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HISTORY 


NEW    ENGLAND. 


BY 


JOHN    GORHAM    PALFREY. 


VOLUME    III 


BOSTON: 
LITTLE,    BROWN,    AND    COMPANY. 

1864. 

THIS  VOLUME  DOES  NOT 


Entered  acconling  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1864,  by 

JOHN     GORHAM     PALKRKY, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  l)i^trict  of  Massachusetts. 


UvivERSiTY    Press: 

Welch,    Big  e  low,    and   Company, 

Cambri  uge. 


r\ 


HISTORY  •  f 

OF 

NEW    ENGLAND 


DURING 


THE  STUART  DYNASTY. 


BT 


JOHN    GORHAM    PALFREY. 


IN   THREE   VOLUMES. 
VOL.    III.» 


BOSTON: 
/  LITTLE,    BROWN,    AND    COMPANY. 

1864. 


rijs' 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1864,  by 

JOHN    GORHAM    PALFREY, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


I^io  73 


University  Press: 

Welch,    Bigelow,    and   Company, 

c  a  m  b  r  i  d  g  8  . 


PREFACE 

TO    THE    THIRD    VOLUME, 


This  portion  of  my  History  has  been  composed  in  circumstances 
less  favorable  than  attended  the  preceding  volumes.  Wliile  it 
has  been  on  my  hands,  most  of  my  time  has  been  due  to  occupa- 
tions of  a  quite  different  nature  ;  the  state  of  my  country  has 
been  such  as  to  engage  the  thoughts  of  every  patriotic  citizen, 
to  the  disturbance  of  calmer  meditations  ;  and  I  have  not  been 
without  a  full  share  in  the  domestic  and  personal  anxieties  of 
these  afflicted  years.  I  have  done  the  best  that  I  could  under 
the  conditions  of  the  case.  While  my  advancing  life  forbade  me 
to  delay  anything  that  I  proposed  to  do,  I  have  felt  the  obligation 
of  not  hurrying  to  the  press.  I  hope  that  at  least  I  have  been 
sufficiently  cautious  to  set  down  nothing  that  may  mislead  the 
reader.  For  the  rest,  I  must  trust  to  the  indulgence  which  hith- 
erto has  encouraged  my  endeavors. 

I  am  sensible  to  the  generous  kindness  with  which  my  work 
has  been  received  in  this  country.  Nor  has  foreign  criticism 
dealt  with  it  less  liberally.  It  could  not  reasonably  have  been 
expected  to  have  much  attraction  for  English  readers.  It  re- 
lates what  was  done  in  a  few  years,  in  a  remote  and  narrow 
sphere  of  action,  by  a  few  worthy  offshoots  from  their  own  gen- 
erous stock ;  and  in  single  instances,  as  in  the  account  of  the 
motives  for  emigration  in  the  First  Volume,  and  of  the  controversy 
between  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Independents  in  the  Second, 
I  may  perhaps  be  thought  to  have  made  some  contribution  to 
English  history.     But  it  is  impossible  for  my  book  to  be  judged 


VI 


PREFACE. 


by  a  standard  applicable  to  works  which  relate  the  course  of 
wars  oil  a  large  scale,  the  intrigues  of  courts,  and  the  vicis- 
situdes of  great  empires.  The  nature  of  the  subject  determined 
that  my  main  purpose  should  be  to  trace  the  growth  of  these  States 
in  their  primitive  colonial  condition ;  and  the  materials  for  this 
narrative,  which  I  could  take  only  as  I  found  them,  are  such 
as,  in  hands  far  more  capable  than  mine,  would,  I  suppose, 
hardly  prove  susceptible  of  picturesque  exposition.  On  the  other 
hand,  an  interest  of  a  peculiar  kind  undoubtedly  attaches  to  the 
elementary  condition  of  a  people  which  within  so  short  a  period 
has  become  so  numerous  and  so  important  in  the  world.  A  few 
weeks  only  before  the  time  at  which  I  am  writing  these  words, 
there  passed  away,  in  the  scarcely  abated  strength  of  his  fine 
powers,  an  illustrious  man,  whose  life  had  covered  considerably 
more  than  a  third  part  of  the  life  of  Christian  New  England. 
When  Josiah  Quincy,  of  Boston,  was  twelve  or  thirteen  years 
old,  Nathaniel  Appleton  was  still  minister  of  Cambridge,  and  a 
preacher  in  the  Boston  pulpits ;  Appleton,  born  in  Ipswich  in  1693, 
had  often  sat,  it  is  likely,  on  the  knees  of  Governor  Bradstreet, 
who  was  his  father's  neighbor ;  and  Bradstreet  came  from  Eng- 
land, in  John  Winthrop's  company,  in  1630.  Eyes  that  had  seen 
men  who  had  seen  the  founders  of  a  Cisatlantic  England  have 
looked  also  on  New  England  as  she  presents  herself  to-day. 

Everywhere  in  our  times  there  are  local  antiquaries  thor- 
oughly acquainted,  each  in  his  place,  with  the  parts  of  this 
history  which  I  have  essayed  to  combine  into  a  whole.  Either  I 
have  not  hitherto  fallen  into  material  errors  ;  or  they  have  been 
unnoticed  ;  or  they  have  been  passed  over  with  lenity.  While  I 
have  sedulously  aimed  at  accuracy,  I  am  not  so  ignorant  as  to 
presume  that,  in  presenting  so  many  matters  of  detail,  I  have 
escaped  mistakes.  I  shall  very  gratefully  receive  suggestions 
enabling  me  to  correct  them. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  volume,  I  have  continued  to  experi- 
ence the  kindness  of  friends  who  laid  me  under  obligations  for 
assistance  in  the  earlier  parts  of  the  work.  Among  them  I 
ought  again  particularly  to  mention  Mr.  Deane,  Mr.  Trumbull, 


PREFACE.  yii 

Mr.  Haven,  and  Mr.  Folsom.  Questions  which  arose  have  often 
been  submitted  by  me  to  one  or  another  of  these  gentlemen,  and 
never  without  obtaining  such  satisfaction  as  the  case  allowed. 
If,  after  all,  I  have  sometimes  differed  from  them,  it  has  never 
been  without  diffidence,  or  without  a  careful  revisal  of  the 
grounds  of  my  own  opinion. 

For  the  beautiful  embellishment  of  this  volume  which  forms 
the  frontispiece,  I  am  indebted  to  my  friends,  M.  Sandoz,  who 
drew  the  Map,  and  Professor  Guyot,  whose  personal  observa- 
tions of  the  topography  of  New  England  it  records.  Mr.  Boyn- 
ton's  skilful  graver  has  done  justice  to  the  delineation.  The 
copious  Index,  which  will,  I  conceive,  be  regarded  as  not  the 
least  commendable  feature  of  my  book,  I  owe  to  the  judicious 
diligence  of  Mr.  Edward  D.  McCarthy,  of  Dane  College,  Cam- 
bridge. 

In  illustration  of  statements  made  in  this  volume,  I  have  very 
frequently  resorted  to  the  collection  of  Colonial  Papers  in  the 
British  State-Paper  Office,  which  I  carefully  examined  eight 
years  ago.  The  memoranda  which  I  made  were  accompanied 
by  references  to  volume  and  page.  But  these  references  I  could 
not  now  use,  as  the  volumes  have  since  been  broken  up,  in  order 
to  arrange  their  contents  in  a  more  strict  chronological  order, — 
a  step  which  it  is  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that  the  Government  of 
Massachusetts  may  be  induced  to  take  with  regard  to  its  precious 
collection  of  State  Papers,  now  lying  in  the  chaotic  disorder  into 
which  they  were  dispersed  under  the  authority  of  joint  resolves  of 
the  General  Courts  of  1839  and  1840.  In  1860,  too  late  for  my 
advantage,  Mr.  W.  Noel  Sainsbury,  of  the  British  State-Paper 
Office,  published,  under  the  enlightened  patronage  of  his  govern- 
ment, the  first  volume  of  his  masterly  analysis  of  Colonial  Papers. 
It  comes  down  only  to  the  year  1660,  so  that  I  have  been  without 
benefit  from  it.  To  Mr.  Sainsbury's  forthcoming  volumes,  with 
which  a  comparison  will  easily  be  made  by  the  dates,  I  must 
appeal  for  the  correctness  of  my  citations  from  the  manuscripts. 

In  the  history  of  New  England  there  are  chronological  paral- 
lelisms not  unworthy  of  remark.     Some  f^ritical  events  in  it  were 


Vlll 


PREFACE. 


just  a  century  apart.  In  1665,  the  courtiers  tried  her  temper 
with  Lord  Clarendon's  Commission  ;  in  1765,  they  tried  it  with 
Lord  George  Grenville's  Stamp  Act.  In  1675  began  the  attack 
on  her  freedom,  which  I  have  recorded  in  this  vohime  ;  in  1775 
began  the  invasion  which  led  to  her  independence  of  Great 
Britain.  But  the  cycle  of  New  England  is  eighty-sis  years.  In 
the  spring  of  1603,  the  family  of  Stuart  ascended  the  throne  of 
England.  At  the  end  of  eighty-six  years,  Massachusetts  hav- 
ing been  betrayed  to  her  enemies  by  her  most  eminent  and 
trusted  citizen,  Joseph  Dudley,  the  people,  on  the  19th  day  of 
April,  1689,  committed  their  prisoner,  the  deputy  of  the  Stuart 
King,  to  the  fort  in  Boston  which  he  had  built  to  overawe  them. 
Another  eighty-six  years  passed,  and  Massachusetts  had  been  be- 
trayed to  her  enemies  by  her  most  eminent  and  trusted  citizen, 
Thomas  Hutchinson,  when,  at  Lexington  and  Concord,  on  the 
19th  of  April,  1775,  her  farmers  struck  the  first  blow  in  the 
War  of  American  Independence.  Another  eighty-six  years  en- 
sued, and  a  domination  of  slaveholders,  more  odious  than  that 
of  Stuarts  or  of  Guelphs,  had  been  fastened  upon  her,  when, 
on  the  19th  of  April,  1861,  the  streets  of  Baltimore  were 
stained  by  the  blood  of  her  soldiers  on  their  way  to  uphold 
liberty  and  law  by  the  rescue  of  the  National  Capital. 

In  the  work  now  finished,  which  is  accordingly  a  whok  in 
itself,  I  have  traversed  the  first  of  these  three  equal  periods,  relat- 
ing the  history  of  New  England  down  to  the  time  of  her  First 
Revolution.  If  my  years  were  fewer,  I  should  hope  to  follow  this 
treatise  with  another  on  the  History  of  New  England  under  tlie 
Whig  dynasties  of  Great  Britain.  But  I  am  not  so  sanguine  as 
I  was  when,  six  years  ago,  I  proposed  "  to  relate,  in  several  vol- 
umes, the  history  of  the  people  of  New  England."  Nor  can  I 
even  promise  myself  that  I  shall  have  the  resolution  to  attempt 
anything  further  of  this  kind.  Some  successor  will  execute  the 
inviting  task  more  worthily,  but  not  with  more  devotion  than  I 
have  brought  to  this  essay,  nor,  I  venture  to  think,  with  greater 
painstaking.  As  I  part  from  my  work,  many  interesting  and 
grateful  memories  are  awakened.     I  dismiss  it  with  little  appre- 


PREFACE.  jjr 

hension,  and  with  some  substantial  satisfaction  of  mind.  For 
mere  literary  reputation,  if  it  were  accessible  to  me,  would  not 
now  be  highly  attractive ;  my  ambition  has  rather  been  to  con- 
tribute something  to  the  welfare  of  my  country,  by  reviving  the 
image  of  the  ancient  virtue  of  New  England  ;  and  I  am  likely  to 
persist  in  the  hope  that  in  that  honest  undertaking  I  shall  not 
appear  to  have  altogether  failed. 

J.  G.  P.' 

Boston,  Massachusetts ; 
1864,  November  4. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Map  of  New  England  in  1689 Before  the  Title-page 

Hubbard's  Map  of  New  England  in  1677 Page  155 

Seller's  Map  of  New  England  in  1685 489 


CONTENTS 

OF    THE    THIRD    VOLUME. 


BOOK    III. 
FINAL  KELATIONS   WITH  THE   STUART  KINGS. 

CHAPTER    I. 

England  under  Charles  the  Second.  Pack 

France  under  Louis  the  Fourteenth 4 

French  Invasion  of  Flanders 4 

Sir  William  Temple  at  the  Hague 5 

The  Triple  Alliance .6 

Scheme  for  a  Religious  Comprehension  in  England     ....  7 
Increased  Severities  against  Non-Conformists          ....         .8 

Eighth  Session  of  Parliament       ........  8 

New  Conventicle  Act 8 

French  Partialities  of  the  King   .         .         .      *" 9 

The  Cabal  Ministry 10 

Treaty  between  Charles  and  Louis 12 

Ninth  Session  of  Parliament 13 

English  Repudiation  of  Public  Debt 13 

Declaration  of  Indulgence 14 

War  with  Holland 15 

Tenth  Session  of  Parliament 16 

Withdrawal  of  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence 18 

Disaffection  of  Lord  Shaftesbury 18 

The  Test  Act 19 

Eleventh  and  Twelfth  Sessions  of  Parliament 20 

Dissolution  of  the  Cabal  JVlinistry 21 

Peace  with  Holland 22 

Ministry  of  Lord  Danby      .........  22 

Thirteenth  and  Fourteenth  Sessions  of  Parliament  .         .         .         .22 

Defeat  of  the  High  Tory  Party 23 

Pacific  Disposition  of  the  King  of  France 24 

Fifteenth  Session  of  Parliament 25 

Successes  of  the  French  Arms          ........  25 

Marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  the  Princess  Mary      ...  26 

Abortive  Military  Preparations .27 

VOL.  III.  b 


Xll 


CONTENTS. 


Treaty  of  Nimeguen 

Non-Conformists  in  Scotland  .... 
Re-establishment  of  Episcopacy  in  Scotland 
Insurrections  in  Scotland         .... 
The  King's  Ecclesiastical  Supremacy  in  Scotland 
Council  for  Foreign  Plantations 
Custom  Duties  in  the  Colonies     .... 
Re-conquest  of  New  York  by  the  Dutch 
Retrocession  of  New  York  to  England 
Edmund  Andros,  Governor  of  New  York 


28 
29 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
34 
34 


CHAPTER    11. 


Condition  of  New  England  after  Forty  Years. 

Population  of  New  England  in  1665 35 

Towns  of  the  several  Colonies  ........     86 

Description  of  New  England  by  the  Royal  Commissioners  .        .         37 

Revision  of  the  Laws  of  the  several  Colonies  in  1672       .        .        .         .40 

Government  and  Laws  of  Massachusetts 40 

General  Court 41 

Inferior  Courts .42 

Judicial  Processes 43 

Inheritances  ..........44 

Offences  and  Penalties 45 

Militia 48 

Religious  Observances 49 

Revenue  System  .........         50 

Regulations  for  Shipping  and  Navigation  .         .         .         .         .50 

Inspection  Laws  ..........         52 

Prohibitions  and  Regulations  of  Trade     .         .         .         .         .         .52 

Municipal  and  Police  Regulations         ......         55 

Government  and  Laws  of  Connecticut 57 

General  Court 57 

Inferior  Courts         ..........     58 

General  Character  of  Legal  Enactments 59 

Marriage  and  Inheritances        .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .61 

Towns  ...........61 

Ecclesiastical  System       .         .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .61 

Government  and  Laws  of  Plymouth 61 

General  Court  .         .         . .62 

Inferior  Courts 63 

Offences 63 

Revenue  System  . 64 

Spirit  of  the  Legislation  of  New  England 65 

Exposures  of  an  Emigrant  People        .         .         .         .         .         .         .         67 

Precautions  against  them  in  New  England      ......     68 

Scheme  of  a  Second  Confederacy. 

Attempts  to  revive  the  Confederacy  of  the  Colonies    ....         71 


CONTENTS. 


XIU 


Meeting  of  Federal  Commissioners 72 

Objections  of  Plymouth  to  a  new  Confederation         ....  72 

Proposal  of  an  Amended  Scheme  ........  74 

Agreement  upon  a  new  Frame  of  Articles         .....  75 

Confederation  of  Three  Colonies 78 


CHAPTER    III. 

Massachusetts. 

Death  of  John  Wilson  of  the  First  Church 81 

Removal  of  John  Davenport  from  New  Haven  to  Boston      ...  81 

Establishment  of  a  Third  Church  in  Boston 83 

Agitations  respecting  the /fa//- PFa?/ Coyenanf       .        .        .        .        .85 

Death  of  Davenport 88 

Renewed  Controversy  with  the  Baptists 88 

Death  of  Sir  John  Temple 89 

Death  of  Governor  Bellingham 92 

Subsidence  of  Prejudice  against  the  Baptists 92 

Liberality  towards  the  College 93 

Troubles  in  the  College 93 

Presidency  of  Leonard  Hoar •    .        .        .94 

His  Resignation  and  Death 96 

Extension  of  Massachusetts  eastward     .......  96 

County  of  Devonshire        .........  97 

Plymouth. 

Death  of  Governor  Prince 97 

Administration  of  Governor  Josiah  Winslow 98 

•    Restoration  of  James  Cudworth  to  the  Magistracy        ....  98 

Endowment  of  a  Public  School 99 

Good  Understanding  between  Plymouth  and  the  Royal  Commissioners  .  99 

Rhode  Island. 

Charter  Government  of  Rhode  Island 99 

Its  Feeble  Administration 101 

Factions  and  Disorders      .........  101 

Growth  of  the  Sect  of  Quakers  in  Numbers  and  Consequence        .        .  105 

Visit  from  George  Fox 106 

Challenge  of  Roger  Williams  to  Fox 107 

Williams's  Debate  with  Quakers         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  108 

Designs  of  Rhode  Island  against  the  Dutch  Colonists     ....  108 

Question  of  Boundary  with  Connecticut     ......  109 

Connecticut, 

Administration  of  John  Winthrop,  the  Younger         .         .         .         .  114 

Project  of  an  Invasion  of  New  France  .        .         .        .        .        .        .114 

Continued  Controvei'sy  about  the  Subjects  of  Baptism       .         .         .  116 
A  Second  Church  in  Hartford       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .119 

Settlement  of  a  Boundary  Line  with  Massachusetts  .         .        .        .  119 

Quarrel  with  the  Dutch         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .119 

Meeting  of  Federal  Commissioners 121 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


Attitude  of  Massachusetts  towards  the  Dutch 
Operations  of  the  Dutch  in  Long  Island  Sound 
Intelligence  of  the  Peace  of  Westminster 
Restoration  of  New  Amsterdam  to  England 
Arrival  of  Edmund  Andros  as  Governor       . 
His  Claim  to  Territory  of  Connecticut       .         . 
Preparations  of  Connecticut  for  Resistance   . 
Threatening  Visit  of  Andros  to  Saybrook  . 

His  peaceable  Return  to  New  York 


121 

124 
126 
127 
127 
128 
129 
130 
131 


CHAPTER    IV. 
Philip's  War. 

Condition  of  New  England  at  the  Beginning  of  the  War 

Relations  of  the  Colonists  to  the  Natives 

Praying  Indians         ....... 

Pokanoket,  or  Wampanoag,  Tribe 

Death  of  the  Sachem  Massasoit  .... 

His  Son,  Alexander,  Chief  of  the  Pokanokets 
Death  of  Alexander  ....... 

His  Brother,  Philip,  Chief  of  the  Pokanokets 
Renewal  of  the  Treaty  of  1621  .... 

Charges  against  Philip  of  treacherous  Designs       . 

Friendly  Relations  restored 

Renewed  Symptoms  of  Disaffection  on  Philip's  Part 
Submission  of  Philip  ...... 

Charges  of  Sausaman  against  him  . 

Murder  of  Sausaman         ...... 

Hostile  Preparations  of  Philip        .... 

Assault  of  Indians  on  the  Town  of  Swansey 
Movement  of  Colonial  Troops        .... 

Retreat  of  Philip  from  Mount  Hope  .         . 

Arrangement  with  the  Narragansetts    . 
Second  Stage  of  the  War,  —  Rising  of  the  Nipmucks 
Defeat  of  Captain  Hutchinson  by  the  Nipmucks  . 
Escape  of  Philip  to  the  Nipmucks      .... 

Operations  of  the  Indians  at  Brookfield 

RellefofBrookfield  by  Major  Willard       . 

Operations  on  Connecticut  River 

Assaults  upon  Deerfield  and  Hadley  .         .         . 

Re-appearance  of  the  Regicide  Colonel  Goffe 

Defeat  of  Captain  Beers  at  Northfield 

Meeting  of  the  Federal  Commissioners  at  Boston 

Critical  Condition  of  the  Colonists     .... 

Disastrous  Fight  at  Bloody  Brook,  in  Deerfield 
Attack  on  Springfield         ...... 

Attack  on  Hatfield        ...... 

Laws  and  Ordinances  of  War    .         .         .         .         , 

Alarm  respecting  the  Narragansetts      .         . 


132 

137 
141 
142 
142 
143 
143 
143 
145 
145 
146 
148 
150 
150 
152 
153 
155 
155 
156 
158 
158 
159 
159 
160 
161 
162 
163 
164 
165 
166 
167 
169 
171 
171 
172 
172 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


Extended  Military  Preparations  of  the  English          .         .         .         ,  1 73 

March  against  the  Narragansetts  in  December      ....  176 

Storming  of  the  Narragansett  Fort 177 

CHAPTER    V. 

Withdrawal  of  the  Troops  from  the  Field 181 

Sack  of  Lancaster  by  the  Indians 182 

Captivity  of  Mrs.  Eowlandson 185 

Beastly  Life  of  the  Indians         . 187 

Progress  of  the  War  in  the  Winter  and  Spring 188 

Exploits  of  Denison's  Connecticut  Volunteers 191 

Defeat  of  Captain  Wadsworth  by  the  Indians 192 

Transactions  on  Connecticut  River 193 

Battle  at  Turner's  Falls 194 

Exhaustion  and  Declining  Prospects  of  the  Indians  ....  196 

Position  of  the  Praying  Indians 199 

Return  of  Philip  from  the  West 203 

Pursuit  of  him  by  Captain  Church 204 

Death  of  Philip 205 

End  of  the  War  with  the  Pokanokets  and  Nipmucks    ....  206 

Continuance  of  the  War  In  Maine     .......  206 

Stratagem  of  Majo?"  Waldron 209 

Treaty  with  the  Etetchemins 211 

Renewed  Hostilities       .         .        .        .        .        .        .        •        •        .212 

Peace  with  the  Eastern  Tribes,  and  Termination  of  the  War     .        .  213 

Devastations  of  the  War 215 

Resentment  of  the  Conquerors 216 

Treatment  of  the  Conquered 220 

Sentimental  Views  of  Philip's  Character  and  Policy           .         .         .  222 

Impoverishment  of  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth 230 

Value  of  a  Rate  in  Taxation 230 

Deathof  John  Clarke,  of  Rhode  Island 232 

Death  of  John  Winthrop,  of  Connecticut 233 

Dispiriting  Prospects  of  New  England •         •  239 

CHAPTER    VI. 

England  under  Charles  the  Second. 

Disturbed  Politics  of  England 241 

Popish  Plot 241 

Fictitious  Disclosures  of  Titus  Gates 241 

Death  of  Sir  Edmondbury  Godfrey 245 

Meeting  of  Parliament 246 

Popular  Frenzy     .         • 247 

Appearance  of  other  Perjurers  .         . 247 

Fright  and  Artifices  of  the  Protestant  Statesmen 247 

Exclusion  of  Catholics  from  Public  Employments      ....  249 

Proceedings  against  Lord  Danby 250 

6* 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


Prorogation  and  Dissolution  of  Parliament 
Meeting  of  Charles  the  Second's  Third  Parliament 
Sir  William  Temple's  Scheme  of  a  Ministry 
Proceedings  against  the  Duke  of  York 
Exclusion  Bill  ........ 

Prorogation  and  Dissolution  of  Parliament     .         .         . 

The  Duke  of  Monmouth 

Lord  Shaftesbury's  Information  against  the  Duke  of  York 

New  Names  of  Parties,  Whig  and  Tory 

Meeting  of  Charles  the  Second's  Fourth  Parliament 

Defeat  of  the  Exclusion  Bill 

Conviction  and  Execution  of  Lord  Stafford  . 

Prorogation  and  Dissolution  of  Parliament 

Treaty  for  a  French  Subsidy         ..... 

Meeting  of  Charles  the  Second's  Last  Parliament 
Dissolution  of  Parliament       ...... 

Close  of  Lord  Shaftesbury's  public  Career 

Vacating  of  the  Charter  of  the  City  of  London 

Surrender  of  other  Municipal  Charters 

Conferences  of  Whig  Leaders        ..... 

The  Rye-House  Plot 

Arrest  of  Whig  Leaders 

Trial  and  Conviction  of  Lord  William  Russell  . 

His  Execution        ........ 

Trial,  Conviction,  and  Execution  of  Algernon  Sidney 
Depression  of  the  Patriot  Party     ..... 

Restoration  of  the  Duke  of  York         .... 

Marriage  of  the  Princess  Anne      ..... 

A  Despotism  reinstated  in  England   .... 

Renewed  Disturbances  in  Scotland         •         .         .         . 

Assassination  of  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews 

Battles  of  Loudon  Hill  and  Bothwell  Bridge 

The  Duke  of  York  recalled  from  Flanders  .         . 

The  Duke  made  Royal  Commissioner  in  Scotland 

Rigorous  Administration  of  Scotland 

Death  of  King  Charles  the  Second         .... 

His  Reconciliation  to  the  Church  of  Rome 


250 
251 
252 
253 
254 
255 
255 
255 
256 
256 
256 
257 
257 
257 
25  7 
258 
259 
259 
2G0 
261 
261 
262 
263 
261 
264 
266 
267 
267 
267 
267 
268 
268 
269 
269 
269 
270 
271 


CHAPTER    VII. 


Renewed  Dispute  of  Massachusetts  with  England. 
Consultations  of  the  Council  of  Foreign  Plantations 
Constitution  of  a  Colonial  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council 
Claims  of  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  Robert  Mason  . 
Complaints  of  English  Tradesmen      ..... 
Colonial  Doctrines  of  Sir  Josiah  Child  .... 
His  Estimation  of  New  England  and  of  Virginia 
Revival  of  the  Revenue  Law  of  the  Cabal  Ministry 


273 
275 
275 

276 
277 
278 
279 


CONTENTS. 


XVU 


Projects  of  the  Lords  of  the  Committee      .... 

Mission  of  Edward  Randolph  to  New  England 

His  Reception  in  Massachusetts  ..... 

His  Visit  to  New  Hampshire  ..... 

His  Visit  to  Plymouth         ....... 

His  Return  to  England  ...... 

St^e  of  the  pending  Question  in  England 

Proceedings  in  Massachusetts  after  Randolph's  Departure 

Stoughton  and  Bulkeley  sent  to  England  with  an  Address 

Randolph's  Report  of  his  Observations  in  New  England 

Other  Descriptions  of  New  England,  near  the  same  time   . 

Arrival  of  the  Agents  of  Massachusetts  in  England 

Proceedings  in  England  against  Massachusetts  . 

Conciliatory  Proceedings  of  Massachusetts     . 

Purchase  of  New  Hampshire  from  Gorges  by  Massachusetts 

Hostility  of  Randolph,  Andros,  and  the  Quakers  to  Massachusetts 

Report  of  the  Crown  Lawyers  on  the  Legal  Condition  of  Massachusetts 

Randolph  made  Collector  of  the  Customs  in  New  England 

Reply  of  the  Agents  to  Randolph's  Report 

Vain  Entreaty  of  the  Agents  to  be  dismissed 

Further  Concessions  in  Massachusetts   ....... 

Further  Instructions  to  the  Agents    ....... 

Further  Demands  from  England 

Dismissal  and  Return  of  the  Agents 

Randolph's  immediate  Depoi'tm-e  on  a  second  Visit  to  New  England      . 


280 
28-4 
285 
288 
288 
289 
289 
291 
293 
295 
303 
304 
305 
311 
312 
313 
316 
317 
318 
319 
320 
321 
324 
325 
327 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


Continued  Dispute  with  England. 

Death  of  Governor  Leverett      .         .         .         .         . 

Accession  of  Governor  Bradstreet  .         .         . 

Reforming  Synod        ....... 

Visit  of  Randolph  to  New  Hampshire    . 

Arrival  of  Randolph  at  Boston 

Letter  from  the  King,  brought  by  the  Agents 
Grudging  Compliances  with  its  Demands  . 

Great  Fire  in  Boston 

Proceedings  and  Position  of  Randolph  at  Boston 

His  Departure  for  New  Hampshire 

Rebuke  by  the  King  of  the  Delay  in  sending  Agents 

Deliberations  of  the  General  Court 

Election  of  Agents  to  go  to  England  .         .         .         . 

Return  of  Randolph  to  England    .... 

His  Reports  and  Counsels  to  the  Home  Government 

Revisal  in  Massachusetts  of  the  Laws     . 

Delay  of  the  Departure  of  the  Agents 

Return  of  Randolph  from  England 

Peremptory  Letter  from  the  King      .         .         .         . 


329 
329 
380 
333 
333 
333 
334 
338 
338 
341 
341 
342 
342 
343 
345 
348 
349 
349 
350 


Xviii  CONTENTS. 

Proceedings  of  the  General  Court  thereupon  .....  351 

Despatch  of  the  Agents,  Dudley  and  Richards  .....  352 

Hostile  Representations  of  Randolph  against  the  Patriot  Party      .         .  354 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Humiliation  of  Massachusetts. 

Parties  in  Massachusetts    .........  359 

Elements  of  a  Local  Aristocracy 359 

The  Clergy 360 

The  Popular  Party.     Samuel  Danforth 361 

The  Moderate  Party 362 

Simon  Bradstreet  and  Israel  Stoughton  .         .         .         .         .362 

Joseph  Dudley 362 

Letters  of  Randolph  to  England    ........  364 

Proceedings  of  the  Agents  in  England       ......  369 

Address  and  Petition  of  Massachusetts  to  the  King         ....  371 

Proposal  to  make  a  Surrender  of  Maine 373 

Return  of  Randolph  to  England    ........  375 

Issue  of  a  Writ  of  quo  warranto  against  the  Charter  of  Massachusetts  .  376 

Return  of  Randolph  to  Massachusetts  with  the  Writ      ....  379 

Submission  of  the  Magistrates    ........  380 

Opposition  of  the  Deputies 381 

Return  of  Randolph  to  England 385 

His  Report  to  the  Secretary  of  State '387 

Continued  Oppugnation  of  Massachusetts           .....  388 

Decree  in  Chancery,  vacating  the  Charter    ......  390 

Political  Condition  of  Massachusetts  without  the  Charter  .         .         .  394 

Appointment  of  Colonel  Kirk  to  be  Governor   ,    .         .         .         .         .  395 

Helplessness  of  Massachusetts 397 


CHAPTER    X. 

Maine. 

Institution  of  a  Provincial  Government      ......  401 

Presidency  of  Thomas  Danforth    ........  401 

New  Hampshire. 

Organization  of  New  Hampshire  as  a  Royal  Province         .         .         .  403 

Gratitude  of  New  Hampshire  to  Massachusetts 405 

Randolph  and  Mason  in  New  Hampshire 406 

Edward  Cranfield,  Governor  of  New  Hampshire 408 

His  Oppressive  Administration           .......  409 

Defeated  Insurrection  in  New  Hampshire 412 

Renewed  Misgovernment           ........  413 

Renewed  Disturbances  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .419 

Departure  of  Cranfield      .........  420 

Plymouth. 

Report  concerning  Plymouth  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee          .         .  421 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


Exhaustion  by  the  Indian  War 422 

Solicitations  for  a  Charter 423 

Death  of  Governor  Winslow 423 

Thomas  Hinckley  chosen  Governor 424 

Legislation  against  the  Buccaneers    .......  425 

Connecticut. 

Report  concerning  Connecticut  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee      .         .  426 

Renewed  Dispute  with  Rhode  Island  about  a  Boundary    .         .         .  428 

The  Controversy  transferred  to  England       ......  431 

Randall  Holden  and  John  Green  in  England    .         .         .         .         .  431 

Consultation  of  the  Federal  Commisslouers 432 

Military  Preparations  of  Connecticut  ......  434 

Representations  of  Connecticut  to  Lord  Sunderland      ....  435 

Publication  of  Mason's  History  of  the  Pequot  War    ....  436 

Appointment  of  a  Special  Commission  of  Inquiry  ....  437 

Award  of  the  Commission  ........  438 

Claim  of  the  Duke  of  Hamilton 439 

Final  Settlement  of  the  Boundary  between  Connecticut  and  New  York  440 

Loyal  Temper  of  Connecticut   .         .         .         .         .         .         •         .  441 

Death  of  Governor  Leete 442 

Rhode  Island. 

Death  of  Roger  Williams 443 

Death  of  William  Coddlngton 445 

Dissolution  of  the  Confederacy  of  the  Three  Colonies. 

Last  Meeting  of  Federal  Commissioners 445 


CHAPTER    XI. 


England  under  King  James  the  Second. 
King  James's  Announcement  of  his  Policy    . 

His  First  Ministry 

Early  Development  of  his  Designs         .         . 

His  First  Parliament 

Insurrection  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth 

His  Defeat  and  Capture 

His  Execution 

Insurrection  in  Scotland    ...... 

Defeat,  Capture,  and  Execution  of  the  Earl  of  Argyll 
Cruelties  of  the  Judges  Jeffreys  and  Scroggs 
Second  Meeting  of  Parliament      .... 

Final  Prorogation  of  Parliament        .... 

Revocation  of  the  French  Edict  of  Nantes     . 

Claim  of  King  James  to  a  Dispensing  Power 

Its  Allowance  by  the  Judges         .... 

Reinstitution  of  the  Court  of  High  Commission 
Dismissal  of  Protestant  Tories  from  Office 

Popish  Fanaticism  of  the  King 

His  Encroachments  on  the  Church  of  England 


446 
447 
447 
448 
449 
450 
450 
450 
450 
451 
452 
452 
453 
453 
455 
455 
456 
457 
459 


XX 


CONTENTS. 


His  Attack  on  the  University  of  Cambridge 
His  Quarrel  with  Magdalen  College,  Oxford 
His  Second  Declaration  of  Indulgence 
Estrangement  of  the  Clergy  from  him  . 
Magnanimous  Course  of  the  Protestant  Sects 
Memorial  of  Seven  Bishops  .... 

Defeat  of  the  Declaration 

Imprisonment  of  the  Bishops 

Trial  and  Acquittal  of  the  Bishops     . 

Birth  of  a  Prince  of  Wales    . 

Suspicions  of  Fraud 

The  King's  Despotism  in  Scotland 

The  King's  Despotism  in  Ireland 

Distress  of  Englishmen  in  Ireland 

Politics  of  the  Prince  of  Orange 

His  Diplomatic  and  Military  Preparations 

His  Landing  in  England   ... 

His  Arrival  in  London 

Flight  of  King  James  from  England 

Debates  about  the  Succession         ...... 

Election  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  to  be  King  of  England 
Proclamation  of  King  William  and  Queen  Mary         .  . 


460 
461 
462 
462 
463 
463 
464 
464 
465 
467 
468 
469 
470 
472 
472 
473 
474 
476 
476 
477 
478 
479 


CHAPTER  XII 

Presidency  of  Joseph  Dudley. 

King  James  the  Second  proclaimed  in  Boston 

Despondency  in  Massachusetts 

Operations  of  Randolph  in  England  . 

His  Plan  for  a  Government  in  Massachusetts 

Election  in  Massachusetts 

Provisional  Government  constituted 

Protest  of  the  General  Court     . 

End  of  the  Charter  Government  . 

Dunton's  Observations  in  Massachusetts    . 

Position  and  Character  of  President  Dudley 

Proceedings  of  the  New  Government 

Dissatisfaction  of  Randolph   .... 

His  Zeal  for  the  Church   .... 

Affairs  of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine  . 

Proceedings  at  Plymouth 

Randolph's  Proceedings  against  the  Charter  of  Rhode  Island 

The  New  Government  in  the  Narragansett  Country 

Proclamation  of  King  James  in  Connecticut 

Randolph's  Proceedings  against  the  Charter  of  Connecticut 

Arrival  of  Governor  Andros  ...... 


481 
481 
482 
483 
484 
484 
486 
487 
487 
488 
492 
496 
499 
502 
503 
505 
506 
507 
507 
511 


CONTENTS. 


XXI 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Government  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros. 

Theory  of  A  ndros's  Government 513 

Constitution  of  Andres's  Government         ......  615 

Seal  and  Flag  of  New  England 516 

Andros's  Assumption  of  the  Government  ......  617 

Proceedings  of  the  New  Government 619 

Introduction  of  Episcopacy        ........  521 

Inauguration  of  an  Oppressive  Policy   .......  522 

Arbitrary  Imposition  of  Taxes 524 

Resistance  at  Ipswich  and  elsewhere     .......  525 

Suppression  of  the  Resistance    ........  626 

Demand  for  Quitrents  ..........  629 

Seizure  of  Common  Lands  ........  530 

Extortion  of  Excessive  Fees  ........  631 

Degradation  of  the  Council        ........  631 

Proceedings  in  the  Eastern  Territory  of  the  Duke  of  York    .         .         .  632 

Proceedings  in  Plymouth  ........  634 

Annexation  of  Rhode  Island  to  the  Government  of  Andros  .         .        .  635 

Pretensions  of  Andros  in  respect  to  Connecticut        .         .         .         .  537 

Reluctance  of  Connecticut 538 

Intrigues  in  Connecticut   .........  539 

Visit  of  Andros  to  Connecticut     ........  542 

Concealment  of  the  Colonial  Charter.     The  Charter  Oak         .         .  542 

Annexation  of  Connecticut  to  the  Government  of  Andros      .         .         .  543 

New  England  consolidated  under  One  Despotism       ....  545 

CHAPTER    XIV.  ^ 


The  Governor's  Return  to  Massachusetts 

Huguenot  Congregation  in  Boston     . 

Seditious  Sermon  of  Charles  Morton 

Reception  of  the  Royal  Declaration  of  Indulgence 

Legal  Consolidation  of  New  England     . 

Activity  in  Oppressive  Legislation 

Prohibition  of  Town  Meetings        . 

Issue  of  Writs  of  Intrusion 

Mission  of  Increase  Mather  to  England 

Expedition  of  the  Governor  to  the  Eastern  Country 

Capture  of  Castine's  Post 

Treaty  with  the  Eastern  Indians 

Regulation  of  Affairs  in  Cornwall 

Extension  of  New  England  to  Delaware  Bay     . 

Visit  of  the  Governor  to  the  Southern  Provinces 

Visit  of  the  Governor  to  the  Iroquois  Indians     . 

Uneasiness  among  the  Indians  of  Maine 

Reception  of  Mather  in  England 


546 

646 
547 
648 
648 
549 
550 
551 
555 
558 
559 
559 
560 
561 
562 
563 
664 
564 


XXll 


CONTENTS. 


Proceedings  of  Mather  and  his  Associates  at  Court        ....  565 

Commerce  of  Boston  in  1688      ........  567 

Overture  of  Andros  to  the  Eastern  Indians  .         .....  567 

Military  Expedition  of  Andros  into  Maine 668 

Current  Suspicions  as  to  his  Designs 569 

His  Plan  to  hold  New  England  for  King  James          ....  669 

His  Return  to  Boston  from  the  Eastern  Country  .         .         .         .         .570 

Charges  of  Treachery  against  him      .......  572 

Intelligence  at  Boston  of  the  Landing  of  the  Prince  of  Orange      .         .574 

Outbreak  in  Boston  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  577 

Seizure  of  Friends  of  the  Governor 577 

Manifesto  of  the  Popular  Leaders 678 

Summons  to  the  Governor    .         .         .      , 580 

Imprisonment  of  the  Governor 681 

Occupation  of  the  Castle 581 

Stripping  of  the  itose  Frigate 582 

Imprisonment  of  the  Governor's  Adherents 682 

Resentment  against  Dudley       ........  684 

Provisional  Government  of  Massachusetts 687 

Convention  of  Delegates  from  the  Towns 688 

A  Second  Convention 689 

Provisional  Re-establishment  of  the  Ancient  Government          .        .  589 

Proclamation  of  King  William  and  Queen  Mary 590 

Arrival  of  Sir  William  Phipps  at  Boston 690 

Application  of  Phipps  and  Mather  to  King  William      ....  592 

Meeting  of  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts          ....  693 

Impeachment  of  Randolph  and  his  Retainers        .        .        .        .        ,  693 

Imprisonment  of  Dudley 694 

Revolution  in  Plymouth  and  Rhode  Island 59G 

Revolution  in  Connecticut 697 

Recovery  of  Freedom  in  New  England 698 


APPENDIX. 


Commissioners  of  the  Confederacy 599 

Magistrates  of  the  Several  Colonies 601 

Magistrates  of  the  Royal  Province  of  New  England        .        604 


INDEX 605 


BOOK    III. 


FINAL   RELATIONS  WITH  THE   STUART   KINGS. 


HISTORY    OF    NEW    ENGLAND. 


BOOK    III. 

FINAL  RELATIONS  WITH  THE   STUART  KINGS. 

CHAPTEK    I. 

A  BRIEF  recital  of  events  which  took  place  in  the  pa- 
rent country  in  the  years  that  immediately  followed  the 
fall  of  Lord  Clarendon  from  power,  and  the  discomfiture 
of  his  agents  in  Massachusetts,  will  throw  some  light  on 
the  history  of  New  England  during  that  time.  It  will 
show  how  it  was  that  the  court  had  no  leisure  to  re- 
new its  attempt  against  the  Colonies.  It  will  exhibit 
some  subjects  of  anxiety  which  must  have  divided  with 
matters  of  merely  local  interest  the  attention  of  patri- 
ots in  New  England.  And  in  particular,  in  what  it 
discloses  of  the  King's  adoption  of  the  ambitious  de- 
signs of  his  father,  of  the  character  of  religious  parties 
and  policy  in  England,  of  the  critical  contest  which  was 
going  on  there  between  the  national  Church  and  the 
Church  of  Eome,  and  of  the  relations  to  both  in  which 
Protestant  dissenters  were  involved,  it  will  explain  what 
strong  reason  the  Colonists  had  to  congratulate  them- 
selves on  a  breathing-time  from  English  interference.! 
Information  of  rar/iy  of  the  events  now  to  be  related 
was  brought  over  as  they  successively  took  place,  and 
the  sensations  which  it  produced  made  an  important 
feature  of  the  life  of  the  Colonists. 


4  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  ni. 

The  earliest  course  of  transactions  abroad  after  Lord 
Clarendon's  retirement  was  such  as  might  be  observed 
by  them  with  satisfaction.  Deprived  of  the  steady  coun- 
sels of  that  faithful  minister,  the  King  found  himself 
at  the  same  time  more  at  liberty  than  he  had  been  to 
consult  his  personal  inclinations,  and  more  subject  to 
influence  from  the  popular  will.^ 

To  this  influence  is  to  be  traced  a  measure  which  at 
the  time  took  Europe  by  surprise.  When  peace  had 
been  made  with  the  United  Provinces,^  the  resentments 
and  apprehensions  of  Englishmen  received  a  new  di- 
rection. The  recent  war  had  discovered  the  ambition 
France  under  ^ud  the  resourccs  of  the  king  of  France.  Louis 
Louis  XIV.  ^Yie  Fourteenth,  now  in  the  thirtieth  year  of 
his  age,  was  the  most  powerful  sovereign  of  Europe. 
A  brilliant  circle  of  statesmen  and  commanders  stood 
by  his  throne.  The  great  administrative  ability  of  coun- 
sellors like  Colbert  and  Louvois  conducted  the  interior 
affairs  of  his  wide,  populous,  and  afiiuent  realm,  while 
captains  like  Luxembourg,  Conde,  and  Turenne  led  to 
his  wars  a  stronger  military  force  than  Europe  had  seen 
controlled  by  one  man's  will  since  the  fall  of  the  Roman 
empire. 

Louis,  in  the  right  of  his  wife,  who  was  a  daughter  of 
1665.      Philip  the  Fourth,  king  of  Spain,  claimed  after 
Sept.  17.    j-jgj.  father's  death  certain  provinces  in  the  Span- 
ish Netherlands.^    No  longer  embarrassed  by  the  war  with 
England,  he    now   poured   forty  thousand  men 

His  invasion     .  ,     » 

of  Flanders.    Hito  Flaudcrs,  aud  one  Spanish  stronghold  after 
i^'^'^      another  fell  into  his  hands,  till  he  approached 

July -August.  '  _  '■  '-         ^ 

close    to    the  border   of  the    United   Provinces. 
All    Europe  was  alarmed   by    this   display   of  his   pre- 

1  Lister,  Life  and  Administration  of  3  Basnage,  Annales  des  Provinces 
Edward,  First  Earl  of  Clarendon,  11.  Unies,  L  734  et  seq.  Voltaire,  (Euvres 
491.  Completes,  XX.  325  et  seq. 

2  See  Vol.  n.  p.  441. 


Chap.  I]        ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  5 

tensions  and  his  power.  The  ancient  jealousy  of  Eng- 
lishmen towards  France,  suspended  for  a  century  while 
danger  seemed  more  to  threaten  on  the  side  of  Spain, 
revived  in  full  strength.  The  Dutch  Republic  enter- 
tained reasonable  apprehensions  of  the  consequences 
likely  to  follow  from  the  near  neighborhood  of  its  re- 
cent ally. 

That  accomplished  statesman,  Sir  William  Temple, 
was  now  residing  at  Brussels,  as  minister  to  the  Spanish 
Regent.  He  sought  an  interview  at  the  Hague  with 
the  Pensionary,  De  Witt,  then  at  the  head  of  the 
Dutch  administration.  As  well-wishers  to  their  respec- 
tive countries,  though  without  authority  to  treat,  they 
discussed  public  affairs  in  a  free  conversation,  and  Temple 
communicated  what  had  passed  between  them 
in  a  letter  to  his  brother,  a  rising  lawyer,  who  TLpieruhe 
had  access  to  the  court.^  Whatever  might  be  ^H'^^q 
the  personal  inclinations  of  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, he  was  not  now  in  a  condition  to  neglect  the 
urgent  wishes  of  his  subjects.  That  public  displeasure 
against  the  court  which  had  brought  Lord  Clarendon 
to  ruin  was  not  yet  exhausted.  The  King,  in  want  of 
money,  was  open  to  the  argument  that  he  would  do 
wisely   to  propitiate   the    favor  of  the   Commons   by   a 

1  Letter   to    Sir   John    Temple,   in  King,  he  was  contradicted  again,  and 

Works  of  Sir  William  Temple,  I.  305.  particularly  to  the  loss  of  all  that  we 

The    letter  is   extremely   interesting ;  lost  in  Guinny.    He  told  me  that  he  had 

not  least  so  for  De  Witt's  account,  re-  so  good  spies  that  he  hath  had  the  keys 

ported   in   it,   of  the  behavior  of  our  taken  out  of  De  Witt's  pocket  when 

compatriot,  George  Downing,  in  bring-  he  was  a-bed,  and   his  closet  opened, 

ing  on  the  late  war. — Pepys  (Diary,  and  papers  brought  to  him   and   left 

IV.  224,  225)  writes  :  "  1668  ;  Dec.  27.  in  his  hands  for  an  hour,  and  carried 

Met  with  Sir  G.  Downing,  and  walked  back,  and  laid  in  the  place  again,  and 

with  him  one  hour,  talking  of  business,  keys  put  into  De  Witt's  pocket  again, 

and  how  the  late  war  was  managed.  He  says  he  hath  always  had  their  most 

there  being  nobody  to  take  care  of  it ;  private  debates,   that  have  been  but 

and  he  telling,  when  he  was  in  Holland,  between  two  or  three  of  the  chief  of 

what  he  offered  the  King  to  do  if  he  them,  brought  to  him  in  an  hour  after, 

might  have  power ;  and  then,  upon  the  and  an  hour  after  that  hath  sent  word 

least  word,  perhaps  of  a  woman,  to  the  thereof  to  the  King." 
1* 


6  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

quarrel  with  France.  Temple  received  orders  to  re- 
peat his  visit  to  De  Witt  and  sound  him  further,  and 
then  to  come  to  London  for  consultation.  From  Lon- 
don he  was  sent  back  again  to  the  Hague,  where  he 
proceeded  in  his  business  with  such  energy  and  de- 
spatch, that  in  five  days  from  his  arrival  he  had  con- 
cluded a  treaty  of  alliance. 

The  contracting  parties  agreed  together  to  put  a  stop, 

on   the  one  hand,  to  the  conquests  of  France, 

AiLnZ''     by  insisting  on  her  adherence  to  the  terms  of 

166S.  a  compromise  which  (not  in  good  faith,  as  was 
believed)  she  had  lately  proposed  to  Spain ;  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  to  compel  Spain  to  accept  the  offer 
which  had  been  made.  Sweden  was  admitted  as  an- 
other party  to  the  agreement,  which  accordingly  re- 
ceived the  name  of  the  Triple  Alliance.  The  measure . 
was  esteemed  so  important  as  to  have  restored  Eng- 
land to  her  natural  high  place  in  the  system  of  Euro- 
pean politics.  It  made  the  English  negotiator  widely 
famous,  and  won  back  to  his  master  not  a  little  of  the 
enthusiasm  which  the  misconduct  of  past  years  had 
dispelled.-^ 

Another  undertaking  of  the  time,  could  it  have  been 
carried  out,  would  have  conciliated  to  the  King  a  large 
and  justly  irritated  portion  of  his  subjects.  On  the 
dismissal  of  Lord  Clarendon,    Sir  Orlando   Bridgman,  a 

1667.      dull  and  learned  lawyer,  without  political  am- 
Aug.  31.    i^ition,^   was  placed  at  the    head   of  the  Chan- 
cery   Court,   as   Lord   Keeper.     His   moderate    way   of 
thinkinsc  in  relis-ious  matters,  as  well  as  his  views  of 
what  policy  required  in  existing  circumstances,  inclined 

1  "  The  league the  only  good  Charges  when  he  sat  on  the  Commis- 

public  thing  that  hath  been  done,  since  sion  for  trying  the  Regicides  knows  full 

the  King  come  into  England."    (Pepys,  well.     (Howell,  State  Trials,   V.   986 

Memoirs,  &c.,  IV.  40  ;  comp.  18.)  -1301.)     His  opening    speech    (988- 

2  Sir  Orlando  was,  however,  an  am-  994)  is  a  specimen, 
bitious  rhetorician,  as  the  reader  of  his 


Chap.  I.]       ENGLAND   UNDER  CHAELES  THE   SECOND.  >j 

him  to  measures  of  reconciliation  with  the  Presbyterians, 
and  of  toleration  to  the  Independents.^     In  his 
scheme   for  this  end   he  was  sustained  by  the  aRdTglo^ 
Duke  of  Buckino;ham,  now  desirous  of  extend-  comprehen- 

o  ''  sion. 

ing  his  popular  connections;  by  Sir  Matthew 
Hale,  Chief  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench,  whose  upright 
and  generous  mind  welcomed  every  liberal  project;  by 
Wilkins,  Bishop  of  Chester,  whose  genial  temper  and 
various  studies,  no  less  than  his  lax  theology,  rendered 
him  incapable  of  bigotry;  and  by  Stillingfleet  and  Til- 
lotson,  two  young  divines  now  rising  to  the  height  which 
they  afterwards  adorned  in  the  most  respectable  days 
of  the  episcopate  of  England.^  These  eminent  persons 
set  on  foot  a  negotiation  with  Baxter,  Bates,  Man- 
ton,  and  other  Presbyterian  leaders,  for  carrying  into 
effect  by  special  legislation  the  purposes  which  had 
been  announced  by  the  King  in  his  Declaration  at 
Breda.^ 

The  Kjng  was  not  averse  to  the  plan ;  the  less  so, 
because  indulgence  shown  to  any  class  of  dissenters  from 
the  Church  of  England  would  afford  a  precedent  for  ex- 
tending it  to  Catholics.  But  the  Parliament  that  had 
banished  Lord  Clarendon  was  not  behind  that  minister 
himself  in  stubborn  devotion  to  the  Church;  and  so  far 
was  it  from  favoring  the  proposed  ecclesias-  iges. 
tical  reform,  that  the  House  of  Commons  by  ^''"'^' 
a  very  la^ge  majority  refused  to  advise  the  King  "to 
send  for  such  persons  as  he  should  think  fit,  to  make 
proposals  to  him  in  order  to  the   uniting    of  his  Prot- 


1  Kennett,  Complete  History  of  Eng-  the  King  or  the  Parliament  what  to 
land,  III.  272.  yield  them,  though  most  of  the  sober 

2  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  515.  party  be  for  some  kind  of  allowance  to 

3  "  There  is  great  presumption  that  be  given  them."  (Pepys,  Memoirs, 
there  will  be  a  toleration  granted,  &c.,  IV.  18;  comp.  Reliquiae  Baxte- 
so  that  the  Presbyterians  do  hold  up  rianae,  HI.  3G-49;  Burnet,  History 
their  heads;  but  they  will  hardly  trust  of  His  Own  Time,  I.  259.) 


8  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

estant  subjects."^  Other  proceedings  of  the  Commons 
showed  that  discontent  was  only  partially  allayed  by 
the  welcome  treaty  with  Holland.  Inquiries  were  in- 
stituted into  the  management  of  different  departments 
of  the  administration;  an  address  was  presented,  pray- 
increaaed  ing  tho  Kiug  to  ordcr  a  strict  execution  of  the 
against Non-  laws  agalnst  dissenters;  and  only  the  meagre 
Conformists,  supply  was  grautcd  him  of  three  hundred  and 
ten  thousand  pounds.  It  was  plain  that  further  liberal- 
ity for  the  present  was  not  to    be  looked    for, 

May9.  "^  ^  ^  ' 

and  Parliament  was  prorogued. 

At  the  end  of  a  year  and  a  half  another  short  ses- 

Eighthsea-    sion  was  held.     But  again  the  Commons  were 

li^ent. '^^     obstinate,   and   the   King  could  make  no  way. 

Q^^Jg     Whatever   it   was   that   revived    his   hopes,   he 

-Dec.  11.   soon   repeated   the    experiment.      Probably   he 

expected   to    obtain    favor   by   yielding  to  the    current 

of  animosity   ao-ainst   dissenters.      A   new    Con- 

New  Conven-  .  t  -\  ^   •    ^       • 

tide  Act.      venticle  Act  was  passed,  which  imposed  fines  of 
1670      £^g  shilhns^s  for  the  first  offence,  and   ten  for 

April  11.  o  7 

the  second,  on  all  persons  present  at  a  meeting 
for  dissenting  worship,  and  of  twenty  pounds  for  the 
first  offence,  and  forty  for  the  second,  on  preachers,  and 
on  householders  harboring  the  meeting.  The  Act  fur- 
ther provided,  that  "  all  clauses  therein  contained  should 
be  construed  most  largely  and  beneficially  for  the  sup- 
pressing of  Conventicles,  and  for  the  justification  and 
encouragement  of  all  persons  to  be  employed  in  the 
execution  thereof"^  WTien  the  King  had  given  his  as- 
sent, he  found  himself  ill  requited  for  the  complaisance 
by  a  penurious  grant  of  the  proceeds  of  the  duties  on 

1  Burnet,  History  of  His  Own  Time,  2  Statutes  at  Large,  HI.  822-325; 
I.  363 ;  Pepys,  Memoirs,  IV.  34,  35 ;  comp.  Amos  on  the  English  Constitu- 
Yaughan,  Memorials  of  the  Stuart  Dy-  tion,  &c.,  116-122.  Under  the  Con- 
nasty,  II.  359;  Neal,  IV.  457-462;  venticle  Act,  Richard  Baxter  was  im- 
Parliamentary  History,  lY.  404-427;  prisoned  five  different  times. 
Journal  of  the  Commons,  IX.  77. 


Chap.  L]        ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  9 

some  imports,  and  of  authority  to  sell  some  of  the  an- 
cient demesnes  of  the  crown.  With  the  help  of  fanati- 
cal informers,  the  Conventicle  Act  was  sharply  enforced, 
and  dissenters  were  harassed  with  new  zeal.^ 

Naturally  the  King  was  disappointed  and  vexed.  He 
had  ,come  into  the  measure  of  the  Triple  Alliance  with 
no  good-will,  and  now  it  had  proved  barren  of  the  ex- 
pected fruit.  Without  being  ambitious  of  power  for 
'itself,  free  from  all  relish  for  the  task  of  governing,  he 
was  impatient  of  being  observed  and  criticised.  The 
idea  of  despotic  authority  was  attractive  to  his  mind, 
because  a  despot  may  be  self-indulgent  without  limit 
as  to  his  means,  and  without  the  restraint  of  any  com- 
ment that  he  cares  for.  No  money  was  to  be  had  from 
Holland  for  his  private  use,  and  the  relations  into 
which  he  was  brought  by  the  alliance  with  that  state 
assigned  a  leading  part  in  public  affairs  to  honest  Eng- 
lishmen who  would  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  the  pub- 
lic treasury.      In  a  different  quarter  there  was 

...  OTi'i  1  French  par- 

a  brighter  prospect.  In  a  bargain  between  the  uauuesof 
king  of  England  and  the  king  of  France,  each  ^  '""' 
had  a  valuable  consideration  to  offer.  Louis  could  afford 
to  pay  for  withdrawing  England  from  her  new  engage- 
ments, that  he  might  pursue  more  easily  his  opera- 
tions in  the  Netherlands.  Charles  had  the  honor  of 
his  crown  and  the  interests  of  his  subjects  to  sell  for 
money,  which  would  enable  him  to  gratify  his  minions, 
and  to  dispense  with  the  attendance  of  meddlesome 
Parliaments.  If  disturbances  should  follow,  the  king  of 
England  would  need  an  armed  force  to  put  them  down ; 
and  an  armed  force  the  king  of  France  was  prepared 
to  furnish,  and  would  find  his  account  in  furnishing, 
for  the  foreign  sovereign  who  should  suppress  a  popular 

,1  Comp.  Neal,  IV.  468-474.  year  after  the    Triple    Alliance   was 

2  De  Witt  had  intelligence  of  what    made.     (Works  of  Sir  William  Tem- 
■was  going  on,  in  little  more  than   a    pie,  II.  40.) 


10  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  m. 

insurrection  on  English  soil  would  have  made  himself 
master  of  both  King  and  people.  There  was  yet  an- 
other point  of  sympathy  between  the  two  monarchs, 
though,  beyond  the  nearest  circle  about  the  British 
throne,  its  existence  was  scarcely  as  yet  suspected. 
Louis,  even  amidst  the  irregularities  of  his  early  life, 
was  bigoted  to  the  Church,  and  Charles  had  become 
desirous  of  declaring  himself  a  Romanist,  as  soon  as  it 
should  seem  that  the  avowal  might  be  safely  made.-^ 

The  confidential  advisers  of  the  crown  were  now  the 
The  Cabal  fivc  miuistcrs  known  collectively  by  the  name 
Ministry.  ^^  ^j^g  Cttbal,  thc  Icttcrs  which  compose  that 
word  being  the  initial  letters  of  their  names.  Not  one 
of  them  was  now  less  devoted  than  the  King  himself 
to  his  scheme  of  grasping  at  arbitrary  power.  Sir 
Thomas  Clifford,  soon  ennobled  as  Lord  Clifford,  and 
made  Lord  Treasurer,  was  a  man  of  honor  after  his 
own  standard,  though  passionate  and  overbearing.  The 
distinguished  good-breeding  of  the  Earl  of  Arlington 
(the  Secretary  Bennett)  pleased  the  King,  to  whom  a 
quiet  but  steady  and  watchful  selfishness  fitted  him 
to  be  perpetually  subservient  and  useful.  The  Duke 
of  Buckingham,  a  jaded  libertine,  had  sat  down  to  the 
game  of  politics  as  a  fresh  resource  for  the  excitement 
which   his  restless   genius   craved.^     The  profound  and 

1  According  to  James's  account  Vaughan,  Memorials  of  the  Stuart  Dy- 
(Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  nasty,  II.  368,  370.) 
I.  440)  it  was  "in  the  beginning  of  2  It  was  said  that,  in  the  time  of  Crom- 
the  year  1669 "  that  he  determined  well's  greatness,  Buckingham  made 
at  all  hazards  to  profess  himself  a  Ro-  suit  to  him  for  the  hand  of  his  daugh- 
manist;  and  on  the  25th  of  January  ter,  the  Lady  Mary.  Being  refused, 
of  that  year,  his  brother  held  a  con-  he  married  a  daughter  of  Lord  Fairfax, 
sultation  with  him,  Lord  Arundel  of  While  a  member  of  the  Cabal,  an  in- 
Wardour,  Lord  Arlington,  and  Sir  trigue  with  the  Countess  of  Shrews- 
Thomas  Clifford,  "  about  the  ways  and  bury  brought  him  into  a  duel  with  her 
methods  fit  to  be  taken  for  advancing  husband.  The  lady,  in  the  dress  of  a 
the  Catholic  religion  in  his  dominions,  page,  held  the  Duke's  horse,  while  he 
being  resolved  not  to  live  any  longer  in  fought  with  her  husband,  whom  he 
the  constraint  he  was  under."    (Comp.  killed.      Buckingham  brought   her   to 


Chap.  I.]        ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  H 

far-sighted  Lord  Ashley  (better  known  in  history  by 
his  later  title  of  Earl  of  Shaftesbury)  was  now  devoting 
to  the  service  of  a  dissolute  sovereign  the  admirable 
abilities  which  had  yielded  their  first-fruits  in  the  sober 
counsels  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  activity,  exjDerience, 
and  brutal  energy  of  Maitland,  Earl  (afterwards  Duke) 
of  Lauderdale,  made  him  a  fit  instrument  for  some  of 
the  worst  business  of  the  court.  In  private  he  pro- 
fessed himself  a  Presbyterian,  but  his  convictions  did 
not  prevent  him  from  attempting  to  expel  Presbytery 
from  his  native  Scotland  by  massacre  and  torture.^  Sir 
John  Trevor,  a  creature  of  Buckingham,  was  lees. 
made  Lord  Arlington's  colleague  as  Secretary  "^''•^• 
of  State,  in  the  place  of  Monk's  friend,  Morrice.^ 

With  such  support  Charles  the  Second  revived  his 
father's  scheme  for  the  establishment  of  a  despotic  mon- 
archy. His  sister,  Henrietta,  married  to  King  Louis's 
brother,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  was  a  Catholic  devotee,  and 
had  talents  for  political  business.  She  came  to  1670. 
Dover,   where   her   brother   met   her,   and   the    ^'^y"- 

his  house,  and  when  the  Duchess  conn-  (Memoh's,  I.  400),  Clifford  owed  his 

plained  of  the  insult,  and  said  that  it  first    advancement,    which    took    the 

was  not  fit  for  her  to  live  under  the  whole   court   by  surprise,  to  the  per- 

same  roof  with  his   mistress,  "  I  have  sonal  favor  of  Arlington.     But   King 

been  thinking  the  same  thing.  Madam,"  James  says  that,  when  he  pressed  upon 

he  replied,  "  and  so  have  ordered  your  his  brother  the  appointment  of  Cliiford 

Grace's  carriage  to  the  door  to  take  as  Lord  Treasurer,  Arlington  was  dis- 

you  to  your  father."  pleased   and    permanently   estranged, 

1  Burnet  has  drawn  the  characters  of  having  aspired  to  it  himself    (Clarke, 

the  Cabal  ministers.    (History  of  His  Life  of  James  the  Second,  I.  481,  482.) 

OwnTime,  L  225,  308,  99, 100,  96,  265,  Evelyn   confirms   this   statement   also 

101;  comp.  Clarendon,  Life,  &c.,  181,  (L  464,  465).     Arlington  married  his 

370.)    Dryden's   brilliant  sketches,  in  daughter,   when    she    was    only    five 

"  Absalom  and  Achitophel,"  of  Bucking-  years  old,  to  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  the 

ham  (Zimri)  and  Shaftesbury  (Achito-  King's  son  by  the  Duchess  of  Cleve- 

phel),  poetry  though  they  be,  are  fairly  land.    (Ibid.,  L  456.) 
adopted  into  history.     The  poet's  non-        2  Trevor  continued   in   ©fEce  three 

coinmiUalism  in   respect   to    Arlington  years  and  a  half.     He  died  May  28th, 

(Eliab)  is  perhaps  to  be  ascribed  to  the  1672,  and  was  succeeded  the  follow- 

known  dislike  of  the  Duke  of  York  to  ing   3d  of  July   by  Henry  Coventry, 

that  nobleman.    According  to  Evelyn  (Kennett,  HI.  316.) 


12  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

terms  of  a  treaty  were  arranged.-^  Charles  agreed  to 
declare  war  against  the  United  Provinces,  and,  in  case 
of  the  death  of  the  young  king  of  Spain,  to  assist  Louis 
in  maintaining  the  claim  of  his  wife  to  the  succession 
to  the  Spanish  throne.  Louis  stipulated  on  his  part  to 
pay  to  the  king  of  England  an  annuity  of  two  hun- 
dred thousand  pounds,  and  to  assist  him.  with  six  thou- 
sand troops,  if  he  should  require  so  many,  to  secure  the 
quiet  of  his  dominions.  These  contracts,  kept  secret 
from  the  public,  were  concerted  with  the  privity  of  all 
the  members  of  the  Cabal ;  and  the  treaty,  so  far,  bore 
their  signatures.  But  there  was  yet  another  article 
which  was  concealed  from  them  all  except  Clifford  and 
Arlington.  In  it  Charles  engaged  himself  to  his  new 
ally  to  make  a  speedy  announcement  of  his  reconcilia- 
tion to  the  Church  of  Eome. 

The  treaty  was  signed  at  Dover  on  the  tenth 

Treaty  be-  .  "^  "  . 

tnreen  chariee  auuivcrsary  of  the  King's  landing  at  that  place 

and  Louis.  .  i   .  ,  tt'  it 

to  resume  his  government.     His  new  allies  un- 
May22.    (Jerstood  how  to  secure  him.      With  the  prin- 
cess came,  as  one  of  her  maids  of  honor,  an  attractive 
Frenchwoman,  named  Louise  de  Querouaille.     The  King 
brought  her  to  court,  and  gave  her  a  rank,  as  Duchess 
of  Portsmouth,  above    all  but  a  few  of  the   noble  ma- 
trons of  the   realm ;  and  the  control  which  to  the  end 
of  his  life  she  held  over  his  mind  was  exerted  in  be- 
half of  the  interests  and   the  religion  of  her  country. 
1671.      A  year  after  the   signature  of  this    treaty,  the 
May  31.    Du^hess   of  York,   Lord    Clarendon's   daughter, 


1  A    series    of   letters    written    by  most  to  effect,  that  for  a  sum  of  money 

Charles  to  the  Duchess  on  this  occasion,  we  shall  'enter  into  a  league  with  the 

some  of  them  in  cipher,  were  printed  king  of  France,  and  that  this  sum  of 

by  Dalrymple  (Memoirs  of  Gi'eat  Brit-  money  will  so  help  the  King,  that  he  will 

ain  and  L-eland,  11.  21-34),  and  are  not   need   the   Parliament;  my  Lady 

of  great  interest.     As  early  as  April  Castlemaine    is    instrumental    in    this 

28, 1669,  Pepys  wrote  (Memoirs,  Diary,  matter.     But  this  is  a  thing  will  make 

ad  he.)  :  "  I  find  that  it  is  brought  al-  the  Parliament  and  kingdom  mad." 


Chap.  I.]        ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  ^3 

died  in  the  communion  of  the  Church  of  Rome ;  ^  and 
presently  her  husband,  the  heir  presumptive  to  the 
throne,  threw  off  the  thin  disguise  which  hitherto  he 
had  worn,  and  announced  his  own  submission  to  the 
successor  of  St.  Peter.  England  seemed  to  be  again 
drifting  back  to  Popery. 

Intelligence  or  suspicion  of  the  late  transactions  with 
the  king  of  France  might  get  abroad,  and  then  it  might 
well  be  feared  that  Parliament  would  prove  im- 

1  1  mi  T7"  1  n  Ninth  Seg- 

practicable.      ilie  Kmg,  always  out  of  money,  sionofPar- 
convoked  the  Houses,  and  with  facile  dishonesty   ''""'"' " 
laid  before  them  the  necessity  of  expensive  preparations 
to  carry  out  the  objects  of  the  Triple  Alliance.     They 
now  made  him  a  liberal  grant,  and  were  imme- 
diately  prorogued,  leaving  him  to  flatter  him- 
self that  for  a  while  his  plans  might  be  prosecuted  with- 
out embarrassment. 

But  the  recent  supply,  though  as  large  as  could  be 
expected  from  the  Commons,  was  not  sufficient  to  afford 
the  ease,  that  he  wanted.  The  goldsmiths  of  London 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  lending  money  to  the  govern- 
ment on  the  security  of  taxes  that  had  been  voted,  re- 
ceiving their  payments  with  interest  as  the  collections 
were  made.  These  obligations  of  the  government  were 
negotiable,  and  constituted  a  basis  for  commercial  opera- 
tions. A  million  and  a  quarter  of  pounds  sterling  had 
now  been  borrowed  in  this  way.      Notice  was 

•^  Repudiation 

given  that  the  debt  would  not  be  discharged  of  pi^buc  debt, 
at  the  end  of  the  time  for  which  it  was  con-    jan.2. 


1  But  according  to  Mrs.  Godolphin,  and  died  (poor  creature)  in  doubt  of 
•who  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  the  her  religion,  without  the  sacrament,  or 
wayward  Duchess  was  one  of  her  divine  by  her,  hke  a  poor  wretch." 
maids  of  honor,  her  new  religion  failed  (Evelyn,  Life  of  Mrs.  Godolphin,  p.  13.) 
her  at  the  last.  "  The  Duchess  dead  ;  Her  husband,  however,  tells  a  different 
a  princess  honored  in  power;  had  story.  (Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Sec- 
much  wit,  much  money,  much  esteem;  ond,  I.  452.) 
she  was   full  of  unspeakable   torture, 

VOL.  III.  2 


14 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


tracted,  and  that  the  holders  of  bonds  would  receive 
only  the  interest  upon  their  loans.  Bankruptcies  fol- 
lowed, and  the  shock  and  distress  in  the  financial  circles 
were  great.^  Clifford  is  said  to  have  advised  this  grossly 
fraudulent  proceeding.  Bridgman,  the  Lord  Keeper, 
could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  lend  himself  to 

"  Nov.  17.      .  .  . 

it.  He  resigned  his  great  office,^  and,  to  the 
surprise  of  all  Englishmen,  Lord  Ashley,  who  had  no 
reputation  as  a  lawyer,  was  made  Lord  Chancellor.^ 

A  measure  of  a  different  character  from  that  which 
had  distressed  the  merchants  created  much  more  general 
Declaration  of  dismay.  By  a  proclamation  called  the  Decla- 
^'^"'mT     ^'^^^^^^  ^f  Indulgence  the  King  suspended  the  exe- 

March  15.   cutiou  of  "  all  manner  of  penal  laws  in  matters 


1  Wilson,  Memoirs  of  the  Life  and 
Times  of  Daniel  Defoe,  I.  52.  —  Peter 
Tilton,  of  Hadley,  attending  the  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Massachusetts,  caught 
the  feeling  that  prevailed  around  him. 
He  wrote  to  his  wife  from  Boston 
(May  18,  1672):  "O  what  a  price 
doth  divine  patience  yet  betrust  us 
with,  when  he  is  drawing  out  the 
sword  and  arraying  himself  with  the 
garments  of  vengeance  as  to  other 
kingdoms,  and  when  it  is  more  than 
probable  many  garments  are  tumbling 
in  blood.  As  to  the  news  from  Eng- 
land, all  men,  both  wise  and  others,  of 
more  ordinary  capacities,  look  on  the 
effect  or  produce  thereof  will  be  as 
black  a  day  in  the  world  as  the  world 
hath  known.  The  late  actions  in  Eng- 
land in  commissionating  their  fleet  to 
seize  and  fall  on  the  Hollander,  of 
which  I  wrote  you  in  my  last,  breaking 
their  league,  joining  with  the  French, 
assisting  them  with  soldiers  out  of  Eng- 
land, and  with  their  principal  harbors 
to  receive  a  numerous  army,  and  shut- 
ting up  the  exchequer,  whereby  many 
are  outed  of  their  estates  contrary  to 
all  law,  are  things  that  both  in  England 


and  here,  by  men  of  all  soi-ts,  are  looked 
upon  as  strange,  hoirid,  and  ominous." 
"  This  day,"  he  continues,  "  the  Gen- 
eral Court  hath  appointed  the  fourth 
day  of  the  week  ensuing  (for  them- 
selves) a  day  of  solemn  fasting  and 
humiliation  to  fall  down  upon  their' 
knees  before  Almighty  God,  for  and 
in  the  behalf  of  his  cause,  name,  people, 
and  interest,  that  in  this  day  are  so 
deeply  designed  against  by  the  serpent 
and  his  seed,  and  that  by  this  black 
cloud  of  tumult  and  commotion  now 
amongst  the  nations  the  Lord  would 
bring  forth  the  accomplishment  of  those 
promises  of  his,  that  his  people  are  so 
earnestly  looking  after  and  waiting 
for."     (Hutchinson,  Coll.,  441.) 

2  Burnet  says  (History  of  His  Own 
Time,  I.  307),  that  Bridgeman  was 
dismissed  because  of  refusing  to  put 
the  great  seal  to  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dulgence. Hume  judged  that  he  was 
"for  that  reason,  though  under  other 
pretences,  removed  from  his  office." 

3  "  Except  being  free  from  gross  cor- 
ruption, the  worst  judge  that  had  ever 
sat  in  that  court."  (Campbell,  Lives 
of  the  Chancellors,  IV.  176.) 


Chap.  I.]       ENGLAND   UNDER  CHARLES   THE   SECOND. 


15 


ecclesiastical,  against  whatever  sort  of  non-conformists 
or  recusants."^  The  proclamation  gave  liberty  to  dis- 
senters to  meet  for  worship  in  buildings  licensed  for 
the  purpose,  while  Catholics  were  obliged  to  "confine 
their  religious  assemblies  to  private  houses."  But  it 
was  universally  understood  that  this  distinction  was  only 
a  blind,  and  was  expected  to  reconcile  the  Protestant  dis- 
senters to  a  toleration  of  the  partisans  of  Rome.  With 
few  exceptions,  the  former  body  rejected  a  privilege 
for  themselves  which  was  to  be  coupled  with  a  con- 
cession of  what  to  them  was  mere  idolatrous  impiety.^ 

In  pursuance  of  the  treaty  with  France,  a  war  was  now 
to   be   undertaken  asrainst   Holland.     The   real 

„  ,  111  1      War  with 

motive  lor  the  measure  could  not  be  avowed.  Houand. 
No  valid  cause  for  it  existed,  and  the  govern- 
ment was  fain  to  have  recourse  to  the  most  frivolous 
pretences.^     Nor  was  war  declared  till  after,  in  perfidious 


1  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  516. 

2  "  When  the  Declaration  for  Tolera- 
tion was  published,  great  endeavors 
were  used  by  the  Court  to  persuade 
the  Non-Conformists  to  make  addresses 
and  compliments  upon  it.  But  few 
were  so  blind  as  not  to  see  what  was 
aimed  at  by  it."  (Burnet,  History, 
&c.,  I.  308 ;  comp.  Rehquise  Baxte- 
rianae,  HI.  99.)  Nothing  occurred  of 
a  nature  to  justify  Lingai'd's  assertion 
(XU.  245)  that  "the  dissenters  grate- 
fully accepted  the  indulgence."  Some 
were  disposed  to  do  so,  but  better 
counsels  prevailed.  In  James  Pierce's 
"  Vindication  of  the  Dissenters,"  &c. 
(1718)  one  may  read  how  these  trans- 
actions were  regarded  by  the  Non- 
Conformists  in  the  next  generation. 
For  their  position  in  respect  to  the 
Declaration  of  Indulgence,  see  that 
book,  pp.  241  et  seq.  (Comp.  Neal,  IV. 
485-489.) 

3  One  of  these  was  that  a  Dutch  Ad- 
miral, in  command  of  a  lai'ge  fleet  close 


in  with  the  coast  of  Holland,  had  not 
lowered  his  topsails  to  a  yacht  of  the 
king  of  England.  The  little  craft,  in 
obedience  to  her  orders,  kept  up  a  fire 
on  the  Dutch  leviathans  as  she  passed 
them,  and  it  was  not  returned ;  but  the 
Admiral  went  on  board  of  her,  and 
explained  that  he  should  at  once  have 
paid  the  compliment  to  an  English  man- 
of-war,  but  could  not  venture  to  do  it 
in  a  case  like  the  present  without  or- 
ders from  his  government.  The  thing 
seemed  too  ridiculous  to  be  persevered 
in,  but  the  Englishman  kept  on  firing, 
though  not  with  such  an  aim  as  to  pro- 
voke the  dumb  monsters  too  far;  and 
he  sailed  home  unharmed  with  a  story 
that  served  the  purpose  of  his  masters. 
(Burnet,  History,  I.  426.)  "Surely 
this  was  a  quarrel  slenderly  grounded, 
and  not  becoming  Christian  neighbors." 
(Evelyn,  Memoirs,  I.  448.)  Sir  Wil- 
liam Temple's  wife  was  on  board  of 
the  yacht.     (Temple,  Works,  H.  177.) 


16  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

disregard  of  the  existing  relations  with  that  power,  the 
Kinp^  had  already  ordered  his  Channel  fleet  to 

March  3.  ^  '^ 

make  an  attack  on  a  rich  convoy  of  Dutch  ves- 
sels returning  from  the  Levant.  In  consequence  of  a 
want  of  concert  among  the  English  officers,  the  attempt 
was  only  partially  successful ;  but  the  outrage  could  not 
be  passed  over.  In  the  contest  that  followed,  the  Dutch 
were  for  a  while  reduced  to  great  distress.  On  their 
proper  element,  indeed,  in  circumstances  however  un- 
jDropitious,  they  lost  nothing  of  their  ancient  renown. 
But  on  land  the  force  combined  to  ruin  them  was  out 
of  all  proportion  to  their  capacity  of  resistance.  A  hun- 
dred thousand  men  crossed  their  borders,  led  by  the 
king  of  France,  with  Conde  and  Turenne  for  his  lieu- 
tenants. Of  the  seven  provinces  of  the  Republic  three 
were  overrun,  and  the  invaders  encamped  within  a  few 
miles  of  Amsterdam. 

The  consternation  occasioned  by  these  disasters  opened, 
through  rough  passages,  the  way  of  relief  The  repub- 
lican party  was  deprived  of  power,  its  illustrious 
champion,  De  Witt,  falling  a  sacrifice  to  popu- 
lar fury  in  the  struggle ;  and  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
now  twenty-two  years  of  age,  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  his  country's  affairs.  The  Prince  was  not  a  success- 
ful commander;  but  his  unconquerable  resolution  and 
his  political  capacity  supplied  what  the  crisis  called  for. 
While  he  managed  to  bring  to  the  view  of  his  allied 
enemies  some  differences  of  interest  between  them,  and 
cultivated  the  friendship  of  the  states  of  Germany,  he 
succeeded  in  persuading  his  countrymen  to  make  an 
heroic  effort  for  deliverance.  They  opened  their  dikes. 
The  sea  rushed  in  and  covered  their  country,  except 
where  the  towns  showed  like  so  many  islands;  and  the 
invaders  had  to  retreat  for  their  lives. 
Tenth  Session  Parliament  was  called  together  again  in  the 
of  Parliament,  gp^ing  which  followcd  this  change  in  the  pros- 


Chap.  I.]   ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.        J7 

pects  of  the  Continental  war.  In  the  interval,  which 
had  lasted  two  years,  several  members  of  the  House  of 
Commons  had  died,  and,  in  anticipation  of  the  probable 
temper  of  that  House,  it  was  seen  to  be  important  to 
fill  the  vacancies  by  the  election  of  persons  friendly  to 
the  court.  The  recent  practice  had  been  for  the  Speaker 
to  issue  the  writ  for  an  election  to  fill  a  vacancy,  after 
the  vacancy  had  been  ascertained  by  the  House.  But 
Lord  Shaftesbury,  reviving  the  ancient  practice  of  issuing 
writs  under  the  Great  Seal,  and  accordingly  having  the 
choice  of  time  and  of  channels  of  intelligence,  proved 
to  have  secured  such  an  advantage  that  nearly  all  the 
new  members  returned  were  friends  of  the  Cabal. 

Of  the  hard  task  which  devolved  upon  hinl  at  the 
meeting  of  Parliament  he  acquitted  himself  with  1673, 
his  accustomed  boldness  and  ability.  He  told  ^^'' *• 
the  Houses  that  the  war  was  theirs ;  that  the  Dutch 
'confederacy  was  the  implacable  foe  of  monarchical  gov- 
ernments, and  was  a  Carthage  to  he  destroyed;  and  that 
it  was  now  for  the  representatives  of  England,  by  fur- 
nishing a  generous  supply  for  the  conduct  of  the  war, 
to  show  how  rash  were  all  calculations  founded  on  the 
supposition  that  they  were  dissatisfied  with  the  policy 
of  the  King. 

The  Commons,  however,  resumed  the  practice  of  the 
early  years  of  the  century,  and  engaged  first  in  the  con- 
sideration of  grievances.  The  holding  of  elections  under 
the  Chancellor's  writ  was  condemned  as  an  abuse ;  the 
members  who  had  been  chosen  under  that  process  with- 
drew; and  the  Speaker's  writ  was  issued  for  new  elec- 
tions. The  House  resolved  to  make  a  grant  of  two  hun- 
dred and  sixty  thousand  pounds ;  but  by  their  silence 
respecting  its  use  they  refrained  from  expressing  ap- 
probation of  the  war,  and  they  delayed  giving  their 
grant  the  form  of  law,  lest  a  prorogation  should  imme- 
diately disarm  them.  Next  they  took  up  the  recent 
2* 


18  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Declaration  of  Indulgence,  which  they  reasonably  rep- 
resented as  a  measure  of  such  a  character,  that  to  rec- 
ognize its  principle  would  be  to  admit  a  power,  residing 
in  the  sovereign,  virtually  to  repeal  all  the  laws  of 
the  realm.  The  King  desired  to  persist ;  to  retreat 
would  be  for  him  not  only  a  disappointment,  but  a 
humiliation.  But  it  was  plain  that  the  Commons  had 
again  come  together  in  an  unma.nageable  mood.  The 
scenes  of  thirty  years  before  rose  to  his  memory.  If 
there  were  trouble  in  England,  he  doubted  whether  the 
six  thousand  troops  promised  from  France  would  be 
able  to  compose  it,  even  if  the  king  of  France 
uononiidui-  should  now  be  able  to  spare  them  from  his 
gence  with-    Continental  war.    Charles  was,  as  usual,  in  debt, 

drawn.  '  '  1 

and  the  present  temper  of  the  nation  did  not 
invite  him  to  raise  money  in  the  ways  that  had  for  a 
while  sufiiced  his  father.  His  prudence  or  his  indo- 
lence prevailed.  To  break  the  fall,  he  went  through  i 
the  form  of  asking  the  opinion  of  the  Peers.  They 
advised  him  to  give  way,  and  retract  the  Dec- 
laration ;  which  he  accordingly  did,  breaking  the 
seal  with  his  own  hand. 

Lord  Shaftesbury  took  alarm  and  offence.     This  was 
not   the    sort   of  kin^   of  whom  he   desired  to 

Disaffection  of  .  *-' 

Lordshaftes-  bc    cliicf  adviscr.      The   fate   of  Strafford   rose 
'"^'  to  his  memory,  and  he  considered  with  himself 

what  degree  of  reliance  might  be  prudently  placed  on 
the  protection  of  a  cowardly  monarch  against  an  angry 
Parliament.  With  him  to  resolve  was  to  act;  nor  was 
he  accustomed  to  lose  time  in  devices  for  maintaining 
the  reputation  of  consistency.  He  turned  popular  leader, 
and  for  the  moment  gave  irresistible  strength  to  the 
party  which  he  espoused. 

The  religious  zeal  of  Parliament  was  probably  stimu- 
lated by  a  conviction  that  it  had  to  meet  the  respon- 
sibility of  protecting  the   Church,  so  incompetent  and 


Chap.  I.]       ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.  ig 

inefficient  were  most  of  the  principal  clergy.  It  would 
not  be  extravagant  to  conjecture  that  the  King  had 
designed  to  weaken  the  ecclesiastical  system  of  the 
realm  by  placing  men  of  inferior  capacity  or  heterodox 
opinion  in  its  highest  offices.  Jeremy  Taylor  (married 
to  Charles's  half-sister)  administered  an  obscure  bishop- 
ric in  Ireland.  Isaac  Barrow  was  never  promoted  be- 
yond the  Mastership  of  a  College ;  while  men  of  ordi- 
nary qualifications,  such  as  Sancroft,  Juxon,  Sheldon,  and 
Compton,  sat  on  the  episcopal  benches.  Wilkins  was 
far  the  ablest  of  the  bishops,  and  he  was  currently  said 
to  be  a  Socinian.-^ 

The  withdrawal  of  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence  was 
not  enough  to  quiet  the  alarm  which  had  been  created 
in  Parliament  by  what  had  been  evinced  of  the  King's 
lenity  to  Komanism.     A  law  called  the  Test  Act 

IT  •        1       1  n  1  Passage  of 

was  passed.  It  required  that  all  persons,  to  be  the  Test  Act. 
capable  of  holding  public  office,  should  solemnly 
declare  their  disbelief  in  the  doctrine  of  transubstantia- 
tion,  in  addition  to  taking  the  oaths  of  supremacy  and 
allegiance,  and  receiving  the  sacrament  from  a  clergy- 
man of  the  Church  of  Ensjland.^     The  Commons 

March  29. 

then  gave  to  their  grant  of  money  the  form  of 
law,  and  Parliament  was  speedily  prorogued. 

When  they  next  came  together,  great  excitement  was 
produced  by  intelligence  of  the  recent  marriage  of  the 
Duke  of  York.  He  had  been  wedded,  by  proxy,  to  a 
Catholic  princess,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Modena,  an 


1  Buckle,  History  of  Civilization,  11.  promise  of  some  legislation  for  their 
281-283.                                 •  relief;  butrelief  never  came  in  the  form 

2  Hard  as  the  Test  Act  bore  on  of  legislation  till  after  a  century  and 
the  Dissenters,  they  sustained  it  from  a  half.  In  the  interval  Dissenters  hold- 
the  same  elevated  policy  which  had  ing  office  were  only  protected  by  the 
prompted  them  to  condemn  the  Decla-  series  of  Annual  Indemnity  Acts,  which 
ration  of  Indulgence.  (See  Amos  on  began  with  the  reign  of  George  the 
the   English   Constitution,    149-155.)  Second. 

They  were    also    conciliated   by    the 


20  HISTOEY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  m. 

ally  of  the   king  of  France.     The  session  began   with 
an   address  of  the   Commons  to  the  King,  re- 
fi'onTf  Pa!ua-  monstrating  against   this   alliance.       The   King 
"'^'oct  20     I'^plied,  that  the  objection  came  too  late.     The 
Commons  were  now  wrought  up  to  a  temper 
that  had  never  been  witnessed  before  since  the  resto- 
ration of  the  monarchy.      They  resolved  to  present  a 
second  memorial,  of  like  tenor  with  the  former ;  to  refuse 
supplies,  except  in  some  case  of  extreme  emergency,  till 
further  precautions  were  taken  against  Popery,  and  till 
other  grievances  should  be  redressed ;  to  make  provision 
for  the  exclusion  of  Papists,  not  only  from  executive  and 
ministerial  offices,  but  from  Parliament;  to  reduce  the 
regular  military  force  ;  and  to  pray  the  King  to  appoint 
a  day  of  general  fasting,  to  implore  the  Almighty  to 
avert  the  evils  that  threatened  the  nation.     These  pro- 
ceedings looked  too  much  like  those  which  had  intro- 
duced the  Civil  War.     The  courtiers  took  alarm, 
and  again  Parliament  was  in  haste  prorogued. 
The  Test  Act  displaced  the  Duke  of  York  from  the 
office   of  AdmiraV    and    Lord    Clifford   from   the    office 
of  Treasurer.     The  King  took  the  Great  Seal  from  Lord 
Shaftesbury,  and  the  Cabal  ministry  was  fatally  crippled. 
Money  was  still  indispensable,  and  Parliament 

Twelfth  Se3-  "^  .  . 

sionofPariia- was  brought  togcthor  again  in  two  months. 
1674.  The  House  of  Commons  began  the  session  by 
^  ■  addresses  praying  the  King  to  proclaim  a  Fast- 
day  for  imploring  security  against  "  the  undermining 
practices  of  Popish  recusants  " ;  ^  to  forbid  the  approach  of 
Popish  non-householders  within  ten  miles  of  the  Houses 
of  Parliament  during  a  session ;  to  order  an  enrolment 
of  Popish  householders,  dwelling  within  five  miles  of  Lon- 
don J  and  to  have  the  militia  prepared  for  ^  immediate 

1  "  Designed  to  hew  the  imperial  cedar  down,  2  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  618. 

Defraud  succession,  and  disheir  the  crown." 
Dryden,  Hind  and  Panther, 


Chap.  I.]       ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES   THE  SECOND.  21 

movement  to  disperse  assemblages  of  Papists  and  other 
malecontents.  They  voted  that  the  peace  of  the  nation 
required  that  all  persons  "  Popishly  affected,  or  other- 
wise obnoxious  or  dangerous,"  should  be  removed  from 
the  royal  comicils.^  They  presented  a  memorial  to  the 
Kino^,  prayino;  him  to  "  remove  the  Duke  of  Lau- 

<^^  i-        -^       <=>  ^  Dissolution 

derdale  from  all  his  emplojrraents,  and  from  the  ofthecabai 
royal  presence  and  councils  forever."  ^     A  simi-  '"""'  '^' 
lar   sentence,   somewhat   qualified,   was   passed    against 
Buckingham,  who,  to  the  great  displeasure  of  the  peer- 
age,  appeared   before   the    Commons   and   made   a   de- 
fence.^    The  proceedings  against  Arlington,  obstructed 
and  embarrassed  by  persons  secretly  his  friends,  came 
to  no  definite  issue.*     He  was  superseded  as  Sec- 
retary of  State  by  Sir  Joseph  Williamson,  hither- 
to his  Under-Secretary,®  and  was  provided  for  by  a  high 
office   in   the   royal   household.      Here   he   disappeared 
from  the  public  theatre  of  politics,  though  he  continued 
to  exercise  no  little  influence  over  the  ministry  which 
followed.     Buckingham,  like  the  more  cunning  Shaftes- 
bury, turned  tribune  of  the  people.     The  action  of  the 
English  Parliament  was  of  force   only  in  England,  and 
Lauderdale  was  continued  in  all  his  offices  in  the  North- 
ern kingdom,  and  to  all  intents  at  the  head  of  its  ad- 
ministration. 

From  questions  of  domestic  policy  the  Parliament 
hastened  to  a  consideration  of  foreign  affairs.  The  Com- 
mons frankly  avowed  their  purpose  to  make  no  further 
grants  for  carrying  on  the  war  with  the  United  Prov- 
inces, unless  fair  terms  of  pacification  should  be  rejected 
by  that  power.  It  had  become  plain  to  the  King  that 
he  could  not  at  present  avail   himself  of  the  benefits 

1  Parliamentary   History,  IV.   624,        4  Ibid.,  650-657.     Journals  of  the 
625.                           •  House  of  Commons,  IX.  286  -  314. 

2  Ibid.,  625-630.  ^  Evelyn  (Memoirs,  I.  469)  gives  no 

3  Ibid.,  630  -  649.  good  character  of  Williamson. 


22  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

expected  from  his  treaty  with  France.  He  had  called 
Peace  with  ^^^  William  Temple  from  his  retirement,  and 
Holland.       sent  him  to   the  Hao-ue  ;   and  that  able  ambas- 

Feb.  9.  °     . 

sador  now  easily  negotiated  a  separate  peace. 

During  four  years  after  the  downfall  of  the  Cabal 
ministry,  the  royal  councils  were  guided  by  the  states- 
man best  known  in  history  imder  the  name  of  the  Earl 
of  Danby.  Sir  Thomas  Osborne,  a  Yorkshire  baronet, 
who,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  had  taken  a  prominent 
part  on  the  side  of  the  court,  was  raised  to  the  great 
post  of  Lord  Treasurer  a  few  months  after  the 
LorrSnby.     rcsiguation  of  Clifford.^     He  was  at  the  same 

1673        iiiiiQ  created  Baron  Osborne  and  Viscount  Lati- 

Aug.  15. 

mer,  and  a  year  later  was  advanced  another 
step  in  the  peerage  as  Earl  of  Danby.  He  must  be 
reckoned  for  an  honest  statesman,  when  judged  by  the 
standard  of  those  times.  He  bribed  others  freely,  and 
he  was  not  above  receiving  bribes.  He  desired  to  re- 
store to  English  royalty  the  prerogatives  of  which  it 
had  been  shorn  in  the  recent  reigns,  and  to  make  his 
master  a  sovereign  after  the  manner  of  the  Tudors. 
But  he  aimed  to  carry  on  this  counter-revolution  by 
the  agency  of  Englishmen  alone.  So  far  from  being 
capable  of  entertaining  the  scheme  of  the  Cabal  minis- 
try, to  make  the  king  of  England  a  despotic  vassal  of 
France,  he  hated  France  with  all  the  vivid  instinct  of  his 
energetic  nature. 

Pleased  with  the  peace  with  Holland,  all  English  Prot- 
estants were  again  disposed  to  gratify  the  King.  The 
Thirteenth  ^^^^  sccmcd  favorablc  for  taking  a  final  pledge 
Session  of      of  tlic  lovalty  of  the  Cavaliers,  and  installine:  the 

1675.  sovereign  and  tlie  Church  in  secure  authority. 
Parliament  was  again  called   together.^     A  bill 


Parliament. 
1675. 
AprU  13. 


1  Evelyn,  Memoirs,  I.  462,  464,  465.     erett:  "The  Kin^,  by  the  prevalen- 

2  John    Collins   wrote   at  this   time     cy  of  the  bishops  over  him,  hath  -within 
(March  19th,  1675)  to  Governor  Lev-    this  month  or  six  weeks  taken  off  the 


Chap.  I.]   ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.        23 

was  brought  into  the  House  of  Lords,  which  excluded 
from  both  Houses,  and  from  every  pubHc  office,  all  per- 
sons but  such  as  should  take  an  oath  that  they  con- 
sidered resistance  to  the  King  to  be  criminal  in  all 
circumstances  whatsoever,  and  that  they  would  not,  "  at 
any  time,  endeavor  the  alteration  of  the  government, 
either  in  church  or  state."  ^  The  measure  was  pending 
for  several  weeks.  In  a  vehement  opposition  which  was 
made  to  it,  Buckingham  and  Shaftesbury  took  the  lead. 
Though  unable  to  obtain  its  formal  rejection,  their  dex- 
terous tactics  embarrassed  its  promoters  at  every  step ; 
and  it  never  became  a  law,  though  repetitions  of  the 
attempt  to  carry  it  through  did  not  cease  to  be  prob- 
able.     A  quarrel  between  the  two  Houses  on 

;  •  r^         •     '^  •  /»    1         Defeat  of  the 

a  question  oi  privilege  was  one  occasion  oi  de-  High  Tory 
lays.     It  has  been  even  supposed  that  the  ques-  ^''j^^ 
tion  was  raised  for  that  purpose.     By  leading 
to  two  prorogations  of  Parliament,  after   sessions  con- 
sisting each  of  only  two  weeks,  it  favored  the  present 
designs  of  the  popular  party.     A  fierce  opposition  had 

protection  of  his  licenses  given  us  in  faithful  to  himself,  he  will  deliver  os 

March  '72,  and,  together  with  a  hot  from  sin,  the  greatest  evil,  and  we  shall 

prosecution  of  the  Papists,  left  us  also  hope  the  wrath  of  man  shall  praise  him, 

a  very  troublesome  persecution,  wherein  and   the   remainder   he  will   restrain, 

many  are  spoiled  of  their  goods,  several  Things  in  the  parts  beyond  sea  look 

imprisoned,  which  last  cost  the  life  of  still  as  proceeding  to  further  war  and 

a  worthy  minister,  Mr.   Thompson  of  confusion ;     Holland's     condition     yet 

Bristol,   pastor   of  the   church   there ;  distracted ;  the  Protestants  everywhere 

several  returned  upon  twenty  shillings  sufferers ;   and  yet  the  Popish  swords 

a  month  into  the  exchequer,  to  their  drawn  one  against  another.    Methinks 

utter  undoing.    This  city  [London]  yet  the  coming  of  our  Lord  should  be  near, 

scapes  best ;  you  cannot  imagine  how  in  the  faith  of  which  we  desire  to  wait, 

averse  the  spirit  of  the  magistrates  is  to  The  Parliament  will  one  way  or  other 

meddle   with  us.      What   importunity  give   a   great   change   to   things,  and 

and  opportunity  may  at  last  produce,  make   me   have   more   news  to  send, 

we  are  fearful.    The  Parliament  meets  which  I  shall  communicate  as  oppor- 

April   13;  how  they   will   back  these  tunity   serves,   though  I  expect   none 

things   or  check   them,  we   desire   to  good."     (Hutch.  Coll.,  474,  475.) 
wait  with  prayer  and  faith.    All  things         1  Parliamentary  History,  IV.   715- 

here  threaten  a  storm  as  coming  upon  721 ;  comp.  Burnet,  L  539-543. 
us.     All  we   desire,  if  God  keep  us 


24  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

been  organized  against  Lord  Danby's  management  of 
affairs,  and  articles  of  impeachment  were  exhibited 
against  him,  which  were  only  rejected  after  a  long  and 
acrimonious  debate.^ 

The  prosperity  of  the  French  arms  seemed  for  a  time 
to  wane.  Louis,  who  took  the  field  in  person,  found 
Pacific  dis-  it  imprudent  to  risk  a  general  action,  without 
poBition  of     ^jjich  ]^Q  could  not  penetrate  into  the  Low  Coun- 

the  king  or  ■•- 

France.  tries.  His  great  general,  Turenne,  was  killed 
by  a  random  shot  while  reconnoitring  the  imperial  army 
on  the  Upper  Rhine.  At  Treves,  the  French  experi- 
enced, under  Marshal  Crequi,  the  only  defeat  which  be- 
fell them  by  land  during  the  sixty  years  that  preceded 
the  battle  of  Blenheim.  In  these  circumstances  the 
king  of  France  became  less  indisposed  to  a  pacification ; 
and,  under  the  mediation  of  the  English  government, 
arrangements  were  made  for  a  meeting  of  ambassadors 
of  the  belligerent  powers  at  Nimeguen  in  Guelderland, 
to  discuss  the  terms  of  an  agreement.  The  Dutch  on 
the  one  hand,  and  Louis  on  the  other,  were  well  in- 
clined to  an  immediate  negotiation ;  but  the  German 
and  Spanish  allies  of  Holland,  too  much  elated  by  their 
recent  successes,  interposed  delays.  The  fortune  of  war, 
however,  soon  changed  again  to  some  extent ;  the  young 
Stadtholder  of  Holland  threatened  to  make  a  separate 
1676.  treaty,  if  his  allies  persisted  in  holding  back; 
December,  ^j^^j  ^[jgjj.  ambassadors  at  last  appeared.  But 
still  the  negotiation  went  on  sluggishly,  each  party 
hoping  to  improve  its  position  in  the  further  progress 
of  the  war. 

In    England,   patriotic   men   contemplated   this   state 

1  Parliamentary    History,   IV.    688  lished   the   story  of  it   in  "  A  Letter 

-695.  —  "For  tactics  there  is  no  par-  from  a  Person  of  Quality  to  a  Friend 

liamentary    campaign    more    brilliant  in  the  Country,"  in  the  composition  of 

than  this  of  Shaftesbury."    (Campbell,  which  his  protege,  John  Locke,  is  said 

Lives  of  the  Chancellors,  IV.    190.)  to  have  had  a  hand. 
After   the   session,    Shaftesbury   pub- 


Chap.  I.]        ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  25 

of  things  with  extreme  soHcitude.  The  King  was  griev- 
ously embarrassed  between  his  secret  engagements  to 
France  and  fear  of  his  jealous  people.  The  need  of 
money  was  an  ever-present  consideration  with  him  to 
control  his  judgment  when  other  reasons  were  balanced, 
and  again  he  convened  the  Parliament,  after  a  recess 
of  fifteen  months. 

When  it  assembled,  Buckingham  and  Shaftesbury  were 
found  to  be  provided  with  a  new  element  of  dis-  ^.^^^^^^^ 
sension.  On  the  ground  of  an  unrepealed  stat-  session  of 
ute  of  Edward  the  Third,  which  required  that  im. 
there  should  be  a  meeting  of  Parliament  once 
in  every  year,  they  insisted  that  the  present  meeting 
was  not  a  legal  Parliament.^  They  were,  however,  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower,  where  they  were  kept  for  several 
months,  and  the  public  business  proceeded.  Danby  in- 
troduced a  bill  for  investing  the  bishops  with  the  eccle- 
siastical patronage  of  the  crown,  in  case  of  the  accession 
of  a  Popish  sovereign ;  ^  the  Commons  rejected  it,  being 
unwilling  alike  to  entertain  the  question  of  such  a  suc- 
cession, and  to  repose  such  a  confidence  in  the  bishops. 
A  second  bill  offered  by  the  prime  minister  met  a  simi- 
lar fate,  being  thought  by  the  Commons  to  favor  Popery 
under  a  show  of  severity  against  it.^  A  grant  of  five 
hundred  and  eighty-five  thousand  pounds  was  made  for 
the  increase  of  the  naval  force ;  but  the  money  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  commissioners,  who  were  to  ac- 
count to  the  House  of  Commons  for  its  expenditure.^ 

While  Parliament  was  thus  employed,  a  new  direc- 
tion was  suddenly  given  to  its  counsels,  by  the  arrival 
of  intelligence  of  signal  successes  of  the  king  of  France. 
Taking  the  field  before  the  opening  of  spring,  French! 
he  had  beaten  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  a  pitched 


suc- 
cesses. 


1  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  813-  3  ibid.,  861-863. 

833.  *  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons, 

2  Ibid.,  853-857.  IX.  419-422. 
VOL.   III.                                         3 


2g  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

battle,  and  reduced  three  of  the  principal  cities  of  Flan- 
ders. The  House  of  Commons  immediately  made  an 
Address  to  the  King,  praying  him  to  take  measures  to 
obstruct  the  ambitious  designs  of  France.-^  He  replied 
in  unsatisfactory  terms,  and  the  application  was  renewed 
with  earnestness.  The  King  then  proposed  to  accede 
to  the  wish  of  the  House,  and  prosecute  a  vigorous 
war,  if  Parliament  would  place  in  his  hands  a  sum  not 
less  than  six  hundred  thousand  pounds.  But  they  would 
not  trust  him  with  it,  before  there  should  be  a  declara- 
tion of  war.  They  feared  that,  if  the  money  should  be 
first  provided,  it  would  not  be  spent  for  its  legitimate 
purpose,  and  might  be  used  against  themselves.  The 
parties   could  not  satisfy   each  other,  and  Par- 

MaylS.       ,.  ,  -,2 

liament  was  prorogued. 
In  the  recess,  availing  himself  of  a  suspension  of  mili- 
tary operations,  the  Prince  of  Orange  came  to 
of  England.      One   of  his    objects   was  to   present 
Orange  to  the  i^iij^self  as  suitor   for   the    hand .  of  his   cousin, 

Princess  ' 

Mary.  Mary,  oldest  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  York. 
The  marriage  took  place,  and  Danby  and  Tem- 
ple persuaded  the  King  to  agree  to  present  to  France 
certain  terms  of  pacification  with  the  Dutch,  and  to  add 
a  threat  of  immediately  taking  part  against  her  in  case 
they  should  be  refused.  Temple  was  instructed  to  re- 
pair to  Paris,  and  there  require  a  categorical  answer, 
to  be  given  within  two  days.  Before  his  arrangements 
for  departure  could  be  made,  he  was  superseded  by  a 
messenger  of  far  inferior  capacity,  whom  Louis  managed 
to  satisfy  and  send  back  without  the  answer  which  it 
was  his  business  to  bring. 

Unpropitious  to  the  designs  of  Louis  as  was  the  alli- 
ance now  formed  by  his  great  rival  with  the  royal 
family  of  England,  that  crafty  prince  professed  not  to 
take  it  in  ill  part.     Though  he  knew  that  the  private 

1  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  845.  2  ibid.,  961  -  964,  972 -  977. 


Marriage  of 
the  Prince 


Chap.  I.]   ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.       27 

agreement  between  Charles  and  his  nephew  had  been 
followed  by  a  formal  compact  between  their 
governments  to  enforce  the  terms  of  pacifi- 
cation which  had  been  proposed,  he  was  too  well  ac- 
quainted w^ith  the  character  and  position  of  Charles  to 
suppose  that  he  would  certainly  prove  inflexible.  A 
quarter's  allowance  due  from  France  to  her  pensioner 
under  the  secret  treaty  was  withholden ;  but  at  the 
same  time  excuses  were  made  which  did  not  refer  to 
the  real  cause,  and  hopes  were  held  out  of  a  large  in- 
crease of  the  bounty,  if  satisfactory  conditions  should 
be  arranged. 

In  England,  Parliament,  once  more  assembled  after 
a  recess,  attempted  to  stimulate  the  King  by  liberal 
proposals  of  support.  It  resolved  to  collect  an  army  of 
thirty  thousand  men,  and  a  fleet  of  a  hundred 

"  Abortive 

vessels,  and  to  appropriate  at  once  for  the  pur-  miiitar, 
pose  the  sum  of  a  million  of  pounds  sterling.^     ibts. 
But  the  prevailing  distrust  of  the  King's  sin-   ^®'''■"^'^• 
cerity    obstructed    all   definitive    arrangements.      When 
the   practical   question  was  presented,  they   who   most 
deplored  his  friendship  for  France,  and  were  perpetually 
exciting  him  to  active  hostility  against  that  power,  could 
not  prevail  upon  themselves  to  furnish  him  with  means 
for  such  hostility,  lest  the  means  they  provided  should 
be  used,  not  against  France,  but  against  England.     Louis 
well  knew  the  causes  and  the  relations  of  this  distrust, 
and  took  care   to  stimulate  it  by  the  communications 
of  his  ambassadors  with  the  King  of  England  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  patriots  on  the  other. 

Meanwhile,  though  beset  with  embarrassments  and 
apprehensions  which  made  him  on  the  whole  desirous 
of  peace,  he  did  not  fail  to  pursue  his  present  advantages 
in  the  field,  with  a  view  to  better  terms.     IntelHgence 

1  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  940  -  943 ;  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
IX.  44L 


28  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

that  he  had  besieged  and  taken  the  towns  of  Ghent 
and  Ypres  set  England  again  in  a  flame,  and  Sir  Wil- 
liam Temple,  despatched  in  haste  to  the  Hague/  made 
a  treaty  with  the  States,  by  which  England  agreed  to 
embark  with  all  her  forces  in  the  war  against  France, 
unless  within  sixteen  days  that  power  should  evacuate 
six  Netherland  towns  which  were  specified.  But  before 
there  was  time  for  the  King  of  England  to  ratify  the 
treaty,  the  jealousy  of  him  entertained  by  Parliament 
again  influenced  them  to  deny  the  necessary  supplies, 
and  this  arrangement  too  was  frustrated.  It  was  plain 
that  the  Netherlands  and  their  allies  could  not  prudently 
place  any  reliance  on  aid  from  England ;  France,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  made  great  efibrts,  and  desired  tem- 
porary repose;  and  though  she  was  not  in  a  condition 
to  extort  humiliating  terms,  and  though  her  position 
would  have  been  one  of  peril  if  England  had  taken  part 
against  her,  (of  which  there  was  always  some  danger,) 
yet  on  the  whole  her  valor  and  diplomacy  were  re- 
warded by  the  attainment  of  most  of  the  objects  for 
which  she   had   eng-ao-ed  in  the  war.      By  the 

Treaty  of  Ni-  .  .  ,  . 

meguen.  articlcs  of  pcacc  signed  at  Nimeguen,  her  terri- 
juiysi.  ^^^^  ^^g  materially  extended  towards  the  Rhine 
by  the  acquisition  of  several  important  Flemish  towns. 
Whoever,  in  the  course  of  these  transactions,  had  re- 
posed trust  in  England,  had  been  disappointed ;  but  she 
remained  unharmed,  except  in  honor. 

The  instructive  spectacle  of  the  rivalry  between  en- 
croaching Popery  in  the  palace  and  intolerant  Epis- 
copacy in  Parliament  must  have  made  the  rulers  of 
Massachusetts  felicitate  themselves  afresh  on  the  suc- 
cessful resistance  they  had  offered  to  the  emissaries  of 
Lord  Clarendon;  since,  had  that  resistance  been  over- 
borne, the  interest  of  New  England  in  what  was  passing 
in  the  parent  country  would  have  been  that  of  terror, 

1  Temple,  Works,  11.  441. 


Chap.  I.]        ENGLAND  UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  29 

while,  as  things  stood,  it  was  Httle  more  than  the  in- 
terest of  curiosity  as  to  the  event,  and  of  sympathy 
with  those  whom  Romanist  and  Churchman  ahke  in- 
tended to  oppress.  If  they  also  knew  what  was 
passing  at  the  time  in  Scotland,  they  saw  still  Non^eon°°^ 
more  cause  for  relig;ious  dissenters  to  dread  the  ^°™'"'^/'* 

^  Scotland. 

interference  of  the  regal  power.  Circumstances 
were  widely  different  now  from  what  they  were  when 
Charles  the  First  resolved,  at  what  proved  to  be  the 
cost  of  his  throne  and  his  life,  that  his  Scottish  sub- 
jects should  pray  from  a  prescribed  liturgy.  There  was 
then  in  England  a  vigorous  Presbyterian  party,  and  a 
discontented  people.  In  England  Non-conformity  was 
now  disorganized  and  feeble,  and  though  there  were  not 
wanting  patriotic  jealousies  and  alarms,  they  were  effect- 
tially  discouraged  from  again  breaking  out  in  action,  by 
the  remembrance  of  the  disorders  which  were  still  so 
recent.  Scotland  herself  was  slowly  recovering  from 
the  impoverishment  and  imbecility  to  which  she  had 
been  struck  down  by  the  stern  government  of  Crom- 
well. Her  resources  were  exhausted,  even  had  her  spirit 
been  less  depressed,  and  had  her  natural  leaders  not 
been  won  away  from  her  interests,  or  rendered  incapa- 
ble of  concerted  action  together,  by  the  shifting  exi- 
gencies of  revolutionary  politics  developed  •  through  two- 
score  years. 

By  a  royal  decree,  registered  by  an  affrighted  Scot- 
tish Parliament,   Episcopacy   was   re-established 

^  i-  i-        -^  _  Re-establish- 

in  King  Charles's  northern  realm  in  the  second  mentofEpis- 

year  after  his  restoration ;  and  Sharpe,  an  apos-  Scotland. 
tate  Presbyterian,  was  made  Archbishop  of  St.  •^^'^^" 
Andrews  and  primate.  Meetings  of  presbyteries  were 
prohibited.  It  was  required  that  all  incumbents  of 
parishes  should  be  instituted  anew  by  bishops.  Three 
hundred  and  fifty  ministers,  more  than  a  third  of  the 
whole  number  in  the  kingdom,  refused  to  submit  to 
3* 


30  HISTOEY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

this  exaction,  and  were  at  once  deprived ;  and  the  places 
of  many  of  them  were  supplied  by  men  ignorant,  or 
dissolute,  or  both.^  For  the  most  part,  the  people  still 
maintained  a  sullen  quiet  as  long  as  they  were  per- 
mitted to  enjoy  their  worship  in  such  places,  with  or 
without  shelter,  as  they  could  themselves  provide.  But 
the  English  Conventicle  Act  was  presently  fol- 
lowed by  a  similar  law  for  Scotland.  At  the  so- 
licitation of  the  Archbishop,  a  special  ecclesiastical  com- 
mission, at  the  head  of  which  he  was  placed,  was 
established  by  the  King,  with  power  to  enforce 
laws  relating  to  the  Church.  Sir  James  Turner,  a  man 
of  cruel  disposition  aggravated  by  habitual  intemper- 
ance, commanded  the  King's  troops  in  Scotland,  and 
made  himself  the  busy  instrument  of  the  primate.  He 
was  sent  with  a  force  to  the  Western  Lowlands,  where 
the  people  were  most  observed  to  absent  themselves 
from  the  churches.  The  new  clergymen  brought  him 
lists  of  such  as  transgressed  in  this  way,  and  he  pun- 
ished the  offenders  by  fines,  and  by  quartering  his  men 
in  their  houses.^ 

The  cause  of  discontent  was  a  permanent  one,  and  dis- 
orders continued  and  increased.  A  feeble  attempt  at 
Insurrections  insurrcctlou  gavc  the  government  the  advantage 
in  Scotland.    ^^  ^^  cxcusc  for  extrcmc  severity.      Two  hun- 

1666.  .  -^ 

Nov.  15.  dred  insurgents  attacked  Turner  at  Dumfries, 
which  he  held  with  a  few  soldiers,  and  made  him  pris- 
oner; but  on  an  inspection  of  his  orders,  it  appeared 
that  the  cruelties  he  had  practised  had  fallen  short 
of  what  his  superiors  had  required,  and  he  was  dis- 
missed without  harm.  Dalziel,  an  officer  who  had  fought 
for  King  Charles  the  First,  and  had  afterwards  culti- 
vated the  natural  ferocity  of  his  temper  by  service  in 
Eussia,  was  despatched   by  Sharpe   against  the  rebels, 

1  Burnet,  History,  &c.,  I.  196,  199,        2  Ibid.,  285,  288,  294,  296. 
213,  215. 


Chap.  I.]        ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  3  J 

who  at  one  time  had  increased  in  number  to  more  than 
two  thousand,  but  had  now  fallen  off  to  eight  or  nine  hun- 
dred.   At  Lanerick,  in  Clydesdale,  they  had  held 

Nov  27 

a  fast  day,  renewed  the  Covenant,  and  issued 
a  manifesto,  setting  forth  the  oppressions,  civil  and 
ecclesiastical,  under  which  they  suffered,  and  declaring 
their  desire  and  purpose,  as  soon  as  these  should  be  re- 
dressed, to  show  themselves  the  King's  dutiful  subjects. 
They  had  advanced  to  within  two  miles  of  Edinburgh, 
when,  finding  that  their  ranks  were  growing  thinner 
every  day,  they  resolved  to  retrace  their  steps.  Dal- 
ziel  followed  them,  and  in  a  successful  action, 
in  which  only  five  men  were  killed  on  his 
side  and  forty  on  the  other,  he  took  a  hundred  and 
thirty  prisoners.  These  he  conducted  to  Edinburgh, 
where  ten  were  executed  on  one  gibbet.  Thirty-five 
others  were  sent  home,  and  hanged  before  their  own 
doors.  The  offer  to  spare  their  lives  if  they  would 
renounce  the  Covenant  had  been  rejected  by  them 
all.i 

Such  measures  have  their  effect,  except  when  circum- 
stances admit  of  extensive  concert  in  resistance  to  them. 
For  a  while  Scotland  showed  the  tranquillity  of  despair. 
But  long  passiveness  emboldens  to  new  aggressions.  By 
a  new  Act  of  the  Scottish  Parliament,  the  King's  The  King's 
supremacy  in  ecclesiastical  matters  was  so  de-  '"^''^''^'^^- 

^  •'  tical  suprem- 

fined  as  to  invest  him  with  almost   unlimited  acy  in  ^cot- 
control.     Through  a   provision  that  his  edicts,     leeg. 
transmitted  to  the  Privy  Council,  should  have  the    ^"'^  ^^* 
force  of  laws,  it  placed  his  Scottish  subjects  at  his  mercy 
and  the  mercy  of  that  unscrupulous  tribunal.    Nor  could 
ulterior  uses  of  which  it  was  susceptible  escape  notice. 
It  enabled  the  Duke  of  York,  should  he  succeed  to  the 
throne,  to  proclaim  Romanism  the  religion  of  his  north- 

1  Burnet,  History,  &c.,  L  327-334.     the  torture  of  the  boot.    (Knight,  Pop- 
Some  of  these  prisoners  were  put  to    ular  History  of  England,  IV.  294.) 


32  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

ern  kinordom,-^  Under  this  renewed  stimulus  new  dis- 
turbances  followed ;  and  to  repress  these,  new  severities. 
It  was  declared  treasonable  to  hold  meetings  for  wor- 

1670.      ship  in  the  fields,  and  to  officiate  at  such  meet- 

juiy28.  jj^gg  .^g^g  made  a  capital  offence.  Proprietors 
on  whose  lands  they  were  held  were  to  be  punished  with 
heavy  fines,  and  every  person  present  was  obliged  to 
inform  against  his  companions,  under  the  penalties  of 
fine,  imprisonment,  or  banishment  to  the  Colonies.^ 

Such  were  the  oppressions  which  afflicted  Presby- 
terian Scotland,  and  by  which  there  was  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  Congregational  New  England  would  be 
equally  annoyed,  should  that  community  come  equally 
within  reach  of  the  power  of  the  sovereign  and  of  his 
bigoted  or  self-seeking  courtiers.  The  Dissenters  of  New 
England,  should  they  remain  true  to  their  convictions, 
must  prove  not  less  contumacious  than  the  Dissenters 
of  his  northern  kingdom.  And  had  a  creature  of  the 
Cabal  ministry  or  of  Lord  Danby  been  made  their 
Governor,  with  a  sufficient  military  force  at  his  back, 
there  was  no  reason  for  them  to  expect  exemption 
from  the  sword,  the  gibbet,  and  the  thumb-screw,  of 
which  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale  had  made  so  free  use 
in  Scotland. 

The  New  England  Colonies,  however,  remained  undis- 
turbed by  the  home  government  during  the  greater 
part  of  this  period  of  more  than  ten  years,  though  the 
reconstruction,  from  time  to  time,  of  the  tribunal  which 
had  been  established  for  conducting  the  colonial  business 
of  the  empire  showed  that  this  department  of  the  pub- 
lic interests  was  not  wholly  overlooked.  After  the  fall 
Council  for  of  Lord  Clareudou,  the  Council  for  Foreign  Plan- 
ForeignPian-  tatious,  which   had   hitherto   been  a  numerous 

tations.  ' 

July  30.  body,^  was  reduced  so  as  to  consist  of  but  ten 
members,    among   whom   were    the    Earl    of   Sandwich, 

1  Burnet,  History,  &c.,  I.  398.         2  Ibid.,  409.        3  See  above.  Vol.  11.  p.  444. 


Chap.  I.]       ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.  33 

Lord  Gorges,  and  Edmund  Waller.     After  a  few  months, 
an  addition  was  made  of  six  very  eminent  per-     ign. 
sons,  namely,  the  Duke  of  York,  Prince  Eupert,    '^'"■'^** 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  Lord 
Lauderdale,  and  Lord   Culpepper,  with  whom  was  also 
associated  the  honest  and  accomplished,  but  not  very 
sagacious,  John  Evelyn.     In   the    next  year,  a     1672. 
different  arrangement  was  made.     The  Council    ^^p'^^- 
for   Trade   and   the   Council   for   Plantations  were  con- 
solidated into  a  single  board,  with  the  Earl  of  Shaftes- 
bury at  its  head.     The  second  Dutch  war  now  followed, 
and  again  attention  was  withdrawn  from  "the  Colonies. 
After  the  dissolution  of  the  Cabal,  this  Colonial      1674. 
Council  too  was  dissolved ;  -^  and  by  a  return  to    ^^"^  ^^' 
the  ancient  practice,  the  business  of  Foreign  Plantations 
was  intrusted  to  a  committee  of  the  Privy  Coun-     -[075. 
cil.^     That  indecision  of  the  court,  which  was  ^'^'■'=^12. 
both  indicated  and  necessitated  by  these  fluctuations,  con- 
tinued to  the  people  of  New  England  a  welcome  respite. 
One  step  was,  however,  taken,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Cabal  ministry,  which  was  destined  to  affect  mate- 
rially the  position  of  the  Colonies.     An  Act  was  passed, 
imposing  customs  to  be  levied  in  the    foreign  Levyofcus- 
dependencies    of  Great  Britain,  and  to  be   col-  [hrcoio^es" 
lected  by  colonial  revenue  officers.    For  various     ^^'^• 
enumerated   commodities  carried  from   the   plantations, 
unless  a  sufficient  bond   were    given   to   land  them   in 

1  "It  made  one,"  says  Burke,  "among  article  of  convulsed  or  overlaid  chil- 

those   showy  and  specious  impositions  dren,  who  have  hardly  stepped  over 

which  one  of  the  experiment-making  the   threshold  of  life.     It  was  buried 

administrations  of  Charles  the  Second  with    little    ceremony."     (Speech    on 

held  out  to  delude  the  people,  and  to  be  Economical  Reform,  Works,  III.  325.) 

substituted  in  the  place  of  the  real  ser-  2  October  24,  1672,  John  Locke  was 

vice  which  they  might  expect  from  a  sworn  in  as  Secretary  of  the  Council  for 

Parliament  annually  sitting."    "  It  con-  Trade  and  Plantations,  under  the  Presi- 

tinued  in  a  tottering  and  rickety  child-  dency  of  his  patron.    (Evelyn,  Memoirs, 

hood  for  about  three   or   four  years,  &c.,  I.  459).     In  the  year  after  the  dis- 

a  babe  of  as  little  hopes  as  ever  solution  of  the  CouncU,  Locke  went  to 

swelled  the  bills  of  mortality  in  the  France  for  three  or  four  years. 


34:  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

England,  duties  were  to  be  paid,  at  the  place  of  expor- 
tation, to  local  collectors  appointed  in  England  by  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs  under  the  authority  of 
the  Lords  of  the  Treasury.^  We  shall  have  occasion 
to  see  how  fruitful  of  mischief  to  New  England  this 
legislation  proved. 

In  King  Charles's  second  war  with  the  United  Prov- 
inces, New  York  fell  again,  for  a  short  time,  into  the 
hands  of  its  ancient  masters.  Cornelius  Evertsen  and 
Jacob  Binkes,  in  command  of  a  fleet  of  twelve  armed 
vessels,  appeared  before  that  town  after  making  a  de- 
scent ujDon  Virginia,  and  landed  eight  hundred  men. 
The  Governor,  Lovelace,  was  absent  at  New  Haven  at 
the  time.  The  garrison  was  in  no  condition 
ofNw'yorii  to  make  effectual  resistance,  and,  after  a  short, 
by  the  Dutch.  ^^^^   aluiost   bloodlcss   conflict,    the    place    was 

July  30.  '  J^ 

entered  by  the  enemy.      The  conquest  of  Fort 
Albany,  and  of  most  of  the  territory  formerly  compre- 
hended within  New  Netherland,  immediately  followed.^ 
The    Council   for   Trade    and   Foreign   Plantations   pro- 
posed a  plan  for  the  recovery  of  the  captured 

Nov.  15.     i^         ,  ,  .  />       1  .   1      1 

Provmce,  the  execution  of  which,  however,  was 
not  attempted.  Under  a  clause  in  Sir  William  Temple's 
treaty  of  peace,  stipulating  mutual  restitution  of  con- 
EdmundAn-  ^tucrcd  placcs,  the  Province  was  restored  to 
drosGov-  England.  It  was  accordingly  taken  possession 
1674.      of  by  Major  Edmund  Andros,  as  lieutenant  of 

its  proprietor,  the  Duke  of  York. 

1  Statutes  at  large,  25  Charles  IT.  into  commerce  with  them,  whereby  it  is 
cap.  7;  comp.  Chalmers,  Annals,  317.  to  be  feared  they  will  at  present  divert 

2  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  III.  a  great  part  of  the  trade  of  England 
198-215.  into  those  countries,  and  lay  a  founda- 

3  It  is  interesting  to  learn,  from  this  tion  for  such  a  union  hereafter  between 
paper,  a  suspicion  entertained  by  Lord  them  and  Holland  as  will  be  very.pre- 
Shaftesbury  and  his  colleagues  of  the  judicial  to  all  your  Majesty's  planta- 
state  of  mind  of  the  New-England  tions,  if  not  terrible  to  England  itself." 
people:  "If  the  Dutch  shall  continue  (Ibid.,  211.) 

to  be  their  neighbors,  they  may  enter 


CHAPTER    II. 

While  the  stirring  events  which  have  been  sketched 
in  the  last  chapter  allowed  the  home  government  small 
opportunity  for  attention  to  the  affairs  of  New  Eng- 
land, the  Colonists  used  the  pause  to  shape  for  per- 
manency a  social  system  of  their  own.  They  had  now 
found  profitable  applications  for  their  industry,  and  con- 
venient channels  for  their  commerce  both  abroad  and 
among  themselves.  A  general  good  understanding  pre- 
vailed among  them,  and  the  churches,  the  schools,  and 
tlie  College  were  bringing  forward  intelligent  and  virtu- 
ous citizens  to  possess  the  inheritance  of  the  founders. 
The  early  hardships  of  the  settlements  had  become  his- 
torical, and  the  children  of  the  emigrants  were  living, 
not  in  luxury,  but  in  tranquillity  and  comfort. 

When  the  Confederacy  of  the  Four  Colonies,  having 
lasted  twenty-two  years,  was  brought  to  an  end  by  the 
incorporation  of  New  Haven   Colonv  into  Con- 

_  ^  ^  «^  Population  of 

necticut,  there  were  probably  in  New  England  NewEngiaud. 
from  forty  thousand  to  forty-five  thousand  Eng- 
lish people.  Of  this  number  twenty-five  thousand  may 
have  belonged  to  Massachusetts ;  ten  thousand  to  Con- 
necticut, as  newly  constituted ;  five  thousand  to  Plym- 
outh ;  and  three  thousand  to  Rhode  Island 

! 

1  See  above,  Vol.  n.  pp.  5,  570,  note  sachiisetts    and    Connecticut.     As   to 

1.     Calculating  from  various  elements,  Rhode  Island,  on  the  other  hand,  the 

I  come  to  the  above  conclusion  as  prob-  well-informed  Callender,  publishing  in 

able.     But  I  am  not  confident  that  I  1739,   says:   "Eighty   years   ago,   the 

have  not  rated  the  whole  population  whole  number  of  the  inhabitants  was 

too  low  by  as  many  as  three  or  four  very  small ;  perhaps  there  were  fewer 

thousand.     My  doubt  relates  to  Mas-  than  two  hundred  families  in  the  whole 


36 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


They  inhabited  ninety  towns,  of  which  four  were  in 
Rhode  Island,  twelve  in  Plymouth,  twenty-two  in  Con- 
necticut, and  the  rest  in  Massachusetts.  For  subsistr 
ence  and  security  they  depended  much  upon  the  sea, 
and  upon  the  communication  which  it  afforded  with 
the  world  that  had  been  left;  and  accordingly  most  of 


Colony."  (Historical  Discourse,  &c.,  in 
R.  I.  Hist.  Coll.,  IV.  149.) 

In  16  71  (June  21)  the  Commissioner, 
Cartwright,  informed  the  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations  that,  when  he 
was  in  America,  there  were  of  "  men 
able  to  bear  arms,"  in  "  Boston  and 
the  Massachusetts  Colony,"  30,000 ;  in 
Connecticut,  14,000 ;  in  Providence 
and  Rhode  Island,  1,000;  in  Plym- 
outh, 1,000 ;  in  the  "  Province  of 
Maine,"  1,000;  in  "Kennebec,"  100. 
(IVIs.  Memorandito  in  the  State-Paper 
Office.)  Whether  this  was  intentional 
misrepresentation  or  only  careless- 
ness. It  was  absurdly  wrong  in  all  par- 
ticulars. 

Dr.  Holmes,  generally  so  judicious, 
says  (Annals,  I.  364)  :  "  New  England 
is  supposed  to  have  contained  at  this 
time  [16  73]  about  120,000  souls,  of 
whom  about  16,000  were  able  to  bear 
arms.  The  town  of  Boston  contained 
1,500  families."  And  for  authority  he 
refers  to  an  anonymous  statement  pub- 
lished by  Chalmers.  (Annals,  434,  435; 
see  below,  p.  303.)  But  as  late  as  1670, 
Boston  had  only  two  meeting-houses, 
small  buildings,  and  insufficient  to  ac- 
commodate a  population  of  one  third 
part  of  1,500  families,  when  every- 
body was  expected  to  attend  public 
worship.  The  Second  Old  South 
Church,  built  in  1730,  and  thought  to 
be  very  spacious  and  magnificent 
(Wisner,  History  of  the  Old  South 
Church,  27),  would  not  seat  more  than 
1,200  persons. 

Williamson  (History  of  Maine,  I. 
44  7)  still  more  preposterously  says : 
"  There  were  in  Massachusetts,  New 


Hampshire,  Maine,  and  Sagadahock,  in 
1676,  150,000."  And  for  this  he  er- 
roneously refers  to  "  1  Hutch.  Hist.,  p. 
484."  I  suppose  he  had  in  his  mind 
the  extravagant  statement  of  Randolph 
in  Hutch.  Coll.,  485.  So  I  suppose 
had  Sir  William  Petty,  when,  before 
A.  D.  1680,  he  wrote  (Political  Arith- 
metic, 75)  :  "  There  are  in  New  Eng- 
land 16,000  mustered  in  arms;  about 
24,000  able  to  bear  arms;  and  con- 
sequently about  150,000  in  all." 

I'he  cautious  Trumbull  errs  on  the 
other  side.  Reasoning  from  the  facts 
that,  in  1675,  Connecticut  had  2,250 
soldiers,  and  that  for  the  Indian  war 
begun  in  that  year  she  furnished  315 
men  out  of  1,000,  he  concludes  that 
the  militia  of  the  United  Colonies  were 
about  7,150  in  number,  and  that  the 
population,  reckoned  at  the  usual  rate 
of  five  persons  for  every  man  of  mili- 
tary age,  was  about  35,750.  (History 
of  Connecticut,  I.  351.)  But  there 
is  an  important  error  in  his  calcula- 
tion. Massachusetts  did  not  send  to 
the  field  a  number  of  troops  propor- 
tioned to  her  military  population.  On 
the  contrary,  she  had  refused  to  as- 
sume this  obligation,  and  the  new  Arti- 
cles of  Confederation  had  determined 
her  contribution  of  troops  to  be  only 
in  the  proportion  of  one  hundred  to  a 
contingent  of  sixty  for  Connecticut 
and  thirty  for  Plymouth.  (See  below, 
p.  56.)  How  much  less  than  her 
numerical  proportion  this  was,  we  do 
not  know ;  but  of  course  it  was  con- 
siderably less,  or  she  would  not  have 
so  insisted  on  the  arrangement.  (Haz- 
ard, U.  524,  535.) 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  3^7" 

their  settlements  were  on  the  coast.  Dedham  and  Con- 
cord were  respectively  twelve  miles  and  fifteen  miles 
distant  from  it.  From  Providence  and  Warwick,  thirty 
miles  from  the  ocean,  there  was  a  convenient  outlet 
by  Narragansett  Bay.  Hadley  and  Northampton  were 
the  remotest  frontier  towns,  and  their  communication 
with  the  external  world  was  mostly  by  the  channel 
of  the  Connecticut.  For  them,  however,  as  well  as  for 
Springfield,  there  was  a  more  direct  route  to  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  through  the  woods.  On  that  way  lay 
Brookfield,  thirty  miles  east  from  the  river,  and  Lan- 
caster and  Marlborough,  about  the  same  distance  fur- 
ther on.  The  sites  that  were  selected  for  these  in- 
land settlements,  and  for  others  that  followed  in  the 
primitive  times,  were  broad  and  fertile  alluvial  plains. 

The  account  of  the  condition  of  New  England  which 
was  sent  home  by  the  Royal  Commissioners  de- 
serves  attention,  though,  by  reason  of  their  im- 
perfect means  of  knowledge,  it  cannot  challenge  implicit 
confidence  even  in  respect  to  facts  which  they  had  no 
motive  for  misrepresenting.  Connecticut,  according  to 
their  report,  had  "many  scattering  towns,  not  worthy 
of  their  names,  and  a  scholar  to  their  minister  in  every 
town  or  village."  ^  In  Rhode  Island,  they  said,  were 
"  the  best  English  grass  and  most  sheep,  the  ground 
very  fruitful,  ewes  bringing  ordinarily  two  lambs,  corn 
yielding  eighty  for  one,  and  in  some  places  they  had 
had  corn  twenty-six  years  together  without  manuring. 
In  this  province  only  they  had  not  any  places  set  apart 


1  Hutch.  Coll.,  413.  Immediately  number  of  freemen  in  all  the  towns 
after  the  annexation  of  New  Haven  of  the  Colony,  except  three  (Middle- 
to  Connecticut  (in  October,  1667),  the  town,  Lyme,  and  Rye),  was  seven 
property  of  the  people  of  the  Colony  hundred  and  eighty-five.  (Ibid.,  518 
was  valued  at  £144,398  6s.  9c/.,  of  -526.)  Perhaps  in  the  three  towns 
which  amount  £  1 7,000  belonged  to  omitted  there  might  have  been  fifty 
Hartford,  and  £  16,580  to  New  Haven,  freemen  more,  making  the  freemen  two 
(Conn.  Rec,  U.    71.)     In  1669,  the  fifths  of  the  male  adults. 

VOL.  HI.  4 


38  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

for  the  worship  of  God ;  there  being  so  many  sub- 
divided sects,  they  could  not  agree  to  meet  together 
in  one  place,  but,  according  to  their  several  judgments, 
they  sometimes  associated  in  one  house,  sometimes  in 
another."  -^  In  Plymouth,  it  was  the  practice  to  "  per- 
suade men,  sometimes  to  compel  them,  to  be  freemen  ; 

so  far  were  they  from  hindering  any They  had 

about  twelve  small  towns,  one  saw-mill  for  boards,  one 
bloomary  for  iron,  neither  good  river  nor  good  harbor, 
nor  any  place  of  strength ;  they  were  so  poor,  they 
were  not  able  to  maintain  scholars  to  their  ministers, 
but  were  necessitated  to  make  use  of  a  gifted  brother 
in  some  places."  ^  The  commodities  of  Massachusetts 
were  "  fish,  which  was  sent  into  France,  Spain,  and  the 
Straits,  pipe-staves,  masts,  fir  boards,  some  pitch  and 
tar,  pork,  beef,  horses,  and  corn,  which  they  sent  to 
Virginia,  Barbadoes,  &c.,  and  took  tobacco  and  sugar 
for  payment,  which  they  often  sent  for  England.  There 
was  good  store  of  iron  made  in  this  province."  ^  In 
the   Piscataqua    towns   were    "  excellent   masts    gotten, 

and  upon  the  river  above  twenty  saw-mills,  and 

there  were  great  store  of  pipe-staves  made,  and  great 
store  of  good  timber  spoiled."*     In  Maine  "there  were 

but  few  towns,  and  those  much  scattered They 

were  rather  farms  than  towns."  In  the  Duke  of  York's 
province  beyond  the  Kennebec,  there  were  "  three  small 
plantations,  the  biggest  of  which  had  not  above  thirty 
houses  in  it,  and  those  very  mean  ones  too,  and  spread 
over  eight  miles  at  least.  Those  people,  for  the  most 
part,  were  fishermen,  and  never  had  any  government 

1  Hutch.  Coll.,  416.  magistrates   and   principal   merchants 

2  Ibid.,  417.  grew  very  rich,  and  a  spirit  of  industry 

3  Ibid.,  422.  —  "The  Colony  about  and  economy  prevailed  throughout  the 
this  time  [1669]  made  a  greater  figure  Colony."  (Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  246,  247.) 
than   it   ever  did  at  any  other  time.  "  Some  of  their  merchants  are  damnable 

Their  trade  was  as  extensive  rich."     (Josselyn,  Two  Voyages,  180.) 

as  they  could  wish Some  of  the  *  Hutch.  Coll.,  423. 


Chap.  II.] 


CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS. 


39 


among   them ;    most   of  them   were    such    as   had    fled 
hither  from  other  places  to  avoid  justice."  ^ 

In  Boston,  the  principal  town  of  the  country,  the 
houses  were  "generally  wooden,  the  streets  crooked, 
with  little  decency  and  no  uniformity ;  and  there  neither 
months,  days,  seasons  of  the  year,  churches,  nor  inns 
were  known  by  their  English  names.  At  Cambridge, 
they  had  a  wooden  college,  and  in  the  yard  a  brick 
pile  of  two  bayes  for  the  Indians,  where  the  Commis- 
sioners saw  but  one  [Indian].  They  said  they  had 
three  more  at  school.  It  might  be  feared  this  College 
might  afford  as  many  schismatics  to  the  Church,  and 
the  corporation  as  many  rebels  to  the  King,  as  for- 
merly they  had  done,  if  not  timely  prevented."^ 


1  Ibid.,  424.  —  "Some  here  are  of 
opinion  that  as  many  men  may  share 
in  a  woman  as  they  do  in  a  boat,  and 
some  have  done  so."  (Ibid.)  Com- 
pare a  letter  from  Cartwright  to  Mav- 
erick, in  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c., 
m.  101. 

2  Hutch.  Coll.,  421.  —  Josselyn  made 
his  second  visit  to  Boston  three  years 
before  the  Commissioners  came.  De- 
scribing that  town,  he  says:  "The 
houses  are  for  the  most  part  raised  on 
the  sea-banks  and  wharfed  out  with 
great  industry  and  cost,  many  of  them 
standing  upon  piles,  close  together  on 
each  side  the  streets  as  in  London,  and 
furnished  with  many  fair  shops.  Their 
materials  are  brick,  stone,  lime,  hand- 
somely contrived,  with  three  meeting- 
houses or  churches,  and  a  town-house 
built  upon  pillars  where  the  merchants 
may  confer;  in  the  chambers  above 
they  keep  their  monthly  courts.  Their 
streets  are  many  and  large,  paved  with 
pebble-stone,  and  the  south  side  adorned 
with  gardens  and  orchards.  The  town 
is  rich  and  very  populous,  much  fre- 
quented by  strangers;  here  is  the 
dwelling  of  their  Governor.      On  the 


northwest  and  northeast  two  constant 
fairs  are  kept  for  daily  traffic  there- 
unto. On  the  south  there  is  a  small 
but  pleasant  common,  where  the  gal- 
lants, a  little  before  sunset,  walk  with 
their  il/armaZei-Madams,  as  we  do  in 
Morefields,  &c.,  till  the  nine  o'clock 
bell  rings  them  home  to  their  respec- 
tive habitations,  when  presently  the 
constables  walk  their  rounds  to  see 
good  order  kept,  and  to  take  up  loose 
people.  Two  miles  from  the  town,  at 
a  place  called  Muddy-River,  the  in- 
habitants have  farms  to  which  belong 
rich  arable  grounds  and  meadows, 
where  they  keep  their  cattle  in  the 
summer,  and  bring  them  to  Boston  in 
the  winter ;  the  harbor  before  the  town 
is  filled  with  ships  and  other  vessels  for 
most  part  of  the  year."  (Account  of 
Two  Voyages,  &c.,  162,  163.)  — In 
1664,  a  person  sent  out  by  Gorges  to 
look  after  his  interest  in  Maine  under- 
took to  give  him  information  respecting 
the  military  force  of  "  the  government 
of  Boston  [Massachusetts]."  "I  can 
give,"  he  says,  "  no  such  methodical 
account  of  their  strength  [that  is,  as 
of  that  of  Maine,  which  he  rates  at 


40  '      HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

The  laws  recorded  as  having  been  m  force  at  any 
time  in  a  community  are  a  permanent  source  of  infor- 
mation concerning  its  condition  and  character  at  that 
time.  Laws  imposed  upon  a  community  by  superior 
power  have  an  effect  to  mould  its  character  and  deter- 
mine its  condition.  Laws  self-imposed  also  indicate  the 
condition  and  character  from  which  they  have  sprung. 

In    the    sixth    year    after    the    dispute    between    the 

Royal    Commissioners    and   Massachusetts,   the    General 

Court  of  that   Colony  caused    to  be    published 

Laws  of  Mas-  *'  •■■ 

Bachusetts.  a  rcvlscd  collection  of  their  "  General  Laws 
and  Liberties."-^  In  the  same  year,  the  Colo- 
nies of  Plymouth  and  Connecticut  (the  latter  then  in- 
cluding New  Haven)  made  similar  publications  of  their 
statutes  then  in  force.^  It  is  natural  to  apply  to  these 
volumes    for   information    respecting    the    state    of   the 


seven  hundred  men]  •,  only  I  have  been  v?as  a  great  want  of  law-books  for  the 

informed  by  several  that  they  are  able  use  of  several  courts  and  inhabitants, 

to  raise  fifteen  thousand  men,  of  which     and  very  few  of  them  that  were 

number  there  may  be  about  six  thou-  extant  or  complete,  containing  all  laws 
sand  members  of  their  church ;  the  now  in  force " ;  and  Major  Lusher  (an 
rest,  those  which  they  term  the  dis-  Assistant)  and  five  Deputies  were  in- 
affected  party,  which,  first  of  all,  have  structed  "  to  peruse  all  the  laws  now 
no  vote  for  any  officers,  either  military  in  force,  to  collect  and  draw  up  any 
or  civil ;  secondly,  their  children  are  literal  errors,  or  misplacing  of  words  or 
not  suffered  to  receive  the  sacrament  sentences  therein,  or  any  liberties  in- 
of  baptism ;  thirdly,  they  make  a  gen-  fringed,  and  to  make  a  convenient 
eral  complaint  as  if  the  laws  were  more  table  for  the  ready  finding  of  all  things 
favorably  interpreted  for  a  member  therein."  (Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  453.) 
of  the  church  than  for  those  that  are  In  October  of  the  same  year  they  pre- 
notso."  (Ms.  Letter,  in  the  State-Paper  sented  their  report.  (Ibid.,  467.)  la 
Office.)  Such  statements  indicate  not  May,  1671,  three  Assistants  and  two 
only  the  ignorance  of  the  writer,  but,  Deputies  were  ordered  to  oversee  the 
what  is  more  important  to  be  observed,  printing  of  an  edition.  (Ibid.,  488. 
the  ignorance  which  in  England  could  See  above,  Voh  I.  442,  II.  260,  261, 
receive   them   as    having   any   proba-  393,  note  2.) 

bility.  2  See  above,  Vol.  I.  340,  535,  546, 

1  This  was  no  new  code,  but  a  mere  IL  235,  369,  376  ;  Conn.  Rec,  IL  190, 

coUectionof  the  laws  previously  enacted  214,  567;  Brigham,  Compact,  &c.,  ix. 

from  time  to  time,  and  remaining  un-  Plymouth  had  never  printed  its  laws 

repealed.     At  the  Court  of  Elections  till  now. 
in  1670,  it  was  observed  that  "there 


Chap.  II.]  CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  41 

Colonies  at  the  time  succeeding  the  dissolution  of  the 
Confederacy.-^ 

In  Massachusetts,  the  form  of  the  central  government 
had  remained  essentially  the  same  from  the  time  of 
the  separation  of  the  legislative  power  into  two  General 
branches.^  Freemen  ^  now  voted  in  the  elections  P""""'' 
of  Magistrates,  either  at  the  capital  in  person  or  by 
proxy,  or  personally  in  their  respective  towns.  A  list 
of  those  from  among  whom  Assistants  were  to  be  chosen 
was  prepared,  two  months  before  the  election,  by  a 
nomination  made  by  the  freemen  voting  at  their  sev- 
eral places  of  abode ;  and  the  law  ordained  that,  "  for 
the  yearly  choosing  of  Assistants,  the  freemen  should 
use  Indian  corn  and  beans,  the  Indian  corn  to  manifest 
election,  the  beans  contrary."  *  A  Magistrate  or  Deputy, 
absenting  .himself  from  a  General  Court  during  the  first 
four  days  of  its  session,  incurred  a  fine  of  a  hundred 
pounds.^  "No  person  who  was  an  usual  and  common 
attorney  in  any  inferior  court "  could  "  be  admitted 
to  sit  as  a  Deputy  in  the  General  Court";  and  "no 
man,  although  a  freeman,"  was  to  "be  accepted  as  a 
Deputy  that  was  unsound  in  judgment  concerning  the 
main   points  of  Christian    rehgion    as   they   have   been 

1  I  hoped  to  find  frequent  hints  in  the  these  occasions  was  restrained  by  the 
Election  Sermons  from  which  to  draw  consideration  that  their  sermons  would 
inferences   on  this   important  subject,  go  to  England,  and  be  there  taj^eu  as 
But  in  that  expectation  I  have  been  expressing  the  sentiments  of  the  people, 
greatly   disappointed.     That   so   little  which  might  prove  inconvenient, 
is  to  be  gathered  from  them  in  respect  2  See  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  617. 
to  passing  political  events  is  what  I  was  3  Counting  the  lists  of  persons  ad- 
still  less  prepared  to  learn.    Whoever  mitted  to  the  franchise  in  Massachu- 
would  pursue  the  inquiry  in  that  quar-  setts,  and  niaking  what  I  judge  to  be  a 
ter  will  be  aided  by  the  list  of  preach-  reasonable  allowance  for   persons  de- 
ers  of  the  Election  Sermons,  appended  ceased,  I  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
to   Dr.   Pierce's   Election    Sermon   in  the  number  of  freemen  in  Massachu- 
1849  (p.  56),  and  by  the  list  of  preach-  setts  in  1670  may  have  been  between 
ers  before  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  1,000  and   1,200,  or  one  freeman  for 
Artillery  Company  in  Whitman's  His-  every  four  or  five  adult  males, 
tory  of  the  Company,  p.  141.     I  think  4  General  Laws,  &c.,  47. 
the   ministers'  freedom  of  speech  on  5  Ibid.,  35. 
4  * 


42  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

held  forth  and  acknowledged  by  the  generality  of  the 
Protestant  orthodox  writers,  or  that  was  scandalous  in 
his  conversation,  or  that  was  unfaithful  to  this  govern- 
ment."^ The  form  of  the  enacting  clause,  "It  is  or- 
dered by  this  Court  and  the  authority  thereof,"  indicated 
a  pretension  to  sovereignty.^ 

Courts  of  The    original   plan   of  the    courts    of  justice 

justice.  YiQ,d  undergone  little  alteration.  County  (or 
"Inferior")  Courts  might  now  "administer  the  oath  of 
freedom  to  any  person  admitted  by  the  General  Court."  ^ 
They  were  visitors  of  charitable  trusts.*  In  respect  to 
highways,  they  had  powers  similar  to  those  now  vested 
in  County  Commissioners,^  and  they  licensed  victuallers 
and  inn-keepers.^  "  By  reason  of  the  concourse  of  people 
and  increase  of  trade  in  the  town  of  Boston,"  a  new 
court  had  been  there  constituted,  consisting  of  seven 
resident  freemen  nominated  by  the  town  and  approved 
by  the  Court  of  Assistants.  Any  five  of  these  seven, 
or  any  three  of  them  with  one  Magistrate,  might  de- 
cide questions  to  which  an  inhabitant  of  Boston  was 
a  party,  and  which   did  not  involve   a   sum   exceeding 


1  General  Laws,  &c.,  41.  Magistrates    should    differ    from    the 

2  "  The  code  of  Massachusetts,  pub-  Deputies  on  a  question  of  legal  adju- 
lished  in  1672,  when  the  cloud  of  fanati-  dication,  the  final  decision  should  be 
cism  had  passed  away,  contains  not  the  made  by  a  majority  of  the  whole  court 
most  distant  allusion  to  the  laws  of  sitting  together,  and  not,  as  in  matters 
England."  So  wrote  George  Chalmers  of  legislation,  by  concurrent  action, 
in  1780,  in  a  long  unpublished  treatise  (Mass.  Coll.  Rec,  III.  266.)  This  law 
in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  Lord  Mans-  the  Magistrates  now  proposed  to  repeal, 
field,  of  which  my  friend  Mr.  Sparks  But  the  Deputies  positively  refused, 
has  a  copy.  Chalmers,  prejudiced  and  and  the  other  party  had  at  last  to 
unjust  as  he  was,  had  been  a  very  yield.  The  dispute  was  kept  up  with 
careful  student  of  the  history  of  the  no  little  warmth  for  a  year  and  a 
American  Colonies.  half     See  Mass.   Archives,   XLVIII. 

The  publication  of  the  code   gave  111-116,  120-123,  134. 

rise  to  a  pertinacious  dispute  between  3  General  Laws,  &c.,  56. 

the  two  branches  of  the  General  Court  *  Ibid.,  9. 

as  to  the  mode  of  its  judicial  action.  5  Ibid.,  64,  65. 

In   the   year    1G52,  a  law   had   been  6  Ibid.,  79. 
passed,  to   the   effect   that  when  the 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  TEARS.  43 

ten  pounds.  In  criminal  cases  this  court  had  the  power 
of  a  single  Magistrate,  and  might  impose  fines  to  the 
amount  of  forty  shillings.^  The  charges  of  persons  con- 
cerned in  the  administration  of  justice,  as  well  as  of 
government,  were  defrayed  by  the  public.^ 

Before  the  meeting  of  a  court,  its  clerk  sent  "war- 
rants to  the  constables  of  the  several  towns  within  its 
jurisdiction  for  jurymen  proportionable  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  each  town,"  and  the  inhabitants  held  an  elec- 
tion to  provide  the  required  number.  Petit-jurors  served 
for  a  single  term,  and  were  paid  at  the  rate  of  four  shil- 
lings a  day.  Grand-jurors  served  a  year,  and  received 
three  shillings  daily  while  on  dut_f.  It  was  allowable 
for  juries  to  advise  with  any  person  in  open  court,  and 
to  render  special  verdicts.^ 

In  order  to  conviction  of  a  capital  crime,  "  the  testi- 
mony of  two  or  three  witnesses,  or  that  which  judicial 
was  equivalent  thereunto,"  was  Requisite,  and  p'^'^'^^^^^- 
the  witnesses  must  appear  in  court.  In  other  cases, 
their  depositions  might  be  taken,  but  not  if  they  lived 
within  ten  miles  of  the  place  of  trial.  The  General 
Court  alone  had  "power  to  pardon  a  condemned  male- 
factor."* Torture  was  forbidden,  except  in  one  case. 
A  person  convicted  of  a  capital  offence,  in  which  he 
must  have  had  accomplices,  might  be  tortured  to  ob- 
tain a  disclosure  of  them,  "yet  not  with  such  tortures 
as  were  barbarous  and  inhuman."  ^  It  is  not  known 
that  this  law  was  ever  executed.  Indictments  "for  the 
breach  of  any  penal  law,  or  any  other  misdemeanor," 
were  not  valid  unless  framed  within  a  year  from  the 
time  of  the  offence;  but  this  provision  did  not  extend 
to  the  higher  crimes.^  If  a  person  indicted  for  a  capital 
crime,  but  still  at  large,  did  not  surrender  himself  within 

1  Ibid.,  21,  22.  *  Ibid.,  35. 

2  Ibid.,  22.  6  Ibid.,  129. 

3  Ibid.,  86,  87.  6  Ibid.,  79. 


44  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

a  month  after  the  last  of  three  proclamations  made  a 
month  apart,  his  property  was  then  sequestered  till  he 
should  appear.^  "No  man's  person  could  be  arrested 
for  any  debt  or  fine,  if  the  law  could  find  any  com- 
petent means  of  satisfaction  otherwise  from  his  estate"; 
and  "  no  man's  person  might  be  kept  in  prison  for  debt, 
but  when  there  was  an  appearance  of  some  estate  which 
he  would  not  produce."  ^  Claims  for  "  book  debts  "  were 
not  valid  after  three  years.^  Attachments  of  property 
were  to  be  served  at  least  six  days  before  the  meeting 
of  the  court  which  was  to  try  the  issue.  Foreigners 
taking  out  attachments  were  required  to  bind  them- 
selves, with  sufficietit  securities,  to  prosecute  and  to 
pay  costs  *  If  a  plaintiff  asked  advice  of  any  magis- 
trate who  was  to  try  his  case,  he  lost  his  right  of 
action,  and  paid  costs  to  the  defendant ;  the  defendant, 
for  the  same  offence,  forfeited  ten  shillings  to  the  other 
party.* 

Executors  of  wills  were  required  to  ha^e  the  wills 
recorded  within  thirty  days  after  the  death  of  the  testa- 
tor, under  penalty  of  assuming  his  debts  and 
paying  five  pounds  for  every  month  of  delay. 
When  there  was  no  will,  estates  were  administered  by 
persons  appointed  by  the  county  courts,  which  also 
nominated  substitutes  for  executors  who  declined  to 
serve.  To  the  widow  of  an  intestate,  in  addition  to  her 
use  for  life  of  one  third  of  his  real  property,^  the  county 
court  assigned  "  such  a  part  of  his  estate  as  they  judged 

1  General  Laws,  &c.,  16.  —  In  1652,  2  ibid.,  6.     In  default  of  property 

the  crime  of  arson  of  any  "  dwelling-  to  satisfy  a  claim,  a  debtor  was  bound 

house,  meeting-house,  or  store-house,"  to  "  satisfy  by  service,  if  the  creditor 

or  of  any  out-house  or  stack,  contiguous  required  it,  but  not  to  be  sold  to  any 

to  such  buildings,  and  causing  them  but  of  the  English  nation." 

to  be  burned  (Ibid.,   52)   was  added  3  Ibid.,  39. 

to   the   list   of  capital   offences ;    and  4  Ibid.,  7. 

in  1669,  that  of  carnal  knowledge  of  5  Ibid.,  34. 

a  female  child  under  ten  years  old  6  Ibid.,  42. 
(Ibid.,  15). 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  45 

just  and  equal."  Of  the  residue,  "the  eldest  son  had 
a  double  portion,  and,  where  there  were  no  sons,  the 
daughters  inherited  as  copartners,  unless  the  court,  upon 
just  cause  alleged,  should  otherwise  determine."  -^ 

Burglars  and  highway  robbers  were  punished  for  the 
first  offence  by  being  branded  on  the  forehead  offences  and 
with  the  letter  B  ;  for  a  second  offence,  they  were  p'^"^*"*^- 
branded  again,  and  "severely  whipped."  If  the  crime 
was  committed  on  the  Sabbath,  the  loss  of  an  ear  was 
added  to  each  of  these  penalties.  A  third  transgres- 
sion of  the  same  kind  was  a  capital  crime.^  The  killing 
of  a  person  attempting  to  commit  murder,  burglary, 
or  highway  robbery,  unless  circumstances  admitted  of 
his  apprehension  for  trial,  was  justifiable  homicide.^  Eob- 
bing  orchards  and  gardens,  and  stealing  household  arti- 
cles from  enclosures,  or  "wood  or  other  goods  from 
the  water-side,  from  men's  doors  or  yards,"  led  to  a  for- 
feiture of  "  treble  damage  to  the  owners  thereof" ;  and 
where  the  offender  had  nothing  to  satisfy,  the  magis- 
trate might  punish  by  the  stocks  or  by  whipping.  Other 
thefts  were  punished  by  scourging,  fines,  or  "legal  ad- 
monitions, at  the  discretion  of  the  court."*  Whoever, 
"  being  of  the  age  of  sixteen  years  and  upwards,"  should 
"wittingly  and  willingly  set  on  fire  any  barn,  stable, 
mill,  out-house,  stack  of  wood,  corn,  or  hay,  or  any  other 
thing  of  like  nature,  upon  due  conviction  by  testimony 
or  confession,"  was  sentenced  to  "pay  double  damages 
to  the  party  damnified;  and  be  severely  whipped  " ;  and 
if  the  fire  was  set  to  "any  dwelling-house,  meeting- 
house, or  store-house,"  or  to  anything  which  caused 
the  burning  of  such  buildings,  the  capital  punishment 
of  the  offender  was  followed  by  an  indemnity  out  of 
his  estate  to   the   party   injured.^      The    forger's   doom 


1  Ibid.,  157,  158.  4  Ibid.,  13. 

2  Ibid.,  12,  13.  5  Ibid.,  52. 

3  Ibid.,  92. 


45  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

was  to  "stand  in  the  pillory  three  several  lecture-days, 
and  render  double  damages  to  the  party  wronged,  and 
also  be  disabled  to  give  any  evidence  or  verdict  to  any 
court  or  magistrate."^  The  burial-place  of  the  suicide 
was  in  the  common  highway,  with  "  a  cart-load  of  stones 
laid  upon  the  grave,  as  a  brand  of  infamy."  ^  The  pro- 
fane swearer,  in  whose  offence  was  included  not  only 
irreverence  towards  God,  but  "  wicked  cursing  of  any 
person  or  creature,"  forfeited  ten  shillings  for  a  single 
oath ;  if  he  swore  "  more  oaths  than  one  at  a  time,  before 
he  removed  out  of  the  room  or  company  where  he  so 
sware,"  it  was  at  the  cost  of  twenty  shillings;^  and  if 
the  fine  were  not  paid,  he  was  set  in  the  stocks.  Idlers, 
among  whom  were  especially  reckoned  "  common  coast- 
ers, unprofitable  fowlers,  and  tobacco-takers,"  *  exposed 
themselves  to  committal  to  the  house  of  correction. 
It  was  punishable  by  a  fine  of  five  shillings  to  dance, 
or  "use  the  game  of  shuffle-board,  or  bowling,  or  any 
other  play  or  game,  in  or  about"  a  house  of  public 
entertainment;  or  to  "play  or  game  for  any  money 
or  money-worth " ;  or  to  play  at  all  "  either  at  cards  or 
at  dice  " ;  or  to  "  observe  any  such  day  as  Christmas  or 
the  like  " ;  and  the  bringing  or  keeping  of  cards  or  dice 
within  the  jurisdiction  subjected  the  offender  to  a  fine 
of  five  pounds.^ 

The  punishment  of  assaults  was  left  to  the  discretion 
of  judges.^  To  gallop  a  horse  in  a  street  of  Boston  was 
to  incur  a  penalty  of  three  shillings  and  four  pence.^ 
The  fabrication  or  publication  of  "any  lie,  pernicious 
to  the  public  weal,  or  tending  to  the  damage  or  injury 

1  General  Laws,  &c.,  54.  "  Ibid.,  57.     The  selectmen  of  Bos- 

2  Ibid.,  137.  ton  having  exerted  their  power  in  vain 

3  Ibid.,  144,  145.  to  abate  this  nuisance,  the  Colony  in- 

4  Ibid.,  66.  terposed  with  a  special  law,  and  expe- 

5  Ibid.,  57,  58.  rience  has  justified  the  continuance  of 

6  Ibid.,  11.  the  provision  down  to  the  present  day. 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTEE  FORTY  YEAES.  47 

of  any  particular  person,  or  with  intent  to  deceive  the 
people  with  false  news  and  reports,"  subjected  the  cul- 
prit to  fines,  confinement  in  the  stocks,  and  scourg- 
ing, increased  in  severity  according  to  the  aggravation 
and  repetitions  of  the  offence.  And  this  proceeding 
did  not  bar  a  further  action  for  slander.-^  "  Chirur'^eons, 
midwives,  and  physicians"  were  forbidden,  "upon  such 
severe  punishment  as  the  nature  of  the  fact  might  de- 
serve," to  "  exercise  or  put  forth  any  act  contrary  to 
the  known  approved  rules  of  art,  in  each  mystery  and 
occupation. "  ^ 

The  legislation  aimed  against  intemperance  ^vas  copi- 
ous. Venders  of  "wine,  ale,  beer,  or  strong  waters  by 
retail,"  or  of  wine  "by  a  less  quantity  than  a  quar- 
ter-cask," were  required  to  have  a  license  from  the 
county  court,  founded  on  a  recommendation  of  the  se- 
lectmen of  their  town.  The  quality  and  price  of  malt 
liquor  were  prescribed.  Inn-keepers  were  forbidden  to 
"suffer  any  to  be  drunk,  or  to  drink  excessively;  viz. 
above  half  a  pint  of  wine  for  one  person  at  a  time,  or 
to  continue  tippling  above  the  space  of  half  an  hour, 
or  at  unseasonable  times,  or  after  nine  of  the  clock  at 
night."  A  person  "found  drunken,  so  as  to  be  thereby 
bereaved  or  disabled  in  the  use  of  his  understanding, 
appearing  in  his  speech  or  gesture,"  had  to  pay  ten 
shillings,  or  be  imprisoned  till  payment  was  made,  or 
"  be  set  in  the  stocks  one  hour  or  more,  in  some  open 
place,  as  the  weather  would  permit,  not  exceeding  three 
hours."  ^  Tobacco  might  not,  except  under  a  penalty 
of  half  a  crown,  be  taken  "  in  any  inn  or  common 
victual  house,  except  in  a  private  room  there,  so  as 
neither  the  master  of  the  said  house,  nor  any  guest 
there,  should  take  offence  thereat."* 

1  Ibid.,  91,  92.  *  Ibid.,  146.  — In  the  year  after  the 

2  Ibid.,  28.  publication  of  the  code,  "  the  evil  prac- 

3  Ibid.,  78  -  85.  tice  of  sundry  persons  by  exorbitancy 


48  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

An  attempt  "  to  draw  away  the  affection  of  any  maid, 
imder  pretence  of  marriage,  before  obtaining  liberty  and 
allowance  from  her  parents  or  governors,  or,  in  absence 
of  such,  of  the  nearest  magistrate,"  was  punished  by  a 
forfeiture  of  five  j)Ounds.  For  a  repetition  of  the  at- 
tempt, the  culprit  was  fined  ten  pounds,  and  compelled 
to  enter  into  a  recognizance  for  better  behavior.  If 
still  unreclaimed,  he  was,  on  conviction  by  the  county 
court,  committed  to  prison,  to  remain  there  "  until  the 
Court  of  Assistants  should  see  cause  to  release  him." 
No  person  whose  wife  or  husband  continued  to  live 
abroad  was  allowed  to  have  a  home  in  Massachusetts. 
"  No  man  might  strike  his  wife,  nor  any  woman  her 
husband,  on  penalty  of  such  fine,  not  exceeding  ten 
pounds  for  one  offence,  or  such  corporal  punishment,  as 
the  county  court  should  determine."  Marriage  was 
still  contracted,  not  before  ministers,  but  before  persons 
appointed  to  that  office  by  the  General  Court.  A 
widower  could  not  marry  the  sister  of  his  deceased 
wife.^ 

In  pursuance  of  the  policy  of  keeping  the  military 
power  of  the  Colony  under  the  complete  control 

Militia.  p      ,  ,  ,  .       . 

01  the  central  government,  the  appomtmg  of 
commissioned  officers  of  every  rank  was  now  vested  in 
the  General  Court,  and  the  commissioned  officers  of  com- 
panies named  their  subordinates.^  The  mounted  troops 
had  a  sort  of  aristocratic  character.  No  trooper  was 
enlisted  "  but  such  who  themselves,  or  parents  under 
whose  government  they  were,  paid  in  a  single  country 
rate  for  one  hundred  pounds'  estate."^      Pikemen,  who 

of  the  tongue  in  railing  and  scolding  "  as  the  court  or  magistrate  should  judge 

attracted  the  attention  of  the   Court,  meet."      (Mass.    Rec,    IV.    (ii.)    513, 

and  a  law  was  passed  condemning  the  514.) 

offender  in  that  kind  to  "  be  gagged  or  i  General  Laws,  &c.,  101,  102. 

set  in  a  ducking-stool  and  dipped  over  2  Ibid.,  116. 

head   and   ears   three   times   in   some  3  Ibid.,  114. 

convenient  place  of  fresh  or  salt  water. 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  49 

still  composed  a  third  part  of  every  foot  company,^  wore 
defensive  armor  consisting  of  "  a  sufficient  corselet,  buff 
coat,  or  quilted  coat,  such  as  was  allowed  by  the  chief 
officer  under  whose  command  they  served  from  time  to 
time."  2 

The  reader  of  the  statute-book  would  have  cause  for 
surprise,  if  he  did  not  find  himself  constantly  reminded 
that  the  law-makers  and  their  constituents  belonged 
to  the  close  body  of  communicants  in  churches.  To 
legislators  so  circumstanced,  the  good  order  of  the 
churches,  the  relations  of  the  churches  to  the  Rengious 
commonwealth,  the  encouragement  of  the  clergy,  °''s"vances. 
and  the  suppression  of  irreligious  practices  among  the 
people,  would  present  themselves  as  eminently  fit  sub- 
jects of  legislation.  The  spirit,  and  for  the  most  part 
the  letter  of  the  laws  upon  these  subjects,  continued 
to  be  the  same  as  they  had  been  at  the  last  revision  of 
the  code.^  So  strict  was  the  care  taken  to  secure  uni- 
versal attendance  upon  public  worship,  that,  even  on 
the  occurrence  of  "  week-day  lectures,"  innkeepers  and 
victuallers,  "  within  one  mile  of  the  meeting-house  to 
which  they  belonged,"  had  to  "  clear  their  houses  of  all 
persons  able  to  go  to  meeting,  during  the  time  of  the 
exercise,  except  for  some  extraordinary  cause."*  Viola- 
tions of  the  Sabbath  were  made  penal  under  various 
specifications.  It  was  declared  to  be  profaned  "  by  chil- 
dren playing  in  the  streets ; by  youths,  maids,  and 

other  persons,  both  strangers  and  others,  uncivilly  walk- 
ing in  the  streets  and  fields,  travelling  from  town  to 
town,  going  on  shipboard,  frequenting  common  houses 
and  other  places  to  drink,  sport,  or  otherwise  to  mis- 
spend their  precious  time."  Travelling  out  of  one's  own 
town  "upon  the  Lord's  day,  either  on  horseback  or 
on  foot,  or  by  boats,  to  any  unlawful  assembly  or  meet- 

1  Ibid.,  108.  3  See  Vol.  11.  394,  395,  note. 

2  Ibid.,  115.  4  General  Laws,  &c.,  83. 
VOL.  III.                                       5 


50  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

ing,"  was  legally  held  to  be  "servile  work,"  and  ac- 
cordingly a  desecration  of  holy  time.' 

The  public  charges  continued  to  be  met  by  a  reve- 
Revenue  i^uc  cliicfly  dcrivcd  from  direct  taxes  upon  prop- 
system.  gj.^.^^  j^g^j  estate,  and  stock  in  trade,  were 
assessed  according  to  an  estimate  of  the  value  made  by 
town  magistrates.  Cattle,  sheep,  goats,  and  swine  were 
taxed  according  to  a  permanent  legal  valuation  of  each 
description  of  such  property.  Artisans  and  mechanics 
contributed  to  the  public  expenses  in  proportion  to 
the  estimated  gains  of  their  business.  There  was  a 
capitation-tax  of  one  shilling  and  eight  pence  for  each 
male  person  "from  sixteen  years  old  and  upwards." 
Assessments  were  made  in  the  autumn  of  each  year; 
but  selectman  might  in  any  month  collect  taxes  from 
transient  "  merchant  strangers  "  on  property  brought  by 
them  into  the  country.  Ministers  of  religion  were  "  freed 
from  all  rates  for  the  country,  county,  and  church,"  so 
far  as  concerned  "  such  estate  as  was  their  own  proper 
estates,  and  under  their  own  custody  and  improvement."  ^ 
Taverners  paid  a  duty  for  the  wine  which  they  sold,  at 
the  rate  of  "fifty  shillings  by  the  butt  or  pipe,  and 
proportionably  for  all  other  vessels";  and  for  the  re- 
tail of  "  strong  waters,"  at  the  rate  of  "  two  pence  upon 
every  quart."  ^  Imported  goods  of  all  descriptions,  "  ex- 
cepting fish,  sheep's  wool,  cotton  wool,  salt,"  and  a  few 
others,  had  to  pay  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  five  per  centum 
on  a  valuation  determined  by  adding  five  per  centum  to 
the  cost  of  the  article  at  the  place  of  exportation.* 

The  extent  of  the  commercial  prosperity  which  had 

grown  up  is   indicated  by  the   extent  and  minuteness 

of  the  system  of  maritime  law.     This  carefully 

Regulations  ''  ^  '' 

forshippiDg    defined   the   duties   of  seafaring   men,  whether 
officers,  seamen,  or  pilots ;  the  rights  of  passen- 


and  mariners. 


1  General  Laws,  &c.,  132-134.  3  Ibid.,  82,  83. 

2  Ibid.,  22-26.  4  Ibid.,  69-73. 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  ^\ 

gers  by  sea;  the  relations  existing  among  joint  owners 
of  shipping ;  the  rules  for  adjusting  damages  and  losses 
from  mismanagement  and  from  marine  disasters.^  The 
rates  of  wharfage  for  different  commodities  were  ex- 
actly prescribed.^  There  were  surveyors  of  shipping, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  watch  the  construction  of  every 
vessel  measuring  more  than  thirty  tons ;  to  "  see  that 
the  work  was  performed  and  carried  on  according  to 
the  rules  of  the  art " ;  and  to  "  cause  any  bad  timbers, 
or  other  insufficient  work  or  materials,  to  be  taken  out 
and  amended  at  the  charge  of  them  through  whose 
default  it  grew."^  Some  arrangements  were  still  in 
force  which  had  been  made  on  the  return  of  the  messen- 
gers, Norton  and  Bradstreet,  from  England,*  avowedly 
to  carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  the  Navigation 
Act.  Three  persons  had  been  appointed  —  one  for  the 
ports  of  Boston  and  Charlestown,  one  for  Salem,  Marble- 
head,  and  Gloucester,  and  the  thir^  for  "the  river  of 
Piscataqua  and  Isle  of  Shoals,  and  parts  adjacent"  — 
to  receive  such  bonds  as  were  required  by  the  Act, 
and  make  seizures  for  breaches  of  its  provisions ;  ^  but 
it  is  certain  that  this  duty  was  not  willingly  or  strictly 
performed.  Ships  paid  a  tonnage  duty  for  the  support 
of  forts.  The  harbor  police  was  not  neglected.  "No 
masters  of  ships,  or  seamen,  having  their  vessels  riding 
within  any  of  the  harbors  in  the  jurisdiction,  might 
presume  to  drink  healths,  or  suffer  any  healths  to  be 
drunk,  within  their  vessels,  by  day  or  night,  or  to  shoot 
off  any  gun  after  the  daylight  was  past,  or  on  the 
Sabbath-day."®  Sailors  might  not  injure  harbors  by 
taking  in  ballast  "from  any  town  shore,"  or  "by  dis- 
charging it  in  the  channel  or  other  place  inconvenient."^ 
To  keep  up  in  foreign  markets  the  reputation  of  arti- 

llbid.,  93-100.  5  General   Laws,   &c.,    139;   comp. 

2  Ibid.,  156.  Vol.  II.  261. 

3  Ibid.,  138,  139.  6  General  Laws,  &c.,  140. 

4  See  Vol.  n.  526,  530.  7  Ibid.,  9. 


52  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

cles  of  export,  a  public  inspection  was  maintained.  The 
inspecuon  I'^-W  defined  what  quahties  of  dried  fish  should 
laws.  ^Q    considered    as     merchantable,    and    "  view- 

ers" were  appointed  "at  every  fishing-place  within  the 
jurisdiction,"  whose  judgment  was  binding  upon  the 
buyers  and  sellers  of  that  commodity.-^  Coopers  were 
required  to  put  their  "  brand-mark "  on  their  casks,  and 
were  punished  by  forfeiture  and  fine  if  they  "  put  to 
sale  any  new  cask,  being  defective  either  in  workman- 
ship, timber,  or  assizes."  The  measurements  and  quality 
of  different  kinds  of  staves  were  precisely  specified, 
and  in  every  town  where  casks  were  made  a  "ganger 
or  packer"  was  appointed  to  see  to  the  quality  of  the 
casks,  and  of  the  "liquor,  beef,  pork,  fish,"  and  other 
articles  packed  in  them,  and  certify  by  his  seal  that 
they  were  fit  for  the  market.^ 

Besides  the  inspection  laws  there  were  various  regula- 
tions both  of  foreign  commerce  and  of  domestic  industry. 
There  was  a  strict  prohibition  of  the   exporta- 

Prohibitions  ■••  '- 

andreguia-    tiou,  by  sca  or  land,  of  money  coined  in  Massa- 

tions  of  trade.  i   -it 

chusetts,  beyond  the  amount  of  twenty  shillnigs 
for  necessary  expenses.  Violations  of  this  law  were 
punished  by  "confiscation,  not  only  of  such  money  so 
coined,  but  also  of  all  the  visible  estate  of  him  that  should 
any  way  be  found  sending  or  exporting  any  of  the 
coin,"  and  searchers  were  appointed  at  the  several  ports 
with  extraordinary  powers  of  inquisition  for  the  offence.^ 
Powder  also  might  not  be  exported.*  Imported  salt 
had  to  pass  under  the  eye  of  a  qualified  measurer.^ 
The  law  required  such  "hides  or  skins  as  either  by 
casualty  or  slaughter  came  to  hand"  to  be  carefully 
dried,  and  sent  to  a  tanner.  The  attempt  to  ship  any 
raw  hide  or  unwrought  leather  was  punished  by  a  for- 

1  General  Laws,  &c.,  52,  53.  *  Ibid.,  126. 

2  IbiH.,  16,  17.  6  Ibid.,  134,  135. 

3  Ibid.,  118,  119. 


Chap.  II.]  CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY   YEARS.  53 

feiture  of  the  property,  and  a  fine  equal  to  its  value 
was  imposed  on  any  shipmaster  who  received  it.-^  A 
butcher,  currier,  or  shoemaker  might  not  at  the  same 
time  be  a  tanner,  nor  might  a  tanner  exercise  any  one 
of  their  trades;  and  there  were  other  strict  provisions 
for  securing  a  good  quality  of  leather.^  The  manner 
of  washing  and  shearing  sheep  was  prescribed/  and  the 
season  for  di^o-ino:  "tile  earth  to  make  sale-ware."* 

"  The  bringing  in  of  wheat,  barley,  biscuit,  beef,  meal, 
and  flour,  which  were  Hhe  principal  commodities  of  the 
country,  from  foreign  parts,"  being  "found  by  expe- 
rience to  be  exceedingly  prejudicial  to  the  subsistence 
of  the  place  and  people,"  all  importation  of  those  arti- 
cles was  forbidden,  "  under  the  penalty  of  confiscation 
of  the  same."  ^  There  were  regulations  for  fishermen 
relating  to  the  seasons  when  they  might  take  "  mackerel, 
codfish,  hake,  haddock,  or  pollock,"  and  to  other  details 
of  their  business.^  For  bakers  the  weight  of  the  penny 
white  loaf  was  determined  by  a  sliding  scale  arranged 
with  reference  to  the  price  of  wheat.  Bakers  had  to 
stamp  their  bread,  and  it  was  subject  to  the  inspection 
of  clerks  of  the  market,  who  exercised  their  office  "  in 
every  market  town,  and  all  other  towns  needful."'^  "No 
person  whatsoever  might  undertake  the  calling  or  work 
of  brewing  beer  for  sale,  but  only  such  as  were  known 
to  have  sufficient  skill  in  the  art  or  mystery  of  a  brewer." 
Maltsters  were  answerable  for  the  quality  of  their  manu- 
facture,^ and  a  purchaser  of  beer  might  recover  dam- 
ages if  it  proved  "  unfit,  unwholesome,  and  useless,  either 
through  the  insufficiency  of  the  malt,  or  brewing,  or 
unwholesome  cask."^  Wood  was  sold  according  to  a 
prescribed  measurement.^**    "  No  miller  might  take  above 

1  Ibid.,  63,  64.  6  Ibid.,  52  -  54.* 

2  Ibid.,  88-90.  7  Ibid.,  8,  9. 

3  Ibid.,  138.  8  Ibid.,  106. 

4  Ibid.,  146.  9  Ibid.,  10,  11 ;  comp.  80. 
s  Ibid.,  106.  10  Ibid.,  160. 

\  5* 


54 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  IH. 


one  sixteenth  part  of  the  corn  he  ground."  ^  In  time 
of  harvest,  "  artificers  and  handicraftsmen,"  for  reason- 
able wages,  might  be  compelled  by  the  constables  "to 
work  by  the  day  for  their  neighbors  in  mowing,  reap- 
ing of  corn,  and  inning  thereof"  ^  The  towns  of  Boston 
and  Charlestown  had  power  to  appoint  porters,  and  fix 
their  wages.^  There  was  as  yet  no  post-office  arrange- 
ment, except  that  a  person  had  been  appointed  to  re- 
ceive and  transmit  letters  "  which  were  brought  from 
beyond  the  seas,  or  were  to  be  lent  thither,"  *  A  true 
English  instinct  showed  itself  in  some  arrangements  for 
securing  a  good  breed  of  horses.^  Ferrymen  had  a 
monopoly  of  their  business,  and  were  subjected  to  ex- 
act rules  as  to  duties  and  fees.^ 


1  General  Laws,  &c.,  106. 

2  Ibid.,  161. 

3  Ibid.,  124. 

4  Mass.  Rec,  I.  281. 

5  General  Laws,  &c.,  65,  66.  — A 
curious  law  on  this  subject  was  passed 
in  1668  (Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  367): 
"  WTiereas  the  breed  of  horses  in  this 
country  is  utterly  spoiled,  whereby  that 
useful  creature  will  become  a  burden, 
which  otherwise  might  be  beneficial,  and 
the  occasion  thereof  is  conceived  to  be 
through  the  smalluess  and  badness  of 
stone  horses  and  colts  that  run  in  com- 
mons and  woods, be  it  ordered 

and  enacted that  no  stone  horse 

above  two  years  old  shall  be  suffered  to 
go  in  commons  and  woods  at  liberty, 
unless  he  be  of  comely  proportion  and 
sufficient  stature,  not  less  than  fourteen 
hands  high,  reckoning  four  inches  to  a 
handful,  and  such  a  horse  to  be  viewed 
and  allowed  by  the  major  part  of  the 
selectmen  of  the  town  wliere  the  owner 
lives."  The  owner  who  should  violate 
this  law  was  to  be  punished  by  a  fine 
of  twenty  shillings,  and  the  selectmen 
were  subjected  to  the  same  penalty  for 
a  neglect  of  their  duty  in  the  premises. 


The  ratable  value  of  full-grown  horses 
for  taxation  was  at  the  same  time  re- 
duced from  ten  pounds  to  five  pounds. 
(Ibid.)  It  was  still  further  reduced 
nine  years  later.  (Ibid.,  V.  138.) 
Connqcticut  was  not  inattentive  to  the 
importance  of  keeping  up  a  good  breed 
of  horses.     (Conn.  Rec,  II.  244.) 

In  1667,  John  Hull,  the  Mint-master, 
with  Mr.  Brenton  and  Benedict  Arnold 
of  Rhode  Island,  and  others,  owned 
land  in  the  neighborhood  of  Point 
Judith  ;  and  Hull  proposed  to  his  part- 
ners to  enclose  Point  Judith  Neck  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  horses,  so  that 
no  mongrel  breed  could  get  among 
them.  They  hoped  thus  to  obtain  good 
animals,  "  some  for  coach  horses,  some 
for  the  saddle,  some  for  the  draught," 
and  in  a  few  years  to  have  a  stock  for 
transportation. 

This  proposal  seems  to  have  been 
acted  upon ;  and  Mr.  Jennison,  in  his 
memoir  of  Hull  (Archseologia  Ameri- 
cana, III.  p.  128),  suggests  that  it  is 
probable  that  the  arrangement  pro- 
duced the  "  Narragansett  pacers,"  so 
celebrated  in  Dean  Berkeley's  time. 

6  General  Laws,  &c.,  50. 


Chap.  II.]  CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  55 

The  towns  held  in  common  a  considerable  part,  even 
of  their  cultivated  land,  and  this  circumstance  called 
for  precise  regulations  for  the  raising,  the  security,  and 
the  division  of  the   crops.      Each  town  had  a  „   . .  , 

••-  Municipal 

"  distinct  brand-mark "  for  its  cattle,  to  iden-  and  pou^e 
tify  them  in  claims  for  damages.  Private  pro- 
prietors were  bound  to  keep  their  fences  in  a  condition 
satisfactory  to  the  town  fence-viewers.  Stray  cattle  and 
goods  lost  were  to  be  cared  for  and  restored  to  their 
owner,  at  his  cost,  including  remuneration  for  the  trouble 
that  had  been  taken.-^  Every  town  had  "a  sufficient 
pound,"  ^  where  cattle,  sheep,  goats,  and  swine,  trespass- 
ing on  enclosures,  were  shut  up  till  claimed  by  their 
owner,  who  then  became  liable  for  damages.^  Boston, 
Salem,  Watertown,  and  Dorchester  held  each  two  fairs 
annually,  one  in  the  spring,  the  other  in  the  autumn ; 
and  the  days  for  the  weekly  markets  at  Boston,  Charles- 
town,  Lynn,  and  Salem  were  designated,  so  as  to  pre- 
vent their  interference  with  one  another.*  A  premium 
was  paid  out  of  the  public  treasury  for  the  killing  of 
wolves.^ 

The  constables  in  each  town  were  captains  of  the 
night-watch,  w^hich  was  kept  from  the  beginning  of 
May  till  the  end  of  September,  and  they  were  charged 
*'  to  see  all  noises  in  the  streets  stilled,  and  lights  put 
out,"  and  to  "  examine  all  night-walkers  after  ten  of  the 
clock  at  night  (unless  they  were  known  peaceable  in- 
habitants), to  inquire  whither  they  were  going,  and  what 
their  business  was."^  Highways  and  bridges  belonged 
to  towns  or  to  the  Colony.  In  the  former  case  towns, 
in  the  latter,  counties  (under  the  direction  of  the  county 
courts),  were  bound  to  keep  them  in  repair,  and  were 
liable  to  pay  heavy  fines  or  double  damages  for  any 

1  Ibid.,  142.  4  Ibid.,  49. 

2  Ibid.,  124.  5  Ibid.,  159,  160. 

3  Ibid.,  17-20,   145,  146,  6  Ibid.,  154,  155. 


56  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  m. 

accident  occasioned  by  their  insufficiency.-^  Towns  or- 
dered and  disposed  all  single  persons  and  inmates  within 
their  territory  to  service  or  otherwise,  subject  to  an  ap- 
peal to  the  county  court.^  They  elected  constables, 
jurors,  selectmen,  and  surveyors  of  the  highways,  who 
were  compelled  to  serve  under  a  penalty  of  twenty 
shillings  for  each  refusal.^  They  maintained  schools, 
and  the  fine  for  a  neglect  of  this  duty  was  now  doubled.* 
With  the  approval  of  two  Magistrates  or  of  the  county 
court,  they  withdrew  "  rude,  stubborn,  and  unruly " 
children  and  servants  from  incompetent  parents  and 
masters,  and  apprenticed  them,  for  their  minority,  to 
suitable  guardians.^  They  prohibited  the  resort  to  inns 
and  alehouses  of  persons  whom  they  judged  unfit.^  Un- 
der the  penalty  of  fines  for  neglect,  they  enforced  the 
attention  of  their  inhabitants  to  certain  branches  of 
industry,  as  the  spinning  of  woollen,  cotton,  and  linen 
thread,^   and  the  "propagating  and  increasing   of  salt- 


1  General  Laws,  &c.,  12.  other  motives  which  could  not  well 

2  Ibid.,  141,  148.  By  a  law  passed  as  be  stated  in  the  preamble  of  a  law. 
early  as  1637  (Mass.  Rec.,1. 196  ;  comp.  The  preservation  of  religious  and  social 
General  Laws,  143,  144),  towns  and  harmony  was  an  object  of  great  im- 
persons  were  made  liable  to  a  heavy  portance  in  the  new  settlements.  The 
fine  for  entertaining  strangers,  or  al-  town  records  contain  frequent  indica- 
lowing  them  to  remain,  more  than  three  tions  of  the  importance  attached  to 
weeks  without  a  license  ;  and  even  the  these  provisions.  For  instance,  an  ap- 
entertainment  of  friends  from  other  plication  for  leave  to  employ  a  journey- 
parts  of  the  country  was  restricted  to  man  is  denied ;  and  permission  is  re- 
a  limited  time.  This  law,  though  passed  fused  to  receive  a  visit  from  a  relative, 
to  meet  a  supposed  danger  of  the  time  the  applications  being  recorded,  and 
(see  above,  Vol.  L  p.  482),  was  con-  disposed  of  by  the  adjudication  "  Dis- 
tinued  in  effect  to  a  late  period ;  and  allowed."  Grown-up  children  were  not 
it  was  made  the  duty  of  the  constable  permitted  to  remain  at  home  in  idleness, 
of  each  town  to  inform  the  Court  of  without  some  security  for  their  good 
Assistants  of  "yiew-comers."  behavior. 

