEE-CAN. 165
Prince, the Prophet found means to bring the whole of the Kicka-
poos entirely under his influence. He prevailed on the warriors to
reduce their old chief, Joseph Menard's son, to a private man. He
would have been put to death but for the insignificance of his char-
acter.""-"
The Ivickapoos fought in great numbers, and with frenzied cour-
age, at the battle of Tippecanoe. They early sided with the British
in the war that was declared between the United States and Great
Britain the following June, and sent out numerous war parties that
kept the settlements in Illinois and Indiana territories in constant
peril, while other warriors represented their tribe in almost every
battle fought on the western frontier during this war.
As the Pottawatomies and other tribes friendly to the English
laid siege to Fort Wayne, the Ivickapoos, assisted by the "Winneba-
goes, undertook the capture of Fort Harrison. They nearly suc-
ceeded, and would have taken the fort but for one of the most he-
roic and determined defenses under Capt. (afterward Gen.) Zachary
Taylor.
Capt. Taylor's official letter to Gen. Harrison, dated September
10, 1812, contains a graphic account of the affair at Fort Harrison.
The writer will here give the version of Pa-koi-shee-can, whom the
French called La Farine and the Americans The Flour, the Kicka-
poo chief who planned the attack and personally executed the most
difficult part of the programme, f
First, the Indians loitered about the fort, having a few of their
women and children about them, to induce a belief that their pres-
ence was of a friendly character, while the main body of warriors
were secreted at some distance off, waiting for favorable develop-
ments. Under the pretense of a want of provisions, the men and
* Memoirs of Gen. Harrison, p. 85. A foot-note on the same page is as follows:
" Old Joseph Renard was a very different character, a great warrior and perfectly sav-
age — delighting in blood. He once told some of the inhabitants of Vincennes that
he used to be much diverted at the different exclamations of the Americans and the
French while the Indians were scalping them, the one exclaiming Oh Lord! oh Lord!
oh Lord! — the otlier Mon Dieu! mon Dieu! mon Dieu! "
fThe account here given was narrated to the author by Mrs. Mary A. Baptiste,
substantially as it was told to her by " Pa-koi-shee-can." This lady, with her hus-
band, Christmas Dagney, was at Fort Harrison in 1821, where the latter was assisting
in disbursing annuities to the assembled Indians. The business, and general spree
which followed it, occupied two or three days. La Farine was present with his people
to receive their share of annuities, and the old chief, having leisure, edified Mr. Dag-
ney and his wife with a minute description of his attempt to capture the fort, pointing
out the position of the attacking party and all the movements on the part of the
Indians. La Farine was a large, fleshy man, well advanced in years and a thorough
savage. As he related the story he warmed up and indulged in a great deal of pan-
tomime, which gave force to, while it heightened the effect of, his narration. The
particulars are given substantially as they were repeated to the author. The lady of
whom he received it had never read an account of the engagement.
166 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
women were permitted to approach the fort, and had a chance to
inspect the fort and its defenses, an opportunity of which the men
fully availed themselves. A dark night, giving the appearance of
rain, favored a plan which was at once put into execution. The
warriors were called to the front, and the women and children
retired to a place of safety. La Farine, with a large butcher knife
in each hand, extended himself at full length upon the ground. He
drove one knife into the ground and drew his body up against it,
then he reached forward, with the knife in the other hand, and driv-
ing that into the ground drew himself along. In this way he ap-
proached the lower block-house, stealthily through the grass. He
could hear the sentinels on their rounds within the fortified enclo-
sure. As they advanced toward that part of the works where the
lower block-house was situated, La Farine would lie still upon the
ground, and when the sentinels made the turn and were moving in
the opposite direction, he would again crawl nearer.* In this manner
La Farine reached the very walls of the block-house. There was a
crack between the logs of the block-house, and through this opening
the Kickapoo placed a quantity of dry grass, bits of wood, and
other combustible material, brought in a blanket tied about his back,
so as to form a sack. As the preparation for this incendiarism was
in progress, the sentinels passed within a very few feet of the place,
as they paced by on the opposite side of the block-house. Everything
being in readiness, and the sentinels at the farther end of the works,
La Farine struck a fire with his flint and thrust it between the logs,
and threw his blanket quickly over the opening, to prevent the light
from flashing outside, and giving the alarm before the building
should be well ablaze. When assured that the fire was well under
way, he fell back and gave the signal, when the attack was immedi-
ately begun by the Indians at the other extremity of the fort. The
lower block-house burned up in spite of all the efforts of the gar-
rison to put out the fire, and for awhile the Indians were exultant in
the belief of an assured and complete victory. Gen. Taylor con-
structed a barricade out of material taken from another building,
and by the time the block-house burned the Indians discovered a
new line of defenses, closing up the breach by which they expected
to effect an entrance, f
* Capt. Taylor, being suspicions of mischief, took the precaution to order sentinels
to make the rounds within the inclosure, as appeai-s from his official report.
fThe Indians, exasperated by the failure of their attempt upon Fort Harrison,
made an incursion to the Pigeon Roost Fork of White River, where they massacred
twenty-one of the inhabitants, many of them women and children. The details of
some of the barbarities committed on this incursion are too shocking to narrate. They
TERRITORY OF THE KICKAPOOS. 167
in 1819, at a treaty concluded at Edwardsville, Illinois, they
ceded to the United States all of their lands. Their claim included
the following territory: "Beginning on the Wabash River, at the
upper point of their cession, made by the second article of their
treaty at Vincennes on the 9th of December, 1809 ;* thence running
northwestwardlyf to the dividing line between the states of Illinois
and Indiana ;J thence along said line to the Kankakee River ; thence
with said river to the Illinois River ; thence down the latter to its
mouth ; thence in a direct line to the northwest corner of the Vin-
cennes tract, § and thence (north by a little east) with the western
and northern boundaries of the cessions heretofore made by the
Kickappo tribe of Indians, to the beginning. Of which tract of land
the said Kickapoo tribe claim a large portion by descent from their
ancestors, and the balance by conquest from the Illinois Nation and
uninterrupted possession for more than half a century" An exam-
ination, extended through many volumes, leaves no doubt of the just
claims of the Kickapoos to the territory described, or the length of
time it had been in their possession.
With the close of the war of 1812, the Kickapoos ceased their
active hostilities upon the whites, and within a few years afterward
disposed of their lands in Illinois and Indiana, and, with the excep-
tion of a few bands, went westward of the Mississippi. "The
Kickapoos," says ex-Go v. Reynolds, "disliked the United States so
much that they decided, when they left Illinois that they would not
reside within the limits of our government," but would settle in
Texas. || A large body of them did go to Texas, and when the
are given by Capt. M'Affe in his History of the Late War in the Western Country,
p. 155. The garrison at Fort Harrison was cut off from communication with Vincennes
for several days, and reduced to great extremity for want of provisions. They were
relieved by Col. Russell. After this officer had left the fort, on his return to Vincennes,
he passed several wagons with provisions on their way up to the fort under an escort of
thirteen men, commanded by Lieut. Fairbanks, of the regular army. This body of
men were surprised and cut to pieces by the Indians, two or three only escaping, while
the provisions and wagons fell into the hands of the savages. Vide M'Affe, p. 155.
* At the mouth of Raccoon Creek, opposite Montezuma.
t Following the northwestern line of the so-called Harrison Purchase.