There    were    reasons    assigned    for        3  Ibid.,  55.  , 

these  regulations,  such  as  the  influx        4  Ibid.,    136,    137;    comp.    Vol.   11. 

of  unruly   and    dangerous   foreigners  p.  263. 
into  the  seaports,  and  the  liability  of        5  Ibid.,  26. 
shiftless  persons  to  become  chargeable         6  Ibid.,  85. 
to  the  towns ;  but  evidently  there  were         '  Ibid.,  141. 


Chap.  II.]  CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  57 

petre."-^  They  had  the  custody  of  standard  weights 
and  measures,  and  appointed  measurers  of  corn,  wood, 
and  boards,  without  whose  certificate  a  contract  for 
those  articles  was  void.^  Questions  between  towns  re- 
specting their  liabihty  for  the  support  of  paupers  were 
determined  by  the  county  court.^ 

The  system  of  laws  in  Connecticut  indicates  a  social 
order  substantially  the  same  as  that  which  ex-  Lawsofcon- 
isted  at  the  same  time  in  Massachusetts.  The  °«'="<="'- 
main  difference  between  the  codes  of  the  two  Colonies 
is,  that  the  provisions  in  the  code  of  Massachusetts  are 
the  more  elaborate  and  minute,  agreeably  to  the  greater 
amount  of  population  and  business,  and  the  consequent 
greater  complexity  of  social  relations  in  that  jurisdic- 
tion. To  a  considerable  extent,  even  the  language  is 
the  same  in  both.* 

In  Connecticut,  to  be  capable  of  the  franchise,  it  was 
necessary  that  a  person  should  be  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  own  real  estate  to  the  amount  of  twenty  pounds, 
and  be  recommended  to  the  General  Court  by  the  se- 
lectmen of  his  town  as  of  "  honest,  peaceable,  and  civil 
conversation."  His  nomination  then  lay  over  to  be 
acted  upon  at  the  next  General  Court.  A  freeman 
might  for  sufficient  cause  be  disfranchised  by  the  Court 
of  Assista^nts.^  The  election  of  Magistrates  was  con- 
ducted in  the  same  manner  as  in  Massachusetts,  except 
that  the  General  Court,  annually  held  in  the  General 
autumn,  nominated  the  persons  to  whom  in  the  ^°'^" 
next  spring  the  choice  of  the  freemen  was  to  be  re- 
stricted.®     No    qualification  was  required  in  a  Deputy 

1  Ibid.,  135.  and  the  page  being  of  the  same  size  in 

2  Ibid.,  155,  156.  the  two  volumes. 

3  Ibid.,  35.  6  Book  of  the  General  Laws  of  the 
*  Both  Codes  were  printed  in  Cam-  People  within  the  Jurisdiction  of  Con- 
bridge,  by  Samuel  Green.     The  Code  nectiout,  &c.,  (1673,)  26. 

of  Massachusetts  covers  170  pages  in         6  Ibid.,  22,  23. 
folio,  that  of  Connecticut,  71 ;  the  type 


58  HISTOKY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

except  that  he  should  be  "orderly  chosen  by  the  free- 
men of  that  plantation  for  whom  he  served,"  and  that 
he  should  swear  to  conduct  himself  "  faithfully  and  truly 
according  to  the  duty  of  his  place."  A  Deputy  for- 
feited his  pay  by  absenting  himself,  "without  leave 
from  the  General  Court,  before  the  Court  was  issued. "  ^ 
General  Courts  were  always  held  at  Hartford.  To  con- 
stitute them,  the  presence  of  the  Governor  or  Deputy- 
Governor,  and  at  least  six  Assistants,  was  requisite. 
They  assembled  regularly  in  May  and  October  of  each 
year,  and  as  much  oftener  as,  "  upon  any  special  and 
emergent  occasion,  the  Governor  or  Deputy-Governor, 
with  the  advice  of  one  or  more  of  the  Assistants,"  should 
convoke  them. 

The  rule  for  meetings  of  Courts  of  Assistants  was 
Inferior  thc  samc.  Couuty  Courts,  constituted  of  "  three 
Courts.  Assistants,  and,  where  there  were  not  so  many 
Assistants,  one  Assistant  and  two  Commissioners  at  least," 
also  sat  semiannually  in  each  county.  The  counties 
were  now  four  in  number,  named  Harford,  Neiv  Haven, 
New  London,  and  Fairfield,  after  their  respective  capi- 
tals.^ In  the  courts  of  Assistants  and  the  county  courts, 
cases  were  "  heard  and  determined  by  a  jury  of  twelve 
men,  or  otherwise  according  to  law."  To  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Courts  of  Assistants  belonged  "  all  trials  for  life, 
limb,  banishment,  and  divorce,"  and  the  trial  of  ap- 
peals from  the  county  courts.  Before  the  last-named 
tribunals  came  "all  causes,  civil  and  criminal,  not  ex- 
tending to  life,  limb,  or  banishment."^ 


1  General  Laws  of  Connecticut,  20.  ford  County  was  called  upon  for  one 

2  Ibid.,  18;  comp.  16.  The  coun-  hundred  and  sixty  men;  New  Haven 
ties  were  constituted  in  May,  1666,  im-  County  and  Fairfield  County  each  for 
mediately  after  the  annexation  of  New  a  hundred  and  twenty ;  and  New  Lon- 
Haven.  (Conn.  Rec,  IL  34,  35.)  don  for  a  hundred.  (Conn.  Rec,  11 
Their  comparative  population  in  1673  205.) 

may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that,  in  3  General  Laws  of  Connecticut,  1 7, 

a  levy  of  soldiers  in  that  year,  Hart-  18. 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  59 

For  the  trial  of  crimes  punishable  with  death  or  ban- 
ishment, special  juries  were  impanelled,  and  a  judicial 
unanimous  agreement  was  requisite  to  a  ver-  p^^^^^^^- 
diet  of  guilt.  Cases  in  the  county  courts  involv- 
ing sums  less  than  forty  shillings  were  tried  by  the 
bench  alone.  If  more  than  that  sum  was  at  stake,  a 
jury  found  "  the  matter  of  fact,  with  the  damages  and 
costs,  according  to  law  and  their  evidence."  If  the  court 
was  dissatisfied  with  a  verdict,  the  jury  might  be  sent 
out  again ;  and  if  still  they  persisted,  the  court  might 
dismiss  them,  and  order  another  trial.^  Except  "in 
crimes  capital,  and  contempt  in  open  court,  or  in  such 
cases  where  some  express  law  allowed  it,"  no  person 
could  be  imprisoned  till  he  had  opportunity  to  offer 
bail.^  Witnesses  had  to  appear  in  court,  if  they  lived 
in  the  county  where  the  case  was  tried;  and  in  order 
to  make  a  deposition  valid,  it  was  necessary  that  the 
deponent  should  be  not  under  sixteen  years  of  age.^ 
As  in  Massachusetts,  the  General  Court  alone  could 
grant  pardons,  but  the  Governor,  or  Deputy-Governor, 
with  the  consent  of  three  Assistants,  might  reprieve.* 

The  criminal  code  of  Connecticut,  in  respect  to  capi- 
tal offences,  was  almost  verbally  the  same  as  that  of 
Massachusetts.^     So  were    the   laws  relating  to  criminal 
the    offences   of  burglary,   robbery   of  orchards  ^"^"'"^"'^ 
and  other  enclosures,®  forgery,^  Ijing/  gambling,^  poii<=y. 


1  Ibid.,  37.  answered,"  was  "left  to  the   court  to 

2  Ibid.,  32.  be  disposed  of  according  to   rules  of 

3  Ibid.,  69.  righteousness  and  equity."     (Ibid.,  2.) 

4  Ibid.,  27.  As  iu  Massachusetts,    "torture"    (by 

5  The  differences  were,  that  in  Con-  -which  appears  to  have  been  meant 
necticut  the  law  against  blasphemy  em-  whipping)  might  be  used,  but  not  to 
braced  fewer  specifications,  and  that  in-  force  a  man  to  "  confess  any  crime 
cest,  not  placed  among  capital  offences  against  himself."     (Ibid.,  65.) 

in  Massachusetts,  was  added  to  the  list.  6  Ibid.    7  8. 

Also,  in  Massachusetts,  a  condemned  7  Ibid.   25. 

felon  might  make  a  will.     But  in  Con-  8  Ibid.  40. 

necticut,  his  estate,  "after  the  charges  9  jbid.  26. 
of  prosecution  and  imprisonment  were 


60  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

idleness,-^  drunkenness/  profane  swearing,  and  profana- 
tion of  the  Sabbath.^  So  was  the  general  system  of 
mihtary  service,*  of  inspection  laws,^  of  police  laws,^  and 
of  regulations  of  houses  of  entertainment,'^  of  weights 
and  measures,^  and,  in  general,  of  industry  and  trade.' 
The  twenty-seven  sections  of  the  long  chapter  respect- 
ing "  maritime  affairs,"  ^'^  and  the  section  respecting 
"  Rates,"  ^^  or  the  colonial  revenue,  are  copied  with 
little  alteration  from  the  Massachusetts  code.  The  sys- 
tem of  imposts  and  excise  duties  on  specified  articles 
was  also  the  same  in  the  two  Colonies;  though  the 
rates  differed  largely,  the  amount  thus  raised  in  Con- 
necticut being  materially  lower.^^  There  also  the  capi- 
tation tax  varied,  like  other  taxes,  with  the  total  amounts 
levied  from  time  to  time,  each  person  being  estimated 
for  that  purpose  as  representing  eighteen  pounds.^^  The 
Massachusetts  system  of  common  schools  had  been  im- 
mediately adopted  in  Connecticut,  with  the  slight  modi- 
fication of  requiring  the  schools  where  young  men  were 
prepared  for  college  to  be  maintained  in  every  county 
town,  instead  of  every  town  with  a  hundred  house- 
holders.^* Connecticut  had  now  no  laws  prohibiting  ex- 
travagance in  dress,  or  the  exportation  of  powder  or  of 
money.  The  legal  rate  of  interest  was  six  per  centiim^^ 
while  in  Massachusetts  it  was  eight.^^ 

-  1  General  Laws  of  Connecticut,  31.  derecl,  or  to  give  so  much  as  another 

2  Ibid.,  21,  35.  chapman  would."     (Ibid.,  30.) 

3  Ibid.,  58.  7  Ibid.,  34. 

4  Ibid.,  49-51.  8  Ibid.,  48. 

5  Ibid.,  10,  56.  9  Ibid.,  5,  10,  14,  24,  25,  28,  29,  38, 

6  Ibid.,  10,  24,    38,  56,  64,  65.     A  51,  57,  64,  65,  68,  69. 

proprietor  could  not  "  make  sale  of  his  lo  Ibid.,  5,   20,  29,  30,  38,  42-46, 

accommodations  of  house  or  lands  to     48,  51,  65,  68. 

any  but  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  ^  Ibid.,  59-61. 

wherein  the  said  house  and  land  was  12  Ibid.,  31,  59. 

situate,  without  the  consent  of  the  town,  13  Ibid.,  31,  39,  59. 

or  unless  he  had  first  propounded  the  i*  Ibid.,  62,  63. 

sale  thereof  to  the  town  where  it  was  15  Ibid.,  68. 

situate,  and  they  refused  the  sale  ten-  16  General  Laws  of  Mass.,  153. 


Chap.  II.]  CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY   TEARS.  gl 

The  laws  relating  to  marriage  were  borrowed  from 
Massachusetts.^  In  the  division  of  the  property  of  de- 
ceased persons,  marriage  settlements  were  re-  Marriage  and 
garded.  If  none  had  been  made,  a  widow  was  ^°^^"^"'=^«- 
entitled  to  the  use,  during  her  life,  of  one  third  of 
her  husband's  real  estate,  "  the  remainder  of  the  estate 
to  be  disposed  of  according  to  the  will  of  the  deceased, 
or,  in  defect  thereof,  according  to  the  distribution  the 
court  should  make  thereof"  ^ 

Towns  might  make  by-laws  "not  repugnant  to  the 
laws   and    orders    of  the    Colony,"  and   enforce 

^  .  Towns. 

them  by  "penalties  not  exceeding  twenty  shil- 
lings for  one  offence."  The  selectmen  of  a  town  might 
not  be  more  than  seven  in  number.  They  had  "full 
power  to  order  and  dispose  of  all  single  persons  and 
inmates  within  their  towns,  who  lived  an  idle  or  riotous 
life,  to  service  or  otherwise."  Any  inhabitant  of  a  town, 
refusing  or  neglecting  to  accept  a  town  office,  was  pun- 
ished by  a  fine  of  forty  shillings.^  The  law  defining 
the  liability  of  towns  and  counties  in  respect  to  high- 
ways and  bridges  was  but  a  transcript  from  the  law 
of  Massachusetts.^ 

The  ecclesiastical  system,  so  far  as  the  law  Ecclesiastical 
controlled  it,  was  also  the  same,  though  in  Con-  '^'''""• 
necticut  there  was  a  more  express  declaration  that  dis- 
senters from  the  Congregational  order,  provided  they 
were  "  orthodox  and  sound  in  the  fundamentals  of  Chris- 
tian religion,"  might  "  have  allowance  in  their  persuasion 
and  profession  in  church  ways  or  assemblies  without 
disturbance."  ^ 

An  examination  of  the  laws  of  Plymouth  brings  further 
to  light  the  substantial  uniformity  of  the  social  Laws  of 
system  of  the  confederate  Colonies  of  New  Eng-  ^^y"""*^ 

1  General  Laws  of  Connecticut,  47.  4  Ibid.,  7. 

2  Ibid.,  21.  6  Ibid.,  21,  52. 

3  Ibid.,  65,  66. 

VOL.   III.  6 


g2  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  '  [Book  III. 

land.^  Even  the  language  of  those  laws,  as  of  the  laws 
of  Connecticut,  is  in  great  part  borrowed  from  the 
code  of  Massachusetts,  and  for  the  same  reasons  that 
caused  the  code  of  Connecticut  to  be  more  compendious 
than  that  of  Massachusetts,  the  laws  of  Plymouth  run 
less  into  detail  than  those  of  either  of  the  other  Col- 
onies. 

In  Pl^anouth,  the  Magistrates  and  Deputies  still  con- 
tinued to  sit  and  deliberate  as  one  body.  At  the  annual 
General  Gcueral  Court  of  Election,  "  the  Deputies,  select- 
court,  men,  grand-jurymen,  constables,  and  supervisors 
of  the  highways,"  nominated  by  the  towns,  were  "  pre- 
sented to  be  established  in  their  respective  places " ;  ^ 
—  a  kind  of  supervision  by  the  whole  community  over 
its  constituent  parts  which  we  do  not  find  to  have 
been  practised  in  either  of  the  other  Colonies.  As  in 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  freemen  in  Plymouth 
might  vote  for  Magistrates  by  proxy.  A  freeman  who 
neglected  to  vote  was  liable  to  a  fine  of  ten  shillings.^ 
None  could  be  T^andidates  for  citizenship  but  "such  as 
were  one  and  twenty  years  of  age  at  the  least,  and 
had  the  testimony  of  their  neighbors  that  they  were 
of  sober  and  peaceable  conversation,  orthodox  in  the 
fundamentals  of  religion,  and  such  as  had  also  twenty 
pounds'  ratable  estate  at  least  in  the  government." 
And  a  nomination  for  the  franchise  had  to  precede  Ad- 
mission  by   a   full  year,  "  unless  it  were    some  person 

1  The   Plymouth  code    has   an  ad-  tals,"  or  a  Bill  of  Rights;  the  second 

vantage  over  the  two  others  in  point  of  contains    the    "  Capital    Laws  " ;    the 

an-angement.      In   these   the   several  third   relates   to    Criminal    Law;    the 

articles   are  disposed    in    alphabetical  fourth  to   Actions;  and   so   on.     The 

order,  without  regard  to  the  connection  Plymouth   code   is   less  than    half   as 

of  subjects.    Thus  "  Barratry  "  comes  long  as  that  of  Connecticut, 

next  to  "Ballast,"  and  "Burglary  "next  2  Book  of  the  General  Laws  of  the 

to  "  Bridges."     In  the  Plymouth  law-  Inhabitants  of  the  Jurisdiction  of  New 

book,  they  are  digested  in  fifteen  chap-  Plymouth,  &c.,  in  Brigham,  Compact, 

ters,  in  a  certain  logical  combination  with  the  Charter  and  Laws,  &c.,  257. 

and  sequence.     Thus  the  first  Chapter  3  Ibid.,  257,  258. 
is  taken  up  with  "  General  Fundamen- 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  Q^ 

that  was  generally  known  and  approved,  or  of  whom 
the   Court  might  make  present  improvement."  ^ 

Courts  of  Assistants  sat  in  the  town  of  Plymouth  at 
least  three  times  a  year,  "to  hear,  examine,  inferior 
and  determine  all  capital,  criminal,  and  civil  *^°"'^- 
causes  according  to  law,  and  to  receive  and  try  all  ap- 
peals." ^  There  was  as  yet  no  division  into  counties,  and 
of  course  no  county  court;  nor  was  there  any  inter- 
mediate authority  between  the  court  of  Assistants  and 
the  court  of  selectmen,  which  latter  tribunal  adjudged 
in  each  town  "  all  causes  wherein  either  party  was  an 
inhabitant  of  their  town,  and  the  debt,  trespass,  or  dam- 
age did  not  exceed  forty  shillings."^  The  rules  as  to 
competent  evidence,*  as  to  indictments,^  as  to  attach- 
ments and  all  forms  of  judicial  proceeding,^  were  simi- 
lar to  those  in  force  in  the  other  jurisdictions.  "All 
trials,  whether  capital,  criminal,  or  between  man  and 
man,"  were  "  tried  by  jury  of  twelve  good  and  lawful 
men,  according  to  the  commendable  custom  of  Eng- 
land, except  the  party  or  parties  concerned  referred 
it  to  the  bench,  or  some  express  law  referred  it  to 
their  judgment  and  trial,  or  the  trial  of  some  other 
court  where  jury  was  not;  in  which  case  the  party 
aggrieved  might  appeal,  and  have  a  trial  by  jury."  ^  It 
was  the  right  of  a  litigating  party  "to  improve  one  or 
two  attorneys,  provided  they  were  persons  of  good  re- 
pute, and  such  as  the  court  should  approve  " ;  but  such 
attorneys  were  "  required,  as  to  be  faithful  to  their 
client,  so  also  to  avoid  fraudulent  pleas  that  might  have 
a  tendency  to  mislead  the  court,  or  darken  the  case."  ^ 

In  Plymouth,  the  burning  of  a  dwelling-house  or  of  a 
"  vessel  of  considerable  value  "  was  a  capital  of- 

0S6IIC63 

fence,  or  to  be  "  otherwise  grievously  punished, 

1  Brigham,  Compact,  &c.,  258.  5  Ibid.,  262. 

2  Ibid.,  259.  6  Ibid.,  253  -  255. 

3  Ibid.,  260.  7  Ibid.,  242. 

4  Ibid.,  242.  '  8  Ibid.,  255. 


64  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

as  the  case  and  circumstances  of  it  might  require."^ 
Traitors  under  sentence  of  death  might  dispose  of  their 
lands  by  will,  but  forfeited  "  to  the  King  or  Colony 
their  personal  estate."  ^  Adulterers,  whose  crime  was 
capital  in  Massachusetts,  were  scourged  in  Plymouth,  as 
in  Connecticut,  besides  having  to  "  wear  two  capital 
letters,  A  D,  cut  out  in  cloth,  and  sewed  on  their  up- 
permost garments,  on  their  arm  or  back."  Burglars 
were  for  a  first  offence  branded  on  one  hand ;  for  a 
second,  were  "  branded  on  the  other  hand,  and  severely 
whipped " ;  and  for  a  third,  were  "  put  to  death,  or 
otherwise  grievously  punished."  When  the  crime  was 
aggravated  by  a  commission  of  it  on  the  Lord's  day, 
the  brand  was  "-to  be  set  on  the  forehead."^  The 
forger  of  any  evidence  of  property,  or  of  "  any  writing 
to  prevent  equity  or  justice,"  had  to  "  pay  the  party 
grieved  double  damages,  and  be  fined  himself  so  much 
to  the  country's  use ;  and  if  he  could  not  pay,  to  be 
publicly  whipped,  and  burned  in  the  face  with  a  Roman 
F."*  Intemperance,  licentiousness,  gambling,  idleness, 
theft,  neglect  of  public  worship,  profane  swearing.  Sab- 
bath-breaking, heresy,  blasphemy,  removing  of  landmarks, 
and  other  offences,  were,  with  circumstantial  variations, 
treated  in  Plymouth  as  in  the  larger  Colonies ;  but 
with  somewhat  less  restriction  on  the  judgment  of  the 
magistrate  as  to  the  kind  and  measure  of  punishment 
to  be  inflicted.^  A  fine  of  two  shillings  was  imposed 
on  "  any  person  or  persons  found  smoking  of  tobacco 
on  the  Lord's  day,  going  to  or  coming  from  the  meet- 
ings, within  two  miles  of  the  meeting-house."  ^ 

The  public  charges  were  defrayed  from  the  avails  of 
direct  taxes,  levied  "  according  to  each  man's 
personal  abilities,  faculties,  and  estates,  both  per- 

I'Brigham,  Compact,  &c.,  245.  J  Ibid.,  249. 

2  Ibid.,  242.  5  Ibid.,  243-252,  271,  287. 

3  Ibid.,  245,  246.  6  Ibid.,  252. 


CuAP.  II.]  CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  65 

sonal  and  real";^  a  system  of  excise  and  other  duties, 
which  had  formerly  been  in  operation,  being  now  discon- 
tinued.^ A  premium  was  however  exacted  for  the  privi- 
lege of  taking  bass  and  herrings  with  nets  on  the  coast 
of  Cape  Cod ;  and  an  order  was  in  force,  "  that  the  profit 
arising  to  the  Colony "  from  this  source  should  "  be 
employed  and  improved  for  the  erecting  and  maintain- 
ing of  a  free  school,"  ^  —  the  only  provision  as  yet  made 
for  general  education  in  the  Colony.  The  business  of 
fishing  was  controlled  by  minute  regulations.*  When 
a  town  did  not  afford  a  proper  maintenance  to  its  minis- 
ter, the  Magistrates  might  tax  it  for  that  purpose.^  In 
the  choice  of  town  officers,  those  only  were  qualified 
to  vote  who  were  "freemen  of  the  Corporation,  or 
freeholders  of  twenty  pounds'  ratable  estate,  orthodox 
in  the  fundamentals  of  religion,  of  good  conversation, 
and  having  taken  the  oath  of  fidelity."  ®  In  respect  to 
roads,  fences,  cattle,  strays,  inspections,  licenses,  inherit- 
ances, the  care  of  the  poor,  the  inspection  of  articles  of 
export,  the  toll  of  millers  and  ferrymen,  and  other  mat- 
ters of  detail,  there  is  nothing  material  to  distinguish 
the  customs  of  Plymouth,^ 

Undoubtedly  such  systems  of  law  as  those  of  which 
specimens  have  been  given  justify  inferences  spirit  of  the 
favorable  both  to  the  character  and  to  the  con-  ^^'''^' 
dition  of  the  community  which  framed  them,  and  in  which 
they  were  in  force.  They  show  a  stable  form  of  society, 
and  a  uniform  development  of  policies  conceived  with 
enlightened  forethought,  and  pursued  with  confident  and 
steady  determination.  They  signify  that  the  commu- 
nity regulated  by  them  was  honest,  industrious,  frugal, 
orderly,  and   thriving ;  that   occupations  were  various ; 

1  Brigham,  Compact,  &c.,  268.  4  Ibid.,  282-284. 

2  Ibid.,  85,  91,  132,  133,  135,  136,  5  Ibid.,  26.9. 
143,  161.  6  Ibid.,  258. 

3  Ibid.,   284.     This   order  dates  no  7  Ibid.,  273- 276,  291. 
further  back  than  the  year  1673. 

6* 


gg  HISTORY  Of  new  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

that  the  remuneration  of  labor  and  the  security  of 
j)roperty  were  sedulously,  and,  on  the  whole,  intelligently 
cared  for;  and  that  knowledge,  morals,  and  religion 
were  recognized  as  objects  of  the  most  intimate  public 
concern.  The  laws  are  such  as  presuppose  on  the 
part  of  the  people  a  habit  of  respect  for  law,  and  a 
capacity  for  joint  and  for  individual  self-government. 
In  their  general  character  they  suggest  that,  agreeably 
to  the  practice  of  English  legislation  in  all  times,  they 
were  dictated  by  necessities  and  occasions,  and  not  by 
theories.  Compared  with  other  systems  of  the  same 
period,  they  are  on  the  whole  humane ;  but  on  the 
other  hand,  as  to  methods  and  penalties,  they  have  an 
exhaustive  minuteness  which  expresses  an  absolute  pur- 
pose not  to  be  defied  or  evaded.  The  men  who  framed 
these  laws  had  comprehensive  notions  of  the  rights  and 
the  obligations  of  a  government.  The  opinion  that  the 
world  is  governed  too  much  was  by  no  means  theirs. 
Their  ideal  was  rather  an  authority  residing  indeed  in 
the  citizens  collectively,  but  responsible  for  and  vigor- 
ously controlling  the  individual  citizen.  Charged  with 
the  protection  of  the  people,  the  law-maker  meant  to 
hold  them  back  with  a  tenacious  and  a  strong  hand 
from  harming  themselves,  and  to  compel  them  to  keep 
their  ranks  for  mutual  defence.  He  had  no  scruples 
about  demanding  personal  service  or  pecuniary  sacri- 
fice to  any  extent  that  the  public  well-being  required. 
He  intended  to  be  just  and  beneficent,  but  at  the 
same  time,  and  for  that  purpose,  he  claimed  universal, 
precise,  and  prompt  obedience.  And  if  such  a  gov- 
ernment was  absolute,  still  it  was  free ;  for  it  was 
the  people's  government  over  themselves,  and  no  pains 
were  spared  to  give  to  each  citizen  his  due  weight 
in  the  common  administration.  The  men  of  Charles- 
town  had  no  privileges  beyond  those  of  the  other 
towns  of  Massachusetts,  when   they  pronounced   them- 


Chap.  II.]  CONDITION  AFTER   FORTY   YEARS.  g^ 

selves  "  the  most  happy  people  that  they  knew  of  in 
the  world."  ^ 

In  contemplating  the  state  of  things  in  New  Eng- 
land at  the  time  to  which  these  remarks  relate,  the 
influences  of  its  recent  settlement  should  not  be  over- 
looked.    It  must  be  admitted  that  the  transfer 

Dangers  of 

of  a  community  by  colonization  is  a  hazardous  an  emigrant 
step,  in   respect  not  only  to   superficial  advan- 
tages, but  even  to   sentiments  and  habits  which  afford 
security  for  social  order.^ 

The  emigrant  to  a  new  country,  while  he  dooms  his 
immediate  posterity  to  formidable  hardships,  exposes 
them  to  degenerate  from  himself  in  culture  of  mind, 
manners,  and  temper.  His  first  business  must  be  to 
make  a  home,  and  provide  the  means  of  subsistence; 
to  take  precautions  against  a  strange  climate  'and  un- 
familiar neighbors;  to  arrange  with  his  companions  the 
terms  on  which  they  are  to  live  together,  keeping  the 
peace  among  themselves  and  lending  mutual  protection. 
By  the  time  his  attention  has  been  relieved  from  such 
immediately  pressing  cares,  his  children  have  grown  up 
to  manhood,  and  new  actors  are  stepping  upon  the 
stage.  In  respect  to  the  stronger  qualities  of  charac- 
ter, the  men  born  upon  the  soil,  who  are  to  succeed 
to  the  conduct  of  affairs  as  the  first  settlers  die  or 
grow  old,  will  not  be  found  the  worse  for  their  early 
familiarity  with  trouble  and  danger;  but  in  the  refine- 
ments of  life  it  cannot  be  expected  that  they  will  ex- 
cel, and  it  will  be  to  their  credit  if  they  are  orderly 
and  peaceable ;  still  more  so,  if  they  prove  to  have  ac- 

1  Petition  of  the  freemen  of  Charles-  rism,  more  or  less  protracted,  more  or 
town  (1668),  in  Mass.  Arch.,  LXVII.  less  complete.  Commonly,  nothing  but 
57.  extraordinary  efforts  in  behalf  of  edu- 

2  "  Emigration,  or  a  new  settlement  cation  and  religion  will  suffice  to  pre- 
of  the  social  state,  involves  a  tendency  vent  a  fatal  lapse  of  social  order."  — 
to  social  decline.  There  must,  in  every  Bushnell,  Barbarism  the  First  Danger, 
such  case,  be  a  relapse  towards  barba-  4,  5. 


gg  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  in. 

quired  sufficient  knowledge  for  practical  occasions.  For 
during  their  forming  years  schools  and  colleges,  if  ever 
so  promptly  undertaken,  can  at  best  have  been  only 
in  the  process  of  organization ;  every  hand  has  been 
liable  to  be  in  demand  for  its  share  of  hard  daily 
work ;  nor  are  the  discomforts  of  a  straitened  and  har- 
assed life  favorable  to  the  amenities  of  social  inter- 
course, or  even  without  effect  to  generate  that  selfishness 
which  is  its  bane.  The  presence  of  historical  objects, 
and  that  habitual  contact  with  transmitted  thoughts  and 
feelings  which  local  associations  keep  alive,  provide  a 
stimulatmg  education  for  the  mind,  which  it  cannot 
forego  without  some  disadvantage.  The  consummate 
flowers  and  fruits  of  a  high  civilization  seem  to  require 
to  be  nurtured  by  roots  that  for  a  long  time  have  been 
penetratfng  into  a  native  soil. 

Accordingly  it  would  not  have  been  matter  of  sur- 
prise if  the  New-Englander  of  the  first  indigenous  gen- 
eration had  proved  to  be  a  rude,  coarse,  unlettered,  un- 
mannered,  sensual,  tin^bulent  person.  It  might  have 
been  supposed,  not  unreasonably,  that  a  retrograde  step 
had  been  taken  in  the  direction  of  barbarism,  and  that  tlie 
next  ascent  would  have  to  be  made  from  a  lower  level. 
Such  an  inference  would,  however,  derive  little 
understood  justificatiou  from  what  we  know  of  the  men 
MtedTNew  who  uiauaged  the  affairs  of  New  England  during 
Etigiaud.  ^Yie  reign  of  King  Charles  the  Second.  A  large 
.majority  of  those  men,  and  of  the  freemen  who  sup- 
ported them,  and  of  the  non-freemen  who  lived  quietly 
and  thankfully  under  their  government,  were  of  Ameri- 
can birth.  But  their  English  predecessors  had  meditated 
maturely  on  the  conditions  of  respectable  and  happy 
living,  and  of  the  decline  and  decay  of  states.  In  the 
busy  and  imperilled  infancy  of  their  commonwealth,  they 
had  never  lost  sight  of  the  importance  of  preventing 
civility  and  learning  from  being  buried   in   the  graves 


Chap.  II.]      CONDITION  AFTER  FORTY  YEARS.  gg 

of  the  fathers ;  a  meeting-house  for  worship  went  up 
as  often  as  a  parcel  of  wild  land  was  cleared ;  a  College 
and  schools  were  among  the  necessities  for  which  they 
earliest  made  provision;  and  they  took  care  to  instruct 
their  children  at  their  homes  in  virtue,  letters,  and 
manners,  while  school-houses  were  getting  ready  to  re- 
ceive them.^ 

Their  wise  forecast  proved  adequate  to  the  occasion 
in  an  admirable  degree.  It  would  be  unsafe  to  argue 
from  any  documents  of  the  time,  or  from  any  other 
evidence  that  touches  the  question,  that  the  half-century 
which  followed  the  immigration  of  Winthrop's  company 
witnessed  a  sensible  degeneracy  under  the  unpropitious 
influence  of  the  new  circumstances  of  life.  At  no  earlier 
time  was  government  in  New  England  more  quietly  or 
prosperously  administered,  than  in  the  first  twenty  years 
that  followed  the  restoration  of  the  British  monarchy. 
And  as  the  laws  of  that  period  are  the  monument  of 
a  capacity  for  prudent  legislation,  so  even  in  the  luxury 

1  Massachusetts  had  had  a  printing-  illiterate  people.     Samuel  Phillips,  an- 

press  almost  from  the  first.    (See  above,  other  of  the  Boston  booksellers,  with 

Vol.  II.  p.  45.)     In  1674,  another  was  whom  Dunton  in  1685  dealt  for  "  some 

set  up  in  Boston  by  John  Foster,  a  hundred    pounds,"  was   "  very    thriv- 

graduate  of  Harvard  College  in  1667.  ing."    (Ibid.)    When  Dunton  came  to 

(Thomas,  History  of  Printing.,  I.  275.)  Boston,    it   was    to  collect   no    less    a 

AVilhin  the  period  treated  in  this  vol-  sum  than  five  hundred  pounds  due  to 

ume,  there  were  in   Boston  as  many  him   there    for    books.      He   made  at 

as   thirteen  persons,  though   probably  the  same  time  a  shipment  to  that  port 

not  all  at  the  same  time,  who  dealt  in  of  books  valued  at  five  hundred  pounds, 

the  publication  and  the  sale  of  books,  and  the  vessel  In  which  he  was  pas- 

as  either  the  whole  or  part  of  their  senger  brought  another  venture  in  the 

business.    (Ibid.,  II.  409-415.)    Heze-  same  commodity,  also  to  a  large  amount, 

kiah  Usher  was  one  of  them.    His  more  which  he  does  not  specify.      He  sold 

distinguished  son,  John,  was  another,  a  portion  of  them  at  Boston  in  seven 

The  eccentric    John   Dunton  says  of  or  eight  months,  and  found  a  market 

John  Usher:  "  This  trader  makes  the  for   the   rest  at   Salem.      (Ibid.,   101, 

best  figure  in  Boston;  he  is  very  rich;  113,  172,  182.)     Dunton  was  a  writer 

adventures  much  to  sea ;  but  has  got  as  well  as  vender  of  books,  and  got 

his  estate  by  bookselling."     (Life  and  the  reward  of  his  labors  in  the  former 

Errors  of  John  Dunton,  127.)    Book-  line  by  being  transfixed  on  the  end  of  a 

sellers  do  not  make  fortunes  out  of  an  verse  in  the  Dunciad  (Book  H.  line  144). 


70  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

of  learning  there  was  no  token  of  decay.  The  works 
of  Mitchell,  Oakes,  and  many  other  early  pupils  of 
Harvard  College,  are  in  our  hands,  and  we  find  them 
not  unworthy  to  be  compared,  for  rich  and  scholarly 
rhetoric,  with  the  writings  of  Chauncy,  who  came  from 
a  Professor's  chair  at  Cambridge,  or  of  Cotton,  the  light 
of  the  first  Protestant  foundation  at  that  University.-'^ 
The  Puritan  Dean  of  Christ  Church,  the  universally 
learned  Owen,  felt  such  assurance  of  finding  congenial 
society  in  New  England,  that  he  would  have  emigrated 
but  for  the  consideration  of  duties  which  seemed  to 
require  him  at  home.^ 

Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that  the  circumstances  of 
an  emigrant  community  favored  in  a  peculiar  manner 
the  diffusion  of  knowledge  and  civility  from  the  highest 
through  the  inferior  social  ranks.  The  common  neces- 
sities and  mutual  dependence  which  presented  them- 
selves in  a  new  settlement  brought  the  different  orders 
of  society  into  an  acquaintance  with  each  other,  of 
which  the  better  influence  could  scarcely  be  impaired 

1  A  hundred  and  fifty  young  men  Retoard,  and  Hope.    Surnames  used  as 

were  educated  at  Harvard  College  be-  baptismal  names  (each  once)  were  Cot- 

fore  the  Confederacy  of  the  Four  Colo-  ton,  Grmdall,  Percival,  Gurdon,   War- 

nies  was  dissolved.  —  I  will  venture  to  ham,  and  Addington.   Brocliehank  Sam- 

mention  here  an  indication  of  one  cus-  uel  Coffin   (so  late  as  1718)   was  the 

torn  of  the  times.    In  the  Catalogue  of  earliest  graduate  who  placed  a  double 

thegraduatfesof  Harvard  College,  there  baptismal   name  upon   the  Catalogue, 

occur  no  such  odd  baptismal  names  as  (^Ammi-Ruliamdh  (1670)   being,   as    I 

were   in   fashion   in    England   in   the  view  it,  only  one  name)  ;  and  the  next 

time  of  the  Commonwealth.    Scriptural  instance,  Robert  Eliot  Gerrish,  occurs 

names,  however,  were  largely  in  use.  twelve  years  later.    At  Yale  College  in 

Of  337   graduates   in    the    first    fifty  Connecticut,  Stephen  John  Chester  took 

years,  all  but  55  bore  names  of  that  his   bachelor's    degree    in    1721,    and 

description.     Of  these  55  names,  Wil-  Ichabod  Wolcott  Chauncy  in  1723. 

liam  occurred   1 1  times ;  Edmund,  6 ;  2  See  below,  p.  81;   comp.  Hutch. 

George,  5;  Henry,  Richard,  and  Ed-  Hist.,  I.  207;  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  98. 

ward,  each  4 ;  Robert,  3 ;   Urian,  twice  Neal   says    (History   of  the   Puritans, 

(father   and   son) ;    Ronald,   Leonard,  IV.   524)  that,  when  "  determined  to 

Francis,  Charles,  and  Clmstopher,  each  settle  in  New  England,"  Owen  "  was 

once.      Fancy  names  (occurring  once  stopped    by   express   order    from    the 

each)  were  Comfort,  Seaborn,  Increase,  Council." 


Chap.  II.]  SCHEME   OF  A   SECOXD   CONFEDERACY.  *J1 

by  the  influence  proceeding  from  the  less  profitable 
quarter.  Fruitful  elements  of  improvement  were  im- 
parted to  the  mass  of  the  people  when  husbandmen, 
artisans,  and  laborers  became,  under  the  new  conditions 
of  their  life,  the  associates  of  courtiers  and  scholars.  If 
the  habits  of  conduct  inculcated  by  the  approved  sys- 
tems of  law  and  religion  were  ascetic,  the  character  so 
formed,  was  at  all  events  strong  and  manly.  If  the  dis- 
esteem  of  frivolous  pursuits  was  carried  to  extrava- 
gance, and  the  spirit  of  society  was  not  genial,  ener- 
vating vices  were  rebuked,  and  a  strict  standard  of 
public  morality  was  maintained.-^ 

Among  the  causes  that  had  maintained  and  extended 
the  similarity  of  the  Colonies  to  one  another  in  institu- 
tions and  manners,  not  the  least  considerable  was  the 
league  which  connected  them  in  a  political  union.  After 
the   Confederacy  was  dissolved  by  the   absorp-  . 

•^  ./J.        Attempt  to 

tion  of  New  Haven  into  Connecticut,  an  attempt  'e^^e  the 

.       .  Confederacy. 

to  renew  it  between  the  three  existmg  govern- 
ments had  little  spirit  and  little  effect;  yet  the  move- 
ment was  one  of  too  much  interest  to  be  passed  over.. 
Independently  of  other  considerations,  the  course  of 
Connecticut  in  relation  to  New  Haven  had  given  seri- 
ous offence  to  the  two  older  Colonies,  as  being,  in  their 
view,  a  violation  of  her  engagements  as  a  party  to 
the  league.  That  desire  to  unite  in  preparation  for 
resistance  to  encroachment  from  England,  which  had 
been  a  large  element  in  the  original  confederation,  had 
been  cooled  by  recent  occurrences.  All  the  Colonies 
had  now  formally  acknowledged  the  King';  and  the  dif- 
ferent tempers  in  which  this  had  been  done  in  Connect- 
icut  and    in  Massachusetts  forbade   the   hope    that   for 

1  According  to  the  preamble  of  a  by  to  prevent  their  extravagant  and 

law   of   1647,   "sundry   gentlemen  of  riotous  courses,"  &c.     (Mass.  Kec,  II. 

quality  and  others  ofttimes  sent  their  217.)     Such,  in  England,  was  the  good 

children  into  this  country,  unto  some  repute  of  Massachusetts, 
friends  here,"  hoping,  at  the  least,  there- 


72  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

the  present  thej  could  act  together  with  zeal  in  re- 
spect to  questions  of  politics.  Connecticut  had  received 
great  favors  from  the  King,  for  which  she  seemed  not 
ungrateful,  while  the  attitude  of  Massachusetts  towards 
the  parent  country  was  never  more  than  now  one  of 
jealousy  and  apprehension,  if  it  should  not  rather  be 
said  that  she  regarded  the  existing  English  government 
with  a  stern  hostilit}^,  which  only  considerations  of  pru- 
dence enabled  her  to  suppress.^ 

When  the  artifice  of  Lord  Clarendon,  promoted  by 
the  amiable  facility  of  the  Governor  of  Connecticut, 
and  by  the  misdirected  energy  of  her  Secretary,  had 
emasculated  New  England  as  a  political  power,  still  there 
existed  a  strong  mutual  good-will  among  the  Colonies, 
and  a  disposition  to  restore  the  old  Union  so  far  as  al- 
tered circumstances  would  allow.  It  has  been  related,^ 
that  when,  agreeably  to  the  arrangement  which  had 
„   .     ,     been  made  at  the  last  meetino-  of  the  Federal 

Meeting  of  c 

thecommis-  Commissioucrs,^  they  came  together  again  at 
1667.  Hartford  after  the  expiration  of  three  years, 
Sept.  5.  ^-^Q  representatives  of  Plymouth  and  Massachu- 
setts brought  authority  only  to  "act  about  the  Indian 
affairs  of  the  Corporation,  and  to  agitate  and  treat  of 
any  propositions  that  should  be  made  for  the  renewing 
or  entering  into  a  new  confederation."  The  result  of 
their  consultations  on  this  matter  they  were  to  report 
to  their  respective  governments.* 

In  the  letter  which,  two  years  before   this  time,  the 

Objections  of   Govcmor  of  Plymouth,  in  behalf  of  his  Colony, 

rn^^con-'"   had  addressed  to  the  General  Court   of  Massa- 

federation.     chusctts  conccming  the  proposal  for  a  continued 

June  21.    union,  he  said,  "We  find  not  our  reason  seated 

1  See  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  4  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  IT.  501, 
in.  40,  89,  99,  102,  136.  502.     By  "the  Corporation"  is  meant 

2  See  Vol.  II.  p.  631.  the.  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gos- 

3  Ibid.,  p.  594.  pel 


Chap.  II.]    SCHEME  OF  A  SECOND  CONFEDERACY.        ^3 

in  sufficient  light  to  continue  confederation  with  three 
Colonies,  as  we  did  with  four."     And  he  specified  three 
objections  to  the  measure.     1.  It  was  an  article  of  the 
former  confederation  that  "  no  two  of  the  Colonies  should 
become    one,  except   with    consent    of  the    rest " ;   but 
the  union  of  New  Haven  with  Connecticut  had  been 
compulsory    as    to    herself,   was    not    consented    to    by 
Plymouth,  and  was  not  known  to  be  approved  by  Mas- 
sachusetts.    2.  "  Matters  of  peace    and  war,  and   other 
concerns  of  the  Colonies,  had  been  looked  upon  as  mat- 
ters of  such  concernment  as  required  at  least   six  of 
the  ablest,  discreetest,  and  most  experienced  gentlemen 
of  the  four  Colonies  to  determine  " ;  the  public  business 
had   not   decreased   in   importance ;   nor   was   there    so 
much  more  intelligence  now  than   formerly,  that  four 
Commissioners  —  the   number  now  proposed   to   consti- 
tute a  decisive  majority  —  could    supply  the  place  of 
six.     3.  It  was  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  a  decision 
of  a    question  by  four  votes  would  prove  to  be    con- 
trolling, when  experience  had  shown  that  the  expressed 
will  of  a  larger  number  was  liable  to  be   disregarded. 
"  The  truth  is,"   concluded  the  Governor  of  Plymouth, 
"we  are  the  meanest  and  weakest,  least  able  to  stand 
of  ourselves,  and  little  able  to  contribute  any  helpfulness 
to  others ;  and  we  know  it,  though  none  should  tell  us 
of  it ;  yet,  through  God's  goodness,  we  have  not  hitherto 
given  you  much  trouble,  and  hope  it  shall  be  our  study 
and  endeavors,  as  we  are  able,  to  be  serviceable  to  our 
countrymen,  brethren,  and  fellow-subjects ;  and  doubt  not 
to  find  the  like  from  yourselves,  if  need  be."  ^ 

It  did  not  appear  that  Connecticut  had  had  any  action 
upon  the  subject,  nor  was  any  statement  produced,  on 
the  part  of  that  Colony,  of  the  conditions  of  the  in- 
corporation of  New  Haven  into  it.     The  complaint  of 


1  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.  502,  503 ;  comp.  504. 
VOL.  III.  7 


'J'4  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Plymouth  respecting  slights  which  had  been  put  upon 
the  authority  of  the  Federal  Congress  probably  referred 
to  the  refusal  of  Massachusetts  to  be  bound  by  that 
decree  which  called  on  her  to  engage  in  a  war  with 
the  Dutch  and  Indians.-^  But  the  Commissioners  of 
Plymouth  and  Massachusetts  now  proceeded  to  point 
out  instances  in  which  Connecticut  also  had  been  con- 
tumacious. They  probably  hoped  to  assuage  the  irrita- 
tion of  that  Colony,  and  conciliate  her  to  the  proposed 
union,  by  showing  that  of  the  insubordination  which 
had  offended  her  there  had  not  been  wantina:  instances 
on  her  own  part.  They  disavowed  any  purpose  "  of 
disrespect  or  imposition  on  their  brethren  of  Connect- 
icut, whose  happiness,  peace,  and  welfare  they  could 
not  but  seek  as  their  own."  "  We  have  no  other  end," 
they  said,  "but  that,  by  an  emendation  of  those  things 
that  have  so  great  an  appearance  of  an  uncomfortable 
breach  between  us,  the  former  tranquillity,  which  hither- 
to, through  the  favor  of  God,  hath  been  held  and  en- 
joyed by  and  between  these  Colonies,  may  be  continued 
and  increased,  to  the  honor  of  God,  the  establishment 
of  his  kingdom  among  us,  and  the  good  of  our  posterity 
from  generation  to  generation." 

Accordingly,  they  again  invited  the  attention  of  Con- 
^        ,    necticut  to  the  proposals  made  for  a  new  con- 

Proposal  of  ^         '■ 

an  amended  fcdcratiou  thrce  years  before ;  and  it  was  agreed 
to  suggest  four  amendments  for  the  considera- 
tion of  the  several  General  Courts.  One  provided  that 
out  of  five  meetings  of  Commissioners  two  should  be 
held  at  Boston,  two  at  Hartford,  and  one  at  Plymouth. 
Another  stipulated  for  the  return  of  "  vagabond  or 
wandering  persons"  to  the  Colony  and  town  of  their 
legal  habitancy.  A  third  related  to  the  calling  of  Sy- 
nods "  indifferently  out  of  all  the  United  Colonies  by  an 

1  See  above,  Vol.  11.  p.  325. 


Chap.  II.]  SCHEME  OF  A  SECOND   CONFEDERACY.  75 

orderly  agreement  of  the  several  General  Courts,"  as 
often  as  questions  should  arise  "  of  common  concernment, 
whether  in  the  matters  of  faith  or  order  " ;  and  it  added 
a  recommendation  "  to  the  several  jurisdictions,  that 
some  special  provision  be  made  for  the  more  comfort- 
able and  settled  maintenance  of  an  able  ministry  in 
every  plantation."  The  fourth  amendment  was  intended 
to  dispose  of  that  controversy  of  earlier  times,  which  had 
occasioned  so  much  trouble.  It  was,  "that  the  power 
of  determining  of  an  offensive  war,  properly  so  called, 
so  as  to  engage  the  Colonies  therein,  shall  be  in  the 
several  General  Courts,  and  not  in  the  Commissioners, 
without  special  instructions  given  them  by  their  re- 
spective General  Courts."  Before  the  Commissioners 
separated,  they  transacted  some  business  of  the  Society 
for  Propagating  the  Gospel.  Leete  and  Wyllys,  on  the 
part  of  Connecticut,  presented  a  defence  of  the  alleged 
unjust  proceedings  of  that  Colony,  and  signified  their 
own  readiness  to  promote  measures  "for  the  best  se- 
curity of  the  religious  rights  and  civil  enjoyments  "  of 
"  brethren  in  so  remote  a  corner  of  the  wilderness."  ^ 

As  the  end  of  another  term  of  three  years  approached, 
the  question  respecting  a  reformed  Confederacy  was  re- 
vived.    Commissioners   appointed   for   the    pur-  , 

i  ■•■  ■••  Agreement 

pose  by  the  three  Colonies  met  at  Boston,  and  m  relation 
agreed    upon    a   frame   of  Articles    for    a    new     1670. 
compact.^      There    was    little    departure,    even    •'"°'^^' 
in  phraseology,  from  the  old  scheme   of  confederation, 
except   such   as   was   necessary  to    accommodate    it   to 
the   diminished  number  of  the  contracting  parties,  and 
except    in    what   related    to    the    authority   to   declare 
war.     In  the  preamble,  the  ancient  reference  to  "  those 

1  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.  503  -  were,  for  Massachusetts,  Governor  Bel- 
511.  lingham,  Thomas  Danforth,  and  John 

2  Ibid.,  511-516;  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  Leverett;  for  Plymouth,  Josiah  Wins- 
(ii.)  471;  Conn.  Rec,  11.  122,  143;  low ;  and  for  Connecticut,  Samuel  Wyl- 
Plym.  Rec,  V.  1 7.    The  Commissioners  lys  and  John  Talcott. 


76  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IIL 

sad  distractions  in  England "  was  now  omitted,  and  a 
consideration  of  the  distance  of  that  country  was  sub- 
stituted in  its  place.  In  the  second  Article,  that  war- 
making  power  of  the  Commissioners  which  had  proved 
such  a  root  of  bitterness  was  restricted  by  a  provision, 
that  the  "  determination  of  an  offensive  war,  properly 
so  called,  so  as  to  engage  the  Colonies  therein,  should  be 
in  the  several  General  Courts."  ^  The  question  whether 
five  Commissioners,  or  only  four,  out  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  six,  should  be  competent  to  settle  a  question, 
was  left  for  the  present  undetermined.  Meetings  were 
to  be  held  only  once  in  three  years,  one  meeting  out 
of  five  to  be  at  Plymouth,  the  other  four  to  be  equally 
divided  between  Boston  and  Hartford.  In  the  new 
draft,  there  was  a  transposition  which  brought  the 
fourth  and  fifth  Articles  of  the  original  compact  into 
a  later  place  in  the  series,^  but  without  affecting  their 
import.  Three  Articles  were  added.  One  of  them  re- 
lated to  the  arrangement,  recently  proposed  by  the  Com- 
missioners, "  for  the  settling  of  vagabonds  and  wander- 
ing persons."  Another  provided  "  that,  if  any  of  the 
confederates  should  hereafter  break  any  of  these  pres- 
ent Articles,  or  be  any  other  way  injurious  to  any  of 
the  confederate  jurisdictions,  such  breach  of  agreement 
or  injury  should  be  duly  considered  and  ordered  by 
the  Commissioners  for  the  other  jurisdictions,  that  botli 
peace  and  the  present  confederation  might  be  preserved 
without  violation.  The  last  Article,  to  save  the  honor  of 
the  old  Confederacy,  declared  that  the  junction  of  New 
Haven  with  Connecticut  "should  be  always  interpreted 
as  by  their  own  concession,  and  not  otherwise."^ 

When  this  amended  plan  was  presented  to  the  Gen- 

1  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.  522;  Articles,  see  Hazard,  II.  511 ;  for  the 
Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  427.  same  as  amended  by  Massachusetts,  see 

2  They  were  now  made  to  stand  re-  ibid.,  516 ;  and  for  the  same  as  finally 
spectively  as  the  ninth  and  twelfth.  adopted,  see  ibid.,  521. 

3  For  the  original  draft  of  the  new 


Chap.  II.]  SCHEME  OF  A  SECOND   CONFEDERACY.  77 

eral  Courts  of  the  three  Colonies,  Connecticut  adopted 
it  without  exception/    nor  does   any   qualifica- 
tion of  it  appear  to  have  been  desired  by  Plym- 
outh.    Massachusetts  was  not  satisfied.    When  her  Gen- 
eral Court  took  the  business  into  consideration, 

•  7  1     •  T»       Oct.  11. 

they  proposed   two  material  emendations.     i3y 

the  seventh  Article,  the  Commissioners  were  author- 
ized to  "  endeavor  to  frame  and  establish  agreements 
and  orders  in  general  cases  of  a  civil  nature " ;  the 
Court  preferred  to  reduce  this  power  to  that  of  "con- 
sulting of  and  proposing  to  the  several  General  Courts, 
to  be  by  them  allowed  and  established,  such  orders  in 
general  cases."  In  settling  the  proportion  of  supplies  of 
men  and  money  for  war,  the  ninth  Article  retained  the 
old  rule  of  a  levy  on  the  several  Colonies  according  to 
the  number  of  their  men  of  military  age;  the  Court 
desired  that  the  rule  for  such  a  distribution  of  the 
public  burdens  might  be  a  subject  for  future  consul- 
tation, and  that  in  the  mean  time  a  rule  should  pre- 
vail which  had  been  adopted  for  sudden  emergencies, 
and  which  would  be  much  less  onerous  to  Massachu- 
setts. The  Court  declared  its  opinion  that  the  con- 
sent of  five  Commissioners  should  be  requisite  for  a 
decisive  vote.^ 

The  proposal  of  Massachusetts  in  respect  to  the  ap- 
portionment of  military  burdens  was  rejected  by^  Con- 
necticut, and  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  been  any 
more  acceptable  to  Plymouth.  The  subject  of  a  con- 
federation had  lost  much  of  the  interest  that  formerly 
invested  it,  and  the  negotiation  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  renewed  till  more  than  a  year  had  passed.  Then, 
at  a  meeting,  held  at  Plymouth,  of  Commissioners  from 
the   three  Colonies,  the  only  point  in  dispute  was  ad- 

1  Conn.  Rec,  II.  143.  1671,  in  answer  to  a  letter  of  June  6th 

2  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  476.  Comp.  from  the  Magistrates  of  Massachusetts, 
Secretary  Allyn's  letter  of  Oct.  r2th,  in  Mass.  Archives,  II.  187. 

7* 


78  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

justed  by  an  agreement  that  thenceforward,  for  fifteen 

years,  troops  and  money  should  be  contributed,  for  any 

war,  in  the  proportion  of  a  hundred  for  Massachusetts, 

sixty  for  Connecticut,  and  thirt\^  for  Plymouth ; 

CoQfedera-  i        i    •  •     i  •  i       •  t  i        p      l 

tionofthe      and,  this  material  question  being  disposed  of,  the 
ouZ.  °'      old  Confederacy  was  faintly  reproduced.^     The 

1672.  Commissioners  proceeded   to   hold  one  of  their 

Sept.  5.  . ,        ,  .  . 

prescribed  triennial  meetings.  But  it  had  none 
of  the  importance  of  the  meetings  of  earlier  times. 
Little  was  done  besides  the  auditing  of  an  account  of 
money  disbursed  for  the  Society  for  Propagating  the 
Gospel,  the  receiving  of  reports  from  the  Society's 
missionaries,  and  the  despatching  of  a  letter  to  the 
Mohegan  Uncas,  "  to  encourage  him  to  attend  on  the 
ministry."  ^ 

1673.  A  year  later  a  special  meeting  of  Commission- 
Aug.  21.    gj.g  ^^^^  jjgi^j  ^^  Hartford,  having  been  summoned 

by  the  Magistrates  of  Connecticut  in  their  alarm  on 
account  of  the  recent  capture  of  New  York  by  the 
Dutch.^  The  Connecticut  Magistrates  had  written  to 
the  Dutch  commanders,  asking  information  respecting 
their  further  designs,  and  had  received  an  unsatisfactory 
reply.  The  Commissioners  declared  that  they  should 
"  at  all  times  account  the  damage  or  spoil  that 
should  be  done  to  any  one  member  of  the  con- 
federate jurisdiction  as  done  to  the  whole,"  and  re- 
solved to  recommend  to  their  several  governments,  "  that 
sufficient  orders  be  given,  and  all  due  and  effectual 
care  be  forthwith  taken,  for  provision  of  all  manner 
of  ammunition,   men,   and    means   of  defence."      They 

1  Mass.   Rec,   IV.    (ii.)    477-483;  present  this  Article  to  the  three  Gen- 

Rcc'ords,  &('.,  in  Hazard,  II.  521  -  526  ;  eral  Courts  for  their  adoption.     (Wins- 

riym.  Rec,  V.  99.— May  31st,  1672,  low  MSS.  in  the  library  of  the  Mass. 

Bradstreet    and    Danforth   met    John  Hist..  Soc.     The  original  instrument  of 

Allyn  and  Wait  Winthrop,  who  had  ratification  is  in  the  same  volume.) 
come  to  Boston  to  represent  Connect-        2  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  H.  528. 
icut,  and  it  was  agreed  among  them  to        3  gee  above,  p.  34. 


Chap.  U.]  SCHEME   OF  A  SECOND   CONFEDERACY.  79 

transacted  no  other  business,  except  to  advise  Connect- 
icut to  reclaim  an  Indian  culprit  from  Ninigret,  who 
harbored  him,  and  to  propose  to  the  confederate  gov- 
ernments a  trifling  amendment  of  the  Article  relating 
to  "  vagabonds  and  wandering  persons."  ^  The  perished 
Confederacy  of  the  Four  Colonies  had  a  substitute,  but 
not  a  successor. 

1"  Extracts   [published  by   Mr.  J.  Office  at  Hartford,"  pp.  18-21.— Mr. 

Hammond   Trumbull]    from  the   Rec-  Trumbull  has  also  published  this  very 

ords  of  the  United  Colonies,  comprising  valuable   supplement   to  the  Records 

such   Portions  of  the   Records  as  are  of  the  Commissioners  in  an  Appendix 

not  published  in  the  Second  Volume  to   the   third   volume  of  the   Colonial 

of  Hazard's  State  Papers.     From  the  Records  of  Connecticut. 
Orio-inal  Manuscripts  in  the  Secretary's 


CHAPTER    III. 

The  contents  of  the  last  chapter  reveal  something 
of  the  condition  of  the  virtuous  and  orderly  people  of 
New  England  in  the  years  that  immediately  succeeded 
the  abortive  attempt  of  Lord  Clarendon  to  reduce  them 
to  a  strict  subjection  to  the  King.  The  course  of  con- 
temporaneous ajBTairs  in  Great  Britain  during  the  same 
period,  must  have  often  arrested  the  anxious  attention 
of  New  England  patriots.  They  saw  the  parent  country 
governed  by  a  succession  of  politicians,  bigoted,  or  prof- 
ligate, or  both.  They  watched  the  struggles  between 
a  monarch  inclined  to  Popery  and  a  Parliament  of 
fanatical  Protestant  churchmen,  well  knowing  that  to 
them  the  rival  parties  were  equally  hostile ;  and  they 
witnessed  persecutions  of  non-conformists  in  England 
and  Scotland,  which  they  could  not  doubt  would  be 
equally  extended  to  themselves  at  the  earliest  moment 
when  power  and  opportunity  should  concur. 

Yet  their  thoughts  were  not  engrossed  by  dangers 
threatening  from  abroad.  It  is  striking  to  observe, 
through  all  periods  of  their  history,  how  much  it  has 
been  the  habit  of  the  people  of  New  England  to  di- 
vide their  attention  between  great  practical  matters  of 
state,  and  disputes  upon  questions  which  at  a  later  pe- 
riod may  appear  essentially  barren  of  excitement.  The 
reader  may  remember  that,  at  the  time  when  the 
quarrel  with  Lord  Clarendon's  commission  was  going 
on,  the  Colonies  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  were 
agitated  by  a  controversy  respecting  the    proper   sub- 


Chap.  III.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  gl 

jects  of  baptism.-^  It  had  by  no  means  come  to  an  end, 
at  the  time  when  the  poUtical  independence  of  New 
Haven  was  overthrown.  New  Haven  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  measures  resorted  to  for  an  adjustment  of 
the  question.  Under  her  rigid  constitutions,  the  plan 
of  admitting  to  baptism  any  others  than  communicants 
and  their  children  had  no  considerable  advocates. 

John  Davenport,  pastor  of  the  first  church  in  New 
Haven,  was  the  chief  framer  of  the  ecclesiastical  system 
which  was  there  maintained.     He  had  also,  from 

'  RemoTal  or 

the  beginning,  been  second  to  none  among  the  Davenport 
citizens  of  the  Colonj^  in  his  attachment  to  its  Haven  to 
integrity  and  independence.     Both  as  a  patriot 
and  as  a  sectary,  he  was  distressed  by  the  union  which 
had    taken  place,   as   by   the    disappointment   of  hopes 
and    plans   cherished    above    all    others   through    thirty 
years  of  thoughtful  and  busy  life.     New  Haven,  almost 
his  creation,  —  the  object  so  long  of  his  solicitude,  his 
devotion,  his  pride,  —  ceased   to   be  attractive   to   him. 
It   was   rather   the   monument   of  a   great   defeat  and 
sorrow.^ 

In  the  dispute  about  baptism,  the  First  Church  in 
Boston,  under  the  lead  of  Wilson  and  Norton,  its  pastor 
and  teacher,  had  taken  part  with  the  reformers.  But 
Norton  died  before  the  catastrophe  of  New  -^mi. 
Haven,  and  his  aged  colleague  survived  him  '*^"^-^* 
only  four  j^ears.^  The  question  as  to  a  successor  to 
the   vacant  place  was   one    of  unsurpassed    interest   to 

1  See  Vol.  n.  pp.  486  -492.  man.    He  was  a  good  man  indeed,  and 

2  "  My  zeal  for  preserving  Christ's  full  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  He  lived  to  a 
interest  in  your  parts  (though  in  New  good  old  age,  and  was  full  of  days  and 
Haven  Colony  it  is  miserably  lost),"  full  of  honor,  being  in  the  seventy-ninth 
&c.  Letter  of  Davenport  to  Leverett,  year  of  his  age,  when  the  Lord  took 
in  Hutch.  Coll.  395.  him  to  himself"    Yet  his  influence  had 

3  "  Verj'  few,"  writes  Morton  in  his  for  many  years  been  by  no  means  what 
Memorial  (Davis's  edit.,  327),  "ever  it  once  was.  Nor  did  it  ever  equal 
went  out  of  the  world  so  generally  that  of  his  successive  distinguished  col- 
beloved  and  reverenced  as  this  good  leagues. 


82  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

all  the  churches.  Owen,  now  dismissed  from  his  office 
of  Dean  of  Christ  Church  at  Oxford  and  Vice-Chancellor 
of  the  University,  was  invited  to  emigrate,  and  seri- 
ously entertained  the  proposal.  But  in  consideration 
of  the  probability  that  he  might  be  useful  in  the  crisis 
which  was  then  passing  in  his  own  country,  he  deter- 
mined to  remain  there.  The  man  who,  on  the  whole, 
stood  pre-eminent  in  New  England  for  clerical  graces 
was  the  dissatisfied  pastor  of  New  Haven.  The  influ- 
ence of  his  reputation  proved  sufficient  to  surmount 
the  objection  of  his  being  the  champion  of  opinions 
opposite  to  those  entertained  by  the  widowed  church ; 
and  with  an  affectionate  enthusiasm  he  was  invited  to 
remove  to  Boston,  and  assume  the  highest  clerical  po- 
sition in  the  Colonies.  His  own  mind  was  made  up, 
but  his  ancient  congregation  was  averse  to  parting  with 
him.  A  correspondence  ensued,  and  the  majority  of  the 
Boston  church  were  charged  by  the  dissentients  with 
the  disingenuousness  of  withholding  some  declarations, 
on  the  part  of  the  New  Haven  people,  of  their  unwill- 
ingness to  lose  their  pastor.  This  unwillingness,  ex- 
pressed in  terms  of  generous  affection  to  him  and  free 
1668.  from  all  acrimony  towards  their  rivals,  was  so 
Dec.  9.  £^j.  overcome,  that  an  amicable  separation  was 
effected,  and  Davenport,  now  seventy  years  old,  was 
installed  in  Boston,  and  entered  on  a  new  career.^ 
A  numerous  minority  of  the  Boston  church,  however, 

1  "  2d,  3d   [May,  1668].     At  three  Allen  was  associated  with  Davenport 

or  four   in   the   afternoon,  came   Mr.  as  Teacher.    (Emerson,  History  of  the 

John  Davenport  to  town,  with  his  wife,  First  Church,  110.) 
son,  and  son's  family,  and  were  met  by         Davenport    had    been     invited'    to 

many  of  the  town.     A  great  shower  of  preach   the   Election    Sermon   before 

extraordinary  drops  of  rain  fell  as  they  the  General  Court  of  Connecticut  in 

entered   the   town ;   but   Mr.   Daven-  May,    1666.      I  have   a   letter  of  his 

port  and  his   wife   were  sheltered  in  to  Governor  Winthrop  (April   10th), 

a  coach  of  Mr.   Searl's,  who  went  to  declining  that  service.    It  is  altogether 

meet  them."     (Diary  of  John  Hull,  in  courteous,  but  indicates  his  wounded 

Archseol.  Amer.,  HI.  226.)  — Mr.  John  feelings. 


Chap.  III.] 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


83 


could  not  be  won  by  their  respect  for  his  character  to 
acquiescence  in  the  views  entertained  by  him  Eatabush- 
respecting  a  question,  which,  though  rehgious  Thi"d°church 
in  its  first  aspect,  was  not  without  an  important '"  ^°^'°°" 
political  relation.  Twenty-nine  men,  several  of  whom 
were  persons  of  consequence,^  resolved  to  secede  and 
form  another  congregation.  The  project  had  to  en- 
counter opposition,  in  which  the  Governor  (Bellingham), 
who  fully  sympathized  with  Davenport,  was  active. 
The  discontented  party  applied  to  the  First  Church 
for  a  dismission,  which  was  refused.  They  then  con- 
voked an  ecclesiastical  council,  which  advised  them  to 
proceed,  recognized  them  as  a  distinct  church,  and  cen- 
sured the  First  Church  for  opposing  their  design.  The 
controversy  which  had  occupied  the  Synod  was  revived 
with  new  warmth,  exciting  afresh  the  whole  Col-  iggg. 
ony.^     The  Governor  convoked  the  Magistrates,     ''"'y^- 


1  For  their  names  and  respective  po- 
sitions, see  Wisner,  History  of  the  Old 
South  Church  in  Boston,  &c.,  76. 
Eighteen  of  the  twenty-nine  are  re- 
corded with  the  honorary  prefix  of  Mr. 
The  name  of  ISIr.  John  Hull,  the  mint- 
master  (see  Vol.  II.  p.  403),  stands  third 
on  the  list.  We  learn  from  him  (Diary, 
&c.,  in  ArchfEol.  Amer.,  III.  229)  that, 
"  12th,  3d  [May  12th,  1669],  the  Third 
Church  in  Boston  gathered  or  co- 
alesced in  Charltown  [where  Mr. 
Thacher,  whom  they  intended  to  make 
their  pastor,  lived].  Six  Magistrates 
opposed  it,  —  H.  B.  [Richard  BeUing- 
ham],  S.  S.  [Samuel  Symonds],  W.  H. 
[William  Hathorne],  J.  L.  [John  Lev- 
erett],  E.  L.  (Eleazer  Lusher],  E.  T. 
[Edward  Tyng].  Eight  Magistrates 
encouraged  it;  and  no  ministers  op- 
posed, but  encouraged,  except  J.  A., 
J.  D.,  [James  Allen  and  John  Daven- 
port, ministers  of  the  First  Church,] 
and  S.  M.  [uncertain.]  " 

Hull  went  to  England  in  the  autumn 


of  1669,  and  carried  authority  to  en- 
gage a  minister  to  be  colleague  with 
Mr.  Thacher  in  the  new  church,  to- 
gether with  a  letter  to  "  the  ministers 
and  brethren"  of  English  churches, 
soliciting  their  assistance  for  him  in 
this  important  business. 

2  "  The  whole  people  of  God  through- 
out the  Colony  were  too  much  dis- 
tinguished into  such  as  favored  the 
Old  Church,  and  such  as  favored  the 
New  Church,  wherefore  the  former 
were  against  the  Synod,  and  the  latter 
were  for  it."  (Mather,  Magnalia,  &c., 
V.  83.)  John  Eliot  found  himself  able 
to  spare  time  from  his  parochial  and 
missionary  labors  to  take  a  part  in 
the  controversy.  In  1665  he  printed 
for  private  circulation  a  few  copies 
of  a  treatise  entitled  "  Communion  of 
Churches,  or  the  Divine  Management 
of  Gospel  Churches  by  the  Ordinance 
of  Councils  constituted  in  Order,  ac- 
cording to  the  Scriptures,  which  may  ^ 
be  a  means  of  uniting  those  two  Holy 


84 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


and  informed  them  that  he  "  feared  a  sudden  tumult, 
some  persons  attempting  to  set  up  an  edifice  for  pub- 
lic worship,  which  was  apprehended  by  authority  to 
be  detrimental  to  the  public  peace."  ^  The  Magistrates, 
however,  of  whom  a  majority  did  not  agree  with  him 
on  the  main  question,  saw  no  occasion  to  interfere, 
and  the  seceders  went  on  to  install  a  minister 
of  the   Third   Church  of  Boston."      Till  within 


1670 
Feb.  16. 


and  Eminent  Parties,  the  Presbyteri- 
an and  the  Congregational."  (Mather, 
Magnalia,  &c.,  III.  189,  190.)  A  copy 
reached  Richard  Baxter,  who  inquired 
about  it  of  the  Keverend  John  Wood- 
bridge  of  Killingworth  in  Connecticut. 
"  You  desired  in  your  letter  to  me," 
Woodbridge  replied,  "some  informa- 
tion how  Mr.  Eliot's  book  about  Coun- 
cils takes.  Truly,  sir,  I  think  it  better 
took  with  himself  than  with  any  of 
his  brethren.  JS'ot  because  of  his  pride. 
I  suppose  you  know  him  better,  —  but 
the  peculiar  cut  of  his  genius.  While 
some  were  smiling  at  it,  others  whisper- 
ing about  it,  the  book,  as  I  undei'stand, 
was  called  in  again,  and  now  none 
of  them  seem  walking  abroad."  But 
Baxter  was  of  a  different  mind  from 
his  correspondent.  In  an  answer  to 
Woodbridge,  he  expressed  his  appro- 
bation of  synods  as  a  means  of  ecclesi- 
astical union,  and  added :  "  Wherefore 
I  am  sorry  that  Mr.  Eliot's  propositions 

took  no  better  with  you I  am 

much  of  his  opinion  of  making  coun- 
cils to  be  for  counsel  and  concord  of 
the  churches,  and  not  for  direct  and 
proper  regiment  over  the  particular 
pastors."  (Baxter  MSS.  in  Dr.  Wil- 
liams's library,  Red  Cross  Street, 
London.) 

The  party  that  prevailed  in  the  Sy- 
nods of  1657  and  1661  commanded  Bax- 
ter's sympathy,  for  it  was  understood  to 
lean  to  Presbytery.  "  This  year  [166  7] 
^there  was  a  Synod  called  at  Hartford 
to  discuss  some  points  concerning  Bap- 


tism and  Church  Discipline, the 

Congregational  party,  which  was  the 
greatest,  violently  opposing  the  Pres- 
byterian." (Journal  of  the  Reverend 
Simon  Bradstreet,  in  the  New  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register, 
IX.  44.)  "  Mr.  Haynes  [of  Hartford] 
and  those  with  him  being  looked  upou 
as  Presbyterians."     (Ibid.,  4.5.) 

1  Mass.  Arch.  X.  226 ;  comp.  9. 

2  It  was  also  early  called  the  South 
Church,  and  since  the  erection,  in  1717, 
of  the  New  South  Church  in  Summer 
Street,  has  been  commonly  known  as 
the  Old  South.  The  widow  of  John 
Norton  gave  the  land  on  which  the 
building  was  erected,  with  the  house, 
belonging  to  her,  which  had  been  built 
and  occupied  by  Governor  Winthrop. 
The  house,  with  its  end  to  what  is  now 
W^ashington  Street,  stood  opposite  to 
the  foot  of  School  Street;  and  the  lot 
extended  to  Milk  Street. 

At  the  time  of  the  breach  in  the  First 
Church,  Davenport  preached  the  Elec- 
tion Sermon  at  the  Court  for  Elections 
next  after  his  removal  to  Boston.  It 
led  to  the  following  singular  proceed- 
ing:— 

"  The  Magistrates,  understanding  a 
purpose  of  our  brethren  the  Deputies 
to  pi-esent  their  thankfulness  in  a  sol- 
emn manner  to  Mr.  Davenport  for  his 
sermon  at  the  Election,  conceive  the 
same  to  be  altogether  unseasonable, 
many  passages  in  the  said  sermon  being 
ill  resented  by  the  reverend  Elders  of 
other  churches  and  many  serious  per- 


Chap.  III.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  g5 

a  week  of  this  time,  no  other  town  of  New  England 
had  more  than  a  sins-le  church.-^ 

The    General   Court,  which  presently  after  came  to- 
gether, considered  these  movements  as  entitled  . 

'-'        _        '  Agitations  re- 

to   its  notice.     The  House   of  Deputies,  which  spectingthe 
proved  to  have  a  majority  of  Anti-SpiocUsts,  raised  covenant. 
a  committee  to  inquire  respecting  the  prevail-     ^^^' 
ing  sins   which   had   provoked    the   Divine    displeasure. 
The  committee's  report  ascribed  it  to  "declension  from 
the    primitive    foundation-work ;    innovation  in   doctrine 
and  worship,  opinion  and  practice ;  and  an  invasion  of 
the  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges  of  churches  " ;  and  es- 
pecially they  referred  in  terms  of  censure  to  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  new  congregation  in  Boston.      But  it 
seems    that   the  Deputies,  or  their  committee,  did  not 
in  this  matter  represent  the  sense  of  the  Colony.      At 
the    next    annual    Court    for   Elections,   fifteen     jevi. 
ministers,  in  an  elaborate  memorial,  complained    '"'^y^i. 
of  the  recent  action  of  the  Deputies.      They  protested 
against  "the  unjust  charge  of  innovation,"  going  so  far 
as    to    say    that  it   "  savored   of  a  spirit   under   an    ex- 
traordinary transportation,  from  a  present,  personal,  and 
passionate   concern  in    the  interest  of  a  party."      And 
they  prayed  the  Court  to  grant  them  "redress,  either 
by  calling  them  to  vindicate  themselves  publicly, .... 
or  by  moving  and  encouraging  the  churches  to  a  gen- 
eral convention  by  their  elders  and  messengers  for  the 

sons,  and  therefore  desire  they  would  "  Present  that  did  it : 

forbear    further    proceeding    therein.  "  Capt.  Gook[in], 

Voted  to  be  sent  down  to  the  Depu-  "  Major  Denis[on], 

ties.  "  Mr.  Willard, 

"  Edw.  Rawsox,  Secretary.  »  Mr.  Russell, 

"  2.5  May,  1669.  "  Mr.  D[anforth], 

"  This  vote  was  put  to  the  vote  by  "  Mr.  Ting." 

Mr.  Bradstreet,  who  was,  on  the  Gov-  (Mass.  Archives,  X.  7.) 

ernor's  refusing  to  put  it  to  the  vote,  1  See  below,  p.  119;  comp.  Vol.  11. 

called  by  the  Magistrates  so  to  do.    As  p.  397,  note, 
attests,  Edw.  Rawson,  Secretary. 

VOL.  III.  8 


86  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

debate .  and  decision  of  such  questions,  and  an  accom- 
modation of  such  differences  which  had  begotten  these 
misunderstandings." 

The  petitioners  addressed  themselves  to  a  tribunal 
materially  different  from  that  which  had  rebuked  them. 
The  composition  of  the  House  of  Deputies  had  been 
changed  by  a  new  election.  Qf  fifty  Deputies  only 
twenty  were  now  the  same  as  in  the  last  year.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  what  occasioned  this  revolution 
was  the  judgment  of  the  majority  of  the  towns  on  the 
pending  controversy.  The  decision  of  the  government 
was  favorable  to  the  memorialists.  "  The  Court  declared 
that  they  knew  no  just  cause  of  those  scandalizing  re- 
flections against  Magistrates,  Elders,  and  churches,  either 
in  reference  to  the  new  church  of  Boston  or  otherwise, 
and  therefore,  till  they  be  further  informed,  must  judge 
them  innocent,  and  unduly  calumniated  and  misrepre- 
sented ;  and  that  they  professed,  with  the  reverend  Elders 
in  their  Address,  that  they  did  adhere  to  the  primitive 
ends  of  their  coming  hither,  retaining  the  sober  prin- 
ciples of  the  Congregational  way,  and  the  practice  of 
the  churches  in  their  present  and  most  athletic  con- 
stitutions." -^ 

1  Mass.  Rec,  IV.   (ii.)  489-494. —  The  hatred  of  your  adversaries  is  not 

The  excitement  of  this  controversy  had  derived  upon  you  as  you  are  thus  and 

not  passed  away  when  Oakes,  minister  thus  distinguished  and  diversified  among 

of  Cambridge,  and  before  long  Presi-  yourselves ;  but  upon  one  common  ac- 

dent  of  the  College,  preached  his  Elec-  count.     The  enmity  of  the  seed  of  the 

tion  Sermon  in  May,  1673.     The  fol-  serpent  is  against  one  and  all  of  the 

lowing  is  a  specimen  of  his  treatment  seed  of  the  woman,  of  what  complex- 

of  it :  —  ion  soever  they  are  ;  and  their  hatred  is 

"  For  a  professing  people  to  be  con-  Trpbs  ro  yevos,  against  the  whole  race 
tending  and  quarrelling,  biting  and  and  generation  of  religious  and  reform- 
devouring  one  another,  is  most  unsea-  ing  professors  among  us.  These  di- 
sonable,  most  unreasonable.  Your  dif-  visions  will  open  a  wide  door  to  your 
ferences  will  make  way  for  those  that  adversaries.  Those  that  let  out  these 
will  make  no  difference  between  Sy-  waters  of  strife,  and  fill  their  streams 
nodists  and  Antisynodists,  Old  or  New-  with  bitterness ;  that  kindle  these  flames 
Churchmen;  and    increase    them,    or    hinder    the 

'  Tros  Tyriusve  iiiis  nuUo  di3crimine  agetur.'  quenching  of  them,  do  thereby  gratify 


Chap.  III.] 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


87 


The   aged  Davenport  was  spared  the   distress  which 
this    decision    would    have    cost    him.      His    career   in 


them  exceedingly  that  wish  ill  to  our 
Zion. 

'Hoc  Ithacus  velit,  et  magno  mercentur  AtriilK.' 

And  indeed  it  woruld  be  very  strange  if 
the  industrious  and  indefatigable  Jes- 
uits (that  compass  sea  and  land  to  do 
mischief),  and  other  sly  and  subtle  and 
malignant  enemies,  should  not  improve 
and  graft  upon  the  stock  of  our  divis- 
ions." (Oakes,  New  England  Pleaded 
with,  &C-,  37.) 

Again :  — 

"  Who  knows  not  (that  is  no  stranger 
in  our  Israel)  that  the  ministers  of 
Christ  among  you  indefinitely  have  been 
deliberately  and  solemnly  '  charged 
with  a  declension  from  primitive  foun- 
dation-work, innovation  in  doctrine 
and  worship,  opinion  and  practice,  in- 
vasion of  the  rights,  liberties,  and  privi- 
leges of  churches,  usurpation  of  a 
lordly,  prelatlcal  power  over  God's 
heritage,  and  with  the  like  things, 
which  are  the  leaven,  the  corrupting 
gangrene,  the  infecting,  spreading 
plague,  the  provoking  images  of  jeal- 
ousy set  up  before  the  Lord,  the 
accursed  thing  which  hath  provoked 
Divine  wrath  and  further  threatens  de- 
struction ? '  I  need  give  you  no  other 
instance  of  this  evil  spirit  of  jealousy 
and  calumny  than  this.  Here  is  good 
measure  pressed  down,  shaken  together, 
and  running  over."     (Ibid.,  40.) 

And  in  another  place :  — 

"  Though  It  may  be  thought  by  some 
that  these  wretched  practices  are  but 
the  small  devices  of  some  petty  poli- 
ticians and  little  creeping  statesmen 
among  us,  that  have  no  very  consid- 
erable Influence  Into  our  public  affairs ; 
yet  I  must  needs  say,  that  I  look  upon 
this  course  of  calumniating  your  best 
men  as  the  very  Gunpowder  Plot  that 
threatens  the  destruction  of  chui-ch  and 


state.  Nothing  (as  experience  shows) 
is  more  advantageous  to  the  designs  of 
innovators  than  the  right  knack  of 
kindling  and  fomenting  jealousies  and 
fears  in  the  minds  of  men  concerning 
magistrates  and  ministers.  Such  men 
are  wont  to  make  and  improve  false 
alarms  of  danger,  that  people  may  be- 
lieve that  religion  and  liberties  are  at 
the  stake,  and  in  danger  to  be  lost ! 
Designers  are  wont  to  impose  upon  the 
credulity  and  easiness  of  well-meaning 
people  In  this  way.  And  that  men  are 
generally  disposed  to  receive  such  im- 
pressions, and  suspect  evil  of  their 
superiors  and  leaders,  is  but  too  mani- 
fest. Moreover,  these  calumnies  are 
immoralities  and  scandalous  evils,  and 
it  is  the  duty  of  God's  servants  to  lift 
up  their  voice  as  a  trumpet,  to  cry  aloud 
and  not  spare  them  that  are  guilty, 
whatever  the  issue  be ;  yea,  to  cry  to 
God  and  man  for  redress.  And  I  would 
humbly  commend  It  to  our  honorable 
rulers,  upon  whom  the  lot  of  this  day's 
election  shall  fall,  that  they  would  take 
it  into  serious  consideration,  and  fix 
upon  some  expedient  to  put  these  lying 
lips  to  silence,  and  to  find  out  the  prin- 
cipal authors  and  fomenters  of  these 
mischievous  calumnies."  (Ibid.,  42,  43.) 

"  Matchless  "  Mitchell,  at  an  earlier 
period  of  the  dispute,  had  engaged  In 
it  with  less  severity :  — 

"  To  leave  the  children  of  non- 
scandalous  orthodox  Christians  unbap- 
tized  will  (I  doubt  not)  be  one  day 
found  a  thing  displeasing  unto  Jesus 
Christ.  But  on  the  other  hand,  to  bap- 
tize in  such  a  lax  and  licentious  way 
as  serves  to  dress  men  in  the  livery, 
without  bearing  the  yoke,  of  Christ,  to 
have  his  name  upon  them,  with  rejec- 
tion of  his  government,  this  will  not 
suit  either  the  principles  of  reformers 
or  the  rules  of  Scripture.     So  though 


88  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Boston  lasted  little    more   than    a   year.^      The   contro- 

Beathof       versy  which  had  so  interested  him  was   not  at 

^"'ITf"     an  end ;  but  the  tendencies  of  the  time  were  ad- 

16(0.  ' 

March  15.  yersc  to  the  re-institution  of  the  ancient  strict- 
ness of  church  order.  The  novelty  which  the  Synod  had 
introduced  found  its  chief  opponents  among  the  more 
conservative  class  of  laymen.  Its  advocates  among  the 
clergy  were  from  the  first  a  majority,  which  was  con- 
stantly increasing  from  generation  to  generation ;  and 
the  Half-Way  Covenant^  as  it  was  at  first  opprobriously 
called,  was  recognized  by  the  general  practice  of  the 
Congregational  churches  of  New  England. 

This  protracted  discussion  of  a  set  of  questions  con- 
cerning the  rite  which  in  another  aspect  engaged  the 
special  attention  of  the  Baptists,  had  naturally 
troversywith  kept  allve  thc  zeal  of  that  sect,  and  probably 
the  Baptists,  j^^^  added  to  their  numbers.  It  was  at  the 
height  of  the  alarm  caused  by  the  visit  of  the  Royal 
Commissioners,  —  when  it  might  seem  that  local  dis- 
affection was  fraught  with  peculiar  danger,  and  that  a 
display  of  vigor  in  administration  would  be  especially  op- . 

rigid    severity    in    admissions    to    the  preached  at  Boston  in  N.  E.,  May  15, 

Lord's  table  is   to  be  avoided,  yet  to  1667.) 

be  lax  and  slight  therein,  to  admit  all  Two  elaborate  treatises  by  Increase 
sorts  to  full  communion,  or  upon  very  Mather,  published  in  1675,  with  the 
slight  qualifications,  is  against  the  prin-  titles,  "  The  First  Principles  of  New 
ciples  and  against  the  interest  of  ref-  England,"  &c.,  and  "  A  Discourse  con- 
ormation.  Again,  to  put  election  of  cerning  the  Subject  of  Baptism,"  &c., 
church-officers  into  the  hands  of  all  mark  the  subsidence  of  the  controversy, 
(though  matters  ought  to  be  so  unblam-  More  urgent  interests  supervened, 
ably  carried  as  none  may  have  any  1  His  remains  lie  in  King's  Chapel 
just  objection  against  the  person  cho-  burial-place,  in  the  same  tomb  with 
sen,  without  matter  of  satisfaction  given  those  of  Cotton,  close  to  the  tomb  of 
them)  is  such  a  piece  of  ruining  con-  the  Winthrops.  Independently  of  what 
fusion  as  none  of  the  ways  or  models  he  left  in  New  Haven,  Davenport's 
of  church-government  that  have  been  property  in  Boston  was  appraised  at 
of  any  repute  in  the  world  would  £  1240. 18s.  1  O.J rf.  The  plate  was  val- 
ever  admit  of.  That  is  an  Anabap-  ued  at  £  50 ;  pewter  and  tin  ware  at 
tistical  tenet."  (Mitchell,  Nehemiah  £  20 ;  cheny  fchina]  and  earthen  ware 
on  the  Wall  in  Troublesome  Times,  at  £  5  ;  and  books  at  £  233.  17s.  See 
as  it  was  delivered  in  a  Sermon  Bacon,  Discourses,  &c.,  388. 


Chap.  III.] 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


89 


1665. 
Oct.  11. 


portune,  —  that  five  persons  of  that  profession  had  been 
disfranchised,  and  a  law  had  been  passed,  in 
pursuance  of  which  three  persons  were  after- 
wards put  in  prison.-^  Soon  after  this,  the  congregation 
found  a  place  for  its  meetings  on  Noddle's  Island,  in 
Boston  harbor.^     They  had  not  here  escaped  the  notice 


1  See  Vol.  II.  pp.  485,  486.  —  For 
the  time  to  organize  themselves  the 
Baptist  church  chose  the  very  week  of 
the  hottest  dispute  between  the  Magis- 
trates and  the  Royal  Commissioners. 
(Ibid.,  616,  617.)  They  subscribed 
their  Covenant,  May  28,  1665.  (Win- 
chell,  Two  Discourses,  &c.,  8.) 

2  This  appears  from  a  devise  in  the 
will  of  Henry  Shrimpton,  dated  July 
17th,  1666  :  "I  give  ten  pounds  to  the 
Society  of  Christians  that  doth  meet  at 
Noddle's  Island,  of  whom  is  Gold,  and 
Osborn,  and  the  rest,  as  a  token  of  my 
love."  At  that  time,  or  later.  Gold  had 
his  dwelling  on  the  island.  "  Brother 
Gold  is  not  yet  taken,  because  he  lives 
in  Noddle's  Island,  and  they  wish  to 
take  him  at  town."  (Letter  of  Ed- 
ward Drinker  to  John  Clarke,  in  Back- 
us, History,  &c.,  I.  398.) 

In  the  year  1650,  Noddle's  Island 
was  sold  by  Maverick  to  Captain 
George  Briggs,  of  Barbadoes.  After 
shanging  hands  two  or  three  times, 
it  was  bought,  in  1667,  by  Sir  Thomas 
Temple,  who,  in  1670,  sold  it  to  Samuel 
Shrimpton  for  £  6,000.  (Sumner,  His- 
tory of  East  Boston,  178,  184,  186.) 
Shrimpton's  father,  who  began  life  as 
a  brazier,  left  a  fortune  at  his  death,  in 
1666,  appraised  at  £11,979.  (Ibid., 
191.) 

Temple,  who  was  always  too  adven- 
turous, had  already  fallen  into  em- 
barrassments before  he  sold  Noddle's 
Island.  In  November,  1668,  he,  then 
in  London,  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  the 
Council,  representing  that,  in  old  age 
and  infirmity,  he  was  reduced  to  want, 
8* 


and  asking  satisfaction  for  his  disburse- 
ments, and  for  the  suri-ender  of  his 
principality  of  Acadie  to  the  French. 
(See  Vol.  n.  p.  441.)  May  9,  1673,  the 
Governor  and  Assistants  of  Massachu- 
setts wrote  to  the  King,  testifying  that 
Temple,  who  had  meanwhile  come 
back  to  America,  and  was  again  about 
to  return,  had  always  been  "  very  faith- 
ful and  industrious  in  attending  the 
King's  service."  (Mass.  Arch.  II.  513.) 
They  did  their  best,  though  ineffectu- 
ally, to  save  his  province  for  him, 
when  it  was  yielded  to  France  by  the 
treaty  of  Breda.  (Letter  of  the  Magis- 
trates to  Lord  Arlington,  May  21,  1669, 
in  Mass.  Arch.  CVL  199.)  He  died 
March  27,  1674.  There  was  a  bit  of 
scandal  current,  which,  as  was  thought, 
"  did    sit    deep    upon    his    spirit    and 

hastened  his  end I  saw,"  wrote 

John  Collins  to  Governor  Leverett, 
"  neither  disease  nor  pain  that  would 
hasten  his  end,  but  his  spirit  broken. 

I  hope  he  had  the  root  of  the 

matter  in  him,  and  is  gone  home  to 
rest."  (Letter  in  Hutch.  Coll.,  445 ; 
comp.  464.) 

Temple's  course,  as  is  not  uncom- 
mon with  courtiers,  had  often  been  an 
embarrassed  one.  In  the  English  State- 
Paper  Office  is  a  curious  letter  from 
him  to  Thomas  Povey,  written  in  the 
winter  of  1660-61,  just  after  the 
King's  accession.  His  object  is  to  get 
a  confirmation  of  his  property  in  Nova 
Scotia,  and  he  says  that  the  reason  of 
his  having  been  banished  to  a  wilder- 
ness was  his  attachment  to  the  late 
King,  "  one  of  whose  last  commands 


90  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

of  the  Magistrates,  who,  "  being  willing  by  all  Christian 
candor  to  endeavor  the  reducing  of  the  said  persons 
from  the  error  of  their  way,  and  their  return  to  the 
Lord  and   the    communion  of  his  people   whence   they 

1668.  were   fallen,"   voted  to   offer  to  the   backsliders 
March  7.    «  ^^^  opportuulty  of  a  full  and  free  debate,"  and 

appointed  six  ministers  to  conduct  it  on  their  part. 

It  was  held  in  the  meeting-house  of  the  First  Church 

in  Boston,  the  Baptists  being  assisted  by  three 

brethren  despatched  to  them  from  Newport.    It 

lasted  two  days,  and  came  to  nothing.     The  dissentients 

were  not  reclaimed,  and  the  General  Court,  which  soon 

met,  proceeded    to    consult   upon   their   case.      Thomas 

Gold,  and   two   of  his   associates,  AVilliam   Turner   and 

John   Farnum,   were    sentenced    to    banishment 

May  27. 

from  the  Colony,  and  declared  liable  to  impris- 
onment in  case  they  should  return.^  Besides  a  strong 
remonstrance  from  eminent  men  in  the  Colony,^  thirteen 

1669.  English  ministers,  among  whom  were  Goodwin, 
March  25.  Qwcu,  and  Nyc,  wrote  to  the  Governor,  urging 

him,  partly  on  account  of  the  effect  on  their  own  po- 
sition at  home,  to  desist  from  this  intolerant  course  of 
proceeding.^  The  Court  resented  the  interference  of 
the  citizens  by  imposing  a  fine  upon  two  persons  who 
had  been  active  in  circulating  the  petition.*     But  either 

was  that  he  whispered  to  Kirk  on  the  General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denom- 
scaffold  to  charge  this  King  to  have  ination,  &c.,  I.  391 ;  Mass.  Rec.,  IV. 
a  care  of  honest  Tom  Temple."  He  (ii.)  374;  Backus,  History,  &c.,  I.  375.) 
owns  his  having  accepted  a  commis-  2  This  remonstrance  is  in  the  Massa- 
sion  from  the  rebel  authorities;  but  chusetts  Archives.  (X.  221.)  Among 
insists  that  it  was  purely  from  the  the  signers  were  no  less  considerable 
sad  necessity  of  the  time.  persons  than  Sir  Thomas  Temple,  Ed- 
1"  April  14th,  15th  [16fi8]  was  a  ward  Hutchinson,  Elisha  Hutchinson, 
public  dispute  between  six  of  our  min-  and  the  rich  John  Usher  and  Samuel 
isters  and  a  company  of  Baptists,  in  Shrimpton.  Several  papers  relating  to 
Boston  meeting-house,  who  had,  against  the  transaction  are  preserved.  (Mass. 
the  laws  of  the  country,  gathered  them-  Arch.  X.  221  -  231.) 
selves  into  a  church.  Three  of  them  3  For  their  letter,  see  Mather,  "  Mag- 
were  excommunicate  persons."  (Hull,  nalia,"  &c.,  VH.  28. 
fibi  supra,  226,  227;   comp.  Benedict,  *  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  413. 


Chap.  III.] 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


91 


there  was  little  disposition  to  follow  up  the  business 
further  than  was  thought  necessary  for  asserting  the  au- 
thority of  the  government,  or  else  the  rulers  observed 
the  existence  and  growth  of  a  public  sentiment  of  tol- 
eration which  it  would  not  be  wise  to  oppose.  For  the 
sentence  of  banishment  remained  unexecuted,  and  the 
Baptists  continued  to  maintain  their  worship  on  Noddle's 
Island.^  Five  years  had  scarcely  passed  after  that  de- 
cree, when  one  of  them  was  able  to  write  :  "  The 
church  of  the  baptized  do  peaceably  enjoy  their 


1674. 
Jan.  9. 


1  November  30, 1670,  (two  years  and 
six  months  after  the  sentence  of  banish- 
ment against  Gold,  Turner,  and  Far- 
num,)  Edward  Drinker,  one  of  the 
Boston  Baptists,  wrote  to  John  Clarke's 
church  at  Newport  a  letter,  from  which 
the  following  are  extracts  :  — 

"  Friends,  I  suppose  you  have  heard 
that  both  he  [Turner]  and  Brother 
Gold  were  to  be  taken  up ;  but  only 
Brother  Turner  is  yet  taken,  and  has 
been  about  a  month  in  prison.  War- 
rants are  in  two  marshals'  hands  for 
Brother  Gold  also,  but  he  is  not  yet 
taken,  because  he  lives  on  Noddle's 
Island,  and  they  wait  to  take  him  at 
town.  The  cause  why  they  are  put  in 
prison  is  the  old  sentence  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court  in  '68,  because  they  would 
not  remove  themselves.  Tliere  were 
six  Magistrates'  hands  to  the  warrant 
to  take  them  up,  viz.  Mr.  Bradstreet, 
Major  Denison,  Thomas  Danforth,  Cap- 
tain Gookin,  Major  Willard,  and  INlr. 
Pinchon.  But  all  the  Deputies  of  the 
Court  voted  their  liberty,  except  one 
or  two  at  most,  but  the  Magistrates 
carry  against  all ;  and  because  some 
others  of  the  Magistrates  were  absent, 
and  some  that  were  there  were  Gallio- 
like,  as  one  Mr.  R.  B.   G.   [Richard 

Belllngham,    Governor] The 

town  and  country  is  very  much  troubled 
at  our  troubles ;  and  especially  the  old 


church  in  Boston,  and  their  elders,  both 
Mr.  Oxenbridge  and  Mr.  Allen,  have 
labored  abundantly,  I  think,  as  if  it 
had  been  for  their  best  friends  in  the 
world.  Many  more  gentlemen  and 
solid  Christians  are  for  our  brother's 
deliverance ;  but  it  cannot  be  had ;  a 
very  great  trouble  to  the  town ;  and 
they  had  gotten  six  Magistrates'  hands 
for  his  deliverance,  but  could  not  get 
the  Governor's  hand  to  it :  some  say 
one  end  is,  that  they  may  prevent 
others  coming  out  of  England ;  there- 
fore they  would  discourage  them  by 

dealing  with  us We  keep  our 

meeting  at  Noddle's  Island  every  first 
day,  and  the  Lord  is  adding  some  souls 
to  us  still,  and  is  enlightening  some 
others.  The  priests  are  much  enraged. 
The  Lord  has  given  us  another  elder, 
one  John  Russell,  senior,  a  gracious, 
wise,  and  holy  man,  that  lives  at 
Woburn,  where  we  have  five  brethren 
near  that  can  meet  with  him ;  and 
they  meet  together  a  first  days  when 
they  cannot  come  to  us,  and  I  hear 
there  are  some  more  there  looking 
that  way  with  them."  (Backus,  His- 
tory, &c.,  L  399,  400.  Comp.  letter  of 
Mary  Gold  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  in 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXX.  72.) 

The  new  Woburn  church,  it  seems, 
had  its  share  of  threats  and  vexations, 
but  still  not  of  the  most  aggravated 


92 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


fBooK  III. 


liberty";-'  and  they  used  their  Uberty  in  transferring 
their  weekly  worship  to  a  house  which  they  hired  for 
Death  of  Gov  ^^^®  purpose  in  the  town.^  The  death  of  the 
ernor Belling- severe  Bellinofham,  which  took  place  while,  in 

ham.  -   ,  .     ,  1  1  -1 

1672.  his  eighty-second  year,  he   was  occupying  the 
chief  magistracy  for  the  ninth  time  in  succes- 
sion, afforded  them  a  prospect  of  more  repose  in  future.^ 

1673.  Leverett,  who    succeeded  him,  was   a   man  of 
May  7.     j^Qre    gcutlc    nature,   and   his   mind   had   been 

liberalized  by  larger  commerce  with  the  world.* 


kind :  "  The  persecuting  spirit  begins 
to  stir  again.  Elder  Russell  and  his 
son,  and  Brother  Foster,  are  pi-esented 
to  the  Court  that  is  to  be  this  month." 
(Letter  of  Benjamin  Sweetzer  of  De- 
cember 1,  1671,  in  Backus,  History, 
&c.,  I.  404.)  "Through  gi-ace  he 
[Russell]  is  yet  in  the  land  of  the  living, 
and  out  of  prison  bonds."  (Letter  of 
William  Hamlit  of  June  14,  16  72, 
Ibid.,  L  405.)  John  Russell  was  a 
shoemaker.  ("Ne  Sutor  ultra  Crepi- 
dam,"  26.)  He  was  afterwards  minis- 
ter of  the  Boston  church  of  Baptists, 
and  published  a  "  Narrative "  of  the 
transactions  of  this  period,  which  Sam- 
uel Willard  answered  in  the  "  Ne  Su- 
tor," &c. 

1  William  Hamlit  to  Samuel  Hub- 
bard, in  Backus,  History,  &c.,  L  414. 

2  "  This  summer  [16  74]  the  Anabap- 
tists that  were  wont  to  meet  at  Nod- 
dle's Island  met  at  Boston  on  the  Lord's 
day.  One  Mr.  Symon  Lind  letteth  one 
of  them  a  house."  (Hull,  Diary,  in 
Archaeol.  Amer.,  IIL  238.) 

It  is  pleasant  to  get  so  near,  as  at 
this  period  we  are,  to  the  end  of  the 
controversy  with  the  Baptists.  No 
doubt  the  New-England  fathers  thought, 
with  the  tolerant  Jeremy  Taylor  (Lib- 
erty of  Prophesying,  §  19),  that  Ana- 
baptism  was  "  as  much  to  be  rooted  out 
as  anything  that  is  the  greatest  pest  and 


nuisance  to  the  public  interest."  They 
understood  the  sect  to  be  not  only 
wedded  to  false  and  hurtful  doctrine, 
but  to  be  inveterately  hostile  to  certain 
great  public  interests  which  at  all 
events  they  meant  to  protect,  —  the  in- 
terests of  good  order,  good  morals,  and 
good  learning.  The  name  Anabaptist 
had  for  them  a  significance  not  the 
less  terrible  for  being  vague,  as  stand- 
ing for  every  sort  of  turbulence  and 
recklessness,  and  threatening  every 
sort  of  social  mischief  It  was  a  word 
of  horror  such  as  some  can  remember 
the  word  Abolitionist  to  have  been, 
more  recently.  Every  age  has  its  pet 
prejudices  of  this  kind,  foolish  and  dis- 
creditable, even  when  they  are  not 
cruel.  Time  calms  passion,  and  the 
Baptists  were  not  very  long  in  living 
down  their  ill-repute. 

3  Bellingham  had  survived  all  the 
other  persons  named  in  the  Charter 
of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

4  Francis  Willoughby,  first  chosen 
Deputy-Governor  in  1665,  continued 
to  hold  that  ofBce  till  his  death  in  April, 
1671,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Lev- 
erett. AVhen  Leverett  was  promoted 
to  be  Governor,  Samuel  Symonds,  of 
Ipswich,  already  for  nearly  thirty 
years  an  Assistant,  was  made  Deputy- 
Governor,  and  continued  in  that  office 
for  five  years,  till  his  death. 


Chap.  III.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  93 

The  General  Court  had  another  subject  of  anxiety 
close  at  hand.  There  was  trouble  in  the  Col-  Troubles  in 
lege.  It  had  constantly  gained  in  the  public  t^^^^^^eg^- 
estimation  during  the  seventeen  years  of  the  Presidency 
of  Chauncy,  and  in  the  last  of  these  years,  the  original 
building  being  insufficient  in  size  and  falling  into  decay, 
a  liberal  private  contribution  had  been  made  for  the 
erection  of  another.-^  But  when  the  President  i6T2. 
died,  the  choice  of  his  successor  led  to  dissen-  ^^^- le- 
sions. Leonard  Hoar,  an  Englishman  by  birth,  had  been 
educated  at  Harvard  College  under  the  presidency  of 
Dunster,  and  had  then  returned  to  his  native  country. 
There  he  married  a  daughter  of  John  Lisle,  a  member 
of  Cromwell's  "  other  house,"  and  for  nearly  twenty 
years  exercised,  at  once  or  successively,  the  professions 
of  minister  and  physician,  a  combination  of  pursuits 
which  was  not  uncommon  among  the  Puritans  of  those 
days.  Hoar,  at  College,  had  been  a  member  of  the 
class  next  after  that  of  Mr.  John  Collins,  who,  having 
been  a  chaplain  in  Monk's  army,  was  now  a  minister 
in  London,  and  the  person  principally  intrusted  there 

1  Thesum  of  £  2,697  was  contributed  tell's  Polyglot  Lexicon,  with  the  first 

by   forty-three    Massachusetts    towns,  of  ]\Ir.    Poole's    four   volumes   of  the 

Boston  gave  £  700,  besides  £  100  fur-  Critics  [Synopsis   Criticorum].    I  had 

nished  by  Sir  Thomas  Temple.    Ports-  sent  with  them  the  Polyglot  Bible,  but 

mouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  engaged  to  that  I  understood  that  my  friend  Mr. 

give   £  60   annually   for  seven  years.  Boyle  had  sent  it  before.      I  shall,  if 

"  While  we  have   articled  with  you,"  God  will  that  Mr.  Poole  live  to  finish 

■wrote  that  town  to  the  General  Court,  them,  send  the  other  three  volumes  of 

"  for   exemption   from   taxes,   yet   we  the  Critics,  or  take  care  that  they  be 

have  never  articled  with  God  and  our  sent,  if  I  live  so  long.     For  Mr.  Davy, 

own  consciences  for  exemption   from  a  merchant,  hath  promised  them  to  me 

gratitude."     (Quincy,  History  of  Har-  for  your  library."    (MS,  Letter  of  Bax- 

vard  University,  L  30,  508.)     Nor  was  ter  in  Dr,  Williams's  library.)    An  ap- 

the  interest  in  Harvard   College  con-  peal  of  the  Corporation  of  the  College 

fined  to  this  side  of  the  water.    Rich-  to   their    English    friends    (Au<r.    21, 

ard  Baxter  was  now  one  of  its  mindful  1671)  is  preserved  (Mass.  Arch.,  LVH. 

English  friends.     "I  have  directed  to  72);  also,  the   appeal  of  the  General 

Mr.  Bradstreet,  at  Boston,  as  my  gift  Court  to  the  towns,     (Ibid.,  74  -  78.) 
to  your  University  Library,  Dr,  Cas- 


94  HISTOEY  OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

with   the    affairs  of  the   Colony,   which  in  these  years 
maintained  no  regular  agent.     Without  delay,  after  hear- 
ing  of  Chauncy's    death.   Hoar    embarked   for   Boston, 
fortified  by  a  letter  from   Collins  to  the   Gov- 
ernor.     "  The  bearer  hereof,"   said   the   writet, 
"  is  yet  more  yours  than  ours,  through  his  ardent  desire 
to    serve   God    in  what  work  He   will   allot  to   him   in 
your   parts  where   he   hath   had   his  education ;  which, 
in  the  judgment  of  wiser  men  than  myself,  is  thought 
to  be  in  your  College  employment,  to  which  he  is  very 
well  qualified  in  many  things."  ^     Three  months  earlier, 
in  anticipation  of  Chauncy's  death,  John  Owen 
and  twelve  other  eminent  English  ministers  had 
addressed  a  joint  letter  to  the  Magistrates  and  minis- 
ters of  Massachusetts,  in   which   they   expressed   their 
judgment   "  that    God   had   so  far   furnished   Dr.   Hoar 
with  the  gifts  of  learning  and  the  grace  of  His  spirit, 

as  that he  might  in  some  measure  supply  that 

want,  and  help  to  make  up  this  breach."  ^ 

The  General  Court  shared,  or  caught,  the  enthusiasm 

of  the    London    ministers.      They    voted    to    raise    the 

President's   annual   allowance   from   a   hundred 

Presidency 

of  Dr.  Hoar,  to  a  huudrcd  and  fifty  pounds,  "provided  Dr. 
Hoar  were  the  man  for  a  supply  of  that  place 
now  vacant,  and  that  he  accepted  thereof";  and  they 
offered  to  the  College  a  new  charter  (which,  however, 
did  not  take  effect)  embracing  some  extension  of  its 
privileges.^  The  office  was  conferred  and  accepted,  and 
all  who  expressed  their  minds  joined  in  liberal  applause. 
But  the  fairest  prospects  are  sometimes  the  quickest 
to  fade.  What  was  the  matter  with  President  Hoar, 
the  present  age  does  not  know.^     The  age  immediately 

1  Hutch.  Coll.,  435.  scholar  or  as  a  Christian,  he  was  truly 

2  Ibid.,  431.  a  worthy  man;  and  he  was  generally 

3  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  535-537.  reputed  such,  until,  happening,  I  can 

4  "  Were  he  considered  either  as  a  scarce  tell  how,  to  fall  under  the  dis- 


Chap.  III.]  MASSACHUSETTS.  95 

succeeding  his  own  was  at  a  loss  to  describe  it.      But 
his  administration  proved  a  failure.     The  pupils  of  the 
College  were  unruly.     Some  of  its  governors  Avere  dis- 
affected.    A  year  had  scarcely  passed,  when  from  "  some 
of  the  honored   Overseers"   the  General  Court     1673. 
"received  a  narrative  of  uncomfortable  debates     ^'''■^®* 
and  motions,"  so  serious  as  to  cause  the  Court  to  threaten 
an  expression  of  "their  due  resentment  as  to  the   ob- 
structors."^    At   the   end  of  another  year   "the   Court 
by  good  information  understood  that,  notwith-     i674. 
standing  all  former  endeavors,  the  College  yet     ^'''■'^• 
remained   in   a   languishing   and    decaying   condition"; 
and  to   the   end  of  taking  "further  effectual  course,  if 
possible,   for   the    revival   of  that   great   work   and    its 
future  flourishing  and  establishment,"  they  appointed  a 
day   to   hear   the  representations  of  a  numerous  body 
of  persons  then  and  formerly  connected  with  the  Col- 
lege.    The  hearing  was  had.     "  The  President,  upon  his 
own  voluntary  motion,  in  consideration  of  the  paucity 
of  scholars,   did   freely   lay   down   fifty   pounds   of  his 

pleasure  of  some  that  made  a  figure  in  Collins  bad  misgivings  about  bis  own 

the  neighborhood,  the  young  men  in  agency  in  promoting  him.    "  If  our  let- 

the  College  took  advantage  therefrom  ter  be  viewed,  you  will  not  find  that  we 

to  ruin  his  reputation  as  far  as  they  were  did  recommend  him  to  be  your  Presi- 

able The  young  plants  turned  dent.     We  judged  that  too  much  for 

cud-weeds,  and  with  great  violations  of  us  to  undertake',  nor  did  we  excite  him 
the  fifth  commandment  set  themselves  to  come  or  urge  him  upon  such  hopes, 
to  travesty  whatever  he  did  and  said,  It  was  his  own  eager  desire  after  it, 
and  aggravate  everything  in  his  be-  and  his  thinking  that  he  might  be  ser- 
Lavior  disagreeable  to  them,  with  a  de-  viceable  there.  All  we  said  was,  that, 
sign  to  make  him  odious ;  and  in  a  day  since  he  was  prepared  to  come,  we 
of  temptation,  which  was  now  upon  thought  him  one  that  might  be  helpful 
them,  several  good  men  did  unhappily  in  your  College  work,  and  left  it  to 
countenance  the  ungoverned  youth  in  you  to  judge  how."  (John  Collins  to 
their  ungovernableness."  (Mather,  Governor  Leverett,  April  10,  1674, 
Magnalia,  IV.  129.  Mather  entered  in  Hutch.  Coll.,  445.)  .  Leverett  was 
College  in  the  year  of  Hoar's  resig-  friendly  to  Hoar.  "  The  Doctor's  op- 
nation,  and  may  be  presumed  to  have  posers  lose  ground,  and  I  hope  the 
heard  all  the  tattle  of  the  place.)  work  will  yet  be  carried,  in  an  end." 
1  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  56  7.  When  (Leverett  to  Collins,  Aug.  24,  1674,  in 
matters  were  going  so  badly  with  Hoar,  Hutch.  Coll.,  464 ;  comp.  471.) 


96 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


JBOOK  III. 


salary";  and  the  Court  resolved,  that  if,  at  its  next 
meeting,  "  the  College  were  found  in  the  same  languish- 
ing condition,  the  President  was  concluded  to  be  dis- 
missed without  further  hearing  of  the  case."  -^  Of  course, 
if  there  had  remained  a  possibility  of  restoring  subor- 
dination, this  vote  put  an  end  to  it.  Before 
the  Court  met  again,  the  President  resigned  his 
office.  The  mortification  was  too  much  for  him. 
He  fell  into  a  consumption,  and  died  at  Boston 
before  the  end  of  the  year.^ 
When  the  Dutch  captured  New  York,^  it  may  have 
been  supposed  by  the  government  of  Massachusetts 
that  the  Duke  would  be  inclined  to  abandon  the  rest 
of  his  American  property.  Immediately  after  that  oc- 
Extensionof  currcncc  they  proceeded  to  extend  their  east- 
Massachu-  ^^.j^  bordcr  so  as  to  enclose  territory  belonging 
eastward.  to  hls  Provlucc  of  Cormvall,  eastward  of  the 
river  Kennebec*  A  new  survey  had  shown  that  a 
line  running  east  and  west  three  miles  north  of  every 


His  resigna- 
tion. 

1675. 
March  15. 

Ilis  death. 
Nov.  28. 


1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  20,  21.  The  effect 
of  this  vote  is  recorded  by  Increase 
Mather,  in  a  fragment  of  his  Journal, 
found  among  the  papers  of  Dr.  Bel- 
knap, which  have  lately  come  into  the 
possession  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society.  "Nov.  15.  The  schol- 
ars, all  except  three,  whose  friends  live 
in  Cambi'idge,  left  the  College." 

2  "  The  hard  and  ill  usage  which  he 
met  withal,  made  so  deep  an  impres- 
sion upon  his  mind,  that  his  grief  threw 
him  into  a  consumption."  (Mather, 
Magnalia,  IV.  129.)  —  Very  early  in 
the  course  of  his  administration.  Hoar 
began  to  suffer  from  the  hostility  of 
some  of  his  six  associates  in  the  Cor- 
poration. September  15th,  1673,  Rich- 
ards, the  Treasurer,  and  Oakes  and 
Brown,  two  of  the  Fellows,  resigned 
their  places.  Shepard  did  the  same  a 
little  earlier  or  later,  and  Oakes  and 
Shepard  (October  2d)  rejected  an  in- 


vitation to  return.  After  a  year,  the  re- 
quest was  renewed  to  them  (December 
11th,  1674),  and  at  the  same  time  In- 
crease Mather  was  elected  a  Fellow; 
but  no  one  of  these  distinguished  per- 
sons for  the  present  vouchsafed  a  re- 
ply. At  length,  at  the  meeting  at  which 
the  President's  letter  of  resignation 
was  read,  they  appeared  and  took  their 
places.  (Quincy,  History,  &c.,  I.  471.) 
Mather,  however,  was  Hoar's  friend. 
(IVIather's  Journal,  Nov.  28th,  16  75,  in 
the  Belknap  collection  of  MSS.) 

3  See  above,  p.  34. 

4  See  above,  Vol.  II.  pp.  580,  622.  — 
The  Duke's  Governors  had  given  little 
attention  to  this  part  of  his  domain.  But 
Lovelace  had  opened  a  correspond- 
ence with  it  (Feb.  16,  1673)  just  be- 
fore his  expulsion  from  New  York  by 
the  Dutch.  (Hough,  Papers  relating 
to  Pemaquid,  6.) 


Chap.  III.]  PLYMOUTH.  97 

part  of  the  river  Merrimac,  agreeably  to  the  terms  of 
the  charter,  would  include  the  southern  part  of  the 
country  beyond  the  Piscataqua,  as  far  east  as  to  the 
outlet  of  Penobscot  Bay.^  The*  General  Court,  accord- 
ingly, in  the  spring  after  the  capture  of  New  York, 
proceeded  to  incorporate  this  country  into  Massachu- 
setts, and  appointed  Commissioners  to  organize 

^  L  L  y  County  of 

it,   as  the  County  of  Devomhire,  "according   to  Devonshire 
God,  and  the  wholesome  laws  of  this  jurisdic- 
tion, that  so  the  way  of  godliness  might  be  encouraged, 
and  vice  corrected."  ^ 

In  the  other  Colonies  of  New  England,  as  in  Massa- 
chusetts, the  tranquil  course  of  events  during  the  next 
ten  years  after  the  visit  of  the  Eoyal  Commissioners 
presents  little  matter  for  the  historian's  notice.  In  Plym- 
outh, Thomas  Prince  was  continued  at  the  head  of  the 
government,  till,  having  reached   the   seventy-  Death  of  gov- 

,,.,  o    ^   •  1  Tl  1  ernor  Prince. 

third    year  or  his   age,  he   died,  and  was   sue-     jg^g 
ceeded    by   Josiah    Winslow,   son    of  the    third    ^p'"^- 
Governor.    Eight  years  before  his  death.  Prince     lees. 
had   removed   from  his   plantation  at  Eastham    o<='°^^'"- 
to   the   town  of  Plymouth,  where,  "for  the  more  con- 
venient administration  of  justice,"  the  Colony  now  pro- 
vided a  house  for  the  Governor's  residence,  at  the  same 
time   fixing   his   annual  salary  at   the    sum   of  twenty 
pounds.^ 

1  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  487,  519.  of  their   diet   when   on   official   duty, 

2  Ibid.,  V.  5,  16-20;  comp.  Wil-  which  latter  allowance  alone  was  made 
liamson,  History  of  Maine,  I.  441-  to  Magistrates  newly  elected.  (Brig- 
444.     For  this  and  other  proceedings  ham.  Compact,  &c.,  146.) 

of  theirs   which   had  occasioned  com-  In   1667,  the  Court,  at  the  sugges- 

plaint  in  England,  the  Magistrates  jus-  tion  of  the  Royal  Commissioners,  made 

tified  themselves  in  a  long  lettertto  a  grant  of  two  hundred  acres  of  land 

Boyle,  May  10,  1673.    (Works  of  Rob-  in  the  town  of  Bridge  water  to  Pere- 

ert  Boyle,  4to,  I.  cxvi.  et  seq.)  grine  White,  of  Plymouth,  "in  respect 

3  Plym.  Rec,  IV.  108.  —  At  the  that  he  was  the  first  of  the  English 
same  time  it  was  ordered  that  the  born  in  these  parts."  White  lived  to 
"  old  Magistrates "  should  be  allowed  be  eighty-three  years  old.  He  died 
ten  pounds  annually,  besides  the  charge  at  Marshfield,  July  20,  1 704. 

VOL.  III.  9 


98 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  HL 


Winslow  was  a  man   of  less  rigid    temjDer  than  his 
predecessor.     By  his  influence,  in  the  first  year 

Administra-  n  ^    '  -T  ni  11 

tion of  josiah  after  his  accession,  James  Oud worth,  whose  ten- 
""^674      derness  for  the  Quakers  had  cost  him  his  high 
*^^y-     standing  in  the  pubUc  regard,  was  restored  to  a 
place  among   the   Magistrates.^      Winslow   and  his  asso- 
ciates maintained  a  state  hitherto  unknown  in  the  simple 
community  of  Plymouth.    The  Court  ordered  that  four 
1675.      halberdiers    should    attend    the    Governor    and 
June.      Magistrates    at   the    annual    elections,  and    two 
during  the  session  of  a  Court.^     Prince,  though  himself 
unlearned,  had   an   enlightened   sense   of  the   worth   of 
knowledge,  and  by  his  liberal  zeal  an  important  measure 
was  advanced,  which,  however,  was  not  quite  brought  to 
a  conclusion  before  his  death.     Immediately  after  that 


1  Plym.  Rec,  V.  143;  comp.  124. 
—  In  December,  1673,  Cudworth  was 
appointed  by  the  General  Court  to  the 
command  of  an  expedition  against 
the  Dutch.  (Plym.  Rec.,  V.  136.)  But 
he  excused  himself,  partly  because  of 
distrust  of  his  capacity  for  so  impor- 
tant an  enterprise,  and  partly  for  do- 
mestic considerations.  "  My  wife,"  he 
wrote  to  Governor  Winslow,  "  as  is  well 
known  to  the  whole  town,  is  not  only 
a  weak  woman,  and  has  so  been  all 
along;  but  now,  by  reason  of  age, 
being  sixty-seven  years  and  upwards, 
and  nature  decaying,  so  her  illness 
grows  more  strongly  upon  her;  never 
a  day  passes  but  she  is  forced  to  rise 
at  break  of  day,  or  before ;  she  can- 
not lay  for  want  of  breath  ;  and  when 
she  is  up  she  cannot  light  a  pipe  of 
tobacco,  but  it  must  be  lighted  for  her ; 
and  until  she  has  taken  two  or  three 
pipes,  for  want  of  breath  she  is  not 
able  to  stir;  and  she  has  never  a  maid. 
That  day  your  letter  came  to  my 
hands,  my  maid's  year  being  gut,  she 
went  away,  and  I  cannot  get  nor  hear 
of  another.     And  then  in  regard  of 


my  occasions  abroad,  for  the  tending 
and  looking  after  all  my  creatures,  the 
fetching  home  my  hay,  that  is  yet  at 
the  place  where  it  grew,  getting  of 
wood,  going  to  mill,  and  for  the  per- 
forming all  other  family  occasions,  I 
have  none  but  a  small  Indian  boy  about 
thirteen  years  of  age  to  help  me 

"  Sir,  I  can  truly  say  that  I  do  not  in 
the  least  waive  the  business  out  of  any 
discontent  in  my  spirit,  arising  from 
any  former  difference ;  for  the  thought 
of  all  which  is  and  shall  be  forever 
buried,  so  as  not  to  come  in  remem- 
brance, though  happily  such  a  thing; 
may  be  too  much  fomented ;  neither 
out  of  an  effeminate  or  dastardly  spirit ; 
but  am  as  freely  willing  to  serve  my 
king  and  my  country  as  any  man  what- 
soever, in  what  I  am  capable  and 
fitted  for  ;  but  do  not  understand  that 
a  man  is  so  called  to  serve  his  country 
with  the  inevitable  ruin  and  destruc- 
tion of  his  own  family."  (Letter  of 
Cudworth,  January  16,  1674,  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  VI.  81,  82.) 

2  Plym.  Rec,  XL  240. 


Chap.  HI.]  RHODE  ISLAND.  99 

event  the  Court  voted  that  a  pubUc  school  —  the  earhest 
in  the  Colony  —  should  be  set  up  in  the  town 

^  ■"■  Endowment 

of  Plymouth,    and  that  the   revenue  from  the  by  Plymouth 
"  Cape  Fishery "  should  be  appropriated  to  its  sch^or 
support,  "  until  such  time  as  the  minds  of  the      i^^^. 
freemen  be  known";  and  at  their  next  meet- 
ing the  freemen  expressed  their  approbation  of      j^^ 
this  endowment.^ 

The  relations  between  Governor  Prince  and  the  Eoyal 
Commissioners  had  been  friendly.^    On  the  one  Friendly  re. 
hand,  his   Colony  desired,  as  far  as  might  be,  tween^piym- 
to  stand  well  at  the  English  court,  in  order  to  futhandthe 

O  '  Koyal  Com- 

the  accomplishment  of  its  hope  of  obtaining  a  missioners. 
charter;  on  the  other  hand,  it  reasonably  distrusted 
its  capacity  to  maintain  itself  against  the  consequences 
of  royal  displeasure,  especially  when,  as  seemed  prob- 
able, the  Confederacy  should  go  to  pieces.  It  suited 
the  Commissiofiers  to  encourage  this  pliant  temper, 
because  it  was  a  rebuke  to  the  contumacy  of  Massa- 
chusetts. They  cultivated  a  good  understanding  by 
their  action  in  respect  to  the  boundary  on  the  side 
of  Rhode  Island.  They  determined  that  Plymouth  Col- 
ony extended  westward  to  the  shore  of  Narragansett 
Bay. 

The   government   which    in    Rhode  Island   had   been 
set  up  under  the  royal  charter^  might  have  been  ex- 
pected to  prove  a  great  advance  on  the   organizations 
which  had  before  existed  in  that  quarter.      ^*  charter  gov 
its  inausruration  a  sweepino-  Act  was  passed,  re- er-jme^tof 

^  .  .  -11  Khode  Island. 

pealmg  all  laws  "mconsistent  with  the  present     jge*. 
government,"  and  especially  the  law  oy  which    m^""*!- 
each  town  had  a  negative  on  the  action  of  the  rest.     A 
new  judiciary  system  was  established.     "  General  Courts 

1  Plym.  Rec,  XI.  233,  237.  Winslow    collection   of  MSS.,  in    the 

2  Several    of   the    original    papers    possession  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  pp. 
relating  to  the  business  of  the   Com-     14-31. 

missioners  with  Plymouth  are  in  the        3  See  above,  Vol.  11.  p.  570. 


100  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

of  Trials,"  consisting  of  the  Governor  or  Deputy-Governor 
and  at  least  six  Assistants,  were  appointed  to  be  held 
twice  every  year  at  Newport,  in  May  and  in  October. 
Two  other  courts,  consisting  each  of  at  least  three  As- 
sistants, were  to  sit  every  year,  one  at  Warwick  in  March, 
the  other  at  Providence  in  September;  but  they  could 
not  take  cognizance  of  cases  involving  a  sum  above 
ten  pounds.  Special  courts,  consisting  of  at  least  three 
Assistants,  might,  "as  urgent  occasion  should  present," 
be  convened  by  the  Governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  by  the 
Deputy-Governor;  but  the  cost  was  to  be  defrayed  by 
the  parties  at  whose  desire  they  were  held.  The  courts 
were  attended  by  grand-juries  and  petit-juries.^  At  an 
1666.  early  time,  an  important  change  was  projected 
March  27.  j^^  ^^q  Icglslativc  department.  An  order  was 
passed  for  the  Magistrates  and  Deputies,  as  in  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut,  to  vote  in  separate  chambers, 
each  branch  having  a  negative  upon  the  other.^  But 
the  details  of  this  plan  were  not  settled,^  and  it  did  not 
take  effect  till  it  was  revived  many  years  later. 

Independently  of  the  dearth  in  Rhode  Island  of  ca- 
pacity for  conducting  a  government,*  the  business  of 
governing  was  not  attractive  in  a  community  composed 
Its  feeble  ad-  of  citlzcus  of  mluds  SO  excursive  and  so  variously 
ministration,  ijichned.  Aftcr  thc  novelty  was  over.  Deputies, 
and  even  Magistrates,  did  not  care  to  come  to  the 
General  Courts.  New  persons  were  chosen,  but  they 
also   absented  themselves.^      The   effect  of  rewards  and 


1  R.  I.  Rec,  I.  26,  27,  31.  ern";  for,  he  continues,  "  there  Is  beside 

2  Ibid.,  144,  145.  •  the    Governor  and   Deputy-Governor 

3  Ibid.,  151,  181.  [Arnold  and  Brenton],  betwixt  whom, 

4  Cartwright  can  scarcely  be  sup-  to  my  knowledge,  there  is  a  great  feud, 
posed  to  have  been  spiteful  against  not  one  fit  to  make  a  Governor  of" 
the  Rhode  Island  people,  for  they  had  (Letter  to  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale, 
nothing  but  compliances  and  caresses  December  5,  1665,  in  Proceedings  of 
for  him  and  his  fellow-Commissioners,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  II.  274.) 

but  he  reported  the  Colony  to  be  "  full         6  in  the  next  year  after  the  charter 

of  faction,  and  void  of  men  fit  to  gov-  went  into  effect,  only  thi-ee  Assistants 


Chap.  III.]  RHODE   ISLAND.  ]^01 

penalties   was   tried.     A  Magistrate   or  Deputy  was  to 
receive    three    shillings   a   day   while    on    duty, 
and  was  to  pay  double  that  amount  for  every 
day  of  absence.     But  a  revival  of  this  system  after  sev- 
eral years'    experiment   shows  that  it  had  not     1672. 
proved  effective,  and  that  the  causes  of  ofiicial    ^p"'"^^ 
negligence  had  not  ceased  to  operate.^ 

Nor  in  a  community  so  constituted  could  occasions  of 
discord   ever   be  wantino;.     One    such   occasion 

'-'  Factions  and 

arose  out  of  the  agency  of  John  Clarke  in  Eng-  disorders  in 
land.     On   a  liquidation  of  his  accounts,  it  ap- 
peared that,  including  the  hundred  pounds  which  had 
been   voted   to   him   as    a   gratuity,   the    Colony   owed 
him  three  hundred  and  forty-three  pounds.     To  satisfy 
this'  debt,  and   meet  other   public   expenses,  a     i664. 
tax  was  laid  of  six   hundred   pounds.^      Ports-    October. 
mouth.  Providence,  and  Warwick  were  dissatisfied  with 
the  assessments  made  upon  them,  and   Warwick  made 
an   angry   remonstrance.^     Williams   interposed   with   a 
letter   to    that  town,  exhorting  it  to    more  liberal   be- 
havior.    It  was  read  at  the  head  of  the  War-     jgee. 
wick  train-band,  and  was  answered  by  a  vote  ^^^'"'^^^^ 

out  of  ten  were  re-elected  (K.  I.  Kec,  (Ibid.,    77-81.)     A  tax-bill   of  1670 

II.  96),  and  an  equal  change  was  made  ordered  that  payments  should  be  made 

in  the  year  after.     (Ibid.,  147.)  "in   good   pork,   at   three   pence   the 

1  Ibid.,  167,  168;  comp.  171,  443.  pound;  pease,   at  three  shillings   and 

2  Of  this  sum  Newport  was  assessed  six  pence  the  bushel ;  wheat,  at  five 
two  hundi-ed  and  forty-nine  pounds;  shillings  the  bushel;  Indian  corn,  at 
Providence  and  Portsmouth,  each  a  three  shillings  the  bushel ;  oats,  at  three 
hundred  pounds ;  Warwick,  eighty ;  shillings  two  pence  the  bushel ;  wool, 
Conanicut,  thirty-six ;  Pettyquamscott,  at  twelve  pence  the  pound ;  and  but- 
twenty ;  and  Block  Island,  fifteen,  ter,  at  six  pence  the  pound."  (Ibid., 
Hence  we  learn  approximately  the  359.)  It  is  interesting  to  get  access 
proportionate  size  of  the  settlements  in  to  facts  of  this  kind.  Comp.  the  "  Two 
1664.  Wheat  and  pease  were  to  be  Years'  Journal  in  New  York"  of 
received  in  payment  at  the  rates  re-  Charles  Wooley,  who  came  over  with 
spectively  of  four  shillings  and  six-  Andros  in  1678.  His  Price  Current  of 
pence,  and  three  shillings  and  sixpence,  several  necessaries  (p.  21)  is  about  the 
a  bushel,  and  pork  at  the  rate  of  three  same  as  that  of  the  Rhode  Island  law. 
pounds    and    ten    shiUings    a   barrel.        3  R.  I.  Rec,  11.  78  -  81. 

9* 


102  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

"that  the  said  letter  is  a  pernicious  letter,  tending  to 
stir  up  strife  in  the  town,  and  that  the  town  clerk 
record  this  vote,  and  send  a  copy  of  it  to  Mr.  Wil- 
1669.  liams."  ^  On  a  reception  from  the  Assistants 
March  25.  q£  Ncwport  of  a  further  demand  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  rate,  the  townsmen  of  Warwick  passed  a 
vote  that  the  j)aper  was  "  full  of  incivil  language,  as 
if  it  had  been  indicted  in  hell ;  therefore  the  town 
unanimously  did  condemn  the  same,  and  thought  it  not 
fit  to  be  put  among  the  records  of  the  town ;  but  did 
order  that  the  clerk  put  it  on  file  where  impertinent 
papers  should  be  kept  for  the  future,  to  the  end  that 
those  persons  who  had  not  learned  in  the  school  of 
good  manners  how  to  speak  to  men  in  the  language 
of  sobriety,  if  they  were  sought  for,  might  be  there 
found."  2 

The  agency  of  William  Harris,  who  was  one  of  a  com- 
mittee of  three  persons  charged  with  the  duty  of  making 
"inspection  into  the  levy  of  six  hundred  pounds,'"^  was 
not  likely  to  advance  the  business  towards  an  amicable 
adjustment.  Harris  had  been  one  of  Williams's  original 
companions,  when  he  came  from  Salem.*  Afterwards 
they  had  a  fierce  quarrel.^  At  an  election  held 
in  Providence,  two  sets  of  Deputies  were  chosen, 

1  Arnold,  Hist,  of  R.  I.,  I.  325.  liams   thought   from    that    time    very 

2  Ibid.,  337.  —  The  impertinent  file  unfavorably  of  Harris.  "  Formerly  no 
of  Warwick  presently  got  a  still  more  man  amongst  us  had  spoken  more 
emphatic  name.  The  town,  having  scornfully  of  the  Quakers  than  W. 
had  occasion  to  write  to  William  Har-  Harris ;  now  he  extremely,  privately 
ris,  voted  unanimously  "  that  the  town  and  publicly,  fawns  upon  them,  seeing 
clerk  do  put  the  paper  of  William  them  my  enemies,  who  had  ever  been 
Harris,  that  occasioned  the  letter,  upon  his  friend,  and  never  his  enemy  but  in 
the  dam-file,  among  those  papers  of  his  outrageous  practices  against  town 
that  nature."     (Ibid.,  340.)  and  colony  and  country.     He  was  a 

3  R.  I.  Rec,  II.  254.  pretender  in  Old  England,  but  in  New 

4  See  above.  Vol.  I.  p.  422.  —  "  Out  my  experience  hath  told  me,  that  he 
of  pity  I  gave  leave  to  William  Harris,  can  be  one  with  the  Quakers,  yea 
then  poor  and  destitute,  to  come  along  Jesuits  or  Mahometans,  for  his  own 
in  my  company."    (Arnold,  I.  97,  note.)  worldly  ends  and  advantage.     He  is 

5  See  above,  Vol.  H.  p.  365.  —  Wil-  long  known  to  have  put  scorns  and 


Chap.  HI.] 


RHODE   ISLAND. 


103 


at  meetings  convened  under  warrants  which  were  issued 
respectively  by  Harris  and  Arthur  Tenner,  then  col- 
league Magistrates  in  that  town.  The  Deputies  chosen 
under  the  warrant  of  Fenner  were  admitted  by  the  Gen- 
eral Court.  Harris  brought  a  charge  against  him  "for 
acting  in  a  rout."  The  Court  acquitted  Fen- 
ner/ and,  "for  the  peace  of  the  Colony,"  dis- 
charged Harris  "  from  the  office  of  an  Assistant  for  the 
future,  there    being  many   grievous  comj)laints  against 

him, he   being  very  apt  to  take  advantages 

against  the  members  of  the  Corporation,  and  to  act  in 
a  deceitful  manner."  "^ 

The   next   year,   ht)wever,   Harris  was  again   chosen 


jeers  upon  the  eminent  inhabitants 
of  town  and  country.  He  hath  been 
notorious  for  quarrelling,  and  challen- 
ging, and  fighting,  even  when  he  pre- 
tended with  the  Quakers  against  carnal 
weapons ;  so  that  there  stands  upon 
record  in  the  town-book  of  Providence 
an  act  of  disfranchisement  upon  him, 
for  fighting  and  shedding  blood  in  the 
street,  and  for  maintaining  and  allow- 
ing it  (for  aught  I  know)  to  this  day. 
Then  he  turns  Generalist,  and  writes 
against  all  Magistrates,  laws,  courts, 
charters,  prisons,  rates,  and  so  forth, 
pretending  himself  and  his  saints  to  be 
the  higher  powers  (as  now  the  Quakers 
do)  ;  and  in  public  writings  he  stirred 
up  the  people  (most  seditiously  and 
desperately  threatening  to  begin  with 
the  Massachusetts)  and  to  cry  out,  '  No 
lords,  no  masters,'  as  is  yet  to  be  seen 
in  his  writing ;  this  cost  myself  and 
the  Colony  much  trouble.  Then  (as 
the  wind  favored  his  ends)  no  man 
more  cries  up  magistrates :  then  not 
finding  that  pretence,  nor  the  people 
caUed  Baptists  (in  whom  he  confided) 
serving  his  ends,  he  flies  to  Connect- 
icut' Colony  (then  and  still  in  great 
contest  with  us)  in  hopes  to  attain  his 


gaping  about  land  from  them,  if  they 
prevail  over  us.  To  this  end  he  in  pub- 
lic speech  and  writing  applauds  Con- 
necticut Charter,  and  damns  ours,  and 
his  royal  Majesty's  favor  also  for  grant- 
ing us  favor  (as  to  our  consciences), 
which  he  largely  endeavors  by  writing 
to  prove  the  King's  Majesty  by  laws 
could  not  do.  Myself  (being  in  place) 
by  speech  and  writing  opposed  him, 
and  Mr.  B.  Arnold,  then  Governor,* 
and  Mr.  Jo.  Clark,  Deputy-Governor, 
Captain  Cranston,  and  all  the  Magis- 
trates ;  he  was  committed  for  speaking 
and  writing  against  his  Majesty's  honor, 
prerogative,  and  authority.  He  lay 
some  time  in  prison  until  the  General 
Assembly,  where  the  Quakers  (by  his 
wicked,  ungodly,  and  disloyal  plots) 
prevailing,  he  by  their  means  gets 
loose."  (George  Fox  digged  out  of 
his  Burrowes,  &c.,  206,  207.)  "  W.  H. 
loved  the  Quakers,  whom  now  he 
fawned  upon,  no  more  than  he  did  the 
Baptists,  whom  he  till  now  fawned  on, 
but  would  love  any,  as  a  dog  for  his 
bone,  for  land."     (Ibid.,  205.) 

1  R.I.  Rec,  n.  200-204. 

2  Ibid.,  209. 


104  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  ^  [Book  ni. 

by  the  freemen  of  the  Colony  to  be  Assistant  for  Provi- 

1668.  dence,   and   Fenner   was   remanded    to   private 
May  6.     j-£g  1     rpj^^  Govcmor  refused  to  qualify  Harris, 

but  the  Deputy-Governor  (Easton,  now  a  Quaker)  admin- 
istered the  "  engagement."  The  Court  admitted 
him  to  his  seat,  and  released  him  from  the  pay- 
ment of  a  fine  which  had  been  imposed  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  his  controversy  with  Fenner.^  So  high 
was  now  his   place  in    their  confidence,  that   they   in- 

1669.  vested  him  and  any  three  others  of  the  Com- 
oct.27.    niittee  appointed  to  gather  the  tax  of  six  hun- 
dred pounds,  with   extraordinary   powers   for   assessing 
it  on  individuals  and  collecting  it   by  distraint.^     Wil- 
liams and  he  were  still  at  deadly  feud.     By  information 

1672.     from  Williams,  he  was  brought  under  a  charge 
Feb.  24.    q£  traitorous  correspondence  with  Connecticut, 
and  a  warrant  was   issued   for  his   arrest   and   impris- 
onment.* 

Meantime  the  business   in   which   he   had   been   too 

active   for   his  popularity  continued    to   be   beset   with 

difficulties.     The  liberty  so  fondly  cherished  in  Rhode 

'Island   was  not  consistent  with  a  regular  payment  of 

taxes.     There   was  little   money ;  the  settlements  were 

isolated ;  the  central  government  was  little  recognized ; 

the  collectors  were  local  officers,  and  sympathized  with 

the  people,  who  did  not  want  to  pay.     In  a  spasm  of 

energy  the  General  Court  passed  an  Act  against 

persons  "  of  a  covetous  or  factious  and  malicious 

spirit, who  opposed  all  or  any  rates,  and  thereby 

prevailed  by   their  deluded  adherents  in  overpowering 
the  more  prudent  and  loyal  parties."    All  persons  who 

1  R.  I.  Rec,  II.  223;  comp.  Staples,  after  this,  Harris's  rival,  Fenner,  was 
Annals  of  Providence,  in  R.  I.  Hist,  chosen  Assistant  for  Providence.  (Ibid., 
Coll.,  V.  147-  151.  451.)    But  at  the  end  of  another  year, 

2  R.  I.  Rec,  II.  237.  Harris's  star  was  again  in  the  ascend- 

3  Ibid.,  288.  ant.     (Ibid.,  482.) 

4  Ibid.,  429.      At  the  next  election 


Chap.  III.]  RHODE  ISLAND.  ;[Q5 

should,  "  especially  in  any  town-meeting  or  other  pub- 
lic assembly  of  people,  appear,  by  word  or  act,  in  oppo- 
sition to  such  rates  and  impositions,"  or  should  "  appear 
in  opjDOsition  against  any  of  the  Acts  and  Orders  of 
the  Assembly  made  according  to  the  Charter,  by  speak- 
ing against  such  Acts  or  Orders  openly  in  any  con- 
course of  people  together,  or  that  should  move  to  the 
rejecting  such  xicts  or  Orders  when  published  in  such 
meeting  in  any  town  or  place,  or  that  should  endeavor 
by  word  or  deed  to  send  back  or  otherwise  to  slight 
such  Acts  and  Orders,"  were  to  be  punished  with  "  cor- 
poral punishment  by  whipping,  not  exceeding  thirty 
stripes,  or  imprisonment  in  the  House  of  Correction, 
not  exceeding  twelve  months,  or  else  a  fine  or  mulct 
not  exceeding  twenty  pounds."  ^  But  threats  of  this 
kind  only  express  the  perturbation  of  impotence.  It 
is  preposterous  to  assume  such  an  attitude  of  menace 
in  a  community  in  which  the  mildest  restraints  of  law 
are  impatiently  borne. 

Quakers  had  become  numerous  in  Ehode  Island.     Per- 
sons so  considerable  as  Coddington  and  Easton  Quakers  in 
had  enrolled  themselves  with  the  sect  as  early  ^''°'^*  ^^^ 
as   the   time   of  the   visit  of  the  Royal   Commissioners, 
and,  in  behalf  of  their  fellow-believers,  had  ad-     iges. 
dressed  to   Carr  and  his  associates  some   com-    ^'^''''• 
munication  the  tenor  of  which  is  not  recorded.^     Their 
weight  in  the  Colony  may  be  partly  inferred  from  the 
elections.     In  the  ten  years  next  after  this  time  Easton 
was  six   times   Deputy-Governor,  and    Governor  twice, 
while  towards  the  end  of  the  same  period  Coddington 
held  the  first  ofiice  for  two  terms,  and  the  second  for  one,* 

1  Ibid.,  438,  439.  Newport    (Ibid.,    146),   and   then    an 

2  Ibid.,  118.  Assistant  (Ibid.,  150).     Before  he  waa 

3  Since  the  "  obstruction"  called  by  made  Governor  In  1674,  he  served  once 
his  name  was  removed,  Coddington  had  as  Deputy-Governor  under  Easton. 
been  in  retirement  till  now,  except  But  he  was  only  chosen  to  that  office 
that  in  1666  he  was  first  a  Deputy  from  when  three  other  persons  had  refused 


George  Fox 
in  Rhode 
Island. 
March. 


;i  06  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH 

and  was  succeeded  as  Governor  by  Walter  Clarke,  an- 
1672.  other  Quaker.^  In  the  year  of  Easton's  first  elec- 
^*^"  tion  to  be  Governor,  nearly  the  whole  admin- 
istration was  changed,  and  several  persons  who  were 
elected  refused  to  serve ;  ^  proceedings  which  are  signifi- 
cant of  the  power  of  the  Quakers,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  of  a  passionate  repugnance  to  it  on  the  other. 
The  General  Court  now  chosen  repealed  one  by  one 
all  the  Acts  of  the  Court  of  the  preceding  year ;  among 
the  rest,  the  laws  for  punishing  seditious  language,  and 
for  levying  a  tax.^ 

About  this  time  George  Fox,  being  convalescent  from 
an  illness  of  some  months,  found  that  "it  was  upon 
him  from  the  Lord  to  go  beyond  sea,  to  visit 
the  plantations  in  America."*  He  accordingly 
sailed  for  Barbadoes,  whence  he  proceeded  first 
to  Jamaica,  then  to  Maryland,  and  finally,  by 
New  Jersey  and  Long  Island,  to  Newport,  where  he  be- 
came the  guest  of  Governor  Easton.  He  derived 
much  satisfaction  from  his  visit  to  the  Rhode- 
Islanders.  "Very  good  service,"  he  writes,  "we  had 
amongst  them,  and  truth  had  good  reception.  For 
having  no  priests  in  the  island,  and  no  restriction  to 
any  particular  way  of  worship,  and  the  Governor  and 
Deputy-Governor,    with    several  justices   of  the   peace, 

it.      (Ibid.,   484,   485.)      I   incline   to  in  believing  it  to  have  proceeded  from 

think  that  his  mind  was  now  enfeebled ;  such  a  mind  as,  with  all  its  want  of 

perhaps  he  did  not  on   that  account  balance,  Coddington's  may  be  allowed 

answer  less  well  the  purposes  of  the  to  have  been  in  earlier  years. 

Quakers  who  promoted  him.     His  let-  ^  R.  I.  Rec,  11.  541. 

ter,   appended  to  the  "New-England  2  Ibid.,  449-451.      Only    four   As- 

Fire-Brand    Quenched  "   of  Fox   and  sistants  out  of  ten  were  re-elected ;  and 

Burnyeat,  was,  I  presume,  written  as  of  twenty   Deputies,  not   one.     John 

late  as  1676,  the  year  of  the  publica-  Cranston,  who  for  three  years  had  been 

tion  of  Roger  Williams's  work  to  which  an  Assistant,   was  made  Deputy-Gov- 

that  treatise  was  a  reply.     (New-Eng-  ernor.    Both  he  and  the  Governor  were 

land   Fire-Brand,  &c.,  Part  11.   245.)  Newport  men. 

But  his  "  Demonstration  of  True  Love,"  3  Ibid.,  456. 

&c.,  was  published  in  1672.    The  reader  4  George  Fox,  Journal,  &c.,  426. 
of  either  of  these  works  finds  difficulty 


Chap.  Ill]  RHODE  ISLAND.  JQ^ 

daily  frequenting  meetings,  it  so  encouraged  the  people 
that  they  flocked  in  from  all  parts  of  the  island."^ 

Fox  did  not  enter  any  other  New  England  Colony, 
but  made  a  short  visit  to  the  Narragansett  country, 
and  attended  a  meeting  of  Friends  at  Providence.  As 
to  this  meeting,  he  "  had  a  great  travail  upon  his  spirit, 
that  it  might  be  preserved  quiet,  and  that  truth  might 
be  brought  over  the  people,  and  might  gain  entrance 
and  have  place  in  them ;  for  they  were  generally  above 
the  priests  in  high  notions,  and  some  came  on  purpose 
to  dispute."  He  "was  exceeding  hot,  and  in  a  great 
sweat.  But  all  was  well."  "  The  disputers  were  silent, 
and  the  meeting  quiet." '^ 

This  last  fact  was  the  more  observable,  as  Eoger  Wil- 
liams was  in  Providence  at  the  time.  The  two  cham- 
pions had  then  no  interview  or  correspondence.  But 
no  sooner  had  Fox  returned  to  Newport,^  on  his  way 
back  to  the  Southern  Colonies,  than  Williams  sent  him 
a  challenge  to  a  public  discussion  of  certain  propositions 
relating  to  the  Quaker  system,  fourteen  in  num-  challenge  of 
ber,  one  half  of  them  to  be  debated  in  each  of  the  ulml^'^' 
two  chief  towns  of  the  Colony.  The  challenge  ^^°^^^  ^"^ 
was  accepted,  not  by  Fox,  but  by  three  of  his  adherents. 
Williams  steadily  insisted  afterwards  that  Fox  received 
the  letter,  or  at  least  was  informed  of  its  being  on  the 
way,  and  had  "slyly  departed"  from  Newport,  so  as 
to  evade  the  unpleasantness  of  answering  a  proposal 
which   he   feared    alike    to    accept   or   to    refuse.*     Fox 

1  Iljicl.,  442.  ters  to  our  Deputy-Governor,  Captain 

2  Ibid.,  444.  Cranston,  in   which   my  proposals   to 

3  "  G.  Fox  was  at  Providence  some  G.  F.  were,  should  not  be  delivered  to 
few  days  before,"  writes  Williams  in  the  Deputy  until  G.  F.  was  some  hours 
connection  with  his  sending  of  the  chal-  under  sail,  that  he  might  say  he  never 
lenge.  (George  Fox  digged  out  of  his  saw  my  paper."  (George  Fox  digged 
Burrowes,  2.  The  title  of  this  book  out  of  his  Burrowes,  Prefatory  Ad- 
contains  a  double  pun.  Edward  Bur-  dress.)  "  This  old  Fox  thought  it  best 
rowes  was  one  of  Fox's  eminent  dis-  to  run  for  It,  and  leave  the  work  to  his 
ciples.)  journeymen   and   chaplains."      (Ibid., 

*  "  He  [Fox]  ordered  that  my  let-     5.) 


108  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

and  his  friends  with  equal  confidence  maintained  that 
the  proposal  was  delayed  till  Williams  knew  that  it 
would  not  reach  him.  Williams  rowed  himself  down 
Williams's  the  bay  to  Newport  to  keep  his  appointment^ 
debate  with    ^^.-^jj  ^^^  thrcc  Quakcr  champions  who  entered 

Quakers.  ^  J- 

Aug.  8.  the  lists.  There,  in  a  disorderly  meeting,  he 
conducted  a  discussion  with  them,  which  lasted  three 
days,  and  which  in  the  following  week  was  re- 
newed for  one  day  at  Providence.  Both  parties 
claimed  the  victory.  Williams  wrote  an  account  of 
the  transaction  in  a  volume  of  more  than  three  hun- 
dred pages.  It  was  published  four  years  afterwards  in 
Boston,  and  drew  out  a  reply  at  still  greater  length, 
published  in  London,  by  Fox  and  his  disciple,  John 
Burnyeat.  The  rare  talent  for  invective  possessed  by 
the  Quakers  in  general,  by  their  representatives  on  this 
occasion  in  particular,  and  by  their  present  antagonist 
in  a  degree  not  surpassed  by  any  of  them,  shines  con- 
spicuously in  these  works. 

When    the  .alarm    of  impending    war   with    Holland 
reached  New  Eno-land,  the  2:overnment  of  Rhode 

June  17.  °  '  & 

Designs  of  Islaud  proposcd  to  each  of  the  Confederate  Col- 
ag^a^inlt^he'"^  ouics  to  arrange  with  them  for  some  joint  ac- 
Dutch.  ^-Q^^  against  the  common  enemy.^  Winthrop 
recommended  to  them  to  apply  to  the  Federal  Com- 
missioners, who  were  about  to  hold  a  meeting ;  ^  and 
the  advice  appears  to  have  been  followed,  but  with- 
out any  result.^  As  yet  there  was  no  special  cause 
for  apprehension  of  an  attack  by  the  Dutch  upon  the 
province  of  New  York,  which,  after  the  departure  of 
Colonel  Nicolls,  was  administered  by  Francis  Lovelace 
for   its   proprietor.      Lovelace    interpreted   his   masters 

1  "  God   graciously    assisted   me    in         2  R.  I.  Rec,  U.  461 -464. 
rowing  all  day  with  my  old  bones,  so        3  Letters  of  John  Sanford  and  John 

that  I  got  to  Newport  toward  the  mid-  Winthrop,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXX. 

night  before  the  morning  appointed."  82,  83. 
(George  Fox  digged  out,  &c.,  24.)  *  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  H.  527. 


Chap.  III.]  RHODE   ISLAND.  IQg 

grant  so  comprehensively  as  to  make  it  include  Pru- 
dence Island  in  Narragansett  Bay,  hitherto  understood 
to  belong  to  the  town  of  Portsmouth.  Rhode  Island 
arrested  Lovelace's  officer  sent  to  take  possession ;  and, 
New  York  itself  falling  again  the  next  year  into  the 
hands  of  the  Dutch,  this  trivial  controversy  died  away, 
and  was  not  afterwards  revived.-^ 

If  the  King's  Province,  as  it  had  been  established  by 
the   Commissioners,   was   to   include    the   whole  of  the 

Narrao-ansett  country,^  little   or  nothing;  would 

_ "  ♦^ '  o  Boundary- 

remain  to   Rhode    Island,  except  the  towns  of  question  be- 

1       T-»  •  1  -I    -vTT  •    1        tweeu  Rhode 

Newport,  Portsmouth,  Providence^  and  Warwick,  isiandand 
But  this  was  a  point  which  Rhode  Island  was 
not  disposed  to  yield ;  and  a  struggle  for  the  extension 
of  her  territory  on  the  side  of  Connecticut  makes  so 
large  a  part  of  the  material  of  the  history  of  the  two 
Colonies  for  several  years,  that  it  cannot  be  overlooked, 
though  the  quarrel  has  little  variety  of  incident,  and 
has  but  a  faint  interest  for  readers  at  the  present  day. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  according  as  the  royal 
charters  given  respectively  to  Connecticut  and  to  Rhode 
Island  should  be  interpreted,  the  country  between  Nar- 
ragansett Bay  and  Pawcatuck  River  belonged  to  the 
one  or  the  other  of  these  Colonies,  and  that  conflicts 
had  early  arisen  out  of  this  disputed  right  of  jurisdic- 
tion.^ The  Royal  Commissioners  had  scarcely  departed 
when   this  quarrel   revived.      For  active  measures  the 

1  Arnold,  Hist.,  I.  361-363.  ing.     (R.  I.  Rec,  II.  65.)     But  I  do 

2  See  above.  Vol.  II.  p.  603.  not   find   that  anything  came  of  this 

3  Ibid.,  561-564,  571-574;  comp.  movement.  Massachusetts  had  now  no 
R.  I.  Rec,  II.  65  -  76.  The  overture  attention  to  spare  from  her  business 
of  Rhode  Island,  mentioned  in  its  place  with  the  Royal  Commissionei-s.  Her 
in  this  work  (Vol.  II.  p.  574),  was  met  interest  in  the  Pequot  lands  was  no 
(May  18,  1664)  on  the  part  of  Massa-  longer  considerable,  and  she  was  prob- 
chusetts  by  the  appointment  of  General  ably  quite  content  that  Connecticut, 
Denison  and  Mr.  Danforth  as  her  nego-  more  directly  concerned,  should  take 
tiators  (Mass.  Rec,  IV.  108.)  And  care  of  the  dispute  about  them  with 
1  suppose  that  the  agents  had  a  meet-  Rhode  Island. 

VOL.  III.  10 


110 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


1660. 
May. 


Rhode-Islanders  had  an  advantage  over  their  competi- 
tors in  being  nearer  to  the  territory  in  dispute.  The 
town  of  Stonington,  as  it  had  been  occupied  under  Con- 
necticut and  Massachusetts,  included  lands  which  ex- 
tended to  a  distance  of  four  miles  eastward  of  Pawcatuck 
River.^  Some  Rhode-Islanders  took  possession 
of  weirs  which  had  been  laid  by  the  other  party, 
prohibited  them  from  fishing  in  the  river,  and  marked 
what  they  called  the  line  of  their  Colony  on  the  western 
bank.  Pequot  Indians,  dwelling  there  on  lands  assigned 
to  them  under  the  protection  of  Connecticut,  were  mo- 
lested by  interlopers  from  Rhode  Island.^  One 
Crandall,  of  that  Colony,  surveyed  a  tract  a 
mile  square,  west  of  the  river,  and  established 
his  son  upon  it.  A  crowd  of  intruders  followed, 
whose  habits  rendered  their  presence  doubly 
odious  to  the  well-conducted  earlier  settlers.^ 
Connecticut  sent  an  embassy  to  Rhode  Island, 
which  came  back  without  redress.  She  then 
proposed  to  examine  and  settle  the  question 
of  boundary  by  negotiators,  which  the  Rhode- 
Islanders,  after  a  vexatious  delay,  consented  to 


1667. 
May. 


October. 


1668. 
May. 


Aug.  20. 

October. 

1669. 
May  14. 


1  See  above,  Vol.  11.  pp.  883,  546, 
552. 

2  The  Pequots  petitioned  the  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Connecticut  for  protec- 
tion against  this  Rhode  Island  rabble, 
"  men,"  they  say,  "  that  wear  hats  and 
clothes  like  Englishmen,  but  have  dealt 
■with  us  like  wolves  and  bears."  (Conn. 
Rec,  n.  529.) 

3  Conn.  Rec,  II.  529  -  531.  —  "  Nei- 
ther can  any  true-hearted  and  fellow- 
feeling  Christians  choose  but  mourn  to 
see  and  hear  of  our  neighboring  disor- 
ders, and  acknowledge  our  condition  is 
truly  deplorable,  to  have  persons  of 
such  corrupt  principles  and  practices 

to  live  so  near  us 'T  is  not  of 

small  concernment,  the  bad  example 


that  Is  given  to  the  Indians.  'T  is  to 
the  grief  of  parents  and  others  is  ob- 
served how  these  firebrands  too  much 

inflame  youth Maj'  not  parents' 

hearts  bleed,  when  about  to  leave  the 
world,  to  think  how  they  leave  their 
dear  children  in  the  mouth  of  the  lion 
and  paw  of  the  bear,  and  worse,  as 
being  daily  tempted  by  examples  to 
follow  after  and  embrace  lies,  to  live  as 
riotous,  wanton,  luxurious,  and  even  no 
better  than  to  be  said  unto,  '  Serve 
other  gods,  or  no  god  '  ?  "  (Petition  of 
Stonington  to  the  General  Court  of 
Connecticut,  Ibid.,  530,  531  ;  comp. 
80.)  Rhode-Islanders  were  in  ex- 
tremely poor  credit  with  their  neigh- 
bors, whether  Christian  or  savage. 


Chap.  Ill]  RHODE   ISLAND.  HI 

do,  adding,  in  respect  to  an  expression  of  the  other  party, 
which  they  construed  as  a  threat,  that  they  "took  no 
more  notice  of  that  than  of  a  thing  to  which  this  Colony 
had  been  often  used  by  their  neighbors."  -^  Ehode  Island, 
though  she  consented,  did  not  act  till  after  a  reiteration 
of  the  proposal,  accompanied  by  a  warning  that,  ig^o. 
if  the  present  opportunity  for  an  amicable  ad-  ^^y'^^- 
justment  should  be  neglected,  it  might  be  the  last :  "  We 
shall  conclude  it  in  vain  further  to  move  towards  you 
in  such  a  way,  and  shall  address  ourselves  to  put  in 
practice  what  duty  requires  of  us,  in  order  to  the  re- 
lief of  our  oppressed  neighbors."  Then  three  persons 
were  commissioned  to  meet  others  who  should  be  ap- 
pointed by  Connecticut,  and  with  them  to  "  make  a  full 
and  final  accord  of  all  matters  relatino;  to  bounds."^ 

The  action  of  Connecticut  was  embarrassed  by  the 
scruples  of  her  Governor,  who  declared  himself  pre- 
cluded  by    his    arrangement    in    England   with 

Mq-v  17 

Clarke  from  countenancing  her  pretension  to  ju- 
risdiction on  the  east  side  of  the  Pawcatuck.^    The  com- 
missioners of  the  two  jurisdictions  met  at  New  London, 
and  began  their  session  by  agreeing  that  commu- 
nications between  them  should  be  made  in  writ- 
ing.     The  business  was  opened  on  the  part  of  Connect- 
icut (which  Colony  was  represented  by  Secretary  Allyn, 
and  the  Assistants  James  Richards  and  Fitz-John  Win- 
throp   the  Governor's  son*)   with    a   peremptory  claim 

1  Ibid.,  531-533;  comp.  91,  92;  '  3  Ibid.,  533,  534 ;  see  above.  Vol. 
R.I.  Rec.,  II.  226-231.  II.  pp.  562-564. 

2  Conn.  Rec,  II.  534.  Connecticut  ^  Fitz-John  Winthrop,  oldest  son  of 
at  this  time  received  petitions  from  the  Governor  of  Connecticut,  was  born 
Harvard  College,  and  from  a  company  (probably  at  Ipswich)  March  14,  1638. 
of  Massachusetts  men,  represented  by  At  the  time  of  the  Restoration  he  was 
Daniel  Gookin,  to  be  protected  from  in  England,  a  captain  in  the  army 
Rhode  Island  in  their  possession  of  of  General  Monk.  In  1670,  he  was 
lands  east  of  the  Pawcatuck,  which  one  of  a  committee  raised  by  Connect- 
had  been  granted  to  them  respectively  icut  to  negotiate  with  Rhode  Island 
by  Massachusetts.  (Ibid.,  135,  227,  respecting  the  boundary.  (Conn.  Rec., 
645     547.  II.  134;  comp.  138.)    The  next  year 


112  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

"  quietly  and  peaceably  to  govern  and  improve "  all 
the  country  between  Pawcatuck  River  and  Narragan- 
sett  Bay ;  understanding  by  that  name  the  bay  on 
which  stands  the  town  of  Newport.  From  this  pre- 
tension the  Connecticut  commissioners  refused  to  de- 
part ;  on  such  a  basis  there  could  be  no  treaty ;  and 
on  the  second  day  the  conference  broke  up,  with  a 
declaration  on  each  side  that  its  alleged  rights  would 
be  practically  maintained.  The  commissioners  from 
Rhode  Island  arrested  five  or  six  persons  "for  presum- 
ing to  exercise  authority  in  that  jurisdiction,"  and  sent 
one  of  them  to  gaol  at  Newport.  But  the  Connect- 
icut agents  seem  to  have  been  backed  by  a  stronger 
force.  They  proceeded  eastward ;  and  at  the 
plantation  now  called  Westerly,^  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Pawcatuck,  at  its  mouth,  having  appointed  a 
Marshal,  they  caused  him  to.  publish  a  Declaration  re- 
quiring the  submission  of  the  inhabitants,  and  to  arrest 
the  persons  who  had  made  prisoners  of  their  friends. 
They  repeated  their  Declaration  at  Wickford 
'  ""  and  at  Pettyquamscott,  and  then  returned  home, 
having  communicated  to  the  government  of  Rhode 
Island  their  own  view  of  the  business  they  had  been 
engaged  in.  "  We  have  been  settling  government  with- 
in our  own  limits,  and  in  our  own  plantations,  which 
we  trust  we  shall  make  good As  for  your  reso- 
lution still  to  persist  in  the  exercise  of  government 
within  our  bounds,  we  desire  it  may  be  forborne,  for 
doubtless  the  consequence  thereof  will  prove  very  in- 
convenient." ^ 

he  was  one  of  the  two  Deputies  to  tlie  lieve  it  did  not  receive  this  name  till 

General  Court,  for  New  London  (Ibid.,  some  years  after  1670. 

159);  and  the  next  year  he  was  placed  2  Conn.  Rec,  11.  137,  138,  551 -554. 

in  command  of  the  militia  of  New  Lon-  —  It  was  at  this  time  (June  22d)  that 

don  County.    (Ibid.,  183.)  Roger  Williams  wrote  his  "  Letter  to 

1  This  plantation  was  at  one  time  Major  Mason,"  published  in  Mass.  Hist, 

called   Feversham.     (Mass.    Archives,  Coll.,  I.   275  et  seq.,  maintaining  the 

CXXVI.  393  ;  comp.  360.)    But  I  be-  justice  of  the  claim  of  Rhode  Island. 


Chap.  Ill]  RHODE   ISLAND.  113 

Altercations  continued  on  the  disputed  ground,  be- 
tween private  persons,  and  between  subordinate  officers 
of  the  tw^o  jurisdictions.  The  Governor  of  Rhode  Island 
gave  notice  that  his  people  meant  to  make  an 

°  ^        ^  ,  Julyn. 

appeal  to  the  King;^  but  subsequently,  m  con- 
sideration of  the  costliness  of  that  proceeding,    ^^^  ^. 
they  proposed   a   repetition  of  the   experiment 
of  negotiating.^     The  assent  of  Connecticut  to  this  pro- 
ject was  rendered  null  by  the  positive  claim  with  which 
the  proposal  was  accompanied.^ 

Further  mutual  provocations  and  disturbances  followed. 
A  Rhode  Island  court,  sitting    at   Misquamicut     1671. 
(the    part    of    Stonington    east    of   Pawcatuck     ^''^• 
River),  was  broken  up  by  a  mounted  party  of  Connectr 
icut  volunteers.     Again  Rhode  Island  proposed  to  have 
the  pending  question  determined  by  .a  treaty, 
stipulating,  however,  that  it  should  be  held  at 
Rehoboth    or   New  York,   "as  places   of  more  indiffer- 
ency   to    meet   and   treat"    than    a    Connecticut   town, 
and  desiring  the  presence,  at  the  consultations,  of  Win- 
throp  and   Clarke,  by  whom  the  agreement  had  been 
made    for    that    interpretation    of   the    charters    which 
favored  Rhode  Island.     Connecticut  consented  to  confer 
at  Rehoboth  or  Boston  with  such  commissioners 
from  Rhode  Island  as  should  "be  fully  empow- 
ered to  treat  and  conclude."     But  the  Rhode-Islanderw 
further  explained  themselves  by  writing :  "  To 
be  plain  and  clear,  in  few  words  we  must  tell 
you  that  we  have  no  power  to   alter,  change,  or  give 
away  any  part  of  the  bound  prescribed  and  settled  by 
his   Majesty  in   his   gracious   letters-patent   to    exercise 
jurisdiction  in."     This  statement,  in  the  sense  in  which 
it  was  understood   on  both  sides  to  be  made,  left  no 


1  R.  I.  Rec,  11.  338,  340.  3  Conn.  Rec,  11.   535-537;   R.   I. 

2  Ibid.,  352.  Rec,  11.  355  -  357. 

10* 


1672. 
Jan.  29. 


214  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

space  for  a  compromise.  The  government  of  Connect- 
icut replied  with  sharpness :  "  We  must  needs 
say,  if  in  your  former  letter  you  had  dealt  as 
plainly,  we  should  never  have  given  ourselves  the  labor 
and  trouble  we  have  had  on  that  account;  and  now 
indeed  we  cannot  but  see  you  never  intended  any  com- 
posure or  compliance  in  the  thing  in  controversy."  One 
more  attempt,  however,  was  made  presently  after 
to  bring  about  a  friendly  settlement.  No  ac- 
count of  its  progress  is  preserved,  but  it  led  to  no 
issue.^ 

In  Connecticut,  by  universal  consent,  Winthrop  was 
continued   from    year  to  year  at  the  head    of 

Administra-  *'  " 

tionofcon-    tlic  govemment.      Mason  was  elected  Deputy- 
Governor  for  ten  successive  years,  at  the   end 
of  which  time,  by  reason  of  advancing  age,  he  withdrew 
from  this  ofl&ce  to   the  less  responsible  station 
of  an  Assistant,  and   was  succeeded  by  Leete, 
formerly  Governor  of  New  Haven,  who  was  also   con- 
tinued in  the  place  by  repeated  elections.     In  Connect- 
icut, as  in  Massachusetts,  the  electors  were  remarkably 
constant  in  the  confidence  reposed  in  the  incumbents 
of  the  higher   offices;   but  in   the   former   Colony   the 
change,  from  year  to  year,  of  Deputies  from  the  towns 
was  rather  the  rule  than  the  exception. 

At  the  time  when  the  British  court  projected  an  in- 
vasion of  New  France  by  a  colonial  army,^  Colo- 

Project  of  an  _  "^  *' 

invasion  of     ncl  Nicolls,  \w  Now  York,  had  information  from 

1666.     friendly  Indians  that  a  French  force   of  seven 

July  6.     hundred  men  was  on  its  march  from  the  west 

towards  Albany,  and  he  wrote  to  Connecticut  as  well 

1  Conn. Rec, 11.537-539;  R.I.Rec,  or  the  sixth,  if  Westerly  be  reckoned. 

11.376-380,401-406,418-425,432,  (Ibid.  466-471.)    Kingston,  the  next 

458-461.     In  this   year   (November  Rhode  Island  town  in  the  order  of  time, 

6)  Block  Island    was  incorporated  as  was  incorporated  in  October,  1674. 

a  town  under  the  name  oi  New  Shore-  2  See  above.  Vol.  II.  p.  630  ;  comp. 

Tiam^  being  the  fifth  town  in  the  Colony,  Conn.  Rec.,  11.  514. 


Chap.  Ill]  CONNECTICUT.  115 

as  to  Massachusetts  for  troops  to  enable  him  to  attack 
them  while  on  the  way.     Mr.  Willys  replied  for 
Connecticut,  that  that  Colony  needed  all  its  men 
for  the   agricultural  work  of  the  season ;  that  the  na- 
tives within  its  borders  were  enemies  to  the  Mohawks, 
who  were  enemies  to  the  French,  so   that  the   French 
could  not  be  attacked  by   Connecticut  in  that  quarter 
without  danger  of  exciting  a  domestic  insurrection ;  and 
that  it  would  be  "  very  difficult  to  pass  to  Fort  Albany 
with  a  troop,  the  way  was  so  bad,  though,  if  they  -had 
occasion,  they  must  pass  it  as  they  might."  -^     The  Gen- 
eral Court,  however,  being  presently  convened, 
despatched  a  party  of  horse  "  to  Fort  Albany,  or 
further  as  might  be  judged  meet,  to  attain  certain  under- 
standing concerning  the  motion  of  the  French  " ;  raised 
a  committee  with  authority  to  call   out  the  militia  on 
any  alarm ;  and  desired  the  Governor  to  consult  with 
Sir   Thomas  Temple   and  the    authorities  of  Massachu- 
setts respecting  ulterior  measures* 

The  Magistrates   had  already  written  on  the   subject 
to   the    Governor   of  Massachusetts.^      He    con- 
vened   his    Council,    who,    after    considering    it, 
answered  coldly,  that  they  had  instructed  their  Major- 
General  "  to  take   order  for  the   provision  and 
safety  "  of  their  own  towns  on  the  upper  waters 
of  the    Connecticut,   and    that   "  in    reference    to    what 
concerned  the   Colonies  mutually,  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation directing  and  concluding  them  therein,  they 
knew  not  how  to  propound  any  better  expedient  than  a 
regular  observance  thereof"*      Winthrop  went 
to    Boston  for  a  conference    with   Temple   and 

1  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  III.  4  Mass.  Archives,  II.  184.  If  I  do 
1 20.  not  misunderstand  the  tone  of  this  brief 

2  Conn.  Rec,  II.  43-45.  paper,  it  bears  traces  of  the  ill-humor 

3  The  letter  is  in  the  collection  of  of  Massachusetts  at  the  recent  dealings 
"  Winthrop  Papers,"  in  Mass.  Hist,  of  Connecticut  -with  New  Haven  and 
Coll.,  XXX.  63.  with  the  Royal  Commissioners. 


IIQ  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

with  the  -government  of  Massachusetts.^  The  want  of 
a  colonial  navy  was  considered ;  "  the  difficulty  of  pass- 
ing so  long  a  march  over  land,"  through  "a  mountain- 
ous wilderness,"  uninhabited,  or  inhabited  by  "  barbarous 
heathen,  treacherous,  and  many  of  them  unknown  to 
the  English  and  acquainted  with  the  French " ;  and 
finally  the  lateness  of  the  season,  leaving  scant  time 
for  preparations  before  another  obstacle  would  be  pre- 
sented by  the  cold  and  snow.  Accordingly,  the  result 
was  a  "unanimous  apprehension  that  at  present  there 
could  be  nothing  done  by  the  Colonies  in  reducing 
those  places  at  or  about  Canada " ;  ^  and  before  the  plan 
could  be  resumed,  a  treaty  for  peace  between  the  Euro- 
pean powers  was  already  far  advanced. 

The  dispute  about  baptism,  which  had  begun  in 
Ecciesiasti.  Hartford,  continued  to  rage  with  special  fervor 
Con.  in  its  primitive  seat.  Mr.  Stone  was  succeeded 
in  the  church  of  that  place  by  two  ministers, 
Samuel  Whiting  and  John  Haynes.  Whiting  loved  the 
old  and  strict  way  of  the  Congregational  churches ; 
Haynes  and  a  majority  of  the  church  sympathized 
with  the  late  pastor  in  his  preference  for  the  recent 
1666.  latitudinarian  innovation.  It  was  told  at  New 
June.  Haven,  "that,  before  the  last  lecture-day  [at 
Hartford],  when  it  was  young  Mr.  Haynes's  turn  to 
preach,  he  sent  three  of  his  party  to  tell  Mr.  Whiting 
that,  the  next  lecture-day,  he  would  preach  about  his 
way  of  baptizing,  and  begin  the  practising  of  it  on  that 
day.  Accordingly  he  preached,  and  water  was  prepared 
for  baptism,  which  [Davenport  supposed]  was  never  ad- 
ministered in  a  week-day  in  that  church  before.  But 
Mr.  Whiting,  as  his  place  and  duty  required,  testified 
against  it,  and  refused  to  consent  to  it."  At  a  church 
meeting  which  now  followed,  Mr.  Warham,  of  Windsor, 

1  Danfortli  Papers,  in  Mass.  Hist.  2  Letter  of  the  General  Court  to 
Coll.,  XVIU.  101, 102,  108;  see  above,  Secretary  Morrice,  in  Mass.  Arch., 
Vol.  II.  p.  630.  CVI.  166. 


cal  contro- 
versy in 
necticut. 


Chap.  III.]  CONNECTICUT.  117 

the  only  survivor  of  the  original  ministers  of  the  Col- 
ony, was  present,  and  began  to  speak  on  Mr.  Whiting's 
side ;  but  the  church  considered  that,  not  belonging  to 
their  number,  he  could  not  take  a  part  in  their  debate. 
Mr.  Haynes  then  proposed  to  discuss  the  questions 
publicly  with  his  colleague  on  the  next  lecture-day.^ 

Mr.  Street,  Davenport's  colleague,  suggested  the  call- 
ing of  another  Synod.  The  project,  so  specious  and  so 
profitless,  was  entertained  by  the  General  Court.  It 
resolved  to  convoke  such  an  assembly,  to  be 
composed  of  all  the  ministers  of  the  Colony, 
and  of  four  ministers  from  Massachusetts,  namely,  Mr. 
Mitchell,  Mr.  Browne,  Mr.  Sherman,  and  Mr.  Glover; 
and  by  it  certain  questions,  seventeen  in  number^  were 
to  be  "publicly  disputed  to  an  issue."  The  tenor  of 
the  questions  exhibits  a  still  advancing  liberality  of 
sentiment.  Even  a  claim  of  towns  to  have  a  concur- 
rent voice  with  their  respective  churches  in  the  elec- 
tion of  a  minister  was  admitted  to  discussion  before 
this  new  tribunal.^ 

The  Court  convoked  this  assembly  under  the  name 
of  a    Si/nod.      As   the  appointed    time    approached   for 
the    meeting,   it   seems    that   some    displeasure   against 
this  designation  was  manifested  ;  for  "  upon  con-      iggT. 
sideration    the   Court    saw  cause    to    vary  that    ^""^  ^" 
title,  and  to  style  them  an  Assemhlf/"^      The   difficulty 
—  which  probably  arose    out  of  objections  to  commit- 
ting a  business  of  general  concern  to  the  ministers  of 
a  single   Colony  —  was  not  removed  yet,   nor  yet  did 
the  Synod  meet.*     The  attention  of  the  Federal 
Commissioners  was  turned  to  the  subject,  and 

1  Letter  of  Davenport  to  Winthrop,  4  Trumbull  (Hist.,  I.  457)  says  that 
June  14,  1666,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  the  members  had  a  private  meeting, 
XXX.  61.  Davenport  was  extremely  and  adjourned;  but  he  adds,  that  they 
disturbed  by  these  transactions.  did  not  come  together   again   at   the 

2  Conn.  Rec,  II.  53  -  55.  time  appointed. 

3  Ibid.,  67. 


118  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

they  expressed  their  judgment  that,  whenever  there  was 
occasion  for  the  convocation  of  an  ecclesiastical  synod,  it 
ought  to  consist  of  "  messengers  of  the  churches,  called 
indifferently  out  of  all  the  United  Colonies  by  an  or- 
derly agreement  of  the  several  General  Courts,  and  the 
place  of  meeting  to  be  at  or  near  Boston."  ^ 

This  amendment  of  the  scheme   on   foot  was  recom- 
mended   in    a   memorial    from    Warham,   Whiting,   and 
their  friend,  Samuel  Hooker,  of  Farminecton,  who 

Oct.  10.  '  '  ^. 

well  understood  that  the  theory  to  which  they 
were  pledged  would  have  much  more  effective  support 
from  Massachusetts  than  from  Connecticut.     The  Court 

acceded  to  their  request,^  and  made  a  proposal 

Oct.  16.  T  1  1  P       TIT  1 

accordmgly  to  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts, which  replied,  that  it  was  not  prepared  to.  act 
upon  the  measure,  for  want  of  being  informed  of  the 
special  matters  to  be  referred  to  the  Synod  now  pro- 
posed.^ 

Connecticut  judiciously  concluded  to  proceed  alone  in 

1668.  her  ecclesiastical  arrangements.     She  appointed 
May  14.    ^   commlttce   "to   consider   of  some   expedient 

for  peace,  by  searching  out  the  rule,  and  thereby  clear- 
ing up  how  far  the  churches  and  people  might  walk 
together  wdthin  themselves,  and  one  with  another,  in 
the  fellowship  and  order  of  the  Gospel,  notwithstand- 
ing some  various  apprehensions  among  them  in  mat- 
ters of  discipline  respecting  membership  and  baptism, 
&c."  *    On  the  report  of  this  committee  the  Court  showed 

1669.  good  sense  and  good  temper  by  publishing  its 
May  13.    puj-poge  that  the  dissenting  parties  alike  should 

"have  allowance  of  their  persuasion  and  profession  in 
church  ways  or  assemblies  without  disturbance."^     The 


1  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  11.  106.  tion  of  Connecticut  for  her  recent  iso- 

2  Conn.  Rec,  11.  70.  lation  of  herself  from  her  old  partners. 

3  Ibid.,  516,  517.     Again  the  letter  4  Ibid.,  84. 

of  Massachusetts  betrays   disapproba-  &  Ibid.,  109;  comp.  107. 


Chap.  III.]  CONNECTICUT.  1^9 

church  of  Hartford  was  directed  to  "take  some  effect- 
ual  course "   that  Mr.  Whiting  and  his  friends 
"might  practise  the  Congregational  way  with- 
out disturbance   either   from    preaching  or   practice   di- 
versely to  their  just  offence,  or  else  to  grant  their  lov- 
ing consent  to  these  brethren  to  walk  distinct,  according 
to  such  their  Congregational  principles."     This  measure 
was  not  unanimously  approved.    Four  Magistrates  and 
fourteen  Deputies  voted  against  it.^     Mr.  Whiting  and 
his  friends  took  advantage  of  it  to  set  up  a  sec-     jero. 
ond  church  in  Hartford.^    Hitherto  no  other  New    ^^^-  ^^■ 
England  town  except  Boston  had  had  more  than  one. 

While  the  question  of  a  new  confederation  was  pend- 
ing, the  ancient  controversy  respecting  the  line  settlement  of 
between  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  was  re-  ''^*^''™°- 

dary  be- 

vived.      The   General  Court  of  the  former  Col-  t^'eenMaa- 
ony  having  remonstrated  with  the  latter  against  aadconnect- 
"  their  laying  out  of  the  lands  so  near  Wind-  ''"jgTi. 
sor"    on    Connecticut   River,^    an    arrangement    ^^'^y"- 
was  made  by  which   Massachusetts  so  far  waived  her 
alleged   rights   as   to  consent   to   an   addition   of  some 
miles  of  territory  lying  within  her  border  to  the  ad- 
joining Connecticut  town.^ 

The  capture  of  New  York  by  the  Dutch  fleet  alarmed 
the   neighboring   English   settlements.^       Those  Q„arreibe. 
towns  on  Lonoj  Island  which  were  nearest  sub-  '"''^«°c°'i- 

_  necticut  and 

mitted  to  the  invaders;  but  the  plantations  at  the  Dutch. 
the  eastern  end  of  that  island,  which  before   the  prov- 

1  Conn.  Rec,  II.  120.  sor."     (Journal  of  Simon  Bradstreet, 

2  Trumbull,  Hist.  Conn.,  I.  462,  463.  Jr.,  in  New  England  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
On  the  other  hand,  at  Windsor  a  party  Reg.,  IX.  45  ;  comp.  Conn.  Rec,  11. 
of  dissentients  from  the  strict  views  of  85.)  "  Quorsum  haec  ?  "  Bradstreet 
their  pastor,  Mr.  Warham,  took  advan-  asks.  —  Woodbridge  of  Hartford  is  not 
tage  of  the  Court's  order  of  toleration,  to  be  confounded  with  his  brother  of 
and,  in  the  month  after  the  gathering  Killingworth.  They  were  on  opposite 
of  the    Second   Church   of  Hartford,  sides.     See  above,  p.  84. 

"Mr.  Benjamin  Woodbridge  was  or-         3  Conn.  Rec,  H.  156. 
dained   minister   of  the    Presbyterian         4  Ibid.,  554-556. 
party  (as  they  are  called)  of  Wind-        5  See  above,  p.  34. 