X The state line had not been run at this time, and when it was surveyed in 1821
it was discovered to be several miles west of where it was generally supposed it would
be. The territory of the Kickapoos extended nearly as far east as La Fayette, as is
evident from the location of some of their villages.
§ By the terms of the fourth article of the treaty of Greenville the United States
reserved a tract of land on both sides of the Wabash, above and below Vincennes, to
cover the rights of the inhabitants of that village who had received grants from the
French and British governments. In 1803, for the purpose of settling the limits of
this tract, General Harrison, on the 7th of June, 1803, at Fort Wayne, concluded a
treaty with the Miamis, Kickapoos. Shawnees, Pottawatomies and Delawares. This
cession of land became known as the Vinceriwes tract, and its northwest corner extends
some twelve miles into Illinois, crossing the Wabash at Palestine.
I Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 8.
168 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Lone Star Republic became one of the United States the Kickapoos
retired to New Mexico, and subsequently some of them went to Old
Mexico. Here on these isolated borders the wild bands of Kicka-
poos have for years maintained the reputation of their sires as a busy
and turbulent people.*
A mixed band of Kickapoos and Pottawatomies, who resided on
the Vermilion River and its tributaries, became christianized under
the instructions of Ka-en-ne-kuck. This remarkable man, once a
drunkard himself, reformed and became an exemplary christian,
and commanded such influence over his band that they, too, became
christians, abstained entirely from whisky, which had brought them
to the verge of destruction, and gave up many of the other vices to
which they were previously addicted. Ka-en-ne-kuck had religious
services every Sunday, and so conscientious were his people that
they abstained from labor and all frivolous pastimes on that day.f
Ka-en-ne-kuck' s discourses were replete with religious thought,
and advice given in accordance with the precepts of the Bible, and
are more interesting because they were the utterances of an unedu-
cated Indian, who is believed to have done more, in his sphere of
action, in the cause of temperance and other moral reforms, than
any other person has been able to accomplish among the Indians,
although armed with all the power that education and talent could
confer.
Ka-en-ne-kuck' s band, numbering about two hundred persons,
migrated to Kansas, and settled upon a reservation within the pres-
ent limits of Jackson and Brown counties, where the survivors, and
the immediate descendants of those who have since died, are now
residing upon their farms. Their well-cultivated fields and their
uniform good conduct attest the lasting effect of Ka-en-ne-kuck' s
teachings.
The wild bands have always been troublesome upon the south-
western borders, plundering upon all sides, making inroads into the
settlements, killing stock and stealing horses. Every now and then
* In 1854 a band of them were found by Col. Marcy, living near Fort Arbuckle.
He says of them: "They are intelligent, active and brave; they frequently visit and
traffic with the prairie Indians, and have no fear of meeting these people in battle,
provided the odds are not more than six to one against them." Marcy 's Thirty Years
of Army Life on the Border, p. 95.
fOne of Ka-en-ne-kuck's sermons was delivered at Danville, Illinois, on the 17th
of July, 1831, to his own tribe, and a large concourse of citizens who asked permission
to be present. The sermon was delivered in the Kickapoo dialect, interpreted into
English, sentence at a time as spoken by the orator, by Gurdeon S. Hubbard, who spoke
the Kickapoo as well as the Pottawatomie dialect with great fluency. The sermon was
taken down in writing by Solomon Banta, a lawyer then living in Danville, and for-
warded by him and Col. Hubbard to Judge James Hall, at Vandalia, Illinois, and pub-
lished in the October number (1831) of his " Illinois Monthly Magazine."
CHARACTERISTICS. 169
their depreciations form the subject of items for the current news-
papers of the day. For years the government has failed in efforts
to induce the wild band to remove to some point within the Indian
Territory, where they might be restrained from annoying the border
settlements of Texas and New Mexico. Some years ago a part of
the semi-civilized Kickapoos in Kansas, preferring their old wild
life to the ways of civilized society, left Kansas and joined the bands
to the southwest. These last, after twelve years' roving in quest of
plunder, were induced to return, and in 1875 they were settled in
the Indian Territory and supplied with the necessary implements
and provisions to enable them to go to work and earn an honest liv-
ing. In this commendable effort at reform they are now making
very satisfactory progress.* In 1875 the number of civilized Kick-
apoos within the Kansas agency was three hundred and eight-five,
while the wild or Mexican band numbered four hundred and twenty,
as appears from the official report on Indian affairs for that year.
As compared with other Indians, the Kickapoos were industrious,
intelligent, and cleanly in their habits, and were better armed and
clothed than the other tribes. f The men, as a rule, were tall, sin-
ewy and active ; the women were lithe, and many of them by no
means lacking in beauty. Their dialect was soft and liquid, as com-
pared with the rough and guttural language of the Pottawatomies.:}:
They kept aloof from the white j^eople, as a rule, and in this way
preserved their characteristics, and contracted fewer of the vices of
the white man than other tribes. Their numbers were never great,
as compared with the Miamis or Pottawatomies ; however, they
made up\ for the deficiency in this respect by the energy of their
movements.
In language, manners and customs the Kickapoos bore a very
close resemblance to the Sac and Fox Indians, whose allies they
generally were, and with whom they have by some writers been
confounded.
* Report of Commissioner on Indian Affairs for the year 1875.
t Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois.
% Statement of Col. Hubbard to the writer.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE SHAWNEES AND DELA WARES.
The Shawnees were a brancli of the Algonquin family, and in
manners and customs bore a strong resemblance to the Delawares.
They were the Bedouins of the wilderness, and their wanderings
form a notable instance in the history of the nomadic races of North
America. Before the arrival of the Europeans the Shawnees lived
on the shores of the great lakes eastward of Cleveland. At that
time the principal Iroquois villages were on the northern side of the
lakes, above Montreal, and this tribe was under a species of subjec-
tion to the Adirondacks, the original tribe from whence the several
Algonquin tribes are alleged to have sprung,* and made "the plant-
ing of corn their business."
"The Adirondacks, however, valued themselves as delighting in
a more manly employment, and despised the Iroquois in following
a business which they thought only fit for women. But it once hap-
pened that game failed the Adirondacks, which made them desire
some of the young men of the Iroquois to assist them in hunting.
These young men soon became much more expert in hunting, and
able to endure fatigues, than the Adirondacks expected or desired;
in short, they became jealous of them, and one night murdered all
the young men they had with them." The chiefs of the Iroquois
complained, but the Adirondacks treated their remonstrances with
contempt, without being apprehensive of the resentment of the Iro-
quois, "for they looked upon them as women."
The Iroquois determined on revenge, and the Adirondacks, hear-
ing of it, declared war. The Iroquois made but feeble resistance,
and were forced to leave their country and fly to the south shores of
the lakes, where they ever afterward lived. "Their chiefs, in order
to raise their people's spirits, turned them against the Satanas, a less
warlike nation, who then lived on the shores of the lakes." The
. Iroquois soon subdued the Satanas, and drove them from their
country, f
* Adirondack is the Iroquois name for Algonquin.
t Colden's History of the Five Nations, pp. 22, 23, The Shawnees were known to
the Iroquois by the name of Satanas. Same authority.
170
WANDERINGS OF THE SHAWNEES. 171
In 1632 the Shawnees were on the south side of the Delaware.*
From this time the Iroquois pursued them, each year driving them
farther southward. Forty years later they were on the Tennessee,
and Father Marquette, in speaking of them, calls them Chaouanons,
which was the Illinois word for southerners, or people from the
south, so termed because they lived to the south of the Illinois cantons.
The Iroquois still waged war upon the Shawnees, driving them to the
extremities mentioned in the extracts quoted from Father Marquette's
journal. f To escape further molestation from the Iroquois, the Shaw-
nees continued a more southern course, and some of their bands
penetrated the extreme southern states. The Suwanee River, in
Florida, derived its name from the fact that the Shawnees once lived
upon its banks. Black Hoof, the renowned chief of this tribe, was
born in Florida, and informed Gen. Harrison, with whom for many
years he was upon terms of intimacy, that he had often bathed in
the sea.
"It is well known that they were at a place which still bears
their namej: on the Ohio, a few miles below the mouth of the Wabash,
some time before the commencement of the revolutionary war, where
they remained before their removal to the Sciota, where they were
found in the year 1774 by Gov. Dunmore. Their removal from
Florida was a necessity, and their progress from thence a flight
rather than a deliberate march. This is evident from their appear-
ance when they presented themselves upon the Ohio and claimed
protection of the Miamis. They are represented by the chiefs of the
Miamis and Delawares as supplicants for protection, not against the
Iroquois, but against the Creeks and Seminoles, or some other south-
ern tribe, who had driven them from Florida, and they are said to
have been literally sans provant et sans culottes [hungry and naked]. §
After their dispersion by the Iroquois, remnants of the tribe were
found in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania, but after the
return of the main body from the south, they became once more
united, the Pennsylvania band leaving that colony about the same
time that the Delawares did. During the forty years following that
period, the whole tribe was in a state of perpetual war with America,
either as British colonies or as independent states. By the treaty of
* De Laet.
t Vide p. 49 of this work.
i Shawneetown, Illinois.
§Gen. Harrison's Historical Address, pp. 30, 31. This history of the Shawnees,
says Gen. Harrison, was brought forward at a council at Vincennes in 1810, to resist
the pretensions of Tecumseh to an interference with the Miamis in the disposal of their
lands, and however galling the reference to these facts must have been to Tecumseh,
he was unable to deny them.
172 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
Greenville, they lost nearly all the territory they had been permitted
to occupy north of the Ohio."""
In 1819 they were divided into four tribes, — the Pequa,f the Me-
quachake, the Chillicothe, and the Kiskapocoke. The latter tribe
was the one to which Tecumseh belonged. They were always hos-
tile to the United States, and joined every coalition against the gov-
ernment. In 1806 they separated from the rest of the tribe, and
took up their residence at Greenville. Soon afterward they removed
to their former place of residence on Tippecanoe Creek, Indiana.^
At the close of Gen. Wayne's campaign, a large body of the
Shawnees settled near Cape Girardeau, Missouri, upon a tract of
land granted to them and the Delawares in 1793, by Baron de Ca-
rondelet, governor of the Spanish provinces west of the Mississippi.^
From their towns in eastern Ohio, the Shawnees spread north and
westward to the headwaters of the Big and Little Miamis, the St.
Mary's, and the Au Glaize, and for quite a distance down the Mau-
mee. They had extensive cultivated fields upon these streams,
which, with their villages, were destroyed by Gen. Wayne on his
return from the victorious engagement with the confederated tribes
on the field of "fallen timbers. "| Gen. Ilarmer, in his letter to
the Secretary of War, communicating the details of his campaign
on the Maumee, in October, 1790, gives a fine description of the
country, and the location of the Shawnee, Delaware and Miami vil-
lages, in the neighborhood of Fort Wayne, as they appeared at that
early day. We quote: "The savages and traders (who were, perhaps,
the worst savages of the two) had evacuated their towns, and burnt
the principal village called the Omee*i together with all the traders'
houses. This village lay on a pleasant point, formed by the junc-
tion of the rivers Omee and St. Joseph. It was situate on the east
* Gallatin.
t " In ancient times they had a large fire, which, being burned down, a great puffin °-
and blowing was heard among the ashes; they looked, and behold a man stood up
from the ashes! hence the name Piqua — a man coming out of the ashes, or made of
ashes.'
X Account of the Present State of the Indian Tribes Inhabiting Ohio : Archa?ologia
Americana, vol. 1, pp. 274, 275. Mr. Johnson is in error in locating this band upon
the lippecanoe. The prophets town was upon the west bank of the Wabash, near the
mouth of the Tippecanoe.
§ Treaties with the Several Indian Tribes, etc.: Government edition, 1837. The
Shawnees and Delawares relinquished their title to their Spanish grant by a treaty
concluded between them and the United States on the 26th of October, 1832.
'The army returned to this place [Fort Defiance J on the 27th, by easy marches,
laying waste to the villages and corn-fields for about fifty miles on each side of the
Miami [Maumeej. There remains yet a great number of villages and a great quantity
of corn to be consumed or destroyed upon the Au Glaize and Miami above this place,
which will be effected in a few days." Gen. Wayne to the Secretary of War- Ameri-
can State Papers on Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 491.
H The Miami village.
COUNTRY OF THE SHAWNEES. 173
bank of the latter, opposite the mouth of St. Mary, and had for a
long time past been the rendezvous of a set of Indian desperadoes,
who infested the settlements, and stained the Ohio and parts adjacent
with the blood of defenseless inhabitants. This day we advanced
nearly the same distance, and kept nearly the same course as yester-
day ; we encamped within six miles of the object, and on Sunday,
the 17th, entered the ruins of the Omee town, or French village, as
part of it is called. Appearances confirmed accounts I had received
of the consternation into which the savages and their trading allies
had been thrown by the approach of the army. Many valuables of
the traders were destroyed in the confusion, and vast quantities of
corn and other grain and vegetables were secreted in holes dug in
the earth, and other hiding places. Colonel Hardin rejoined the
army."
'■'-Besides the town of Omee, there were several other villages situ-
ate upon the banks of three rivers. One of them, belonging to
the Omee Indians, called Kegaiogue, * was standing and contained
thirty houses on the bank opposite the principal village. Two others,
consisting together of about forty-five houses, lay a few miles up
the St. Mary's, and were inhabited by Delawares. Thirty-six houses
occupied by other savages of this tribe formed another but scattered
town, on the east bank of the St. Joseph, two or three miles north
from the French village. About the same distance down the Omee
River, lay the Shawnee town of Chillicothe, consisting of fifty-eight
houses, opposite which, on the other bank of the river, were sixteen
more habitations, belonging to savages of the same nation. All
these I ordered to be burnt during my stay there, together with
great quantities of corn and vegetables hidden as at the principal
village, in the earth and other places by the savages, who had aban-
doned them. It is computed that there were no less than twenty
thousand bushels of corn, in the ear, which the army either con-
sumed or destroyed.'" f
The Shawnees also had a populous village within the present
limits of Fountain county, Indiana, a few miles east of Attica.
They gave their name to Shawnee Prairie and to a stream that dis-
charges into the "Wabash from the east, a short distance below "Will-
iamsport.
* Ke-ki-ong-a. — "The name in English is said to signify a blackberry patch [more
probably a blackberry bush] which, in its turn, passed among the Miamis as a symbol
of antiquity." Brice's History of Fort Wayne, p. 23.
fGen. Harmer's Official Letter. It will be observed that Gen. Harmer treats the
French Omee or Miami village as a separate town from that of Ke-ki-ong-a. His de-
scription is so minute, and his opportunities so favorable to know the facts, that there
is scarcely a probability of his having been mistaken.