120  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IIL 

ince  of-  the  Duke  of  York  was  created  had  belonged 
to  Connecticut;  now  refused  to  surrender  themselves, 
and  desired  to  be  again  annexed  to  that  Colonj^  After 
the  departure  of  the  fleet,  some  small  Dutch  cruis- 
ers infested  the  Sound,  and  cajDtured  vessels  belong- 
ing to  the  English,-^  Thereupon  Governor  Winthrop 
1673.  convoked  his  General  Court,  who  raised  a  com- 
Aug.  7.  mittee,  consisting  of  the  Magistrates  and  six 
Deputies,  with  j)lenary  powers  "to  manage,  order,  and 
dispose  of  the  militia  of  the  Colony."  They  directed 
a  levy  of  five  hundred  dragoons,  and  appointed  offi- 
cers for  the  force  which  might  be  drafted  for  foreign 
service.^ 

By   their   order,  John   Allyn,  as    Colonial   Secretary, 
wrote  to  the  Dutch  commander  at  New  York, 
remonstrating  against  his  proceedings,  and  ac- 
quainting him  that  "  the  United  Colonies  of  New  Eng- 
land were  by  their  royal  sovereign  Charles  the  Second 
made  keepers  of  his  subjects'  liberties  in  these  parts, 
and  did  hope  to  acquit  themselves  in  that  trust,  through 
the   assistance   of  Almighty    God,  for   the   preservation 
of  his  Majesty's  Colonies  in  New  England."    The  Dutch- 
men answered  coolly,  that  they  were  "  sent  forth 
by  the  High  and  Mighty  Lords,  the  States  Gen- 
eral of  the  United  Netherlands,  and  his  Serene  High- 
ness, the  Lord  Prince  of  Orange,  to  do  all  manner  of 
damage  unto  the  enemies  of  the  said  High  and  Mighty 
Lords,  both  by  water  and  by  land."     They  courteously 
added,  that  they  "  did  well  believe  that  those  that  were 

1  Hitherto  the  Dutch  had  been  very  by   sound   of  trumpet."    (Mass.  Rec., 

forbearing  to  the  New-Englanders,  es-  IV.  (ii.)  517.)    I  imagine  the  reason  of 

pecially   considering    that    Massachu-  this   forbearance   on  the  part  of  the 

setts,    immediately    after   the    King's  Dutch  to  have  been,  that  their  High 

declaration  of  war,  deviating  from  her  Mightinesses  had  not  relinquished  the 

ancient  practice  of  silence  on  such  oc-  hope  that,  in  the  progress  of  events, 

casions,  had  ordered  it   (May,  1672)  New  England  might   ally  itself  with 

to  "  be  published  by  the  marshal-gen-  them, 

eral  in  the  three  usual  places  in  Boston,  2  Conn.  Rec,  U.  204  -  206. 


Chap.  III.]  CONNECTICUT.  121 

set  for  keepers  of  his  Majesty  of  England's  subjects 
would  quit  themselves  as  they  ought  to  do,  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Colonies  in  New  England ;  however, 
they  should  not  for  that  depart  from  their  firm  reso- 
lutions." -^ 

In  so  uncomfortable  a  posture  of  affairs,  the  govern- 
ment of  Connecticut  considered^  it  to  be  prudent  to 
convoke  a  special  meetino-  of  the  Federal  Com- 

■•■  ^      o  Meeting  of 

missioners,  who   accordingly   came    together   at  the  Federal 
Hartlord.     iney  expressed  their  approbation  oi  ers. 
the    course    which    had    been    taken,    and    the    ^"^' 
readiness   of  their    respective    governments    to    furnish 
such  military   aid  as  might  be   needed ;  and   they  rec- 
ommended  to   each   General   Court  "  that  sufficient  or- 
ders should    be    given,  and    all  due   and   effectual  care 
be  forthwith  taken,  for  provision  of  all  manner  of  ammu- 
nition, men,  and    means   of  defence,  that   there    might 
be   no   disappointment  of  aid   to   any   one   of  the    Col- 
onies which  might  be  first  invaded."  ^ 

The  Magistrates  and  Deputies  of  Massachusetts  were 
summoned  to  meet  in  General  Court.  They  were  not 
well  satisfied  that  there  was  sufficient  occasion  „ 

Proceedings 

for  calling  them  away  from  their  homes  at  so  ofMassachu- 
busy  a  season  of  the  year;  and,  "the  affairs  mg the Duwh. 
upon  which  the  Court  was  convened  having  S'^p'-^^- 
been  represented  to  them  and  seriously  weighed,  with 
the  letters  received  from  the  other  two  Colonies  touch- 
ing the  matter,"  they  "  did  declare  that  at  present 
they  did  not  judge  it  expedient  at  this  season  to  en- 
gage in  the  concerns  thereof,  further  than  the  making 
provision    for    their    own    safety";^   for    which    purpose 

1  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,   II.  MS.  in  "  Extracts  from  the  Records," 
572,583-586,601.  &c.,  appended   to   his   edition  of  the 

2  Hazard's  edition  of  the  Records  of  Colonial  Records.    (11.  486  -489.) 
the  Commissioners  contains  no  account  3  Mass.   Rec,  IV.   (ii.)   561;  comp. 
of  this  meeting.    The  defect  is  supplied  Mass.    Arch.,  LXVII.   60.      Connect- 
by  Mr.  Trumbull  from  the  Connecticut  icut,  naturally  displeased  with  this  in- 

VOL.    UI.  11 


122  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  m. 

they  directed  an  importation  of  sixty  pieces  of  artillery 
and  five  hundred  firelocks.^  Further  news  from  Con- 
necticut, however,  brought  them  to  a  more  prudent 
or  a  more  generous  way  of  thinking ;  and  at  another 
special  meeting,  they  "judged  and  declared 
that  God  did  call  them  to  do  something  in  a 
hostile  way  for  their  own  defence."  They  accordingly 
gave  orders  for  the  repair  of  the  fortifications  at  Boston, 
Charlestown,  Salem,  and  Portsmouth ;  placed  a  force  of 
five  hundred  and  fifty  foot  soldiers  and  a  hundred  and 
ten  horse  under  the  command  of  Major-General  Deni- 
son ;  and  commissioned  two  armed  vessels,  one  carrying 
twelve  guns,  the  other  carrying  eight,  "for  the  vindi- 
cation of  the  honor  and  reputation  of  themselves  and 
1674.  nation,  to  secure  their  peaceable  trade  in  the 
March  11.  gound,"  aud  "to  repress  the  insolence  of  the 
Dutch."  ^  Yet  there  was  no  alacrity  to  take  an  active 
part  in  so  unjust  and  impolitic  a  war,  "  Our  friends," 
was  the  language  of  the  order,  "  by  such  an  appear- 
ance will  be  comforted,  and  we  hope  the  enemies  dis- 
couraged, and  yet  ourselves  and  confederates  not  any 
more   engaged  than  we  are  at  present."^     It  may  be 


action,  expressed  as  much  in  a  letter  ployed    by    the    American    colonists." 

of  October  17th.     The  reply  of  Massa-  (Cooper,  History  of  the  Navy,  &c.,  18.) 

chusetts,  October  24th,  was  in  a  tone  of  3  Before  they  despatched  their  cruis- 

recrimination,  unusually  testy.    (Conn,  ers,  the  Magistrates  had  been  delib- 

Rec,  II.  563,  564.)  crating  nine  montlis  on  tliis  question 

1  The  great  guns  were  to  be  obtained  of  arming   against   the   Dutch   (Mass. 

at  Bilbao;    the  muskets,  in   England.  Arch.  LXI.  6-9);  and  it  was  not  dis- 

(Mass.  Arch.,  LXVII.  84,  85.)  missed  for  some  months  later.    (Ibid., 

1  am  sensible  that  here  I  am  on  LXVII.  172-197.)  Plymouth  reso- 
uncertain  ground ;  but  I  cannot  avoid  lutcly  refused  to  take  part  in  the  move- 
the  surmise,  that  they  who  moved  Mas-  ment.  possibly  influenced  in  some  de- 
sachusetts  to  buy  sixty  pieces  of  can-  gree  by  memories  of  the  hospitality 
non  were  thinking  less  of  the  war  with  of  Leyden.  (Letter  of  Governor  Wins- 
the  Dutch,  than  of  a  possible  need  of  low  to  Governor  Winthrop,  April  27, 
defence  against  England.  1674,   in   Mass.    Arch.,    LXL  50.)  — 

2  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  572,  573,  576,  "During  the  continuance  of  the  war 
577.    "The  first  regular  cruisers  em-  with  the  Dutch   nation,  our   country 


Chap.  IH.]  CONNECTICUT.  ^23 

believed  that  an  abatement  from  the  power  of  the 
Popish  brother  of  the  King  was  no  subject  of  regret 
to  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts. 

A  second  letter  had  been  addressed  by  Allyn,  in  the 
name  of  his  government,  to  the  commander  at  New 
York,  composed  in  a  warmer  strain  than  that  which 
had  opened  their  correspondence.  "You  may  1673. 
be  assured,"  he  wrote,  "if  you  proceed  in  provo-  ^'"■^^' 
cations  to  constrain  the  rising  of  the  English  Colonies, 
they  will  not  make  it  their  work  to  tamper  with  your 
peasants  about  swearing  [that  is,  taking  the  oath  of 
allegiance],  but  deal  with  your  head-quarters."  ^  The 
messenger  who  bore  this  letter,  after  being  "  detained 
under  restraint "  a  fortnight  at  New  Amsterdam,  brought 
back  a  reply  from  Anthony  Colve,  the  Governor  there, 
addressed  to  Winthrop.  Colve  wrote  that  he 
had  received  "  a  certain  unsealed  paper,  signed 
by  one  John  Allyn,  qualifying  himself  Secretary,  and 
written  by  order  of  the  Governor  and  General  Court 
of  Connecticut."  He  said  he  "could  not  believe  that 
such  an  impertinent  and  absurd  writing  emanated  from 
persons  bearing  the  name  of  Governor  and  General 
Court,  therefore  had  he  deemed  it  unworthy  any  an- 
swer." ^     The  messenger  reported    that   Colve   was   "  a 

hath  lost  very  many  vessels  and  a  very  1  Conn.  Rec,  II.  565. 

considerable  estate ;  being  taken  by  the  2  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  U. 

Dutch  in  all  parts  where  we  trade  or  648  -  652,  660  ;  comp.  the  "  Southamp- 

are  going  to  the  ports  of  our  traffic,  ton  Declaration,"  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 

They  make  no  difference  between  New  XXX.     86-88.  —  October    28,   four 

England  and  Old The  Dutch  small  vessels  of  New  England,  taken 

of  New  York  went  beyond  us  in  state-  by  a  Dutch  cruiser,  were  carried  in  to 
craft.  They  had  taken  several  of  our  New  York.  The  Dutch  Governor  re- 
vessels  ;  and  here  were  some  of  theirs  'leased  their  captains,  and  sent  them 
stayed,  though  not  feared.  But  they,  to  Governor  Leverett  with  a  request 
by  a  flourishing  promise  to  set  ours  free  that  he  would  discharge  the  crew  of  a 
in  ease  theirs  were  released ;  which  Dutch  armed  vessel,  which  had  been 
we  attended,  but  they  kept  all  ours."  captured  and  taken  to  Boston.  This 
(Hull,  Diary,  in  Archaeol.  Amer.,  IV.  was  done.  (O'Callaghan,  Documents, 
237.)  &c.,  662-664,  667,  668.) 


124:  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

man  of  resolute  spirit  and  passionate,"  and  that  he  had 
boasted  that  he  "knew  not  but  he  might  have  Hart- 
ford erelong." 

The  Dutch  were  now  making  an  attempt  to  execute 
their  threats  in  respect  to  the  English  towns  on  Long 
Operations  of  Islaud.  lu  tho  Souud,  Evortseu's  ship,  convey- 
the  Dutch  in   jj^     tlirec  coiumissiouers  charored  with  this  busi- 

the  Sound.  O  O 

Nov.  6.  ness,  fell  in  with  a  vessel  from  New  London, 
in  which  were  Fitz-John  Winthrop,  son  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, and  Mr.  Wjllys,  a  Magistrate  of  Connecticut. 
These  gentlemen  produced  a  copy  of  a  commission 
from  the  Magistrates  of  their  Colony,  directing 
them  to  repair  to  Long  Island,  "and  treat  with 
such  forces  as  there  they  should  meet,  and  do  their 
endeavor  to  divert  them  from  using  any  hostility  against 
the  said  people,  and  from  imposing  upon  them ;  letting 
them  know,  if  they  did  proceed  notwithstanding,  it 
would  provoke  them  [the  government  of  Connecticut] 
to  a  due  consideration  what  they  were  nextly  obliged 
to  do." 

The  two  parties  of  commissioners  landed  separately 
at  Southhold.  The  people  of  that  village  were 
found  under  arms,  and,  being  questioned  as  to 
their  intentions,  unanimously  rejected  the  demand  of 
the  Dutch  commissioners.  Some  inhabitants  of  South- 
ampton were  also  present,  one  of  whom,  j)ointing  to 
the  flag  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  said  to  the  commis- 
sioners, "  Rest  satisfied  that  I  warn  you,  and  take  care 
that  you  come  not  with  that  thing  within  range  of 
shot  of  our  village."  Winthrop  asked  the  Dutchmen 
whither  they  intended  to  go  next,  assuring  them  that 
he  and  his  associate  would  make  the  same  journey  at 
the  same  time.  Hereupon  they  "resolved  not  to  visit 
the  other  two  villages.  We  clearly  perceived,"  so  they 
wrote  in  their  Journal,  "  that  we  should  be  unable  to 
effect  anything,  and  rather  do  more  harm  than  good"; 


Chap.  III.]  CONNECTIi^UT.  ]^25 

and  the  next  day  they  set  sail  on  their  return  to  New 
York.^      The  May-istrates  of  Connecticut  aorain 

.  .  ,  Nov.  21. 

wrote  to  Massachusetts,  communicating  various 
particulars    of  disagreeable    intelligence,   among   which 
one   was   that  a  Dutch   ship  of  eight  guns   had   been 
seen  steering  towards  New  York,  with  four  other  ves- 
sels, her   prizes ;  ^   and    they  followed   up  their 
representation  by  despatching  a  special  messen- 
ger "to  treat  with  the  gentlemen  in  the  Massachusetts 
about  the  framing  an   expedition  against  the  Dutch."  ^ 
This  was  doubtless  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  arm- 
ing in  Massachusetts,  which  has  been  mentioned,* 

Governor  Winthrop  wrote  to  the  Magistrates,  advising 
that  a  force  should  be  sent  to  defend  the  island  towns 
against  a  repetition  of  the  attempt  which  had  been 
defeated,  and  a  party  under  the  command  of  Fitz-John 
Winthrop  was  accordingly  sent  over  to  Southhold.^  He 
had  scarcely  arrived,  when  intelligence  came  leri. 
that  four  Dutch  vessels,  bound  for  that  place,  ^'^'"■"^''y- 
were  lying  at  New  York,  waiting  for  a  wind.  He  made 
his  dispositions  accordingly,  and  called  reinforcements 
from  the  two  neighboring  English  settlements.  The 
vessels  appeared,  and  their  commander  sent  in  a  sum- 
mons, threatening  extermination  "  with  fire  and  sword " 
if  a  surrender  was  refused,  A  refusal  was  returned ; 
a  few  shots  were  exchanged  between   the  vessels  and 

1"  Journal  kept  on  board  the  Frigate  throp  to  be  Sergeant-Major  over  the 

named  the  Zee-honcl"  &c.,  in  O'Calla-  military  forces  of  his  Majesty's  subjects 

ghan,  Documents,  &c.,  II.  654-658.  on  Long  Island,  and  do  hereby  com- 

2  Conn.  Rec,  II.  566.  missionate  him  accordingly.'     Extract- 

3  Ibid.,  216.  ed  out  of  the  records.     Per  me,  John 

4  See  above,  p.  122.  Allyn,  Secretary."     Mr.  Trumbull  in- 

5  " '  The  Committee  of  the  General  forms  me  that  these  hues,  on  a  loose 
Court  being  met  in  Hartford,  this  13th  scrap  of  paper  in  the  Library  of  the 
of  November,  1673,  have  considered  Connecticut  Historical  Society,  consti- 
the  petition  ofthe  people  of  Long  Island,  tute  the  only  record  he  has  found  of 
and  granted  their  desires,  and  appoint-  Fitz-John  Winthrop's  commission. 

ed  and  empowered  Captain  John  Win- 
11  * 


126  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

the  town,  without  injury  on  either  side ;  and  the  squad- 
ron "presently  weighed  and  set  sail"  on  its  homeward 
course.^  A  further  repetition  of  the  attempt  continued 
to  be  feared,  but  none  took  place.^  Probably  the  re- 
sult of  another  attack  was  regarded  as  uncertain ;  the 
Dutch  commander  could  not  afford  to  risk  many  men; 
the  object  was  not  of  considerable  importance ;  and 
it  was  said  that  there  was,  for  some  reason,  "a  great 
damp,  at  present,  upon  most  of  the  spirits  of  the  enemy 
at  New  York."^ 

The  further  prosecution  of  these    obscure  hostilities 
,    „.         was  soon  obstructed  by  the  arrival  of  the  news 

Intelligence  ^ 

of  the  peace    of  thc  treaty  of  peace  between  the  parent  coun- 

of  Westmin-  -Arm  -i  i'i  -il  jl 

ster.  tries.      Ihat  article  which  stipulated  a  mutual 

restitution   of  conquered    places   occasioned    at 

New  York  a  paroxysm  of  "  distracted  rage  and  passion." 

The  "  town's  inhabitants cried,  '  We  '11  fire   the 

town,  pluck  down  the  fortifications,  and  tear  out  the 
Governor's  throat.'"     They  "belched  forth  their  curses 

1  Captain  Winthrop's  report  of  the  place  before  the  General  Court  deter- 
expedition,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXX.  mined  to  help  Connecticut,  and  sug- 
91  -95.  gests  the  terms  on  which  mutual  con- 

2  Letter  of  Matthias  Nicolls,  dated  fidence  might  be  renewed :  "  After 
at  Stratford,  March  16th,  1674.    (Ibid.,  many  agitations  and  considerations  of 

100.)      Nicolls  was  afterwards  Secre-     our  present  state, and  confidence 

tary    of  the    English   government    at  and  assurance  of  your  compliance  with 

New  York.     (Ibid.,  110.)  us  according  to  our  articles,  and  your 

3  The  letters  of  Governor  Leverett  last  invitations  and  encouragements," 
and  Secretary  Rawson  at  this  time  to  &c.     (Ibid.,  97.) 

the  government  of  Connecticut  are  For  the  benefit  of  one  class  of  read- 
instructive.  (Ibid.,  96-98,  100-102.)  ers,  I  mention  that  the  first  Election 
Leverett  was  uncomfortably  situated.  Sermon  in  Connecticut  given  to  the 
Individually  he  was  anxious  to  satisfy  press  was  that  preached  this  year  by 
the  "just  expectation  and  desire"  of  the  Reverend  James  Fitch.  (Conn, 
the  Connecticut  people,  but  his  Colony  Rec,  II.  222.) 

still  felt  resentful  for  the  recent  con-  *  "  Yesterday  arrived  a  vessel  from 

duet  of  Connecticut  in  relation  to  New  Scotland ;  had  a  month's  passage ;  brings 

Haven,  to  the  Royal   Commissioners,  news   of  the   confirmation  of  peace." 

and  to  the  forming  of  a  new  Confed-  (Letter  of  Leverett  to  Winthrop,  of 

eracy.     Leverett  intimates  the  topics  May    8th,    1674.     Mass.    Hist.    Coll., 

of  the  deliberations  which  had  taken  XXX.  104.) 


Chap.  III.]  CONNECTICUT.  127 

and  execrations  against  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  States 
of  Holland,  the  Dutch  admirals,  and  their  taskmaster, 
the  Governor,  saying  they  will  not  on  demand,  and 
by  the  authority  of  the  States  or  Prince,  surrender, 
but  keep  up  by  fighting  so  long  as  they  can  stand 
on  one  leg,  and  fight  with  one  hand."  The  Governor 
imprisoned  the  bearer  of  the  news  in  "the  dungeon 
in  the  fort,  with  warning  to  fit  and  prepare  himself 
for  death,  for  in  two  days  he  should  die,"^  and,  in  a 
more  comprehensive  indulgence  of  his  displeasure,  he 
proceeded  to  confiscate  all  the  goods  and  effects 

May  12. 

of  English  colonists  found  within  his  jurisdiction, 
"  toorether  with   the   outstandino;  debts  remainino; "  due 
to  them.^     Three  New-England  vessels,  brought 
in  to  New    York  by  Dutch  cruisers,  were  con- 
demned as  lawful  prize.^ 

The  choleric   Governor  had  scarcely  had  time  to  re- 
cover himself  sufficiently  to  retract  his  sentence 

^  ^  June  28. 

of  confiscation,*  when  orders  reached  him  from  Restoration 
their  High  Mightinesses,  his  masters,  "  for  the  gterdL  tT' 
evacuation  of  the   forts,  and   the   restitution  of  ^^''^'*- 

.  July  7. 

that  country  to  the  order  of  the  King  of  Great 
Britain."  ^      Four  months   afterwards  an  English  squad- 
ron entered  the  harbor  of  New  York,  convey- 

Governor 

ing  Major  Edmund  Andros,  who   proceeded   to  Andros. 
take  possession  of  the  province  anew,  as  Lieu-    ^"^''^' 

■'•  i  '  Nov.  10. 

tenant  of  the  Duke  of  York."' 

• 

1  Letter  of  John  Sharpe  to  Governor  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  III.  215 
Winthrop,  of  May  12,   1674.     (Mass.    -224. 

Hist.  Coll.,  XXX.  108-110.)  Edmund    Andros   was   now   thirty- 

2  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  II.  seven  years  old,  having  been  born 
710.  December  6th,  1637,  the  descendant 

3  Ibid.,  715.  of  a  family  which  possessed  some  prop- 

4  Ibid.,  726.  erty   in  the  island  of  Guernsey.     He 

5  Ibid.,  730.  was  brought  up  as  a  page  in  the  royal 

6  Andros's  commission  and  iustruc-  family ;  served,  during  its  exile,  in  the 
tions,  and  certain  commissions  and  in-  army  of  Prince  Henry  of  Nassau;  and 
structions  to  his  subordinates,  are  in  was  attached  to  the  household  of  the 


128  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

By  messages  and  correspondence  some  civilities  passed 

between  the  new  Governor  and  Winthrop.'     The  Duke, 

on  the  recovery  of  his  province  from  the  Dutch, 

June  29.  i    •     i  i  t    i        i 

had  taken  out  a  new  patent,  which  estabhshed 
the  boundaries  as  they  were  originally  defined,^  and 
accordingly  Andros's  commission^  gave  him  ju- 
risdiction over  the  country  extending  "from 
the  west  side  of  Connecticut  Kiver  to  the  east  side  of 
Delaware  Bay."^  After  being  settled  in  his  govern- 
„.   , .   ,    ment,  he  did  not  long  delay  to  assert  this  claim. 

His  claim  to  '  o  *' 

territory  of     Hc   scut  copics  of  his  mastcr's  patent  and  of 

Connecticut.  .       .  i  /^  in  c    n\ 

1675.      his  commission  to   the   Cxeneral   Court  oi   Oon- 

^"^^  '■     necticut,  and  formally  demanded  the  surrender 

of  all  that  portion  of  the   property  alleged   to   belong 

to    the    Duke    which   was    now   held   by    the    Colony.* 

The    General    Court  replied,  that  the   question 

May  17.  .  .         . 

thus  raised  had  been  authoritatively  settled  by 
the  Royal  Commissioners  ten  years  before ;  that  they 
had  "  no  power  to  dispose  of  any  of  his  Majesty's  plan- 
tations or  subjects  in  any  other  way  than  was  appointed 
by  his  sacred  Majesty  in  his  gracious  charter " ;  and 
that,  "  according  to  their  obliged  duty,  they  were  firmly 
resolved,  as  hitherto,  by  the  gracious  assistance  of  Al- 
mighty God,  to  continue  in  obedience  to  his  Majesty  in 
the  management  of  what  they  were  betrusted  with."  ^ 

Princess    Palatine,     grandmother    of  each,  —  four  castles  in  Spain.    (O'Cal- 

George  the  First.     After  the  restora-  laghan,  Documents,  &c.,  11.  740,  741.) 

lion  he  gained  some  distinction  in  the  i  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXX.  112,  114, 

first   war   against  the   Dutch,  and  in  115,  116. 

1672,  having  meanwhile  married  an  2  See  above.  Vol.  11.  p.  580.  I  do 
heiress,  was  made  major  of  a  regi-  not  kriow  that  the  Duke's  second  pa- 
ment  of  dragoons.  This  was  the  high-  tent  is  in  print.  There  is  a  MS.  copy 
est  promotion  he  had  reached  before  of  it,  certified  by  Andros,  in  the  Con- 
he  came  to  New  York  as  the  Duke's  necticut  Archives,  "  Colonial  Bounda- 
lieutenant,  except  that  the  proprietors  ries,"  II.  23. 

of  Carolina  had    comprehended   him  3  O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  215. 

in  their  magnificent  scheme  by  making  4  Conn.  Rec,  11.  569. 

him  a  Landgrave  with  an  endowment  5  See  above,  Vol.  11.  p.  595 ;  Conn. 

of  four  baronies  of  12,000  acres  of  land  Rec,  11.  252,  570. 


Chap.  III.]  CONNECTICUT.  229 

Three  or  four  other  letters   followed,  two  of  which 
are  preserved.     They  raised  no   new  issues,  and    were 
probably  intended  rather  as  manifestos,  to  take 
effect  in  other  quarters,  than  as  arguments  for 
the  conviction  of  those  to  whom  they  were  addressed.^ 
Intelligence  having  reached  Connecticut  of  disorders  of 
some  Indians  beyond  the  eastern  border  of  that  Colony, 
a   messenger   was   sent    to    communicate   it   to 
Andros.     The   incident   was  turned  by  him   to 
an   unexpected    use.      He    replied,  that  he  was   "very 
much  troubled  at  the  Christians'  misfortunes  and  hard 
disasters  in   those  parts,  being  so  overpowered 
by    such    heathen,"    and    that    accordingly,   ac- 
companied  by   a   force   which   should    enable   him   "to 
take    such   resolutions   as   might   be    fit   for   him    upon 
this  extraordinary  occasion,"  he  "  intended,  God  willing, 
to  set  out  this  evening,  and  to  make  the  best  of  his 
way  to  Connecticut  River,  his  Royal  Highness's  bounds 
there."  '^ 

It  behooved  the  government  of  Connecticut  to  at- 
tend to  the  reception  of  their  unwelcome  visitor.  In 
all  haste  the  Magistrates  sent  Captain  Bull,  of  Hartford, 
with  a  hundred  men,  to  occupy  the  fort  at  Saybrook.^ 
The  General  Court,  coming  together,  approved  Preparations 
this  proceeding,  and  unanimously  adopted  a  re-  "u^'""'^'* 
solve,  protesting  against  "Major  Andros's  chal-  "^"^y^- 
lenge  and  attempts  to  surprise  the  main  fort  of  the 
Colony,"  "as  also  against  all  his  aiders  and  abettors, 
as  disturbers  of  the  public  peace  of  his  Majesty's  good 
subjects,"  and  engaging  themselves  to  "use  their  ut- 
most  power   and    endeavor   (expecting   therein   the  as- 

1  Conn.  Rec,  11.  571 -574.  chaplain    and   surgeon,   but   probably 

2  Ibid.,  II.  579.  also  as  advisers  of  the  commander  in 

3  The  Reverend  Joseph  Haynes,  of  what  the  Court  well  understood  to 
Hartford,  and  Mr.  Gershom  Bulkely  be  a  critical  emergency.  (Ibid.,  II. 
were  sent  with  this  force,  perhaps  as  582.) 


130  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

sistance  of  Almighty  God)  to  defend  the  good  people 
of  the  Colony  from  the  said  Major  Andros's  attempts."  ^ 

Andros  was  as  good  as  his  word.  Four  days  after 
writing  his  letter,  he  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
Governor  An-  with  two  Small  vcssels.^  Thence  he  wrote  to 
dros^atsay-   ^-^^    Magistrates    at    Hartford,   informing   them 

Julys,  that,  finding  no  occasion  for  his  intervention 
in  respect  to  the  Indians,  he  desired  their  "direct  and 
effectual  answer"  to  his  former  demand,  and  that  he 
should  wait  for  it  "in  discharge  of  his  duty  accord- 
ingly,"^ Bull  had  reached  Saybrook  a  few  hours  before 
him,  and  was  in  the  fort.  He  had  been  instructed  to 
inform  Major  Andros  that  the  force  from  New  York 
might  act  advantageously  against  the  Indians  at  the 
head  of  Narragansett  Bay.  He  was  to  allow  Andros's 
people  to  land  for  refeshment,  but  they  were  to  come 
unarmed,  and  to  make  their  visit  short.  He  was  "to 
keep  the  King's  colors  standing,  under  his  Majesty's 
Lieutenant,  the  Governor  of  Connecticut,"  and  to  per- 
mit the  raising  of  no  others.  He  was  "  to  avoid  strik- 
ing the  first  blow ;  but,  if  they  began,  he  was  to  defend 
himself,  and  do  his  best  to  secure  his  Majesty's  interest 
and  the  peace  of  the  whole  Colony."* 

In   reply  to  Andros's   letter,   the    General    Court   of 
Connecticut   sent    another    exposition    of   their 

July  10.  .  ,       .  >i  A  11 

rights  and  their   purpose.       At  an  early  hour 
of  the  day  after  this  reached  him,  he  landed 

July  13.  .    -  "^ 

with  a  party,  and  at  his  request  was  met  on 
the  river's  bank  by  the  officers  of  the  garrison.  "In 
his  Majesty's  name,"  he  "  commanded  his  Majesty's 
charter  [the  Duke's  patent]  to  be  read,  and  after  that 
his  Highness's  commission,  which,  notwithstanding  that 
they  were  required  in  his  Majesty's  name  to  forbear, 

1  Conn.  Rec,  11.  262.  4  Ibid.,  334. 

2  Ibid.,  580.  5  Ibid.,  580 ;  comp.  26. 

3  Ibid.,  579. 


Chap.  IH]  CONNECTICUT.  |32 

was  done."  The  Connecticut  officers,  during  this  cere- 
mony, "withdrew  a  little,  declaring  they  had  nothing 
to  do  to  attend  it."  Andros  then  said  that  he  should 
proceed  no  further,  and  should  set  sail  immediately, 
unless  he  was  desired  to  stay.  The  officers  told  him 
that  they  "had  no  order  to  desire  him  to  stay,  but 
must  now  read  something  else ;  and  forthwith  the  pro- 
test was  read  in  Major  Andros's  and  his  gentlemen's 
presence.  He  was  pleased  to  speak  of  it  as  a  slander, 
and  so  an  ill-requital  for  his  kindness,  and  by  and  by 
desired  a  copy,  which  the  officers  declined  to  give ;  but 
yet  parted  peaceably.     His  Honor  was  s^uarded 

•^    ^        ■••  •>-  "^  _    o  His  peace- 

with  the  town  soldiers  to  the  water-side,  went  awe  return 
on  board,  and  presently  fell  down  below  the 
fort,  with  salutes  on  both  sides."  -^  The  Magistrates  ap- 
proved, on  the  whole,  the  course  that  had  been  taken, 
though  they  would  have  been  better  pleased,  had  it  been 
less  forbearing.  They  expressed  a  wish  that  "he  [An- 
dros] had  been  interrupted  in  doing  the  least  thing  under 
pretence  of  his  having  anything  to  do  to  use  his  Majes- 
ty's name  in  commanding  there  so  usurpingly,  which 
might  have  been  done  by  shouts,  or  sound  of  drum,  &c., 

without  violence."  ^ 

\ 

1  Ibid.,  583,  584.  —  Probably,  in  so,  if  possible,  to  preserve  the  utmost 
making  up  his  picturesque  account  of  limits  for  me  that  my  patent  gives  me 
this  transaction.  Dr.  Trumbull  (Hist,  title  to."  (The  Duke  of  York  to  An- 
Conn.,  I.  330)  was  helped  by  the  local  dros,  April  6,  1675,  in  O'Callaghan, 
traditions.  Following  the  contempora-  Documents,  &c.,  III.  230,  231  ;  comp. 
neous  report  of  the  officers  (composed  235.)  "  His  Royal  Highness  is  willing 
by  Bulkely)  and  the  comment  of  the  things  should  rest  as  they  are  at  pres- 
Magistrates  upon  it,  I  am  obliged  to  ent;  but  he  is  not  sorry  you  have  re- 
omit  some  striking  circumstances  in  the  vjved  this  claim,  because  possibly  some 
sketch  by  that  usually  cautious  histo-  good  use  may  be  hereafter  made  of  it." 
^^^^-  (Sir  John  Werden,  the  Duke's  Secre- 

The    Duke   had  small  faith  in   the  tary,   to   Andros,   January    28,    1676, 

goodness  of  the  claim  which  his  Lieu-  Ibid.,  236.) 

tenant  had  set  up,  but  was  inclined  to  2  Conn.  Rec,  H.  584.  —  The  Magis- 
give  it  a  chance.  "  My  opinion  is,"  he  trates  caused  a  narrative  of  these  trans- 
wrote,  "  't  is  best  only  to  make  ac-  actions  to  be  drawn  up,  to  be  sent  to 
commodations  of  this  kind  temporary,  England.     (Ibid.,  339  -  343.) 


CHAPTER    IV. 

The  alarm  which  had  occasioned  a  movement  of 
troops  at  the  time  of  the  visit  of  Governor  Andros  to 
Saybrook  was  not  causeless.  A  war  was  breaking  out, 
which  proved  most  costly  and  aiilicting  to  the  Colonists. 

The  reader  may  present  to  himself,  with  considerable 

distinctness,  the    aspect  of  New   England    at   the   time 

when  this  great  calamity  befell.    Along  a  line  of  rugged 

coast,  from  the  Penobscot  to  the  Hudson,  are  scattered 

settlements  of  Englishmen,  at  unequal  distances 

CondiHon  of  . 

NewEiigiand  irom  cach  other,  —  closely  grouped  together 
togoutTf  about  midway  of  that  line,  further  apart  at  the 
Philip's  War.  extremities.  Almost  all  of  them  are  reached 
by  tide  water;  a  very  few  have  been  planted 
in  detached  spots  in  the  interior,  the  most  distant  of 
these  being  about  a  hundred  miles  from  the  sea,  whether 
measured  from  the  east  or  from  the  south.  The  sur- 
rounding and  intervening  country  is  not  occupied,  but 
roamed  over,  by  savages,  whose  aggregate  number  is 
not  very  different  from  that  of  the  settlers.  Some  of 
them  seem  to  have  made  some  progress  towards  civil- 
ization, and  a  portion  have  professed  to  be  converts 
to  Christianity.  For  more  than  a  generation  there  has 
been  no  war  with  them,  though  there  have  been  oc- 
casional difficulties  and  quarrels.  The  youngest  per- 
son of  European  parentage  who  has  seen  war  on  this 
continent  is  already  almost  too  old  for  military  service. 
On  the  whole  the  system  of  life  is  much  the  same 
in  the   different   communities   of  Colonists,  though  dis- 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIPS  WAR.  133 

similarities  also  appear.  In  Maine  is  a  rude  and  shift- 
less population,  often  requiring  to  be  kept  in  order 
by  external  control.  Ehode  Island  has  gathered  a 
motley  people,  —  schemers,  seekers,  anarchists  of  every 
name,  —  habitually  unsettled  by  disputes  with  their 
neighbors  and  fierce  altercations  among  themselves.  The 
three  Confederate  communitiei,  not  without  some  small 
recent  intermixture  of  strangers  invited  by  the  pros- 
pect of  gain,  are  almost  wholly  composed  of  religious 
people  of  the  Puritan  type.^  These  Colonies  also  have 
their  respective  peculiarities.  Plymouth,  with  little  fertile 
land,  and  no  commodious  harbor,  makes  slow  progress, 
and  continues  to  be  poor,  though  the  people  are  in- 
dustrious and  the  government  is  well  conducted.  Un- 
able to  provide  liberally  for  the  support  of  religion  and 
learning,  her  clergy  are  not  eminent,  nor  her  people, 
comparatively,  versed  in  book  knowledge.  For  the  pro- 
tection of  her  property,  she  covets  a  charter  from  the  re- 
stored King,  and  by  this  influence  the  republican  tone 
of  her  politics  is  lowered.  Connecticut,  grateful  for  the 
recent  royal  bounty,  is  not  ill  affected  towards  the  court. 
Her  internal  administration  is  excellent;  her  leaders 
in  church  and  state  are  accomplished  ;  the  modest  thrift 
of  her  citizens  affords  her  a  sufficiency  of  means ;  and 
except  for  her  chronic  quarrel  with  Rhode  Island  about 
the  boundary  line,  her  condition  is  tranquil  and  satis- 
factory. Massachusetts  is  still  more  busy  and  thriving. 
In  respect  to  her  relations  with  the  mother  country 
she  has  hitherto  been  able  on  the  whole  to  pursue 
with  success  the  traditional  policy ;  as  yet  she  has  been 
forced  into  no  material  concessions ;  her  attitude  towards 
the  British  court  continues  to  be  one  of  substantial  in- 
dependence ;  ten  years  have  passed  since  she  maintaij|ed 

1  I  have  been  struck  by  the  fact  that  Magistrates  of  Massachusetts  in  a  let- 

the  word  Puritan  scarcely  occurs  in  ter  to  Robert  Boyle,  in  1679.    (Boyle, 

our  old  writings.     It  is  used   by  the  Works,  I.  ccxvii.) 

VOL.  III.  12 


134  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

herself  in  a  sharp  struggle,  which  has  not  been  re- 
newed. 

In  the  three  associated  Colonies,  there  is  great  simi- 
larity in  the  ordinary  occupations  and  pursuits.  Most 
adults  of  both  sexes  work  hard,  and  nearly  all  the  chil- 
dren go  to  school.  The  greater  part  of  the  men  get 
a  living  by  farm-labor;  ttey  provide  bread  and  meat, 
milk,  butter,  and  cheese,  for  their  own  tables,  and  raise 
stock  to  sell  in  the  West  Indies  for  money  with  which 
to  buy  foreign  commodities.  But  they  are  not  all  fiirm- 
ers.  A  portion  are  lumberers,  plying  the  axe  through 
the  winter  in  the  thick  pine  forests,  and  at  the  return  of 
spring  floating  down  their  rafts  to  a  sure  and  profitable 
market.  Another  portion  are  fishermen,  familiar  with 
the  haunts  of  the  cod,  the  mackerel,  and  the  whale,  and 
with  all  perils  of  the  sea.  In  the  principal  towns  vari- 
ous classes  of  artisans  pursue  a  lucrative  trade.  The 
country  furnishes  some  staples  for  an  advantageous 
foreign  commerce,  and,  especially  in  Boston,  not  a  few 
merchants  have  grown  rich. 

The  style  of  social  intercourse  is  simple  and  quiet, 
not  to  say  austere ;  yet  by  no  means,  among  the  better 
sort,  without  its  elegances  and  luxuries.^     The  refining 


1  As   has    been    mentioned    before  cellent,  it  will  take  up  so  much  of  your 

(Vol.  II.  p.  67),  few  traces  appear  of  a  time  and  mind,  that  you  will  be  worth 

cultivation  of  music.    I  meet  with  one  in  little  else.     And,  when  all  that  excel- 

a  letter  addressed  in  1661,  by  Dr.  Hoar,  lence   is   attained,   your    acquest   will 

afterwards  President  of  Harvard  Col-  prove   little  or  nothing  of  real  profit 

lege,  to  a  young  nephew  of  his,  then  to  you,  unless  you  intend  to  take   up 

a   student   in  that   institution.     After  the  trade  of  fiddling.     Howbeit,  hear- 

recommending  to  him  to  conduct  all  ing  your  mother's  desires  were  for  it, 

his  conversation  with  his  mates  "  in  the  for  your  sisters,  for  whom  it  is  more 

Latin  tongue,  and  that  in  the  purest  proper,  and  they  also  have  more  leis- 

phrase  of  Terence  and   Erasmus,"  he  ure  to  look  after  it,  for  them,  I  say,  I 

proceeds :   "  Music  I  had  almost  forgot-  had  prepared  the  instruments  desired, 

ten.     I  suspect  you  seek  it  both  too  but  I  cannot  now  attend  the  sending 

soon  and  too  much.     This  be  assured  them."    (Letter  of  Leonard   Hoar  to 

of,  that,  if  you  be  not  excellent  at  it,  Josiah  Flint,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VI. 

it  is  nothing  at  all ;  and,  if  you  be  ex-  106.) 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S   WAR,  ^35 

example  of  the  clergyman's  family  is  present  in  every 
village.  The  clergyman  and  his  wife  belong,  often  by 
birth,  and  necessarily  by  position,  to  the  gentry  of 
the  land,  and  their  influence  is  effectual  from  the  small- 
ness  of  the  sphere  to  which  it  immediately  extends. 

In  every  settlement,  the  minister  is  the  chief  man, 
unless  the  settlement  boasts  also  a  Magistrate  or  As- 
sistant, and  then  the  minister  is  the  Magistrate's  peer. 
In  every  settlement  there  is  a  secondary  aristocracy, 
no  wise  connected  with  birth,  or  money,  or  education. 
The  possessors  of  the  franchise  of  the  Colony  govern  the 
Colony ;  and  all  other  persons  within  it  —  men  as  much 
as  women  and  children  —  are  their  wards.  The  free- 
men in  each  Colony  are  a  minority  of  the  male  adults ; 
in  Massachusetts  they  are  probably  not  more  than 
one  fifth  part  of  the  grown  men.  In  Massachusetts, 
though  of  late  a  more  lax  regulation  has  gone  partially 
into  effect,  the  freemen  continue  almost  all  to  be  church- 
members.  Thus  the  dignities  at  once  of  political  and 
of  religious  superiority  belong  to  them,  investing  them 
with  a  double  title  to  observance.  The  small  class  of 
Magistrates  commands  a  yet  deeper  reverence ;  and 
though  a  democratic  spirit  among  the  Deputies  some- 
times confronts  them  upon  public  measures,  a  profound 
personal  respect  never  faQs  to  be  a  muniment  of  their 
authority. 

Once  a  year  (twice  a  year  in  Connecticut)  the  in- 
habitants of  the  several  towns  in  each  Colony,  especially 
the  freemen  and  their  families,  have  opportunity  to 
cultivate  acquaintances  with  one  another.  iVt  the  time 
of  the  General  Court  for  Elections  there  is  a  press 
of  travel  towards  the  colonial  capital.  The  Magistrates 
and  Deputies  of  course  come  thither,  many  bringing 
their  wives  and  children.  The  ministers  make  the  jour- 
ney; for  sometimes  the  government  desires  to  consult 
them,  the  affairs  of  the  Church  require  their  periodical 


236  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND..  [Book  III. 

conferences,  and,  at  all  events,  the  day  is  also  their  own 
holiday.  The  freemen  congregate  in  large  numbers ; 
for,  though  they  may  cast  their  votes  in  their  towns, 
they  generally  desire  to  show  themselves  and  exercise 
the  right  in  person,  and  perhaps  to  confer  with  their 
Deputy,  whom,  as  it  is  not  requisite  for  him  to  be  an 
inhabitant  of  their  town,  this  may  be  their  most  con- 
venient way  of  meeting.  But,  with  the  exception  of 
these  periodical  occasions,  people  stay  at  home  for 
the  most  part ;  for  imperfect  roads,  tracts  of  forest, 
and  the  anxieties  incident  to  absence  when  intelligence 
moves  slowly  and  vagabond  Indians  may  do  mischief, 
are  permanent  discouragements  from  travel.  The  con- 
sequence is,  that,  on  the  one  hand,  the  tie  of  friendship 
between  neighbors  becomes  strong,  and  that,  on  the 
other,  disagreements  may  grow  out  of  a  meddling  super- 
vision of  each  other's  conduct  and  affairs  by  persons  all 
whose  social  relations  are  with  one  another. 

Throughout  the  country,  habits  of  temperance  and 
of  general  self-control,  with  their  train  of  good-temper 
and  cheerfulness,  diffuse  their  joy  in  modest  homes  where 
a  careful  domestic  economy  prevents  affluence  from 
being  coveted  or  missed.  While  the  head  of  the  house- 
hold —  farmer,  fisherman,  or  mechanic  —  is  helped  in 
his  labors  by  those  of  his  sons  who  are  old  enough, 
the  women  spin,  weave,  and  mend,  and  do  the  house- 
hold work,  during  six  days  of  the  week.  On  Sunday  all 
labor  ceases  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  all  the  families 
of  the  settlement  join  twice  in  long  services  of  public 
worship,  and  pass  the  remainder  of  the  day  in  domestic 
and  solitary  devotion  and  reading.  At  other  times  they 
have  not  much  leisure  for  books,  though,  as  has  been 
seen,  the  prosperity  of  the  trade  in  books  shows  an 
active  demand.  The  state  of  things  at  this  period  fur- 
nishes no  especially  exciting  topics  for  conversation. 
There  is  no  present  menace  of  disturbance  from  Eng- 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  137 

land.  The  agitation  about  the  Synodical  question  is 
abated.  Quakers  cause  little  apprehension,  and  Baptists 
are  getting  to  be  kindly  regarded.  Now  and  then  a 
villager  who  has  been  at  the  Thursday  lecture  in  Bos- 
ton brings  back  news  respecting  the  King's  attitude 
towards  Holland,  or  the  measures  of  Parliament  against 
the  Duke  of  York,  or  the  conjectured  policy  of  Lord. 
Danby,  or  the  annoyances  of  English  or  Scottish  Non- 
conformists. The  politics  of  town  and  parish  are  from 
time  to  time  presenting  some  new  aspect;  courtships 
and  marriages,  births  and  deaths,  claim  notice ;  militia 
training  days  make  a  recreation  and  a  sort  of  festival; 
and  all  the  year  round,  the  doctrine  delivered  in  the 
last  Sunday's  sermons  is  matter  for  thought  and  dis- 
course during  the  week.  In  the  marts  of  business,  in- 
terests are  more  various,  and  social  intercourse  has  more 
activity  and  show.  But  everywhere  alike  there  is  a  gen- 
eral appearance  of  security,  prosperity,  sobriety,  good 
order,  and  content. 

The  quiet  of  this  time  was  undisturbed  by  any  gen- 
eral  apprehension    of  danger   from   the   natives.      The 
course    of   conduct    pursued    towards    them    had    been 
praiseworthy  in  a  singular  degree.-^     The  Indians  were 
a  people  extremely  difficult  to  deal  with,  by  reason  alike 
of  their  mental  and   of  their  moral  defects;   but  they 
were  treated  equitably  and  generously.     The  reader  has 
learned   how    erroneous   it   would    be  to  represent  the 
lands  of  Plymouth  and   Massachusetts  as  being 
already  occupied  when  the  English  arrived.    The  JeSLl 
population  dwelling  at  that  time  within  those  ^yg^'g^"*' 
territories    can   with   little    probability  be    sup- 
posed to  have  been  greater  than  one  twentieth  part  of 
the   population   of  the   city   of  Boston    at   the    present 
day.     The  strangers  came  and   found  a  vacant  domain, 


1  See  above,  Vol.  I.  pp.  293,  362;  comp.  Archseol.  Amer.,  III.  30  f,  30  g. 
12* 


238  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

on  which,  without  wrong  or  offence  to  any  predecessors, 
they  built  and  planted.  Not  an  Indian  wigwam  was 
to  be  seen  within  miles  of  the  spots  where  they  set 
up  their  first  cabins.  They  obtained  no  land  by  force, 
except  that  remote  region  which  fell  to  them  as  the 
prize  of  conquest  in  the  war  provoked  by  the  Pequots. 
When  they  wanted  an  enlargement  of  their  borders, 
they  acquired  it,  if  at  all,  by  amicable  agreement  with 
any  who  had  earlier  possession.^  If  often  the  prices 
which  were  paid  seem  small  to  us,  they  were  all  that 
the  thing  parted  with  was  worth  to  the  seller.  He 
generally  retained  his  rights  of  hunting,  trapping,  and 
fishing,  and  in  these  consisted  the  whole  value  which 
most  of  his  land  had  to  him  before  he  received  pay 
for  it.  And  while  all  that  he  yielded  was  yielded  by 
his  free  consent  for  an  equivalent  which  satisfied  him, 
he  was  honestly  and  effectively  protected  in  the  posses- 
sion of  whatever  he  was  disposed  to  keep.  No  doubt, 
he  was  subject  to  injury  from  lawless  people.  He  might 
be  occasionally  cheated  and  otherwise  ill  used,  as  in- 
capable and  unlucky  persons  are,  more  or  less,  in  all 
times,  and  in  every  part  of  the  world.  But  the  shield 
of  law  was  held  over  him  with  assiduous  solicitude. 
Whoever  could  be  proved  to  have  wronged  him  was 
made  to  feel  that  he  had  a-  watchful  guardian,  severe 
in  measures  of  redress.     The  hurtful  engagements  into 

1  "  I  think  I  can  clearly  say  that,  Court And  if  at  any  time  they 

before  these  present  troubles  broke  out,  have  brought  complaints  before  us, 
the  English  did  not  possess  one  foot  of  they  have  had  justice  impartial  and 
land  in  this  Colony  but  what  was  fairly  speedy,  so  that  our  own  people  have 
obtained  by  honest  purchase  of  the  frequently  complained  that  we  erred 
Indian  proprietors.  Nay,  because  some  on  the  other  hand  in  showing  them 
of  our  people  are  of  a  covetous  dis-  overmuch  favor."  (Governor  Wins- 
position,  and  the  Indians  are  in  their  low  to  the  Commissioners,  May  1, 
straits  easily  prevailed  with  to  part  1676,  in  Hubbard,  Narrative  of  the 
with  their  lands,  we  first  made  a  law  Troubles  with  the  Indians,  &c.,  13; 
that  none  should  purchase  or  receive  comp.  Winslow's  letter  to  the  Magis- 
of  gift  any  land  of  the  Indians  without  trates  of  Massachusetts,  June  21,  1675, 
the  knowledge  and  allowance  of  our  in  Mass.  Arch.,  LXVII.  202.) 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  139 

which  he  was  most  hable  to  be  entrapped  the  law  de- 
clared to  be  null  from  the  beginning.  By  regulations 
aimed  as  well  against  negligences  as  against  offences 
by  which  he  might  be  made  to  suffer,  it  enforced  a 
considerate  respect  for  his  position  and  his  rights.^  And 
special  opportunities  for  humane  and  tender  treatment 
of  him  were  generously  used.^ 

It  may  reasonably  be  believed  that  time  would  have 
disclosed  inconsistent  interests  between  the  natives  and 
the  strangers,  if,  in  successive  generations,  they  had 
multiplied  largely  in  each  other's  neighborhood.  But 
as  yet  the  new  state  of  things  was  highly  advantageous 
to  the  children  of  the  soil.  Hitherto  most  of  what 
they  possessed  or  could  acquire,  except  what  they 
could  forthwith  consume,  remained  worthless  on  their 
hands.  Now  they  were  large  sellers  in  a  j)rofitable 
market;  for  all  the  corn  they  could  spare,  they  had 
ready  customers  at  hand ;  the  skin  of  every  fur-bear- 
ing animal  they  could  take  commanded  a  liberal  price. 
Hitherto  their  lives  had  been  often  miserable  from  want, 
and  every  winter  renewed  a  fierce  struggle  with  famine. 
Now  they  had  neighbors  of  methodical  and  frugal  habits, 
who  in  the  fruitful  months  looked  forward  to  the  sea- 
son of  need,  and  laid  up  stores  to  be  then  parted  with 
in  commerce  or  in  charity.  The  plants,  and  especially 
the  animals,  introduced  by  the  English,  vastly  improved 
the    condition   of  the    native    race.     Unskilful   as   their 

1  See  the  systems  of  law  on  this  sub-  with  them,  that  when  their  own  people 
jeet   in    General  Laws  and  Liberties  forsook   them,   yet   the  English   came 

of  Massachusetts,  pp.  74  —  78  ;  General  daily  and  ministered  to  them 

Laws    of   Connecticut,    pp.     32  —  34  ;  Mr.  Maverick  of  Winnisimmet,  ..... 

Brigham,  Compact,  &c.,  pp.  288  -  290.  his"  wife,  and  servants,  went  daily  to 

The  legislation  had  reference  at  once  them,   ministered  to  their  necessities, 

to  security   from  the  natives   and   to  and  buried  their  dead,  and  took  home 

justice    and   kindness    towards   them,  many  of  their  children.     So  did  other 

Comp.  Plym.  Rec.,  IIL   74,  89,  167;  of  the  neighbors."    (Winthrop,  I.  120.) 

IV.  66,  109.  "  Some    families    spent    almost    their 

2  When  the  small-pox  spread  among  whole  time  with  them."  (Trumbull,  I. 
the  natives  in  1633,  "it  wrought  much  37.) 


140  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

agriculture  was,  there  was  no  more  difficulty  in  raising 
several  of  the  vegetables  of  the  English  garden,  than  in 
the  raising  of  maize  and  beans,  to  which  the  Indian  had 
been  used.  A  variety  of  manufactured  articles  —  blank- 
ets, leather,  cutlery,  and  others  —  were  brought  within 
his  reach.  The  introduction  of  horses,  oxen,  sheep,  goats, 
swine,  poultry,  dogs,  afforded  him  luxuries  and  conven- 
iences before  unknown.  He  was  not  ready,  it  is  true, 
to  be  transformed  from  a  hunter  into  a  herdsman ;  but 
of  this  new  description  of  property  which  he  had  now 
opportunity  to  acquire,  some  kinds  might  be  cared  for 
without  any  great  change  in  his  habits,  while,  in  pro- 
portion as  they  commanded  more  of  his  attention,  the 
decencies  and  enjoyments  of  his  life  were  immensely 
increased.  The  English,  for  their  own  security,  did  not 
desire  that  he  should  get  their  fire-arms,  and  learn  to 
use  them.  But  he  did  get  them,  and  became  very 
skilful  in  their  use ;  and  the  toil  of  his  old-fashioned 
hunting  with  clumsy  weapons  was  thus  exceedingly 
abridged. 

■  So  erroneous  is  it  to  suppose  that  the  native  tribes 
of  New  England  were  harmed  when  civilized  foreigners 
sat  down  by  their  side.  On  the  contrary,  they  were 
benefited  on  a  vast  scale,  in  respect  to  the  accommo- 
dations of  their  daily  life,  even  supposing  them  still 
to  adhere  to  their  ancient  manners  and  character,  re- 
maining in  ignorance  of  the  arts  of  civilization  and  of 
the  revelations  of  Christianity.  If  they  continued  to 
be  brutal  savages,  still  they  lost  nothing,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  gained  much,  by  the  neighborhood  of  indus- 
trious and  orderly  persons  of  a  different  race,  who  had 
commodities  to  sell  which  it  was  for  their  advantage 
to  buy ;  who  were  glad  to  buy  what  they  had  in  plenty, 
without  knowing  how  to  use;  who  practised,  and  were  in- 
clined freely  to  impart,  an  infinity  of  methods  unknown 
to  them  of  obtaining  security,  comfort,  and  enjoyment. 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  241 

Besides  such  benefits  derived  in  the  necessary  course 
of  things  by  the  native  from  the  Enghsh  settlers,  they 
esteemed  it  to  be  their  duty  to  endeavor  to  share  with 
him  what  to  themselves  were  the  priceless  blessings  of 
civilization  and  Christianity.  The  reader  of  these  vol- 
umes is  aware  of  the  diligence  and  earnestness  with 
which  such  endeavors  were  made.^  Their  apparent  suc- 
cess, whether  really  greater  or  less  within  the  line  to 
which  they  extended,  did  not  affect  the  mass  of  the 
native  population.  The  great  southern  tribes  —  the 
Pokanokets  (or  Wampanoags),  the  Niantics,  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  the  Mohegans  (though  Uncas,  their  chief,  was 
always  an  ally  of  the  English)  —  resolutely  refused  to 
listen  to  the  missionaries.  A  few  converts  were  made 
among  the  poor  remnant  of  the  conquered  race  of  Pe- 
quots.  But  the  scenes  of  prosperous  attempts  at  prose- 
lytism  were  chiefly  three;  —  Martha's  Vineyard,  Cape 
Cod,  and  the  country  around  Boston,  within  forty  miles 
of  that  town. 

The  number  of  "praying  Indians"  in  New  England, 
when  at  the  largest,  was  reckoned  to  be  about 
four  thousand ;  of  whom  eleven  hundred  belonged  ciians. 
to  Eliot's  congregations  in  Massachusetts,  six  or 
seven  hundred  to  Plymouth,  fifteen  hundred  to  Martha's 
Vineyard  and  the  neighboring  island  of  Chappequiddick, 
and  three  hundred  to  Nantucket.  In  Massachusetts 
there  were  two  churches  of  Indians,  one  at  Natick,  the 
other  at  Hassanamisitt  (Grafton);  the  former  numbering 
no  fewer  than  fifty  communicants.  At  Martha's  Vine- 
yard there  were  two  churches,  and  one  at  Chappequid- 
dick. The  congregations  had  native  teachers,  who,  be- 
sides being  schoolmasters  for  the  children  during  the 
week,  led  the  public  devotions  of  the  Lord's  day  when 
no  English  minister  was  present.  Of  the  Plymouth  In- 
dians,  their   minister   reported    that   one    hundred   and 

1  See  above,  Vol.  II.  pp.  187-199,  336-341. 


142  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

forty-two  could  read  their  own  language,  seventy-two 
could  write  it,  and  nine  could  read  English.^ 

While  it  seemed  that  such  operations  tended  within 
their  sphere  to  make  closer  the  friendly  relations  be- 
tween the  natives  and  the  English,  more  than  half 
a  century  had  passed  since  the  settlement  of  Plymouth, 
and  nearly  forty  years  since  the  end  of  the  only  war 
that  had  taken  .place  between  the  strangers  and  any 
native  tribe.  There  had  been  alarms,  threats,  negotia- 
tions, and  military  demonstrations ;  and  a  watchful  eye 
had  all  along  been  kept  upon  the  Indians  of  the  region 
between  Connecticut  River  and  Narragansett  Bay.  But 
the  quarrels  that  arose  from  time  to  time  had  at  some 
rate  been  pacified,  and  the  peace  had  been  preserved. 
It  is  not  probable  that  the  number  of  the  natives  had 
increased  since  the  arrival  of  the  English.  i 

Massasoit,  Sachem  of  the  numerous  tribe  of  Pokano- 
„ ,     ,  ^     kets,    always    maintained    faithfully    the    treaty 

Pokanoket  or  '  "^  j  j 

wampanoag  whlch  ho  madc  with  the  Colonists  of  Plymouth 

Indians.  .  •ion 

a  few  months  after  their  arrival;''  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  he  trusted  to  their  alliance  for  defence 
against  the  Narragansetts,  his  neighbors  on  the  other 
side  of  his  country. 

Nearly  forty  years  after  that  treaty,  Massasoit,  dying 
TV,  .u  .^     ^t    an    advanced    asre,^   was    succeeded    by   his 

Death  of  Mas-  O    "  J 

saaoit.         sons,  Wamsutta  and  Metacom,  otherwise  called 

1660.  ^  ^ 

Metacomet.  Wamsutta  came  to  the  Court  at 
Plymouth  with  some  requests,  which  were 
readily  granted.  One  was  for  leave  to  purchase  "a 
small  parcel  of  powder  for  the  use  of  him  and  his 
brother;  and  the  Court  gave  him,  as  a  small  gratuity, 
a  dozen  pound."     Another  related  to  a  trespass  on  his 

1  Gookin,   in   Mass.   Hist.    Coll.,   I.        2  See  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  178. 
180-207.     Gookin's  treatise  was  fin-         3  In    June,     1660,    Massasoit    was 

ished  in  1674,  the  year  before  Philip's  "lately  deceased."     (Plym.  Kec,  III. 

War  bi-oke  out.     (See  above,  Vol.  II.  192.) 
p.  338.) 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  143 

fields  by  some  swine  belonging  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Rehoboth.      Another  concerned   a  dispute  with  a  Nar- 
ragansett  sachem  about   the   ownership  of  a  parcel  of 
land.     Lastly,  Wamsutta  was  ambitious  of  an  English 
name.     In    this   matter   it   cost    the    Court   nothing   to 
gratify   him,  and    they   may   be    supposed   to  have   in- 
creased his  content  by  acquainting  him  with  the  mag- 
nificent import  of  their  choice.     They  "  ordered  Alexander 
that  for  the  future  he  should  be  called  by  the  ^^''ZlL 
name  of  Alexander  Pokanoket ;  and,  desiring  the  ^''^^■ 
same    in    the   behalf  of  his   brother,   they   named   him 
Fhilip."  1 

Alexander's  reign  was  short.  Reports  came  to  Plym- 
outh that  he  was  plotting  with  the  Narragan setts,  and 
a  message  was  sent  to  him  to  come  to  the  town 
and  explain  himself  He  did  not  come,  and  an 
armed  party,  under  Major  Winslow  and  Major  Brad- 
ford, was  despatched  to  find  him  and  repeat  the  sum- 
mons. He  said  he  had  intended  to  obey  it,  but  desired 
first  to  have  a  conference  with  Mr.  Willett,  who  at  the 
time  was  absent  in  New  York.  He  "freely  and  readily, 
without  the  least  hesitancy,"  consented  to  go  to  Plym- 
outh, where  explanations  were  made  to  the  satisfaction 
of  both  parties,  and  the  savage  chief  set  out  on  his 
return.  On  the  journey,  however,  he  changed  his  mind, 
and  in  two  or  three  days,  turning  back  towards  Boston, 
came  to  Major  Winslow's  house  at  Marshfield.  Here 
he  fell  sick  of  a  fever ;  and,  being  impatient  to 

1  1  iji-i  r'    l^         1  ^'^  death. 

go  home,  he  was  conveyed  thither  carefully  by 
water.     He  died   a  few  days    after  his    arrival,  ^^iiip,  sa- 

.   .  .  chem  of  the 

and  his  brother  Philip  became  chief  Sachem  of  Pokanokets. 
the  tribe.^ 

1  Plym.  Ree.,  III.  192 ;  Mather,  Re-  which  it  rests.  It  is  so  related  by  the 
lation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.,  70.  second  John  Cotton,  minister  of  Plym- 

2  I  think  there  can  be  little  doubt  outh,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother-in-law, 
that  this  account  of  the  matter  is  cor-  Increase  Mather,  of  Boston,  and  is  thus 
rect,    considering    the    testimony    on  introduced :    "  Major   Bradford   confi- 


144 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


At  the  beginning  of  Philip's  administration,  if  we  are 
so  to  call  it,  some  apprehensions  were  entertained  as 
to  the  temper  he  was  in,  and  he  was  required  to  re- 
pair to  "  the  Court  held  at  Plymouth,  to  make 
answer  unto  such  interrogatories  as  should  be 
proposed  unto  him, and  to  deliberate  and  con- 
gratulate with  him  about  such  matters  as  might  tend 
to  a  further  settlement  of  peace  and  renewal  of  former 

covenants,  as  he  seemed  to  desire After  courtesy 

expressed  on  both  sides,  and  a  large  and  deliberate 
debate  of  particulars,  he  absolutely  denied  that  he  had 
any  hand  in  any  plot  or  conspiracy  against  the  Eng- 
lish, nor  that  he  knew  of  any  such  contrivance  against 


dently  assures  me  that,  in  the  nar- 
rative de  Alexandra  [Hubbard's  nar- 
rative, I  presume,  is  intended,  in 
"  Narrative  of  the  Indian  Wars,"  &c., 
9,  10]  there  are  many  mistakes;  and 
fearing  lest  you  should,  through  mis- 
information, print  some  mistakes  on 
this  subject,  from  his  mouth  I  this 
write."  (Morton,  Memorial,  Davis's 
edit.,  426,  427.) 

Hubbard's  account  is,  that  Winslow, 
having  come  upon  the  Sachem's  party 
by  surprise,  and  secured  their  arms, 
"  demanded  Alexander  to  go  along 
■with  him  before  the  Governor,  at  which 
message  he  was  much  appalled.  But 
being  told  by  the  undaunted  mes- 
senger, that  if  he  stirred  or  refused  to 
go  he  was  a  dead  man,  he  was  by  one 
of  his  chief  counsellors,  in  whose  ad- 
vice he  most  confided,  persuaded  to  go 
along  to  the  Governor's  house.  But 
such  was  the  pride  and  height  of  his 
spirit,  that  the  very  surprisal  of  him 
raised  his  choler  and  indignation,  that  it 
put  him  into  a  fever,  which,  notwith- 
standing all  possible  means  that  could 
be  used,  seemed  mortal.  Whereupon 
entreating  those  that  held  him  prisoner 
that  he  might  have  liberty  to  return 
home,  promising  to  return  again  if  he 


recovered,  and  to  send  his  son  as  host- 
age till  he  could  do  so,  on  that  con- 
sideration he  was  fairly  dismissed,  but 
died  before  he  got  half-way  home." 
(Hubbard,  Narrative,  9,  10.) 

This  account  has  got  into  the  mod- 
ern histories,  where  it  is  sometimes 
mentioned  as  one  of  the  provocations 
to  the  war  twelve  years  later.  But 
the  weight  of  contemporaneous  evi- 
dence is  against  it.  No  testimony 
could  be  better  than  that  of  Major 
Bradford,  an  upright  man,  who  per- 
sonally knew  the  circumstances,  and 
who  carefully  detailed  them  for  the 
express  purpose  of  correcting  the  errors 
of  an  earlier  writer.  It  does  not  ap- 
pear that  Philip  complained  of  ill-treat- 
ment offered  to  his  brother,  either  at 
his  own  visit  to  Plymouth  soon  after, 
or  at  any  other  time.  President  Mather 
would  have  been  likely  to  mention  such 
a  story,  if  it  had  reached  him  in  the 
twelve  years  between  the  transaction 
alleged  and  the  writing  of  his  "  Brief 
History,"  &c.  But  he  alludes  to  noth- 
ing of  the  kind.  Nor  does  the  account 
of  the  proceeding  in  his  "  Relation " 
(70-72)  bear  out  the  representation 
of  Hubbard. 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  1^^ 

them,  and  proffered  his  brother,  upon  the  Court's  de- 
mand, as  an  hostage  to  be  secured  until  the  Court 
could  have  more  certainty  of  the  truth  of  his  defence." 
His  offer  of  a  hostage  was  declined ;  "  it  was  concluded 
by  the  Court  and  him  mutually,  that  the  an-  Renewal  of 
cient    covenant    betwixt    his    predecessors    and  •'•^^  treaty 

i  anciently 

them  should  be  continued " ;  and  he,  with  five  "nade  with 

.  ^  •  ,  .  ,  Massasoit. 

subordmate  sachems,  signed  an  mstrument  by 
which  he  acknowledged  himself  to  be  a  subject  of  the 
King  of  England,  and  promised  faithfully  to  observe 
the  engagements  contracted  by  his  father  and  brother ; 
to  abstain  from  "needlessly  or  unjustly  provoking  or 
raising  war  with  any  of  the  natives  "  ;  and  to  "endeavor 
in  all  things  to  carry  peaceably  and  inoffensively  to- 
wards the  English."  At  the  same  time,  the  Court  agreed 
on  their  part  to  afford  to  Philip  and  his  people  "such 
friendly  assistance,  by  advice  and  otherwise,  as  they 
justly  might " ;  and  to  "  require  the  English  at  all  times 
to  carry  friendly  towards  them."-^ 

Five   years   passed   away    quietly.^      At   the    end    of 
that  time,  an  Indian  of  Philip's   tribe  came  to 
the   Court  at  Plymouth  with  a  charge  against  charged  with 
him  of  having  "expressed  himself,  in  the  pres-  ^"^^^^ 
ence  of  several  of  his  men,  importing;  his  readi-     i'^gt. 

•    1       -n  Junes. 

ness  to  comply  with  French  or  Dutch  against 
the   English,   and   so   not   only  to    recover   their   lands 
sold  to  the  English,  but  enrich  themselves  with  their 
goods."     When  questioned,  Philip  said  that  this  was  a 
calumny  of  Ninigret,^  the  Niantic  Sachem.     Both  chiefs 

1  Plym.  Rec,  IV.  25,  2G.  History  of  Boston  (p.  215).     The  face 

2  In  1665,  Philip  having  come  to  is  not  unpleasing.  I  believe  there  is 
Plymouth  to  buy  a  horse,  the  Court  no  other  authentic  portrait  of  an  his- 
gave  him  one.     (Ibid.,  93.)  torical  Indian.     That  of  Philip  in  the 

3  A  portrait  of  this  chief  was  painted  second  edition  of  Church's  "  Entertain- 
for  Governor  Winthrop  of  Connecticut,  ing  Passages  "  is  a  hideous  fency-piece, 
A  copy  was  in  the  possession  of  the  engraved,  by  a  journeyman  of  Paul 
late  Mr.  Grenville  Winthrop,  and  an  Revere,  the  iron-master,  not  a  century 
engraving  from  it  is  inserted  in  Drake's  ago. 

VOL.  III.  13 


146  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

were  then  cited  to  appear  before  two  commissioners, 
who  were  escorted  bj  a  party  of  horse  to  Rehoboth, 
the  place  appointed  for  the  scrutiny.  The  Pokanoket 
tale-bearer,  when  confronted  with  his  chief,  "  freely  and 
boldly"  persisted  in  the  charge,  with  specifications  of 
"time,  place,  and  several  persons,  which,  with  divers 
other  circumstances  from  other  Indians  and  Eno-lish, 
made  the  matter  appear  very  probably  true,  at  least 
as  to  some  agitation."  Philip  still  protested  that  he 
was  guiltless,  and  that  the  story  was  a  fabrication  of 
his  Niantic  rival.  At  the  same  time  he  justified  the 
Court  in  demanding  security  from  him  in  such  circum- 
stances, and  offered  to  surrender  his  arms.  The  offer 
was  accepted,  and  further  investigation  was  postponed 
to  the  next  Court.^ 

To  the  next  Court  he  renewed  his  protestations  of 
"  innocency    and    faithfulness    to    the    English " 

Friendly  re- 

latiousre-  wltli  great  fulness  and  fervor,  "pleading  how 
^'°''V,  o     irrational  a  thino;  it  was  that  he  should  desert 

July  2.  O 

his  long  experienced  friends,  the  English ; 

expressing  his  great  confidence  that  he  had  in  that 
ancient  league  with  the  English,  which  he  hoped  they 
would  still  continue ;  professing  that  their  withdrawing 
their  wonted  favor  was  little  less  than  a  death  to  him, 
gladding  his  enemies,  grieving  and  weakening  his 
friends ;  and  so  left  himself  and  case  to  the  Court ;  who, 
taking  it  into  serious  consideration,  not  willing  to  de- 
sert him  and  let  him  sink,  though  there  was  great 
probability  that  his  tongue  had  been  running  out,  yet 
not  having  such  due  proof  as  was  meet,  judged  it 
better  to  keep  a  watchful  eye,  and  still  to  continue 
terms  of  love  and  amity  with  him,  unless  something 
further  did  manifestly  appear,  and  he  to  bear  part  of 
the  charge."  In  the  sequel  it  was  agreed,  that,  if 
nothing  appeared  against  him,*  he   should,  as  formerly, 

1  Plym.  Rec,  IV.  151,  164-166. 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  147 

be  considered  and  treated  as  a  friend;  "that  he  should 
bear  forty  pound  of  the  charge  of  the  expedition"; 
that  he  should  come  to  the  Court  whenever  summoned 
on  future  occasions;  and  that,  whenever  he  should  be 
able  to  prove  the  conspiracy  which  he  alleged  to  have 
been  made  against  him,  the  Court  would  "give  him 
the  best  advice  they  could,  that  he  might  have  some 
due  reparation."  The  arms  which  had  been  surren- 
dered by  him  and  his  men  were  then  restored. 

Nearly  four  years  more  had  passed,^  when  a  new  alarm 
spread  among  the  settlements  of  Plymouth,  and  some- 
how Massachusetts  interposed  her  good  offices.  Philip 
came  to  Taunton,  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  Apni  lo. 
three  Boston  men,^  who  had  perhaps  been  mutu-  ^^" 
ally  chosen  as  umpires,  he,  with  four  of  his  sachems, 
signed  an  instrument  declaring  that  he  had,  "  through 
his  indiscretion  and  the  naughtiness  of  his  heart,  vio- 
lated and  broken  his  covenant  with  his  friends  by  taking 
up  arms  with  evil  intent  against  them,  and  that  ground- 
lessly " ;  that  he  desired  "  solemnly  to  renew  his  cove- 
nant with  his  ancient  friends, whom  he  had  now 

and  at  all  times  found  kind  to  him";  and  that  he 
"  freely  engaged  to  resign  up  unto  the  government 
of  New  Plymouth  all  his  English  arms,  to  be  kept  by 
them  for  their  security,  so  long  as  they  should  see 
reason."  ^ 

1  In  this   interval,  Philip   was   sns-  2  In  this  month,  a  sharp  correspond- 

pected  by  Connecticut  and  Plymouth  ence    took    place    between    Governor 

of  having   some   treacherous   dealings  Prince  and  Daniel  Gookin,  the  super- 

with  Ninigret,  Sachem  of  the   Nian-  intendent  of  the  Praying  Indians.    (See 

tics.     (R.  I.  Rec,  11.  275  ;  comp.   193,  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  338.)  Gookin  thought 

198,  267,   269;  Conn.  Rec,  II.  548.)  that   Prince   had  been  pressing  hard 

But  Ninigret  cleared  both  himself  and  on  the   Indians.      Prince  feared  that 

Philip    from    the    charge.      Ninigret's  Gookin    had    countenanced    them    in 

former  transactions  with  the  English  being  troublesome.    (Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 

appear   to   have   satisfied   him  of  the  VI.  198-201.) 

expediency   of  a  peaceable   behavior.  3  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  11,  12; 

At  all  events,  in  the  war  now  coming  Mather,  Relation,  &c.,  73.    "  The  set^ 

on  he  took  no  part  against  them.  tlement  and  issue  of  that  controversy 


]^48  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

The  Court  of  Elections  met  at  Plymouth  two  months 
Renewed  after  the  treaty  at  Taunton,  and  found  con- 
dS^uon!  tmued  cause  for  solicitude.  Philip  had  "failed 
Junes,  gi-eatly  in  performance  thereof,  by  secret  con- 
veying away  and  carrying  home  several  guns  that 
might  and  should  have  been  then  delivered " ;  by  neg- 
lecting to  give  the  stipulated  orders  to  his  people ;  and 
by  endeavoring  to  make  Plymouth  "  odious  to  the 
neighbor  Colony  by  false  reports,  complaints,  and  sug- 
gestions." On  the  discovery  of  his  bad  faith  and  other 
misdemeanors,  the  Court  declared  his  arms  to  be  for- 
feited, and  proceeded  to  distribute  them  among 
the  towns.  The  Court  at  the  same  time  took 
engagements  of  friendship  and  fidelity  from  several  chiefs 
and  others  dwelling  on  and  near  Cape  Cod ;  and  they 
nominated  eight  persons  to  be  associated  with  the  Magis- 
trates as  a  "  Council  of  War."  ^ 

Philip  continued  contumacious.  The  missing  arms 
were  not  brought  in,  nor  was  any  excuse  made  for  the 
neglect.  He  gave  offence  by  "insolent  carriages  and 
expressions,"  and  by  "  entertaining  of  many  strange  In- 
dians, which  might  portend  danger."  The  Council  of 
War  determined  it  to  be  necessary  to   require 

Aug.  23.      -    ,  II-  1 

him  "  to  make  his  personal  appearance  to  make 
his  purgation,"  and,  "in  case  of  his  refusal, to  en- 
deavor his  reducement  by  force."  But  first,  as  the 
business  "  concerned  all  the  English  plantations,  it  was 
determined  to  state  the  case  to  the  neighbor  Colonies 
of  the  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island ;  and  if  by  their 
weighty  advice  to  the  contrary  they  were  not  diverted 
from  their  present  determinations,  to  signify  unto  them, 
that,  if  they  looked  upon  themselves  concerned  to  en- 
obtained  and  made  principally  by  the  tlement "  referred  to  in  this  quotation 
mediation  and  interposed  advice  and  is  that  of  September,  and  not  of  April, 
council  of  the  other  two  Confederate     1671. 

Colonies."     (Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,         i  Plym.  Eec,  V.  63,  66,  6  7,  70-  73. 
n.  532.)    Perhaps,  however,  the  "set- 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  149 

gage  in  the  case  against  a  common  enemy,  it  should 
be  well  accepted  as  a  neighborly  kindness,  which 
they  would  hold  themselves  obliged  to  repay  when 
Providence    might    so  dispose   that   they  had   opportu- 

nity."^         ... 

At  the  time  appointed  by  the  Council,  "Philip,  the 
Sachem,  appeared  not,  but  instead  thereof  repaired  to 
the  Massachusetts,  and  made  complaint  to  divers 
of  the  gentlemen  in  place  there."  The  effect 
of  his  representations  was  such,  that  the  persons  whose 
ear  he  had  obtained  wrote  to  Plymouth  in  his  behalf 
"  They  resented  not  his  offence  so  deeply " ;  and  "  they 
doubted  whether  the  covenants  and  engagements  that 
Philip  and  his  predecessors  had  plighted  would  plainly 
import  that  he  had  subjected  himself  and  people  and 
country  any  further  than  as  in  a  friendly  and  neigh- 
borly correspondency."  At  the  same  time  they  offered 
their  assistance  to  Plymouth  in  bringing  about  a  friendly 
settlement  of  the  quarrel.^ 

The  proposal  was  accepted ;  and  General  Leverett,  Mr. 
Danforth,  and   Captain  Davis  of  Massachusetts, 

Sept.  24. 

came  to  Plymouth,  where,  with  Winthrop  of 
Connecticut,  who  had  joined  them,  they  "  had  a  fair  and 
deliberate  hearing  of  the  controversy."  The  result  was 
that  "  the  gentlemen  forenamed,  taking  notice  of  the 
premises,  having  fully  heard  what  the  said  Philip  could 
say  for  himself,  having  free  liberty  so  to  do  without 
interruption,  adjudged  that  he  had  done  a  great  deal 
of  wrong  and  injury  respecting  the  premises,  and  also 
abused  them  by  carrying  lies  and  false  stories  unto 
them;  and  they  persuaded  him  to  make  acknowledg- 
ment of  his  fault,  and  to  seek  for  reconciliation 

Such   had   been   the   wrong  and  damage   that   he  had 

1  Ibid.,  76.     The  reader  will  remember  that  at  this  time  there  was  ho  Con- 
federacy. 

2  Ibid.,  77. 

13* 


250  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

done  and  procured  unto  the  Colony  as  ought  not  to 
be  borne  without  competent  reparation  and  satisfaction. 
They  persuaded  him  therefore  to  humble  him- 
self unto  the  Magistrates,  and  to  amend  his  ways,  if  he 
expected  peace ;  and  that,  if  he  went  on  in  his  refrac- 
tory way,  he  must  expect  to  smart  for  it In 

fine,  several  propositions  were  drawn  up  and  read,  unto 
which  he  was  left,  to  accept  of  or  to  reject,  as  he  should 
see  cause,  in  reference  unto  his  entering  into  a  new 
covenant,  and  also  in  reference  to  a  way  of  reparation 
of  some  part  of  the  wrong  done."  At  length,  by  a 
formal  instrument,  executed  "in  the  presence  of  the 
Court  [of  Plymouth]  and  divers  of  the  Magistrates  and 
„ ,  .  .       other  gentlemen  of  Massachusetts  and  Connect- 

Submission  *-' 

of  Philip.      icut,"  he  avowed  "himself,  his  council,  and  his 

Sept.  29.  .  ... 

subjects "  to  be  "  subject  to  his  Majesty  the 
King  of  England,  and  the  government  of  New  Plym- 
outh and  their  laws  " ;  and,  in  sign  of  fealty,  engaged  to 
pay  yearly  a  tribute  of  five  wolves'  heads,  besides  a 
hundred  pounds  in  three  years  to  defray  the  charges 
which  he  had  now  occasioned.  He  promised  to  make 
no  war,  and  part  with  no  lands,  except  with  the  appro- 
bation of  the  Governor  of  Plymouth,  and  to  apply  to 
the  Governor  for  justice  in  case  any  difference  should 
arise  between  the  English  and  himself  or  his  people.^ 
Five  of  his  sachems  signed  this  paper  with  him. 

When  for  more  than  three  years  the  quiet  thus  ob- 
tained had  been  unbroken,  of  a  sudden  "  the  Governor 
Charges  of  of  Plymouth  was  informed  by  Sausaman,  a  faith- 
sausaman      f-^j  Indian,  that  the  said   Philip  was  undoubt-- 

against  Philip.  '  C 

1674.  edly  endeavoring  to  raise  new  troubles,  and 
was  endeavoring  to  engage  all  the  sachems  round  about 
in  a  war ;  some  of  the  English,  also,  that  lived  near  the 
said   sachem,   communicated   their   fears  and  jealousies 

1  Plym.  Rec,  V.   76  -  80 ;  Mather,  Relation,  &c.,  73. 


Chap.  IV.] 


PHILIP'S   WAR. 


151 


concurrent  with  what  the  Indian  had  informed."^  Sau- 
saman  was  a  "  praying  Indian,"  who  could  write  as  well 
as  speak  English,  and  had  been  employed  as  a  school- 
master at  Natick.^  Getting  into  some  trouble  there, 
he  betook  himself  to  the  Pokanoket  country,  and  was 
employed  by  Philip  to  write  for  him,  when  he  had 
occasion  for  that  kind  of  service.  After  a  while  Sausa- 
man  returned  to  Natick,  where  he  received  baptism,  and 
officiated  as  a  preacher.  On  a  visit  to  his  old  friends 
of  Philip's  tribe,  he  observed  the  suspicious  proceedings 
which  he  made  known  to  the  Governor  of  Plymouth. 
"  Many  concurrent  testimonies  from  others "  corrobo- 
rated his  story.  What  he  had  seen  he  related  under  an 
assurance  that  the  source  of  the  information  should  be 
concealed,  "  adding  also,  that,  if  it  were  known  that  he 
revealed  it,  he  knew  they  would  presently  kill  him."  ^ 


1  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.  532. 

2  Sausaman  was  "  brought  up  in  the 
College  at  Cambridge."  ("  The  Present 
State  of  New  England  with  respect 
to  the  Indian  War,"  3.  This  tract  is 
the  earliest  of  four,  which  were  written 
in  America  during  Philip's  war,  and 
published  in  London,  and  which  are  to 
be  found  in  a  thin  folio  volume  in  the 
Library  of  Harvard  College.  "  The 
Present  State  of  New  England,"  &c., 
carries  the  story  down  to  November  1 0, 
1675;  the  second  tract  in  the  series, 
"  A  Continuation  of  the  State  of  New 
England,"  &c.,  continues  it  to  February 
8,  1676;  the  third,  "  A  New  and  Fur- 
ther Narrative  of  the  State  of  New 
England,"  &c.,  relates  the  transactions 
"from  March  till  August,  1676";  the 
fourth  purports  to  be  "  A  True  Ac- 
count of  the  most  Considerable  Oc- 
currences," &c.,  "from  the  fifth  of 
May,  1676,  to  the  fourth  of  August" 
of  the  same  year.  The  first  three 
(New  and  Further  Narrative,  &c.,  1), 
and  perhaps  the  fourth  (True  Ac- 
count, &c.,  1),  were  productions  of  the 


same  author,  who  was  "  a  merchant 
of  Boston."  They  contain  many  un- 
questionable errors,  and  President 
Mather  (History  of  the  War,  &c., 
Preface),  referring  to  the  first  of  them, 
speaks  of  "  the  abounding  mistakes 
therein,"  which  he  says  led  him  to  com- 
pose his  own  treatise.  But  sometimes 
they  preserve  public  acts,  and  they 
are  especially  worthy  of  attention  for 
their  record  of  the  wandering  rumors 
of  the  day.  He  also  refers  to  "  an- 
other narrative  of  this  war,  written  by 
a  Quaker  in  Rhode  Island,  who  pre- 
tended to  know  the  truth  of  things," 
but  whose  composition  was  "  fraught 
with  worse  things  than  mere  mistakes." 
(Ibid.)  This  Quaker  piece,  said  on  its 
title-page  to  have  come  from  Rhode 
Island  to  London,  may  have  been  "  The 
War  in  New  England  visibly  ended," 
&c.,  in  two  pages,  folio,  which,  with 
the  four  other  tracts  that  have  been 
mentioned,  was  reprinted  in  1836  by 
S.  G.  Drake,  in  a  little  volume  entitled 
"  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle.") 
3  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  14,  15. 


152  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Philip,  hearing   that  the  Governor   of  Plymouth  had 

received    intelligence    to    his    disadvantage,   and    would 

probably  send   for   him  to    appear  at  the  next    Court, 

resolved    to    anticipate    that  step ;  and,    coming    of  his 

1675.      own   accord   to  Plymouth   before    the    meeting 

March.  Qf  ^Yie  Court,  he  had  a  conference  with  the 
Assistants.  His  protestations  of  innocence  did  not  satisfy 
them ;  but,  "  not  having  full  proof,  and  hoping  that  the 
discovery  so  far  would  cause  him  to  desist,  they  dismissed 
him  friendly,"  with  a  warning  "  that,  if  they  heard  fur- 
ther concerning  that  matter,  they  might  see  reason  to 
demand  his  arms  to  be  delivered  up  for  their  security."  ^ 

Philip  went  home,  and,  not  many  days  after,  Sausa- 
man  disappeared.  His  friends,  searching  for  him,  found 
his  hat  and  gun  on  the  frozen  surface  of  a  pond  in 
what  is  now  the  town  of  Middleborough.  Thus  at- 
tracted to  the  spot,  they  discovered  his  body  under 
the  ice.  They  dragged  it  out  and  buried  it,  supposing 
that  he  had  been  accidentally  drowned.  But  the  Gov- 
ernor caused  it  to  be  disinterred  and  examined,  when 
marks  of  violence  appeared,  such  as  left  no  doubt  that 
the  man  had  been  murdered.      The  crime  was 

Murder  of 

sausaman.  traccd  to  thrco  Indians,  who  were  presently  ar- 
rested and  tried.^  The  Court  directed  "that, 
together  with  the  English  jury,  some  of  the  most  in- 
differentest,  gravest,  and  sage  Indians  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  be  with  the  jury,  and  to  help  to  consult  and 
advise  with,  of,  and  concerning  the  premises."  An  In- 
dian testified  "that  by  accident,  standing  unseen  upon 
a   hill,   he   had   seen   them   [the   prisoners]   murdering 

1  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  IT.  533.  Indian,  by  laying  violent  hands  on  him 

2  The  indictment  charged  that  they  and  striking  him,  or  twisting  his  neck, 
"did  with  joint  consent  [January  29],  until  he  was  dead;  and,  to  hide  and 
at  a  place  called  Assowamsett  Pond,  conceal  this  their  said  murder,  at  the 
wilfully  and  of  set  purpose,  and  of  time  and  place  aforesaid,  did  cast  his 
malice  aforethought,  and  by  force  of  dead  body  through  a  hole  of  the  ice 
arms,  murder  John  Sausaman,  another  into  the  said  pond." 


Chap.  IV.J 


PHILIP'S  WAR. 


153 


the  said  Sausaman,  but  durst  never  reveal  it  for  fear 
of  losing  his  own  life  likewise,  until  he  was  called  to 
the  Court  at  Plymouth,  or  before  the  Governor,  when 
he  plainly  confessed  what  he  had  seen."  On  this  evi- 
dence, confirmed  by  "  other  remarkable  circumstances," 
the  murderers  were  convicted,  and  sentenced  to  die,  the 
Indian  assessors,  six  in  number,  fully  concurring  with 
the  iury  in  their  verdict.  Two  of  the  convicts 
were  hanged,  and  one,  havmg  "  on  some  consid- 
erations "  been  reprieved  for  two  or  three  weeks,  was 
shot.  One  of  them  confessed  that  he  had  stood  by, 
while  the  other  two  committed  the  crime.-"^ 

"A  little  before  the  Court"  met  at  which  the  trial 
took  place,  "Philip  beo;an  to  keep  his  men  in  „ 

r  '  tr  O  tr  Hostile  prep- 

arms  about  him,  and  to  gather  strang-ers   unto  arations  of 

him,  and  to   march  about  in  arms  towards  the 


1  Plym.  Rec,  V.  167,  168;  Increase 
Mather,  Brief  History  of  the  War,  &c., 
2.  —  Some  circumstances,  as  the  na- 
ture of  the  testimony  and  the  con- 
fession, I  receive  from  Hubbard  (Nar- 
rative, &c.,  15),  who  probably  had  good 
information.  But  it  is  too  certain  that 
his  unsupported  statements  are  not  al- 
ways to  be  taken  without  allowance. 
Sometimes  a  person  enjoys  with  his 
contemporaries  a  high  reputation,  which 
posterity  is  unable  to  account  for.  One 
of  these  pet  reputations  was  Hub- 
bard's. When  the  Presidency  of  Har- 
vard College  was  vacant,  in  1684,  the 
Corporation  paid  him  the  compliment 
of  inviting  him  to  preside  at  the  Com- 
mencement, though  Increase  Mather 
was  at  hand.  The  General  Court  made 
him  a  grant  for  writing  a  History  of 
New  England,  which  down  to  the  year 
1648,  at  which  time  Winthrop's  nar- 
rative closes,  is  Httle  else  than  a  copy 
from  that  work,  and  for  the  later  years 
is  good  for  nothing.  Eliot  (Biographi- 
cal Dictionary,  Art.  Hubbard)  found 
that  the  old  people  of  Ipswich   "  had 


no  impressions  made  upon  their  minds 
of  the  character  of  Mr.  Hubbard," 
though  they  had  heard  from  their 
fathers  a  great  deal  about  his  pre- 
decessors in  that  church.  Hubbard 
took  no  generous  part  in  the  great 
political  struggles  of  his  time ;  and  the 
tone,  in  that  part  of  his  "  History  of 
New  England  "  in  which  anything  can 
be  called  his  own,  is  feeble,  courtly, 
and  timid,  as  is  also  the  tone  of  his 
Election  Sermon  in  1676.  Still  his 
"  Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the 
Indians"  must  be  regarded  as  a  good 
authority  in  respect  to  the  events  of 
Philip's  war.  It  is  attested  as  such, 
in  a  sort  of  imprimatur,  by  Bradstreet, 
Denison,  and  Dudley,  who  were  de- 
puted by  the  Magistrates  to  examine  it. 
Ipswich,  of  which  town  Hubbard  was 
minister,  was  during  the  war  one  of 
the  centres  of  intelligence,  and  several 
of  the  officers  (Appleton,  Lothrop,  and 
others),  and  many  of  the  troops  who 
did  good  service,  were  members  of  his 
church. 


254  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

upper  end  of  the  neck  on  which  he  hved,  and  near 
to  the  EngUsh  houses."  The  neck  on  which  Phihp  lived 
was  that  beautiful  peninsular  range  of  hills,  twelve  miles 
long,  called  Mount  Hope}  and  now  belonging  to  the  town 
of  Bristol,  which  the  traveller  from  Boston  to  New 
New  York  by  Fall  Eiver  sees  on  his  right  hand  as  he 
passes  down  Taunton  River  into  Narragansett  Bay. 
Philip's  movements  were  observed ;  but  it  was  thought 
prudent  to  take  "as  yet  no  further  notice  than  only 
to  order  a  military  watch  in  all  the  adjacent  towns, 
hoping  that,  Philip  finding  himself  not  likely  to  be 
arraigned  by  order  of  the  said  Court,  the  present  cloud 
might  blow  over,  as  some  others  of  like  nature  had 
done  before."^ 

But  no  sooner  was  the  Court  dissolved,  than  intelli- 
gence came  to  Plymouth  from  Swanzey  to  the  effect 
"  that  Philip  and  his  men  continued  constantly  in  arms, 
many  strange  Indians  from  several  places  flocked  in  to 
him,  and  that  they  sent  away  their  wives  to  Narragan- 
sett " ;  that  they  "  were  giving  frequent  alarums  by 
drums  and  guns  in  the  night,  and  invaded  the  passage 
towards  Plymouth;  and  that  their  young  Indians  were 
earnest  for  a  war."  The  Magistrates  "wrote 
an  amicable,  friendly  letter  to  Philip, ad- 
vising him  to  dismiss  his  strange  Indians,  and  command 

his  own  men  to  fall  quietly  to  their  business, and 

not  to  suffer  himself  to  be  abused  by  reports  concern- 
ing them,  who  intended  him  no  wrong  nor  hurt." 
But  the  messenger  obtained  no  answer.^ 

1  It  is  not  certain  whether  this  name  land^  or  bold  promontory.      Tliis  fact 

should   be   written   thus,   as   English,  favors  the  Indian  derivation.     But,  on 

or  Montaup,   as   Indian.      A  learned  the  other  hand,  the  records  of  all  the 

friend,  to   whom  I  am  often  indebted  four  Colonies,  as  well  as  most,  if  not 

for  knowledge  not  elsewhere  to  be  had,  all,  of  the  other  old  writings,  use  the 

and  who  has  read  Eliot's  Indian  Bible,  name  Mount  Hope. 
which   it   is   commonly   said   no    man         2  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  16. 
living  has  the  skill  to  do,  informs  me         3  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  U.  333. 

that  Ontup  [or  Ontaupl  means  a  head-  ■ 


A    M  AP   O  F 

NEfr-ENqLAND^ 

hiiH^tht  fir'l  thii  evfT  wn  bin  cut,  4tnidtn< 
by  ihi  ttji  Pittfru  ihtt  tntld  kt  bad^  tthich  bung, 
I  infimtpliCttd-frOiv',  K  mtJe  tbrolhtt  I'ft 
>•      txiO:  yft  dub  il  fufficiemlfPiftr  thr.Seitt*- 


i 

St 


Assault  of 
>    the  Indians 
town 
anzey. 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  155 

The  town  of  Swanzey,  "  consisting  of  forty  dwelling- 
houses,  most  of  them  very  fair  buildings,"  ^  was  the  near- 
est of  the  English  towns  to  Philip's  territory' 
On  a  Sunday  a  party  of  Indians  approached  it 
burned  two  houses,  and  then  withdrew.     Three  ""f" 

'  of  Swa 

days  after  this,  "a  dozen  more  of  their  houses    J^^-^e-^o 
at  Swanzey  were  rifled  " ;  the  next  day  an  Eng- 

Ti  1'nTi  Ti  T  June  23-25. 

lishman   was   killed   there ;   and   the   next   day 
several  others,^  "  upon  whose  bodies  they  exercised  more 
than  brutish  barbarities,  beheading,  dismembering,  and 
mangling   them,   and    exposing    them   in  the   most   in- 
human manner."* 

By  this  time  a  small  force  from  the  Plymouth  towns 
had  marched,  under  the  command  of  Major  Bradford 
and  Major  Cudworth,  to  Swanzey,  where  they 

,  .     .  ,      ,  p    /»       1     Movement 

were   presently  joined    by   a   company  of  loot  ofcoioniai 
under    Captain    Henchman,    a    troop    of  horse  ^j^gs 
under  Captain  Prentice,  and  a  hundred  volun- 


1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  133.  viz. :  2,  for  Seekonk ;  3,  for  Middle- 
.  2  The  accompanying  map  is  a  fac-  borough,  which,  however,  belongs  fur- 
simile  of  the  delineation  which  is  pre-  ther  north ;  4,  for  Dartmouth ;  8,  for 
fixed  to  the  second  edition  of  Hubbard's  Mendon;  13,  for  Hatfield;  16,  for 
"Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the  Westfield;  17,  for  Worcester;  18,  for 
Indians,"  published  in  1677,  —  "the  Pettyquamscot;  19,  for  the  Narragan- 
first  map  here  cut,"  as  the  title-page  sett  fort  attacked  in  December,  1675; 
declares.  The  topography  will  be  seen  20,  for  Warwick ;  25,  for  Wickford ; 
to  be  represented  in  it  with  a  very  35,  for  Audover;  42,  for  Kittery ;  47, 
imperfect  approximation  to  correctness,  for  York ;  50,  for  Saco ;  51,  for  Wells ; 

The  heavy  black  lines  running  at  54,  for  Scarborough;  and  55,  for  Fal- 
right  angles  from  the  coast  indicate  the  mouth.  Several  settlements  are  in- 
northern  and  southern  boundaries  of  dicated  by  the  form  of  a  building. 
Massachusetts,  according  to  the  artist's  These  the  reader  may  identify  by  a 
interpretation  of  the  Charter.  It  will  comparison  of  their  position  with  the 
be  observed  that  they  comprehend  a  corresponding  places  as  laid  down  in 
portion  of  Plymouth  Colony.  A  lighter  the  map  at  the  beginning  of  this  vol- 
line  drawn  from  Medfield  to  Scituate  ume.  This  map  also  shows  a  number 
intimates  a  concession  which  in  point  of  settlements  already  existing,  of  which 
of  fact  had  been  made  to  the  older  no  notice  is  taken  in  Hubbard's  sketch, 
jurisdiction.  ^  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  H.  633. 

The  figures  that  have  no  names  at-  ^  Church,  Entertaining  Passages  re- 

tached  stand  for  the  following  places,  lating  to  Philip's  War,  &c.,  5. 


256  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

teers  under  Captain  Mosely,^  all  of  whom  had  been  de- 
spatched from  Boston  by  the  Magistrates,  as  soon  as  in- 
telligence of  what  had  taken  place  reached  that  town.^ 
On  the  evening  of  their  arrival  after  a  forced  march 
of  more  than  twenty-four  hours,^  a  reconnoitring  party 

of  the  troopers  was  fired  upon  from  the  bushes, 
phiupfrom    and  one  man  was  killed  and  another  wounded. 

The  next  morning,  a  number  of  Indians,  ap- 
proaching the  English  camp,  were  driven  back  by  Cap- 
tain Mosely,  and  five  or  six  of  them  were  killed.  Philip 
perceived  his  position  to  be  untenable,  and  the  following 
night  transported  himself  and  his  companions  in  canoes 
to  Pocasset,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Bay,  where 
stands  at  present  the  town  of  Tiverton.*  The  English, 
now  led  by  Major  Savage,^  who  had  come  from  Boston 
with  a  reinforcement  to  assume  the  chief  command,  oc- 
cupied Mount  Hope,  —  where  they  found  the  heads  of 
eight  of  their  countrymen  raised  on  poles,  and  lost  some 
time  in  throwing  up  a  slight  fortification.^     Meanwhile 

1  "  This  Captain  Mosely  hath  been  an  also  that  in  the  centre  of  the  moon 
old  privateer  at  Jamaica,  an  excellent  they  discerned  an  unusual  black  spot, 
soldier,  and  of  an  undaunted  spirit."  not  a  little  resembling  the  scalp  of  an 
(Present  State  of  New  England,  &c.,  4.)  Indian."      Hubbard,    Narrative,    &c., 

2  "June   29   was   a   day  of  public  17,18. 

humiliation  in  this  Colony  [Massachu-  *  Church,     Entertaining     Passages, 

setts],   appointed  by  the   Council,  in  &c.,  6. 

respect  of  the  war  which  is  now  begun."  5  Thomas    Savage,    married    to    a 

(Mather,   Brief  History  of  the  War,  daughter  of  Ann  Hutchinson,  was  one 

&(..  4.\  of  those   who   went  to  Rhode  Island 

3  "It  being  late  in  the  afternoon  with  Coddington  in  1636.  (See  above, 
before  they  began  to  march,  the  cen-  Vol.  I.  p.  509.)  He  soon  came  back, 
tral  eclipse  of  the  moon  in  Capric  however,  having  sown  his  wild  oats, 
happened  in  the  evening,  before  they  and  had  now  been  a  Deputy  in  the 
came  up  to  Neponset  River,  about  General  Court  for  Boston  since  1654. 
twenty  miles  from  Boston,  which  oc-  Major-General  Denison  had  been  ap- 
casioned  them  to  make  a  halt  for  a  pointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
little  repast,  till  the  moon  recovered  Massachusetts  troops  (Mass.  Arch., 
her  light  again.  Some  melancholy  LXVH.  208),  but  was  taken  ill,  and 
fancies  would  not  be  persuaded  but  Savage  was  substituted  in  his  place, 
that  the  eclipse,  falling  out  at  that  in-  (Ibid..  209.) 

stant  of  time,  was  ominous,  conceiving        6  "  The  army  now  lay  still  to  cover 


Chap.  IV.] 


PHILIP'S   WAR. 


157 


parties  of  Philip's  men  who  had  crossed  the  Bay  moved 
towards  Plymouth,  and  fell  upon  the  settlements  at 
Dartmouth,  Taunton,  and  Middleborough,  burning  the 
houses,  and  butchering  the  inhabitants.^ 

It  was  thought  material  to  take  precautions  against 
combinations  by  Philip  with  other  tribes;  and  commis- 
sioners of  Massachusetts^  and  Connecticut,  attended  by 


the  people  from  nobody,  while  they 
were  building  a  fort  for  nothing."  So 
thought  Benjamin  Church  (Entertain- 
ing Passages,  &c.,  6),  when,  forty  years 
afterward,  at  which  time  he  was  seventy- 
seven  years  old,  he  and  his  son,  between 
them,  made  up  the  very  amusing  book 
which  I  cite.  In  the  Preface  he  says : 
"  Having  my  minutes  by  me,  my  son 
has  taken  the  care  and  pains  to  col- 
lect from  them  the  ensuing  narrative, 

which  I  have  had  the  perusal 

of,  and  find  nothing  amiss  as  to  the 
truth  of  it."  The  book  is  a  collection 
of  the  reminiscences  of  a  humorous  old 
campaigner,  who  has  told  his  stories 
over  and  over  again  for  two  scores  of 
years,  not  allowing  them  to  lose  any- 
thing in  vivacity  by  the  successive  repe- 
titions. The  self-satisfaction  apparent 
in  them,  in  no  way  offensive,  is  an  ele- 
ment in  the  spirit  of  the  narrative. 
Church  was  apt  to  criticize  sharply  the 
tactics  of  his  superiors,  and,  in  the 
management  of  the  first  invasion  of 
Mount  Hope,  he  was  dissatisfied  with 
the  proceedings  of  the  unnamed  "  chief 
commander"  (p.  12),  by  whom,  of 
course,  he  means  Major  Savage.  But 
it  is  not  presumptuous  to  suppose  that 
Savage  knew  better  what  was  fit  to 
be  done  under  the  circumstances  than 
his  dashing  subaltern. 

Church,  a  native  of  Duxbury,  had, 
in  1674,  bought  land  for  a  farm  at 
Seghonate,  now  Little  Compton,  and 
there  erected  buildings  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  some  Indians,  whose  Squaic 

VOL.  III.  14 


Sachem  was  named  Awashonks.  (En- 
tertaining Passages,  1  et  seq.,  Pref) 
The  next  spring,  when  Philip  was  be- 
ginning to  move,  Church  interested 
himself  successfully  with  Awashonks 
and  with  "  the  Queen  of  Pocasset "  to 
detach  them  from  the  alliance  of  that 
prince.  (Ibid.,  2,  3  ;  comp.  Records,  &c., 
in  Hazard,  II.  533 ;  Present  State  of 
New  England,  3,  4.)  Then  he  went 
to  Plymouth,  to  acquaint  the  Magis- 
trates with  what  he  had  observed.  At 
the  news  of  the  first  assault  on  Swan- 
zey.  Governor  Winslow  desired  him  to 
accompany  the  force  which  Vas  to 
march  under  Major  Bradford.  He  did 
so,  and  took  an  active  part  in  the  pro- 
ceedings which  followed  till  the  seat  of 
war  was  transferred  to  the  west.  The 
narrative  of  his  exploits  during  these 
weeks  is  circumstantial.  (Entertain- 
ing Passages,  &c.,  4-13.) 

1  "  They  burned  nearly  thirty  houses 
in  Dartmouth,  killing  many  people 
after  a  most  barbarous  manner,  as  skin- 
ning them  all  over  alive,  some  only 
their  heacb,  cutting  off  their  hands 
and  feet."  (Present  State,  &c.,  6.) 
The  inhabitants  were  "  most  of  them 
Quakers."  (Brief  and  True  Narra- 
tion, &c.,  5.) 

2  Joseph  Dudley,  destined  to  become 
the  most  important  man  in  New  Eng- 
land, was  one  of  the  commissioners 
from  Massachusetts  on  this  occasion. 
He  had  now  been  only  ten  years  out  of 
College,  where  he  had  been  a  classmate 
of  the  Indian  Cheeshahteaumuck. 


158  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  UI. 

a  strong  military  force,  were  sent  to  obtain  new  guar- 
anties of  friendship  from  the  Narragansetts,  They  suc- 
Arrangement  cceded  in  negotiating  a  treaty,  by  which  the 
with  the  Nar-  (.jjjgfg  (jf  ^j^^^  formidable  race  aorreed,  for  a  stipii- 

ragansetts.  O  7  r 

July  15.  lated  price,  to  deliver  up  to  the  English,  living 
or  dead,  whatever  subjects  of  Philip  should  come  within 
their  country,  and  to  resist  any  invasion  by  Philip  of 
their  own  lands  or  of  the  lands  of  the  English.  And 
they  gave  hostages  for  their  fulfilment  of  these  en- 
gagements, and  of  others  of  a  more  general  nature. 
Plymouth  was  understood  to  be  included  in  the  agree- 
ment, though  the  imperilled  state  of  that  Colony  pre- 
vented the  presence  of  commissioners  on  its  part.^ 

But  already  the  war  had  broken  out  in  a  different 
„     ^  .       quarter,  and   the  state  of  thinars  became  much 

Second  stage       ^  '  O 

of  the  war.     niore  alarming  when  an  attack  upon  the  Massa- 

Rising  of  the  °  •"■ 

Nipmucksiu  chusetts  town  of  Mendon  by  some  Nipmuck 
setts.  Indians  showed  that  Philip's  was  even  now  not 

JuiyH.  ^i^g  ^^1^  hostile  tribe.  Except  at  Brookfield, 
where  fifteen  or  sixteen  families  had  settled,^  the  cen- 
tral region  of  Massachusetts,  from  Lancaster  to  Con- 
necticut Kiver,  was  iminhabited  by  Englishmen.  "  There 
was  a  great  rendezvous  of  Nipmuck  Indians  at  Qua- 
boag,  now  Brookfield,^  and  Captain  Edward  Hutchinson,* 
of  Massachusetts,  was  sent  to  them  in  the  hope 
of  effecting  a  similar  understanding  to  what 
had  lately  been  brought  about  with  the  Narragansetts.^ 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative  of  the  Troubles,  Boston.  (Huntington,  Centennial  Ad- 
&c.,  20  -  23.  dress  at  HadJey,  24.) 

2  New  Hampshire  Hist.  Col.,  H.  18.  4  Edward  Hutchinson,  like  his  sister's  . 

3  From  Brookfield,  a  little  settle-  husband,  Major  Savage,  had  gone  to 
ment  then  fifteen  years  old,  three  roads,  Rhode  Island  and  returned,  and  had 
or  rather  horse-paths,  went  eastward ;  now  been  a  Deputy  in  the  General 
one  by  Lancaster,   one   by    Qulnsiga-  Court  since  1658. 

mond  (Worcester),  and  one  by  Hassa-  5  The  Magistrates   had  information 

namissit  (Grafton).     From  the  towns  that    a    hundred    Narragansetts    had 

on  the  Connecticut,  produce  was  still  marched    into   the  Nij)muck   country, 

sent   down    the   river   on   its   way    to  (Mass.  Arch.,  LXVU.  228.) 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  159 

Arrangements  for  a  conference  Avere  made,  and  Hutch- 
inson, with  three  citizens  of  Brookfield,  escorted 
by  twenty  troopers  under  Captain  Wheeler,  re- 
paired to  the  spot  agreed  upon,  "a  plain  within  three 
miles  of  Brookfield,"  but  did  not  find  the  savages.  Pro- 
ceeding in  search  of  them  some  seven  miles  further, 
the  party  fell  into  an  ambush,  where  the  path  lay 
between  "a  very  rocky  hill  on  the  right  hand,  and  a 
thick  swamp  on  the  left."  The  Indians  fired  upon  them, 
and  killed  eio-ht  men  upon  the  spot.     Wheeler 

o  J.  J.  Defeat  of 

and    three    others    were    wounded.      Wheeler's  captain 

,    .,,      ,  ,    ,  .      ^  .    ^  Hutchinson. 

horse  was  killed,  and  he  was  supplied  with  an- 
other by  his  son,  who,  though  nearly  helpless  from  a 
wound  of  his  own,  dismounted  and  pursued  his  feeble  way 
on  foot,  till  fortunately,  after  receiving  another  gunshot 
wound,  he  caught  the  horse  of  one  of  his  dead  comrades. 
As  yet  Philip,  after  decamping  from  Mount  Hope,  had 
sheltered  his  followers  from  pursuit  in  a  bushy  swamp 
at  Pocasset,  which  the  English  could  not  penetrate, 
though  there  were  occasional  skirmishes,  and  several 
lives  were  lost  on  both  sides.  At  length,  finding  him- 
self too  closely  pressed  after  the  return  of  the 

111  •  XT  July  18. 

troops  who  had  been  m  the  JNarragansett  coun- 
try, he    on   a   Sunday  left  his  refuge,  crossed  Taunton 
River,  and  led  his  companions  into  the  interior 
country.^      The   English,  with    a    party   of  Mo- 
hegans,  pursued  him,  and  cut  off*  thirty  of  his  men,  but 
did  not  succeed  in  preventino;  his  iunction  with 

■I-  a  o  Escape  of 

the  Nipmucks,  whose  camp  he  reached  the  day  Phuiptothe 
before  the  fight  near  Brookfield  which  has  just    Aug.  i. 
been  related. 

The  English  fugitives  from  that  unfortunate  field  got 
back  to  Brookfield  by  a  circuitous  way,  and,  with  such 
means  as  they  had,  proceeded  to  fortify  themselves  in 

1  Church,     Entertaining     Passages,     23-27;  Mather,    Brief  History,  &c., 
&c.,  7-13;  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,     5,6. 


]^gQ  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

a^  large  house,  where  they  were  presently  joined  by 
most  of  the  inhabitants.  Wheeler,  disabled  by  his  wound, 
devolved  the  command  of  the  feeble  garrison  on  Simon 
Davis,  of  Concord.  The  Indians  soon  appeared,  in  num- 
ber, as  was  believed,  no  less  than  three  hundred,  and 
burned  all  the  buildings  in  the  outskirts  of  the  town. 
They  drove  back  two  men,  who  were  sent  out  with  a 
message  to  Boston.  Their  fire  mortally  wounded  one 
man  in  the  house.  Another,  venturing  out  of  it,  fell 
into  their  hands.  They  "cut  off  his  head,  kicking  it 
about  like  a  football,  and  then,  putting  it  upon  a  pole, 
they  set  it  up  before  the  door  of  his  father's  house." 
Their  shot  allowed  the  beleaguered  English  no  rest  that 
night.     When   the  moon  rose,  at  three   o'clock 

Operations  of,  .  iitt  l  T 

the  Indians  at  the  ucxt  morumg,  the  Indians  heaped  up  a 
^"lu^ults  quantity  of  combustible  matter  at  one  corner 
of  the  house,  and  set  it  on  fire ;  but  it  was  ex- 
tinguished by  a  sallying  party,  who  were  protected  by 
the  marksmen  in  the  house.  On  a  third  attempt,  made 
just  before  dawn,  a  messenger  got  away  on  the  path 
towards  Boston.  Through  that  day  and  the  next  night 
the  discharge  of  musketry  against  the  house  continued, 
and  repeated  attempts  were  made  to  fire  it.  Arrows, 
tipped  with  burning  rags  of  cotton  and  linen,  were  shot 
to  the  roof,  through  which  holes  had  to  be  cut  to  get 
at  them  with  water.  "A  ball  of  wild-fire"  reached 
the  garret,  where  was  a  heap  of  flax  or  tow,  but  was 
fortunately  discovered  in  season  to  prevent  mischief. 
Besides  the  men,  there  were  women  and  children  with- 
in the  house  to  the  number  of  fifty,  and  the  shot  from 
without  often  pierced  the  walls. 

The  difficulty  for  the  Indians  was  to  get  near  enough, 

under  the  fire  from  the  house,  to  burn  out  the  besieged 

party.     By  the  third  day,  they  had  built  a  sort 

of  "  carriage   about  fourteen   yards  long,"   with 

a   barrel   for  a  wheel,  and  "loaded   the  front   or   fore- 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  161 

end  thereof  with  matter  fit  for  firing,  as  hay,  and  flax, 
and  chips,  &c."  But  Providence  was  watchful.  In  the 
course  of  the  day  there  fell  "  a  shower  of  rain,  whereby 
the  matter  prepared,  being  wet,  would  not  so  easily  take 
fire  as  it  would  otherwise  have  done." 

The  worst  was  now  over.      An  hour  after  nightfall, 
Major   Simon    Willard    galloped   into    the    town   at  the 
head    of   forty-seven    heavy-armed    horsemen.      In    the 
forenoon  Willard  was  on  his  way  with  that  little  force 
from    Lancaster  to    Groton,  when  a  messenger 
from  Marlborough  overtook  him  with  the  tidings  bIoL&m 
which  had  been  brought  thither  by  the  runner  \y^^^J^^ 
from  Brookfield.     The  distance  to  be  travelled 
in  order  to  carry  relief  was  thirty  miles,  and  the  road 
was  not  such  as  might  favor  a  rapid  movement.      But 
Willard    was    at    home   in    the    saddle   notwithstanding 
the  burden  of  seventy  years,  and  he   came   in  season 
to   save   his  friends  another  night  of  sleepless   misery ; 
"God,   who    comforteth   the   afilicted,   as   he    comforted 
the   holy   Apostle   Paul  by  the    coming  of  Titus   unto 
him,   so   he    greatly    comforted   his   distressed   servants, 
both  soldiers  and  town  inhabitants,  by  the   coming  of 
the   said   honored   Major,   and   those  with   him."      The 
Indians  fired  upon  the  new-comers,  and  wounded  two 
men.     But  the  next  morning  before  daybreak 

Augusts. 

they  dispersed,  havmg,  accordmg  to  a  subse- 
quent statement  of  one  of  them,  sufiered  a  loss  of  not 
fewer  than  eighty,  in  killed  and  wounded,  during  the 
three  days.  On  that  day,  as  was  afterwards  reported 
by  a  captive  Indian,  Philip,  accompanied  by  forty  of  his 
men,  with  their  women  and  children,  was  conducted  to  a 
swamp  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  Brookfield,  where  he 
met  some  of  the  Nipmuck  chiefs,  and  made  them  pres- 
ents in  acknowledgment  of  their  recent  exploit.  The 
next  week,  as  many  of  the  survivors  of  Wheel- 
er's command  as  were  able  to  travel  came  down 

14* 


X62  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

to  Marlborough,  where  Hutchinson  died  of  his  wound.-^ 
Near  by,  at  Lancaster,  the  Indians,  who  had 
followed  him,  surprised  and  butchered  an  Eng- 
lish family,^  that  were  keeping  their  Sabbath 
at    home.     Willard    proceeded    to   Hadley,   and 

remained  there  with  his  troop  two  or  three  weeks.^ 
After  Philip's  departure  from  Plymouth,  that  Colony 

was  tranquil   for   a   time ;  but,  throughout   the   length 

and  breadth  of  Massachusetts,  the  alarm  reached  every 
settlement  and    every  dwellinsr.      The   exposed 

Operations  on  ./  o  i 

Connecticut  statc  of  the  remotc  towns  on  the  Connecticut 
excited  special  solicitude,  and  forces  were  sent 
in  that  direction  from  the  seaboard,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Captain  Beers,  of  Watertown,  Captain  Lothrop, 
of  Ipswich,  and  Captain  Mosely,  of  Boston,*  and  from 
Hartford,  under  the  command  of  Major  Treat,  of  Mil- 
ford,  who  was  also  accompanied  by  a  party  of  Mohe- 
gan   Indians.^      Major   Pynchon,  of  Springfield,  son   of 

1  Captain  Thomas  Wheeler's  True  had  among  the  Sandwich-Islanders. 
Narrative  of  the  Lord's  Providences,  (Present  State  of  New  England,  12.) 
&c.,  in  Collections  of  the  New  Hamp-  "  When  he  came  to  engage  the  enemy," 
shire  Historical  Society,  II.  5  -  23.  says  the  Reverend  IMr.  Niles,  "  he  was 
Whoever  has  followed  this  author  wont  to  hang  his  wig  upon  a  bush,  and 
through  his  affecting  narrative  has  stiU  to  wear  his  head  upon  his  shoul- 
been  well  pleased  to  learn  from  him  ders,  and  do  great  exploits  among 
at  the  close :  "  I  am  reasonable  well,  them."  (History  of  the  Indian  and 
though  I  have  not  the  use  of  my  hand  French  Wars,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
and  arm  as  before  ;  my  son  Thomas,  XXVI.  180.  I  do  not  resort  to  this 
though  in  great  hazard  of  life  for  some  narrative  as  an  authority.  It  was  writ- 
time  after  his  return  to  Concord,  yet  ten  not  long  befoi'e  the  middle  of  the 
is  now  very  well  cured,  and  his  strength  eighteenth  century,  and  is  so  inaccu- 
well  restored."  rate  as  to  place  in  1 6  74  those  events 

2  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  7 ;  Wil-  of  Philip's  War  whi(;h  belong  to  16  75.) 
lard.  Address  at  Lancaster,  90.  5  Connecticut  had  been  delayed  by 

3  Willard,  Willard  Memoir,  249  -  her  dispute  with  Andros  (see  above,  pp. 
253.  129-131)  from  joining  in  the  move- 

4  Mosely,  it  seems,  wore  a  periwig,  ment  against  the  Indians.  "  It  is  a  time 
of  which  in  battle  he  used  to  disem-  of  difficulty  with  us,"  her  General  Court 
barrass  himself;  and  he  thus  acquired  wrote,  July  9th,  to  Massachusetts, 
among  the  Indians  the  same  reputation  (Conn.  Rec,  II.  260,  335,  581.)  At 
of  having  two  heads  as  Captain  Cook  the  same  time  the  Court  appointed  a 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  163 

the  former  Assistant  of  that  name/  was  the  officer  high- 
est in  command  in  this  quarter  after  Willard  went  east- 
ward. Hadley  was  designated  to  be  made  the  principal 
miUtary  post,  and  the  place  of  deposit  for  supplies.  At 
Hatfield,  a  little  stockade  had  been  put  in  charge  of  some 
Indian  auxiliaries,  who  were  supplied  with  arms  and 
ammunition.  There  appeared  reason  to  suspect  their 
fidelity;  and  Beers  and  Lothrop,  sent  with  a  hundred 
men  to  disarm  them,  found  that  they  had  decamped 
the    nio-ht   before.      The    Eno^lish  pursued,  and 

^  .  ?        1  August  25. 

came  upon*them  m  a  swamp,""  where  an  engage- 
ment took  place,  in  which  ten  of  the  English  fell,^  and 
twenty-six  of  the  savages. 

At  the  end  of  another  week,  separate  attacks  were  made 
unon  two  of  the  settlements  on  the  Connecticut. 

J^  Assaults 

At   Deerfield,   several   houses   and    barns   were  upon  Deer 
burned,  and  two  men  were  killed.     At  Hadley,  Hadiey. 
from  which  place  the  Indians  had  observed  most    ^^^'■^' 
of  the  garrison  to  be  absent,  the  inhabitants  were  keep- 
ing a  fast,  when  their  devotion  was  disturbed  by  the  out- 
cries of  the  furious  enemy.     Seizing  the  muskets  which 

stood  by  their  sides,  the  men  rushed  out  of  their  meet- 
Standing  Council,  consisting  of  the  Gov-  "made  choice  of  Major  Robert  Trent 
emor,  the  Deputy-Governor,  the  Mag-  to  go  out  Commander-in-Chief."  (Ibid., 
istrates,  and  four  eminent  citizens,  to  354 ;  comp.  356,  360.) 
act  for  it  in  all  emergencies  during  its  ^  See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  395,  note, 
recess.  The  Journal  of  this  Coun-  2  Xhe  swamp  is  ten  miles  north  from 
cil  is  extant.  (Conn.  Rec,  II.  335  el  Hatfield,  at  the  foot  of  Sugar-Loaf 
seq.)  Under  its  direction,  the  military  Hill,  which  rises  almost  perpondicu- 
operations  of  Connecticut  were  con-  larly  five  hundred  feet  from  the  plain  ; 
ducted  for  three  months,  at  the  end  of  a  bold  cliff  of  basalt  supporting  red 
which  time  the  Court  met  again.     Au-  sandstone. 

gust  5   (Ibid.,   345)    they   despatched  3  Mather  remarked  (Brief  History, 

a  reinforcement  of  forty  men  to  Brook-  &c.,  7)  that  the  Englishmen  who  were 

field.     The  following  day   (Ibid.,  346)  killed  (nine  in  number  according  to  his 

they  ordered  a  levy  of  two  hundred  reckoning)  belonged  to  as  many  "  sev- 

and  thirty  dragoons,  to  be  prepared  to  eral  towns,  as  if,"  he  adds,  "  the  Lord 

march  at  an  hour's  notice.    They  raised  should  say  that  he  hath  a  controversy 

a   force   of  friendly  Indians.      (Ibid.,  with  every  plantation,  and  therefore  all 

348-350,     352.)       August   25    they  need  to  repent  and  reform  their  ways." 


154  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

ing-house,  and  hastily  fell  into  line ;  but  the  suddenness 
of  the  assault  from  a  foe  now  enclosing  them  all  around 
was  bewildering,  and  they  seemed  about  to  give  way, 
when,  it  is  said,  an  unknown  man  of  advanced  years 
and  ancient  garb  appeared  among  them,  and  abruptly 
assumed  the  direction  with  the  bearing  and  tone  of  one 
used  to  battles.  His  sharp  word  of  command  instantly 
restored  order.  Musket  and  pike  were  handled  with 
nerve.  The  invaders  were  driven  in  headlong  flight 
out  of  the  town.  When  the  pursuers  collected  again, 
their  deliverer  had  disappeared,  nor  could  any  man 
get  an  answer  to  the  question,  by  what  instrument 
a  gracious  Providence  had  interposed  for  their  rescue. 
The  regicide  It  was  thc  rogicido  Colonel  GofFe.  Sitting  at 
Colonel  Gofife.  ^  wludow  of  Mr.  RusscH's  house  while  his  neigh- 
bors were  at  their  worship,  he  had  seen  the  stealthy 
savages  coming  down  over  the  hills ;  the  old  ardor  took 
possession  of  him  once  more;  he  rushed  out  to  win 
one  more  victory  for  God's  people,  and  then  went  back 
to  the  retirement  from  which  no  man  knows  that  he 
ever  emerged  again.^ 

1  See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  507.  For  that  it  "is  preserved  to  this  day  in  the 
this  story  (put  by  Sir  Walter  Scott  into  tradition  at  New  Haven  and  Hadl^y  " ; 
the  mouth  of  Major  Bridgenorth  in  and,  according  to  his  custom,  he  re- 
Peveril  of  the  Peak,  Chap.  XIV.)  I  am  lates  it  en  beau.  But  so  vague  a  state- 
very  sorry  to  say  that  I  can  find  no  ear-  ment  of  so  careless  an  inquirer  settles 
lier  authority  than  Hutchinson's.  (His-  nothing.  I  can  hear  of  no  tradition 
tory,  I.  201.)  He  introduces  it  by  saying  that  is  not  traceable  to  Hutchinson's 
that  he  is  "  loath  to  omit  an  anecdote  history.  The  letter  of  Dr.  Hopkins  of 
handed  down  through  Governor  Lev-  Hadley  to  Dr.  Stiles,  in  Judd's  "  His- 
erett's  family."  Leverett  is  known  to  tory  of  Hadley  "  (219),  is  not  a  weighty 
have  secretly  visited  at  Hadley  his  old  contribution  to  the  evidence.  It  would 
companion  in  arms.  (Ibid.)  Leverett's  have  been  more  so,  had  not  the  story 
widow  lived  till  1704,  and  may  well  been  in  print  long  before  in  Hutch- 
have  told  the  story  to  some  person  from  inson's  work.  That  neither  Hubbard 
whom  Hutchinson  had  it.  But  I  am  (Narrative,  &c.,  37)  nor  Mather  (Brief 
disappointed  in  tlie  hope  of  finding  con-  History,  &c.,  7,  8)  relates  it,  is  not  ex- 
firmation  of  it  in  the  Connecticut  River  traordinary.  If  they  suspected  Goffe  to 
records  or  traditions.  Dr.  Stiles  says  be  the  detis  ex  machind,  they  would  not 
(History  of  the  Three  Judges,  &c.,  108)  have   wished   to   betray  him.      What 


itain 
Beers  at 
rthlield. 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  165 

The  savages  were  skulking  in  the  woods  all  along  the 
river,  from  Springfield  to  the  uppermost  English  settle- 
ment, which  was  at  Northfield  (Squakheag).  At  the  latter 
place,  a  party,  havino;  ventured  out  of  a  block- 

f  .  ,  .  ,         .  Sept.  2. 

house,  was  intercepted  on  its  return,  and  nine 
or  ten  men  were  killed.  Thirty-six  men,  sent  up  under 
Captain  Beers  with  wagons  to  bring  off  what  capta 
remained  of  this  garrison  and  its  stores,  had  f,*""; 
arrived  within  three  miles  of  the  place,  when  sept,  4. 
they  were  fired  upon  by  a  concealed  party  of  the 
enemy.  The  English  fought  till  their  ammunition  was 
spent,  and  then  gave  way,  having  killed  twenty-five 
of  their  assailants.  More  than  twenty  of  their  own  num- 
ber fell,  including  their  commander.  Most  of  the  sur- 
vivors got  back  to  Hadley  the  same  night.  One  wan- 
dered in  the  woods  six  days,  and  when  he  came  in 
"was  almost  famished,  and  so  lost  his  Understanding 
that  he  knew  not  what  day  the  fight  was  on."  Major 
Treat  was  sent  up  the  river  with  a  force  of  a  hun- 
dred men  to  repeat  the  attempt  in  which  his  unfortunate 
comrade  had  failed,  and,  "coming  nigh  Squak- 
heag, his  men  were  much  daunted  to  see  the 
heads  of  Captain  Beers's  soldiers  upon  poles  by  the 
way-side."  They  also  were  waylaid,  and  their  com- 
mander was  wounded  by  a  spent  ball.  They  fought 
their  way  through,  and  brought  off  their  friends  in 
safety  from  Northfield ;  and  for  the  present  that  settle- 
ment was  abandoned.^ 

strikes  the  reader  as  singular  is,  that  &c.,  8-11.  Stoddard's  mind,  like  the 
Hubbard  omits  to  mention  this  attack  minds  of  many  of  his  contemporaries, 
on  Hadley  altogether.  That  distin-  was  much  exercised  as  to  the  sins  which 
guished  antiquary,  the  late  Mr.  Judd,  had  provoked  such  a  judgment.  "  I 
had  an  explanation  of  this  silence  of  desire  you  would  speak  to  the  Gov- 
Hubbard.    But   I   neglected  to  learn  ernor,  that  there  may  be  some  thorough 

from  him  what  it  was,  and  now  it  is  too     care  for  a  reformation I  desire 

late.  you  would  especially  mention  oppres- 

1  Letter   of   Solomon    Stoddard,   of  sion  ;  that  intolerable  pride  in  clothes 

Northampton,  in  Mather,  Brief  History,  and  hair;  the  toleration  of  so  many 


156  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

So  stood  the  war  at  the  time  when,  at  Boston,  the  Com- 
missioners of  the  three  Colonies  came  tog-ether 

Meeting  of  ^  "^       ^ 

the  Federal    for  their  first  regular  meeting  after  the  establish- 
^ommission-  ^^^^^^  ^^  ^j^^   ^^^  confederacj.      The   Commis- 

^^^'■^'  sioners  from  Plymouth  laid  before  their  asso- 
ciates a  "Narrative  showing  the  Manner  of  the  Begin- 
ning and  Progress  of  the  Present  War,"  and  bringing 
down  the  story  to  the  attack  upon  Swanzey,  eleven 
or  twelve  weeks  before  the  Commissioners  assembled. 
Thereupon  the  Commissioners,  by  unanimous  votes,  de- 
clared the  war  to  be  "both  just  and  necessary,  in  its 
first  rise  a  defensive  war  " ;  "  agreed  and  concluded  that 
it  ought  nOw  to  be  jointly  prosecuted  by  all  the  United 
Colonies,  and  the  charges  thereof  to  be  borne  and  paid 
as  was  agreed  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation";  and 
ordered  "  that  there  be  forthwith  raised  a  thousand 
soldiers,  whereof  five  hundred  to  be  dragoons  or  troop- 
ers with  long  arms."  Of  this  force  Massachusetts  was 
to  furnish  five  hundred  and  twenty-seven  men,  Con- 
necticut three  hundred  and  fifteen,  and  Plymouth  one 
hundred  and  fifty-eight.^ 

If  a  wide  conspiracy  existed  among  the  natives,  with 
Philip  for  its  leader,-  it  may  be  supposed  that  the 
Commissioners    would   have    had    some   information   or 


taverns,  especially  in  Boston."    (Ibid.,  He  was  one  of  the  signers,  in  1666,  of 

11.)    Fine  clothes  and  long  hair  seemed  the  unpatriotic  petition  from  Ipswich 

to  Mather  also   to   have    a    share  in  (see  above.  Vol.  II.  p.  627),  for  which 

bringing  on   this  great   public   calam-  offence  the  Deputies  refused  to  admit 

ity  (Ibid.,  17,  18) ;  and  to  the  General  him  to  a  place  in  the   next    General 

Court.    (Mass.  Rec,  V.  59.)     See  also  Court,  though  the  Magistrates  inter- 

Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  37.  ceded  with  them  in  his  behalf.    (Mass. 

It  is  probable  that  for  this,  as   for  Arch.,  CVI.  182,  183.) 
other  parts  of  his  narrative,  Hubbard's         1  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.  532 

information   came  from  Major  Apple-  -  535.  —  As  usual,  when  such  matters 

ton,  his  parishioner,  who  commanded  were   in"  hand,    days   of  fasting    and 

a  party  that  met  Treat  coming  down  humiliation  were  now  observed  in  the 

from  Northfield.     Appleton  was  now  several    Colonies.     (Present    State   of 

doing   service   which   was    to   relieve  New   England,   16-18;    Conn.   Rec, 

him  from  a  stigma  of  long   standing.  II.  297.) 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  167 

suspicion  of  it.  But  nothing  of  this  kind  can  be  gath- 
ered from  their  record,  after  they  had  had  three  months 
to  make  observation,  and  had  conferred  with  Phihp's 
neighbors  at  Plymouth.  What  they  saw  was  that  the 
madness,  which  all  along  there  had  been  cause  to  watch 
and  fear,  was  now  broken  loose.  However  much  or 
little  the  movement  that  was  going  on  had  of  arrange- 
ment and  concert,  at  all  events  it  was  destructive.  So 
long  as  mischief  was  threatened  only  by  the  tribe  of 
their  ancient  allies  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Narragan- 
sett  Bay,  the  danger  was  not  appalling.  But  it  would 
be  far  otherwise,  should  the  thirst  for  blood  become 
epidemic;  and  the  last  fortnight  had  shown  that  the 
contagion  was  already  spread  over  a  wide  extent. 

So  far  from  the  natives  being  crowded  upon  at  this 
time  in  New  England,  it  is  not  probable  that  they 
were  as  numerous  as  the  Colonists.     But  they 

'^      Critical  con- 

were    formidable    altogether   out  of  proportion  ditiononhe 

,.  ,  -r»i'  T  -i-Tvi        Colonists. 

to  their  numbers.  By  their  trade  with  Dutch, 
French,  and  English,  notwithstanding  the  most  anxious 
legal  precautions,  they  had  become  possessed  of  Euro- 
pean arms,  and  were  so  expert  in  their  use  that  they 
were  reputed  the  best  marksmen  in  the  land.  They 
knew  the  country  perfectly ;  —  the  paths  and  defiles  by 
which  they  might  secretly  reach  an  undefended  ham- 
let; the  thickets  in  w^hich  they  might  wait  for  a  com- 
pany of  travellers ;  the  hollows  where  they  might  lie 
hidden,  and  baffle  pursuit.  They  knew  the  haunts  and 
the  habits  of  their  exposed  white  neighbors ;  the  day 
of  the  week  when  dwellings  might  be  ransacked  and 
burned  more  safely  than  on  the  other  six ;  the  hours 
of  the  night  when  conflagration  and  carnage  were 
easiest.  On  the  other  hand,  though  the  English  were 
well  armed,  they  had  no  military  experience.  Not  a 
man  of  them,  if  his  life  had  been  passed  on  this  side 
of  the  water,  had  ever  been  in  battle,  unless  he  was 


168  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

old  enough  to  bave  faced  the  Pequots,  forty  years  before. 
In  open  fight,  the  manliness  of  his  race  would  have 
availed,  and  the  slight  savage  could  not  have  stood 
against  him.  But  it  was  not  the  habit  of  the  red  man 
to  try  the  hazards  of  the  open  field,-^  and  in  the  arts 
of  Indian  warfare  the  existing  generation  of  English- 
men was  untaught. 

Many  of  their  settlements  were  so  situated  that  no 
precautions  would  secure  them  against  a  sudden  attack, 
such  as  would  be  ruinous  before  forces  could  be  col- 
lected to  repel  it.  The  line  of  villages  reaching  up 
and  down  the  river  Connecticut,  from  Northfield  to 
Springfield,  was  unprotected  both  to  the  east  and  to 
the  west,  while  eastward  from  that  river,  for  fifty  miles, 
lay  a  wilderness  without  a  civilized  inhabitant,  except 
where,  midway  of  the  distance,  a  house  or  two  survived 
the  recent  conflagration  of  the  hamlet  of  Brookfield. 
Much  the  larger  part  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
still  dwelt  on  or  near  the  sea-shore ;  and  the  irregular 
line  of  towns  consisting  of  Chelmsford,  Groton,  Lancas- 
ter, Marlborough,  and  Mendon  might  be  said  to  consti- 
tute the  western  frontier.  Lancaster,  which  lay  the 
furthest  inland,  was  less  than  forty  miles  distant  from 
Massachusetts  Bay.  No  one  of  them  probably  num- 
bered more  than  three  hundred  settlers,  including  per- 
sons of  all  acres. 

During  ten  weeks  the  Federal  Commissioners  came 
together  repeatedly,  or,  rather,  they  held  a  nearly  con- 

sept.  9-    tinuous  session.     More    distressing    intelligence 

Nov.  19.  i]^^Yi  had  yet  come  was  presently  to  reach  them 
from  the  west.     After  Northfield  was  abandoned,  Deer- 

1   "  The    Indians,    notwithstanding  ambush,  or  behind  some  shelter,  taking 

their  subtlety  and  cruelty,  durst  not  aim  undiscovered."    (Hubbard,  Narra- 

look  an  Englishman  in  the  face  in  the  tive,  &c.,  39.)    "  The  Indians  do  their 

open  field,  nor  ever  yet  known  to  kill  exploits  on  out-houses  and   straggled 

any  man  with  their  guns,  unless  when  persons."    (Letter  of  Nathaniel  Thom- 

they  could  lie  in  wait  for  him  in  an  as,  in  Davis's  edit,  of  Morton,  429.) 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIFS   WAR.  169 

field,  which  became  the  most  northerly  settlement,  was 
the  next  to  be  broken  up.     The  inhabitants  having  been 
fired  upon  as  they  went  to  public  worship,  and  ^.^^^^^^^ 
their  houses  burned,  it  was  thouo^ht  best  to  with-  fight  at 

^  Bloody 

draw  them  into  the  lower  towns.  They  left  a  Brook. 
quantity  of  wheat  just  reaped  and  "threshed  ^^'■^^' 
out  as  well  as  they  could  in  those  tumults."^  This  it 
was  desirable  to  secure.  From  Hadley,  twenty  miles 
distant,  the  head-quarters  of  the  troops,  a  party  was 
despatched  to  finish  threshing  the  grain  and  bring  it 
in.  Eighteen  wagons,  with  their  teamsters,  were  con- 
voyed by  a  company  of  ninety  picked  men,  led  by 
Captain  Lothrop.  The  grain  was  threshed,  and  put  in 
the  wagons  with  some  furniture  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
the  party  proceeded  on  their  return.  Captain  Mosely, 
whom  they  found  at  Deerfield  with  his  company,  re- 
mained there  on  their  departure,  and  undertook,  by  his 
scouts,  to  secure  his  friends  against  any  sudden  approach 
of  the  foe. 

Lothrop's  party  made  a  few  miles  of  their  proposed 
march  in  safety,  and  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing reached  a  little  stream  within  the  township  of 
Deerfield,  since  called  Blood//  Brook,  in  memory  of  that 
disastrous  day.  The  stream  was  bordered  by 
thick  woods.  As  the  wagons  slowly  lorded  it, 
tradition  relates  that  the  men  imprudently  put  their 
arms  in  them,^  and  scattered  to  gather  the  wild  grapes 
which  hung  ripe  upon  the  vines.^  A  sudden  volley 
from  hundreds  of  muskets  on  the  right  side  of  the 
path  startled  them  from  their  security.  Several  were 
killed.  A  crowd  of  savages  sprang  from  an  ambush, 
and  fell  upon  the  rest,  before  they  had  time  to  form, 
and  regain  their  weapons.  Lothrop  was  "a  godly  and 
courageous    commander,"    but    valor    so    beset    was  un- 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  38.  3  Hoyt,  Antiquarian  Researches,  &c., 

a  Mather,  Brief  HJ.storj-,  &c.,  12.  109. 

VOL.  III.  15 


170  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

availing.-'  The  assailants  were  believed  to  be  not  fewer 
than  seven  hundred.  Lothrop  was  shot  dead  early  in 
the  action.  Seven  or  eight  Englishmen,  at  the  utmost, 
escaped.  One  of  these  had  been  stripped,  and  left  for 
dead,  after  being  wounded,  first  by  a  musketrball  and 
then  by  a  tomahawk.  Another  forced  his  way  through 
with  his  musket,  with  which  he  laid  about  him  with 
one  arm,  after  the  other  was  broken.  The  dead  were 
all  buried  in  one  grave,  now  covered  with  a  memorial 
stone,  which  arrests  the  traveller  s  attention  on  the  side 
of  the  highway  in  South  Deerfield. 

Lothrop's  company  was  known  by  the  name  of  "  The 
Flower  of  Essex,"  being  "all  culled  out  of  the  towns 
belonging  to  that  county."  Its  fate  was  "a  sad  and 
awful  providence,"^  "a  dismal  and  fatal  blow,"  "a  sad- 
der rebuke  of  Providence  than  anything  that  hitherto 
had  been."  The  day  was  "  a  black  and  fatal  day,"  ^  "  the 
saddest  that  ever  befell  New  England."* 

Mosely  heard  the  firing  four  or  five  miles  off,  and, 
marching  down  with  all  speed  to  relieve  his  comrade, 
found  the  conquerors  busy  in  scalping  and  spoiling  the' 
dead  bodies.  He  came  upon  them  at  eleven  o'clock 
before  noon,  and  attacked  them  with  vigor ;  but  though 
he  killed  a  considerable  number,  they  kept  up  the  con- 
test from  their  hiding-places  till  evening,  when  Major 
Treat,  who*  had  been  further  up  the  river  with  a  hun- 
dred Englishmen  and  half  as  many  friendly  Mohegans, 
came  down  and  drove  the  savages  from  the  ground. 
The  English  encamped  over  night  near  the  scene  of 
the  battle,  and  in  the  morning  proceeded  to  bury  the 
bodies  of  their  friends,  after  again  dispersing  some  In- 

1  Hubbard  (Narrative,  &c.,  39)  at-  2  Letter   of  Governor   Leverett   in 

tributed   this  disaster  to   the   "  unad-  Mass.  Arch.,  LXVII.  264. 

vised  proceeding  of  the  captain,"  who,  3  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  12,  16. 

however,  he  allows,  "wanted  neither  *  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  38. 
courage  nor  skill  to  lead  his  soldiers." 
Did  he  get  his  criticism  from  Appleton  ? 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  171 

dians  whom  they  found  engaged  in  stripping  and  dis- 
figuring them.     When,  after  a  few  days,  Mosely's  force 
was   ordered  away  from  Deerfield,  the   few  remaining 
inhabitants  deserted  that  place ;  and  Springfield,  Hadley, 
Northampton,  and  Hatfield  were  the  only  towns  on  the 
Connecticut   which    the    English   continued    to    hold   in 
Massachusetts.    Springfield  was  fiercely  attacked  ^^j^^^^^^ 
by  a  large  force,  and  some  thirty  houses  were  springfieia. 
ravaged  and  burned ;  a  disaster  which  was  the 
more  deplored,  because   the   planters  had  lived   on  the 
most   friendly  terms   with   the   natives  in   their   neigh- 
borhood through  the  whole  history  of  that  settlement, 
now   forty   years    old,    and    had    lately   received    from 
"them  the  most  positive   assurances  of  friendship.^     The 
last  appearance  of  any  considerable  force  of  Indians  for 
the   present   at   the    western  plantations^  was  at   Hat- 
field, whence,  after  a  sharp  encounter,  they  were 
repulsed    with    considerable    loss.^      From    this  Hataeid. 
time  they  appear  to  have  dispersed,  especially 
towards  the  holds  of  the  Narragansetts.     Many  also  of 
the  English  troops  from  the   sea-coast  were  withdrawn 
to  their  homes.* 

1  Breck,  Centennial  Sermon  at  3  Mather  (Brief  History,  &c.,  17,  18  ; 
Springfield,  19-22.  —  "Amongst  the  comp.  Mass.  Rec,  V.  59-64)  thought 
ruins  of  the  said  dwellings,  the  sad-  this  success  was  due  to  the  measures  for 
dest  to  behold  was  the  house  of  Mr.  reformation,  which,  six  days  before,  had 
Pelatiah  Glover,  minister  of  the  town,  been  adopted  by  the   General  Court, 

furnished  with  a  brave  library, including  a  testimony  against  "  proud 

the  said  minister  being  a  great  student,  excesses  in  apparel,  hair,  &c." ;  against 

and  an  helluo  librorum."      (Hubbard,  "  false  worshippers,  especially  idolatrous 

Narrative,  &c.,  42.)  Quakers";     against     swearing;     and 

2  The, affair  at  the  border  town  of  against  excessive  drinking.  He  re- 
Springfield  alarmed  Connecticut.  Sec-  garded  the  case  as  parallel  to  that  of 
retary  Allyn  wrote  (October  7)  to  the  the  victory  over  the  Scots  at  Mussel- 
Magistrates  of  Massachusetts,  "  It 's  high  burgh,  the  day  of  the  passing  of  the 
time  for  New  England  forthwith  to  Act  of  Reformation  in  the  reign  of 
stir  up  all  her  strength,  to  make  war  Edward  the  Sixth. 

their  work  and  trade,  for  endeavoring  4  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  44,  47; 
to  suppress  these  enemies."  (IVIass.  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  1 9 ;  Conn. 
Arch.,  LXVJI.  285.)  Rec,  H.   266,  267.  — October  4,  Ap- 


172 


HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


The  attitude  of  the  powerful  Narragansett  tribe  was 

regarded    with    anxiety.^     It    was    known    that,    so    far 

from  keeping  their  compact  to  surrender  such  enemies 

of  the  Enghsh  as  should  fall  into  their  hands,  they  had 

harbored  numbers  of  Philip's   dispersed  retain- 

Alarm  re-  _  ^  ^  ■■• 

spectiugthe    ers  and  allies.    While  the  Federal  Commissioners 

setts.  were  in  session  at  Boston,  Canonchet,^  Sachem 

October  18.  ^^  ^^iQ  Narragansetts,  came   thither  with  other 


pleton  wfis  placed,  instead  of  Pynchon, 
in  the  chief  command,  at  the  request  of 
the  latter,  often  repeated.  Pynchon 
urged  that  his  wife  was  sick,  his  home 
exposed,  and  his  affairs  all  in  disorder. 
(Mass.  Arch.,  LXVII.  280 ;  comp.  246, 
264.) 

1  At  this  time  a  code  of  "  laws  and 
ordinances  of  war  "  was  "  passed  by  the 
General  Court  of  the  Massachusetts  for 
the  better  regulating  their  forces,  and 
keeping  their  soldiers  to  their  duty,  and 
to  prevent  profaneness,  that  iniquity 
may  be  kept  out  of  the  camp."  The 
following  are  some  of  these  regula- 
tions :  — 

"  1.  Let  no  man  presume  to  blas- 
pheme the  holy  and  blessed  Trinity, 
God  the  Father,  God  the  Son,  and  God 
the  Holy  Ghost,  upon  pain  to  have  his 
tongue  bored  with  a  hot  iron. 

"  2.  Unlawful  oaths  and  execrations, 
and  scandalous  acts  in  derogation  of 
God's  honor,  shall  be  punished  with 
loss  of  pay,  and  other  punishment  at 
discretion. 

"  3.  All  those  who  often  and  wilfully 
absent  themselves  from  the  public 
worship  of  God  and  prayer  shall  be 
proceeded  against  at  discretion. 

"4.  Whoever  shall  be  convicted  to 
do  his  duty  negligently  and  carelessly 
shall  be  punished  at  discretion. 

"  5.  No  man  shall  presume  to  quar- 
rel with  his  superior  officers,  upon  pain 
of  cashiering  and  arbitrary  punishment, 
nor  to  strike  any  such  upon  pain  of  death. 


"  6.  No  commander  or  soldier  shall 
depart  from  his  charge  or  captain  with- 
out license,  upon  pain  of  death. 

"  7.  Every  private  soldier,  upon  pain 
of  imprisonment,  shall  keep  silence 
when  the  army  is  to  take  lodging,  or 
when  it  is  marching  or  in  battalion,  so 
as  the  officers  may  be  heard  and  their 
commands  executed. 

"8.  No  man  shall  resist,  draw,  lift, 
or  offer  to  draw  or  lift,  his  weapon 
against  his  officer,  correcting  him  or- 
derly, for  his  defence,  upon  pain  of 
death. 

*'  9.  No  man  shall  resist  the  provost- 
marshal  or  any  other  officer  in  the 
executing  of  his  office,  upon  pain  of 
death. 

"  10.  No  man  shall  utter  any  words 
of  sedition  or  mutiny,  upon  pain  of 
death. 

"11.  They  that  shall  hear  mutinous 
speeches,  and  not  acquaint  their  com- 
mander with  them,  shall  be  punished 
with  some  grievous  punishment 

"  By  grievous  punishment  is  meant 
dis^acing  by  cashiering,  the  strappa- 
do, or  riding  the  wooden  horse  to  fetch 
blood. 

"  Arbitrary  punishment,  or  punish- 
ment at  discretion,  is  meant  not  to  ex- 
tend to  hazard  life  or  limb."  (Mass. 
Coll.  Rec,  V.  49,  50.) 

2  Canonchet  was  son  of  Miantononio. 
(See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  128;  comp. 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXXVI.  298.) 


Chap.  IV.] 


PHILIP'S  WAE. 


173 


chiefs,  and  promised  that  the  hostile  Indians  whom  they 
acknowledged  to  be  then  under  their  protection  should 
be  surrendered  within  ten  days.^  But  probably  the 
course  of  events  on  Connecticut  River  emboldened 
them.  At  all  events,  they  did  not  keep  their  engage- 
ment. The  day  for  the  surrender  came  and  went,  and 
no  Indians  appeared.  If  that  faithless  tribe,  the  most 
powerful  in  New  England,  should  assume  active  hos- 
tilities, a  terrible  desolation  would  ensue.  The  Com- 
missioners moved  promptly.  The  fifth  day  after  the 
breach  of  the  treaty  found  them  reassembled 
after'  a  short  recess.  They  immediately  deter-  tary  prep- 
mined   to  raise   an  additional  force   of  a   thou-  ^'■*"°°^- 

November  2. 

sand  men  for  service  in  the  Narragansett  coun- 
try.^    They  appointed  Governor  Winslow,  of  Plymouth, 


1  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  19; 
Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.  536 ; 
Present  State  of  New  England,  31,  32. 

2  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.,  531. 
These  arrangements  were  not  made 
without  some  difficulty.  The  incon- 
veniences which  so  easily  beset  a  con- 
federacy were  felt  at  different  stages 
of  the  proceedings.  November  5, 
Governor  Winthrop,  being  the  only 
Commissioner  for  Connecticut  present 
at  the  meeting  of  the  Commissioners 
at  Boston,  said  that  he  did  not  feel  au- 
thorized to  pledge  his  Colony.  Where- 
upon his  associates  (Danforth  and 
Stoughton  for  Massachusetts,  and  Wins- 
low  and  Hinckley  for  Plymouth)  voted 
that  "  the  withdrawal  of  their  brethren 
of  Connecticut  in  a  time  of  so  great 
extremity  was  a  very  awful  and  tremen- 
dous providence  of  the  Lord,"  and  "  an 
absolute  violation  of  the  main  ends  of 
the  Articles  of  Confederation."  (Mass. 
Arch.,  II.  363.)  Nor  was  there  more 
harmony  in  the  field  than  in  the  coun- 
cil-chamber. As  winter  drew  nigh, 
the  Connecticut  troops  began  to  pine 
for    home.      In    General    Orders    at 

15* 


Hadley,  November  12,  Appleton  an- 
nounced that  "  whatever  officer  or  offi- 
cers should  draw  off  any  forces  out  of 
this  jurisdiction,  without  order  from  the 
Commissioners,  or  joint  council  of  the 
chief  officers,  and  license  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army,  their  so 
doing  is  a  breach  of  the  Articles  of 
Confederation  of  the  United  Colonies." 
(Mass.  Arch.,  LXVHI.  54.)  This  was 
aimed  at  Treat  and  the  Connecticut 
troops.  Connecticut  resented  it  in  a 
letter,  three  days  later,  from  Secretary 
Allyn  to  Appleton  (Ibid.,  56),  and 
threatened  to  withdraw  her  forces  al- 
together, which,  Allyn  said,  Appleton 
was  using  only  to  garrison  Massachu- 
setts towns,  while  Treat  too  complained 
of  his  superior's  inaction.  (Ibid.,  62). 
November  17,  Appleton  vindicated 
himself  in  a  dignified  letter  addressed 
to  the  government  of  Connecticut,  at 
the  same  time  authorizing  Treat  to 
"  move  with  his  forces  downward." 
(Ibid.,  63.)  Intelligence  had  perha{)S 
by  this  time  been  received  of  the  pro- 
ject of  a  campaign  in  the  Narragan- 
sett country. 


174  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

to  be  Commander-in-chiefj  and  desired  the  Colony  of 
Connecticut  to  name  his  lieutenant.  The  General  was 
to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops  within  six 
weeks,  "  a  solemn  day  of  prayer  and  humiliation  "  being 
kept  through  all  the  Colonies  meanwhile.  The  Com- 
missioners "commended  to  the  several  General  Courts 
or  Councils  that  effectual  care  be  taken  that  the  soldiers 
sent  on  this  expedition  be  men  of  strength,  courage,, 
and  activity ;  their  arms  well  fixed,  and  fit  for  service ; 
that  their  clothing  be  in  all  respects  strong  and  warm, 
suitable  for  the  season;  that  they  have  provisions  in 
their  knapsacks  for  a  week's  march  from  their  rendez- 
vous, and  supply  in  a  magazine  appointed  for  a  more 
general  service ;  also,  that  there  be  a  meet  number  of 
able  ministers  and  chirurgeons  provided  and  appointed 
for  the  expedition."  Time  was  thus  given  to  the  Nar- 
ragansetts  to  make  their  peace  "by  actual  performance 

of  their  covenants  made  with  the  Commissioners ; 

as  also  making  reparation  for  all  damages  sustained  by 
their  neglect  hitherto,  together  with  security  for  their  fur- 
ther fidelity."  If  they  failed  to  profit  by  the  respite,  then 
they  were  to  feel  the  blow  in  the  success  of  which  the 
being  of  civilized  New  England  was  visibly  involved.-^ 

It  is  not  known  whether  Philip  was  among  the  Nar- 
ragansetts  at  this  time.  Under  whatever  influence  it 
was,  whether  from  stupidity  or  from  confidence,  they 
made  no  further  attempt  at  pacification.  Their  pres- 
ent quiet  afforded  no  omen  of  peaceable  intentions. 
For  the  season  was  not  favorable  to  active  operations 
on  their  part.      On   a   march  they  could  find  no   pro- 

1  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.  537,  command  of  Captain  Henchman,  were 

538.  —  In   the   beginning   of  Novem-  despatched  to  their  settlement.     But 

ber,    there    was    a    fruitless    expedi-  they  had  already  dispersed,  two  hun- 

tion  into  the   heart  of  the  Nipmuck  dred  of  them  having  joined  the  enemy, 

country.     The  "  praying  Indians  "  at  (Brigham,  Centennial  Address  at  Graf- 

Hassanamissit  having   given  cause  of  ton,  9,  10.) 
suspicion,  two  companies,  under  the 


Chap.  IV]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  I75 

visions  except  what  they  should  obtain  by  pillage,  and 
the  leafless  trees  and  bushes  denied  them  the  conceal- 
ment which  was  required  by  their  methods  of  con- 
ducting war.^ 

The  Massachusetts  troops  marched  from  Dedham  to 
Attleborough  ^  on  the  day  before  that  which  had  ^^^^^^ 
been  appointed  by  the  Commissioners  for  them  against  the 
to  meet  the  Plymouth  levy  at  the  northeastern  setts. 
corner  of  the  Narragansett  country.^      The  fol- 
lowing  day   they  reached   Seekonk.      A   week   earlier, 
the  few  English  houses*  at  Quinsigamond  (Wor- 
cester) had  been  burned  by  a  party  of  natives ;  ^ 
and  a  few  days  later,  the   house   of  Jeremiah  Bull  at 
Pettyquamscott,  which  had  been  designated  as  the  place 
of  general  rendezvous  for  the  English,®  was  fired, 
and  ten  men  and  five  women  and  children,  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  it,  were  put  to  death,'' 

Six  companies  of  foot,  and  one  mounted  troop,  from 
Massachusetts,   under  Major   Appleton,  of  Ipswich,  and 
two   companies  from  Plymouth,  under  Major  Bradford, 
came    to    Smith's   house,  at  Wickford.^     There, 
after  a  few  days,  they  received  information  that  ^"^^^  ^^ 
Major  Treat,^  of  Connecticut,  had  reached  Pettyquam- 

1  "  The  Narragansetts  were  resolved,  pointed  by  Connecticut  to  be  "  second 
if  they  could,  to  destroy  the  English ;  in   command   of  the   army."     (Conn. 

in  the  spring,  when  they  should  Rec,   II.    383,    38G).  —  December    1. 

have  the  leaves  of  trees  and  swamps  "  The  Council  did  further  commission- 
to  befriend  them,  they  would  do  it."  ate  Major  Treat  to  take  the  conduct  of 
(Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  19.)  our  army,  and  to  take  special  care  of 

2  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  49.  the   Reverend   Mr.  Bulkley  and  Mr. 

3  Records,  ^c,  in  Hazard,  U.  537.        Noyes;  and  they  also  commanded  all 
*  "  A   village   called    Quonsigomog,     the   captains   and   lieutenants   of  the 

consisting  of  about  six  or  seven  houses."  army  to  be  tender  and  careful  of  Major 

(Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  135.)  Treat,  that  he  be  not  exposed  to  too 

5  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  19.  much  hazard,  and  that  they  allot  him 

6  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  51.  a  sufficient  guard  to  attend  his  person 

7  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  20.  at  all  times ;  with  an  advice  that  they 

8  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  49;  Math-  .  avoid  whatever  may  be  provoking  to 
er,  Brief  History,  &c.,  20.  God,  and  that  they  behave  themselves 

9  Treat,  in  conformity  to  the  proposal  valiantly  and  courageously."      (Ibid., 
of  the   Commissioners,  had  been   ap-  388.) 


176  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

scott,  with  five  companies  of  English  and  fifty  Mohe- 
gan  alHes;  whereupon  they  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  that  place.  Governor  Winslow  took 
the  command,  and  no  time  was  lost.  The  General  had 
from  a  prisoner  information  of  the  place  where  the 
principal  force  of  the  Narragansetts  was  collected;  and, 
on  the  night  when  he  made  a  junction  with  the  Con- 
necticut troops,  he  gave  his  orders  for  an  attack  upon 
it,  to  be  made  on  the  following  day,  though  it  would 
be  Sunday ;  for,  in  waiting  for  the  reinforcement  from 
Connecticut,  provisions  had  been  falling  short.-^ 

The  place  where  the  Narragansetts  were  to  be  sought 
is  in  what  is  now  the  town  of  South  Kingston,  eighteen 
miles  distant,  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  from  Petty- 
quamscott,  and  a  little  further  from  that  Pequot  fort 
Narragau-  ^0  thc  southwcst,  whicli  had  been  destroyed 
Bettfort.  -^y  ^YiQ  force  under  Captain  Mason,  forty  years 
before.  According  to  information  afterwards  received 
from  a  captive,  the  Indian  warriors  here  collected  were 
no  fewer  than  three  thousand  and  five  hundred.^  They 
were  on  their  guard,  and  had  fortified  their  hold  to  the 
best  of  their  skill.  It  was  on  a  solid  piece  of  upland 
of  five  or  six  acres,  wholly  surrounded  by  a  swamp,^ 
On  the  inner  side  of  this  natural  defence  they  had 
driven  rows  of  palisades,  making  a  barrier  nearly  a  rod 
in  thickness ;  and  the  only  entrance  to  the  enclosure 
was  over  a  rude  bridge  consisting  of  a  felled  tree,  four 
or  five  feet   from   the   ground,*   the  bridge  being  pro- 

1  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  20.  miles  distant  from   the   house  of  Mr. 

2  Letter  of  Dudley  in  Hutch.  Hist.,  John  Clark,  to  whom  the  site  of  the 
I.  274.  fort,  about  a  mile   further,   belonged 

3  If  any  reader  of  this  story  should  when  I  visited  it  in  July,  1855.  My 
be  curious  to  see  the  site  of  the  Narra-  horse  with  difficulty  picked  his  way 
gansett  swamp  fort,  he  may  with  little  through  the  bog  that  surrounded  it. 
trouble  be  gratified  by  taking  the  rail-  Of  course  it  was  more  accessible  in  the 
way  train  of  the  Shore  Line,  and  leav-  temperature  of  December.  "  A  most 
ing  it  about  eighteen  miles  north  of  hideous  swamp,"  Callender  calls  it. 
Stonington,    at    the    South    Kingston  (R.  I.  Hist.  Coll.,  IV.  130.) 

Station.     He  will  then  be  about  two        4  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  52. 


Chap.  IV.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  l*j^ 

tected  by  a  blockhouse.     The  English,  breakmg  up  their 
camp  while  it  was  yet  dark,  arrived  before  the  ^ 

J-  t/  ■'  storming  of 

place  at  one  o'clock  after  noon.^  Having  passed,  the  fort. 
without  shelter,  a  very  cold  night,  they  had 
made  a  march  of  eighteen  miles,  through  deep  snow, 
scarcely  halting  to  refresh  themselves  with  food.  In 
this  condition  they  immediately  advanced  to  the  attack. 
The  Massachusetts  troops  were  in  the  van  of  the  storm- 
ing column ;  next  came  the  two  Plymouth  companies ; 
and  then  the  force  from  Connecticut.^ 

The  foremost  of  the  assailants  were  received  with  a 
well-directed  fire.  Captain  Johnson,  of  Roxbury,  was 
shot  dead  on  the  bridge,  as  he  was  rushing  over  it  at 
the  head  of  his  company.  Captain  Davenport,  of  Bos- 
ton, son  of  Captain  Davenport  of  the  Pequot  war,  had 
penetrated  within  the  enclosure,  when  he  met  the  same 
fate.  Captain  Gardiner,  of  Salem,  and  two  Connecticut 
captains,  Gallup,  of  New  London,  and  Marshall,  of  Wind- 
sor, were  also  killed  outright.  Lieutenant  Upham,  of 
Boston,  and  Captain  Seeley,  of  Stratford,  received  wounds 
which  after  a  while  proved  fatal.  Major  Bradford,  of 
Plymouth,  "was  sorely  wounded,  but  God  had  mercy 
on  him,  and  on  his  people  in  him,  so  as  to  spare  his 
life,  and  to  restore  him  to  some  measure  of  health." 
Captain  Gorham,  of  Barnstable,  who  led  the  other  Plym- 
outh company  in  the  action,^  took  a  fever  which  soon 

1  "  That  night  was  very  stormy.  We  the  enemy  through  the  snow,  in  a  cold 
lay,  one  thousand  in  the  open  field,  stormy  evening,  finding  no  other  de- 
that  long  night.  In  the  morning,  De-  fence  all  that  night  save  the  open  air, 
cember  19,  Lord's  day,  at  five  o'clock,  nor  other  covering  than  a  cold  and 
we  marched."  (Letter,  attributed  to  moist  fleece  of  snow."  (Hubbard,  Nar- 
Major  Bradford,  in  Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  273,  rative,  &c.,  51 ;  comp.  News  from  New 
note).  "  Bull's  house,  intended  for  England,  &c.,  1 ;  Continuation  of  the 
their  general  rendezvous,  being  un-  State  of  New  England,  &c.,  5,  6,  8.) 
happily  burned  down  two  or  three  days  2  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  51 ;  Let- 
before,  there  was  no  shelter  left,  either  ter  of  Joseph  Dudley  to  Governor  Lev- 
for  officer  or  private  soldier;  so  as  they  erett,  in  Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  273,  note, 
were  necessitated  to  march  on  toward        3  Letter  of  Dudley,  ubi  supra. 


178  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

ended  his  days.^  Captain  John  Mason,  of  Norwich,  son 
of  the  commander  against  the  Pequots,  received  a  wound 
which  caused  his  death,  though  he  hngered  for  several 
months,  and  was  made  an  Assistant  in  the  following 
spring.^ 

Nothing  discouraged  by  the  fall  of  their  leaders,  the 
men  pressed  on,  and  a  sharp  conflict  followed,  which, 
with  fluctuating  success,  lasted  for  two  or  three  hours. 
Once  the  assailants  were  beaten  out  of  the  fort;  but 
they  presently  rallied  and  regained  their  ground.^ 
There  was  nothing  for  either  party  but  to  conquer  or 
die,  enclosed  together  as  they  were.  At  length  victory 
declared  for  the  English,  who  finished  their  work  by 
setting  fire  to  the  wigwams  within  the  fort.  They  lost 
seventy  men  killed,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  wound- 
ed.^ Of  the  Connecticut  contingent  alone,  out  of 
three  hundred  men  forty  were  killed  and  as  many 
wounded.^  The  number  of  the  enemy  that  perished  is 
uncertain.  "A  great  counsellor  among  them,"  after- 
wards taken  prisoner,  said  that  seven  hundred  fight- 
ing-men were  killed  that  day,  and  three  hundred  re- 
ceived fatal  wounds.®  But  his  motives  for  speaking  the 
truth,  his  means  of  knowledge,  and  his  capacity  of  com- 
putation, are  alike  questionable.  What  is  both  certain 
and  material  is,  that  on  that  day  the  military  strength 


1  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  22.  word  commanded  to  set   fire  on  the 

2  Conn.  Rec.,  II.  273.  —  Samuel  wigwams,  I  considered  I  should  be 
Hall,  of  Fairfield,  petitioned  the  Gen-  burned  if  I  did  not  crawl  away.  It 
eral  Court  for  compensation  for  his  pleased  God  to  give  me  strength  to 
clothes  lost  in  the  "swamp  fight."  get  up  and  get  out,  with  my  cutlass 
"  When  Captain  Mason  was  shot  down,"  in  my  hand,  notwithstanding  I  had 
he  writes,  "I  was  just  before  him  when  received  at  that  time  four  bullets,  two 
he  fell  down,  and  shook  him  by  the  in  each  thigh,  as  was  manifest  after- 
hand,   I   being   shot   down   before   in  wards."     (Ibid.,  III.  5.) 

that  very  place,  so  that  he  fell  very  3  Letter  of  Dudley,  ubi  supra. 

near  me.    But  Captain  Mason  got  up  4  Letter  of  Bradford,  ubi  supra. 

again  and  went  forth,  and  I  lay  bleed-  6  Conn.  Rec,  H.  391. 

ing  there  in  the  snow,  and,  hearing  the  6  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  54. 


Chap.  IV.] 


PHILIP'S   WAR. 


179 


of  the   formidable    Narragansett   tribe   was   irreparably 
broken.^ 

Another  cold  night  was  now  coming  on,  and  snow 
was  again  falling.  The  wigwams  of  the  fort  being  con- 
sumed,^ there  was  no  shelter  for  the  English  within 
many  miles;  and  the  surgeons  pronounced  that  it  was 
indispensable  to  remove  the  wounded  at  once  to  a 
place  of  repose,  before  they  should  become  too  stiff 
for  treatment.  Accordingly,  the  troops  were  forced  to 
retrace  their  way  by  a  night-march  through  snow  that 
deepened  as  they  went.     The  wounded  were  cared  for 


1  It  was  a  significant  fact,  as  to  the 
complicity  of  the  Narragansetts  with 
the  Nipmucks,  that  "  some  of  our  men's 
guns  that  were  lost  at  Deerfield  were 
found  in  the  fort."  (Hubbard,  Narra- 
tive, &c.,  48.) 

2  This  burning  of  the  wigwams  oc- 
casioned high  displeasure^  to  Church, 
who,  after  some  months*  retirement  from 
active  service,  had  joined  this  expe- 
dition as  a  volunteer  aide  to  Winslow, 
or,  as  he  calls  it,  "  a  reformado."  (En- 
tertaining Passages,  &c.,  13.)  Hear- 
ing that  an  order  had  been  given  to 
fire  the  wigwams,  he  hastened  to  the 
General  to  remonstrate.  He  told 
"Winslow  "  that  the  wigwams  were  all 
musket-proof,  being  all  lined  with 
baskets  and  tubs  of  grain  and  other 
provisions  sufficient  to  supply  the  whole 
army  until  the  spring  of  the  year; 
and  every  wounded  man  might  have 
a  good  warm  house  to  lodge  in,  which 
otherways  would  necessarily  perish 
with  the  storms  and  cold.  And  more- 
over, that  the  army  had  no  other  pro- 
vision to  trust  unto,  or  depend  upon ; 
that  he  knew  that  Plymouth  forces 
had  not  so  much  as  one  biscake  left, 
for  he  had  seen  their  last  dealt  out." 
(Ibid.,  16.)  But  he  could  not  prevail. 
Winslow  (though  Church  has  a  differ- 
ent account  to  give  of  his  refusal)  prob- 


ably distrusted  the  capacity  of  his  ex- 
hausted men  to  hold  the  place  against 
the  swarms  that  might  be  assembling 
in  the  woods. 

Church  relates  that,  in  the  action, 
he  was  approaching  Captain  Gardiner, 
when  "  on  a  sudden,  while  they  were 
looking  each  other  in  the  face.  Cap- 
tain Gardiner  settled  down.  IVir. 
Church  stepped  to  him,  and,  seeing  the 
blood  run  down  his  cheek,  lifted  up 
his  cap,  and  calling  him  by  his  name, 
he  looked  up  in  his  face,  but  spoke  not 
a  word,  being  mortally  shot  through 
the  head."  (Ibid.,  14.)  Church,  as 
usual,  had  at  this  time  some  hair- 
breadth escapes,  but  got  ofi"  with  "  a 
small  flesh-wound,"  and  another  wound, 
more  serious,  "  on  the  joint  of  the  hip- 
bone." A  third  shot  "  pierced  his 
pocket,  anel  wounded  a  pair  of  mittens, 
that  he  had  borrowed  of  Captain  Pren- 
tice ;  being  wrapped  together,  had  the 
misfortune  of  having  many  holes  cut 
through  them  with  one  bullet."  (Ibid., 
15,  16.) 

After  the  "  swamp-fight,"  Church 
withdrew  a  second  time  from  active 
service  till  the  final  campaign  of  the 
war  in  Plymouth  Colony.  To  the 
three  periods  thus  specified  his  "  En- 
tertaining Passages"  relate,  so  far  as 
they  treat  of  this  war. 


180 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


with  all  tenderness,  but  several  of  them  died  before 
morning.^  Two  hours  after  midnight,  most  of  the  army 
got  back  to  Smith's  plantation  at  Wickford.^ 


1  "Many  died  by  the  way,  and  as 
soon  as  they  were  brought  in,  so  that, 
December  20,  we  buried  in  a  grave 
thirty-four,  next  day  four,  next  day 
two."     (Letter  of  Bradford,  ubi  supra.) 

2  "  After  our  wounds  dressed,  we 
drew  up  for  a  march,  not  able  to  abide 
the  field  in  the  storm,  and  weary ; 
about  two  of  the  clock,  obtained  our 
quarters,  with  our  dead  and  wounded, 
only  the  general,  ministers,  and  some 
other  persons  of  the  guard,  going  to 
head  a  small  swamp,  lost  our  way,  and 
returned  again  to  the  enemy's  quarters ; 
a  wonder  we  were  not  a  prey  to  them ; 
and,  after  at  least  thirty  miles'  march- 
ing up  and  down,  in  the  morning  re- 
covered our  quarters,  and  had  it  not 
been  for  the  arrival  of  Goodale  next 
morning,  the  whole  camp  had  perished. 
The  whole  army,  especially  Connecti- 
cut, is  much  disabled,  and  unwilling 
to  march,  with  tedious  storms,  and  no 
lodgings,  and  frozen  and  swollen  limbs." 
(Letter  of  Dudley,  ubi  supra.) 

That  diligent  antiquary,  Mr.  Frank- 
lin B.  Hough,  of  Albany,  published  in 
1856  a  tract,  entitled  by  him,  "  Narra- 
tive of  the  Causes  which  led  to  Philip's 
Indian  War."  The  series  of  occur- 
rences related  in  it  ends  just  before 
"  the  great  swamp  fight "  above  de- 
scribed. Nothing  of  importance  is 
added  by  it  to  our  knowledge  derived 
from  other  sources.  The  manuscript 
bears  the  signature  John  Easton,  and 
Mr.  Hough  attributes  the  authorship 
to  the  person  of  that  name  (son  of 
Governor  Nicholas  Easton)  who  was 
Attorney-General  of  Rhode  Island  for 
several  years  (R.  I.  Rec,  II.  39,  97, 
147,  186,  223,  243),  and  afterwards 
Governor  (Ibid.,  III.  290).    But  I  find 


it  hard  to  suppose  that  a  man  raised  to 
such  stations  was  so  grossly  illiterate  as 
was  the  author  of  this  piece.  The  sig- 
nature, in  the  Rhode  Island  Archives, 
of  John  Easton,  Recorder  in  1692 
(Ibid.,  ni.  288),  who  was  perhaps  the 
same  person  as  the  Attorney-General 
and  Governor,  is  different  from  the 
signature  attached  to  this  tract.  A 
*'  John  Easton,  Jr."  was  made  a  free- 
man in  1670  (Ibid.,  IL  364),  and  he 
may  have  been  the  writer. 

In  an  Appendix  to  this  publication, 
Mr.  Hough  has  given  some  extracts 
from  a  narrative  by  Thomas  Warner, 
who,  having  been  carried  off  by  the 
Indians  from  Hatfield,  October  19, 
1675,  (see  above,  p.  171)  made  his 
escape,  and  got  to  Albany,  and  thence 
to  New  York,  where  he  related  to  the 
Council  some  of  the  proceedings  of  his 
captors.  "  They  killed,"  he  said,  "  one 
of  the  prisoners  presently  after  they 
had  taken  him,  cutting  a  hole  below 
his  breast,  out  of  which  they  pulled  his 
guts,  and  then  cut  off  his  head.  They 
put  him  to  death  in  the  presence  of 
him  and  his  comrade,  and  threatened 
them  also  with  the  like.  They  burned 
his  nails,  and  put  his  feet  to  scald  them 
against  the  fire,  and  drove  a  stake 
through  one  of  his  feet  to  pin  him  to 
the  ground."  (Hough's  Edition  of 
Easton's  Narrative,  144.) 

Some  details  similar  to  these,  and  to 
others  of  the  same  nature  in  the  "  True 
History"  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  pres- 
ently to  be  mentioned,  are  presented 
in  a  narrative  by  one  Stockwell,  of 
Deerfield,  taken  by  the  Indians  in  that 
war.  It  is  printed  in  Blome's  "  Pres- 
ent State  of  his  Majesty's  Isles  and 
Territories  in  America,"  p.  221  et  seq. 


CHAPTER    V. 

After  the  great  battle  of  the  Narragansett  fort,  the 
settlements  breathed  more  freely.  But  by  no  means 
could  they  promise  themselves  security  as  yet.  Friend- 
ly Indians,  sent  out  "  to  make  discovery  of  the  igve. 
enemy,"  brought  back  intelligence  that  they  •^^"'''^■■y- 
pretended  to  be  expecting  assistance  from  the  French, 
and  that  they  meant  soon  to  fall  upon  the  western 
line  of  the  seaboard  settlements ;  that  "  the  old  men 
were  weary  of  the  war,  but  the  young  men  were  for 
the  continuance  of  it " ;  and  that  "  it  was  reported  there 
were  seven  hundred  fighting-men,  well  armed,  left  of 
the  Narragansetts."  -^ 

At  Wickford,  to  which   place  the   colonial  force  had 
returned,  it  "  lay  still  some  weeks,  bread  for  the  soldiers 
being  wanting,  by  reason  the  extremity  of  the  -withdrawal 
weather  was  such  as  that  the  vessel  laden  with  of '^e  troops 

from  the 

provision    could   not   reach   them."^      Many   of  field. 
the    wounded    were    taken   over    to    Rhode   Island,   for 
better  nursing  than  the  camp  allowed.^     The  Connect- 
icut troops,   "  much   disabled  with  tedious  storms,  and 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  76,  77;  want."  (Church,  Entertaining  Passa- 
Gookin,  in  Archfeol.  Amer.,  II.  486,  ges,  &c.,  17;  comp.  Dudley's  letter,  in 
487;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VI.  205-208.  Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  274.) 

2  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  21  ;  3  Of  these  were  Captain  Church 
comp.  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  55. —  (Entertaining  Passages,  17)  and  Major 
"  It  mercifully  came  to  pass  that  Cap-  Bradford.  (Letter  of  Bradford,  in  Mor- 
tain  Andrew  Belcher  arrived  at  Mr.  ton's  Memorial,  Davis's  edit.,  434 ; 
Smith's  that  very  night  [the  night  after  comp.  New  and  Further  Narrative, 
the  battle]  from  Boston,  with  a  vessel  &c.,  2,  where  the  inhospitality  of  "  some 
loaden  with  provisions  for  the  army,  churlish  Quakers "  of  Rhode  Island  is 
who  must  otherwise  have  perished  for  complained  of.) 

VOL.  lu.  16 


182 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III, 


February  6. 


February  8. 


no  lodgings,  and  frozen  and  swollen  limbs,"  were  with- 
drawn bj  their  commander  to  Stonington.-^  The  forces 
from  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  still  kept  the  field ; 
but  to  little  profit,  for  the  enemy  had  dispersed  in  all  di- 
rections. Some  unimportant  skirmishes  took  place,^  but 
again  "bread  failed,  so  as  that  the  men  were  forced  to 
kill  horses  and  feed  upon  them " ;  ^  and,  after  a  cam- 
paign of  nearly  two  months,  the  Massachusetts 
troops  returned  to  Boston,*  The  Commission- 
ers then  called  on  the  three  Colonies  for  an- 
other levy  of  six  hundred  men,  to  rendezvous 
at  Brookfield  in  three  weeks.® 

Within  the  borders  of  New  England,  there  is  no 
more  attractive  spot  than  the  site  of  the  town  of  Lan- 
caster. It  lies  thirty-five  miles  west  from  Boston,  where, 
in  an  alluvial  valley,  the  beautiful  river  Nashua  re- 
ceives a  large  tributary  stream  before  it  proceeds  on  its 
tranquil  way  to  the  Merrimac.  The  richness  of  the  in- 
tervale soil,  and  the  picturesque  charm  of  the  surround- 
ing hills,  crowned  with  primitive  forests  of  walnut,  chest- 
nut, maple,  and  evergreens,  invited  the  attention  of  one 
of  the  earliest  companies  that  looked  for  an  inland  home.' 


1  Joseph  Dudley,  uhi  supra ;  Mather, 
Brief  History,  &c.,  22. 

.  2  A  True  History  of  the  Captivity 
and  Restoration  of  Mrs.  Mary  Row- 
landson,  Preface. 

3  Indeed  the  keepers  at  home  were 
but  ill  provided.  Their  usual  sources 
of  supply  were  checked.  "  Connect- 
icut, having  the  enemy  upon  their 
backs,  deny  us  corn,  and  from  New 
York  we  expect  none,  so  that,  with- 
out foreign  supplies,  many  must  starve." 
MS.  letter  of  R.  Wharton  (Boston,  Feb- 
ruary 10,  1676),  in  Colonial  Papers, 
&c.  The  exportation  from  Massachu- 
setts of  "  all  sorts  of  provisions,  except 
fish  and  mackerel,"  was  now  forbidden. 
(Mass.  Rec,  V.  52.) 


4  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  22 ; 
Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  55-60.  They 
had  been  reinforced  while  at  Wick- 
ford.  "  January  10th,  fresh  supplies 
of  soldiers  came  up  from  Boston,  wad- 
ing through  a  sharp  storm  of  snow,  that 
bit  some  of  them  by  the  heels  with  the 
frost."     (Ibid.,  58.) 

5  Records,  &c.,  in  Hazard,  II.  538. 
The  Commissioners  seem  to  have  called 
foi  an  additional  thousand  men  six 
days  after  the  swamp-fight  (Mass. 
Arch.,  LXVIII.  105);  but  this  does 
not  appear  from  their  records. 

6  In  1643,  "others  of  the  same 
town  [Watertown]  began  also  a  plan- 
tation at  Nashaway."  (Winthrop,  His- 
tory, H.  151.) 


CuAP.  v.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  183 

As  early  as  the  twenty-fifth  year  after  the  planting  of 
Salem,  Mr.  Joseph  Rowlandson^  was  preaching 
to  nine  families  of  pioneers  at  Nashua,  as  the 
place  was  then  called.  Five  years  later,  Major  Willard, 
of  Concord,  removed  to  Lancaster,  and  continued  to 
make  it  his  residence  for  many  years.^  At  the  time 
now  under  consideration  it  contained  some  fifty  houses,* 
and  between  two  hundred  and  fifty  and  three  hundred 
inhabitants.* 

When  the  troops  who  had  been  in  the  Narragansett 
country  were  withdrawn  from  the  field,  information  was 
brought  by  spies  that  the  Indians  were  intending  to 
destroy  Lancaster.^  Mr.  Rowlandson  had  already  been 
sent  by  his  neighbors  to  Boston,  to  represent  their  ex- 
posed condition.  But  the  government  moved  too  slowly. 
Rowlandson  was  still  absent  in  attendance  upon  them, 
and  Wadsworth,  with  a  party  of  forty  men,  was  still 
on  his  way  for  their  relief,^  when  an  overwhelming 
force  of  Indians  attacked  the  town.  Rowlandson's  wife 
was  there,  and  a  record  afterwards  composed  by  her 
of  her  observations  and  experiences  while  in  the  hands 
of  the  savages  constitutes  the  most  circumstantial  ac- 
count that  has  been  transmitted  of  their  manner  of  life 
at  that  time. 

The  party  which  attacked  Lancaster  came  upon  it 
at   sunrise.     The   first  thing  they  did  was   to    set   fire 

1  Rowlandson  took  his  bachelor's  de-  dix  to  "  Narrative  of  the  Captivity  and 
gree    at    Harvard    College,   in    1653,  Removes  of  Mrs.  Mary  Rowlandson.") 
being  the  only  graduate  of  that  year.  2  Willard,  Willard  Memoir,  237,  238. 
While  a  senior  sophister,  he  got  him-  He  removed  to  Groton  three  or  four 
self  into   trouble  by  a  foolish  pasqui-  years  before  this  war. 
nade  against  the  Magistrates,  in  prose  3  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  136. 
and  verse,  which  he  fastened  to  the  *  Willard  (Address  in  Commemora- 
door  of  the  meeting-house  in  Ipswich,  tion  of  the  Two  Hundredth  Annlver- 
He  was  detected,  and  punished  by  a  sary,  &c.)  reckons  the  number  of  in- 
fine,  part  of  which,  remaining  still  un-  habitants  at  over  three  hundred, 
paid,  was  remitted  by  the  Court  after  he  5  Mather,   Brief  History,    &c.,    22 ; 
became  t'he  grave  minister  of  Lancas-  Letter  of  Hinckley  in  Davis's  Morton, 
ten    (Extract  from  the  Records  of  the  436. 
Court  of  Essex  County  in  the  Appen-  6  Gookin,  in  Ai-chteol.  Amer.,  U.  490. 


]^g4  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

to    the    houses    on    the    outskirts.      "  There    were    five 
sa^kofLan-  persous  takeu    in   one   house;    the    father   and 


caster 
Indians 


by  the  n-iother  and  a  sucking  child   they  knocked  on 
February  10.  the  hcad  J  the  other  two  they  took,  and  carried 

away   aHve Another    there    was,  who,   running 

along,  was  shot  and  wounded,  and  fell  down ;  he  begged 
of  them  his  life,  promising  them  money,  as  they  said, 
but  they  would  not  hearken  to  him,  but  knocked  him 
on  the  head,  stripped  him  naked,  and  split  open  his 
bowels."^  Eowlandson's  house,  standing  on  the  border 
of  a  brook,  was  fortified,  and  several  of  the  neighbors 
took  refuge  in  it  on  the  first  alarm.  After  besetting  it 
for  two  hours,  and  shooting  down  several  of  the  occu- 
pants (who  at  the  onset  were  forty-two  in  number),  the 
assailants,  approaching  from  a  slight  eminence  behind, 
succeeded  in  setting  it  on  fire.  Twelve  of  those  within 
were  killed ;  one  only  escaped ;  the  rest  were  carried 
away  by  the  savages,  who  before  their  departure  re- 
duced most  of  the  hamlet  to  ashes.^  Two  other  fortified 
houses  escaped  the  ruin.  Before  the  Indians,  who  had 
dispersed  in  search  of  plunder,  were  again  collected, 
Captain  Wadsworth  came  up  from  Marlborough  with 
his  party,  and  put  them  to  flight.^  The  government 
sent  a  force  to  bring  to  Boston  those  of  the  inhab- 
itants who  had  escaped ;  and,  after  their  departure,  the 
remaining  buildings  were  fired  by  the  Indians. 

1  Rowlandson,  True  History,  &c.,  3.  sether  in  the  midst  of  them.    And  when 

2  "  None  of  the  women  were  abused  they  had  sung  and  danced  about  her,  in 
or  murdered  but  one  that  was  big  with  their  hellish  manner,  as  long  as  they 
child,"  &c.  (Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  pleased,  they  knocked  her  on  the  head, 
136.)  The  proceeding  here  referred  to  and  the  child  in  her  arms  with  her. 
is  related  by  Mrs.  Rowlandson  (p.  When  they  had  done  that,  they  made  a 
8).  "  She  having  much  grief  upon  her  fire,  and  put  them  both  into  it,  and  told 
spirits  about  her  miserable  condition,  the  other  children  that  were  with  them, 
being  so  near  her  time,  she  would  be  that,  if  they  attempted  to  go  home, 
often  asking  the  Indians  to  let  her  go  they  would  serve  them  in  like  manner, 
home.  They,  not  being  willing  to  that,  The  children  said  she  did  not  shed 
and  got  vexed  with  her  importunity,  one  tear,  but  prayed  all  the  while." 
gathered  a  great  company  together  3  Qookin,  in  Archaeol.  Amer.,  II. 
about  her,  and  stripped  her  naked,  and  490 ;  Willard,  Centennial  Address,  94. 