174 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
In 1854 the Sliawnees in Kansas numbered nine hundred persons,
occupying a reservation of one million six hundred thousand acres.
Their lands were divided into severalty. They have banished
whisky, and many of them have fine farms under cultivation. Be-
ing on the border of Missouri, they suffered from the rebel raids,
and particularly that of Gen. Price in 1864. In 1865 they numbered
eight hundred and forty-five persons. They furnished for the Union
army one hundred and twenty-five men. The Sliawnees have illus-
trated by their own conduct the capability of an Indian tribe to
become civilized.*
The Delawares called themselves Lenno Lenape, which signifies
"original" or "unmixed'' men. They were divided into three
clans : the Turtle, the Wolf and the Turkey. When first met with
by the Europeans, they occupied a district of country bounded
eastwardly by the Hudson River and the Atlantic ; on the west
their territories extended to the ridge separating the flow of the
Delaware from the other streams emptying into the Susquehanna
River and Chesapeake Bay.f
They, according to their own traditions, "many hundred years
ago resided in the western part of the continent ; thence by slow
emigration, they at length reached the Alleghany River, so called
from a nation of giants, the Allegewi, against whom the Delawares
and Iroquois (the latter also emigrants from the west) carried on
successful war ; and still proceeding eastward, settled on the Dela^
ware, Hudson, Susquehanna and Potomac rivers, making the Dela-
ware the center of their possessions.^:
By the other Algonquin tribes the Delawares were regarded with
the utmost respect and veneration. They were called "fathers,"
"grandfathers," etc.
" When William Penn landed in Pennsylvania the Delawares had
been subjugated and made women by the Iroquois." They were
prohibited from making war, placed under the sovereignty of the
Iroquois, and even lost the right of dominion to the lands which
they had occupied for so many generations. Gov. Penn, in his treaty
with the Delawares, purchased from them the right of possession
merely, and afterward obtained the relinquishment of the sovereignty
from the Iroquois. § The Delawares accounted for their humiliating
relation to the Iroquois by claiming that their assumption of the
role of women, or mediators, was entirely voluntary on their part.
* Gale's Upper Mississippi. \ Taylor's History of Ohio, p. 33.
t Gallatin's Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, p. 44. § Gallatin's Synopsis, etc.
DELAWARES BECOME WOMEN. 175
i>
They said they became "peacemakers," not through compulsion,
but in compliance with the intercession of different belligerent tribes,
and that this position enabled their tribe to command the respect of
all the Indians east of the Mississippi. While it is true that the
Delawares were very generally recognized as mediators, they never
in any war or treaty exerted an influence through the possession of
this title. It was an empty honor, and no additional power or ben-
efit ever accrued from it. That the degrading position of the Dela-
wares was not voluntary is proven in a variety of ways. " We possess
none of the details of the war waged against the Lenapes, but we
know that it resulted in the entire submission of the latter, and that
the Iroquois, to prevent any further interruption from the Delawares,
adopted a plan to humble and degrade them, as novel as it was ef-
fectual. Singular as it may seem, it is nevertheless true that the
Lenapes, upon the dictation of the Iroquois, agreed to lay aside the
character of warriors and assume that of women."* The Iroquois,
while they were not present at the treaty of Greenville, took care to
inform Gen. Wayne that the Delawares were their subjects — " that
they had conquered them and put petticoats upon them." At a
council held July 12, 1742, at the house of the lieutenant-governor
of Pennsylvania, where the subject of previous grants of land was
under discussion, an Iroquois orator turned to the Delawares who
were present at the council, and holding a belt of waumpum, ad-
dressed them thus: "Cousins, let this belt of waumpum serve to
chastise you. You ought to be taken by the hair of your head and
shaked severely, till you recover your senses and become sober. . . .
But how came you to take upon yourself to sell land at all ? " refer-
ring to lands on the Delaware River, which the Delawares had sold
some fifty years before. "We conquered you ; we made women of
you. You know you are women, and can no more sell land than
women ; nor is it fit you should have the power of selling lands,
since you would abuse it." The Iroquois orator continues his chas-
tisement of the Delawares, indulging in the most opprobrious lan-
guage, and closed his speech by telling the Delawares to remove
immediately. "We don't give you the liberty to think about it.
You may return to the other side of the Delaware, where you came
from ; but we don't know, considering how you had demeaned your-
selves, whether you will be permitted to live there. "f
The Quakers who settled Pennsylvania treated the Delawares in
* Discourse of Gen. Harrison.
t Minutes of the Conference at Philadelphia, in Colden's History of the Five
Nations.
176 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
accordance witli the rules of justice and equity. The result was that
during a period of sixty years peace and the utmost harmony pre-
vailed. This is the only instance in the settling of America by the
English where uninterrupted friendship and good will existed be-
tween the colonists and the aboriginal inhabitants. Gradually and
by peaceable means the Quakers obtained possession of the greater
portion of their territory, and the Delawares were in the same situa-
tion as other tribes, — without lands, without means of subsistence.
They were threatened with starvation. Induced by these motives,
some of them, between the years 1740 and 1750, obtained from their
uncles, the Wyandots, and with the assent of the Iroquois, a grant of
land on the Muskingum, in Ohio. The greater part of the tribe re-
mained in Pennsylvania, and becoming more and more dissatisfied
with their lot, shook off the yoke of the Iroquois, joined the French
and ravaged the frontiers of Pennsylvania. Peace was concluded at
Easton in 1758, and ten years after the last remaining bands of the
Delawares crossed the Alleghanies. Here, being removed from the
influence of their dreaded masters, the Iroquois, the Delawares soon
assumed their ancient independence. During the next four or five
decades they were the most formidable of the western tribes. "While
the revolutionary war was in progress, as allies of the British, after
its close, at the head of the northwestern confederacy of Indians,
they fully regained their lost reputation. By their geographical
position placed in the front of battle, they were, during those two
wars, the most active and dangerous enemies of America. *
The territory claimed by the Delawares subsequent to their being
driven westward from their former possessions, is established in a
paper addressed to congress May 10, 1779, from delegates assem-
bled at Princeton, New Jersey. The boundaries of their country,
as declared in the address, is as follows: "From the mouth of the
Alleghany Kiver, at Fort Pitt, to the Venango, and from thence up
French Creek, and by Le Bceuf,f along the old road to Presque Isle,
on the east. The Ohio River, including all the islands in it, from
Fort Pitt to the Ouabache, on the south; thence up the River Oua-
bache to that branch, 0_pe-co-mee-cah,% and up the same to the head
thereof; from thence to the headwaters and springs of the Great
Miami, or Rocky River ; thence across to the headwaters and springs
of the most northwestern branches of the Scioto River ; thence to
* In the battle of Fallen Timbers there were three hundred Delawares out of seven
hundred Indians who were in this engagement: Colonial History of Massachusetts,
vol. 10.
t A fort on the present site of Waterford, Pa.
% This was the name given by the Delawares to White River, Indiana.
MAKE PEACE. 177
the westernmost springs of Sandusky River ; thence down said river,
including the islands in it and in the little lake, * to Lake Erie, on the
west and northwest, and Lake Erie on the north. These boundaries
contain the cessions of lands made to the Delaware nation by the
"Wayandots and other nations, f and the country we have seated our
grandchildren, the Shawnees, upon, in our laps ; and we promise to
give to the United States of America such a part of the above
described country as would be convenient to them and us, that they
may have room for their children's children to set down upon.":}:
After "Wayne's victory the Delawares saw that further contests
with the American colonies would be worse than useless. They
submitted to the inevitable, acknowledged the supremacy of the
Caucasian race, and desired to make peace with the victors. At the
treaty of Greenville, in 1795, there were present three hundred and
eighty-one Delawares, — a larger representation than that of any
other Indian tribe. By this treaty they ceded to the United States
the greater part of the lands allotted to them by the "Wyandots and
Iroquois. For this cession they received an annuity of $1,000.§
At the close of the treaty, Bu-kon-ge-he-las, a Delaware chief,
spoke as follows :
Father : || Your children all well understand the sense of the
treaty which is now concluded. We experience daily proofs of your
' increasing kindness. I hope we may all have sense enough to enjoy
our dawning happiness. Many of your people are yet among us.
I trust they will be immediately restored. Last winter our king
came forward to you with two; and when he returned with your
speech to us, we immediately prepared to come forward with the
remainder, which we delivered at Fort Defiance. All who know
me know me to be a man and a warrior, and I now declare that I will
for the future be as steady and true a friend to the United States as
I have heretofore been an active enemy. "^[
This promise of the orator was faithfully kept by his people.
They evaded all the efforts of the Shawnee prophet, Tecumseh, and
the British who endeavored to induce them, by threats or bribes, to
violate it.**
* Sandusky Bay.
fThe Hurons and Iroquois.
% Pioneer History, by S. P. Hildreth, p. 137, where the paper setting forth the
claims of the Delawares is copied.
§ American State Papers: Indian Affairs, vol. 1.
Gen. Wayne.
IT American State Papers: Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 582.
** Bu-kon-ge-he-las was a warrior of great ability. He took a leading part in
manceuvering the Indians at the dreadful battle known as St. Clair's defeat. He rose
from a private warrior to the head of his tribe. Until after Gen. Wayne's great victory
12
178 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
The Delawares remained faithful to the United States during the
war of 1S12, and, with the Shawnees, furnished some very able war-
riors and scouts, who rendered valuable service to the United States
during this war.
After the treaty of Greenville, the great body of Delawares re-
moved to their lands on White River, Indiana, whither some of
their people had already preceded them.
Their manner of obtaining possession of their lands on "White
River is thus related in Dawson's Life of Harrison: "The land in
question had been granted to the Delawares about the year 1770, by
the Piankeshaws, on condition of their settling upon it and assist-
ing them in a war with the Kickapoos." These terms were complied
with, and the Delawares remained in possession of the land.
The title to the tract of land lying between the Ohio and AVhite
Rivers soon became a subject of dispute between the Piankeshaws
and Delawares. A chief of the latter tribe, in 1803, at Yincennes,
stated to Gen. Harrison that the land belonged to his tribe, "and
that he had with him a chief who had been present at the transfer
made by the Piankeshaws to the Delawares, of all the country be-
tween the Ohio and White Rivers more than thirty years previous."
This claim was disputed by the Piankeshaws. They admitted that
while they had granted the Delawares the right of occupancy, yet
they had never conveyed the right of sovereignty to the tract in '
question.
Gov. Harrison, on the 10th and 27th of August, 1801, concluded
treaties with the Delawares and Piankeshaws by which the United
States acquired all that fine country between the Ohio and Wabash
Rivers. Both of "these tribes laying claim to the land, it became
in 1794, he had been a devoted partisan of the British and a mortal foe to the United
States. He was the most distinguished warrior in the Indian Confederacy; and as it
was the British interests which had induced the Indians to commence, as well as to con-
tinue, the war, Buck-on-ge-he-las relied upon British support and protection. This
support had been given so far as relates to provisions, arms and ammunition; but
at the end of the battle referred to, the gates of Fort Miamis, near which the action
was fought, were shut, by the British within, against the wounded Indians after
the battle. This opened the eyes of the Delaware warrior. He collected his braves
in canoes, with the design of proceeding up the river, under a flag of truce, to Fort
Wayne. On approaching the British fort he was requested to land. He did so, and
addressing the British officer, said, "What have you to say to me?" The officer re-
plied that the commandant wished to speak with him. "Then he may come here,"
was the chief's reply. " He will not do that," said the sub-officer; "and you will not
be suffered to pass the fort if you do not comply." "What shall prevent me?"
"These," said the officer, pointing to the cannon of the fort. "I fear not your
cannon," replied the intrepid chief. "After suffering the Americans to insult and
treat you with such contempt, without daring to fire upon them, you cannot expect to
frighten me." Buck-on-ge-he-las then ordered his canoes to push off from the shore,
and the fleet passed the fort without molestation. A note [No. 2J: Memoirs of Gen.
Harrison.
BECOME CITIZEN'S. 179
necessary that both should be satisfied, in order to prevent disputes
in the future. In this, however, the governor succeeded, on terms,
perhaps, more favorable than if the title had been vested in only
one of these tribes ; for, as both claimed the land, the value of each
claim was considerably lowered in the estimation of both; and,
therefore, by judicious management, the governor effected the pur-
chase upon probably as low, if not lower, terms that if he had been
obliged to treat with only one of them. For this tract the Pianke-
shaws received $700 in goods and $200 per annum for ten years;
the compensation of the Delawares was an annuity of $300 for ten
years.
The Delawares continued to reside upon White Eiver and its
branches until 1S19, when most of them joined the band who had
emigrated to Missouri upon the tract of land granted jointly to them
and the Shawnees, in 1793, by the Spanish authorities. Others of
their number who remained scattered themselves among the Miamis,
Pottawatomies and Kickapoos ; while still others, including the Mo-
ravian converts, went to Canada. At that time, 1819, the total num-
ber of those residing in Indiana was computed to be eight hundred
souls.*
In 1829 the majority of the nation were settled on the Kansas
and Missouri rivers. They numbered about 1,000, were brave, en-
terprising hunters, cultivated lands and were friendly to the whites.
In 1853 they sold to the government all the lands granted them, ex-
cepting a reservation in Kansas. During the late Eebellion they
sent to the United States army one hundred and seventy out of their
two hundred able-bodied men. Like their ancestors they proved
valiant and trustworthy soldiers. Of late years they have almost
entirely lost their aboriginal customs and manners. They live in
houses, have schools and churches, cultivate farms, and, in fact, bid
fair to become useful and prominent citizens of the great Kepublic.
* Their principal towns were on the branches of White River, within the present
limits of Madison and Delaware counties, and the capital of the latter is named after
the "Muncy" or " Mon-o-sia" band. Pipe Creek and Kill Buck Creek, branches of
White River, are also named after two distinguished Delaware chiefs.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE INDIANS: THEIR IMPLEMENTS, UTENSILS, FORTIFICATIONS,
MOUNDS, AND THEIR MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
Befoke the arrival of the Europeans the use of iron was but little
known to the North American Indians. Marquette, in speaking of
the Illinois, states that they were entirely ignorant of the use of iron
tools, their weapons being made of stone.* This was true of all the
Indians who made their homes north of the Ohio, but south of that
stream metal tools were occasionally met with. When Hernando
De Soto, in 1539-43, was traversing the southern part of that terri-
tory, now known as the United States, in his vain search for gold,
some of his followers found the natives on the Savanna River using
hatchets made of copper, f It is evident that these hatchets were of
native manufacture, for they were "said to have a mixture of gold."