Chap.  V]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  185 

Mrs.  Rowlandson  was  among  the  captives.  She  came 
out  of  the  garrison  house,  carrying  in  her  arms  her 
daughter,  six  years  old.  A  bullet  struck  the  ^^  ^_^  ^^ 
child,  and  entered  her  own  side.  The  next  Mrs.Row- 
mornmg,  she  writes,  "  one  of  the  Indians  carried 
my  poor  wounded  babe  upon  a  horse ;  it  went  moaning 
all  along,  '  I  shall  die,  I  shall  die.'  I  went  on  foot  after 
it  with  sorrow  that  cannot  be  expressed.  At  length 
I  took  it  off  the  horse,  and   carried  it  in  my  arms  till 

my  strength  failed  me,  and  I  fell  down  with  it 

After  this  it  quickly  began  to  snow,  and  when  night 
came  on  they  stopped.  And  now  down  I  must  sit  in 
the  snow,  by  a  little  fire,  and  a  few  boughs  behind  me, 
with  my  sick  child  in  my  lap,  and  calling  much  for  water, 
being  now,  through  the  wound,  fallen  into  a  violent  fe- 
ver ;  my  own  wound,  also,  growing  so  stiff  that  I  could 
scarce  sit  down  or  rise  up ;  yet  so  it  must  be  that  I 
must  sit  all  this  cold  winter  night  upon  the  cold  snowy 
ground,  with  my  sick  child  in  my  arms,  looking  that 
every  hour  would  be  the  last  of  its  life,  and  having  no 
Christian  friend  near  me  either  to  comfort  or  help  me. 
Oh,  I  may  see  the  wonderful  power  of  God  that  my 
spirit  did  noi  utterly  sink  under  my  affliction ;  still  the 
Lord  upheld  me  with  his  gracious  and  merciful  spirit."  ^ 

For  three  days  neither  mother  nor  child  had  any- 
thing to  sustain  life,  "  except  only  a  little  cold  water."  ^ 
The  Indians  desired  to  preserve  the  mother  for  the 
sake  of  a  ransom ;  but  they  were  impatient  of  her  grief, 
and  one  after  another  would  come  to  her  and  say, 
"  Your  master  will  knock  your  child  on  the  head."  At 
one  of  the  places  where  they  made  a  halt  was  an  empty 
wigwam.  Thither,  continues  the  sad  narrative,  "  I  went 
with  a  very  heavy  heart,  and  down  I  sat  with  the 
picture  of  death  in  my  lap.     About  two  hours  in  the 


1  Rowlandson,  True  History,  &c.,  4.  2  Ibid.,  5. 

16* 


286  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

night  my  sweet  babe  like  a  lamb  departed  this  life,  it 
being  about  six  years  and  five  months  old.  It  was 
nine  days  from  the  first  wounding  in  this  miserable 
condition,  without  any  refreshing  of  one  nature  or  an- 
other, except  a  little  cold  water.  I  cannot  but  take 
notice  how  at  another  time  I  could  not  bear  to  be  in 
a  room  where  a  dead  person  was ;  but  now  the  case 
is  changed ;  I  must  and  could  lie  down  with  my  dead 
babe  all  the  night  after.  I  have  thought  since  of  the 
wonderful  goodness  of  God  to  me  in  preserving  me 
so  in  the  use  of  my  reason  and  senses  in  that  dis- 
tressed  time,  that   I   did   not   use  wicked   and  violent 

means   to   end  my    own   miserable  life I  went 

to  take  up  my  dead  child  in  my  arms  to  carry  it  with 
me,  but  they  bid  me  let  it  alone.  There  was  no  re- 
sisting, but  go  I  must,  and  leave  it."-^ 

For  two  months,  the  party  to  which  Mrs.  Rowlandson 
was  a  prisoner  wandered  about,  with  no  apparent  aim, 
unless  it  were  to  escape  pursuit.  They  travelled  for 
the  most  part  in  the  neighborhood  of  Connecticut  River, 
but  at  one  time  came  as  far  east  as  Mount  Wachusett. 
They  had  brought  away  abundance  of  all  sorts  of  stores 
from  Lancaster;  but  these,  with  that  marvellous  stu- 
pidity as  to  the  future  which  belonged  to  their  race, 
they  presently  wasted,^  and  they  were  soon  reduced 
to  a  scanty  supply  of  acorns  and  ground-nuts,  and,  in 
the  frequent  failure  of  this  resource,  were  fiiin  to  sup- 
port life  on  the  most  odious  garbage.^     Mrs.  Rowland- 

1  Rowlandson,  True  History,  &c.,  5, 6.  I  told  him  I  would  try,  if  he  would  give 

2  Ibid.,  3.  me  a  piece,  which  he  did,  and  I  laid 

3  "  They  boiled  an  horse's  leg  (which  it  on  the. coals  to  roast;  but  before  it 
tliey  had  got)  and  so  we  drank  of  was  half  ready,  they  got  half  of  it 
the  broth,  as  soon  as  they  thought  away  from  me  ;  so  that  I  was  forced  to 
it  was  ready."  (Ibid.,  9.)  "  There  take  the  rest  and  eat  it  as  it  was,  with 
came  an  Indian  to  them  at  that  time,  the  blood  about  my  mouth."  (Ibid., 
with  a  basket  of  horse-liver;  I  asked  10.)  "There  sat  an  Indian  boiling  of 
him  to  give  me  a  piece.  '  What  horse-feet,  they  being  wont  to  eat 
(says  he),  can  you  eat  horse-liver  ? '  the  flesh  first,  and,  when  the  feet  were 


Chap.  V.] 


PHILIP'S   WAR. 


187 


May  2. 


son  saw  Philip  two  or  three  times,  but  not  in  circum- 
stances to  stimulate  the  sentiment  of  hero-worship.^  At 
the  end  of  nearly  three  months/  she  was  ran- 
somed for  twenty  pounds,  and  joined  her  hus- 
band at  Boston.^ 

The  incidents  of  this  sad  history  may  be  taken  for 
a  sample  of  the  experience  of  the  mmierous  English 
captives  in  this  war  who  have  left  no  record  of  what 
they  endured  and  what  they  witnessed.  After  the  as- 
sault upon  Lancaster,  the  course  of  devastation  turned 
eastward.     Sudbury  and  Chelmsford  were  attacked.     At 


old  and  dried,  and  they  had  nothing 
else,  they  would  cut  off  the  feet  and 
use  them.  I  asked  him  to  give  me  a 
little  of  his  broth  or  water  they  were 
boiling  in.     He  took  a  dish  and  gave 

me  one  spoonful  of  samp He 

gave  me  also  a  piece  of  the  ruffe  or 
ridding  of  the  small  guts,  and  I  broiled 
it  on  the  coals."  (Ibid.,  21.)  "Their 
chief  and  commonest  food  was  ground- 
nuts;! they  eat  also  nuts  and  acorns, 
artichokes,  lily  roots,  ground  beans, 
and  several  other  weeds  and  roots  that 
I  knew  not.  They  would  pick  up  old 
bones,  and  cut  them  in  pieces  at  the 
joints,  and  if  they  were  full  of  worms 
and  maggots,  they  would  scald  them 
over  the  fire,  to  make  the  vermin 
come  out,  and  then  boil  them,  and 
drink  up  the  liquor,  and  then  beat  the 
great  ends  of  them  in  a  mortar,  and 
so  eat  them.  They  would  eat  horses' 
guts  and  ears,  and  all  sorts  of  wild 
birds  which  they  could  catch.  Also 
bear,  venison,  beavers,  tortoise,  frogs, 
squirrels,  dogs,  skunks,  rattlesnakes ; 
yea.  the  very  bark  of  trees ;  besides 
all  sorts  of  creatures,  and  provisions 
which  they  plundered  from  the  Eng- 
lish."    (Ibid.,  28,  29.) 

1  "  Philip  spake  to  me  to  make  a 
shirt  for  his  boy,  which  I  did ;  for  which 
he  gaTe  me  a  shilling.     I  offered  the 


money  to  my  mistress,  but  she  bade 
me  keep  it,  and  with  it  I  bought  a 
piece  of  horse-flesh.  Afterwards  he 
asked  me  to  make  a  cap  for  his  boy, 
for  which  he  invited  me  to  dinner.  I 
went,  and  he  gave  me  a  pancake  about 
as  big  as  two  fingers.  It  was  made 
of  parched  wheat,  beaten,  and  fried 
in  bear's  grease  ;  but  I  thought  I  never 
tasted  pleasanter  meat  in  my  life." 
(Ibid.,  12;  comp.  11.) 

2  "  I  was  with  the  enemy  eleven 
weeks  and  five  days,  and  not  one  week 
passed  without  their  fury  and  some 
desolation  by  fire  or  sword  upon  one 
place  or  other.  They  mourned  for 
their  own  losses,  yet  ti-iumphed  and  re- 
joiced in  their  inhuman  and  devilish 
cruelty  to  the  English."     (Ibid.,  29.) 

3  Ibid.,  32.  Their  son  and  daughter, 
who  had  been  earned  off  at  the  same 
time,  were  also  soon  redeemed.  The 
Old  South  Church  in  Boston  hired  a 
house  for  the  family.  While  his  wife 
was  in  captivity,  Rowlandson  declined 
the  place  of  chaplain  to  the  forces. 
(Mass.  Rec,  V.  75.)  In  the  following 
year  he  removed  with  his  family  to 
Wethersfield,  where  before  the  end  of 
another  year  he  died.  —  For  the  manner 
of  ransoming  captives,  see  Hubbard, 
Narrative,  &c.,  81,  82;  Gookin,  ubi 
supra,  507,  508  ;  Mass.  Rec,  V.  82,  83. 


188  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

day-break/  while  the  villagers  were  asleep,  an  onset  was 
made    upon  Medfield.     Twenty  English  people 

the  war.  Were  killed,  and  half  the  town  was  laid  in 
'  ashes,  before   the  ravagers  were  repulsed.     At 

Weymouth,  where  they  burned  seven  or  eight  build- 
ings, they  made  their  nearest  approach  to  Bos- 
ton.    The  deserted  dwellings  in  Mendon  were 

given  to  the  flames.  At  Eel  River,  in  the  outskirts  of 
Plymouth,  eleven  Eno^lishmen  were  massacred. 

March  12.  ./  -'  o 

In  the  opposite  direction  from  Boston,  the  forty 
houses  which  constituted  the  settlement  at  Gro- 
ton  were  all  consumed ;  only  one  inha,bitant,  how- 
ever, being  killed,  and  two  wounded.    An  assault  upon 
Northampton  was  unsuccessful.     Five  Englishmen  were 
killed   there,  and   as  many  wounded ;  but   the 
Indians  were  driven  off,  leaving  the  dead  bodies 
of  eleven  of  their  number.     Passing  into  Rhode  Island, 
the  savages  appeared  at  Warwick,  and  burned 
every  house  there   except   one.      The  destruc- 
tion of  all  the  remaining  English  ^  houses  between  Nar- 
ragansett  Bay  and   the  Pawcatuck  River  immediately 
followed.^ 

1  A  hoiise  now  standing  in  Medfield  "  For  the  Governor  and  the  Council 
is  reported  to  have  been  there  at  the     at  Boston. 

time  of  this  foray.     (Boston  Historical  "  The  Indian  Tom  Nayonnomy  [?] 

Collections,  &c.,  473.)      But  enlarge-  and    Peter    Tetchquannoa    [?]    hath 

ments  in  modern  times  have  destroyed  brought  us  letter  from  you  about  the 

the  identity  of  the  building,  whatever  English,  especially  for  Mrs.  Eolanson : 

was  its  original  date.  the  answer  is,  I  am  sorrow  that  I  have 

2  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  23,  24 ;  done  so  much  wrong  to  you,  and  yet 
Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  72-75,135-  I  say  the  falte  is  lay  upon  you,  for 
137.  In  the  Hutchinson  Papers  in  the  when  we  begun  the  quarel  at  first 
Library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ( H.  with  Plymouth  men,  I  did  not  think 
282)  is  the  following  letter,  addressed,  that  you  should  have  so  much  trouble 
"  These  for  the  Governor,  living  at  as  now  is :  therefore  I  am  willing  to 
Boston,"  and  indorsed,  "  Second  letter  hear  your  desire  about  the  captives, 
from  the  Indians,  reced  27  2'mo.  [April]  Therefore  we  desire  you  to  sent  Mr. 

76."  (Comp.  Rowlandson,  True  His-  Rolanson  and  goodman  Kettel  [comp. 
tory,  &c.,  22,  23.)  I  do  not  know  Rowlandson,  True  History,  &c.,  25] 
whether  it  was  dictated  by  Philip :  —      for    their    wives,   and    those    Indians 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  JgQ 

As  spring  approached,  the  full  activity  of  the  war 
revived.  The  new  year,  as  in  that  age  it  was  reckoned, 
had  a  doubly  calamitous  opening.  While  the  people 
of  Marlborouo;h  were  at  their  Sunday  worship, 

11  r>      1       •  March  26. 

the  stealthy  enemy  crept  out  of  their  covert, 
and  fired  the  town;  and  the  destruction  was  so  com- 
plete, that  the  inhabitants  abandoned  their  settlement, 
and  "another  candlestick  was  removed  out  of  his  place." ^ 
At  the  same  hour,  a  still  heavier  disaster  was  experi- 
enced elsewhere.  The  government  of  Plymouth,  per- 
ceiving the  tide  of  war  to  be  turning  again  in  the 
direction  of  their  country,  despatched  Captain  Pierce, 
of  Scituate,  in  command  of  fifty  Englishmen  and  twenty 
friendly  natives,  to  Pawtuxet.  He  fell  in  with  a  party 
of  natives,  headed  by  the  Narragansett  chief,  Canon- 
chet,  and  engaged  them.  They  appeared  to  retreat, 
and  so  lured  him  into  an  ambush,  where  he  was  sur- 
rounded by  greatly  superior  numbers,  and  was  killed, 
with  eight  of  his  Indians  and  all  of  his  English  com- 
panions but  one,  at  the  cost  to  the  enemy,  as  was  re- 
ported, of  the  lives  of  a  hundred  and  forty .^  This  was 
the  most  serious  single  disaster  sustained  by  Plymouth 
Colony  during  the  war.  Nor  was  it  the  last  misfortune 
of  that  unhappy  day.  Eighteen  English  people  were 
riding  into  Springfield  to  attend  divine  service,  when 
they  were  fired  upon  from  a  hiding-place ;  and  two  of 
the  company  were  killed  on  the  spot,  and  four  others 
—  two  women  with  their  children  —  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  ravagers,  and  were  put  to  death.^ 

Tom  and  Peter  to  redeem  their  wives;  2  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &e.,  64-66  ; 

they  shall  come  and  goe  very  safely :  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  25.     From 

whereupon  we  ask  Mrs.  Rolanson  how  a  letter  of  Mr.  Newman  of  Rehoboth, 

much  your  husband  willing  to  give  for  written  the  day  after  the  fight,  it  would 

you ;  she  gave  an  answer  20  pound  in  appear  that  the  English  loss  was  not 

goods;but  John  Kettle  wife  could  not  till,  altogether  so  great  as  it  was  reported. 

"  And    the    rest    captives    may    be  The  letter  is  printed  by  Mr.  Deane,  in 

spoken  of  hereafter."  his  History  of  Scituate,  122. 

1  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  24.  3  "  The  next  day,  those  Indians  were 


March  27. 


J9Q  HISTOEY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  UI. 

On  the  night  after  their  exploit  at  Marlborough,  the 
Indians,  some  three  hundred  in  number,  encamped  near 
that  place,  between  it  and  Sudbury,  a  plantation  ten 
miles   distant   from   Marlborough   to    the    east.      Forty 
Sudbury  men,  marching  in  quest  of  them,  and 
guided  by  their  fires,  came  upon  them  by  sur- 
prise just  before  the  dawn  of  the  next  day.     "  God  so 
disposed  of  the  bullets   that  were  shot  at  that  time," 
that,  according  to  information  afterwards  obtained  from 
prisoners,  "no  less  than   thirty  Indians  were  wounded, 
of  whom  there  were  fourteen  that  died."     No  English- 
man was  hurt.^      The   next   day,  a  marauding 
party  appeared  on  the  border  of  Rhode  Island, 
and   burned  forty  houses   at   Rehoboth.      On   the   two 
following  days,  they  fired   the   town  of  Provi- 
'      dence  in  different  quarters,  and  thirty  or  forty 
houses  were  consumed.     In  one  of  them  were  the  early 
records  of  the  settlement.^ 

In   the   same  predatory  way  the  war  was  prosecut- 

Apriiand   ©d  ou  thc  part  of  the  savages  for  two  months 

May.     more.    Wrentham,  Seekonk,  Plymouth,  Andover,^ 

pursued ;  but  when  the  English  came  train-band.  (Pitman,  Discourse  deliv- 
in  sight,  those  barbarous  wretches  ered  at  Providence,  &c.,  57.)  Hutch- 
hasted  to  run  away;  but,  before,  they  inson  says  (Hist.  I.  275),  "His  [Phil- 
knocked  the  two  children  on  the  head,  ip's]  affairs  were  now  at  the  highest 
as  they  were  sucking  their  mothers'  flow,  and  those  of  the  English  never  at 
breasts,  and  then  knocked  their  moth-  so  low  an  ebb  "  as  now.  And  such 
ers  on  the  head.  Nevertheless,  one  of  was  the  judgment  of  Hubbard  (Nar- 
them  was  alive  when  the  soldiers  came  rative,  &c.,  67,  76),  and  of  Mather 
to  her."  (Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  (Brief  History,  &c.,  29). 
25;  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  77,  78.)  ^  At  Andover,  "to  show  what  bar- 
The  portion  of  this  party  that  escaped  barous  creatures  they  are,  they  exer- 
were  blamed  (Hubbard  thinks,  un-  cised  cruelty  towards  dumb  creatures, 
justly)  for  forsaking  -their  companions  They  took  a  cow,  knocked  off  one  of 
in  a  cowardly  manner.  her  horns,  cut  out  her  tongue,  and  so 

1  Ibid.,  79  ;  Mather,  Brief  History,  left  the  poor  creature  in  great  misery. 
&c.,  26.  They  put  an  horse,  ox,  &c.   into  an 

2  Ibid.  See  above.  Vol.  I.  p.  424.  hovel,  and  then  set  it  on  fire,  only  to 
Roger  Williams  had  come  from  the  show  how  they  are  delighted  in  ex- 
Narragansett  country  into  Providence,  ercising  cruelty."  (Mather,  Brief  His- 
and   was   there   made    Captain   of  a  tory,  &c.,  26.) 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  191 

Chelmsford,  Sudbury,  Scituate,  Bridgewater,^  and  Mid- 
dleborough  were  wholly  or  partly  sacked  and  burned. 
The  Indians,  in  their  knowledge  of  the  country,  and 
their  facilities  for  concealment  and  for  falling  suddenly 
on  the  fixed  residences  of  their  enemy,  had  the  same 
immense  advantage  that,  a  century  and  a  half  later,  in- 
volved the  United  States  of  America  in  an  expenditure 
of  millions  of  dollars,  and  of  thousands  of  lives,  before 
they  could  subdue  a  few  hundreds  of  wretched  native 
vagabonds  in  Florida.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  Philip's 
adherents,  dispersed  more  or  less  during  the  winter 
months  from  the  places  where  their  supplies  —  scanty 
at  the  best  —  had  been  hitherto  found,  were  now  dis- 
tressed for  want  of  food ;  ^  and  the  constancy  of  the 
whites,  tracking  them  to  their  dens  with  indefatigable 
diligence,  speedily  recovering  every  available  point  of 
defence  that  had  been  surrendered,  and  reinforced,  as 
often  as  was  necessary,  with  means  of  living  and  mu- 
nitions of  war,  was  telling  with  dispiriting  effect  upon 
a  rout  of  barbarians  who  had  no  ground  for  reliance 
on  each  other's  fidelity,  and  no  basis  for  their  own 
resolution  better  than  a  love  of  rapine  and  of  blood. 

With  returning  spring,  the  Connecticut  troops,  who, 
after  the   fisrht   at   the    Narrao-ansett   fort,  had  ^  , .    , 

o  O  ^  Exploits  of 

withdrawn  to  their  Colony,  came  again  into  the  Connecticut 

r.11/^  •  n  T\        '  "i  11  volunteers. 

field.      Captam    (ieorge    Denison"*  marched    to- 
wards Plymouth  at  the  head  of  a  small  party  of  Eng- 

1  "  When  Bridgewater  was  assaulted,  ing  to  which  Philip  was  opposed;  and 
and  in  danger  of  being  laid  waste,  God  that  this  dispute  was  "  a  means  under 
sent  thunder  and  rain  from  heaven,  God  to  weaken  and  destroy  them." 
which  caused  the  Indians  to  turn  back."  3  George  Denison  was  brother  of 
(Mather,  Historical  Discourse  concern-  Major-General  Denison  of  Massachu- 
ing  the  Frevalency  of  Prayer,  8.)  setts.    He  was  reputed  to  be  a  positive 

2  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  81,  82.  and  wilful  man,  but  possessed  uncom- 
Gookin  says  (itbi  supra,  509,  510)  that  mon  energy  and  capacity.  The  year 
a  dissension  had  grown  up  between  before,  he  had  fallen  under  the  censure 
Philip  and  some  other  Sachems  about  of  the  government.  (Conn.  Rec,  11. 
the  ransoming  of  captives,  —  aproceed-  258,  259,  577.) 


192  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

lish  volunteers  from  Stonington,  Norwich,  and  New  Lon- 
don, and  of  some  auxiliary  natives  of  the  Mohegan  and 
Pequod  tribes,  and  of  the  subjects  of  Ninigret,  the  Nyan- 
tic  Sachem,  who,  throughout  this  war,  acted  a  friendly 
part,  troublesome  as  he  had  been  found  in  earlier  times. 
In    the    Narragansett   country,  Denison   fell   in 
with  some  hostile   Indians,  of  whom  he  killed 
and  took  prisoners  forty-five.     Among  the  captives  was 
the  Sachem  Canonchet,  just  returned  from  the  slaugh- 
ter of  Captain    Pierce's  party.     His  perfidy  in  respect 
to  the  late  treaties  was   thought  to  have   forfeited  for 
him  all  claim  to  mercy;  and  he  was  taken  to  Stoning- 
ton,  and  there  put  to  death  by  the  native  allies  of  his 
enemy .-^    Pursuing  his  way,  Denison  encountered 
and  defeated  another  force  of  the  Indians,  kill- 
ing  and    taking    captive    seventy-six   of  their   number. 
Two  Narragansett  sachems  were  among  the  prisoners.^  ^ 
Two   important  successes,  however,  the  Indians   had 
after  the  tide  thus  turned  against  them.     Captain  Wads- 
worth,  of  Milton,  with  seventy  men,  had  been  left  at 
Marlborough,  "  to  strengthen  that  frontier."  ^      Hearing 
Defeat  of       thcrc  that  the  enemy  had  appeared  at  Sudbury, 
^ptain        j^g  a  jnarched   in   the  nio;ht  with  all  the  speed 

Wadsworth.  O  1 

April  20.  he  could."  In  the  morning,  he  fell  in  with 
about  a  hundred  Indians.  They  broke  and  fled  before 
his  attack,  as  was  usual  with  them  when  confronted 
with    anything   like    an    equal    force.      Incautiously   he 

1  Mather,  Bi-ief  History,  &c.,  26,  27.  condition  of  compliance  with  the  Eng- 

"  The  Mohegans  and  Pequods  that  had  lish,"  which  he  refused. 
the  honor  to  take  him  prisoner  having         2  Hubbard,     Narrative,     &c.,     68 ; 

the  honor  likewise  of  doing  justice  upon  Mather,    Brief  History,    &c.,    27,    28. 

him,  and  that  by  the  prudent  advice  Hutchinson    (Hist.,   I.    276)    attaches 

of  the    English  commanders,  thereby  special  importance  to  Denison's  cam- 

the  more  firmly  to  engage  the  said  In-  paign. 

dians  against  the  treacherous  Narra-         3  The   "  frontier   towns  "   as   desig- 

gansetts."     (Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  nated  by  an  order  of  the  General  Com-t, 

67.)     In  another  place  (Postscript  to  were  at  this  time  "  Medfield,  Sudbury, 

Narrative,  8),  Hubbard  says  that  Ca-  Concord,  Chelmsford,  Andover,  Haver- 

nonchet  was  now  offered  his  life,  "  upon  hill,  Exeter."     (Mass.  Rec,  V.  79.) 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIPS   WAR.  193 

pursued  them  into  the  woods,  where  he  found  himself 
surrounded  by  as  many  as  five  hundred  assailants.  He. 
drew  his  men  off  to  a  hill,  and  there  continued  the 
contest  as  long  as  daylight  lasted,  killing,  as  a  prisoner 
afterwards  reported,  a  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  ene- 
my. But  the  combatants  were  too  unequally  matched.^ 
Only  twenty  Englishmen  escaped.  Wadsworth  and  his 
lieutenant  were  among  those  slain  on  the  field.  Five 
or  six  of  their  comrades  were  less  fortunate.  The 
victors  "  carried  them  away  alive,  but  that  night  killed 
them  in  such  a  manner  as  none  but  savages  would 
have  done.  For  they  stripped  them  naked,  and  caused 
them  to  run  the  gantlet,  Avhipping  them  after  a  cruel 
and  bloody  manner,  and  then  threw  hot  ashes  upon 
them,  cut  out  the  flesh  of  their  legs,  and  put  fire  into 
their  wounds,  delighting  to  see  the  miserable  torments 
of  wretched  creatures."^ 

As  the  spring  advanced,  a  large  English  force,  con- 
sisting of  four  companies  from  Massachusetts  and  four 
from  Connecticut,  was  stationed  in  the  towns  of  North- 
ampton, Hatfield,  and  Hadley.  From  time  to  time,  small 
parties  of  the  enemy  attacked  their  outposts,  but  Transactions 
without  gaining  any  considerable  advantage.  An  ^"^^""er.' 
inhabitant  of  Hadley,  carried  off  by  the  savages   ^p"'  ^7- 


1  The  author  of  the  "  New  and  Fur-  day,  the  Magistrates  met,  and  gave 
ther  Narrative,"  &c.,  adds  (10),  that,  to  orders  for  some  extraordinary  military 
dislodge  the  English  from  their  advan-  precautions  for  "  the  securing  of  the 
tageous  post  on  the  hill,  the  Indians  several  plantations  upon  the  day  of 
"  set  the  woods  on  fire  to  the  wind-  public  election  now  drawing  near." 
ward  of  our  men,  which,  by  reason  And  they  recommended  to  the  free- 
of  the  wind  blowing  very  hard,  and  the  men  to  stay  at  home  and  send  their 
grass  being  exceeding  day,  burned  with  votes  by  proxy.  (New  and  Further 
a  terrible  fierceness,  and  with  the  Narrative,  11.)  Captain  Mosely  pe- 
smoke  and  heat  was  like  to  choke  titioned  the  General  Court,  which  met 
them."  immediately    after,    for    authority    to 

2  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  27;  raise  a  force  of  volunteers,  and  to  em- 
Gookin,  u6t  supra,  510,  511.  The  de-  ploy  them  as  an  independent  command, 
feat  of  Wadsworth  renewed  the  fears  with  certain  other  special  privileges. 
of  the  government.     On  the  following  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  94,  95.) 

VOL.  in.  17 


194  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

in  one  of  these  forays,  effected  his  escape,  and  brought 
intelligence  that  a  numerous  party  of  them 
were  planting  and  fishing  by  the  upper  falls 
of  the  river  Connecticut,  where  that  stream  now  divides 
the  towns  of  Gill  and  Montague.  Captain  Turner,^  of 
Boston,  in  command  of  the  English  force  in  the  upper 
towns,  at  once  resolved  to  attack  them.  Accordingly, 
Battle  at  ^c  took  a  liundrcd  and  eighty  troopers,  and, 
FaiT''  ^y  ^  ^^igbt  march  of  twenty  miles,  came  in  sight 
May  18.  of  thc  Indian  camp  just  at  daylight.  The  sur- 
face of  the  ground  was  such  as  required  that  it  should 
be  passed  on  foot.  Dismounting,  the  party  tied  their 
horses,  and  were  still  unobserved,  till,  having  reached 
the  edge  of  the  camp,  they  disturbed  its  repose  with  a 
volley  of  musketry.  The  enterprise  thus  far  was  com- 
pletely successful.  The  Indians,  in  their  sudden  terror, 
made  a  feeble  and  useless  resistance.  Numbers  perished 
by  shot  and  by  the  sword.  A  crowd  rushed  to  the 
river,  where  some  escaped  in  their  canoes ;  others  were 
carried  over  the  falls  and  drowned ;  others,  swimming 
for  life,  were  reached  by  the  bullets  of  the  marksmen 
lining  the  shore.  By  the  musket,  the  sword,  and  the 
water,  three  hundred  Indians  perished  in  this  action. 
The  English  lost  one  man  only.  The  affair  derived 
further  importance  from  being  attended  with  a  destruc- 
tion of  a  large  store  of  the  enemy's  supplies  of  food 
and  ammunition.^ 

1  Turner  was  the  Baptist  so  trouble-  2  "  We  there  destroyed  all  their  am- 
some  eight  years  before.  (See  above,  munition  and  provision,  which  we  think 
p.  65).  "  A  tailor  by  trade,  but  one  they  can  hardly  be  so  soon  and  easily 
that  for  his  valor  has  left  behind  him  recruited  with  as  possibly  they  may 
an  honorable  memory."  (New  and  be  with  men.  We  likewise  here  de- 
Further  Narrative,  12.)  Vice-Presi-  molished  two  forges  they  had  to  mend 
dent  Willard  did  not  think  so  highly  their  arms,  took  away  all  their  mate- 
of  him.  (Ne  Sutor,  &c.,  24.)  The  rial  and  tools,  and  threw  two  great  pigs 
Baptist  historian  was  naturally  biassed  of  lead  of  theirs  (intended  for  making 
in  favor  of  his  character  and  exploits,  of  bullets)  into  the  river."  (New  and 
(Backus,  History  of  New  England,  I.  Further  Narrative,  &c.,  12.) 
428.) 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  195 

But  the  fortune  of  the  day  was  mconstant.  Another 
party  of  natives,  not  far  off,  heard  the  tumult  and 
hastened  to  the  scene ;  and  the  Enghsh  presently  found 
themselves  so  closely  pressed  by  a  large  hostile  force, 
that  they  esteemed  themselves  fortunate  to  recover 
their  horses,  and  begin  their  retreat.  All  along  the  line 
of  their  march,  they  were  now  attacked  from  various 
points  at  once.  An  Indian  prisoner  said  that  Philip 
was  close  by  with  a  thousand  men.  The  story  passed 
through  the  ranks,  and  increased  the  panic.^  Captain 
Holyoke,  the  second  in  command,  was  charged  to  pro- 
tect the  rear.  His  column  was  nearly  surrounded,  and 
he  was  himself  about  to  be  cut  off,  when,  by  shooting 
the  foremost  of  several  Indians  who  were  close  upon 
him,  he  checked  their  advance.  His  force  broke  up  into 
small  parties.  One  party  was  cut  to  pieces  as  it  was 
passing  through  a  morass.  Another,  forced  to  sur- 
render, was  doomed  to  a  worse  fate.  Holyoke  marched 
back  his  surviving  men,  a  hundred  and  forty  in  num- 
ber, to  Hatfield.  He  won  enthusiastic  praise  for  the 
courage  and  conduct  which,  in  such  woful  circumstances, 
had  averted  worse  calamity.  But  the  day  was  fatal 
to  him.  He  was  only  twenty-eight  years  old ;  but  it 
broke  down  his  strength,  and  he  died  before  the  winter.^ 
Captain  Turner  was  killed  in  Greenfield  meadow.  He 
was  feeble  from  recent  illness ;  and  an  opinion  was  en- 
tertained at  the  time,  that  the  fatigue  of  the  night- 
march,  followed  by  the  excitement  of  battle,  and  then 
by  exposure  to  a  scorching  sun,  had  incapacitated  him 
for  directing  the  dispositions  needful  at  such  a  juncture. 

The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  now  in  session, 
was  adopting  the  most  vigorous  measures.  Not  con- 
tent with  unsparingly  pressing  men  and  supplies  for 
the   camp,  they  empowered   town    officers  "  to  impress 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  84  -  86.  2  Holland,  History  of  Western  Mas- 
Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  29-31.  sachusetts,  I.  125. 


195  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

men  for  the  management  and  carrying  on  of  the  hus- 
bandry of  such  persons  as  were  called  off  from  the 
same  into  the  service,  who  had  not  sufficient  help  of 
their  own  left  at  home  to  manage  the  same."  They 
provided  for  the  punishment  by  fines  of  every  impressed 
person  who  failed  to  report  himself  for  duty ;  if  his  neg- 
lect was  "  accompanied  with  refractoriness,  reflection, 
or  contempt  upon  authority,"  he  was  to  suffer  death 
or  some  other  grievous  punishment.  Men  driven  from 
their  homes  by  the  enemy  were  to  be  enrolled  for 
military  duty  in  the  places  of  their  refuge.  All  per- 
sons, under  the  penalty  of  confiscation  of  all  their  prop- 
erty, were  forbidden  to  trade  with  Indians,  except  such 
as  were  in  the  service  or  the  custody  of  the  govern- 
ment. No  person  could  leave  the  town  he  belonged  to 
without  permission  from  the  local  military  committee.^ 
The  General  Court  invited  Plymouth  and  Connecticut 
to  make  new  exertions.  And  they  charged  some  mes- 
sengers sent  to  the  Indians  with  offers  of  a  treaty,  to 
manage  the  business  "  with  clearness  and  confidence, 
that  so  no  panic,  fear,  or  w^eakness  of  mind  might  ap- 
pear; and  let  them  know  that  the  English  were  re- 
solved to  make  war  their  work,  until  they  enjoyed  a 
firm  peace."  ^ 

The  last  considerable  success  obtained  by  the  Indians 
was  that  which  has  just  been  related.     Embold- 
ened by  it,  they  attacked  Hatfield  with  a  force 
of  six  or  seven  hundred  men,  and  fired  several  build- 
ings.    The   flames   were   seen  at   Hadley,  and    twenty- 
^  ,.  .         five  men  were  despatched  to  relieve  the  place. 

Declining  JT  J- 

prospectsof    Qn  thclr   way   they   came    upon  a  detachment 

the  Indians.  r.  i  n         i  -,       r^  r.      \  i    -n      i 

ot  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  savages,  killed 
twenty-five  of  them,  and  put  the  survivors  to  rout,  with 
a  loss  of  five  of  their  own  number  killed,  and  three 
wounded ;  after  which  the  inhabitants,  thus  reinforced, 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  78  -  81.  2  Ibid.,  92,  94. 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAK.  •  l^'j 

drove  the  ravagers  from  the  town.^  One  more  attack 
conchided  their  series  of  operations  on  Connecticut  River. 
After  the  affair  at  Turner's  Falls  (so  called  from  the 
name  of  the  commander  in  the  late  battle),  Major  Tai- 
cot,^  with  a  force  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  English  sol- 
diers and  two  hundred  Mohegans,  was  despatched  to 
the  scene  of  war,  with  instructions  to  form  a  junction 
at  Brookfield  wdth  Captain  Henchman,  who  was  leading 
thither  a  force  from  Boston.^  On  their  way,  both  had 
successful  engagements  with  the  enemy,  the  former 
killing  and  capturing  more  than  fifty  of  them 
in  what  is  now  the  town  of  Dudley,*  and  the 
latter  killing  six,  and  making  twenty-nine  pris- 
oners, near  Lancaster.^  Talcot,  who  did  not  fjill  in  with 
the  Massachusetts  troops,  had  been  at  Hadley 
only  a  day  or  two  when  that  place  was  set 
upon  by  a  force  of  Indians,  said  to  be  seven  hundred 
sti'ong.  They  divided  themselves  into  two  parties,  one 
of  which  lay  in  ambush  at  one  end  of  the  town,  while 
their  comrades  made  an  open  assault  at  the  other  end. 
The  assailants  overleaped  a  palisade  by  which  the  group 
of  dwellings  was  surrounded ;  but  the  discharge  of  a 
cannon  threw  them  into  disorder,  and  they  presently 
fled  in  all  directions.  It  was  said  that  they  lost  thirty 
men,  while  only  three  or  four  of  the  English  fell,  and 
this  in  consequence  of  their  having  rashly  continued  a 
pursuit  too  far.^ 

1  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  30 ;  ner's  disaster,  Captain  Newbury,  of 
Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  86 ;  Letter  Windsor,  had  been  ordered  to  lead 
of  Captain  Newbury,  in  Conn.  Rec,  eighty  men  to  Northampton  and  Had- 
n.  450.  ley,  at  the  request  of  the  inhabitants 

2  John  Talcot,  of  Hartford,  was  ap-  of  those  towns.     (Ibid.,  442,  443.) 
pointed  commander-in-chief  of  a  force  ^  Hubbard,     Narrative,      &c.,      86. 
of  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  which  Comp.  Mass.  Rec,  V.  96. 

the  government  of  Connecticut  passed  *  Letter  of  Talcot,  in  Conn.  Rec,  H. 

an  order  to  raise  on  the  15th  of  May.  453. 

(Conn.    Rec,    H.     278,     279.)       He  5  Mather,   Brief  History,    &c.,    32; 

marched  the  first  week  in  June.    (Ibid.,  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  86. 

450.)    On  the  20th  of  May,  after  Tur-  6  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  33. 
17* 


198  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  m. 

In  other  quarters  the  savages  were  generally  no  more 
successful.  The  loss  experienced  by  them  at  the  falls 
of  the  Connecticut,  notwithstanding  the  turn  in  their 
favor,  had  crippled  them  severely.  Several  of  their 
chiefs  had  fallen  there,  and  the  principal  fishing-place 
of  the  region  had  been  rendered  insecure  for  their 
use.  It  was  already  late  in  the  season  for  planting, 
and  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  repairing  to  their  sev- 
eral homes,  if  they  were  to  raise  any  crop  for  their 
subsistence  in  the  coming  winter.  Small  parties,  on 
their  way  to  lands  heretofore  used  for  this  purpose,  or 
wandering  about  the  country  in  search  of  food  wherever 
it  might  be  found,^  were  hunted  by  the  better-provided 
Englishmen,  and  broken  up  one  after  another.  Captain 
Brattle  surprised  a  party  who  were  fishino;  near 

May  23.  l  x  •/  o 

Kehoboth.^    At  Norwich,  seventy  hostile  Indians 
June  16.    appeared,  and  made  a  voluntary  surrender.     In 
June  23.    four  engagements  within  a  week,  one  near  Marl- 
juiji!     borough,  two  in  the  Narragansett  country,  and 
a  fourth  near  Providence,  Major  Talcot   killed 
two  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  enemy .^     "  Two  hundred  In- 
dians came  and  submitted  themselves  to  mercy, 
in  Plymouth  Colony,  being  partly  necessitated 
thereunto  by  the  distresses  which  God,  in  his  holy  provi- 
dence, had  brought  them  into."  *     Captain  Church,  who 
was  now  for  a  third  time  in  the  field,  was  making  pris- 
oners of  straggling  parties  of  Philip's  own  tribe.^     James 

1  See  Captain  Henchman's  letter  of  of  Awashonks,  Squaw  Sachem  of  Sa- 
June  30,  in  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  conet  [Little  Compton],  to  endeavor 
86.  to  detach  her   and   her   people   from 

2  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  31.  Philip,  a  project  in  which  he  succeeded. 

3  Ibid.,  39;  Hubbard,  Narrative,  (Entei-taining  Passages,  21 -30.)  July 
&c.,  97.  24    [14th],    1676,    (Ibid.,    31;    comp. 

4  Mather,  Brief  Historj',  &c.,  40.  Davis's   Morton,    441,   note,)    he   was 

5  Church  had  been  in  Rhode  Island,  commissioned  by  the  Governor  of  Plyni- 
taking  care  of  the  wound  he  had  outh  to  raise  and  command  a  force  of 
received  at  .the  NaiTagansett  Fort,  two  hundred  men  ;  not  more  than  sixty 
Convalescing,  he  undertook  the  haz-  of  them  to  be  English,  the  rest  to  be 
ardous  service  of  going  into  the  country  Indians. 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  199 

the  Printer,  with  a  hundred  and  forty  followers,  surren- 
dered on  the  faith  of  a  proclamation,  in  which 
the  government  had  offered  pardon  to  such  In- 
dians in  arms  as  should  come  in  and  submit.^ 

James  was  a  Praying  Indian,  of  Hassanamissit  (now 
Grafton),  who  had  acquired  the  addition  to  his  name 
by  being  emplo3"ed  as  an  assistant  at  Cambridge  in 
the  printing  of  Eliot's  translation  of  the  Bible.  In  the 
war   which   was   now  approachino;  its   termina-  „  . .     , 

i.  i.  o  Position  of 

tion,  the    Praying   Indians  had   not  proved   so  tiie  Praying 
faithful  to   their  English  friends  as  was  hoped 
when   it   broke   out.     So  fully  had  they  been  trusted, 
that,  at  the  beginning  of  hostilities,  a  company     jsts. 
of  them,  fifty  in  number,  was  raised  for  service     ■^"''' 
against  Philip.^     But   it   was  known   that  some   of  the 
professed   converts  were  concerned   in  the  early  attack 
on  Mendon,  and  from  that  time  their  movements  were 
observed  with   anxious  vigilance.     Frequently  the   ma- 
rauders in  the  Nipmuck    country   were    recognized    as 
Indians   who    had    professed  Christianity ;   nor    in    that 
region  was  it  found  that  there  was  any  community,  or 
any   considerable  number,  of  natives  who  could  be   re- 
lied  upon   as   allies  by  reason   of  the  bonds  of  a  com- 
mon faith.^     The  restraint  which,  after  the  assault  on 

1  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  39.  caster  on  a  Sabbath  day,  and  the  one 

2  Gookin,  History  of  the  Praying  that  was  afterwards  killed  upon  a  week 
Indians,  in  Archfeol.  Amer.,  II.  442.  day,   were    slain    and   mangled   in    a 

3  Their  alleged  treachery  at  Brook-  barbarous  manner,  by  One-Eyed  John 
field  and  at  Springfield  (see  above,  pp.  and   Marlborough's    Praying   Indians, 

159,  171)  occasioned  special  indigna-  as  the  Inrlians  told  me."    (Row- 

tion,  though    Gookin   says    (ArchaBol.  landson.   Narrative,    &c.,    10.)      "My 

Amer.,  11.  454)  of  the  guilty  persons  in  daughter   Mary   was   taken   from   the 

that  region :  "  There  was  not  one  of  door  at  first  by  a  Praying  Indian,  and 

them,  that  ever  I  heard  of,  that  was  a  afterwards   sold   for   a   gun."      (Ibid., 

pretender  to  Christian  rehgion."    Mi-s.  I3.)_"lt  was  a  Praying  Indian  that 

Rowlandson,  whose  now  ruined  home  wrote  their  letters  for  them.      There 

was  in  the  midst  of  the  Nipmuck  con-  was  another  Praying  Indian,  who  told 

verts,   did    not   regard    them    kindly,  me  that  he  had  a  brother  that  would 

"  Those  even  that  were  killed  at  Lan-  not  eat  horse,  his  conscience  was  so 


200 


HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


Brookfield,  it  was  thought  needful  to  impose  on  the 
professed  converts,  would  have  been  harsh,  if  it  had 
not  seemed  to  be  demanded  by  the  necessity  of  the 
case.  All  the  Christian  Indians  of  the  Nipmuck  tribe 
were  required  by  the  Magistrates  to  come  to- 
gether at  five  places  that  were  named,  and 
there  build  their  wigwams  in  compact  settlements.  They 
were  not  to  go  from  these  more  than  a  mile's  distance, 
unless  accompanied  by  an  Englishman ;  and  if  they 
violated  this  regulation,  they  were  liable  to  be  impris- 
oned or  put  to  death.  They  were  to  extend  no  hospi- 
tality to  other  Indians,  and  they  were  charged  to  disclose 
to  the  English  all  that  they  should  learn  of  the  enemy's 
designs.^  Such  precautions  proved  insufficient,  and  at 
one  time  no  fewer  than  two  hundred  went  off 
in  a  body  to  the  hostile  camp.^      Some  Pray- 


No7ember. 


tender  and  scrupulous,  though  as  large 
as  hell  for  the  destruction  of  poor 
Christians ;  then  he  said  he  read  that 
Scripture  to  him  (2  Kings  vi.  25), 
'  There  was  a  famine  in  Samaria,  and 
behold  they  besieged  it,  until  an  ass's 
head  was  sold  for  fourscore  pieces  of 
silver,  and  the  fourth  part  of  a  cab 
of  dove's  dung  for  five  pieces  of  silver.' 
He  expounded  this  place  to  his  brother, 
and  showed  him  that  it  was  lawful  to 
eat  that  in  a  famine  which  it  is  not 
at  another  time.  '  And  now,'  says  he, 
'  he  will  eat  horse  with  any  Indian  of 
them  all.'  There  was  another  Praying 
Indian,  who,  when  he  had  done  all  the 
mischief  that  he  could,  betrayed  his 
own  father  into  the  English's  hands, 
thereby  to  purchase  his  own  life.  An- 
other Praying  Indian  was  at  Sudbury 
fight,  though,  as  he  deserved,  he  was 
afterward  hanged  for  it.  There  was 
another  Praying  Indian  so  wicked  and 
cruel  as  to  wear  a  string  about  his 
neck,  strung  with  Christian  fingers." 
(Ibid.,  23.) 
1  Gookin,  in  Archseol.  Amer.,  II.  453. 


The  General  Court,  when  it  met  in 
October,  added  some  further  regula- 
tions.  "  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  46,  47.) 

2  Willson,  Sermon  preached  in  Graf- 
ton, &c.,  8;  Brigham,  Address  deliv- 
ered before  the  Inhabitants  of  Grafton, 
pp.  8,  9.  Gookin,  however  (itbi  supra, 
476,  477)  denies  that  this  desertion 
was  voluntary.  My  ancestor,  John 
Gorham,  sent  into  the  Nipmuck  coun- 
try in  September,  at  the  head  of  a 
hundred  Plymouth  men,  to  destroy  the 
enemy's  standing  corn,  was  thought 
by  Gookin  to  have  been  too  indiscrimi- 
nate in  his  devastations,  and  so  to  have 
given  offence  to  the  Indian  friends  of 
the  English.  (Gookin,  uhi  supra,  46.7.) 
Mosely  and  Henchman  fell  under  the 
same  condemnation  (Ibid.,  502) ;  the 
latter,  to  the  extent  of  a  charge  of  vio- 
lating his  orders.  In  fact,  the  difficulty 
of  knowing  who  were  friends  and  who 
foes  was  one  of  the  great  perplexities 
of  the  time.  While  the  government 
intended  to  go  no  further  than  the  ex- 
igency required,  it  would  be  too  much 
to  expect  that  the   infuriated  people 


Chap.  V.] 


PHILIPS   WAR. 


201 


ing  Indians,  on  tlie  other  hand,  served  the  Enghsh 
well  as  soldiers  and  as  spies ;  while  some,  loving  mis- 
chief more  than  they  cared  at  whose  cost  it  was  done, 
joined  the  one  side  or  the  other  from  time  to  time, 
according  as  they  were  allured  by  the  prospect  of 
plunder.-^ 

The  assault  on  Springfield  by  Indian  neighbors  who 
had  always  been  rehed  upon  as  friends,  increased  the 
consternation  and  distrust.  It  is  of  the  nature  of  per- 
fidy that  the  punishment  extends  further  than  the  crime. 
In  circumstances  of  serious  hardship  to  them,  the  converts 
at  Natick  and  some  other  towns  were  now  withdrawn 


would  not  be  sometimes  cruel.  Ex- 
treme terror  and  uncertainty  prevailed. 
The  friends  of  one  day  were  enemies 
in  the  next ;  and  the  most  formidable 
quality  of  the  Indian  was  his  treach- 
ery. In  such  circumstances,  it  could 
not  be  but  that  unjust  suspicions  would 
sometimes  arise.  The  Indians  at 
Wamesit  (Tewksbury),  on  the  Merri- 
mac,  suffered  undeserved  hardships 
from  their  neighbors  at  Chelmsford 
(Willard,  WiUai-d  Memoir,  260-263; 
Gookin,  ubi  supra,  471,  482,  484,  492, 
514) ;  and  the  Magistrates  were  con- 
vinced of  this,  and  interfered  —  not 
with  complete  success  —  for  their  pro- 
tection. Eliot  and  Gookin  (see  Mass. 
Arch.,  XXX.  1 73)  were  constantly 
interposing  their  good  offices  to  appease 
the  prevailing  resentment  against  the 
professing  converts  under  their  charge, 
and  incurred  great  obloquy  for  their 
exertions  in  the  matter,  especially  the 
latter,  who.  Magistrate  as  he  was,  said 
at  one  time  that  he  was  "  afraid  to  go 
about  the  streets."  (Gookin,  uhi  supra, 
449 ;  comp.  Francis,  Life  of  Eliot,  in 
Sparks's  American  Biography,  V.  276.) 
His  life  was  actually  threatened. 
(Mass.  Arch.,  XXX.  192-197.)  The 
writer  of  the  "  Present  State  of  New 
England"  (12,  13)  reflects  the  hostile 


feeling  of  the  time  towards  this  good 
man.  "IVIr.  Eliot  and  Captain  Gug- 
gins  pleaded  so  very  hard  for  the  In- 
dians [a  party  captured  by  Mosely  in 
August,  1675],  that  the  whole  Council 
knew  not  what  to  do  about  them.  They 
hearkened  to  Mr.  Eliot  for  his  gravity, 
age,  and  wisdom, but  for  Cap- 
tain Guggins,  why  such  a  wise  Coun- 
cil as  they  should  be  so  overborne  by 
him  cannot  be  judged  otherwise  than 
because  of  his  daily  troubling  them 
with  his  impertinences  and  multitudi- 
nous speeches;  insomuch  that  it  was 
told  him  on  the  bench  by  a  very  worthy 
person  there  present  [Captain  Oliver] 
that  he  ought  rather  to  be  confined 
among  his  Indians  than  to  sit  on  the 
bench  ;  his  taking  the  Indians'  part  so 
much  hath  made  him  a  by-word  both 
among  men  and  boys."  The  writer  liked 
Mr.  Hezekiah  Usher's  phrase  "  Prey' 
ing  Indians."  (Ibid.,  19.)  Thomaa 
Danforth,  who  was  always  just  and 
brave,  fell  under  the  same  condemna- 
tion, and  his  life  too  was  threatened. 
Written  placards  were  posted  up  in 
Boston  (January  28,  16  76),  giving  no- 
tice that  "  some  generous  spirits "  had 
"  vowed  the  destruction "  of  Gookin 
and  him.  (Mass.  Arch.  XXX.  193.) 
1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  41. 


202 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  lU. 


to  Deer  Island  in  Boston  Harbor.^  A  number  of  the 
Christianized  natives  of  Plymouth  Colony  were  in  like 
manner  collected  at  Clarke's  Island  in  the  harbor  of 
Plymouth.^  The  Praying  Indians  on  Cape  Cod  proved 
themselves  worthy  of  all  confidence,  nor  did  the  uncon- 
verted natives  in  that  region  give  serious  occasion  for 
imeasiness.  And  so  trusted  were  the  converts  on  Mar- 
tha's Vineyard,  that  prisoners,  when  they  became  numer- 
ous, were  sent  thither  for  safe  keeping.  By  the  spring, 
the  good  conduct  of  those  converts  who  had  been  under 
restraint,  and  the  services  of  some  of  their  number  in  the 
field  and  otherwise,  had  conquered  the  prejudice  against 
1676.  them.  They  were  discharged  from  their  im- 
May.  prisonment  on  the  islands,  and  in  larger  num- 
bers were  taken  into  the  military  service,  in  which  they 
acquitted  themselves  with  fidelity  and  to  good  purpose.^ 


1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  57,  64. 

2  Plyin.  Kec,  V.  187. 

3  Mass.  Rec,  V.  86;  Gookin,  ubi 
supra,  512,  517.  "I  contend,"  says 
this  good  friend  of  the  converts,  "  that 
the  small  company  of  our  Indian  friends 
have  taken  and  slain  of  the  enemy,  in 
the  summer  of  1676,  not  less  than  four 

hundred ; it  may  be  said  in 

truth  that  God  made  use  of  these  poor, 
despised,  and  hated  Christians,  to  do 
great  service  for  the  churches  of  Christ 
in  New  England,  in  this  day  of  their 
trial."  (Ibid.,  513.)  He  distinguishes 
between  the  "  old  Praying  Indians " 
near  the  coast,  and  "  five  or  six  small 
villages  of  the  Nipmuck  Indians  that 
had  some  people  in  them  inclining  to 
entertain  the  Gospel,  and  therefore 
were  called  the  new  praying  towns"] 
and  he  maintains  that  there  was  scarcely 
an  instance  of  unfaithfulness  on  the 
part  of  the  former  class  to  the  English, 
•while  on  the  other  hand  they  rendered 
not  a  few  meritorious  and  important 
services.  (Ibid.,  436,  437.)  With  all 
his  natural  bias  in  the  case,  he  regards 


the  government  as  having  been  actu- 
ated by  a  spirit  of  justice  and  human- 
ity throughout  these  difficult  transac- 
tions, though  sometimes  driven  into  too 
stringent  measures  by  the  popular  fury. 
(Ibid.,  472,  473,  494.)  After  the  war, 
the  converts  were  again  gathered  into 
settlements  of  their  own.  (Hiid.,  532.) 
—  Gookin's  treatise,  which  lay  in  man- 
uscript, and  unknown,  for  a  hundred 
and  sixty  years,  is  the  ex  parte  statement 
of  an  upright,  but  not  unbiassed  man. 
Had  it  been  published  at  the  time, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  -would 
have  provoked  more  or  less  reasonable 
criticism.  It,  however,  preserves  much 
that  is  notew^orthy  respecting  the  sen- 
timents both  of  the  people  and  of 
the  government ;  and  if  it  shows  that 
the  ChrlMian  Indians,  in  the  author's 
limited  sense  of  that  designation,  were 
generally  faitliful  to  their  benefactors, 
it  shows  equally  that  the  instructed 
and  domesticated  Indians,  who  do  not 
come  within  his  strict  definition,  were 
largely  treacherous  and  hostile. 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S    WAR.  203 

Philip    had  never  been  seen  by  the  English  in  any 
battle ;  nor  was  it  ever  certainly  known,  except  on  two 
or   three   occasions,  where   and   how  he   was   employed 
while    the    havoc    that   has    been    described    was   going 
on}      Towards   midsummer  of  the   second   year  of  the 
war,  the  English  had  intelligence   that  he  was  on  his 
way  back  to  the  seat  of  his  tribe.     "A  captive  j^^^^^^j 
negro,   the  week   before   escaped  from    Philip,"  Phiiipfrom 
gave  information  that  the  chief  was  preparing 
to  attack   Taunton.     And  so  it  proved;   but,  the    town 
havino;  been  reinforced  meanwhile,  the  Eno;lish, 

O  .  July  11. 

without    loss   to    themselves,   drove   his   follow- 
ers into  the  woods.^     While  strong  parties,  in  search  of 
him,  scoured  the  country  about  Mount  Hope,* 
the  indefatigable  Major   Talcot   captured    sixty 
rovers  in  the  NaiTagansett  woods;*  and   Poraham,  the 
Narragansett  who,  twenty-three  years  before,  had   sur- 
rendered his  lands  to  Massachusetts,^  but  had  now  as- 
sisted in  the  massacre  of  the  settlers,  was  over- 
taken by  a  party  from  Dedham  and  Medfield, 
and  made  prisoner  with  fifty  followers.^     The  Nipmuck 

1  A  story  was  current,  that  no  less  so  that,  instead  of  bringing  the  Mo- 
than  fifty  of  his  men  had  been  killed  hawks  upon  the  English,  he  brought 
by  a  party  of  Mohawks  from  the  West,  them  upon  himself.  Thus  the  heathen 
in  retribution  of  a  treacherous  act  of  are  sent  down  into  the  pit  that  they 
h\s.  "  We  hear,"  writes  Mather  (Brief  made;  in  the  net  which  they  had  laid 
Historj',  &c.,  38 ;  comp.  Hubbard,  Nar-  is  their  own  foot  taken ;  the  Lord  is 
rative,  &c.,  87),  "that  Philip,  being  this  known  by  the  judgment  which  he  ex- 
winter  entertained  in  the  Mohawk  ecuteth ;  the  wicked  is  snared  in  the 
country,  made  it  his  design  to  breed  work  of  his  own  hands.  Higgaion 
a  quarrel  between  the  English  and  Selah."  This  may  be  taken  for  one 
them ;  to  effect  which,  divers  of  our  of  the  many,  wild  stories  born  of  the 
returned  captives  do  report  that  he  stimulated  imagination  of  the  time, 
resolved  to  kill  some  scattering  Mo-  2  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  41 ; 
hawks,  and  then  to  say  that  the  Eng-  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  88. 
lish   had  done  it.     But  one  of  those  3  Ibid. 

whom  he  thought  to  have  killed  was  *  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  98. 

only  wounded,   and   got   away  to  his  ^  See  above.  Vol.  I.  p.  123. 

countrymen,    giving   them   to   under-  ^  Mather,    Brief  History,    &e.,   43; 

stand  that  not  the  English,  but  Philip,  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  100. 
had  killed  the  men  that  were  murdered ; 


204  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Sagamore    John    presently    came    in    and    surrendered 
himself,  with   a  hundred  and  eighty  followers.^ 
Engagements  still  took  place  in  different  quar- 
ters, but   uniformly  to    the   advantage   of  the    English. 
The  enemy  was  unsupplied,  dispirited,  without  concert, 
and  distressed.     It  was  no  longer  a  war,  but  a  chase. 
Some  Bridgewater  men  fell  in  with  Philip.     He 
escaped  them,  but  with  the  loss  of  his  uncle  and 
ten  other  men  killed,  and  his  sister  taken  prisoner;  and  the 
pursuit  was  so  active  that  "he  threw  away  his  stock  of 
powder  into  the  bushes,  that  he  might  hasten  his  escape."^ 
Captain  Church  was  now  close  upon  his  track.^     On 
Pursuit  of     two    successive    days.  Church   captured    a   hun- 
church!^      dred  and   fifty   of  the  sachem's    people,  among 
July  31.    whom  were  his  wife  and  son.*     Two  days  later, 

August  1.        .  ,  ;  •  1     •      1  1 

^^  ^g  ma  sharp  engagement,  m  which  several  were 
killed,  he  made  prisoners  of  forty  more.  In 
the  same  week,  Weetamoo,  Squaw  Sachem  of  Pocasset, 
the  widow  of  Philip's  elder  brother,  and  Philip's  con- 
stant ally,  was  found  drowned  in  Taunton  Piver.  She 
had  attempted  to  pass  over  towards  Mount  Hope  on 
a  raft,  which  proved  too  slender.^ 

With  a  small  band  of  followers,  Philip  had  come  back 
to  his  ancient  home.^     Holding  the  isthmus  which  was 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  100;  egotistical  old  man.  But  there  is  no 
Mather,  Brief  History,  &e.,  43.  doubt  whatever  about  the  great  im- 

2  Ibid.,  44 ;  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  portance  of  his  services.  (Mather, 
101-  Brief  History,  &c.,  46-48;  Hubbard, 

3  Church's  account  of  his  operations  Narrative.  &c.,  104-109.)  Mather  and 
for  two  or  three  weeks  after  his  recent  Hubbard  wrote  long  l^efore  Church, 
commission  (see  above,  p.  198,  note  5)  and  they  record  the  judgment  of  him 
is  prolix.    (Entertaining  Passages,  &c.,  entertained  in  their  time. 

31-43.)     He  "took    into    the    woods         4  Mather,    Brief  History,    &c.,    44; 

and  swampy  thickets,"  and  killed  and  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  100,  102. 
captured     numbers    of    the     enemy,         5  Ibid.,  103. 

•'  never  returning  empty-handed."    His         ^  He  came  by  the  way  of  Bridge- 
chronology  is  perplexing,  if  not  incor-  water,  Middleborough,   Taunton,   and 
rect;  and  here,  as  in  other  passages,  he  Tiverton,  passing  over  to  Mount  Hope 
tells  the  story  of  his  youthful  exploits  [Bristol]  by  water. 
in  the  manner  of  a    garrulous    and 


Chap.  V.]  ^  PHILIP'S   WAR.  205 

the  only  avenue  for  his  escape  by  land,  the  English 
pressed  him  closer  every  day.  One  of  his  tribe,  pro- 
fessing to  have  been  offended  by  the  murder  of  his 
brother,  who  was  killed  by  Philip  for  advising  submis- 
sion, deserted  to  the  English,  and  offered  to  guide  them 
to  the  place  of  the  Sachem's  retreat.  Church,  when  the 
news  reached  Rhode  Island,  hastened  over  to  Bristol 
Neck,  where  he  arrived  at  midnight.  He  marched  a 
party  to  the  neighborhood  of  the  designated  spot,  and 
there,  before  dawn,  they  lay  down  in  the  bushes.^  When 
day  broke,  the  Indians,  perceiving  themselves 
to  be  so  closely  beset,  rushed  from  their  hiding-  pwiip. 

1  •  T  T        T  1  1  August  12. 

place  in  a  disorderly  manner,  under  a  heavy 
fire  of  those  who  stopped  the  way.  At  one  of  the 
points  likely  to  be  passed  by  the  fugitives.  Church  had 
stationed  an  Englishman  and  a  friendly  Indian,  named 
Alderman,  who  presently  saw  Philij)  approaching  them, 
half  dressed,  and  running  at  full  speed.  The  English- 
man's gun  missed  fire.  The  Indian's  took  effect,  one 
bullet  passing  through  the  heart  of  the  chief  and  an- 
other lodging  in  his  shoulder.  "He  fell  upon  his  face 
in  the  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun  under  him."  ^ 

"When  the  English  had  drove  the  swamp  through, 
and  found  the  enemy  had  escaped,  or  at  least  the  most 
of  them,  and  the  sun  now  up,  and  so  the  dew  gone, 
that  they  could  not  so  easily  track  them,  the  whole 
company  met  together  at  the  place  where  the  enemies' 
night  shelter  was,  and  then  Captain  Church  gave  them 
the  news  of  Philip's  death,  upon  which  the  whole  army 
gave  three  loud  huzzas.'"^     Philip's  hands  were  cut  off, 

1  "  That  night,"  writes  Mather  (Brief  tenor.     In    that  time  of  wild   excite- 

History,  &c.,46),  "  Philip,  like  the  man  ment  and  ready  belief,  it  was  easy  for 

in  the  host  of  JVIidian,  dreamed  that  fables,  some  of  which  still  hold  their 

he  was  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  ground,  to  obtain  circulation  and  credit. 

English."    Hubbard,  too,    (Narrative,  2  Church,     Entertaining     Passages, 

&c.,  103,)  inclines  to  think  that  Philip  &c.,  43,  44. 

had   a  dream,   though  of  a  different  3  Jbjd.,  45.    The  greafnews  was  sent 

VOL.  III.  18 


206  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

and  carried  to  Boston.  His  bead  was  brought  to  Plym- 
oiitb,  and  tbere  exposed  upon  a  pole,  on  a  day  appointed 
for  a  pubbc  Thanksgiving.^ 

Not  many  days  afterwards,  Church  surprised  and 
captured  a  party,  commanded  by  Annawon,  one 
of  Philip's  captains,  who  had  escaped  with  it 
when  the  Sachem  was  killed.^  Tishaquin,  another  chief 
who  had  been  active  in  the  massacres,  came  in  and  sur- 
rendered himself.^  Numerous  fugitives  sought  an  asy- 
lum in  Canada  and  among  the  Mohawks.*  Virtually 
the  war  in  the  country  of  the  Pokanokets  and  of  the 
Nipmucks  was  brought  to  an  end.^ 

It  raged  longer,  as  it  had  begun  later,  in  a  different 
region,  where,  from  the  rough  character  of  the  English 
settlers,  it  may  well  be  believed  that  the  natives  were 
not  without  frequent  provocation.®  Intelligence  of  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities  in  Plymouth  Colony  reached  the 
The  war  in  Eastcm  ludlans,  and  made  them  restless.  At 
^'"°i675  length  a  party  of  them  came  to  the  farm  of 
Septembers.  Tliomas  Purchas,  at  what  is  now  Brunswick, 
and  stole  some  household  stores  and  arms,  without  how- 

abroad   with   such    despatch,   that    it  stone.     All  that  have  burdened  them- 

reached  Boston  the  same  day.     "  Just  selves  with  it  have  been  cut  in  pieces." 

now  news  is  brought  that  this  12th  of  6  Cotton    Mather    (Magnalia,     &c., 

August,  early  in  the  morning,  Philip  VII.    55)    writes    in    respect    to    the 

was  slain."    (MS.  Letter  to  Secretary  rising  in  the  Eastern  country,  "  Many 

Williamson,  in  Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  rude,  wild,  and  ungovernable  English 

1  At  this  point  Mather's  "  Brief  His-  did,  unto  the  extreme  dissatisfaction 
tory  "  ends.  of  the  wiser  sort,  rashly  add  unto  the 

2  Church,  Entertaining  Passages,  occasions  which  the  Indians  also  took 
&c.,  45  -  52.  to  grow  ungovernable."     (Comp.  Bel- 

3  Ibid.,  53.  knap,  History,  &c.,  I.  133.)     Hubbard 

4  Trumbull,  I.  350;  Mather,  Brief  (Narrative,  &c.,  Part.  II.,  p.  29)  tells  a 
History,  &c.,  49.  painful  story  of  what  he  calls  "  a  rude 

5  "  It  hath  been  observed  by  many,"  and  indiscreet  act  of  some  English  sea- 
says  Mather  in  a  review  of  the  subject  men."  In  1675,  there  were  reckoned 
(Ibid.,  50),  "  that  never  any,  whether  thirteen  settlements  (some  of  them 
Indians  or  others,  did  set  themselves  more  properly  to  be  called  gr^jups  of 
to  do  hurt  to  New  England,  but  they  little  fishing  stations)  in  what  is  now 
have  come  to  lamentable  ends  at  last,  the  State  of  Maine.  (Williamson's 
New  England  hath  been  a  burdensome  History,  &c.,  I.  515,  note.) 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S    WAR.  207 

ever   offering   personal   violence    to    the    inmates.-^      At 
Falmouth  lived  an  old  man  named  Wakely,  with 

1   .        ^         .,  „        .  ^  ,     September  12. 

his  lamily  oi  nnie  persons,  home  savages  at- 
tacked and  burned  his  house,  and  murdered  him  and 
his  wife,  with  his  son,  his  daughter-in-law,  and  three  of 
his  grandchildren.  The  remains  of  the  old  people  and  of 
their  son  were  found  in  the  ruins  of  the  burned  house. 
Those  of  the  young  mother  had  been  shockingly  man- 
gled ;  of  two  of  her  children  who  were  at  the  same  time 
carried  off,  one  was  ransomed  the  next  summer,  the 
other  was  never  heard  of  more.-^  At  Saco,  at  Scarbor- 
ough, at  Wells,  at  Kittery,  at  Woolwich,  and  at  September  is. 
other  places,  the  natives  committed  depredations  September  20. 
and  butcheries.  In  three  months,  they  killed  eighty 
Englishmen  between  the  Piscataqua  and  the  Kenne- 
bec.^ Coming  further  westward,  they  marked  their 
track  with  conflagration  and  murder  at  Oyster  River, 
Berwick,  Salmon  Falls,  Dover,  and  Exeter.*  The  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Massachusetts  sent  commissioners 
instructed  to  take  measures  for  a  pacification, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  make  arrangements  for  mili- 
tary operations,  should  these  prove  to  be  necessary  in 
that  quarter.  A  fall  of  snow,  in  depth  four  feet 
upon  a  level,  was  thought  to  have  proved  a 
serviceable  peacemaker.  Compelled  to  look  to  the 
larger  English  settlements  for  supplies  of  food,  the  East- 
ern Indians  were  glad  to  make  a  treaty,  in  which  they 
stipulated  to  restore  their  captives  without  compensa- 
tion, and  to  conduct  themselves  peaceably  in  future.** 

They  still  complained  of  wrongs  received  at  the  hands 
of  white    men   belonging   to    some  of  the    ill-regulated 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative  of  the  Trou-         2  Ibid.,   16;  Mather,  Brief  History, 

bk's  with  the  Indians  in  New  England  &c.,  13. 

from  Piscataqua  to  Pemaquid,  14.    This         3  Williamson,  History,  &c.,  I.  529. 
treatise  of  Hubbard  is  in  the  same  vol-         4  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  Part  II., 

ume  with  the  other.    Henceforward  I  16,  19,  21,  26. 
refer  to  it  as  "Narrative,  &c..  Part  II."         5  Ibid.,  27. 


208  HISTORY    OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

settlements  of  that  remote  district;  and  they  were  discon- 
tented at  being  prohibited  from  freely  purchasing  sup- 
plies of  powder  and  shot,  which  they  represented  to  be 
necessary  to  them  for  the  chase,  but  which  it  was  not 
thought  prudent  to  allow  them  to  obtain  without  super- 
vision and  restraint.^  They  continued  quiet  for  the  most 
part,  however,  till,  when  Philip's  men  were  scattered 
during  the  weeks  immediately  preceding  his  death,  and 
especially  when  that  event  occasioned  the  dispersion  of 
his  remaining  followers  and  allies,  some  of  these  found 
their  way  beyond  the  Piscataqua,  and  excited  there  anew 
the  passions  of  their  countrymen.  Falmouth  was  now 
jg,g  attacked,  and  thirty-four  persons  were  killed, 
Au^stn.  or  led  away  prisoners.^  At  Stinson's  Point 
(Woolwich),  three  persons  were  killed,  and  six- 
teen carried  off.  At  Arrowsick,  an  island  in  the  Kenne- 
bec, was  a  little  fort  of  the  English.^  The  garrison 
were  off  their  guard,  not  suspecting  any  enemy  to  be 
near.  One  evening,  as  a  sentinel,  without  being  re- 
lieved at  his  post  outside  of  a  gate,  passed  into 
the  fort,  he  was  closely  followed  by  a  party  of 
Indians  Avho  had  stealthily  approached  the  place,  and 
been  watching  his  movements.  The  English  fought 
desperately,  but  the  force  which  assailed  them  was  over- 
powering. Thirty-five  of  them  were  either  killed  or 
made  prisoners;  about  a  third  as  many  succeeded  in 
making  their  escape.  The  planters  further  east  now 
abandoned  their  homes ;  the  Indians  came  in  and  burned 
them ;  and  between  Casco  Bay  and  the  Penobscot  not 
an    English   settlement   remained.*      At   first,   many  of 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &e.,  Part  II.,  sloop  to  Piscataway,  Salem,  and  Bos- 
37.  ton,  to  invite  and  bring  as  many  of  the 

2  Mather,   Brief  History,   &c.,    47;  inhabitants,  particularly  fishermen,  as 
Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  Part  H.,  30.  will  come,  driven  from  the  Duke's  ter- 

3  Ibid.,  39.  ritories   and   parts   eastward,   and    to 

4  September   8,    Governor    Andros  supply  them  with  land  in  any  part  of 
and  his  Council  "  resolved  to  send  a  the  government  [of  New  York]  they 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  209 

the  fugitives  took  refuge  at  Monhegan  and  other  islands. 
But  even  these  posts  were  not  thought  safe,  and  were 
deserted  as  soon  as  means  of  transportation  to  Boston 
and  the  other  populous  towns  could  be  found.^ 

The  government  of  Massachusetts,  busy  as  it  was 
with  nearer  dangers,  was  not  inattentive  to  these  pro- 
.  ceedings.  A»  force  of  a  hundred  and  thirty  English, 
and  forty  friendly  Indians,  was  despatched  to  Dover, 
where  it  was  to  be  met  by  as  many  troops  from 
the  neighboring  towns  as  it  was  prudent  to  withdraw 
from  their  homes.  Unfortunately  Major  Waldron,  of 
Dover,^  who,  living  almost  within  sight  of  the  recent 
atrocities,  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  peculiarly 
incensed  against  their  authors,  was  in  command  of  the 
English  force,  as  Sergeant  Major  of  the  County  of  York. 
His  orders  were  to  seize  all  Indians  who  had  murdered 
Englishmen,  or  otherwise  violated  the  recent  treaty. 
Four  hundred  Indians,  uninvited,  and  without  any  guar- 
anty of  protection,  came  to  Dover,  professedly  to  treat. 
Waldron  believed  that  —  at  least  with  a  portion  of 
them,  who  would  not  find  it  difficult  to  impart  their 
purpose  to  the  rest  —  this  offer  of  negotiation  was  only 
a  feint.  Among  them,  if  his  information  was  trust- 
worthy, were  persons  who  had  been  intimate  associates 
of  Philip,  and  others  who  had  been  active  in  the  in- 
fractions of  the  treaty.  Between  such,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  innocent  persons  on  the  other,  he  could  only  dis- 

shall  choose."    (Hough,  Papers  relating  2  Waldron  was  a  Deputy  from  Dover 

to  Pemaquid,  &c.,  9.)  —  The  New  Eng-  in  the  General  Court  in  16.54   (Ma.«s. 

land    people    felt    strong    resentment  Rec.,  IV.  (i.)  182),  and  from  that  time 

against  Andros  for  his  indifference  to  forward.      In   1G66   (Ibid,    (ii.)    296), 

their   danger,  and  with  good  reason,  and   in   several   other   years,   he    wa,s 

(Hough's   Edition  of  Easton's  Narra-  Speaker.     He  was   a   captain  in   the 

tive,  146,  156,  158.)    They  went  so  far  militia  as  early  as   1666  (Ibid.,  315), 

as  to  charge  him  with  allowing  their  and  in  October,  1674,  was  appointed 

enemy  to  obtain  'unmuuition  fi-om  Al-  "  Sergeant  Major  of  the  forces  in  York- 

bany.    (Ibid.,  136.)  shire."     (Ibid.,  V.  22 ;  comp.  53.) 
1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  Part  II.  43. 
18* 


210  HISTORY   OF   NEW    ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

criminate  by  having  the  whole  in  his  power  ;  while 
not  a  few  of  his  soldiers,  driven  to  fury  by  the  ac- 
counts which  had  reached  their  ears,  clamored  for  leave 
to  fall  upon  them  without  distinction. 

In  these  circumstances,  Waldron  resorted  to  a  strata- 
gem, which,  by  no  means  belonging  to  the  authorized 
deceptions  of  war,  can  only  be  justified  l^y  his  knowl- 
edge —  if  such  knowledge  he  had  —  of  the  existence  of 
a  treacherous  design  on  the  other  side.  He  proposed 
to  the  Indians  to  have  a  sham-fight  with  them  on  the 
following  day.     It  took  place ;  and  in  the  course 

September  16.  .  i-i-it  i  iiti  ti* 

of  it,  at  his  bidding,  they  all  discharged  their 
muskets  at  once.  No  sooner  had  they  done  this,  than 
the  English,  who  had  held  their  own  fire,  closed  around 
them,  and  made  them  ground  their  arms.  There  was 
no  bloodshed.  Of  the  four  hundred  prisoners  taken, 
one  half  were  immediately  discharged ;  about  two  hun- 
dred, considered  to  be  identified  as  murderers  of  Eng- 
lishmen, or  violators  of  the  treaty,  were  sent  prisoners 
to  Boston.^ 

The  day  after  this  transaction,  a  detachment  of  the 
English  force,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Hathorne, 
proceeded  by  water  to  Falmouth,  where   they  built  a 

fort.      While   they  remained  there,  a  party  of 

September  23.  ^  i-n-i 

seven    of  them,    separated    from    their    friends, 
were  encountered  by  the   Indians,  whom  they  resisted 
till  every  one  of  them  fell.     The  next  day,  a  remote  set- 
tlement in  Yorkshire  was  attacked ;  and,  of  forty 

September  24.  •      i  i 

persons,  part  were  carried  away,  the  rest  were 
massacred  with  circumstances  of  shocking  barbarity. 
Wells,  Black  Point,  Scarborough,  and  other  places,  where 
some  of  the  former  inhabitants  had  collected,  were 
again  depopulated.  When  winter  was  about  to  set  in, 
Captain  Hathorne,  having  heard  of  a  great  Indian  fort 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  Part  II.,  28. 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  211 

on  Ossipee  Elver,  determined  to  attack  it,  and  marched 
for  that   purpose  with  all   his  force.     The    ex- 

•■•         '-  November  1 

pedition    occupied    two    months.      Part   of  the     i^tt. 
time  the  troops  had  to  make  their  way  through 
deep    snows,   and   rivers   half  frozen   over.     And,   after 
all,  their  fatigues  were  fruitless.     The   fort  was  found ; 
but  there  was  not  an  Indian  in  or  near  it.^ 

Meanwhile,  there  had  been  another  formal  pacifica- 
tion. An  Etetchemin  chief,  named  Mugg,  presented  him- 
self at  Portsmouth  to  Major-General  Denison  with  cre- 
dentials which  were  satisfactory  to  that  officer.  Mugg 
accordingly  was  sent  to  Boston,^  where  he  con-  jeve. 
eluded  with  the  Magistrates  a  treaty,  of  which  ^°''^'"''^'' ®- 
the  principal  articles  stipulated  the  cessation  of  hostili- 
ties; the  restoration  of  prisoners  and  stolen  property 
to  the  English ;  satisfaction  for  damages  sustained  by 
them ;  and  a  prohibition  to  the  natives  to  purchase 
ammunition  except  of  a  person  to  be  appointed  by  the 
Governor  to  sell  it.^ 

But  so   tardily   and    imperfectly   were   these   engage- 
ments   observed,    as    to    create    a    persuasion    that    the 
Indians   had  intended    only  to    secure    a    quiet  winter, 
and  would  resume  hostilities  as  soon  as  the  spring  should 
open.      It  was  thought  prudent  to   be  in   readiness  to 
anticipate  them ;  and  a  force  of  ninety  English-      jg-^. 
men  and  sixty  friendly  Indians,  under  the  com-  ^''^'^^''y  '^• 
mand   of  Major   Waldron,   sailed   from   Boston   for   the 
Kennebec.  ^  Leaving  half  of  his  party  at  the  mouth  of 
that  river  to  build  a  fort,  Waldron  proceeded  with  the 
rest  to  Pemaquid,  where  he  appointed  a  meet- 
ing  with    some   sachems.     It   was   agreed    that 
both   parties   should    come_  to    the   interview   imarmed. 
But,  when  they  met,  a  quantity  of  lances  was   discov- 
ered lying  in   the   Indian  canoes.      An   altercation   en- 

1 

1  Ibid.,  49  -  54.  2  Ibid.,  48.  3  Ibid.,  54  -  5G. 


212  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

sued,  -which  was  observed  from  the  vessel  from  which 
Waldron  had  landed,  and  an  armed  party  was  despatched 
to  his  assistance.  They  killed  ten  of  the  Indians,  and 
took  four  prisoners.  Hopeless  of  an  accommodation, 
the  commander  left  forty  men  at  the  fort  near 

March  11.  i  n      i  Tr  i 

the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  and  returned  with 

the  rest  of  his  force  to  Boston.^ 

His  apprehensions  were  not  unfounded.     As  soon  as 

the  weather  permitted,  the  crazy  marauders  were  abroad 
again.  They  intercepted  a  party  belonging  to 
the  fort  lately  constructed  by  Major  Waldron, 
and  killed  nine   men,^     They  shot  seven  men, 

April  7.  ,  ,  „  T  *^  ' 

whom  they  found  at  work  ni  a  field,  two  miles 
from  York.^      At  Wells   they  murdered  six  or 

AprUlS.  d  A         T» 

eight  persons.*     At  Black  Point  they  were  less 

successful ;  they  killed  three  Englishmen,  and  carried  off 

another  to  be  tortured ;  but  here  they  were  re- 
May  16.  ...  ,  .  "^ 

pulsed  with  considerable  loss,  the  distinguished 
Sachem,  Mugg,  being  one  of  those  who  fell.^  Returning 
to  Wells  and  York,  they  renewed  at  those  places 
their  work  of  havoc.^  In  a  second  affair  near 
Black  Point  the  enemy  obtained  a  signal  suc- 
cess.    A  party  of  ninety  men,  mostly  from  the 

1  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  Part  II.,  the  seventy-second  year  of  his  age, 
64  -  72.  Here  this  treatise  of  Hubbard  of  an  epidemic  cold,  which,  added  to 
comes  to  a  close.  Williamson's  refer-  the  other  sorrows  of  the  time,  proved 
ences  (History  of  Maine,  I.  548,  549)  extensively  fatal  during  the  spring. 
to  "  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars"  for  trans-  After  his  return  from  the  campaign  on 
actions  of  a  later  date  than  March  11,  the  Connecticut,  he  was  busily  engaged 
1677,  are  erroneous.  The  book  used  by  in  securing  what  was  called  the  west- 
Williamson  was  an  anonymous  work,  em  frontier,  that  is,  the  line  from  the 
entitled  "  History  of  Indian  Wars  in  Merrimac  through  Lancaster  to  Men- 
JNew  England,"  published  at  Montpe-  don.  His  house  at  Groton  being 
lier,  Vermont,  in  1812.  burned  by  the  Indians  March  14,  1676, 

2  Hubbard,  History  of  New  Eng-  he  sought  another  home  at  Charles- 
land,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XVI.  630.  town  (Willard,  Willard  Memoir,  259, 

3  Belknap,  History,  &c.,  1. 153;  Hub-  265,  268-273,  305). 

bard,  ubi  supra,  631.  6  Belknap,  History,  &c.,  L  156,  157  • 

*  April   24  of  this  year,  Major   Si-     Hubbard,  ubi  supra,  632,  633. 
mon  Willard  died  at  Charlestown,  in         ^  Hubbard,  uln  supra,  633. 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  213 

Baj,^  fell  into  one  of  their  ambuscades,  and,  after  a  vig- 
orous resistance,  was  utterly  defeated,  with  the  loss  of 
sixty  of  its  number.^  Taking  to  their  boats,  the  natives 
surprised  twenty  fishing-vessels,  mostly  from  Sa- 
lem, which  lay  at  anchor,  feebly  manned ;  they 
killed  and  wounded  a  number  of  the  seamen,  stripped 
the  vessels,  and  then  disappeared.^ 

In  Yorkshire,  some  white  inhabitants  still  held  their 
ground,  but  the  county  of  Devonshire^  w^as  entirely  de- 
serted. Sir  Edmund  Andros,  at  New  York,  became  ap- 
prehensive for  the  safety  of  his  master's  province  of 
Cornwall.*  He  sent  a  force  to  Pemaquid,  to  build  and 
occupy  a  fort;  and  the  officer  in  command  entered  into 
communication  with  the  neighboring  Indians, 
and  procured  the  release  of  fifteen  English  cap- 
tives.^ 

If  the   natives  had    obtained    great   successes  in   the 
Eastern  country,  it  had  been  at  no  little  cost  to  them- 
selves; and,  unreflecting  though  they  were,  they  could 
not  fail,  by  this  time,  to  be  impressed  with  the  peace  with 
resources  and  the  perseverance  of  their  enemy,  "le^astera 

-'■  ''        tribes,  and 

In    the    spring,    Squanto,    Madockawando,    and  termination 
other  chiefs   of  the   tribes    on    the  Androscog-      jots. 
gin  and  the  Kennebec,  met  at  Casco  three  com-   ^p"'^-- 

1  The  General  Court  of  Massachu-  tion.     (See  letter  of  August  23,  1677, 

setts,  June   1,   had   resolved   to   have  from  the  Magistrates  of  Massachusetts 

a  force  of  one  hundred  English  and  to  Governor  Winslow,  in  the  Prince 

two   hundred   Indian    allies  at  Black  MSS.  in  the  Library  of  the  Mass.  Hist. 

Point,  on  the  26th  of  that  month,  and  Soc.)    In  the  same  months  they  pressed 

they  sent  requests  to  Connecticut  and  into  the   ranks  all  the   "  young  men 

Plymouth   to   make   up   the   number,  and  single  persons  out  of  employment, 

(Mass.  Rec,  V.  140,  141.)    I  do  not  and  not  capable  to  provide  for  them- 

know  that  the  former  of  these  requests  selves,  by  reason  of  the  troubles  there." 

■was   successful.      The   application   to  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  144,  145.) 

Plymouth  was  fruitless,  and  the  neglect  2  Hubbard,  uhi  supra,  G34. 

of  it  occasioned  an  animated  remon-  3  Ibid.,  635. 

strance,  being  interpreted  as  not  only  4  See  above,  pp.  96,  97. 

unneighborly   and   ungrateful,  but  as  5  Ibid.,  636  ;  Belknap,  History,  &c., 

a  breach  of  the  articles  of  confedera-  I.  158. 


214  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

missioners  appointed  by  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  entered  into  a  treaty  which  may  be  regarded 
as  the  termination  of  this  distressing  war.  They  prom- 
ised to  surrender  all  their  prisoners  without  ransom, 
and  to  refrain  from  further  molestation  of  the  settlers. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  was  stipulated  that,  for  every 
English  family  established  in  their  country,  they  should 
receive  annually  a  peck  of  corn.-' 

Almost  every  settlement  beyond  the  Piscataqua  had 
been  laid  in  ashes.  Between  two  hundred  and  fifty 
and  three  hundred  Englishmen  had  been  either  killed, 
or  carried  away  captive,  never  to  be  heard  of  more. 
For  the  present,  hostilities  were  at  an  end.^  But  the 
Indians  were  by  no  means  so  effectually  disabled  in 
that  region  as  in  other  parts  of  New  England. 

A  recital  of  battles  does  not  go  far  towards  telling 
the  history  of  this  terrible  war.  It  was  a  succession 
of  ruthless  ravages^  on  a  larger  or  a  smaller  scale. 
Outlying  houses  were  fired  by  night,  while  their  in- 
mates slept.  Husbandmen  at  their  work,  and  women 
at  the  well,  and  travellers  on  the  road,  were  shot  down. 
Only  in  the  large  towns  could  an  Englishman  leave 
his  door  with  safety.  Every  bush  near  it  might  hide 
a  watchful  marksman.  The  amount  of  distress  that  was 
endured  cannot  be  set  forth  by  a  mere  inventory  of 
murders  and  pillages,  of  massacres  and  conflagrations, 
even  could  such  a  list  be  made  complete.  But  a  partial 
statement  of  that  kind  affords  some  basis  for  a  concep- 

1  Belknap,  History,  &c.,  I.  158.  so  ever  it  be  valued  by  them  that  know 

2  Hubbard  had  not  a  high  opinion  nothing  thereof,  but  by  the  uncertain 
of  Maine,  and  thought  that  the  benefit  and  fallible  reports  of  such  as  have 
of  keeping  a  foothold  there  did  not  only  sailed  by  the  country,  or  viewed 
countervail  the  damage.  "  That  whole  some  of  the  rivers  and  havens,  but 
tract  of  land,  being  of  little  worth,  never  passed  through  the  heart  of 
unless  it  were  for  the  borders  thereof  the  continent ;  the  whole  being  scarce 
upon  the  sea-coast,  and  some  spots  and  worth  half  those  men's  lives  that  have 
skirts  of  more  desirable  land  upon  been  lost  these  two  last  years  in  hope  to 
the  banks  of  some  rivers,  how  much  save  it."   (Narrative,  &c.,  Part  H.,  1,2.) 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  215 

tion  of  the  awful  reality.  In  Plymouth  and  Massachu- 
setts there  were  eighty  or  ninety  towns.  Of  Distresses  of 
these,  ten  or  twelve  were  wholly  destroyed,  and  *'"'  ''''"■• 
forty  others  were  more  or  less  damaged  by  fire,  making 
together  nearly  two  thirds  of  the  whole  number.  Five 
or  six  hundred  of  the  men  of  military  age,  one  in  every 
ten  or  twelve  of  the  whole,  were  stealthily  murdered, 
or  fell  in  battle,  or,  becoming  prisoners,  were  lost  sight 
of  for  ever,  an  unknown  number  of  them  being  put 
to  death  with  horrible  tortures.  There  was  scarcely 
an  English  family  in  those  two  Colonies  that  was  not 
in  mourning.  Impoverishment  was  added  to  bereave- 
ment. In  the  first  year  of  the  war  the  sum  of  three 
thousand  six  hundred  and  ninety-two  pounds  had  been 
contributed  to  it  by  twelve  towns  of  Plymouth  Col- 
ony, the  inhabitants  of  Dartmouth  and  Middleborough 
being  excused  from  the  assessment  on  account  of  their 
being  reduced  to  destitution.^  At  the  termination  of 
hostilities  the  debt  which  had  been  incurred  by  that 
Colony  is  believed  to  have  exceeded  the  value  of  the 
whole  personal  property  of  its  people.^ 

1  The  Plymouth  towns  along  Cape  uniph  over  them,  to  the  reproach  of 
Cod  were  not  assailed.  Besides  bring-  that  great  and  fearful  name  of  God 
ing  their  contribution  of  money  and  that  was  called  upon  them."  (Davis's 
stores  to  the  common  fund,  they  showed  Morton,  442;  comp.  Hubbard,  Narra- 
their  public  spirit  by  offers  of  hospi-  tive,  &c.,  70.)  The  letters  from  the 
tality  to  their  more  exposed  friends,  three  towns  are  in  the  collection  of 
They  sent  an  invitation  to  the  inhab-  Governor  Hinckley's  papers,  in  Mass. 
itants  of  Rehoboth,  Taunton,  and  Hist.  Coll.,  XXXV.  2-8. 
Bridgewater  to  come  to  them  with  2  The  Commissioners  of  the  United 
their  movables,  and  be  taken  care  of  Colonies,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Sunder- 
till  affairs  should  mend.  The  persons  land,  August  25,  16  79,  stated  the  dis- 
addressed  did  not  accept  it ;  but  this  bursements  for  the  war  at  "  more  than 
was  not  for  want  of  feeling  the  exi-  one  hundred  thousand  pounds."  (Rec- 
gency  to  be  real  and  extreme,  but  ords  of  the  Commissioners,  in  Conn. 
"  because  they  feared  they  should  in  Rec,  HI.  508.)  In  a  partial  settlement 
so  doing  be  wanting  to  the  name  of  between  the  Colonies  in  the  autumn 
God  and  the  interest  of  Christ,  and  of  1677,  JNIassachusetts  showed  an  out- 
bewray  much  diffidence  and  cowardice,  lay  of  forty-six  thousand  two  hundred 
and  give  the  adversary  occasion  to  tri-  and  ninety-two  pounds  ;   Connecticut, 


21Q  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III, 

That  in  such  circumstances  the  Colonists  should  have 

become  intensely  exasperated,  may  well   be   supposed. 

A  sense   of  enormous  ingratitude  on  the  part  of  their 

assailants    deepened    their    resentment.     If,    in 

Resentment  ...  ,    .      . 

of  the  con-  single  instances,  mjustice  or  unkmdness  had 
querors.  i^ggjj  douc  to  ludlaus,  it  had  been  done  con- 
trary to  law,  by  vagabonds  such  as  infest  every  com- 
munity, and  whom  no  community  is  able  absolutely  to 
control.  They  who  had  the  management  of  affairs 
knew  that,  as  far  as  they  and  the  government  which 
they  represented  were  concerned,  there  was  no  act  of 
theirs,  whether  of  commission  or  of  omission,  of  wdiich 
the  natives  could  rightfully  complain.  The  govern- 
ment had  not  disturbed  their  homes;  it  had  bought 
their  lands  as  often  as  it  had  desired  to  buy  and  they 
were  disposed  to  sell,  and,  when  they  did  not  wish  to 
sell,  it  had  let  them  alone.  With  the  best  exertion 
of  its  power,  it  had  restrained  its  subjects  from  cheat- 
ing or  otherwise  maletreating  them.  In  tenderness  to 
their  rights,  it  had  refused  to  sanction  contracts  made 
with  them  by  individuals  for  their  lands,  on  account  of 
their  exposure  to  be  circumvented  in  such  dealings. 
With  a  solicitous  care,  it  had  devised  remedies  for  them 
against  all  wrongs  to  which  they  were  liable.  It  had 
regulated,  with  a  humane  regard  for  their  advantage, 
that  commerce  in  articles  of  their  production,  which 
would  give  them  an  opportunity  to  rise  from  the  scarcely 
human  life,  which  hitherto  they  had  led,  to  the  decen- 
cies and  comforts  of  civilization.  It  had  freely  offered 
to  them  the  benefits  of  instruction  in  various  depart- 
ments of  that  knowledge  by  which  man  advances  in 
dignity  and  happiness.  It  had  been  at  great  trouble 
and  expense  to  impart  to  them  what  in  the  estimation 

of  twenty-two  thousand  one  hundred     dred  and  forty-three.    (Ibid.,  492,  493, 
and  seventy-three  pounds;  and  Plym-    496,  498-502.) 
outh,  of  eleven  thousand  seven  hun- 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  21? 

of  the  giver  was  the  most  precious  of  all  gifts,  —  the 
saving  knowledge  of  Christianity;  and  in  this  disinter- 
ested labor  it  had  been  flattered  with  the  hope  of  much 
success.  Looking  for  better  things  hereafter,  it  had 
borne  with  their  frequent  contumacy;  and  while,  for 
the  sake  of  both  parties,  it  had  maintained  a  firm  au- 
thority, it  had  aimed  to  carry  restraint  no  further  than 
was  demanded  for  security. 

And  now,  without  provocation  and  without  warning, 
they  had  given  full  sway  to  the  inhuman  passions  of 
their  savage  nature.  They  had  broken  out  into  a  wild 
riot  of  pillage,  arson,  and  massacre.  By  night  they  had 
crept  up,  with  murderous  intent,  to  the  doors  of  dwell- 
ings familiar  to  them  by  the  experience  of  old  hospital- 
ity. They  had  torn  away  wives  and  mothers  from 
ministrations  to  dying  men,  and  children  from  their 
mothers'  arms,  for  death  in  cruel  forms.  They  had  tor- 
tured their  prisoners  with  atrocious  ingenuity.  Repeat- 
edly, after  they  rose  in  arms,  overtures  of  friendship  had 
been  made  to  them.  But  whether  they  disregarded 
such  proposals  or  professed  to  close  with  them,  it  was 
all  the  same.  The  work  of  massacre  and  ravage  still 
went  on.  The  ferocious  creature  had  tasted  blood,  and 
could  not  restrain  himself  till  he  should  be  surfeited. 
There  was  not  a  settlement  in  New  England  free  from 
a  distressing  sense  of  instant  danger.  Brookfield,  Spring- 
field, Lancaster,  bore  signal  witness  how  little  reliance 
was  to  be  placed  on  habits  of  friendly  intercourse  long 
kept  up,  or  on  professions  of  conversion  to  the  Christian 
faith.  The  heart  of  English  Hfe  in  New  England  was 
all  but  reached  by  the  assassins ;  at  one  time  they  were 
at  Weymouth,  within  twelve  miles  of  the  capital ;  and  if 
only  the  interior  towns  had  been  wholly  devastated, 
the  result  could  scarcely  have  been  other  than  the  total 
abandonment  of  New  England  by  the  portion  of  its 
civilized  people  that  should  be  left, alive. 

VOL.   III.  19 


218 


HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  IIL 


It  must  be  allowed  that  the  seiivse  of  obligations  im- 
posed by  a  common  hmnanity  was  not  in  all  respects 
so  operative  in  those  times  as  it  is  now.  Before  their 
departure  from  their  native  country  the  emigrants  had 
known  no  men  of  other  blood  than  their  own.  Con- 
trolled by  a  habit  of  mind  which  an  insular  position 
and  other  circumstances  have  formed  in  Englishmen,^ 
they  were  capable  of  only  a  very  imperfect  sympathy 
even  with  men  of  Italy  or  France.  How  much  more 
feeble  would  the  tie  of  fraternity  be  felt  to  be  between 
themselves  and  a  race  which,  even  as  to  outward  aspect, 
would  seem  to  them  to  have  little  of  humanity  beyond 
the  likeness  of  a  human  shape,  and  which,  as  to  reason, 
conscience,  and  affections,  corresponded  to  no  idea  of 
humanity  to  which  they  had   been  used.^      That  even 


1  Toto  divisos  orbe  Britannos. 

2  It  cannot  be  denied  that  even  the 
justice  and  kindness  of  the  settlers  in 
New  England  towards  the  natives  had 
an  alloy  of  contempt.  Of  course,  it 
was  impossible  for  the  capable,  culti- 
vated, religious,  self-respecting  Eng- 
lishman to  look  upon  the  filthy  bar- 
barians, among  whom  he  had  fallen, 
with  any  other  respect  than  what  the 
well-regulated  mind  desires  to  render 
to  everything,  however  debased  and 
wretched,  that  wears  the  form  of  man. 
Without  doubt  his  consciousness  of 
superiority  constantly  manifested  itself 
in  his  treatment  of  the  alien  race. 
There  was  too  much  of  positiveness 
and  arrogance  in  his  way  of  asserting 
his  claims,  even  when  those  claims  were 
in  every  respect  moderate  and  equi- 
table ;  and  his  kindness,  even  when 
most  cordial  and  beneficent,  wore  a 
mien  of  condescension  and  pity. 

It  were  to  be  wished  that  the 
Colonists  had  borne  their  superiority 
with  more  meekness.  Still  it  does 
not    appear    to   me    that    their    lofty 


deportment  had  a  considerable  place 
among  the  occasions  of  the  war.  In 
a  certain  sense  it  may  be  said  that, 
when  white  men  first  came  in  contact 
with  the  natives  of  New  England,  the 
latter  were  a  proud  race.  But  the  pride 
of  a  nature  so  coarse  as  theirs  does 
not  imply  a  sensibility  such  as  would 
be  wounded  by  want  of  respect  on 
the  part  of  the  new-comers.  And,  at 
all  events,  during  fifty  years  they  had 
been  learning  their  inferiority,  and  ac- 
commodating themselves  to  the  new 
position  which  it  prescribed.  The  gen- 
eration now  on  the  stage  remembered 
no  time  when  the  governing  English- 
man was  not  on  the  soil;  Indians 
living  in  1675  had  been  used  from 
their  earliest  memory  to  whatever  of 
discomfort  belonged  to  the  unequal 
relation  between  the  races.  In  the 
conduct  of  Philip  to  the  English  be- 
fore the  war,  I  see  no  signs  of  offended 
pride.  He  was  sometimes  angry,  but 
he  was  oftener  abject,  and  he  did  not 
scruple  to  receive  and  to  solicit  little 
favors.     I  suppose   that  the  assuming 


CuAP.  v.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  219 

the  bond  of  human  fellow-feeUng  is  bj  white  men  apt 
to  be  recognized  in  its  full  strength  only  within  the 
limits  of  their  own  division  of  the  human  family,  is  a 
fact  illustrated  by  the  condition  of  the  African  race 
wherever  they  are  found  in  large  numbers  in  commu- 
nities of  different  complexion.  And  to  what  an  inten- 
sity of  vindictiveness  English  blood  is  apt  to  be  stirred 
when  savages,  of  whatever  color,  indulge  their  savage 
nature  in  revolting  cruelties  to  English  men  and  women, 
every  reader  knows  who  is  acquainted  with  the  recent 
history  of  the  revolt  in  Hindostan. 

There  was  yet  another  influence  which  perhaps  tend- 
ed to  a  severe  treatment  of  the  Indian  malefactors. 
The  settlers  were  Puritans.  They  brought  from  Eng- 
land, and  transmitted  to  the  children  born  to  them  in 
America,  the  Puritan  habits  of  thought,  and  of  expres- 
sion which  reproduces  and  perpetuates  thought.  To 
the  Calvinists  in  Cromwell's  irresistible  ranks  the  Cath- 
olics of  Ireland  were  God-forsaken  idolaters,  ripe  for 
the  harvest  of  the  sword.  Had  the  settlers  in  New 
England  been  under  equal  excitement  of  the  same  kind, 
their  theory  would  have  made  them  look  on  the  alien 
unbelievers  around  them  as  deserving:  of  the  same  fate 
as  befell  the  Popish  Pagans  of  Drogheda  and  Wexford. 
They  were  not  under  such  excitement ;  and  they  pitied, 
instead  of  hating  —  and  aimed  to  enlighten  and  sanc- 
tify, and  not  to  destroy  —  their  heathen  neighbors.  But 
still  the  Old  Testament,  in  their  interpretation  of  it, 
had  a  practical  hold  upon  their  minds ;  and  when  their 
pity  and  generosity  seemed  to  have  been  misplaced 
and  abused,  the  Jewish  maxims  of  war  suggested  them- 
selves only  too  easily  as  fit  for  present  application. 
To  them  the   Amorite   and  the  Moabite  reappeared  in 

tone   which   might  naturally  give  of-  to  any  other  natives.     Yet,  to  a  great 

fence  to  sensitive  minds  was  exhibited  extent,  these  remained  faithful  and  ob- 

quite  as   much   towards  the    Praying  sequlous. 
Indians  in   the  lower  settlements  aa 


220  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  UI. 

the  Wampanoag  and  the  Nipmuck ;  and,  whenever  harsh 
measures  of  repression  had  been  dictated  by  better  rea- 
sons, the  approval  of  a  severe  sentence  was  apt  to  be 
made  more  cordial  in  many  minds  by  reflections  on 
its  analogy  with  what  was  recorded  in  Scripture  re- 
specting the  doom  of  ancient  enemies  of  God. 

Such  considerations  illustrate  the  temper  in  which 
Treatment  ^^^  fiual  couqucroi's  lu  tliis  terrible  strife  ap- 
of  the  con-     preached  the  question  of  a  necessity  for  making 

quered.  i   •    i  •     i  i  n  •    • 

examples  which  might  deter  from  a  repetition 
of  the  outrages  that  had  been  suffered.      Some   of  the 
hostile  Indians  who  fell  into  their  hands  had   treacher- 
ously violated  the  most  solemn  engagements ;  and  the 
lives    of  such    were    esteemed    to   be   justly  forfeit,   if 
considerations  of  prudence    should    exact  that  penalty. 
Wattascompanum,  chief  Sachem  of  the  Nipmucks,  and 
a   professed    convert,  had   been  the  principal  agent  in 
1676.      seducing  the  Praying  Indians  at  Massanamisset 
June,     fj^-om  their  fidelity.     He  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  English,  and  was  tried,  convicted,  and  executed  at 
Boston.^      Captain   Tom,   a   Praying   Indian   of  Natick, 
having  been   intrusted  with   a   command,  not  only  de- 
serted to   the  enemy,  but  persuaded   some  of  his  men 
to    do    the    same.      Beins;    taken    prisoner,    he 

June  26.  .  °.  ^  . 

was   hanged,   notwithstanding    the    intercession 
of  some  of  his  native  fellow-officers  who  had  done  well.^ 
Matoonas,  the  Nipmuck  who  began  the  war  in  Massa- 
chusetts by  the  attack  on  Mendon,  was  brought  in  by 
Sagamore  John,  and  some  other  repentant  In- 
dians, who,  on  his  being  condemned  to  die,  were 
permitted,   at   their   own  request,  to   execute    the    sen- 
tence by  shooting.^     A  fortnight  after  Philip's 
death,  three   Nipmuck   chiefs    were    hanged    at 

1  Brigham,   Centennial   Address   at         3  Mather,  Brief  History,  &c.,  43. 
Grafton,  12. 

2  Gookin,  in    Archaeol.    Amer.,    II. 
527,  628. 


CiiAP.  v.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  221 

Boston ;  and,  some  weeks  later,  a  Narragansett  Sachem, 
surrendered  by  some  Ehode-Islanders,  was  there 

1  1  m-  •  1       *  •         •         1  October  12. 

shot/  Tispaqmn  and  Annawon,  prmcipal  men 
of  PhiHp's  tribe,  having  fallen  into  Church's  hands,  were 
beheaded  at  Plymouth,  to  his  great  discontent.^  Of 
seven  prisoners  who  were  ascertained  to  have  been 
of  the  party  that  set  fire  to  the  outpost  in  Plymouth,^ 
four  were  executed  at  that  place.*  Many  captives  were 
sold  to  service  among  the  conquerors,  and  many  were 
transported  to  slavery  in  the  West  Indies.  Of  the  two 
hundred  prisoners  taken  by  Waldron  at  Dover,  and 
sent  to  Boston  under  the  charge  of  having  violated 
the  treaty  of  peace,  seven,  who,  in  pursuance  of  that 
perfidy,  were  ascertained  to  have  taken  life,  were  ex- 
ecuted ;  the  rest  were  sent  to  Bermuda  to  be  there 
sold.  And  this  latter  is  said  to  have  been  the  fate 
of  Philip's  son.^  It  was  a  shocking  way  of  disposing  of 
the  conquered  barbarians.  The  selling  of  man,  woman, 
or  child  to  be  a  slave,  is  a  horrible  act,  though  there 
was  nothing  to  give  it  peculiar  aggravation  in  the  cir- 
cumstance that  one  of  the  sufferers  was  Philip's  son.^ 
On  the  other  hand,  when  the  danger  seemed  passed 
away,  "  the  well  ordering  and  settlement  of  those  In- 
dians that  remained  and  were  under  command  "  1677. 
was  taken  into  consideration  as  "  a  matter  of  ^^^" 
great  concernment  to  the  peace  and  security  of  the 
country,  and  the  welfare,  civilizing,  and  education  of 
the  said  Indians  and  their  children " ;  and  numbers  of 


1  Ibid.,  46.  of  Kings,  xi.  14 ;  and  they  remembered 

2  Entertaining  Passages,  &e.,  53.  that  the   Narragansett  chief,   Canon- 

3  See  above,  p.  188.  chet,   lately    so    formidable    in    arms 

4  Plym.  Rec,  V.  204  -  206.  against   them,   was    a    boy   when   his 

5  Davis's  Morton,  453-455;  comp.  father,  Miantonomo,  was  put  to  death. 
Plym.  Rec,  V.  173,  244.  Some   New-England  ministers  of  the 

6  Some  of  the  ministers  considered  present  day  find  instruction  to  like 
the  case  to  be  analogous  to  that  of  effect  in  the  Scriptural  records  re- 
Hadad  the  Edomite,  in  the  First  Book  lating  to  Ham  and  to  Canaan. 

19* 


Sentimental 
views 
character  and 


222  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

them,  "  Praying  Indians,  as  well  as  others,"  were  brought 
together  in  settlements  of  their  own  at  Natick,  Stough- 
ton,  Groton,  and  Chelmsford ;  while  others  were  to  "  re- 
main as  servants  "  in  English  families,  "  to  be  taught  and 
instructed  in  the  Christian  religion,"  the  servitude  of 
a  portion  of  them  being  limited  to  the  time  when  they 
should  become  twenty  years  of  age.^ 

The  careful  reader  of  the  contemporaneous  narratives 
of  transactions  of  this  period  finds  reason  to  distrust 
conceptions  which  have  prevailed  of  both  the 
of  the  policy  and  the  character  of  Philip.  Partly  by 
policy  of  one  of  those  caprices  to  which  history  is  liable, 
"^"  and  partly  perhaps  because  he  was  both  an  old 
acquaintance  of  the  English,  and  the  scene  of  his  maraud- 
ings was  nearer  to  the  vitals  of  their  Commonwealth, 
he  has  been  widely  distinguished  from  other  red  men 
who  were  engaged  in  inflicting  the  misery  of  this  ter- 
rible war,  and  who,  so  far  as  we  may  now  judge  from 
their  recorded  conduct,  possessed  capacity  and  charac- 
ter at  least  equal  to  his,  —  from  Canonchet,  for  instance, 
the  stubborn  Narragansett  Sachem,  and  from  the  Etet- 
chemin  chiefs  Squando,  Madockawando,  and  Mugg,  who 
directed  the  devastation  of  the  Eastern  settlements.^ 
To  a  lively  imagination  it  has  appeared  that,  with  con- 
siderate foresight,  Philip  took  alarm  at  the  prospect 
of  the  extirpation  of  his  race  and  the  occupation  of 
their  land  by  strangers ;  that,  with  a  strenuous  purpose, 
a  capacity  for  political  combination,  and  an  aptness  for 
influencing  the  action  of  men,  such  as  belong  to  minds 
of  a  high  class,  he  slowly  matured  a  conspiracy  to  rid 
the  country  of  the  Enghsh  interloper  by  a  united  move- 
ment, and  restore  it  to  its  ancient  owners ;  that,  though 
unlucky  circumstances  caused  the  rising  to  occur  prema- 
turely,  this   misadventure    did    not    prevent    him    from 

1  Mass.  llec,  V.  136.  2  Hubbard,  Narrative,  &c.,  Part  IT.  pp.  48,  Gl, 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  223 

carrying  out  the  contest  to  its  disastrous  end  with  vigor 
and  determination ;  and  that  his  life  and  death  deserve 
the  eulogies  which  are  fit  to  be  bestowed  on  a  brave 
and  sagacious  patriot.  And  the  title  of  King,  which  it 
has  been  customary  to  attach  to  his  name,  disguises  and 
transfigures  to  the  view  the  form  of  a  squalid  savage, 
whose  palace  was  a  sty ;  whose  royal  robe  was  a  bear- 
skin or  a  coarse  blanket,  alive  with  vermin  -,  who  hardly 
knew  the  luxury  of  an  ablution;  who  was  often  glad 
to  appease  appetite  with  food  such  as  men  who  are  not 
starving  loathe ;  and  whose  nature  possessed  just  the 
capacity  for  reflection  and  the  degree  of  refinement, 
which  might  be  expected  to  be  developed  from  the 
mental  constitution  of  his  race  by  such  a  condition  and 
Buch  habits  of  life.^  To  royalty  belong  associations  of 
dignity  and  magnificence,  which  it  is  not  now  worth 
while  to  attempt  to  dissect.  Civilization,  philosophy, 
humanity,  are  not  yet  mature  enough  to  be  competent 
to  that  analysis.  But,  at  all  events,  the  Indian  King 
Philip  is  a  mythical  character. 

Like  the  rest  of  his  race,  Philip  was  sometimes  lazy 
and  careless,  sometimes  wayward  and  turbulent,  some- 
times timorous  and  submissive.  The  English  had  not 
used  him  ill.  They  protected  him  in  his  property,  gen- 
erously accepted    his   explanations   when  he  had   been 

1  Let  any  one  read  Church's  account  in   various    places,    drawn    sometimes 
of  PhiHp's   death    (Entertaining   Pas-  with  better  taste,  but  with  no  less  de- 
sages,  &c.,  44,  45),  and  judge  what  idea  parture  from  historical  verisimilitude. 
of  dignity    was    attached    to  the   Sa-         "  King  Philip's  talents  were  of  the 
chem's  person   either  by   Englishmen  highest  order.     As  a  politician  he  was 

or  Indians.    Church  was  a  man  by  no  the  greatest  of  savages Never 

means  wanting  in  magnanimity,  and  perhaps  did  the  fall  of  a  warrior  or  a 
the  disgust  which  he  expresses  for  the  prince  afford  more  scope  for  solid  re- 
savage  appears  to  be  not  at  all  vindic-  flection.     Philip  was  certainly  a  man 

tive,  but  simply  spontaneous  and  in-  of  great   powers   of  mind It 

evitable.  —  The   following   may   serve  [his  death]  is  now  viewed  as  the  fall 

as  a  specimen  of  the  characterization  of  a  gi-eat  warrior,  a  penetrating  states- 

of  Philip  which   has   obtained   favor,  man,  a  mighty  prince."    (Fowler,  Ilis- 

The  same  sort  of  sketch  may  be  seen  torical  Sketch  of  Fall  River,  9,  11.) 


224 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  in. 


troublesome,  bore  with  his  petulances,  and  embraced 
opportunities  to  treat  him  with  courtesy  and  kindness. 
It  is  not  certain  that  he  directed  or  approved  the  move- 
ments about  Mount  Hope,  with  which  the  war  began.^ 
But  what  appears  probable  is,  that,  under  a  sudden  sense 
of  provocation  from  the  people  of  Plymouth  Colony,  to 
whom  he  had  long  been  a  vexatious  neighbor,  he  set 
some  of  his  people  to  the  work,  which  at  all  events 
they  did,  of  stealing  the  hogs  .and  cattle,  burning  the 
houses,  and  murdering  tlie  men,  women,  and  children 
of  the  nearest  Plymouth  towns.      He  was  hunted  for 


1  "  There  is  a  constant  tradition 
among  the  posterity  of  the  people  who 
lived  next  to  him,  and  were  familiarly 
conversant  with  him,  as  also  with  the 
Indians  who  survived  the  war,  that  both 
Philip  and  his  chief  old  men  were  ut- 
terly averse  to  the  war."  So  writes 
Callender  (Historical  Discourse,  in 
R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  IV.  126) ;  and  he 
must  have  been  well  acquainted  with 
numbers  of  persons  who  lived  in  those 
times.  The  judicious  Belknap  could 
not  discern  any  good  evidence  for  the 
common  opinion.  (History  of  New 
Hampshire,  I.  1 30.)  President  Mather, 
who  wrote  when  all  sorts  of  rumors 
were  rife,  does  not  appear  to  have 
heard  of  what  in  later  times  has  been 
taken  for  granted.  (History  of  the 
Wars,  &c.,  1  -  3.)  His  more  credulous 
son  would  have  been  charmed  with  such 
a  story,  but  he  (Magnalia  Amer.,  VII. 
45)  has  nothing  that  comes  nearer  to 
it  than  the  vague  story  of  Sausaman. 
(See  above,  p.  150.) 

I  suppose  the  modern  representation 
of  Philip's  large  scheme  to  be  partly 
due  to  Hubbard.  But,  in  the  first 
place,  Hubbard  is  not  the  best  kind  of 
authority  for  anything;  and,  in  the  sec- 
ond, his  language  is  such  as  he  did  not 
probably  himseli'  expect  would  receive 
a  rigorous  intei-pretation.  He  says 
that  Philip  had  been  "  plotting  with  all 


the  Indians  round  about  to  make  a  gen- 
eral insurrection  against  the  English 
in  all  the  Colonies,"  (Narrative,  &c., 
13,)  and  that  "the  Indians  had  a 
conspiracy  among  themselves  to  rise 
against  the  English."  (Ibid.,  14.) 
But  "  plotting  "  and  "  conspiracy  "  are 
things  extremely  indefinite,  ranging 
through  all  degrees  from  the  arrange- 
ments of  the  Jacobin  clubs  to  the  loose 
talk  in  an  Indian  wigwam.  And  even 
for  what  he  says,  he  seems  to  have  no 
better  evidence  than  the  confession, 
which  he  does  not  say  that  he  himself 
heai-d,  of"  some  prisoners  lately  brought 
in,"  and  some  conversation  of  "  some 
of  the  Indians  about  Hadley."  (Ibid.) 
That  there  had  been  any  understand- 
ing between  Philip  and  the  Eastern  In- 
dians at  any  time  before  the  outbreak 
at  Swanzey,  I  think  even  Hubbard 
did  not  suppose.  (Narrative,  &c.,  Part 
II.  p.  11.)  The  evidence  which  satis- 
fied him  that  there  was  an  understand- 
ing after  that  time,  we  can  estimate 
as  well  as  he,  and  we  cannot  esteem  it 
to  be  weighty.  "  Tlie  like  jealousy 
did  appear  in  all  the  Indians  that  in- 
habited to  the  eastward  of  Piscataqua, 
which  plainly  shows  that  there  was  a 
design  of  a  general  rising  of  the  In- 
dians against  the  English,  all  over  the 
country."     (Ibid.,  12.) 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  225 

this,  and  for  a  time  escaped  the  hunters  by  a  stealthy 
flight  and  with  a  small  following,  which  do  not  indicate 
that  preparation  had  been  made  for  striking  a  united 
and  vigorous  blow.  In  the  mean  time,  intelligence  of 
his  proceedings  had  without  doubt  reached  the  Indians 
in  the  interior  of  the  country,  where  stood  a  few  scat- 
tered villages  remote  from  help,  and  exposed  to  their 
assault.  The  example  was  attractive  to  them,  and  they 
also  fell  to  stealing  cattle,  burning  houses,  and  butcher- 
ing inoffensive  families.  A  sympathy  of  taste  for  havoc 
was  now  established  between  heathen  Wampanoags  and 
half-converted  Nipmucks ;  and  Philip  threaded  his  way, 
with  some  forty  followers,  to  the  wigwams  of  the  lat- 
ter tribe,  and  joined  a  party  of  them  three  days  after 
they  had  perpetrated,  on  their  own  account,  a  perfidious 
massacre  on  a  company  of  Englishmen,  who  had  •  1075. 
sought  them  on  a  friendly  errand,  and  whom  ^"g'^^'^. 
they  had  agreed  to  meet  for  that  purpose. 

That  he  had  the  direction  of  the  proceedings  which 
followed  does  not  appear  from  any  sort  of  evidence,  nor 
is  he  so  much  as  certainly  known  to  have  been  pres- 
ent at  any  one  of  the  numerous  conflicts  between  the 
natives  and  the  English.  During  the  autumn  after  his 
first  hostile  movement,  the  Nipmucks  waged  fiercely 
the  war  on  the  towns  along  the  Connecticut ;  but  there 
is  no  reason  to  believe  that  they  had  Philip  for  a  leader 
or  a  comrade.  Encouraged  by  the  apparent  success 
of  their  neighbors,  the  Narragansetts  resumed  their  for 
mer  hostile  dispositions,  and  brought  on  themselves  a 
signal  retribution.  It  was  rumored  that  Philip  was  at 
the  Narragansett  fort  at  the  time  of  its  destruction 
by  the  forces  under  Winslow;  but  this  was  never  as- 
certained nor  made  probable,  and,  if  he  was  there,  he 
did  not  allow  himself  to  be  consj)icuous.  It  has  been 
supposed  that  towards  the  spring  he  was  with  igve. 
the  marauding  party  which  attacked  Lancaster;  ^^''™^''^^°' 


226  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

and  this  is  not  improbable,  for  he  seems  to  have  been 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Connecticut  soon  after  that 
assault.-^  As  the  spring  advanced,  the  scene  of  hostih- 
ties  was  mostly  in  Plymouth,  Rhode  Island,  and  the 
eastern  part  of  Massachusetts,  and  Philip  was  reported 
to  have  led  the  attack  on  Captain  Wadsworth  at  Sud- 
bury ;  but  neither  for  this  statement  does  any  good 
authority  appear.  No  system  or  good  judgment  is  ap- 
parent in  his  proceedings  through  the  summer  that  fol- 
lowed. The  Eastern  Indians  had  caught  the  warlike 
contagion,  and  had  risen  in  great  force,  enclosing  a 
helpless  English  population.  An  easy  journey  of  two 
days  would  have  brought  Philip  into  the  midst  of 
them ;  and,  if  he  had  any  understanding  with  them, 
such  might  have  been  expected  to  be  his  course,  when 
his  prospect  darkened  elsewhere.  But,  instead  of  this, 
he  stole  back  at  the  end  of  the  war  to  the  place  whence 
he  stole  just  after  it  began;  and  there,  being  closely 
invested,  he  was  shot  while,  unattended,  he  was  trying 
to  run  away.  Annawon  prosecuted  the  war  a  little 
while  longer  in  Plymouth  Colony,  till  he  too  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Captain  Church.  And  at  the  eastward, 
especially,  it  was  waged  nearly  two  years  after  Philip's 
death,  and  with  more  vigor  than  before. 

The  public  documents  do  not  indicate  a  belief,  on 
the  part  of  the  English,  of  any  such  comprehensive 
and  far-sighted  scheme  as  in  later  times  has  been  at- 
tributed to  Philip.^  The  natural  conclusion  from  their 
language  is,  that  his  outbreak  was  but  regarded  as  being 

1  Eowlandson,  History,  &c.,  10.  sioners,  in  Hazard,  II.  532,  533.)     But 

2  Sausaman  informed  the  govern-  this  formal  revelation  did  not  lead  the 
ment  of  Plymouth,  "  that  the  said  government  of  Plymouth  to  take  any 
Philip  was  undoubtedly  endeavoring  measures  against  him.  They  contin- 
to  raise  new  troubles,  and  was  endeav-  ued  to  hope  that  "  the  present  cloud 
oring  to  raise  all  the  sachems  round  might  blow  over,  as  some  others  of  like 
about  [how  far  ?]  in  a  war  against  us."  nature  had  done  before."  (Hubbard, 
(Narrative  of  the  Plymouth  Commis-  Narrative,  &c.,  16.) 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  227 

prompted  by  the  vindictiveness  and  caprice  of  an  un- 
reasoning and  cruel  barbarian.  As  to  his  supposed 
patriotic  apprehension  that,  unless  timely  resistance 
were  made,  his  people  would  be  crowded  out  of  their 
country,^  the  sagacity  with  which  he  has  been  gener- 
ously decorated  could  not  have  failed  to  reveal  to  him 
the  material  facts  already  noticed,  —  that  that  country 
was  capable  of  bearing  a  vastly  larger  population  with- 
out obstruction  to  the  habits  of  either  civilized  or  savage 
men;  that  no  portion  of  it  had  ever. been  appropriated 
by  the  strangers  except  by  honest  purchase  from  the  for- 
mer occupants ;  and  that  the  condition  of  his  people  was 
immensely  improved  by  the  access  obtained  through  their 
new  neighbors  to  conveniences  hitherto  unknown,  and 
by  the  market  opened  for  articles  within  their  reach, 
but  hitherto  worthless  to  them,  or  of  trifling  value. 

Nor  is  his  supposed  jealousy  of  the  territorial  ex- 
tension of  the  English  to  be  easily  reconciled  with  his 
frequent  voluntary  sales  of  Land  to  them,  or  with  his 
knowledge  of  the  strictness  with  which  they  had  guard- 
ed his  rights  in  this  particular.^  Nor  does  the  opinion 
of  a  concert  established  by  him  with  the  chiefs  of  other 
tribes  accord  well  with  various  unquestionable  facts  that 
followed.  If  a  war  had  been  so  elaborately  concerted 
by  a  man  of  sense,  it  is  scarcely  to  be  supposed  that 
it  would  have  been  entered  on  without  a  competent 
supply  of  munitions;  yet,  when  Philip  came  from  Mount 

1  In  the  Foster  collection  of  manu-  It  sets  forth  that  theory  of  the  sub- 
scripts, in  the  Library  of  the  Rhode  ject  which  was  approved  in  Governor 
Island  Historical  Society,  (Vol.  IX.  Hopkins's  time.  The  conception  of 
last  page,)  is  the  report  of  a  speech  Cromwell  which  is  embodied  in  his 
purporting  to  have  been  addressed  to  speech  to  his  aide-de-camp  in  Scott's 
Mr.  Boyden  by  Philip,  in  explanation  "Woodstock"  may  or  may  not  be  the 
and  vindication  of  his  policy.  I  have  correct  conception.  But  we  cannot 
made  no  account  of  it.  It  is  no  mate-  draw  an  argument  for  its  correctness 
rial  for  history.     Mr.  Foster  wrote  it  from  that  speech. 

down  as  received  from  Governor  Hop-         2  See   Plym.   Rec,   V.   88,   97,   98, 

kins,  who  lived  a  century  after  Philip.  101,  106. 


228  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  in. 

Hope  into  Massachusetts,  "  bis  men  were  about  tbirty  of 
tbem  armed  witb  guns,  tbe  rest  bad  bows  and  arrows  " ; 
and  be  said  tbat  be  could  not  bave  defended  bimself, 
bad  be  been  pressed  a  few  days  more  at  Pocasset,  for 
"  bis  powder  was  almost  spent."  ^  If  tbe  Nipmucks  were 
pledged  in  sucb  a  plot  as  bas  been  imagined,  a  run- 
ner from  Mount  Hope  would  bave  reacbed  tbeir  central 
bolds  in  mucb  less  tban  a  summer's  day ;  nor  can  it  be 
supposed  tbat,  in  tbat  case,  Brookfield,  lying  wbolly  at 
tbeir  mercy,  would  bave  been  let  alone  for  six  weeks, 
or  tbat  tbe  assault  on  tbe  unprotected  towns  along 
Connecticut  Eiver  would  bave  been  delayed  for  more 
tban  two  montbs,  till  tbere  bad  been  time  to  reinforce 
tbem  from  tbe  seaboard.  Tbe  Narrag-ansetts  bad  been 
restless  from  tbe  earliest  period  of  tbe  acquaintance 
of  tbe  Englisb  witb  tbem.  Tbat  tbey  sbould  plot 
against  tbe  Englisb  was  at  no  time  improbable.  But 
tbat  tbey  sbould  bave  yielded  tbe  lead  in  sucb  a  move- 
ment to  tbe  Wampanoag,  Pbilip,  is  bard  to  credit.  If 
tbey  were  parties  to  a  conspiracy,  tbe  beginning  of 
Pbilip's  war,  wben  tbeir  force  was  unimpaired,  wben 
the  season  was  favorable  for  tbeir  operations,  and  wben 
the  Englisb  were  surprised,  was  tbe  time  for  tbem  to 
strike.  Tbeir  conduct  is  intelligible  on  the  supposition 
of  a  hostile  and  treacherous  disposition  on  their  part, 
encouraged  and  excited  to  action  by  tbe  disasters  of 
tbe  English  in  the  first  autumn  of  the  war;  but  that, 
if  any  movement  bad  been  deliberately  resolved  upon, 
tbey  should  bave  deferred  it  till  their  intended  victim 
was  warned  and  armed,  and  sbould  have  waited  to  be 
attacked  at  every  disadvantage,  is  a  statement  that  passes 
belief  Almost  as  difficult  is  it  to  imagine,  tbat  tbe 
savages  about  tbe  Piscataqua,  who  could  also  have  been 
reacbed  between  sun  and  sun  by  a  message  from  tbe 

1  Narrative  of  a  Praying  Indian,  in  Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  267,  note. 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  229 

Pokanoket  country,  were  in  league  with  Philip  before 
he  struck,  when  we  find  that,  with  every  advantage  for 
mischief,  their  first  movement  was  nearly  two  months 
later  than  Philip's,  and  that  their  most  vigorous  opera- 
tions took  place  after  his  death.  It  may  be  reasonably 
believed  that  their  action,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Nip- 
mucks,  was  independent  of  the  action  of  Philip  and 
his  tribe,  except  only  so  far  as  example,  and  the  hope 
of  impunity  by  reason  of  the  embarrassment  of  the 
English  assailed  in  so  many  quarters  at  once,  were  an 
excitement  to  minds  always  ready  for  murder  and  pil- 
lage, when  not  restrained  by  fear. 

Connecticut  had  bravely,  and  most  usefully,  borne 
her  large  share  of  service  and  of  cost.^  But  her  set- 
tlements had  not  been  violated  by  the  enemy.  The 
Mohegans  and  Pequods  within  her  bounds  had  proved 
faithful  as  heretofore.^  Amono*  the  rumors  of  the  time 
was  one  that  Philip  had  visited  the  Mohawks  on  the 
Hudson,  and  endeavored  to  bring  them  into  an  alli- 
ance ;  but,  if  he  made  the  attempt,  it  proved  ineffectual. 
Rhode  Island  sent  no  troops  to  the  war;^  but,  of  its 
two  towns   on  the   mainland,  Warwick  was  destroyed, 

1  "  Jam  proximus  ardet  Ucalegon,"  dence "  took  part  (comp.  Church, 
says  the  over-wise  Hubbard ;  "  he  that  13)  ;  and,  according  to  Callender  (His- 
•will  not  help  to  quench  the  fire  kindled  torical  Discourse,  in  R.  I.  Hist.  Coll., 
in  his  neighbor's  house  may  justly  fear  IV.  133),  "some  of  the  principal  gen- 
to  lose  his  own."  (Narrative,  &c., Part  tlemen,  as  Major  Sanford  and  Cap- 
H.  p.  84;  comp.  Part  I.  p.  93;  Mather,  tain  Goulding,  were  in  the  action  at 
Brief  History,  &c.,  48,  49.)  Mount  Hope,  as  volunteers  in  Captain 

2  Gookin  imagined  that,  if  Plymouth  Church's  company,  when  King  Philip 
and  Massachusetts  had  known  as  well  was  slain."  But  Rhode  Island,  as  a 
as  Connecticut  how  to  deal  with  the  government,  took  no  part  in  the  war. 
natives,  it  would  have  been  better  for  That  Colony,  said  the  agents  of  Massa- 
them.  (History,  &c.,  in  Archseol.  chusetts  to  the  Privy  Council  in  1680, 
Amer.,  11.  437;  comp.  Mather,  Brief  "would  never  yield  any  joint  assist- 
History,  &c.,  48.)  ance  against  the  common  enemy,  no, 

3  Hubbard  says  (Narrative,  &c.,  28)  not  so  much  as  in  their  own  towns  on 
that,  in  the  pursuit  of  Philip  on  his  re-  the  main,  nor  garrison  their  own  towns 
treat  from  Pocasset,  "  some  of  Provi-  of  Providence  and  Warwick." 

VOL.  III.  20 


230 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


and   a   large   part  of  Providence,  and  considerable    ex- 
pense was  incurred  in  guarding  the  insular  settlements. 
The  misery  fell  chiefly  on  Plymouth   and  Mas- 

Impoverish-  *'  /-^i  •• 

mentofMas-  gacliusetts.     Tho  lattcr  Colony,  m  its  wealth  and 

eachusetts  -i  i        n  i  i  '  1        mi 

aDdPiym-  numbcrs,  had  a  stroug  rccuperative  powcr/  ihe 
"''*■  former  was  nearly  ruined.      But  a  community 

capable,  in  such  circumstances,  of  such  action  as  that 
of  Plymouth  is  no  subject  for  commiseration.  By  years 
of  steady  industry  and  pinching  frugality  she  paid  her 
enormous  debt,  principal  and  interest.  New  England 
never  learned  the  doctrine  of  reptidiatmi. 

Belief,  to  the  amount  of  nearly  a  thousand  pounds,  for 
such  as  were  "  impoverished,  distressed,  and  in  necessity 
by   the  late   w^ar,"    was   contributed  by   "  divers    Chris- 


1  In  Massachusetts,  one  rate,  or  at 
most  a  rate  and  a  half,  had  commonly 
sufficed  for  the  year's  expenses.  (Mass. 
Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  88,  135,  281,  346,  415.) 
In  1670,  half  a  rate  was  found  suffi- 
cient (Ibid.,  464);  and,  in  1672,  the 
levy  was  wholly  dispensed  with  (Ibid., 
534),  the  revenue  from  customs  and 
excises  being  found  adequate  "  to  an- 
swer the  occasions  of  the  country." 
But,  in  1676,  sixteen  rates  were  called 
for  (Ibid.,  V.  81,  120;  comp.  139, 
156)  ;  in  1678,  three  rates  (Ibid.,  195)  ; 
and  in  1680,  four  (Ibid.,  296).  The 
Colonial  Treasurer  meanwhile  was  a 
large  borrower  from  the  merchants. 
(Ibid.,  71.)  To  their  honor  it  is  to  be 
said,  that  they  seem  to  have  provided 
him  with  funds  willingly  and  largely ; 
but,  if  they  were  backward  to  take 
his  notes  at  six  months  in  payment  for 
supplies,  he  had  authority  from  the 
General  Court  to  help  himself.  (Ibid., 
123.) 

The  meaning  of  a  "  rate  "  should  be 
explained.  Down  to  the  year  1645, 
inclusive,  it  was  the  practice  in  Mas- 
sachusetts to  levy  a  tax  of  a  specific 
sum,  and  apportion  it  among  the  towns. 


In  1646,  a  different  method  came  into 
use.  A  regular  poll-tax  was  deter- 
mined, at  first  of  one  shilling  and  eight- 
pence,  afterwards  of  two  shillings  and 
sixpence,  payable  by  males,  within  the 
jurisdiction,  sixteen  years  old  and  up- 
wards; and  a  tax  on  property,  and 
on  the  profits  of  mechanics  and  trades- 
men, of  a  penny  in  the  pound.  The 
revenue  from  these  two  sources  con- 
stituted one  rate.  (Mass.  Rec,  II.  173; 
comp.  213,  and  III.  88,  116;  General 
Laws  of  Mass.,  23 ;  see  above,  p.  50.) 
The  system  was  the  same  in  Connect- 
icut.    (Conn.  Rec,  I.  548.) 

In  1663,  "  the  Court,  being  informed 
that  the  country  is  indebted  five  hun- 
dred pounds  more  than  a  single  rate 
will  discharge,  do  order  that  there  be 
an  addition  of  one  quarter  of  a  rate." 
(Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  88.)  From  this 
we  learn  that  a  rate  in  that  year,  in 
Massachusetts,  amounted  to  somewhere 
about  £  2,000.  The  sixteen  rates 
levied  in  that  Colony  in  16  76  includ- 
ed the  enormous  assessment  on  prop- 
erty of  one  shilling  and  fourpence 
in  the  pound,  or  nearly  seven  per 
centum  on  the  valuation. 


Chap.  V.] 


PHILIP'S  WAR. 


231 


tians  in  Ireland."^  The  Colonies  had  been  defending 
what,  if  it  was  their  own  home,  still  was  recognized  at 
conrt  as  a  dependence  and  domain  of  the  King  of  Eng- 
land. But  from  the  King  and  court  came  no  aid  what- 
ever. Nor  was  any  aid  solicited,  oppressive  as  was  the 
need  of  it.  "  It  is  not  altogether  groundlessly  reported," 
wrote  their  friend  Lord  Anglesey  from  London,  "that 
you  are  poor  and  yet  proud."  ^  It  is  not  difficult  to 
satisfy  one's  self  as  to  the  reason  of  their  silence  in 
such  extremity.  The  memory  of  the  visit  of  the  Eoyal 
Commissioners  was  still  fresh ;  more  recent  events,  here- 
after to  be  related,  had  kept  alive  their  solicitude  about 
the  repetition  of  such  attempts;  and  they  preferred  to 


1  Deane,  Irish  Donation  in  1676,  in 
New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 
logical Register,  11.  245  -  250.  —  Con- 
necticut generously  released  to  her 
more  distressed  sister  Colonies  her 
claim  to  a  share  in  this  donation. 
(Conn.  Rec,  II.  304 ;  comp.  483.) 

2  "  I  must  chide  you,"  said  this 
nobleman  (formerly  IMr.  Annesley), 
"  and  that  whole  people  of  New  Eng- 
land, that  (as  if  you  were  independent 
of  our  master's  crown,  needed  not  his 
protection,  or  had  deserved  ill  of  him, 
as  some  have  not  been  wanting  to 
suggest  and  urge  testimony  thereof) 
from  the  first  hour  of  God's  stretching 
out  his  hand  against  you  to  this  time 
(though  we  have  successive  and  fre- 
quent tidings  (like  Job's  messengers) 
of'  the  great  devastations  and  spoils 
that  are  made  by  fire  and  sword  upon 
those  plantations,  which  God  hath  so 
signally  blessed  and  made  to  flourish 
till  now),  you  have  not  yet  (as  certainly 
became  you)  made  your  addresses  to 
the  King's  Majesty,  or  some  of  his 
ministers  for  his  perusal,  that  he  might 
be  authentically  informed  both  of  your 
enemies  and  your  condition,  by  what 
means  you  are  brought  low,  and  what 


are  the  most  proper  and  hopeful  reme- 
dies for  your  recovery. 

"  It  may  not  be  fit  for  me  to  advise 
you  what  to  do,  till  better  informed ; 
but  I  know  his  Majesty  hath  a  tender 
and  compassionate  heart  for  all  his 
subjects  that  are  industrious  and  or- 
derly, and  hath  power  sufficient,  as 
well  as  Avill,  to  help  his  Colonies  in  dis- 
tress, as  others  have  experienced,  and 
you  may,  in  good  time.  He  knows 
how  to  deal  with  the  French,  either 
by  the  interposition  of  their  own  Ivin"-, 
or  by  authorizing  and  assisting  you  to 
right  yourselves  against  them.  He 
can  send  shij)s  or  men  to  help  you, 
or  furnish  you  with  ammunition,  as  the 
case  requires,  or  by  a  general  collec- 
tion open  the  bowels  and  purses  of 
his  people  here  towards  you,  where 
there  are  many  that  mourn  for  your 
distress,  and  will  not  only  be  inter- 
cessors to  the  throne  of  grace,  but  to 
God's  vicegerent  also,  for  your  relief, 
if  you  are  not  wanting  to  yourselves, 
and  failing  in  that  dutiful  apphcation 
which  subjects  ought  to  make  to  their 
sovereigns  in  such  cases."  (Hutch. 
Hist.,  I.  279.) 


232     ■  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

struggle  alone  under  their  load,  rather  than  come  un- 
der obligations  to  a  power  which,  as  they  believed,  en- 
tertained designs  unfriendly  to  their  English  liberties. 

In  fact,  those  liberties  were  again  in  serious  peril. 
The  task  of  the  patriotic  rulers  of  Massachusetts,  who, 
twelve  years  before,  had  discomfited  the  emissaries  of  Lord 
Clarendon,  was  about  to  be  forced  on  them  anew.  Two 
men,  who  —  the  one  consciously,  the  other  with  no  un- 
friendly purpose  —  had  helped  to  dissipate  the  strength 
which  might  now  have  stood  New  England  in  stead, 
were  not  to  see  the  ripening  of  the  harvest  which  their 
hands  had  sown.  While  Rhode  Island,  by  day  and  night, 
.was  kept  against  the  prowling  savages  by  a  circle  of 
patrol  boats  constantly  in  motion,^  the  long  and 
aike°  °  °  restless  life  of  John  Clarke  was  there  brought 

^^^^-      to  an  end.     Clarke  had  some  claim  to  be  called 

April  20. 

the  father  of  Ehode  Island.^  For  many  years 
before  his  death,  he  had  been  the  most  important  citi- 
zen of  his  Colony.  Savage,  Aspinwall,  Hutchinson,  and 
others,  fellow-sufferers  with  him  in  the  Antinomian  re- 
volt, had  reconsidered  the  occasion  of  their  discontent, 
and  gone  back  to  become  peaceable  and  useful  citizens 
of  Massachusetts.  Coddington  and  Williams  had  been 
long  ago  eclipsed  by  his  more  steady  star.  And  both 
Williams  and  Coddington,  eccentric  as  in  different  ways 
they  were,  were  men  of  placable  temper.  The  factious 
people  to  whom  Clarke  adhered  never  trusted  him  with 
their  highest  office,  nor  would  they  so  much  as  pay 
him  the  money  so  well  earned  by  his  activity  in  their 
behalf  at  the  British  court.  But  the  short-comings  of 
Rhode  Island  he  could  forgive  ;  the  power  and  policy 
of  Massachusetts  were  not  to  be  borne  with,  nor  to 
fail  to  be  resisted  by  him  at  all  times,  with  all  deter- 
mination. 

Such  traditions  as  exist  ascribe  to  him  a  praiseworthy 

1  R.  I.  Rec,  II.  535,  536.  2  See  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  511. 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  233 

character  in  private  life ;  and,  dying  childless,  he  be- 
queathed his  property  "  for  relief  of  the  poor,  or  bring- 
ing up  children  unto  learning."  -^  But,  in  public  conduct, 
he  had  a  governing  motive  besides  attachment  to  the 
community  which  he  had  helped  to  found.  He  does 
not  seem  to  have  cared  for  office ;  if  he  wanted  power, 
it  was  as  an  instrument  not  only  for  serving  his  fellow- 
citizens,  b.ut  for  feeding  a  deep-seated  grudge.  Ten  years, 
while  the  Confederate  Colonies  practised  a  brave  re- 
serve, Clarke,  in  behalf  of  Rhode  Island,  paid  obsequi- 
ous court  to  the  Parliament  and  to  the  two  Protectors.^ 
As  if  this  had  not  been,  he  hastened  to  assure  the 
restored  King,  with  unstinted  compliments,  that  his 
constituents  had  "  still  in  their  removes,  and  in  the  rest 
of  their  actings,  made  it  manifest  that  they,  as  the  true 
natives  of  England,  had  firmly  adhered  in  their  alle- 
giance and  loyalty  to  the  sovereignty  thereof,  although 
by  strangers,  by  many  proffers,  again  and  again  allured 
therefrom ;  and  had  it  much  in  their  hearts,  if  they  might 
be  permitted,  to  hold  forth  a  lively  experiment  that 
true  piety,  rightly  grounded  upon  Gospel  prin- 
ciples, would  give  the  best  and  greatest  security  to  true 
sovereignty,  and  lay  in  the  hearts  of  men  the  strong- 
est obligations  to  true  loyalty."^  And  the  cordiality 
of  his  welcome  in  America  to  the  Royal  Commissioners 
was  consistent  with  his  assurances  of  devotion  to  their 
master.* 

John  Winthrop,  of  Connecticut,  died  a  fortnight  before 
Clarke,  while  on  a  visit  to  Boston  to   attend  a  Death  of 
meeting  of  the  Federal  Commissioners,  just  be-  1°^^  ^^" 
fore  the  end  of  the  first  year  of  the  war.     His    ^p'"^- 

1  Backus,  History,  &c.,  I.  444.  to  New  York  in  October,  1664,  to  bear 

2  See  above,  Vol.  11.  p.  559.  to  them  that  Address  of  congratula- 

3  R.  I.  Rec,  I.  490,  491.  tion  from  his  Colony  which  promised 
*  They  came  to  America  a  few  weeks  and    preceded   more   substantial   sub- 
after  he  returned  thither  from  an  ab-  missions.    (See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  602.) 
eence  of  twelve  years ;  and  he  went 

20* 


234  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

character  was  of  a  different  mould  from  that  of  the  vm- 
dictive  champion  of  Rhode  Island ;  but,  to  a  considerable 
extent,  circumstances  combined  the  influence  of  the  two 
on  the  political  destiny  of  New  England.  Each  had 
an  agency  in  breaking  down  that  Confederacy  of  the 
Four  Colonies,  which,  while  it  lasted,  made  New  Eng- 
land a  power  in  the  world.  It  is  painful  to  have  to 
speak  in  terms  of  measured  commendation  of  a  man 
so  virtuous  as  the  second  John  Winthrop.  Apart  from 
his  distinguished  elegance  and  accomplishments  of  mind, 
which  belong  to  a  different  category,  he  was  singularl}^ 
amiable  in  all  private  relations.  So  gracefully  did  he 
wear  his  eminence,  that  no  one  was  provoked  to  tra- 
duce or  so  much  as  prompted  to  envy  him.  He  was 
so  gentle  and  generous,  that  to  dissent  from  him  cost 
a  struggle.  Everybody  wished  well  to  Mm  who  was 
everybody's  well-wisher  and  helper.  The  champions  of 
New  Haven,  excited  and  wounded  as  they  were,  never 
mention  him  with  harshness.  Even  John  Davenport, 
with  his  strong  and  stern  character,  and  his  more  just 
and  more  comprehensive  views  of  public  affairs,  could 
scarcely  bear,  in  that  catastrophe  of  New  Haven  which 
fired  his  heart,  to  oppose  himself  to  his  old  and  kind 
friend.  Winthrop  had,  within  his  sphere,  an  excellent 
talent  for  affairs.  The  internal  administration  of  his 
Colony  was  conducted  by  him  with  great  skill  and  good 
sense,  as  well  as  diligence. 

But  to  bestow  on  him  the  same  amount  of  praise 
that  is  due  to  his  illustrious  father  would  be  to  con- 
found things  that  widely  differ.  His  character  had  not 
the  same  heroic  cast.  This  was  by  the  inferiority  of 
his  nature,  and  not  by  any  vice  of  his  principles.  But 
history,  which  should  express  the  cultivated  moral  sense 
of  mankind,  must  not  place  any,  who  are  borne  away  by 
a  current  of  seductive  or  bewildering  influence,  on  the 
same  level  with  those  who  breast  the  tide  with  hearts 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S  WAR.  235 

of  controversy,  sustained  by  consciousness  of  power  in 
themselves,  and  by  a  supreme  confidence  that,  against 
whatever  strength  of  opposition,  truth  and  right  will 
prove  their  sufficient  allies.  Even  though  nothing  more 
be  chargeable  upon  the  former  class  of  public  men  than 
obscurity  of  perception  or  infirmity  of  will,  they  fail  of 
a  claim  upon  posterity  for  the  largest  measure  of  honor.^ 

It  should  not  occasion  surprise,  if  the  experiences, 
public  and  private,  through  which  the  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut had  passed  before  the  restoration  of  the  British 
monarchy,  at  which  time  he  was  fifty-five  years  old, 
had  somewhat  toned  down  the  enthusiasm  with  which 
under  parental  influence  he  had  entered  upon  life.^  He 
had  now  seen  the  once  competent  fortune  of  his  family 
sacrificed  in  carrying  out  his  fiither's  generous  enter- 
prise. He  had  seen  the  great  patriot  party  in  Eng- 
land, which  bespoke  the  devotion  of  his  youth,  dismally 
discredited  by  the  errors  of  those  whom  events  pushed 
to  its  front,  and  all  its  power  scattered,  and  its  glory 
vanished  like  a  dream.^ 

It  is  no  more  than  just  to  believe  that  Winthrop 
went  to  England  after  the  Kestoration  without  a  pur- 
pose to  wrong  New  Haven,  or  to  weaken  the  Confed- 
eracy of  the  Four  Colonies.  In  England,  where  his 
estimable  and  winning  qualities  were  at  once  recog- 
nized, he  was  caressed  and  petted  by  men  who  did  not 
love  his  adopted  country  as  he  did,  or  who,  at  all  events, 

1  Winthrop  might  ■well  have  asked  ter  addressed  by  John  Maidston  to 
to  be  saved  from  his  friends.  Gov-  Winthrop  in  the  year  of  the  Eestora- 
ernor  Wolcott  had  no  authoi-ity  what-  tion.  (See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  542.)  It 
ever  for  putting  into  the  mouth  of  his  requires  little  effort  of  imagination  to 
predecessor  expressions  of  gross  and  ab-  represent  to  one's  self  the  effect  which 
surd  flattery  to  Charles  the  Second  and  such  a  retrospect  as  is  there  presented 
his  father.  ("  Brief  Account  of  the  is  likely  to  have  had  on  Winthrop's 
Agency  of  the  Hon^ie  John  Winthrop,"  mind  at  that  time.  —  Davenport,  writ- 
Sec,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  IV.  296.)  ing  to  Winthrop,  refers  to  this  letter 

2  Savage's  Winthrop,  I.  432.  of  Maidston.    (Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXX. 

3  I  am  much  impressed  by  the  let-  38.) 


236  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III 

did  not  see  its  vital  interests  and  honor  in  the  light 
in  which  they  were  regarded  by  her  own  wisest  sons. 
Lord  Manchester,  Lord  Annesley,  Lord  Hollis,  and  other 
Puritan  nobles,  who  had  become  courtiers  as  the  best 
thing  that  was  to  be  done  in  those  evil  times,  were 
willing  to  patronize  New  England,  but  only  with  cir- 
cumspection and  reserve.  The  aged  Lord  Say  and  Sele, 
the  early  patron  of  the  suitor  from  Connecticut,-^  had 
had  enough  of  opposition  to  the  King;  and  he  had  no 
partiality  for  the  Colony  of  New  Haven,  which  had 
been  erected,  without  leave  asked,  on  land  of  which  he 
claimed  to  be  a  proprietor  by  royal  grant.  Robert 
Boyle,  and  the  academicians  over  whom  he  presided, 
conferred  the  signal  honor  of  election  to  their  Society 
on  the  philosopher  from  beyond  the  water;  and  Boyle 
made  no  secret  of  his  opinion  that  his  New  England 
friends  would  do  well  to  be  tractable  and  quiet.'^  Lord 
Clarendon,  whose  scheme  of  Colonial  policy  was  ripe, 
saw  his  opportunity  to  practise  on  the  amiable  envoy; 
and  the  blandishments  of  that  courtly  though  arbitrary 
statesman  were  not  easy  to  withstand.  It  is  not  safe 
for  the  most  npright  man  to  receive  flattering  atten- 
tions from  those  whose  political  designs  he  ought  not 
to  favor.^ 

1  See  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  450.  tions  with  General  Monk,  now  Duke 

2  See  above,  Vol.  n.  p.  608.  Win-  of  Albemarle.  September  11,  1C58, 
throp  wrote  to  Boyle,  September  25,  Fitz-John  Winthrop,  then  twenty 
1664:  "I  do  endeavor  greatly  to  at-  years  old,  (see  above,  p.  Ill,  note  4,) 
tend  your  commands,  and  to  dispose  was  commissioned  by  Richard  Crom- 
all  people  to  that  duty  and  observance  well  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  regiment 
towards  those  honorable  Commission-  of  his  uncle,  Colonel  Reade  ;  by  Monk 
ers  sent  by  his  Majesty,  as  may  testify  he  was  commissioned,  December  21, 
their  true  loyalty  and  affection  to  his  1659,  as  "  captain-lieutenant,"  and 
Majesty  from  whom  they  come,  and  February  5,  1660,  as  captain.  (Pro- 
I  hope  for  the  good  of  these  poor  ceedings  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  for 
plantations."  (Works  of  the  Honor-  1862, 1863,  pp.  489, 490.)  January  14, 
able  R.  Boyle,  I.  Ixxi.)  1662  ("officers  and  soldiers  that  had 

8  Probably  Governor  Winthrop  was  served  in  the  armies  of  the  late  usurped 
brought  by  his  son  into  friendly  rela-     authorities "    being   then   required   to 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S   WAR.  237 

It  is  by  no  means  always  to  ill  intentions,  or  to  gen- 
eral incapacit;^,  on  the  part  of  important  actors,  that 
political  errors  and  disasters  are  to  be  traced.  If  the 
influences  to  which  Winthrop  was  subjected  in  Eng- 
land confused  his  perceptions  of  a  patriot's  duty,  there 
is  no  proof  that  they  ever  tempted  him  to  do  a  con- 
scious wrong.  It  is  fair  to  suppose  that  he  was  brought 
to  see  or  to  believe  that  an  annexation  of  New  Haven 
to  Connecticut  was  the  best  provision  attainable  by  him 
for  the  well-being  of  both  Colonies.  But  to  New  Haven 
the  measure  could  not  be  expected  to  appear  other- 
wise than  as  a  gross  outrage,  aggravated  by  the  en- 
gagements that  were  made  by  him  before  he  went 
abroad,  and  were  recognized  by  him  during  his  ab- 
sence and  after  his  return.  He  honestly  desired  to 
make  the  calamity  as  little  afflicting  as  possible  to  the 
aggrieved  Colony.  But  the  power  had  gone  from  him. 
The  signed  and  sealed  charter,  that  doomed  New  Haven, 

"  depart  the  cities  of  London  and  West-  England  with  his  father.     (Ibid.,  551, 

minster"),  he  received  a  pass,  under  note  3.) 

the  signatures  of  Albemarle,  Anglesey,         Among  the  pictures  belonging  to  the 

and  Secretary  Nicholas,  (the  original  Winthrops,  there  is  an  original  portrait 

of  which,  by  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Robert  of  Monk  ;  —  a  fact  which  indicates  a 

Charles  Winthrop,  is  now  before  me,)  friendship  between  him  and  some  mem- 

to  go  to  London  and  "  quietly  to  re-  ber  of  the  family.  —  One  is,  at  first, 

main   and  be  within  the  said  city,  of  uneasy   to    find    Governor    Winthrop 

London  and  Westminster  and  to  be  corresponding  with  his  roguish  cousin, 

thereabouts    without   let   or   molesta-  George  Downing.     But  it  was  for  a 

tion  for  the  space  of  three  months."  purpose    honorably    characteristic    of 

The  pass  sets  forth  that  he  had  "faith-  him.     Learning  in  England,  in  1662, 

fully  served  his  Majesty,  and  did  cor-  that  his  father's  sister  was  insufficiently 

respond  and  join  with  the  said  Duke  provided  for,  Winthrop  wrote  to  her 

of  Albemarle  in  his  most  happy  Resto-  son,    then    representing    Charles    the 

ration."    It  may  be  presumed  that  his  Second  at  the  Hague,  asking  him  to 

errand  to  London   was  to  meet  his  make  a  proper  settlement  upon  her, 

father,  who  had    come    thither   from  and  adding  that,  if  she  were  not  too  old 

America  a  few  months  before.     (See  to  cross  the  Atlantic,  he  should  take 

above.  Vol.  U.   p.  539.)      His   earli-  her  support  upon  himself.     The  Minis- 

est  letter  written  on  this  side  of  the  ter  gave  him  but  little  satisfaction,  and 

water  is  dated  June  26,    1663.     He  pleaded  poverty.     (Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 

had  probably  just  then  returned  from  XXXVI.  524,  543.) 


238  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

had  passed  from  his  hands  mto  hands  stronger  and 
less  dainty.  His  gentle  genius  bent  before  the  coarser 
and  more  resolute  spirit  of  the  Secretary,  John  Allyn. 
While,  as  to  external  politics,  Bellingham,  Leverett,  and 
Danforth,  rather  than  Winthrop,  represented  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  the  Second  the  intelligent  patriotism  of  New 
England,  Allyn,  more  than  he,  was  ruler  of  Connect- 
icut. It  was  not  the  way  of  Winthrop,  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  to  admit  any  such  control  as  in  the  sis- 
ter Colony  was  exercised  by  the  able  and  determined 
Secretary.^ 

Plymouth  was  poor  and  weak,  and  coveted  a  charter 
from  the  King,  like  that  with  which  he  had  obliged 
and  won  Connecticut.  Massachusetts  desired  no  favor 
from  him  but  neglect,  and  had  received  no  favor  to 
attach  her  by  ties  of  gratitude.  But,  for  Massachusetts 
alone,  the  conflict  with  him  that  was  always  imminent 
was  too  unequal.  The  possibility  —  if  the  unity  of  New 
England  had  remained  intact  —  of  a  Dutch  alliance, 
when  England  was  corrupt,  priest-ridden,  and  distracted, 

1  Lord  Clarendon  complimented  his  what  further  to  contribute  of  his  grace 

Connecticut  friend  with  the  following  and  goodness  for  the  increase  of  your 

letter,  a  copy  of  which,  made  by  Sec-  prosperity.    I  know  you  will  give  that 

retary   Allyn,   is   in    the   Connecticut  reception  and  welcome  to  the  Commis- 

Archives.      I    believe    it    has    been  sioners  as  is  due  to  the  quality  they 

printed,   but   I   do   not   know  where,  cone  to  you  in,  and  take  such  order 

It  is  dated  "Worcester  House,  28th  for  their  decent  accommodation  and 

April,    1664,"   and    addressed,    "For  treatment,   whilst   they  stay   in   your 

my  good  friend,  the  Governor  of  his  Colony,  as  may  give  a  good  example 

Majesty's    Solony   of   Connecticut,  in  to  the  rest,  which  they  are  likewise  to 

New  England."  visit  in  order,  and  may  manifest  your 

II  r^     J  TVT     /-I  duty  and  affection  to  his  Majesty  from 

"  Good  Mr.  Governor,  —  ,•',                     xti,j 

,,  ^                  1       .1    ,  T     ,  1             .  whom  they  are  sent.     I  have  passed 

"You  remember  that  I  told  you  at  ,  :    .,         .i    ^  ^i         i    ii  c    i 

ii    i.  i_-    HT  •    .           Ill       1  mv  word  to  them  that  they  shall  nnd 

partmg,  that  his  Majesty  would  shortly  '    ,           .  ,                         "^    .       ^, 

,  ^         .    .  ■  1     ,1  "'all  the  assistance  you  can  give  them 

send  Commissioners  into  those   parts,  ,                ..,...„          .             ,     , 

,  .  ,  ,  .           ^    /r-    ,.      ,    1  .       ,  .  by  your  civilities,  miormations,  and  ad- 

which  his  great  anection  to  his  subjects  .           ■,       .  ,                ,,    , 

^,        1    . 1    •    1       J  1  ■     X    J     .1    ,  t  vice.     I    wish   you    all   happiness   to 

there  hath  induced  him  to  do,  that  he  „  ,               ,                 ,  -t,     ,xt- 

„  „              ^       ,  .   „  your  Colony,  and  am,  good  Mr.   Win- 
may  receive  a  lull  account  and  informa-  ,                    ^     •       , 
,.        r.  .1,     .          ,   ,         J         T.-        p  throp,  your  aiiectionate  servant, 
tion  01  the  true  state  and  condition  of  ^  ■'                    „                     r^„ 
, .             1  r.  1    •          1  xi,      u   1  "  Clarendon  C. 
his  several  Colonies,  and  thereby  know 


Chap.  V.]  PHILIP'S   WAK.  239 

and  Holland  was  strong  and  severely  Protestant,  —  the 
possibility  of  a  healthy  revival  of  the  patriot  party  in  the 
parent  country,  had  there  been  in  New  England,  as  for- 
merly, a  Puritan  Confederacy  unanimous  and  robust,  — 
such  are  conceptions  that  swim  in  the  brain  of  the 
commentator  of  the  present  day.  But  the  Confederacy 
was  no  more,  and  with  it  seemed  to  have  departed  the 
chance  of  resistance  to  royal  usurpation.  The  wasting 
Indian  war  intervened,  and  with  its  miseries  seemed 
to  settle  the  question.  Whether  there  could  be  further 
opposition  to  the  oppressive  designs  of  the  English  court, 
and,  if  so,  what  degree  of  energy  might  inspire  it,  would 
be  for  later  times  to  make  known. 


CHAPTER    VT. 

An  ebb  and  a  flow  of  public  sentiment  in  England  di- 
vide the  time  between  the  peace  of  Nimeguen  and 
the  death  of  Charles  the  Second  into  two  periods  of 
nearly  equal  length.  During  the  earlier  period  the  na- 
tional enthusiasm  for  that  monarch,  so  overpowering 
at  the  time  of  his  return  to  his  inheritance,  was  re- 
duced to  the  lowest  point  of  depression.  During  the 
later,  another  reaction  took  place,  which,  before  he  died, 
had  raised  him  again  to  almost  absolute  authority. 

The  degeneracy  of  a  nation  which  at  any  period  of 
its  history  has  shown  excellent  qualities  is  never  to  be 
regarded  as  irremediable.  There  is  a  restorative  power 
in  generous  blood.  The  character  of  the  English  people 
was  never  so  deserving  of  respect  as  in  the  present  age.-^ 
But  this  character  has  been  attained  by  a  resurrection. 
The  history  of  England  for  a  century  after  the  restora- 
tion of  the  family  of  Stuart  to  the  throne  is  a  melan- 
choly record  for  the  moralist.  The  better  cause  prevailed, 
but  not  by  the  support  of  blameless  champions.  In 
the  sharp  conflicts  that  were  going  on,  partisans  learned 
to  overlook  laxness  and  excuse  dishonesty  in  their 
leaders,  and  the  difierence  between  right  and  wrong 
was  obscured  in  the  confusions  of  the  hour.  Those 
Englishmen  were  safer  who  lived  remote  from  the  scene 
of  the  strife. 

1  This  was  WTitten  before  a  series  of  by  the  public  sentiment  of  that  country, 

acts  injurious  to  the  United  States  of  But  I  will  not  erase  the  words.      If 

America  had  been  done  by  the  gov-  my  book  lives  beyond  the  present  gen- 

ernment  of  Great  Britain,  and   been  eration,  the  next  will  judge  how  far 

more  or  less  approved  and  encouraged  they  ought  to  have  been  qualified. 


Chap.  VI.]     ENGLAND    UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  241 

The  terms  of  the  peace  mad^  at  Niineguen,  justly  re- 
garded as  humiliating  to  England,  brought  great  ^j^^^^.^^^ 
vmpopularity  on  the  Kino;  and  his  minister.    The  pontics  of 
influence  acquired  over  the  King  s  unstable  mmd 
by  the  bigoted  and  obstinate  temper  of  his  brother,  the 
Duke  of  York,  was  known  to  be  used  in  favor  of  arbi- 
trary power  and  of  the  religion   of  Rome.     It  was  not 
unreasonable   to  think  that  the  liberties  of  the  nation, 
civil  and   religious,  were   in  danger.^      Rival  politicians 
discerned  the  means  afforded  them  by  this  jealous  con- 
dition of  the  public  mind  for  ruining  each  other.     Vil- 
lains in  private  life  saw  themselves  invited  to  fix  their 
price  for  the  destruction  of  the  innocent.     The 

1  1  1  i/»-nini  Popish  plot. 

result  was  that  the  people  of  England  became 
possessed  with  an  infatuation  well-nigh  incredible,  which 
first  drove  them  to  deeds  of  odious  cruelty,  and  next, 
by  one  of  those  revulsions  which  are  sure  to  follow  such 
excesses,  realized  the  worst  of  the  misfortunes  which 
they  had  known  so  little  how  to  struggle  against.^ 

Of  persons  who  have  gained  a  place  in  the  l^istory 
of  this  period  by  swearing  away  the  lives  of  honest 
men,  Titus  Gates  became  the  most  famous.     In 

Titus  03.t6S. 

the  time  of  the   Commonwealth    he    had   been 
an  Independent  or  Baptist  preacher,  and  at  the  Resto- 
ration had  taken  orders  in  the   Church.     Employed  as 
chaplain  of  one  of  the   King's  ships,  he  was  convicted 


1  "  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  there  France  was  the  principal  head,  of  which 

was  really  and  truly  a  Popish  plot  in  the  Jesuits  were  the  restless  and  un- 

being,   though   not   that   which   Titus  scrupulous  agents,  in  which  the  King 

Oates  and  his  associates  pretended  to  and  the  heir-presumptive  were  deeply 

reveal.  '  .  .  .  .  In  this  plot  the  Iving,  engaged."    (Goldwin  Smith,  Irish  His- 

the  Duke  of  York,  and  the   King  of  tory,  &c.,  119.) 

France  were  chief  conspirators ;   the  2  The  Popish  plot  led  to  very  nu- 

•   Romish  priests,  and  especially  the  Jes-  merous  publications.      In  our  Boston 

uits,  were  chief  co-operators."     (Hal-  Athengeum   are    eight    thick   volumes 

lam,    Constitutional    History   of  Eng-  of  tracts  in  folio  relating  to  transac- 

land,  470.)  —  "There   was   a   Popish  tions  of  this  period,  and  mostly  to  the 

plot of  which  the  King  of  Plot. 

VOL.  HI.  21 


242  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  UI. 

of  repeated  misconduct,  besides  flilling  under  strong  sus- 
picion of  being  guilty  of  fouler  crimes,  and  was  dis- 
charged. He  then  professed  to  be  a  convert  to  Ro- 
manism, and  as  such  was  successively  received  into  the 
English  Jesuit  colleges  of  Valladolid  and  St.  Omer's, 
from  both  of  which  institutions  he  is  said  to  have  been 
expelled  for  disorderly  behavior. 

Whether    the    course    of  proceeding    which    he    now 
adopted  had  been  contemplated  before  his  alleged  con- 
version to  Popery,  or  had  been  struck  out  during  his  resi- 
dence on  the  Continent,  he  returned  to  Enojland 

His  fictitious  ^ 

disclosures,    prepared  to  turn  to  his  advantage  the  uneasy 
state  of  the  public  mind.     He  contracted  or  re- 
newed an  intimacy  with  one   Tonge,  rector  of  one  of 
the  city  parishes.     It  is  uncertain  how  far  Tonge  was 
a  partner  with  Gates  in  the  original  fabrication  of  his 
stories,  and  how  far  only  a  dupe ;  but  to  him  was  as- 
signed the  first  active  movement  in  the  plot  which  had 
been   concerted.     The  King  was  taking  one  of  his  ac- 
customed  walks  in    St.   James's   Park,   when  a 
person   known  to  him   as  occupymg  some  sub- 
ordinate  position   in    the    royal   household    approached, 
and  entreated  him  to  keep  close  to  his  train,  for  there 
were  designs  against  his  life.     The  man  was  questioned, 
and  referred  to  Tonge  as  his  informer. 

Tonge  was  sent  for,  and  brought  to  Lord  Danby  a 
paper  containing  a  copious  narrative  of  a  con- 
"^'  "  spiracy  by  Catholics  against  the  established  gov- 
ernment in  church  and  state.  He  said  it  had  been 
left  at  his  house,  and  that  he  did  not  know  its  writer, 
but  thought  he  had  means  of  tracing  him.^  Accord- 
ingly a  few  days  later  he  reported  that  he  had  fallen 
in  with  the  author,  who  proved  to  be  a  person  of  the^ 
name  of  Gates,  and  who  had  placed  in  his  hands  a 
second  writing,  of  a  tenor  similar  to  the  first. 

1  Journals  of  the  Lords,  XIII.  538. 


Chap.  VI.]     ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE  SECOND.  243 

The  narratives  were  full  of  details  so  incredible  that 
both  the  King  and  the  Treasurer  were  dismissing  them 
as  unworthy  of  further  attention,  when  an  unfortunate 
proceeding  of  the  Duke  of  York  elevated  them  into 
importance.  Among  those  attached  to  the  Duke's  per- 
son was  one  Coleman,  a  zealous  Romanist,  and  a  rest- 
less busybody.^  His  name  happened  to  be  one  of  the 
many  that  Gates  had  worked  into  his  stories.  Discred- 
ited at  court,  but  not  yet  inclined  to  despair.  Gates  took 
the  step  of  making  oath  to  his  information  before 

„ .         _,  .,  ^  -  r^      1  n  mi        September  6. 

a  magistrate,  feir  Jbdmondbury  (jrodirey.  ihe 
magistrate,  who  was  a  friend  to  Coleman,  apprised  him  of 
the  danger  in  which  he  stood.  Coleman  told  the  Duke 
of  York.  The  Duke,  always  more  jealous  than  was  for 
his  advantage,  believed  that  the  pretended  plot  was  a 
fabrication  of  Danby,  or  at  all  events  that  he  intended 
to  use  it  to  surprise  Parliament  with  at  its  approaching 
session,^  and  divert  attention  from  the  question  of  his 
own  impeachment.^  As,  in  the  Duke's  opinion,  it  would 
be  for  the  Treasurer's  interest  to  maintain  the  truth  of 
Gates's  fictions  in  the  willing  ears  of  Parliament,  the 
Duke  thought  it  for  his  own  interest  to  have  those 
fictions  scrutinized  and  exposed  by  calmer  judgments 
before  Parliament  should  meet.  His  pertinacity  over- 
came the  indifference  and  the  contempt  of  the  King, 
and  Gates  was  summoned  to  tell  his  story  before  the 
Privy  Council. 

Presenting  himself  in  full  canonicals,  he  testified  that 
he  had  been  employed  in  France  and  Spain  by  the 
Jesuits,  been  admitted  into  their  counsels,  and 
been  frequently  intrusted  with  their  letters,  of 
which,  when  he  saw  occasion,  he  had  broken  the  seals. 
The  facts  which  he  was  thus  enabled  to  disclose  were 
of  the  most  portentous  character.     The  Romanists,  he 

1  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,        2  Ibid.,  I.  525. 
I.  533,  534.  3  See  above,  p.  24. 


244  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

said,  intended  to  overthrow  the  estabhshed  system  of 
church  and  state  in  the  three  kingdoms  of  Great  Britain. 
To  this  end  they  had  collected  large  sums  of  money. 
The  fire  of  London  was  their  work.  Jesuits  from  differ- 
ent countries  had  recently  assembled  at  a  house  in  the 
Strand,  and  matured  other  plans  of  mischief  They 
had  hired  different  persons  to  assassinate  the  King,  who 
were  even  now  only  awaiting  an  opportunity.  West- 
minster was  to  be  burned,  and  the  ships  on  the  Thames. 
The  Pope  had  designated  certain  ecclesiastics  to  fill  the 
English  bishoprics.  The  informer  added  a  variety  of 
details,  of  a  character,  on  the  one  hand,  to  obtain  credit 
for  his  story,  and,  on  the  other,  to  alarm  and  inflame 
the  public  mind.-^ 

The  extreme  improbabihty  of  many  of  his  pretended 
revelations  was  manifest.  The  man's  appearance  was 
strongly  against  him.  When  questioned  upon  collateral 
matters  with  which  he  professed  to  be  acquainted,  he 
gave  answers  far  wide  of  the  known  truth.  He  could 
not  produce  a  single  letter  or  other  document,  of  the 
many  which  he  declared  to  have  been  in  his  posses- 
sion. His  case  had  broken  down,  when,  as  a  last  re- 
sort, he  asked  for  warrants  to  seize  the  papers  of 
some  of  the  persons  whom  he  had  accused ;  and  a 
majority  of  the  Council,  some  through  timidity,  some 
from  inclination  to  try  one  more  chance,  acceded  to 
his  request. 

Accident  favored  him,  probably  beyond  his  expecta- 
tion. The  papers  of  Harcourt,  the  chief  Jesuit  in  Eng- 
land, were  examined.  They  comprehended  a  record 
of  the  recent  proceedings  of  the  order,  and  some  of 
them  were  in  cipher.  Nothing  was  discovered  in  them 
confirming  the  charges  that  had  been  made.  But  among 
the  papers  of  Coleman,  the  Duke's  servant,  was  found 

1  Burnet,  History  of  his  own  Times,  II.  34-37. 


CuAP.  VI.]     ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  245 

what  the  suspicious  and  vindictive  spirit  of  the  times 
invested  with  importance.  They  showed  that  Coleman 
had  sohcited  from  Father  La  Chaise,  confessor  to  the 
King  of  France,  a  large  sum  of  money,  which  he  pro- 
posed to  employ  in  advancing  the  interests  of  France 
and  of  the  Romish  Church  in  England.  He  had  writ- 
ten that  Papists  "had  a  mighty  work  on  their  hands, 
no  less  than  the  conversion  of  three  kingdoms,  and  by 
that  perhaps  the  utter  subduing  of  a  pestilent  heresy 
which  had  so  long  domineered  over  great  part  of  the 
Northern  world."  Tliere  was  nothing  found  that  went 
further  to  connect  him  with  the  plot  alleged  by  Gates, 
than  this  language.  But  it  admitted  of  a  construction 
which  well  served  the  purposes  of  crafty  men  in  a  con- 
troversy with  the  weak  and  timid.  Coleman  was  sent 
to  gaol,  whence  he  was  taken  after  a  few  weeks  November  27. 
to  be  convicted  and  executed;^  and  Danby  now °'""'°'''" ^• 
felt  secure  of  his  power  to  reserve  the  question,  to  be 
discussed  by  Parliament  when  it  should  meet,  and  to 
divert  the  attention  of  that  body  from  the  charges  pend- 
ing against  himself.^ 

A  mysterious   death  added  to  the   prevailing   excite- 
ment.    The  body  of  Sir  Edmondbury   Godfrey, 
before  whom  Gates  had  sworn  to  the  truth  of  Edmondbu'ii 
his  story,  was  found  in  a  ditch   on  a  common  ^°^^^^y- 

T  T  TT        1       1     1  1  1       n       1  1      October  17. 

near  London.  He  had  been  stabbed  through 
the  heart,  and  there  was  a  discoloration  about  his  neck. 
The  manner  of  his  death  has  never  been  discovered. 
Gne  theory  has  been  that,  being  of  a  melancholy  con- 
stitution, and  disturbed  by  the  troubles  of  the  time, 
he  killed  himself  with  his  own  sword,  and  that  the  stain 
about  the  neck  was  caused  by  the  contraction  of  his 
dress   as   he   lay   dying.      The    more    violent    Cathohcs 

1  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  530  ;  comp.  Burnet,  tibi  supra,  37  -40 ; 
I.  533,  534 ;  State  Trials,  VIL  1  -  78.  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  L 

2  Journals  of  the  Commons,  IX.  523  -  514  -  523. 

21* 


246  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

maintained  that  he  had  been  murdered  by  fanatical 
Protestants,  for  the  purpose  of  charging  the  crime  upon 
the  rival  Church.  But  the  popular  opinion  was,  that  he 
came  to  his  death  by  the  hands  of  Romanists,  in  re- 
venge for  the  part  he  had  taken  in  authenticating  the 
developments  of  Gates.  This  hypothesis,  though  per- 
haps as  much  wanting  in  probability  as  any  other,  fell 
in  with  the  humor  and  with  the  designs  of  the  hour.^ 
The  demagogues  knew  how  to  turn  it  to  advantage. 
For  two  days  multitudes  thronged  to  Godfrey's  house, 
to  see  his  body  as  it  lay  in  state ;  and  it  was 

October  31.    ^  ,  .,  ,  .  . 

borne    to    the    grave    by   a  long   procession,  m 

which  seventy  clergymen  in  their  canonicals  took  part.^ 

At   the   moment   when    London   was   wild    with   this 

alarm,  the  Parliament  came  toi^ether.     It  was 

Meeting  of  '  ... 

Parliament,  to  uo  purposc  that  tlic  King,  in  his  opening 
speech,  scarcely  alluding  to  the  Catholic  plot, 
earnestly  called  the  attention  of  the  estates  of  the  realm 
to  the  necessity  of  large  supplies  of  money,  without 
which  he  could  neither  disband  nor  maintain  the  forces 
hitherto  employed  in  the  Low  Countries.^  Confused 
with  the  rumors  of  mysterious  peril,  and  stimulated  in 
their  suspicions  by  the  King's  own  chief  minister.  Par- 
liament had  no  ear  for  anything  but  the  fearful  dis- 
closures of  Gates.  A  committee  of  investigation  was 
raised.  Guards  were  placed  in  the  cellars  of  the  Parlia- 
ment-house, for  security  against  another  gunpowder  plot.* 
The  King  was  induced  to  banish  by  proclamation  all 
Catholics,  not  householders,  from  London,  and  was  ad- 
vised to  allow  none  but  Protestants  to  cook  his  food 
or  approach  his  person. 

1  State  Trials,  VI.  1474-1492;  VII.  *  Ibid.,  297-354;  Journal  of  the 
159-250;  comp.  Burnet,  ubi  supra,  Commons,  IX.  519-547  ;  State  Trials, 
40-42.  VI.  1430-1474;  Parliamentary    His- 

2  Dalrymple,  Memoirs,  I.  44.  tory,  IV.  1006  -  1015. 

3  Journal  of  the  Lords,  XIII.  293; 
comp.  375. 


Chap.  VI.]   ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.       247 

Thus  was  at  once  expressed  and  stimulated  a  popular 
frenzy,  which  was  destined  to  be  checked  only  through 
the   experience  of  its   excesses.      The  English 

,,,,-  ,,  ,  .,.       Popular  frenzy. 

race,  habitually  wary  and  slow  to  be  excited,  is 
nevertheless  susceptible  of  the  grossest  delusions,  and 
capable,  when  under  their  sway,  of  the  wildest  extrava- 
gance. The  epidemic  folly  which,  in  other  times,  at  home 
and  in  America,  made  innocent  persons  its  victims  under 
the  charge  of  witchcraft,  was  calm  and  merciful  compared 
with  the  madness  that  at  this  period  condemned  quiet 
and  loyal  subjects  to  the  doom  of  traitors.  Gates  was 
rewarded  with  a  pension,  and  with  a  lodging  in  the  royal 
palace.     The  example  of  his  success  was  fruit- 

-■•  '■  ^  Appearance 

ful.  Dangerfield,  Turberville,  Dugdale,  Bedloe,  of  other 
Carstairs,  Jennison,  Smith,  are  some  of  the  igno- 
ble names  which  the  record  of  this  shameful  passage  in 
English  history  has  preserved.  When  the  testimony  of 
one  informer  was  discredited  by  its  preposterous  charac- 
ter or  by  other  refutation,  others  were  at  hand  freighted 
with  a  new  stock  of  fiilsehoods.  As  their  experiment  on 
the  public  credulity  gave  them  increasing  encourage- 
ment, the  effrontery  of  Gates  and  his  coadjutors  in- 
creased day  by  day.  Scroggs,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
King's  Bench,  and  his  associates  on  that  tribunal,  in- 
sulted the  witnesses  who  were  produced  for  the  accused. 
Juries,  peremptorily  instructed  by  the  court,  and  them- 
selves sharing  in  the  popular  fury,  listened  to  prosecu- 
tions with  a  verdict  of  conviction  on  their  lips. 

It  is  needless  to  recite  the  successive  acts  of  this  mon- 
strous tragedy.  The  King  feared  to  interpose,  lest  he 
should  increase  the  jealousy  of  his  being  in  Fright  and  ar- 
league  with  the  persecuted  party.  The  Treas-  "fi^^^  "f  t'»e 
urer  found  it  to  be  his  interest  to  fan  the  flame,  statesmen. 
because,  so  long  as  Parliament  should  be  busy  with  the 
Popish  plot,  it  would  be  diverted  from  the  prosecution 
of  the  impeachment  with  which  he  was  still  threatened. 


248  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND  [Book  III. 

This  position  of  Danby  seemed  to  Lord  Shaftesbury  and 
the  popular  leaders  to  leave  them  no  choice  but  to  under- 
mine him,  if  they  might,  by  a  degree  of  extravagance 
vfhich  should  make  even  his  Protestant  fervors  seem 
lukewarm.^  Far  better  men  than  any  of  these  became 
their  allies,  through  a  too  easy  faith  in  the  imposture. 
It  was  true  that  the  government  and  Church  of  England 
were  in  danger  from  Romanist  plots ;  and  Gates  and  his 
partners  had  calculated  wisely  that  a  reasonable  appre- 
hension of  hostile  designs  would  help  to  obtain  credit  for 
the  story  of  absurd  and  horrible  machinations  which  they 
invented.  The  brave  and  upright  Lord  William  Russell, 
and  not  a  few  of  the  intelligent  and  generous  patriots 
with  whom  he  counselled,  fell  into  the  snare  ;  and,  though 
too  rightrminded  to  maintain  the  reality  of  all  the  enor- 
mities which  were  reported,  they  countenanced  the  opin- 
ion that  there  was  a  basis  of  alarming  facts. 

Under  a   complication    of  patronage   so   powerful,  it 
seemed  as  if  there  was  nothing  which  the  vulgar  miscre- 
ants might  not  hazard.     Gates  produced  a  list 
of  Catholic  noblemen  and   gentlemen  who,  he 
said,  had  been  appointed  by  the  General  of  the  Jesuits 
to   high   commands  under  the   new  government   to  be 
established.     At  leno;th  he  ventured  so  far  as  to 

November  28.  "-'. 

charge  the  Queen  with  conspiring  against  her 
husband's  life,  and  to  demand  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of 
Commons  her  arraignment  for  high  treason.^     The  panic 

1  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  the  fiction  of  the  Popish  plot  in  the 
I.  546.  By  many  persons  whose  judg-  year  1678,  in  order  to  bury  the  Duke, 
ment  is  of  weight,  not  only  such  as  and  perhaps  the  King,  under  the 
were  affected  by  the  passions  of  the  weight  of  the  national  fear  and  hatred 
time,  but  writers  more  recent,  this  has  of  Popery."  (Dalrymple,  Memoirs,  I. 
been  regarded  as  far  from  being  the  43.)  "  Some  papers  I  have  seen  con- 
whole  of  Lord  Shaftesbury's  connec-  vince  me  he  contrived  it."  (Ibid.) 
tion  with  the  Popish  plot.     "  Shaftes-  2  Journal  of  the  Commons,  IX.  549  ; 

bury,  who knew  well  the  power  Journal  of  the  Lords,  XIII.  389,  391 ; 

of  popular  rumors  at  times  when  pop-  comp.  Burnet,  ubi  supra,  50  ;  Clarke, 

ular  passions  are  in  ferment,  framed  Life  of  James  the  Second,  I.  529. 


Chap.  VI.]       ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.  249 

made  by  his  pretended  disclosures  dictated  severe  meas- 
ures of  prevention.  Throughout  England  the  Persecution  of 
local  magistrates  busied  themselves  in  disarm-  •^^'*^°i'"=^- 
ing  Catholics,  and  requiring  security  for  their  good 
behavior.  It  was  said  that  in  London  two  thousand  per- 
sons were  imprisoned  under  a  charge  of  treason,  and  no 
less  than  thirty  thousand  were  banished  to  a  distance  of 
ten  miles  from  the  city  for  refusing  to  take  the  oaths  of 
allegiance  and  supremacy.  The  train-bands  kept  guard 
in  the  streets  night  and  day,  and  the  avenues  to  the 
palace  were  guarded  by  artillery.^ 

Parliament  had  not  been  in  session  three  days  before 
a  bill  was  introduced  providing  for  the  exclu-  ^  ,  .    . 

i  o  Exclusion  of 

sion  of  Catholics   from   seats   in  each    of  the  cathoncs  from 
Houses,  and  from  the   royal  councils.     It  was  ment3. 
passed  by  the  Commons  almost  without  oppo- 
sition.^    The  Lords  concurred  in  the  measure 
after  some  weeks'  delay ;  but  with  an  amendment  which 
exempted  from  its  operation  the  Duke  of  York," 
who,   as   a   measure    of   propitiation,   had   an 
nounced  to  them  in  his  place  that  he  had  withdrawn 
from  the  Privy  Council.     Greatly  to  the  disgust 
of  the  more  fervid  spirits  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, the  amendment  was  there  also  adopted  by  a  ma- 
jority of  two  votes.* 

Parliament  had  now  a  little  leisure  for  attention  to 
Lord  Dan  by.  Early  in  this  year,  he  had  reluctantly, 
under  the  King's  orders,  instructed  Montague,  then  min- 
ister in  France,  to  procure  a  pension  for  his  master  from 
Louis,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  services  rendered  to  that 
monarch  in  the  recent  negotiation  for  peace.  Montague 
availed  himself  ^f  the  turn  of  the  tide  against  the  Treas- 

1  Lingard,  History  of  England,  XII.        3  Journal  of  the  Lords,  XIII.  365. 
144,  148.  4  Journal  of  the  Commons,  IX.  543. 

2  Journal  of  the  Commons,  IX.  519  - 
522. 


3 

November  20. 


250 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  HI. 


Proceedings 
against  Lord 
Danby. 

December  19. 


December  21. 


urer,  and  came  home  to  denounce  him.  Danby  was  in- 
formed of  the  threatened  blow,  and  anticipated 
it  by  charging  Montague  before  the  Council 
with  having  been  too  intimate  with  the  Pope's 
nuncio  at  Paris.  Montague's  papers  were  seized  ; 
but  he  had  contrived  to  secrete  those  which  implicated 
the  Treasurer,  and  they  were  brought  before  the  House 
of  Commons.  Partly  upon  the  evidence  which  they  fur- 
nished of  official  misconduct,  and  partly  upon 
other  grounds,  a  vote  was  passed  to  impeach 
Danby  for  high  treason  and  for  other  crimes.^ 

The  articles  were  carried  up  to  the  House  of  Lords, 
and  that  body  fixed  a  day  for  him  to  be  put  upon  his 
trial.  But  the  King  could  not  venture  to  have  the  scru- 
tiny go  on.  An  ignominious  and  dangerous  development 
awaited  him,  if  Danby,  in  the  peril  in  which  he 
was  placed,  should  be  deterred  from  keeping 
their  joint  counsel.  Parliament  was  suddenly 
prorogued,  and  was  soon  afterwards  dissolved 
by  proclamation.^  The  members  separated  in 
a  frame  of  mind  far  different  from  that  in  which 


Dissolution  of 
the  Second 
Parliament  of 
Charles  the 
Second. 
December  30 


16T9. 
January  24. 


1  Journal  of  the  Commons,  IX. 
561  ;  Parliamentary  History,  IV. 
1053  -  1073  ;  comp.  Burnet,  ubi  supra, 
57  —  59.  On  this  occasion  the  Earl  of 
Caernarvon  made  a  speech  which  was 
thought  to  be  not  without  effect.  "  I 
know,"  he  said,  "  not  a  little  of  the 
English  history,  from  which  I  have 
learned  the  mischiefs  of  such  kinds  of 
prosecutions  as  these,  and  the  ill  fate 

of  the  prosecutors The  Earl  of 

Essex  was  run  down  by  Sir  "Walter 
Raleigh.  My  Lord  Bacon,  he  ran 
down  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  your 
Lordships  know  what  became  of  my 
Lord  Bacon.  The  Duke  of  Bucking- 
ham, he  ran  down  my  Lord  Bacon, 
and  your  Lordships  know  what  hap- 
pened to  the  Duke  of  Buckingham. 
Sir    Thomas   Wentworth,    afterwards 


Earl  of  Strafford,  ran  down  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham,  and  you  all  know  what 
became  of  him.  Sir  Harry  Vane,  he 
ran  down  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  and 
your  Lordships  know  what  became  of 
Sir  Harry  Vane.  Chancellor  Hyde, 
he  ran  down  Sir  Harry  Vane,  and 
your  Lordships  know  what  became  of 
the  Chancellor.  Sir  Thomas  Osborne, 
now  Earl  of  Danby,  ran  down  Lord 
Chancellor  Hyde  ;  but  what  will  be- 
come of  the  Earl  of  Danby,  your  Lord- 
ships best  can  tell.  But  let  me  see 
that  man  that  dare  run  the  Earl  of 
Danby  down,  and  we  shall  soon  see 
what  will  become  of  him."  (Parlia- 
mentary History,  IV.  1073.) 

2  Ibid.  1074  ;  Journal  of  the  Lords, 
XIU.  448. 


Chap.  VI.]    ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  25^ 

they  had  come  together.  This  was  the  Parliament  which, 
eighteen  years  before,  had  assembled  in  a  mad  enthusi- 
asm of  devotion  to  the  restored  King,  to  offer  him  pow- 
er even  more  despotic  than  his  indolent  nature  craved. 
His  shameful  maleadministration  had  converted  them. 
Compelled  more  and  more  to  distrust  and  despise  him, 
they  had  retraced  the  way  to  the  mood  of  that  great 
Parliament  which  had  convened  thirty-eight  years  be- 
fore. If  the  public  virtue  of  the  former  period  had 
at  the  same  time  been  recovered,  the  parallel  would 
have  presented  a  more  grateful  subject  for  contem- 
plation.^ 

The  King  saw   himself  urged   by   considerations   of 
personal  safety  to  take  a  resolute  stand,  which  the  same 
coercion  of  circumstances  made   him  maintain,  through 
two  years  more,  to  a  successful  issue.     He  summoned 
another  Parliament.     The  elections  were  carried  Meeting  of 
on  amidst  unprecedented   excitement,^  and  the  paHiament 
new  House  of  Commons  proved  to  be  even  more  °^^J'g^^p''^^'j 
hostile  to  him  than  the  last  had  become.     Lord   March  e. 
Danby  saw  the  storm  that  was  brewing,  and  prevailed 
on  the  King  to  send  his  brother  to  the  Continent;  and 
the    Duke    accordingly    withdrew    to    Brussels, 

.  ^         •         T     n  /^i         1  T        1  •  March  4. 

havmg  first  obtamed  from  Charles  a  declaration, 
made  in  the  presence  of  the  Council,  of  the  illegitimacy 
of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.     Parliament,  on  coming  to- 
gether, insisted  so  pertinaciously  on  the  right  to  choose 
its  Speaker,  that,  at  lens^th,  the  Kind's  candi- 

.  .  March  22. 

date  was  withdrawn.^      It  immediately  revived 

1  "  Thus  ended  that  Parliament,"  so  broken  for  endeavoring  with  as  much 

reflected   the   Duke  of  York,  "  which  ardor  and  earnestness  to  pull  it  down 

had  sat  seventeen  years,  and  had  been  again."      (Clarke,  Life  of  James  the 

assembledjto  heal  those  national  wounds  Second,  I.  535.) 

which  had  bled  nearly  twenty  years  2  Burnet,  ubi  supra,  II.   75 ;  North, 

before  ;  and  though  it  had  then  con-  "  Examen,"  504 ;  Parliamentary   Ilis- 

curred   with   inexpressible  joy  to  re-  tory,  IV.  1077,  1078. 

establish    injured    monarchy,    it    was  3  Jbid.,  1091  - 1111. 


252  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

the  impeachment  of  the  Treasurer ;   and  by  a  vote  of 

the   Lords   he   was   committed    to    the    Tower.^ 

When  brought  again  to  the  bar  of  that  House, 

^  ^.j25     he  pleaded  a  pardon  which  had  been  granted  him 

by  the  King.     The  Lower  House  rephed,  that 

^^^^'      the  royal  pardon  gave  no  protection  Against  a 

process  instituted   by  the  Commons  of  England.^     The 

question  was  one  of  such  delicacy  as  scarcely  admitted 

of  a  speedy  settlement,  and   other  matters  intervened 

to  postpone  it. 

Sir  William  Temple  was  summoned  to  advise  the  King. 
He  represented  that  the  existing  exigencies  called  for 
the  adoption  of  a  new  method  of  carrying  on  the  gov- 
ernment, such  as  should  remove  causes  of  mutual  dissat- 
New  scheme  i^f^^tion,  and  engage  the  leaders  of  the  popular 
for  a  minis-    movemeut  in  the  maintenance  of  the  roval  au- 

try.  .         o  .  . 

thority.  His  plan  was  adopted ;  and  a  Privy 
Council  was  formed,  without  whose  approbation  the 
King  declared  that  he  would  take  no  important  step.* 
It  consisted  of  thirty  noblemen  and  gentlemen,  desig- 
nated by  himself,  half  of  them  being  high  functionaries 
of  the  government,  the  other  half  persons  without  offi- 
cial station.  Lord  Shaftesbury  was  a  member,  as  were 
also  the  Earls  of  Essex,  Sunderland,  and  Halifax,  and 
Lord  William  Russell,  with  others  more  or  less  pledged 
to  the  popular  doctrines. 

The  scheme  came  to  nothing.  The  King  could  not 
overcome  his  disgust  for  the  advisers  whom  he  had  re- 
luctantly consented  to  receive  3  and  they,  finding  them- 

1  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  1114  -  (Report  of  Sir  Francis  Withington, 
1121;  Journals  of  the  Commons,  IX.  April  28,  in  "  Collection  of  Some 
574  ;  Journals  of  the  Lords,  XIII.  521.  Memorable    and    Weighty     Passages, 

2  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  1129;  in  relation  to  the  Impeachment  of 
Journals   of  the    Commons,  IX.    612.  Thomas,  Earl  of  Danby,"  19.) 

"  We  find  no  precedent  that  ever  any         3  Works  of  Sir  William  Temple,  II. 

pardon  was  granted  to  any  person  im-     506  -511. 

peached  by  the  Commons  of  treason."         4  Journals  of  the  Lords,  XIII.  530. 


Chap.  VI.]     ENGLAND   UNDER  CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  253 

selves  little  regarded,  and  not  even  punctually  summoned 
to  the  royal  consultations,  gradually  withdrew  from  the 
unprofitable  service,^  to  revert  to  the  policy  of  coer- 
cion. So  absolute  was  their  control  at  this  time  over 
the  House  of  Commons,  that  they  brought  that  Proceedings 
body  to  a  unanimous  resolution,  —  and  that  DukroVyork. 
on  a  Sunday,  —  "that  the  Duke  of  York's  being  ^p"'^?. 
a  Papist,  and  the  hopes  of  his  coming  such  to  the 
crown,  had  given  the  greatest  countenance  and  en- 
couragement to  the  present  conspiracies  and  designs 
of  the  Papists  against  the  King  and  the  Protestant 
religion."^     The  motion  was  rnade  by  Mr.  Hampden. 

It  was  now  manifest  that  the  fear  of  Catholic  as- 
cendency in  England  would  take  the  practical  form  of 
an  attempt  to  exclude  the  Catholic  Duke  of  York,  by 
Act  of  Parliament,  from  the  succession  to  the  crown. 
The  steadfastness  of  the  King's  opposition  to  this  meas- 
ure seemed  so  foreign  to  the  levity  and  selfishness  of 
his  character  as  to  occasion  surprise.  But  it  is  to  be 
remembered  that  the  danger  of  a  Popish  successor  must 
.have  appeared  to  him  to  be  his  own  best  security.  If 
the  succession  should  be  so  settled,  that  his  own  death 
or  deposition  would  make  way  for  a  prince  of  un- 
questionable Protestant  principles  to  ascend  the  throne, 
the  existing  anxiety  of  his  Protestant  subjects  for  the 
safety  of  his  person  might  reasonably  be  expected  to 
abate.^ 

1  Works  of  Sir  William  Temple,  IL  He  quotes  his  episcopal  opponent  as  say- 
618.  ing  in  behalf  of  Churchmen  :   "  They 

2  Journals  of  the  Commons,  XIIL  had  these  objections  against  that  de- 
605  ;  Parliamentary  History,  lY.  1127;  sign;  that  this  design  was  only  an  in- 
Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  troduction  to  some  others  which  durst 
L  547.  not   yet   be   owned; and   that 

3  I  find  an  illustration  of  this  thought  men  of  republican  principles  began 
in  that  forgotten  book,  James  Peirce's  with  disinheriting  one  person  of  the 
"  Vindication  of  the  Dissenters,"  &c.,  royal  family,  to  make  way  for  the  ex- 
published  in  1718,  when  the  traditions  tirpation  of  the  whole."  (Vindica- 
of  the  Exclusion  Bill  were  still  fresh,  tion,   &c.,  pp.   249,   250.)     From  this 

VOL.  in.  22 


254  HISTORY  OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

He  played  his  part  at  this  period  with  prudence  as  well 
as  with  constancy.  Endeavoring  to  disarm  the  popular 
rage  by  concessions,  he  professed  his  willingness  to  adopt 
any  measures  which  the  wisdom  of  Parliament  might 
account  necessary  to  protect  the  Protestant  religion  of 
England  against  a  Popish  sovereign.     He  offered 

April  30.  I'liiii  1" 

to  consent  to  a  law,  which  should  take  ecclesias- 
tical preferments  out  of  the  hands  of  any  king  of  that 
persuasion  and  intrust  them  to  the  bishops,  and  which 
should  in  like  manner  deprive  a  Catholic  monarch  of  the 
power  of  appointing  or  removing  judges,  privy  counsel- 
lors, and  officers  of  the  militia  and  of  the  navy,  without 
the  consent  of  Parliament.  He  added,  that  he  was  ready 
to  accede  to  any  further  restriction  that  might  be  thought 
needful,  and  that  would  not  violate  the  established  order 
of  hereditary  succession.-^ 

But  the  patriot  leaders  refused  to  be  persuaded  that 
religion  and  liberty  would  be  safe,  if,  under  any  condi- 
tions, the  Duke  were  to  come  to  the  throne.  By  a 
majority  of  seventy-nine,  the  House  of  Commons  sent 
Exclusion  Bill,  to  a  Committco  of  the  Whole  a  bill  to  exclude 
May  21.  j^'j^  forcvor  from  the  succession.  At  the  King's 
death  the  crown  was  to  pass  to  the  next  heir  after  his 
brother,  and  the  Duke  was  to  be  adjudged  guilty  of 
treason,  if  he  sliDuld  pretend  to  perform  any  act  of 
sovereignty,  or  should  so  much  as  come  within  the 
realm.^  Unfortunately  for  the  prompt  advancement  of 
this  object,  the  Commons  determined  to  press  on  the 
other  House  the  impeachment  of  Lord  Danby,  and  the 
question  of  the  validity  of  his  pardon  from  the  King.^ 
The  prosecution  of  this  impeachment  would  have  dis- 
able treatise  there  is  a  great  deal  to  l  Journals  of  the  Lords,  XIII.  54  7 ; 
be  learned,  which  I  have  not  seen  so  Pari.  Hist.,  IV.  1128,  1129. 
fully  stated  elsewhere,  in  relation  to  2  Ibid.,  1136  ;  Journals  of  the  Corn- 
the  perfidious  and  cruel  treatment  of    mons,  IX.  626. 

Dissenters  in  these  years.      (See,  for         3  Journals   of   the    Commons,   IX. 
examples,  pp.  242,  243,  255-261.)  631-633. 


Chap.  VI.]       ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.  255 

closed  the  baseness  of  the  King's  negotiations  with 
France ;  and  he  had  thus  a  twofold  reason  for  putting 
an  end  to  the  debates.     Without  so  much  as  ^.   , ,.     , 

Diasolution  of 

consulting   with    his   newly-made    Council,   he  theTWrd 

11  -ni'  1  Ti-  Parliament. 

prorogued   the   rarliament,  and   a   dissolution     May  27. 
speedily  followed.-^  Juiyio. 

Another  Parliament  was  convoked,  for  the  King  was 
always  in  want  of  supplies.  But,  before  the  day  appointed 
for  the  meeting,  the  King  of  France  agreed  to  provide  the 
money  that  was  immediately  needed ;  ^  and  a  prorogation 
was  published,  which  was  afterwards  extended  for  a  year. 
Meantime  the  popular  leaders  began  to  put  forward  the 
claims  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  as  heir  to  The  Duke  of 
the  throne.  He  was  the  favorite  son  of  the  M"'^"'^- 
King,  borne  to  him  by  a  Welsh  girl  whom  it  was  pre- 
tended that  he  had  privately  married.  Monmouth,  who 
^was  now  thirty  years  old,  possessed  some  attractive  quali- 
ties, which,  added  to  his  uncommon  personal  beauty,^ 
made  him  fit  to  be  a  popular  idol.  Lord  Shaftesbury,  who 
saw  himself  to  have  gone  so  far  that  his  only  safety  lay 
in  pressing  on  to  the  ruin  of  the  prince  whom  , , 

i-  a  L  Informalion 

he   had    provoked,   went   with   an   attendance  against  the 
of  Lords  and  eminent  Commoners  before  the       leso. 
grand  jury  of  Westminster,  and,  presenting  an     ^''''^^^^■ 

1  Ibid.,  634;  Journals  of  the  Lords,  complete  restitution  of  English  liberty, 

XIIL  596  ;  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  for  the  first  time  since  its  total  aboli- 

Second,  L  547-554.      The   last  day  tion  at  the  conquest."     But  for  some 

but  two  of  the  session  was  signalized  wretched   years   it   was   a   restitution 

in   British  history  by  the   passage  of  only  in  name. 

the  Habeas  Corpus  Act.     (Pari.  Hist.,        2  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second, 

IV.  1149.)     It  is  a  very  singular  fact,  I.  564. 

but  well  established,  that  it  weis  passed         3   "  Exquisitely    beautiful."      (Dal- 

by  a  miscount  of  the  vote  on  a  division  rymple.  Memoirs  of  Great  Britain  and 

in  the  House  of  Commons.      (Amos,  Ireland,  I.   47.)     His  beauty  and  his 

The  English   Constitution,   &c.,   191-  mother's  notorious  frailty  brought  his 

194.)      It   had   passed   the    Commons  paternity   into   question.      One   story 

four  years   before.      (Pari.  Hist.,  IV.  was  that  he  was  the  son  of  Algernon 

661,    665.)      From    the     passage    of  Sidney's   brother    Robert,   "the   most 

this  Act,  says  Blackstone  (Commen-  beautiful  man  of  the  age."  (Ibid.  48.) 
taries,  IV.  438),  may  be  dated  "the 


256  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

information  against  the  Duke  of  York,  asked  for  pro- 
ceedings against  him  as  a  Popish  recusant.  The  judges 
parried  this  blow  by  discharging  the  jury.^  Petitions  in 
great  numbers  were  brought  to  the  King,  praying  him 
to  convoke  the  Parhament.  The  court  party  repUed 
with  memorials  expressing  their  ahJwrrence  of  this  attempt 
to  coerce  the  sovereign.^  The  opponents  and  the  friends 
New  names  of  of  high  prcrogative  were  now  distinguished  by 
parties.  ^^  namcs   of  Petitioners  and  Abhoirers,  which, 

however,  were  soon  superseded  by  the  appellations,  still 
in  use,  of  Whig  and  Tory? 

At  length  King  Charles's  Fourth  Parliament  met ;  but 
Fourth  Pariia-   it  was  not  allowcd  to  transact  business  till  after 
thrsetond'"^'^^  a  year,  and  after  seven  prorogations.*     Its  first 
October  17.     procccding,  when  it  got  to  work,  was  to  listen 
to  an  information,  from  Dangerfield,  of  treasons  of  the 
Duke  of  York,  including  a  conspiracy  against- 
the  life  of  the  King.^     The  Bill  of  Exclusion 
was.  again  introduced,  and  was  debated  for  a  week.     It 
passed   the  House  of  Commons,^  but,  after  a 
vehement  discussion,  in  which  the  Earl  of  Hali- 
fax exerted  his  extraordinary  eloquence  against  it,  was 
thrown  out  by  the  Lords.''     A  sharp  altercation  followed 
between  the  Commons  and  the  court,  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  which  the  Komanist  Earl  of  Stafford,  informed 

• 

1    State    Trials,    VIII.    179,    180;  (Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  I. 

Journals   of  the   Commons,   IX.   688.  591.) 

The   Commons   resolved   unanimously  2  Burnet,  uhi  supra,  112. 

(Ibid.  691),  that  the  conduct  of  the  3  Rapin,  History  of  England,  11.  712. 

judges,  on   this  occasion,  was  "  arbi-  4  Journals  of  the  Commons,  IX.  637, 

trary  and  illegal,  destructive  to  public  638. 

justice,  a  manifest  violation  of  their  &  Ibid.,  IX.  640  ;  comp.  Journals  of 
oaths,  and  a  means  to  subvert  the  fun-  the  I^ords,  XHI.  667  -  679. 
damental  laws  of  this  kingdom,  and  to  ^  Journals  of  the  Commons,  IX.  651  ; 
introduce  Popery."  Shaftesbury,  when  comp.  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Sec- 
he  made  the  information  against  the  ond,  I.  601-613. 
Duke,  "desired,  at  the  same  time,  the  '  Pai-liamentary  History,  IV.  1215; 
Duchess  of  Portsmouth  might  be  pre-  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  I. 
sented  too   as  a   common  nuisance."  615-619. 


Chap.  VI.]   ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.      257 

against  by  Gates  and  his  comrades,  was  con-  conviction  and 
demned  and  executed  for  treason.^     The  con-  V'^T^^'V'^a 

Lord  Stafford. 

test  was  suspended  by  a  prorogation  of  the  Par-  December  29. 

Hament,  which  was  immediately  followed  by  a  oig^oiution  of 

dissolution.^     The   tide  had  begun  sensibly  to  parliament. 

turn.     The  enormities  of  the  informers  had  be-  January  10. 

„  ,  ,  ,.  IT  January  18. 

come  too  gross  tor  the  public  credulity  or 
patience.  The  pressure  upon  the  King  to  make  him  do 
violence  to  his  fraternal  feelings  seemed  to  many  minds 
ungenerous.  He  felt  strong  enough  to  take  the  un- 
usual step  of  convoking  his  next  Parliament  at  Oxford, 
where  he  would  be  out  of  reach  of  the  tumults  of  the 
capital. 

The  interval  before  its  meeting  was  dexterously  and 
successfully  employed  by  the  King  in  preparing  himself 
to  set  it  at  defiance.  The  reconciliation  with  his  people, 
which  he  despaired  of  making  on  any  terms  tolerable  to 
himself,  but  without  which  he  would  absolutely  need 
some  other  resource  for  a  supply  of  money,  was  a  con- 
summation equally  dreaded  by  the  King  of  France, 
against  whom  it  would  have  consolidated  a  formidable 
power.      Parties  so   clearly  united  in  interest 

1  T  1  1  •  •  -r.  Treaty  for  a 

could  not  be  long  in  coming  to  terms.     By  a  French  sub- 
secret  treaty,  to  which  no  one  was  privy  except  ^"^^' 
the  contracting  monarchs  and    one   counsellor  on  each 
side,  Louis  engaged  to  pay  to  the  King  of  England  two 
millions  of  livres  immediately,  and  five  hundred  thousand 
crowns  in  each  of  the  next  two  years.^ 

Accordingly,  when  Parliament  met,  the  King  addressed 
them  with  the  confidence  of  a  person  secure  of 

■••  Fifth  and  last 

his  position.     Again  he  proposed  to  them  the  Parliament  of 
measure,  which  had  been  before  rejected,  for  seM 
restraining  the  regal  power,  should  it  devolve    ^^'"^  ^^' 

1  State    Trials,   VH.    1294  -  1567  ;  2  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  1295. 

Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  L  3  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second, 

635-637.  1664,715. 
22* 


March  24 -26. 


258  HISTOEY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

on  a  Papist,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  protect  the  National 
Church.^  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  he  renewed 
this  oifer  for  the  mere  purpose  of  forcing  the  Whigs 
into  the  attitude  of  an  unreasonable  and  passionate 
faction.  As  he  expected,  the  House  of  Commons  re- 
jected the  proposal,  and  voted  that  a  Bill  of 
Exclusion  should  be  drawn.^  He  had  been  ready 
for  this  exigency  since  the  time  when  the  treaty  for  his 
subsidies  was  signed.  To  the  astonishment  of  all  Eng- 
land,—  not  more  to  the  surprise  of  the  statesmen  on 
both  sides  than  to  that  of  his  household  attendants, 
and  even  of  his  favorite  mistress,  —  he  went  the  next 
day  without  state  to  the  House  of  Lords,  sent  for  the 
,  ,.   ,       Commons,   and   dissolved   the   Parliament.^      It 

Its  diesolu-  ^ 

tion.  was   the  last  Parliament  which   came   together 

March  27.     .         ,   .  .  „  .  ^         c> 

m  his  reign.      (Jnce  more   the   government  oi 
England  was  vested  in  the  King. 

Some  of  the  shameless  informers,  whom  'the  Whigs 
had  so  dishonored  and  harmed  themselves  by  employ- 
ing, now  took  the  new  path  which  opened  itself  to 
Prosecutions  thclr  avarlcc,  and  enlisted  in  the  service  of 
by  the  court,  ^j^g  court.  Thc  first  victim  on  the  now  de- 
feated side  was  a  person  named  College,  who  had  ex- 
posed himself  by  some  intemperate  language  at  Oxford, 
while  the  recent  Parliament  sat  there.  He  was  indicted 
for  a  conspiracy  to  seize  the  person  of  the  King.  Dug- 
dale  and  Turberville  were  used  as  witnesses  against 
him.     Oates's  testimony  impeached  theirs.     The  jury  was 

incHned  to  believe  the  worst.     College  was  con- 
August  31.      . 

victed  and  executed.* 

Lord  Shaftesbury  was  a  more  shining  mark.     By  wit- 

1  Journals  of  the  Lords,  XIII.  745,  Roger  North  (Examen,  98-107)  ex- 
746.  pounds  the  policy  of  the  courtiers  at 

2  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  1307-  the   Parliament   of    Oxford,   and   ex- 
1311,  1318-1331.  presses  {more  sud)  their  exultation  at 

3  Ibid.,  IV.  1339;    Clarke,   Life  of  the  King's  triumph. 

James    the    Second,    667,    670-673.        4  State  Trials,  VIIL  550  -  746. 


Chap.  VI.]     ENGLAND   UNDER   CHARLES   THE   SECOND.  259 

nesses  whom  he  had  formerly  employed,  he  was  cioseofLord 

T         C    ^  '  ^  lj.1  J.  •  Shaftesbury's 

accused   oi    havmg   suborned   them    to   perjury  pubuc career. 
against  the  Queen  and  the  Duke  of  York.     He     ''"'^^• 
was  committed  to  the  Tower,  and  an  information  against 
him  for  treasonable  machinations  during  the  late 
Parliament  was  laid  before  the  grand  jury.     The 
Sheriffs  of  London  were  Whigs,  and  the  jury,  named  by 
them,  threw  out  the  bill.^ 

This  time  the  court  was  baffled  ;  but  measures 
were  immediately  taken  to  obtain  a  great  revenge,  and 
they  introduced  a  course  of  proceeding  of  the  utmost 
practical  efficiency.  Now  that  Parliaments  were  dis- 
used, whatever  organized  power  still  remained  capable 
of  resistance  to  the  despotic  measures  of  the  court 
resided  in  the  municipal  corporations.  It  was  resolved 
to  take  advantage  of  the  broken  spirit  of  the  time  to 
humble  and  disable  them,  and  the  King  was  advised  to 
begin  with  the  city  of  London.  The  city  was  cited  by  a 
writ  of  quo  warranto  before  the  Court  of  King's  vacating  of 
Bench,  to  show  cause  whv  it  should  not  lose  ''>«<'^"ter 

'  ...  of  the  City 

its  charter  for  acts  of  maleadministration,  the  of  London, 
offences  charged  being  the  imposition  of  a  tax  on  arti- 
cles of  commerce  brought  within  its  limits,  and  the 
circulation  of  a  petition  in  which  the  King  was  tra- 
duced as  having,  by  "the  late  prorogation"  of  Parlia- 
ment, interrupted  "  the  prosecution  of  the  public  justice 
of  the  kingdom,  and  the  making  the  provisions  neces- 
sary for  the  preservation  of  his  Majesty  and  his  Prot- 
estant subjects."^  In  behalf  of  the  city  it  was  argued 
that  the  tax  complained  of  was  just,  necessary,  and 
conformable   to  ancient   practice,  and   that   the    by-law 

1  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  nificent  partisan  sketches  in  Dryden's 

I.   687-689,    713,   714;  State  Trials,  "  Absalom  and  Achitophel,"  "  Medal," 

Vin.  759-821.     Let  the  reader,  who  "  Religio  Laici,"  and  "The  Hind  and 

wishes  to  understand  the  proceedings,  the  Panther." 

the  doctrines,  and  the  passions  of  that         2  Xhe   petition    is    in    the    Somers 

time,  by  no  means  overlook  the  mag-  Tracts,  VIU.  144. 


260  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

by  which  it  was  levied  was  within  the  powers  conferred 
by  the  charter;  that  the  language  of  the  petition  was 
not  seditions,  but  suitable  to  the  piu^poses,  and  not  ex- 
ceeding the  lawful  privilege,  of  such  a  document;  and 
that,  at  all  events,  it  was  a  proceeding  unknown  to 
the  law  of  England  to  punish  the  whole  of  a  numerous 
community  for  an  act  which,  if  criminal,  was  chargeable 
only  upon  the  persons  whom  they  had  temporarily  in- 
vested with  authority  to  manage  their  affairs. 

The  prosecution  prevailed,  and  the  judges  solemnly 
decreed  that  "  the  franchise  of  the  city  of  London  should 
1683.  be  seized  into  the  King's  hands."  ^  That  great 
June  12.  corporation  which,  all  through  the  history  of 
England,  had  maintained  a  sort  of  republican  sover- 
eignty, and  which,  forty  years  before,  had  turned  the 
scale  that  held  the  government  and  the  life  of  Charles 
the  First,  was  now  at  the  mercy  of  his  son.  The  Com- 
mon Council  presented  an  humble  petition,  imploring 
the  royal  forgiveness.  It  was  granted  on  terms  which 
secured  the  object  for  which  the  proceeding  had  been 
instituted.  The  city  received  its  charter  again,  but  with 
a  provision  which  gave  the  King  a  negative  voice  in 
its  elections  of  magistrates.  The  example  was  not  lost. 
Several  boroughs  hastened  to  make  a  merit  of  a  prompt 
show  of  loyalty,  and  to  obtain  moderate  terms  of  submis- 
sion by  not  waitino^  to  be  prosecuted.     Writs  of 

Disfranchise-  •'  _*-'  ■*■  , 

ment  of  other  quo  warrauto  were  issued  against  the  more  refrac- 
corporations.   ^^^y^  ^^^  ^l^g  forfciturc  whlch,  under  the  adminis- 

tion  of  Jeffreys,  lately  made  Chief  Justice  of  the  King's 
Bench,  was  sure  to  follow,  was  succeeded  by  the  granting 
of  new  charters  shorn  of  the  ancient  liberal  provisions 
which  had  enabled  the  corporations  to  offend  the  court.^ 

1  State  Trials,  VIII.  1039-1270;  may  be  seen  in  North's  "  Examen,"  a 
Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  vindication  "  of  the  Honor  of  the  late 
I.  737.  King    Charles    the    Second,    and    his 

2  The  importance  attached  by  the  Happy  Reign,"  624-644. 
courtiers  to  this  series  of  transactions 


Chap.  VI.]       ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.  261 

The  patriot  party  were  not  prepared  to  acquiesce  in 
their  defeat,  and  wait  till  another  reaction  of  the  public 
mind  should  afford  opportunity  to  recover  their  lost  ground 
by  constitutional  proceedings.  The  present  disgrace,  and 
the  apprehension  of  a  Popish  successor  to  the  conferences  of 
throne,  seemed  intolerable.  Some  of  the  lead-  '^'^  '^'"^"'• 
ers  held  secret  meetings  for  consultation  on  violent 
methods  of  redress.  Plans  for  risings  in  different  parts 
of  England  were  discussed,  and  a  correspondence  was 
established  with  the  sufferers  from  ecclesiastical  despot- 
ism in  Scotland,  and  especially  with  the  Earl  of  Argyll. 
Among  the  eminent  jDcrsons  who  more  or  less  took  part 
in  these  communications  were  the  Duke  of  Monmouth, 
the  Earl  of  Essex,  Lord  William  Russell,  son  of  the  Earl 
of  Bedford,  and  Algernon  Sidney,  son  of  the  Earl  of 
Leicester.  They,  with  Lord  Howard,  and  John  Hamp- 
den, grandson  of  the  illustrious  patriot  of  the  Long  Par- 
liament, constituted  an  executive  committee,  which  was 
called  the  "  Council  of  Six." 

Simultaneously  with  these  consultations,  there  was 
going  on,  in  a  different  circle,  a  movement  of  a  less  cau- 
tious character.  A  knot  of  restless  men,  among  whom 
were  a  few  lawyers,  some  merchants,  and  two  field  offi- 
cers of  Cromwell's  old  army,  had  a  scheme  of  their  own, 
which  took  shape  in  arrangements  for  the  assassination 
of  the  King  and  his  brother.  The  King  was  in  The  Rye-House 
the  habit  of  going  to  the  annual  races  at  New-  ^'°''" 
market.  On  the  way  to  that  place  was  a  farm,  with  a 
house  called  the  Ri/e-House,  belonging  to  Rumbald,  one 
of  the  conspirators.  He  proposed  to  his  associates  that 
they  should  here  stop  the  King's  carriage  by  overturning 
a  wagon  in  the  road,  and  then  shoot  him  from  behind  a 
hedge. 

One  of  these  plotters,  a  tradesman  of  London,  named 
Keyling,  had  offended  the  court  by  some  pro-       igsa. 
ceedings  in  relation  to  the  conflict  with  the  city.      '^'^°*  ^^' 


262  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Apprehensive  of  the  consequences,  he  determined  to  pro- 
tect himself  by  a  disclosure  of  his  secret  to  the  Secretary 
of  State.^      His  associates   obtained   intelligence    of  his 
treachery,  and  most  of  them  immediately  found  hiding- 
places.     One  however,  named  Barber,  was  apprehended, 
and    made    a    confession  which    corroborated    Keyling's 
story.^     Another,  Colonel  Rumsey,  was  acquainted  with 
the  existence  of  the  "  Council  of  Six,"  though  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  had  any  confidential  relations  with  that 
body.     He  informed  against    the   person  (one 
Shepard,  a  city  merchant)  at  whose  house  the 
Council  was  used  to  assemble,  and  he  in  turn  was  pre- 
vailed  upon  by  threats   and    promises   to   tell 

Arrest  of  Whig  "^  "^  n       i       • 

leaders.  what  hc  profcssed  to  know  of  their  proceed- 

ings.^ Essex,  Howard,  Russell,  Sidney,  and 
Hampden  were  immediately  apprehended  on  his  evidence. 
The  Duke  of  Monmouth  surrendered  himself,  and  obtained 
a  pardon  from  his  doting  father,  but,  still  deeming  his 
position  insecure,  passed  over  privately  to  Zealand.* 
Lord  Grey,  who  was  implicated  by  the  disclosures  that 
were  made,  also  escaped  to  the  Continent.^  Shaftesbury, 
who  had  beeji  actively  concerned  in  the  movement, 
had,  at  an  earlier  stage,  become  disgusted  by  its  slow 
progress;  and  despairing  of  its  issue,  and  alarmed  for  his 
own  safety,  had  withdrawn  to  Holland,  where 

January  23.      ,  ,  . 

he  died  before  the  exposure  took  place. 
The  trial  of  three  of  the  Rye-House  conspirators,  who 

were  convicted  and  executed,^  prepared  the  way  for  a 
proceeding  of  vastly  greater  interest  to  all  par- 
ties in  the  Eno;lish  nation.      Before  the   rao;e 

excited  by  the  developments  of  a  plot  for  the  assassina- 

1  State  Trials,  IX.  353-371.  5  State  Trials,  IX.  499  -  502. 

2  Ibid.,  383,  384.  6  Ibid.,  519-578,  638-654. 

3  Ibid.,  374-383,  393,  596,  600. 

4  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second, 
1.  738-744. 


ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.      263 

e  King  had  had  time  to  subside,  Lord  William 
iS  brought  to  the  bar.     On  the  whole,  no  man 
ae  held  a  higher  place  in  the  esteem  Trial  and  con- 
ntrymen.     If  not  possessed  of  shining  ^^iJl^^J'^is-" 
lis  courage,  constancy,  disinterested-  *="• 

zeal  commanded  as  well  the  respect  of  his 
!S  as  the  perfect  confidence  of  his  friends.     The 
fortune  to  which  he  was  born  were  of  the  best 
gdom.     Tlie  "  sweet  saint,"  his  wife,  was  daugh- 
Earl  of  Southampton,  whose  influence  at  court 
ily  equalled  by  that  of  any  other  upright  man. 
impossible  for  the  court  to  spare  Russell's  life, 
lad   got  him  in  its  power.      His  pertinacious 
opposition  to  it  through  his  whole  public  career,  and 
his  ardent  advocacy  of  the   exclusion  of  the 
York  from  the  throne,  marked  him  out  for  a 
ample.     Rumsey  testified  that  the  Council,  in 
lai.s.seir     presence,  had  considered  a  plan  for  disarming 
the  roj;i    guard.     Lord  Howard  also  became  King's  evi- 
dence, aic.  swore  that  Russell  had  consulted  with  the  rest 
of  the  Council  as  to  the  best  place  for  a  military  rising. 
The  prisiiier  denied  having  been  a  party  to  either  of  these 
schemes,   md  objected  to  the  credit  of  the  witnesses,  as 
•     't'   ■■      under  influences  of  fear  and  favor,  and  to  the 
of  their  evidence,  if  received,  to  establish  the 
reason,  so  precisely  defined  by  ancient  statute, 
ruled  the  law  against  him.     The  jury  found 
ice  credible  and  sufficient,  and  brought  in  a 
guilty.     His  wife  solicited  his  pardon  from  the 
fi:om  the  Duke.      The  Earl  of  Bedford,  his 
leavored  to  buy,  with  a  large  sum  of  money, 
ice  of  the  Duchess  of  Portsmouth.     But  the 
f  revenge  for  so  long  a  series  of  annoyances 
fications  was  too  great  for  the  King,  his  mis- 
tiis  brother  to  forego.     That  triumph  over  the 
bearing  Whig  party,  which  would  be  signalized 


254  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

by  the  ruin  of  such  a  champion,  was  too  great  a  luxury 
to  be  only  moderately  tasted.  At  the  end  of  a  week 
His  execution,  ^om  his  tHal,  Eussell  was  executed  in  Lincoln's 

July  21.  jjjj^  Fields,  in  London,  maintaining  to  the  last 
the  dignity  and  calmness  which,  through  the  vicissitudes 
of  a  stormy  life,  had  marked  him  as  prepared  for  any 
fortune.^ 

On  the  day  of  Eussell's  arraignment,  the  Earl  of 
Essex,  a  man  of  melancholy  constitution,  committed 
Trial  of  suicide  in  the  Tower.^  After  a  pause  of  four 
Algernon      -months,  Algemon  Sidney  was  brouarht  to  trial 

Sidney.  ?  O  J  o 

November  21.  beforc  thc  Court  of  King's  Bench.  Jeffreys, 
who  now  presided  in  that  Court,  after  being  frightened 
by  the  Whigs  into  resigning  the  place  of  Recorder  of 
London,^  was  a  man  of  low  origin,  boisterous  in  man- 
ners, brutal  in  his  temper,  and  profligate  in  his  life. 
But  he  had  obtained  a  reputation  at  the  bar  for  shrewd- 
ness and  professional  learning.  It  may  be  presumed 
that  they  who  recommended  him  to  the  Kin^  for  the 
great  advancement  now  attained  by  him  had  made 
their  observations  as  to  his  capacity  for  the  services 
which  in  their  judgment  the  times  required,  and  that 
they  had  assured  themselves  that  no  scruples  would 
stand  in  the  way  of  his  revenge  or  his  ambition. 

Sidney,  notwithstanding  his  lofty  Hneage,  had  early 
adopted  republican  opinions,  and  had  been  in  his  youth 

1  State  Trials,  IX.  578-636,  683-  servation,  that  the  Earl  of  Essex  was 
696  ;  Lord  John  Russell,  Life  of  Wil-  murdered,  in  order  to  their  compassing 
Ham  Lord  Russell,  11.  98-107,262-  the  murder  of  my  Lord  Russell.  For 
282.  the  murder  was  so  contrived,  as  that 

2  Such  is  the  received  statement  of  the  news  of  it  might  come  just  as  my 
the  manner  of  Lord  Essex's  death.  Lord  Russell  was  at  the  bar,  and  the 
But  there  was  also  a  different  opinion  Attorney-General  and  the  Lord  Chief 
on  the  subject.  Peirce  (Vindication,  Justice  made  great  use  of  this  as  an 
&c.,  254)  mentions  some  facts  incon-  evidence  of  my  Lord's  guilt."  (Comp. 
sistent  with  the  idea  that  Essex  died  by  State  Trials,  IX.  602,  603.) 

his  own  hand,  and  adds :  "  'T  was  plain  3  Lord  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Chan- 
to  any  man  that  would  make  any  ob-    cellors.  III.  521. 


Chap.  VL]       ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.  265 

a  zealous  actor  in  the  movements  which  preceded  the 
elevation  of  Cromwell.  Rejecting  the  friendship  of  the 
Protector,  he  withdrew  to  the  Continent,  and  there  re- 
mained till  seventeen  years  had  passed  after  the  reinsti- 
tiition  of  the  monarchy.  Having  then  obtained  a  pardon 
and  returned  home,  he  entered  actively  into  the  politics 
of  the  opponents  of  the  court ;  and  no  man,  unless  it  were 
Lord  Shaftesbury,  was  regarded  by  the  Tories  with  so 
much  personal  antipathy.  At  his  trial,  the  defects  in 
the  unsatisfactory  evidence  of  Lord  Howard  were  su[> 
plied  by  some  papers,  found  in  the  prisoner's  apartment 
and  said  to  be  in  his  handwriting,  in  which  were  asserted 
the  doctrines  of  the  superiority  of  popular  institutions  to 
monarchy,  and  the  lawfulness  of  resistance  to  despotic 
government.  The  prisoner  argued  that,  by  whomsoever 
written,  the  appearance  of  these  papers  indicated  them 
to  be  productions  of  no  recent  date ;  that  they  had  not 
been  proved  to  be  his  composition ;  and  finally  that  they 
had  never  been  published  by  him,  and  so  could  at  most  be 
only  regarded  as  something  on  which  he  had  employed 
his  private  leisure.  Whatever  had  in  fact  been  his  legal 
criminality,  there  was  an  utter  failure  of  the  conditions 
of  a  legal  conviction.  But  the  Chief  Justice  was  resolved 
to  recommend  himself  on  this  first  great  occasion  -,  the 
new  form  of  popular  madness  had  infected  the  jury ;  and, 
after  a  consultation  so  brief  as  to  seem  only 
formal,  the  prisoner  was  found  a;uilty.  He  met  ^^^^  ^^ 
his  fate  with  the  lofty  constancy  that  had  illus-  December? 
trated  all  his  life.^ 

The  extravagance  of  the  Whigs  in  their  prosecution  of 
the  alleged  Romish  plot,  especially  in  their  use  of  the  evi- 
dence of  Gates  and  his  partners,  had  begun  the  reaction 
against  their  influence ;  their  resolute  adherence  to  the 
policy  of  excluding  the  Duke  of  York  from  the  succession 

1  State  Trials,  IX.  818-950. 
VOL.  III.  23 


His  conviction 
xecution. 
November  26. 


266  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.         •  [Book  III. 

and  accepting  no  other  security,  increased  the  popular 
distrust  and  estrangement,  and  lost  them  the  alliance  of 
that  numerous  class  of  persons,  who  in  every  nation  are 
sluggish  in  respect  to  principles,  and  whom  the  vigorous 
action  of  any  party  alarms  and  alienates ;  and,  finally,  the 
disclosure  of  the  Rye-House  plot  for  assassination,  artfully 
represented  by  the  courtiers  as  being  part  and  parcel  of 
a  conspiracy  of  the  "  Council  of  Six  "  and  their  friends, 
completed  the  temporary  ruin  of  the  party,  which,  three 
years  before,  in  unhesitating  reliance  on  the  support  of 
the  English  people,  had  confronted  the  King,  and  de- 
fined absolutely  the  terms  of  amity  between  him  and  his 
subjects. 

The  discomfiture  of  the  schemes  of  the  Whig  leaders, 
and  the  fate  of  Essex,  of  Russell,  and  of  Sidney,  had  set- 
tled the  question  of  power.  Shaftesbury  had  ended  his 
life  in  exile.  Howard,  never  more  than  a  tool,  had 
Com  lete  de-  P^^^cd  ovcr  to  tho  otlicr  party ;  Hampden's 
pressionofthe    couscquence  rested  on  nothin^^  but  his  money 

patriot  party.  i     i   •  •  ■»  /r  i 

and  his  name  ;  and  it  seemed  that  Monmouth, 
only  formidable  when  under  the  direction  of  some 
stronger  mind,  might,  without  much  hazard,  be  left  to 
his  own  devices.  Tlie  court  could  afford  to  be  lenient, 
and  perhaps  was  wise  enough  to  be  inclined  to  lenity  by 
fear  of  another  such  revolution  of  sentiment  as  had  lately 
restored  it  to  the  power  of  being  cruel.  There  were  a 
few  more  trials,  followed  by  some  executions  of  persons 
of  no  o;reat  importance.     Hampden  escaped  with 

November  28.  °  ^  . 

a  fine  of  forty  thousand  pounds.^  With  a  rude 
1684.  justice.  Gates  was  dealt  with  more  severely. 
June  18.  Convicted  of  slandering  the  Duke  of  York  by 
calhng  him  "a  Popish  traitor,"  he  was  condemned  to  a 
fine  of  a  hundred  thousand  pomids,  and  to  lie  in  jail  till 
it  was  paid,  —  a  sentence  equivalent  to  imprisonment 
for  hfe.^ 

1  State  Trials,  IX.  1053-1126.  2  Ibid.,  X.  125-148. 


Restoration  of 
the  Duke  of 
York. 
1 
March. 

1684. 


Chap.  VI.]   ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.      267 

The  King  risked  the  displeasure  of  his  Protes- 
tant supporters,  first  by  recalling  the  Duke  of 
York  to  court,  and  then  by  reinstatino;  him  in  his        1^2. 
places  of  Privy  Counsellor  and  Lord  High  Ad- 
miral/ in  defiance  of  the  unrepealed  Test  Act.      Aurust. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  gratified  them  by  marry-  Carriage  of  the 
inar  his  brother's  second  daua;hter  to  the  brother  Mn'^esa  Anne. 

°  ,  °  July  28. 

of  the  Protestant  King  of  Denmark.^     Every- 
thing in  the  kingdom  seemed  quiet.     Passive  obedience 
was  the  received  doctrine  of  books,  of  the  cir-  ,  ^ 

'  A  despotism 

cles,  and  of  the   pulpits.      Filmer's  argument,  reinstated  in 

f^    .  \       -.  .,.,       England. 

worthy  of  an  Oriental  slave,  was  received  with 
acquiescence  and  applause  by  the  brave  and  thoughtful 
English  people.  "  Not  only,"  he  wrote,  "  in  human  laws, 
but  even  in  divine,  a  thing  may  be  commanded  [by  the 
King]  contrary  to  law,  and  yet  obedience  to  such  a  com- 
mand is  necessary."^  The  University  of  Oxford,  in  a 
decree  "against  certain  pernicious  books  and  damnable 
doctrines,"  almost  echoed  his  enormous  servility ;  and 
that  learned  body  gave  practical  expression  to  its  theory 
by  ordering  a  bonfire  to  be  made  within  its  precincts  of 
the  writings  of  Owen,  Milton,  Baxter,  and  other  great 
men  whom  the  fame  of  England  cannot  spare.* 

Nor  had  the  King  and  the  Duke  less  cause  to  be  sat- 
isfied with  the  condition  of  things  in  Scotland.  Under 
the  vigilant  and  cruel  administration  of  Lord  Lauderdale, 
every  movement  of  dissentients  was  for  a  time  effectually 
repressed.  At  length,  to  disperse  some  quiet  conven- 
ticles in  the  Western  Lowlands,  eight  thousand  troops  — 
six  thousand  of  them  Catholic  Highlanders  —  jsts. 
were  sent  to  live  at  free  quarters  in  that  coun-  •'^"'^^'■y- 
try,  where  their  disorders  occasioned  a  new  outbreak.^ 

1  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,        *  Somers  Tracts,  VIIL  420-424 

I.  726,  745.  5  Laing,   History   of   Scotland,   IV. 

2  Ibid.,  745.  86-88. 

3  Filmer,  Patriarclia,  100. 


268  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

The  excitement  communicated  itself  to  the  eastern  coun- 
ties, where  the  regent  had,  in  other  modes,  made  his  sway 
no  less  oppressive.     A  company  of  angry  men  made  an 
arrangement  to  waylay  and  chastise  one  Carmichael,  an 
officer  who  had  been  especially  busy  in  the  persecutions. 
Their  plan  miscarried  as  to  him ;  but,  as  they  were  part- 
ing, disappointed  of  their  prey,  the  carriage  of  Sharpe, 
1679.       the  apostate  Presbyterian  who  had  been  made 
May  3.      Arclibishop  of  St.  Andrews,  came  in  view.    They 
stopped  it,  and  found  it  occupied  by  the  prelate  and  his 
daughter.     Dragging  him  from  it,  they  put  him  to  death. 
With  this  desperate  act  began  another  short-lived  insur- 
rection.    At  Rutherglen  a  number  of  persons 

May  29.  * . 

assembled  and  put  out  the  bonfires  which  had 
been  lighted  to  do  honor  to  the  anniversary  of  the  King's 
restoration,  after  burning  in  them  the  acts  against  con- 
venticles. Three  days  after,  at  Loudon  Hill,  a 
party  of  Covenanters  defeated  three  troops  of 
horse  under  the  command  of  the  hated  John  Graham  of 
Claverhouse,  Viscount  Dundee.^  To  the  disappointment 
of  the  Duke  of  York,  who  coveted  the  employment  for 
himself,  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  sent  up  from  Lon- 
don to  lead  the  royal  forces.^  He  beat  the 
rebels  at  Bothwell  Bridge,  and  put  an  end  to 
their  ill-advised  movement.  Of  twelve  hundred  pris- 
oners who  fell  into  his  hands,  two  hundred  and  seventy 
were  sold  to  slavery  in  the  West  Indies.  Two  preachers 
were  hanged.^ 

Monmouth  had   scarcely    returned   to   London,  when 
the  Duke  of  York  received  private  permission  to  come 
thither  to  visit  the  King,  who  had  fallen  ill.* 
It  was  thought  imprudent  by  the  King's  ad- 
visers that  his  brother  should  remain  near  the  court; 

1  Laing,   History   of  Scotland,   IV.         3  Laing,    History   of   Scotland,   IV. 
97-101.  102-105. 

2  See  above,  p.  255.  4  Clarke,  ubi  supra,  559,  564. 


June  1. 


Chap.  VI.]   ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.      269 

but  James  obtained   leave  to   cbange  his  place   of  ex- 
ile from   Flanders  to   Scotland,  to  which   coun- 

11  1        December  4. 

try  he  accordmgly  repaired.      He  had  scarcely 
begun  his  new  career  by  affecting  reserve  in  regard  to 
public  affairs/   though  taking  his  place  in  the      leso. 
Privy  Council,  when  he  was  again  recalled  by  ^^'"^^■'y- 
the  irresolute  monarch  to  London.     He  remained  at  the 
capital  most  of  the  year,  combating  the  assaults  of  the 
Whig  leaders,  and   watching  the  intrigues  which  were 
on  foot  for  the  advancement  of  his  nephew. 

The  day  before  the  meeting  of  the  English  Parliament 
the  Duke  set  off  agjain  for  Scotland,  beinar  now 

,.,,,..  .  r.      1  1    •  October  20. 

invested  with  the  administration  oi  that  king- 
dom as  the  Royal  Commissioner.  Under  his  Presidency 
the  Scottish  Parliament  passed  a  Test  Act, 
requiring  every  person  holding  office  in  the 
church,  the  army,  or  the  civil  administration,  to  renounce 
the  Covenant,  to  assert  the  obligation  of  unlimited  submis- 
sion to  the  King,  and  to  disavow  all  purpose  of  aiming 
at  any  change  in  the  civil  or  religious  institutions  of  the 
realm.^  A  breach  of  these  engagements  made  the  of- 
fender liable  to  the  torture  of  the  boot,  at  the  infliction 
of  which  the  Duke  is  said  to  have  been  sometimes  pres- 
ent. The  rigor  of  his  administration  of  Scotland  during 
a  year  and  a  half  was  emulated  by  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen 
and  the  Earl  of  Queensberry,  to  whose  hands  the  govern- 
ment was  transferred  on  his  departure.^  Scotland  was 
robbed,  insulted,  disabled,  and  miserable.  Honest  men 
had  no  shadow  left  of  liberty,  civil  or  religious,  and  no 
security  for  life.* 

1  Clarke,  ubi  supra,  580  ;  Laing,  His-    Mr.  Hallam,  —  he  begins  the  series  of 
tory,  &c.,  IV.  110.  these   years  with  the   Restoration, — 

2  Clarke,  ubi  supra,    707;    Burnet,     "  consummated  the  misfortunes  and  the 

ubi  supra,  II.  163;  State  Trials,  VIII.     degradation  of  Scotland The 

873,  874.  tyranny  of  Lauderdale  as  far  exceeded 

3  Burnet,  ubi  supra,  II.  249  -  252.  that  of  Middleton,  as  his  own  fell  sliort 
*  "  Thirty   infamous   years,"   writes     of  the   Duke  of  York's.      No  part,  I 

23* 


270  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

In  England,  when  three  years  had  passed  after  the 
dissolution  of  the  Parliament  held  at  Oxford,  a  new  ques- 
tion arose.  Nothing  could  be  more  express  than  the 
law,  re-enacted  twenty  years  before,  which  required  the 
issue  of  writs  for  a  new  Parliament  at  the  end  of  three 
years  from  a  dissolution ;  yet  nothing  could  be  more 
luiwelcome  to  the  King  than  the  prospect  of  again 
meeting  that  assembly.  Halifax  urged  him  to  conform 
to  the  law,  a  course  which  appeared  the  more  safe  by 
reason  of  the  general  submissive  state  of  the  nation, 
and  the  prostration  of  the  boroughs  to  the  pleasure 
of  the  court.  But  the  Duke  of  York,  seconded  by  the 
powerful  influence  of  his  brother-in-law,  Lawrence  Hyde, 
now  Earl  of  Rochester,  confirmed  the  reluctance  of  the 
monarch.  And  the  King  of  France,  now  at  the  sum- 
mit of  his  power,  and  liable  to  be  embarrassed  in  his 
vast  designs  by  nothing  so  seriously  as  by  opposition 
on  the  part  of  England,  used  bribes  and  promises  pro- 
fusely, to  confirm  the  unsteady  spirit  of  Charles,  and 
prevent  him  from  convoking  that  assembly,  which  might 
J) rove  itself  inconveniently  jealous  for  the  honor  of 
England  and  intolerant  of  the  boundless  ambition  of 
her  rival. 

But  the  end  was  approaching.  Throughout  a  life 
of  profligacy  the  King  had  not  neglected  the  care  of 
his  health.  His  presumptive  heir  was  only  two  years 
Death  of  King  youugcr  thau  himself,  and  the  princesses  who 
Charles.  camc  ucxt  in  succession  had  been  educated  in 
the  Protestant  faith;  so  that  religious  Englishmen  flat- 
tered themselves  with  the  hope  that,  even  if  a  Papist 
should   ascend   the   throne,   there    would    be    a    speedy 

believe,  of  modern  history  can  be  com-  a  deep  traditional  horror,  the  record, 

pared,  for  the  wickedness  of  govern-  as  it  were,  of  that  confused   mass  of 

ment,  to  the   Scots  administration  of  crime  and   misery  which   has  left  no 

this  reign Besides  the  distinct  other  memorial."     (Constitutional  His- 

testimonies   that   remain   of  atrocious  tory,  &c.,  II.  487-491;  comp.  Laing, 

cruelty,  there  exists  in  that  kingdom  History,  &c.,  IV.  114-117.) 


Chap.  VI.]  ENGLAND  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  SECOND.      271 

return  to  a  better  order  of  things.  But  now,  having 
lately  completed  his  fifty-fourth  year,  King  Charles  had 
a  sudden  attack  of  violent  disease.  As  he  rose  from 
bed,  the  attendants  observed  that  his  speech  was  jcss. 
impeded,  and  that  he  could  not  command  the  ^^*>™^2. 
movements  of  his  limbs.  He  was  relieved  by  bleeding, 
and  at  first  it  was  hoped  that  his  powerful  constitution 
would  conquer.     But  it  proved  unequal  to  the 

1  1011  1  -1  February  6. 

struggle,  and  on  the  fourth  day  he  expn^ed. 

The  catastrophe  was  so  sudden  as  to  excite  suspicions 
that  he  had  been  poisoned ;  —  by  the  Queen,  as  was 
thought  by  some ;  by  the  Duchess  of  Portsmouth,  or 
the  Duke  of  York,  as  was  surmised  by  others.  But 
there  is  no  evidence  to  sustain  these  conjectures ;  and 
they  have  been  dismissed  by  history  as  mere  expres- 
sions of  the  restlessness  of  the  public  mind.  Before 
his  death,  he  was  received  within  the  pale  of  Eome. 
As  he  lay  half  conscious,  he  declined  to  receive  the 
communion  at  the  hands  of  the  Anglican  prelates  who 
were  in  attendance  in  his  chamber.  His  favorite  French 
mistress  sent  to  entreat  the  Duke  of  York  to  take 
care  that  his  brother  should  not  die  unreconciled  to 
the  Church  and  to  Heaven.  The  Duke,  in  a  whisper, 
obtained  the  King's  consent  to  bring  a  priest.  The 
watchers  in  the  apartment  were  nearly  all  dismissed, 
and  by  a  private  way,  which  had  long  served  Chiffinch 
for  his  master's  errands  of  a  different  kind,  that  useful 
servant  introduced  Father  Huddleston,  who  had  helped 
the  King  in  his  escape  after  the  battle  of  Worcester.^ 
When  the  priest  had  received  the  dying  man's  con- 
fession, and  had  administered  extreme  unction,  he  was 
conveyed  away,  and  the  crowd  of  courtiers  was  again 
admitted.  This  transaction  took  place  by  night,  and 
the  King  died  at  noon  of  the  next  day.^     That  in  his 

1  Clarendon,  History,  &c.,  III.  559  -  2  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second, 
561.  I.  746-749. 


272  HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

last  moments  he  had  been  adopted  into  the  Church 
of  Rome,  was  scarcely  a  secret  of  the  time;  but  the 
circumstances  of  his  profession  are  now  known  through 
documents  which  did  not  see  the  light  till  a  much 
later  period.^ 

1  Barillon's  Despatches  in  Fox's  His-  428,429;  Harris,  Historical  and  Crit- 
tory  of  James  the  Second,  Appendix,  ical  Account  of  the  Life  of  Charles  the 
xi. -XV. ;  comp.  Somers  Tracts,  VIH.     Second,  H.  55  -  65. 


CHAPTER    VII. 


It  has  been  mentioned  that  the  calamities  of  New 
England  in  the  conflict  with  the  Indian  tribes  obtained 
little  compassion  in  the  mother  country.  This  was  not 
the  worst.  The  time  of  the  miserable  distress  of  New 
England  was  seized  upon  by  the  counsellors  of  King 
Charles  to  deal  her  a  destructive  blow. 

For  nearly  ten  years  after  the  frustrate  attempt  of 
Lord  Clarendon  to  reduce  Massachusetts  to  subjection, 
there  had  been  almost  a  suspension  of  political  rela- 
tions between  New  England  and  the  parent  country. 
More  pressing  political  concerns  prevented  a  vigorous 
renewal  of  the  enterprise.  But  the  home  government 
had  never  wholly  abandoned  it,  and  an  embarrassment 
in  the  way  of  prosecuting  it  was  removed  when 
peace  was  made  with  the  Dutch. 

At  an  early  time  of  the  rule  of  the  Cabal  ministry, 
the  Council  of  Foreign  Plantations/  which  had 
so  fiir  prolonged  a  feeble   existence,  was  twice  Engrndl" 
reconstructed.^      At   the    first   meeting;    of  this  ^^^'^"^ 

*-"  against  Ne^f 

board    under    its    last    organization,   "  the    first  England. 
thing  done  was  to  settle  the  form  of  a  circular    Majae. 
letter, to  know  the  condition  of  New  Eng- 
land,  which   appearing   to    be    very  independent  as  to 
their  regard   to  Old  England  or  his  Majesty,  rich  and 
strong    as    they   now   were,   there    were   great   debates 

1  See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  444.  structions.      I  have   a  copy  of  these 

2  See  above,  pp.  32,  33.  In  the  Brit-  papers,  procured  by  Mr.  Sparks.  The 
ish  Museum  (Harleian  MSS.  6394)  Instructions  lay  stress  on  a  strict  ex- 
are  the  commissions  issued  on  these  ecution  of  the  Acts  of  Navigation  in 
two  occasions,  with  two  fall  sets  of  la-  New  England. 


274  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

in  what  style  to  write  to  them;  for  the  condition  of 
that  Colony  was  such  that  they  were  able  to  contest 
with  all  other  plantations  about  them,  and  there  was 
fear   of  their    breaking    from    all    dependence    on    the 

nation Some   of  the    Council   were   for   sending 

them  a  menacing  letter,  which  those  who  better  under- 
stood  the   peevish   and   tetchy  humor   of  that   Colony 
were    utterly    aarainst."^      They  determined    to 

June  6.  -T       .  n  •     •,     i 

send  '^  a  conciliatmg  paper  at  first,  or  civil  let- 
ter."    Cartwright,  who  had  served  on  Lord  Clar- 
endon's commission,  appeared  before  them,  and 
"gave  considerable  relation";  and  the  result  of  the  im- 
pression made  by  him  was,  that  "  a  letter  of  am- 
nesty should  be  despatched."  ^     At  a  subsequent 
meeting,  the  Council  "  made  some  proposal  to  Mr.  Gorges 
for  his  interest  in   a  plantation  there."     A  de- 
bate upon  "  sending  a  Deputy  to  New  England  " 
issued   in   a   decision  to  take   that  course,  and  to  fur- 
nish the  Deputy  "  with  secret  instructions  to  inform  of 
the  condition  of  those  Colonies,  and  whether  they  were 
of  such  power  as  to  be  able  to  resist  liis  Majesty,  and 
declare  for  themselves  as  independent  of  the  crown.  "^ 
Once  more  the  Council  "deliberated  on  some  fit  per- 
1672.      son    to    go    as    commissioner    to    insiDect    their 
January  12.  ^ctious  iu  Ncw  England."  *     But,  presently  after, 
far  more  interesting  matters  demanded  the  attention  of 
the  government,  and  tliis  scheme  fell  into  neglect.^    Be- 

1  Evelyn,  Memoirs,  11.  343.  public   instructions  might  be  only  to 

2  See  above,  p.  36,  note.  promote  the  general  good  of  those  Col- 

3  Evelyn  (Memoirs,  344-346).  Eve-  onies,  and  to  hear  and  determine  the 
lyn  was  one  of  these  Commissioners.  A  questions  amongst  them  about  their 
meeting  of  the  Council,  not  mentioned  boundaries.  "  Other,  secret  instruc- 
by  him  in  his  Diary,  took  place  August  tions,"  it  is  added,  "  may  be  given  them, 
12,  as  appeai-s  fi-om  a  record  among  the  wherein  possibly  they  may,  with  good 
Colonial  Papers  in  the  English  State-  discretion,  find  opportunity  to  do  your 
Paper  Office.  Lauderdale,  Arlington,  Majesty  considerable  service." 
Clifford,  and  six  other  Commissioners         *  Ibid.,  358. 

were  present.     They  recommended  to         5  See  above,  pp.  14,  15. 
the  King  to  send  Commissioners,  whose 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  275 

fore  it  was  vigorously  revived,  the  functions  of  both  the 
Council  of  Trade   and   the   Council  for  Foreign 

-i-«i  •  1  1  T-»    •  /~i  •!      Lords  of  the 

Plantations  were  restored  to  the  rrivy  Council,  committee 
by  which  body  they  had  always  been  exercised  piantaulna! 
previously   to    the    Great    Rebellion.      For   the      lers. 

^1  1  „    .  ,  .       March  12. 

management  of  these   departments  of  its  busi- 
ness, the  Privy  Council  had  a  standing  Committee  called 
"  The  Lords   of  the   Committee  of  Trade   and    Planta- 
tions." 

When  the  Privy  Council  turned  its  attention  to  New 
England,  its  first  action  was  professedly  prompted  by 
a  desire  to  do  justice  to  the  pretensions  of  Fer-  ^ 

<J  ^  Claims  of 

dinando  Gorges  and  Eobert  Mason.     These  per-  Qwsesand 
sons    had    not    suffered    their    claims    to    sleejD, 
though,  after  the  peaceable  settlement  of  the  towns  in 
New  Hampshire  and   Maine  under  the   government  of 
Massachusetts,  their  complaints  obtained  little  attention 
at  court.^     Their  prospect  brightened  when,  associating 
with  themselves   Lord   Stirling,  heir  of  the  pa-     1674. 
tentee   of  Nova  Scotia,  they   presented   to   the   '^'^''•^^^o. 
King  a  memorial,  in  which  they  proposed  to  surrender 

1  See  above,  Vol.  IT.  pp.  620,  634.  of  Gorges's  representations,  but  "itap- 
A  memorial  from  Ferdinando  Gorges,  pearing  to  be  a  matter  of  importance," 
read  to  the  Privy  Council,  January  it  was  further  "  referred  to  the  consid- 
28,  1670,  set  forth  that  his  grandfather  eration  of  the  Right  Honorable  the 
was  dispossessed  of  "the  Province  of  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs."  (Ibid.) 
Maine"  by  the  Governors  of  the  Bay  — Mason's  movements  about  this  time 
of  Boston  "  for  his  loyalty  to  his  Ma-  are  not  equally  matter  of  record.  But 
jesty,"  and  that  "  the  said  Governors  he  was  understood  to  be  not  inactive, 
of  the  Bay  of  Boston  had  by  force  There  is  preserved  a  proposal  to  him 
of  arms  taken  possession  of  the  said  (June  9,  1672)  from  Robert  Pike, 
Province,  and  rejected  the  petitioner's  Deputy  for  Salisbury  in  the  Gen- 
officers."  The  memorial  was  referred  eral  Court  of  Massachusetts,  called,  in 
to  "  the  Committee  of  Trade  and  the  indorsement  of  thj3  paper,  "  an  emi- 
Plantations."  (Journals  of  the  Privy  nent  lawyer  of  Boston,"  for  an  arrange- 
CouncU.)  April  27,  Gorges,  with  ment  to  "add  their  authority  to  hia 
his  witnesses  (Colonel  Nicolls  being  right."  Pike  begs  him  "not  to  pro- 
one  of  them),  was  ordered  to  be  ready  ceed  "  in  a  "treaty  with  his  Majesty 
for  a  hearing  on  the  3d  of  May.  (Ibid.)  about  the  surrender  of  the  estate." 
May  11,  the  Lords  of  the  Commit-  (Colonial  Papers  In  the  English  State- 
tee  having  been  satisfied  of  the  truth  Paper  Office.) 


276  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book   III. 

to  him  their  respective  patents,  on  condition  of  having 
secured  to  them  "  one  third  part  of  all  the  customs,  rents, 
fines,  and  other  profits  which  should  be  made  in  the  said 
Province,  or  such  other  reasonable  compensation  in  lieu 
thereof  as  his  Majesty  should  see  fit."^ 

There  was   another   party,   hostile    to    Massachusetts, 

whose   aid   in   furthering  the  unfriendly  designs  of  the 

court  was   of  much   more  importance  than  any   which 

could  be  contributed  by  the  claimants  of  Eastern  New 

England.      The  merchants   and  manufacturers 

Complaints  of-_,^  ,.  iii  •  r>     ^ 

Engush  trades-  01  Euglaud  wBYQ  imtated  by  the  evasion  oi  the 
Navigation  Laws,  which  was  said  to  be  practised 
in  the  New  England  Colonies,  and  especially  in  Massa- 
chusetts, whose  commercial  importance  was  now  highly 
estimated.  By  those  laws  the  exportation  of  various 
colonial  staples  was  forbidden,  except  from  the  place  of 
production  to  some  English  port ;  and  in  their  import 
trade  the  colonists  were  restricted  to  a  direct  commerce 
with  England,  being  forbidden  to  bring  the  products,  not 
only  of  England,  but  of  any  European  country,  from 
any  except  English  ports,  or  in  any  but  English  vessels.^ 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  The  scheme  gentlemen  and  merchants  doubted 
implied  the  sending  over  of  a  royal  whether  the  inconveniences  it  has 
Governor,  "  which  will  be  a  means,"  brought  with  it  be  not  greater  than 
say  the  petitioners,  "  not  only  to  hinder  the  conveniences."  (Sir  Josiah  ChUd, 
the  further  encroachments  and  usurpa-  Discom-se  of  Trade,  85.)  The  mod- 
tions  of  the  corporation  of  Boston,  but  ern  philosophical  school  of  English 
in  a  short  time  reduce  them  also  under  economists,  from  Adam  Smith  (Wealth 
your  Majesty's  immediate  government."  of  Nations,  Book  IV.  Chap.  VII.  Part 

2  See  above,  Vol.  II.  pp.  444,  445  ;  2)  to  John  Stuart  Mill  (Political  Econo- 
also,  Sir  Josiah  Child,  New  Discourse  my,  Book  V.  Chap.  X.),  have  scouted  it 
of  Trade,  146.  The  scheme  of  the  Even  the  blow  it  gave  to  Holland  is 
Navigation  Laws  "borrowed,"  says  represented,  on  authority  than  which 
Chalmers  (History  of  the  Revolt,  none  in  this  department  is  higher,  as 
&c.,  98),  "from  the  mercantile  prac-  having  recoiled  with  double  force, 
tice  of  the  Carthaginians  with  re-  (Merivale,  Lectures  on  Colonization 
gard  to  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  was  as  and  Colonies,  111,  112.)  Its  oppres- 
politic  as  it  was  severe."  The  policy  sion  of  the  American  Colonies  is  one 
was,  however,  distrusted  from  the  particular  of  complaint  in  the  Ameri- 
first  by  some  of  the  best  thinkers  of  can  Declaration  of  Independence.  "It 
England.      "  Some  wise    and    honest  would  have  ruined    America,"  wrote 


CiiAP.  VII.]        RENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH   ENGLAND.  277 

The  evasion  of  these  laws  had  been  for  several  years  a 
subject  of  discontent  to  the  English  merchants.^  A  peti- 
tion of  a  number  of  them  was  presented  to  the  King, 
praying  for  a  strict  enforcement  of  the  regulations.^ 

That  astute  London  merchant,  Sir  Josiah  Child,  wrote 
his  "  New  Discourse  of  Trade "  six  or  seven  years  after 
the  enactment  of  the  supplementary  Naviga- 
tion Act  of  King  Charles  the  Second.  In  his 
view,  as  in  that  of  the  generality  of  statesmen  and  politi- 
cal economists  before  and  after  him,  the  function  and  use 
of  colonies  was  to  promote  the  trade  and  wealth  of  the 
mother  country.  "  Colonies  and  foreign  plantations,"  in 
his  opinion,  "  do  but  endamage  their  mother  kingdoms, 
when  the  trades  of  such  plantations  are  not  confined  to 
their  said  mother  kingdoms  by  good  laws,  and  the  severe 
execution  of  those  laws."  ^  The  object  of  the  Navigation 
Laws  was  to  compel  the  colonies  of  England  to  subserve 
this  use  ;  and,  "  if  they  were  not  kept  to  the  rules  of  the 
Act  of  Navigation,  the  consequence  would  be  that,  in  a 
few  years,  the  benefit  of  them  would  be  wholly  lost  to 
the  nation."  *  It  was  "  more  for  the  advantasce  of  Enfj- 
land  that  Newfoundland  should  remain  unplanted,  than 
that  colonies  should  be  sent,  or  permitted  to  go  thither, 
to  inhabit  under  a  governor,  laws,  &c."  "  New  England 
was  the  most  prejudicial  plantation  to  the  kingdom,"  ^ 
because  of  its  competing,  in  many  of  its  exports,  with 
the  productions  of  the  parent  country ;  because  of  its 
exemption,  in  consequence  of  chartered  privileges  and 
of  a  legal  indulgence,^  from  a  strict  administration  of  the 


John  Adams  (Works,  X.  329),  "  if  she  3  Child,  Discourse  of  Trade,  146. 

had  not  resisted."  4  Ibid.,  87. 

1  The  "fanners  of  the  revenue"  5  ibid.,  135.  The  experience  in 
had  complained  of  this  evasion  as  Massachusetts  of  the  factious  Eh-.  Child 
early  as  1663.  See  O'Callaghan,  Doc-  (see  above,  Vol.  11.  pp.  168,  175,  177 
uments,  &c.,  IH.  48.  -179)  is  not  likely  to  have  made  his 

2  There  is  a  copy  of  this  document  brother  friendly  to  that  Colony. 

in  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  210.  6  See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  445,  note  1. 
VOL.  III.                            24 


278 


HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


Navigation  Laws ;  because  of  its  capacity  for  building 
ships  and  rearing  seamen,  and  its  consequently  growing 
naval  strength ;  and  because  of  its  comparative  freedom 
from  negro  slavery,  and  consequent  exemption  from  the 
necessity  of  obtaining  large  supplies  from  England.^ 

Thus,  not  for  the  last  time,  the  sordidness  of  the  com- 
mercial interest  of  the  parent  country  overruled  consid- 
erations of  justice  and  honor,  and  placed  itself  in  resolute 
antagonism  to  the  freedom  of  Englishmen  in  America. 
In  the  earlier  contests  between  prerogative  and  liberty, 
London  and  New  England  had  been  partners  ever  since 
New  England  had  a  being.  The  city  merchants  had  sus- 
tained the  Puritan  Parliament  in  war,  and  befriended  the 
Puritan  colonists  in  their  exile.  Sir  Josiah  Child  was 
one  of  that  class  of  active  and  important  traders  whose 


1  Discourse  of  Trade,  pp.  160  -  163. 
—  It  is  not  without  interest,  in  times 
when  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  are 
sometimes  spoken  of  as  having  had,  the 
one  a  Roundhead,  and  the  other  a  Cava- 
lier origin,  to  observe  the  opinion  held 
of  their  respective  founders  by  an  in- 
telligent writer,  a  half-century  after  the 
emigration.  "  New  England,"  says  Sir 
Josiah  Child  (New  Discourse,  &c.,  13  7, 
138),  "  as  every  one  knows,  was  origi- 
nally inhabited,  and  h'^as  since  been  suc- 
cessively replenished,  by  a  sort  of  peo- 
ple called  Puritans,  who  could  not  con- 
form to  the  ecclesiastical  laws  of  Eng- 
land, but,  being  wearied  with  church 
censures  and  persecutions,  were  forced 
to  quit  their  fathers'  land,  to  find  out 
new  habitations,  as  many  of  them  did, 
in  Germany  and  Holland,  as  well  as  at 

New  England Virginia   and 

Barbadoes  were  first  peopled  by  a  sort 
of  loose,  vagrant  people,  vicious,  and 
destitute  of  means  to  live  at  home  (be- 
ing either  unfit  for  labor,  or  such  as 
could  find  none  to  employ  themselves 
about,  or  had  so  misbehaved  themselves 


by  whoring,  thieving,  or  other  de- 
bauchery, that  none  would  set  them 
on  work,  which  merchants  and  mas- 
ters of  ships,  by  their  agents,  or  spirits, 
as  they  were  called,  gathered  up 
about  the  streets  of  London,  and  other 
places,  clothed,  and  transported,  to 
be  employed  upon  plantations)  ;  and 
these,  I  say,  were  such  as,  had  there 
been  no  English  foreign  plantations  in 
the  world,  could  probably  never  have 
lived  at  home  to  do  service  to  their 
country,  but  must  have  come  to  be 
hanged,  or  starved,  or  died  untimely 
of  some  of  those  miserable  diseases  that 
proceed  from  want  and  vice ;  or  else 
have  sold  themselves  for  soldiers,  to  be 
knocked  on  the  head,  or  starved,  in 
the  quarrels  of  our  neighbors,  as  many 
thousands  of  brave  Englishmen  were 
in  the  Low  Countries,  as  also  in  the 
wars  of  Germany,  France,  and  Swe- 
den, &c. ;  or  else,  if  they  could,  by 
begging,  or  otherwise,  arrive  to  the 
stocks  of  2s.  and  Qd.  to  waft  them  over 
to  Holland,  become  servants  to  the 
Dutch,  who  refuse  none." 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  279 

stubborn  character  and  whose  heavy  purse  had  for 
fifty  years  prolonged  the  doubtful  conflict.^  But  now 
that  class  of  men  seemed  to  themselves  to  perceive 
that  the  immunities  of  New  England  diminished  the 
profits  of  English  trade,  and  straightway  they  became 
the  champions  of  the  court  against  their  old  friends. 
Bitter  must  it  have  been  to  the  patriots  of  Massachu- 
setts to  see  such  brave  promises  abandoned,  and  old  asso- 
ciates in  so  august  a  cause  estranged,  under  influences  so 
unworthy. 

In  the  heyday  of  the  rule  of  the   Cabal  ministry,  a 
revenue  law  for  the  colonies  had  been  passed,  as  a  tri- 
fling relief  to  the  King's  burdened  exchequer.        1673. 
It  enacted  that  duties  should  be  paid  in  the     ^^^'^^'y- 
plantations  of  England  on  certain  commodities  conveyed 
from  one  plantation  to  another ;  ^  that  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury  should  take  care  that  collectors  of  such  duties, 
to  reside   in   the  colonies,  should  be   appointed  by  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs  ;  and  that  the  proceeds 
should  be  paid  into  the  British  exchequer.     A  further 
step  in  the  way  of  commercial  restriction  was  taken  when 
an  Order  in  Council  cancelled  an  order  made       1674. 
thirteen  years  before,  by  which  vessels   from      '^''^*- 
New  England  were  permitted  to  carry  cargoes  to  Conti- 
nental ports  and  bring  the  proceeds  of  their  sale  to  Eng- 
land.^    A  doubt  arose  whether  cargoes  on  which  duties 
had  been  paid  in  a  plantation  might  not  lawfully  be  car- 
ried  to  other  than   English   ports.      The   question  was 

1  I  do  not  know  that  Child  was  a  3  Journal  of  the  Privy  Council. 
Non-conformist,  though  I  infer  it  from  See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  445,  note  1.  — 
indications  in  his  book  (see  pp.  69,  108,  "I  hear  the  King  is  offended  that 
142).  At  any  rate,  he  was  a  friend  of  some  of  your  ships  take  in  their  lad- 
religious  liberty.  ing  from  Virginia,  and  go  to  France 

2  "  The  first  Act  which  imposed  cus-  and  defraud  his  customs,  as  also  from 
toms  on  the  colonies  alone,  to  be  reg-  other  plantations."  (John  Collins  to 
ularly  collected  by  colonial  revenue  Governor  Leverett,  London,  April  10, 
officers."    (Chalmers,  Political  Annals,  1674,  in  Hutch.  Coll.  444.) 

318.) 


the  Committee. 

1675. 

March  12. 


280  IIISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book   III. 

Bubmitted   to   the  Attorney-General,  Sir  William  Jones, 
who  gave  his  opinion  in  the  negative/ 

The  schemes  ao;ainst  Massachusetts  beo;an  to  take  form 

o  o 

in  England  when  the  "  Lords  of  the  Committee 
anrproIecTof  of  Trade  and  Plantations"  resolved  to  pray  the 
the  Lords  of      King  to  Send  five  Commissioners  to  that  Colony 
16T5        to  endeavor  to  arrano^e  its  affairs  conformably 

to  the  views  of  the  court.  "  In  case  they  [the 
Colonists]  should  decline  his  Majesty's  overtures,  and  ap- 
pear refractory,"  the  Lords  judged  "  that  his  Majesty 
should  take  the  advantage  of  the  law  against  them,  and 
they  must  expect  to  find  all  the  stop  and  interruption 
upon  their  trade,  which  by  the  Acts  of  Navigation  might 
be  given  therein."  They  directed  an  application  to  be 
made  to  the  Lord  Treasurer  for  information  from  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs,  as  to  "  how  far  the  Acts 
of  Trade  and  Navigation  took  cognizance  of  New  Eng- 
land ;  what  violations  thereof  they  had  observed  in  the 
manner  of  that  trade ;  what  ill  consequences  in  point  of 
profit  to  his  Majesty  and  his  kingdom  such  abuse  of  those 
people  might  be  estimated  at ;  and  what  rules  they 
thought  proper,  to  remedy  such  inconveniences."  At 
the  same  time  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  directed  an 
examination,  by  the  Attorney-General  and  the  Solicitor- 
General,  of  the  claims  presented  in  the  recent  petitions 
of  Mason  and  Gorges.^ 

To  the  inquiries  submitted  to  them  the  Commissioners 
of  Customs  replied,  —  1.  That  "  New  England, 
being  one  of  the  plantations  under  his  Majesty's 

1  The  document  is  in  Chalmers's  admit  this,  I  suppose,  this  summer." 
Annals,  323  ;  comp.  letters  of  Robert  (Letter  of  John  Collins  to  Governor 
Thomson  to  Governor  Leverett,  in  Leverett,  August  19,  in  Hutch.  Coll., 
Hutch.  Coll.,  463,  470.  472.)     Mason  and  Gorges  had  renewed 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  "  They  have  their  petition  in  the  month  of  January 
thoughts  of  sending  a  Commissioner,  before  this  order.  (Colonial  Papers, 
and  it  was  determined  to  do  it  with  &c.,  for  April  22,  1675  ;  Journals  of 
some  force;  but  their  more  weighty  the  Privy  Council  for  January  13  and 
affairs  and  want  of  money  will  hardly  December  22,  1675.) 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED  DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  281 

government,  was  equally  subject  with  the  rest  to  those 
laws  which  related  to  the  plantation  trade  " ;  2.  That,  be- 
fore the  Navigation  Act  of  Charles  the  Second,  several  of 
the  commodities  therein  enumerated  were  carried  to  New 
England,  and  thence  exported  to  foreign  parts,  but  that 
since  the  enactment  of  that  law,  and  the  appointment  of 
officers  to  enforce  it,  the  Commissioners  hoped  that  the 
irregularity  was  to  a  great  extent  checked ;  3.  That  it 
was  said  that  articles,  manufactured  in  Continental  Eu- 
rope, were  carried  direct  to  New  England ;  and  4.  That 
the  remedy  for  breaches  of  the  Navigation  Laws  was  to 
be  found  in  requiring  oaths  from  Governors  of  planta- 
tions, exacting  bonds  from  shippers,  and  making  seizures 
of  property  illegally  transported."  ^  The  Attorney-Gen- 
eral  and    the   Solicitor-General   reported    that 

May  17. 

Mason  had  "  a  good  and  legal  title  to  the  lands 
conveyed  [to  hi3  grandfather  by  the  Council  for  New 
England]  by  the  name  of  the  Province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire"; and  that  Gorges  had  "a  good  title  to  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maine."  ^ 

Matters  now  approached  a  crisis.  The  Lords  of  the 
Committee  presented  to  the  King  in  Council 
the  fruit  of  their  deliberations  on  the  claims  of 
Mason  and  Gorges.  "When  we  seriously  considered," 
said  they,  "  the  point  of  sending  Commissioners,  and  how 
far  your  Majesty's  authority  might  be  therein  also  con- 
cerned, we  thought  it  not  so  expedient  (the  charge 
also  considered)  to  embark  your  Majesty  in  a  matter 
of  doubtful  consequence ;  nor  do  we  think  it  proper 
(how  fair  soever  the  proofs  of  the  petitioners'  titles  and 
sufferings  appear)  to  advise  your  Majesty  to  determine 
anything  ex  parte,  and  without  hearing  what  the  Boston- 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c. ;  comp.  Chal-     Report  are   those   of  March  9,  1622, 
mers,  Annab,  262.  November  7,  1629,  and  April  22,  1635. 

2.  Colonial  Papers,  &c.,  May  1 7,  1675.     See  above,  Vol.  I.  pp.  397,  note,  401. 
The  patents  of  Mason  specified  in  the 
24* 


282  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

ers  can  say,  who  have  not  had  any  agents  appearing  for 
them  to  make  answer  in  their  behalf."  They  therefore 
advised  that  copies  of  the  claimants'  petitions  should 
be  sent  to  Massachusetts,  and  that  the  people  of  that 
Colony  should  be  required  within  a  specified  time  to 
send  over  agents,  "  sufficiently  empowered  to  answer 
for  them,  and  to  receive  his  Majesty's  determination  in 
the  matter  depending  for  judgment  before  him."  The 
recommendation  was  adopted  by  the  Privy  Council,  and 
the  time  allowed  for  agents  to  appear  was  fixed  at  six 
months.^ 

Thus  empowered,  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  pro- 
ceeded with  their  arrangements.  "As  to  the  circular 
1676.  letters  for  New  England,"  they  judged  that 
January  21.  « ^jiej-g  ought  to  bo  prepared  such  a  draft  as 
was  probable  those  people  would  bear."  "  It  being 
moved  that,  in  the  letter  now  to  be  sent  to  New  Eng- 
land,   there  ought  some  mention  to  be  made  of 

a  great  neglect  of  those  people  of  Boston,  who  never 
answered  his  Majesty's  letter  of  April,  1666,  which  in 
part  related  to  this  very  business,  and  that  it  would 
seem  as  if  there  were  no  memory  of  anything  that  was 
past  if  the  letter  were  silent  therein,  it  was  resolved 
that   some   few  lines  be   prepared  to  that   effect,  with 

1  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council.  —  ers  to  agree  the  difference,  by  ■which 
The  Lords  had  had  imder  considera-  his  JMajesty  would  see  the  state  of 
tion  the  expediency  of  repeating  Lord  their  obedience  towards  him  ;  and,  if 
Clarendon's  experiment  of  a  Commis-  they  refused,  then  his  Majesty  had  a 
sion,  but  saw  reasons  for  not  hazarding  clearer  prospect  how  he  ought  to  pro- 
it,  at  least  immediately.  December  2,  ceed  with  them,  and  this  now  was  the 
1675,  they  concluded  that  that  course  fit  season  for  that  experiment,  whDe 
"  would,  besides  the  great  charge,  un-  our  neighbors  were  busy,  who  at  an- 
certainty  of  success,  and  danger  of  re-  other  time  may  be  ready  and  in- 
ceiving  some  affront,  look  like  award-  dustrious  enough  to  ijicite  them." 
ing  execution  before  they  were  heard  ;  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  The  Dutch 
and  that  therefore  it  was  much  more  "  neighbors,"  who  might  be  disposed  to 
advisable  that  his  Majesty  should  send  incite  New  England  to  resistance,  were 
the  state  of  the  complaints  unto  them,  now  very  "  busy  "  with  theix  war  with 
and  require  their  sending  Commission-  France. 


Chap.  VII]        RENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  283 

such  a  turn,  by  laying  the  want  of  earher  notice  thereof 
partly  on  the  public  impediments  of  war,  and  partly 
on  the  neglect  of  prosecution  in  the  parties  concerned 
[Gorges  and  Mason],  as  may  reprehend  the  fault  in 
them,  and  not  draw  part  thereof  on  ourselves."  "  In 
the  circular  letters  to  New  England,  the   Gov- 

.  ,  January  28. 

ernors  were  to  be  required  to  send  home  exact 
maps  of  their  Colonies."     "  Tlieir  Lordships  did  not  sup- 
pose   that  to  consider   New   England  so   as  to 

,      .  ,  ,  ...  February  4. 

brmg  them   under   taxes  or  impositions,  or  to 
send  thither  a  Governor  to  raise  a  fortune  from  them, 
could  be  of  any  use  or  service   to  his  Majesty."     Still 
further  scruples  arose,  for  it  was  apprehended    that   a 
contest  with  New  England  might  involve  unknown  diffi- 
culties.     "Their  Lordships  entered  into  a  long 
debate  whether  this  particular  time  were  proper 
for  the   sending  of  circular  letters  into  New  England." 
But  on  a  comparison  of  opinions  they  took  heart  again, 
and  "did  agree   that   this  was   the    conjuncture   to   do 
something  effectual  for  the  better  regulation  of  that  gov- 
ernment,  or   else    all   hopes    of  it   might   be    hereafter 
lost."  1 

The  "  conjuncture "  was  manifestly  a  favorable  one. 
The  Dutch,  who  might  have  encouraged  the  Colonies 
to  resist,  were  no  longer  enemies  to  England,  and 
they  had  their  hands  full  with  their  desperate  war  % 
with  France.  Still  more,  the  Colonists  were  disabled 
by  their  struggle  with  the  Indians,  which  was  now 
at  its  most  critical  point.  The  movement  against  them 
was  promptly  followed  up.  It  was  resolved  to  trans- 
mit the  King's  demands  by  a  special  messenger,  who 
should  be  also  charged  with  the  duty  of  making  mi- 
nute inquiries  into  the  condition  of  the  country,  and 
reporting   the  result  to  the   home    government.      This 

1  Journal    of  the   "  Committee   for    Papers "   in   the   Biitish    State-Paper 
Trade  and  Plantations  "  in  "  Colonial     Office. 


284  HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IU. 

arrangement  brings  to  view  for  the  first  time  a  person 
who  for  the  next  fifteen  years  makes  a  conspicuous  figure 
in  the  history  of  New  England.  The  agent  selected  to  do 
the  royal  errand  was  Edward  Randolph,  of  whose  earlier 
life  and  position  nothing  is  known,  except  that  he  was 
a  relation  of  Eobert  Mason.^  It  was  perhaps  through 
Mason's  interest  that  he  was  invested  with  this  im- 
portant trust.  He  soon  proved  himself  so  capable  and 
active,  and  so  devoted  to  the  purposes  of  the  court, 
that  the  court  valued  him  for  his  own  sake. 

Randolph  sailed  immediately  for  Boston,  where,  "  after 
,,.  .     ,     a  tedious  passasje  of  ten  weeks,"  he  arrived  to 

Mission  of  ID  7 

Edwaxdiun-  find  thc  attcution  of  the  government  occupied 
March  30.  wlth  thc  Indian  war.^     He  waited  on  Governor 
June  10.     Leverett,  announced  "  the  cause  of  his  coming," 
and  desired  "that,  with  what  convenient  speed  might 
be,   the    Magistrates   might   be   assembled   to   hear   his 
Majesty's  letter  read."     The  Governor  replied,  that  he 
could  present  himself  to  the  Magistrates  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  same  day,  as  they  were  then  to  meet  on 
other  business.      At   the    time   appointed  he  was   "ad- 
mitted into  the  Council,"  where  he  found  the  Governor 
with  the  Secretary  and  six  other  Magistrates.    He  hand- 
ed the  King's  letter  to  the  Governor,^  who  desired  him 
to  be  seated.     The  Governor  broke  the  seal,  and  reading 
•  the  words,  "By  his  Majesty's  command,  Henry  Coven- 

1  "My  cousin,  Mason."    (Letter  of  from  which  expression  one  may  infer 

Eandolph  to  John  Povey,  Clerk  of  the  that  he  had  held  some  post  about  the 

Privy  Council,  in  Hutch.  CoU?,  564.)  Duke. 

—  I  took  great  pains,  while  in  England,  2  See  above,  p.  197. 

to  learn  something  of  the  antecedents  3  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  this 

of  Randolph,  but  without  success.     I  letter.    I  conjecture  that  it  was  among 

have  met  with  some  liint,  which  I  can-  the    pape.rs    borrowed    by    Governor 

not  now  recall,  leading  me  to  conjee-  Hutchinson  from  the  Conamon wealth's 

ture  that  he  had  been  an  underling  in  archives,   and   that   it   was   destroyed 

the  office  of  WUliamgon,  Secretary  of  when  his  house  was  sacked  by  the  mob 

State.    In  a  letter  to  Lord  Claren-  in  1765.     There  is  no  doubt,  however, 

don,  (Ibid.,   534,)  Randolph  calls  the  about  its  purport. 
Duke  of  York  his  "  gracious  master," 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  285 

try,"  ^  asked  Randolph  who  Coventry  might  be,  and  was 
informed  that  he  was  the  King's  principal  Secretary  of 
State.  Leverett  then  read  the  letter  aloud.  In  it  the 
Kijig  acquainted  the  Magistrates  with  the  representa- 
tions that  had  been  made  to  him  in  memorials  of  Gorges 
and  Mason,  of  which  he  transmitted  copies.  That  of 
Mason  set  forth  at  large  the  "wrongs  and  usurpations 
of  the  Massachusetts,"  and  "how  small  the  respect  had 
been  wherewith  these  people  had  treated  his  Majesty 
since  his  happy  restoration,  and  what  daily  breaches 
were  by  them  made  upon  his  Majesty's  Acts."  The 
King  said  that  he  had  accordingly  determined  to  re- 
quire the  Colony  to  send  agents  to  answer  to  these 
charges ;  and  he  commanded  that  Randolph  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  Coimcil  of  the  Magistrates  to  hear  his  let- 
ter read,  and  that  he  should  bring  back  their  answer.^ 
During  the  reading,  three  of  the  Magistrates,  follow- 
ing Randolph's  example,  "  put  off  their  hats  and  sat 
uncovered ;  but  the  Governor  with  the  rest  continued 
to  keep  their  hats  on."  The  reading  being  finished,  "the 
Governor  told  the  Council  that  the  matters  therein  con- 
tained were  very  inconsiderable  things,  and  easily  an- 
swered, and  it  did  in  no  way  concern  that  government  to 
take  any  notice  thereof"  Randolph  said  that  he  had  the 
King's  orders  to  require  an  answer,  and  to  wait  for  it  one 
month.  "  The  Governor  answered,  that  they  should  con- 
sider of  those  things,"  and  the  envoy  withdrew. 

While  the  Magistrates  "  considered,"  Randolph  bestirred 
himself  in  endeavors  to  stimulate  a  local  faction.  He 
delivered  letters  with  which  he  had  been  furnished  by 
Mason  to  "  several  of  the  most  eminent  inhab-  Proceedings  in 
itants  of  Boston,"  who,  he  reported,  "  received 


MaEsachusettB. 


1  July  18,  1672,  Coventry  succeeded        2  Colonial   Papers,   &c.,   March  10, 
Trevor  as  a  Secretary  of  State.     Tre-     1676. 
vor  had  succeeded  Morrice,  December 
9,  1668. 


286  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

him  with  much  kindness,  expressed  great  loyalty  to  his 
Majesty,"  and  accommodated  him  by  circulating  informa- 
tion concerning  his  errand,  which  gave  "  great  pleasure 
and  satisfaction  "  to  the  King's  well-wishers.  Meanwhile 
he  was  embarrassed,  on  his  own  part,  by  "  a  report,  which 
seemed  artificially  raised  to  amuse  and  distract  the  people, 
about  domestic  troubles  in  England."  ^ 

The  Magistrates,  after  two  days'  consideration,  resolved 
to  return  their  thanks  to  the  King  for  his  "  gracious  let- 
ter," and  to  send  a  further  answer  to  it  by  a  vessel  about 
to  sail  for  London.     They  called  in  Randolph, 

June  15.  .  .  "^  ^ 

and  told  him  that,  if  he  proposed  to  take  pas- 
sage in  that  vessel,  they  would  entrust  to  him  the  letter 
which  they  had  prepared  ^  to  one  of  the  Secretaries  of 
State ;  ^  otherwise,  he  could  have  a  duplicate  of  it  when- 
ever he  should  be  ready  to  depart.  He  said  that  he 
"had  other  matters  of  concern  under  his  charge,  and 
should  not  return  so  soon ;  and  withal  asked  them  if  they 
had  well  considered  of  his  Majesty's  letter  and  the  en- 
closed petition  in  so  short  a  time,  and  concluded  on  their 
agents,  and  the  time  of  their  going  for  England."  The 
Governor,  without  answering  the  question,  inquired 
whether  he  "  had  anything  further  to  offer  them "  from 
the  King.  Randolph  replied  that  he  had  nothing  fur- 
ther ;  and  the  Governor  said  only  "  that  he  looked  upon 
him  as  Mr.  Mason's  agent,"  and  then  bowed  him  out  of 
the  council-chamber. 

The  next  day  Randolph  went  to  visit  the  Governor 

1  See  above,  p.  23.  It  pronounces  the  complaints  that  had 

2  The  letter,  which  is  very  brief,  is  been  made  against  the  Colony  to  be 
in  Mass.  Arch.,  III.  15.  It  informs  the  "  impertinences,  mistakes,  and  false- 
Secretary  that,  in  order  to  the  prepa-  hoods,  the  proof  whereof,"  say  the 
ration  of  a  proper  reply  to  the  royal  Magistrates,  "  we  doubt  not  to  make 
message,  it  will  be  necessary  to  con-  out  in  our  more  particular  answer." 
vene  a  General  Court,  which  cannot  be  3  Coventry's  colleague,  as  Secretary- 
done  immediately  on  account  of  "  the  of  State,  was  now  Sir  Joseph  William- 
heavy  pressure  of  the  Indian  war,  to-  son,  who  had  succeeded  his  master,  Ben- 
gether  with  an  epidemical  sickness."  nett  (Lord  Arlington),  May  11,  1674. 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  287 

at  his  house,  and  formally  complained  of  the  infractions 
which  he  had  already  observed  of  the  Acts  of  Navigation. 
He  had  seen  "  several  ships  that  were  arrived  at  Boston, 
some  since  his  being  there,  from  Spain,  France,  Straits, 
Canaries,  and  other  parts  of  Europe."  The  Governor's 
reply  must  be  given  in  Eandolph's  own  words.  He  may 
not  have  expressed  himself  with  quite  the  freedom  that 
is  represented ;  but  it  is  probable  that  the  reporter  did 
not  greatly  misunderstand  or  misstate  his  language. 
"  He  freely  declared  to  me,"  Kandolph  wrote,  "  that 
the  laws  made  by  your  Majesty  and  your  Parliament 
obligeth  them  in  nothing  but  what  consists  with  the  in- 
terest of  that  Colony ;  that  the  legislative  power  is  and 
abides  in  them  solely  to  act  and  make  laws  by  virtue  of 
a  charter  from  your  Majesty's  royal  father ;  and  that  all 
matters  in  difference  are  to  be  concluded  by  their  final 
determination,  without  any  appeal  to  your  Majesty  ;  and 
that  your  Majesty  ought  not  to  retrench  their  liberties, 
but  may  enlarge  them  if  your  Majesty  please ;  and  said 
your  Majesty  had  confirmed  their  charter  and  all  their 
privileges  by  your  Majesty's  letter  of  the  28th  of  June, 
1662,  and  that  your  Majesty  could  do  no  less  in  reason 
than  let  them  enjoy  their  liberties  and  trade,  they  hav- 
ing, upon  their  own  charge,  and  without  any  contribu- 
tion from  the  crown,  made  so  large  plantation  in  the 
wilderness." 

At  the  end  of  the  second  week  of  his  stay  in  Boston, 
Randolph  wrote  to  the  Governor,  reminding  him  of  the 
King's  demand  for  agents  to  be  sent  to  England, 
and  advising  him  to  call  a  General  Court  to  set- 
tle  that   business.      He   proposed   to   wait   a   fortnight 
longer  for  the  decision  of  the  Court,  and  to  be  the  bearer 
of  their  reply  to  the  King.^     To  this  the  Gov- 
ernor answered,  rebuking  him  for  the  disrespect- 

1  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  212. 


288  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

ful  abruptness  of  his  behavior,  and  repeating  that,  when 
he  was  ready  to  go  back  to  England,  he  might  have  a 
duphcate  of  the  letter  which  the  Council  had  already 
despatched.^ 

Randolph  next  turned  his  attention  to  "  New  Hamp- 
shire," as  he  called  it,  comprehending  under  that  name 
Kandoiphin  tho  couutry  between  the  Naumkeag  and  the 
fhJe"'™^'  Piscataqua,  according  to  the  largest  interpre- 
J«^y-  tation  of  his  friend's  patent.  He  "  travelled 
•  through  several  of  the  most  considerable  towns,"  and, 
announcing  his  business,  was  received  —  so  he  reported 
—  with  a  cordial  welcome.  He  found  "the* whole  coun- 
try complaining  of  the  oppression  and  usurpation  of  the 
Magistrates  of  Boston."  At  Portsmouth,  "  several  of  the 
principal  inhabitants  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  belonging 

unto  Mr  Gorges, came  unto  him,  making  the  same 

complaints  with  those  of  New  Hampshire."  At  Boston, 
on  his  return  to  that  place,  an  invitation  to  Plymouth 
Randolph  at  awaltcd  him  from  Governor  Winslow.  With 
Plymouth.  "Vyrinslow,  whom  he  found  "  a  gentleman  of  loyal 
principles,"  he  had  gratifying  converse.  The  Governor 
"  expressed  his  great  dislike  of  the  carriage  of  the  Magis- 
trates of  Boston  to  his  Majesty's  royal  person  and  his 
subjects  under  their  government,"  and  went  so  far  as  to 
"  say  that  New  England  could  never  be  secure,  flourish, 
nor  be  serviceable  to  his  Majesty,  until  the  several  colo- 
nies and  plantations  were  reduced  under  his  Majesty's 
immediate  government " ;  an  arrangement  to  which  he 
assured  his  new  friend  "  that  the  Colonies  of  New 
Plymouth  and  Connecticut  would  readily  and  willingly 
submit." 

During  his  stay  in  New  England,  Randolph  satisfied 
himself,  not  only  of  the  promising  state  of  sentiment  in 
the  smaller  Colonies,  but  that,  even  "  at  Boston,  the  prin- 

1  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  316. 


Chap.  VII.]        EENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  289 

cipal  inhabitants,  some  whereof  were  the  chief  officers  of 
the  miUtia,  and  the  generality  of  the  people,  complained 
of  the  arbitrary  government  and  oppression  of  their  Mag- 
istrates, and  did  hope  his  Majesty  would  be  pleased  to 
free  them  from  this  bondage  by  establishing  his  own 
royal  authority  among  them,  and  govern  them  according 
to  his  Majesty's  laws." 

The  time  that  Randolph  had  been  ordered  to  wait  for 
an  answer  from  Massachusetts  having  expired, 
he  "  went  to  the  Governor  for  his  despatches." 
That  impracticable  magistrate  "  entertained  him  with  a 
sharp  reproof  for  publishing  the  substance  of  his  errand 

into  those  parts, telHng  him  that  he  designed  to 

make  a  mutiny  and  disturbance  in  the  country,  and  to 
withdraw  the  people  from  their  obedience  to  the  magis- 
tracy of  that  Colony  and  the  authority  thereof"  The 
emissary  received  a  duplicate  of  the  letter  which  had 
been  sent  a  month  before  to  Secretary  Coventry  •  and, 
having  been  desired  to  assure  the  King  that  the  English 
in  Massachusetts  "  were  a  people  truly  fearing  the  Lord, 
and  very  obedient  to  his  Majesty,"  he,  in  a  discourteous 
letter,^  took  his  leave  for  the  present,^  and  soon  His  return  to 
afterwards  sailed  for  England.^  England. 

Meanwhile  the  enemies  of  Massachusetts  were  not  idle 
on  the  other  side  of  the  water.     The  Lords  of 
the  Committee  took  up  a  "petition  lately  pre-  queslion there. 
sented  to  his  Majesty  by  the  mercers  and  silk-     ^^"'^' 
weavers  of  London,"  who  represented  that  they  had  been 
accustomed  to  send  to  New  England  "  very  great  quan- 

1  Randolph's  letter  of  July  6,  in  503-511.  In  a  letter  to  Secretary- 
Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  213.  Coventry  of  June  17  (in  Colonial  Pa- 

2  This  account  of  Randolph's  first  pers,  &c.),  he  had  reported  his  trans- 
visit  to  New  England  is  abridged  from  actions  in  Boston  during  the  first  week. 
his  '•  Short  Narrative  touching  the  De-  3  JJe  embarked  for  his  return  July  30. 
livery  of  your  Majesty's  Letters  to  the  ("  Narrative  of  my  Proceedings  and 
Magistracies  of  Boston  in  N.  E.,  Sep-  Several  Voyages  to  and  from  New  Eng- 
teraber    20,    1676,"   in    Hutch.    Coll.,  land,"  in  Mass.  Arch.,  CXXVII.  220.) 

VOL.  III.  25 


290  mSTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  m. 

titles  of  the  silks  or  stuffs  made  in  England,  or  imported 
from  beyond  seas,  when  out  of  fashion  " ;  but  that  since 
"New  England,  contrary  to  the  law,  had  taken  upon 
them  to  enrich  themselves  "  by  foreign  importations,  the 
petitioners  were  "  many  of  them  totally  ruined."  -^  The 
merchants  and  weavers  thought  it  no  more  than  reason- 
able that  the  Colonists  should  be  compelled  to  relieve 
them  of  their  unsalable  goods.  Investigations  as  to  the 
actual  state  of  the  colonial  trade  were  set  on  foot. 
"Several  merchants  who  traded  to  New  Eng- 
land   were  called  in  one  by  one.     Some 

were  shy  to  unfold  the  mystery  thereof  Others  pre- 
tended ignorance."^  But  others  still  gave  information  to 
the  effect  that  "  all  sorts  of  goods  growing  on  his  Majes- 
ty's other  plantations  were  brought  to  New  England  on 
payment  of  the  duties  payable  by  the  Act  for  going  fron\ 
one  plantation  to  another  " ;  that  "  they  went  with  those 
goods,  and  many  times  with  lading  of  Campeachy  wood, 
which  they  ventured  to  fetch  from  the  place  to  other 
parts  of  Europe";  that  "in  exchange  for  these  goods 
they  laded  what  each  country  did  afford  (and  that  even 
now  there  were  two  or  three  vessels  lading  in  Holland), 
and  so  sailed  back  with  all  to  New  England,  without 
even  calling  at  Old   England,  but  when   they  thought 

fit ; which,  if  not  prevented,  would  quite  destroy 

the  trade  of  England  there,  and  leave  no  sort  of  depend- 
ence in  that  place  from  hence."  The  conclusion  was, 
that  the  Commissioners,  though  they  "thought  it  not 
convenient  to  ravel  into  any  of  the  miscarriages  passed," 
resolved  to  advise  the  King,  —  1.  To  exact  from  every 
plantation  an  act  to  enforce  the  laws  of  trade  ;  2.  To 
appoint  revenue  officers  in  the  plantations,  "  and  in  case 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  land   walk,"   who   were    prepared    to 

2  In  the  Colonial  Papers  of  this  date     prove  breaches  in  New  England  of  the 
is  a  list  of  merchants,  "  all  to  be  found     Navigation  Laws. 

at  the  Exchange,  upon  the  New  Eng- 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  291 

of  refusal  in  them  to  admit  such  officers,  that  the  rest 
of  the  plantations  should  be  forbid  to  allow  them  any 
liberty  or  intercourse  of  trade  " ;  and  3.  To  issue  orders 
to  commanders  in  his  Majesty's  navy  to  seize  offend- 
ing vessels.^ 

When  Randolph  was  gone  from  Massachusetts,  and 
there  had  been  time  for  the  people  to  bethink  them- 
selves, it  was  fit  that  the  Governor  should  move.  The 
old  soldier  of  Cromwell  understood  when  forcible  action 
would  be  rash,  as  well  as  when  it  would  be  effective. 
No  man  was  less  ignorant  of  the  policy  of  argument  and 
delay.  He  convoked  a  General  Court,  and  told  them 
that  the  occasion  of  their  being  summoned  was  Proceedings 
"  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from  his  Majesty,  &c."  °^'^^"''""'"- 
The  Court  chose  to  consider  the  pending  agi-  August  9. 
tation  as  arising  simply  out  of  "  the  complaints  of  Mr. 
Gorges  and  Mr.  Mason  about  the  extent  of  the  patent 
line";  and,  "being  acquainted  that  many  of  the  reverend 
elders  were  in  town,  they  agreed  and  sent  the  marshal 
to  them,  to  say  that  they  desired  their  presence  and  ad- 
vice "  upon  the  question,  "  whether  the  most  expedient 

way  of  making  answer  to  the  complaints were  by 

sending  agents  or  afttorneys  to  answer  the  same,  or  to 
answer  by  writing  only."  The  elders  deliberated,  and 
gave  their  advice  that,  for  several  reasons,  one  of  which 
was  to  avoid  an  appearance  of  "  contempt  of  his  Majesty's 
commands,"  the  "  expedient  way  "  was  to  appoint  "  agents 
to  appear  and  make  answer  by  way  of  information  at 
this  time  and  in  this  case ;  provided  they  were  with  ut- 
most care  and  caution  qualified  as  to  their  instructions, 
by  and  according  unto  which  they  might  negotiate  that 
affair  with  safety  unto  the  country,  and  with  all  duty 
and  loyalty  unto  his  Majesty  in  the  preservation  of 
the  patent  liberties."     The  advice   does  not  appear  to 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c. 


292  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

have  been  approved,  or  it  was  thought  best  to  take 
more  time  for  consideration  and  for  reconcihng  opin- 
ions ;  for  a  committee,  consisting  of  the  Magistrates 
Bradstreet,  Stoughton,  the  young  Joseph  Dudley,  and 
the  Secretary,  Rawson,  with  five  Deputies,  was  directed 
to  "  draw  up  an  address  to  his  Majesty,"  with  "  a  letter 
and  instructions  to  some  meet  person  in  England,"  who 
should  "  deliver  the  same  to  his  Majesty  accordingly,  and 
appear  and  make  answer  by  way  of  information,  as  the 
case  might  require."  The  Court  proceeded  to  despatch 
various  affairs  of  common  business,  and  then  adjourned 
for  a  month.^ 

At  the  next  session,  the  committee  presented  their 
draft  of  an  "  humble  petition  and  address  of  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  in  New  England,  in  General  Court  assembled,  to 
the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty."  It  began  with  a 
brief  reference  to  the  distresses  which  the  Colony  had 
suffered  in  its  war  with  the  natives,  and  to  the  victory 
which  had  recently  crowned  its  arms.  A  prospect  had 
opened,  the  memorialists  said,  of  "calmness  and  com- 
posedness"  in  their  public  affairs,  when  the  war  broke 
out  afresh  in  the  Eastern  country,^  and  at  the  same 
time  a  groundless  and  vexatious  controversy  was  thrust 
upon  them  respecting  the  rightfulness  of  their  authoritj^ 
over  those  Eastern  settlements  of  the  King's  subjects 
which  they  were  straining  every  nerve  to  protect.  They 
were,  however,  "  most  willing,  in  observance  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's commands, to  offer  their  pleas  and  produce 

their  evidences  in  this  matter";  evidences  which  they 
esteemed  to  be  "such  as  would  abundantly  clear  up 
their  right  to  those  Eastern  parts  to  be  undoubted,  ac- 
cording to  the  plain  intent  and  necessary  sense  of  the 
words  of  their  patent,  and  sufiiciently  »make  it  appear 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  98-101.  2  See  above,  p.  212. 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED  DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  293 

that  their  administrations  of  government  there  had  been 
noways  derogatory  to  his  Majesty's  honor,  nor  preju- 
dicial to  his  royal  interest  in  this  wilderness,  but  many 
ways  beneficial,  as  also  satisfactory  to  the  inhabitants, 
his  Majesty's  subjects,  upon  that  place."  They  pro- 
tested that  "  no  intention  of  wrong  to  the  claimers, 
no  unlawful  design  of  enlargement  of  their  borders,  no 
profit  or  advantage  thereby  accruing  (the  contrary  where- 
to they  had  hitherto  found),  but  a  grounded  apprehen- 
sion of  their  interest,  real  compassion  to  the  petition- 
ing inhabitants  in  an  unsettled  and  suffering  condition, 
together  with  a  sense  of  duty  incumbent  to  be  faithful 
to  their  patent  trust,  did  cause  them  to  receive  those 
inhabitants  under  the  wing  of  his  Majesty's  govern- 
ment in  this  Colony  established.  The  further  man- 
agement of  their  defence "  they  had  intrusted  to  two 
agents,  "  for  whom,  as  for  themselves,  with  most  humble 
prostration,  they  begged  his  Majesty's  countenance  and 
favor."  1 

The  form  of  address  was  adopted,  and  Mr.  William 
Stoughton    and   Mr.   Peter   Bulkely  were   appointed  to 
present   it.^      Stoughton,   a   rich   bachelor,  now  stoughton 
about  forty-five  years  old,  was  son  of  the  stern  ^""^  ^"'"^'^ 

♦'^  •^         _  '         ^  sent  to  Eng- 

and  sometimes  factious  soldier  of  the  Pequod  land. 
war.^  He  had  been  educated  for  the  ministry,  but  had 
never  assumed  a  cure,  and  had  now  been  in  the  magis- 
tracy five  or  six  years.  Bulkely  was  son  of  the  able 
and  generous-minded  minister  of  Concord.  Though  ten 
years  younger  than  his  associate  in  the  agency,  he  was 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Deputies.  In  the  parties  which 
in  these  dangerous  times  had  begun  to  take  their  ele- 
mentary shape  in  Massachusetts,  Stoughton,  enforced 
by  his  arbitrary  temperament  and  influenced  by  the 
instincts  of  wealth,  was  understood  to  be  indulgent  to 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  106  -  108.  3  See  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  469. 

2  Mass.  Arch.,  III.  318-321. 

25* 


294  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

the  pretensions  of  the  court;  while  Bulkely,  sustaining 
more  popular  relations,  was  then  believed  —  though  the 
expectations  entertained  of  him  were  not  ultimately  re- 
alized —  to  be  devoted  to  the  local  traditions,  and  to  be 
disposed  to  stand  firm  for  the  integrity  of  the  Charter. 
It  was  probably  thought  prudent  that  both  styles  of 
thought  should  be  represented  in  the  agency  in  Eng- 
land, and  that  the  facility  of  Stoughton  should  conciliate 
and  qualify,  while  the  sagacity  and  firmness  of  Bulke- 
ly should  watch  and  protect.  But  if  such  was  the 
calculation,  the  result  did  not  justify  it.  Bulkely  acted 
no  independent  part  while  engaged  in  this  service  ;  and, 
in  later  times,  he  made  himself  discreditably  conspicuous 
as  a  prerogative  man. 

The  case  of  the  Colony  against  the  claimants  was 
argued  in  a  paper,  intrusted  to  the  agents  for  delivery 
to  the  King.  It  bore  the  title  of  "A  brief  Declaration 
of  the  right  and  claim  of  the  Governor  and  Company 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England  to  the  lands 
now  in  their  possession,  but  pretended  to  by  Mr.  Gorges 
and  Mr.  Mason."  After  a  short  account  of  the  trans- 
actions relating  to  the  Eastern  country  of  Massachusetts, 
as  they  have  been  detailed  in  this  work,  the  memorial- 
ists proceeded  at  length  to  prove  their  right  by  patent, 
and  to  show  how  satisfactory  and  beneficial  the  ex- 
ercise of  their  government  in  the  disputed  territory 
had  been  to  the  inhabitants,  and  how  advantageous  for 
the  King.^ 

The  agents  were  also  furnished  with  letters  to  the  two 

Secretaries  of  State,^  and  with  two  sets  of  "  Orders  and 

Instructions."      In   one   of  these   latter   papers, 

September  16.     -  ,  .  ^ 

they  were  directed  to  nitorm  the  Kmg  that 
they  were  sent  "to  give  his  Majesty  satisfaction  con- 
cerning the  rights  of  the  patent, in  answer  to 

1  Maes.  Rec,  V.  108-113.  2  Ibid.,  118-120. 


Chap.  VIL]        RENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  295 

the  pretensions  and  accusations  of  Mr,  Gorges  and  Mr. 
Mason."  They  were  to  confine  themselves  to  this  ser- 
vice ;  and  "  to  all  other  clamors  and  accusations "  they 
were  to  answer  that  they  had  "no  order  nor  instruc- 
tion." If  occasion  should  arise,  they  were  "  then  humbly 
to  crave  his  Majesty's  favor  for  time  for  a  further  an- 
swer from  hence."  They  were  to  send  home  reports 
of  their  doings  by  every  conveyance,  and  to  come  back 
as  soon  as  possible.^ 

The  other  set  of  instructions  was  for  the  most  part 
the  same,  but  it  also  contained  some  confidential  mat- 
ter. The  agents  were  to  advise  with  the  Earl  of  An- 
glesey, and  other  friends  of  the  Colony  in  England. 
They  were  to  "represent  to  the  King  and  Council  the 
inconsiderableness  and  small  worth  of  those  Eastern 
parts " ;  but  "  notwithstanding,  if  they  found  a  sum  of 
money  would  take  them  [Gorges  and  Mason]  off  from 

further  prosecution  of  their  pretensions, and  that 

that  might  be  a  final  issue,  they  should  engage  in  that 
way  as  their  discretion  should  direct."  ^ 

Randolph,  who  was  already  in  England  again  before 
these  arrangements  were  completed,^  lost  no  time  in 
making  a  report  of  what  he  had  done  and  had  seen.     It 


1  "In  case  an  answer  be  demanded  fortifications."  The  King  thereupon 
of  you  to  the  memorial  of  the  Dutch  had  "  required  the  Magistrates  of  Bos- 
ambassador  presented  to  his  Majesty,  ton  to  return  their  answer";  but  it 
a  full  answer  shall  be  given  by  the  seems  this  had  not  been  done.  Comp. 
next  passage."  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  114.)  Mass.  Rec,  V.  118. 
This  clause  is  explained  by  a  minute  2  Mass.  Rec,  V.  113-  116.  I  am  a 
in  the  Journal  of  the  Privy  Council  of  little  uncertain,  however,  whether  the 
February  11,  1676,  from  which  it  ap-  latter  set  of  instructions  is  not  to  be 
pears  that  the  States-General  com-  considered  as  the  original  draft,  and 
plained  that  an  officer  of  theirs,  hav-  the  other  as  an  amended  form  finally 
ing  "  made  himself  master  of  the  forts  adopted, 
of  Penobscot  and  St.  John's,  belonging  3  He  landed  at  Dover,  September 

to  the  French, the  English  of  10.    ("  Short  Narrative  of  my  Proceed- 

Boston  did  by  force  of  arms  attack  the  ings  and  Several  Voyages  to  and  from 

men  left  in  garrison  in  the  said  places.  New  England,"  &c.,  in  Mass.   Arch., 

made  them  prisoners,  and  razed  the  CXXVII.  220.) 


296  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Randolph's  de-  was  embraced  in  two  papers.  One  of  them 
NeTEngiid.  was  that  account  of  his  proceedings  which 
September  20.  jj^^g  bcen  already  described.  The  other  was 
entitled  "An  Answer  to  several  Heads  of  In- 
quiry concerning  the  Present  State  of  New 
England."^  It  relates  almost  entirely  to  the  Colony 
"commonly  called  the  corporation  of  Boston,"  which, 
says  the  writer,  "  at  the  present  gives  laws  to  a  great  part 
of  this  country." 

A  description  of  Massachusetts  as  it*  appeared  to  a 
capable  observer  at  this  period  has  strong  attraction  for 
the  reader.  But  Randolph's  representations  must  be 
received  with  great  caution.  He  had  been  in  the  coun- 
try only  two  months.  The  persons  most  competent  to 
afford  him  information  gave  him  none  of  their  confidence. 
And  above  all,  he  was  an  unscrupulous  man,  and  he  had 
motives  for  exaggerating  in  the  most  important  particu- 
lars. It  was  for  his  interest  to  make  statements  which, 
on  the  one  hand,  would  provoke  the  King's  displeasure, 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  would  make  it  appear  that  Mas- 
sachusetts could  yield  spoils  worth  the  attention  of  the 
royal  advisers. 

The  frame  and  administration  of  the  colonial  govern- 
ment he  described  for  the  most  part  with  sufficient  cor- 
rectness.^ The  coining  of  money  he  represented  "  as  a 
mark  of  sovereignty,"  and  he  inaccurately  declared  the 
date  borne  upon  the  pieces  to  be  designed  to  indicate 
"the  era  of  the  Commonwealth,  wherein  they  erected 
themselves  into  a  free  state,  enlarged  their  dominions, 
subjected  the  adjacent  Colonies  under  their  obedience, 
and  summoned  Deputies  to  sit  in  the  General  Court." 
He  reported  that  the  Magistrates,  in  their  judicial  func- 

1  For    this    important    paper    see     (See  above,  p-  41.)     Whenever  it  was 
Hutch.  Coll.,  477  et  seq.  that  this  ceased  to  be  law,  it  continued 

2  "  No  person,"  he  says,  "  being  an     to  be  practice  nearly  down  to  the  War 
attorney,  is  to  be  chosen  a  Deputy."    of  Independence  in  the  last  century. 


Chap.  VII.]        EENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  297 

tion,  "  more  regarded  the  quality  and  affection  of  the 
persons  to  their  government,  than  the  nature  of  their 
offence.  They  saw  no  evil  in  a  church-member,  and 
therefore  it  was  very  difficult  to  get  any  sentence  or  ver- 
dict against  him,  though  in  the  smallest  matters."  It 
was  "accounted  a  breach  of  their  privileges  and  a  be- 
traying of  the  liberties  of  their  commonwealth  to  urge 
the  observation  of  the  laws  of  England  or  his  Majesty's 
commands." 

Among  local  laws  which  he  specified  as  "  most  deroga- 
tory and  contradictory  to  those  of  England,"  were  the 
laws  which  forbade  the  observance  of  "  Christmas  day, 
or  the  like  festivity";  the  solemnization  of  marriage  by 
any  person  but  a  Magistrate ;  and  tlie  impressing  of  men 
"to  serve  in  any  wars  but  should  be  enterprised  by 
that  Commonwealth."  They  had  a  law,  he  said,  that 
"all  strangers  professing  the  true  Christian  religion  that 
should  fly  to  them  for  succor  from  the  tyranny  or  op- 
pression of  their  persecutors,  or  for  any  necessary  or 
compulsory  cause,  should  be  entertained  and  protected 
among  them  according  to  that  power  and  prudence 
God  should  give  them.  By  which  law  Whalley  and 
Goffe  and  other  traitors  were  kindly  received  and  en- 
tertained." 

"  The  number,"  he  declared,  "  of  the  church-members 
and  freemen,  compared  with  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants 
(who  are  termed  the  dissenting  party),  is  very  inconsider- 
able, not  being  reckoned  above  one  sixth  part ;  the  most 
wealthy  persons  of  all  professions  being  men  of  good 

principles  and  well  affected  to  his  Majesty The 

inhabitants  within  the  government,  including  Hampshire 
and  Maine,  are  computed  to  be  upwards  of  one  hundred 

and  fifty  thousand  souls There  are  rich  men  of 

all  callings  and  professions,  and  all  mechanical  arts  and 
professions  thrive  well.  The  farmers  are  numerous  and 
wealthy,  live  in  good  houses,  are  given  to  hospitality, 


298  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  UI. 

and  make  good  advantage  of  their  corn,  cattle,  poultry, 
butter,  and  cheese.  There  are  about  thirty  merchants 
that  are  esteemed  worth  from  ten  to   twenty  thousand 

pounds There  are  no  servants  but  upon  hired 

wages,  except  some  few,  who  serve  four  years  for  the 
charge  of  being  transported  thither  by  their  masters,  and 
not  above  two  hundred  slaves  in  the  Colony,  and  those 
were  brought  from  Guinea  and  Madagascar. 

"  There  are  men  able  to  bear  arms  between  thirty  and 
forty  thousand,  and  in  the  town  of  Boston  about  four 

thousand Their  trained  bands  are  twelve  troops 

of  horse,  and  six  thousand  foot;  each  troop,  consisting 
of  sixty  horse  besides  officers,  are  all  well  mounted  and 
completely  armed  with  back,  breast,  head-piece,  buff  coat, 
sword,  carbine,  and  pistols,  each  troop  distinguished  by 
their  coats.  The  foot  also  are  well  furnished  with  swords, 
muskets,  and  bandoleers.     There  are  no  pikemen,  they 

being  of  no  use  in  the  wars  with  the  Indians The 

Governor,  Mr.  Leverett,  is  the  only  old  soldier  in  the 
Colony ;   he   served    in    the    late    rebellion,   under   the 

usurper,  Oliver  Cromwell,  as  a  captain  of  horse 

Three  miles  from  Boston,  upon  a  small  island,-^  there  is  a 
castle  of  stone,  lately  built  and  in  good  repair,  with  four 
bastions,  and  mounted  with  thirty-eight  guns,  sixteen 
whole  culverin,  commodiously  seated  upon  a  rising  ground 
sixty  paces  from  the  water-side,  under  which,  at  high- 
water  mark,  is  a  stone  battery  of  six  guns There 

is  a  small  brick  fort  lately  made  at  the  south  end  of  Bos- 
ton, with  two  tier  of  guns,  six  in  each.^ One  plat- 
form on  the  north  side  of  the  town,^  commanding  the  river 
to  Charlestown,  made  of  loose  stones  and  turf,  is  mount- 
ed with  five  demi-culverin,  and  two  small  guns 

There  are  in  the  public  stores  commonly  a  thousand  bar- 
rels of  powder,  with  other  ammunition  and  arms  propor- 

1  The  site  of  the  present  Fort  Inde-        2  Fort  Hill, 
pendence.  3  Copps  Hill. 


Chap.  VII.]        KENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  209 

tionable At  Dorchester,  seven  miles  from  Bos- 
ton, is  a  powder-mill  in  good  repair,  well  wrought.  There 
is  in  the  country  great  quantities  of  saltpetre,  especially 
upon  islands  where  fowl  frequent,  and  in  swamps  where 
pigeons  roost.     The  powder  is  as  good  and  strong  as  the 

best  English  powder There  is  great  plenty  of 

iron-ore,  and  as  good  iron  made  as  any  in  Spain.  There 
are  six  forges  for  making  of  iron  in  that  Colony.     The 

town  of  Boston contains  about  two  thousand  houses, 

most  built  with  timber  and  covered  with  shino;les  of 
cedar,  as  are  most  of  the  houses  in  the  country ;  some 
few  are  brick  buildings  and  covered  with  tiles." 

After  some  paragraphs  of  calumny  respecting  the  rela- 
tions of  Massachusetts  to  the  Eastern  settlements,  to  the 
French  in  Nova  Scotia,  and  to  the  Duke's  Province  of 
New  York,  and  respecting  the  causes  and  conduct  of  the 
recent  war  with  the  natives,  Randolph  proceeded  to  give 
an  account  of  the  economical  resources  and  employments 
of  the  country.  "  The  commodities,"  he  wrote,  "  of  the 
production,  growth,  and  manufacture  of  New  England 
are  all  things  necessary  for  shipping  and  naval  furniture 
in  great  abundance,  as  excellent  oak,  elm,  beech,  fir,  pine 
for  masts  the  best  in  the  world,  pitch,  tar,  hemp,  and  iron 
not  inferior  to  that  of  Bilbao,  clapboards,  pipe-staves, 
planks,  and  deal  boards,  so  that  his  Majesty  need  not  be 
beholding  to  other  nations  for  naval  stores.  It  abounds 
with  horses,  beeves,  sheep,  hogs,  and  goats,  with  mighty 
numbers  of  wild  beasts,  as  beaver,  otter,  moose,  deer, 
stags,  foxes,  musquash,  and  several  other  sorts,  whose 
skins  produce  great  profit  yearly.  Also,  great  plenty  of 
wheat,  rye,  barley,  oats,  and  pease,  fruits  of  most  kinds, 
especially  apples,  whereof  they  make  great  quantities  of 
excellent  cider.  Fish  of  all  sorts,  especially  cod,  mack' 
erel,  and  herring,  which  are  very  large  and  fat.  These 
are  the  staple  commodities,  and  are  exported."  Pro- 
visions were  carried  to  Virginia,  Jamaica,  and  Maryland  ; 


300  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

provisions,  horses,  boards,  pipe-staves,  and  houses  ready 
framed,  to  Barbadoes,  Nevis,  St.  Christoijher,  and  other 
islands ;  "  to  Spain,  Portugal,  and  the  Straits,  Madeiras, 
and  Canary  Islands,  fish  and  timber,  pipe-staves,  and  deal- 
boards  ;  to  England,  masts  and  yards  for  ships,  fir  and 
oak  planks,  with  all  sorts  of  peltry." 

The  Massachusetts  people  imported  the  products  of 
other  Colonies,  both  for  home  consumption  and  for  trans- 
port "  to  other  parts."  They  had  commerce  with  "  most 
parts  of  Europe,  as  England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  Spain, 
France,  Portugal,  Holland,  Canaries,  and  the  Hanse 
Towns,  carrying  to  each  place  such  commodities  as  were 
vendible,  either  of  their  own  growth  and  manufacture  or 
those  of  the  other  plantations,  and  making  their  returns 
in  such  goods  as  were  necessary  and  vendible  either  in 
New  England,  or  in  any  other  of  his  Majesty's  dominions 
in  America ;  as  brandy,  Canary,  Spanish,  and  French 
wines,  bullion,  salt,  fruits,  oils,  silks,  laces,  linen  of  all 
sorts,  cloths,  serges,  bays,  kersej^s,  stockings,  and  many 
other  commodities."  Some  vessels  had  even  been  "  sent 
to  Guinea,  Madagascar,  and  those  coasts,  and  some  to 
Scanderoon,  laden  with  masts  and  yards  for  ships."  Bos- 
ton was  "  the  mart  town  of  the  West  Indies."  There 
was  "no  notice  taken  of  the  Act  of  Navigation,  planta- 
tion, or  any  other  laws  made  in  England  for  the  regu- 
lation of  trade ; and  in   this,  as  well  as  in  other 

things,  that  government  would  make  the  world  believe 
they  were  a  free  state." 

Of  vessels  "built  in  and  belonging  to  that  jurisdiction," 
there  were  no  fewer  than  thirty  measuring  between  a 
hundred  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  besides  seven 
hundred  of  smaller  size.  There  were  also  "  several 
vessels  yearly  built  there,  and  sold  in  England  and 
other  parts."  "  Good  ships  were  built  for  four  pounds 
the  ton." 

"The  public  revenue  of  the  Colony"   was   estimated 


Chap.  VII]        RENEWED   DISPUTE  WITH   ENGLAND.  gQl 

at  twenty  thousand  pounds.-^  It  was  raised  by  a  poll-tax, 
an  excise,  a  tax  on  incomes  and  on  lawsuits,  a  tax  on 
licenses,  and  customs  on  imported  goods,  the  last  of 
which  imposts,  as  well  as  the  others,  were  collected  by 
colonial  officers.  There  was  '^no  custom  upon  anything 
exported,  except  horses,  which  paid  sixpence."  There 
was  "a  reasonable  quantity  of  silver  money  in  the  Col- 
ony, but  no  gold." 

As  to  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants,  they  were 
"  generally  well  affected  to  his  Majesty  and  his  govern- 
ment " ;  they  were  "  groaning  imder  the  yoke  of  the 
present  government,  and  were  in  daily  hopes  and  ex- 
pectations of  a  change,  by  his  Majesty's  reassuming  the 
authority,  and  settling  a  general  government  over  the 
whole  country ;  without  -which  it  was  feared  civil  war 
would  in  a  short  time  break  out  between  the  Colonies, 
the  government  of  the  Massachusetts  daily  imposing 
and  encroaching  upon  their  neighbors ;  and  therefore 
the  loyal  Colonies  of  New  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  New 

Hampshire,  and   Maine were   very  desirous  of 

submitting  to  a  general  governor  to  be  established  by 
his  Majesty." 

Even  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  Randolph  said, 
were  not  unanimous.  "Among  the  Magistrates  some  are 
good  men  and  well  affected  to  his  Majesty,  and  would  be 
well  satisfied  to  have  his  Majesty's  authority  in  a  better 
manner  established ;  but  the  major  part  are  of  different 
principles,  having  been  in  the  government  from  the  time 
they  formed  themselves  into  a  commonwealth.  These 
direct  and  manage  all  affairs  as  they  please ;  of  which 
number    are    Mr.    Leverett,    Governor,    Mr.    Symonds, 

1  Here,  says  Hutchinson,  who  in  tliis  were   greatly  increased,  but  not   the 

case  is  excellent  authority,  "  Randolph  revenue  in  any  proportion,  the  Colony 

has   put    one    cipher    more    than    he  being  left  greatly  in  debt,  which  was 

should    have     done.       Their    annual  not  paid  in  several  years."     (HutcL 

charges  never  rose  to  £2,000  before  Coll.,  498,  note.) 
the  Indian  war.      Then   indeed  they 

VOL.  in.  26 


302 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


Deputy-Governor,  Mr.  Danforth,  Mr.  Tyng,  Major  Clarke, 
and  Major  Hathorne The  most  popular  and  well- 
principled  men  are  Major  Denison,  Mr.  Bradstreet,  and 
Mr.  Dudley  in  the  Magistracy,  and  of  military  men 
Major  Savage,  Captains  Curwin,  Saltonstall,  Brattle,  Rich- 
ards, Gillam,  Mosely,  Majory,  Champei;noon,  Shapleigh, 
Phillips,  with  many  others,  who  only  wait  for  an  op- 
portunity to   express  their  duty  to  his  Majesty 

The  clergy  are  for  the  most  part  very  civil,  and  inclining 
to  his  Majesty's  government,  being  held  in  subjection 
by  the  ruling  elders The  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment is  in  the  hands  of  lay  elders,  these  being  the  laws 
and  constitutions."  '^ 

The  inhabitants  of  Plymouth  and  Connecticut^  he 
found  to  be  "generally  very  loyal  and  good  people, 
who   did   upon  all  occasions  express  great  love   to   the 


1  Hutch.  Coll.,  477-501.  — "There 
are  three  colleges  built  in  Cambridge ; 
one,  with  timber,  at  the  charge  of  Mr. 
Harvard,  and  bears  his  name ;  a  small 
brick  building  called  the  Indian  Col- 
lege, where  some  few  Indians  did  study, 
but  now  it  is  a  printing-house ;  New 
College,  built  at  the  public  charge,  is  a 
fair  pile  of  brick  building  covered  with 
tiles,  by  reason  of  the  late  Indian  war 
not  yet  finished.  It  contains  twenty 
chambei's  for  students,  two  in  a  cham- 
ber; a  large  hall,  which  serves  for  a 
chapel.;  over  that  a  convenient  library, 
with  some  few  books  of  the  ancient 
fathers  and  school  divines ;  but,  in  re- 
gard divinity  is  the  general  study,  there 
are  many  English  books  of  the  late 
Non-conformist  writers,  especially  of 
Mr.  Baxter  and  Dr.  Owen.  Here  they 
teach  Hebrew,  before  they  well  under- 
stand Latin.  No  formalities  or  distinc- 
tions of  habits,  or  other  decencies,  as  in 
England,  much  less  those  exhibitions 
and  supports  for  scholars.  They  take 
no  degrees  above  Master  of  Arts. 


"  Their  Commencement  is  kept 
yearly  the  2d  [week  ?]  of  August,  in 
the  meeting-house,  when  the  Governor 
and  Magistrates  are  pi'esent,  attended 
with  throngs  of  illiterate  elders  and 
church-members,  who  are  entertained 
with  English  speeches  and  verses. 
Most  of  the  students  are  come  for 
England ;  and  at  present  no  settled 
President;  but  one  Mr.  Oakes,  a  rigid 
Independent,  supplies  the  place.  The 
allowance  of  the  President  is  lOOl.  per 
ann.,  and  a  good  house.  There  are  but 
four  fellowships.  The  two  seniors  have 
each  301.  per  ann.,  and  the  two  juniors 
151. ;  but  no  diet  is  allowed.  These 
are  tutors  to  all  such  as  are  admitted 
students."     (Ibid.,  501,  502.) 

2  The  reputation  of  Connecticut 
ought  not  to  suffer  materially  from 
this  eulogy  of  Randolph.  It  does  not 
appear  that  he  had  been  within  the 
bounds  of  the  Colony, though  he  had 
probably  corresponded  with  some  of 
its  chief  men. 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED   DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  303 

person  and  government  of  his  Majesty,  and  did  heartily 
wish  that  his  Majesty's  authority  were  established  over 
the  whole  country."  In  those  Colonies  not  only  all  mag- 
istrates and  officers  civil  and  military,  but  all  freemen, 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  commissions  and  writs 
ran  in  the  King's  name.  "  The  number  of  inhabitants 
in  both  Colonies,"  he  wrote,  "  are  computed  to  be  eighty 
thousand  souls.  There  are  no  slaves,  only  hired  ser- 
vants. The  chief  professions  are  farmers,  graziers,  and 
fishermen ;  very  few  merchants,  they  being  supplied 
with  all  foreign  commodities  from  Boston.  The  militia 
consists  of  four  troops  of  horse  and  five  regiments  of 
foot,  who  are  well  armed  and  disci^Dlined ;  no  old  soldiers 
among  them.  The  number  fit  to  bear  arms,  twenty 
thousand.  The  country  is  very  fertile  and  pleasant, 
and  abounds  in  corn  and  cattle,  and  produceth  very 
good  horses,  the  best  in  all  New  England,  which  are 
sent  into  several  parts.  There  is  great  abundance  of 
tar,  and  excellent  good  hemp  ;  and  there  is  made  good 
quantity  of  whale  oil,  which  fish  they  take  upon  the 
coasts.  The  Act  of  Navigation  is  duly  observed.  No 
stranger  is  admitted  to  come  into  their  ports.  They 
have   no  ships   of  burden,  but  only  small  ketches  and 

barks,  to  trade  along  the  coasts  and  take  fish The 

losses  which  these  Colonies  have  sustained  by  the  In- 
dian war  is  estimated  to  be  near  a  hundred  thousand 
pounds."  '^ 

1  Hutch.  Coll.,  502,  503.  —  It  is  inter-  the  Curious  on   New  England,  about 

esting  to  compare  Randolph's  account  the  Year  1673."      The  following  are 

of  New  England  with  others  of  the  same  some  particulars  of  it:  — 

period.    When  he  sailed  on  his  errand,  "  There   are   about  a  hundred  and 

he  was  furnished  with  a  memorandum  of  twenty  thousand  souls,  thirteen  thou- 

this  kind,  which  is  preserved  among  the  sand   families,   sixteen   thousand   that 

English  Colonial  Papers.     From  what  can  bear  arms.    There  are  twelve  ships 

sources  it  was  made  up  does  not  appear ;  of  between  100  and  220  tons;  a  hun- 

but  it  probably  represents  information  dred  and  ninety  do.  of  between  20  and 

to  which  the  government  gave  credit.  100  do.;  440  fisher-boats  of  about  six 

It  is  entitled,  "  Observations  made  by     do There  are  fifteen  merchants, 


304 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


By  such  erroneous  and  unfriendly  representations  did 
the  agents  of  Massachusetts,  when,  three  months  after 
Randolph,  they  arrived  in  England,  find  the  minds  of  the 


■worth  about  £  50,000,  or  about  £  500 
(sic)  one  with  another;  500  persons 
worth  £  3,000  each.  No  house  in 
New  England  has  above  twenty  rooms. 
Not  twenty  in  Boston  have  ten  rooms 
each.  About  1,500  families  in  Boston. 
The  worst  cottages  in  New  England 

are   lofted.      No   beggars The 

three  provinces  of  Boston,  Maine,  and 
New  Hampshire  are  three  fourths  of 

the  whole  in  wealth  and  strength 

Not  above  three  of  their  military  men 
have  ever  been  actual  soldiers,  but 
many  are  such  soldiers  as  the  artillery- 
men at  London There  are  no 

musicians  by  trade.  A  dancing-school 
was  set  up,  but  put  down.  A  fencing- 
school  is  allowed.  AU  cordage,  sail- 
cloth, and  nets  come  from  England. 
No  cloth  made  there  worth  four  shil- 
lings a  yard.  No  linen  above  two 
shillings  and  sixpence.  No  alum,  nor 
copperas,  nor  salt,  made  by  their  sun. 
[A  singular  fact,  if  it  was  so,  after  all 
the  attention  that  had  been  given  to 
salt-making.]  They  take  an  oath  of 
fidelity  to  the  Governor,  but  none  to 

the  King A  freeman  must  be 

orthodox,  above  twenty  years  old, 
worth  about  £  200." 

An  English  frigate  was  at  Boston  in 
1673,  the  captain  of  which  made  a 
brief  report  of  his  observations.  He, 
too,  represented  the  trade  of  New  Eng- 
land as  being  "  very  great  to  all  parts." 
He  had  proposed  to  seize  a  ship  which 
came  in  with  a  cargo  from  Ostend ; 
"  but  the  Magistrates  answered  that 
they  were  his  Majesty's  Vice- Admirals 
on  those  seas,  and  would  do  what 
seemed  good  to  them."  Falling  in 
with  some  English  sailors  who  had 
"  sheltered  themselves  in  New  England 
during  the  Dutch  war,  he  applied  to 


have  them  sent  home ;  but  the  Magis- 
trates exasperated  a  mob  against  him." 
"  The  Magistrates  of  Massachusetts 
considered  themselves  as  a  free  state." 
(Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 

In  the  same  collection  is  a  brief  ac- 
count of  New  England,  by  William 
Harris  of  Rhode  Island.  Apparently 
it  was  taken  down  from  his  lips.  The 
date  is  April  29,  1675.  "They  build," 
he  says,  "  every  year,  about  Boston, 
Salem,  and  in  that  jurisdiction,  twelve 

ships  between  40  and  80  tons 

The  merchants  seem  to  be  rich  men, 
and  their  houses  as  handsomely  fur- 
nished as  most  in  London Their 

wool  they  carry  to  France,  and  bring 
thence  linen.  Fish,  pijoe-staves,  wool, 
and  tobacco,  they  exchange  in  Spain 
and  Portugal  for  wines  and  other  com- 
modities; beaver,  moose,  and  deer 
skins,  sugar  and  logwood,  in  England, 
for  cloths  and  manufactures  of  iron ; 
horses,  beef,  pork,  butter,  cheese,  flour, 
pease,  biscuit,  &c.,  in  Barbadoes,  for 
sugar  and  indigo ;  provisions  in  Jamai- 
ca for  pieces  of  eight,  Spanish  plate, 

and  pigs  of  silver The  houses 

in  Boston  are  of  brick,  but  most  of 
timber ;  some  are  three,  and  the  most 
but  two,  stories  high."  Harris  sup- 
posed there  might  be  in  New  England 
seven  or  eight  thousand  infantry,  and 
"  about  eight  or  ten  troops  of  horse, 
each  of  between  60  and  80."  The 
soldiers  "  exercised  often  and  well ; 
their  horsemen  wore  buff  coats,  pistols, 
hangers,  and  crosslets."  Of  the  min- 
isters, "  amongst  the  first  was  one 
Mr.  Thacher,  the  only  man  in  the 
country  that  kept  a  coach."  "  At  the 
College  in  Cambridge  many  preachers, 
physicia»ns,  and  Indians  were  bred,  but 
no  lawyers As  to  cloth,  there 


Chap.  VII]        RENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH    ENGLAND. 


305 


courtiers  prepossessed.^  There  was  now  in  the  parent 
country  no  organized  body  friendly  to  New  England. 
The  country  party  was  in  the  ascendant ;  but  with  that 
party,  led  by  Lord  Danby,  English  Puritans  were  in  so 
little  credit,  that,  far  from  being  able  to  protect  their 
sympathizers  on  the  other  side  of  the  water,  they  were 
living  in  constant  dread  of  being  themselves  subjected 
to  all  the  severity  of  the  persecution  which  was  raging 
against  their  fellow  Non-conformists  the  Catholics. 

The  agents  presented  to  the  Privy  Council  a  memorial, 
in  which  they  set  forth  that,  after  diligent  search  "  in  the 
Chapel  of  the  Rolls,  as  in  other  offices,"  they  proceedings 
h^id  been  unable  to  find  a  record  of  the  alleged  agSSTitssa 
grants  to  Mason  and  Gorges.     They  therefore  <='>"^^'^^; 
prayed    that   an    order  should   issue   to    those    January  lo. 


were  made  there  linsey-woolseys,  aud 
other  of  cotton  and  wool,  and  some  all 
sheep's  wool,  but  the  better  sort  of  linen 
was  brought  from  England.  They  had 
many  wool-combers,  and  spun  their 
wool  very  fine,  of  which  some  made 
tammies,  but  for  their  own  private 
use." 

In  connection  with  Harris's  account 
of  tho,  traffic  of  New  England,  it  is  well 
to  note  some  particulars  of  the  "  price 
of  Indian  commodities  sold  by  the 
Christian  merchants"  in  New  York, 
in  1679,  as  they  are  given  by  Charles 
Wooley  in  his  "  Two  Years  Journal  " 
(33,  35).  The  price  of  beaver,  Wooley 
says,  was  ten  shillings  and  threepence  a 
pound  ;  of  minks,  five  shillings  ;  of  gray 
fox  skins,  three  shillings ;  of  otter,  eight 
shillings ;  of  raccoon,  one  shilling  five- 
pence.  A  good  bear-skin  brought 
seven  shillings  ;  Barbadoes  sugar,  thir- 
ty shillings  a  hundred ;  Long  Island 
wheat,  four  shillings  a  bushel  ;  tobacco, 
five  halfpence  a  Dutch  pound  (eighteen 
English  ounces)  ;  pipe  staves,  from  fifty 
to  sixty  shillings  a  thousand ;  Madeira 
26* 


yine,  two  shillings  a  bottle  ;  and  cider, 
twelve  shillings  a  barrel. 

1  According  to  Hutchinson  (Hist.,  I. 
281,  note)  the  agents  sailed  from  Bos- 
ton, October  30.  —  Of  course,  Randolph 
had  returned  home  in  ill-temper,  and 
lost  no  opportunity  to  vent  it.  Novem- 
ber 30,  when  he  had  seen  the  reply  of 
Massachusetts  to  the  King's  letter  (see 
above,  p.  198),  a  memorial  from  him 
to  the  King  was  read  to  the  Privy 
Council.  "  Knowing,"  he  said,  "  what 
they  allege  for  their  excuse  in  not  com- 
plying with  your  Majesty's  commands 
to  be  most  shameful  pretences  and 
notorious  falsehoods."  "  That  govern- 
ment of  the  Massachusetts  hath  not 
suffered  so  much  by  the  Indians  as  the 
other  Colonies  of  New  Plymouth  and 
Connecticut."  "  For  doing  my  duty 
and  pursuing  my  instructions,  I  was 
judged  by  them  to  have  exceeded  my 
errand,  and,  in  a  menacing  way,  was 
advised  so  to  demean  myself  as  not  to 
be  found  either  slighting  or  imposing 
upon  their  authority."  (Colonial  Pa- 
pers, &c.) 


306  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

claimants  to  farnish  them  with  copies  of  the  papers 
on  which  they  relied.  Five  months  more  passed,  when, 
after  listening  to  "  a  representation  from  Edward  Ran- 
dolph, employed  by  his  Majesty  concerning  sev- 
eral matters  relating  to  the  state  of  New  Eng- 
land and  the  government  thereof,  his  Majesty  was  pleased 
to  order  in  Council  that  the  said  representation  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Right  Honorable  the  Lords  Committees  of 
this  Board  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  to  consider  of  the 
same,  and  to  take  the  opinion  of  such  of  his  Majesty's 
judges  as  they  should  think  fit  concerning  such  heads  of 
the  said  representation  as  related  to  matters  of  law."^ 
The  Lords  of  the  Committee  presently  came  to  an  im- 
portant conclusion.  They  reported  to  the  Council,  that, 
reservino;  their  iud^ment   upon  some   matters 

June  12.  p  -r,         T     T     1  ,  '^         ^  ••nil 

01  Randolph  s  representation,  till  the  law  Lords 
should  have  pronounced  t]ieir  opinion,  they  had  no  hesi- 
tation as  to  advising  the  King  that  Massachusetts  had 
broken  the  laws  of  Trade  and  Navigation,  and  "  that  the 
said  government  should  not  only  receive  notice  of  his 
Majesty's  pleasure  that  the  said  Acts  be  duly  executed, 
but  that  the  Rio-ht  Honorable  the  Lord  Treasurer  should 

D 

appoint  such  officers  of  the  customs  at  Boston  and  other 
parts  of  New  England  as  the  said  Acts  did  prescribe,  for 
the  better  observation  thereof."  ^ 

The  judges  (Rainsford,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of 
King's  Bench,  and  North,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas)  were  scarcely  less  prompt.  "  We,"  they 
wrote,   "  having    considered    these    matters,    do    humbly 

conceive that  the  patent  of  4th  Car.  L  is  good, 

notwithstanding  the  grant  made  in  18th  Jac;  for  it  ap- 

1  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council.  the   General    Court   of  Massachusetts 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  In  June,  "  to  take  in  and  convey  letters  accord- 
1677,  on  the  petition  of  divers  mer-  ing  to  direction"  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  148; 
chants  and  others,  "Mr.  John  Hay-  Mass.  Arch.,  LXXX VIII.  312)  ;  — the 
ward,  the  scrivener,"  was  appointed  by  beginning  of  a  post-office. 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  397 

peared  to  us  by  the  recital  in  the  patent  4th  Car.  I.  that 
the  Council  of  Plymouth  had  granted  away  all  their  in- 
terest in  the  lands  the  year  before,  and  it  must  be  pre- 
sumed that  they  then  deserted  the  government;  where- 
upon it  was  lawful  and  necessary  for  the  King  to  establish 
a  suitable  frame  of  government  according  to  his  royal 
wisdom,  which  was  done  by  that  patent  of  4th  Car,  I. 
making  the  Adventurers  a  corporation  upon  the  placer  ^  They 
gave  their  judgment,  that  neither  Maine  nor  New  Hamp- 
shire was  included  within  the  chartered  limits  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  that  the  government  of  Maine  belonged  to  the 
heir  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  ;  and  that  the  government 
of  New  Hampshire  had  never  been  granted  to  John 
Mason,  and  was  not  lawfully  vested  in  his  heir.  As  to 
rights  of  soil  in  these  territories,  the  judges  declared 
themselves  not  prepared  to  decide.  The  judg- 
ment was  adopted  by  the  Lords  of  the  Commit- 
tee, and,  on  their  report,  was  approved  by  the  Privy 
Council.  The  Council  appointed  a  day  for 
hearing  the  parties,^  and,  after  the  hearing,  re- 


1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  The  expres-  related  to  the  claims  of  Mason  and 
sion  of  the  Chief  Justices  in  the  last  Gorges,  and  that  as  to  other  matters 
clause  above  quoted  is  very  important,  they  must  be  understood  to  be  speak- 
See  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  307.  ing  only  as  private  persons.     The  min- 

2  Journals   of   the    Privy    Council,  utes  go  on  to  record, — 

"  When  his  Majesty  expects  that  they  "  That,  being  demanded  whether  his 

contain  themselves  within  those  bounds  late  Majesty's  judges  were  protected  in 

of  modesty  and  respect  that  is  due  to  New  England,  they  answered  that  they 

the  judges  of  this  kingdom."  had  seen  Goffe  and  Whalley  in  those 

The  original  minutes  of  proceedings  parts,  but    that,   upon    his    Majesty's 

which  now  followed  are  in  the  mag-  proclamation,  warrants  were  issued  out 

nificent   manuscript   collectioh  of  Sir  against  them,  and  persons  commissioned 

Thomas  Phillipps,  of  Middle  Hill,  Wor-  to  pursue  them ;  notwithstanding  wliich 

cestershire,  whose  hospitality  I  enjoyed  they  made  their  escape  into  the  neigli- 

in  1856.     The  manuscript  is  catalogued  boring  Colonies. 

as   No.  8539.  —  Stoughton    (who  was  "  That,  being  asked  whether  the  peo- 

probably  the  spokesman)  and  Bulkely  pie  endeavored  to  form  themselves  into 

prefaced  their  examination  before  the  a  commonwealth,  or  refused  to  take  the 

Council,  July  19,  by  saying  that  they  oath  of  allegiance,  they  answered  that 

had    no    instructions    except   such   as  they  acknowledged  his  Majesty  to  be 


308  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

ferred  the  whole  matter  back  again   to   their 
Committee.-' 
This  board,  having  "  debated  the  business  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  the  necessity  of  bringing  those  people 
under  a  more  palpable  declaration  of  their  obe- 
dience to  his  Majesty  and  dependence  on  his  crown,"  and 
having  "  agreed  to  several  heads,"  again  summoned  the 
agents,  and  announced  to  them,  —  1.  That,  as  to  juris- 
diction, their  constituents  must   henceforward  "confine 
themselves  to  such  bounds  and  limits  as  had  been  lately 
reported  by  the  judges";    2.  That  as  to  their  pretended 
"  propriety  of  the  soil  in  the  Province  of  Maine,"  the  King 
would  have  scrutiny  made,  but  they  would  do  well  to  re- 
tract an  intimation  "  very  rashly  and  inadvertently  made 
by  their  counsel  w^hen  they  last  appeared,"  of  "  abandon- 
ing the  defence  of  that  Province,  in  case  their  authority 
to  govern  were  set  by";    3.  That  as  to  their  "presum- 
ing to  coin  money, they  must  solicit  his  Majesty's 

their  sovereign,  and  submitted  to  his  being   a  law  that  no  Quakers,  being 

authority.  strangers,  should  come  into  their  gov- 

"  That  they  never  proclaimed   nor  ernment,  some  transgressed  it  notwith- 

acknowledged  the  late  usurping  pow-  standing  banishment,  and  were  there- 

ers,  but  always  conformed  themselves  fore   executed  ;    and   there   are  many 

to  the  rules  of  his  Majesty's  charter.  Quakers  now  living  among  them. 
That  they  were  willing   to   take  the         "  That,  as  to  their  violation  of  the 

oath  of  allegiance  and   supremacy  in  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation,  they  say 

terminis,    as    is    prescribed    by    their  that  there  are  perhaps  some  private 

charter.  persons  who  trade  indirectly  by  reason 

"  'J'hat,  upon  the  article  where  they  they  have  not  understood  those  Acts  ; 

are  charged   to   have   coined   money,  and  that  the  Governor  is  obliged   to 

they   confess   it,   and   say   they   were  take  bonds  to  hinder,  and  will  submit 

necessitated  to  it  about  the  year  1652  to  his  Majesty's  orders  herein, 
for  the  support  of  their  trade,  and  have         "  That  they  declare  the  law  against 

not  hitherto  discontinued  it,  as  being  keeping  Christmas  to  have  been  made 

never  excepted  against  or  disallowed  in  the  late  troubles ;  but  that  to  their 

by  his  Majesty,  and  do  therefore  sub-  knowledge  it  is  not  put  in  execution. 
mit  this  matter  to  his  Majesty,  and  beg         "  That  they  confess  they  collect  some 

pardon  if  they  have  offended.  small  customs  upon  goods  imported,  to 

"  That,  as  to  putting  any  persons  to  a  very  inconsiderable  value,  for   the 

death  for  matters  of  religion  only,  they  maintenance  of  their  government." 
deny  it,   and   say  indeed   that   there         i  Jom-nals  of  the  Privy  Council. 


Chap.  VIL]        RENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  3Q9 

pardon  for  the   offence   that  was   past";    4.  "That  the 

Act  of  Navigation must  for  the  future  be  looked 

after  and  religiously   observed " ;    5.  "  That  as  to   their 

laws, there  were  great  faults  observed  in  some  of 

them,  wherein  they  must  expect  change  and  reforma- 
tion"; 6.  That,  as  to  what  they  had  said  of  their  defect 
of  powers,  "  his  Majesty  did  not  think  of  treating  with  his 
own  subjects  as  with  foreigners,  and  to  expect  the  for- 
mality of  powers,"  but  "  to  do  all  things  that  were  fit  for 
them  and  consistent  with  his  own  service,"  and  that  it 
would  be  well  for  them  "  from  time  to  time  to  intimate 
the  same  to  their  principals."  They  were  then  dismissed 
for  a  week,  after  being  further  informed  "  that  his  Majesty 
would  not  destroy  their  charter,  but  rather,  by  a  supple- 
mentary one,  to  be  given  to  them,  set'  all  things  right 
that  were  now  amiss."  The  Committee  "  ordered  the  said 
charter,  or  extracts  thereof,  to  be  sent  to  Mr.  Attorney 
and  Mr.  Solicitor  to  examine  whether  the  authority  of 
the  crown  be  sufficiently  preserved,  and  their  dependence 
on  his  Majesty  made  so  necessary  as  is  fit."^ 

At  the  next  discussion  of  the  subject,  "  Mr.  Attorney 
did,  according  to  order,  read  a  catalogue  of  those 
laws,  passed  by  the  government  of  New  England, 
which  were  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  this  kingdom.  The 
like  list  was  sent  in  by  Mr.  Solicitor,  with  very  little  alter- 
ation ;  and  their  Lordships  found  very  much  reason  to 
advise  his  Majesty  to  write  into  New  England  for  the 
abolishing  all  those  laws.  And  the  Attorney  did  acquaint 
their  Lordships  that  the  agents  of  New  England,  with 
whom  he  had  spoken,  were  in  a  manner  ashamed  of 
them ;  only  as  to  that  concerning  the  observation  of  the 
Lord's  day  they  seemed  somewhat  tenacious."  The  Com- 
mittee "  took  notice  "  that,  notwithstanding  "  his  Majes- 
ty's letter  of  1662,  requiring  that  any  who  should  exer- 

1  Minutes  of  the  Lords  of  the  Com-     Manuscripts  ;   comp.  Colonial  Papers, 
mittee  in  the  Phillipps  Collection  of    &c. 


310  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

cise  their  relitcion  according;  to  the  Cliurch  of  Ens-land 
might  be  free  therein,  and  equally  qualified  with  others 

for  any  office, yet  that  the  practice  had  all  along 

been  quite  otherwise,  and  as  before.  And  also,  complaint 
being  urged  touchiilg  the  principles  and  discourses  of  the 
present  Governor,  Mr.  Leverett,  with  Mr.  Randolph  when 
there,  savoring  of  very  little  obedience  to  his  Majesty, 
their  Lordships  did  deliberate  upon  it  as  a  point  im- 
porting much  to  his  Majesty's  service,  that  no  Governor 
there  to  be  chosen  should  be  established  and  confirmed 
without  his  Majesty's  approbation.  Some  of  the  Lords 
added,  that  not  only  his  Majesty's  approbation,  but  conK 
mission,  was  requisite ;  but  this  was  thought  at  present 
unseasonable." 

The  agents  were  called  in  again,  and  told  that  the 
King  expected  a  repeal  of  all  laws,  in  force  among  their 
constituents,  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England  ;  that  "  the 
practice  touching  preferment  of  church-members  ran  con- 
trary to  the  law  they  had  made  " ;  and  that  "  they  should 
receive  an  officer  of  the  customs,  to  see  the  Act  of  Navi- 
gation, in  his  Majesty's  behalf,  fully  conformed  "unto." 
"  The  agents  replied,  that,  as  to  the  preferring  of  church- 
members,  they  knew  no  such  practice,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  any  kind  of  freeman  was  capable  of  being 
Governor ;  that  several  were  freemen  who  were  not 
church-members ;  and  that  it  was  not  the  point  of  opin- 
ion in  religion,  but  the  number  or  defect  of  votes,  that 
preferred  one  and  laid  by  others,  according  to  their 
constitution.  Their  Lordships  seemed  to  acquiesce  in 
this  answer."  The  agents  were  further  rebuked  for  the 
"  levying  of  money  on  the  King's  subjects,  who  trafficked 
with  them,  over  whom  they  had  not  the  same  power  as 
over  the  members  of  their  own  corporation."  And  they 
were  "  directed  to  attend  Mr.  Attorney-General "  for  infor- 
mation respecting  his  objections  to  their  laws,  and  respect- 
ing '•  the  model  of  such  a  pardon  as  they  stood  in  need 


Chap.  VII.]       RENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  32I 

of  from  his  Majesty  for  their  coining  of  money  without 
authority."^  Here  the  business  was  suspended  for  the 
present,  except  so  far  as  that  the  assents  put  in 

.:  o  ^  •  iPAT  September  6. 

a  petition  for   leave   to  retain   the   lour  JNew 
Hampshire   towns  under  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts.^ 

The  agents  sent  home  information  of  the  plight  in 
which  they  found  themselves.  The  General  Court  was  in 
session  when  their  letters  arrived.  Without  a  day's  delay 
after  the  notice  of  "his  Majesty's  expectation  that  the 
Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation  be  exactly  and  punctually 
observed  by  this  his  Majesty's  Colony,  his  pleasure  therein 
not  having  been  before  now  signified,  either  by  express 
from  his  Majesty,  or  any  of  his  ministers  of  state,"  an 
order  was  passed  requirinpr  all  masters  of  vessels 

,  .  •ii^-ir^i  1  October  10. 

arriving  or  departing  "  to  yield  laithiul  and  con- 
stant obedience  unto,  and  observation  of,  all  the  said  Acts 
of  Navigation  and  Trade,"  and  instructing  the  Governor 
and  all  inferior  magistrates  "  to  see  to  the  strict  observa- 
tion of  the  said  Acts."  ^  The  Court  sent  to  the  agents  a 
letter  of  approval  of  their  conduct,  and  with  it 

.    .  f»      1  r»  TVT  TT  1    •  October  22. 

a  petition  oi  the  lour  New  Hampshire  towns  to 
be  permitted  to  remain  under  the  government  of  Massa- 
chusetts.* And  they  transmitted  an  address  of  thanks  to 
the  King  for  his  gracious  reception  of  their  messengers. 
With  it  they  sent  letters,  composed  partly  of  compliment 
and  partly  of  .argument,  to  the  Lord  Chancellor  (Lord 

1  Minutes  of  the  Lords  of  the  Com-  General  Court  upon  the  Navigation 
mittee  in  the  Phillipps  MSS. ;  comp.  Laws.  On  that  subject  he  was  thor- 
Colonial  Papers,  &c.  oughly  frightened.     December  1,  he 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  wrote  from  London  :  "  More  and  more 

3  Mass.  Rec,  V.  155.  —  The  letters  every  day,  we  find  it  most  certain  that, 
of  the  agents  were  dated  August  4.  without  a  fair  compliance  in  that  mat- 
They  had  made  an  earlier  report  to  ter,  there  can  be  nothing  expected  but 
the  General  Court  in  June  (Ibid.,  a  total  breach,  and  all  the  storms  of 
163);  but  this  had  not  led  to  any  ac-  displeasure  that  may  be."  (Hutch, 
tion.    It  must  have  been  a  relief  to  Hist.,  I.  288.) 

Stoughton  to  hear  of  the  action  of  the        *  Mass.  Rec,  V.  161-164. 


312  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND,  [Book  III. 

Shaftesbury),  the  Lord  Privy  Seal  (Lord  Anglesey),  and 
Coventry  and  Williamson,  Secretaries  of  State.^ 

On  receiving  the  petition  of  the  New  Hampshire  towns, 
1678.  the  agents  renewed  their  solicitations  to  the 
January  23.  Pj-Jvy  Councll  for  that  arrangement  as  to  the 
organization  of  those  settlements  which  was  so  desired 
both  by  the  existing  local  government  and  by  the  gov- 
erned.^ Mason  presently  informed  the  Lords  of  the  Com- 
mittee  that  he  had  been  approached  with  an 

March  25. 

application,  which  hitherto  he  had  resisted,  to 
sell  his  patent  to  Massachusetts.  He  at  the  same  time 
communicated  the  confounding  intelligence  that  a  similar 
application  to  Gorges  had  been  successful,  and  that  the 
bargain  had  actually  been  completed.^  This  was  true. 
Massachusetts  had  outwitted  the  King.  He  was  intend- 
ing to  buy  Maine  of  Gorges,  as  an  endowment  for  his 
favorite  though  troublesome  son,  the  Duke  of  Monmouth. 
But  he  was  not  apt  to  have  ready  money,  and  he  was  not 
quick  enough  for  the  wakeful  Colony.  Its  broker,  John 
1677.  Usher,  the  Boston  merchant,  had  come  to  Lon- 
May6.  dou,*  aud  paid  Gorges  the  sum  of  twelve  hun- 
dred and  fifty  pounds  for  his  patent ;  ^  and  the  Governor 
and  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay  had  become,  by  pur- 
chase, lord  paramount  of  Maine. 

1  Mass.  Rec.,  V.  157-161.  intent  upon  it  that  he  offered  to  be  re- 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  sponsible  for  the  money  to  the  amount 

3  Ibid ;  comp.  Mass.  Rec,  V.  192,  of  five  hundred  pounds.  (Letters  of 
195.  The  arrangement  had  been  in  Leverett  and  Thompson  in  Hutch, 
contemplation  by  Massachusetts  as  a  CoU.,  449,  467,  470.)  In  1674,  there 
pis  aller  for  many  years.  Fifteen  was  also  a  project  for  Massachusetts  to 
years  before  this  time,  Daniel  Gookin  buy  of  the  Duke  his  Province  of  New 
approached  Ferdinando  Gorges  with  a  York.  (Hutch.  Coll.,  443.) 
proposal  to  "  make  some  honorable  4  This  particular  of  Usher's  having 
composition  with  the  jurisdiction  of  gone  to  England  on  the  business  is  an 
Massachusetts  for  his  claim."  (Letter  inference  from  Hutch.  Hist.,  &c.,  I. 
of  Gookin  to  Gorges,  June  25,  1663,  in  288. 

Folsom's  Catalogue  of  Original  Docu-  5  The  original  receipt  of  Gorges  to 
ments,  &c.,  55.)  "UTien  the  project  Usher  for  the  purchase  money  is  iu 
was  renewed  in  1674,  Leverett  was  so    Mass.  Arch.,  HI.  332. 


Chap.  VII.]        EENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLA2JD. 


313 


This  measure  boded  no  favor  to  the  Colony  on  the  part 
of  the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  when  next  they  should 
enter  on  a  consideration  of  its  affairs.  Eandolph  goaded 
them  with  persevering  hate.  Andrds,  who  was  now  in 
England,  was  no  favorable  witness.^  The  Quakers,  too, 
were  again  in  the  field.  When,  in  the  agony  of  the 
Indian  war,  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  had 
undertaken  to  search  out  the  causes  of  wrath  and  defec- 
tion, a  mistaken  lenity  to  the  Quakers  was  judged  to  be 


1  April  8,  1678,  the  Lords  of  the 
Committee  made  inquiries  of  Andros 
respecting  New  England,  the  manifest 
purpose  of  which  was  to  see  how  far 
Massachusetts  might  be  inculpated, 
and  what  capacity  she  had  for  resist- 
ance. (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  His 
reply,  not  expressed  in  offensive  terms, 
though  favoring  a  centralized  and  ar- 
bitrary government,  shows  him  to  have 
liad  little  knowledge  on  the  matters 
presented.  "  I  do  not  find,"  he  said, 
"  but  the  generality  of  the  magistrates 
and  people  are  well  affected  to  the 
King  and  kingdom ;  but  most,  know- 
ing no  other  government  but  their 
own,  think  it  best,  and  are  wedded  to, 
and  opiniatre  for  it.  And  the  Magis- 
trates and  others  in  place,  chosen  by 
the  people,  think  that  they  are  obliged 
to  assert  and  maintain  said  govern- 
ment all  they  can,  and  are  church- 
members,  and  like  so  to  be  chosen  and 
so  continued  without  any  considerable 
alteration  and  change  there,  and  de- 
pend upon  the  people  to  justify  them 
in  their  actings."  (Ibid. ;  comp.  O'Cal- 
laghan,  Documents,  &e..  III.  262  - 
264.)  There  had  been  ill  blood  be- 
tween Andros  and  the  Confederate  Col- 
onies on  account  of  his  treatment  of 
them  during  Philip's  war.  Wlien  they 
solicited  him  to  restrain  his  own  In- 
dians from  joining  in  the  Indian  re- 
volt, he  had  been  rude  in  his  replies 
(Hough,  Narrative  of  the  Causes  which 

VOL.  III.  27 


led  to  Philip's  Indian  War,  136,  142, 
146,  159,  164)  ;  and  the  New  England 
people  went  so  far  as  to  charge  him 
with  allowing  supplies  to  be  furnished 
to  their  enemy.  (Hutch.  Coll.,  476.) 
He  complained  to  the  Privy  Council 
that  the  Slassachusetts  people  "  in  their 
declaration  of  war  printed  in  1675,  and 
in  books  of  the  said  war  printed  since, 
do  declare  and  asperse  all  his  Majesty's 
sul)jects  in  Albany  with  having  re- 
cruited Philip  and  other  their  Indian 
enemies  with  ammunition " ;  and  he 
prayed  that  inquiry  be  "  made  of  the 
truth  of  this  matter  while  the  agents 
of  the  said  Colony  are  yet  here." 
(O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c..  III. 
258.)  The  Council  accordingly  made 
some  inquiry,  and  (April  24)  declared 
that  they  "  found  no  ground  for  the  im- 
putation, and  ordered  the  Albanians  to 
be  cleared  from  it."  (Journals  of  the 
Privy  Council.)  Andros  further  com- 
plained that  Connecticut  had  set  up 
false  claims  to  territory  belonging  to 
New  York.  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.  See 
above,  pp.  128-131.)  In  respect  to 
the  imputation  of  having  permitted  sup- 
plies to  be  furnished  to  the  Indians,  he 
had  also  shown  his  strong  resentment 
in  a  letter  (January  24,  1676)  to  the 
Magistrates  of  Massachusetts.  (Hutch. 
Coll.,  476;  corap.  Andros's  Short  Ac- 
count of  the  Assistance  rendered  by 
New  York  to  New  England,  in  O'Cal- 
laghan, Documents,  &c.,  HI.  264  -  266.) 


314  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book   III. 

one  of  them;  and  laws  were  passed  making  any  ship- 
master who  should  land  them  liable  to  a  fine  of  at  least 
twenty  pounds,  and  forbidding  attendance  upon  their  as- 
semblies under  the  penalty  of  imprisonment  in  the  house 
of  correction  for  three  days,  on  a  diet  of  bread  and  water.^ 
This  was  a  great  mitigation  of  the  former  severity  of 
their  treatment ;  but  it  served  to  bring  their  brethren  in 
England  again  to  the  foot  of  the  throne  in  their  behalf 

Under  such  influences,  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  pro- 
ceeded with  their  business.     They  were  stimulated  "  very 

1678.  much  to  resent  that  no  more  notice  was  taken 
Aprils.  jj^  ]<lew  England  of  those  points  which  were  so 
fairly  and  with  so  much  softness  intimated  to  the  agents  " ; 
and  they  were  "  so  far  from  advising  his  Majesty  imme- 
diately to  grant  them  a  pardon,  much  less  the  accession 
of  government  in  the  country  claimed  by  Mr.  Mason 
which  they  petitioned  for,  that  they  were  of  opinion  that 
this  whole  matter  ought  seriously  to  be  considered  from 

the  very  root Some  of  the  Lords  inclined  to  think 

that  nothing  but  the  establishment  of  a  Governor  there 
would  accomplish"  the  desired  object  of  submission  to  the 
King's  authority,  "all  agreeing  that  it  must  be  a  Gov- 
ernor wholly  to  be  supported  and  maintained  by  his 
Majesty But,  forasmuch  as  to  enable  their  Lord- 
ships to  advise  his  Majesty  in  this  great  affair,  it  would 
first  be  necessary  to  know  how  fa,r  his  Majesty  was  at 
liberty  to  do  herein  what  his  service  might  require,  there- 
fore Mr.  Attorney  and  Mr.  Solicitor  General  were  directed 
to  examine  and  report  the  grounds  of  what  hath  some- 
time been  objected  before  them :  — 

"  1.  That  the  people  of  Massachusetts  Colony  have  not 
any  legal  charter  at  all. 

"  2.  Next,  that,  by  reason  of  several  irregularities, 
there  was,  about  the  year  1635,  a  quo  ivarranto  brought 
for  the  dissolution  of  such  charter  as  they  had,  the  prose- 

.      1  Mass.  Eec,  V.  60,  134. 


Chap.  VII]        EENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  3^5 

ciition  whereof  went  far,  and  stopped  only  on  account  of 
the  public  troubles  ensuing. 

"  3.  And  lastly,  supposing  that  the  said  charter  were 
originally  good,  their  Lordships  desired  to  know  whether 
the  corporation  had  by  maleadrninistration  of  the  powers, 
or  otherwise,  forfeited  the  same,  so  as  to  be  at  his  Majes- 
ty's mercy  and  disposal."  ^ 

In  the  preceding  autumn  the  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts had  made  an  order  "  that  the  law 1677. 

requiring  all  persons,  as  well  inhabitants  as  stran-  October  10. 
gers,  that  have  not  taken  it,  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity 
to  the  country,  be  revived  and  put  in  practice  through- 
out the  jurisdiction."  ^  This  proceeding  had  now  come  to 
Randolph's  knowledge,  and  provided  him  with  an  effectual 
topic  of  complaint.  He  sent  in  a  memorial  averring 
that  the  oath  had  been  imposed  on  persons  loyal  to  the 
King  and  therefore  disinclined  to  that  engagement,  and 
praying  that,  by  a  ship  just  about  to  sail,  an  order  might 
be  sent  for  the  protection  of  loyal  men  in  New  England 
who  should  refuse  to  take  the  oath,  or  who  were  friendly 
to  him  during  his  stay  in  that  country,  or  who  had  cor- 
responded with  him  since.^  "  The  agents  endeavored  to 
explain  this  law  to  the  Board,  and  to  soften  their  jeTs. 
indignation  against  it,  but  without  effect."     The    ^p"'!*- 


1  Journal  of  the  Lords  of  the  Com-  quoted.     The  charge  that  the  charter 

mittee  in  the  Phillipps  MSS. ;  comp.  given  by  Charles  the  First  to  Massa- 

Chalmers's  Political  Annals,  441.    The  chusetts  was  originally  invalid,  is  pre- 

Earl  of  Sunderland  was  now  a  Secre-  sented  under  nine  specifications ;  and 

tary  of  State.    He  succeeded  William-  the  charge  that  the  charter,  if  originally 

son  in  that  office,  February  9,  1678.  —  good,  had  been  forfeited  by  maleadmin- 

By  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Robert  Charles  istration,  is  spread  out  in  twenty-four 

Winthrop,  I  have  a  copy,  belonging  to  particulars. 

his  collection  of  family  papers,  of  Ran-  2  Mass.  Rec,  V.   154.     It  is  worth 

dolph's  "  Case  of  New  England,"  as  it  observing,  that  this  order  was  passed 
was  presented  in  full  to  the  Lords  of    on   the   same   day  as  the  order   that 

the  Committee,  to  become  the  subject  directed   compliance  with   the  King's 
of  the  reference  to  the  law  officers  of  .  wish  in  respect  to  the  Navigation  Laws, 

the  crown.     Its  matter  is  summed  up  See  above,  p.  311. 

in  the  words  of  the  reference  above  3  Colonial  Papers,  &c. 


316  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Board  advised  the  King  that  the  oath  prescribed  by  the 
Massachusetts  people  was  "  derogatory  to  his  Majesty's 
honor,  as  well  as  defective  in  point  of  their  own  duty, 
inasmuch  as  their  allegiance  to  his  Majesty  and  their 
fidelity  to  the  Colony  were  joined  together  in  the  same 
undecent  form,  and  where  such  fidelity  was  made  even  to 
precede  their  obedience  to  his  Majesty";  and  they  recom- 
mended that  without  delay  the  King  should  "  strictly  in- 
quire and  command  that  the  oath  of  allegiance,  as  it  was 
in  England  by  law  established,  ..*...  should  be  admin- 
istered and  taken  by  all  his  subjects  in  that  Colony."^ 
Their  advice  was  adopted  by  the  King;  in  Coun- 

April24.  ,       .         .  ,.  .  ° 

cil ;  ^  and,  m  immediate  conformity  with  a  fur- 
ther order,^  the  agents  from  Massachusetts  were 
brought  before  the  Lords  of  the  Committee, 
"  and  the  oath  of  allegiance  as  it  is  set  down  in  the  stat- 
ute of  3  Jacobi  was  administered  unto  them.  After 
which  these  gentlemen  declared  that,  as  they  had  taken 
the  said  oath,  so  they  believed  the  Magistrates  of  the 
Massachusetts  Colony,  and  all  the  other  inhabitants, 
would  most  willingly  do  the  like,  except  only  such  as 
refused  to  take  any  oath  whatsoever."'* 

Next  came  the  all-important  report  of  the  crown  law- 
Re  ortofthe  y®^®  (Jones  and  Winnington)  on  the  legal 
crown  lawyers,  couditiou  of  Massacliusctts.  They  gave  their 
opinion,  under  three  heads,  as  follows  :  — 

"  1.  That,  as  to  the  patent  of  4  Caroli,  whether  it  were 
good  in  point  of^  creation,  it  was  most  .proper  that  the 
opinion  of  the  Lords  Chief  Justices  should  be  had  there- 
upon. 

"  2.  That  neither  the  quo  tvarranto  mentioned  to  be 
brought  against  them,  nor  the  judgment  thereupon,  was 
such  as  to  cause  a  dissolution  of  their  charter. 

1  Journal,  &c.,  in  the  Phillipps  MSS.  3  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council. 

2  Journals    of   the    Privj'    Council.  4  Journal,  &c.,  in  the  Phillipps  MSS. ; 
For  the  King's  letter  despatched  ac-  comp.  Colonial  Papers,  &c. 
cordingly,  see  Hutch.  Coll.,  515. 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH   ENGLAND.  gl^ 

"  3.  That  the  misdemeanors  objected  against  them  do 
contain  sufficient  matter  to  avoid  their  patent. 

"  Their  Lordships  did  thereupon  order  a  report  to  be 
prepared,  reciting  all  things  that  were  past  from  the  first 
settlement  of  New  England,  the  several  encroachments 
and  injuries  which  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  had  con- 
tinually practised  upon  their  neighbors,  and  their  con- 
tempts and  neglect  of  his  Majesty's  commands ;  and  will 
offer  their  opinion  that  a  qtco  warranto  be  brought  against 
their  charter,  and  new  laws  framed  instead  of  such  as 
were  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England."  And  "  their 
Lordships  agreed  to  recommend  Mr.  Eandolph  unto  the 
Lord  Treasurer  for  a  favorable  issue  of  his  pretensions 
to  be  employed  as  Collector  of  his  Majesty's  customs  in 
New  England,  in  consideration  of  his  zeal  and  capacity 
to  serve  his  Majesty  therein."^ 

This  nomination  of  Randolph  was  reported  to  the  Privy 
Council  by  Lord  Danby,  who  at  the  same  time  „ 

•^  "^  ^  Ranilolph  made 

informed   them    that   he   "understood    by   the  couectorof 
agents  of  New  England  that  the  people  of.  that  New  England. 
place  had  entertained   some   prejudice   against      ^^^y^^- 

him Whereupon  Mr.  Randolph,  being  called  in, 

did  assure  his  Majesty  that  the  generality  of  that  people 
were  loyal  and  well  affected  to  his  Majesty's  government ; 
and  that  it  would  be  much  to  their  contentment,  if  he 
were  the  person  sent  over ;  and  that  he  was  willing,  not 
only  to  venture  himself,  but,  in  assurance  of  good  usage, 
to  carry  over  his  wife  and  family  with  him.  Whereupon 
his  Majesty,  being  very  well  satisfied  with  Mr.  Randolph's 
good  behavior,  and  the  service  he  had  done,  and  was 
likely  to  perform  hereafter,  was  pleased  to  declare  that  he 
did  approve  of  his  going  over  to  be  Collector  at  Boston."  ^ 

1  Journal,  &c.,  in  the  Phillipps  MSS.;  resolve,  "  we  have  had  more  light  and 

comp.    Colonial    Papers,    &c.  —  "  On  information   from  Mr.  Randolph  than 

New  England  affairs,"  wrote  the  Lords  from  any  person  else." 

to  Danby,  when  they  executed  this  last  2  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council.  —  I 
27* 


318  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Booii    III. 

The  agents  presented  to  the  Lords  of  the  Connuittee  a 
Reply  of  the  Written  reply  to  the  representations  in  Randolph's 
S'sre^^t. "  Narrative."      The   Massachusetts   people,   they 

June  28.  g^jj^  "  never  proclaimed  any  of  the  late  powers, 
or  derived  authority  from  them,  as  the  other  plantations 
did The  rest  of  the  inhabitants  were  very  in- 
considerable as  to   number,  compared  with  those   that 

were  acknowledged  church-members The  Indian 

war  had  its  sole  rise  in  the  Colony  of  New  Plymouth ; 
and,  would  the  Massachusetts  have  stood  neutral,  the 
chief  of  the  Indians  had  often  declared  they  would  not 
have  given  them  any  disturbance,  so  far  were  they 
themselves  from  laying  anything  to  the  charge  of  the 
Massachusetts The  standing  revenue  of  the  Col- 
ony, when  at  best,  had  never  yet  amounted  to  £  700 
sterling  per  annum."  The  rest  of  the  public  expense, 
amounting  to  £800,  was  "wont  to  be  levied  by  a  com- 
mon tax  upon  the  whole  people."  "  There  were  not  at 
present  above  six  or  seven  ruling  elders  [to  which  class 
of  persons  Randolph  had  ascribed  a  controlling  author- 
ity] in  the  whole  Colony."  It  was  confidently  believed 
"there  would  not  be  found  above  twelve  or  fourteen 
merchants  that  reached  to  <£  5,000,  and  not  half  of  those 
that  came  up  to  £  10,000  apiece."  "  New  planters  had 
rarely  come  over,  for  many  years  past ;  much  less  Irish 

presume  that  Hutchinson  was  misled  make  the  voyage.     Further,  Randolph 

by  this  to  make  his  statement  (History,  says  (Ibid.),     "  I  attended  two  years 

I.  297)  that  Randolph  was  in  Massa-     at  the  Council   Chamber,"  &c. 

chusetts  in  the  year  16  78»     His  coming  The  two  years  are  reckoned  backwards 

would  have  occasioned  a  flutter  in  the  from  his  embarkation  for  America  in 

Colony,  of  which  I  have  observed  no  October,  1679. 

trace.     There  is  no    allusion  to   such  Randolph's  instructions,  as  Collector, 

a    visit    in    that    brief,   but   detailed,  from  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 

sketch  of  his  movements  (Mass.  Arch.,  (George   Downing   and   two   others), 

CXVH.  218),  where  it  might  be  con-  dated  July  9,  16  78,  are  in  Mass.  Arch., 

fidently  looked  for;  and   between  his  LXI.    168-177.     His   commission,  of 

public  appearances  in  England,  there  the  same  date,  is  printed  in  Mass.  Hist. 

does   not   appear   to   have   been   any  Coll.,  XXVH.  129. 
interval  sufficiently   long  for   him    to 


Chap.  YU.]        RENEWED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  3^9 

or  Scotch,  or  any  foreigners;  nor  were  any  blacks  im- 
ported." The  population  they  declared  themselves  un- 
able to  state/ 

After  another  month  the  agents  were  summoned  before 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee  to  give  an  account 
of  the  effect  that  had  been  produced  by  the 
letters  sent  out  by  them  to  the  Colony  in  the  preced- 
ing summer.^  They  said  that,  when  those  letters  arrived, 
the  General  Court  was  just  rising ;  and,  though  it  had 
recently  assembled  again,  this  was  merely  for  the  annual 
election,  and  "  there  was  no  full  account  of  what  they 
did,  the  small-pox  having  then  very  much  interrupted 
their  meeting,"  Some  discussion  took  place,  which  "  con- 
firmed many  of  their  Lordships  in  their  opinions  that 
the  establishment  of  a  General  Governor,  and  of  a  fit 
judicature  there  for  the  determining  of  differences,  was 
become  altogether  necessary."^  The  agents  had  had 
enough  of  England.  The  constrained  oath  of  allegiance, 
the  loss  of  New  Hampshire,  the  perpetual  altercations 
with  Eandolph,*  and  now  the  serious  project  of  a  Gen- 
eral Governor  for  the  crown,  must  have  made  them 
wellnigh  weary  of  their  lives.  They  begged  for 
leave    to    go  home.     But   they  were   told  that 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c. ;  comp.  Chal-  Stephenson";  and  that  for  "  listing  men 
mers,  Political  Annals,  436.  for  that  expedition  [to  New  Amster- 

2  See  above,  p.  311.  dam]  he  was  put  in  prison  for  twenty- 

3  Colonial  Papers,  &c. ;  comp.  Mass.  four  hours,  till  he  gave  security  to 
Rec,  V.  155,  et  seq.  desist."  —  Dr.  O'Callaghan  has  printed 

4  Breedon  also  (see  above,  Vol.  11.  (Documents,  &c..  III.  39-41)  Bree- 
p.  616)  was  busy  again.  Among  the  don's  "Narrative  and  Deposition"  of 
Colonial  Papers  there  is  a  memoran-  October  17,  1678.  —  Probably  the 
dum  belonging  to  August  of  this  year,  question  had  arisen  whether  any  fur- 
and  indorsed,  "  Captain  Breedon  con-  ther  injurious  information  was  to  be 
cerning  New  England."  (See  above,  obtained  from  any  one  of  Lord  Clar- 
Vol.  II.  p.  498,  note.)  In  it  he  says  endon's  Commissioners;  for  Breedon 
that,  "  during  the  time  of  Oliver,  Eng-  writes  to  Randolph  (October  23d, 
land  had  always  an  agent  here;  one  1678):  "  I  hear  that  Captain  Nicholas 
WinsloAv  was  the  man";  —  that  GofFe  {sic),  Sir  Robert  Carr,  Colonel  Cart- 
and  Whalley,  while  in  Massachusetts,  wright,  and  Mr.  Maverick,  are  all 
"called    themselves    Richardson    and  dead."     (Ibid.) 