The southern Indians "had long bows, and their arrows were
made of certain canes like reeds, very heavy, and so strong that a
sharp cane passeth through a target. Some they arm in the point
with a sharp bone of a fish, like a chisel, and in others they fasten
certain stones like points of diamonds.":}: These bones or "scale
of the armed fish" were neatly fastened to the head of the arrows
with splits of cane and fish glue.§ The northern Indians used
arrows with stone points. 'Father Rasles thus describes them :
Li Arrows are the principal arms which they use in war and in the
chase. They are pointed at the end with a stone, cut and sharpened
in the shape of a serpent's tongue; and, if no knife is at hand, they
use them also to skin the animals they have killed." "The bow-
strings were prepared from the entrails of a stag, or of a stag's skin,
which they know how to dress as well as any man in France, and
with as many different colors. They head their arrows with the teeth
of fishes and stone, which they work very finely and handsomely. "1"
* Sparks' Life of Marquette, p. 281.
t A Narrative of the Expedition of Hernando De Soto, by a Gentleman of Elvas;
published at Evora in 1557, and afterward translated and published in the second
volume of the Historical Collections of Louisiana, p. 149. \ Idem, p. 124.
§ Du Pratz' History of Louisiana: English translation, vol. 2, pp. 223, 224.
[ Kip's Jesuit Missions, p. 39.
II History of the First Attempt of the French to Colonize Florida, in 1562, by Rene"
Laudonniere : published in Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, vol. 1, p. 170.
180
THEY USE STONE IMPLEMENTS. 181
Most of the hatchets and knives of the northern Indians were
likewise made of sharpened stones, "which they fastened in a cleft
piece of wood with leathern thongs."*" Their tomahawks were con-
structed from stone, the horn of a stag, or "from wood in the shape
of a cutlass, and terminated by a large ball." The tomahawk was
held in one hand and a knife in the other. As soon as they dealt a
blow on the head of an enemy, they immediately cut it round with
the knife, and took off the scalp with extraordinary rapidity, f
Du Pratz thus describes their method of felling trees with stone
implements and with fire: "Cutting instruments are almost con-
tinually wanted ; but as they had no iron, which of all metals is the
most useful in human society, they were obliged, with infinite pains,
to form hatchets out of large flints, by sharpening their thin edge,
and making a hole through them for receiving the handle. To cut
down trees with these axes would have been almost an impracticable
work ; they were, therefore, obliged to light fires round the roots of
them, and to cut away the charcoal as the fire eat into the tree.";}:
Charlevoix makes a similar statement: "These people, before
we provided them with hatchets and other instruments, were very
much at a loss in felling their trees, and making them fit for such
uses as they intended them for. They burned them near the root,
and in order to split and cut them into proper lengths they made
use of hatchets made of flint, which never broke, but which required
a prodigious time to sharpen. In order to fix them in a shaft, they
cut off the top of a young tree, making a slit in it, as if they were
going to draft it, into which slit they inserted the head of the axe.
The tree, growing together again in length of time, held the head
of the hatchet so firm that it was impossible for it to get loose ;
they then cut the tree at the length they deemed sufficient for the
handle. "§
When they were about to make wooden dishes, porringers or
spoons, they cut the blocks of wood to the required shape with
stone hatchets, hollowed them out with coals of fire, and polished
them with beaver teeth. |
Early settlers in the neighborhood of Thorntown, Indiana, no-
ticed that the Indians made their hominy-blocks in a similar manner.
Round stones were heated and placed upon the blocks which were
to be excavated. The charred wood was dug out with knives, and
* Hennepin, vol. 2, p. 103.
f Letter of Father Rasles in Kip's Jesuit Missions, p. 40.
% Volume 2, p. 223.
§ Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 126.
|| Hennepin, vol. 2, p. 103.
182 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
then the surface was polished with stone implements. These round
stones were the common property of the tribe, and were used by
individual families as occasion required.*
"They dug their ground with an instrument of wood, which was
fashioned like a broad mattock, wherewith they dig their vines as in
France ; they put two grains of maize together, "f
For boiling their victuals they made use of earthen kettles.:}: The
kettle was held up by two crotches and a stick of wood laid across.
The pot ladle, called by them mikoine, laid at the side. £ "In the
north they often made use of wooden kettles, and made the water
boil by throwing into it red hot pebbles. Our iron pots are esteemed
by them as much more commodious than their own."|
That the North American Indians not only used, but actually
manufactured, pottery for various culinary and religious purposes
admits of no argument. Hennepin remarks: "Before the arrival
of the Europeans in North America both the northern and southern
savages made use of, and do to this day use, earthen pots, especially
such as have no commerce with the Europeans, from whom they may
procure kettles and other movables. "*[ M. Pouchot, who was ac-
quainted with the manners and customs of the Canadian Indians,
states "that they formerly had usages and utensils to which they
are now scarcely accustomed. They made pottery and drew fire from
wood." **
In 1700, Father Gravier, in speaking of the Yazoos, says: "You
see there in their cabins neither clothes, nor sacks, nor kettles, nor
guns ; they carry all with them, and have no riches but earthen pots,
quite well made, especially little glazed pitchers, as neat as you would
see in France." ff The Illinois also occasionally used glazed pitch-
ers.^ The manufacturing of these earthen vessels was done by the
women. §§ By the southern Indians the earthenware goods were
used for religious as well as domestic purposes. Gravier noticed
several in their temples, containing bones of departed warriors,
ashes, etc.
* Statements of early settlers.
t Laudonniere, p. 174.
X Hennepin, vol. 2, p. 105.
§ Pouchot's Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 186.
Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, pp. 123, 124.
IT Volume 2, pp. 102, 103. This work was written in 1697.
** Pouchot's Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 219..
ffGravier's Journal, published in Shea's Early Voyages Up and Down the Missis-
sippi, p 135.
XX Vide p. 109 of this work.
§§ Gravier's Journal, published in Shea's Early Voyages Up and Down the Missis-
sippi, p. 135; also, Du Pratz' History of Louisiana, vol. 2, p. 166.
INDIAN FORTIFICATIONS. 183
The American Indians, both northern and southern, had most of
their villages fortified either by wooden palisades, or earthen
breastworks and palisades combined. De Soto, on the 19th of June,
1541, entered the town of Pacaha,* which was very great, walled,
and beset with towers, and many loopholes were in the towers and
wall.f Charlevoix said: " The Indians are more skillful in erect-
ing their fortifications than in building; their houses. Here you see
villages surrounded with good palisades and with redoubts ; and
they are very careful to lay in a proper provision of water and
stones. These palisades are double, and even sometimes treble,
and generally have battlements on the outer circumvallation. The
piles, of which they are composed, are interwoven with branches of
trees, without any void space between them. This sort of fortifica-
tion was sufficient to sustain a long siege whilst the Indians were
ignorant of the use of fire-arms.";}:
La Hontan thus describes these palisaded towns : "Their villages
are fortified with double palisadoes of very hardwood, which, are
as thick as one's thigh, and fifteen feet high, with little squares about
the middle of courtines."§
These wooden fortifications were used to a comparatively late
day. At the siege of Detroit, in 1712, the Foxes and Mascoutins
resisted, in a wooden fort, for nineteen days, the attack of a much
larger force of Frenchmen and Indians. In order to avoid the
fire of the French, they dug holes four or five feet deep in the bot-
tom of their fort. j|
The western Indians, in their fortifications, made use of both
earth and wood. An early American author remarks: "The re-
mains of Indian fortifications seen throughout the western country,
have given rise to strange conjectures, and have been supposed to
appertain to a period extremely remote ; but it is a fact well known
that in some of them the remains of palisadoes were found by the
first settlers. ,,- T When JMaj. Long's party, in 1823, passed through
Fort Wayne, they inquired of Aletea, a celebrated Pottawatomie chief
well versed in the lore of his tribe, whether he had ever heard of any
tradition accounting for the erection of those artificial mounds which
are found scattered over the whole country. "He immediately
replied that they had been constructed by the Indians as fortijica-
* Probably in the limits of the present state of Arkansas.
t Account by the Gentleman of Elvas, p. 172.
X Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 128.
§ Vol. 2, p. 6.
Dubuisson's Official Report.
If Views of Louisiana: Brackenridge, p. 14.
184 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
tions before the white man had come among them. He had always
heard this origin ascribed to them, and knew three of those con-
structions which were supposed to have been made by his nation.
One is at the fork of the Kankakee and the Des Plaines Rivers, a
second on the Ohio, which, from his description, was supposed to be
at the mouth of the Muskingum. He visited it, but could not de-
scribe the spot accurately, and a third, which he had also seen, he
stated to be on the head-waters of the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan.
This latter place is about forty miles northwest of Fort Wayne."
One of the Miami chiefs, whom the traders named Le Gros, told
Barron- that " he had heard that his father had fought with his tribe
in one of the forts at Piqua, Ohio ; that the fort had been erected
by the Indians against the French, and that his father had been
killed during one of the assaults made upon it."f
While at Chicago, and "with a view to collect as much informa-
tion as possible on the subject of Indian antiquities, we inquired of
Robinson % whether any traditions on this subject were current
among the Indians. He observed that these ancient fortifications
were a frequent subject of conversation, and especially those in the
nature of excavations made in the ground. He had heard of one
made by the Kickapoos and Fox Indians on the Sangamo River, a
stream running into the Illinois. This fortification is distinguished
by the name of Etnataek. It is known to have served as an in-
trench ment to the Kickapoos and Foxes, who were met there and
defeated by the Pottawatomies, the Ottawas and Chippeways. No
date was assigned to this transaction. We understood that the Et-
nataek was near the Kickapoo village on the Sangamo. "§
Near the dividing line between sections 4 and 5, township 31
north, of range 11 east, in Kankakee county, Illinois, on the prairie
about a mile above the mouth of Rock Creek, are some ancient
mounds. "One is very large, being about one hundred feet base in
diameter and about twenty feet high, in a conic form, and is said to
contain the remains of two hundred Indians who were killed in the
celebrated battle between the Illinois and Chippeways, Delawares
and Shawnees; and about two chains to the northeast, and the same
* An Indian interpreter.
f Long's Expedition to the Sources of the St. Peters, vol. 1, pp. 121, 122.
X Robinson was a Pottawatomie half-breed, of superior intelligence, and his state-
ments can be relied \ipon. He died, only a few years ago, on the Au Sable River.
§ Long's Expedition, vol. 1, p. 121. This stream is laid clown on Joliet's map, pub-
lished in 1681, as the Pierres Sanguines. In the early gazetteers it is called Sangamo:
vide Beck's Illinois and Missouri Gazetteer, p. 154. Its signification in the Pottawat-
omie dialect is " a plenty to eat ": Early History of the West and Northwest, by S. R.
Beggs, p. 157. This definition, however, is somewhat doubtful.
INDIAN MOUNDS. 185
distance to the northwest, are two other small mounds, winch are
said to contain the remains of the chiefs of the two parties."*
Uncorroborated Indian traditions are not entitled to any high
degree of credibility, and these quoted are introduced to refute the
often repeated assertion that the Indians had no tradition concerning
the origin of the mounds scattered through the western states, or
that they supposed them to have been erected by a race who occu-
pied the continent anterior to themselves.
These mounds were seldom or never used for religious purposes
by the Algonquins or Iroquois, but Penicault states that when he
visited the Natchez Indians, in 1704, "the houses of the Sunsf are
built on mounds, and are distinguished from each other by their size.
The mound upon which the house of the Great Chief, or Sun, is
built is larger than the rest, and its sides are steeper. The temple in
the village of the Great Sun is about thirty feet high and forty-eight
in circumference, with the walls eight feet thick and covered with a
matting of canes, in which they keep up a perpetual fire.":}:
De Soto found the houses of the chiefs built on mounds of differ-
ent heights, according to their rank, and their villages fortified with
palisades, or walls of earth, with gateways to go in and out.§
When Gravier, in 1700, visited the Yazoos, he noticed that their
temple was raised on a mouiid of earth. || He also, in speaking of
the Ohio, states that "it is called by the Illinois and Oumiamis the
river of the Akansea, because the Akansea formerly dwelt on it."^[
The Akansea or Arkansas Indians possessed many traits and cus-
toms in common with the Natchez, having temples, pottery, etc.
A still more important fact is noticed by Du Pratz, who was inti-
mately acquainted with the Great Sun. He says: "The temple is
about thirty feet square, and stands on an artificial mound about
eight feet high, by the side of a small river. The mound slopes
insensibly from the main front, which is northward, but on the other
sides it is somewhat steeper."
According to their own traditions, the Natchez "were at one
* Manuscript Kankakee Surveys, conducted by Dan W. Beckwith, deputy govern-
ment surveyor, in 1834. Major Beckwith was intimately acquainted with the Potta-
watomies of the Kankakee, whose villages were in the neighborhood, and without
doubt the account of these mounds incorporated in his Field Notes was communicated
to him by them.
t The chiefs of the Natches were so called because they were supposed to be the
direct descendants of a man and woman, who, descending from the sun, were the first
rulers of this people.
X Annals of Louisiana: Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, new series,
pp. 94, 95.
§ Account by the Gentleman of Elvas.
j Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi, p. 136.
IT Idem, p. 120.
186 HISTORIC N*OTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
time the most powerful nation in all North America, and were
looked upon by the other nations as their superiors, and were, on
that account, respected by them. Their territory extended from
the River Iberville, in Louisiana, to the Wabash."* They had over
five hundred suns, and, consequently, nearly that many villages.
Their decline and retreat to the south was ow r ing not to the superi-
ority in arms of the less civilized surrounding tribes, but was due to
the pride of their own chiefs, who, to lend an imposing magnificence
to their funeral rites, adopted the impolitic custom of having hun-
dreds of their followers strangled at their pyre. Many of the
mounds, scattered up and down valleys of the Wabash, Ohio and
Mississippi, while being the only, may be the time-defying monu-
ments of the departed power and grandeur of these two tribes.