« 


320  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

that  could  not  be  "before  there  were  a  final  resolution 
taken  upon  this  whole  business, his  Majesty  con- 
sidering of  what  importance  it  would  be,  as  well  to  the 
happiness  and  perfect  settlement  of  the  Colony,  as  to  his 
own  royal  service  and  dignity,  that  some  fit  regulation 
should  be  made  in  what  had  hitherto  been  amiss."  ^ 

The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  held  a  dreary 
meeting  after  the  arrival  of  intelligence  of  these  pro- 
Further  con-  ceedings.  The  clear-sighted  old  Governor  had, 
MiTchlT-  ^*  seems,  made  up  his  mind  at  once  as  to  what 
Belts.  it  was  best  to  do  in  respect  to  one  demand,  and, 

having  resolved,  had   proceeded  to   action  without  de- 
lay.    He  "read  his  Majesty's  letter,  with  the  copy  of 
the  oath  of  alleo-iance  sent  therein,  acquaintina* 

October  2.        ,^  ii-  i/-ixx/^ 

the  Court   that   himself,  the    Deputy-Governor, 
and  Magistrates  then  present  in  Council  at  Cambridge 

the of  August  last,  with   the   Secretary,  took  the 

said  oath  in  totidem  verhis'' ^  Things  looked  serious.  The 
Court  "set  apart  the  ninth  instant  to  humble  them- 
selves before  the  Lord,  and  seek  his  face,  desiring  the 
help  of  the  Governor  and  Assistants,  and  that  the  Rev- 
erend Mr.  Oakes  give  a  word  of  exhortation." 

What  they  had  made  up  their  minds  to  do,  they 
proceeded  to  do  thoroughly.  Having  taken  the  oath 
themselves,  they  ordered  that  it  should  be  taken 
by  all  persons  within  the  jurisdiction  of  sixteen 
years  of  age  and  upwards ;  that,  to  this  end,  magistrates, 
justices  of  the  peace,  and  constables  should  be  furnished 
with  "  printed  copies  of  the  said  oath  of  allegiance,  ex- 
actly agreeing  with  the  written  copy  enclosed  in  his 
Majesty's  letter,  and  signed  by  the  Secretary  of  State"; 
that  the  constables  should  convene  the  inhabitants  of 
the  several  towns  and  villages  with  all  convenient  speed 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  there  was  nothing  particularly  unpal- 

2  The  taking  of  the  oath  by  appar-  atable  to  the  Massachusetts  Puritans. 
ent  compulsion  was  the  thing  chiefly  It  amounted  to  extremely  little  besides 
disagreeable   about  it.     In  its  terms  abjuration  of  the  Pope. 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED  DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  32 1 

for  the  administration  of  the  oath;  and  that  whoever 
should  fail  to  present  himself  for  the  purpose,  except 
with  the  excuse  of  sickness,  should  be  punished  with 
fine  and  imprisonment.  In  a  further  expression,  which 
might  almost  seem  ironical,  of  exuberant  zeal  for  the 
King's  quiet,  they  amended  their  law  of  treason,  so  as 
to  make  punishable  with  death  the  utterance  of  any 
design  against  his  life  or  his  government,  whether  "by 
printing,  preaching,  or  malicious  and  advised  speaking."  ^ 
The  Court  caused  to  be  prepared  an  Address  to  the 
Kino;,  and  a  full  letter  of  further  instructions  to 

°^  ...  Further  in- 

the  agents,  accompanied  with  replies  to  the  strucuons  to 
strictures  of  the  law  officers  and  of  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee.  Divested  of  its  profuse  acknowl- 
edgments of  benefits  in  time  past,  and  its  assurances  of 
a  disposition  to  merit  a  continuance  of  them,  without 
"affecting  and  aspiring  to  a  greatness incompati- 
ble with  the  duty  of  good  and  loyal  subjects  to  a  most 
gracious  King,"  the  material  part  of  the  Address  con- 
sisted of  a  prayer  that  the  "messengers,  having  de- 
spatched the  business  betrusted  with  them, might 

be  at  liberty  to  return,  and  not  be  obliged  to  make 
answer  to  such  complaints  as  were  made  by  unquiet 
spirits."  If  the  agents  could  be  got  home  without 
having  to  plead  to  further  charges,  there  would  be  hope 
for  another  breathing-spell ;  and  delays  had  always  served 
the  Colony.     But  this  was  not  yet  to  be. 

To  the  agents  the  Court  expressed  their  high  sense 
of  the  value  of  the  charter,  and  of  the  benefits  which 
it  had  been  the  means  of  obtaining  both  for  Massa- 
chusetts and  for  the  parent  country.  "  We  would  not," 
they  wrote,  "that  by  any  concessions  of  ours,  or  of 
yours  in  our  behalf,  any  the  least  stone  should  be  put 
out  of  the  wall ;  and  we  are  not  without  hope  that,  in 
the  issue,  his  Majesty's  favor  will  be  as  the  north-wind 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  191-194. 


322  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

• 

for  the  scattering  of  those  clouds  that  do  seem  at  pres- 
ent to  threaten  the  loss  of  our  future  tranquillity." 
They  hoped  that  the  King,  on  full  advisement,  would 
not  object  to  their  continuing  to  coin  money;  and  they 
"would  take  it  as  his  Majesty's  signally  owning  them, 
if  he  would  please  to  order  such  an  impress  as  would 
be  to  him  most  acceptable."  They  approved  of  the 
purchase  of  Maine,  and  desired  the  continuance  of  every 
effort  to  secure  the  jurisdiction  of  New  Hampshire.  They 
could  not  send  "further  supplies  of  money,  save  only 
for  discharge   of  arrears  past,  and  would   be   accommo- 

dable  for  return  home, their  treasury  being  not 

only  empty  [by  reason  of  the  late  war],  but  many  thou- 
sands of  pounds  indebted  to  merchants  among  them- 
selves and  in  England,  that  had  lent  money  for  their 
supply."  The  King's  arms  they  had  "  ordered  to  be 
forthwith  carved  by  an  able  artist,  and  erected  in  the 
court-house."  In  respect  to  several  questions  raised 
by  the  law  officers  and  by  the  Lords  of  the  Committee, 
they  "  dared  not  presume  to  give  an  answer,  his  Majesty 
not  having  as  yet  declared  his  pleasure  therein";  but 
they  enclosed  a  memorandum  of  their  views  upon  sev- 
eral heads,  of  which  the  agents,  "as  they  had  oppor- 
tunity, might  make  use." 

To  the  censure  because  "in  their  laws  they  used  the 
word  commonwealth"  they  replied,  in  this  memorandum, 
that  it  was  "neither  in  contempt  of  or  opposition  to 
royal  authority,  and  had  not  of  late  been  used,  nor  here- 
after should  be."  ^  The  Quakers  whom  they  had  ex- 
ecuted when  they  refused  to  be  banished  were,  they 
said,  "  no  more  put  to  death  for  religion  than  the  Jesuits 
and  Seminary  priests,  put  to  death  in  the  time  of  Queen 
Elizabeth  and  King  James,  of  blessed  memory,  were  for 

1  Yet  in  the  Colonial  Papers  there  November  10,  1675,  and  issued  "by 
is  a  military  commission  from  Massa-  the  authority  of  this  Commonwealth." 
chusetts  to   Richard  Newman,  dated 


Chap.  VII.]        RENEWED  DISPUTE   WITH   ENGLAND.  393 

religion,  who  suffered  death  justly  for  their  breach  and 
contempt  of  his  Majesty's  laws."  To  the  objection  made 
to  the  "  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  country,"  ^  they  replied 
that,  "  the  oath  of  allegiance  now  sent  over  by  his  Ma- 
jesty being  taken  by  all  his  Majesty's  loyal  subjects, 
their  oaths  to  public  officers  were  the  same  for  sub- 
stance with  the  oaths  of  the  public  officers  of  other 
corporations."  Referring  to  the  "laws  for  encouraging 
trade  and  navigation,"  they  used  the  following  remark- 
able words :  "  We  humbly  conceive,  according  to  the 
usual  sayings  of  the  learned  in  the  law,  that  the  laws 
of  England  are  bounded  within  the  four  seas,  and  do  not 
reach  America.  The  subjects  of  his  Majesty  here  being 
not  represented  in  Parliament,  so  we  have  not  looked 
at  ourselves  to  be  hnpeded  in  our  trade  by  them,  nor 
yet  we  abated  in  our  relative  allegiance  to  his  Majesty. 
However,  as  soon  as  we  understood  his  Majesty's  pleas- 
ure, that  those  acts  should  be  observed  by  his  Majesty's 
subjects  of  the  Massachusetts,  which  could  not  be  with- 
out invading  the  liberties  and  properties  of  the  subject, 
until  the  General  Court  made  provision  therein  by  law, 
which  they  did."  "Laws  accounted  repugnant  to  the 
laws  of  England  "  they  were  willing  to  "  repeal  with  all 

convenient  speed, except  such  as  the  repealing 

whereof  would  make  them  to  renounce  the  professed 
cause  of  their  first  coming." 

Before  adjourning,  the  Court  appointed  a  day  in  the 
following  month  "  to  be  solemnly  kept  as  a  day  of  fasting 
and  prayer  in  all  the  churches  and  congregations  through- 
out the  jurisdiction,  to  pour  forth  strong  and  unanimous 
cries  unto  God."  They  exhorted  the  people  to  pray 
that,  "as  he  was  present  with  the  blessed  generation 
of  his  precious  ones,  the  leaders  of  his  people  into  and 
in  this  wilderness,  and  did  hear  them  when  in  their  dis- 
tresses they  cried  unto  him,  he  will  still  please  to  dwell 

1  See  above,  p.  316. 


Comn 

February  6. 


324  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

in  the  midst  of  us,  and  not  forsake  us ;  that  he  will  not 
take  away  his  holy  Gospel,  and,  if  it  be  his  good  will, 
yet  to  continue  our  liberties,  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
to  us  and  to  our  children  after  us."  ^ 

What  they  esteemed  the  needful  safeguards  of  their 
"liberties  ecclesiastical"  were  presently  to  be  assailed 
more  directly  than  as  yet  they  had  been.  Randolph 
Further  de-  pi'^seutcd  a  memorial  to  the  King  in  Council, 
mandsia       praying*,  amono;  other  things,  that   Churchmen 

England.  •     i         i  i       •  i  • 

1679.  might  be  admitted  to  public  office  in  Massachu- 
anuary  .  ^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^iq^^  tlic  worslilp  of  tlio  Church  of  Eng- 
land there  might  be  made  lawful.  The  Lords  of  the 
Committee,  on  its  reference  to  them,  gave  their 
advice,  "  that  the  Lord  Bishop  of  London  be  di- 
rected to  appoint  forthwith  some  able  minister  to  go  and 
reside  at  Boston  in  New  England,  and  to  appoint  so 
many  others  from  time  to  time  as  the  country  should  be 
willing  to  maintain And  their  Lordshij)S  still  fur- 
ther advised  his  Majesty,  that  all  persons  taking  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  and  joining  themselves  with  the  congrega- 
tion of  the  minister  to  be  appointed  by  the  Lord  Bishop 
of  London,  and  having  obtained  a  certificate,  under  the 
hand  of  the  said  minister  and  three  of  the  said  congre- 
gation, of  their  conformity  to  the  Church  of  England, 
should  be  by  his  Majesty's  express  orders  declared  as 
capable  of  all  freedoms  and  privileges  as  any  other  per- 
son whatsoever."^  Other  recommendations  made  by 
Randolph  at  the  same  time,  the  Committee  were  not  yet 
prepared  to  approve.  One  was,  that  the  number  of 
Magistrates  should  never  be  less  than  eighteen ;  another, 
that  no  laws  made  in  that  Colony  should  be  valid  with- 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  196-203.  from   offering   unto  his  Majesty  such 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  The  Lords  regulations  as  might  be  thought  fit  for 
now  returned  to  this  business  after  bringing  the  Massachusetts  to  a  due 
being  "  diverted  by  the  multiplicity  of  acknowledgment  of  their  duty  and  de- 
affairs  in  Parliament  and  prosecution  pendence  on  his  Majesty."  (Colonial 
of  the  plot  [see  above,  pp.  246  et  seq]  Papers,  &c. ;  Phillipps  MSS.) 


Chap.  VII.]        BENE  WED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  325 

out  being  confirmed  by  the  King  in  Council ;  and  an- 
other, that  all  inhabitants  should  be  freemen  on  the  sole 
condition  of  takino;  the.  oath  of  alleo-iance.  A  fourth 
related  to  the  military  force  ;  it  was,  that  all  military 
commissions  should  be  issued  in  the  King's  name,  and 
that  Governor  Winslow  of  Plymouth  should  be  made 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  militia  of  New  England.^ 

The  impatience  of  the  agents  to  take  themselves  out 
of  the  way  did  not  escape  notice  or  animadversion. 
They  were  summoned  before  the  Lords  of  the 

r^  '  •     />  •  1  1  February  24. 

Committee  "  upon  an  miormation  that  they  were 
preparing  for  their  departure  to  New  England,  contrary 
to  his  Majesty's  commands,"  They  disavowed  all  such 
intention,  and  were  told  that  their  stay  had  been  pro- 
longed by  the  neglect  of  their  principals  to  give  the 
King  satisfaction.^  Titus  Gates  and  Lord  Shaftesbury 
were  more  serviceable  to  Massachusetts  in  obtaining 
a  reprieve  than  her  agents.  After  three  more  weary 
months  of  hope  deferred,  the  agents  began  to  have  a 
prospect  of  home.^     The  Lords  of  the  Commit- 

.  May  20. 

tee  advised  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  go, 

1  Upon  these  recommendations  of  declared  that  the  Colony  had  "  repealed 
Randolph,  Sir  Robert  Southwell,  now  the  law  against  keeping  of  Christmas." 
Secretary  to  the  Privy  Council,  re-  I  presume  that  they  spoke  in  good 
ported  to  that  board  that  he  did  faith ;  but  I  do  not  find  that  that  law 
"not  doubt  but  that  his  [Randolph's]  was  repealed  till  more  than  two  years 
business  would  thrive  much  the  better,  later.     (Mass.  Rec,  V.  322.) 

if,  upon  presenting  such  orders,  there  ^  The  agents  had  been  brought  into 

could  any  hopes  of  obedience  be  ex-  trouble  meanwhile  by  a  discovery  of 

pected  thereupon.     But  his  Majesty's  their  avidity  for  papers  not  intended 

Commissioners,  who  did  never  attempt  for  their  eye.    Randolph  charged  them 

so  great  operations  as  were  there  pro-  with  having  surreptitiously  obtained  a 

posed,  were  yet  withstood  and  defeated  copy  of  his  "  Narrative."    (See  above, 

in  their  business."    Sir  Robert  thought,  p.  289.)     Being  questioned  about  this 

therefore,   that   there   should  be   fur-  by  the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  they 

ther  consideration  "  lest  his  Majesty's  said  (March  28)  that  it  was  true  they 

intentions  should  be  foiled  for  the  want  had  a  copy,  but  that  they  got  it  from 

of  authority  in  Mr.  Randolph  to  sup-  Mason,  the  claimant  of  New  Hampshire, 

port  them."     (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  Mason  was  thereupon  summoned,  and 

2  Ibid. — At  this  interview  the  agents  said  that  "bethought  himself  a  party 
VOL.  HI.                             28 


326 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


June  20. 


"the  rather  because  the  prosecution  of  the  Popish  plot 
had  not  left  a  sufficient  leisure  for  a  perfect  settlement  of 
that  Colony."  ^  But  the  long  process  of  arranging  the  con- 
ditions of  dismissal  was  yet  to  be  gone  through.  At  last 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  finding  nothing  to  change 
their  opinion  that  "  the  present  conjuncture  was 
not  very  favorable  for  settling  and  establish- 
ing his  Majesty's  service  in  such  method  as  were  to 
be  wished,"  advised  "  such  a  draft  of  a  letter  to  be  writ 
imto  that  Colony  as  might  keep  things  in  a  fair  and 
probable  way  of  amendment,  until  a  fitter  season  should 
present  more  effectually  to  reassume  the  care  of  this 
whole  matter."  ^  Not  very  long  after,  the  agents  began 
to  breathe  freely  again  on  their  homeward  pas- 
sage,^  carrying  with   them,  as  a  parting  word 


Return  of  the 
agents. 


concerned  in  that  matter,  and  had 
assisted  in  drawing  it  up,  and  did  con- 
fess that  he  gave  a  copy  thereof  to 
the  agents ;  but  his  reason  was  because 
he  had  been  told  by  one  Mr.  Wade, 
a  servant  to  the  Lord  Privy  Seal 
[Lord  Anglesey],  that  one  other  of 
the  servants  had  made  a  copy  of  it 
before  for  the  New  England  agents, 
and  therefore  he  was  willing  to  give 
it  them  without  any  fault  or  mistake. 
But  the  agents  both  affirmed  that  they 
had  not  had  it  before,  and  had  it  only 
from  Mr.  Mason,  but  did  acknowledge 
that  they  had  sent  a  copy  of  it  into 
New  England."  "  The  agents  of  New 
England  being  interrogated  if  they 
had  not  desired  Mr.  Blathwayt  to  give 
a  copy  of  the  Lord  Carlisle's  commis- 
sion and  instructions,  Mr.  Stoughton 
said  he  had  not  desired  to  see  a  copy 
of  instructions  of  my  Lord  Carlisle, 
but  only  to  see  the  form  of  a  commission 
out  of  curiosity."  (Colonial  Papers, 
&c.)  William  Blathwayt  was  Clerk 
to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee. 

1  Ibid.  —  The     interruptions    occa- 
sioned by  the  Popish  plot  were  not 


the  only  difficulty.  The  Lords  of  the 
Committee  were  doubtful  and  embar- 
rassed about  the  whole  matter.  Noth- 
ing but  Randolph's  confidence  and 
pertinacity  seems  to  have  kept  them 
up  to  their  work.  March  10,  of  this 
year,  they  wrote  to  Lord  Danby,  ad- 
vising a  suspension  of  proceedings  till 
more  mature  consideration  should  be 
had.  "  We  find,"  they  said,  "  not 
only  by  the  affronts  and  rejections  of 
those  Commissioners  which  his  Majesty 
sent  out  in  1665,  but  by  the  whole 
current  of  their  behavior  since,  that, 
until  his  Majesty  shall  give  those  his 
subjects  to  understand  that  he  is  ab- 
solutely bent  upon  a  general  reforma- 
tion of  the  abuses  in  that  government, 
we  cannot  hope  for  any  good  from  the 
single  endeavor  of  any  officer  that  may 
be  sent,  but  rather  contradiction  and 
disrespect  in  all  that  shall  be  endeav- 
ored for  his  Majesty's  service,  if  they 
can  but  call  it  an  infringement  of 
their  charter."     (Ibid.) 

2  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council. 

3  Randolph     says      (Mass.     Arch., 
CXXVII.    220)    that   the   agents   re- 


June  19. 


Chap.  VII.]        EENEWED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  327 

from  the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  a  rebuke  in  set  terms 
for  "the  presumption  of  the  Massachusetts  in  buying 
the  Province  of  Maine  while  the  complaints  of 
Mr.  Gorges  were  under  consideration,"  that 
measure  being  esteemed  "  of  such  evil  consequence  that 
their  Lordships  agreed  to  report  that,  upon  reimburse- 
ment of  what  should  appear  to  have  been  paid  for  the 
same,  that  Colony  should  be  obliged  to  make  a  sur- 
render of  all  deeds  and  writings  thereof  into  his  Ma- 
jesty's hands."  ^  Randolph  had  no  intention  to  lose 
sight  of  the  agents.  He  and  they  embarked  for  Boston 
about  the  same  time.^ 

ceived  perrnission  to  embark  for  home  engaged  September  5  (Journal  of  the 

September  10  ;  but  something  seems  to  Privy  Council)  ;  but  he  did  not  actually 

have  detained  them  about  two  months  embark  till  October  23  (Mass.  Arch., 

longer.  CXXVII.  218.)    The  allowance  of  his 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  pay  as  Collector  began  June  12,  1678, 

2  According  to  Hutchinson  (Hist.,  when  it  was  expected  that  he  would 
I.  292),  "  the  agents  arrived  at  Boston  soon  sail  for  New  England  (see  above, 
December  23d,"  1679.  I  should  not  p.  317).  For  his  services  in  the  busi- 
have  supposed  that  it  was  so  late ;  but  he  ness  of  New  England  between  Sep- 
was  habitually  accurate,  and  the  pre-  tember  10,  1676,  and  that  date,  he  was 
cision  of  this  statement  entitles  it  to  allowed  (June  20,  1679)  £  175.  (Co- 
reception.      Randolph's   passage    was  lonial  Papers,  &c.) 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Notwithstanding  the  show  of  brave  opposition  to  the 
demands  of  the  British  court,  the  public  spirit  of  Mas- 
sachusetts had  never  been  so  tame  as  it  was  at  the 
time  when  her  agents  came  back  from  England.  Part 
of  what  Randolph  reported  was  only  too  true.  The 
Parties  in  Mas-  Magistratcs  wcrc  divided  in  their  policy.  Brad- 
Bachusetts.  gtrect,  Deuisou/  Dudley,  and  others  were,  in 
truth,  disposed  to  yield  to  the  encroachments  of  the 
King  and  his  ministry. 

While  Governor  Leverett  lived,  they  were  kept  effect- 
ually in  check  by  his  paramount  influence.  Except  the 
first  illustrious  chief  magistrate,  the  Colony  had  never 
had  so  thoroughly  competent  a  head.  Profoundly  re- 
ligious, largely  experienced  in  civil  and  military  action, 
sagacious,  well-instructed,  cautious,  and  bold,  he  was 
equal  to  the  exigencies  of  a  peculiarly  responsible  public 
career.  Born  and  educated  in  England,  he  had  just 
arrived  at  manhood  when  he  came  with  his  father  to  the 
feeble  Colony.  Invested  almost  immediately  with  impor- 
tant trusts,  he  became  versed  in  its  local  administration, 
and  imbued  w^ith  the  patriotism  of  the  place ;  and  when 
he  went  away  for  long  service  in  the  camp  and  court  of 
Cromwell,  he  never  forgot  his  early  home.  Returning  to 
it  at  the  critical  time  when  the  sharpest  of  the  contro- 
versies between  Massachusetts  and  the  Commissioners  of 
Lord  Clarendon  was  just  coming  on,  he  was  at 
once  elected  to  the  magistracy  to  support  the 

1  Bradstreet  and  Denison  had  manifested  their  tendencies  ten  years  earlier. 
See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  627. 


1672. 


CfiAP.  Vin.]      CONTINUED  DISPUTE  "WITH  ENGLAND.  329 

vigorous  administration  of  Bellingham,  when  that  reso- 
hite  ruler  succeeded  to  the  place  of  Endicott.  When 
Bellingham  died/  after  seven  years'  service, 
there  was  no  doubt  that  Leverett  was  worthiest 
to  be  Governor ;  and  in  that  capacity  he  conducted 
Massachusetts  through  the  difficulties  of  Philip's  war, 
and  through  the  early  stages  of  her  conflict  with  the 
persevering  English  emissary.  Leverett  died  1679. 
two  months  before  the  expiration  of  the  term  March  le. 
of  service  to  which  he  had  last  been  chosen.^ 

At  the  election  which  took  place  in  the  spring  before 
the    return    of    the    agents,    Bradstreet,    then  Governor  su 
seventy-six  years  of  ao;e,  was  made  Governor.  ™°°i5rad- 

"^  "^      ,  °  .  .  street. 

Circumstances  independent  of  his  merits  led  to       May. 
his  elevation.      Symonds,  the   Lieutenant-Gov-        levs. 
ernor,  died   before   Leverett.^     Bradstreet  had      o<='°*'°>-- 
been  in  the  Colony  from  its  beginning.     He  was  one  of 
the  few  members  of  the  Company  who  had  come  out  from 
England,  and  one  of  the  Assistants  chosen  in  that  coun- 
try, of  whom  he  was  now  the  only  survivor.     He  had 
been  Secretary  for  some  years,  and  had  been  always  in 
the  Magistracy.     He  had  acquitted  himself  not  ill  in  his 
embassy  to  England  ;  and  whatever  displeasure  was  felt 
for  the  unsatisfactory  result  of  that  mission  had  been 
visited  less  upon  him  than  upon  his  more  capable  and  less 
phlegmatic  colleague.     His  family  connections  gave  him 
consequence.     He  married  first  a  daughter  of  Thomas 
Dudley,  and  then  a  daughter  of  Emanuel  Downing,     He 

1  Bellingham  died  of  the  stone.     See  Leverett's  hearse,  preceding,  flanking, 
above,  p.  92;  comp.  Vol.  II.  p.  629,  note,  and  following  it.     One  bore  his  hel- 

2  At  Leverett's  death,  the  General  met ;  one,  his  sword  ;  two,  each  a 
Court  directed  the  Treasurer  to  receive  gauntlet ;  two,  each  a  spur  ;  and  so 
from  his  widow  the  duplicate  of  the  on.  (Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XVIII.  44.) 
charter  and  deliver  it  to  his  successor.  3  Symonds  was  rich.  His  estate  was 
(Mass.  Arch.,  HI.  238.)  —  Anciently  appraised  at  the  sum  of  £2103  6s.  lOrf. 
Governors  of  Massachusetts  were  mag-  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  257.)  He  had  farming 
nificently  buried.  Twenty  gentlemen  lands  in  different  places.  His  house  in 
(Mr.s  and  military  officers)  attended  town  was  sumptuously  furnished. 

28* 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


was  a  blameless  and  well-intentioned  man,  a  conscientious 
Puritan,  and  a  painstaking  officer,  eminently  trustworthy 
in  the  details  of  business ;  and  if  he  was  not  regarded  as 
having  a  superior  understanding,  or  an  energy  adequate 
to  uncommon  occasions,  still,  when  the  second  place  in 
the  government  fell  vacant,  there  was  no  reason  suffi- 
ciently clear  and  weighty  for  resisting  the  pretensions 
set  up  for  one  against  whom  nothing  worse  was  to  be 
said  than  that  he  was  the  favorite  of  the  moderate  party .^ 
Then  Leverett  died,  and  Bradstreet  exercised  provision- 
ally the  functions  of  Chief  Magistrate.^     When,  after  a 


1  Bradstreet  was  chosen  Deputy- 
Governor  by  ballots  in  the  towns,  by 
virtue  of  a  warrant  issued  to  the  towns 
for  an  election.  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  209.) 
It  was  just  under  these  circumstances 
that  promotion  would  be  likely  to  fall 
on  a  man  of  his  negative  character 
and  quasi  neutral  position.  Had  the 
election  taken  place  as  usual,  in  the 
excitement  and  free  consultation  of  the 
General  Court,  it  might  probably  have 
resulted  otherwise. 

2  The  "  Reforming  Synod  "  was 
held  at  Boston  in  the  autumn  of  the 
first  year  of  Bradstreet's  administra- 
tion. In  May,  1679,  when  he  was 
chosen  Governor,  "  in  answer  to  a  mo- 
tion made  by  some  of  the  Reverend 
Elders  that  there  might  be  a  convening 
of  the  elders  and  messengers  of  the 
churches  in  form  of  a  Synod,  for  a 
revisal  of  the  Platform  of  Discipline 
agreed  upon  by  the  churches,  1647 
[see  above.  Vol.  II.  p.  183],  and  what 
else  may  be  necessary  for  the  prevent- 
ing schisms,  heresies,  profaneness,  and 
the  establishment  of  the  churches  in 
one  faith  and  order  of  the  Gospel,  the 
Court  did  approve  of  the  said  motion, 
and  ordered  their  assembling  for  the 
ends  aforesaid  on  the  second  Wednes- 
day in  September,  at  Boston ;  and  the 
Secretary  was  required  seasonably  to 


give  notice  thereof  to  the  several 
churches."  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  215.)  The 
"  motion  "  of  the  Reverend  Elders  was 
in  the  form  of  a  memorial  from  twenty 
of  their  number.  John  Eliot  was  the 
first  signer,  and  Increase  Mather  the 
second.     (Mass.  Arch.,  X.  19  7.) 

The  order  of  the  General  Court  said 
nothing  about  public  sins  and  judg- 
ments, but  when  the  Synod  met,  it  as- 
sumed its  business  to  be  to  consider 
two  questions,  viz. :  —  1.  "  What  are  the 
evils  that  have  provoked  the  Lord  to 
bring  his  judgments  on  New  England  " ; 
2.  "  What  is  to  be  done,  that  so  these 
evils  may  be  reformed." 

By  the  kindness  of  a  descendant  of 
the  Reverend  Mr.  Peter  Thacher,  I 
have  the  use  of  a  journal  kept  for  sev- 
eral years  by  that  eminent  divine,  al- 
ready a  preacher  in  1679,  and  after- 
wards minister  of  Milton.  He  was 
present  at  the  Synod,  and  his  account 
of  its  proceedings  is  circumstantial. 
At  its  meeting,  September  10,  Mr. 
Sherman,  of  AVatertown,  and  Mr. 
Oakes,  of  Cambridge,  were  chosen 
Moderators.  Some  ministers  presented 
themselves  as  members,  unaccompanied 
by  lay  delegates  from  their  churches. 
This  was  regarded  as  an  irregularity, 
and  proceedings  ceased  till  it  was  cor- 
rected.    A  fast  was  kept.     It  is  no- 


Chap.  YIII.]      CONTINUED  DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND. 


331 


short  interval,  the  time  for  another  election  came,  a  diffi- 
culty was  naturally  felt  in  resisting  his  elevation  in  favor  of 
some  comparatively  inexperienced  candidate  ;  nor  was  it 
to  be  expected  that  the  great  neutral  body,  who  respected 
his  private  character,  and  were  grateful  for  his  long  ser- 
vices, would  entertain  a  severe  judgment  of  the  mediocrity 
of  his  qualifications.     He  can  scarcely  be  pronounced  to 


ticed  that  "  tlie  Governor  came  into 
the  Synod." 

When  the  Synod  got  fairly  to  work 
(September  17),  "the  Platform  [the 
Cambridge  Platform}  was  read  and 
approved,  for  the  substance,  by  «, 
unanimous  vote."  When  the  report 
of  a  Committee  on  "  the  evils  that  had 
provoked  the  Lord "  came  up  for  con- 
sideration, "  Mr.  Wheelock  [I  suppose, 
Ralph  Wheelock,  Deputy  from  Med- 
field]  declared  that  there  was  a  cry  of 
injustice  in  that  Magistrates  and  minis- 
ters were  not  rated  [taxed],  which  oc- 
casioned a  very  warm  discourse.  Mr. 
Stodder  [minister  of  Northampton] 
charged  the  Deputy  with  saying  what 
W£is  not  true,  and  the  Deputy-Gov- 
ernor [Danforth]  told  him  he  deserved 
to  be  laid  by  the  heels,  &c.  After  we 
broke  up,  the  Deputy  and  several  oth- 
ers went  home  with  Mr.  Stodder,  and 
the  Deputy  asked  forgiveness  of  him, 
and  told  him  he  freely  forgave  him, 
but  Mr.  Stodder  was  high."  The 
next  day,  "  the  Deputy  owned  his  be- 
ing in  too  great  a  heat,  and  desired 
the  Lord  to  forgive  it,  and  Mr.  Stodder 
did  something,  though  very  little,  by 

the  Deputy There  was  much 

debate  about  persons  being  admitted 
to  full  communion,  and  Mr.  Stodder, 
the  minister,  offered  to  dispute  against 

it,  and  brought  one  argument ; 

but  after  some  time  the  rest  of  his  ar- 
guments were  deferred,  and  at  present 
it  was  eased." 

September  19,  "  what  was  drawn  up 


by  the  Committee  and  corrected  by 
the  Synod  in  answer  to  both  questions 

was  unanimously  voted Also  a 

Committee  was  chose  to  present  what 
the  Synod  hath  done  (after  they  had 
prefaced  it)  to  the  General   Court  in 

October, and   to   draw  up   a 

Confession  of  Faith  against  the  next 
Wednesday  before  the  General  Court 
of  Election  next.  This  Committee 
was  also  desired,  if  the  Court  approved 
of  it,  to  write  to  the  churches  of  the 
United  Colonies,  and  inform,  if  they 
pleased  to  send  their  elders  and  mes- 
sengers, it  would  be  very  grateful. 
After  this,  a  psalm  being  sung,  Mr. 
Cobbet  concluded  with  prayer." 

The  Reforming  Synod  sat  ten  days. 
Its  "  Result "  may  be  read  in  Mather's 
Magnaha  (V.  88-94).  It  is  chiefly 
remarkable  for  its  freedom  from  that 
sectarian  jealousy  which  would  have 
marked  any  similar  document  in  earlier 
times.  Among  the  "  evils  that  had 
provoked  the  Lord  to  bring  his  judg- 
ments on  New  England  "  are  specified 
"  a  great  and  visible  decay  of  the  pow- 
er of  godliness,"  "  abounding  pride," 
"  neglect  of  church-fellowship  and  other 
divine  institutions,"  "  oaths  and  impre- 
cations in  ordinary  discourse,"  Sab- 
bath-breaking, remissness  in  family 
government  and  family  worship,  "  sin- 
ful heats  and  hatreds,"  intemperance, 
"  promise-breaking,"  "  inordinate  affec- 
tion unto  the  world,"  "  opposition  to  the 
work  of  reformation,"  want  of  public 
spirit,  and   "  unfruitfulness  under  the 


332 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


have  been  equal,  either  in  ability  of  mind  or  in  force  of 
character,  to  the  task  of  steering  the  straining  vessel  of 
the  state  in  those  stormy  times.  More  than  any  other 
man  then  living  in  Massachusetts,  Thomas  Danforth  was 
competent  to  the  stern  occasion.  But,  in  the  circum- 
stances, the  verdict  of  the  electors  is  not  matter  of 
surprise.  The  administration  acquired  character  and 
strength  by  the  election  of  Danforth  to  the  second  office ; 
and  both  Governor  and  Deputy-Governor  were  continued 


means  of  grace."  And  the  answers  to 
the  second  question,  "  What  is  to  be 
done,  that  so  these  evils  may  be  re- 
formed," have  judicious  reference  to  the 
evils  respectively.  The  "  defect  of  the 
churches "  in  having  generally  "  only 
one  teaching  officer,  for  the  burden  of 
the  whole  congregation  to  lie  upon,"  is 
reprehended  as  being  "  very  lamenta- 
ble"; and,  as  "an  expedient  for  refor- 
mation," it  is  urged  "  that  effectual 
care  be  taken  respecting  schools  of 
learning."  It  was  as  yet  impossible 
absolutely  to  forget  Quakers  and  Bap- 
tists ;  but  the  former  are  despatched  in 
a  single  sentence  as  "false  worship- 
pers," and  the  latter,  when  they  re- 
ceive "  into  their  society  those  that 
have  been  for  scandal  delivered  unto 
Satan,"  are  said  to  "  do  no  better  than 
set  up  an  altar  against  the  Lord's 
altar."  But  no  measure  of  repression 
is  reconunended  against  either.  In 
connection  with  intemperance  are  men- 
tioned "  that  heathenish  and  idolatrous 
practice  of  health-drinking, im- 
modest apparel,  laying  out  of  hair,  bor- 
ders, naked  necks  and  arms,  or,  which 
is  more  abominable,  naked  breasts, 
and  mixed  dancings,  light  behavior 
and  expressions,  sinful  company-keep- 
ing with  light  and  vain  persons,  unlaw- 
ful gaming,  and  an  abundance  of  idle- 
ness, which  brought  ruinating  judg- 
ment upon  Sodom." 


The  General  Court,  which  met  in 
the  following  month,  ordered  the  print- 
ing of  the  Result,  and  "  commended  the 
same  to  the  serious  consideration  of  all 
the  churches  and  people  in  the  juris- 
diction, enjoining  and  requiring  all 
persons  in  their  several  capacities  con- 
cerned to  a  careful  and  diligent  refor- 
mation of  all  those  provoking  evils  men- 
tioned therein."  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  244.) 
And  the  following  spring  the  Court 
further  ordered  the  printing  of  a  Con- 
fession of  Faith  prepared  by  the  late 
Synod,  and  of  the  old  Cambridge 
Platform.  (Ibid.,  287.)  The  Synod's 
scheme  for  a  Synod  of  all  the  Churches 
of  the  United  Colonies  was  not  fol- 
lowed up. 

Cotton  Mather  says  (Parentator, 
&c.,  85)  that  his  father  drew  up  the 
Result  of  the  Synod.  Dr.  Wisner 
thought  that  its  lamentations  over 
the  degeneracy  of  the  times  were  to 
be  interpreted  with  severe  literalness. 
(History  of  the  Old  South  Church,  &c., 
14,  15;  comp.  Neal,  History  of  New 
England,  &c.,  H.  409.)  But  Cot- 
ton Mather  was  of  a  different  mind. 
"  New  England  was  not  become  so 
degenerate  a  country,  but  that  there 
was  yet  preserved  in  it  far  more  of 
serious  religion,  as  well  as  of  blameless 
morality,  than  was  proportionably  to 
be  seen  in  any  country  upon  the  face 
of  the  earth."     (Parentator,  &c.,  82.) 


Chap.  VHI.]      CONTINUED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  333 

in  place,  by  successive  elections,  as  long  as  the  charter 
government  lasted. 

Randolph,    sailing    for    New   York,    reached  J^p^VoLf""- 
America  a  fortnia^ht  earlier  than  the  ao-ents;^  England. 

^  .  1679. 

but  he  did  not  appear  at  Boston  till  more  than    December?. 
a  month  after  them,  being  instructed  first  to  go        leso. 
to   New  Hampshire,  and  settle  a  government    J^^'^^^'y^s. 
there,  as  will   hereafter  be   related.     A  week  after  his 
arrival  at  Boston,  the  General  Court  assembled, 

11  T7"  1  I'liii  1  1         I-etter  from  the 

and  the  Kmg's  letter  which  had  been  brought  King. 
by  the  agents  was  read.  In  it  the  King  ex-  ^  "^"^"^^ 
pressed  his  disappointment  that  Stoughton  and  Bulkley 
had  not  been  furnished  with  fuller  powers,  and  announced 
his  "will  and  pleasure"  that,  within  six  months,  other 
agents  "duly  instructed"  should  be  sent  out.  He  re- 
peated his  injunctions  respecting  an  admission  of  mem- 
bers of  the  Church  of  England  to  the  franchise  and  to 
every  kind  of  civil  equality,  and  respecting  an  increase 
of  the  number  of  Assistants,  so  as  to  accord  with  the 
charter.  He  again  required  a  recital  of  the  royal  author- 
ity in  military  commissions  and  legal  proceedings,  and  a 
strict  obedience  to  the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navis-ation. 
He  gave  notice  of  the  appointment  of  Randolph  to  be 
"  Collector,  Surveyor,  and  Searcher "  for  all  the  Colonies 
of  New  England ;  and  concluded  by  declaring  himself 
"  surprised  "  that  they  should  "  presume  "  to  purchase  the 
province  of  Gorges  when  it  was  known  that  he  was  him- 
self "  in  treaty  for  it,"  and  by  making  known  his  expecta- 
tion that  they  would  transfer  it  to  him,  "  upon  a  reim- 
bursement of  what  it  should  appear  they  had  paid  for 
the  same."  ^ 

After  its  own  manner, —  for  the  Deputies  were  stern, 
and  compromises  had  to  be  studied,  —  the  Court  Acuonofthe 
proceeded  to  act  upon  these  instructions.     A  ^"^''^^  ^°"''' 

1  Randolph's  memorandum,  in  Mass.        2  For  the  King's  letter,  see  Hutch. 
Arch.,  CXXVII.  218.  Coll.,  519.     The  date  is  July  24,  1679. 


334  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

form  of  military  commission  was  drawn  up,  in  which 
the  officer  was  informed  that  he  was  appointed  "  for  the 
service  of  his  Majesty,"  and  that  it  was  "in  his  Majesty's 
name "  that  he  was  "  authorized  and  required "  to  take 
command.  Provision  was  made  for  the  election  in  future 
years  of  eighteen  Assistants,  "  according  to  the  charter." 
The  Governor  was  instructed  to  take  "  the  oath  required 
by  his  Majesty  for  the  observation  and  execution  of  the 
statutes  for  the  encouraging  and  increasing  of  Naviga- 
tion and  Trade."  The  "  long  and  faithful  service  of  the 
honored  agents,  William  Stoughton  and  Peter  Bulkely, 
Esquires,"  was  acknowledged  "  with  all  thankfulness,"  and 
with  a  "  personal  gratuity  "  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds 
each,  "in  addition  to  what  had  been  already  granted." 
The  ancient  claim  to  New  Hampshire  was  relinquished 
by  an  order  vacating  "  all  commissions  formerly  granted 
by  the  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts  to  any  person  or  per- 
sons that  lived  in  the  towns  of  Hampton,  Exeter,  Ports- 
mouth, and  Dover."  On  the  other  hand,  the  Colony,  by 
virtue  of  its  purchase,  stepped  into  Gorges's  place  as  Lord 
Proprietor  of  Maine.^ 

Bradstreet  was  perhaps  apprehensive  that  the  temper 

of  the  next  General  Court  would  prove  more  resolute 

than  was  consistent  with  his  views  of  prudence  ;  and,  the 

day  before  it  was  to  meet,  he  replied  to   the 

May  18.  .  o  .  i   • 

Kmgs   letter   on   his   own  account.''      At   this 

1  Mass.   Rec,   V.    260  -  264.  —  At  2  Colonial  Papers,   &c.  —  Of  Ran- 

this  Court  it  was  "  ordered  that  the  dolph  the  Goveror  wrote  that  the  peo- 

Honorable  George  Russell,  Esq.,  now  pie  "  generally  looked  upon  him  as  one 

resident  in  Boston,  be  admitted  to  the  that  bore  no  good-will  to  the  country, 

freedom  of  this  Corporation,  if  he  please  but  sought  the  ruin  of  it."  —  The  Gov- 

to  accept  thereof."     He  was  the  young-  ernor's   letter   contains   the   following 

est  of  six  brothers  of  the  illustrious  Lord  interesting  statement :  — 

William  Russell  (WitFen,  Memoirs  of  "  There  hath  been  no  company  of 

the  House  of  Russell,  II.  223),  —  "a  blacks  or  slaves  brought  into  the  coun- 

gentleman,"  says  Wooley  (Journal,  &c.,  try  since  the  beginning  of  this  planta- 

57),  who  knew  him  in  New  York,  "of  a  tion,  for  the  space  of  fifty  years  ;  only 

comely  personage,  and  very  obliging."  one  small  vessel,  about  two  years  since, 


Chaf.  Vin.]      CONTINUED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND. 


335 


Court,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  Colony, 
eighteen  Assistants  appeared,  in  accordance  with  a  pro- 
vision of  the  charter,  and  with  the  royal  pleasure  recently 
expressed.  The  Court  was  in  session  for  the  unusually 
long  period  of  three  weeks.^  The  reason  may  well  be 
supposed  to  have  been  the  difficulty  of  coming  to  the 
decision,  already  too  long  delayed,  respecting  an  answer 
to  the  letter  of  the  King.  The  Court  whiled  away  the 
greater  part  of  the  session  in  attending  to  matters  of 
mere  detail.  By  a  vessel  sailing  for  England 
three  days  after  the  opening,  they  despatched 
to  the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  Secretary  of  State,^  a  letter 
designed  to  stay  the  royal  displeasure  till  something 
could  be  deliberately  done.  After  a  recital  of  the  doings 
of  the  last  General  Court,  the  letter  proceeded  to  say  : 
"Such  was  the  extremity  of  the  season,  that  a  consid- 
erable number  of  the  members  of  the  said  General  As- 


May  22. 


after  twenty  months'  voyage  to  Mada- 
gascai"  [a  great  way  for  the  commerce 
of  Boston  to  extend],  brought  hither 
betwixt  forty  and  fifty  negroes,  most 
■women  and  children,  sold  here  for 
ten,  fifteen,  and  twenty  pounds  apiece, 
which  stood  the  merchants  in  near 
forty  pounds  apiece,  one  with  another. 
Now  and  then  two  or  three  negroes 
are  brought  hither  from  Barbadoes  and 
others  of  his  Majesty's  plantations,  and 
sold  here  for  about  twenty  pounds 
apiece,  so  that  there  may  be  within 
our  government  about  one  hundred,  or 
one  hundred  and  twenty ;  and  it  may 
be  as  many  Scots,  brought  hither  and 
sold  for  servants  in  the  time  of  the  war 
with  Scotland,  and  most  now  married 
and  living  here,  and  about  half  so 
many  Irish,  brought  hither  at  several 
times  as  servants." 

Small,  however,  as  was  the  element 
of  African  slavery,  there  was  enough 
of  it  to  manifest  that  brutalizing  in- 
fluence   that    goes    with    it    like    its 


shadow.  In  1681,  a  negro  murderess 
was  burned  in  Boston  (Mather's  Jour- 
nal, in  Proceedings  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc., 
1.320);  "the  first  that  has  suffered 
such  a  death  in  New  England." 

1  There  was  a  project,  at  this  time, 
for  causing  the  mint-masters  to  be  re- 
munerated for  their  service  from  the 
public  treasury,  instead  of  receiving 
their  compensation  from  those  who 
brought  bullion  to  be  coined.  (Mass. 
Arch.,  C.  243,  245,  260.)  But  I  do 
not  find  that  it  took  effect. 

2  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins,  a  Welshman, 
was  now  the  Earl's  colleague  Secre- 
tary, having  succeeded  Sir  Henry  Cov- 
entry, April  14,  1680.  He  had  previ- 
ously been  a  Judge  of  the  Admiralty 
Court,  and  then  successively  Ambassa- 
dor to  France,  and  a  Commissioner  for 
the  Treaty  of  Nimeguen.  I  do  not 
change  the  common  spelling  of  his 
Christian  name,  though  it  would  be 
more  properly  written  Leoline,  or 
Lluellyn. 


336  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

sembly  could  not  possibly  attend,  thereby  occasioning  the 
deferring  the  further  consideration  of  the  remaining  par- 
ticulars of  his  Majesty's  letter  until  this  present  Court 
of  Election  wherein  we  are  newly  assembled,  although 
prevented  of  making  farther  answer  thereto  at  present 
by  reason  of  the  sudden  departure  of  the  ship  by 
which  we  convey  this."  The  Court  affirmed  that,  so  far 
from  laying  "  a  severe  hand  "  on  the  Province  of  Maine, 
as  they  had  been  charged  with  doing,  they  had  ex- 
empted it  from  taxation,  and  defended  it  "from  utter 
ruin  "  at  the  cost  of  many  lives,  and  of  many  thousands 
of  pounds ;  and  they  concluded  with  most  humble  thanks 
to  the  King  for  the  "  expression  of  his  gracious  incli- 
nation to  have  all  their  past  errors  and  mistakes  for- 
gotten, and  their  condition  so  amended  that  neither 
their  settlement  nor  the  minds  of  his  good  subjects  in 
the  Colony  might  be  shaken."  ^ 

The  King  could  not  be  expected  to  wait  indefinitely. 
Even  if  he  was  busy  with  other  matters,  Randolph  had 
abundance  of  time  to  attend  to  Massachusetts.  Clearly 
it  was  prudent  to  say  something  without  further  delay ; 
and,  after  wearisome  pondering  and  anxious  debate,  a 
letter  was  indited  to  the  King,  which  cannot  be  regarded 
as  expressing  the  sentiments  of  either  of  the  parties 
that  divided  the  Court,  but  rather  as  indicating  that 
the  best  compromise  which  they  were  able  to  reach 
rested  on  silence  and  further  procrastination  in  respect  to 
the  pending  matters  of  greatest  moment.  They  informed 
Lord  Sunderland,  "  in  order  to  his  Majesty's  more  full 
satisfaction,"  that,  in  addition  to  the  proceedings,  already 
reported,  of  the  last  Court,  a  committee  had  now  been 
raised  "for  the  review  of  the  laws,  to  the  intent  that, 
where  any  should  be  found  repugnant  to  the  laws  of 
England,  or  derogatory  to  his  Majesty's  honor  and  dig- 
nity, they  might  be  repealed  or  amended."     "  Concern- 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  270,  271. 


Chap.  VIII.]      CONTINUED  DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  3 3 '7 

ing  liberty  of  conscience,"  they  "acknowledged  that  a 
chief  design  of  their  fathers  and  predecessors  in  coming 
over  was  to  enjoy  a  freedom  in  the  matter  of  religious 
worship,  accounting  all  the  losses,  hazards,  difficulties, 
and  great  labors  of  so  vast  a  transportation,  and  of  their 
first  planting  a  wilderness,  not  too  great  a  price  for 
the  same."  "  That  a  multitude  of  notorious  errors  and 
blasphemies  should  with  impunity  be  openly  broached, 
nourished,  and  propagated  amongst  them,  as  by  the 
Quakers,  &c.,  they  presumed  that  his  Majesty  did  not 
intend ;  and  as  for  other  Protestant  dissenters  that  car- 
ried it  peaceably  and  soberly,  they  trusted  there  should 
be  no  cause  of  just  complaint  against  them  on  their 
behalf"  They  asked  a  favorable  consideration  of  the 
law  by  which,  "in  obedience  to  his  Majesty's  pleasure," 
they  had  extended  the  privilege  of  their  franchise  to 
others  besides  members  of  their  churches,  "  though  they 
humbly  conceived  their  charter  did  expressly  give  them 
an  absolute  and  free  choice  of  their  own  members.'* 
"  With  reference  to  the  Province  of  Maine,  they  were 
heartily  sorry  that  any  actings  of  theirs  should  be  dis- 
pleasing to  his  Majesty."  They  had  readily  submitted 
to  his  decision  awarding  to  Gorges  a  property  which 
they  had  considered  to  be  rightfully  theirs ;  and  they 
had  not  thought  it  wrong  to  make  the  purchase  after  it 
had  been  a  year  in  the  market,  and  after  they  had  been 
"  well  assured  of  the  strong  inclination  and  desire  of 
the  generality  of  the  inhabitants  to  come  into  a  quiet, 
speedy,  and  easy  settlement  under  those  of  whom  they 
had  so  long  and  beneficial  an  experience." 

The  question  that  required  the  most  delicate  handling 
still  remained.  As  to  this  they  wrote :  "  We  are  most 
humbly  bold  at  this  time  to  beg  his  Majesty's  excuse, 
and  to  hope  for  his  gracious  indulgence,  that  we  have 
not  as  yet  sent  over  other  agents  to  attend  again  in 
our  concerns ;  and    the   rather  for  that  we  understand 

VOL.  III.  29 


338  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III 

his  Majesty  and  his  most  honorable  Privy  Council  are 
still  taken  up  in  the  same  matters,  of  far  greater  im- 
portance, which  necessitated  so  long  a  deferring  of  our 
late  agents,  and  at  length  inclined  his  Majesty  graciously 
to  dismiss  them ;  -^  unto  which,  by  way  of  further  apol- 
ogy, we  have  in  truth  to  add  our  present  low  condition, 
through  the  vast  charges  of  the  late  war,  the  great 
debts  yet  abiding  heavy  upon  us,  and  the  late  wasting 
fire  happening  in  our  principal  town ;  all  which  renders 
it  exceeding  difficult  for  us  so  speedily  to  raise  and 
furnish  the  necessary  disbursements  of  a  new  sending ; 
nor  can  we  omit  the  great  hazard  of  the  sea,  creating 
a  backwardness  in  persons  most  suitable  to  be  employed, 
we  having  already  lost  five  or  six  of  our  vessels  by 
Turkish  pirates,  and  many  of  our  inhabitants  continu- 
ing at  this  day  in  miserable  captivity  amongst  them."^ 
Tlie  Court  could  not,  except  under  strong  necessity,  be 
brought  to  trust  agents  in  England  with  its  business. 

Meanwhile  Randolph,  proceeding  without  delay  after 

his  arrival  at  Boston  to  one  part  of  the  business  with 

which  he  was  charo;ed,  had  "  seized  several  ves- 

Proceeclings  c        ^ 

and  position    gels  with  thclr  lading."     To  seize  was  a  simple 

process;  but  forms  of  law  had  to  be  gone  through 

with  before  vessels  and  cargoes  could  be  condemned,  and 

Randolph  found  courts  and  juries  utterly  indisposed  to 

meet  his  wishes.     In  .plaintive  language  he  summed  up 

his  first  experiences  of  this  description :   "  His  Majesty's 

authority  and  the  Acts  of  Trade  were  disowned  openly  in 

the  country,  and  I  was  cast  in  all  these  causes, 

and   damages  given  against  his  Majesty."      He 

wrote  home,  that  it  was  "now  in   every  man's   mouth 

1  See  above,  p.  326.  enty  warehouses,  and  a  number  of  ves- 

2  Mass.  Rec.,V.  287-289.  — Tlie  fire  seb  at  the  wharves.  The  loss  was 
in  Boston,  above  alluded  to,  broke  out  estimated  at  not  less  than  £  200,000. 
near  the  town  dock  in  the  night  of  Au-  —  For  the  reluctant  course  taken  in 
gusts,  16  79,  and  raged  for  twelve  hours,  expurgating  the  laws  for  the  King's 
destroying  eighty  dwelling-houses,  sev-  satisfaction,  see  Ibid.,  268. 


Chap.  VIIL]       CONTINUED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  ggg 

that   they   were   not   subject   to   the  laws  of  England, 
neither  were  those  of  any  force  till  confirmed  by  their 
authority";  and  that  "the  Church  party  at  Boston  en- 
deavored to  debauch  the  merchants  and  loyal  men."     In 
respect  to  the  arrangements  for  Gorges's  Prov- 
ince, he  reported  that  it  was  promised  by  sufii- 
cient   merchants   in   Boston  t©    deposit  the   money  for 
the  purchase  of  Maine,  and  upon  such  terms  as  it  might 
be  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor,  distressed  inhabitants."^ 
His  impatience  was   stimulated   by  the    personal   vexa- 
tions to  which  he  found  himself  continually  lia- 
ble; and  he  sent  over  a  memorial  to  the  King 
urging  the  expediency  of  proceeding  against  the  charter 
of  Massachusetts   by   a   writ   of  quo   ivarranto?     As   he 
affected  no  secrecy  as   to  his  sentiments,  and  little  as 
to  his  designs,  it  may  well  be  supposed  that  he  found 
himself  engaged  in  a  perpetual  quarrel,  and  was  more 
and  more  irritating  and  irritated  day  by  day.     "Every 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  "  5.  They  put  your  Majesty's  sub- 

2  Ibid.  —  "  In  all  humble  obedience,"     jects  to  death  for  religion. 

so  Randolph  wrote,  "  to  your  Majesty's  "  6.  In  1665,  they  did  violently  op- 
royal  command,  he  [Randolph]  hath  pose  your  Majesty's  commissioners  in 
reduced  his  information  to  these  fol-  the  settlement  of  New  Hampshire, 
lowing  heads,  viz.: —  In   the   year    1666,   by    armed   force, 

"  1.  That  the  Bostoneers  have  no  they  turned  out  your  Majesty's  jus- 
right  either  to  land  or  government  In  tices  of  peace  in  the  Province  of 
any  part  of  New  England,  but  are  Maine,  in  opposition  to  your  Majesty's 
usurpers,  the  inhabitants  yielding  obe-  authority  and  declaration,  10th  April, 
dience  unto  a  supposition  only  of  a  1666. 
royal  grant  from  his  late  Majesty.  "  7.  They  impose  an  oath  of  fidelity 

"  2.  They  have  formed   themselves  upon   those  that  inhabit  within  their 

into  a  commonwealth,  denying  any  ap-  territories  to  be  true   and  faithful  to 

peals  to  England,  and,  contrary  to  oth-  their  government, 

er  plantations,  do  not  take  the  oath  of  "  8.  They   violate  all   the   Acts   of 

allegiance.  Trade  and  Navigation,  by  which  they 

"  3.  They  have  protected  the  mur-  have  engrossed  the  greatest  part   of 

therers  of  your  royal  father,  in  con-  the  West-India   trade,  whereby  your 

tempt  of  your  Majesty's  proclamation  Majesty  is  damnified  in  the  customs 

of  the   6th  June,  1660,  and  your  let-  £  100,000   yearly,    and   the   kingdom 

ter  of  28th  June,  1662.  much  more. 

"  4.  They  coin  money  of  their  own  "  All  which  he  is  ready  to  prove." 
impress. 


340  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

one  appearing  for  me,"  he   wrote  to  the   Com- 

June  7.  .      .        ^  P        1  /^ 

missioners    ot    the    Customs,   "is   accounted   an 

enemy  to  the  country I  desired  the  Magistrates 

to  assign  me  an  attorney  or  soHcitor  to  assist  me,  in 
case  any  matter  should  arise  in  the  practice  of  their 
courts  in  which  I  am  not  acquainted ;  but  that  was  de- 
nied  Whilst   I   weiat  for  a  marshal   to    assist   in 

searching  [a  warehouse],  my  servants  [who  had  been 
placed  to  watch  it]  were  set  upon  by  four  or  five  per- 
sons, and  very  much  beaten ;  in  the  mean  time  others 
removed  the  goods  to  another  place."  A  deputy  whom 
he  had  appointed,  "  as  soon  as  known,  was  warned  with 
his  family  out  of  doors."  He  gives  an  account  of  his 
going  to  seize  a  vessel,  accompanied  by  the  marshal 
and  six  men.  "  Coming  up  her  side,  I  was  threatened 
to  be  knocked  at  head;  I  returned,  and  told  the  Gov- 
ernor of  it,  who  ordered  men  to  be  raised  to  seize  her ; 
but,  before  I  came  where  I  left  her,  she  was  towed  away 

by  Boston  boats In  all  other  Colonies  I  am  treated 

with  great  respect,  as  well  for  my  security,  as  also  to 

settle  deputies After  all  this  trouble,  I  am  verily 

assured  that  I  have  broke  the  heart  of  this  Irish  trade ; 
and  for  all  this  am  not  discouraged,  not  questioning 
but  by  degrees  to   bring  this  coimtry  to  better  order 

in  point  of  trade For  his  Majesty  to  write  more 

letters  will  signify  no  more  than  a  London  Gazette 

The  news  of  trouble  at  home  gives  encouragement  to 
the  faction  here  who  oppose  the  Governor  as  well  as  my- 
self I  have  only  hope  and  my  life  left,  which  I  am 
unwilling  to  expose  to  the  rage  of  a  deluded  multitude,, 
who,  under  the  pretence  of  great  privilege  from  the 
King,  take  liberty  to  oppose  his  royal  authority."     "  I 

expect   hourly  to  have  my  nerson  seized    and 

June  9.  ^       ,  .  "^  -^ 

cast  mto  prison."-^ 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c. ;  comp.  Hutch,     of  which  news  was  received,  see  above, 
Coll.,  525.  —  For  the  "  trouble  at  home,"     pp.  255,  256., 


Chap.  Vm.]      CONTINUED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  34^ 

He  now  left  Boston  for  a  time  for  New  Hampshire, 
being  probably  frightened  away.^  His  representations 
produced  part  of  their  natural  effect  in  England.  The 
royal  advisers  were  not  prepared  to  adopt  his  opinion, 
that  in  Massachusetts  their  master's  letters  were  worth 
no  more   than   a  London  Gazette.     The  Kinor   .   ^,    ,  „ 

<-'     Another  letter 

wrote  again,  and  now  much  more  angrily  than  from  the  King. 
ever  before.  He  roundly  chid  the  Massachu-  ^^""°  ^'^ 
setts  people  for  "putting  off  upon  insufficient  pretences" 
the  consideration  of  some  of  his  commands,  and  especially 
for  their  omission  to  send  to  England  other  agents  with 
full  powers.  He  "strictly  commanded  and  required" 
them,  "as  they  tendered  their  allegiance,"  to  despatch 
such  agents  within  three  months  after  their  reception  of 
the  order.  And  he  ended  with  a  very  definite  injunc- 
tion :  "  That  the  due  observance  of  all  our  commands 
above  mentioned  may  not  be  any  longer  protracted,  we 
require  you,  upon  the  receipt  hereof,  forthwith  to  call  a 
General  Court,  and  therein  to  read  these  our  letters,  and 
provide  for  our  speedy  satisfaction  ;  in  default  whereof  we 
shall  take  the  most  effectual  means  to  procure  the  same. 
And  so  we  bid  you  farewell."  ^ 

The  Court,  meeting  again  in  the  autumn,  while  this 
letter  was  on  its  way,  made  various  arrangements  relating 
to  the  orderly  conduct  of  elections,  and  to  a  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  militia,  but  took  no  measures  respecting  the 
pending  controversy  with  England,  further  than  to  ap- 
point a  fast,  for  "  all  the  Lord's  remembrancers  to  be 
earnest  with  him  in  prayers, that  all  humbling  dis- 
pensations towards  us  in  these  ends  of  the  earth  may  be 
sanctified,  and  that  God  would  yet,  for  his  name's  sake, 
continue  our  liberties,  both  civil  and  spiritual."^  Pres- 
ently the  King's  letter  came,  brought  by  John 
Mason  himself,  the  jbeir  to  New  Hampshire  ;  and 

1  See  below,  p.  405.  3  Mass.  Rec,  V.  290  -  301. 

2  Hutch.  Coll.,  522-525. 

29* 


342  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Further  pro-     ^  "  SpGCial  General  Court"  was  convened  to  con- 
ceedings  of  the  sidcr  it.^      For  a  week  after  comino-  together. 

General  Court.  .  ,  o  o  7 

1681.        the  Court  "  adjourned  diem  per  diem,  having  de- 
bates and  consideration  of  the  things  then  in- 
cumbent."    Without  doubt  the  debates  were  warm.     The 
record  is  brief     Orders  were  at  length  made 

January  12.  •  n    '  i  •     i 

for  notifymg  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  New 
Hampshire  towns  the  state  of  Mason's  claim  ;  for  hasten- 
ing a  revision  of  the  laws,  which  had  been  lingering  for 
two  or  three  years ;  and  finally  for  the  election  of  agents 
to  go  to  England,  agreeably  to  the  royal  command. 

William  Stoughton  and  Samuel  No  well  were  chosen  to 

that  trust  by  a  ioint  ballot  of  the  two  branches 

Choice  of  J  J 

agents  to  go      of  thc  Court.^     Nowcll,  who  was  not  a  man  of 
eminent   abilities,  belonged  to  the  anti-prerog- 
ative party.     Stoughton  had  had  enough  of  this  kind  of 
business.     A  formal  vote  of  thanks  for  his  recent  services 
as  agent  stood  on  the  record,  but  he  read  little  gratitude 
in  the  countenances  of  his  old  friends.     He  excused  him- 
self from  the  service,  and  John  Richards,  also  a 
Magistrate,  was  chosen  in  his  place.^     Richards 
belonged  to  the  knot  of  those  who,  if  Randolph  had  read 
them  aright,  only  "  waited  for  an  opportunity  to  express 
their  duty  to  his  Majesty."*     The  practical  significance 
of  the  King's  injunction  to  enlarge  the  number  of  Magis- 
trates began  to  be  evident.     Prerogative  principles,  which 
had  more  favor  with  the  Magistrates  than  with  the  Dep- 

1  John  Higginson,  of  Salem,  wrote  (for  Hadley)  as  early  as  16  75  (Ibid., 
to  Increase  Mather,  in  respect  to  the  42)  ;  Speaker  of  the  Deputies  in  1680 
King's  demands,  "  We  should  humbly,  (Ibid.,  261);  and  in  the  same  year 
yet  plainly,  return  Naboth's  answer,  further  advanced  to  be  an  Assistant. 
even  though  we  should  meet  with  (Ibid.,  265.)  He  was  of  Enghsh  birth, 
Naboth's  success  (1  Kings  xxi.  3)."  and  came  to  Boston  with  his  father  in 
(Mather  MSS.  in  the  Library  of  the  1644.  He  married,  first  a  step-daugh- 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  IV.  1.)  ter  of  John  Winthrop   of  Massachu- 

2  Mass.  Rec,  V.  302  -  304.  setts ;  and,  after  her  death,  a  daughter 

3  Ibid.,  307.  —  Richards  was  an  opu-  of  John  Winthrop  of  Connecticut, 
lent  merchant  of  Boston ;  a  Deputy        4  Hutch.  Coll.,  500. 


Chap.  VIIL]       CONTINUED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  343 

uties  from  the  towns,  obtained  an  advantage  in  the  Gen- 
eral Court.  But  the  popular  party  knew  how  to  inter- 
pose delays/  and  the  elected  messengers  to  England  still 
remained  at  home. 

The  Court  by  which  their  agency  had  been  constituted 
had  not  broken  up  when  Randolph  again  sailed  RetmnofRan- 
for  England.^     He  could  not  have  arrived  there  j^j^^pi^'oEng- 
at  a  moment  more  auspicious  fox  his  revenge.      March  15. 
The  Oxford  Parliament  had  just  been  dissolved, 

.  ,  March  27. 

and  the  Kmg  was  agam  well  on  his  way  to  ab- 
solute power.^     The  memorial  which  Randolph  had  sent 
from  Boston  had  been  referred   by  the  Privy 

.  April  6. 

Council  to  the  Lords  of  their  Committee  of  Trade 
and  Plantations.*     "My   Lord   Culpepper  attended,  and 
gave  their  Lordships  an  account  of  the  state  of 
New  England,"  bringing  them  to  the  "  opinion 
that  New  England  could  not  be  brought  to  a  perfect  set- 
tlement unless  a  General  Governor  were  sent  over,  and 
maintained  there  at  the  Kin2:'s  chartj-e."  ^ 

1  See  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  232,  236,  Archseol.  Amer.,  III.  247.)  — Where 
246,  249.  the   carcass   was,   there    the   vultures 

2  "March  15.  Returned  to  Eng-  were  gathered  together.  One  Robert 
land,  and  obtained  the  King's  patent  Orchard,  apparently  an  underling  of 
to  be  Collector."  (Randolph's  mem-  Randolph's,  who  brought  himself  into 
orandum  in  Mass.  Arch.,  CXXVII.  trouble  by  seizing  vessels,  went  (April 
218.)  "May  20.  £200  instead  of  19)  to  the  Privj^  Council,  "complain- 
£lOO  [for  his  salary]  talked  of,  but  not  ing  of  sevel-al  abuses  and  injuries  done 
settled."  (Ibid.)  February  1 1  of  this  him  by  the  authority  or  government  of 
year,  he  asked  to  be  commissioned  as  Boston  in  New  England."  (Journals 
Collector  for  life.  (Colonial  Papers,  of  the  Privy  Council  ;  comp.  Mass. 
&c.)  But  I  do  not  know  that  he  ever  Kec,  IV.  308,  V.  131,  392,  398.)  In 
carried  that  point.  his  memorial  he  represents  himself  as 

3  See  above,  p.  258.  having  been  a  private  soldier,  and  as 

4  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council.  having  been  wronged  by  the  govern- 

5  -Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  In  August,  ment  of  Massachusetts  to  the  amount 
1680,  Lord  Culpepper,  Governor  of  of  £320,  because  of  his  loyalty.  (Co- 
Virginia,  having  passed  some  months  lonial  Papers,  &c.)  —  Francis  Branson 
there  in  extinguishing  the  remains  of  contributed  a  story  (January  4),  that. 
Bacon's  rebellion,  came  to  Boston  on  on  a  voyage  made  by  him  to  America, 
his  way  to  England,  and  remained  "William  Kelso,  surgeon  of  his  ship, 
there  seven  weeks.     (Hull's  Diary  in  bragged  that  he  had  served  with  the 


344  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  P^ook  HI. 

Eandolph  had  a  short  passage,  and  could  scarcely  have 
reached  England  before  he  went  to  work  on  a  report  to 
„   , ,  ,,       Sir  Lionel  Jenkins,  Secretary  of  State.-^     In  it 

Randolph's  re-  ^  ^ 

ports  to  the      he  exposed  "the  correspondency  and  combina- 

home  govern-         ,  i-i  ^   •      ^  ii  •  -ii 

ment.  tion  wliich,  to  his  knowledge,  was  continued  be- 
^^"^"^  ■  twixt  the  factious  parties  in  both  Englands."^ 
He  proposed,  among  other  measures,  "  that  Mr.  Danforth, 
Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  Sr.,  and  Mr.  Gedney,  Magistrates, 
who  entered  the  Province  of  Maine  lately  with  an  armed 
force,  should  be  declared  incapable  of  public  trust  or 
offices,  and  be  bound  to  their  good  behavior  in  £1,000 
bonds The  quo  warranto  would  unhinge  their  gov- 
ernment, and  prepare  them  to  receive  his  Majesty's  fur- 
ther pleasure.  I  have  often,"  he  wrote,  "  in  my  papers, 
pressed  the  necessity  of  a  General  Governor  as  absolutely 

necessary  for  the  honor  and  service  of  the  crown ; 

but  in  many  respects  I  do  not  look  upon  this  as  the 
proper  season.  Besides,  should  any  force  appear  upon 
the  coast  in  order  to  reduce  them  to  reason  before  they 
have  had  a  legal  summons  to  make  their  defence,  it  would 
discourage  the  honest  party  upon  the  place.  But  after 
a  legal  prosecution  there  would  be  no  need  of  force,  for  I 
believe  they  will  not  add  rebellion  to  all  their  former 
extravagances.  Yet,  put  the  case  they  should,  they  will 
know  and  fear,  for  what  is  already  committed,  that  his 
Majesty  will  put  them  out  of  his  protection,  and  com- 
mand all  the  Governors  of  his  foreign  plantations  to  seize 
their  ships,  and  deny  them  further  to  trade,  without 
which  they  cannot  at  all  subsist.  As  to  the  apprehen- 
sions of  their  joining  with  the  French,  they  have  so  great 

Scotch  rebels,  and  knew  all  about  the  ceeded  Lord  Sunderland  in  that  office 

death  of  the   Archbishop  of  St.  An-  March  9,  1681. 

drew's,  and  that  when  he  [Branson]  2  This  was  at  the  moment  a  highly 

would   have  arrested  hun  at  Boston,  stimulating   topic ;   for    "  the   factious 

the  Magistrates  protected  him."     (Co-  party"   in   England   was   that   which 

lonial  Papers,  &c.)  had  just  now  been  defeated  on  the  Ex- 

1  The  other  Secretary  of  State  was  elusion  Bill.     See  above,  p.  256. 
now  Edward,  Lord  Conway,  who  sue- 


Chap.  VIII.]       CONTINUED  DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  345 

a  pique  against  them  that  they  want  only  an  oppor- 
tunity to  dispossess  them  in  Nova  Scotia,  Canada,  and 
Newfoundland."  ^ 

He  presently  followed  up  this  report  with  another 
more  full.     In  it  he  represented  that  the  reduc- 

_,  ^  .  ^  ,  April  30. 

tion  of  New  England  to  a  strict  dependence  on 
the  home  government,  and  to  the  immediate  authority 
of  a  General  Governor,^  ^YOuld  have  beneficial  conse- 
quences. 1.  It  would  confirm  the  allegiance  of  the  other 
Colonies;  2.  It  would  secure  New  England  against  danger 
of  foreign  invasion  ;  3.  It  would  make  its  commerce  more 
serviceable  to  other  plantations;  4.  It  would  provide  the 
King  with  increased  resources  in  respect  to  men  and  pro- 
visions ;  5.  By  causing  an  increased  population,  it  would 
tend  to  an  enlargement  of  the  supplies  of  naval  stores ; 
6.    "It  would  make  all  other  his  Majesty's   plantations 

quiet; and  lastly,  this  would  absolutely  dissolve 

and  cut  off  all  correspondence  betwixt  the  fanaticals  at 
home  and  the  factious  party  in  that  country,  which  was 
still  maintained  ;  and,  upon  the  opinion  that  New  Eng- 
land would  be  a  good  retreat  for  them,  the  discon- 
tented had  highly  valued  themselves,  and  were  proud 
in  their  numbers." 

"  His  Majesty,"  continued  Randolph,  "  can  never  expect 
a  more  convenient  opportunity  for  settling  the  country 
than  what  at  this  time  doth  present ;  for  now  the  other 
Colonies,  formerly  their  confederates,  are  fallen  off,  not 
longer  enduring  their  encroachments  in  respect  of  boun- 
daries, nor  their  impositions  lately  laid  upon  the  produce 
of  their  several  Colonies  by  the  General  Court  at  Boston. 
Neither  do  they  find  it  reasonable  to  be  involved  in  the 
mischiefs  which  they  believe  may  be  the  consequence  of 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  above,  p.    25  7),   that   Randolph    thus 

2  Probably  it  was  after  becoming  changed  liis  mind  as  to  the  prudence 
acquainted  with  the  reaction  that  had  of  sending  out  a  General  Governor  to 
now    taken    place    in    England    (see  America. 


346  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

such  and  so  often  repeated  disloyalty.  Besides,  the  very 
Colony  is  divided  in  itself;  for  the  Governor,  one  part  of 
the  Magistrates,  with  the  ministry,  are  willing  and  have 
all  along  voted  for  a  dutiful  submission  to  his  Majesty's 
commands,  as  by  their  petition  in  1666  doth  appear ; 
another  party  of  them,  inconsiderable  in  estates  or  repute, 
exceeding  in  number  only,  over-vote  the  Governor,  &c., 
in  all  public  meetings,  accovmting  him  and  that  party 
betrayers  of  the  liberty  of  the  country  granted  by  charter, 
which  is  one  great  cause  of  the  unhappy  misunderstand- 
ing betwixt  his  Majesty  and  that  Colony.  However, 
they  all  agree  that  the  inhabitants  shall  be  taxed  to  raise 
nigh  <£5,000  to  defray  the  purchase  of  the  Province  of 
Maine,  and  the  expenses  of  their  late  agents  in  England, 
besides  to  defray  the  growing  charge  of  Mr.  Danforth's 
expedition,  and  maintaining  a  garrison  of  soldiers  to 
secure  the  allotment  of  land  which  Mr.  Danforth  and 
others  of  the  magistracy  have  made  to  themselves  out  of 
the  Province  of  Maine,  for  the  purchase  whereof  neither 
they  nor  any  person  in  public  office  in  that  Colony  have 
expended  one  penny ;  which,  with  a  law  for  laying  an 
excise  upon  all  living  stock  brought  out  of  the  other  Col- 
onies to  that  of  the  Massachusetts,  hath  so  incensed  the 
people,  that  at  my  coming  away  they  were  in  very  high 
discontent,  and  expect,  after  so  many  complaints,  and  the 
late  opposition  made  by  a  party  in  the  magistracy  against 
his  Majesty's  laws  in  open  Court,  that  at  least  a  regula- 
tion of  the  government  may  follow;  otherwise  nothing 
remains  for  them  but  to  leave  the  place,  which  cannot 
be  done  but  with  their  apparent  ruin.  No  ship  or  force 
is  required  to  the  effecting  what  is  already  proposed." 

He  specifies  the  following  as  "  the  methods  by  which  a 
complete  conformity  may  undoubtedly  be  expected  "  :  — 

"  1.  The  Attorney-General  to  bring  a  quo  imrranto 
against  Massachusetts,  and  a  distringas  upon  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maine. 


Chap.  VIIL]       CONTINUED   DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  34 'j^ 

"  2.  A  commission  under  the  great  seal  to  be  directed 
to  the  present  Governorj  Mr.  Stoughton,  Mr.  Dudley, 
Major-General  Denison,  Mr.  Bulcklej,  Major  Savage,  Mr. 
Pynchon,  Mr.  Saltonstall,  Jr.,  all  in  the  present  magis- 
tracy ;  and  Mr.  Shrimpton,  Mr.  Wharton,  Mr.  Kellond,  or 
Mr.  Sheaf,  and  Mr.  Wait  Winthrop,  (men  of  good  estates, 
and  very  well  esteemed  in  the  Colony,)  to  be  joined  with 
them  to  settle  a  temporary  government  like  that  in  New 
Hampshire,  with  instructions,  &c.,  until  a  final  determina- 
tion be  had  in  this  matter. 

"  3.  A  declaration  to  be  made  of  general  pardon,  liberty 
of  conscience,  and  security  of  property. 

"4.  No  law  or  tax  (except  in  cases  of  invasion,  &c.) 
to  be  of  force,  except  by  his  Majesty's  consent  or  allow- 
ance." 

5.  Gorges's  magistrates,  "  displaced  by  the  Bostoners," 
to  be  restored  in  Maine. 

"  All  which  proposals,  as  preliminaries,"  Randolph  con- 
cludes, "  if  his  Majesty  be  pleased  to  direct  and  commit  to 
my  conduct,  I  do  not  question  but  to  give  a  satisfactory 
account ;  and  then,  upon  my  advice  thereof  to  England, 
no  man  is  so  fit  to  undertake  the  entire  settlement  and 
uniting  all  the  small  Colonies  and  governments  in  one 
as  my  Lord  Culpepper,  whose  great  services  in  reducing 
Virginia,  and  honorable  deportment  in  New  England 
during  his  stay  there,  hath  gained  to  his  Lordship  a 
mighty  respect  amongst  all  good  men  there ;  and,  had 
his  Lordship  brought  with  him  but  instructions  tending 
to  any  sort  of  regulation  of  their  governments,  I  ques- 
tion not  but,  in  the  time  of  his  Lordship's  being  upon 
the  place,  he  might  have  effected  the  design  with  ease 
and  success."  ^ 

At  the  General  Court  for  Elections  in  Massachusetts, 
held  two  months  after  Randolph's  departure,  the  objec- 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  This  memorial  is  dated  at  "  Whitehall." 


348  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

tions  presented  bj  the  King's  law  officers  against  the  lo- 
„  .  ,•      cal  laws  were  considered  ;  and  it  was  determined 

Revisal  of  ' 

the  iaw8  of     to  repeal  the  laws  "  ao;ainst  keepino-  Christmas," 

Masaachu-  o  j.        o  7 

setts.  and  for  punishing  with  death  Quakers  returned 

^^  '  from  banishment;  and  to  amend  those  relating 
to  heresy,  and  to  "rebellion  against  the  country."  As 
if  to  take  away  from  these  changes  the  appearance  of 
being  made  under  coercion,  other  amendments,  with 
which  the  British  government  did  not  concern  itself, 
were  adopted  at  the  same  time.  The  form  of  oaths  and 
commissions  for  commanding  officers  of  regiments  was 
amended ;  the  crime  of  the  "  rebellious  son  "  was  newly 
defined ;  and  highway  robbery  was  constituted  a  capital 
offence.  It  was  resolved  to  make  no  change  in  the 
law  "about  marriaore,"  or  in  the  law  "touchins;  walkincr 
in  the  fields  and  streets  on  the  Sabbath  day."  ^ 

The  only  other  matter  transacted  at  this  Court,  re- 
latino^  to  the  controversy  with  the  home  ffovern- 
ment,  was  the  despatch  of  a  letter  to  feir  Lionel 
Jenkins,  in  answer  to  the  King's  letter  brought  by  Mason 
in  the  preceding  autumn.  The  Court  said  that  they 
had  "  carefully  perused  their  whole  book  of  laws,"  with 
reference  to  the  exceptions  taken  by  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral and  the  Solicitor-General,  and  had  "made  a  con- 
siderable progress  towards  a  conclusion";  and  that  they 
had  "published  his  Majesty's  pleasure  to  those  villages 


1  Mass.   Rec,  V.  321,  322  ;    comp.  the  Major,   it  seems,  that  afternoon, 

303.  and  IVIr.  Mather  was  with  him,  who 

The  question  about  the  red  cross  in  judged  it  not  convenient  to  be  done  at 

the  flag,  which  of  old  had  occasioned  this  time.     So  is  a  stop  put  to  it  at 

so  much  trouble  (see  above,   Vol.  I.  present." 

pp.  426,  427,  430),  was  revived  about  Again:   "July  11,  Captain  Walley, 

this  time.     Judge  Sewall  wrote  in  his  instead  of  having  no  cross  at  all,  as  I 

Diary:    "May   2    [1681].      Had   dis-     supposed,  had  it  unveiled Ca^ 

course  about  putting  the  cross  into  tain  Henchman's  company  and  Town- 
colors.  Captain  Hall  opposed,  and  send  hindered  Captain  Walley's  lodg- 
said  he  would  not  till  the  Major  [Den-  ing  their  colors,  stopping  them  at  the 
ison]  had  it  in  his.     Some  spoke  with  bridge." 


Chap.  VIH.]      CONTINUED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  349 

of  the  Colony  on  the  south  of  Merrimac,  some  part 
whereof  Mr,  Mason  made  his  pretensions  unto."  The 
question  about  sending  agents  to  England,  agree-  ^^j^^j^^ 
ably  to  the  King's  peremptory  order,  was  that  sending 
which  embarrassed  them  most.  They  wrote 
that  they  "found  it  no  easy  matter  to  prevail  with  per- 
sons in  any  degree  qualified  to  undertake  such  a  voyage 
at  this  time ;  and,  though  several  elections  had  been 
made,  they  had  not  as  yet  obtained  the  consent  of  any." 
The  seas,  they  said,  were  dangerous.  Some  of  their 
countrymen  had  been  captured  by  the  Algerines ;  ^  and, 
should  the  agents  whom  they  might  send  be  taken  by 
those  pirates,  there  was  "  cause  to  believe  their  ransom 
would  be  so  high  that  it  would  be  hard  to  procure  it 
amongst  a  poor  people  yet  laboring  under  the  burdens 
of  the  arrears  of  the  late  war  with  the  Indians,  and 
other  extraordinary  charges  not  yet  defrayed."  They 
"  the  rather  hoped  for  his  Majesty's  pardon  herein,  for 
that  they  imderstood  his  Majesty's  time  to  be  still  taken 
up  in  those  weighty  affairs  (especially  relating  to  the 
horrid  and  execrable  Popish  plot)  which  were  the  chief 
occasion  of  the  dismission  of  the  former  agents."  ^ 

The    record   of  the  next   General   Court  contains  no 
reference  to  these  affairs.     They  had   not  been 

^  1  /»  -ri        1  1      October  12. 

presented  anew  by  any  message  irom  il<ngland, 
and  the  Court  was  not  inclined  to  volunteer  any  action 
in  respect  to  them.    But,  as  winter  approached, 
Randolph  appeared  again  at  Boston.^     He  now  Randolph 
came  invested  with  an  additional  power  of  an-  und. 
noyance.     Blathwayt,  Clerk. of  the  Lords  of  the  °^'=^'°''^'^ "• 

1  This  was  on  their  voyasjos  to  Spain  and  family.  25  ;  they  sit  in  Mr.  Joy- 
and  Italy  with  cargoes  of  fish,  staves,  lifFe's  pew,  and  Mrs.  Randolph  is  ob- 
tobacco,  sugar,  and  rum.  served  to  make  a  curtsey  at  Mr.  Wil- 

2  Mass.  Rec,  V.  311-331;  comp.  lard's  naming  Jesus,  even  in  prayer- 
Hutch.  Coll.,  528-530.  time."      (Diary  by  Samuel  Sewall.)  — 

3  "  December  1 7  ;  Foye  arrives,  in  December  17,  "I  [Randolph]  arrived 
whom  Mr.  Randolph,  and  his  new  wife  again  at  Boston,  in  New  England,  with 

VOL.  III.  30 


1681. 
October  15. 


350  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

1680.      Committee,  had  been  commissioned  by  the  King 
^^^ '®-    to   be   his   "  Surveyor  and    Auditor  General  of 
all  his  revenues  arising  in  America";^  and  by  him  Ran- 
dolph had  been  appointed  and  commissioned  "  to 
'   be  his  Deputy  and  imder-officer  within  all  and 
any  of  the  Colonies  of  New  England,  his  Majesty's  Col- 
ony of  New  Hampshire  only  excepted."  ^ 

He  brought  yet  another  letter  from  the  King.  This 
Peremptory  important  paper  comprehended  a  careful  survey 
thfKin ""  ^^  ^^®  whole  controversy.  It  charged  the  Col- 
october2i.  ouists  with  having,  "from  the  very  beginning, 
used  methods  tending  to  the  prejudice  of  the  sovereign's 
right,  and  their  natural  dependence  upon  the  crown." 
It  recited  the  proceedings  under  the  quo  tvarranto  in  the 
tenth  year  of  King  Charles  the  First.  It  complained 
of  the  protection  that  had  been  afforded  to  the  fugitive 
judges  of  that  monarch ;  of  the  hard  treatment  dealt 
to  Quakers  and  others,  who  had  been  denied  an  appeal 
to  the  English  courts;  of  the  ousting  of  Gorges  and 
Mason  from  their  estates,  and  the  alleged  usurpation 
of  Massachusetts  over  the  Eastern  country ;  of  the  op- 
position to  the  Commissioners  sent  to  New  England  by 
Lord  Clarendon ;  of  the  offences  more  recently  brought 
to  light,  as  illegal  coining  of  money,  violations  of  the 
laws  to  regulate  Trade  and  Navigation,  and  legislative 
provisions  "  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England,  and  con- 

his    Majesty's    commission    appointing  "  not  obtaining  justice."     (Journals  of 
me    Collector;  but  the  commission  is  the  Privy  Council.)     In  a  parting  let- 
opposed,   being   looked    upon    as    an  ter  to  him  from  "  Whitehall,  the   22 
encroachment    upon    their     charter."  October,  1681,"  Blathwayt  wrote:  "At 
(Mass.  Arch.,  CXXVII.  219.)    His  ac-  Boston  you  have  but  one  rock  to  avoid, 
tivity  had  been  stimulated  (May  3d)  which  you  ought   to  be  aware  of;   I 
by  the  doubling  of  his  salary,  which  now  mean,   the  letting  them  come   within 
stood  at  £  200.    (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  you,  after  which  they  will  easily  give 
On  a  complaint  of  his,  ten  Massachu-  you  the  Cornish  hug."     (Mass.  Arch., 
setts  ship-masters  and  three  of  Rhode  CVI.  246.) 
Island  were  cited  (August  1 1)  to  appear  i  Mass.  Rec,  V.  521  -  526. 
before  the    Privy   Council,  he  having  2  Ibid.,  526  -  529. 
prosecuted  them  in  New  England,  and 


Chap.  Vni]       CONTINUED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  ^^^ 

trary  to  the  power  of  the  charter";  of  the  pertinacious 
disregard  of  the  royal  command  for  an  appearance  of  the 
Colony  by  agents,  which  continued  to  be  evaded  under 
"  some  frivolous  and  insufficient  pretences  " ;  and,  finally, 
of  the  offensive  obstructions  which  had  been  placed  in 
the  way  of  the  Collectors  of  the  Customs.  The  peremp- 
tory conclusion  of  the  letter  was  as  follows :  — 

"  These  and  many  other  irregularities,  crimes,  and  mis- 
demeanors having  been  objected  against  you  (which  we 
hope  nevertheless  are  but  the  faults  of  a  few  persons  in 
the  government),  we  find  it  altogether  necessary  for  our 
service,  and  the  peace  of  our  Colonies,  that  the  grievances 
of  our  good  subjects  be  speedily  redressed,  and  our  au- 
thority acknowledged,  in  pursuance  of  these  our  com- 
mands, and  our  pleasure  at  divers  times  signified  to  you 
by  our  royal  letters  and  otherwise ;  to  which  we  again 
refeii  you,  and  once  more  charge  and  require  you  forth- 
with to  send  over  your  agents  fully  empowered  and  in- 
structed to  attend  the  regulation  of  that  our  govern- 
ment, and  to  answer  the  irregularity  of  your  proceedings 
therein.  In  default  whereof,  we  are  fully  resolved,  in 
Trinity  Term  next  ensuing,  to  direct  our  Attorney-General 
to  bring  a  gtto  warranto  in  our  Court  of  King's  Bench, 
whereby  our  charter  granted  unto  you,  with  all  the  pow- 
ers thereof,  may  be  legally  evicted  and  made  void.  And 
so  we  bid  you  farewell,"  &c.^ 

Here  was  matter  for  serious  thought ;  the  more  so,  as 
the  King's  restoration  to  unrestricted  power  Proceedings  in 
was  now  known  in  Massachusetts.^  The  Gen-  Massachusetts. 
eral  Court  assembled,  and  listened  to  the  read-  February  15. 
ing  of  the  King's  letter ;  of  Randolph's  commission  as 
Collector ;  of  the  King's  "  patent  to  William  Blathwayt, 
Esq.,  for  constituting  him  to  be  Auditor  and  Surveyor 
General";  and  of  "Mr.  Blathwayt's  deputation  to  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph."    They  agreed  upon  an  Address  to  the  King,  of 

1  Chalmers's  Aunals,  443-449.  2  See  above,  p.  258. 


352  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

which  the  principal  import  was,  to  entreat  his  longer  for- 
bearance j  to  inform  him  that,  in  compliance  with  his 
"commands  in  several  letters,"  they  had  "despatched 
their  worthy  friends  Joseph  Dudley  and  John  Richards  "  ; 
and  to  place  in  a  favorable  light  their  proceeding  in  the 
purchase  of  Gorges's  property  m  Maine.  They  ordered 
that  the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation  should  "  be  forth- 
with published  in  the  market-place  in  Boston  by  beat  of 
drum,  and  that  all  clauses  in  said  acts  relating  to  this 
plantation  should  be  strictly  taken  notice  of  and  ob- 
served." They  constituted  Naval  Officers^  one  for  Boston, 
the  other  for  "  Salem  and  adjacent  ports,"  to  be  commis- 
sioned by  the  Governor,  and  to  exercise  powers  of  a 
nature  to  control  the  Collector  appointed  in  England. 
They  repealed,  their  laws  under  the  titles  Conspiracy  and 
BehelUon,  and  directed  a  substitution  of  the  word  jwisdk- 
tion  for  "  the  word  commontvealth,  where  it  imported  juris- 
diction." They  revised  their  law  of  treason  so  as  to  read 
as  follows :  "  If  any  man  conspire  and  attempt  any  inva- 
sion, insurrection,  or  pubhc  rebellion  against  the  King's 
Majesty,  his  government  here  established,  or  shall  en- 
deavor to  surprise  any  town  or  towns,  fort  or  forts  there- 
in, or  shall  treacherously  and  perfidiously  attempt  the 
alteration  and  subversion  of  our  frame  or  polity  of  gov- 
ernment fundamentally,  he  shall  be  put  to  death."  ^ 

Danforth,  who  had  come  from  Maine,  as  was  his  cus- 
tom, to  take   his   place   in  the  General  Court,  was  now 
chairman   of  the   committee   for  preparing  in- 

Despatch  of  •  n  ^  9        tt        i       i  j.1      i. 

agents  to  structious  for  the  agents.''  He  took  care  that 
England.  Dudley  (whom  no  man  knew  better),  and  his 
easy  colleague,  should  be  carefully  limited  as  to  the  exer- 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  333-339.  232.)     When,   in  May,   1681,  a   new 

2  Ibid.,  339. — Nearly  a  year  had  now  election  was  proposed,  the  Deputies, 
passed  since  the  election  of  Nowell  on  their  part,  again  chose  Nowell  and 
and  Richards  to  be  agents.  Nowell  Richards,  but  the  Magistrates  non-con- 
had  declined  the  trust,  as  Stoughton  curred  as  to  the  former.  (Ibid.,  236, 
Lad  done  before.     (Mass.  Axch.,  CVI.  253.) 


Chap.  VIII.]       CONTINUED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  353 

cise  of  a  discretion  so  liable  to  abuse.^  As  to  the  coining 
of  money,  they  were  directed  to  ask  the  King's  pardon 
for  the  past,  and,  for  the  future,  his  "  gracious  allowance 
therein,  it  being  so  exceedingly  necessary  for  civil  com- 
merce." They  were  to  represent  that  there  was  no  colo- 
nial law  "  prohibiting  any  such  as  were  of  the  persuasion 
of  the  Church  of  England " ;  that  the  *^  severe  laws  to 
prevent  the  violent  and  impetuous  intrusions  of  the 
Quakers  "  had  been  suspended  ;  that,  "  as  for  the  Anabap- 
tists, they  were  now  subject  to  no  other  penal  statutes 
than  those  of  the  Congregational  way";^  and  that  "the 
law,  restraining  freemen  to  church-members  only,  was  re- 
pealed." They  were  to  give  assurance  "  that  the  Acts  of 
Trade,  so  far  as  they  concerned  the  Colony,  should  be 
strictly  observed,  and  that  all  due  encouragement  and 
assistance  should  be  given  to  his  Majesty's  officers  and 
informers  that  might  prosecute  the  breaches  of  said  Acts 
of  Trade  and  Navigation."  To  any  project  for  "  appeals 
to  his  Majesty  and  Council  in  cases  concerning  his  Majes- 
ty's revenue,"  they  were  to  object,  that  there  was  "  cause 
to  fear  it  might  prove  extremely  burdensome,  and,  as  it 

1  In  the  contest  between  the  parties  reduced  this  number  by  one  third,  the 
that  divided  the  General  Court,  the  18  votes  which  chose  Dudley  were  a 
adoption  of  the  ballot  in  the  election  of  bare  majority.  Stoughton  persisted  in 
agents  indicates  that  members  of  what  declining  the  service,  and  John  Rich- 
proved  to  be  the  more  numerous  party  ards  was  chosen  in  his  place  ;  by  what 
were  disinclined  to  expose  themselves  vote  is  not  recorded.  (Ibid.,  346.) 
to  popular  criticism.  "  The  whole  2  Literally,  this  was  true.  But,  as 
Court  met  [Mai-ch  20]  and  voted  to-  late  as  the  spring  of  1680,  the  General 
getlier  by  papers  for  agents  to  go  and  Court  forbade  the  Baptists  to  assemble 
wait  on  his  Majesty,  &c. ;  and,  on  the  for  their  worship  in  a  meeting-house 
scrutiny,  William  Stoughton,  Esq.  was  which  they  had  built  in  Boston, 
chosen  for  one  with  21  votes,  and  Joseph  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  271;  see  above,  p. 
Dudley,  Esq.  was  chosen  for  the  other  92.)  The  fact,  however,  that  the 
by  18."  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  346.)  When  building  of  it  had  not  been  interrupted, 
this  General  Court  assembled  in  the  suggests  that  this  order  was -rather  a 
previous  May,  51  members  were  pres-  matter  of  form,  adopted  perhaps  in 
ent.  (Ibid.,  308.)  And  if,  at  the  ses-  deference  to  the  zeal  of  the  country 
sion  when  the  agents  were  elected,  the  Deputies, 
bad  weather  of  February  and  March 
30* 


354  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

might  be  improved,  intolerable,  should  it  be  admitted." 
They  were  to  expose  the  vexatious  injustice  of  Robert 
Mason's  present  exorbitant  claim,  and  to  "  give  his  Majes- 
ty a  true  relation  of  the  proceedings  with  reference  to 
the  settlement  of  the  government  of  the  Province  of 
Maine,  according  to  the  charter  granted  to  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges."  "  We  do  not  understand,"  —  so  the  Gen- 
eral Court  informed  their  messengers,  —  "  that  any  alter- 
ation of  the  j^atent  is  intended.  You  -shall  therefore 
neither  do  nor  consent  to  anything  that  may  violate  or 
infringe  the  liberties  and  privileges  granted  to  us  by  his 
Majesty's  royal  charter,  or  the  government  established 
thereby ;  but,  if  anything  be  propounded  that  may  tend 
thereunto,  you  shall  say  you  have  received  no  instruc- 
tion in  that  matter,  and  shall  humbly  crave  his  Majesty's 
favor  that  you  may  not  be  constrained  to  make  answer 
thereto."  ^ 

It  was  not  to  be  supposed  that  such  proceedings  of  the 

General  Court  would  assuage  the  hostility  of  Randolph. 

His  sense  of  them  was  expressed  in  a  paper 

Randolp&'s  ae-  .  _  ,  ^  _ 

live  hostility  to  whlcli  lic  entitled  "Articles  of  High  Misde- 
"ony-  nieanor  exhibited  against  a  Faction  in  the  Gen- 
eral Court."  ^  He  accused  that  faction,  headed  by  the 
Deputy-Governor,  and  consisting  of  several  Magistrates 
and  Deputies  whom  he  named,  of  refusing  "  to  declare 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  346-349.  — The  the  General  Court,  sitting  in  Boston, 
"new  pretended  claims"  of  Mason,  15th  February,  1682  ;  namely,  against 
which  the  agents  were  to  resist,  ex-  Thomas  Danforth,  Daniel  Gookin,  Mr. 
tended  along  the  coast  to  Naumkeag  Saltonstall,  Samuel  Nowell,  Mr.  Rich- 
River  ;  that  is,  to  within  fifteen  miles  ards,  Mr.  Davy,  Mr.  Gidney,  Mr. 
of  Boston.  (See  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  204.)  Appleton,  Magistrates;  and  against 
The  Court  sent  to  England  a  remon-  John  Fisher,  Elisha  Cooke,  Thomas 
strance  of "  the  inhabitants  of  Glouces-  Brattle,  Anthony  Stodder,  Bathurst, 
ter,  alias  Cape  Ann,  and  other  parts  Hathorne,  Wait,  Johnson,  Hutchinson, 
adjat'ent,"  against  these  claims.  (Mass.  Sprague,  Oakes,  Holbrook,  Gushing, 
Rec.,  V.  334.)  Hammond,    Pike,    Deputies,    &c."  — 

2  See  Hutch.  Coll.,  526  -  528.  The  Hutchinson  copied  this  document  from 
full  title  is,  "  Articles  of  High  Misde-  a  transcript  in  the  Massachusetts  Ar- 
meanor  exhibited  against  a  Faction  in  chives. 


CuAP.  VIII.]       CONTINUED  DISPUTE   WITH  ENGLAND.  355 

and  admit  of  his  Majesty's  letters  patent creating 

an  office  of  Collector,  &c.  of  his  Majesty's  Customs  in 
New  England " ;  of  withholding  the  payment  to  him  of 
"  several  sums  of  money  which  he  was  forced  to  deposit 
in  court  before  he  could  proceed  to  trial  of  causes  relat- 
ing to  his  Majesty's  concerns";  of  obstructing  him  by  the 
revival  of  a  law  which  constituted  a  colonial  Naval  Oflfi.- 
cer ;  of  usurping,  in  the  General  Court,  judicial  powers 
confined  by  the  charter  to  the  Governor  and  Assistants ; 
of  neglecting  to  repeal  their  laws  "  contrary  to  the  laws 
of  England " ;  and  of  disregarding  the  King's  letters 
patent  "  creating  an  office  of  Surveyor  and  Auditor  Gen- 
eral of  his  Majesty's  revenues  arising  in  America." 

Several  letters  written  at  this  time  by  Eandolph  to 
important  persons  in  England  have  been  preserved,  and 
are  instructive  in  the  highest  degree  as  to  the  state  of 
affairs  in  Massachusetts,  and  the  foreign  dangers  which 
beset  that  Colony.  "  They  are  resolved  "  —  so 
he  informed  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins  —  "  to  prosecute 
me  as  a  subverter  of  their  government.     If  they  can  by 

any  means,  they  will  take  my  life Friday  next  I 

am  to  be  examined  ;  imprisonment  is  the  least  I  expect. 

The  Governor,  who  is  an  honest  gentleman,  but 

very  much  in  years,  and  some  of  the  Magistrates,  oppose 

those  heady  practices,  what  they  can Bringing  a 

quo  warranto  against  their  charter  may  save  my  life,  and 
reform  this  government.  I  humbly  beseech  your  Honoi's 
by  a  speedy  despatch  to  have  these  two  laws  in  the  en- 
closed printed  papers  declared  null  by  Order  in  Council, 
and  sent  over  hither  by  several  ways  of  shipping,  lest 
they  miscarry  and  I  am  lost.  The  distance  of  place,  and 
hopes  of  troubles  at  home,  with  the  many  scandalous 
papers  sent  hither  for  the  benefit  and  comfort  of  the  ill- 
affected,  make  this  party  thus  daringly  presume."  ^ 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  In  this  let-    ment   levy   fines  amounting  to   more 
ter  Eandolph  says,  that   the   govern-    than  £400  a  year ;  that  the  customs 


356  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

The  record  of  the  General  Court  held    for  elections 
in  the  spring  contains  no  reference  to   the  embassy  to 
England,  except  the  appointment  of  a  day  of  fasting  to 
pray  for  its  happy  issue.^     Fortified  with  a  deprecatory 
letter  from  Bradstreet  to  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins,^ 
the  agents  sailed  wliile  the  Court  was  still  in 
session.^     By  the  vessel  which  carried   them   out,  Ean- 
dolph  wrote  to  the  Bishop  of  London,  advising 
that  a  part  of  the  funds  of  the  Society  for  Prop- 
agating the  Gospel  among  the  Indians  should  be  seized 
and  appropriated  to  the  support  of  the  worship  of  the 
Church   of   England   in   Boston.      "  Necessity,   and    not 
duty,"  he  informed  the  same  correspondent,  "  hath  obliged 
this  government  to  send  over  two   agents  to  England. 
They  are  like  to  the  two  Consuls  of  Eome,  Caesar  and 
Bibulus.     Major  Dudley  is  a  great  opposer  of  the  faction 

here, who,  if  he  finds  things  resolutely  managed, 

will  cringe  and  bow  to  anything.  He  hath  his  fortune  to 
make  in  the  world  ;  and  if  his  Majesty,  upon  alteration 
of  the  government,  make  him  Captain  of  the  Castle  in 
Boston  and  the  forts  in  the  Colony,  his  Majesty  will  gain 
a  popular  man  and  oblige  the  better  party If  com- 
manded, I  will  readily  pass  the  seas  to  attend  at  White- 
hall, especially  if  Danforth,  Gookin,  and  Nowell,  Magis- 
trates, and  Cooke,  Hutchinson,  and  Fisher,  members  of 

amount  to  as  much  more ;  that  "  the  cers  imprisoned  for  acting  by  virtue 

excise   was,   not    two    years    ago,    at  of  his  Majesty's  commission."     (Ran- 

£800";   and  that  "they  i-aise  yearly  dolph's  memorandum  in  Mass.  Arch., 

about   £1600   in    rates  upon   Boston,  CXXVII.  219.) 

which  bears  the  third  part  of  the  whole  1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  371. 

Colony."     This  last  statement  is  very  2  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  261. 

striking,  whatever  allowance  should  be  3  They  were  authorized  (May  5)  by 

made  for  exaggeration. — "March  10,  a  Committee  of  the  General  Court,  if 

1682.    A  law  revived  by  the  Assembly  they  could  "improve  any  meet  instru- 

to  try  me  for  my  life,  and  for  acting  by  raent,"  —  that   is,   if  they   could   find 

his  Majesty's  commission  before  it  was  somebody  to  bribe,  —  to  borrow  £1000 

allowed  by  them.     His  Majesty's  com-  for   that   purpose.     (Colonial   Papers, 

mission  not  allowed  to  be  read  openly  &c.) 
in  Court.     My  deputies  and  under-offi- 


Chap.  VIIL]       CONTINTJED  DISPUTE  WITH  ENGLAND.  357- 

their  late  General  Court,  and  great  opposers  of  the  hon- 
est Governor  and  Magistrates,  be  sent  for  to  appear  be- 
fore his  Majesty,  till  which  time  this  country  will  always 
be  a  shame  as  well  as  inconveniency  to  the  government 

at  home As  for  Captain  Richards,  he  is  one  of  the 

faction,  a  man  of  mean  extraction,  coming  over  a  poor 
servant,  as  most  of  the  faction  were  at  their  first  planting 
here,  but  by  extraordinary  feats  and  cozenage  have  got 
them  great  estates  in  land,  especially  Danforth,  so  that 
if  his  Majesty  do  fine  them  sufficiently,  and  well  if  they 

escape  so,  they  can  go  to  work  for  more My  Lord, 

we  hear  the  slaves  in  Algiers  are  all  to  be  redeemed ;  but 
I  boldly  write  it,  that  the  settlement  of  this  country  and 
putting  the  government  into  the  hands  of  honest  gentle- 
men, some  of  which  are  already  in  the  magistracy,  and 
discountenancing  utterly  the  faction,  will  be  more  grate- 
ful to  us;  for  now  our  consciences,  as  well  as  our  bodies, 
are  in  captivity  to  servants  and  illiterate  planters."  "  One 
thing,"  he  concluded,  "will  mainly  help,  when  no  mar- 
riages hereafter  shall  be  allowed  lawful  but  such  as  are 
made  by  the  ministers  of  the  Church  of  England.''  ^ 

The  vessel  that  carried  this  letter  also  conveyed  a  let- 
ter from  Randolph  to  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins.  He  informed 
that  statesman,  that  the  colonial  government,  upon  the 
news  of  the  dissenters'  being  imprisoned  in  England,  and 
his  Majesty's  bringing  a  quo  tvarranio  against  the  charter 
of  London,^  believed  it  now  time  to  make  their  applica- 
tion to  his  Majesty  by  their  agents."  He  had  seized  a 
ship  "  belonging  to  Mr.  Kellon,  brother-in-law  to  Richards, 
one  of  the  agents."  "  I  went  yesterday,"  he  wrote,  "  to 
seize  a  ketch,  and  caught  such  a  cold  that  I  am  now  in 
extremity  with  the  stone  and  strangury.  Should  it  please 
God  to  take  me  away  by  this  or  other  accident,  it  would 
be  accounted  the  blessed  return  of  their  prayers.  I  hope 
your  honors  will  intercede  with  his  Majesty  that  my  wife 

1  Hutch.  Coll.,  531  -  533.  2  See  above,  p.  260. 


358 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


and  children  may  have  recompense  made  them  for  all 

my  losses  and  charges  I  have  been  at I  have 

broke  the  heart  of  this  faction ;  and,  if  it  please  God  to 
spare  my  life,  shall  prepare  them  to  receive  his  Majesty's 
commands."  He  added  in  a  postscript :  "  Nothing  these 
agents  promise  may  be  depended  upon,  if  they  are  suf- 
fered both  to  depart  till  his  Majesty  have  a  full  account 
that  all  here  is  regulated  as  promised."  ^ 


1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  In  this  col- 
lection is  a  loose  memorandum  of  part 
of  the  contents  of  several  letters  from 
Kandolph,  recording  some  interesting 
pai'ticulars  of  his  recent  experience. 
Writing  home  December  20,  1681, 
three  days  after  his  arrival,  he  had  re- 
ported that  he  "  was  received  coldly, 
and  had  reason  to  suspect  they  had  a 
copy  of  his  petition  and  of  his  articles 
against  Mr.  Danforth."  "  December 
21,  the  factious  party  were  against  the 
Governor,  and  had  ordered  his  salary 
to  be  paid  in  Indian  corn  at  3s.  6d. 
per  bushel,  which  is  above  the  market. 

The  Magistrates  had  endeavored 

to  lay  aside  the  Court  of  Deputies  as 
an  innovation,  but  let  the  design  fall 
for  want  of  courage."  January  11, 
1682.  By  his  articles  against  Danforth 
he  had  "given  him  the  majority  of 
voices  to  be  Governor  next  time.  The 
present  Governor  is  eighty  years  old." 
He  desires  "  a  strict  summons  for  Mr. 
Danforth  to  appear  in  England,  as 
what  would  be  convenient  for  the 
King's  service."  "  April  10.  They 
revived  an  old  law  making  it  death  to 
endeavor  the  subversion  or  alteration 
of  government.  Tliis  was  done  in 
order  to  Mr.  Randolph's  punishment, 


they  having  a  copy  of  his  petition  and 
of  his  articles  against  Mr.  Danforth 
and  the  faction."  "  They  talk  of  forti- 
fying the  islands,  under  pretence  of 
fear  of  war  with  France."  Danforth 
had  administered  the  oath  to  James 
Kussell  as  Colonial  Naval  Officer,  after 
the  Governor  had  refused.  "  The 
agents  coming  over  were  not  agreed 
upon  till  they  heard  that  the  dissenters 
in  England  were  imprisoned,  and  that 
a  quo  roarranto  was  out  against  the 
charter  of  London.  Dudley  was  an 
opposer  of  Danforth's  faction.  His  for- 
tune was  to  make.  He  affected  popu- 
larity in  case  of  a  regulation,  and  if 
sent  home  to  some  command,  a  useful 
man  would  be  gained."  "  Major  Dud- 
ley would  give  a  sight  of  their  private 
instructions,  said  to  be  saucy,  and  to 
be  managed  by  Richards."  "  Richards 
told  Randolph  of  his  [Randolph's]  Nar- 
rative, Articles,  and  Petition,  copies  of 
which  he  supposed  Humjjhreys  [the 
Colony's  attorney  in  England]  or  some 
other  mercenary  body  sent  them  with 
all  other  private  intelligence."  "  Bos- 
ton, May  25,  1682.  Yesterday,  at  the 
election,  great  endeavors  used  to  make 
Danforth  Governor.  But  he  lost  it  by 
much." 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Such  were  some  of  the  representations  that  heralded  the 
arrival  of  the  messengers  of  Massachusetts  in  England. 

The  reader  is  aware  that  the  politics  of  that  Colony, 
in  her  relations  to  the  parent  country,  were  now  em- 
barrassed for  want  of  the  imanimity  which  had  ^   .   . 

•^  Parties  iq 

existed  in  earlier  times.  According  as  men  were  Massachu- 
resolute  or  timorous,  —  accordmg  as  they  were 
aspiring  for  themselves  or  public-spirited,  —  to  some  ex- 
tent, according  as  they  were  rich,  or  in  those  moderate  or 
humble  circumstances  which  are  less  liable  to  be  dis- 
turbed by  public  commotion,  —  tliey  looked  upon  the 
measures  of  the  home  government  with  different  eyes. 
The  commercial  activity  had  brought  a  large  influx  of 
»'8alth,  and  the  instincts  of  wealth  incline  to  the  side  of 
arbitrary  power.  In  fifty  years  some  fortunate  families 
—  never,  or  else  no  longer,  imbued  with  the  ancient 
spirit  of  the  place  —  had  established  a  conventional  con- 
sideration ;  and  a  sort  of  local  aristocracy  had  grown  up, 
having  social  affinities  with  the  friends  of  prerogative 
in  England.  The  tone  of  sentiment  in  such  circles  was 
more  or  less  timid,  timeserving,  and  sordid ;  and,  not- 
withstanding the  more  liberal  popular  tendencies,  T^e  moder 
it  was  largely  represented  in  the  Board  of  As-  ^'^p^'^'^- 
sistants ;  for  the  traditional  respect  of  the  freemen  for 
advantages  of  social  position  was  great,  and  even  under 
strong  excitements  they  could  not  easily  be  brought  to 
displace  the  men  who,  with  personal  dignity  and  the 
associations  of  consequence  which  grow  with  length  of 
possession,  had  occupied  the  high  seats  of  power. 


360  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

This  moderate  party,  as  it  was  called,  received  impor- 
tant support  from  a  class  of  men  who  commonly  had 
no  direct  share  in  the  government.  In  Boston,  and 
to  some  extent  in  the  smaller  commercial  towns,  there 
were  now  native  Englishmen,  who  had  been  invited 
over  by  the  prospect  of  successful  business.  Generally 
they  did  not  become  members  of  churches,  or  freemen 
of  the  corporation.  They  were  but  sojourners.  They 
had  brought  their  goods  and  their  talents  to  a  profita- 
ble market.  In  their  interests  and  their  prejudices  they 
were  still  narrow  Englishmen.  They  were  active  and 
loquacious  on  the  exchange,  and  they  maintained  a  cer- 
tain place  in  society  by  costly  living.  It  was  a  matter 
of  course,  that  whatever  influence  they  could  exert  was 
thrown  into  the  scale  of  the  party  which  was  most  ob- 
sequious to  the  usurpations  of  the  King. 

From  a  much  more  important  class  of  men  the  moder- 
ate party  in  the  government  now  derived  some 
degree  of  strength.  The  clergy  no  longer  stood 
up  for  the  chartered  rights  of  Massachustts  v/ith  the 
same  undivided  front  as  in  former  times.  The  political 
schism  in  their  ranks  was  not  yet  very  apparent ;  but  it 
was  sufficient,  and  sufficiently  well  known,  to  damage 
the  cause  of  the  patriots.  The  social,  and  even  the 
domestic,  relations  of  the  clergy  with  those  prominent 
families  which  were  represented  in  the  wavering  Board 
of  Assistants,  were  intimate.  Their  own  consideration 
appeared  in  some  measure  to  be  due  to  the  credit  thus 
reflected  upon  them.  The  legal  arrangements  for  the 
religious  establishment  caused  the  liberality  of  the  pro- 
vision made  for  them  to  depend  not  a  little  on  the  good- 
will of  leading  men;^  and  a  standing  order  of  clergy 
is  always  morbidly  alive  to  the  danger  of  popular  im- 
prudence.    The  ancient  spirit  of  the  clergy  of  Massachu- 

1  Especially   was   this   the   case   in     tained  by  voluntary  contributions.    See 
Boston,  where  the  ministers  were  main-     above,  Vol.  II.  p.  39. 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF   MASSACHUSETTS.  361 

setts  was  by  no  means  extinct.     But  it  was  already  en- 
feebled by  hesitation,  uneasiness,  division,  and  distrust.^ 

The  strength  of  the  popular  party  was  in  the  House 
of  Deputies,  where  the  municipal  corporations  The  popular 
were  represented  on  a  basis  of  substantial  equal-  '''"''^• 
ity  with  one  another.  The  interior  towns  were  less 
affected  by  those  influences  which  disturbed  the  ancient 
relations  of  things  in  the  busy  marts  along  the  sea- 
board. In  these  quiet  neighborhoods,  the  primitive  prin- 
ciples and  manners  prevailed  in  unbroken  severity.  The 
sense  of  danger  from  any  violence  on  the  part  of  Eng- 
land was  not  brought  home  to  hamlets  which  could 
only  be  invaded  by  means  of  toilsome  marches  through 
the  woods.  The  cruel  sufferings  of  the  recent  war  had 
elevated  the  tone  of  public  spirit,  and  enhanced  the 
sense  of  the  worth  of  those  privileges,  which,  having 
been  defended  against  savage  assault,  were  now  threat- 
ened again  by  a  pagan  king  on  the  other  side  of  the 
ocean. 

Of  the  popular  party,  Danforth,  the  Deputy-Governor, 
a  man  of  excellent  abilities  and  virtue,  was  the  acknowl- 
edged head.  With  him  were  Gookin,  Nowell,  Salton- 
stall,  Richards,  and  others  among  the  Magistrates,  and 
numerous  prominent  names  among  the  Deputies,  as  Cook, 
Brattle,  Hathorne,  Wait,  Hutchinson,  and  Pike. 

1  The  position  of  William  Hubbard,  V.   279.)     But  the   perusal   does  not 

ministeroflpswieh,  has  been  referred  to.  appear  to  have  inspired  them  with  ad- 

(See  above,  p.  153,  note;  comp.  Mass.  miration  for  the  work;  for  they  took 

Hist.    Coll.,    X.    35.)  —  The   General  no  "  order  for  the  impression  thereof," 

Court,  feeling  bound  for  some  reason,  though,  after  three  years,  they  civilly 

probably  in  consequence  of  an  applica-  thanked  the  writer,  and  gave  him  a 

tion  from  Stoughton,  to  take  notice  of  gratuity  of  fifty  pounds.     (Ibid.,  378.) 

Hubbard's  "  History  of  New  England,"  The  narrative  is  brought  down  to  the 

had,  in  16  79,  raised  a  committee   "  to  year  1682  ;  but  it  contains  no  mention 

peruse  the  same,  and  make  return  of  whatever    of    Randolph's    operations, 

their  opinion  thereof  to  the  next  ses-  which   for   six   years   had   constituted 

sion,  that  the  Court  may  then,  as  they  the   most   important   feature   of   New 

shall  then  judge  meet,  take  order  for  England  history. 
the  Impression  thereof."     (Mass.  Rec, 

VOL.   III.  31 


362  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Denison,  Major-General  of  the  Colony,  had  been  promi- 
1682.      nent  in  the  moderate  party,  but  he  was  now  in- 
september.  ^^m,  and  died  soon  afterward.     Its  most  consid- 
erable names  were  those  of  the  Governor,  Bradstreet,  and 
of  Stoiiffhton  and  Dudley,  Assistants.     The  Gov- 

Bradstreet,  "         _  -^  ' 

stoughton,  emor's  ordinary  understanding,  and  feeble  and 
irresolute  temper,  gave  him  the  equivocal  con- 
sequence often  possessed  by  those  whom  all  parties  com- 
mend, or  forbear  to  oppose,  because  each  party  hopes, 
if  they  are  advanced  to  power,  that  it  will  be  able  to 
rule  and  use  them.  Stoughton,  a  rich  atrabilious  bache- 
lor, —  not  unconscientious  after  his  own  dreary  manner, 
—  was  one  of  those  men,  to  whom  it  seems  to  be  a  neces- 
sity of  nature  to  favor  oppressive  and  insolent  preten- 
sions, and  to  resent  every  movement  for  freedom  and 
humanity  as  an  impertinence  and  affront.  His  unhesi- 
tating and  stubborn  absolutism  might  be  relied  upon 
to  sway  the  course  of  the  apprehensive  and  pliant  Gov- 
ernor. 

But  Stoughton's  power  was  that  of  a  dogged  will,  and 
not  of  a  superior  understanding.  The  ruling  spirit  of 
the  moderate  party  was  Joseph  Dudley,  a  name  sadly 
famous  in  New  England  history.  Dudley  had  come  for- 
ward into  public  life  under  all  favorable  auspices.  Born 
of  Thomas  Dudley,  the  second  Governor,  there  was 
scarcely  in  New  England  a  more  distinguished  parentage 
than  his.  He  received  the  best  education  of  the  time 
at  Harvard  College,  under  President  Chauncy.  His  po- 
sition was  strengthened  by  the  domestic  alliances  of 
his  family.  One  of  his  sisters  married  Governor  Brad- 
street,  and  another  married  General  Denison ;  his  wife 
was  daughter  of  Edward  Tyng.  He  was  early  a  mem- 
1673.  ber  of  the  House  of  Deputies,^  became  an  As- 
^®''°*  sistant  when  he  was  scarcely  thirty  years  old, 
and  in  the  next  year,  having  been  meanwhile  charged 

1  Mass.  Rec,  IV.  (ii.)  550. 


Chap.  IX.]  HUxMILIATION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  353 

with  an  important  trust  in  Philip's  war/  was  associated 
with  Danforth  in  the  high  office  of  Commission- 
er of  the  United  Colonies.  The  latter  appoint- 
ment was  renewed  to  him  by  several  successive  elec- 
tions, and  he  was  continued  in  the  Magistracy  almost 
as  long  as  the  government  lasted.  lie  was  made  Ser- 
geant-Major (or  actual  commander-in-chief)  of  the  militia 
of  Suffolk  County/  and  from  time  to  time  was  invested 
with  various  temporary  trusts  of  a  responsible  and  honor- 
able character.^  Thus,  by  the  favor  and  confidence  of 
his  fellow-citizens,  laid  under  obligations  of  gratitude,  and 
at  the  same  time  armed  with  a  power  and  brought 
under  a  temptation  to  harm  them  by  treacherous  con- 
duct, it  remained  for  time  to  show  which  part  he  would 
elect.  Already,  however,  it  appeared  to  right-minded 
observers,  that  his  intimacy  with  Bradstreet  was  in- 
auspicious to  the  public  welfare.  The  Governor's  well- 
merited  reputation  for  uprightness  screened  the  equivo- 
cal conduct  of  his  friend,  while  Dudley's  dexterity  in 
affairs  now  made  up  for,  and  now  used,  the  clumsiness 
of  the  more  responsible  actor. 

The  quarrel  between  the  government  and  Randolph 
was  not  suspended  by  the  departure  of  the  agents.  The 
Deputies  took  some  strong  part  in  it,  the  precise  na- 
ture of  which  is  not  recorded.  The  flict  ap-  1682. 
pears  from  subsequent  action  of  theirs  in  rela-  J"°«i- 
tion  to  a  vote  of  the  Magistrates  cautioning  Randolph 
to  behave  more  circumspectly  in  future,  under  pain 
of  their  serious  displeasure ;  with  which  vote  the  Depu- 
ties refused  to  concur,  explaining  that,  in  their  judg- 
ment, the  occasion  called  for  a  more  vigorous  measure 
of  rebuke  proposed  by  themselves.^  To  combine  energy 
in  action  with  suavity  in  manner  was  no  study  of  Ran- 
dolph's.     Rather  it  might  seem  that   he  aimed  by  in- 

1  See  above,  p.  157,  note  2.  ^  Ibid.,  23,  40,  238,  436. 

2  Mass.  Rec,  V.  306.  4  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  262. 


ter8  to 

from  Boston 

June  14. 


364  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

decencies  to  provoke  his  opponents  to  indiscretion.  He 
lived  in  a  perpetual  broil.^ 

Meanwhile  he  diligently  pursued  his  object  by  corre- 
spondence with  the  English  courtiers.     "  I  heartily  con- 
gratulate," thus  he  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Claren- 
Randoiph^sjet-  j^^^  ^^  ^j^^  happy  rotum  of  his  Royal  Highness, 

my  gracious  master,  to  Whitehall,  the  news 
whereof,  and  of  his  Majesty's  bringing  quo  tvar- 
rantos  against  several  charters  in  England,^  and  of  Mr. 
Cranfield's  being  constituted  Governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire,^ puts   the  faction  in  a  great   perplexity 

I  am  confident,  if  his  Majesty  had  been  pleased,  at  the 
same  time  he  made  Mr.  Cranfield  Governor,  to  bring  a 
quo  ivarranto  against  their  charter,  and  make  him  Gov- 
ernor of  this  Colony,  they  would  thankfully  receive  him, 
especially  upon  declaring  liberty  of  conscience  in  matters 
of  religion  ;  but,  so  long  as  their  charter  remains  undis- 
turbed, all  his  Majesty  saith  or  commands  signifies  noth- 
ing here.  The  Governor  is  very  much  troubled  that  the 
faction  will  not  hearken  to  reason.  He  endeavored  to 
have  their  Naval  Ofiice  *  (set  up  in  opposition  to  my  let- 
ters patents)  taken  away  this  General  Court,  and  have  all 
the  acts  of  Parliament  relating  to  trade  declared  and 
published  ;  but  the  faction  are  resolved  to  do  nothing  to 
oblige  the  Governor,  or  answer  his  Majesty's  expecta- 
tions.    His  Majesty's  quo  warranto  against  their  charter, 


1  There  is  extant  an   account  of  a  I  replied,  '  As  good  as  you  with  your 

scene  between  Elisha  Hutchinson  and  sword    on.'      He   said,    '  You   are   no 

Randolph  on  the  exchange  of  Boston  commissioner   here.'      I  said,  '  I  have 

in  June,  1682.     Randolph  complained  as  good  a  commission  as  you;  my  staff 

ofhaving been  unjustly  "rated."    After  is  as  good  a  commission  as  your  sword.' 

some  less  angry  words  he  said,  "  Seven  He  said,  '  Would  I  had  you  in  a  place 

men  may  cut  a  man's   purse  on  the  where  I  could  try  it.'     I  replied,  '  Try 

highway."     "  I  replied,"  says  Hutchin-  now.'     On  which  he  went  away  and 

son,  "  '  Such  a  knave  as  you  may  cheat  left  me."     (Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  263.) 
twenty    men.'      He    said,    'Who    are         2  gee  above,  pp.  259,  267. 
you?'     I  replied,  '  A  man.'     He  said,         3  See  below,  p.  407. 
'  When  you  have  your  buff  coat  on.'         4  See  above,  p.  352. 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  355 

sending  for  Thomas  Danforth,  Samuel  Nowell,  a  late  fac- 
tious preacher  and  now  a  Magistrate,  and  Daniel  Fisher 
and  Elisha  Cooke,  Deputies,  to  attend  and  answer  the 
articles  of  high  misdemeanor  I  have  now  exhibited 
against  them, will  make  the  whole  faction  trem- 
ble. I  was  very  much  threatened  for  my  protest  against 
their  Naval  Office,  but  it  was  at  a  time  when  they  heard 
of  troubles  in  England  ;  but  since,  I  am  very  easy,  and 
they  would  be  glad  to  hear  no  more  of  it.  His  Majesty 
commanded  them  to  repay  me  the  money  they  took 
from  me  by  their  arbitrary  orders,  which  the  faction 
would  not  hear  of;  I  have  therefore  arrested  Mr.  Dan- 
forth for  ten  pounds,  part  of  that  money,  and  their  Treas- 
urer, Mr.  Russell,  for  five  pounds  due  to  me  for  a  fine, 
and  I  am  to  have  a  trial  with  them." 

It  is  to  the  last  degree  improbable  that  the  second 
Lord  Clarendon  had  any  particular  acquaintance  with 
the  condition  of  New  England.  His  ignorance  on  that 
subject  invited  misrepresentation  ;  and  Randolph,  who, 
when  he  was  arguing  for  a  rigorous  revenue  system,  had 
grossly  exaggerated  the  resources  of  the  country  in  men 
and  property,  now  described  it  to  the  King's  minister  as 
being  too  poor  to  be  capable  of  presenting  any  obstacle 
to  the  simple  expedient  of  imposing  upon  it  a  Governor- 
General.  "  By  a  certain  dcceptio  visus,"  he  wrote,  "  these 
people  have  been  represented  to  his  Majesty  as  a  very 
dutiful  and  loyal  people  ;  that  they  are  a  great  people, 
and  can  raise  great  forces ;  besides,  that  they  have  been 
at  vast  charges  and  expenses  in  subduing  a  wilderness, 
and  making  a  great  country,  without  any  charge  or  ex- 
pense to  the  crown.  It 's  true  there  are  many  loyal  sub- 
jects here,  but  few  in  any  places  of  trust.  Their  forces 
are  very  inconsiderable,  more  for  show  than  service.  I 
will  engage,  with  five  hundred  of  his  Majesty's  guards, 
to  drive  them  out  of  their  country.  And  for  their  ex- 
penses, I  know  very  few  now  living,  nor  their  children, 

31* 


366  HISTOHY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

t 

who  were  at  that  charge.  Mr.  Dudley,  one  of  the  pres- 
ent agents,  was  one  of  the  first  planters,  and  a  gentle- 
man ;  came  over  with  a  good  estate  ;  ^  but  the  first  ad- 
venturers are  either  all  dead,  and  their  children  drove 
out  of  all  by  their  fathers'  servants,  or  else  so  few  and 
inconsiderable  that  no  notice  is  taken  of  them  ;  and  as 
for  all  the  persons  joined  and  concerned  in  the  faction 
here,  I  know  but  one  man  who  was  not  a  servant,  or  a 
servant's  son,  [among  those]  who  now  govern  their  Gov- 
ernor and  the  whole  country." 

These  were  simply  the  wantonnesses  of  a  dishonest 
man.^  The  reader  is  too  well  acquainted  with  the  actual 
condition  of  Massachusetts  to  be  willing  to  be  detained 
by  an  exposure  of  them.  Massachusetts  certainly  was 
not  powerful  enough  to  contend  with  the  now  compact 
power  of  England  ;  but  her  inconsistent  maligner  was 
himself  not  without  apprehension  that  she  might  be  rash 
enough  to  throw  down  her  glove,  and  that  he  might  be 
the  first  sufferer  in  the  conflict ;  and  it  was  upon  the  do- 
mestic divisions  which  he  was  fomenting,  that  he  pjaced 
his  main  reliance  for  a  quiet  issue.  "  If  the  party  were 
so  considerable  as  to  revolt,"  he  wrote,  "  upon  his  Majes- 
ty's resolution  to  settle  this  plantation,  as  hath  been 
sometimes  suggested,  their  first  work  would  be  to  call 
me  to  account  for  endeavoring  openly  the  alteration  of 
their  constitution ;  which,  by  their  law,  is  death.  But 
they  dwindle  away,  and  are  very  much  divided.  Magis- 
trate against  Magistrate,  the  one  hoping,  the  other  fear- 
ing, a  change.  My  Lord,  I  have  but  one  thing  to  remind 
your  Lordship,  that  nothing  their  agents  can  say  or  do 
in  England  can  be  any  ground  for  his  Majesty  to  depend 
upon.      Be  pleased   to  remember,  from   the  time  your 

1  Dudley  was  no  planter  at  all.  He  forgot  a  good  deal  of  what  he  had  re- 
was  born  In  Massachusetts,  when  his  ported  six  years  before.  See  above, 
father  had  been  here  fifteen  years.  p.  296  et  seq. 

2  Randolph,   while   he   now   wrote, 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  357 

Lordship's  honorable  father,  the  late  Lord  Chancellor, 
engaged  with  their  agents  in  1662,  who  undertook  and 
assented  to  everything  his  Lordship  proposed  for  his 
Majesty's  honor  and  the  benefit  of  his  subjects  here  in- 
habiting, nothing  but  open  contempt  of  all  his  Majesty's 
commands,  with  small  evasions  and  tricks,  have  followed, 

and  worse  may  be  daily  expected My  Lord,  one 

unhappy,  if  not  wilful,  mistake  hath  very  much  promoted 
these  mischiefs.  His  Majesty  hath  been  represented  to 
this  people  very  low  in  his  treasury,  unable  and  unwilling 
to  give  them  any  disturbance,  though  never  so  much 
provoked  to  it ;  which  is  here  believed,  when  to  this  day 
their  contempts  put  upon  his  Majesty's  commission  and 
commissioners  in  1664,  (his  Majesty  not  calling  them  to 
account  for  refusing  to  send  over  Bellingham  and  Ha- 
thorne,  when  commanded  upon  their  allegiance  to  attend 
at  Whitehall  by  his  Majesty's  letter  of  1666), — no,  not  so 
much  as  the  least  notice  taken  of  it  in  any  of  his  Majes- 
ty's letters  at  any  time  since  to  this  government."^ 

He  addressed  himself  at  the  same  time  to  Jenkins,  the 
junior  Secretary  of  State.  "  Their  last  agents,"  he  wrote, 
referring  to  Stoughton  and  Bulkely,  "  at  their  return 
home,  brought  to  account  above  four  thousand  pounds, 
part  of  which  money  was  disposed  of  to  persons  then  in 
a  great  station  at  court ;  by  whose  assistance,  together 
with  the  Attorney-General,  Sir  William  Jones,  their  coun- 

1  Huteh.   Coll.,   534-538.  —  A  few  of  the  several  misdemeanors  objected 

periods  at  the  beginning  of  this  letter  against  them  and  their  faction.     They 

afford  some  interesting  hints  respecting  have    been    these    two    years   raising 

the  action  of  the  times.  money  upon  the  poor  inhabitants,  to 

"  Our  agents  are  sailed  from  here  make  friends  at  court.  Certainly  they 
about  a  fortnight  ago.  We  hear  Major  have  some  there,  too  nigh  the  council- 
Dudley,  one  of  them,  is  very  sick  of  a  chamber  ;  otherwise  they  could  not 
fever,  and  not  like  to  hold  out  the  voy-  have  copies  of  my  petition  against 
age.  Mr.  Richards,  the  other,  one  of  their  government,  my  articles  of  high 
Danforth's  faction,  and  a  great  opposer  misdemeanors  against  Danforth,  and 
of  the  Governor,  will,  upon  Major  now  of  Mr.  Cranfield's  instructions  and 
Dudley's  death,  have  an  opportunity  negotiations  in  the  Province  of  New 
to  say  what  he    pleaseth   in    defence  Hampshire." 


368  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

sel,  they  avoided  the  alteration  then  intended  by  his 
Majesty  to  be  made  in  their  government Endeav- 
ors are  still  used  by  the  fanatics  at  home  to  keep  up 
the  minds  of  this  faction  by  sending  over  hither  all 
sorts  of  scandalous  papers,  as  the  first,  second  and  third 
parts  of  '  No  Protestant  Plot,'  and  several  papers  in 
vindication  of  my  Lord  Shaftesbury,  and  Captain  Wilkin- 
son's information  relating  to  my  Lord  Shaftesbury.-^  But 
the  news  of  his  Eoyal  Highness's  return  to  court,  the 
prosecuting  Dissenters  at  home,  and  his  Majesty's  send- 
ing over  Mr.  Cranfield  to  be  Governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, hath  quite  altered  and  loosened  the  party 

If  that  the  agents  return  home  with  an  olive-branch,  (as 
their  ministers  pray  in  their  pulpits,)  that  branch  may 
prove  a  fatal  tree  to  me,  at  present  secure  and  very 
easy  during  their  agents'  stay  in  England ;  for,  in  respect 
to  them,  they  durst  do  no  other,  which  I  humbly  rec- 
ommend to  your  Honors  consideration."^ 

He  was  delighted  with  the  intelligence  that  the  Bishop 
of  London  was  about  to  send  a  clergyman  to  Boston ; 
and  he  advised  that  the  missionary  selected 
should  be  "a  discreet,  sober  gentleman."  He 
assured  that  prelate  that  the  colonial  agents  had  car- 
ried over  a  "  credit  for  large  sums  of  money,  to  purchase 
what  their  promises  could  not  obtain."^  "Nothing"  he 
wrote,  "  will  so  effectually  settle  this  government  on  a 
firm  dependence  upon  the  crown,  as  bringing  a  quo  tvar- 
ranto  against  their  charter,  which  will  wholly  disenable 
many  now  great  sticklers  and  promoters  of  the  faction. 

among  us  from  acting  further  in  a  public  station 

This  independence  in  government,  claimed  and  daily 
practised  by  us,  is  one  chief  occasion  of  the  many  muti- 
nies and  disturbances  in  other  his  Majesty's  foreign  plan- 
tations  We   could  raise   a  sufficient  maintenance 

1  See   above,  p.  259 ;   State  Trials,        2  Colonial  Papers,  &c. 
Vin.  761  -  764.  3  See  above,  p.  356,  note  3. 


CiiAP.  IX.]  HUMILIATION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  369 

for  divers  ministers  out  of  the  estates  of  those  whose 
treasons  have  forfeited  them  to  his  Majesty."^ 

His  impatience  became  every  day  more  uncontrollable. 
Writing  to  an  English  friend,  probably  the  Secretary 
Jenkins,  he  bewailed  the  helpless  condition  in 
which  he  found  himself  "Divers  persons,"  he 
said,  "who  gave  me  information,  and  readily  assisted 
me  in  making  seizures,  are  so  discouraged  by  their  un- 
just proceedings  against  my  deputies  and  others,  that  I 
can  get  no  man  to  my  aid  abroad,  or  to  appear  as  evi- 
dence  for  his  Majesty  in  court  or  before  a  magistrate. 

Now  his  Majesty's  letters   are  no  more  regarded 

than  Gazettes It  's  not  in  the  power  of  the  Gov- 
ernor and  those  few  honest  gentlemen  in  the  govern- 
ment to  give  his  Majesty  satisfaction,  being  over- voted 
and  run  down  by  Mr.  Danforth  and  his  party."  ^ 

In  England,  where  the  agents  arrived  after  a  tedious 
passage    of  nearly   twelve,  weeks,^  they  lost  no 
time  in  approaching  the  Privy  Council.     Taking 
up    consecutively    the    various   charges   that    had    been 
made  asrainst  their  constituents,  they  represent- 

'-'  .  Proceedings 

ed,  in  an  elaborate  paper,  that  the  delay  in  their  of  the  agents 
appearance  had  been  occasioned  by  the  danger 
of  the  voyage   and  the  poverty  of  the  Colony,  which, 
at  the  time  when  the  command  was  issued,  was  in  debt 
to  the  amount  of  twenty  thousand  pounds  sterling  for 

1  Hutch.  Coll.,  538-540.  the  like  confidence,  and  are  as  arbitra- 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  Randolph's    ry  here."    (Ibid.,  under  the  date  of  No- 
letters  ring  endless  changes  on  a  few     vember  13.) 

topics.     "  I  humbly  beseech  your  Hon-  3  Mass.    Arch.,    CXXVH.    218. — 

or's  pardon,"  he  writes,  "  if,  according  Richards,    immediately    on    arriving, 

to  the  custom  of  the  place,  my  papers  wrote  to  Increase  Mather:    "We  are 

are   guilty   of  repetition."      He   com-  represented   such   a   people    as    need 

pares  "  the  faction  whereof  Mr.  Dan-  great   regulations.     I   fear,    if   mercy 

forth  is  the  chief"  to  "  the  late  Rump  prevent    not,    the   dissolution    of  our 

in  England."  "  In  very  plain  cases,"  government  is  intended."  (Letter  of 
he  says,  "  I  am  cast  by  the  jurors,  who,  •  August  21,  in   the    Prince   Collection 

upon  the  Lord  Shaftesbury  and  others  of  MSS.  in  the  Library  of  the  Mass. 

being  cleared  at  the  Old  Bailey,  take  Hist.  Soc.) 


370  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

the  expenses  of  the  recent  war ;  that  there  was  no  law 
or  custom  in  Massachusetts  preventing  the  use  of  the 
EngHsh  liturgy,  or  the  election  of  members  of  the  Church 
of  England  to  office  ;  that  the  ancient  number  of  eighteen 
Assistants  had  been  restored,  agreeably  to  the  royal 
command ;  that  all  official  persons  took  the  oath  of 
allegiance;  that  military  commissions  and  judicial  pro- 
ceedings were  in  the  King's  name ;  that  "  all  laws  repug- 
nant to,  or  inconsistent  with,  the  laws  of  England  for 
trade  were  abolished  " ;  that  Randolph's  commission  had 
been  recognized  and  enrolled,  and .  that  he  and  his  sub- 
ordinates had  been  subjected  to  no  penalties  but  such 
as  were  needful  "to  the  providing  damages  for  the 
officers'  unjust  vexing  the  subjects  "  ;  and  that,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation  had  "been 
fully  put  in  execution,  to  the  best  discretion  of  the  gov- 
ernment there."  They  restated  in  full  the  position  of 
their  Colony  in  relation  to  the  claims  of  Gorges  and  Ma- 
son, and  they  concluded  by  expressing  the  hope  that 
the  demand  for  appeals  to  the  King  "in  matters  of 
revenue "  might  be  reconsidered.^ 

But  the  time  had  gone  by  when  an  effi3rt  of  this  na- 
ture could    be    of  any   avail,  had   it   been  much  more 
hearty  than,  on  the  part  of  the  principal  agent,  it  was. 
The  design  of  the  King  and  his    counsellors   to  crush 
Massachusetts  had  been  matured.      The   agents 

September  20.  .  i       ,       .  •       .  n-        t  •  n      t 

submitted  their  commission  to  bir  Lionel  Jen- 
kins, and  were  presently  informed,  as  the  unanimous 
decision  of  the  Privy  Council,  that  they  must  remain 
for  the  present  in  England,  and  that,  unless  they  ob- 
tained further  powers  without  delay,  the  Colony  would 
be   proceeded   against   by   a   quo  ivarranto   at  the    next 

term  of  the  Court  of  King's  Bench.^     The  cour- 

December  20.      ,  .,        .  - 

tiers  were  angrily  m  earnest,  and   an  order  was 

1  This    important   document    is    in         2  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council. 
Chalmers's  Annals,  450-461. 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  37I 

sent  to  Randolph  to  return  to  England,  and  give  his 
aid  in  the  prosecution  of  the  writ.^ 

The  meetina;  of  the   General  Court  in  the 

.  ,,.  October  n. 

autumn  was  too   early  for  any  intelligence  to 
have  arrived  of  the  reception  of  the  agents.     But  in  the 
middle  of  the  winter  came  "  a  letter  from  his        igss. 
Majesty,  with  the  act  of  his  Majesty's  most  hon-      J'^^^ary. 
orable  Council,  his  Majesty  being  present."^     Letters  also 
came  from  the  agents,^  "  with  copy   of  Mr.  Randolph's 
complaints  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs."     The 
Governor  forthwith  convened  a  General  Court.  „ 

Proceedings  of 

After   a   brief  conference  they  adjourned   for  thegovemment 
five  days,  having  arranged  to  keep  meanwhile  setts. 
by  themselves  "  a  solemn  day  to  seek  the  face      ^  "^^^ 
of  God,  and  guidance  and  direction  from  him  in  these 
weighty   matters ;   which    was    done."     Thus    prepared, 
they  assembled  asrain,  "  and   so,  from   day  to 

,  ,1  -1  •  111  February  13. 

day,  were  on  the  due  consideration  and  debate 
of  and  about  so  momentous  a  discharge  of  their  duty  to 
God,  his  Majesty,  and  the  concerns  of  the  country ;  and, 
in  fine,  the  Court  centred  their  conclusion  of  duty  in  an 
humble  Address  to  his  Majesty  ;  commission  and  letters 
to  the  agents ;  a  letter  to  the  Right  Honorable  Sir  Lionel 
Jenkins ; with  a  general  Address  and  general  sub- 
scriptions of  the  inhabitants,  directed  by  way  of  most 
humble  petition  to  his  Majesty."* 

In  their  Address  the  General  Court  assured  the  King 
of  their  gratitude  to  God  for  the  preservation 
of  his  government,  "  notwithstanding  so  many 
horrid  treasons  and  execrable   conspiracies  against  the 
same,"    and    to   himself   "for   the   many   marks    of   his 
princely  favor,"  whether  conferred  or  promised.     They 

1  Mass.  Arch.,  CXXVII.  218.  4  Jbld.,  382,  383.     "  Several  Magis- 

2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXI.  72  ;   Mass.  trates  and  Deputies  from  the  southward 
Eec,  V.  382.  were  not  able  to  come,  by  reason  of 

3  The  letters  were  dated  September  the  extremity  of  the  weather  by  deep 
28  and  October  3.     (Ibid.,  391.)  snows  and  floods." 


372  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND,  [Book  III. 

professed  their  persuasion  that  he  would  not  "improve 
any  of  their  past  errors  and  mistakes  to  the  vacating  of 
their  charter,  or  depriving  them  of  any  of  the  privileges 
and  immunities  thereby  granted " ;  their  "  desire  not  to 
assume  unto  themselves  anything  above  the  powers 
therein  granted";  and,  finally,  their  purpose  "to  make 
and  receive  all  such  regulations  as  might  more  fully  adapt 
the  administration  of  his  Majesty's  government  among 
them  unto  the  rules  of  their  charter,  in  order  whereunto 
they  had  capacitated  their  agents  humbly  to  attend  his 
Majesty,  by  empowering  them,  according  to  his  Majesty's 
command."  ^ 

The  new  commission  to  the  agents  was  broad.  One 
clause  in  it  indicates  expressly  the  apprehensions  which 
were  felt  respecting  the  fidelity  of  Dudley.  It  author- 
ized him  and  his  colleague  "jointly  and  not  severally  "  to 
act  "  for  the  regulation  of  anything,  wherein  the  corpora- 
tion had  ignorantly  or  through  mistake  deviated  from 
their  charter ;  and  to  accept  of  and  consent  unto  such 
proposals  and  demands  as  might  consist  with  the  main 
ends  of  their  predecessors  in  their  removing  hither  the 
charter,  and  his  Majesty's  government  here  settled  ac- 
cording thereunto."  ^  But  the  instructions  to  the  agents 
imposed  material  limitations  upon  their  power.  In  these 
they  were  told :  "  Whereas,  in  our  commission  and  power 
sent  to  you,  one  general  limitation  is  the  saving  to  us 
the  main  ends  of  our  coming  over  into  this  wilderness, 
you  are  thereby  principally  to  understand  our  liberties 
and  privileges  in  matters  of  religion  and  worship  of  God, 
which  you  are  therefore  in  no  wise  to  consent  to  any  in- 
fringement of."     If  a  liberty  of  appeals  to  England  were 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  385,386.  —  Before  Customs  in  his  several  Colonies  and 

this  time  the  General  Court  must  have  Plantations  in  America."     (Ibid.,  530.) 

been    informed    of   the    appointment  Dyre    had   come   to  New  York  with 

(January  4),  by  the  King's  Commis-  Andros  in  1674. 

sioners  of  Customs,  of  William  Dyre  to  2  Ibid.,  386,  387. 
be  "  Surveyor-General  of  his  Majesty's 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  373 

insisted  on,  the  agents  were  "  not  to  conclude  the  Colony 
by  any  act  or  consent  of  theirs,  but  to  crave  leave  to 
transmit  the  same  to  the  General  Court  for  their  further 
consideration."  They  were  "not  to  make  any  alteration 
of  the  qualifications  that  were  required  by  law,  as  at 
present  established,  respecting  the  admission  of  freemen." 
They  were  "  not  to  consent  to  any  removal  [that  is,  to 
England]  of  the  seat  of  the  government  here  according 
to  charter,"  nor  to  any  alteration  of  "  the  present  consti- 
tution of  the  General  Court,  consisting;  of  Masfistrates 
and  the  Deputies  as  the  select  representatives  of  the 
freemen,  being,  without  doubt,  agreeable  to  the  patent."  ^ 
"  By  order  of  the  General  Court,"  the  agents  were  au- 
thorized in  a  private  letter  to  deliver  up  to  the  King  the 
deeds  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  if  they  found  that  such  a 
surrender  would  help  to  save  the  charter.  They  were 
informed  of  recent  further  legislation  of  Mas.sachusetts,  in 
compliance  with  the  King's  wishes,  as  to  the  Navigation 
Laws,  and  for  the  security  of  his  rights  in  mines  of  gold 
and  silver,  of  which  some  discovery  was  said  to  have 
been  made  within  the  jurisdiction.  But  "  the  sum,"  wrote 
the  General  Court  by  their  Secretary,  "  of  all  we  can  pray 
and  commend  unto  you  is,  to  do  us  all  the  good  you  can, 
and  to  endeavor  the  preventing  all  the  inconveniences 
you  may,  which  we  doubt  not  but  you  will  unfeignedly 
do  ;  and  the  God  of  Heaven  direct,  counsel,  assist,  pros- 
per, and  succeed  all  your  undertakings  in  this  our  great 
concern ! " ^ 

The  Governor  wrote  to  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins,  confinino- 
himself  to  the  business  of  Mason's  claim.  He  said  that, 
two  months  before  the  meeting  of  the  last  General  Court, 
he  had  received,  five  months  after  its  date,  the  letter  from 
the  King  on  Mason  s  afifliir,  though  "  several  copies  there- 
of, attested  by  Mr.  Chamberlain,  Secretary  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  New  Hampshire,  were   dispersed  up  and   down 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  390.  2  Bjid. ;  comp.  383,  384. 

VOL.  III.  32 


374  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

some  weeks,  if  not  months,  before";  that,  according  to  in- 
structions from  the  General  Court,  he  had  invited  Mason 
to  prosecute  before  the  courts  his  title  to  lands  against 
any  adverse  claimant,  and  had  assured  him  of  an  impar- 
tial trial ;  that,  "  since  this  answer,  Mr.  Mason  had  been  in 
Boston,  —  a  court  then  sitting,  —  but  had  made  no  fur- 
ther motion  in  his  business  " ;  and  that  accordingly  it  was 
fit  the  King  should  be  "  acquainted  that,  in  obedience  to 
his  Majesty's  commands,  there  was  no  denial  of  justice  to 
Mr.  Mason,  nor  delay  in  that  affair."  ^ 

Along  with  the  Address  of  the  General  Court,  the 
'•  General  Petition  and  Address  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Colony  to  his  sacred  Majesty,  with  all  the  subscriptions 
thereunto,"  was  directed  to  be  "sent  to  the  agents  in 
London,  to  be  presented  by  them  to  his  Majesty,  if  they 
thought  it  expedient."^  The  memorialists  represented 
that  the  existing  colonial  government  had  been  "abun- 
dantly satisfactory,"  and  such  as  commanded  their  grati- 
tude to  God  and  to  the  King,  to  whom  they  owed  it ;  and 
they  "  declared  that  his  Majesty  could  by  nothing  more 
knit  and  bind  their  hearts  to  all  expressions  of  loyalty  and 
obedience,"  than  by  allowing  their  government  to  subsist 
undisturbed ;  —  a  course  which  would  "  dispel  and  scatter 
those  clouds  of  fears  which  were  risen  in  the  minds  of 
very  many  good  subjects,  lest  they  should  be  deprived 
of  those  liberties  and  privileges,  which  they  held  in  such 
high  esteem,  and  had,  themselves  and  progenitors,  been 
at  so  great  hazard  and  charge,  and  encountered  with  such 
extreme  difficulties,  for  the  enjoyment  thereof." 

Before  dispersing,  the  Court  appointed  a  day  for  "  sol- 
emn humiliation  throughout  the  Colony,  therein  humbly 
to  implore  the  mercy  and  favor  of  God,  in  respect  to 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  388,  389.  to  the  measure.     The  sending  of  it,  to 

2  Ibid.,  387.  The  question  on  send-  be  presented  or  withheld  according  to 
ing  this  Petition  had  been  warmly  dis-  the  judgment  of  the  agents,  was  the  re- 
cussed  between  the  Magistrates  and  suit  of  a  compromise.  (Mass.  Arch., 
the  Deputies,  the  former  being  opposed  CVI.  277.) 


Chap.  IX.J 


HUMILIATION   OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 


375 


May  16. 


their  sacred,  civil,  and  temporal  concerns,  and  more  espe- 
cially those  in  the  hands  of  their  agents  abroad ;  as  also 
for  those  kingdoms  upon  whose  welfare  their  own  did  so 
nearly  depend,  and  for  the  Protestant  churches  and  inter- 
est elsewhere."  -^ 

At  the  next  annual  General  Court  for  elec- 
tions, the  great  subject  was  not  revived.  Ran- 
dolph had  gone  again  to  England.^  It  is  probable  that 
he  had  delayed  his  departure  in  order  to  watch  the  pro- 
ceedings which  have  just  been  related;  for  he 

,  Proceedings  of 

sailed  as  soon  as  they  were  brought  to  an  end  Randolph  m 
and  the  Court  was  dissolved.  Immediately  on  ■^"^M^y  28. 
his  arrival,  he  received  an  order  "  to  attend  Mr. 
Attorney-General  with  proofs  of  his  charges 
against  the  Massachusetts  government."^     The  business 


June  13. 


1  Mass.  Eec,  V.  388. 

2  Ou  Randolpli's  departure  for  Eng- 
land, Danforth  took  leave  of  him  by  the 
following  characteristic  letter  (April 
2),  —  if,  indeed,  it  was  ever  sent. 

"  Sir :  — 

"You  are  now  committing  yourself 
to  God's  protection  upon  the  mighty 
seas.  I  shall  only  commend  and  leave 
with  you  this  one  word  of  counsel.  If 
God  doth  give  you  like  visit  as  he  did 
to  Laban  (Gen.  xxxi.  24),  be  not 
worse  than  he  appears  to  be  (verse 
29).  God  hath  made  you  an  eye  and 
ear  witness  of  the  sincere  desire  of 
this  poor  people,  with  whom  you  have 
sojourned  some  years,  to  serve  God 
and  honor  the  King.  Resolve  not, 
therefore,  to  be  an  enemy  to  them  who 
have  done  you  no  wrong,  lest  the  Lord 
say  of  you  as  is  expressed  Exod.  ix. 
Ifi.  I  beg  of  you  to  read  the  nine  first 
verses  of  the  ninth  of  Acts,  and  muse 
seriously  thereon  in  the  night  season, 
when  you  feel  God's  Holy  Spirit  com- 
muning with  your  soul. 

"  Excuse  me.  I  beg  your  pardon." 
(Mass.  Arch.,  LVII.  55.) 


Randolph  had  been  followed  to  New 
England  by  two  brothers  of  his,  named 
Barnard  and  Giles,  for  shares  in  the 
spoil.  Giles  was  commissioned  by  him 
as  Deputy-Collector  tor  New  England, 
November  26,  1683.  (Mass.  Arch., 
LXI.  260.)  June  13,  Barnard  wrote 
to  him  from  Boston :  "  I  have  re- 
ceived many  affronts  since  my  being  in 
the  office  you  left  me,  and  cannot  have 
any  justice.  I  ordered  Gatohell  to  ga 
on  board  a   sloop    at   Marblehead   to 

search  her The  constable  had 

his  staff  taken  out  of  his  hands ;  his 
head  broke  therewith.     Gatchell  was 

shrewdly  beaten I  have  been 

very  uneasy,  but  with  my  life  and 
fortune  will  ever  serve  his  Majesty." 
(Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 

3  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council ; 
Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  298;  CXXVII. 
218.  — The  following  is  an  abstract  of 
Randolph's  charges  now  presented, 
viz.:  — "  1.  They  assume  powers  that 
are  not  warranted  by  the  charter, 
which  is  executed  in  another  place 
than  was  intended  ;  2.  They  make 
laws  repugnant  to  those  of  England ; 


376 


HISTORY    OF   NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


Process 
against  the 
charter  of 
Massachu- 
BettB. 

June  27, 


had  been  matured  beforehand,  and  the  formal  proceed- 
ings took  little  time.  Before  Randolph  had  been  a 
month  in  England,  he  had  virtually  accomplished  the 
object  of  his  ambition  and  revenge.  The  blow 
with  which  the  Colony  had  so  long  been  threat- 
ened was  struck.^  The  writ  was  issued,  which 
summoned  it  to  stand,  for  the  defence  of  its 
political  existence  and  of  the  liberty  and  property  of 
its  people,  at  the  bar  of  a  court  in  London.^ 

It  was  ordered  by  the  Privy  Council,  "  that  Mr.  Ed- 
ward Randolph  be  sent  to  New  England  with 
the  notification  of  the  said  quo  ivarranto,  which 
he  was  to  deliver  to  the  said  Governor  and  Company 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  thereupon  to  return  to 
give  his  Majesty  an  account  of  his  proceedings  therein." 
He  was  to  be  furnished  with  "  two  hundred  copies  of 
all  the  proceedings  at  the  Council  board  concerning  the 

charter  of  London, to  be  dispersed  by  him  in  New 

England,  as  he  should  think  best  for  his  Majesty's  ser- 
vice." ^  And  he  was  to  carry  over  a  royal  "  Declaration," 
which  must  have  made  those  who  composed  it  smile, 
when  they  remembered  what  had  been  the  issue  of  the 


July  20. 


3.  They  levy  money  on  subjects  not 
inhabiting  the  Colony  [and  conse- 
quently not  represented  in  the  Gen- 
eral Court]  ;  4.  They  impose  an  oath 
of  fidelity  to  themselves,  without  re- 
garding the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
King;  5.  They  refuse  justice,  by  with- 
holding appeals  to  the  King  in  Coun- 
cil;  6.  They  oppose  the  Acts  of  Navi- 
gation, and  imprison  the  King's  officers 
for  doing  their  duty ;  7.  They  have 
established  a  Naval  Office,  with  a  view 
to  defraud  the  customs ;  8.  No  ver- 
dicts are  ever  found  for  the  King  in 
relation  to  customs,  and  the  courts  im- 
pose costs  on  the  prosecutors,  in  order 
to  discourage  trials ;  9.  They  levy  cus- 
toms on  the  importation  of  goods  from 


England;  10.  They  do  not  administer 
the  oath  of  supremacy,  as  required 
by  charter;  11.  They  have  erected  a 
Court  of  Admiralty,  though  not  em- 
powered by  charter;  12.  Tliey  dis- 
countenance the  Church  of  England  ; 
13.  They  persist  in  coining  money, 
though  they  had  asked  forgiveness 
for  that  offence."  (Chalmers,  Annals, 
462.) 

1  Lord  Sunderland  was  now  again 
a  Secretary  of  State,  having  succeeded 
Sir  Henry  Coventry,  March  6  of  this 
year. 

2  The  instrument  is  in  Mass.  Rec, 
V.  421. 

3  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council. 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  377 

more  important  Declaration  of  Breda.  In  it  the  King 
announced  his  "  will  and  pleasure "  to  be,  "  that  the 
private  interests  and  properties  of  all  persons  within 
the  Colony  should  be  continued  and  preserved  to  them, 
so  that  no  man  should  receive  any  prejudice  in  his  free- 
hold or  estate."  He  promised  "  that,  in  case  the  said 
corporation  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  should,  before 
prosecution  had  upon  the  said  quo  tvarranto,  make  a 
full  submission  and  entire  resignation  to  his  pleasure, 
he  would  then  regulate  their  charter  in  such  manner  as 
should  be  for  his  service  and  the  good  of  the  Colony, 
without  any  other  alterations  than  such  as  he  should  find 
necessary  for  the  better  support  of  his  government 
there."  And  he  "  further  declared  and  directed,  that  all 
those  persons  who  were  questioned  in  or  by  the  said 
quo  zvarrantOy  and  should  go  about  to  maintain  the  suit, 
should  make  their  defence  at  their  own  particular  charge, 
without  any  help  by,  or  spending  any  part  of,  the  pub- 
lic stock  of  the  said  Colony;  and  that  as  well  those 
that  were  not  freemen,  as  such  as  were  willing  to  sub- 
mit, should  be  discharged  from  all  rates,  levies,  and  con- 
tributions towards  the  expense  of  the  said  suit,  both 
in  their  persons  and  estates."  ^  The  agents,  being  "  not 
willing  to  undertake  the  defence  and  management"  of 
the  question  upon  the  charter  in  Westminster  Hall,  re- 
ceived liberty  to  return  home ;  but  they  were  not  to  set 
sail  till  after  Randolph  should  be  "embarked  for  his 
said  voyage."^ 

A  show  of  force  at  Boston  was,  in  Randolph's  judg- 

1  Mass.  Rec,   V.   421-423.  —  The  carrying  on  the  contest,  but,  by  its  ap- 

provision  for  exempting  submi!5sionists  peal  to  avarice,  it  sowed  the  seeds  of 

from   charges   incident   to  trying   the  discord  and  mutiny.     The  same  meas- 

question  was  an  artful  scheme  of  Ran-  ure  had  been  taken  in  Virginia,  sixty 

dolph.     July  17th,  he  presented  a  pe-  years  before,  in  similar  cii-cumstances. 

tition  "  in  the  name  of  divers  planters  (Journals    of  the    Privy   Council,  for 

and  others"  to  that  effect.     (Colonial  December  8,  1623.) 

Papers,  &c.)  —  The  exemption  not  only  2  Jom-nals  of  the  Privy  Council, 
crippled  the  means  of  the  Colony  for 
32* 


378        •  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

merit,  advisable.^  "  The  countenance  of  a  frigate  upon 
the  coast,"  he  wrote  to  Secretary  Jenkins,  •'  is 
absolutely  necessary  for  his  Majesty's  service 
upon  this  occasion,  to  second  the  quo  warranto,  in  order 
to  procure  an  entire  submission  from  the  Bostoners, 
wherein  all  the  other  Colonies  will  follow  their  example ; 
and  the  want  of  a  frigate  will  give  opportunity  to  those 
people,  who  use  all  imaginary  artifices,  to  oppose  his 
Majesty's  orders,  and  to  plead  to  the  quo  warranto,  which 
will  take  up  above  twelve  months'  time  before  this 
charter  in  that  case  can  be  vacated.  It  is  therefore 
represented  as  a  thing  that  will  have  very  great  con- 
sequences,   that  some  small  frigate  be  ordered  to 

lie  upon  the  coasts  of  New  England  when  the  Bostoners 
shall  receive  the  news  of  the  quo  vmrranto,  and  have  it 
before  them  either  to  make  an  entire  submission,  or  to 
evade  by  tumults  or  otherwise  their  obedience  to  his 
Majesty ;  this  being  in  some  manner  a  parallel  to  that 
of  the  late  rebellion  in  Virginia,  where  the  timely  send- 
ing one  small  ship  in  his  Majesty's  name  with  the  signifi- 
cation would  have  saved  no  less  than  fourscore  tliousand 
pounds  actually  issued  out  of  the  exchequer  here,  though 
too  late  for  that  service."^ 

But  a  frigate  could  not  at  the  moment  be  spared ;  and 

1  Orchard  was  again  stimulating  the  Council.)     The  Brain  tree  people  took 

Privy  Council  by  a  repetition  of  his  grave   umbrage    at    Thayer's   preten- 

complaints.     (Journals   of  the    Privy  sions.     "  His  father's  shop,  who  was  a 

Council,  for  July   27.)     And  another  cobbler,"  so  they  wrote  to  Dudley  ( Au- 

suitor,ofthe  same  quality,  had  presented  gust   14,   1683),    "would  now  hardly 

himself.     December  8,  1682,  Richard  contain  him,  with  his  arms  a-kembo." 

Thayer  addressed  a  memorial  to  the  (Adlard,  The  Sutton  Dudleys  of  Eng- 

Privy  Council  for  redress  against  the  land,  73,  74 ;  comp.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 

people    of   Braintree,    who,    he    said,  XXXV.  104.) 

unjustly  dispossessed  him  of  land  he  2  Accordingly  (July  17)  an  order 
had  bought  of  the  Indians.  The  Coun-  was  made,  that,  "  for  the  better  coun- 
cil entertained  the  complaint,  and  tenancing  him  therein,  he  may  be 
(March  2,  1683)  ordered  notice  of  it  transported  to  Boston  by  the  il/c?-ma/<i, 
to  be  sent  to  Thomas  Savage  and  Cap-  or  any  other  frigate  bound  to  Ameri- 
tain   Clapp.      (Journals  of  the  Privy  ca."     (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  379 

ill  a  week's  time  Randolph  had  concluded  to  make  his 
voyage  in  a  merchant-vessel,  being  anxious  for  the  re- 
sult, if  the  Colonists  should  be  informed  of  the  issuing 
of  the  quo  tvarranto,  before  they  had  intelligence  of  the 
King-'s  "o-racious  Declaration,"  and  of  the  submission  of 
the   Corporation  of  London.-^      "  If  it  shall  so 

.,  o-T'i  Augusts. 

please  his  Majesty,  he  now  wrote  to  bir  Lionel, 
"  that  the  first  fris^ate  bound  to  the  West  Indies  be  or- 
dered  to  call  at  Boston,  and  that  I  may  have  a  copy  of 
his  Majesty's  pleasure  therein  to  show  the  Magistrates 
when  I  arrive  at  Boston,  it  will  make  as  great  an  impres- 
sion upon  the  people  as  if  a  frigate  were  there  present 
and  riding  before  their  doors."  ^ 

"While  Randolph  was  at  sea,  the  General  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts held  their  annual  autumnal  session, 

,     ,         .  ^     L     ^     1^  October  10. 

but  transacted  only  such  business  as  related  to 

details  of  domestic  administration.^     They  had  ^^•°'i°'p';'^ '«- 

''  turn  to  Massa- 

scarcely  separated  when   Randolph   landed   at  chusetts.  Re. 

T-»  i.    ^  '  ^  11P1  1  ception  there 

Boston,    having  been  preceded  a  lew  days  by  of  the  writ  of 
the  agents.    Forthwith  the  Court  was  convened  ''oetoberTe'."' 
ag:ain,   and    Randolph's    alarmino;   inessao;e   was     October  22. 

°  ^  00  November  7. 

delivered.  Elisha  Cooke,  of  Boston,  one  of  the 
boldest  of  the  patriots,  was  this  year,  for  the  first  time, 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Deputies,  having  succeeded 
in  that  place  Daniel  Fisher,  of  Dedham,  a  public-spirited, 
but  less  considerable  man,  who,  after  three  years'  ser- 
vice as  Speaker,  had  been  sent  up  to  the  comparative 
quiet  of  the  Board  of  Assistants.     "  The  Court  sat  diem 

1  See  above,  p.  260.  A  law  of  this  session  required  towns 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  consisting  of  more  than  five  hundred 

3  Mass.  Rec,  V.  414-419.  —  The  families  or  householders  to  maintain 
militia,  however,  received  special  at-  four  schools,  —  two  of  them  to  be  com- 
tention  from  this  Court,  and  some  re-  petent  to  fit  bt ys  for  College,  —  and 
pairs  of  the  Castle  were  ordered.  It  doubled  the  ancient  penalty  for  neg- 
is  worth  remarking,  as  an  illustration  lect  of  this  provision. 

of  the  chronic  feeling  of  the  people,         4  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  301  ;  CXXVII. 
that,  at  this  moment  of  extreme  danger,     218. 
they  were  thoughtful  for  their  schools. 


ggQ  HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book   III. 

'per  diem  on  the  consideration  of  the  weighty  matters  that 
were  presented."  Their  consultations  resulted  in  nothing 
but  sending  out  a  power  of  attorney  to  Mr. 
Eobert  Humphreys,  a  London  barrister  of  the 
Inner  Temple,  with  instructions  to  appear  for  them  at 
the  approaching  term  of  the  Court  of  King's  Bench.  He 
was  informed  that  his  object  should  be  "  to  save  a  default 
and  outlawry  for  the  present."  He  was  to  "  entertain 
the  best  counsel  possible,  and  gain  what  time  might  be 
had,  cunctando  restitiiere  rem,  and  that  a  better  day  might 
shine."  With  reference  to  several  particulars  of  ques- 
tionable principle  and  irregular  form  which  were  speci- 
fied, he  was  to  plead  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  in 
the  case  as  now  brought  before  them ;  and  he  was 
urgently  to  represent  that  the  predecessors  of  the  im- 
peached party  "  transported  themselves  hither,  settled 
and  defended  themselves  here  at  their  own  cost  and 
charge,  many  of  them  leaving  large  accommodations  in 
EuQ-land  for  an  uncertain  settlement  in  this  wilderness, 
confidently  relying  on  the  security  given  them  by  their 
charter  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  privileges  therein  con- 
tained." ^ 

Of  the  proceedings  of  this  General  Court  in  relation 
to  the  great  question  that  was  pending,  this  is  all  that 
appears  upon  its  records.  The  cold  leaves  reveal  nothing 
of  the  temper  and  agony  of  the  discussions  that  were 
protracted  for  four  weeks.  We  learn  something  of  them 
from  other  sources.  Dudley,  secured  to  the  King's  in- 
terest, and  now  again  seated  among  the  Assistants,  as- 
sured the  Court  that  there  was  no  hope  for  them  but  in 
submission.  In  the  upper  branch  of  the  government 
Submission  of  thcre  was  found  at  length  a  servile  majority. 
the  Magis-       rpj^g  Maffistratcs  voted  that  an  humble  Address 

trates.  "^ 

November  15.   be  seut  to  his  Majcsty,  declaring  that,  "upon  a 
serious  consideration  of  his  Majesty's  gracious  intimations 

1  Mass.  Eec,  V.  420-425  ;  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI  308. 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  33^ 

in  his  former  letters,  and  more  particularly  in  his  late 
declaration  that  his  pleasure  and  purpose  is  only  to  regu- 
late our  charter  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  be  for  his  ser- 
vice and  the  good  of  this  his  Colony,  and  without  any 
other  alteration  than  what  is  necessary  for  the  support 
of  his  government  here,  we  will  not  presume  to  contend 
with  his  Majesty  in  a  course  of  law,  but  humbly  lay  our- 
selves at  his  Majesty's  feet,  in  a  submission  to  his  pleasure 
so  declared  ;  and  that  we  have  resolved,  by  the  next  op- 
portunity, to  send  our  agents,  empowered  to  receive  his 
Majesty's  commands  accordingly.  And,  for  saving  a  de- 
fault for  non-appearance  upon  the  return  of  the  writ  of 
quo  uwranto,  that  some  meet  person  or  persons  be  ap- 
pointed, and  empowered  by  letter  of  attorney,  to  appear 
and  make  defence,  until  our  agents  may  make  their 
appearance  and  submission,  as  above.  The  Magistrates 
have  passed  this  with  reference  to  the  consent  of  their 
brethren  the  Deputies  hereto."  ^ 

The  Deputies  were  prepared  for  no  such  suicide, 
though  there  were  not  wanting  faint  hearts  or  grovelling 
aims  among  them.  No  report  of  their  debate  persistence  of 
has  been  handed  down.  But  a  paper  is  extant,  '*^e deputies. 
which  represents  at  large  the  views  entertained  by  the 
patriot  party.  It  states  the  question  in  these  words : 
"  Whether  the  government  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony 
in  New  Eno;land  ouo-ht  to  make  a  full  submission  and 
entire  resignation  to  the  pleasure  of  the  court,  as  to 
alterations,  called  regulations,  of  the  charter." 

The  answer  is,  "  They  ought  not  to  do  thus,  as  may  be 
concluded  from  the  following  arguments."  The  argu- 
ments, seven  in  number,  were  substantially  as  follows  : 
1.  The  regulations  proposed  would  be  "  destructive  to 
the  interest  of  relio-ion  and  of  Christ's  kinscdom  in  the 
Colony,"  and  therefore  could  not  be  consented  to  "  with- 
out sin  and  great  offence  to  the  Majesty  of  Heaven 

2  Hutch.  Hist.,  304  ;  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  305. 


382  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

The  people  in  New  England,  being  Non-conformists,  have 
no  reason  to  believe  that  their  religion  and  the  court's 
pleasure  will  consist  together  ;  especially  considering 
there  is  not  one  word  about  relis-ion  mentioned  in  the 
King's  Declaration."  2.  Nothing  would  be  gained  by  the 
submission  proposed,  inasmuch  as  (1.)  "the  designed 
alterations  would  be  destructive  to  the  life  and  being  of 
the  charter, and  no  better  than  a  judicial  condem- 
nation ;  (2.)  all  those  corporations  in  England  which  had 
submitted  to  the  court's  pleasure  had  gained  nothing 
thereby,  but  were  in  as  bad  a  case  as  those  that  had 
stood  a  suit  in  law  and  had  been  condemned";  and,  even 
in  New  England,  the  people  "  in  the  eastern  parts,  if  they 
had  not  submitted  so  soon,  might  have  lived  longer"; 
(3.)  "  if  they  maintained  a  suit,  though  they  should  be 
condemned,  they  might  bring  the  matter  to  Chancery  or 
to  a  Parliament,  and  so  might  possibly  in  time  recover  all 
again."  3.  Such  surrender  as  was  proposed  would  be  a 
departure  from  the  ancient  principles  and  policy  of  the 
Colony;  "for  when,  in  the  year  1638,  there  was  a  quo 
ivarranto  against  the  Charter,  their  worthy  predecessors 
neither  did,  nor  durst  they,  make  such  a  submission  and 
resignation  as  was  then  expected  from  them.  And  when, 
in  the  year  1664,  it  was  the  court's  pleasure  to  impose 
commissioners  upon  the  government  of  the  Massachu- 
setts, they  did  not  submit  to  them.  God  has  owned 
those  worthy  predecessors  in  their  being  firm  and  faith- 
ful in  asserting  and  standing  by  their  civil  and  religious 
liberties.  Therefore  their  successors  should  walk  in  their 
steps,  and  so  trust  in  the  God  of  their  fathers  that  they 
should  see  his  salvation."  4,  For  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  make  "such  a  submission  and  resignation  as 

was  urged, as  it  would  gratify  adversaries  (hoc  Itha- 

ciis  velit),  so  it  would  grieve  their  friends  both  in  other 
Colonies  and  in  England  also,  whose  eyes  were  now  upon 
New  England,  expecting  that    the   people  there  would 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF   MASSACHUSETTS.  333 

not,  through  fear  and  diffidence,  give  a  pernicious  exam- 
ple unto  others."  5.  What  was  demanded  was  a  "  blind 
obedience  to  the  pleasure  of  the  court " ;  for  "  there  was 
nothing  said  in  the  King's  Declaration  concerning  the 
religious  liberties  of  the  people  in  New  England";  there 
was  reason  to  fear  "  Popish  counsels "  at  court ;  "  and 
therefore  for  them  to  submit  fully  to  things  called  regu- 
lations, according  to  the  court's  pleasure,  could  not  be 
without  great  sin,  and  incurring  the  high  displeasure  of 
the  King  of  kings."  6.  An  act  of  submission  would  be 
"  contrary  unto  that  which  had  been  the  unanimous  ad- 
vice of  the  ministers  of  Christ."  Only  three  years  before, 
the  ministers,  "  after  a  solemn  day  of  prayer,"  had  de- 
clared :  "  It  is  our  undoubted  duty  to  abide  by  what 
rights  and  privileges  the  Lord  our  God,  in  his  merciful 
providence,  hath  bestowed  on  us.  And  whatever  the 
event  may  be,  the  Lord  forbid  that  we  should  be  any 
way  active  in  parting  with  them."  ^  7.  "  For  the  govern- 
ment to  submit  and  resign  to  the  pleasure  of  the  court, 
without  the  consent  of  the  body  of  the  people,  ought  not 
to  be.  But  the  generality  of  the  freemen  and  church- 
members  throughout  New  England  would  never  consent 
thereunto."  ' 

Finally,  some  arguments  for  a  resignation  of  the  char- 
ter were  refuted.  1.  It  was  disingenuous  to  say  that  all 
that  was  designed  was  "a  submission  to  alterations  in  some 

1  Perhaps,  in  the  argument  that  this  them,   to   be   reeds   shaken   with   the 

advice  was  as  wholesome  now  as  ever,  wind.     The  priests  were  to  be  the  first 

there  was  sarcasm,  intended  to  be  felt  that  set  their  foot  in  the  waters,  and 

in  some   quarters.      "  If  in   the   year  there  to  stand  till  the  danger  was  past. 

1680   it  were   an  undoubted   duty  to  Of  all  men,  they  should  be  an  example 

abide  by  the  privileges  which  the  Lord  to  the  Lord's  people  of  faith,  courage, 

hath  bestowed  upon  us,  it  cannot  but  and    constancy.      Unquestionably,    if 

be  a  sin  in  the  year  1683  to  submit  and  blessed   Mr.   Cotton,   Hooker,   Daven- 

resign  them  all  to  the  court's  pleasure,  port,  Mather,  Shepard,  Mitchell,  were 

And  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  ministers     now  living,  they  would say,  '  Do 

of  God  in  New  England  have  more  of  not  sin  in  giving  away  the  inheritance 

the  spirit  of  John  Baptist  in  them,  than  of  your  fathers.' " 
now,  when   a  storm  hath  overtaken 


384  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

circumstances,  in  order  to  preserving  the  substance  of 
the  charter  entire."  For,  ( 1.)  The  treatment  experienced 
by  the  city  of  London  proved  the  contrary;  (2.)  If  a  resig- 
nation should  be  made,  and  afterwards,  "  when  the  regu- 
lations appeared  to  be  destructive  to  the  vitals  of  their 
charter,  the  Massachusetts  should  refuse  to  comply  there- 
with, it  would  be  said  they  dealt  deceitfully  and  untruly." 
(3.)  "In  case  the  government  plainly  signified  that  they 
submitted  to  regulations  only  as  to  circumstances,  and 
with  a  proviso  that  the  life  of  their  charter  might  be  pre- 
served, they  would  incur  as  much  displeasure  as  if  they 
maintained  their  right  as  far  as  law  and  equity  would  de- 
fend them."  2.  It  was  not  true  that  they  had  "  legally 
forfeited  their  charter,  and  therefore  might  without  sin 
resign."  Disregard  of  "  corrupt  and  unrighteous  laws " 
did  not  work  what  could  properly  be  interpreted  as  legal 
forfeiture  ;  and  it  was  "  not  to  be  believed  that  they  had 
forfeited  their  charter  according  to  the  laws  of  righteous- 
ness and  equity He  that  acknowledged  this  did 

New  Eno;land  more  wronsc  than  a  little.  And  if  the  char- 
ter  were  not  forfeited  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  according 
to  the  rules  of  his  word,  it  was  a  sin  to  submit  or  consent 
that  the  court  should  alter  it  according  to  their  pleasure." 
3.  It  was  vicious  reasoning  to  infer  that  "  New  England 
ought  to  submit  to  the  pleasure  of  the  court"  because 
"the  Lord's  people  were  bid  to  go  out  to  the  king  of 
Babylon,  and  the  emperors  of  Babylon  and  Persia  had 
dominion  over  the  bodies  and  cattle  of  the  Jews  at  their 

pleasure,  Neh.  ix.  37 He  scarce  deserved  the  name 

of  an  Englishman  that  should  thus  argue.  Because 
those  monarchs  were  absolute,  must  Englishmen,  who 
are  under  a  limited  monarchy,  consent  to  be  in  that 
misery  and  slavery  which  the  captive  Jews  were  in  ?  " 

4.  To  the  question,  "What  Scripture  is  there  against 
this  full  submission  and  entire  resignation "  ?  the  reply 
was,  "  There  is  the  sixth  commandment.     Men  may  not 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF   MASSACHUSETTS.  335 

destroy  their  political  .any  more  than  their  natural  lives. 
All  judicious  casuists  say,  it  is  unlawful  for  a  man  to  kill 
himself  when  he  is  in  danger,  for  fear  he  shall  fall  into  the 
hands  of  his  enemies  who  will  put  him  to  a  worse  death, 
1  Sam.  xxxi.  4.  There  is  also  that  Scripture  against 
it,  Judges  xi.  24,  27 ;  and  that  1  Kings  xxi.  3."  Finally, 
the  argument  from  the  sufferings  that  might  follow  re- 
sistance was  disposed  of  "■  Better  suffer  than  sin,  Heb. 
xi.  26,  27.  Let  them  put  their  trust  in  the  God  of  their 
fathers,  which  is  better  than  to  put  confidence  in  princes. 
And  if  they  suffer  because  they  dare  not  comply  with 
the  wills  of  men  against  the  will  of  God,  they  suffer  in  a 
good  cause,  and  will  be  accounted  martyrs  in  the  next 
generation  and  at  the  great  day."  ^ 

Determined  by  such  considerations,  the  House  of  Dep- 
uties, after  a  fortnight's  debate  over  the  action 
of  the  Magistrates,  came  to  the  following  vote : 
"The  Deputies  consent  not,  but  adhere  to  their  former 
bills."  ^     The  proposal  of  submission  was  rejected. 

Randolph  sailed  for  England  again  soon  after 
this  decision.^      Having  reached  Plymouth  by 

1  Hutchinson  Papers  in  Mass.  Hist,  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  628,  note  1),  and 
Coll.,  XXI.  74-81.  —  I  presume  this  Hathorne  was  now  dead.  The  paper, 
paper  was  from  the  pen  of  Increase  consisting  of  four  closely-written  pages, 
Mather.  His  speech  in  a  Boston  town  is  extremely  well  argued.  The  writer 
meeting  on  the  following  January  23,  says,  that  the  example  of  New  Hamp- 
was  to  the  same  eifect.  (Parentator,  shire  and  New  York  shows  to  the  peo- 
91')  pie  of  Massachusetts  "what  they  may 

2  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  305.  naturally  expect  from  such  magistrates 

3  He  sailed  from  Boston,  December  as  are  not  chosen  by  the  people,  how 
14.  (Ibid.,  CXXVII.  218.)  In  the  far  they  are  from  being  nursing  fathers 
collection  of  Colonial  Papers,  to  which  to  the  religion  professed  by  this  people. 
I  am  so  frequently  indebted,  there  is  a  Our  civil  government,"  he  continues, 
letter  from  Boston,  with  the  date  of  "  is  as  the  cabinet  to  keep  and  pre- 
that  day,  treating  of  the  pending  con-  serve  the  precious  jewel  of  religion, 
troversy.  It  is  signed  Phileroy  Philo-  which  is  our  life  ;  therefore  we  cannot 
patris.  A  natural  conjecture  points  consent  to  part  with  it,  whatever  we 
to  Danforth  as  the  author.  He  or  m.ay  suffer ;  it  is  better  to  suffer  than 
Hathorne,  several  years  earlier,  wrote  to  sin  and  suffer  too.  But  we  hope 
a  letter  of  the  same  description  (see  that  God  will  incline  the  heart  of  our 

VOL.  in.  33 


J86 


HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


"a  tedious  and  very  dangerous. passage"  of  two  months, 
he  immediately  sent  a  report  to  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins  of  his 


gracious  King  to  have  pity  and  com- 
passion upon  us ; if  not,  to  give 

us  courage,  faith,  and  patience  to  suffer 
what  God  in  his  holy  will  shall  bring 
upon  us."  "  Some  wise  men  and  faith- 
ful  subjects  in   this  land say 

that  this  charter  is  the  principal  bond 
and  ligament  whereby  this  people  are 
obliged  to  him  [the  King]  and  his  suc- 
cessors, as  subjects ;  and  if  the  patent 
be  once  dissolved  by  his  Majesty, 
against  this  people's  will,  and  without 
their  fault,  what  other  bond  remains 
to  oblige  them  to  him  as  subjects  ? " 
They  are  then,  he  argues,  no  more 
subjects  of  the  king  of  England  than 
descendants  of  Danes  and  Saxons  in 
England  retain  the  allegiance  of  their 
ancestors.  He  points  to  the  existing 
state  of  things  in  New  Hampshire, 
where  old  magistrates  first  placed  in 
power  were  removed,  and  rights  of 
property  were  invaded.  Some  ask, 
what  will  follow  if  the  Massachusetts 
people,  "  who  are  more  than  a  half  of 
the  English  in  all  New  England,"  re- 
sist attempts  against  their  charter,  as 
they  did  in  1665.  "  To  which  some 
say,  but  they  are  not  many,  — '  If  his 
Majesty's  commands  be  not  obeyed,  he 
hath  power  enough  to  force  obedience ; 
his  Majesty  can  send  frigates  and  sol- 
diers, or  proclaim  this  people  rebels, 
or  put  them  out  of  his  protection,  and 
expose  them  to  many  calamities  there- 
by ;  he  can  prohibit  their  trade  with 
any  of  his  dominions  or  plantations, 
upon  whose  traffic  they  may  depend.' 

To  which  it  is  answered, 'To 

send  frigates  or  soldiers  so  far  is  a  vast 
charge,  and  as  it  were  to  hunt  a  par- 
tridge upon  the  mountains ;  for  to  such 
places,  where  they  have  several  towns, 
the  people  may  retire,  and  ships  can- 
not sail  thither,  nor  soldiers  well  march 


into  the  woods  without  great  difficulty. 
And  is  there  anything  here  to  be  had 
to  compensate  such  a  charge  ?     The 
people  generally  are  very  poor ;  their 
substance  is  in  a  few  poor  cattle,  and 
a  little  corn,  and  the  land  which  they 
yearly  lumber  upon,  and  make  but  a 
bare  shift  to  bring  all  ends  together  at 
the  year's  end.     And   if  his   Majesty 
should  put  them  out  of  his  protection, 
they  must  and  will  for  the  most  part 
grieve  for  it,  and  flee  under  the  wings 
of  God,   their   old   and   faithful    Pro- 
tector ;  for  little  have  they  had  from 
any   earthly    hitherto"      And    if   his 
Majesty   should    prohibit    their   trade 
with   other   plantations,    will   not    he 
have    the  worst   of  it  ?      "  They   can 
make  a  shift,  too,  to  live  poorly  without 
much  trade ;  for  here  is  wool,  flax,  hemp, 
iron,  and  many  other  useful  things,  and 
hands  enough  to  make  them  up,  for  use, 
besides  many  ships  and  vessels  which 
will  venture  abroad,  and  some  possibly 
may  and  will  return  home  in  safety, 
and  bring  supply  of  what  is  absolutely 
wanted.  —  Indeed,  to   be   reduced   to 
such  a  condition  as  his  Majesty's  dis- 
pleasure may  expose  to  will  be  a  very- 
great  affliction  to  this  j^oor  people ;  but 
if  God  and  man  will  have  it  so,  they 
must  patiently  submit  thereunto."     On 
the  other  hand,  let  the  King  confirm 
them  in  their  rights,   and  "  they  will 
approve  themselves  as  good  subjects  as 
any  he  hath,  and  will  serve  and  obey 
him   in  all  things  so  far  as  they  can 
with  a  good  conscience.     They  will,  in- 
dustriously and  diligently  (as  so  many 
bees),  labor  in  their  traffic  and  com- 
merce ;  the  fruit  thereof  will  be  the  in- 
crease of  his  revenue,  in  paying  their 
just  dues  in  all  his  dominions.     They 
will  put  him  to  no  charge  in  maintain- 
ing governoi's  and  officers,  or  to  keep 


Chap.  IX.] 


HUxMILIATION   OF    MASSACHUSETTS. 


387 


proceedings  in  America.^     A  more  formal  docu 
ment  was  his  "  Narrative  of  the  Delivery  of  his  ^"^^^ 

•^  Secret 

Majesty's  writ  of  quo   warrattto,"  presented  to  state 
the   Privy  Council,  and  by  them   referred   to 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee.^ 

Intelligence  that  followed  him  to  England  indicated  no 
progress  in  the  undertaking  of  Dudley  and  his  friends 


Report  of  Ran- 

to  the 
Secretary  of 

1684. 

February  14. 

February  29. 


and  maintain  forts  and  defences  to  se- 
cure the  country  by  sea  or  land ;  but 
to  their  utmost  power,  as  they  have 
done,  defend  this  place  from  all  his 
enemies,  and  keep  the  same  in  subor- 
dination to  him  and  his  successors.  I 
humbly  desire  to  know  what  other  or 
greater  benefits  will  accrue  to  his 
Majesty  by  introducing  a  change." 
As  to  providing  for  "  any  of  his  Majes- 
ty's servants  by  conferring  offices  here, 
surely  it  will  be  found  a  mistake ;  for 
great  things  are  not  here  to  be  had ; 
the  Governor  and  all  the  Magistrates 
in  the  country  (and  yet  they  are  twenty 
in  number)  their  salaries  do  not  amount 
to  more  than  £100  (one  hundred)  per 
annum  for  the  Governor,  and  £35  per 
annum  for  each  Assistant,  out  of  which 
they  do  bear  their  own  charges ;  and 
this  is  not  paid  in  money,  but  a  great 
part  of  it  in  corn  at  a  high  price." 

1  In  this  report  he  relates  that  he 
"  arrived  in  Boston  upon  the  2Gth  of 
October,  late  at  night,  and  found  their 
General  Court  that  afternoon  broke 
up.  Their  agents,  sailing  out  of  the 
Downs  before  me  almost  a  fortnight, 
and  arriving  the  2  2d  of  the  same 
month,  gave  them  notice  that  a  quo 
warranto  was  brought  against  their 
charter."  He  says  that  he  delivered 
jthe  King's  Declaration  to  the  Governor 
on  the  morning  after  he  came  on  shore, 
and  the  General  Court  was  hereupon 
summoned  to  meet,  November  7.  The 
Governor,  Dudley,  a  majority  of  the 
Magistrates,  nine  of  the  Deputies,  and 
"  as   many  of  the  chief  of  the   min- 


isters," were  in  favor  of  submitting; 
while  Danforth  and  Richards,  "  having 
made  a  strong  party  in  the  House  of 
Deputies,"  resisted ;  "  and  after  above 
five  weeks  spent,  they  adjourned  till 
the  4th  instant."  They  were  prepar- 
ing a  letter,  as  he  heard,  "  to  gain  more 
time,  supposing  troubles  might  arise  in 
England."     (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 

2  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council.  —  At 
the  same  time  Randolph  presented  to 
the  Council  a  petition,  "setting  forth 
the  many  hazards  and  dangers  he  had 
met  with,  both  by  sea  and  land,  in  the 
prosecution  of  his  Majesty's  service  in 
the  affairs  of  New  England,  togeth- 
er with  his  losses  sustained  therein, 
amounting  to  above  £  260."  The 
"  Narrative  "  was  read  to  the  Council, 
March  11.  According  to  this  paper, 
the  General  Court  hastened  its  adjourn- 
ment, so  as  to  get  away  before  Ran- 
dolph's arrival.  It  was  by  the  influ- 
ence of  Danforth  and  Richards  that 
Humphreys  had  been  employed  to  con- 
test the  suit.  "  Seven  or  eight  days 
before  the  Assembly  broke  up,  a  libel- 
lous  paper  was  dispersed   in  Boston. 

It  was  verily  believed  that  one 

Cheevers  [Thomas  Cheever,  of  Mai- 
den?], a  young,  hot-headed  minister, 
was  the  author  of  that  paper."  Ran- 
dolph asks  for  money  to  indemnify  him 
for  the  cost  of  having  "  brought  over 
two  good  witnesses  to  make  out  the 
proof  of  what  had  been  materially  ob- 
jected against  them  in  the  mismanaging 
of  their  charter."  (Colonial  Papers, 
&c.;  comp.  Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  301.) 


388 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


to  obtain  a  submission  of  Massachusetts  to  the  pleasure 
Continued  op-  of  the  Kiug.^  At  the  General  Court  for  Elec- 
pugnationof     tions,  Dudlcv  had  been  dropped  from  the  list 

Massachusetts.  7  ^  x  i 

May  7.       of  Assistauts,      Bradstreet   and    others   of  his 
party  had  not  been  displaced  ;  ^  but  the  vote  that  elected 


1  In  a  letter  to  Jenkins,  dated  April 
24,  and  signed  by  Bradstreet  as  Gov- 
ernor, and  by  Dudley,  Stoughton, 
Brown,  Gedney,  Bulkely,  Saltonstall, 
and  Russell,  Assistants,  the  writers  say 
that  they  can  by  no  means  yet  prevail 
on  the  Deputies  to  surrender  the  char- 
ter. (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  A  friend 
of  Randolph,  writing  to  him  from  Bos- 
ton, March  14,  informs  him  that,  at  the 
approaching  General  Court  for  the  an- 
nual elections,  Bradstreet,  Stoughton, 
Bulkely,  "  and  one  more "  (probably 
the  writer),  are  to  be  set  aside  as  "  ene- 
mies to  the  country."  "  It 's  thought 
they  [the  patriot  party]  design  to  op- 
pose any  power  from  the  King."  He 
adds  other  particulars  of  information. 
Watertown  and  two  other  towns  had 
declared  for  the  King.  "  The  Indians 
eastward  are  preparing  for  a  war,  and 
it  is  said  will  soon  be  in  action."  "  The 
Governor  and  several  Magistrates  went 
to  the  Castle  to  see  what  repairs  were 
necessary  to  be  done,  which  was  or- 
dered (as  was  reported)  the  first  op- 
portunity of  weather."  He  describes 
a  significant  town-meeting  that  had 
been  held  in  Boston.  Nowell  pro- 
posed that  all  who  were  for  surrender- 
ing the  charter  should  hold  up  their 
hands.  Not  a  hand  was  raised ;  "  which 
caused  one  of  the  freemen  to  hold  up 
both  hands,  and  with  long  declama- 
tions he  cried  out,  '  The  Lord  be 
praised,  not  a  man  held  up  his  hand, 
to  the  delivering  up  of  the  charter.' " 
"  Mather  stands  up  [the  Reverend  In- 
crease Mather,  of  the  Second  Church], 
and  exhorts  the  people,  telling  them 
bow  their  forefathers  did  purchase  it, 


and,  would  they  deliver  it  up,  even 
as  Ahab  required  Naboth's  vineyard, 
oh !  their  children  would  be  bound  to 
curse  them.  They  might  see  examples 
enough  before  their  eyes,  meaning  the 
city  of  London  and  their  neighboring 
country  of  Piscataqua."  (Colonial  Pa- 
pers, &o. ;  see  above,  p.  385,  note  1.)  — 
July  9,  Dudley  wrote  to  Secretary  Jen- 
kins that  he  and  his  friends  had  endeav- 
ored to  prevail  upon  the  people  "  hum- 
bly to  cast  themselves  at  his  Majesty's 
sacred  feet ;  the  issue  of  which  is,"  he 
continued,  "that  we  are  regarded  as 
enemies  to  their  peace  and  liberties, 
and  several  of  us  discharged  from  our 
places  of  trust  amongst  them."  (Colo- 
nial Papers,  &c.)  —  July  9,  a  General 
Court  assembled  in  consequence  of  a 
proclamation  of  the  King  (of  March 
8),  forbidding  his  subjects  to  enlist  in 
the  military  or  naval  service  of  foreign 
powers.  It  passed  laws  to  carry  that 
edict  into  effect  for  the  Colony,  but 
transacted  no  other  business  except  to 
enact  an  additional  license-law.  (Mass. 
Rec,  V.  446-448.) 

2  Ibid.,  436.  In  the  civil  year 
that  now  began,  five  extraordinary 
sessions  of  the  General  Court  were 
held.  (Ibid.,  449,  453,  465,  469,  472.) 
There  is  no  record  of  the  names 
of  Deputies  present  at  any  one  of 
them ;  a  circumstance  which  may  be 
thought  to  indicate  a  general  discour- 
agement.—  July  16,  Randolph  wrote 
to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  that 
he  was  informed,  by  letters  and  per- 
sons from  Massachusetts,  that  the 
Governor  and  Magistrates  at  Boston 
had   been  very   busy  repairing   their 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  ggQ 

them  had  been  close,  and  Stoughton  had  been  so  dis- 
gusted with  the  rejection  of  his  friend,  that  he  refused 
to  take  the  oath  of  office,  though  he  was  at  the  same 
time  compHmented  by  being  chosen  a  Federal  Commis- 
sioner.-^    The  General  Court  had  sent  another 
letter  to  Humphreys,  urging  him  to  "  use  his 
endeavor  to  spin  out  the  case  to  the  uttermost";  and, 
with  it,^  another  Address  to  the  King,  in  which 
they  prayed  that  he  would  not  impute  it  to 
"  the  perverseness  of  their  minds "  that  they  could  not 
make   the   submission  which   he   demanded.      "  We  are 
your  Majesty's  poor  subjects,"  they  said,  "the  children 
and  offspring  of  those   that,  under  the  security  of  the 
charter  granted  by  your  royal  father,  left  all  that  was 
dear  to  them  in  your  Majesty's  three  kingdoms,  not  for 
the  sake  of  outward  advantages,  but  that  they  might  not 
be  offenders  against  either  church  or  state  in  those  thinors, 
the  enjoyment  whereof  they  put  far  greater  value  upon 

than  their  private  interests  and  proprieties We 

take  encouragement  humbly  to  supplicate  that  there  may 
not  be  a  further  prosecution  had  upon  the  quo  warranto, 

fortifications.      He  had   learned    that        2  Mass.  Ree.,  V.  439.  —  "  We  ques- 

"  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  Stoughton,  and  Mr.  tion  not,"  they  wrote,  "  but  the  counsel 

Bulkely   had   been   left    out    [of   the  which  you  retain  will  consult  my  Lord 

Magistracy]  ;  also  Mr.  Brown  and  Mr.  Coke  his  Fourth  Part,  about  the  Isle 

Gedney  ;  Stoughton  and  Bulkely  were  of  Man,  and  of  Guernsey,  Jersey,  and 

escorted   two  or  three  miles  to  their  Gascoigne,  while  in  the  possession  of 

houses  by  seventy  horsemen,  merchants  the  kings  of  England  ;  where  it  is  con- 

and    gentlemen."      (Colonial    Papers,  eluded  by  the  judges  that  these,  being 

&c.)  extra  regnum,  cannot  be  adjudged  at 

1  At    this   election    Bradstreet   had  the  King's  Bench,  nor  can  appeal  lie 

only  690  votes  for  the  office  of  Gov-  from  them,  &c.     Also,  if  there  be  such 

ernor,  and  came  near  being  superseded  a  thing  as  an  appeal  from  a  judgment 

by  Danforth,  who  had  631.     (Hutch,  iu  the  King's  Bench,  by  a  writ  of  error 

Hist,  I.  306.)     The  large  number  of  to  the  Exchequer  Chamber,  we  hope 

freemen  who  did  not  vote  for  a  Gov-  you  will  endeavor  for  us,  that  whatso- 

ernor  may  be  presumed  to  have  been  ever  benefit  the  law  affords  we  may, 

chiefly  of  such  as  would  not  sustain  by  due  and  meet  applications,  be  par- 

Bradstreet,  though  they  did  not  like  takers  of  the  same."      (Ibid.) 
to  oppose  him  openly. 

33* 


390 


HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  in. 


it  being  very  grievous  to  us  to  think  of  maintaining  any 

controversy  with  your  Majesty, and  believe  that, 

in  times  to  come,  it  will  be  no  regret  of  mind  to  your 
Majesty  that  your  distressed  New-English  subjects  have 
been  relieved  by  your  sovereign  grace."  ^ 

Before  these  papers  reached  England,  judicial  action 
was  taken  that  was  all  but  definitive.^  The 
Court  of  Chancery,  to  which  the  business  had 
been  transferred,  made  a  decree  vacating  the 
charter,  at  the  same  time  directing  "  that  judgment  be 
entered  up  for  his  Majesty  as  of  this  term ;  but  if  de- 
fendants appear  first  day  of  next  term,  and  plead  to 
issue,  so  as  to  take  notice  of  a  trial  to  be  had  the  same 
term,  then  the  said  judgment  by  Mr.  Attorney's  consent 
to  be  set  aside ;  otherwise,  the  same  to  stand  recorded."  ^ 


Decree  va- 
cating the 
charter. 
June  21. 


1  Humphreys  was  authorized  to  use 
his  judgment  as  to  presenting  or  with- 
holding this  Address  (Mass.  Rec,  V. 
439-441),  as  Dudley  and  Richards 
had  been  in  respect  to  another  paper 
(see  above,  p.  374,  note  2),  and  prob- 
ably for  similar  reasons. 

At  this  time  appears  upon  the  scene 
a  person  destined,  before  long,  to  play 
a  conspicuous  part.  A  letter  from 
Stoughton  and  Dudley,  dated  Boston, 
June  6,  relates  to  a  secret  commis- 
sion, received  by  them  "  yesterday  " 
from  England,  empowering  them  to 
look  after  the  King's  interest  against 
"  Captain  William  Phipps,"  who  "  de- 
parted hence  in  January,  and  hath 
been  some  months  upon  the  wreck." 
They  promise  to  attend  to  the  busi- 
ness, as  soon  as  Phipps  arrives  in 
Boston.  "  We  shall  use  the  best  meth- 
ods possible,"  they  say,  "  to  persuade 
his  return  hither  from  the  wreck." 
(Colonial  Papers,  &c.  See  below, 
p.  590.) 

2  June  11,  Robert  Orchard  peti- 
tioned  for    remuneration   for    having 


"  waited  above  twelve  months  by  their 
Lordships'  command  to  attend  Mr.  At- 
torney-General, and  hath  given  his 
information  in  writing  against  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay."  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 
—  Lord  Godolphin  was  now  a  Secre- 
tary of  State,  having  succeeded  Jen- 
kins, April  14  of  this  year.  He  re- 
tained the  office  less  than  six  months, 
being  himself  succeeded  by  the  Earl 
of  Middleton  in  September. 

3  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  ;  comp.  in 
Mass.  Arch.,  III.  38-44,  what  appears 
to  be  a  brief  for  the  defendants.  On 
the  decree  in  Chancery  the  Attor- 
ney-General (Sawyer)  indorsed  these 
words :  "  Pray  let  it  be  entered ;  it 
very  much  concerns  the  King." 

Down  to  the  time  of  Randolph's 
Report  to  the  Privy  Council  (Febru- 
ary 29,  1684)  the  proceedings  against 
Massachusetts  were  under  a  writ  of 
quo  warranto^  returnable  into  the 
Court  of  King's  Bench.  After  that 
time,  we  hear  no  more  of  that  writ, 
or  of  proceedings  in  that  court.    What 


Chap.  IX.] 


HUMILIATION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS- 


391 


This  stao-o-ermo;  intelliorence  reached  Massachu- 
setts  in  a  private  letter  to  Dudley.     A  General 


September  10. 


vacated  the  charter  was  a  decree  in 
Chancery,  June  21,  confirmed  Octo- 
ber 23. 

Here  is  a  perplexity  which  I  do 
not  observe  to  have  been  noticed  by 
any  historian.  Chalmers  (Annals,  414, 
415),  who  was  a  lawyer,  Graham  (His- 
tory, &c.,  I.  360),  wlio  was  bred  a  law- 
yer, and  Hutchinson  (History,  &c.,  I. 
306),  who,  if  not  a  lawyer,  was  a  Chief 
Justice,  all  slur  the  matter  over. 

In  a  paper  entitled  "  Brief  Relation 
of  the  Plantation  of  New  England," 
&c.  (Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXI.  9G), 
written  in  1689,  is  the  following  state- 
ment :  —  "  The  Governor  and  Com- 
pany appointed  an  attorney  to  appear 
and  answer  to  the  quo  warranto  in  the 
Court  of  King's  Bench.  The  prose- 
cutors not  being  able  to  make  any- 
thing of  it  there,  a  new  suit  was  be- 
gun by  a  scire  facias  in  the  Court  of 
Chancery." 

Further  light  upon  the  question  is 
afforded  by  a  letter  of  Sir  Robert 
Sawyer,  Attorney-General,  preserved 
in  the  Massachusetts  Archives  (CVI. 
322).  May  13,  1684,  Sir  Robert  wrote 
to  "  Mr.  Wynne,  at  Mr.  Secretary 
Godolphin's  office,"  in  answer  to  a  let- 
ter from  Wynne  enclosing  one  from 
Randolph.  Referring  to  the  writ  of 
quo  ivarranto,  served  by  Randolph 
in  Massachusetts  the  preceding  au- 
tumn, Sawyer  writes  :  "  This  letter 
was  not  delivered  till  after  the  return 
of  the  writ  was  out.  The  sheriff's 
principal  objection  why  he  did  not  re- 
turn a  summons  was,  the  notice  was 
given  after  the  return  was  past.  He 
did  also  make  it  a  question  whether 
he  could  take  notice  of  New  England, 
being  out  of  his  bailiwick.  Upon  ad- 
vice with  the  King's  Council,  I  con- 
ceive that  the  best  way  to  reach  thera 


will  be  by  a  scire  facias  against  the 
Company  to  repeal  the  patent;  and 
upon  a  nihil  returned  by  the  Sheriff 
of  London,  a  second  special  writ  to 
be  directed  to  Mr.  Randolph,  or  some 
other  person,  who  shall  give  them 
notice  in  time  before  the  return  of 
the  writ."  His  advice,  however,  it  ap- 
pears,' was  not  followed.  Probably 
Randolph  and  the  Lords  of  the  Com- 
mittee learned  from  the  Lord  Keeper 
that  they  needed  not  to  take  so  much 
trouble,  for  he  was  all  ready  to  give 
them  a  decree  without  it. 

A  little  before  the  date  of  the  At- 
torney-General's letter,  above  cited, 
Humphreys,  the  counsel  for  the  Col- 
ony, had  presented  another  difficulty. 
The  Magistrates  had  suggested  to  him 
(Mass.  Rec,  V.  425),  that  "particular 
persons  were  only  mentioned  in  the 
writ,  whereas  they  were  to  sue  and  be 
sued  by  the  name  of  the  Governor 
and  Company."  Accordingly,  Hum- 
phreys writes  that  he  told  the  Chief 
Justice  (Jeffries)  that  he  should  not 
appear  in  the  case  in  the  Court  of 
King's  Bench,  because  the  quo  war- 
ranto that  had  been  served  by  Ran- 
dolph was  against  Governor  Bradstreet, 
Deputy-Governor  Danforth,  and  others, 
by  name,  and  he  (Humphreys)  was 
not  authorized  to  act  for  them,  or  for 
any  other  individuals,  but  for  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Company  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  which  corporation  had  empow- 
ered him  by  a  commission  under  their 
corporate  seal.  (Letter  of  Humphreys 
to  Dudley,  June  17,  Mass.  Arch., 
CVI.  333.)  He  adds :  "  Soon  after, 
a  scire  facias  and  alias  was  sent  into 
Middlesex  against  your  patent,  out 
of  the  petty-bag  office  in  Chancer)'." 
(Ibid.)  If  Bradstreet,  Danforth,  and 
the  other  persons  named  in  the  writ, 


^92  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Court  was  convened ;  but  nothing  was  done,  ex- 
cept  to    hear   the    letter    read.     An    adjourned 


October  15. 


had  been  defaulted  or  nonsuited,  still 
the  charter  would  remain  in  force. 
Perhaps  the  Attorney-General  had  in- 
advertently copied  the  writ  which  had 
been  drawn  for  the  assault  upon  the 
charter  fifty  years  before.  (See  above, 
Vol.  I.  pp.  402,  403.)  His  predeces- 
sor had  then  committed  the  same  blun- 
der ;  and  it  may  have  furnished  one 
of  the  reasons  why  the  proceedings  at 
that  time  were  afterwards  held  to  be 
incomplete.    (See  above,  p.  316.) 

But,  if  the  quo  warranto  that  had 
been  issued  was  defective  in  not  being 
addressed  to  the  proper  party,  in  not 
being  properly  served,  and  in  not  al- 
lowing time  for  a  return,  why  were 
not  these  defects  cured  by  a  new  writ 
of  quo  warranto.,  rightly  drawn  and 
duly  served?  Why  transfer  the  pro- 
cess by  a  scire  facias  to  the  Court  of 
Chancery  ?  My  learned  friend,  Mr. 
Horace  Gray,  Jr.,  to  whom  I  have 
submitted  this  whole  matter,  suggests 
a  twofold  answer  to  this  question. 
A  decision  of  the  case  for  the  crown  in 
the  Chancery  would  be,  1.  more 'sure 
and  more  weighty  than  in  the  Court 
of  King's  Bench ;  and  2.  it  would  be 
more  effectual  and  decisive. 

1.  North,  Lord  Guilford,  was  now 
Lord  Keeper  (not  Lord  Chancellor ;  he 
was  excessively  angered  that  he  was 
made  the  subject  of  this  distinction,  but 
his  servility  always  kept  his  arrogance 
in  check).  Jeffries  was  Chief  Justice. 
The  professional  reputation  of  Jeffries, 
80  far,  was  founded  rather  upon  his 
abilities  as  an  advocate,  than  upon  his 
juridical  learning ;  at  all  events,  his  au- 
thority had  no  such  weight  as  that  of 
the  veteran  jurist.  Lord  Guilford.  Jef- 
fries was  also  uncommitted  on  this 
question  of  the  vacating  of  charters. 
The  quo  warranto  against  Massachu- 


setts had  been  issued  two  months  be- 
fore his  promotion  to  the  Court  of 
King's  Bench.  He  was  placed  there 
because  it  was  expected  that  he  would 
be  a  perfectly  unscrupulous  tool  of  the 
court,  —  an  expectation  which  in  the 
sequel  he  fully  justified;  but  only  a  very 
few  years,  had  passed  since  he  ceased 
to  court  the  popular  party  (Campbell, 
Lives  of  the  Lord  Chancellors,  IV. 
850)  ;  and,  apart  from  any  doubt  as  to 
how  he  might  view  his  future  interest, 
the  capriciousness  and  obstinacy,  which 
were  known  to  belong  to  him,  per- 
haps prevented  a  perfect  assurance  as 
to  his  course  on  this  occasion.  Guil- 
ford there  could  be  no  question  about. 
It  had  long  been  perfectly  ascertained, 
as  well  that  whatever  was  despotic  was 
agreeable  to  him,  as  that  he  was  fully 
furnished  with  law  and  precedent  to 
maintain  it.  And  he  was  distinctly 
committed  on  the  specific  question  now 
at  issue.  He  had  gone  all  lengths  for 
the  crown  in  the  test  case  of  the  quo 
warranto  against  the  City  of  London. 
(State  Trials,  VIIL  1274') 

2.  "  Great  importance  was  attached 
in  those  days  to  the  actual  possession 
of  the  charter.  [See  above,  Vol.  I. 
p.  372.]  Now  a  judgment  for  the 
crown  upon  a  quo  warranto  would 
have  been  only  for  the  seizure  of  the 
franchises  into  the  King's  hands ;  but 
the  judgment  upon  scire  facias  was 
not  merely  that  the  charter  should  be 
declared  forfeited,  but  also  that  it 
should  be  cancelled,  vacated,  and  an- 
nihilated, and  restored  into  Chancery 
there  to  be  cancelled.  (Blackstone, 
Commentaries,  IIL  260,  262;  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  XXXIL  278.)  Indeed, 
Lord  Coke  (4th  Institute,  79,  88),  in 
enumerating  matters  within  the  juris- 
diction   of  the    Chancellor,   puts   this 


Chap.  IX.] 


HUMILIATION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


393 


meeting  was  held  five  weeks  later.^  The  Court  then  ad- 
dressed the  King  once  more,  with  the  accustomed  plea 
for  justice  and  forbearance.  And  they  wrote  to  their 
attorney,  Humphreys,  that,  "  though  they  knew  not  what 
could  be  done  more,  nor  could  not  direct  for  the  future, 
yet,  if  he  should  find  any  way  for  their  advantage,  they 
were  confident  in  his  endeavors,  and  did  assure  him 
they  would  not  be  ungrateful."  ^     These  papers  had  not 


first,  and  even  derives  his  title  from 
it,  saying,  'Hereof  our  Lord  Chan- 
cellor of  England  is  called  Cancella- 
rius,  a  cancellando,  i.  e.  a  digniori  parte, 
being  the  highest  point  of  his  juris- 
diction to  cancel  the  King's  letters 
patents  under  the  great  seal,  and  dam- 
ning the  enrolment  thereof,  by  draw- 
ing strikes  through  it  like  a  lettice.' " 
(Letter  from  Horace  Gray,  Jr.) 

Such  were  probably  the  considera- 
tions that  dictated  the  "new  measures 
taken  at  court."  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  451 ; 
comp.  457.)  A  writ  of  scire  facias 
against  the  Governor  and  Company 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  was  issued  from 
the  Court  of  Chancery,  April  16,  di- 
rected to  the  Sheriff  of  the  (English) 
County  of  Middlesex,  who  made  his 
return  that  he  could  not  find  the  de- 
fendants, or  anything  belonging  to 
them,  within  his  bailiwick.  May  12, 
probably  as  a  mere  form  for  continu- 
ance, a  second  writ  of  the  same  tenor 
was  issued,  and  the  same  return  was 
made  a  second  time;  June  21,  the 
Lord  Keeper  made  the  decree  vacating 
the  charter,  which  however  was  to  be 
suspended  till  the  autumn  term,  to 
give  time  to  the  defendants  to  "  plead 
to  issue."  But  the  defendants  heard 
nothing  of  what  had  being  going  on 
till  near  the  middle  of  September,  and 
then  only  by  a  private  letter  (Mass. 
Rec,  V.  449  ;  comp.  Hutch.  Hist.,  I. 
305)  ;  and,  October  23,  final  judgment 
was   entered.     (Ibid.,  424,  457,  458; 


comp.  Exemplification  of  the  Lord 
Keeper's  decree  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
XXXH.  246,  262,  278;  Revolution 
in  New  England  Justified,  4.) 

1  Though  having  no  relation  to  the 
main  story,  I  cannot  resist  the  tempta- 
tion to  copy,  for  the  benefit  of  per- 
sons curious  in  local  antiquities,  the 
following  entry  in  the  Massachusetts 
Records  (V.  456)  for  October  15, 1684. 
"  In  answer  to  the  petition  of  Samuel 
Sewall,  Esq.  [John  Hull's  son-in-law, 
afterwards  Chief  Justice],  humbly  show- 
ing that  his  house  of  wood  in  Boston, 
at  the  hill  where  the  Reverend  Mr. 
John  Cotton  formerly  dwelt,  which 
house  is  considerably  distant  from  other 
building  and  standeth  very  bleak,  he 
humbly  desiring  the  favor  of  this  Court 
to  grant  him  liberty  to  build  a  small 
porch  of  wood  about  seven  foot  square, 
to  break  off  the  wind  from  the  fore 
door  of  said  house,  the  Court  grants 
his  request."  The  house-lot  of  Henry 
Vane  and  John  Cotton,  so  bleak,  and 
still,  in  1684,  so  remote,  was  opposite 
to  where  now  stands,  in  Tremont 
Street,  the  hall  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society.  I  do  not  know  why 
Sewall,  before  he  built  a  porch,  had  to 
apply  to  the  Court  for  leave. 

2  Mass.  Rec,  v.  456 -459.— In  send- 
ing, May  2,  1685,  a  copy  of  the  judg- 
ment against  the  charter,  Humphreys 
wrote  to  the  Court  a  letter,  in  which, 
very  decidedly,  though  not  ill-natured- 
ly, he   censured   what   he  considered 


condition 
of  Massa- 
chusetts 
without  the 


394  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

been  despatched  from  Massachusetts,  when  the  final  step 
was  taken  in  England.  The  counsel  for  the  Colony 
moved  in  the  Court  of  Chancery  for  an  arrest  of  proceed- 
ings, on  the  ground  that  time  had  not  been  allowed  for 
procuring  a  power  of  attorney,  between  the  issuing  of 
the  writ  of  scire  facias,  and  the  day  appointed  for  its 
return.     But  the  Lord  Keeper  said  that  corpo- 

October23.  .  i  i      •  • 

rations  ought  always  to  have  their  attorney  in 
court,-^  and  ordered  final  judgment  to  be  entered  for 
the  vacating  of  the  charter. 

Massachusetts,  as  a  body  politic,  was  now  no  more. 
The  elaborate  fabric,  that  had  been  fifty-four  years  in 
building,  was  levelled  with  the  dust.  The  hopes  of  the 
fathers  were  found  to  have  been  merely  dreams.  It 
Pouticai  seemed  that  their  brave  struggles  had  brought 
no  result.  The  honored  ally  of  the  Protector 
of  England  lay  under  the  feet  of  King  Charles 
charter.  tlic  Sccoud.  It  was  ou  the  charter  granted  to 
Roswell  and  his  associates.  Governor  and  Company  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  that  the  structure  of  the  cherished 
institutions  of  Massachusetts,  religious  and  civil,  had  been 
reared.  The  abrogation  of  that  charter  swept  the  whole 
away.  Massachusetts,  in  English  law,  was  again  what 
it  had  been  before  James  the  First  made  a  grant  of  it  to 
the  Council  for  New  Eno-land.     It  beloncred  to  the  kino* 

O  DO 

of  England,  by  virtue  of  the  discovery  of  the  Cabots. 
No  less  than  this  was  the  import  of  the  decree  in 
Westminster  Hall. 

Having  secured  its  great  triumph,  the  court  had  no 
thought  of  losing  anything  by  the  weakness  of  compas- 
sion. The  person  selected  by  the  King  to  govern  the 
people  of  his  newly-acquired  Province  was  Colonel  Piercy 

their   unskilful   management   of  their  Massachusetts,  would  be  obliged  to  be 

suit.    (Mass.  Arch.,  CVI.  343-347.)  always  professionally  represented  ;  but 

1  If  this  were  sound  doctrine,  every  it  was  no  more,  in  King  Charles's  time, 

town,  and  every  railway  company,  in  good  English  law,  than  it  is  now. 


Chap.  IX.  1 


HUMILIATION  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


395 


Kirk.  That  campaign  in  the  West  of  England  had  not 
yet  taken  place,  which  has  made  the  name  of  Kirk  im- 
mortal ;  but  fame  enough  had  gone  abroad  of  his  brutal 
character,  to  make  his  advent  an  anticipation  of  horror  to 
those  whom  he  was  to  govern.  It  was  settled, 
that  he  was  to  be  called  "  his  Majesty's  Lieuten- 
ant and  Governor-General,"  and  that  his  authority  should 
be  unrestricted.  There  was  to  be  no  Colonial 
Assembly,  and  the  Governor's  Council  was  to 
be  of  his  own  appointment.  On  lands  that  might  be 
granted,  the  King  was. to  have  quitrents,  —  subject  to 
be  augmented  from  time  to  time  at  his  pleasure ;  and 
one  of  the  churches  in  Boston  was  to  be  seized  for  the 
use  of  a  church  of  England.-^     Dudley  and   his  friends 


November  17. 


1  According  to  Barlllon  (Letter  to 
Louis  XIV.  of  December  7,  1684,  in 
the  Appendix  to  Fox's  History  of  James 
the  Second,  vii.),  Lord  Halifax  was 
the  only  Privy  Counsellor  who  opposed 
this  arrangement.  By  so  doing,  Baril- 
lon  understood  Halifax  to  have  made 
a  mortal  enemy  of  the  Duke  of  York, 
whom  he  had  so  materially  served  by 
obstructing  the  Exclusion  Bill. 

"  It  is  thought  fit that,  where 

the  military  power  is  to  be  exercised, 
there  be  no  mention  made  of  the 
advice   and   consent  of   the    Council. 

A  clause  is  to  be  inserted,  that 

nothing  be  printed  in  New  England 
without  the  allowance  of  the  Governor." 
(Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  "  My  Lord 
Keeper  acquaints  the  Committee  [No- 
vember 22]  with  his  Majesty's  pleasure, 
that,  in  Colonel  Kirk's  commission  and 
instruction,  no  mention  be  made  of  an 
Assembly,  but  that  the  Governor  and 
Council  have  power  to  make  laws  and 
to  perform  all  other  acts  of  govern- 
ment, till  his  Majesty's  pleasure  be  fur- 
ther known It  is  thought  fit  it 

be  left  to  Colonel  Kirk  to  nominate 
such  persons  to  be  of  the  Council  as 


he  shall  think  best  qualified  for  his 
Majesty's  service,  and  to  transmit  the 
names  for  his  Majesty's  approbation ; 
and  that  a  private  instruction  be  pre- 
pared for  the  appointing  the  Secre- 
tary to  be  of  the  Council,  and  recom- 
mending such  others  by  name  for 
that  trust  as,  having  been  Magistrates 
there,  have  been  displaced  by  the 
former  government."  —  The  whole  of 
New  England,  except  Rhode  Island 
and  Connecticut,  was  to  be  compre- 
hended in  Kirk's  government.  "  The 
Earl  of  Sunderland  having  acquainted 
the  Committee  [November  8]  with  his 
Majesty's  pleasure  that,  the  charter  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  being  now  va- 
cated under  a  scire  facias, a 

commission  and  instructions  be  pre- 
pared for  Colonel  Piercy  Kirk,  whom 
his  Majesty  hath  appointed  Governor  ; 
whereupon  their  Lordships,  taking  no- 
tice that  the  government  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  New  Hampshire  being  already 
in  his  Majesty's  hands,  are  of  opinion 
that  it  be  put  under  the  government 

of  Colonel   Kirk  ; and  that  the 

Colony  of  New  Plymouth,  having  no 
legal  charter  nor  constitution,  may  be 


396  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

had  their  coo;ent  reasons  for  beino;  resiarned  to  the  new 

o  o  o 

order  of  things ;  and  they  had  now  Httle  anxiety  lest  it 
should  lead  to  insurrection.-' 

Several  months  passed  after  the  fatal  decree,  before  in- 
telligence of  it  was  transmitted  in  any  way.  In  mid- 
winter a  vessel  arrived  bringing  "  general  rumors  "  of  it ; 

1685.  and  the  Governor  convened  the  Court.  They 
January  28.  appoiuted  a  fost-day,  and  once  more  tried  their 
accustomed  fruitless  method  of  pacifying  the  King  by  an 
Address.  In  this,  which,  like  its  predecessors,  was  sent 
to  Mr.  Humphreys  for  presentation,  they  again  protested 
that  none  of  their  acts  had  been  done  "  in  derogation  of 
the  King's  prerogative,  or  to  the  oppression  of  his  sub- 
jects"; and  they  urged,  that  they  "  never  had  any  legal 
notice  for  their  appearance  and  making  answer  in  the 
Court  of  Chancery ;  neither  was  it  possible,  in  the  time 
allotted,  that  they  could."  ^ 

The  reader  asks  how  it  could  be  that  the  decree  by 
which  Massachusetts  fell  should  fail  to  provoke  resistance. 
He  inquires  whether  nothing  was  left  of  the  spirit,  which, 
when  the  Colony  was  much  poorer,  had  so  often  defied 
and  baffled  the  desio;ns  of  the  father  of  the  reig-ninoc  Kinsc. 
He  must  remember  how  times  were  changed.  There  was 
no  longer  a  great  patriot  party  in  England,  to  which  the 
Colonists  might  look  for  sympathy  and  help,  and  which, 
it  had  been  even  hoped,  might  reinforce  them  by  a  new 

also  fit  to  be  arranged  thereunto,  to-  cember.    Dudley  writes  :  "  If  a  general 

gether  with   the  Province   of  Maine,  pardon,    indulgence    in    religion    and 

which   the   Corporation  of  Massachu-  properties,  might  be,  this  people  will 

setts  Bay  lately  bought  of  Mr.  Gorges,  hardly,  if  ever,  be  persuaded  to  apply 

the  proprietor."  —  A  similar  order  was  for  themselves."      Stoughton,  "  wholly 

made   [November  17]   respecting    the  a  stranger  to  public   affairs  since  the 

Narragansett  country.     (Colonial  Pa-  last  unhappy  election, cannot 

pers,  &c. ;  comp.  Journals  of  the  Privy  think  (though  he  will  be  no  undertaker 

Council,  for  November  22.)  for  it)  that  there  will  be  any  such  op- 

1  In   the    collection    of   "  Colonial  position  as  in  the  least  to  need  force." 

Papers,"  &c.  is  a  memorandum  of  the  Bradstreet  makes  timid  intercession  for 

contents  of  letters  written  from  Boston  indulgent  treatment. 
to  Randolph  (then  in  London)  in  De-         2  Mass.  Rec,  V.  465-468. 


Chap.  IX.]  HUMILIATION   OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  397 

emigration.  There  was  no  longer  even  a  Presbyterian 
party,  which,  Uttle  as  it  had  loved  them,  a  sense  of  com- 
mon insecurity  and  common  interest  might  enlist  in  their 
behalf.^  Charles  the  Second  was  now  an  absolute  sover- 
eign. For  three  years  there  had  been  no  Parliament  to 
call  him  to  account.  No  man  could  promise  himself  that 
another  Eng-lish  Parliament  would  ever  meet.  The  exe- 
cutions  of  Russell  and  Sidney  ;  the  severities  practised 
on  the  multitudes  of  humbler  Englishmen,  who  scrupled 
to  renounce  an  Englishman's  birthright  of  free  speech 
and  free  thought ;  the  high-handed  course  taken  with  the 
boroughs  and  other  corporations,  —  had  reduced  England 
to  a  dead  level  of  helpless  and  desperate  servitude.  Rela- 
tively to  her  population  and  wealth,  Massachusetts  had 
large  capacities  for  becoming  a  naval  power ;  capacities 
which  might  have  been  vigorously  developed,  if  an  alli- 
ance with  the  great  naval  power  of  Continental  Europe 
had  been  possible.^  But  "Holland  was  now  at  peace  with 
England ;  not  to  say  that  such  an  arrangement  was  out 
of  the  question  for  Massachusetts,  while  the  rest  of  New 
England  was  more  or  less  inclined  to  the  adverse  interest. 
Unembarrassed  by  any  foreign  war,  England  was  armed 
with  that  efficient  navy  which  the  Duke  of  York  had 
organized,  and  which  had  lately  distressed  the  rich  and 
energetic  Netherlanders ;  and  the  dwellings  of  two  thirds 

1  Lord  Say  and  Sele  had  now  been  the  only  survivor  of  the  Westminster 

dead    twenty-two    years  ;    and    Lord  Assembly. 

Manchester,  fourteen.  Lord  Hollis  2  "  If  a  foreign  Prince  or  State 
had  died  four  years  before,  being  should  during  the  present  troubles 
then  eighty-two  years  old,  and  long  send  a  frigate  to  New  England,  and 
retired  from  business.  In  1682,  the  promise  to  protect  them  as  under  for- 
friendly  Lord  Anglesey  had  been  de-  nier  government,  it  would  be  an  un- 
prived  of  the  Privy  Seal,  ostensibly  conquerable  temptation."  (Narrative 
for  a  libel  on  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  of  the  Miseries  of  New  England,  in 
really  for  his  leaning  to  liberal  princi-  "  Sixth  Collection  of  Papers  relating 
pies.  (State  Trials,  VIIL  990-1018.)  to  the  Present  Juncture  of  Affairs  in 
There  was  no  great  courtier  to  befriend  England,"  34.  This  was  written  with- 
er pity  Massachusetts,  unless  we  so  in  five  years  after  the  time  above 
consider  Lord  Wharton,  who  was  now  treated  of.) 

VOL.  III.  34 


398  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

of  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  stood  where  they 
could  be  battered  from  the  water.  They  had  a  com- 
merce which  might  be  molested  on  every  sea  by  English 
cruisers.  Neither  befriended  nor  interfered  with,  they 
might  have  been  able  to  defend  themselves  against  the 
corsairs  of  Barbary,  in  the  resorts  of  their  most  gainful 
trade ;  but  England  had  given  them  notice,  that,  if  they 
were  stubborn,  that  commerce  would  be  dismissed  from 
her  protection,  and,  in  the  circumstances,  such  a  notice 
threatened  more  than  mere  abstinence  from  aid.  The 
Indian  war  had  emptied  the  colonial  exchequer.  On  the 
other  hand,  a  generation  earlier  the  Colonists  might  have 
retreated  to  the  woods ;  but  now  they  had  valuable  sta- 
tionary property  to  be  kept  or  sacrificed.  To  say  no 
more,  the  ancient  unanimity  was  broken  in  upon.  Jeal- 
ousies had  arisen  and  ^rown.  Had  the  Confederation 
been  unimpaired,  perhaps  the  proceedings  of  a  half-cen- 
tury before  might  have  been  revived,  and  a  new  emigra- 
tion have  been  made  from  the  mother  country.  But  the 
Confederacy  was  only  a  shadow  of  what  it  had  been  in 
the  days  of  the  Great  Rebellion. 

Nor  was  even  public  morality  altogether  of  its  pris- 
tine tone.  A  prospect  of  material  prosperity  had  intro- 
duced a  degree  of  luxury ;  and  luxury  had  brought 
ambition  and  mean  longings.  Venality  had  become 
possible ;  and  clever  and  venal  men  had  a  motive  for 
enlisting  the  selfish,  blinding  the  stupid,  and  decrying 
the  generous  and  the  wise.  The  most  powerful  man  of 
New  England  was  in  league  with  her  foes.  Thirty 
years  before,  there  would  have  been  no  place  for  such  a 
politician  as  Joseph  Dudley  in  the  social  system  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. He  would  have  had  to  do  violence  to  his 
vicioiLs  nature,  or  to  be  obscure  and  unimportant.  The 
time  for  such  practitioners  had  come. 


CHAPTER    X. 


When  the  Province  of  Maine,  having  been  adjudged 
in  England  to  be  the  property  of  Ferdinando  jbtt. 
Gorges,  was  purchased  from  him  by  the  Gov-  '"*^^- 
ernor  and  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay,^  that  corpo- 
ration accordingly  became  Lord  Proprietor  in  his  place. 
It  had  come  into  possession  of  little  but  vacant  land. 
During  the  war  with  the  Indians,  Maine  had  been  al- 
most emptied  of  English  settlers.^ 

The  return  of  peace  invited  the  fugitives  back  to  their 
homes,  and  made  it  fit  that  a  government  should  be 
reconstituted.  Recurring  to  the  system  formerly  in  force, 
the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  admitted  Deputies 
from  towns  in  Maine,^  and  made  provision  for  the  pres- 
ent administration  of  justice.* 

But,  w^hen  Randolph  came  from  England  a  third  time, 
bringing  notice  of  the  King's  extreme  displeasure  at 
that  purchase  of  Maine  which  took  it  out  of  his  own 
hands,^  it  was  time  for  Massachusetts  to  see  to  the  secu- 
rity of  her  property,  if  she  did  not  mean  to  lose  it. 
In  doing  so,  it  was  impossible  for  her  to  overlook  the 
new  relation  into  which  she  was  legally  brought  to 
the   people   formerly   dealt  with  on  a  footing  of  com- 


1  See  above,  p.  312.  vaders."     (Sullivan,  History  of  Maine, 

2  Ibid. —  "  There    was    no   kind    of  384.) 

government  attempted  upon   it   after  3  Kittery  was  represented  in    1678 

the  commencement  of  the  Indian  wars,  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  184),  and  Kittery  and 

until  the  year  1679;  but  the  remains  York  in  1679.    (Ibid.,  211.) 

of  the   old   government    faintly    sup-  4  Ibid.,  187,  226. 

ported  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  6  See  above,  p.  327. 
defended    their    property    against   in- 


400  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

plete  equality.  From  being  a  part  of  the  Colony,  and 
Institution  of  as  such  sharing  in  the  functions  of  government, 
govlrn'ment  ^otiug  for  Govemor  and  Magistrates,  and  send- 
for  Maine,  j^g  Deputies  from  its  towns  to  the  General 
Court,  Maine  was  now  a  subject  province,  to  be  admin- 
istered in  such  manner  as  Massachusetts,  exercising 
the  prerogatives  set  forth  in  the  grant  to  Sir  Ferdinan- 
do  Gorges,  should  decree.  Accordingly,  "  the  Court  tak- 
1680.  ing  into  consideration  the  necessity  of  a  speedy 
February  4.  establishing  a  goverpment  in    the   Province   of 

Maine, tlie   honored  Council  of  the  jurisdiction 

was  requested  and  empowered  to  take  order  for  settling 
the  said  government,  and  appointing  a  President,  with 
justices  of  the  peace  and  other  officers,  as  directed  in 
Mr.  Gorges's  patent,  and  to  commissionate  the  same 
under  the  seal  of  the  Colony."  ^ 

By  virtue  of  this  vote,  the  Governor  and  Assistants 
proceeded  to  establish  and  organize  a  government  for 
Maine.  They  determined  that  there  should  be  a  Pro- 
vincial President,  to  be  appointed  from  year  to  year  by 
Massachusetts,  and  a  Legislature  to  meet  once  a  year, 
and  to  be  composed  of  two  branches.  The  Upper 
House,  called  the  Standing  Council,  was  to  consist  of  eight 
persons,  appointed  annually  by  the  Governor  and  As- 
sistants of  Massachusetts,  and  subject  to  be  removed 
by  them.  The  Standing  Council  was  also  the  supreme 
judicature.  The  other  legislative  branch  was  to  con- 
sist of  Deputies  from  the  towns.  Under  the  authority 
conferred  on  them  by  the  General  Court,  the  Governor 
Thomas  Dan-  aud  Assistauts  appointed  Thomas  Danforth  to 
dentomte.  ^6  Prcsideut  of  Maine  for  the  first  year.  Their 
June  11.  action  was  approved  by  the  Court  at  its  ses- 
*         sion  which    speedily  took   place ;  ^    and   towards 

August.  .  ^ 

the    close    of  summer,   attended    by    sixty    sol- 

1  Mass.  E.ec.,  V.  263.  of  the  Council  were  not  displeased  to 

2  Ibid.,  286.     Perhaps  the  majority    have  Danforth  go  into  honorable  exile. 


Chap.  X.]  MAINE.  401 

diers,   Danforth    sailed    for    Casco   Bay    to    assume    his 
charge. 

The  new  government  was  not  accepted  by  its  sub- 
jects with  unanimous  satisfaction.  Some  hundred  of 
them,  residents  in  different  towns,  sent  a  petition  to 
the  King,  praying  him  to  re-establish  among  them  his 
royal  authority,  and  allow  them  to  have  a  government 
of  their  own,  according  to  the  laws  and  constitutions  of 
the  Province,  till  his  pleasure  should  be  further  known."  ^ 
This  was,  however,  only  one  of  the  movements  instigated 
by  Randolph,  and  not  thought  in  England  to  deserve 
much  attention.  At  all  events,  the  new  scheme  of  ad- 
ministration went  into  effect  without  any  serious  hin- 
derance.  The  General  Court  of  the  following  lesi. 
year  continued  Danforth  in  the  place  of  Presi-  '*^''^"* 
dent  of  Maine.^ 

The   General  Assembly  of  the  Province,  constituted 
upon  the    new    system,  came    together.      They 

••  Ti  f>-i»Ti  /•         August  18. 

petitioned  the  government  of  Massachusetts  lor 
a  guaranty  .against  "  all  claims  and  demands  due,  and  by 
charter  belonging,  to  the  chief  Lord  Proprietor  for  the 
time  past,"  and  for  immunity  for  the  future  from  imposts 
on  townships  previously  granted,  and  on  "  streams,  saw- 
mills, corn-mills,  &c otherwise  than  should  be  neces- 
sary for  their  own  defence."  On  these  conditions,  they 
professed  themselves  willing  to  make  provision  for  all  the 
public  charges  of  the  Province,  and  to  make  certain  an- 
nual contributions  to  Massachusetts,  as  proprietary.  The 
General  Court  accepted  these  proposals ;  and  ac- 

October  12. 

cordingly   "  ordered  and   empowered    the  Presi- 
dent of  said  Province  to  make  legal  confirmation  to  the 
inhabitants  respectively  of  their  just  propriety  in   the 
lands  there,  under  his  hand  and  seal,  according  to  the 

1  For  this  petition  see  Maine  Hist.        2  Mass,  Kec,  V.  309. 
Coll.,  I.   302.     See  also  Mass.  Arch., 
III.  341,  342. 

34* 


402  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

directions  of  their  charter."^  And  the  Assembly  of 
Maine  sent  a  memorial  to  the  King,  warmly  expressing 
their  gratitude  for  the  protection  and  kindness  experi- 
enced from  Massachusetts  in  time  past,  and  their  desire 
"to  live  under  the  rule  of  the  Governor  and  Company 
of  the  Massachusetts,  now,"  they  said,  "  your  Majesty's 
Lieutenant,  and  our  chief  Lord  Proprietor."^ 

When  it  had  been  decided  in  England  that  neither 
Massachusetts  nor  Robert  Mason  had  a  right  to  rule 
New  Hampshire,^  it  became  necessary  to  provide  some 
other  government  for  the  four  towns  which  still  con- 
stituted the  whole  inhabited  part  of  that  territory.  The 
NewHamp-  King  in  Council  accordingly  instituted  such  an 
tuted  a  Royal  autliority.  New  Hampshire  was  created  a  Royal 
Province.       Provincc.    John  Cutts,  of  Portsmouth,  a  respect- 

juiy  10.  ed  merchant,  now  far  advanced  in  life,  was  made 
President  of  it,  with  power  to  appoint  a  Deputy. 

September  18.  /     .  "^  "^  i  - 

bix  persons  were  designated  to  compose  his 
Council,  with  three  others  to  be  chosen  by  them.  The 
Governor  and  Council  were  to  be  a  judicial  court, 
subject  to  an  appeal  to  the  King  in  Council  in  cases 
involving  a  value  of  more  than  fifty  pounds.  They  were 
authorized  to  appoint  military  officers,  and,  with  the 
concurrence  of  an  Assembly,  to  assess  taxes.  The  As- 
sembly, to  consist  of  Deputies  of  the  towns,  was  to  con- 
stitute a  part  of  the  government  so  long  as  the  King 
should  not  see  fit  to  order  otherwise.  Enactments  were 
to  be  immediately  transmitted  to  the  Privy  Council,  and 
were  to  remain  in  force  until  disallowed  by  that  author- 
ity. Liberty  of  conscience  was  to  be  maintained.  It 
was  ordered   that  a  seal  should   be   transmitted   to  the 

1  Mass    Rec,   V.   326,   327.  —  Wil-  numbers  would  be  too  large  an   esti- 
liamson    (History   of  Maine,   I.    571,  mate.     See  Chalmers,  Annals,  507,  for 
note)  supposes  that  Maine  may  have  the  number  of  the  militia  of  nine  set- 
contained,  at  this  time,  six  thousand  tlements  before  the  Indian  war. 
or  seven  thousand  inhabitants.    I  think  2  Mass.  Arch.,  III.  344. 
that  one  half  of  the  smaller  of  those  ^  See  above,  p.  307. 


Chap.  X.] 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 


403 


Province,  with   a  portrait  of  the  King   and    the    royal 
arms,  to  be  set  up  at  the  seat  of  government.^ 

Edward  Kandolph  brought  the  commission  to  Ports- 
mouth,^ and  made   known   its   contents  to  the        iggo. 
persons  named  in  it  as  Magistrates.    They  were,    •^"•"""y  i- 
besides  the  President,  Richard  Martyn,  Wilham  Vaughan, 
and   Tliomas  Daniel,  of  Portsmouth  ;   John   Gilman,  of 
Exeter ;  Christopher  Hussey,  of  Hampton  ;  and  Richard 
Waldron,  of  Dover.     All  of  them  were  well  ajBfected  to 
Massachusetts,  and  no  one  was  ambitious  of  the  position 
to  which  he  was  raised.     They  accepted  the  trust  simply 
from  a  conviction  that,  if  declined  by  them,  it  would  fall 
into  hands  that  would  deal  less  justly  with  the  rights 
and  interests  of  their  neighbors.^     They  took 
the  oaths  of  office,  and  elected  for  their  asso- 


1  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council. 
The  portrait  and  arms  were  lost  at 
sea.  (Mass.  Arch.,  CXXVII.  118.) 
A  copy  of  the  commission  to  Cutts 
(called  therein  Cutf)  and  his  Council 
is  in  the  Archives  of  New  Hampshire. 

2  See  above,  p.  333. 

3  Belknap,  History  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, I.  Appendix,  xxxiii.  —  On  com- 
ing to  Boston,  Randolph  wrote  to 
Governor  Winslow  (January  29)  an 
account  of  his  proceedings  at  Ports- 
mouth. The  letter  (for  which  see 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VI.  92)  is  interest- 
ing on  several  accounts.  It  indicates 
only  too  painfully  a  sympathy  between 
the  writer  and  Winslow. 

Dr.  Belknap's  authorities  for  that 
portion  of  the  history  of  New  Hamp- 
shire which  is  treated  in  this  chapter 
were  the  records  and  files  of  the  Coun- 
cil, the  records  of  the  towns,  "Fitch's 
Manuscript,"  "  Weare's  Manuscript," 
and  "  Vaughan's  Journal."  It  is 
scarcely  worth  while  to  try  to  glean 
where  Dr.  Belknap  has  reaped.  But 
I  have  desired  to  obtain  whatever  these 


documents  might  have  further  to  yield. 
For  this  purpose,  I  have  examined  the 
documents  of  the  Council  and  of  the 
towns  preserved  in  the  State-House  of 
New  Hampshire,  but  without  learning 
any  additional  facts  of  importance 
wherewith  to  enrich  the  narrative. 
I  have  sought  in  vain  for  information 
whether  the  papers  of  President  Weare 
or  of  Captain  Vaughan  are  still  in  ex- 
istence. "  Fitch's  Manuscript"  is  in 
the  Library  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society,  having  been  found  in 
the  valuable  collection  of  papers,  the 
property  of  her  father,  lately  pre- 
sented to  the  Society  by  Miss  Belknap. 
I  have  read  it  with  care,  but  only  to 
find  that  Dr.  Belknap  had  exhausted 
its  materials.  It  was  composed  in 
or  about  the  year  1730,  by  the  Rev- 
erend Jabez  Fitch  of  Portsmouth.  It 
consists  of  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  pages  of  small  size,  presenting 
"  A  Brief  Narrative  of  Several  Things 
respecting  the  Province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, in  New  England,  in  Four  Chap- 
ters." 


404 


HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  IIL 


ciates  Elias  Stileman  of  Portsmouth,  Samuel  Dalton  of 
Hampton,  and  Job  Clements  of  Dover.  They  appointed 
Richard  Martja  to  be  Treasurer,  Elias  Stileman  to  be 
Secretary,  and  John  Roberts  to  be  Marshal ;  and  the 
President  designated  Richard  Waldron  as  his  Deputy. 
They  issued  writs  convening  an  Assembly,  to  consist  of 
two  Deputies  from  Exeter,  and  three  from  each  of  the 
other  towns,  and  appointed  a  Fast-Day  to  pray  for  "  the 
continuance  of  their  precious  and  pleasant  things."  ^ 
When  the  members  of  the  government  thus  organized 
came  together,  almost  their  first  act  was  a  arrate- 

March  16.  ..  r     ^        i  n  i-iii* 

lul  recoofnition  or  the  benents  which  had  m  times 
past  been  experienced  from  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts.^    They  framed  a  code  of  laws  introduced 
by  the  provision,  "  that  no  act,  imposition,  law, 


March  25. 


1  At  this  time  the  number  of  voters 
in  the  New  Hampshire  towns  was  as 
follows,  viz.:  in  Portsmouth,  71;  in 
Dover,  61 ;  in  Hampton,  57  ;  and  in 
Exeter,  20.  (Belknap's  History,  &c., 
I.  177.) 

2  "  Portsmouth,  in  the  Province  of 
New  Hampshire,  March  25,  1680. 

"  Much  honored : 
"  The  late  turn  of  Providence,  made 
amongst  us  by  the  all-ordering  hand, 
hath  given  occasion  for  this  present  ap- 
plication, wherein  we  crave  leave,  as 
we  are  in  duty  bound :  First ;  thankfully 
to  acknowledge  your  great  care  of  us, 
and  kindness  towards  us,  while  we 
dwelt  under  your  shadow ;  owning  our- 
selves deeply  obliged,  that  you  were 
pleased,  upon  our  earnest  request  and 
supplication,  to  take  us  under  your 
government,  and  ruled  us  well  while 
we  so  remained,  so  that  we  cannot  give 
the  least  countenance  to  those  reflec- 
tions that  have  been  cast  upon  you,  as 
if  you  had  dealt  injuriously  with  us. 
Secondly ;  that  no  dissatisfaction  with 
your  government,  but  merely  our  sub- 


mission to  Divine  Providence,  to  his 
Majesty's  commands,  to  whom  we  owe 
allegiance,  without  any  seeking  of  our 
own,  or  desires  of  change,  was  the  only 
cause  of  our  complying  with  that  pres- 
ent separation  from  you  that  we  are 
now  under ;  but  should  have  heartily 
rejoiced,  if  it  had  seemed  good  to  the 
Lord  and  his  Majesty  to  have  settled 
us  in  the  same  capacity  as  formerly. 
Thirdly;  and  withal  we  hold  ourselves 
bound  to  signify,  that  it  is  our  most 
unfeigned  desire,  that  such  a  mutual 
correspondence  betwixt  us  may  be  set- 
tled, as  may  tend  to  the  glory  of  God, 
the  honor  of  his  Majesty,  whose  sub- 
jects we  all  are,  and  the  promoting  the 
common  interest,  and  defence  against 
the  common  enemy ;  that  thereby  our 
hands  may  be  strengthened,  being  of 
ourselves  weak  and  few  in  number, 
and  that  if  there  be  opportunity  to  be 
any  ways  serviceable  unto  you,  we 
may  show  how  ready  we  are  thankfully 
■to  embrace  the  same.  Thus  wishing 
the  presence  of  God  to  be  with  you  in 
all   administrations,   and    craving   the 


Chap.  X.]  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  4()5 

or  ordinance  should  be  made  or  imposed  upon  them,  but 
such  as  should  be  made  by  the  Assembly,  and  approved  by 
the  President  and  Council."-^  They  established  inferior 
courts  of  justice,  to  be  held  in  each  of  the  towns  of  Ports- 
mouth, Dover,  and  Hampton.  They  organized  a  military 
force  under  Major  Waldron,  consisting  of  four  companies 
of  infantry  (one  for  each  town),  a  troop  of  horse,  and  an 
artillery  company  for  the  fort  in  Portsmouth  harbof. 

Almost  simultaneously  with  the  institution  of  the  new 
government,  Randolph  began  his  operations  at  Ports- 
mouth as  Collector  of  the  King's  Customs.     The 

_  ii'ii  -ii  1  Randolph  and 

master  oi  a  vessel  which  he  seized  brought  an  Mason  in  New- 
action  against  him,  and  obtained  a  verdict  with  ""^^^  "^^' 
thirteen  pounds'  damages.  Walter  Barefoote,^  appointed 
by  Randolph  as  his  Deputy,  was  tried,  convicted,  and  fined 
five  pounds  for  "having,  in  a  high  and  presumptuous  man- 
ner, set  up  his  Majesty's  office  of  customs  without  leave 
from  the  President  and  Council,  in  contempt  of  his  Majes- 
ty's authority  in  this  place ;  for  disturbing  and  obstruct- 
ing his  Majesty's  subjects  in  passing  from  harbor  to  har- 
bor, and  town  to  town  ;  and  for  his  insolence  in  making 
no  other  answer  to  any  question  propounded  to  him,  but 
'  My  name  is  Walter.' "  As  in  Massachusetts,  however, 
orders  were  made  for  the  execution  of  the  Laws  of  Trade 
by  officers  appointed  by  the  local  authority.^ 

benefit  of  your  prayers  and  endeavors  er,   in   his   edition   of  Belknap's   His- 

for   a   blessing   upon    the   heads    and  tory  (I.  453). 

hearts  of  us  who  are  separated   from  2  Belknap,  Hist.,  I.  181  ;  comp.  184, 
our  brethren,  we  subscribe  where  a  second  similar  transaction  is 
"John  Cutt,  President,  related.  —  Barefoote  was  a  factious  per- 
at  the  consent  of  the  Council  son,  who  had  been  many  years  in  the 
and  General  Assembly.  country  before  Randolph  made  his  ac- 
"  To  the  honorable    Governor  and  quaintance. 
Council    of   the    Massachusetts    Bay,  ^  After  all,  the  trade  with  Piscataqua 
to  be   conununicated  to  the    General  River  was  small.     In  the  ten  months 
Court."     (Mass.  Rec,  V.  280,  281.)  ending  in  April,  1681,  only  forty-seven 
1  This  code,  entitled  "  The  General  vessels  of  different  size  were  entered ; 
Laws  and  Liberties  of  the  Province  of  and  not  half  of  them  were  ships.    (Bel- 
New  Hampshire,"  is  printed  by  Farm-  knap,  Hist.,  I.  187.) 


406  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

It  was  time  for  Mason  to  be  looking  after  his  affairs  in 
person.  He  came  out  armed  with  a  mandamus 
from  the  Privj  Council,  constituting  him  a 
member  of  the  Council  for  the  Province.^  He  proceeded 
at  once  to  molest  the  inhabitants  by  requiring  them  to 
take  leases  of  their  lands  from  him,  and  demanding  rents 
for  past  occupation,  under  a  threat  of  seizure  and  sale. 
The  Council,  stimulated  to  action  by  numerous  petitions, 
peremptorily  commanded  Mason  and  his  agents  to  desist 
from  such  annoyances.  Thereupon  he  absented  himself 
from  the  meetings  of  the  Council.  They  sent  to  require 
his  presence,  under  the  penalty  of  their  displeasure  for 
contumacy.  He  replied  by  publicly  summoning  them  to 
answer  him  before  the  King  within  three  months.  They 
issued  a  warrant  for  his  arrest  for  "  a  usurpation  over  his 
Majesty's  authority  here  established."  He  eluded  it,  and 
took  passage  for  England.  Three  months  before  this, 
Eichard  Chamberlain  had  arrived,  appointed  by  a  com- 
mission' from  the  King  to  supersede  Stileman  as  Sec- 
retary.^ 

1  This  document  is  printed  by  Bel-  Waldron  and  Moody  went  to  Boston 
knap.     (History,  &c.,  I.  App.,  xxxvi.)  for  advice.     They  consulted  four  days 

2  Chamberlain  wrote  to  the  Lords  with  the  ministers,  and  determined 
of  the  Committee  May  14  and  May  16,  that  the  commissions  ought  to  be  ac- 
1681.  He  says  be  arrived  Decem-  cepted,  to  avoid  worse  consequences. 
ber  24,  1680.  He  calls  the  Rev.  Mr.  The  new  government  promoted  its  par- 
Moody  of  Portsmouth,  "  their  Arch-  tisans ;  and  so  Waldron  was  made  Dep- 
bishop  and  Chief  Justice  too."  He  uty- President,  and  commander  of  the 
gives  an  account  of  the  obstructions  he  militia.  They  fined  and  imprisoned 
met  with  in  assuming  his  office.  The  Randolph's  Deputy-Collector.  They 
Council  "  debated  about  three  days,  tried  to  prevail  upon  Chamberlain  to 
whether  they  should  admit  him  or  not";  take  an  oath  of  secrecy  as  Secretary, 
and,  when  they  determined  to  do  so,  so  that  he  might  not  divulo;e  their 
they  appointed  other  persons  to  per-  tricks  to  the  King.  Chamberlain,  on 
form  his  duties,  and  would  give  him  no  an  application  of  the  Lords  of  the 
pay.  He  relates  the  earlier  proceed-  Committee  to  Levins,  Attorney-Gen- 
ings  in  organizing  the  Province.  Cutts  eral,  had  been  recommended  by  him 
received  his  commission  December  27,  as  a  lawyer  competent  to  judge  which 
1679.  Waldron  and  Martyn  (appoint-  of  the  local  laws  were  repugnant  to 
ed  Counsellors)  were,  he  says,  indls-  the  laws  of  England.  (Colonial  Pa- 
posed    to    act,   and    were    refractory,  pers,  &c.) 


Chap.  X.]  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  407 

President  Cutts  died  ;   and  Waldron,  who,  according 
to   the   provision   in   the  fundamental  act,  sue-     ^^^^ 
ceeded  to  the  chief  office,  appointed   Mr.  Stile-  March  27. 
man  to  be  his  Deputy,  while  Waldron's  son  was 
elected  to  the   place  now  vacant  in  the  Council.     But 
this   government  was  too   good   to  be   allowed  to  last. 
Mason's  representations  in  England  took  effect,  and  the 
Privy  Council  resolved   to  advise  the  King   to   remodel 
the  administration  of  the  Province.     Mason  was  so  for- 
tunate as  to  fall  in  with  a  person,  who  at  the  same  time 
was  fit  for  his  purposes,  acceptable  to  the  government, 
and  in  search  of  some  way  to  get  a  living.     This  was 
one    Edward   Cranfield,  said  to   have  been    of  Edward  cran- 
the  flimilyofthe  Lord  Mounteagle,^  who  was  fi;';''«7"'°' 

•/  O      7  of  New  Hamp- 

concerned  in  the  detection  of  the  Gunpowder  ^^'"'<'- 
Plot.     Cranfield  meant  to  have  good  security  for  his  pay; 
and  it  was  agreed  between  him  and  Mason,  that,  if  he 
should  obtain  from  the  crown  a  commission  as  Governor 
of  New  Hampshire,  with   an   allowance  of  all  fines  and 
forfeitures.   Mason    should  further  allow   him  one   fifth 
part  of  all  sums  received  as  quitrents,  and  should  secure 
to  him  an  annual  income  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds, 
for   seven   years,  by  a  mortgage   on    the   lands  of  the 
Province  for  a  term  of  twenty-one  years.     And      1682 
an  instrument  of  this  tenor  was  enrolled  in  the  "^^^^^"^  ^s. 
Court  of  Chancery.^ 

The  job  was  all  arranged,  and   the   commission  was 
issued.     It  authorized  the  Governor  to  convoke. 

May  9, 

prorogue,   and    dissolve    General    Courts,  which 

were  to  continue  to  consist  of  a  Council  and  Chamber  of 

Deputies ;  to  refuse  to  approve  Acts  of  the  two  Houses, 

1  Farmer's  edition  of  Belknap's  His-  quisbed  a  profitable  office  at  home." 
tory,  I.  113.  It  could  scarcely  bave  been  very  prof- 

2  Dr.  Belknap  (History  of  New  itable,  to  be  exchanged  for  such  pay. 
Hampshire,  I.  188)  says,  on  the  au-  Probably  the  inducement  was  a  chance 
thority  of  "  Fitch's   MS.,"  that  Cran-  of  escape  from  beggary. 

field,    for    this    remuneration,  "  relin- 


408  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

which  should  thereupon  be  void ;  to  remove  Counsellors, 
who  should  thenceforward  be  incapable  of  serving  as 
Deputies ;  to  constitute  courts  of  judicature ;  to  appoint 
a  Deputy-Governor,  and  judicial  and  military  officers; 
and  to  administer  admiralty  jurisdiction.  Cranfield  was 
made  Governor.  All  of  the  former  Counsellors  who 
were  still  living  were  retained,  including  Mason,  who 
came  back  with  the  Governor;  and  Barefoote  and  Cham- 
berlain were  added  to  the  list.^  So  far  as  Waldron  and 
Martyn  were  concerned,  the  nomination  seemed 
pressivead-  to  have  bccu  intcudcd  only  to  prepare  the  way 
mmistrauon.   ^^^  ^^  affrout  I  for  almost  the  first  act  of  Cran- 

October  4.  ' 

field,  on  arriving  at  the  seat  of  his  government, 

ctoberio.  ^^^    ^^    dismiss  them    from  the   Council.^      He 

arave  Chamberlain  the  lucrative  offices  of  clerk 

October  23.      o 

of   all    courts    of  judicature,    and    registrar    of 
deeds  and  wills.^     He   summoned   an  Assembly;  and   a 
new  code  of  laws  was  promulgated,  from  which 
^vas  omitted  the  provision  that  only  laws  enacted 
by  the  local  legislature  should  be  of  force  in  the  Colony. 
A  very  few  weeks  had  passed,  before  Mason  and  his 
viceroy   fell   out.     Cranfield's   eyes   were   opened  about 
many  things.     He  had  been  "not  fairly  treated 
by  Mr.   Mason  and   Chamberlain."     He  had  re- 
called Waldron   and    Martyn    to    the   Council,   "finding 
them  to  be   persons  very   useful  for  his  Majesty's  ser- 

1  For  a  copy  of  this  commission  see  a  military  force  of  four  hundred  and 
Mass.  Arch.,  XX.  13.  I  have  also  seen  fifty  men  badly  armed  and  trained,  of 
two  copies  in  the  Ai-chives  of  New  whom  sixty  were  mounted  troops.  At 
Hampshire,  accompanied  with  a  set  Portsmouth  there  was  a  timber  fort 
of  instructions.  An  abstract  of  it,  "extraordinary  well  situated,"  with 
found  among  President  Weare's  papers,  eight  bad  guns.  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 
is  in  New  Hampshii-e  Hist.  Coll.,  I.  — In  this  month  or  the  following, 
261.  the  Governor  and  Randolph    exhibit- 

2  October  23,  Cranfield  wrote  to  ed  "Articles  of  High  Misdemeanor" 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  informing  against  Waldron  and  Martyn  for  ob- 
them  tliat  he  arrived  at  Salem,  Octo-  structing  Randolph's  proceedings  aa 
ber   1,  and  installed  himself  in  office  Collector.     (Ibid.) 

at  Portsmouth,  October  4.     He  found         3  New  Hampshire  Archives. 


Chap.  X.]  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  409 

vice,"  and  "nothing  to  render  them  guilty  of  such  dis- 
loyalty as  they  were  charged  with " ;  while  Mason  had 
"  much  misrepresented  the  whole  matter,  both  as  to  the 
place  and  people,"  and  "  taken  wrong  measures  for  his 
procedure."  The  Governor  had  found  the  Province  by 
no  means  either  so  rich  or  so  mutinous  as  it  had  been 
described.  "The  Massachusetts  never  exercised  author- 
ity over  \hem,  till  desired  by  themselves;  and  as  for 
taxes,  the  people  owned  that  the  Massachusetts  had  ex- 
pended several  thousands  for  them  in  the  Indian  war, 
that  they  never  had  any  compensation  for."  The  people 
attributed  Mason's  vexatious  treatment  to  Chamberlain's 
influence  with  him.  Mason  had  supposed  that  he  might 
make  himself  master  by  ousting  Waldron  an"d  Martyn, 
"and  discountenancing  the  minister  of  the  principal 
place  in  the  Province."     "  I  find  him  [Mason],"  wrote  the 

Governor,  "  very  uncapable  of  business ; whether 

out  of  original  inability,  want  of  experience,  dejected- 
ness  through  poverty,  or  being  deceived  in  his  expec- 
tations of  the  profits  of  his  place,  I  say  not."  ^  "  The 
true  state  and  condition  of  them,"  he  reported,  "is  very 
mean,  there  not  being  ten  men  with  £  500  each."  ^ 

One  fruit  of  the  altered  relations  of  the  parties  was 
a  tax  laid  by  the  Assembly  to  the  amount  of  five  hun- 
dred pounds,  of  which  sum  they  appropriated  one  half 
as  a  gratuity  to  the  Governor.  They  j^robably  hoped 
thus  to  secure  his  good-will,  to  protect  them  against  the 
plots  of  Mason.  But  whether  it  was,  that  Cranfield  had 
now  attained  the  object  of  his  apparent  friendliness,  or 
merely  that  the  new  alliance  had  no  reasonable  basis,  it 
was  speedily  broken.^  At  the  next  meeting  of  loss. 
the  Legislature,  which  took  place  after  a  short  •^'^""^'"y^o. 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  Letter  to  the  3  Possibly  one  element  in  the  Gov- 
Lords  of  the  Committee,  Dec.  1,  1682.  ernor's   fresh   disgust   was   the   deter- 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  Letter  from  mined  repugnance  of  his  subjects  to 
Cranfield,  written  in  December,  but  of  the  execution  of  the  Laws  of  Trade, 
■which  the  address  is  wanting.  December  30,  Randolph  wrote  to  the 

VOL.  III.  35 


410 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


interval,  the  Governor  and  the  Assembly  differed  re- 
specting several  measures  ;  and  he  exercised  his  extraor- 
dinary power  to  dissolve  it,  —  a  high-handed  proceed- 
ing, for  which  there  had  been  no  precedent  in  New 
England.  As  a  measure  of  precaution,  he  dismissed 
Stileraan  from  the  charge  of  the  fort  at  Portsmouth, 
and  gave  the  command  to  Barefoote.^ 


Lords  from  the  "  Province  of  New 
Hampshire,"  that,  on  the  trial  of  a 
vessel  which  he  had  seized,  "  the  jury, 
encouraged  by  the  arbitrary  and  suc- 
cessful verdict  of  the  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury's jury  at  the  Old  Bailey,  now 
become    a   leading   precedent   to   the 

factious  here, did   bring  in  a 

verdict  with  costs  against  his  Majesty." 
(Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 

1  Cranfield's  relenting  mood  had  been 
transient.  December  30,  1682,  he 
wrote  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee, 
asking  power  "  from  his  Majesty,  and 
also  from  my  Lord  of  London,  under 
whose  diocese  the  foreign  plantations 
are,  to  remove  all  such  their  preachers 
who  oppose  and  endeavor  to  disturb 
the  peace  of  this  government,  which 
method  will  be  necessary  to  be  ob- 
served in  the  settlement  of  the  Boston- 
ers'  Colony,  and  also  in  the  Province 
of  Maine."  (Ibid.)  —  Between  the 
two  sessions  of  the  Legislature  which 
are  mentioned  above,  he  made  a 
visit  to  Boston.  "  My  last,"  he  says, 
in  a  letter  to  the  Lords  of  January 
10,  1683,  "was  at  Boston,  where  I 
spent   time   enough   to   pry   into   the 

secrets  of  some  of  the  faction 

If  his  Majesty  should  see  fit  to  send 
a  quo  icarranto  to  Mr.  Randolph,  and 
show  the  Governor,  Magistrates,  and 
General  Court  that  in  one  hand,  and 
a  commission  with  a  general  pardon 
in  the  other  hand,  I  have  good  as- 
surance from  both  parties  the  latter 
will  have  a  kind  reception,  without 
putting   his   Majesty    to    any    further 


charge  or  trouble.     They  will  swallow 
all  that  is   in  my  commission.  ...... 

It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  all  the 
preachers  are  to  be  placed  or  displaced 
as  the  Governor  shall  think  fit ;  for  I 
find  they  have  so  great  an  influence 
upon  the  people,  and  so  apt  to  disturb 
the  peace,  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to 
govern  this  small  Province  without 
that  power."  He  desires  the  Attorney- 
General's  opinion  "  whether  a  Scots- 
man born  can  be  permitted  to  inhabit 
and  trade  as  a  merchant  or  factor,  they 
pretending  a  right  thereto  as  being 
born  within  the  allegiance  of  our  sover- 
eign lord  the  King."  Again  he  writes 
(January  23)  :  "  When  I  was  In 
Boston,  at  the  request  of  the  Magis- 
trates, I  writ  to  my  Lord  Hyde  a  let- 
ter to  Introduce  their  agents  to  his 
Lordship,  presuming  at  this  time  It 
might  be  of  use  to  his  Majesty's  ser- 
vice, they  being  ordered  to  tender 
£  2,000  for  a  pardon.  Though  I  was 
certain  It  would  not  be  accepted,  yet 
it  was  a  kind  of  pleading  guilty.  I 
was  sure  his  Lordship,  who  well  know 
[sic']  that  the  dissolution  of  that  gov- 
ernment was  of  so  great  an  importance 
to  his  Majesty's  concerns,  that  one  hun- 
dred thousand  pounds  would  not  make 
good  the  loss  his  Majesty  would  sus- 
tain In  a  few  years,  were  they  tolerated. 
Therefore  my  letter  served  only  as  In- 
telligence how  matters- stood  here,  and 
what  I  writ  In  their  favor  was  only 
in  design  to  Insinuate  myself  into  their 
counsels."  (Ibid.)  This  perfidious  trans- 
action of  Cranfield  —  for  he  It  was  that 


Chap.  X.] 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 


411 


The  dissolution  roused  the  people  into  a  fury.     Edward 
Gove,  a  Deputy  from  Hampton  to  the  recent  ^ 

-'•'••'  i  Insurrection 

Assembly,  gathered  a  little  company,  with  which  i°  New 

.  ^    .  Hampshire. 

he  went  about  among  the  towns,  calhng  upon 
the  inhabitants  to  aid  him  in  securing  "liberty  and 
reformation."  With  eight  of  his  associates  he  was  ap- 
prehended, and  immediately  arraigned  for  high  treason. 
All  were  convicted ;  but  all  were  presently  set  at  lib- 
erty except  Gove,  who  was  sentenced  to  suffer 
the  penalty  of  treason,  with  its  odious  accom- 
paniments specified  by  the  law  of  England.^ 


February  1. 


advised  the  attempt  at  bribing,  (see  his 
letter  to  Lord  Clarendon  of  December 
11,  1682,  in  Mass.  Arch.,  VI.  271,) 
which  failed  from  being  made  with  the 
wrong  person  —  occasioned  much  mor- 
tification to  Massachusetts  and  to  her 
friends  in  England.  "  Truly,  Sir,  if 
you  was  here  to  see  how  we  are  ridi- 
culed by  our  best  friends  at  Court  for 
the  sham  Cranfield  hath  put  upon  you, 
it  would  grieve  you.  I  will  assure  you, 
whatever  letters  he  hath  shown  you, 
his  Majesty  last  night  told  my  friend 
that  he  had  represented  us  as  disloyal 
rogues."  (Letter  of  Dudley  to  Brad- 
street,  in  Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  303,  note.) 

February  20,  Cranfield  wrote  to 
Secretary  Jenkins :  "  I  took  a  journey 
to  Boston,  and  other  places   in   that 

Colony, and  upon  good  grounds 

believe  that,  should  his  Royal  High- 
ness survive  his  Majesty,  such  is  their 
general  aversion,  encouraged  and 
buoyed  up  by  the  Non-conformist  party 
in  England,  that  at  once  they  will  fall 
off  from  their  allegiance  to  the  crown. 
It  is  therefore  very  necessary  that  the 
whole  country  be  brought  to  a  thor- 
ough regulation.  It  is  also  equally 
necessary  that  his  Majesty  send  a  frig- 
ate to  attend  till  such  a  regulation 
be  completed  by  putting  the  govern- 
ment, together  with  militia,  castles,  and 
forts,  into  the  hands  of  loyal  and  honest 


gentlemen,  and  the  factious  made  in- 
capable ever  after  of  altering  or  dis- 
turbing that  government."  (Colonial 
Papers,  &c.) 

1  In  the  collection  of  "  Colonial 
Papers,  &c.,"  is  "  A  Short  Narrative 
of  the  Transactions  and  Rebellion  in 
the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  in 
New  England,  1682,  presented  [to  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee]  by  Edward 
Randolph,  his  Majesty's  Collector"; 
also  a  copy  of  the  minutes  of  Gove's 
trial.  A  copy  of  the  former  paper  is 
in  Mass.  Arch.,  IH.  463-465. 

February  20,  1683,  Cranfield  in- 
formed the  Lords  of  the  conviction  and 
sentence  of  Gove,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  of  his  having  become  again  alien- 
ated from  Waldron  and  Moody,  and 
well  affected  towards  Randolph.  (Co- 
lonial Papers,  &c.)  Waldron  sat  as 
presiding  Magistrate  at  Gove's  trial.  — 
Farmer,  in  his  edition  of  Belknap's  His- 
tory (I.  99,  note),  has  printed  a  letter 
written  by  Gove  (January  29)  while  he 
was  in  gaol  awaiting  his  trial,  the  tenor 
of  which  well  accords  with  that  state- 
ment of  his  being  insane  which  was 
subsequently  urged  in  the  suit  for  a 
pardon.  "  He  fell  into  his  crime  by 
reason  of  a  distemper  of  lunacy,  or 
some  such  like,  which  he  hath  been 
subject  unto  by  times  from  his  youth, 
and  yet  is  until  now,  as  his  mother 


412 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


The  result  of  this  mad  outbreak  made  Cranfield's 
position  more  secure,  but  at  the  same  time  rendered  it 
Benewed  mis-  ^ore  disagreeable.  He  caused  notice  to  be  given 
government.  ^|^,^^  ^jj  ^}jg  inhabitants  must  take  leases  from 
Mason  within  a  month,  under  pain  of  having  their  fail- 
ure reported  to  the  King,  and  being  made  liable  to  the 
forfeiture  of  their  claim  to  a  pre-emption.  Having  dis- 
placed Waldron  and  Martyn  from  the  Magistracy  a 
second  time,  and  appointed  Barefoote  to  be  Deputy- 
Governor,  he  repaired  to  Boston,  where  he  considered 
that  no  little  of  his  business  lay,  and  where  hencefor- 
ward much  of  his  time  was  spent.^ 


was  before  him."  (Hannah  Gove's  pe- 
tition to  the  King,  in  Colonial  Papers, 
&c.)  —  "Major  Pike,  one  of  the  Magis- 
trates and  of  the  faction  in  Boston 
government,  came  to  me  the  night 
before  Gove's  trial,  with  several  depo- 
sitions to  certify  that  Gove  Tvas  a 
distracted  man,  hoping  by  that  means 
to  avoid  his  prosecution."  (Cranfield 
to  Secretary  Jenkins,  February  20, 
1683,  in  Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  Gove 
■was  sent  to  Boston  under  a  strong 
guard,  and  thence  brought  by  Ran- 
dolph to  England,  where  he  was  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower.     "I  cannot,  with 


will   allow    him    for   maintenance.     I 

keep one  to  lie  in  his  chamber, 

and  one  never  to  be  out  of  his  sight." 
(Ibid.,  in  letter  of  Thomas  Cheek, 
Lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  June  7,  to 
Sir  Lionel  Jenkins.)  —  June  11,  Gove 
wrote  "to  his  honored  friend,  Edward 
Randolph,  Esq.,  at  the  Plantation 
Office,"  begging  him  "  to  assist  him 
with  some  money  in  his  necessity," 
and  to  interest  himself  to  obtain  a  par- 
don. "  Had  I  known  the  laws  of  the 
land,"  he  writes,  "  to  be  contrary  to 
what  was  done,  I  would  never  have 
done  it.     You  may  well  think  I  was 


safety  to  myself  or  the  peace  of  the  io-norant  of  any  law  to  the  contrary, 

country,  keep  him   [Gove]  longer  in  since  for  fourteen  years  past  the  same 

custody ;   for,   besides   the    great   and  thing  hath  been  done  every  year,  and 

daily   charge   of  guards  upon  him,  I  no  notice  at  all  taken  of  it."    (Colonial 

have  cause   to   fear  that  the  soldiers  Papers,  &c.)  — •  Gove  was  kept  in  cMan- 

in  time  may  be  remiss  or  overpowered,  finement  nearly  a  year,  at  least ;  for 

and  so  he  be  set  at  liberty If  May  28,  1684,  he  petitioned  the  Privy 

Gove  escape  the  sentence  of  the  law,  Council    that    he   might    be    relieved 


there  is  an  end  of  his  Majesty's  busi- 
ness in  New  England."  (Cranfield  to 
Secretary  Jenkins,  Ibid.)  "  I  have 
brought  over  with  me  in  chains  one 
Edward  Gove,"  &c.  (Ibid.,  in  letter 
of  Randolph   to    Sir   Lionel   Jenkins, 


from  his  irons,  and  have  the  liberty 
of  the  Tower.  (Journals  of  the  Privy 
Council.)  According  to  "  Fitch's 
Manuscript,"  he  was  not  discharged 
till  after  the  Revolution.  But  this  is 
a  mistake.    He  was  pardoned  by  King 


from  Exeter  [England],  May  20.)  — "I  James,  and   returned   to   America   in 

received  last  night  a  prisoner  by  your  1686.     (Dudley's  Council  Records.) 

warrant The    fellow   is    poor,         1  "  This  week  I  had  an  opportunity 

and  I  desire  to  know  what  the  King  to  converse  with  Mr.  Hinckley,  Gov- 


Chap.  X.]  NEW   HAMPSHIRE.  4]^ 3 

The  passing  year  was  a  critical  one  for  Mason.  The 
places  of  Daniels  and  Clements,  who  had  died,  and  of 
Oilman,  Waldron,  and  Martyn,  who  had  been  dismissed, 
having  been  supplied  by  Randolph  and  by  creatures  of 
the  Governor,  and  the  sheriffs  (and  accordingly  the  ju- 
rors) being  selected  from  among  the  few  persons  who  had 
been  bribed  or  frightened  into  taking  out  new  leases, 
Mason,  who  had  himself  been  made  Chancellor,  entered 
on  the  judicial  prosecution  of  his  claims  with  every  favor- 
able prospect.  The  first  suit  which  he  brought  was 
against  Waldron,  who,  having  been  overruled  in  his  chal- 
lenge of  the  jurymen,  as  being  tenants  of  Mason,  and 
therefore  interested  persons,  made  no  defence,  and  was 
defaulted  with  heavy  costs.  The  same  course  was  taken 
with  all  the  principal  landholders.  But  the  futility  of  it 
was  exposed  when  the  executions  were  levied.  Nobody 
would  venture  to  buy  the  forfeited  lands,  or  attempt  to 
take  possession  of  them.     Another  tyrannous  proceeding 

ernor,  and   Mr.  Lothrop,  one   of  the  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  who  govern 

Magistrates,  of  New  Plymouth  Colony,  and  sway  the   people   as  they  please. 

I  find  them  weak  men,  and  very  unfit  No  Pope  ever  acted  with  greater  arro- 

to  be  concerned  in  government gancy  than  those  preachers  who  influ- 

He  [Mr.  Randolph]  is  able  to  give  ence  the  people  to  their  fantastic  hu- 
your  Lordships  a  full  and  perfect  rela-  mors,  and  debauch  them  from  their 
tion  of  the  present  distraction  which  duty  and  obedience  to  his  Majesty  and 
he  hath  luckily  occasioned  in  this  gov-  his  laws,  and  are  ever  stirring  them  up 
ernment."  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.,  in  to  disloyalty,  and  intermeddling  in  all 
Cranfield's  letter  from  Boston,  of  March  civil  aff'airs,  and  censuring  all  persons 
27.)  —  Barefoote  took  the  opportunity  and  actions  that  agree  not  with  their 
of  Cranfield's  absence  in  Boston  to  try  principles  and  peevish  humors."  (Ibid., 
his  hand  at  a  correspondence  with  his  in  Barefoote's  letter  to  the  Lords  of 
betters.  He  informed  the  Lords  of  the  the  Committee,  in  March.)  — June  19, 
Committee  that  he  had  been  "  an  in-  Cranfield  wrote  from  Boston  to  Sir 
habitant  ofthis  Province  above  five  and  LionelJenkins.  Since  Randolph's  de- 
twenty  years,"  and  had  "  married  into  parture,  he  says,  "  I  have  spent  my 
the  wealthiest  families  of  this  country."  time  in  this  Colony  on  purpose  to  pry 
"  Though,"  he  wrote,  "  the  Massachu-  into  the  intrigues  and  politics  of  this 

setts  exercise  no  authority  in  this  Prov-  government Among  other  things, 

ince,  yet  they  influence  things  as  they  I  have  observed  that  there  can  be  no 

please,  there  being  a  strict  confedera-  greater  evil  attend  his  Majesty's  affairs, 

tion  between  the  ministers  and  church-  than   those   pernicious   and   rebellious 

members  of  this  Province  and  those  of  principles  which  flow  from  their  Col- 
35* 


414 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


was  the  prosecution  of  Martyn,  recently  Treasurer,  for 
the  moneys  which  he  had  received  in  that  capacity.  He 
showed  that  he  had  disbursed  them  according  to  the 
orders  of  the  President  and  Council ;  but  this  did  not 
save  him  from  an  adverse  judgment,  and  he  could  obtain 
no  further  relief  than  was  afforded  by  a  decree  of  the 
Chancellor,  dividing  the  responsibility  among  all  who  had 
been  Counsellors  with  him.^ 

The  despotism  of  Cranfield  and  his  colleagues  was  un- 
checked and  impudent.  They  excluded  Massachusetts 
vessels  from  their  river,  on  account  of  alleged  violations, 
in  that  Province,  of  the  Laws  of  Trade.  They  put  an  arbi- 
trary valuation  on  silve*"  coin.  They  altered  the  boun- 
daries of  the  towns ;  forbade  the  collection  of  town  and 
parish  taxes,  till  taxes  assessed  for  the  Province  should 
have  been  paid  in ;  and  in  various  other  ways  made  the 
people  feel  the  weight  of  a  yoke  which  the  imprudence 


lege  at  Cambridge,  which  they  call 
their  University,  from  whence  all  the 
towns,  both  in  this  and  the  other  Col- 
onies, are  supplied  with  factious  and 
seditious  preachers This  coun- 
try can  never  be  well  settled,  or  the 
people  become  good  subjects,  till  the 
preachers  be  reformed,  and  that  Col- 
lege  suppressed If  the  Boston 

charter  were  made  void,  and  the  chief 
of  the  faction  called  to  answer  in  their 
own  persons  for  their  misdemeanors, 
and  their  teachers  restrained  from  se- 
ditious preaching,  it  would  give  great 
encouragement  to  the  loyal  party  to 
ahow  themselves."  (Colonial  Papers, 
&c.)  Writing  to  the  Lords  of  the 
Committee  the  same  day,  he  says  that, 
in  his  own  government,  his  "  endeavors 
to  quiet  the  spirit  of  those  unmanage- 
able creatures"  were  frustrated  "by 
the  influence  of  Moody,  their  teacher, 
Waldron,  and  three  or  four  more,  who 
have  long  had  the  dominion."  The 
Colleo-e  was  still  heavy  on  his  mind. 


"  When  the  charter  shall  be  made  void, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  dissolve  their  Uni- 
vei"sity  of  Cambridge,  for  from  thence 
all  the  several  Colonies  in  New  Eng- 
land  are   supplied By    taking 

away  their  University,  which  will  also 
be  forfeited  with  their  charter,  the  effect 
will  cease,  for  all  other  ways  will  be  in 
effectual,   the  fountain  being  impure. 

The  Bostoners,  principals  in 

matters  of  government,  debauches  all 
the  neighboring  Colonies."  (Ibid.)  — 
October  19,  he  again  brought  the  nui- 
sance of  the  College  to  the  attention  of 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  assuring 
them  that  the  people  of  New  England 
would  never  cease  to  give  trouble  to 
the  government  at  home,  till  "  the  Col- 
lege at  Cambridge  was  utterly  extir- 
pated, for  from  thence  those  half-witted 
philosophers  turn  either  atheists  or  se- 
ditious preachers."     (Ibid.) 

1  Farmer's  edition  of  Belknap,  I. 
103 ;  N.  H.  An^hives,  Council  Papers, 
79. 


Chap.  X.] 


NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 


415 


of  the  recent  rebellion  showed  the  difficulty  of  throwing 
off  Whatever  hope  remained  seemed  to  rest  on  the 
clemency  of  the  King.  It  was  resolved  to  solicit  his  in- 
tervention. A  private  contribution  was  made  to  defray 
the  expense ;  and  Nathaniel  Weare,  of  Hampton,  was 
engaged  to  carry  the  petitions  of  the  four  towns  to  the 
foot  of  the  throne.  Accompanied  by  Vaughan,  one  of 
the  dismissed  Counsellors,  he  made  his  way  to  Boston, 
whence  he  sailed  to  England.  Yaughan,  who  was  to  ob- 
tain some  papers  to  send  after  him,  was  arrested  on  his 
return  to  Portsmouth,  and  required  to  find  security  for 
his  good  behavior.  Having  refused,  he  was  by  the  Gov- 
ernor's warrant  committed  to  jail,  where  he  lay  nine 
months.' 


1  Belknap,  History,  &c.,  I.  App.  1. - 
Ixiv. ;  N.  li.  Archives,  Council  Papers, 
69.  —  Among  the  "Colonial  Papers" 
constantly  referred  to  in  these  notes  is 
a  copy  of  a  Proclamation  issued  by 
Cranfield,  September  30,  1683,  for 
a  Thanksgiving  for  "  the  discovery  of 
a  most  execrable  design, car- 
ried on  by  fanatic  dissenters  and  athe- 
istical persons, to  the  intent  to 

destroy  both  his  Majesty,  the  best  of 
princes,  and  all  his  good  subjects  and 
their  generations  yet  to  come."  The 
discovery  of  the  Rye-House  Plot  was 
in  June  of  this  year ;  see  above,  p.  262. 
—  October  19,  Cranfield  wrote  from 
New  Hampshire  to  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins, 
that  the  government  of  the  Colonies  of 
Connecticut  and  of  Plymouth,  as  well 
as  of  Massachusetts,  ought  to  be  as- 
sumed by  the  King,  "  the  humor  of  the 
inhabitants  and  method  of  the  govern- 
ment being  the  same  with  Boston,  as 

corrupt,  but  much  more  ignorant 

If  his  Majesty  did  but  know  what  a 
mean  and  scandalous  sort  of  people  the 
Rhode-Pslanders  are,"  he  would,  Cran- 
field thought,  include  them  too  in  the 
reform.      "  A    true    reformation    can 


never  be  expected  as  long  as  the  Uni- 
versity here  (called  Cambridge)  sends 

forth  such  rebellious  trumpeters 

Without  doubt,  they  have  corresponded 
with  the  faction  in  England,  much  to 
the  prejudice  of  the  peace  and  welfare 
of  his  Majesty  and  his  affairs.  I  have 
been  credibly  informed  here  that  they 
knew  of  the  late  horrid  plot ;  and,  were 
there  an  order,  and  power  to  back  it, 
to  search  some  of  the  ministers'  and 
laity's  papers,  I  question  not  but  there 
would  be  found  treasonable  letters  that 
would  evidently  make  out  their  knowl- 
edge of  this  damnable  conspiracy  against 

his  Majesty  and  Royal  Highness, 

some  of  their  party  having  let  fall  words 
about  six  months  since,  that  great 
troubles  were  like  to  be  in  England." 
(Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  — November  15, 
he  informed  the  Lords  of  the  Commit- 
tee that  Mason  had  obtained  thirty  or 
forty  judgments,  but  that  they  were  use- 
less, on  account  of  the  resistance  made 
by  the  people  to  the  service  of  the  exe- 
cutions. Officers  were  opposed,  and 
compelled  to  desist ;  and  the  Governor 
did  not  think  it  prudent  to  call  out  the 
posse,  "fearing  it  might  bring  blood  and 


^1Q  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Enforced  by  poverty  to  convoke  the  Provincial  Legis- 
lature asrain,  the  Governor  informed  them  that  he  had 

1684.  intelligence  that  there  was  danger  of  a  foreign 
January  14.  ^,^^^  ^^^  Qf  j^^  invasion  of  the  Province  by  the 
King's  enemies ;  ^  and  he  presented  to  the  Assembly  a 
bill,  which,  reversing  the  proper  order  of  procedure,  he 
had  already  caused  to  be  passed  by  the  Council,  appro- 
priating money  for  the  repair  and  supply  of  the  fort  at 
Portsmouth,  and  for  other  expenses  of  the  government. 
The  Assembly  refused  to  enact  the  bill,  and  Cranfield  re- 
venged himself  by  dissolving  it,  and  by  causing  several 
of  the  members  to  be  chosen  constables  for  the  year,  — 
an  appointment  which  could  not  be  escaped  but  by  the 
payment  of  a  fine.^ 

Moody,  the  minister  of  Portsmouth,^  was  especially  an 
object  of  his  dislike.  The  Governor  had  lately  issued  an 
order  that  the  ministers  should  admit  all  persons  of  suit- 
able years,  and  not  vicious,  to  the  Lord's  supper,  and 
their  children  to  baptism ;  and  that,  if  any  person  should 
desire  to  have  either  of  the  Christian  ordinances  admin- 
istered according  to  the  English  rubric,  any  minister  re- 
fusing so  to  administer  it  should  incur  the  penalties  of  the 
Act  of  Uniformity.*  He  now  sent  a  message  to  Moody, 
requiring  him,  on  the  following  Sunday,  to  administer 
the  Eucharist  in  that  form  to  himself,  and  to  Mr.  Mason 
and  Mr.  Hinckes  of  his  Council.  The  minister  refused, 
and  was  indicted  and  tried  for  the  offence,  as  a  transgres- 

confusion,  being  incited  and  stirred  up  knap  (History,  &c.,  I.  App.  xli.).  —  "  It 

by  Mr.  Moody,  Major  Waldron,  and  will  be  absolutely  necessary  to  admit 

Captain  Vaughan."     (Ibid.)  no  person  into  any  place  of  trust,  but 

1  N.  H.  Archives,  Council  Papers,  70.  such  as  take  the  sacrament,  and  are 

2  Ibid.,  103,  104.  conformable  to  the  rites  of  the  Church 

3  Seaborn  Cotton  (Marigena  Cotton,     of  England And  I  utterly  despair 

as  he  stands  in  the  College  Catalogue)  of  any  true  duty  and  obedience  paid  to 
was  minister  of  Hampton  ;  and  John  his  Majesty  until  their  College  be  sup- 
Pike,  of  Dover.  Exeter  had  no  min-  pressed  and  their  ministers  silenced." 
ister.     (Ibid.,  107.)  (Cranfield  to  the  Lords  of  the  Commit- 

4  The  order  is  printed  by  Dr.  Bel-  tee,  January  16,  Ibid.) 


Chap.  X.]  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  417 

sion  of  the  Act  of  Uniformity.  He  was  convicted,  and 
sentenced  to  be  imprisoned  for  six  months,  and  his  "  ben- 
efice" was  declared  forfeit  to  the  crown.  Two  of  the 
Magistrates,  who  dissented  from  this  judgment,  were  de- 
posed from  office.^  The  Governor  informed  Cotton,  minis- 
ter of  Hampton,  that  he  intended,  "when  he  had  prepared 
his  soul,  to  come  and  receive  the  sacrament  from  him." 
Cotton  did  not  wait  for  the  visit,  but  went  to  Boston. 

Cranfield,  with  his  obsequious  Council,  now  proceeded 
to  the  extreme  lenorth  of  levyino;  taxes  without 

,  .  „  .  ™,  ,  February  14. 

the  action  of  an  Assembly.     The  pretence  was 
an  alarm  of  invasion  from  the  Eastern  Indians.     Great 
military  preparations  were   made ;  ^    and    the   Governor 
went  to  New  York  to  endeavor  to  make  arrangements 
with  Governor  Dongan  to  engage  an  auxiliary  force  of 
Mohawks.^     He  gave  further  offence  to  Massachusetts  by 
exactino;  duties  from  vessels  tradincr  to  the  eastern  side 
of  the  Piscataqua,  which  was  within  the  border  of  Maine,* 
The  Lords  of  the  Committee  wrote  to  Cranfield,  cen- 
surino;  his  course  in  causino;  the  claims  of  Ma- 
son  to  be   adjudicated   upon  in  the   rrovince, 
instead  of  referring  them   to  England  according  to  his 
instructions,  and  in  presuming  to  fix  the  values  of  cur- 
rent coin.^     Weare,  the  messenger  from  New  Hampshire, 
remained  for  several  months  inactive  in  Ensrland,  sendino; 
repeatedly  for  the  papers  corroborative  of  his  represen- 
tations, which  Cranfield  took  care  that  he  should  not  re- 
ceive.    At  length,  despairing  of  being  able  to  do  better 
for  the  present,  he  presented  to  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil a  memorial,  which  charged  the   Governor, 

1  N.  H.   Archives,   Council   Papers,  2  Belknap,    History,    &c.,    I.    App. 

71-75;     Belknap,    History,    &c.,    I.  xliv. -xlvi. 

App.  xlii.  -  xliv.  —  For  a  noble  letter  3  JJ.   H.   Archives,   Council  Papers, 

of  Moody,  while  in  confinement  (Feb-  145. 

ruary  12,  1684),  to  Governor  Hinckley  4  Mass.  Rec,  V.  444. 

of  Plymouth,    see   Mass.    Hist.    Coll.,  &  Colonial  Papers,  &c. 
XXXV.  116. 


418  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

under  several  specifications,  with  illegal  and  oppressive 
administration.-^     The  memorial  was  referred  to  the  Lords 

of  the  Committee,^  who  treated  it  with  respect. 

They  sent  a  copy  to  Cranfield,  and  demanded 
his  reply,  charging  him  at  the  same  time  to  desist  from 
placing  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  party  which  was  col- 
lecting evidence  to  inculpate  him.^  He  was  now  utterly 
disappointed  in  his  expectation  of  making  a  fortune,  and 
disgusted   with  the  vexations  of  the  contest  which  he 

had  dishonestly  provoked ;   and,  before  receiv- 

May  27.  .  ,   .  i  i  i       i  •  i  i   • 

ing  this  order,  he  had  written  home,  asking  to 
be  relieved  from  his  post.     The  King  in  Coun- 
cil gave  him  permission  to  appoint  a  Deputy, 
and  "  to  go  to  Jamaica  or  Barbadoes  for  the  recovery  of 
his  health,  which  he  alleged  to  be  much  impaired  by  the 
severity  of  the  cold."  * 

The  attempt  to  enforce  payment  of  the  illegally  assessed 
taxes  led  to  general  disorder.  The  constables  re- 
ported that  they  could  collect  no  money.  They 
were  ordered  to  proceed  by  the  process  of  distraint ;  but 
when  they  had  succeeded,  through  many  difficulties,  in 
seizing  property,  and  offered  it  for  sale,  nobody  would  ven- 
ture to  buy.     The  people  grew  more  turbulent,^  when  a 

1  The  memorial  is  in  Belknap,  His-  and  to  give  them  a  concurrent  power 
tory,  &c.  (I.  App.  Ixvi.)  —  Cranfield  —  were  inserted  by  a  mere  clerical 
issued  a  proclamation,  May  16,  con-  error,  and  that  such  had  been  the  de- 
vening  a  General  Assembly  to  be  held  cision  of  both  Council  and  Assembly, 
on  the  27th.  (N.  H.  Arch.,  Council  (Colonial  Papers,  &c. ;  N.  H.  Arch., 
Papers,  101.)     But  the  holding  of  elec-  Council  Papers,  131.) 

tions  was  resisted  (Ibid.,  103),  and  I  *  Colonial  Papers,  &c. ;  Journals  of 

find  no  record  of  a  meeting.  the  Privy  Council. 

2  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council.  5  May  14,    Cranfield  wrote   to   the 

3  After  receiving  this  order,  Cran-  Lords  of  the  Committee  that  the  In- 
field wrote  to  the  Lords,  October  16.  dians  in  Maine  had  been  very  disor- 
In  r'espect  to  the  very  important  point  derly.  He  hoped  no  war  woulU  come, 
of  authority  to  set  up  courts  of  judica-  "  not  having  twopence  in  the  treas- 
ture  without  the  consent  of  the  As-  ury,"  and  being  unable  to  prevail  on 
sembly,  he  maintained  that  the  words  the  Province  to  grant  him  any  relief. 
"  and  they  "  in  his  commission  —  words  He  gives  "  an  account  of  what  an  inso- 
understood   to   denote   the    Assembly,  lent  speech  was  made  by  Mr.  Mather, 


Renewed 
disturbances. 


Chap.  X.]  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  419 

rumor  got  abroad  that  the  Governor  was  soon  to  leave 
them.    At  Exeter  they  drove  off  the  Marshal,  the 

•^  ,   .  December  29 

women  having  prepared  boiling  water  and  red- 
hot  spits  to  use  in  support  of  the  men's  cudgels.^       less. 
From  Hampton  he  had  to  withdraw  with  a  beat-  •''"""^'^  ^• 
ing  and  the  loss  of  his  sword,  and  was  escorted  thence  to 
Salisbury  on  horseback,  with  a  rope  round  his  neck,  and 
his  legs  tied  under  the  horse's  belly.     Robie,  one  of  the 
Magistrates,  attempting  to  seize  some  of  the  mob,  was 
himself  assaulted.^     The  troop  of  horse  was  or- 
dered to  parade  under  Mason,  to  put  down  the 
insurrection ;    but,  on  the  appointed  day.  Mason  found 
himself  alone  at  the  field  of  rendezvous.^     From  these 
storms,  when  at  their  height,  Cranfield,  availing  himself 
of  the  leave  of  absence  which  he  had  secured  in  time, 
withdrew  to  the  more  tranquil  atmospl^ere  of  Departure  of 
the  West   Indies,  taking  passage  privately  at  cranaeid. 
Boston.*     Barefoote  was  left  at   the  head  of  the  gov- 
ernment. 


the  minister  of  the  North  Church  in  seech  your  Lordships  not  to  order  my 

Boston,  and   Mr.  Nowell,  one  of  the  return  to  these  parts ;  for  I  have  neither 

Magistrates, at  a  town  meeting  health  nor  those  happy  abilities  to  serve 

[see  above,  p.  388]  ; also  that  a  his  Majesty  so  well  as  the  necessity  of 

minister  near  Boston declared  his  affairs  at  this  juncture  of  time  doth 

that  Hugh  Peters  was  unlawfully  put  require."     (Cranfield,  to  the  Lords  of 

to  death,  and  died  a  martyr."     (Colo-  the   Committee,   January  6,   1685,  in 

nial  Papers,  &c.)  —  May  23,  Cranfield  Colonial  Papers,  &c.)     In  the  same  let- 

and   Mason  wrote  that,  since   Robert  ter  he  says  that  he  has  made  Robert 

Wadleigh's   return  from  London,  the  Wadleigh   a    Counsellor   and  Justice, 

people  had  become  more  ungovernable  "  he  having  showed  himself,  since  his 

than  ever ;   "  he  hath  put  the  people  return  from  England,  well  affected  to 

of  this  Province  into  such  a  ferment  his  Majesty's  service."     Wadleigh,  "  of 

and  disorder."     (Ibid.)  Great  Island  [in  Portsmouth  harbor] 

1  N.  H.  Arch.,  Council  Papers,  1 38.  in  New  England,"  was  known  to  the 

2  Ibid.,  142,  143.  Privy  Council  as   having  "personally 

3  Ibid.,  144.  come  over,  to   his  great  trouble  and 
*  "  I  esteem  it  the  greatest  happi-  charge,  to  answer  the  appeal  of  Wal- 

ness  that  ever  I  had   in  my  life  that  ter  Barefoote,  Esq."     (Journals  of  the 

your  Lordships  have  given  me  an  op-  Privy  Council,  for  October  4,  1688.) 
portunity  to  remove  from  these  unrea-        July   10,   1685,    Cranfield   sent   his 

eonable  people I  humbly  be-  thanks  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee 


420  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Of  the  Confederate  Colonies,  Massachusetts  alone  had 
hitherto  been  annoyed  by  Randolj)h  and  his  employers 
and  associates.  Plymouth  and  Connecticut  he  had  as  yet 
seemed  disposed  rather  to  favor  and  flatter  than  to  dis- 
turb. It  was  with  the  claims  of  Massachusetts  that  the 
pretensions  of  Mason  and  Gorges  conflicted  ;  and  it  was 
plain  that,  if  Massachusetts  should  be  broken  down,  the 
other  Colonies  would  be  an  easy  prey,  and  that,  while 
the  struggle  was  going  on,  a  show  of  royal  favor  to  them 
would  strengthen  the  royal  cause  by  creating  jealousies 
among  the  parties  to  the  colonial  alliance. 

An  account  of  the  condition  of  Plymouth  at  this  period 
was  given  by  the  Magistrates  in  answer  to  a  series  of 
Condition  of  iuquirics  which  had  been  sent  to  them  by  the 
^^^S'  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  and  Planta- 
juneso.  tions.  They  represented  that  they  had  a  mili- 
tary force  of  twelve  hundred  men,«  between  the  ^ges  of 
sixteen  and  sixty.  At  the  town  of  Plymouth  was  a  fort, 
mounting  three  guns.  Their  commodities  for  trade  were 
fish,  meat,  a  little  grain,  horses,  tar,  and  timber.  "  Slaves 
we  have  very  few,"  they  said,  "  except  Indian  women  and 

boys  taken  in  the  late  war If  any  are  worth  two 

thousand  pounds,  such  are  very  rarely  found  among  us. 

We  are  a  people  of  various  persuasions To 

all   these   we   give    equal    respect   and   encouragement, 
except  the  Quakers ;  and  them  we  disturb  not,  if  they 

do  not  disturb  the  peace In  seven  years  have 

been  born  to  us  about  eight  hundred  children."     Within 
the   same   time    there    had    been    about    four    hundred 

"for  giving  him  the  liberty  to  remove  given  that  those  coagulated  and  con- 

from  a  country  which  proved  ungrate-  gealed  humors  that  were  settled  in  his 

ful  to  his  health."     (Colonial  Papers,  legs  could  not  be  thinned  and  dispersed 

&c.)     But  his  distemper  was  such  as  without  the  benefit  of  the  bath  in  Eng- 

West  India  air  had  not  the  virtue  to  land."      (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  —  He 

cure.     He  applied  to  the  Lords  of  the  "  went  off  in  1 685  ;  after  that  to  Eng- 

Committee,  from  Jamaica,  (August  28,  land  ;   and  from  thence  came  Collec- 

1685,)    for   leave   to   go   home,   "  the  tor   to   Barbadoes."      (Fitch's   Manu- 

opiuion  of  the  physicians  having  been  script.) 


Chap.  X.]  PLYMOUTH.  421 

and  fifty  marriages,  and  about  five  hundred  and  forty 
deaths.^ 

Plymouth  recovered  but  slowly  from  the  exhaustion 
consequent  upon  the  Indian  war.  Two  or  three  years 
passed  after  the  close  of  that  conflict  before  the  King's 
advisers  became  curious  about  it.^  Then  the  Magistrates 
of  Plymouth  received  "  letters  from  his  Majesty,  whereby 
it  appeared  that  the  Colony  suffered  blame  for  that  his 
Majesty  had  not  received  a  particular  account  of  the 
transacting;  of  matters  relating-  to  the  late  war  with  the 

Indians The   premises  considered, 1579. 

they  saw  cause  to  speed  away  another  address  *^"'^*' 
to  his  Majesty,  therein  to  present  him  with  a  true  intel- 
ligence of  matters,  and  to  remove  the  misinterpretation 
of*  their  intentions  and  proceedings  respecting  the  prem- 
ises." A  memorial  to  the  King,  previously  drawn  up  by 
the  Governor,  was  "  unanimously  approved  "  by  them,  as 
"  hopeful,  through  the  blessing  of  God,  to  procure  a  re- 
newed continuance  of  the  King's  favor; and  also 

the  honored  Court  renewed  their  solicitation  of  his  Honor 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  loyalty,   and    the    most    successful    of 

2  June  26,  1677,  Winslow  addressed  their  commanders,  when  he  was  slayed 
a  letter  to  the  King,  for  which  he  by  him ;  being  his  crown,  his  gorge, 
"  craved  pardon,"  declaring  it  to  "  flow  and  two  belts  of  their  own  making 
from  no  other  fountain  but  the  loyalty  of  their  gold  and  silver."  (Ibid.) 
of  his  heart  and  affection  for  his  Majes-  Possibly  a  question  might  have  been 
ty's  person."  He  said  that  by  his  pub-  raised  about  the  authenticity  or  the 
lie  employments  he  had  been  disap-  value  of  these  regalia  of  Philip, 
pointed  of  "  obtaining  the  happiness  to  But  they  never  reached  the  King's 
see  the  prince  in  whom  the  nations  hands.  May  1,  1680,  when  the  ques- 
that  were  his  subjects  were  so  happy,"  tions  of  a  charter,  and  of  the  lands 
and  therefore  took  this  method  to  ask  of  Mount  Hope,  were  again  agitated, 
the  royal  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  Winslow  wrote  to  Secretary  Coventry 
his  Colony  in  the  recent  war.  And  he  that  he  believed  they  had  been  wrong- 
asked  the  King's  "  favorable  accept-  fully  detained  by  Major  Waldegrave 
ance  of  a  few  Indian  rarities ;  being  Pelham,  his  wife's  brother,  to  whom 
the  best  of  their  spoils,  and  the  best  of  they  had  been  intrusted  for  presenta- 
the  ornaments  and  treasure  of  Sachem  tion,  and  of  whom  he  complains  as 
Philip,  the  grand  rebel,  the  most  of  having  -wronged  him  lu  other  ways, 
them    taken    from    him    by    Captain  (Ibid.) 

Benjamin   Church,  a  person  of  great 
VOL.  III.  36 


422  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IIL 

to  prosecute  the  said  weighty  design  in  their  behalf 
with  all  possible  expedition,  who  lovingly  undertook  the 
same." 

The  "weighty  design"  here  vaguely  indicated  could 
have  been  no  other  than  the  obtainino;  of  that  charter 
from  the  King,  which  for  sixty  years  had  so  often  and  so 
delusively  seemed  within  the  grasp  of  the  people  of 
Plymouth.  Whether  any  steps  were  immediately  taken 
1680.  in  relation  to  it  does  not  apppear.  But  in  the 
June  1.  next  year  new  encouragement  was  derived  from 
a  royal  letter,  "wherein  was  expressed  his  Majesty's  favor- 
able aspect  on  the  Colony,  with  his  settlement  of  Mount 
Hope  thereon,  with  a  further  notification  of  his  gracious 
candor  in  adding  promises  of  further  grace."  -^  In  conse- 
o ,- ■  .-      r   Quence,  a  formal  address,  siarned  by  Governor 

Solicitations  of      T-  -^  '         O  v' 

Plymouth  for  a  Wluslow  for  thc  Gcncral  Court,  was  presented 

to   the   King.      They  thanked    him  for  taking 

eptem  er  .    j^Q|.-^g  ^f  ^^iQ  defcct  "  wluch  the  largeness  of  his 

royal  understanding  espied  in  their  former  charter, 

not  so  easy  for  themselves  to  discern."  This  condescen- 
sion, they  said,  both  influenced  and  animated  them  — 
"notwithstanding  the  deep  sense  of  their  own  inaptness 
to  speak  unto  their  lord  the  King "  —  to  pray  for  a 
"  continuance  of  their  civil  privileges  and  religious  lib- 
erties in  the  walking  with  peaceable  and  loyal  minds 
in  the  faith  of  the  Gospel,  according  to  the  order  of 
the  Gospel."  They  presented  a  brief  sketch  of  the 
origin  and  growth  of  their  Colony,  setting  forth  its  ser- 
vices as  the  pioneer  to  other  New  England  settlements. 
And  they  prayed  that  it  might  "  please  his  most  ex- 
cellent Majesty,  of  his  especial  grace  and  mere  motion, 
to  favor  them  with  his  gracious  letters  patent  for  their 
incorporation  into  a  body  politic,  with  singular  the  priv- 
ileges  as  Jiis  Majesty  had   been   accustomed    to   grant, 

1  Plym.  Rec,  VI.  36  ;   comp.    Sec-    Winslow,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXXV. 
retaxy  Coventry's  letter  to  Governor     31. 


Chap.  X.]  PLYMOUTH.  423 

as  to  other  Colonies,  so  to  his  Majesty's  Colony  of  Con- 
necticut." ^ 

This  was  the  last  public  act  of  Josiah  Winslow.     He 
died  within  four  months  after  the  date  of  the  ^  ,,  ,„ 

Death  of  Qov- 

petition.^     He  was  a  brave  and  capable  officer;  emor winsiow. 

•  ,1  r«ni  r>ji  •    i  n      December  18. 

a  man  worthy  oi  all  esteem  tor  the  virtues  of 
private  life  ;  and  a  conscientious  and  wise  administrator 
of  the  internal  affairs  of  his  government.  He  cannot  be 
described  as  a  New-England  patriot  of  the  highest  type. 
He  did  not,  indeed,  like  Joseph  Dudley,  tread  backward 
over  his  father's  steps;  but  his  course,  like  John  Win- 
throp's,  of  Connecticut,  diverged  from  the  path  of  pa- 
rental example.  The  bold  and  generous  policy  of  Massa- 
chusetts had  no  effectual  support  from  him.  Lord  Clar- 
endon's Commissioners  found  him  pliant.  Randolph  re- 
ported him  as  being  well  affected  to  the  pretensions  of 
the  crown.  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  he  was 
influenced  by  personal  motives  of  a  sordid  kind.  Jealousy 
of  Massachusetts,  which  Colony  was  apt  to  be  suspected 
of  an  encroaching  disposition,  may  have  done  something 
towards  throwing  him  into  sympathy  with  the  courtiers. 
But  it  may  be  presumed  that  what  chiefly  swayed  his 
mind  was  that  dream  of  a  royal  charter,  which  all  along 
tamed  the  courage  of  Plymouth  on  occasions  of  dispute 
with  the  crown.  Plymouth,  uneasy  at  having  no  other 
basis  for  her  legal  existence  than  a  patent  from  the  long- 
defunct  Council  for  New  England,  constantly  flattered  her- 
self with  the  hope  of  exchanging  it  for  a  royal  charter, 
as  Massachusetts  had  early  done  in  a  similar  case.      It 

1  Chalmers,  Annals,  105-108.  office,  June  1,  1680.    (Plym.  Eec,  VI. 

2  Josiah  Winslow  was  the  first  Gov-  34.)  In  the  following  year,  when 
ernor  of  any  New-England  Colony  Hinckley  succeeded  Winslow  as  Gov- 
that  was  born  on  this  side  of  the  water,  ernor,  James  Cudworth  was  chosen 
He  was  present  at  the  Court  held  Oc-  Deputy-Governor.  (Ibid.,  59.)  Cud- 
tober  27,  less  than  two  mouths  before  worth  died  the  same  year,  and  William 
his  death.  Till  this  year  Plymouth  Bradford  succeeded  in  1682.  (Ibid., 
had   never   had    a   Deputy-Governor.  83.) 

Thomas  Hinckley  was  chosen  to  that 


424'  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HL 

seemed  hard  that,  orderly  and  inoffensive  as  she  was, 
she  should  be  denied  what  had  been  so  easily  accorded 
to  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut.  As  often  as  she  ex- 
pressed that  hope,  she  was  beguiled  by  a  complaisant 
reception  of  her  suit  at  court.  Governor  Prince  culti- 
vated the  favor  of  Nicolls  and  his  associates,  and  Wins- 
low  secured  the  good  graces  and  the  good  word  of  Ran- 
dolph and  of  Lord  Culpepper.-^  The  course  which  was 
pursued  by  them,  especially  by  Winslow,  while  it  proved 
fruitless  for  its  object,  made  a  breach  in  the  undivided 
front  which  it  was  desirable  for  New  England,  at  this 
crisis,  to  be  able  to  present. 

The  Address  of  the  government  of  Plymouth  was  car- 
ried to  England  by  James  Cudworth,  of  Scituate.  His 
death,  soon  after  his  arrival,  deprived  the  Colony  of  the 
most  eminent  of  its  citizens,  now  that  Winslow  was  no 

1681.  more.  The  General  Court  appointed  a  day  of 
March  1.  liumiliation  and  fasting  to  be  kept,  to  pray  for 
the  success  of  their  application  to  the  King,^  and  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  Church  universal.  Thomas  Hinck- 
ley, of  Barnstable,  who  had  been  twenty  years  an  As- 
sistant,  was   chosen   to  the   vacant  place  of  Governor. 

1683.  After  nearly  two  years  more  of  disappointed 
February  6.  j^Qpg^  ^^q  Gcncral  Court  sent  to  England  the 
Reverend  Mr.  Ichabod  Wiswall,  of  Duxbury,  as  their 
"  agent  to  petition  for  confirmation  and  enlargement  of 
their  letters  patents."^  They  ordained  another  fast-day 
to  entreat  that  God  would  "  graciously  protect  and  pre- 

l"Mr.    Randolph    [July    7,    1680]  Lord    Culpepper    attends    [April    16, 

■was   admitted  to  be  a  freeman  of  this  1681],  and  gives  their  Lordships  an 

corporation  and  sworn."     (Plym.  Rec,  account that  the  Colony  of  New 

VI.  46.)  Singular  proceeding  as  this  Plymouth  is  very  well  inclined  to  his 
was,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  honored  Majesty's  government,  and  does  there- 
freeman  was  Edward  Randolph ;  for  fore  deserve  to  be  encouraged,  which 
in  a  letter  to  Governor  Hinckley,  their  Lordships  will  report  to  the  Coun- 
November  24,  1683,  he  speaks  of  him-  cil."  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 
self  as  "a  member"  of  the  Colony.  2  Plym.  Rec,  VL  57. 
(Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXXV.  97.)  —  " My        3  ibid.,  99. 


Chap.  X.] 


PLYMOUTH. 


425 


serve"  their  agent,  and  "prosper  his  way  to  the  other 
England,  and  give  them  to  find  favor  in  the  eyes  of 
their  lord  the  King,  and  in  due  season  return  a  com- 
fortable answer  to  their  desires."  ^    "  Understanding 

by  the  friendly  courtesy  of  Mr.  Randolph,  that  God  was 
graciously  pleased  to  deliver  the  King's  sacred  person 
from  that  late  horrid  treasonable  conspiracy,"  the  Rye- 
House  Plot,  they  commemorated  the  deliverance  by  a 
day  of  thanksgiving ;  and,  in  making  this  known 

T7-  •  11  11  •    1         •  r>  November. 

to  the  Kmg,  they  lamented  "  the  mislaymg  of 
the  copy  of  their  former  patent  sent  over  by  Governor 
Winslow,"  and  added  that  "now,  having  sent  over  an- 
other copy  of  the  patent,  they  had  found  it  in  their 
hearts  to  renew  their  supplication  that  his  Majesty  might 
graciously  please  to  give  direction  that  a  bill  might  be 
prepared  for  his  royal  signature."^  But  all  would  not 
do.     Plymouth  never  got  a  royal  charter.^ 


1  Plym.  Rec.  VI.  101. 

2  Hinckley  Papers,  in  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.,  XXXV.  98.  This  paper  was 
presented  to  the  Lords,  February  21, 
1684.     (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 

3  July  4,  1684,  an  Act  was  passed 
making  it  a  felony  in  any  subject  of 
Plymouth,  contrary  to  the  King's  trea- 
ties and  proclamations,  "  to  serve  in 
America,  in  an  hostile  manner,  under 
any  foreign  princes,  or  any  employed 
under  any  of  them,  against  any  other 
foreign  prince,  state,  or  potentate,  in 
amity  with  his  Majesty."  (Plym.  Rec, 
YI.  136.) 

There  was  similar  legislation  at  the 
same  time  in  the  other  two  Confederate 
Colonies.  (Mass.  Rec,  V.  446-448; 
Conn.  Rec,  HI.  150-155.)  It  was 
in  compliance  with  an  urgent  demand 
from  the  King,  transmitted  by  Jenkins, 
Secretary  of  State.  Spain  had  com- 
plained of  buccaneering  expeditions  of 
Englishmen  against  her  possessions  in 
the  American  seas,  as  being  in  viola- 
36* 


tion  of  the  Treaty  for  America,  con- 
cluded in  1670.  The  King  accordingly 
issued  a  most  menacing  proclamation 
against  his  subjects  engaged  in  such 
transactions.  At  the  same  time,  it  was 
understood  that  the  royal  scoundrel 
was  receiving  a  share  of  the  plun- 
der; and  it  was  just  about  the  time 
of  the  date  of  his  virtuous  letter  to 
the  Colonies  that  he  conferred  knight- 
hood on  the  Welsh  pirate,  Sir  Henry 
Morgan.  (Edwards,  History  of  the 
British  Colonies  in  the  West  Indies, 
I.  212.) 

The  King's  injunction  to  his  Ameri- 
can subjects  to  abstain  from  entering 
the  service  of  "  foreign  princes "  may 
be  illustrated  by  an  incident  of  the 
time.  In  May,  1680,  Captain  Saw- 
kins,  a  daring  English  marauder,  had 
anchored  his  ships  before  the  Spanish 
town  of  Panamd.  "  The  Governor  sent 
a  message  by  some  merchants  to  us, 
to  know  what  we  came  for  into  those 
parts.     To  this  message  Captain  Saw- 


426  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Connecticut,  on  the  other  hand,  rejoicing  in  the  pos- 
session of  that  valued  security,  was  for  the  present  quiet 
and  content,  as  well  as  thrifty.  Various  important 
coudition  of  particulars  of  the  condition  of  that  Colony  four 
Connecticut,  y^r^y^  aftcr  PhiHp's  war  are  recorded  in  a  report 
July  15  made  by  the  Governor  and  Secretary  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  and  Plantations.^ 
According  to  this  account,  the  whole  force  of  militia 
amounted  to  2,507  foot-soldiers,  besides  "one  troop  con- 
sisting of  about  sixty  horse."  There  was  a  "small  fort 
at  the  mouth  of  Connecticut  River."  "As  for  our  In- 
dian neighbors,"  say  the  writers,  "we  compute  them  to 
be  about  five  hundred  fighting-men.  We  are  strangers 
to  the  French,  and  know  nothing  of  their  strength  or 
commerce.  Our  chief  trade  for  procuring  clothing  is 
by  sending  what  provisions  we  raise  to  Boston,  where 
we  buy  goods.  The  trade  with  our  Indians  is  worth 
nothing,  because  their  frequent  wars  hinder  their  get- 
ting peltry.  We  have  neighborly  correspondence  with 
New  Plymouth ;  with  Massachusetts ;  ^  since  Major  An- 

kins  made  answer,  that  we  came  to  Dampier  was  just  about  to  sail  from 

assist  the  King  of  Darien,  who  was  the  Virginia  on   one  of  his  grand  expe- 

true  lord  of  Panamii,  and  all  the  country  ditions.     It  was  a  brilliant  thought  — 

thereabouts ;  and  that,  since  we  were  worthy   of  the   Merry   Monarch  —  to 

come  so  far,  it  was  no  reason  but  that  give   out   to   the   world    that    it    was 

we  should  have  some  satisfaction.    So  his  strait-laced  subjects  in  New  Eng- 

that  if  he  pleased  to  send  us  five  hun-  land  that  needed  to  be  restrained  from 

dred  pieces  of  eight  for  each  man,  and  playing  these  pranks  on  the   Spanish 

one  thousand  for  each  commander,  and  Main. 

not  any  further  to  annoy  the  Indians,  For  further  illustrations  of  this  mat- 
but  suffer  them  to  use  their  own  power  ter  see  Burney,  Voyages,  IV.  78, 
and  liberty,  as  became  the  true  and  132,  320. 

natural  lords  of  the  country,  that  then         l  Colonial   Papers,    &c. ;    Chalmers, 

we  would  desist  from  further  hostili-  Annals,  307-310.     This  paper  is  but 

ties,  and  go  away  peaceably  ;  otherwise  an  abstract.    The  document  is  printed 

that  we  should  stay  there,  and  get  what  in  full  in  Conn.  Rec,  III.  294  -  300. 
we  could,  causing  them  what  damage         2  In  the  original  draft,  the  word  in- 

was  possible."     (History  of  the  Buc-  (Hjferent   preceded   the   words   "  with 

cancers,  &c.,  I.  170,  171.)  Massachusetts";    but    in   the    revisal 

When  New  England  was  called  upon  they  were  erased, 
to   pass    these    laws,    the    freebooter 


Chap.  X.]  CONNECTICUT.  427 

dros  came  to  New  York,  M^Ith  him,  but  not  like  what 
we  had  with  his  predecessor.      With   Ehode  Island  we 

have  not  such  good  correspondence  as  we  desh^e 

Our  buildings  are  generally  of  wood ;  some  are  of  stone 
and  brick ;  and  some  of  them  are  of  good  strength  and 

comely,  for  a  wilderness The  commodities  of  the 

country  are  provisions,  lumber,  and  horses Some 

small  quantity  is  sent  to  the  Caribbee  Islands,  and  there 
bartered  for  products  and  some  money.  And  now  and 
then  (rarely)  vessels  are  laden  and  sent  to  Madeira  and 
Fayal,  and  the  cargoes  bartered  for  wine.  We  have 
no  need  of  Virginia  trade,  as  most  people  plant  so  much 
tobacco  as  they  need.  We  have  good  materials  for  ship- 
building. The  value  of  our  annual  imports  probably 
amounts  to  £  9,000.  We  raise  no  saltpetre.  Our  wheat 
hath  been  much  blasted,  and  our  pease  spoiled  with 
worms,  for  sundry  ^^ears  past.  We  have  about  twenty 
petty  merchants ;  some  trade  to  Boston,  some  to  the 
Indies  and  other  Colonies;  but  few  foreign   merchants 

trade  here There  are  but  few  servants,  and  fewer 

slaves ;  not  above  thirty  in  the  Colony.  There  are  so 
few  English,  Scotch,  or  Irish  come  in,  that  we  can  give 
no  account  of  them.  There  come  sometimes  three  or 
four  blacks  fr.om  Barbadoes,  which  are  sold  for  £  22  each. 
We  do  not  know  the  exact  number  of  persons  born ;  nor 
of  marriages,  nor  of  burials.  But  the  increase  is  as  fol- 
lows :  —  the  numbers  of  men  [that  is,  of  military  age, 
between  sixteen  and  sixty]  in  the  year  1671,  were  2,050  ; 
in  1676,  were  2,303;  in  1677,  were  2,362;  in  1678,  were 
2,490;  in  1679,  were  2,507.  We  cannot  guess  the  es- 
tates of  the  merchants;  but  the  property  of  the  whole 

corporation  doth  not  amount  to  £  110,788  sterling 

Twenty-four  small  vessels  belong  to  the  Colony 

There  are  no  duties  on  goods  exported,  except  on  wines 
and  liquors,  which,  though  inconsiderable,  are  appro- 
priated to  maintain  free  schools.     The  people  are  strict 


428  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

Congregationalists ;  a  few,  more  large  Congregational- 
ists;  and  some,  moderate  Presbyterians.  But  the  Con- 
gregationalists are  the  greatest  number.  There  are 
about  four  or  five  Seven-day  men,  and  about  as  many 

Quakers We  have  twenty-six  towns,  and  there 

are  twenty-one  churches  in  them;  and  in  every  one 
there  is  a  settled  minister,  except  in  two  newly  planted. 
The  stipend,  which  is  more  or  less  according  to  duty,  is 
from  .£50  to  .£100.  Every  town  maintains  its  own  poor. 
But  there  is  seldom  any  want,  because  labor  is  dear, 
being  from  two  shillings  to  two  shillings  and  sixpence 
a  day  for  a  laborer;  and  because  provisions  are  cheap. 
Wheat  is  four  shillings  a  bushel  Winchester,  pease  three 
shillings,  Indian  com  two  shillings  and  sixpence,  pork 
threepence  a  pound,  beef  twopence  halfpenny  a  pound, 
butter  sixpence,  and  so  other  matters  in  proportion. 
Beggars  and  vagabonds  are  not  suffered,  but,  when  dis- 
covered, they  are  bound  out  to  service ;  vagabonds  who 
pass  up  and  down  are  punished  by  law."  ^ 

The  history  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  for  the 
years  immediately  succeeding^  the  Indian  war 

Dispute  be-  V  ^   •  ^  ■  •  n    i  t     m 

tweencon-       IS  uothmg  but  a  contmuation  of  the  dull  record 

necticut  and  f»ji  i  •  i     '  t>      i       i  l^  /~^    ^         •  n 

Rhode  Island  01  tiic  chrouic  striic  between  those  Colonies  tor 
boundlr^'iine  Proprietorship  and  jurisdiction  in  the  Narragan- 
sett  country.^  While  that  territory  was  a  bat- 
tle-field, the  controversy  between  its  English  claimants 
was  of  course  suspended.  When  the  quarrel  was  revived, 
it  was  under  somewhat  altered  conditions.  To  the  more 
ancient  claims  of  Connecticut  was  now  added  that  of  con- 
quest ;  for,  while  her  troops  had  composed  a  large  part 

1  In   a   letter  to  Blathwayt,  which  than  the  riddance  of  some  of  our  bad 

accompanied   this   report,  the   Gover-  neighbors."     (Conn.  Rec,  III.  301.) 

nor  said  :    "  We  have  lost  and  spent  2   No  letters  appear  to  be  extant  of 

much  of  our  estates  in  the  last  Indian  those  which  may  have  passed  between 

war.     Our  expense,  with  our  loss,  can-  Rhode  Island   and    Connecticut   from 

not  be  estimated  less  than  £30,000;  May,  1G72,  to  October,  1676.     (Conn, 

and  no  other  advantage  gained  by  it  Rec,  II.  539  ;  R.  I.  Rec,  II.  556.) 


Chap.  X.]  CONNECTICUT  AND   RHODE  ISLAND.  429 

of  the  force  which  had  fatally  struck  at  the  Narragansett 
tribe  in  its  stronghold,  and  finally  swept  over  its  domain, 
Ehode  Island  had  held  herself  neutral  in  the  war,  to  the 
extreme  disgust  of  the  other  Colonies.^  Almost  before 
the  Indians  were  reduced,  the  dispute  broke  out  again  in 
its  old  forms.  Rhode  Island  made  proclamation  1676. 
that  no  person  must  "exercise  jurisdiction  in  0'='o''«>" 27- 
any  part  of  the  Narragansett  country,  under  any  pretence 
whatever,  except  under  her  authority."^  Some  back- 
woodsmen complained  to  Rhode  Island  of  being  1677. 
annoyed  by  Connecticut,  and  the  former  Col-  '^^^''^ 
ony  resolved  that  she  would  "  stand  by  them  and  relieve 
them,"  and  "  vindicate  her  jurisdiction  unto  the  Narragan- 
sett country."  ^  The  intruders  relied  on  this  assurance, 
and  some  Connecticut  officers  brought  them  to  Hartford, 
and  put  them  in  gaol.*  More  of  that  spirited  correspond- 
ence followed,  of  which  the  reader  has  already  had  speci- 
mens enough.^  But  in  action  Rhode  Island,  though  she 
put  her  militia  in  order,®  was  less  adventurous  than  she 
had  been  in  former  times.  Considerations  of  the  recent 
practice  of  Connecticut  in  arms  may  have  influenced  her 
impulsive  neighbor. 

The  Atherton  Company  again  brought  forward  its  pre- 
tensions. In  its  behalf  Captain  Wait  Winthrop  ig-s. 
applied  to  the  General  Court  of  Connecticut  for  ^^^^  "• 
authority  to  "  settle  plantations  in  the  Narragansett  coun- 
try, with  suitable  inhabitants  and  free  planters,  under  this 
government."  ^  The  Court  favored  their  enterprise ;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  taking  notice  that  within  that  territory 

1  "  The  authority  of  Rhode  Island,  making  profit  of  our  expense  of  blood 

being  all  the  time  of  the  war  in  the  and  treasure."     (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 

hands  of  Quakers,  they  scarcely  showed  2  R.  I.  Rec,  11.  559;  comp.  574. 

an  English  spirit,  either  in  assisting  us  3  Ibid.,  567. 

their  distressed  neighbors,  or  relieving  4  Ibid.,  579. 

their  own   plantations  on  the  main."  5  Ibid.,  582,  583,  594,  597,  598. 

"They  took  in  many  of  our  enemies  6  Ibid.,  567,  576,  585,  587. 

that  were   flying   before   us,   thereby  7  Conn.  Rec,  III.  15,  257. 


430  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book   III 

there  were  "  persons,  some  intruding,  and  others  revolted 
from  their  subjection  made  and  engaged  to  this  govern- 
ment," they  instructed  the  Magistrates  "to  take  order 
that  such  persons  be  brought  to  condign  punishment  with 
as  much  speed  and  convenience  as  might  be";-^  and  di- 
rected that  "  none  of  the  conquered  lands  should  be  taken 
up,  or  laid  in  farms  to  any  person  whatsoever,  without 
special  and  express  order  from  the  Court  for  the  same."  ^ 
Hereupon  Simon  Bradstreet,  John  SafB.n,  and  Elisha 
Hutchinson,  a  Committee  of  the  Atherton  Com- 
pany, advertised  at  Boston,  that  they  wanted 
settlers  on  their  lands,  and  were  prepared  "  to  treat  and 
agree  on  very  easy  and  reasonable  terms";  to  which 
notice  the  Assembly  of  Rhode  Island  replied  by  warn- 
ing all  persons  against  these  "fallacious  claims  of  title 
and  government,"  and  declaring  that  all  who  should 
presume  to  act  upon  them  would  by  Rhode  Island  be 
"deemed  as  intruders,  molesters,  and  disquieters  of  the 
peace."  ^ 

It  was  observed  that  settlers  from  Rhode  Island  were 
renewing  the  attempt  to  establish  themselves  on  the  Nar- 
1679.        ragansett  lands ;  and  Secretary  Allyn  wrote  to 
Apru  7.      ^jjg  Magistrates  of  that  Colony,  to  caution  them 
against  permitting  the  intrusion.      The  Magistrates  re- 
plied, that,  while  Connecticut  was  "  of  strength 
sufficient   to  compel   submission,"   they  should 
take  her  persistence  in  the  claim  now  set  up  as  "  an  intru- 
sion upon  their  rights,  and  accordingly  should  endeavor 
their  relief  by  Address  unto  his  Majesty."  * 

Randall  Holden  and  John  Green  were  now  in  Eng- 
The  contro.  laud.  Calling  the  attention  of  the  Privy  Council 
f!^ed  to  °^  to  their  ancient  quarrel  with  Massachusetts,  and 
England.  ^q  ^|^^^^  surrcudcr  of  the  Narragansett  lands  to 
the    King   which  they  had  obtained   from    the    natives 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  3?.  3  R.  I.  Rec,  III.  18,  19. 

2  Ibid.,  34.  4  Conn.  Rec,  UI.  265  -  267. 


Chap.  X.] 


CONNECTICUT  AND   RHODE  ISLAND. 


431 


February  12. 


forty  years  before.^  John  Crowne  was  also  there,  rep- 
resenting the  loss  which  his  father  had  sustained  by 
the  surrender  of  NovS,  Scotia  to  the  French/  and  seek- 
ing to  be  reimbursed  by  a  grant  of  the  territory  lately 
conquered  from  the  Pokanokets  at  Mount  Hope.  The 
King  wrote  to  the  Colonies,  directing  that  "  all 
things  relating  to  the  said  Narragansett  country, 
or  the  King's  Province,  should  be  left  in  the  same  con- 
dition as  now  they  were,  or  had  lately  been  in,  as  to 
the  possession  and  government  thereof,"  and  that  claim- 
ants of  "  the  soil  or  the  government  of  the  said  lands " 
should,  ''  with  all  speed,  and  by  the  first  convenience, 
send  over  persons  sufficiently  empowered  and  instruct- 
ed  to  make    their   right   and    title   appear."      The   Col- 


1  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council  for 
December  4,  1678;  R.  I.  Rec,  III. 
37-46,  56-67;  see  above,  Vol.  II. 
p.  136.  Holden  and  Green  informed 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  that,  in 
1644,  they  could  do  no  otherwise  than 
petition  the  rebellious  Parliament  (see 
above.  Vol.  II.  pp.  133,  134),  for  they 
could  not  get  st  the  King ;  but  that  they 
showed  their  loyalty  the  same  year  by 
persuading  the  Indians  to  make  to  the 
King  a  grant  of  all  their  lands,  which 
instrument  they  immediately  took  to 
England,  where  being  again  unable  to 
reach  the  sovereign,  they  kept  it  care- 
fully, and  delivered  it  to  Lord  Claren- 
don's Commissioners  in  1665.  They 
represented  that,  in  1662,  the  Massa- 
chusetts people  refused  to  allow  the 
Governor  of  Nova  Scotia  to  enlist 
men  for  the  King's  service,  though,  in 
1G54,  they  had  permitted  Sedgwick 
and  Leverett  to  raise  a  force  for  the 
service  of  Cromwell.  (Ibid.,  p.  285.) 
And  they  prayed  "  his  Majesty  speed- 
ily to  erect  a  Supreme  Court  of  Judi- 
cature over  all  the  Colonies  in  New 
England,"  so  that  "  His  Majesty's  loyal 
subjects,  who   had   too   long   groaned 


under  the  oppressions  of  an  insulting 
and  tyrannical  government,  might  be 
relieved."  In  reply  to  tlie  charge  that 
they  had  taken  no  part  against  Philip, 
they  said  that  the  Rhode-Island  people 
had  in  their  sloops  transported  Eng- 
lish soldiers  in  the  war ;  that  they  had 
brought  off  Englishmen  who  were  in 
danger;  that  they  had  succored  and 
sheltered  the  wounded,  &c.  (Colonial 
Papers,  &c.)  It  was  Holden  and 
Green  who,  at  this  time,  used  the  pre- 
cise language  erroneously  attributed 
by  the  historian  Grahanie  to  John 
Clarke.  (Grahame,  History  of  the 
United  States,  I.  317;  comp.  Quincy, 
Memory  of  the  Late  James  Grahame 
Vindicated,  &c.,  7,  14  -  20.) 

2  Journal  of  the  Privy  Council,  for 
February  7.  See  above,  Vol.  H.  p. 
286,  note  4;  p.  441.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  Crowne  gave  his  account  of 
the  reception  in  Massachusetts  of  the 
Regicide  Colonels.  (Ibid.,  498,  note.) 
July  13,  1682,  the  '  General  Court 
of  Massachusetts  finally  disposed  of 
Crowne  by  granting  him  a  gratuity  of 
£  5,  in  consequence  of  a  pathetic  me- 
morial of  his.    (Mass.  Arch.,  CVL  265.) 


432  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

onies  were  at  the  same  time  to  "certify  what  right  or 
title  any  of  them  might  pretend  unto  the  said  coun- 
try of  Mount  Hope,  and  also  the  true  extent,  value, 
and  propriety  of  the  said  lands,  with  the  grounds  and 
evidences  of  their  respective  claims,  if  any  should  be 
made."^^ 

The  King's  letter  seemed  to  present  an  occasion  for 
a  consultation  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  three  Con- 
Meeting  of  the  federate  Colonies.  The  Commissioners  accord- 
rederajcom-    [na-ly  hcld  a  SDCcial   meeting;   at   Boston,  and 

missioners.  o  t/  i  o  y 

August  25.  agreed  upon  a  joint  letter  to  Lord  Sunderland. 
They  informed  him  that,  as  to  the  origin  of  the  late 
Indian  war,  they  had  "just  ground  not  only  to  fear, 
but  without  breach  of  charity  to  conclude,  that  those 
malicious  designers,  the  Jesuits,  those  grand  enemies  to 
his  Majesty's  crown  as  well  as  to  the  Protestant  relig- 
ion, had  had  their  influence  in  the  contrivement  there- 
of"    They  represented  that  the  lands  of  Mount  Hope, 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  269  -  272.  —  Sec-  money  upon  Mount  Hope  account,  lest 

retary    Allyn,  for   the   Governor  and  all  tliat  be  lost  unto  one  John  Crowne, 

Council  of  Connecticut,  wrote  to  the  and  so  east  be  turned  into  west."    The 

Magistrates  of  Massachusetts,  July  5  :  letter  advises  that  the  Commissioners 

"  We   lately   received    a    letter,   title  of  the  Colonies  sliould  consult  together, 

'  Charles    Rex,'    subscribed    '  Sunder-  in  order  to  "  give  an  account  of  the 

land,'  dated  '  Whitehall,  February  1 2,  late  war  to  his  Majesty,  and  therein 

1678-9,'  whereby  is  manifest  from  the  to  show  what  have  been  the  Rhode 

complaint  of  the  good  subjects,  Capt.  Islanders'  supererogations  and  deserts." 

Holden  and  Green,  that  all  pretenders  (Ibid,  272,  273.) 

to  government  or  soil  within  the  Nar-         Cranston,  Governor  of  Rhode  Island, 

ragansett  country  must  make  defence  addressed  a  memorial  to  the  King,  Au- 

against  Rhode  Island,  who  claim  both,  gust  1.    He  said  that  Philip  was  killed 

and  who  were  thought.  By  some  Com-  by  "  one   of  a   small  company  under 

missioners,  to  be  best  deserving  per-  the  command  of  a  Captain  of  Rhode 

sons  for  securing  and  governing  what  Island   [Captain   Church],  who  led  a 

was  called  by  them  '  King's  Province.'  small  party  of  volunteers."     He  asked 

It  therefore  seems  expedient  and  duti-  to  have  Mount  Hope  given  to  Rhode 

ful   for   yourselves   and    us   to   return  Island.     The  Rhode-Island  people,  he 

somewhat  suitably  to  defend  the  one  said,   "  ever   had   a   loathing    to    any 

and  the  other  of  our  pretences  there,  usurped   powers,   repugnant    to    your 

Likewise  it  may  not  be  amiss  for  Mas-  royal  pleasure  and  authority."     (Colo- 

sachusetts    and    Plymouth    to    allege  nial  Papers,  &c.) 
something  on  behalf  of  the  land  and 


Chap.  X]  CONNECTICUT  AND   RHODE   ISLAND.  433 

forfeited  by  Philip  in  "  his  breach  of  covenant,"  lay 
within  the  patent  bounds  of  Plymouth ;  and  that  as  to 
Crowne,  who  was  seeking  to  be  endowed  with  those 
lands,  "  neither  his  former  losses,  which  were  rather 
imaginary  than  real,  nor  his  present  demeanors,  seemed 
such  as  should  highly  deserve  of  his  Majesty,  being 
rather  a  burden  and  disservice  to  such  places  where  he 
had  been,  than  otherwise."  The  Narragansett  lands,  they 
said,  were  "included  in  his  Majesty's  charter  granted 
to  Connecticut,  and  so  regularly  under  the  government 
thereof; but,  since  the  war,  these  parts  were  dis- 
turbed by  sundry  who  did  intrude  themselves  upon 
them,  by  countenance  of  the  government  of  Rhode 
Island,  as  they  alleged,  and  were  an  ungoverned  people, 
utterly  uncapable  to  advance  his  Majesty's  interest,  or 
the  peace  and  happiness  of  their  neighbors."  The  set- 
tlement made  by  the  Royal  Commissioners,  fifteen  years 
before,  it  was  argued,  was  invalid,  because  of  the  ab- 
sence of  Colonel  Nicolls,  whose  concurrence  with  his 
colleagues  in  any  decision  was  made  necessary  by  the 
terms  of  their  appointment.  Finally,  it  was  urged  that 
it  would  "be  most  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  the 
several  claimers  of  right  in  that  country,  now  resident 

in  the  Colonies,  to  defend  their  interest  in  England, 

the  whole  estate  of  many  of  them  being  not  able  to 
transport  them  over  seas."  ^  On  the  other  hand,  Sanford, 
Governor  of  Rhode  Island,  transmitted  to  the  King  a 
statement  of  the  successive  settlements  within  that  juris- 
diction, vindicating  the  claim  of  his  constituents  on  the 
ground  of  ancient  possession.^ 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  506-509.  Narragansett,  distant  from  Rhode  Isl- 

2  Providence,  Sanford  said,  was  and  about  eif^lit  miles.  Some  years 
planted,  by  Roger  William-s  and  others,  after,"  ISIr.  Richard  Smith,  of  Ports- 
in  1635-1636;  Pawtuxet  and  Rhode  mouth,  Rhode  Island,  became  Wil- 
Island,  in  1637-1638.  At  a  later  liams's  partner.  Sanford  recites  the 
time,  "One  Mr.  Wilcox  and  Mr.  settlement  of  Warwick  in  1642- 1643 ; 
Roger  Williams  obtained  leave  of  the  of  Pettyquamscott,  in  1657  ;  of  Kings- 
Indians   to  set  up  a  trading-house  at  ton,   in    1659;  of  Westerly,  in  1661; 

VOL.  III.  37 


434  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  ni. 

Connecticut  now  sent  out  Mr.  William  Harris,  of  Paw- 

tuxet,  to  England,  empowered  to  plead  her  cause 

with   the   King.-*       Rhode    Island   had    recently 

given  new  provocation.     "John    Cranston,  Governor  of 

Rhode  Island,  &c.,  did,  with  certain  other  persons,  hold 

a  pretended  court  on  the  east  side  of  Pawcatuck  River, 

within  the  township  of  Stonington,  and  within  the 

limits    known,  and   long   and   quietly   possessed  bounds, 
of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut."     The  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut sent  from  New  London  a  protest  against 

September  16.     .   .  •  r^  r^  i 

this   usurpation.      Governor  Cranston    returned 

'  from  Westerly  a  defiant  reply.     Cranston  gave 

October  29.  notlcc    that   his    Colony   intended    to   mark   its 

western  boundary.     Allyn,  for  the   government 

of  Connecticut,  informed  him  that  it  would  be 

prudent  for  him  to  let  that  boundary  alone,  and  that,  "  in 

expectation  of  his  compliance  therein,  they  would  give 

no  further  trouble."^      Rhode  Island  desisted  from  the 

undertaking  for  the  present  "  by  reason  of  the  wetness  of 

the  weather,  and  the  height  of  the  rivers  and  ponds."  ^ 

Connecticut   was    growing   constantly    more   resentful 

and  determined.     The  General  Court  directed 

Military  prep- 
arations of       "  the   military  officers   in   the   several   counties 

1680.  and  plantations"  to  apprehend  and  bring  to 
May  20.  justice  all  persons  who  should  make  any  at- 
tempt, in  "  forcible  or  hostile  manner,  upon  this  his  Ma- 
jesty's Colony,  or  any  part  thereof  within  the  bounds 
granted  by  his  Majesty's  charter."^  One  Richardson, 
as  constable  of  Stonington  under  the  authority  of  Con- 

and  of  East  Greenwich,  in  1677.     He  out  by  Harris,  is,  with  the  exception  of 

makes  his  statements,  he  says,  "  from  a  short  passage  relating  to  himself,  a 

the  information  of  some  of  the  first  and  literal   copy  of  a   former  Address  of 

ancient  English  inhabitants,  and  from  October,   1678.    (See  below,  p.  440.) 

the  records  of  each  town."     (Colonial  This    creates    a    doubt    whether    the 

Papers,  &c.)  Address  prepared  in  16  78  was  sent. 

1  Conn.  Rec,  HI.  37,  38,  51,  278-  2  Ibid.,  39-41,  276-278,  280,  281. 

280.     It  is  singular  that  the  Address  3  R.  I.  Rec,  HI.  81. 

of  the    Colony  to  the  King,  carried  *  Conn.  Rec,  in.  62,  63. 


Chap.  X.]  CONNECTICUT  AND  RHODE  ISLAND.  435 

necticut,  served  an  attachment  upon  an  inhabitant  of 
that  place,  who  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
Rhode  Island.  The  Governor  of  Rhode  Island 
issued  a  warrant  for  the  arrest  of  Richardson, 
for  "  presuming  to  execute  the  place  and  office  of  a  con- 
stable or  deputy-constable  within  said  Colony";  and  he 
was  brought  to  Newport,  and  put  in  gaol.  The  govern- 
ment of  Connecticut  demanded  his  release,  and 

July  6. 

threatened  retaliation.    The  Magistrates  of  Rhode 
Island  replied  that  "they  had  only  done  their 
duty  to  his  Majesty."     Connecticut  carried  into 
execution  its  threat  by  seizing  one  Clarke,  who 
had  been  employed  in  the  capture  of  Richardson.    Clarke 
was   finally  condemned  at  Hartford   to  pay   a   fine   of 
ten  pounds.     Richardson  was  discharged  unconditionally, 
after  two  or  three  months'  imprisonment.^ 

On  a  third  voyage  to  England,  Harris,  the  agent  of 
Connecticut,  was  taken  at  sea  by  a  corsair,  and  carried 
to  Alo-iers.      On   hearing*  of  this  disaster,^   the  „ 

'->  o         .  ^  Representa- 

Governor   and  Council  of  the  Colony  hastened  tionofcon- 

__  necticut  to 

to   address    directly    to    Lord    Sunderland    that  the  English 
statement  of  their  "  pleas  of  right  to   the   gov-  state^"^^  °^ 
ernment   and  soil  of  the   Narragansett  Lands,"    -^'^'y^^- 
which   Harris    had    been    expected    to    present.       They 
argued,  —  1.  That  their  charter,  which  was  earlier  than 
that  of  Rhode   Island,    endowed    them   with    that  terri- 
tory; 2.  That   the    charter   did    but   confirm  the    same 
bounds  as  had  been  defined  in  the  grant  obtained  more 
than   thirty   years  before,  by  Lord   Say  and  Sele,  Lord 
Brooke,  and  their  associates,  patentees  of  Connecticut ; 
3.  "  That  Pawcatuck  River,  which  Rhode  Island  procured 
his  Majesty  to  call  Narragansett  River  in  their  charter," 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  286  -  290.  than   a    year    he    was   ransomed    for 

2 'ITio    news    of   it   came   in   June,  about  $  1200,  and  had  scarcely  arrived 

(Ibid.,   304.)     Harris   had   sailed   for  in  London  when  he  died.     (Ibid.,  51, 

England   in   the   previous   December,  note;  comp.  304 -307.) 
After  a  captivity  of  something  more 


436  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

ran  through  the  Peqiiot  country,  which  had  been  con- 
quered by  Connecticut  more  than  forty  years  before, 
and  had  recently  been  appropriated  as  the  residence  of 
"  Indians  who  were  helpful "  to  the  Colonies  in  the  late 
war,  "when  the  Narragansetts  were  their  enemies  and 
the  Rhode-Islanders  no  good  friends";  4.  That,  "after 
the  charter  was  procured  and  sent  over,  the  honored 
John  Winthrop's  agency  was  expired,  and  therefore  any 
agreement  Rhode  Island  might  pretend  they  made  with 
Governor  Winthrop  did  not  bind  the  Colony";  5.  That 
they  had  "  antiquity  of  their  side,"  having  been  in  pos- 
session of  the  Narragansett  country,  not  only  before  the 
charter  of  Rhode  Island,  but  before  the  pretended  cession 
by  the  Narragansetts  to  the  King  ;  6.  That  the  King's 
letter  of  the  preceding  year  ought  to  restrain  the  intru- 
sions of  Rhode  Island,  at  least  until  such  time  as  an  au- 
thoritative decision  should  be  made  in  England  ;  7.  That 
not  only  "in  the  late  Indian  war  Rhode  Island  govern- 
ment neglected  to  grant  assistance  to  defend  the  people 
planted  in  the  Narragansett  country,"  but  that,  when  the 
Colonial  forces,  after  the  fight  at  the  Narragansett  fort 

"  in  the  sharpest  of  the  winter, retreated  to  Rhode 

Island  for  recruit  with  their  wounded  men,  they  were 
forced  to  pay  dearly  for  what  relief  they  had  there  ;  and 
the  soldiers,  when  they  were  so  well  that  they  could  be 
removed  for  cure,  they  having  not  money  there  to  pay, 
the  late  Governor  Cranston  took  indemnity;  of  the  sol- 
diers to  serve  him  for  years  for  what  they  had,  before  he 
let  them  pass."  ^ 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  302,  303.  —  It  was,  the  boundary  dispute  between  Con- 
1  presume,  on  account  of  its  connection  necticut  and  Rhode  Island  was  revived 
.  with  the  claim  here  mentioned  of  Con-  after  Philip's  war.  Mason's  narrative 
necticut  to  the  Pequot  country,  as  ter-  was  published  by  Increase  Mather,  who 
ritory  conquered  by  her,  that  Major  had  received  it  from  Secretary  John 
Mason's  "  Brief  History  of  the  Pequot  Allyn,  and  who  supposed  Allyn  to  be 
War"  was  first  given  to  the  press,  its  author.  Dr.  Prince,  in  1736,  pro- 
That  war  took  place  in  1637.  Mason  cured  a  copy  from  Captain  John  Ma- 
died  January  30,  1672.     In  1677,  when  son,  grandson  of  the  old  soldier,  who 


Chap.  X.]  CONNECTICUT   AND   RHODE   ISLAND.  437 

The  silence  of  the  records  both  of  Connecticut  and  of 
Rhode  Island  indicates  that,  probably  in  consequence  of 
the  firm  attitude  assumed  by  the  former  Colony,  the 
boundary  dispute  was  now  suspended  for  somewhat  more 
than  two  years.  It  was  as  long,  before  the  home  govern- 
ment found  leisure  to  give  seriou<3  attention  to  the  busi- 
ness. At  the  end  of  that  time,  the  King  ap-  ism. 
pointed  "Commissioners  for  examining  and  in-  -^p"'"'. 
quiring  into  the  respective  claims  and  titles,  as  well  of 
himself  as  of  all  persons  and  corporations  whatsoever,  to 
the  immediate  jurisdiction,  government,  or  propriety  of 
the  soil  of  or  within  the  Province  commonly  called  the 
King's  Province  or  Narragansett  Country."  The  Com- 
missioners were  Edward  Randolph,  Edward  Cranfield, 
Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  William  Stoughton,  Joseph 
Dudley,  and  five  other  Massachusetts  men,  prominent  in 
the  prerogative  party.  They  were  to  make  their  re- 
port to  the  Privy  Council  for  its  final  determination.^ 
Agreeably  to  a  printed  notice,  circulated  through  the 
Governors  of  the  several  Colonies,  the  Commissioners 
held  a  meeting  for  a  hearing  of  the  parties  at 
Wickford,  where  Richard  Smith  had  rebuilt  his 
house,  burned  in  the  recent  war.^     The  government  of 

corrected   Mather's    error  concerning  the  King  in  Council  (Journals  of  the 

the  authorship  of  the  tract.     (Prince's  Privy  Council),  praying  that  the  Nar- 

Preface  to  Mason's  History,  in  Mass.  ragansett    country   might    be    settled 

Hist.  Coll.,  XVIH.  125.)     My  learned  under  that  Colony,  "according  to  his 

correspondent,  Mr.  J.  Hammond  Trum-  Majesty's  precedent  grant."     (Colonial 

bull,  expresses  an  opinion  that  the  com-  Papers,  &c. ;   comp.   Conn.   Rec,  HI. 

position  was  superintended,  or  at  least  267-260.)       Still   Williams    and    he 

retouched,  by  the  capable  and  vigilant  were  always  friends,  and  Williams  did 

Secretary  of  Connecticut.  his  best  to  protect  Smith  in  his  prop- 

1  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council,  erty.  Under  the  date  of "  Providence, 
The  commission  is  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  21st  July,  1679,  ut  vulgo"  Williams, 
V.  232.  "being,  by  God's  mercy,  the  first  be- 

2  Smith,  who  was  a  partner  in  the  ginner  of  the  mother  town  of  Provi- 
Atherton  Company,  (see  above,  VoL  dence,  and  of  the  Colony  of  Rhode 
II.  p.  561,  note  2,)  was  a  friend  to  the  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  be- 
claim  of  Connecticut.  July  3,  1678,  ing  now  near  to  fourscore  years  of  age, 
a  petition  from  him  was  presented  to  yet,  by  God's  mercy,  of  sound  under- 

37* 


438  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Rhode  Island,  on  the  ground  of  "  not  having  seen  any 
commission  from  his  Majesty,"  not  only  declined  to  ap- 
pear, but,  by  solemn  proclamation,  "  did,  in  his  Majesty's 
name,  prohibit  the  said  Edward  Cranfield  and  associates 
from  keeping  court  in  any  part  of  the  jjirisdiction."  ^ 
In  behalf  of  Connecticut,  John  Allyn  and  John 
Wadsworth  addressed  the  Commissioners  with 
the  usual  argument  for  a  right  of  jurisdiction  belonging 
to  their  Colony,  at  the  same  time  declining  to  contest  the 
Award  of  Ro  ai  ^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  Athcrtou  Compauy  to  "propriety 
Commissioners,  of  soil."     Tho  dcclsiou   of  the   Commissioners, 

October  20.  i  -r»    •  /^  -i       ^    n  • 

reported  to  the  rrivy  Council,  fully  sustamed 
the  pretensions  of  these  two  parties,  and  disdainfully  set 
aside  those  of  Rhode  Island.  They  said  that  the  Khig's 
charter  to  Connecticut  distinctly  gave  to  that  Colony  the 
lands  in  question ;  that  the  subsequent  agreement  be- 
tween Winthrop  and  Clarke  had  no  virtue  to  invalidate 
the  royal  grant ;  and  that  they  found  "  no  cause  to  judge 
that  Pawcatuck  River  anciently  was,  or  ought  to  be 
called  or  accounted,  the  Narragansett  River."  And  they 
added:  "We  hold  it  our  duty  humbly  to  inform  your 
Majesty,  that,  so  long  as  the  pretensions  of  the  Rhode- 
Islanders  to  the  government  of  said  Province  continue, 
it  will   much   discourage    the    settlement  and   improve- 

standing  and  memory, humbly  hospitable  treatment,  they  returned  to 

testified, as  leaving  this  country  the  Narragansett   country  very  desti- 

and  this  world,"  that  Richard   Smith  tute, -and  lived  "in  cellars  and  holes 

ought  to  be  "by  his  Majesty's  author-  under  ground";   that   they  hoped   in 

ity  confirmed    and    established    in   a  time  "  with  industry  and  hard  labor " 

peaceful  possession  of  his  father's  and  to  re-establish  their  homes,  "  if  not  dis- 

his    own    possessions    in    this    Pao-an  couraged  and  hindered  by  many  that 

wilderness   and   Nahigansic   country."  threatened   to   turn  them  oflV      And 

(Colonial  Papers,  &c. ;  see  above.  Vol.  they  prayed  that  their  titles  to  their 

II.  p.  218.)  property  might  be  confirmed,  and  that 

In  a  memorial   dated   in  the  same  they  might  not  be  left  to  the  govern- 

month,  Smith  the  younger,  and  others,  ment  and  dispose  of  those  that  sought 

said  that,  their  homes  being  ravaged  advantages    against    them."       (Ibid. ; 

during  Philip's  war,  they  withdrew  to  comp.  R.  I.  Rec,  III.  49  -  52.) 
Rhode  Island  ;  that,  receiving  there  in-         l  R.  I.  Rec,  III.  127-132. 


Chap.  X.]  CONNECTICUT   AND   RHODE   ISLAND.  439 

ment  thereof,  it  being  very  improbable  that  either  the 
afore-mentioned  daimants,  or  others  of  Hke  reputa- 
tion and  condition,  will  either  remove  their  families,  or 
expend  their  estates,  under  so  loose  and  weak  a  gov- 
ernment." ^ 

Randolph  was  not  present  at  this  meeting.  During  the 
early  progress  of  his  assaults  upon  Massachusetts,  he  had 
cultivated  for  a  while  the  good-will  of  Connecticut.  But, 
ready  as  he  was  for  any  job,  he  now  presented  himself  to 
her  in  a  hostile  attitude,  as  prosecutor  of  a  claim  of  the 
Duke  and  Duchess  of  Hamilton.  When,  at  the  time  of 
the  dissolution  of  the  Council  for  New  England, 
the  members  undertook  to  divide  the  corporate 
property  among  themselves,  a  portion  of  the  territory  of 
Connecticut  was  assigned  to  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton.^ 
The  proceeding  was  invalid  from  the  beginning  ;  for  the 
Council  had  long  before  granted  away  its  property,  nor 
were  even  the  necessary  legal  formalities  observed  in  the 
transaction.  But  when  the  Marquis,  taking  the  royal 
side,  had  lost  his  life  in  tlie  civil  war,  and  when  the  resto- 
ration of  the  monarchy  had  revived  the  hopes  of  royal- 
ists, the  Marquis's  daughter  Ann,  whose  husband,  William 
Douglas,  Earl  of  Selkirk,  had  been  created  Duke  of  Ham- 
ilton, sued  to  the  King  to  be  replaced  in  pos-  ciaimofthe 
session  of  her  father's  alleged  American  estate.  utoa^to^ifmiT 
Having;  obtained  from  the  Duke  and  Duchess  a  °f Connecticut. 
power  of  attorney  to  make  what  he  could  of  Juueso. 
this  pretension,  Randolph  prevailed  on  his  colleagues  in 
the  Narragansett  commission  to  reopen  the  question  with 
reference  to  the  rights  of  this  third  party,  and  give  him 
a  hearing.      The  Commissioners  accordingly  met  again 

1   Conn.  Rec,   III.  320,    321,   324,  Governor  Cranfield  wrote  to  England, 

325;  Ibid.,  II.  541-545;  R.  I.  Rec,  October  19,  that  the  Rhode  Island  peo- 

III.    139-149;  Mass.   Hist.   Coll.,  V.  pie  broke  up  a  meeting  of  the  Com- 

235  -  243.  —  By    some    exaggeration,  missloners  in  the  King's  Province, 
the  basis  for  which  I  have  not  learned,         2  gee  above.  Vol.  I.  pp.  396-403. 


440 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


1696. 


for  the  purpose,  but  could  not  be  prevailed  on 
to  do  more  than  transmit  the  papers  for  his 

Majesty's  consideration.^  The  question,  having  remained 
in  an  annoying  position  for  several  years,  was 
at  length  referred  by  the  Privy  Council  to  the 

law  officers   of  the   Crown,'^   and    definitively  adjudged 

against  the  claimants.^ 

While  Connecticut  had  such  great  interests  dependent 

Loyal  temper     o^  thc  plcasurc  of  the  court,  hcr  people  were 

"^^T-T"""   not  backward  in  manifestations  of  loyalty.    The 
October  10.     authoritlcs    sent  an  Address  to  the  King,  to 

thank  him  for  the  happy  issue  of  the  late   Indian  war. 


1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  335.  —  For  pay, 
Randolph  was  ready  to  undertake  any 
business  of  this  sort.  Major  Savage, 
in  the  second  year  before  his  death,  in 
1682,  set  up,  as  one  of  the  eighteen 
first  settlers  of  Rhode  Island  (see 
above.  Vol.  I.  p.  512),  a  claim  to  one 
eighteenth  part  of  its  soil.  (Arnold, 
History  of  Rhode  Island,  462.)  No- 
vember 17,  1683,  his  four  sons,  "  all  of 
Boston,"  joined  in  a  power  of  attorney 
to  Randolph,  to  prosecute  this  claim. 
(Mass.  Arch.,  II.  58.) 

2  Conn.  Rec,  III.  136,  333-336. 

3  The  boundary  question  between 
Connecticut  and  New  York  was  settled 
by  agreement,  to  the  mutual  satisfaction 
of  the  parties.  November  28,  1683, 
Commissioners  from  the  Colony  met 
Colonel  Dongan,  the  Duke's  Governor 
of  his  Province  of  New  Y'ork,  and  de- 
termined upon  the  line  which  has  ever 
since  divided  the  two  territories. 

In  1680,  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  as 
Governor  of  New  York  for  the  Duke, 
laid  claim  to  Fisher's  Island,  near  New 
London,  as  belonging  to  his  jurisdic- 
tion. (Conn.  Rec,  IIL  283.)  Con- 
necticut, which  had  granted  the  island 
to  the  second  John  Winthrop  (see 
above.  Vol.  II.  p.  234,  note),  protested 
(May  20,  1680)  against  the  pretension 


of  Andros,  and  forbade  all  persons 
except  her  own  Magistrates  to  exer- 
cise jurisdiction  in  the  island.  (Conn. 
Rec,  III.  64.)  Andros  left  his  gov- 
ernment, and  went  to  England,  in  the 
following  January. — In  May,  1682,  the 
government  of  Connecticut,  hearing 
that  some  New  York  people  had  en- 
croached on  her  limits  by  "  purchas- 
ing large  tracts  of  land  on  the  east 
side  of  Hudson's  River  from  the  In- 
dians," sent  a  complaint  to  the  officer 
provisionally  in  charge  at  New  York. 
(Conn.  Rec,  IIL  100,  313.)— Thomas 
Dongan,  successor  of  Andros  as  Gov- 
ernor for  the  Duke,  arrived  at  New 
York  in  August,  1683.  The  Magistrates 
of  Connecticut  sent  him  an  address  of 
welcome  (October  5),  at  the  same  time 
inviting  his  attention  to  some  encroacli- 
ments  of  his  people  upon  their  bounds. 
He  wrote  them  a  very  surly  answer, 
to  which  they  replied  in  excellent  tem- 
per. Their  courtesy  sobered  him  ;  and 
his  next  letter  assured  them  that,  "  if 
he  must  have  any  contention  with  them, 
he  wished  it  might  be  who  should  do 
one  another  the  better  offices."  After 
this,  everything  went  smoothly  to  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty.  (Conn.  Rec, 
in.  131,  133-136,  141,  326-332, 
837-339.) 


Chap.  X.]  CONNECTICUT  AND  RHODE  ISLAND.  44]^ 

"  Under  God,"  they  said,  "  we  must  acknowledge  our- 
selves debtors  to  your  Majesty ;  the  greatness  of  your 
name  and  power,  with  the  gracious  aspect  towards  us, 
being  a  terror  to  our  heathen  adversaries."  But  the 
expression  of  their  gratitude  to  him  for  the  advantage 
his  gracious  aspect  had  aJBTorded  them  in  their  hunt  of 
the  Indians,  did  but  introduce  a  more  practical  topic. 
They  extolled  his  "  great  goodness  in  those  charter 
bounds  and  privileges  which  had  been  no  small  en- 
gagement and  encouragement  by  which  to  defend  and 
recover  the  whole,  when  others  that  pretended  a  part 
deserted  the  same";  and  added  an  "earnest  beseeching 
the  continuance  of  his  princely  grace,  in  the  full  enjoy- 
ment of  all  the  limits  mentioned  in  their  said  charter, 
and  the  privileges  thereof"  ^  When  the  regulations  of 
commerce  were  pressed,  "  the  Governor  did,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Court,  take  the  oath  respecting  the  leso. 
Act  of  Navigation  and  Trade  appointed  by  his  M^yi^ 
Majesty";^  and  he  assured  the  Commissioners  igsi. 
of  the  Customs  that  his  government  had  "  ap-  -'^""^'^  24. 
pointed  Customers  or  Collectors  in  the  several  counties 
to  take  special  care  that  the  Acts  of  Navigation  and 
Trade  were  duly  observed  and  kept,  and  had  commis- 
sioned them  accordingly,"  and  that  they  would  "  be  ready 
to  grant  Mr.  Eandolph  such  necessary  aid  and  assistance 
as  should  be  requisite,  if  he  also  should  see  cause  to  take 
any  cognizance  of  these  affairs  in  the  Colony."  ^  Andros 
wrote  to  Governor  Leete  that  he  was  informed  x&m. 
of  Colonel  Goffe's  living  concealed  in  Hartford       May  is. 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  260-262.  unto  their  neighbors  of  York  and  Bos- 

2  Ibid.,  49.  ton  ; likewise  some  of  those  com- 

3  Ibid.,  307,  308.  The  Governor,  modities  were  carried  to  Barbadoes  and 
however,  forewarned  the  Lords  of  the  those  islands,  to  bring  in  some  sugar 
Committee  that  they  must  not  expect  and  rum  to  refresh  the  spirits  of  such 
to  get  much  from  this  collection  of  as  labored  in  the  extreme  heat  and  cold, 
duties,  inasmuch  as  the  Connecticut  so  to  serve  his  Majesty's  enlargement 
people  had  "  only  a  few  small  vessels  of  dominions." 

to  carry  their  corn,  hogs,  and  horses 


442  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

under  the  name  of  Cooke  ;  a  warrant  was  forthwith 
issued  to  the  constables  "  to  make  diUgent  search "  for 
the  culprit  "in  the  houses,  barns,  out-houses,  and  all 
places  "  of  that  town ;  and  Andros  was  apprised 
that  the  search  had  proved  fruitless,  as  well  as 
that  "  our  people  were  amazed  that  any  such  thing  could 
be  suspected  at  Hartford."  -^  At  the  session  at  which 
the  eastern  boundary  line,  and  Randolph's  claim  for  the 
Duchess  of  Hamilton,  were  under  consideration,  the  Col 

1683.  ony  sent  an  "  humble  petition "  to  the  King, 
November  14.  exprcsslug  at  ouce  their  abhorrence  of  the  Rye- 
House  Plot  and  their  sense  of  the  convenience  of  having 
their   charter  respected.^      The  King  required  them   to 

1684.  prevent  the   enlistment  of  his  subjects  within 
March  8.      thcir  jurisdictiou  in  the  military  service  of  for- 
eign states;^  and  accordingly  Connecticut,  like  Plymouth 
and  Massachusetts,  passed  a  law  making  it  felony  to  en- 
gage in  such  service.* 

Governor  Leete  was  at  the  head  of  the  administration 
in  Connecticut  during  nearly  all  the  period  treated  in 
Death  of  Gov-  thls  chaptcr.  He  died  when  he  h^d  been  Gov- 
ernor nearly  seven  successive  years,  and  was 
April  16.  succeeded  by  Robert  Treat  (the  General  for  his 
Colony  in  Philip's  war),  with  whom  James  Bishop,  of 
Hartford,  was  associated  as  Deputy-Governor.  The  po- 
litical refractoriness  which  Leete  brought  to  America 
seems  never  to  have  wholly  recovered  from  the  shock  it 

1  Conn.   Rec,   III.   283  -  285  ;    see  words  as  if  he  had  been  concerned  in 

above,  Vol.  IT.  p.  507,  note  5.      The  that  horrid  and  barbarous  murder  of  the 

Connecticut      Magistrates      had     the  late  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrew's.    The 

trouble  of  a  fruitless  search  after  an-  Connecticut  constables  were  set  upon 

other  rebel.     Sir  Lionel  Jenkins  wrote  the  quest,  but  had  to  make  the  return 

to  them  (September  30,  1682)  that  one  that  they  could  not  "  find  nor  hear  of 

William  Kelso,  on  a  passage  to  New  him."     (Conn.    Rec,   III.    322-324; 

England,  had  "  confessed  that  he  had  see  above,  p.  343.) 
been  Chirurgeon-General  to  the  forces         2  Conn.  Rec,  III.  138. 
engaged  in  the  late  rebellion  in  Scot-         ^  Ibid.,  336. 
land,  having  also  given  out  suspicious        *  Ibid.,  150;  see  above,  pp.  388,  425. 


ernor  Leete 

1683. 


Chap.  X.]  CONNECTICUT   AND   RHODE   ISLAND.  443 

received  before  the  surrender  of  New  Haven/  and  he 
never  gave  Randolph  occasion  to  make  a  quarrel  with 
the  consolidated  Colony  of  which  he  became  Chief  Magis- 
trate. Another  character  of  his  administration  should 
not  be  overlooked.  He  imported  into  the  legislation  of 
Connecticut  something  of  the  New-Haven  element  of 
extreme  Puritan  rigor,  —  an  innovation  to  which  his 
chief  associate  in  the  Magistracy  was  also  by  no  means 
adverse.  From  the  beginning  of  Leete's  administration 
"  the  great  unreformedness  "  of  the  people  excited  more 
anxiety ;  "  provoking  evils  "  and  "  crying  sins  "  seemed  to 
multiply  ;  "  rebukes  and  threatenings "  were  more  re- 
marked; and  Divine  judgments  appeared  to  be  more  de- 
served and  more  certainly  impending.^  But  Leete  was 
an  intelligent  and  a  virtuous  ruler,  and  Connecticut  pros- 
pered under  his  care. 

The  disappearance  of  another  name,  in  perhaps  the 
same  month,  from  the  roll  of  the  living,  was  less  observed 
at  the  time,  though  the  name  fills  a  larger  place  in  his- 
tory. Busy  and  conspicuous  as  has  seemed  the  part  that 
for  a  time  he  acted,  the  precise  date  of  the  death  of  Roger 
Williams  is  not  recorded.  For  many  years  before  it  took 
place,  he  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  been  prominent  in 
the  view  even  of  his  own  little  public.  In  whatsoever 
proportions  the  failure  may  have  been  owing  to  his  own 
eccentricities  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  the  obtuseness  and 
waywardness  of  those  whose  conceits  he  had  stimulated 
on  the  other,  it  is  certain  that  he  failed  to  command  the 
controlling  consideration  which  might  have  been  ex- 
pected to  follow  his  possession  of  some  uncommon  abili- 
ties, and  his  repeated  manifestations  of  a  public  spirit 
singularly  disinterested  and  earnest.  Free  as  he  was 
from  selfish  ambition,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  his  life 
was  a  happy,  though  it  cannot  be  called,  in  any  common 

1  See  above,  Vol.  II.  p.  547. 

2  Conn.  Rec,  II.  280  -  283,  296,  297,  31 7  ;   III.  46,  65,  105,  146. 


444  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

use  of  the  terms,  a  successful  one.  A  Magistrate,  at  two 
or  three  distant  intervals,  of  the  Colony  which  he  had 
founded,-^  his  official  life  was  mostly  passed  in  a  furious 
turmoil,  such  as  would  have  made  wretched  any  man  of 
less  cheerful  temper.  Leaving  the  public  scene,  not  be- 
cause his  associates  there  were  ungrateful,  but  because 
they  were  intractable,  and  betaking  himself  to  the  woods 
to  turn  Indian  trader,^  no  constant  good  fortune  appears 
to  have  attended  him  even  in  that  sphere.  It  seems 
that  his  expectations  from  his  new  employment  were 
disappointed,  and  that  in  his  old  age  he  was  maintained 
by  his  son.^ 

William  Coddington  had  ended  his  course  a  few  years 
earlier.  The  principal  founder  of  one  of  the 
two  communities  which  were  united  in  the 
Colony  of  Rhode  Island  —  the  sovereign  of  it,  as  at  one 
time  he  had  been  by  royal  grant  —  survived,  by  many 
years,  not  only  his  official  and  his  personal  impor- 
tance, but  probably  his  intellectual  faculties,  which  were 
never  of  the  highest  order.  Whether  it  was  owing 
most    to   want    of  balance    and   want    of   force    in    his 


1  See  above,  Vol.  II.  220,  362-  366,  occupied  it  were  found.  But  the  roots 
671;  III.  102.  —  Williams's  resentment  of  an  apple-tree,  planted  above,  had 
against  his  old  friend  Harris  was  such  embraced  the  skull,  trunk,  and  limbs, 
as  only  the  most  ardent  natures  are  and  preserved  their  shape.  (Allen, 
equal  to.     A  most  truculent  letter  of  Memorial  of  Roger  Williams,  7.) 

his  to  Governor  Hinckley,  about  Har-  From  a  person  who  had  been  ae- 

ris  and  Hinckley's  treatment  of  him,  is  quainted  with  Koger  Williams's  sons, 

in  the  collection  of  Hinckley  papers.  Dr.  Stiles  (MS.  "Itinerary"  in  the  Li- 

(Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXXV.  29.)  brary  of  Yale  College,  II.  63)  learned 

2  See  above.  Vol.  II.  p.  218.  that  "  all  of  them  had  oddities,  but  were 

3  Knowles,  Life  of  Roger  Williams,  men  of  estate  ;  and  so  his  grandsons." 
Ill,  note.  Dr.  Stiles  himself,  in  1 763,  saw  a  grand- 
Williams  was  buried  at  Providence,  son   of  Williams,  named   Providence, 

"  with  all  the  solemnity,"  says  Callen-  then   seventy-three  years  old,  not  of 

der  (R.  I.  Hist.  Coll.,  IV.  147),  "the  sane    mind,   and    "subsisted    by   the 

Colony  was  able  to  show."     Four  years  town."     "  He  appears  to  me  constitu- 

ago  (March  22,  1860)  what  was  under-  tionally  mixed  up-  of  distraction  and 

stood  to  be   his  grave   was    opened,  reason."     (Ibid.) 
No  remains  of  the  skeleton  that  had 


Chap.  X.]  CONNECTICUT   AND   RHODE   ISLAND.  445 

mind  and  character,  or  to  the  perversity  of  those  whom 
he  had  undertaken  to  improve,  profit,  and  govern,  his 
hold  on  their  confidence  had  not  proved  lasting.  Hap- 
pily for  his  peace  of  mind,  from  Antinomian  he  had 
turned  Quaker;  and  the  visions  and  the  controversies 
of  his  sect  provided  him  with  resources  for  enjoyment 
in  his  declining  years.-^ 

What  remained  of  the  Confederacy  of  the  New-Eng- 
land Colonies  was  now  about, to  expire.  After  that  meet- 
ing of  the  Commissioners  at  which  were  considered  the 
conflicting  claims  to  the  Narragansett  country,^  only  two 
more   meetinjrs  were  held.     At   the  former  of 

'->  Last  meetings 

these,  which  took  place  in  Boston,  no  business  of  the  Federal 

^  Commissioners. 

was  transacted,  except  the  settlement  of  two  or        lesi. 
three  small  claims  made  by  private  parties  on     "^'^^  " 
account  of  the  late  viiir.^     The  last  meeting  was  at  Hart- 
ford.    Arrangements  having  been  made  to  pay        i684. 
another  little  war-debt  to   Kichard  Smith,  the    ^«p'<^'"»«^'- s- 
final  act  of  the  Board  of  Commissioners  of  the  Confed- 
erate Colonies  was  to  proclaim  a  day  of  fasting  and  hu- 
miliation, that  the  people  might  bewail  "  those  rebukes 
and    threatenings    from    Heaven    which    they   were    at 
present  under.  His  hand  being  stretched  out  still,"  and 
might    pray    "  for    a    further   lengthening    out    of  their 
tranquillity  under  the    shadow  of  their  sovereign  lord 
the   King,   and   that  God    would   preserve   his  life,  and 
establish  his  crown  in  righteousness,  for  the  defence  of 
the  Protestant  religion  in  all  his  dominions."*     But  the 
life    that  was   desired    for    protection   against   a    Popish 
reign  was  to  be  prolonged,  in  such  righteousness  as  ap- 
pertained to  it,  but  a  very  little  further. 