The Indian manner of making a fire is thus related by Hennepin:
"Their way of making a fire, which is new and unknown to us, is
thus : they take a triangular piece of cedar wood of a foot and a half
in length, wherein they bore some holes half through ; then they
take a switch, or another small piece of hard w T ood, and with both
their hands rub the strongest upon the weakest in the hole, which is
made in the cedar, and while they are thus rubbing they let fall a
sort of dust or powder, which turns into fire. This white dust they
roll up in a pellet of herbs, dried in autumn, and rubbing them all
together, and then blowing upon the dust that is in the pellets, the
fire kindles in a moment. "f
The food of the Indians consisted of all the varieties of game,
fishes and wild fruits in the vicinity ; and they cultivated Indian
corn, melons and squashes. From corn they made a preparation
called saganiite. They pulverized the corn, mixed it with water,
and added a small proportion of ground gourds or beans.
The clothing of the northern Indians consisted only of the skins
of wild animals, roughly prepared for that purpose. Their southern
brethren were far in advance of them in this respect. "Many of the
women wore cloaks of the bark of the mulberry tree, or of the
feathers of swans, turkies or Indian ducks. The bark they take from
young mulberry shoots that rise from the roots of trees that have
been cut down. After it is dried in the sun they beat it to make all
the woody parts fall off, and they give the threads that remain a
second beating, after which they bleach them by exposing them to
the dew. When they are well whitened they spin them about the
coarseness of pack-thread, and weave them in the following manner:
* Du Pratz' History of Louisiana, vol. 2, p. 146. f Ibid, vol. 2, p. 103.
THEIR CANOES. 187
They plant two stakes in the ground about a yard and a half asunder,
and having stretched a cord from the one to the other, they fasten
their threads of bark double to this cord, and then interweave them
in a curious manner into a cloak of about a yard square, with a
wrought border round the edges.""
The Indians had three varieties of canoes, elm-bark, birch-bark
and pirogues. "Canoes of elm-bark were not used for long voyages,
as they were very frail. When the Indians wish to make a canoe
of elm-bark they select the trunk of a tree which is very smooth, at
the time when the sap remains. They cut it around, above and
below, about ten, twelve or fifteen feet apart, according to the num-
ber of people which it is to carry. After having taken off the whole
in one piece, they shave off the roughest of the bark, which they
make the inside of the canoe. They make end ties of the thickness
of a finger, and of sufficient length for the canoe, using young oak
or any other flexible and strong wood, and fasten the two larger
folds of the bark between these strips, spreading them apart with
wooden bows, which are fastened in about two feet apart. They sew
up the two ends of the bark with strips drawn from the inner bark
of the elm, giving attention to raise up a little the two extremities,
which they call pinces, making a swell in the middle and a curve on
the sides, to resist the wind. If there are any chinks, they sew them
together with thongs and cover them with chewing-gum, which they
crowd by heating it with a coal of fire. The bark is fastened to the
wooden bows by wooden thongs. They add a mast, made of a piece
of wood and cross-piece to serve as a yard, and their blankets serve
them as sails. These canoes will carry from three to nine persons
and all their equipage. They sit upon their heels, without moving,
as do also their children, when they are in, from fear of losing their
balance, when the whole machine would upset. But this very seldom
happened, unless struck by a flaw of wind. They use these vessels
particularly in their war parties.
"The canoes made of birch bark were much more solid and more
artistically constructed. The frames of these canoes are made of
strips of cedar wood, which is very flexible, and which they render
as thin as a side of a sword-scabbard, and three or four inches wide.
They all touch one another, and come up to a point between the
two end strips. This frame is covered with the bark of the birch tree,
sewed together like skins, secured between the end strips and tied
* Du Pratz, vol. 2, p. 231 ; also, Gravier's Voyage, p. 134. The aboriginal method of
procuring thread to sew together their garments made of skins has already been no-
ticed in the description of the manners and customs of the Illinois.
188 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST.
along the ribs with the inner bark of the roots of the cedar, as we
twist willows around the hoops of a cask. All these seams are cov-
ered with gum,* as is done with canoes of elm bark. They then
put in cross-bars to hold it and to serve as seats, and a long pole,
which they lay on from fore to aft in rough weather to prevent it
from being broken by the shocks occasioned by pitching. They
have with them three, six, twelve and even twenty-four places, which
are designated as so many seats. The French are almost the only
people who use these canoes for their long voyages. They will carry
as much as three thousand pounds, "f These were vessels in which
the fur trade of the entire northwest has been carried on for so many
years. They were very light, four men being able to carry the
largest of ,them over portages. At night they were unloaded, drawn
upon the shore, turned over and served the savages or traders as
huts. They could endure gales of wind that would play havoc with
vessels of European manufacture. In calm water, the canoe men,
in a sitting posture, used paddles ; in stemming currents, rising from
their seats, they substituted poles for paddles, and in shooting
rapids, they rested on their knees.
Pirogues were the trunks of trees hollowed out and pointed at
the extremities. A fire was started on the trunk, out of which the
pirogue was to be constructed. The fire was kept within the desired
limits by the dripping of water upon the edges of the trunk. As a
part became charred, it was dug out with stone hatchets and the fire
rekindled. This kind of canoes was especially adapted for the navi-
gation of the Mississippi and Missouri ; the current of these streams
carrying down trees, which formed snags, rendered their navigation
by bark canoes exceedingly hazardous. It was probably owing to
this reason, as well as because there were no birch trees in their
country, that the Illinois and Miamis were not, as the Jesuits re-
marked, "canoe nations;" they used the awkward, heavy pirogue
instead.
Each nation was divided into villages. The Indian village, when
unfortified, had its cabins scattered along the banks of a river or the
*"The small roots of the spruce tree afford the waitap with which the bark is
sewed, and the gum of the pine tree supplies the place of tar and oakum. Bark, some
spare wattap and gum are always carried in each canoe, for the repairs which fre-
quently become necessary." Vide Henry's Travels, p. 14.
t The above extracts are taken from the Memoir Upon the Late War in North Amer-
ica Between the French and English, 1755-1760, by M. Pouchot; translated and edited
by Franklin Hough, vol. 2, pp. 216, 217, 218. Pouchot was the commandant at Fort
Niagara at the time of its surrender to the English. He was exceedingly well versed
in all that pertained to Indian manners and customs, and his work received the indorse-
ment of Marquis Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada. Of the translation, there were only
two hundred copies printed.
WIGWAMS. 180
shores of a lake, and often extended for three or four miles. Each
cabin held the head of the family, the children, grandchildren, and
often the brothers and sisters, so that a single cabin not unfrequently
contained as many as sixty persons. Some of their cabins were in
the form of elongated squares, of which the sides were not more
than five or six feet high. They were made of bark, and the roof
was prepared from the same material, having an opening in the top
for the passage of smoke. At both ends of the cabin there were
entrances. The fire was built under the hole in the roof, and there
were as many fires as there were families.
The beds were upon planks on the floor of the cabin, or upon
simple hides, which they called appicMmon, placed along the parti-
tions. They slept upon these skins, wrapped in their blankets,
which, during the day, served them for clothing. Each one had
his particular place. The man and wife crouched together, her
back being against his body, their blankets passed around their
heads and feet, so that they looked like a plate of ducks. * These
bark cabins were used by the Iroquois, and, indeed, by many Indian
tribes who lived exclusively in the forests.
The prairie Indians, who were unable to procure bark, generally
made mats out of platted reeds or flags, and placed these^mats around
three or four poles tied together at the ends. They were, in form,
round, and terminated in a cone. These mats were sewed together
with so much skill that, when new, the rain could not penetrate
them. This variety of cabins possessed the great advantage that,
when they moved their place of residence