1  See   above,  pp.    105,   107.  —  The  Laws  and  Orders  made  by  the  Rulers 

Quaker   controversy  was   sharply  re-  of  Boston  in  New  England,"  iu  16  78. 
vlved  just  before  Coddington's  death.         2  See  above,  p.  432. 
Groom's  "  Glass  for  the  People  of  New         3  Conn.  Rec.,  III.  510. 
England,"  &c.  was  published  in  1676;         4  Ibid.,  511. 
and  Fox's  "  Answer  to   Several  New 

VOL.  III.  38 


CHAPTER    XI. 

The  death  of  King  Charles  the  Second  made  way  for  his 

brother,  the  Roman-CathoHc  Duke  of  York,  to  the  throne 

.     ,   of  Eno-land.     The  party  which  endeavored  to  ob- 

Acoession  of  o  i  »/ 

King  James  gtruct  his  elcvation  had  been  broken  down ;  and 
he  might  flatter  himself  that,  wdth  the  exercise 
of  a  moderate  degree  of  prudence,  he  would  be  able 
to  consolidate  the  despotism  to  which  the  nation  seemed 
to  be  resigned.  Greater  difficulties  than  he  had  sur- 
mounted were  not  likely  to  confroi:^t  him  in  future.  If 
he  had  not  great  abilities,  he  had  a  resolute  wall.  So 
far  from  being  in  danger  of  losing  anything  by  care- 
lessness, he  loved  labor  for  its  own  sake,  and  never 
wearied  of  the  details  of  business.  In  particular,  his 
sedulous  and  serviceable  attention  to  naval  affairs  had 
not  failed  to  procure  for  him  a  degree  of  esteem  His 
private  life  was  impure,  but  he  did  not,  like  his  brother, 
devote  life  to  a  shameless  profligacy. 

The  new  King's  first  act  excited  agreeable   expecta- 
tions in  minds  that  did  not  sufficiently  under- 

Announce-  •/ 

mentofhis     staud  the  constitutional  perfidy  of  his  race.     In 

policy.  .  .  .  . 

the  Council  which  came  together  immediately 
after  his  brother's  death,  he  declared  that  he  was  no 
friend  to  arbitrary  power,  and  that  it  was  his  purpose 
to  maintain  the  liberties  of  Englishmen,  the  government 
as  it  had  hitherto  existed,  and  the  Established  Church. 
With  his  consent,  his  words  were  taken  down,^  and  their 
publication  lightened  the  oppressive  weight  of  anxiety 
that  lay  upon  the  public  mind. 

1  Clarke,  Life  of  James  the  Second,  11.  3. 


Chap.  XI.]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.      447 

The  constitution  of  his  first  ministry  did  not  abso- 
lutely belie  his  fair  professions.  Lawrence  Hyde,  Earl  of 
Rochester,  his  brothe¥-in-law,  was  made  Lord  Treasurer, 
and  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  continued  to  be  Secretary 
of  State.  Godolphin,  superseded  in  the  Treas-  his  first 
ury,  was  made  Chamberlain  to  the  Queen,  and  ™™f  y- 
was  admitted  to  a  large  share  of  the  royal  confidence. 
Halifax,  whose  more  recent  patriotic  course  had  forfeited 
the  favor  formerly  won  with  James  by  his  opposition  to 
the  Exclusion  Bill,  was,  however,  retained  for  the  present 
in  the  royal  service,  in  the  dignified  though  unimportant 
post  of  President  of  the  Council.^  The  honest  Duke  of 
Ormond  was  recalled  from  the  government  of  Ireland 
to  figure  as  Lord  Steward  in  the  pageants  of  the  court. 
The  Earl  of  Guilford  was  confirmed  in  the  office  of 
Lord  Keeper;^  while  a  check  against  any  legal  punc- 
tiliousness of  his  was  provided  in  the  person  of  George 
Jeffreys,  now  re-commissioned  as  Chief  Justice  of  the 
King's  Bench,  However  objectionable  some  of  these 
statesmen  were  in  other  respects,  they  all  hitherto  pro- 
fessed the  Protestant  religion. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  King  did  not  hesitate  to  offend 
the  public  sense  by  at  once  going  publicly  to  mass ;  and 
little  privacy  was  affected  as  to  a  mission  which 

'■  ''  Early  develop- 

he  sent  to  Rome,  to  assure  the  pontiff  of  his  mentofhis 
devotion  to  the  Church.  His  civil  administra- 
tion began  with  a  usurpation  of  the  kind  that  had  been 
fraught  with  fatal  consequences  to  his  father.  He  pro- 
posed to  continue  to  levy  for  himself  the  duties  assessed 
on  imports  by  a  grant  which,  according  to  ancient  usage, 
had  been  made  to  the  late  King  for  his  lifetime  only.' 
Guilford's  advice  was,  that  that  course  might  be  justified 

1  Lord  Halifax  was  discharged  from        2  Lord  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Chan- 
office  in  the  following  October.     The     cellors,  IIL  413. 
Ring   took   leave  of  him  civilly,  but         3  ggg  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  251. 
gave    no    reason    for    his    dismission.  " 

(Reresby,  Memoirs,  312,  315.) 


448  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  m. 

by  the  exigency  of  the  case,  since  fair  dealers  who  had 
paid  duties  on  their  goods  ought  not  to  be  ruined  by 
the  underbidding  of  traders  who  received  their  commod- 
ities duty-free ;  but  that  the  moneys  thus  received  into 
the  Treasury  should  be  sequestered  there,  to  await  the 
disposal  of  Parliament,  when  it  should  meet.  Jeffreys 
stood  by  the  King ;  and  a  proclamation  was  issued,  en- 
joining on  importers  the  unconditional  payment  of  the 
customary  duties.-^ 

These  offensive  proceedings,  if  they  excited  solicitude, 
occasioned  no  outbreak.  The  disgust  that  had  followed 
the  infatuation  of  the  PopisE  Plot  was  not  yet  exhausted. 
The  delusive  hope  excited  by  the  King's  first  speech  in 
council  was  still  fresh  and  active.  Patriots  might  well 
differ  upon  the  question  whether  it  was  not  safer  to  at- 
tempt to  conciliate  a  headstrong  man,  for  the  present  so 
secure  in  his  position,  than  to  provoke  him  to  displeasure. 
The  House  of  Commons  was  almost  in  the  King's  hands ; 
for  a  large  part  of  the  members  represented  corpora- 
tions whose  charters  had  been  so  remodelled  as  to  give 
to  the  friends  of  prerogative  the  municipal  offices  and 
the  power  of  determining  elections.^  No  organization 
for  even  the  mildest  resistance  was  yet  possible. 

In  his  opening  speech  to  his  first  Parliament,  the  King 

Meeting  of     made  no  secret  of  his  contempt  for  any  precau- 

"i^ss"'    tions   the   Houses  might  be   disposed    to    take. 

May  22.  jje  Said  that  it  was  idle  to  suppose  that  the 
doling  out  of  supplies  to  him  would  be  a  security  for 
frequent  Parliaments ;  that,  on  the  contrary,  "  the  best 
way  to  engage  him  to  meet  them  often  was  always  to 
use  him  well."  The  House  of  Commons  thanked  him 
for  his  speech,  and,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  continued  to 

1  North,  Life  of  Lord  Keeper  Guil-  of  his  Own  Time,  I.  626.)  "Most  of 
ford,  II.  112,  113.  them  were  fm'ious   and   violent,   and 

2  "  The  King  said,  there  were  not  seemed  resolved  to  recommend  them- 
above  forty  members  but  such  as  he  selves  to  the  King  by  putting  every- 
himself  wished  for."    (Burnet,  History  thing  in  his  power."     (iiid.) 


Chap.  XL]     ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       449 

him  for  his  life  all  the  allowances  which  had  been  made 
to  his  brother,  and  added  some  considerable  grants.^ 

Nothing  seemed  to  be  wanting  to  the  King's  secu- 
rity, or  even  to  the  fulfilment  of  his  most  ambitious 
hopes,  but  a  rash  and  defeated  insurrection.  This  ad- 
vantage, too,  he  was  to  have.  The  Duke  of  Monmouth 
had  of  late  resided  in  the  Netherlands,  where,  in  consider- 
ation of  his  father's  fondness  for  him,  he  had  been  treated 
with  distinction  by  the  Prince  of  Oranti^e.     The  ^ 

t/  c3  Insurrection 

accession  of  James  placed  the  exile  in  a  differ-  of  the  Duke 

.    .  rni  -nw    •  n  -t  it  -i  i  of  Monmouth. 

ent  position.  The  Prince  felt  obliged  to  humor 
his  father-in-law  by  an  altered  aspect  towards  Monmouth, 
who  withdrew  from  his  court  to  Brussels.  There  the 
Duke  was  ill-advised  enough  to  embark  in  an  enterprise 
which  speedily  brought  about  his  own  ruin,  and  which 
might  well  have  proved  the  ruin  of  England,  had  the 
King  but  had  the  prudence  to  use  the  advantage  which 
it  gave  him  for  the  prosecution  of  his  despotic  schemes.^ 

Monmouth  undertook  to  overset  the  throne  of  Eng- 
land at  the  moment  when  Lords  and  Commons  in  Par- 
liament were  bowing  in  the  dust  before  it. 
Landing  at  Lyme-Regis,  in  Dorsetshire,  with  a 
following  of  about  a  hundred  men,  he  issued  a  procla- 
mation charging  the  King  with  all  sorts  of  crimes,  and 
invited  all  patriotic  EngHshmen  to  unite  in  expelling 
him  from  the  throne.  Within  four  days  he  Avas  joined 
by  some  two  thousand  men ;  and  the  Duke  of  Albe- 
marle, in  command  of  a  force  of  royal  troops  twice  as 
large,  retreated  before  him.  Pressing  on  to  Taunton, 
he  there  proclaimed  himself  King  of  England,  as  being 
the  legitimate  son  of  the  late  sovereign.  He  was  now 
at  the  head  of  six  thousand  men.  But,  while  his  motions 
were  dilatory,  the  King  had  time  to  collect  an  effective 

1  Parliamentary  IJistory,  IV.  1353,  advantage  he  might  then  have  opened 
1354.  and  pursued  his  designs."      (Burnet, 

2  "It  is  not  easy  to  imagine  with  what  History  of  his  Own  Time,  I.  647.) 

38* 


450  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

army.     In  a  battle  fought  at  Sedgemoor,  near  Bridge- 
„.  , ,        water,   the  insuro^ents   were   routed.     Their  un- 

His  defeat  '  ^ 

and  capture,  fortuuate  leader,  having  escaped  from  the  field, 
was  found  by  his  pursuers  in  a  ditch,  disguised 
in  peasant's  clothes.  He  was  taken  up  to  London,  where 
he  wrote  to  the  King  with  abject  expressions  of  remorse 
for  his  crime.  As  if  taking  a  malignant  pleasure  in  dis- 
tressing him  to  the  utmost,  James  consented  to  his  suit 
for  a  personal  interview,  and  then,  with  revilings,  re- 
His  execution,   fused   his   entTcaty  for  pardon.^      He  was  be- 

juiyi5.  headed  on  Tower  Hill,  the  second  day  after 
beino;  brou2:ht  to  London.^ 

The  prosecution  of  another  branch  of  the  same  wild 
undertaking  was  attended  with  like  ill-success.  The 
Scottish  Parliament  had,  if  possible,  shown  itself  more 
basely  servile  to  King  James  than  the  Parliament  of 
England.  They  had  voted  that,  by  the  immemorial  law 
of  the  realm,  their  monarcbs  possessed  absolute  author- 
ity; and  they  had  made  lavish  grants  to  the  crown, 
which,  instead  of  being  limited  to  the  present  reign, 
were  declared  to  be  perpetual.  They  had  by  law  made 
it  treason  to  maintain  that  the  Covenant  was  obliga- 
tory on  the  signers,  or  to  refuse  to  give  evidence 
in  trials  for  treason  or  for  non-conformity,  and  had  de- 
clared attendance  at  a  conventicle  to  be  a  crime  punish- 
able with  death.^  The  Earl  of  Argyll,  an  exile  in  the 
Insurrection  Ncthcrlauds  siucc  the  time  of  his  father's  execu- 
in  Scotland,  ^q^i,  valuly  supposcd  that  such  excesses  would 
rouse  the  ancient  spirit  of  his  countrymen.  Preceding  the 
expedition  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  by  about  a  week, 
he  landed  in  the  west  of  Scotland,  in  his  own  country, 

1  "  King  James,  in  ordering  him  to  sentence   of  death,    the    sight   of  his 

be    brought    into  his  presence   under  prince's  face,  without  a  design  to  par- 

the  sentence  of  death,  was  pleased  to  don   him."      (Wellwood,   Memoirs   of 

make  one  exception  against  a  general  Transactions  in  England,  &c.,  170.) 

rule  observed  inviolably  among  kings,  2  State  Trials,  XI.  1023-1104. 

never  to  allow  a  criminal,  under  the  3  See  above,  pp.  32,  269. 


Chap.  XI.]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       45^ 

where  he  was  presently  joined  by  a  force  of  his  clansmen 
and  others,  numbering  about  twenty-five  hundred  men. 
This  was  the  limit  of  his  progress.  Scarcely  eluding  the 
superior  numbers  that  hemmed  him  in  on  all  sides,  he 
escaped  into  the  Lowlands,  where  no  reinforcements 
awaited  him.  His  despairing  followers  fell  away.  His  re- 
duced force  was  easily  defeated.  He  was  taken 
prisoner,  led  to  Edinburgh,  and  there  executed. 

Now  was  the  time  for  the  King,  by  a  judicious  clem- 
ency, or  at  least  by  a  dexterous  reserve,  to  establish  his 
power.  But  happily  he  had  not  the  sagacity  or  good 
temper  requisite  for  such  a  course.  A  cruel  vindictive- 
ness  was  both  his  instinct  and  his  policy.  The  inhuman 
proceedings  of  his  officers,  the  Earl  of  Feversham  and 
Colonel  Kirke,  after  the  battle  of  Sedgemoor,  seem, 
through  their  connection  with  the  customary  horrors  of 
war,  less  horrible  than  the  wholesale  murders  judicial 
of  the  judges  Jeffreys  and  Scroggs.  cruelties. 

Months  elapsed  after  the  dispersion  of  Monmouth's 
feeble  levy  before  the  Chief  Justice  came  to  the  Western 
counties  to  hold  his  court,  —  a  space  of  time  which  might 
have  dulled  the  appetite  for  blood  in  men  with  human 
hearts.  At  Dorchester,  where  he  held  his  first  court,  he 
ordered  the  first  thirty  who  were  convicted  to  immediate 
execution ;  and,  of  two  hundred  and  ninety-eight  who 
were  sentenced,  eighty  paid  the  penalty  of  death.  In 
this  "  campaign "  of  Jeffreys,  as  he  called  it,  no  fewer 
than  two  hundred  and  fifty  miserable  people  perished  on 
the  gibbet.  Some  cases  were  thought  to  be  marked  with 
circumstances  of  peculiar  aggravation.  Lady  Lisle,  widow 
of  a  Commonwealth's-man  of  eminence,  was  herself  of 
loyal  principles,  and  had  sent  her  sons  to  Sedgemoor  to 
fight  for  the  King.  After  the  battle,  two  fugitives,  un- 
known to  her  as  having  been  concerned  in  the  rebellion, 
sought  concealment  in  her  house.  That  she  accorded  it, 
was  the  extent  of  her  crime.     The  jury  shrank  from  a 


452  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND,  [Book  IIL 

verdict  against  her ;  but  at  length  they  yielded  to  the 
violence  of  the  court,  and  she  was  sentenced  and  exe- 
cuted, after  great  influence  exerted  to  obtain  her  pardon. 
Jeffreys  had  ordered  that  she  should  be  burned  at  the 
stake  on  the  same  day  that  the  sentence  was  pronounced. 
The  clergy  of  Winchester  interfered  with  an  application 
for  delay,  and  the  King  was  prevailed  upon  to  change  the 
manner  of  her  death  to  beheading. 

The  arrogant  demeanor  of  the  King  towards  his  sub- 

miissive  Parliament  at  this  important  juncture  confirmed 

the  impression  made  by  his  inhumanity  to  his  revolted 

subjects.     The  necessity  of  further  supplies  to  discharge 

the  cost  of  the  late  campaiarn  occasioned  him 

Second  meeting  .  . 

of  Parliament,  again  to  couvcne  the  Houses,  which  had  been 
suddenly  adjourned  in  the  alarm  occasioned  by 
the  landing  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.^  He  told  them 
that,  the  late  troubles  having  shown  the  militia  system  to 
be  an  insecure  reliance,  he  desired  they  would  grant  him 
the  means  to  keep  up  a  standing  force  of  well-disciplined 
soldiers ;  and  that  it  was  his  intention  to  pursue  the 
course  on  which  he  had  entered,  of  giving  commissions 
to  Catholics,  since  he  was  neither  disposed  to  do  injustice 
to  gallant  gentlemen  of  his  own  persuasion,  nor  to  de- 
prive himself  of  their  services  in  a  future  time  of  need. 
The  House  of  Commons  voted  to  o^rant  a  sup- 

Noyemberie.         ,  „  t  , 

ply  of  seven  hundred  thousand  pounds,  accom- 
panying the  vote  with  a  temperate  expression  of  their 
disapproval  of  the  employnient  of  Catholics,  to 

November  18.  ,      -^  .  . 

which  the  King  replied  only  by  a  harsh  re- 
buke. The  House  of  Lords,  with  unwonted  spirit,  named 
a  day  for  taking  the  King's  speech  into  consideration. 
But,  notwithstanding  that  the  forms  necessary  for  making 

the    grant   of  money  effectual   had    not   been 

Prorogation  of  '' 

Parliament.      gouc  through,  hc  gavo  way  to  his  ill-temper, 
and  prorogued  the   Parliament  before  the  ar- 

1  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  1362-1366. 


Revocation  of 
the  French 
Edict  of  Nantes. 


Chap.  XI.]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       453 

rival  of  the  appointed  day ;  ^  and  it  was  never  suffered 
to  meet  asrain. 

A  proceeding  of  King  James's  friend,  the  King  of 
France,  contributed  to  the  apprehensions  which  thus 
again  possessed  the  pubhc  mind  of  England.  By  a  de- 
cree, familiarly  known  as  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
Henry  the  Fourth  of  France  had  guarantied 
religious  freedom  and  political  security  to  Protestant 
Frenchmen.  The  decree  had  been  in  force 
nearly  a  century,  when  it  was  suddenly  revoked  the  French 
by  Louis  the  Fourteenth,  a  few  weeks  before  ""less! 
that  meeting  of  Parliament  which  has  just  been  °''"'^"  ^^ 
mentioned.  Five  hundred  thousand  Frenchmen,  as  was 
estimated,  immediately  fled  to  foreign  countries  from  the 
persecution  that  impended.  Not  less  than  fifty  thousand 
betook  themselves  to  England.  Compassion  for  the  suf- 
ferers stimulated  the  apprehensions  which  were  naturally 
excited  by  their  fate.  Englishmen  saw  again,  in  what 
they  esteemed  its  natural  aspect,  the  ferocious  spirit  of 
the  Church  of  Rome  ;  and  they  asked  themselves  once 
more  what  security  Englishmen  had  against  the  perfidy 
and  cruelty  of  a  Popish  monarch,  greater  than  had  been 
possessed  by  those  religious  Frenchmen,  who  had  now 
been  dispossessed  of  their  property  and  exiled  from  their 
homes. 

Released  from  the  interference  of  Parliament,  the  King's 
next  step  was  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  a  legal  judgment 
for  that  power  of  dispensing  with  the  operation 

f\     ,1  1  1    •    1        •  1         m  i  Claim  of  King 

01  the  laws,  which,  m  respect  to  the  Jest  Act,  jamestoadis. 
he  had  already  exercised,  and  had  declared  his  ''^''^'""  p"""*"^- 
purpose  still  to  use.  In  that  unsettled  state  in  which  as 
yet  the  Enghsh  constitution  stood,  the  question  was  not 
without  its  difficulty.  The  power  of  exempting  from  the 
penalty  of  a  law  in  single  cases  is  generally  recognized 

1  Parliamentary  History,  IV.  1367-     313-318  ;  Dalrymple,  Memorials  and 
1387;  Eeresby,  Travels  and  Memoirs,     Letters,  I.  161  -167. 


454  HISTORY    OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III, 

as  belonging  to  the  executive  head  of  a  government.  It 
is  exercised  in  every  act  of  pardon.  It  is  necessarily  an 
irresponsible  and  illimitable  power,  for  the  fit  occasions 
for  its  exercise  cannot  be  foreseen  so  as  to  be  defined ;  if 
they  could  be,  the  law  might  provide  for  them.  But  if 
one  or  a  few  may  fitly  by  executive  discretion  be  re- 
lieved from  the  operation  of  a  law,  why  not  many  ? 
And  if  many,  how  many  ?  It  is  impossible  to  define 
the  proportion.  Then  why  not  all  ?  It  is  true  that,  if 
all  persons  threatened  by  a  penal  law  ought  to  be  dis- 
charged from  its  operation  by  executive  interference,  this 
must  be  because  the  law  is  a  bad  one,  and  ought  to  be 
repealed.  But  the  law-making  power  may  not  be  of  that 
opinion,  and  its  dissent,  though  availing  to  keep  the 
enactment  on  the  statute-book,  does  not  avail  to  divest 
the  executive  of  its  inherent  attribute  of  mercy.  Such  is 
the  special  pleading  on  one  side  of  the  question.  On  the 
other  side  stands  the  portentous  fact,  that,  if  the  dis- 
pensing power  may  be  exercised  without  control,  the 
head  of  the  government  is  absolute.  The  law-making 
power  cannot  effectually  obstruct  or  restrain  either  mon- 
arch or  subject,  if  any  and  all  of  its  enactments  may  be 
legally  annulled  by  executive  discretion. ,  Here  was  pre- 
sented one  of  those  cases  in  which  precedents  and  maxims 
derived  from  one  state  of  political  relations  are  simply 
absurd  when  applied  to  another.  To  dispense  with  the 
operation  of  a  law  in  an  unlimited  number  of  cases  was 
an  unquestioned  part  of  the  royal  prerogative.  To  dis- 
pense with  the  operation  of  a  law,  unless  for  exceptional 
reasons,  is,  in  effect,  to  repeal  it.  To  repeal  a  law  is  to 
pass  a  law,  which  English  jurisprudence  did  not  allow, 
nor  did  the  King  pretend,  that  he  could  do. 

A  collusive  case  was  arranged,  in  order  to  obtain  a 
formal  opinion  of  the  judges  upon  the  King's  dispensing 
power.  The  Test  Act  offered  a  reward  to  informers,  pay- 
able by  the  offender.     The  coachman  of  Colonel  Hales 


Chap.  XI.]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       455 

claimed  it  from  his  master  as  the  penalty  due  from  him 
for  violating  the  Act  by  receiving,  while  a  Romanist,  a 
commission  in  the  army.     The  officer  pleaded  the  King's 
dispensation.     The  judges,  who  were  bound  to  be   gov- 
erned by  ancient  law  and  precedents,  and  not  by  consid- 
erations  of  public   equity  or  policy,  were  not  without 
plausible  reasons  for  the  decree  which  they  announced. 
They  found  that  a  dispensing  power,  unlimited  in  its 
terms,  —  however,  at  different  times,  exercised  with  more 
or  less  caution,  —  had  always  been  claimed  by  its  allowance 
the   kings   of  England;   that   there  were  not  •^y'^^J^'^g^^- 
wanting  instances  of  its  being  expressly  acknowledged 
by   Parliament ;    that    Parliament   had    never    expressly 
called   it  in  question  ;  and  that,  when  a  few  times  'dis- 
puted at  law,  it  had  been  uniformly  sustained  by  the 
courts.     Judgment  was  was  now  given  accord-       igse. 
ingly  for  the  defendant,  eleven  judges  out  of     J"°'^2i- 
the  twelve  consenting ;  and  the  unlimited  power  of  the 
monarch  to  dispense  with  the  operation  of  laws  was  set- 
tled for  the  present,  as  the  law  of  England.^     The  King 
immediately  called  four  Popish  lords,  and  a  Jes- 
uit priest,  Father  Petre,  to  the  Privy  Council. 

The  Ecclesiastical  Court  of  High  Commission  had  been 
one  of  the  great  abuses  abolished  by  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment.    James  the  Second  had  the  boldness  to  Revival  of  the 
revive  it.     He  issued  a  decree  investino;  three  H's\commi8- 

o  sion  Court. 

bishops  and  four  lay  lords,  of  which  number  Jef-      •''^y  i*- 
freys,  now  Lord  Chancellor,^  was  one,  with  a  power  of 
judicature  over  the  Church  of  England ;  and  it  was  ex- 
pressed in   their  commission,  that  they  might  execute 
their  trust  without  regard  to  any  existing  statute  of  the 

I 

1  State  Trials,  XI.  116.5-1199;  lor,  September  28,  1685,  three  weeks 
Burnet,  History  of  his  Own  Time,  I.  after  Lord  Guilford's  death.  (Lord 
669-671;  Dalrymple,  Memoirs,  &c.,  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Chancellors, 
L  171-173.  in.  380,  424.) 

2  JefiFreys  was  made  Lord  Chancel- 


456  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

realm.  A  case  already  existed  for  the  exercise 
of  their  authority.  A  clergyman  of  London, 
named  Sharp,  animadverted  in  the  pulpit  on  the  charac- 
ter of  some  recent  conversions  to  the  Church  of  Rome. 
James  ordered  the  Bishop  of  London  to  suspend  him 
from  preaching.  The  Bishop  replied  that  he  had  no 
canonical  power  to  take  that  step  till  there  should  have 
been  a  trial  and  conviction.  The  King  persisted ;  and 
the  Bishop  was  cited  before  the  new  court,  who  sen- 
tenced him  to  a  suspension  from  his  functions,  to  last 
during  the  pleasure  of  the  King.  It  in  fact  lasted  to  the 
end  of  the  King's  reign.  The  Bishop,  who  had  begun 
life  as  an  officer  in  the  army,  retained  the  spirit  of  his 
early  days.  He  had  recently  given  offence  to  the  King 
by  a  patriotic  course  in  Parliament,  and  had  been  re- 
moved from  the  employments  of  Privy  Counsellor  and 
of  Dean  of  the  Royal  Chapel.^ 

Other  vigorous  developments  of  the  King's  policy  soon 
followed.      The   Earl   of  Sunderland,  who  had 

Dismissal  of  r»*ir»-r» 

protestaut To-    madc  a  friend  of  Petre,  and  who  already  gave 

ries  from  office.       .  p  ->•  •,.  ,        -i  -iijii 

Signs  or  a  disposition  to  be  reconciled  to  the 
ancient  Church,  was  made  President  of  the  Council  while 
retaining  his  office  of  Secretary  of  State.  Rochester, 
who,  with  all  his  faults,  was  animated  with  his  father's 
devotion  to  the  Church  of  England,  and  who  was  a  man 
of  far  too  great  ability  and  resolution  to  be  a  cipher  in 
any  government,  was,  with  many  professions  of  sorrow 
on  the  part  of  the  King,  dismissed  from  the  high  post 
of  Lord  Treasurer ;  and,  in  circumstances  which  will 
presently  be  related,  his  elder  brother,  Lord  Clarendon, 
was  at  the  same  time  dismissed  from  the  great  office  of 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  The  Treasury  was  intrusted 
to  a  commission,  with  Godolphin  at  the  head,  an  expert 
and  diligent  statesman,  "  never  in  the  way  and  never  out 
of  the  way,"  by  whom  the  King  knew  that  he  would  not 

1  Trial  of  Bishop  Compton,  in  State  Trials,  XI.  1123-1166. 


Chap.  XI.]  ENGLAND   UNDER   JAMES   THE   SECOND.  45^ 

be  embarrassed.  The  Chancellor,  Jeffreys,  stuck  fiercely 
to  his  Protestantism  ;  but  this  was  probably  only  as  a 
cloak  assumed  that  he  might  be  able  more  effectually  to 
promote  the  King's  designs,  by  not  appearing  to  abet 
him  through  any  influence  of  religious  sympathy. 

The  course  of  Kins;  James  was  clear  before  him.  With 
the  solemn  approval  of  the  law,  uttered  with  its  most 
august  authority,  he  had  vindicated  his  prerogative  to  do 
away  with  the  laws  of  England.  By  dispensations  from 
the  Test  Act,  he  had  called  Papists  to  his  council,  and 
had  taken  the  army,  the  corporations,  and  "the  judiciary 
into  his  hands.  By  the  establishment  of  the  High  Com- 
mission Court,  he  had  brought  the  Church  under  his  feet. 
No  Parliament  was  sitting,  and  there  was  no  necessity 
for  him  to  convoke  one ;  for  the  base  complaisance  of  the 
last  Parliament  secured  to  him  a  generous  revenue,  and, 
in  case  of  exigency,  the  exchequer  of  the  rich  King  of 
France  was  at  his  disposal,  on  terms  which  it  would  not 
be  difficult  to  arrange. 

But,  after  all,  one  part  of  what  appeared  so  safe  a  cal- 
culation failed.  The  people,  high  and  low,  were  servile  ; 
for  they  were  incensed  at  the  misbehavior  of  the  Whigs, 
and  the  Whigs  were  the  representatives  of  liberal  prin- 
ciples. The  Church  was  servile,  as  it  always  had  been 
since  Henry  the  Eighth  and  Cranmer  fastened  it  to  the 
car  of  the  State.  But  the  Church  was  composed  of  men, 
of  whom  a  large  portion  valued  their  faith,  and  all  val- 
ued more  or  less  their  livelihood,  which  depended  upon 
the  Church's  safety  and  ascendency. 

To  this  solid  obstacle  in  the  way  of  his  designs,  the 
King  was  fortunately  blind.  This  was  not  for  want  of 
warning.     In  quarters  to  which  it  would  seem 

1      n         1    '  11^  1     •  1   '  Popish  fanati- 

natural  for  him  to  look  for  advice,  his  true  pol-  cismofthe 
icy  in  the  circumstances  was  well  understood.     "'^' 
Had  he  been  capable  of  being  instructed  by  the  lessons 
of  prudence,  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  he  might 

VOL.  III.  39 


458  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

in  the  end  have  accomphshed  his  aims,  and  subverted 
the  hberties  of  England.  If  he  could  not  prevail  upon 
Parliament  to  repeal  the  Test  Act,  the  courts  had  de- 
creed that  he  might  legally  dispense  with  its  operation ; 
and  for  all  practical  purposes  tliis  sufficed  ;  it  enabled 
him  to  fill  the  Council,  the  army,  the  courts,  and  the 
municipal  offices  with  his  creatures.  If  he  could  not  get 
the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  effaced  from  the  statute-book,  it 
would  be  but  a  bloodless  phantom  when  Roman  Catholics 
should  fill  the  tribunals  which  were  to  execute  or  dis- 
regard the  writ.  The  Catholic  courts  of  Spain  and  the 
Empire,  as  strongly  as  the  Protestant  power  in  the  Low 
Countries,  urged  the  King  to  moderation.  The  Catholic 
potentates  had  political  reasons  for  their  course.  Inde- 
pendently of  their  clear  perception  that  precipitancy 
would  defeat  the  King's  designs  within  his  own  realm, 
they  desired  to  attach  England  to  the  Continental  league 
ao-ainst  the  Kino;  of  France  ;  and  to  that  end  it  was  neces- 
sary  that  there  should  be  a  good  understanding  between 
the  King  and  the  Parliament.  The  Pope  concurred  in 
their  policy,  and  sent  over  a  nuncio  to  endeavor  to  en- 
force it  on  the  King.  The  Queen  was  earnestly  of  the 
same  mind.  Of  the  members  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
communion  within  the  realm,  the  most  important  by 
reason  of  wealth,  station,  and  character  used  their  influ- 
ence in  the  same  direction. 

But  the  headstrong  nature  of  James  brooked  no  delay, 
and  approved  no  indirections.  Nor'  was  the  King  of 
France  inattentive  to  the  conditions  of  the  time.  His 
able  and  watchful  envoys  in  England  were  instructed  on 
the  one  hand  to  stimulate  the  King,  and  on  the  other 
to  use  all  opportunities  to  arouse  the  people's  jealousy 
against  him.  The  order  of  Jesuits  was  now  disaffected 
to  the  Papal  see,  and  obsequious  to  France.  Louis  em- 
ployed the  Jesuit  Petre  in  England  ;  an  enthusiast  for  his 
religion ;  a  person  of  ability  and  courage,  and  trained  in 


Chap.  XL]  ENGLAND   UNDER  JAMES   THE   SECOND.  459 

the  arts  which  have  given  to  his  order  such  a  mysterious 
mastery  over  the  minds  of  men.  The  King  of  England, 
besides  making  Petre  a  Privy  Counsellor,  admitted  him 
to  his  most  intimate  confidence  ;  gave  him  apartments  in 
his  palace ;  solicited  the  Pope  to  make  him  a  Cardinal ; 
and,  as  was  believed,  was  ready  to  appoint  him  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  could  he  have  prevailed  on  the 
Pope  to  dispense  with  the  rule  which  excludes  members 
of  the  regular  orders  from  the  episcopate.  The  impetu- 
ous bigotry  of  Father  Petre,  so  welcome  to  the  King,  was 
seconded  by  a  few  of  the  Catholic  nobles,  of  whom  the 
most  prominent  was  the  brutal  and  profligate  Richard 
Talbot,  Earl  of  Tyrconnel. 

•  The  King's  dismissal  of  his  brothers-in-law  from  his 
counsels  proved  to  be,  what  at  the  time  it  was  Hisencroach- 
interpreted  as  being,  a  sure  prognostic  of  a  reso-  "^"'ch  0^* 
lute  policy  of  despotism.  His  personal  attach-  England. 
ment  to  them  had  appeared  to  be  strong.  In  the  time 
of  his  low  fortunes  during  his  brother's  reign,  he  had 
been  indebted  to  them  for  the  most  important  services. 
They  were  among  the  most  eminent  of  the  representa- 
tives of  Protestant  Toryism,  and  to  dismiss  them  from  his 
favor  was  to  grieve  the  most  powerful  class  of  hitherto 
unscrupulous  supporters  of  the  throne.  They  had  no 
objection  to  any  arbitrary  measures  of  his,  except  such 
as  touched  the  ecclesiastical  constitution  of  the  realm. 
The  only  cause  of  their  disgrace  was,  that  they  would  not 
renounce  the  Church  which  had  been  re-established  by 
their  father.  If  they  could  not  be  tolerated,  what  ad- 
herent of  that  Church  could  expect  to  escape  the  royal 
frown  ?  How  hostile  to  English  liberties,  civil  and  eccle- 
siastical, must  be  the  counsels  which  even  these  pliable 
statesmen  could  not  be  permitted  to  share ! 

The  King  could  not  be  blind  to  the  discontent  which 
was  spreading  among  Churchmen.  He  imagined  that 
some   support  might  be    obtained  from   the   Protestant 


460  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

dissenting  sects ;  and  there  was  an  appearance  of  con- 
sistency and  of  generosity  in  extending  to  the  sectaries 
the  toleration  which  as  yet  was  all  that  he  professed  to 
claim  for  the  members  of  his  own  communion.  The 
laws  of  England  were  in  his  way  in  the  one  case  as  much 
as  in  the  other.     But  he  had  made  up  his  mind  that  the 

1687.  laws  should  not  obstruct  him.  He  issued  a  proc- 
Apru4.  lajnation  suspending  the  exaction  of  all  penal- 
ties for  religious  offences,  and  forbidding  the  imposition 
of  religious  oaths  or  tests  as  qualifications  for  office. 
Numbers  of  the  Non-conformist  sects  —  Presbyterians, 
Baptists,  Independents,  Quakers  —  fell  into  the  snare, 
and  approached  the  King  with  addresses  of  thanks  for 
his  enlightened  and  gracious  lenity.  But  in  all  these 
bodies  (except  perhaps  that  of  the  Quakers,  who  were 
ruled  by  William  Penn)  there  were  persons,  and  those 
generally  of  the  best  judgment  and  greatest  weight  in 
their  circle,  who  distrusted  the  toleration  which  they 
were  invited  to  share  with  Papists,  and  chose  rather,  in 
the  imminent  peril,  to  stand  by  the  national  Church 
which  disowned,  despised,  and  distressed  them. 

When  a  bold  policy  had  been  determined  upon,  a  pre- 
cipitate and  insolent  boldness  might  well  seem  expedient, 
as  tending  both  to  depress  the  courage  of  opponents. 
His  attack  and  to  anticipate  the  conferences  and  organiza- 
ver'slty^of''  t-lous  whlch  might  create  embarrassment.  The 
Cambridge,  y^^^j,  wlth  tlic  Cliurch  was  begun  with  a  little 
skirmish,  suitable  to  try  the  spirit  of  the  enemy.  The 
King  sent  an  order  to  the  University  of  Cambridge 
to  admit  one  Francis,  a  Benedictine  monk,  to  the 
degree  of  Master  of  Arts.  The  University  answered 
by  a  petition,  representing  that  this  measure  would 
open  a  way  for  all  sorts  of  religionists  into  councils 
which  had  in  charge  the  interests  of  the  University 
and  the  Church.  The  King  persisted ;  and  the  Vice- 
Chancellor,  for  his  continued  contumacy,  was  tried  before 


Chap.  XI.]  ENGLAND   UNDER  JAMES   THE  SECOND.  ^.Q^ 

the  Hio;h  Commission  Court,  dearraded  from  his 

.  May  7. 

office,  and    suspended   from   the   mastership   of 
his  College.-^ 

In  the  University  of  Oxford  the  question  of  the  royal 
power  was  brought  to  trial  on  a  point  of  more  dignity, 
and  with  results  far  more  important.  On  the  His  quarrel 
death  of  the  President  of  Magdalen  College,  the  rencoieger 
King  nominated  as  his  successor  one  Anthony  ^^f"'"'^- 
Farmer,  a  person  of  unworthy  character,  and,  though 
a  clergyman  of  the  National  Church,  understood  to  be 
fixvorably  disposed  to  the  communion  of  Rome.  The 
Fellows  answered  by  a  petition,  that  the  King  would 
either  recommend  some  other  person,  or  allow  them 
to  make   their  own   election.     They  then  pro- 

April  15. 

ceeded  to  choose  for  their  President  one  of  their 
number,* Dr.  Hough.  The  case  was  brought  before  the 
High  Commission  Court,  which  decided  that  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  College  had  been  irregular,  but  advised 
the  King,  for  the  sake  of  avoiding  scandal,  to  name 
some  other  candidate  for  the  vacant  office,  instead  of 
Farmer. 

Hough  continued  to  exercise  the  functions  of  Presi- 
dent. The  King,  assuming  that  his  election  was 
invalid,  recommended  to  the  Fellows  another 
candidate,  Parker,  Bishop  of  Oxford.  They  replied  that 
the  office  was  filled.  The  Bishop  of  Chester,  and  two 
other  members  of  the  High  Commission  Court,  were 
constituted  visitors  of  the  College,  with  authority  to 
determine  the  dispute.  The  visitors  came  to  Oxford, 
where  they  deposed  Hough,  and  instituted  Parker.  The 
Fellows  were  required  to  sign  an  engagement  of  sub- 
mission. Twenty-five  of  them,  refusing,  were  by  the  vis- 
itors expelled  from  their  fellowships,  and,  with  their  Pres- 
ident, pronounced  incapable  for  the  future  of  holding 
office  in  the  Church.^      Nothing;  could  have  been  more 


'& 


1  State  Trials,  XI.  1315- 1340.  2  Jbid.,  XII.  1-112. 

39* 


462  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

unwise  than  this  conduct  of  the  King.  From  that  day 
forward  there  were  few  parish  churches  in  England 
where  the  reading  of  the  prayers  for  him  did  not  call 
up  emotions  of  indignation  or  of  sorrow. 

Yet   it   required  still   greater   indignities  than    these 
to   raise   the    Church   from   its   abject   posture   of  non- 
His  Second       resistaucc.    Cheated  by  the  illusion  of  his  recent 
of'iLXigence.   succcss,  thc  King  rushed  on  to  his  ruin.     He 
1688.        published  a  second  Declaration  of  Indulgence. 
It   was   almost   the    same  —  differing   only    in 
some  more  emphatic  phraseology  —  as  had  been  promul- 
gated a  year  before ;  and  it  might  have  attracted  not 
much  attention  but  for  an  Order  in  Council  which  pres- 
ently followed,  requiring  that  it  should  be  read 
in  every  parish  church  and  chapel  in  England 
during  divine   service    on  two  successive   Sundays.     In 
London  it  was  to  be  read  on  the  last  two  Sundays  of  the 
month  in  which  the  order  was  issued.      In  other  parts 
of  the  kingdom  the  reading  was  to  take  place  on  the 
first  two  Sundays  of  the  next  month. 

Outraged  as  the  clergy  were  by  the  affront  of  being 
required  to  be  thus  the  instruments  of  their  own  degra- 
dation, it  was  not  easy  for  them  to  resolve  to  withstand 
a  power,  which  was  not  only  formidable  in  the  highest 
deorree,  but  which  with  an  almost  unanimous 

Estrangement  o  ^ 

of  the  clergy     volcc  thcy  had   all  along  been  proclaiming  to 

from  the  King.  •    i      i  ^  i         •       •  f»   r^t 

be  entitled  to  the  submission  oi  Christian  men, 
even  when  it  should  be  most  oppressively  exerted.  But 
the  natural  sentiment  of  right,  strengthened  by  the 
immediate  risk  of  great  personal  loss,  proved  too  much 
for  this  preposterous  theory  to  withstand ;  and,  for  the 
first  time  since  the  Reformation,  the  Episcopal  Church 
of  England  found  itself  withdrawn  from  the  position 
of  absolute  devotion  to  the  King. 

Unless  there  should  be  some  concerted  action,  nothing 
material  could  be  accomplished  against  the  royal  man- 


Chap.  XL]     ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       453 

date ;  yet  there  was  little  time  for  concert  among  a  body 
so  widely  dispersed,  and  with  only  the  imperfect  means 
of  communication  existing  in  that  age.  Great  Magnanimous 
credit  is  due  to  the  Non-conformists  for  their  Nrcolrm- 
conduct  at  this  momentous  juncture.  For  a  '*'^ 
time  there  had  been  danger,  that,  seduced  by  the  offer 
of  relief  from  hardships  so  long  endured,  and  resentful 
against  the  Church  which  had  wronged  them  so  cruelly, 
they  would  lend  themselves  to  the  King's  illegal  de- 
signs. But  the  better  part  of  their  leaders,  Baxter, 
Howe,  and  others,  saw  through  the  deception,  and  ulti- 
mately brought  a  great  majority  of  their  fellow-sectaries 
to  a  concurrence  in  their  judgment  of  the  duty  which 
the  times  required.  Eminent  Non-conformists  placed 
themselves  in  communication  with  the  clergy  of  Lon- 
don, and  urged  them  to  be  true  in  this  crisis  to  the 
great  common  cause  of  Protestant  Christianity. 

Eight   days   before    the    day  appointed   for   the   first 
reading  of  the  Declaration  in  the  pulpits  of  Lon- 
don, Sancroft,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  received 
some  bishops,  and  other  distinguished  clergymen,  at  din- 
ner in  his  palace  at  Lambeth.     The  result  of  their  con- 
ference was  a  determination  not  to  obey  the 

''  Memorial  of 

royal  mandate.^  They  made  arrangements  for  seven  bishops. 
a  more  numerous  meeting  of  eminent  clergy- 
men to  be  held  six  days  later.  At  this  meeting,  a  peti- 
tion to  the  King,  written  by  the  primate,  was  subscribed 
by  him  and  six  other  bishops.  It  set  forth  that  the 
signers  were  devotedly  loyal  subjects,  and  well  disposed 
to  reasonable  measures  of  toleration,  but  thai  they  were 
convinced  that  the  Declaration  was  illegal,  and  that  con- 
sequently their  consciences  would  not  permit  them  to 
publish  it,  as  they  were  required  to  do. 

The  prelates  carried  the  petition  to  the  King  the  same 

1  According  to  Burnet  (History  of  and  the  main  body  of  the  clergy,  con- 
his  Own  Time,  L  738),  Sancroft  curred  in  the  resohition  against  read- 
"  found  that  eighteen  of  the  bishops,     ing  the  Declaration." 


454  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

evening.  Having  read  it,  he  dismissed  them  with  ex- 
pressions of  strong  displeasure.  It  was  hardly  in  his 
hands  before  it  was  circulated  in  print  in  the  streets  and 
taverns  of  the  capital.  No  one  knows,  to  this  day,  how 
the  copy  was  procured.  The  Archbishop  averred  that 
none  was  obtained  from  him,  and  the  original  is  known 
to  have  passed  from  his  hands,  through  those  of  the 
Bishop  of  St.  Asaph's,  to  the  King. 

The  day  came,  appointed  for  the  first  reading  of  the 
Declaration  in  the  hundred  churches  of  the  city 

Defeat  of  the 

Declaration,      aud  suburbs  of  Lonoon.    It  was  read  m  only  lour 
^^    *      churches,  and  in  some  the  preachers  denounced 
it.^     Deliberation  did  not  lead  to  an  abandonment  of  the 
ground  which  had  been  taken.     On  the  second 
day  appointed  for  the  reading,  the  ministers  re- 
peated their  offence. 

The  King  called  for  the  advice  of  his  Council  as  to  the 
course  now  to  be  pursued  for  the  vindication  of  his  dig- 
nity and  authority.     At  the  instigation  of  Jeffreys,  it  was 
resolved  to  prosecute  the  Archbishop  and  six 

Imprisonment      t-».,  .  ft  '    •  o  Tii 

of  the  Bishops.  Bishops,  Signers  of  the  petition,  for  a  libel. 
"^^  '  They  were  summoned  before  the  Council,  and 
required  to  enter  into  recognizances  for  their  appearance 
before  the  Court  of  King's  Bench.  This  they  declined 
to  do,  pleading  their  privilege  as  peer^.  A  warrant  was 
then  drawn  for  their  committal  to  the  Tower,  and  they 
were  sent  thither  under  guard  in  one  of  the  royal  barges. 
Crowds  of  people  stood  on  the  banks  of  the  river  the 
whole  way,  cheering  them  and  asking  their  blessing. 
The  soldiers  at  the  Tower  saluted  them  as  they  passed  in 

1   "  Only   seven "    clergymen,    says  they  obeyed  the  order,  they  did  not 

Burnet  (History  of  his  Own  Time,  I.  approve  of  the  Declaration.     And  one, 

740),  "  obeyed  in  the  city  of  London,  more  pleasantly  than  gravely,  told  ^is 

and  not  above  two  hundred  all  Eng-  people  that,  though  he  was  obliged  to 

land  over.     And  of  these  some  read  it  read  it,  they  were  not  obliged  to  hear 

the   first    Sunday,  but  changed   their  it;  and  he  stopped  till  they  all  went 

minds  before  the  second.     Others  de-  out,  and  then  he  read  it  to  the  walls." 
clared  in  their  sermons,  that,  thougli 


Chap.  XL]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       455 

at  the  Traitors'  Gate,  and,  when  relieved,  dispersed  to 
drink  their  health  in  the  barracks  while  they  were  in  cus- 
tody.    The  highest  noblemen  came  day  after  day  to  pay 
their  respects ;   but  even  their  visits  perhaps  gave  the 
King  less  anxiety  than  the  visit  of  a  deputation  from  the 
Non-conformist  clergy.     The  chaplain  of  the  garrison  re- 
ceived an  express  order  from  the  palace  to  read  the  Dec- 
laration durino;  divine  service  in  the  presence 
of  the  illustrious  prisoners.     But  he  disobeyed, 
and  was  of  course  discharged  from  his  place. 
As  the  bishops  passed  to  their  arraio-nment 

TT    n         1  •  ^  June  16. 

in  Westminster  Hall,  they  were  again  greeted 
with  every  demonstration  of  popular  veneration  and  sym- 
pathy.    The  aro^ument  of  their  counsel  to  the 

mi  1-1  Ml  n  -1      Trial  and  ac- 

eflfect  that,  having  been  illegally  committed,  quiuaiofthe 
they  were  not  obliged  to  plead,  was  overruled  ;  '*  °^^' 
they  pleaded  not  guilty  ;  an  early  day  for  their  trial  was 
fixed ;  and  for  the  mean  time  they  were  discharged  on 
their  personal  recognizances.  Had  they  been  required 
to  give  other  security,  twenty-one  of  the  highest  lay 
lords  were  ready  to  offer  bail,  —  three  for  each  of  the 
prelates  arraigned. 

The  courtiers  did  their  best  to  pack  a  jury.  No  one 
of  the  four  judges  could  have  produced  an  entirely  fair 
record  of  his  earlier  public  life,  or  was  free  from  the  sus- 
picion of  dishonest  subserviency  to  the  King.  The  Chief 
Justice  had  won  his  place  by  official  baseness,  and  one  of 
the  three  puisne  judges  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  with  no 
other  conspicuous  claim  to  the  position  which  he  illegally 
held.  The  Attorney-General  and  the  Solicitor-General, 
the  former  a  person  of  small  capacity,  the  latter  distin- 
guished for  professional  abilities  and  learning,  were  ab- 
jectly devoted  to  the  designs  of  the  King. 

The  indictment  charged  the  prelates  with  a  false,  ma- 
licious, and  seditious  libel,  written  and  published  in  the 
County  of  Middlesex.     When  the  evidence  came  to  be 


466  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

produced,  the  Clerk  of  the  Privy  Council  swore  that  the 
Bishops,  in  his  presence,  had  avowed  the  genuineness  of 
their  signatures.  But  the  Archbishop,  who  was  one  of 
the  signers,  and  in  whose  handwriting  the  petition  ap- 
peared, had  been  at  his  palace  on  the  Surrey  side  of  the 
Thames  till  after  it  was  presented  to  the  King  at  West- 
minster. The  presentation  of  it,  if  it  could  be  proved, 
was  a  publication  in  Middlesex.  But  here  the  crown 
lawyers  were  at  fault.  The  King  could  not  be  made  a 
witness,  and  the  attempt  to  prove  that  the  Bishops  had 
confessed  a  presentation  broke  down.  The  Chief  Justice 
had  risen  to  charge  the  jury  to  bring  in  a  verdict  of  ac- 
quittal on  this  technical  point,  when  one  of  the  prisoners' 
counsel  interposed.  The  conversation  which  ensued  gave 
opportunity  to  the  prosecutors  to  send  for  the  Earl  of 
Sunderland. 

The  Earl  came  into  court,  and  testified  that  the  Bishops, 
on  their  way  to  the  palace,  had  informed  him  that  they 
had  a  petition  to  present.  This  changed  the  aspect  of 
the  case,  and  it  was  argued,  in  the  last  stage,  on  its  sub- 
stantial merits.  John  Somers,  the  youngest  of  the  bar- 
risters of  counsel  for  the  prisoners,  in  that  hour  first  fixed 
upon  himself  the  admiring  gaze  of  England,  never  to  be 
unobservant  of  him  again  while  he  lived.  In  a  few  preg- 
nant sentences  he  argued  that  the  paper  in  court  could 
not  be  characterized  as  false,  for  the  facts  which  it  alleged 
were  notorious  to  all  men ;  nor  as  malicious,  for  the  de- 
fendants had  not  sought  occasion  of  dispute ;  nor  as  sedi- 
tious, for  the  only  use  they  had  made  of  it  was  to  place 
it  in  the  King's  own  hands ;  nor  as  a  libel,  for  it  was 
only  such  a  memorial  as  was  everywhere  recognized  as 
belonging  to  the  right  of  seeking  redress  by  respectful 
representation  to  the  sovereign  power.  The  Chief  Jus- 
tice charged  that  it  was  a  libel.  His  Catholic  assessor 
concurred  in  that  judgment.  The  other  two  justices  dis- 
sented, and  one  of  them,  Powell,  went  so  far  as  to  declare 


Chap.  XI.]  ENGLAND   UNDER   JxVMES    THE    SECOND.  457 

that  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence  had  no  legal  author- 
ity. The  jury  retired  after  nightfall,  and  the  next  morn- 
ing brought  in  their  verdict  of  Not  Guilty.-^ 

London  rang  with  acclamations,  which  were  presently 
echoed  from  every  quarter  of  the  kingdom.  Even  the 
camp,  where  the  King  had  just  been  reviewing  a  force 
which  he  had  drawn  to  the  neighborhood  of  the  city, 
caught  the  enthusiasm,  and  did  not  wait  till  he  was  out 
of  hearing  to  utter  its  vociferous  applause.  After  a  week 
or  two,  James  rallied  his  spirits,  and  issued  an  order  for 
reports  of  the  names  of  all  clergymen  who  had  refused 
to  read  the  Declaration  to  be  made  to  the  High  Com- 
mission Court,  which  would  be  trammelled  by  no  rules 
and  defeated  by  no  jury.  But  the  order  was  not  obeyed 
within  the  time  prescribed.  A  second  order,  with  an  ex- 
tension of  the  time,  produced  no  more  effect,  and  events 
soon  followed  which  hindered  any  further  prosecution  of 
the  scheme. 

The  King  had  been  emboldened  in  pursuing  it  thus  far 
by  an  event  of  the  utmost  importance  to  him  and  to  the 
nation.  Two  days  after  the  committal  of  the  Bishops  to 
the  Tower,  the  Queen  bore  him  a  son.  Late  Birth  of  a 
in  the  preceding  year,  it  had  been  announced  ^^"J^  °^ 
by  proclamation  that  she  was  pregnant,  and  a  December  23. 
day  of  thanksgiving  was  appointed  for  the  auspicious 
prospect.  Many  listened  with  incredulity.  The  Queen 
was  in  feeble  health,  and  four  or  five  years  had  passed 
since  the  birth  of  her  last  child.  If  she  remained  child- 
less, a  Protestant  princess,  the  wife  of  William,  Prince  of 
Orange,  would  continue  to  be  the  presumptive  hejr  to 
the  throne.  If  the  Queen  should  bear  a  son,  he  would 
be  the  heir  apparent ;  he  would  be  educated  by  Jesuits, 
and  a  succession  of  Popish  monarchs  would  be  likely  to 

1  It  is  impossible,  while  writing  of  But  I  have  not  failed  to  compare  it 
this  scene,  to  put  out  of  one's  mind  the  with  the  State  Trials  (XII.  183  - 
brilliant  narrative  of  Lord  Macaulay.     524). 


468  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

follow.  The  Eomanist  counsellors  of  the  King  were  be- 
lieved to  be  capable  of  any  villany,  even  to  the  extent  of 
foisting  a  supposititious  child  on  the  nation  for  its  future 
King.  They  behaved  with  an  imprudence  which  con- 
firmed the  dreadful  suspicion.  They  expressed  their  con- 
fidence that  the  prayers  of  the  faithful  had  been  heard, 
and  that  the  expected  child  would  be  a  boy.  They 
spoke  of  the  conception  as  miraculous,  like  that  of  the 
wife  of  Abraham,  and  of  the  wife  of  Elkanah,  in  Old-Tes- 
tament times.  The  King  and  the  Queen's  mother  had 
made  pilgrimages  to  holy  places,  to  implore  the  long- 
desired  blessing.  These  movements  strengthened  the 
apprehension  of  intended  imposture,  and  it  was  in  very 
ill  humor  that  the  people  awaited  the  event. 

It  took  place  a  month  earlier  than  had  been  calcu- 
lated, and  this  circumstance  added  to  the  prevailing  dis- 
trust. The  Prince  of  Orange  had  made  no  arrangements 
Suspicions  to  obtain  evidence  respecting  the  genuineness 
of  fraud.  Qf  ^  birth  which  would  exclude  his  wife  from 
the  throne.  It  was  believed  that  the  time  was  chosen 
on  account  of  a  temporary  absence  of  the  Princess  Anne, 
herself  a  mother,  and  second  in  the  existing  line  of  suc- 
cession. It  was  remarked  that  neither  the  Dutch  Ambas- 
sador, nor  either  of  the  uncles  of  the  Princesses,  was  sum- 
moned to  the  Queen's  bedchamber.  The  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  who  of  right  should  have  been  there,  had 
just  been  committed  to  the  Tower.  The  company  which 
the  custom  of  England  assembles  on  an  occasion  so  vital 
to  the  security  of  the  realm,  was  now  composed  partly  of 
foreigners,  and  in  large  part  of  Roman  Catholics.  Great 
were  the  rejoicings  of  the  King's  friends  when  a  son  was 
born.  But  a  conviction  spread  widely  throitgh  the  realm, 
that  a  nefarious  fraud  had  been  practised  ;  that  a  new- 
born child  of  other  parentage  had  been  introduced  into 
the  royal  bed,  to  ascend  hereafter  the  throne  of  England. 
The  King  was  not  ignorant  of  the  distrust  which  pre- 


CiiAP.  XI.]  ENGLAND   UNDER  JAMES  THE   SECOND.  459 

vailed;   but,  as  usual,  his  contemptuous  pride  wrought 
him  iniury.     At  a  later  period,  and  in  a  more 

•1  f.   1   •       />  1  1        October22. 

perilous  stress  of  his  fortunes,  he  collected  and 
made   public  the  evidence  which  clears  his  memory  of 
the  imputation  of  this  enormous  crime.^     But  he  did  this 
too  late  to  escape  the  consequence  of  his  fatuous  dis- 
regard of  the  popular  suspicions. 

The  King's   despotism   in   England,  where,  at  every 
stas;e,  it  encountered  a  arrowing,  though,  in  the 
earlier  periods,  an  embarrassed  and  diffident  op-  despotism  in 
position,  is  still  further  illustrated,  in  its  temper 
and  purposes,  by  his  proceedings  in  Scotland  and  Ireland, 
where  it  met  with  obstructions  far  less  difficult  to  con- 
front.    In  Scotland,  the  defeat  of  the  rash  enter- 
prise of  the  Earl  of  Argyll  was  followed  by  a  pe- 
riod of  discouragement  and  depression,  of  which  the  King 
did  not  omit  to  avail  himself    The  Duke  of  Queensberry, 
a  servile  partisan  of  James,  but  attached  to  the  Church 
of  England,  was  degraded  from  the  place  of  Lord  Treas- 
urer; and  the  Catholic  Earl  of  Perth,  as  Lord  Chancellor, 
and  his  brother.  Lord  Melfort,  as  Secretary  of  State,  be- 
came first  ministers  of  the  kingdom.     Under  a  royal  in- 
struction, they  dispensed  with  the  taking  of  the  test  oath 
as  a  qualification  for  office.      They  forbade  the  clergy 
to  preach  against  Romanism.     The  Chancellor  had  mass 
celebrated  in  a  chapel  in  his  house.     The  Scottish  Parlia- 
ment met  in  the  following  spring,  and  the  Cath-        lese. 
olic  Earl  of  Murray,  the  King's  Commissioner  to      -^p"'  '^^' 
preside  over  its  deliberations,  was  instructed  to  propose 
the   repeal   of  laws   adverse   to    the    Church    of  Rome. 
The  draft  of  an  Act  which  was  accordingly  introduced 
did  not  satisfy  the  King,  and  he  sent  down  orders  for  a 

1  The  evidence  —  not  destitute,  of  groundless.  I  read  enough  of  it  in  the 
course,  of  unpleasant  particularity  —  MS.  Journals  of  the  Privy  Council  to 
leaves  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  satisfy  any  but  an  immoderate  curios- 
charge   of  a  supposititious   birth  was  ity.     See  State  Trials,  XII.  123  -  182. 

VOL.  III.  40 


^YQ  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

prorogation  of  Parliament,  and  proceeded  to  carry  out 
his  design  by  force  of  the  prerogative.  He  di- 
rected the  judges  to  pay  no  regard  to  the  laws 
against  professors  of  his  religion.  He  forbade  municipal 
elections.  He  appointed  great  numbers  of  Papists  to 
office.  He  wrote  to  the  Council,  that  he  intended  to  set 
up  a  chapel  for  the  offices  of  his  faith  in  the  palace  of  his 
ancestors  at  Holyrood.-^ 

James  Butler,  Duke  of  Ormond,  was  Lord-Lieutenant 
of  Ireland  when  the  present  King  came  to  the  throne. 
No  nobleman  in  the  three  kingdoms  stood  higher  for  gen- 
1685.  erous  qualities  of  character,  or  for  services  to 

des^tism^in  ^^®  rciguiug  housc.  He  was  a  thorough  Tory, 
Ireland.  j^q^  q^^i  unswcrviug  friend  to  the  religion  of  the 

State.  In  the  last  days  of  King  Charles  there  had  been 
tlioughts  of  displacing  him,  as  not  sufficiently  subservient 
to  the  views  of  the  court.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the 
new  King  was  to  recall  him  from  the  viceroyalty.  For 
several  months  the  civil  administration  of  Ireland  was  in 
the  hands  of  Lords  Justices,  while  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  troops  was  Talbot,  Earl  of  Tyrconnel,  a  native 
of  Ireland,  unscrupulously  and  violently  devoted  to  the 
religion  and  to  the  despotic  schemes  of  the  King.  An 
order  to  disarm  the  militia,  which  came  in  this  inter- 
val, was  rigorously  carried  into  effect  by  Tyrconnel  in 
respect  to  the  Protestant  population,  who  were  thus 
left  exposed  to  the  outrages  of  their  vindictive  Catholic 
neighbors. 

At  length  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  came  over  as  Lord- 
Lieutenant.     But  it  was  soon  apparent  that  his 

December,  i^  J^ 

authority  existed  in  little  more  than  the  name. 

He  brought  instructions  to  the  effect  that  Catholics  should 

1686.        be  freely  admitted  to  civil  and  military  trusts, 

January.      ^^^  ^iQ  bcgau  his  admiuistratiou  by  introducing 

1  Laing,  History  of  Scotland,  IV.   155-178;   Burnet,  History  of  his  Owa 
Time,  I.  678-681. 


Chap.  XI.]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       47I 

several  persons  of  that  persuasion  into  his  Privy  Council, 
and  appointing  others  to  be  sheriffs  and  magistrates. 
Tyrconnel,  on   his  part,  remodelled   the  army, 

.       •  rv»  June. 

cashiering  numerous  Protestant  officers,  com- 
missioning Catholics  in  their  place,  and  even  expurgat- 
ing the  ranks,  not  only  by  refusing  Protestant  recruits 
and  enlisting  regiments  of  Catholics,  but  by  discharging 
hundreds  of  Protestant  soldiers  on  frivolous  pretences.^ 
The  charters  of  all  municipal  corporations  were  vacated 
by  quo  warranto^  and  in  new  charters  Catholics  were 
substituted  for  Protestants  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  fran- 
chise. Tyrconnel  was  even  so  rash  as  to  give  out  that 
there  was  to  be  a  new  distribution  of  the  property  of  the 
island,  and  that  lands  long  ago  confiscated,  and  enjoyed 
for  generations  by  the  families  now  in  possession,  would 
be  restored  to  the  heirs  of  the  ancient  owners.  Claren- 
don, who,  accommodating  as  he  was,  could  not  easily 
brook  the  frequent  contempts  of  his  authority,  remon- 
strated to  the  King,  but  was  coldly  answered.  Unwilling 
to  lose  his  place,  he  sullenly  made  up  his  mind  to  submit 
to  its  vexations.  But  this  was  not  enough.  His  place 
was  coveted  by  the  man  who  made  it  so  uneasy.  Tyrcon- 
nel filled  the  ear  of  the  King  with  complaints  of  the  luke- 
warmness  of  the  viceroy.  The  King,  who  was  impatient 
for  the  execution  of  his  designs  in  their  full  extent,  and 
who  was  already  getting  estranged  from  Clarendon's  still 
more  powerful  brother.  Lord  Rochester,  listened  with 
ready  assent.  The  two  brothers  fell  from  pow-  igst. 
er  on  two  successive  days,  and  Tyrconnel  was  January  7,8. 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  administration  of  Ire- 
land, with  the  title  of  Lord  Deputy. 

The  excitement  which  followed  this  measure  was  in- 

1  Hume  says  {suh  anno  1685),  that  of  the  charters,"  writes  Lingard  (Hist., 
the  number  of  Protestant  private  sol-  Vol.  I.  Chap.  HI.  suh  fine).  I  have 
diers  discharged  was  no  less  than  "  four  not  thought  it  worth  while  to  inquire 
or  five  thousand."  which  is  right. 

2  So  says  Hume  {ubi  supra).   "Most 


472  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

tense.  Protestant  Englishmen  no  longer  felt  secure  in 
Distress  of  I^^^land  of  anything  that  they  possessed.  Many 
Englishmen    hundreds  of  families  immediately  left  the  island. 

in  Ireland.  ... 

Their  apprehensions  were  well  founded.  They 
no  longer  had  legal  protection.  The  whole  civil  adminis- 
tration was  placed  in  the  hands  of  their  angry  enemies  by 
a  sweeping  appointment  of  Catholics  to  all  offices,  from 
the  office  of  Privy  Counsellor  to  that  of  constable ;  and 
burnings,  robberies,  and  worse  outrages,  committed  by 
Irish  ruffians,  made  part  of  the  tidings  of  every  day. 

The  lesson  taught  bj^  these  transactions  was  not  lost 
upon  the  people  of  England.  It  helped  to  ripen  the 
preparation  for  the  momentous  change  that  was  impend- 
ing.    From  an  early  period  of  the  reign  of  King  James, 

the  Prince  of  Oranoje  had  been  in  communica- 

Politics  of  O 

the  Prince     tlou  wlth  tlio  malccontents.     By  birth  the  first 

of  0r&n£6a 

prince  of  the  blood  royal,  he  was  also  husband 
of  his  cousin  Mary,  the  heir  presumptive  to  the  British 
throne.  The  better  feeling  between  Whigs  and  Tories, 
which  began  to  disclose  itself  when  the  King  took  the  ad- 
venturous step  of  dismissing  Lord  Kochester  and  Lord 
Clarendon  from  power,  offered  to  William  a  wider  sphere 
for  activity  in  English  politics.  The  Declaration  of  In- 
dulgence extorted  from  him  the  avowal,  made  to  an 
agent  of  the  King  who  solicited  his  approval,  that  not 
the  succession  to  the  throne  of  England,  nor  empire 
over  the  world,  should  tempt  him  to  consent  to  a  re- 
peal of  the  laws  established  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Protestant  religion.  James  expostulated  directly  with 
the  Prince  and  Princess  by  letters,  and  received  from 
them  the  reply,  that,  though  they  did  not  approve  of 
distressing  Catholics  by  any  penal  statutes,  they  consid- 
ered the  admission  of  professors  of  that  faith  to  civil 
office  as  being  alike  contrary  to  fundamental  laws,  unjust 
and  dangerous  to  their  Protestant  fellow-subjects,  and 
adverse  to  the  welfare  and  security  of  the  kingdom. 


Chap.  XL]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       473 

When  matters  had  reached  this  point,  William  needed 
a  faithful  and  able  representative  in  England.     He  found 
such  a  one  in  Duyckvelt,  a  citizen  of  Amsterdam,  who 
accordingly  was  sent  to  London  in  the  charac-  Hisdipio- 
ter  of  envoy  from   the   States-General.      James  ™=''''^a'°^ 

"  military 

penetrated  the  designs  of  the  dexterous  ambas-  preparations. 
sador,  but  was  unable  to  defeat  them.  Duyckvelt  ^^'"^"^  ^  ■ 
informed  himself  diligently  respecting  the  amount  of 
the  King's  resources  in  men  and  money;  the  state  of 
parties;  the  condition  of  public  sentiment;  and  the  views 
of  leading  men.  He  entered  into  relations  of  confidence 
with  several  of  the  most  eminent  Englishmen ; 

T 

and,  on  his  return  to  Holland  after  a  few  months, 
was  able  not  only  to  assure  the  Prince  of  the  prevalence 
in  England  of  attachment  to  his  person  and  policy,  but 
even   to  convey  to  him  written   offers  of  service  from 
some  of  the  highest  nobles,  and  other  persons  of  special 
consideration  and  influence.     The  death  of  the  Duchess 
of  Modena  presented  an   occasion  for  another  embassy. 
Zulestein,  an  illegitimate  cousin  of  William,  afterwards 
created  by  him  Earl  of  Rochford,  was  sent  over 
to    express   to    the    Queen    the    sorrow    of    the 
Prince   and   Princess  for  that  bereavement.      He   made 
further  arrangements   for   his  master,  and  returned  to 
him    with   new    pledges    of  support   from   his    Enghsh 
friends ;  and  from  this  time,  without  intermission,  secret 
missives  were  mutually  conveyed  across  the  Channel. 

The  Prince  cautiously  collected  troops,  ships,  and 
money.  He  prepared  the  minds  of  his  compatriots  by 
using  various  occasions,  especially  the  revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,  to  excite  them  against  France,  of  which 
nation  he  represented  his  father-in-law  as  the  ally  and 
tool.  He  satisfied  the  Pope,  the  Emperor,  the  King  of 
Spain,  and  the  second-rate  Catholic  States  of  Germany, 
by  strengthening  their  league  against  the  ambition  of 
Louis,   a   league   in  which    it   was   so   needful   for   the 

40* 


474  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

common  safety  that  England  should  become  a  zealous 
party. 

It  was  necessary  to  wait  for  an  opportunity;  for  the 
sentiment  of  loyalty  innate  in  Englishmen  was  known 
to  be  so  strong,  that,  after  all,  when  the  trial  came,  it 
might  prove  sufficient  to  overcome  the  angry  discontent 
that  had  existed.  The  King's  folly  brought  the  oppor- 
tunity at  as  early  a  time  as  there  were  means  to  profit 
by  it.  The  Church,  sooner  than  do  violence  to  its  pre- 
scriptive idolatry  of  the  throne,  or  retract  its  abject 
doctrine,  so  often  repeated,  of  the  obligation  of  passive 
obedience  in  any  and  all  circumstances,  had  borne  with 
sullen  rage  the  proclamation  of  the  King's  dispensing 
power,  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence,  and  the  estab- 
lishrdent  of  the  Court  of  High  Commission.  But  when 
the  lodgings  and  the  revenues  of  her  servants  were 
handed  over  to  Roman  Catholics,  and  her  primate  and 
his  associates  were  sent  to  the  Tower  for  refusing  to 
read  an  edict  which  made  their  preferments  insecure, 
the  Church's  cup  of  indignation  was  full,  and  overflowed. 
When  the  unfamiliar  portent  was  seen  of  the  Church's 
apostasy  from  despotism,  it  was  plain  that  there  was 
a  new  prospect  for  right  and  liberty.     On  the  day  of 

1688.  the  acquittal  of  the  Bishops,  an  invitation  to 
June  30.  .j-j^g  Princc  of  Orange  to  present  himself  with  an 
army  in  England  was  sent  to  him  from  London,  with 
the  signatures  in  cipher  of  a  few  persons  of  the  first 
fortune,  birth,  and  station,  who  professed  to  speak  in 
the  name  of  others  sufficiently  numerous  and  powerful 
to  warrant  the  success  of  the  undertaking. 

What  next  followed  is  too  familiar  to  every  reader 
of  English  books  to  admit  of  any  but  the  most  cursory 
recital  in  this  place.  With  a  fleet  of  sixty  men-of-war 
His  loading  ^^^  scvcn  huudrcd  transports,  conveying  an 
in  England,    army  of  fifteen  or  sixteen   thousand  men,  the 

October  19.     -pi    •  p    >^ 

rrmce  of  Orange  set  sail  from  Helvoetsluys  for 


Chap.  XI.]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.      475 

the  coast  of  Yorkshire.  A  storm  the  same  day  drove 
him  back  with  damage.  He  sailed  again  in  a  fortnight; 
and,  passing  close  to  the  English  fleet,  which  was  held 
fast  in  the  Downs  by  the  same  easterly  wind  that 

1    .  117         1  f>    m       1  •       November  5. 

wafted  him,  entered  the   harbor   of  Torbay,  m 
Devonshire.    He  landed  without  opposition,  and  marched 
eastward    towards   London.      At  Exeter   he    was  disap- 
pointed by  seeing  no  signs  of  the   reception  which  he 
had  been  authorized  to  expect.     But,  just  before 
he   reached   Salisbury,  he   was  joined    by  Lord 
Cornbury,   son  of  the  Earl    of  Clarendon,   with   a   few 
troopers.      The   accession  of  men  was  too  small  to  be 
of  importance,  but  the  adhesion  of  their  leader  was  an 
indication   full    of  encouragement.       A   few    days   only 
passed  before  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  an  illegitimate  son 
of  the  late  King,  and  Lord  Churchill,  already  a 
LieutenantrGeneral,   afterwards    Duke    of  Marl- 
borough, deserted  their  posts  about  the  King,  and  came 
to    offer   their   services    to   the   invader.      The   Princess 
Anne  was  soon  known  to  have  stolen  away  from 
Whitehall,  and  travelled  northward  to  the  seat 
of  the  disaffected  Earl  of  Northampton,  while   her  hus- 
band.  Prince    George   of  Denmark,   betook    himself  to 
the  Dutch  camp.     The  King  sent  commissioners  to  ne- 
gotiate ;  but  William  at  first  found   excuses .  for  delay- 
ing to  receive  them,  and  at  last,  having  been 
joined  meanwhile  by  Lord  Clarendon,  refused  to 
treat  except  on  terms  such  as  would  disarm  the  King 
for   any  further  resistance.^     Awakened   to  the 
full  extent  of  the  danger,  James  sent  the  Queen 
with  her  son  secretly  to  France,  and  the  same  night  left 
his  palace  in  disguise,  and,  throwing  the  great  seal  of 

1  Parliamentary  History,  V.  18,  19.  pared  to  be  easily  satisfied.     Withont 

Burnet  says  (History,  I.  795)  :  "  The  doubt  they  did  so  come,  for  Lord  Hali- 

Lords  [the  King's  messengers]  seemed  fax  was  one  of  the  three,  and  Lord 

to  be  very  well  satisfied  with  the  an-  Godolphiu  another, 
swer."      They  must  have   come   pre- 


476  msTORY  OF  new  England.  [Book  hi. 

England  into  the  Thames  as  he  crossed  that  river,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Httle  town  of  Feversham,  where  he  had 
made  arrangements  to  embark  for  France.  Messengers 
were  sent  to  the  Prince  by  the  magistrates  of  the  city, 
inviting  him  to  hasten  his  march. 

At   Feversham,  James  was   recognized    and   arrested. 

Several  peers,  who  were  in  London,  met,  and  despatched 

a  party  of  life-guards  to  protect  his  return  to  that  city. 

He  came  to  his  palace  at  Whitehall,  which  William,  who 

had  been  steadily  advancinsr  and  was  now  him- 

His  arrival  "^      ,  ^ 

at  London.       sclf  ncar  to  Westminster,  surrounded  with  some 
battalions  of  Dutch  troops.^ 
The  second  night  after  James's  arrival  he  was  aroused 
from  sleep  to   receive  Lord  Halifax,  who  had 

December  18.      .     •  ,      ,        -pj    .  ,        ,  .    , 

jomed  the  rnnce,  and  who  now  came  with  a  mes- 
sage from  him  to  the  effect  that  it  was  best  for  the  King's 
own  safety  and  for  the  public  peace  that  he  should  with- 
draw from  London.  A  place  was  named  for  his  retirement ; 
but  James  objected  to  it,  and  expressed  his  preference 
for  Eochester,  thirty  miles  eastward  from  the  city,  on  the 
Thames.  William  had  anticipated  such  a  request,  and 
no  other  could  have  been  more  acceptable  to  him.  He 
penetrated  the  frightened  monarch's  design  of  escaping 
to  France,  and  the  execution  of  that  scheme  would  give 
him  great  relief  in  respect  to  the  disposal  of  his  uncle's 

person.     James  was  allowed  to  a;o  to  Rochester, 

December  19.      ^  i        i     i  i  i   • 

where  care  had  been  taken  to  have  him  care- 
lessly guarded.  He  had  been  there  but  four  days  before 
Flight  of  King  his  arrangements  were  completed ;  and,  exult- 
E^Srand™'"  ^^S  i^  ^^^  cunning  by  which  he  eluded  his 
December  23.    kccpcrs,  hc  Icft  his  couutry  for  the  last  time. 

He  received  from  Louis  a  courteous  welcome, 

December  28. 

and,  by  the  favor  of  that  generous  ally,  estab- 
lished his  mock  court  at  St.  Germain's.  At  the  close 
of  the  day  when  he   left  Westminster,   the    Prince   of 

1  James's  last  Privy  Council  was  held  on  this  day.     (Journals,  &c.) 


Chap.  XL]    ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE  SECOND.       47*7 

Orange  entered  it,  and  took  up  his  lodging  in  St.  James's 
palace. 

Some  of  his  most  perplexing  difficulties  were  as  yet 
only  reached.  But  they  were  at  length  overcome.  A 
meeting  was  called  of  the  Peers  then  in  the  city,  and 
another  assembly  was  constituted  of  members  of  the  last 
House  of  Commons  and  of  the  city  magistrates.  By 
their  advice,  writs  were  issued  in  the  Prince's  name  for 
a  convention  of  the  estates  of  the  realm.  Till  that 
should  assemble,  he  consented  to  exercise  the  executive 
authority. 

The  Convention  assembled.  The  Lords  as-  ^esg. 
sumed  their  hereditary  place.  The  Lower 
House  was  composed  of  knights  and  burgesses,  repre- 
senting the  established  constituencies  of  the  kingdom. 
Two  thirds  of  the  members  were  of  the  Whig  party. 
Of  the  Tories,  with  whom  were  counted  a  full  half  of  the 
House  of  Lords,  one   portion  was   disposed   to 

.    1  ■■  y_7-.  .    ,  .  ,    .       Discussions 

nesfotiate   with  the  Kmo;,  with   a  view  to  his  about  tse 


succession. 


restoration  under  such  conditions  as  might  pro- 
tect the  nation  in  future  from  a  repetition  of  his  unlawful 
practices.  This  section  of  the  Tories  presently  alHed 
itself  with  another,  which,  with  the  Archbishop,  Lord 
Clarendon,  and  Lord  Rochester  at  its  head,  desired  to 
continue  to  the  King  his  title,  but  to  keep  him  in  exile, 
and  transfer  his  powers  to  a  Regent,  who  should  exercise 
the  powers  of  government,  as  if  the  sovereign  were  an 
infant  or  an  idiot.  A  third  division,  led  by  Lord  Danby 
and  by  Compton,  Bishop  of  London,  maintained  that 
James,  by  his  flight  from  the  country,  had  abdicated  the 
sovereignty,  which  now  devolved  on  the  heir,  as  it  would 
have  done  at  his  death ;  and  that  accordingly  Mary, 
Princess  of  Orange,  was  now  Queen  of  England.  The 
doctrine  of  the  Whigs  was,  that  the  King,  by  his  miscon- 
duct, amounting  to  a  violation  of  the  contract  between 
himself  and  his  subjects,  had  forfeited  the  crown  for  him- 


478  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

self  and  his  posterity,  and  that  it  was  competent  to  the 
remaining  estates  of  the  reahn  to  fill  by  election  the 
vacant  throne. 

After  an  earnest  debate,  in  which  these  vari- 

Janaary  28.  .  i  i  i  /^ 

ous  Views  were  brought  out,  the  Commons  re- 
solved that  James  had   abdicated   the   government,  and 
that  the  throne  was  vacant.     They  followed  up 

January  29.  .  ,  .  .  . 

this  action  by  a  vote,  that  it  was  inconsistent 
with  the  safety  of  England  to  be  governed  by  a  Popish 
King.  To  this  last  Resolve  the  Peers,  under  the  pressure 
which  had  been  brought  upon  them,  unanimously  con- 
sented. But  it  was  by  a  vote  of  only  fifty-one  against 
forty-nine,  that  they  declared  themselves  opposed  to  the 
plan  of  a  regency.  Two  days  afterwards,, they 
refused,  by  a  vote  of  fifty-five  to  forty-one, 
to  adopt  the  Resolve  of  the  Commons  affirming  the  va- 
cancy of  the  throne.  The  majority  was  made  up  of 
many  Lords  who  held  that  James  was  still  King,  and  of 
a  fc-w  who  held  that  Mary  was  already  his  successor.  On 
a  second  trial  of  the  question,  each  House  adhered  to  the 
position  which  it  had  taken ;  and,  as  the  next  step,  each 
House  appointed  its  committee  for  a  conference. 

Again  the  scheme  of  a  regency  began  to  be  talked  of. 
William  now  thought  it  expedient  to  make  himself  un- 
derstood.    He  informed  some  of  the  leaders  of 

February  &•  ■,  t  .  /y>  •  •  i  i         ) 

the  difierent  parties,  m  eacn  others  presence, 
that  he  could  not  accede  to  that  arrangement.  He  must 
be  King,  or  he  would  go  back  to  Holland,  and  withdraw 
from  all  agency  in  English  affairs.  In  the  circumstances, 
there  was  no  withstanding  the  force  of  this  decision. 
Only,  on  further  consultation,  it  was  determined  that  he 
ought  to  hold  the  regal  title  jointly  with  his  wife,  while 
the  administration  should  be  in  his  hands  alone.  At  the 
conference  between  the  committees  of  the  Houses,  this 

arrangement  was   matured.      The   Lords   then 

February  6.  .  ,       . 

voted,  by  a  majority  of  about  fifteen,  that  the 


Chap.  XL]  ENGLAND  UNDER  JAMES  THE   SECOND.  /^'j^ 

throne  was  vacant,  and  proceeded  to  declare,  without  a 
division  being  called  for,  that  William  and  Mary  should 
be  proclaimed  Kiner  and  Queen  of  England.     In  „   ,     .. 

i  o  ^^  O  Proclamation 

the  instrument  which  completed  this  great  trans-  ofwiuiamand 

•  1  TT  •  1  T-v         1  •  n    ^^^y  *^  King 

action,  the  Houses  incorporated  a  Declaration  of  and  Queen. 
Right,  which  purported  to  set  forth  the  princi-  ^^^"''''"'^  ^^ 
pies  of  the  English  Constitution.  Rather  it  created  that 
Constitution,  under  which,  with  some  minor  changes  of  it, 
such  as  the  lapse  of  time  requires,  six  generations  of 
the  people  of  England  have  enjoyed  an  amount  of  tran- 
quillity, felicity,  and  greatness,  such  as  has  rarely  fallen 
to  the  lot  of  any  community  of  men. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

In  the  short  time  that  elapsed  between  the  abrogation 
of  the  Charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and  the  death  of 
King  Charles  the  Second,  no  arrangements  were  con- 
cluded for  the  government  of  that  Colony ;  and  the  va- 
riety of  important  business  which  belonged  to  the  begin- 
ning of  a  new  reign,  and  the  insurrection  under  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth  which  took  place  soon  after,  fully  occupied 
the  attention  of  the  ministry  of  King  James.  Accord- 
ingly no  orders  came  from  England  for  a  new  regulation 
of  affairs  in  Massachusetts,  and  the  administration  was 
continued  in  the  ancient  form. 

On  the  day  of  King  James's  accession  to  the  throne, 
1685.        he  issued  his  proclamation,  directing  that  all 
February  6.    pg^gons  lu  authorlty  in  his  kingdoms  and  colo- 
nies should  continue  to  exercise  their  functions  till  fur- 
ther order   should   be  taken.      A   printed  copy  of  the 
proclamation  was  transmitted  to  Boston  by  Blathwayt, 
along  with  an  order  to  proclaim  the  new  King.^     The 
General  Court  was  convened  by  the  Governor 

May  6.  .  ^  . 

to  receive  and  register  the  edict.     The  Court 
was  prepared  to  reply,  that  the  royal  pleasure  had  been 

1  The  printed  copies  sent  over  are  And  nothing  is  legal  notice  of  such  an 

in    the     Archives     of    Massachusetts  important  event  but  a  proclamation  of 

(CVI.  339 -341).  —  "  The  law  of  Eng-  the  accession  which  constitutes  [com- 

land,  with  peculiar  good  sense  holding  municates]  the  demise,  signed  by  the 

it  as  a  maxim  '  that  no  person  shall  be  Privy  Council  and  transmitted  by  the 

required  to  take  notice  where  it  is  im-  Secretary  of  State."     (Chalmers,  Po- 

possible  to  do  so,'  obliges  no  officers  of  litical  Annals,  Book  II.  Chap.  I.     For 

distant  provinces  to  know  anything  of  the  use  of  a  MS.  copy  of  this  portion 

the  demise  of  the  crown  but  what  is  of  the  work,  which   has   never  been 

communicated  by  official  intelligence,  printed,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Sparks.) 


Chap.  XIT.] 


PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY. 


481 


anticipated.  Three  weeks  before  this  time/  on  the  re- 
ception of  a  less  formal  instruction  to  the  same  effect, 
"  the  Governor  and  Council  had  ordered  his  Majesty  with 
all  due  solemnity  to  be  proclaimed  in  the  hig-h 

•^  ■■■  '-'         King  James 

street  in  Boston ;  which  was  done.     The  Honor-  t^e  second 

-^  T\  /"i  14'  proclaimed 

able  Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  and  Assistants  in  Boston. 
on  horseback,  with  thousands  of  people,  a  troop  ^^p'''^"- 
of  horse,  eight  foot  companies,  drums  beating,  trumpets 
sounding,  his  Majesty  was  proclaimed  by  Edward  Kaw- 
son,  Secretary,  on  horseback,  and  John  Greene,  Marshal- 
General,  taking  it  from  him,  to  the  great  joy  and  loud 
acclamations  of  the  people,  and  a  seventy  piece  of  ord- 
nance next  after  the  volleys  of  horse  and  foot."  ^ 

The  annual  elections  in  Massachusetts  took  Despondency 

1  1      q     1        i      i  1  j_  in  Wassacha- 

place  as  usual;     but  the  government  was  now  setts. 
regarded  as  only  provisional,  and  was  conducted      May27. 


1  "April  14.  A  ship  arrives  at 
Newcastle,  and  brings  news  of  the 
death  of  Charles  the  Second,  and 
proclamation    of   James    the    Second 

King It    much    startled    the 

Governor  and  all  of  us."     (MS.  Diary 
of  Judge  Sewall.) 

2  Mass.  Rec,  V.  473,  474.  In  a 
joint  letter  written  on  the  following 
day,  Stoughton,  Bulkeley,  and  Shrimp- 
ton  gave  an  account  of  the  ceremony. 
They  said  that  "  a  thousand  foot  sol- 
diers and  a  hundred  horse,  with  num- 
bers  of  the  principal  gentlemen  and 
merchants  on  horseback,"  made  a  pro- 
cession through  the  town.  (Colonial 
Papers,  &c.) 

3  Mass.  Rec,  Y.  475.  Stoughton 
was  chosen  Assistant  by  only  757 
votes,  and  Dudley  by  694,  while 
Gookin  had  1312,  Richards  1267,  and 
Nowell  1257.  Bulkeley  lost  his  elec- 
tion. Judge  Sewall  wrote  :  "  Friday, 
May  29,  Mr.  Nowell  and  I  go  to  Mr. 
Stoughton  and  Dudley  to  acquaint 
them  with  the  freemen's  choice  of  them 

VOL.  III.  41 


in  the  Court's  name,  and  to  desire 
them  to  come  and  take  the  oatlis.  I 
doubt  Mr.  Bulkeley's  being  left  out  will 
make  them  decline  it."  (MS.  Diary.) 
And  again:  "June  2,  1685.  In  the 
afternoon  Mr.  Stoughton  and  Dudley 
come  and  confer  with  the  Council, 
thanking  tliem  for  their  respect  in  ac- 
quainting them  with  their  choice,  and 
to  say  they  were  not  of  another  mind, 
as  to  the  substance,  than  formerly,  re- 
lating to  the  great  concerns  of  the 
country  ;  lest  any  might  be  deceived  in 
desiring  them  to  take  the  oatlis.  Also, 
that  if  things  went  otherwise  than  well 
in  tliat  great  trial  [we]  were  like  shortly 
to  have,  all  the  blame  would  be  laid  upon 
them.  Said  [they]  supposed  things 
would  be  so  clear  when  the  day  came, 
as  that  there  would  be  a  greater  una- 
nimity what  to  do,  than  now  was  thought 
of.  (Deputy-Governor  is  Cloud  and 
Pillar.)  Seemed  through  the  importu- 
nity of  friends,  ministers,  &c .  to  incline  to 
take  their  oath.  Take  leave."  Stough- 
ton and  Dudley  concluded  to  serve. 


482  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

without  spirit.  It  was  still  expected  that  Colonel  Kirke 
would  soon  come  over  as  Governor.-^  A  universal  de- 
spondency prevailed.  The  General  Court  found 
it  necessary  to  threaten  some  of  the  towns  for 
their  neglect  in  sending  Deputies;  and,  "judging  it  a 
matter  of  greatest  concernment  in  the  present  juncture 
of  Providence  towards  this  people,  that  they  so  managed 
themselves  as  that  they  might  not  be  led  into  tempta- 
tion, to  the  doing  of  anything  dishonorable  to  their  pro- 
fession, disloyal  to  his  Majesty,  or  the  peace  of  those  that 
had  betrusted  them,"  they  summoned  certain  "  reverend 

elders  of  the  several  towns to  meet  and  confer  with 

the   Court  in    council,"  at  an   adjourned    session.      The 
Court  came   together  again  for  this   purpose ; 
and  Mr.  Higginson,  minister  of  Salem,  was  de- 
sired "  to  seek  the  face  of  God  for  his  special  guidance 
and  direction."     But  nothing  came  of  the  conference  that 
followed,  except  another  Address  to  the  King, 
rehearsing  the  same  arguments  for  justice  and 
lenity  which  had  again  and  again  proved  so  unprofitable.^ 
Meanwhile,  the   indefatigable    Randolph  was   at  work 
in  England.     Soon  after  the  defeat  of  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
Operations  of     mouth's  luvaslon  afforded  the  government  some 
Randolph  in     jeisurc,  Randoli^h  presented  a  petition   to   the 
August  18.     King,  praying  him  to  erect  a  temporary  gov- 
ernment over  Massachusetts  and  its  dependencies,  and 

1  Such  was  still  the  plan  at  the  Eng-  "  Had    he   come   over,"   says   Mather 

lish  court.     As   late  as   May  13,  the  (Parentator,    97),    "what   barbarities 

Privy  Council   instructed   "  the   Com-  must  this  people  have  expected,  even 

mittee  of  this  Board   for  Trade   and  like  those  worse  than  Gallic   immani- 

Foreign  Plantations  to  consider  of  an  ties,   under   which   their   brethren   in 

article  of  instructions  fit  for  his  Majes-  Scotland  at   this   time  were  languish- 

ty  to   give  to  Colonel  Kirke,  who  is  ing."    (See  above,  pp.  267  -  269,  469.) 

going  his  Majesty's  Governor  of  New  Their    relief   from   this   apprehension 

England."      (Colonial     Papers,     &c.)  helped  to  reconcile  them  to  the  rule 

This  was  only  a  month  before  the  in-  of  Du<lley  and  his  Council, 

surrection  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  2  Mass  Pvec,  V.  492,  494  -  496. 
found   other    employment    for   Kirke. 


Chap.  XH.]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY. 


483 


September  2. 


to  send  him  over  with  commissions  for  it,  and  with  writs 
of  quo  warranto  against  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticnt.^ 
He  furnished  a  list  of  "well-disposed  persons 
fit  to  be  concerned  in  the  temporary  'govern- 
ment of  the  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay."  Dud- 
ley's name  is  at  the  head  of  the  catalogue  ;  then  Stough- 
ton's ;  then  Bulkeley's.  And  he  submitted  the  scheme  of 
a  joint  House  of  Assembly,  in  which  Massachusetts  should 
be  represented  by  twenty  Deputies ;  Plymouth  and  New 
Hampshire  each  by  nine  ;  and  Maine  by  eight.^  But 
this  project,  imperfect  protection  as  it  would  have  af- 
forded to   the   Colonists,  was  strangled  in   the 

Til  TT  c     k  September  9. 

birth.     The  Kmg  would  have  no  House  ot  As- 
sembly.^     Other  arrangements  went  slowly  on,  as  the 


1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  Randolph 
says,  in  this  petition,  that  he  has  al- 
ready served  writs  against  the  Jerseys 
and  Delaware. 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  Of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts towns,  Boston  was  to  choose 
three  Deputies ;  Ipswich  and  Salem, 
each  two  ;  Newbury  and  Andover 
together,  two ;  Charlestown,  Maiden, 
Salisbury,  Braintree,  Dorchester,  Rox- 
bury,  Hingham,  and  Weymouth,  one 
each;  Windsor,  Springfield, Hadley,  and 
Northampton  together,  one ;  Rowley 
with  Beverly  and  Cape  Ann,  one  ;  and 
Lynn  with  Marblehead,  one.  In  Ply- 
mouth Colony,  two  were  assigned  to 
Scituate  ;  one  each  to  Plymouth,  Bris- 
tol, Sandwich,  Taunton,  Barnstable, 
and  Swansey ;  and  one  to  Marshfield 
and  Duxbury.  For  Maine,  the  towns  of 
York,  Wells,  and  Kittery  were  each  to 
have  two  Deputies ;  and  Casco  Bay  and 
Kennebec,  one  each.  For  New  Hamp- 
shire, the  towns  of  Portsmouth  and 
Hampton  were  each  to  have  two  Depu- 
ties ;  and  Exeter,  Oyster  River,  Dover, 
Great  Island,  and  Greenland,  one  each. 

Perhaps  some  hint  of  what  was  going 
on  had  reached  Boston,  when  Judge 


Sewall  made  the  following  record  : 
"  Wednesday,  November  18.  Uncom- 
fortable Court  day,  by  reason  of  the 
extreme  sharp  words  between  the 
Deputy-Governor,  and  Mr.  Stoughton, 
Dudley,  and  others."  (MS.  Diary.) 
In  September,  Dudley,  as  if  impatient 
for  his  expected  promotion,  wrote  to 
his  friend  Randolph :  "  I  suppose  it 
cannot  be  thought  expedient  or  safe 
to  let  the  government  here  be  at  such 
strange  uncertainties  as  it  must  needs 
be,  until  his  Majesty's  pleasure  be 
known."     (Hutch.  Hist.,  L  316.) 

3  "My  Lord  President  is  desired  to 
receive  his  Majesty's  pleasure  concern- 
ing a  clause  touching  Assemblies  to  be 
called  for  making  of  laws  and  raising 
of  money  according  to  the  opinion  of 
Mr.  Attorney  and  Mr.  Solicitor  Gen- 
eral, who  have  reported  that,  notwith- 
standing the  forfeiture  of  their  charter, 
the  right  did  yet  remain  in  the  inhab- 
itants to  consent  to  such  laws  and  taxes 
as  should  be  made  or  imposed  on  them. 

Mem.      My   Lord    President 

having  accordingly  represented  their 
Lordship's  desire,  his  Majesty  was 
pleased  that  no  mention  of  an  Assem- 


484  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

leisure  of  the  government  allowed.    An  Admiralty  Court 

was  constituted   for  "  New  England   and   all    the  parts 

thereof."     Eandolph  received  a  commission  to 

be  Post-Master.     And  the  Privy  Council  made 

provision  for  setting  up  in  Boston  the  worship 

of  the  Church  of  England.^ 

One  more  annual  election  was  held  in  Massachusetts 

Election  in       accordlug    to    the    provisions    of   the    charter. 

Massachusetts,     rpi,  p  -,  ixl*         s'  i'    c      i'  'ii 

16S6.  ine  ireemen  showed  their  dissatisfaction  with 
May  12.  Dudlcy  by  leaving  him  out  of  the  magistracy, 
a  proceeding  which  so  disgusted  his  friend  Stoughton 
that  he  refused  to  serve.'^  They  were  not,  however,  con- 
signed to  private  life.  Arrangements  had  now  been  com- 
pleted for  the  humiliation  of  the  obnoxious  Colony.  Two 
days  after  the  annual  General  Court  came  together,  a 
Provisional  fHgate  brought  Randolph  to  Boston,^  with  an 
government      exemplificatiou  of  the   iudai-ment   aojainst   the 

•constituted.  r  J         o  O 

May  14.  chartcr,  and  commissions  for  the  functionaries 
of  a  new  government.  It  was  to  consist  of  a  President, 
Deputy-President,  and  sixteen  Counsellors.  Their  au- 
thority extended  over  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire, 

bly  be  made  in  the  commission."  (Co-  2  The  largest  number  of  votes  cast 
lonial  Papers,  &c.)  for  any  Assistant  was  1203  for  Samuel 
1  "  Ordered,  that  Mr.  Charles  Nowell.  Stoughton  was  barely  chosen, 
Mearne,  his  Majesty's  stationer,  do  having  656.  Dudley  had  but  619. 
forthwith  provide  and  deliver  to  the  Governor  Bradstreet  had  1144  votes, 
Right  Reverend  Father  in  God,  Henry,  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Danforth 
Lord  Bishop  of  London,  or  to  such  per-  1052.  (Mass.  Arch.,  XLVIU.  193.) 
son  or  persons  as  his  Lordship  shall  ap-  3  The  vessel  was  the  Rose,  corn- 
point  to  receive  the  same,  six  large  Bi-  manded  by  Captain  George.  Accord- 
bles  in  folio,  six  Common-Prayer  Books  ing  to  a  statement  in  one  of  Randolph's 
in  folio,  six  books  of  the  Canons  of  the  letters  (R.  I.  Rec,  III.  203),  she  was 
Church  of  England,  six  of  the  Homilies  "  almost  six  months  "  at  sea,  which 
of  the  Church,  six  copies  of  the  Thirty-  would  carry  back  the  time  of  her  sail- 
Nine  Articles,  and  six  Tables  of  Mar-  ing  to  November  or  December,  1685. 
riage,  to  be  sent  to  New  England,  and  But  in  his  memorandum  in  Mass.  Arch., 
there  disposed  of  for  the  use  of  his  CXXVII.  220,  he  says  that  he  "  em- 
Majesty's  plantation  as  the  said  Bishop  barked  with  his  family  in  a  frigate  for 
of  London  shall  direct."  (Journals  of  Rhode  Island,  January  20,"  (1686). 
the  Privy  Council.) 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH   DUDLEY.  435 

Maine,  and  the  King's  Province.  Over  this  district  they 
were  to  exercise  undivided  control,  no  arrangement  be- 
ing made  for  a  House  of  Assembly.  Their  functions, 
however,  were  only  executive  and  judicial.  They  had 
no  legislative  authority,  nor  could  they  collect  any  taxes, 
except  such  as  had  already  been  levied  by  law.  Dudley 
was  appointed  President,^  and  Stoughton  Deputy-Presi- 
dent. Randolph  and  Mason  were  made  members  of  the 
Council.  So  were  Fitz-John  Winthrop,  and  Wait  Win- 
throp,  of  Connecticut,  both  of  whom  had  lived  in  Boston 
much  of  the  time  since  their  father's  death.^  Randolph 
was  also  Secretary  and  Registrar.^  Six  of  the  Counsel- 
lors named  in  the  commission  had  previously  been  As- 
sistants.* Two  of  them,  Bradstreet  and  Saltonstall,  re- 
fused to  assume  the  trust,  as  did  also  Dudley  Bradstreet, 
the  Governor's  son,  and  lately  a  Deputy. 

Dudley  and  Randolph,  with  those  Counsellors  who  con- 
sented to  become  their  associates,  laid  their  com- 
mission before  the  General  Court,  declining,  how- 
ever, to  recognize  the  Magistrates  and   Deputies  in  an 

1  It  was  only  in  a  qualified  sense  the  means  whereby  "  their  liberties 
that  the  President  was  Chief  Magis-  and  privileges  are  become  forfeited  to 
trate.  "  The  constitution  of  this  gov-  his  Majesty."  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 
ernment  is  by  a  President  .ind  Council,  Of  course,  he  took  care  that  the  office 
who  united  are  all  but  Governor."  should  pay  him.  In  a  paper  of  his, 
(Randolph  to  Blathwayt,  in  Hutch,  without  date,  entitled  "Proposals  about 
Coll.,  548.)  The  commission  consti-  Fees,"  he  says  :  "  To  give  away  any 
tuted  the  President  Vice- Admiral  of  of  my  right,  I  cannot  do  it";  and  he 
the  seas  about  New  England.  claims  for  himself  and  his  Deputy  an 

2  Conn.  Rec,  III.  250,  305,  306.  exclusive  right  to  register  wills,  deeds, 

3  Randolph  was  appointed  Secretary  and  all  evidences  of  contracts,  to  issue 
and  Registrar  of  Massachusetts,  New  licenses  of  marriage,  and  to  certify  such 
Hampshire,  Maine,  and  the  King's  copies  as  shall  be  valid  in  law.  (Co- 
Province,  by  royal  commission  of  Sep-  lonial  Papers,  &c.) 

tember  21,  1685.  (It  is  in  Mass.  4  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  the 
Arch.,  CXX\n[.  96,  and  is  printed  in  commission.  It  bore  the  date  of  Oc- 
R.  I.  Rec,  III.  200.)  He  had  solicited  tober  8,  1685. '  A  part  of  it  is  in  Mass. 
this  office  from  the  Lords  of  the  Com-  Hist.  Coll.,  V.  244,  and  in  R.  I.  Rec, 
mittee  as  compensation  for  "having  HI.  195.  An  order  of  the  Privy  Conn- 
been  employed  about  ten  years  in  the  t=il,  of  November  28,  placed  the  Bose 
affairs  of  New  England,"  and  been  frigate  under  Dudley's  orders. 
41* 


486  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

official  capacity.     On  the  third  day  following,  the 
Court  abdicated    the    government    provisionally 
and  under   protest,  after  passing  a  unanimous   vote  to 
reply  to  the  new  rulers  in  the  following  terms :  — 

"Gentlemen, — We  have  perused  what  3'ou  left  with  us 
as  a  true  copy  of  his  Majesty's  commission,  showed  to 
us  the  17th  instant,  empowering  you  for  the  governing 
of  his  Majesty's  subjects  inhabiting  this  Colony,  and  other 
places  therein  mentioned.  You  then  applied  to  us,  not 
as  a  Governor  and  Company,  but  (as  you  were  pleased 
to  term  us)  some  of  the  principal  gentlemen  and  chief 
inhabitants  of  the  several  towns  of  the  Massachusetts, 
amongst  other  discourse  saying,  it  concerned  us  to  con- 
sider what  therein  might  be  thought  hard  and  uneasy. 
Upon  perusal  whereof  we  find,  as  we  conceive,  —  First, 
That  there  is  no  certain  determinate  rule  for  your  ad- 
ministration of  justice ;  and  that  which  is,  seems  to  be 
too  arbitrary.  Secondly,  That  the  subjects  are  abridged 
of  their  liberty,  as  Englishmen,  both  in  the  matters  of 
legislation  and  in  laying  of  taxes ;  and  indeed  the  wdiole 
unquestioned  privilege  of  the  subject  transferred  upon 
yourselves,  there  not  being  the  least  mention  of  an  As- 
sembly in  the  commission.  And  therefore  we  think  it 
highly  concerns  you  to  consider  whether  such  a  com- 
mission be  safe  for  you  or  us.  But,  if  you  are  so  satisfied 
therein  as  that  you  hold  yourselves  obliged  thereby, 
and  do  take  upon  you  the  government  of  this  people, 
although  we  cannot  give  our  assent  thereto,  yet  we 
hope  we  shall  demean  ourselves  as  true  and  loyal  sub- 
jects to  his  Majesty,  and  humbly  make  our  addresses 
unto  God,  and  in  due  time  to  our  gracious  Prince,  for 
our  relief."-^ 

1  Mass.  Rec,  V.  515.  —  For  this  "  II-  trouble  with  Rawson  before  they  could 

bellous  paper,"  as  the  Council  called  get  him  to  surrender  the  "  books,  rec- 

it,  they  "  examined  "  Edward  Rawson,  ords,  files,  and  other  utensils  "  of  the 

who  had  signed  it,  as  Secretary  of  the  Colony  to  their  Secretary,  Randolph. 

Colony.     They  had  further  plenty  of  (Council  Records,  39,  77,  80,  95  ;  Colo- 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY, 


487 


They  raised  a  committee  of  three  persons,  with  the 
universally  venerated  Samuel  Nowell  at  its  head,  to  re- 
ceive from  the  Secretary,  and  keep  in  their  own  hands, 
"such  papers  on  file  with  the  Secretary  as  referred  to 
their  charter  and  negotiations  from  time  to  time  for 
security  thereof,  with  such  as  referred  to  their  title  of 
their  land  by  purchase  of  Indians  or  otherwise."  This 
done,  "the  w^hole  Court  met  at  the  Governor's  house," 
and  passed  a  formal  vote  of  adjournment  to  a  day  in 
autumn.^  It  was  the  last  act  of  the  old  charter  govern- 
ment; and  with  it  the  ancient  records  of  Massachusetts, 
begun  fifty-eight  years  before  in  a  counting-house  in 
London;  are  brought  to  a  close.^ 


nial  Papers,  &c.  The  "  Council  Rec- 
ords," which  I  refer  to  here,  and  else- 
where in  this  chapter,  are  a  transcript 
from  the  copy  of  the  record  of  the 
proceedings  of  Dudley's  Council  sent 
out  by  them,  from  time  to  time,  to  the 
home  government.  The  transcript  was 
obtained  in  1846  from  the  State-Paper 
Office  in  London,  and  is  deposited  in 
the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  Massa- 
chusetts.) 

1  Randolph's  explanation  of  this  pro- 
ceeding is  as  follows :  "  They  broke 
up  with  hopes  that,  either  by  some  un- 
happy accidents  in  the  aiFairs  of  state 
at  home,  or  some  dissension  raised  by 
their  artifices  among  the  members  in 
this  new  government,  they  might  pre- 
vail so  fcir  as  to  dissolve  this  constitu- 
tion, and  reassume  the  government, 
which  to  accomplish  they  are  very  so- 
licitous." (Letter  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  in  Hutch.  Coll.  549.) 

2  We  get  a  glimpse  of  the  social  life 
of  New  England  at  this  period  from 
a  passage  in  a  book  before  referred  to, 
(see  above,  p.  69,)  the  "Life  and 
Errors  of  John  Dunton."  He  arrived 
in  Boston  in  March,  1686,  and  re- 
mained two  or  three  months,  making 


some  exci:rsions  to  the  neighboring 
towns.  His  business  as  a  bookseller 
brought  him  into  relations  with  the 
ministers,  and  he  had  letters  of  intro- 
duction from  his  Non-conformist  friends 
to  Dudley,  Stoughton,  and  other  con- 
siderable men.  la  "the  humor"  of 
Cotton  Mather,  he  found  "  abundance 
of  freedom  and  familiarity."  (Life  and 
Errors,  &c.,  125.)  Mr.  Willard  had  "  a 
natural  fluency  of  speech,  aud  could 
say  what  he  pleased."  (Ibid.)  John 
Usher  proved  too  hard  a  dealer  for 
him  to  trade  with.  (Ibid.,  127.)  Of 
the  Justice,  Dr.  Bullivant,  he  speaks 
more  favorably  (Ibid.,  134)  than  Bul- 
livant's  fellow-townsmen  would  have 
done.  He  was  drilled  in  the  ranks 
of  a  train-band,  the  captain  of  which 
preceded  and  followed  the  military  ex- 
ercise with  prayer.  (Ibid.,  156.)  The 
apostle  Eliot  gave  him  twelve  copies 
of  his  Indian  Bible.  (Ibid.,  158.)  He 
heard  General  Gookin  preach  to  the 
Indians  of  Natick.  (Ibid.,  162.)  On 
his  way  to  Salem,  he  dined  at  a  tavern 
kept  by  "  a  hearty  old  gentleman,  for- 
merly one  of  Oliver's  soldiers."  (Ibid., 
1 75.)  "  The  conversation  "  of  Mr.  Hig- 
ginson,  minister  of  Salem,  now  eighty 


488 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  IH. 


The  President  might  now  please  himself  with  the 
thought  that  he  had  secured  the  first  step  to  what  would 
prove  a  lofty  eminence,  if  he  should  but  continue  to 
play  his  part  with  the  audacity  and  adroitness  in  which 
Position  and  ^^  Amcrican  of  the  time  was  his  equal.  The 
character  of    ^ng^ular  Doiuts  of  the  heroic  character  are  not 

President  c  ••■ 

Dudley.  seldom  found  to  have  disappeared  in  the  second 
generation  of  an  historical  family.  He  whose  early 
years  have  been  passed  in  the  chill  of  a  home  over- 
shadowed by  the  penalties  of  opposition  to  the  ruling 
influences  of  the  time  is  tempted,  even  if  entertaining 
honest  aims,  to  court  that  smile  of  the  world,  which 
from  want  of  experience  and  of  confidence  in  himself 


years  old,  appeared  to  him  "  a  glimpse 
of  heaven."  (Ibid.,  177.)  A  sight  of 
Hubbard  of  Ipswich  gave  him  occasion 
to  extol  "  the  delicate  turn  and  grace 
seen  in  his  printed  sermons  and  history 
of  the  Indian  wars."     (Ibid.,  190.) 

"  The  books  I  had  with  me,"  Dun- 
ton  says,  "  were  most  of  them  prac- 
tical, and  well  suited  to  the  genius  of 
New  England."  (Ibid.,  152.)  The 
reader  wishes  that  he  had  put  the  in- 
voice of  them  on  record.  A  catalogue 
of  books  in  demand  in  New  England 
at  that  day  would  have  been  a  basis  for 
very  interesting  considerations.  The 
Pilgrim's  Progress,  anti-Baptist  as  the 
people  of  New  England  were,  was 
not  improbably  in  that  day,  as  it  has 
been  in  recent  times,  the  next  book 
in  extent  of  circulation  after  the  Bible. 
Bunyan  had  been  gratified  with  the 
reception  of  his  prose-poem  in  New 
England.  In  the  rhymed  introduc- 
tion to  his  Second  Part  (published  in 
1684),  he  wi-itee:  — 

"  T  is  in  New  England  under  such  advance, 
Receives  tliere  so  much  loving  countenance, 
As  to  be  trimmed,  new  clothed,  and  decked  with 

gems. 
That  it  might  show  its  features  and  its  limbs. 
Yet  more  ;  so  conxely  doth  my  Pilgrim  walk, 
That  of  him  thousajids  daily  sing  and  talk." 


One  of  the  books  which  probably 
Dunton  brought  over  was  the  "  New 
England  Almanac,"  published  in  Lon- 
don, in  1685,  by  John  Seller,  charto- 
grapher  to  the  King.  It  contained  an 
engraved  map  of  New  England,  which 
is  not  without  curiosity.  On  the  next 
page  is  a  facsimile  exemplification  of 
it,  on  a  slightly  reduced  scale.  Richard 
Blome,  in  his  "  Present  State  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's Isles  and  Territories  in  Ameri- 
ca," (London,  1687,)  published  the 
same  map  with  a  few  unimportant  de- 
viations. Blome  attributes  his  map  to 
Robert  Morden.  Probably  Blome's 
and  Seller's  delineations  had  the  same 
source.  The  map  which  accompanies 
Ogilby's  "America,"  published  in  1670, 
was  a  copy  of  that  issued  a  few  years 
before  by  John  Janssen,  of  Amster- 
dam, who  mostly  followed  the  rude 
sketch  of  Captain  John  Smith,  (see 
above.  Vol.  I.  p.  94,)  with  some  var 
nations  taken  from  that  of  Cham- 
plain.  Recently  Blome's  map  has  been 
beautifully  reproduced  in  the  edi- 
tion, by  the  Bradford  Club,  of  "  Par 
pers  concerning  the  Attack  an  Hat- 
field and  Deerfield,"  &c.  (New  York, 
1859.) 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY. 


489 


he  rates  at  too  high  a  vakie,  and  to  look  for  some 
course  of  action  that  may  reconcile  self-respect  with 
ease  and  good  repute.  Neither  the  second  Winslow, 
nor  even  (with  all  his  merit)  the  second  Winthrop,  had 
chosen  for  himself  all  the  ruggedness  of  his  father's 
path.  Joseph  Dudley,  from  the  earliest  period  of  mem- 
ory,  had   been  told   of  his   father,^   not  as  of  a   disap- 


1  He  had  enjoyed  but  for  a  little  Thomas  Dudley  was  seventy  years 
time  a  good  influence  from  his  father  old  when  his  son  was  born,  and  he 
to    form    his     character.       Governor     lived  only   five   years   more. 


490  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book   III. 

pointed  man,  —  for  the  governing  aims  of  Thomas  Dud- 
ley were  not  worldly,  —  but  as  of  one  who  had  lived  and 
died  in  a  position  less  prominent  and  less  luxurious  than 
his  early  advantages  might  have  seemed  to  promise  ; 
and  such  a  career  the  enterprising  son  had  no  mind 
to  repeat  for  himself  In  early  life,  with  distinguished 
ability,  a  diligence  that  never  wearied,  and  the  resources 
of  a  culture  the  most  thorough  that  his  country  could 
afford,  he  pursued  that  reputable  course  which  leaves 
the  wise  observer  at  a  loss  to  decide  whether  it  is  dic- 
tated by  uprightness  and  public  spirit,  or  by  a  mere  pru- 
dential watchfulness  of  the  first  avenues  to  advancement. 
Consecrated  to  the  clerical  profession  when  he  first 
came  into  the  public  view,  he  was  screened,  in  a  com- 
munity like  that  in  which  he  lived,  from  all  jealous 
analysis  of  his  springs  of  action ;  and,  devoting  himself 
to  public  business  in  early  manhood,  he  had  strength- 
ened by  able  services  in  various  subordinate  trusts  that 
public  confidence,  which,  when  the  time  should  be  ripe, 
might  make  a  stepping-stone  for  his  vaulting  ambition. 

But,  flattering  as  were  now  his  prospects,  it  was 
impossible  that  he  should  be  unapprehensive  of  the 
embarrassments  that  surrounded  him.  Disarmed  for 
the  present  as  the  patriot  leaders  were,  he  knew 
them  well  enough  to  expect  that  they  would  profit  by 
all  favorable  circumstances  to  revive  a  resolute  and 
skilful  oj^position  to  his  courtly  policy.  He  was  not 
too  ill-tempered  to  be  willing  to  use  conciliatory  meas- 
ures, when  measures  of  that  character  would  best  pro- 
mote his  aims.  But  the  unavoidable  difficulty  was  to 
conciliate  the  patriots  without  estranging  Eandolph ;  for 
Eandolph,  always  intolerant  and  impracticable,  had  now 
become  vindictive  to  an  extreme  degree.  On  his  way 
to  the  eminence  where  he  now  found  himself,  Dudley 
had  been  effectively  helped  by  Randolph's  favor,  and 
he  was  not  yet  powerful  enough  to  venture   to  break 


Chap.  XII.] 


PRESIDENCY  OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY. 


491 


with  his  ally.  The  yoke  in  which  Randolph  held  him 
was  often  experienced  to  be  galling ;  for  Dudley,  selfish 
as  was  his  nature,  ready  as  he  had  been  to  be  corrupted, 
was  not  entirely  without  a  conscience,  nor  could  he 
yet  entirely  release  himself  from  the  early  influences 
of  Thomas  Dudley's  house.  Perhaps  he  still  loved  the 
College.  Perhaps  he  had  still  some  love  for  the  Colony, 
which,  grateful  for  his  father's  great  services,  and  wel- 
coming his  own  fair  promise,  had  so  affectionately  show- 
ered its  honors  upon  him.  He  could  not  but  respect, 
if  he  no  longer  loved,  the  men  upon  whom  it  now  de- 
volved to  do,  in  bitterness  of  heart  and  in  defiance  of 
him,  the  work  in  which  they  should  have  had  him  for 
a  powerful  coadjutor.  But  he  loved  his  own  elevation 
better  than  aught  beside,  and  the  ladder  by  which  he 
was  ascending  was  still  steadied  by  Randolph's  hand.-^ 


1  "  Digna  damus, meritae  prseconia  vitse. 

Haud  alium  tanti  civem  tulit  indole  Roma, 
Aut  cui  plus  leges  deberent  recta  sequenti. 
Perdita  tunc  urbi  nocaerunt  seecula,  post- 

quam 
Ambitus,  et  luxus,  et  opum  metuenda  fa- 

cultas 
Transverse  mentem  dubiam  torrente  tule- 

ruut." 

Lucan,  Pharsalia,  IV.  813  -  818. 

Hutchinson,  as  if  unconsciously  de- 
picting his  own  character,  or  seizing 
the  opportunity  to  bespeak  for  himself 
the  indulgence  of  posterity,  says  of 
Dudley :  "  It  is  no  more  than  justice 
to  his  character  to  allow  that  he  had 
as  many  virtues  as  are  consistent  with 
so  great  a  thirst  for  honor  and  power." 
(Hist.,  II.  204.)  How  many  virtues 
are  consistent  with  that  vicious  thirst  ? 

The  time  when  the  league  was  made 
between  Dudley  and  Randolph  can- 
not, I  suppose,  be  exactly  defined.  As 
early  as  the  summer  of  1682,  when 
Dudley  went  to  England  as  one  of 
the  agents  for  Massachusetts,  Randolph 
knew  his  value,  and  thought  he  knew 
his  price.     (See  above,  pp.  356,  358.) 


Still  Randolph  did  not  so  far  trust  him 
as  not  to  be  pleased  at  hearing  of  his 
being  exposed  to  the  influence  of  re- 
sentment at  home,  as  well  as  to  that 
of  favor  at  court.  When  Dudley  was, 
by  the  finally  awakened  freemen,  turned 
out  of  the  magistracy  in  1684,  Ran- 
dolph wrote  from  London  :  "  No  better 
news  could  have  come  to  n,ie  than  to 
hear  Mr.  Dudley,  principally,  was  left 
out  of  the  election ;  —  the  fitter  man 
to  serve  his  King  and  country  in  an 
honorable  station,  for  they  have  de- 
clared him  so."  (Letter  of  Randolph 
to  Colonel  Shrimpton,  July  18,  1684, 
in  Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  307,  note.)  Again 
he  wrote :  "  I  am  extremely  desirous 
that  Mr.  Dudley  might  have  the  sole 
government  of  New  England ;  for  no 
man  better  understands  the  constitu- 
tion of  your  country,  and  hath  more 
loyalty  and  respect  to  his  Majesty's 
affairs ;  but  I  dare  not  openly  appear 
in  it,  lest  it  be  thought  there  is  some 
private  design  in  it ;  but  I  am,  on  all  oc- 
casions, hinting  his  merit  to  his  friends." 


492 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


Proceedings 
of  the  new 
government. 
May  25. 


"Within  a  week  after  the  final  separation  of 
the  General  Court,  the  President  and  his  Coun- 
cil met,  published  by  proclamation  their  com- 


(Letter  of  Randolph,  July  26,  1684, 
Ibid.)  —  "I  remember  what  you  ad- 
vise, that  the  government  be  in  the 
first  place  transposed  and  committed 
to  the  care  of  fitting  persons  upon  the 
place,  to  prepare  and  accommodate 
affairs  against  the  arrival  of  the  Gov- 
ernor  The   King   has   been 

pleased  to  make  me  Secretary  and 
Register  of  New  England.  I  have 
nominated  you  to  be  the  King's  Re- 
ceiver-General of  all  New  England, 
which  will  be  a  place  of  profit.  I  had 
other  things  to  propose  on  your  behalf, 
but  that  must  attend  a  further  oppor- 
tunity." (Letter  of  Randolph  to  Dud- 
ley, Nov.  11,  1684,  in  Hutch.  Coll., 
542.)  —  In  the  sixth  volume  of  the 
Mather  MSS.  in  the  Library  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  (p. 
57  et  seq.)  is  a  memorandum,  in  Cotton 
Mather's  handwriting,  of  letters  from 
Dudley  to  Randolph  in  June  or  De- 
cember, 1684,  which  show  that  Dudley 
was  wholly  in  the  interest  of  the  Brit- 
ish court,  and  that  he  was  intriguing 
with  Randolph  for  a  place  in  the 
government  which  was  expected  to 
be  set  up.  The  authenticity  of  these 
memoranda  of  letters  of  Dudley  which 
are  not  otherwise  preserved  is  ren- 
dered probable  by  the  correctness  of 
other  memoranda  of  the  contents  of 
letters  now  extant.  —  September  4, 
of  the  same  year,  Randolph  wrote  to 
Bradstreet :  "  Although  I  know  you  are 
Governor,  yet  I  discourse  of  the  man- 
agement of  your  government  as  if  you 
were  not  concerned  in  it.  Truly  I  am 
glad  that  they  take  it  off  from  you." 
(Mather  MSS.,  VL  168.)  This  illus- 
trates the  character  and  position  of 
Bradstreet  as  I  have  described  them. 
(See  above,  pp.  329-333,  362,  363.) 


"  Colonel  Dudley,  in  King  Charles 
the  Second's  reign,  was  intrusted  with 
the  precious  depositum,  their  greatest 
treasure,  their  religious  privileges  and 
civil  liberties,  which  were  conveyed  to 
them  by  charter,  but  were  both  be 
trayed  by  him."  (Memorial  of  the 
Present  Deplorable  State  of  New  Eng- 
land, Epistle  Dedicatory.  This  rare 
and  curious  tract  is  anonymous.  The 
copy  which  I  saw  in  the  British  Museum 
has  a  manuscript  marginal  note,  to 
the  effect  that  the  work  was  said,  by 
Bishop  Kennett,  to  have  been  from 
the  hand  of  Sir  Henry  Ashurst.  The 
Epistle  Dedicatory,  addressed  to  the 
Earl  of  Sunderland,  is  signed  with  the 
letters  A.  H.)  "After  Colonel  Dud- 
ley had  been  an  agent  for  the  country, 
he  tacked  about,  and  joined  with  the 
instruments  that  overthrew  their  char- 
ter." (Ibid.,  3.)  —  I  am  not  sure 
whether  Dudley's  deferential  address 
to  Increase  Mather,  on  the  morning 
of  the  day  when  he  was  publicly  to 
cut  himself  loose  from  good  men's  sym- 
pathies, is  to  be  ascribed  to  hypocrisy 
and  artifice,  or  to  the  force  of  some 
last  misgivings.  We  may  well  sup- 
pose that  his  night  had  been  uneasy. 
He  had  decided  on  his  course,  but  he 
dreaded  the  consequences.  Increase 
Mather  was  now  the  minister  of  most 
influence  of  any  in  the  Colony.  Dud- 
ley wrote  to  him  as  follows  :  — 

"  Reverend  and  dear  Sir,  —  I  rose 
this  morning  with  full  intention  to  wait 
on  you  by  eight  of  the  clock,  before 
I  had  your  letter  to  put  me  forward, 
and  am  sorry  to  find  you  from  home. 
I  am  very  solicitous,  whatever  be  the 
issue  of  the  present  hurry,  for  my  dear 
mother  at  Cambridge,  and  cannot  be 
happy  if  it  do  not  flourish.     I  never 


Chap.  XII]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH   DUDLEY. 


493 


mission  from   the  King,  and   took  formal   possession  of 
the  government.^     They  appointed  John  Usher,  who  was 


wanted  your  favor  and  advice  so  much 
as  now,  and  would  pray  an  opportu- 
nity with  you  this  evening,  if  possible. 
Sir,  for  the  things  of  my  soul,  I  have 
these  many  years  hung  upon  your 
lips,  and  ever  shall ;  and  in  civil  things 
am  desirous  you  may  know  with  all 
plainness  ray  reasons  of  procedure,  and 
that  they  may  be  satisfactory  to  you. 
From  your  own  house,  May  17,  '86." 
(Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  315,  note  f.) 

1  The  Record  of  the  Council  (see 
above,  p.  487)  begins  May  25.  —  The 
exemplification  of  the  judgment  against 
the  charter,  and  the  royal  commission, 
having  been  read,  and  the  oaths  of 
office  taken,  "  the  President  and  Coun- 
cil took  their  places  upon  the  bench, 
having  before  sat  round  the  table 
in  the  Council-chamber."  (Council 
Records.) 

It  seems  there  was  some  affectation 
of  public  festivity  on  this  occasion. 
September  25,  "  Mr.  Wharton  pre- 
sented his  account  (of  wine  drunk  out 
on  the  entrance  of  his  Majesty's  gov- 
ernment) amounting  to  £  21,  which, 
being  read,  was  ordered  to  be  paid 
by  Mr.  Treasurer  Usher."  (Ibid., 
75.) 

The  President's  speech  was  on  the 
whole  not  offensive.  He  told  the  as- 
sembled magistrates  and  people,  in- 
deed, in  sufficiently  peremptory,  terms, 
that  by  the  royal  command  he  and  his 
Council  were  "required,  all  excuses 
set  aside,  to  take  the  charge  and  man- 
agement of  his  Majesty's  territory  and 
dominion  of  New  England,  and  by  all 
means  carefully  to  intend  his  service"; 
and  that  they  would  find  "  a  sober, 
loyal,  and  dutiful  demeanor  towards 
his  Majesty's  government "  to  be  "  the 
plainest  path  unto  their  own  happi- 
ness."   But  he  declared  that,  in  his  ad- 

VOL.  III.  42 


ministration,  he  would  have  their  wel- 
fare in  view,  and  "  that,  for  the  injuries 
late  offered  to  himself  by  this  people, 
he  would  not  once  have  mentioned 
them,  but  to  assure  that  he  had  per- 
fectly forgotten  them,  and  that  he  was 
a  true  and  sincere  lover  of  his  coun- 
try."    (D^id.) 

But  what  he  called  his  "  injuries  "  had 
not  been  so  entirely  forgotten  by  him 
a  week  before,  when  he  communicated 
his  commission  to  the  General  Court; 
nor  had  he  then  trained  himself  so 
carefully  to  smoothness  of  speech.  The 
reports  which  went  abroad  of  his  be- 
havior on  that  occasion  led  to  an  or- 
der of  the  President  in  Council  (June 
3),  that  "  whereas  they  were  informed 
that  many  false  representations  and 
reflections  had  been  made  upon  what 
was  lately  spoken  and  declared  by  the 
President  in  the  Council-House  at  Bos- 
ton,   they  had  thought  It  expe- 
dient that  the  President's  speech  taken 
verbatim  by  credible  persons  be  forth- 
with printed  and  published."  It  was 
printed  accordingly,  as  having  been 
delivered  "  to  the  late  General  Assem- 
bly," and  a  copy  is  extant.  The  fol- 
lowing are  extracts  from  this  paper :  — 

"  First,  I  must  acquaint  you  that 
we  may  now  take  you  only  for  such 
as  you  are,  viz.  considerable  gentle- 
men of  this  place  and  inhabitants  of 
all  parts  of  the  country,  and  so  a  prop- 
er assembly  to  have  his  Majesty's  com- 
mands communicated  to  you.  And 
under  that  notion  we  treat  with  you. 
We  may  not  deal  with  you  as  a  Gov- 
ernor and  Company  any  more. 

"  If  any  be  so  hardy  (as  is  said)  to 
object  to  any  clauses  in  his  Majesty's 
Commission,  we  have  no  direction  or 
allowance  to  capitulate  with  you  about 


494  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

of  the  Council,  to  be  Colonial  Treasurer.^  They 
lost  no  time  in  informing  the  Lords  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  ease  with  which  the  revolution  had  been 
effected,  and  of  the  measures  which  were  in  their  con- 
templation for  the  future.  As  to  military  security,  they 
wrote  that,  Peter  Bulkeley  having  declined  the  office, 
they  had  intrusted  the  command  of  the  Castle  in  Boston 
harbor  to  "  Captain  Wait  Winthrop,  a  person  of  known 
loyalty " ;  and,  so  far  from  adhering  to  the  ancient  big- 
otry of  the  country,  they  gave  assurances  that  the  Rev- 
erend Mr.  Ratcliffe,  who  they  had  been  informed  was  to 
be  sent  over  by  the  Bishop  of  London  to  institute  Epis- 
copal worship  in  Boston,  should  "  want  no  encourage- 
ment" from  them.^     They  referred  to  the  "in- 

June  11.  .  .  .  ,  .      ,. 

conveniences  happening   by  the   indispositions 

his  Majesty's  command  therein.     We  speak  is  the  mind  of  the  rest  of  the 
hope  you  will  not  ask  things  of  us  we  are  Council  here  present, 
not  allowed  to  argue  ;  such  must  apply  "  To  which  the  gentlemen  of  his  Ma- 
themselves  immediately  to  his  Majesty,  jesty's  Council  then  assented."     (Colo- 
It  may  be  thought  the  unkindness  of  nial  Papers,  &c.) 

this  good  people,  and  the  many  injuries  i  Council    Records,    7,   15.  —  John 

they  have  done  me,  may  have  put  me  Usher's  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Lady 

forwai-d  to  do  more  in  this  matter  than  Lisle.    (See    above,   p.   451.)     Judge 

otherwise  I  would  have  done.     I  will  Sewall    (MS.    Diary,    November    13, 

endeavor,    and  (I  will  assure  you)    I  1685)  records  his  visit  of  condolence  to 

will  pray  to  God  to  enable  me  I  may  her  on  her  mother's  death, 

forget  all  injuries  and  prejudices.  2  "May   26,    [1686,   the    next    day 

after  the  inauguration  of  the  govern- 

"  There   will   be   always   something  ment,]     Mr.    Ratcliffe,    the    minister, 

for  you  to  ask  which  cannot  be  laid  waits  on  the  Council.     Mr.  Mason  and 

before  his  Majesty  but  by  the  humble  Randolph  propose  that  he  may  have 

address  of  the  persons  now  betrusted,  one  of  the  three  houses  to  preach  in. 

and  you  need  not  solicit  them  to  assist  This  is  denied  ;  and  he  is  granted  the 

in   what  they  know  requisite  for  this  east  end  of  the  town-house,  where  the 

people's  good.  Deputies  use  to  meet,  until  those  who 

"  Mr.  Danforth.     I  suppose  you  ex-  desire  his  ministry  shall  provide  a  fitter 

pect  no  reply  from  the  Court.  place."    (Sewall,   MS.    Diary.)     July 

'^President.    I  know  no  Court  here  23.     "In  answer  to  Mr.  RatclifFe's  de- 

in  being,  till  the  King's  Court  be  in  or-  sire  for  maintenance  according  to  the 

der  and  settled ;  and  it  will  incur  the  letters   of   the    Right   Honorable   the 

King's    displeasure    so  to   understand  Committee  for  Trade,  bearing  date  the 

yourselves,  and  I  suppose  what  I  now  30th  of  October,   1685,  it   is  ordered 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY  OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY. 


495 


and  refusal  of  several  persons  nominated  in  his  Majesty's 
most  gracious  commission,"  and  reported  the  vacancies 
existing  in  the  places  assigned  in  it  to  Governor  Brad- 
street,  Dudley  Bradstreet,  and  Saltonstall^  To  their 
credit  it  is  to  be  recorded,  that  they  expressed  the  opinion 
that  it  would  be  "much  for  his  Majesty's  service,  and 
needful  for  the  support  of  the  government  and  prosperity 
of  all  these  plantations,  to  allow  a  well-regulated  Assem- 
bly to  represent  the  people  in  making  needful  laws 
and  levies."  They  prayed  for  authority  to  establish  a 
mint.^  Arrangements  were  made  for  the  administration 
of  justice   to  proceed  according   to   the   ancient  forms.^ 


that  the  contribution  money  collected 
in  the  church  where  he  performs  divine 
service  be  solely  applied  to  the  main- 
tenance of  Mr.  Ratcliffe."  (Council 
Records,  61 ;  comp.  46,  51.)  This  was 
certainly  no  great  liberality.  Rat- 
chffe's  church,  the  first  Anglican  church 
in  New  England,  was  organized  by  the 
choice  of  wardens,  June  15.  (Green- 
wood, History  of  King's  Chapel,  &c., 
21  et  seq.)  Nine  persons  were  present, 
besides  Ratcliffe  and  Randolph.  At 
the  next  meeting,  four  others  ap- 
peared. 

This  Episcopal  movement  stimulated 
the  old  local  feeling  in  respect  to 
Church  holidays.  Judge  Sewall  en- 
ters in  his  Diary  for  1685  :  "Decem- 
ber 25,  Friday.  Carts  come  to  town, 
and  shops  open  as  is  usual.  Some 
somehow  observe  the  day,  but  are 
vexed,  I  believe,  that  the  body  of  the 
people  profane  it  ;  and,  blessed  be 
God,  no  authority  yet  to  compel  them 
to  keep  it."  From  the  same  cause 
there  was  a  revival  of  interest  in  the 
old  question  about  St.  George's  cross 
in  the  flag.  (See  above.  Vol.  I.  p. 
426.)  In  168-i,  Gookin,  Major-Gen- 
eral of  the  mUitia  of  Massachusetts, 
ordered  the  captains  of  companies  to 
procure  flcigs  with  a  green  ground,  and 


a  red  cross  on  a  white  field  in  the 
angle.  This,  I  suppose,  was  the  first 
resumption  of  the  obnoxious  emblem, 
and  it  occasioned  no  small  dissatisfac- 
tion. November  11,  1686,  Sewall  re- 
signed his  commission  as  captain  of  the 
South  company  of  Boston,  "  on  account 
of  an  order  to  put  the  cross  in  the 
colors."     (MS.  Diary.) 

1  The  President  and  Council  also 
presented  an  Address  to  the  King,  con- 
gratulating him  on  the  suppression  of 
Monmouth's  rebellion.  (Council  Rec- 
ords, 21  -  24  ;  Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  — 
May  29,  the  Governor  issued  his  proc- 
lamation authorizing  ministers  to  mar- 
ry. —  I  may  note  here,  that  the  first 
instance,  as  far  as  is  known,  of  prayer 
at  a  funeral,  was  a  little  earlier.  Judge 
Sewall  records,  in  his  Diary,  that,  Au- 
gust 19,  1685,  at  the  burial  of  the  Rev- 
erend William  Adams,  of  Roxbury, 
"  Mr.  Wilson,  minister  of  Medfield, 
prayed  with  the  company  before  they 
went  to  the  grave."  (See  above,  Vol. 
II.  p.  43.) 

2  Council  Records,  30. 

3  Danforth,  who  of  course  had  not 
been  named  a  member  of  the  Council, 
was  not  so  much  as  appointed  by  them 
a  Justice  of  the  Peace.  I  do  not  know 
•whether  they  intended  an  affront,  whea 


496  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

The  President  took  an  oath  to  observe  the  Navigation 
Laws.^ 

The  sanguine  expectations  of  Randolph  from  the  new 

order  of  things  were  disappointed.     He  grew  constantly 

more  exacting  and  absolute,  and  it  was  unavoidable  that 

he  and  the  President  should  soon  fall  out.     The 

Dissatisfaction 

of  Randolph,  sccoud  moutli  of  the  new  government  had  not 
ended,  when,  laying  his  grievances  before  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee,  he  wrote  :  "  The  proceedings  of 
the  Governor  [President]  and  Council,  whatever  they 
write  and  pretend  in  their  letters  to  your  Lordships,  are 
managed  to  the  encouragement  of  the  Independent  fac- 
tion, and  utter  discountenancing  both  of  the  minister  and 
those  gentlemen  and  others  who  dare  openly  profess 
themselves  to  be  of  the  Church  of  England,  not  making 
any  allowance  for  our  minister  more  than  we  raise  by 
contribution  amongst  ourselves.  The  frame  of  this  gov- 
ernment only  is  changed,  for  our  Independent  ministers 
flourish,  and  expect  to  be  advised  with  in  public  affairs. 

Under  the   color  of  his   Majesty's  authority,  the 

President  takes  great  liberty  to  enjoin  upon  me  in  my 
station,  and  would  not  assist  me  to  make  a  seizure  of  a 
vessel  in  the  harbor,  which  my  officers  were  not  permit- 
ted to  board My  life  may  be  made  very  uneasy,  un- 
less his  Majesty  shall  be  pleased  graciously  to  recommend 
me  to  the  care  and  protection  of  his  General  Governor, 
for  whose  speedy  arrival  all  good  men  heartily  pray." 

He  complained  that  only  two  members  of  the  govern- 
ment—  Mr.  Mason  ^  and  himself — were  members  of  the 
Church  of  England ;  that,  "  of  above  sixty  officers  in  the 
militia  of  the  whole  government,  there  were  not  above 
two  captains,  or  three  inferior  officers,  but  were  either 

they  raised   a   committee  to  examine  1  Ibid.,  35. 

liis  accounts  as  "  Steward  of  the  Col-  2  Mason  went  to  England  in  June 

lege."     (Ibid.,  58.)     Deputy- Governor  of  this  year,  to  attend  to  his  business 

Barefoote  was  made  a  Justice  for  New  before  the  Privy  Council.     (Ibid.,  24.) 

Hampshire. 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH   DUDLEY.  497 

church-members,  or  such  as  constantly  frequented  those 
meetings,  which  made  Non-conformists  from  all  places 
resort  there."  The  effect  of  this  favor  of  the  local  gov- 
ernment in  en(fouraging  the  immigration  of  dangerous 
characters  he  specified  in  the  instances  of  three  consider- 
able persons,  who  had  lately  appeared  in  Massachusetts. 
Mr.  Morton,  he  said,  "  an  excommunicated  minister," 
had  lately  "  come  hither  from  Newington  Green.  He  was 
welcomed  by  the  President,  and  designed  to  be  master- 
head  of  the  College  ;  but  not  daring  to  proceed  at  first 
by  such  large  steps,  he  was  called  to  be  minister  at 
C^harlestown,  a  very  good  living,  and  was  ready  at  hand 
to  be  President  of  the  College.  Two  brothers,  of  the 
name  of  Bailey,  great  and  daring  Non-conformists  at 
Limerick  in  Ireland,  had  been  here  two  years,  and  well 
provided  for.  In  the  time  of  Monmouth's  rebellion,  most 
part  of  the  ministers  animated  the  people,  saying  the 
time  of  their  deliverance  was  at  hand ;  and  not  one  of 
them  prayed  for  his  Majesty,  nor  would  give  credit  to  his 
Majesty's  most  gracious  letter,  signifying  the  overthrow 
of  the  rebels."  Accordingly,  the  writer  "  humbly  pro- 
posed, as  greatly  for  the  quiet  and  welfare  of  the  planta- 
tion of  New  England,  that  no  minister  from  England 
should  be  permitted  to  land  without  the  license  of  the 
General  Governor,  and  that  he  should  have  power  or  li- 
cense to  restrain  from  preaching  such  as  were  already 
upon  the  place.  From  all  which  "  he  concluded  it  to  be 
"  very  necessary  that  his  Majesty  would  be  graciously 
pleased  to  send  over  a  General  Governor,  to  unite  and 
settle  this  distracted  country,  and  also  to  make  good  what 
was  already  begun  in  this  Colony,  the  delay  whereof 
might  be  of  evil  consequence,  and  give  way  for  the  fac- 
tious people  here  to  reassume  the  government,  which 
they  openly  declared  they  had  not  parted  withal,  but 
expected  an  opportunity  to  be  restored."  ^ 

1  Randolph's  Letter  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  and  Planta- 
42  * 


498 


HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


To  his  friend,  Mr.  Blathwayt,  Randolph  at  the  same 
time  poured  out  his  griefs  still  more  largely.  "  The 
President,"  he  wrote,  "  has  so  contrived  the  matter,  that 
Captain  George  has  received  above  two  hundred  pounds 
money,  which  legally  belongs  to  me  as  collector  and  in- 
former." The  mutual  dissatisfaction  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  members  of  his  Council  was  such,  that 
"now,  instead  of  meeting  to  do  public  business,  't  was 
only  to  quarrel,  and  that  in  such  heats  that  it  threatened 
to  occasion  the  dissolving  the  government.  I  am  forced," 
he  continued,  "to  moderate  others'  passions,  though  I 
have  most  cause  to  complain,  and  quietly  to  suffer  my 
profits  to  be  shared  out  amongst  others,  till  Sir  Edmund 
Andros  come  over.  He  is  longed  for  by  all  sober  men 
who  find  themselves  abused  by  the  false  President 


tions,  in  Hutch.  Coll.,  544.  — The  cir- 
cumstances of  the  time  in  England 
were  not  dissimilar  from  those  which, 
sixty  years  before,  had  led  to  the  pro- 
ject of  a  great  emigration  of  patriotic 
Englishmen  to  Massachusetts.  (See 
Vol.  I.  p.  301.)  And  there  are  indi- 
cations of  something  of  the  kind  being 
again  on  foot,  and  even  taking  place 
to  some  extent.  For  instance,  in  Jan- 
uary, 1685,  the  General  Court  made 
a  grant  of  land  "in  answer  to  the 
petition  of  John  Blackwell,  Esq.,  on 
behalf  of  himself  and  several  other 
worthy  gentlemen  and  others  in  Eng- 
land that  were  desirous  to  remove 
themselves  into  this  Colony."  (Mass. 
Rec,  V.  467.)  —  "Divers  persons  in 
England  and  Ireland,  gentlemen,  citi- 
zens, and  others,  being  inclined  to  re- 
move themselves  into  foreign  parts, 
where  they  may  enjoy,  without  in- 
terruption, the  exercise  of  Christian 
religion,  according  to  what  they  ap- 
prehend of  divine  institution,  have  pre- 
vailed with  Mr.  Blackwell  to  make 
your  country  a  visit,  and  inquire  wheth- 
er they  may  be  there   welcome,  and 


whether  they  may  reasonably  expect 
that  liberty  they  promise  themselves, 
and  others  who  will  attend  their  mo- 
tion." (Letter  from  Daniel  Coxe  to 
Governor  Bradstreet,  London,  Octo- 
ber 10,  1684,  in  Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  310, 
note;  comp.  Mass.  Arch.,  CXII.  341, 
376-380.) 

Captain  John  Blackwell  had  been 
Treasurer  of  the  army,  and  a  member 
of  Parliament,  in  the  time  of  the  Pro- 
tector Oliver.  His  marriage  to  a 
daughter  of  Genei-al  Lambert  is  re- 
ferred to  in  one  of  Colonel  Goffe's  let- 
ters from  his  wife.  (Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
XXI.  61.)  He  was  one  of  the  per- 
sons excepted  from  the  general  pardon 
at  the  Restoration.  When  he  came  to 
Boston,  Dudley  and  his  Council  made 
him  a  Justice  of  the  Peace.  (Conn. 
Rec,  III.  246,  247.)  Mr.  J.  Ham- 
mond Trumbull  further  refers  me  to 
the  fact  that  Blackwell,  while  in  Bos- 
ton, received  a  commission  from  Wil- 
liam Penn  to  be  Governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  actually  entered  on  that 
office  in  December,  1688.  (Penns. 
Col.  Rec,  I.  270.) 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY. 


499 


Mr.  Stoughton  is  inclined  to  the  Non-conformist  minis- 
ters, yet  stands  right  to  his  Majesty.     Mr.  Usher 

is  a  just,  honest  man,  and  will  not  see  his  Majesty's  in- 
terest suffer.  But  we  are  over-voted,  and  cannot  help 
ourselves  till  Sir  Edmund  come  to  regulate  the  matter. 

I  am  treated  by  Mr.  Dudley  worse  than  by  Mr. 

Danforth,  yet  all  under  the  pretence  of  friendship,  and 
he  is  angry  that  I  do  not  believe  him.  Honest  Major 
Bulkeley  is  quite  tired  out,  and  can  hardly  be  persuaded 
to  come  to  Boston."^ 

To  Archbishop  Sancroft  he  addressed  himself  in  an 
earlier  letter,  mainly  devoted  to  ecclesiastical  affairs.  He 
had  hoped  that  the  townspeople  of  Boston  "  would  vol- 
untarily submit  to  have  one  of  their  three  meet- 

*'  _  His  zeal  for 

ing-houses  to  be   disposed  of  by   the   President  ti.echmcb 
and  Council"  for  the  worship  of  the  Church  of 


1  Hutch.  Coll.,  546.  In  tliis  letter 
is  the  earliest  intimation  I  remember 
to  have  seen  of  the  appointment  of 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  to  be  Governor 
of  New  England.'^  Disappointed  as 
to  allowances  which  he  desired  from 
the  local  government,  Randolph  sent 
(August  28)  a  memorial  to  the  Lords  of 
the  Committee,  praying  that  the  Presi- 
dent and  Council  might  be  directed 
to  pay  him  £  80  a  year  for  clerk-hire, 
and  to  grant  him  certain  perquisites 
alleged  to  belong  to  his  office.  (Colo- 
nial Papers,  &c.)  His  quarrel  with 
Captain  George,  above  referred  to, 
began  very  soon  after  they  crossed  the 
water  together.  He  wrote  home  an 
account  of  an  affray  in  which  he  was 
roughly  treated  by  George,  and  a  friend 
of  George's  named  St.  Loe,  captain 
of  the  royal  frigate  Dartmouth.  (Colo- 
nial Papers,  &c.  Comp.  Council  Rec- 
ords, 51,  81,  83  ;  Mass.  Arch.,  CXXVI. 
120,  130.)  September  24,  St.  Loe  ap- 
plied to  the  Conncil  for  leave  to  kindle 
a  bonfire  in  or  near  Boston,  and  they 


refused  it,  both  on  account  of  danger 
to  the  wooden  buildings  of  the  town, 
and  because  "  the  spirits  of  some  peo- 
ple were  so  royled  and  disturbed,  that 
inconveniences  beyond  expectation 
might  happen."  (Council  Rec,  7fi,  77.) 
The  meaning  of  this  I  make  out  from 
an  entry  in  Se wall's  Diary.  "168G. 
Saturday,  Sept.  25.  The  Queen's 
birthday  [the  Queen  was  the  Cath- 
olic Maria  of  Modena]  was  celebrat- 
ed by  the  captains  of  the  frigates,  and 
sundry  others,  at  Noddle's  Island. 
King  and  Council's  Proclamation  of 
Nov.  6  last  was  published  by  boat  of 
drum  through  the  town,  to  hinder  the 
making  of  bonfires  in  the  town."  Octo- 
ber 21,  both  captains,  in  reply  to  a  sum- 
mons to  appear  before  the  President 
and  Council,  said  that  they  were  ready 
to  obey  any  orders  the  President  might 
send ;  "  but  as  for  the  Council,  they 
had  nothing  to  do  with  them."  (Coun- 
cil Records,  81.)  The  summons  was 
repeated,  but,  as  far  as  appears,  their 
contumacy  was  not  overcome. 


500  HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  UI. 

England.  Disappointed  in  that  expectation,  he  had  with 
much  difficulty  obtained  for  the  purpose  a  little  room 
in  their  town-house.  Ratcliffe,  "  a  sober  man,"  the  clergy- 
man who  by  the  appointment  of  the  Bishop  of  London 
had  come  over  with  him,  was  now  preaching  twice  every 
Sunday,  administering  baptism,  and  reading  "  prayers 
every  Wednesday  and  Friday  morning  on  their  exchange." 
These  unfamiliar  proceedings  led  to  "  great  affi'onts,  some 
calling  the  minister  Baal's  priest,  and  some  of  their 
ministers,  from  the  pulpit,  calling  the  prayers  leeks,  gar- 
lic, and  trash."  Randolph  had  "  often  moved  for  an 
honorable  maintenance  for  the  minister,"  but  the  towns- 
men replied,  that  "  those  that  hired  him  must  maintain 
him,  as  they  did  their  own  ministers,  by  contribution." 
On  his  part,  he  "humbly  represented  that  the  three 
meeting-houses  in  Boston  might  pay  twenty  shillings 
a  week  apiece,  out  of  their  contribution,  towards  the 
defraying "  the  charges  of  the  newly-imported  church ; 
and  he  advised  the  sending  over  of  another  minister, 
to  keep  the  sacred  fire  alive,  in  case  "  any  illness  or 
indisposition  should  happen  to  the  present  incumbent." 
He  had  looked  after  "  the  bank  of  money  in  the  hands 
of  the  corporation  for  evangelizing  the  Indians."  The 
Archbishop  had  expressed  himself  as  "  very  desirous 
that  that  money  might  be  inquired  after  and  applied 
to  build  a  church  and  free  school,  that  youth  might  be 
no  longer  poisoned  with  the  seditious  principles  of  this 
country."  Randolph  replied,  that  the  sum  in  the  hands  of 
the  corporation  was  not  less  than  two  thousand  pounds, 
but  at  present  he  could  not  venture  to  add  an  attempt 
to  seize  it  to  the  other  causes  of  offence  which  he  had 
found  that  he  had  given.^ 


1  Hutch.  Coll.,  549-552.     I  fix  the  mencement  at   Harvard   College,  the 

date  of  this   letter  by  the   incidental  date  of  which,  in  this  year,  I  ascertain 

mention  in  it  of  its  having  been  writ-  from  Mather's  Almanac, 
ten  on   the  day  of  the  annual   Com- 


Chap.  XIL]  PKESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY.  501 

After  further  inquiry  respecting  the  Society  for  propa- 
gating the  Gospel  among  the  Indians,  Randolph 
was  able  to  inform  the  Archbishop  that  there 
were  "  seven  persons,  called  Commissioners  or  Trustees, 
who  had  the  sole  manage  of  it ;  the  chief  of  which  were 
Mr.  Dudley,  the  President,  a  man  of  a  base,  servile,  and 
anti-monarchical  principle ;  Mr.  Stoughton,  of  the  old 
leaven ;  Mr.  Richards,  a  man  not  to  be  trusted  in  public 
business;  Mr.  Hinckley,  Governor  of  Plymouth  Colony, 
a  rigid  Independent;  and  others  like  to  these."  Tlie 
Commissioners,  he  said,  were  complained  of  to  Mr.  Rat- 
cliffe  by  the  Indians  for  making  them  no  allowance 
for  the  winter;  and  they  "would  not  suffer  Aaron,  an 
Indian  teacher,  to  have  a  Bible  with  the  Common  Prayer 
in  it,  but  took  it  away  from  him."  Randolph  informed 
his  correspondent  that  the  money  annually  received 
from  England  by  the  Commissioners  amounted  to  not 
less  than  three  or  four  hundred  pounds,  —  some  reck- 
oned it  as  high  as  six  hundred  pounds,  —  and  that  with 
this  they  "  enriched  themselves,  yet  charged  it  all  as 
laid  out  upon  the  poor  Indians."  He  represented  that 
"  the  money  now  converted  to  private,  or  worse  uses, 
would  set  up  good  and  public  schools,  and  provide  main- 
tenance for  the  Church  minister,  who  now  lived  upon 
a  small  contribution."  There  was  urgent  need  for  "  good 
schoolmasters,  none  being  here  allowed  of  but  of  ill 
principle ;  and  till  there  was  provision  made  to  rectify  the 
youth  of  the  country,  there  was  no  hope  that  the  people 
would  prove  loyal."  The  prospects  of  the  new  church 
were  encouraging.  There  were  "at  present  four  hun- 
dred persons  who  were  daily  frequenters  of  it;  and  as 
many  more  would  come  over,  but  some  being  trades- 
men, others  of  mechanical  professions,  were  threatened 
by  the  Congregational  men  to  be  arrested  by  their  cred- 
itors, or  to  be  turned  out  of  their  work,  if  they  offered 
to  come  to  church."     The  members  of  the  First  Church, 


502 


HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


whose  house  of  worship  was  near  the  exchange,  were  pe- 
culiarly "  tender-conscienced."  Randolph  "  desired  them 
to  let  their  clerk  toll  their  bell  at  nine  o'clock,  Wednes- 
days and  Fridays,"  for  the  new  congregation  "  to  meet 
to  go  to  prayers.  Their  man  said,  in  excuse  for  not 
doing  it,  that  they  had  considered  and  found  it  in- 
trenched on  their  liberty  of  conscience  granted  them 
by  his  Majesty's  present  commission,  and  could  in  no 
wise  assent  to  it."-^ 

During  the  existence  of  the   government  of  Dudley 
and  his  Counsellors,  New  Hampshire,  Maine,  and 

AfifairsofNew  ^17? 

Hampshire       the  Narragausctt  country  had  no  political  his- 
tory distinct  from  that  of  Massachusetts.     Dud- 


and  Maine. 


1  Hutch.  Coll.,  552,  553.  —  My  read- 
ers may  think  they  have  had  specimens 
enough  of  Randolph's  reports  on  the 
state  of  things  at  this  period  in  Massa- 
chusetts. But  I  will  venture  further 
on  a  few  short  extracts  from  his  corre- 
spondence. 

"  I  humbly  propose  it  very  neces- 
sary for  the  good  governing  of  this 
plantation  that  his  Majesty's  General 
Governor  be  likewise  empowered  to 
displace  such  persons  in  the  Council 
who  oppose  his  Majesty's  interest,  and 
elect  others  in  their  stead  ;  otherwise, 
't  will  not  be  possible  to  raise  a  revenue 
for  the  support  of  this  government. 
Great  numbers  of  people  are  trans- 
planting themselves  from  England, 
Scotland,  &c.,  to  this  country.  One 
ship  has  now  brought  us  fifty  passen- 
gers, with  two  non-conformist  minis- 
ters. I  have  pressed  that  all  persons 
above  sixteen  years  old  should  present 
their  names,  and  give  an  account  of 
themselves,  and  also  be  obliged  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance."  (Letter  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee,  August  23,  in 
R.  I.  Rec,  III.  205.) 

"  The  Independent  faction  still  pre- 
vails, and  persons  of  dangerous  princi- 
ples from  England,  Ireland,  and  other 


places,  are  here  received  and  highly 
encouraged.  They  have  put  Captain 
Blackwell,  Oliver's  Treasurer  in  Lon- 
don, son-in-law  to  Lambert,  excepted 
in  the  Act  of  Indemnity,  and  a  violent 
Commonwealth's  man,  to  be  of  the 
Commission  of  the  Peace,  and  a  man 
consulted  with  in  all  public  affairs. 
The  independent  ministers,  and  others, 
make  every  ill  use  of  his  Majesty's  in- 
dulgence and  liberty  of  conscience. 
Some  of  them  have  spoken  treasonable 
words  in  their  pulpits,  of  which  (to  no 
purpose)  I  have  complained  to  the 
President  and  Council ;  so  that  I  am 
humbly  of  opinion  that  liberty  of  con- 
science will  much  obstruct, the  settle- 
ment of  this  place,  unless  duly  regu- 
lated by  the  authority  of  a  prudent 
Governor  sent  hither Mr.  Dud- 
ley, our  President,  was  not  long  since 
a  zealous  preacher  amongst  us ;  and 
though,  while  in  London,  he  pretended 
to  be  of  the  Church  of  England,  yet, 
since  he  is  made  President,  courts  and 
keeps  private  cabals  with  these  fac- 
tious ministers  and  others,  who,  in  the 
time  of  Monmouth's  rebellion,  refused 
to  pray  for  his  Majesty."  (Letter  to 
Lord  Danby,  August  23,  in  R.  I.  Rec, 
IIL  206,  2oV.) 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY  OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY.  503 

ley's  Council  lost  no  time,  after  its  organization,  in  dis- 
charging Danforth  from  the  Presidency  of  Maine.^  The 
short  remainder  of  Barefoote's  administration  in  New 
Hampshire,  before  the  Province  was  again  incorporated 
with  Massachusetts  under  Dudley's  government,  was  in- 
efficient and  disturbed  ;  ^  but  it  accomplished  less. 
the  renewal  of  pacific  engagements  on  the  part  Septembers. 
of  some  Indians  about  the  Piscataqua  and  further  east, 
who  were  suspected  of  preparing  for  another  outbreak.^ 
The  history  of  Plymouth,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut 
during  the  same  time  is  barren  of  incidents.  The  period 
was  one  of  uncertainty  and  suspense,  and  there  was  little 
public  action  except  to  provide  for  the  exigencies  of 
the  passing  hour.  Plymouth,  always  destitute  of  even 
the  imperfect  protection  of  a  charter,  lay  entirely  at  the 
King's  mercy.  The  same  tyranny  that  had  annulled  the 
charter  of  Massachusetts  might  at  any  time  strike  at  the 
charters  of  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut.  Men's  hearts 
failed  them  for  fear. 

At  Plymouth  King  James  was  "  solemnly  pro-  proceedings  at 
claimed,  according  to  the  form  required  by  his  ^'y"""""^. 
Majesty's   most    honorable  Privy    Council " ;    a      Aprii  24. 
division  was  made  of  the  Colony  into  counties, 
three  in  number,  named  Plymouth,  Barnstable, 


1  On  the  fourth  day  after  their  or-  members  of  the  Assembly.  One  of 
ganization  (May  29)  they  despatched  these,  named  Wiggen,  threw  Mason 
an  order  to  Maine  "  to  make  stop  of  all  into  a  fire ;  the  other,  Nutte,  took  away 
money  in  the  Collectors'  hands,  which  his  sword  ;  and  Barefoote  had  a  tooth 
was    ordered    to    be    raised    by    Mr.  and  two  ribs  broken. 

Danforth,  or   others   by  his  warrant."         ^  Richard    Wharton,    a    Counsellor, 

(Council  Records,  1 7.)     Thomas  Sut-  was  commissioned  as  Admiralty  Judge 

ton  was  made  Randolph's  Deputy  Sec-  for  New  Hampshire  ;  Richard  Cham- 

retary  for  Maine ;  and  Richard  Wal-  berlain,  the   Secretary,  as   Admiralty ; 

dron,  for  New  Hampshire.     (Ibid.,  44,  Register ;  and  Joseph    SmFth,  as   Ad- 

64,  60.)  miralty   Marshal.      (Colonial    Papers, 

2  In  the  New  Hampshire  Archives  &c.)  Wharton,  son  of  Philip,  Lord 
are  {)apers  relating  to  a  fight  of  Mason  Wharton,  was  one  of  the  Narragan- 
and  Barefoote,  December  30,  with  two  sett  proprietors.    (Conn.  Rec,  III.  306.) 


504  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

and    Bristol:^    and   consequently  sheriffs  were 

June  4.  .  ,         ,  . 

now  first    appointed,   the   duties    belonging    to 
that  office   having   been  previously   performed  by   con- 
stables.     The  Colony  sent  an  Address  to  the 

June  26.  .       -  .  _  . 

King,  again  begging  for  a  charter,  and  received 
from  him  a  letter  informing  them  of  the  miscarriage  of 
the  enterprises  of  the  Earl  of  Argyll  and  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth.^     These  are  the  only  public  occurrences  re- 
corded in   the  history  of  that  Colony  during  the  twen- 
1686.        ty  months  that  elapsed  between  the  death  of 
October.      Charles   the    Second    and    the    time  when   the 
public  record  was  brought  to  a  close,  to  be  revived  in  a 
very  different  state  of  things. 
In  Rhode  Island,  when  five  years   had   elapsed   after 
1674,1675,     the  death  of  William  Coddington,  who,  in  his 
Jggg        old  age,  had  been  called  from  his  long  retire- 
May  2.       ment  and  for  three  years  made  Governor  of  the 
Colony,  his  son,  bearing  the   same  name,  was  advanced 
to  the  same  dignity.     He  was  re-elected  in  two  succes- 
sive years.     The  last  of  these  elections  took  place  in  the 
1685.        anxious  time  which  immediately  followed  the 
^^^^-       accession  of  the    new   monarch,   and    he    posi- 
tively declined  to  serve.     It  may  be  supposed  to  have 
been  by  his  own  preference  that  he  was  not  a  member 
of  the  Committee,  which,  by  the  appointment 
of  the  General  Court,  addressed  a  letter  of  con- 
gratulation to  King  James.^ 

Randolph's  plan  for  the  subjugating  of  New  England 
embraced  the  two  Colonies  which  had  obtained  charters 
from  King  Charles  the  Second.  The  new  reign  had 
scarcely  begun,  when  the  busy  informer  appeared  be- 
fore the  Lords  of  the   Committee  for  Trade  and   Plan- 

1  Plym.  Rec,  VI.  160.  169  ;  comp.  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXXV.  137, 139. 

Hinckley's    letter    to    the    Lords    of  3  R.  J.  Rec,  IIL  168-170.  — I  do 

the   Committee,  in  Mass.    Hist.   Coll.,  not  find  that  King  James  was  formally 

XXXV.  135.  proclaimed  in  Rhode  Island. 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY  OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY.  505 

tations  with  Articles  of  Misdemeanor   against 

_,  'in  c    ^   '       Randolph's 

Rhode   Island  and  Connecticut,      feome  oi  his  proceedings 
charges  against  the  Governor  and  Company  of  charter  o/ 
Rhode  Island  were,  that  they  raised  money  by  '^''"/^J'^;"*' 
illegal  impositions  upon  the  inhabitants  ;  that 
they  denied  appeals  to  the  King ;   that  they  made  and 
executed  laws  contrary  to   the  laws  of  England  ;   that 
they  did  not  suffer  the  laws  of  England  to  be  pleaded  in 
their  courts ;  that  their  legislators  and  magistrates  took 
no  legal  oaths  ;  and  that  they  violated  the  laws  of  Trade 
and  Navigation.     The  Kino;  in  Council  referred 

°  .  "  July  17. 

this    representation    to    the   Attorney-General, 

with  an  order  to  prepare  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  against 

the  Colony.^ 

Randolph  served  the  writ  soon  after  his  arri-       igse. 
val  at  Boston  with  the  commission  for  Dudley      J"°«i2. 
and  his  Council.^     The  Governor  called  an  early  meeting 
of  the  Assembly,  and  summoned  the  whole  body  of  the 
inhabitants  "  to  make  their  appearance  either  in  person 

or  in  writing ; and,  in  submission  to  the  said  notice 

given,  many  of  the  freemen  did  meet  and  give  in  their 
judgments  to  the  Assembly;  and  then  left  the  further 
proceeding  concerning  the  premises  to  the  judicious  de- 
termination of  the  Assembly."  The  judicious  determina- 
tion of  the  Assembly  was  "not  to  stand  suit  with  his 
Majesty,  but  to  proceed  by  humble  Address  to  his  Majes- 
ty to  continue  their  privileges  and  liberties  according 
to  their  charter,  formerly  granted  by  his  late  Majesty, 
Charles  the  Second,  of  blessed  memory."  An  official 
Address,  of  the  tenor  thus  described,  was  prepared  and 
sent,  its  prayer  being  enforced  by  the  declaration  that 
the  petitioners  were  "  a  people  that  had  been  and  were 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  3  Governor  Clarke  of  Rhode  Island 

2  R.  I.  Rec.,  III.  175-178.  Some  had  hastened  to  address  to  him  a  ful- 
delays  occurred,  and  the  date  of  the  some  letter  of  welcome,  two  days  after 
■writ  is  October  6.     (Ibid.,  190.)  he  landed.     (R.  I.  Rec,  III.  198.) 

VOL.  III.  43 


506  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

leal  to  the  royal  interest,  and  despised  by  their  neighbor- 
ing Colonies."     But  dissent  and  contradiction  were  of  the 
very  essence  of  society  in  Rhode  Island.     Some  conspic- 
uous citizens  sent  to  the  King  another  Address 
on   their  own  part,  declaring    that,  as   to   the 
Address  of  the  Colony,  they  "  knew  nothing  of  it,  neither 
had  they  left  the  further  proceedings  with  the  Assembly." 
They  said  they  preferred  that  there  should  have  been 
a   more  "full   and   free   submission   and   entire  resigna- 
tion"; and  they  asked  to   be  "discharged  of  all  levies 
and   contributions  to  defray  the  charges   of  an  agent's 
going  for  England,  to  which   they  could   not  consent." 
And   yet  another  Address    followed    from   the 

August  25."  ,  , 

Quakers.^ 
An  early  act  of  Dudley  and  his  Council  was  to  consti- 
tute a   provisional    government,  consisting;  of 

The  new  gov-  .  . 

ernmentinthe   thrcc  pcrsous,  iuhabitauts  of  the  "  Narragansett 
country!"^^       Couutry,   or   King's   Province,"    to   "keep   the 
^''^  "^'      peace  "  in  that  district,  at  the  same  time  dis- 
charging all  the  King's  subjects  within  its  bounds  from 
the  government  of  the  Governor  and  Company  of  Con- 
necticut, and   of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence   Planta- 
tions, and  all  others  pretending  any  power   or  jurisdic- 
tion."^     Dudley  soon  repaired    to  the   King's 
Province  in  person,  accompanied  by  Randolph 

1  R.  I.  Rec,  in.  192-195.  The  people"  of  Providence  Plantations  in- 
engrossing  of  this  Quaker  Address,  formed  him  of  their  desire  to  surrender 
which  is  preserved  among  the  Colonial  their  charter,  and  be  annexed  to  "  the 
Papers,  is  in  beautiful  style.  The  government  of  Massachusetts,  Ply- 
memorialists  speak  in  the  authorized  mouth,  and  King's  Province,"  inasmuch 
respectful  phrase  of  "  His  Majesty,"  as  they  "  needed  more  perfect  rules 
and  "  humbly  prostrate  themselves  be-  and  able  ministers  than  were  at  pres- 
fore  him."  They  must  have  been  wet  ent  to  be  found  among  them."  And 
Quakers.  —  Among  the  signers  of  the  they  prayed  that  they  might  "  not  be 
Address  of  July  16  were  John  Greene,  looked  upon  as  consenting  to  any 
Peleg  Sanford,  Francis  Brinley,  and  agency  or  Address  of  other  import, 
two  Coddingtons.  —  Yet  another  Ad-  or  made  chargeable  for  the  same." 
dress  to  the  King  was  made  later  in  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 
the  year.    October  11,  some  "  principal  2  R.  J.  Rec,  III.  197;  comp.  180, 172. 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY.  597 

and  by  Fitz-John  Winthrop  and  Richard  Wharton,  mem- 
bers of  his  Council.  They  caused  their  commission  to  be 
read,  administered  the  oath  of  office  to  several  justices, 
and  appointed  commanders  of  the  militia.  They  gave 
new  names  to  "  the  three  towns,"  directing  the  names 
of  Kingston,  Westerly,  and  Greenwich  to  be  superseded 
respectively  by  Rochester,  Feversham,  and  Deptford. 
They  decided  favorably  on  the  claim  of  the  Atherton 
Company  to  the  possession  of  the  tract  which  had  been 
the  occasion  of  so  much  debate.  They  organized  courts 
of  justice,  and  made  regulations  for  a  peaceable  settle- 
ment of  questions  arising  between  the  owners  of  lands  and 
irregular  settlers  upon  them.^  It  was  in  such  arrange- 
ments of  oro-anization  and  administration  that  the  force  and 
clearness  of  Dudley's  mind  appeared  to  most  advantage. 
On  the  third  day  after  the  arrival  in  Connecticut  of 
the  proclamation,  by  the  Privy  Council,  of  the  ^   , 

A  }      %/  »/  '  Proclamation 

accession   of  King   James,  the    Governor   and  ofKingjames 

•  1      1   •  1  1     •  1      •         in  Connecticut. 

Magistrates   caused   him   to   be    proclaimed  in        less. 
their  towns  with  due  solemnity.     They  at  the      ^p'"''^^- 
same  time   framed   a  short  Address  of  condolence    and 
congratulation  to  the  new  monarch,  in  which  they  prayed 
for  the  "  benign  shines  of  his  favor  on  his  poor  colon}^"  ^ 
The    General   Court,   which  assembled   in   the 
following  month,  passed  a  vote  approving  these 
transactions,  and  framed  another  Address,  in  which  they 
especially  expressed  their  gratitude  for  the  promises  of 
toleration  with  which  the  King  had  begun  his  reign.^ 

The  Addresses  reached  England  about  the  time  that 
the  Articles  of  High  Misdemeanor  against   Connecticut 
were  presented  by  Randolph  to  the  Privy  Coun-  Randolph's 
cil.     These   charged  the   Colony  with  making  against  th? 
laws   contrary   to    the    laws   of  England;   with  connlltilt. 
imposing  fines  upon  the  inhabitants ;  with  en-      J>iiy  i^. 

1  R.  I.  Rec,  m.  200-202.  3  Ibid.,  172,  178-180. 

2  Conn.  Eec,  III.  172,  339,  341. 


508  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

forcing  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  itself,  and  neglecting  the 
oaths  of  supremacy  and  of  allegiance ;  with  forbidding 
the  worship  of  the  Church  of  England ;  with  denying 
justice  in  the  courts ;  and  with  "  discouraging  and  ex- 
cluding the  government  all  gentlemen  of  known  loyalty, 
and  keeping  it  in  the  hands  of  the  Independent  party,"  -^ 
The  same  course  was  taken  by  the  Privy  Council  with 
these  Articles  as  with  the  similar  representations  against 
Rhode  Island.^ 

Two  days  after  the  inauguration  of  Dudley's  govern- 
1686.  ment  in  Massachusetts,  Randolph  wrote  to  the 
May  27.  Govcmor  and  Magistrates  of  Connecticut,  in- 
forming them  that  he  was  intrusted  with  a  writ  of  quo 
warranto  against  that  Colony.  "His  Majesty  intends," 
said  he,  "  to  bring  all  New  England  under  one  govern- 
ment; and  nothing  is  now  remaining  on  your  part, 
but  to  think  of  an  humble  submission  and  a  dutiful 
resignation  of  your  charter,  which  if  you  are  so  hardy 
as  to  offer  to  defend  at  law,  whilst  you  are  contending 
for  a  shadow  you  will  in  the  first  place  lose  all  that 
part  of  your  Colony  from  Connecticut  to  New  York,  and 
have  it  annexed  to  that  government,  a  thing  you  are 
certainly  informed  of  already ;  and  nothing  will  pre- 
vent, but  your  obviating  so  general  a  calamity  to  all 
New  England  by  an  hearty  and  timely   application   to 

his  Majesty  with  an  humble  submission I  expect 

not  that  you  trouble  me  to  enter  your  Colony  as  a  herald 
to  denounce  war.  My  friendship  for  you  inclines  me 
to  persuade  an  accommodation ;  and,  to  that  end,  I  de- 
sire you  to  send  me  word  whether  you  will  flivor  your- 
selves so  far  as  to  come  to  me  in  Boston,  where  you 
.  will  be  witnesses  of  our  peace  and  belief  of  his  Majesty's 
government  not  such  a  scarecrow  as  to  affright  men 
out  of  their  estates  and  liberties  rather  than  to  sub- 
mit and  be  happy Sirs,  bless  not  yourselves  with 

1  Chalmers,  Political  Annals,  301  -  304.  2  Conn.  Rec,  III.  349  -  352. 


Chap.  XII.]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH  DUDLEY.  5()9 

vain  expectation  of  advantage,  and  spinning  out  of  time 
by  my  delay.  I  will  engage,  though  the  weather  be 
warm,  the  writs  will  keep  sound  and  as  good  as  when 
first  landed."-^ 

Eandolph   concealed  the  fact,  that,  by  reason   of  the 
length  of  his  voyage  from  England,  the  time  for  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  Colony  to  contest  the  writ  had  already 
expired ;  and  he  used  this  insolent  language  in  the  hope 
that   he   might   avoid    the    necessity    of  producing   the 
writ,  by  inducing  the  government  of  the  Colony  to  sur- 
render their  charter  without  abiding  the  legal  process. 
On   the  reception  of  his  letter,  the  Governor  called  a 
special  session  of  the  General  Court,  which  re- 
sulted in  nothing  but   another  Address  to  the 
King;,  solicitino;,  with  the  usual  arguments,  the  discon- 
tinuance  of  proceedings  against  the  charter,  which  favor 
would  be  an  "  experience  that  in  the  light  of  the  King's 
countenance  is  life,  and  his  favor  is  as  the  cloud  of  the 
latter  rain."     A  fortnight  after,  Randolph  came 
to  Hartford,  and  served  the   writ  in  person  on 
the  Secretary  and  one  of  the  Magistrates.^ 

The  General  Court  was  again  convened.  Two  days 
before  its  meeting  a  confidential  letter  came  to 
the  Governor  from  Dudley,  urging  upon  Con- 
necticut the  expediency  of  seasonably  seeking  a  union 
with  Massachusetts  rather  than  with  New  York,  in  "  the 
new  modelling  and  perfect  settlement  of  all  his  Ma- 
jesty's provinces now  lying  before  his  Majesty, 

and  probable  to  have  a  sudden  and  lasting  desjDatch."  ^ 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  352-354.  necticut  Colony  must  fall,  and  part  of 

2  Ibid.,  207  -  210,  356  -  358.  —  At  it  be  westward,  it  may  be  as  easy  for 
this  time  the  Governor  wrote  two  con-  us  to  fall  that  way  as  eastward." 
ciliating  letters  to  Dongan,  Governor  3  Ibid.,  358,  359.  —  Dudley  said  that, 
of  New  York.  (Ibid.,  354,  355.)  He  in  a  few  days,  two  of  his  Council  (Wait 
bespoke  Dongan's  good  offices  with  the  Winthrop,  a  cherished  name  in  Con- 
home  government,  and  went  so  far  in  necticut,  being  one)  would  repair  to 
his  civility  as  to  intimate  that,  "  if  Con-  Hartford,   for   a   conference   with  the 

43* 


510  HISTORY  OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

To  this  voice  of  the  charmer  Connecticut  gave  no  heed. 
Her  object  was  the  conservation  of  her  separate   inde- 
pendent  polity.      The    General    Court  "  desired 
and  empowered  the  Governor,  and  so  many  of 
the  Assistants  as  should  convene  upon  the  Governor  or 

Deputy-Governor's  order, to  procure  an  agent  to 

appear  before  his  Majesty ; and  generally  to  do 

whatsoever  might  be  judged  necessary  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  Colony's  affairs  in  England."  And  the  de- 
sponding temper  of  the  Assembly  was  expressed  in  the 
further  vote,  "  that,  if  so  be  there  was  case  of  necessity, 
the  aufent  mio;lit  have  instructions  in  behalf  of  the 
Colony  to  accept  and  submit  to  such  regulations  as  his 
Majesty  should  think  fit."  Mr.  William  Whiting,  a  mer- 
chant of  London,  son  of  one  of  the  early  settlers  of 
Hartford,  was  intrusted  with  the  agency.^  He  did  his 
best,  but  he  accomplished  nothing. 

No  further  public  action  was  had  on  the  pending 
question,  except  to  confirm,  three  months  later,  acts 
which  had  been  done  by  the  Governor  and  Magistrates  in 
obedience  to  the  instructions  of  the  General  Court.^  The 
time  specified  for  the  appearance  of  the  Colony  in  West- 
minster Hall  having  already  passed  before  the  service 
of  the  writ,  the  agent  was  instructed  to  employ  coun- 
sel to  make  the  most  of  this  advantage.  But,  in  view 
of  the  existing  state  of  affairs  in  England,  and  of  the 
corruption  of  the  courts,  little  confidence  was  felt  in  the 
success  of  this  attempt.  If  the  charter  should  be  vacat- 
ed, as  was  too  probable,  the  issue  was  expected  to  be 

government  of  Connecticut  upon  this  to  Massachusetts,  as  Massachusetts  de- 
matter.  Shortly  after  (in  a  letter  read  pended  on  them  for  agricultural  sup 
before  the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  plies,  and  they  on  Massachusetts  for 
October  21)  Dudley  and  his  Council  imported  commodities.  (Colonial  Pa- 
reported  that  they  had  settled  affairs  pers,  &c.) 

in  the  King's  Province,  and  that,  when  1  Conn.    Rec,   III.    211  -  213,    237, 

the  Charters  of  Khode  Island  and  Con-  368;  comp.  Ibid.,  360-3G2,  and  Kan- 

necticut  should  be  vacated,  it  would  dolph's  letters  in  Hutch.  Coll.,  544,  547. 

be  advisable  to  annex  those  Colonies  2  Conn.  Rec.,  217. 


Chap.  XIL]  PRESIDENCY   OF  JOSEPH   DUDLEY. 


511 


that  Connecticut  would  be  annexed  to  Massachusetts 
or  to  New  York,  or  else  that  her  territory  would  be  di- 
vided by  the  Connecticut  River,  and  one  of  the  severed 
parts  be  attached  to  each  of  those  Colonies.  While 
President  Dudley  desired  to  influence  Connecticut  to 
prefer  an  annexation  to  Massachusetts,^  Governor  Don- 
gan  of  New  York  aimed  at  the  same  enlargement  for 
his  Colony.^  The  Governor  of  Connecticut  kept  him- 
self in  a  neutral  position.  He  wrote  to  Dongan  for 
advice,  and  received  from  that  able  functionary  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  benefits  to  result  from  leaning  to  his 
side,  after  "a  downright  humble  submission"  to  the  King.^ 
But  a  speedy  end  was  to  be  put  to  these  hopeless 
struggles.     The  year  was  just  closing  when  Sir 

-r,-.  n        A        T  .         -1  -r»  1  •  December  20. 

Edmund   Andros  arrived  at  Boston,   bearmg    a 
commission  for  the  government  of  all  New  England.* 


1  When  Dudley's  two  Counsellors, 
according  to  his  proposal  mentioned 
above,  visited  Connecticut,  they  bore 
a  letter  in  which,  setting  forth  briefly 
the  expediency  for  Connecticut  of  a 
union  with  Massachusetts  on  grounds 
of  mutual  commercial  dependence  and 
"  the  common  interests  of  religion  and 
liberty,"  he  referred  to  his  messengers 
for  a  further  exposition  of  his  views. 
(Conn.  Rec.,  III.  363.)  Secretary 
AUyn  drew  up  a  reply,  consisting  of 
general  expressions  of  good-will.  The 
following  sentences  in  the  original 
draft  were  struck  out:  "Your  own 
settlement  is,  to  the  duration  of  it,  so 
uncertain,  that  much  confidence  can- 
not be  put  in  it.  As  to  our  choice, 
whether  we  may  enjoy  it  if  we  should 
make  it,  is  not  certain.  If  we  do  make 
it,  and  should  not  enjoy  it,  what  preju- 
dices may  follow  is  doubtful."  (Ibid., 
364.)  —  Randolph  wrote  from  Boston 
to  his  friend  Blathwayt  in  London, 
July  28  :  "  Our  Council  have  sent  Ma- 
jor Pynchon  and  Captain  Winthrop 
to  Hartford  to  persuade  them  to  ac- 


commodate the  matter,  so  as  they  may 
be  added  to  the  government  here. 
How  far  that  will  prevail,  I  know  not. 
They  are  sensible  of  Mr.  Dudley's 
encroachment  on  all  and  every  side, 
and  are  unwilling  to  trust  him,  and 
are  strongly  invited  to  come  imder 
New  York."     (Hutch.  Coll.,  547.) 

2  Dongan  was  commissioned  as  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  September  30, 
1682.  Andros  went  to  England,  Jan- 
uary 11,  1681.  In  the  interval  the 
government  was  administered  by  An- 
thony Brockholst. 

3  Conn.  Rec,  III.  365-36  7;  comp. 
372.  Dongan  had  lately  written  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee  that,  by  reason 
of  the  poverty  of  the  revenue  from 
New  York,  there  was  an  "  absolute  ne- 
cessity" for  the  annexation  to  it  of 
Connecticut.     (Ibid.,  368,  note.) 

*  Mather,  in  his  "  Parentator,"  pub- 
lished in  1724,  passes  over  the  Presi- 
dency of  Dudley  in  silence,  proceeding 
at  once  (p.  98)  from  the  abrogation 
of  the  charter  to  the  arrival  of  Gov- 
ernor Andros. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

The  government  of  Andros  in  New  England  lasted  two 
years  and  four  months.  Before  proceeding  to  relate  the 
course  of  its  events,  the  principles  upon  which  it  was 
constituted  may  be  set  forth  in  a  few  words.  He  who 
reads  and  ponders  them  will  no  longer  wonder  at  the  per- 
tinacity with  which  the  Colonists  had  struggled  against 
the  abrogation  of  the  charters.  Their  resistance  is  vindi- 
cated by  the  results  of  its  defeat.  The  King,  who  in 
England  had  been  pleased  to  distress  and  affront  his  sub- 
jects to  the  last  limit  of  endurance,  now,  when  the  pro- 
tection of  the  charters  was  withdrawn,  proceeded  in  New 
England  according  to  the  same  tyrannical  pleasure. 

The  discovery  of  New  England  by  the  Cabots,  subjects 
of  the  King  of  England,  made  that  monarch  the  sover- 
eign of  New  England,  according  to  the  recognized  public 
law  of  the  time.  The  King  of  England  gave  the  terri- 
tory, by  his  charter,  to  the  Plymouth  Company.-^  After 
the  failure  of  that  corporation,  he  gave  the  lands  to  the 
Council  for  New  England.'-^  After  the  dissolution  of  that 
Council,  he  gave  part  of  the  lands  to  the  Governor  and 
Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay.^  This  company  emi- 
grated, and  established  themselves  upon  the  soil,  which, 
by  virtue  of  their  ownership  obtained  from  the  King, 
they  proceeded  from  time  to  time  to  appropriate  in  par- 
cels to  their  own  assigns,  after  buying  out  the  adverse 
title  of  the  native  inhabitants,  as  often  as  such  a  title  was 
set  up.  Sometimes  the  Governor  and  Company  conveyed 
parcels  of  land  to  individuals.     Oftener  they  conveyed  it 

1  See  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  82.  2  Ibid.,  p.  192.  3  ibid.,  p.  290. 


Chap.  XIII.]     GOVERNMENT  OF  SIR  EDMUND  ^VNDROS.  5^3 

to  bands  of  settlers,  whom,  for  the  purpose  of  managing 
the  common  business,  they  invested  with  corporate  mu- 
nicipal authority,  and  recognized  as  towns  ;  and  the 
towns  distributed  to  individuals  the  lands  with  which 
they  had  been  endowed  by  the  Governor  and  Company, 
Thus,  in  English  law,  the  titles  to  landed  property  in 
Massachusetts  rested  ultimately  on  the  gift  of  the  King 
of  England. 

Other  corporations,  besides  towns,  had  been  created  by 
the  Governor  and  Company  of  Massachusetts.  Harvard 
College,  the  Artillery  Company,  the  Atherton  Land  Com- 
pany, are  examples.  The  Colonists,  under  the  interpreta- 
tion which  they  gave  to  their  charter,  established  a  rep- 
resentative government.  They  levied  taxes  on  inhabit- 
ants and  sojourners,  as  well  on  those  who  were  not,  as  on 
those  who  were,  members  of  their  company.  They  set 
up  tribunals  of  justice,  with  powers  extending  to  every 
issue  that  could  be  tried,  even  to  the  issue  of  life  and 
death.  They  made  war  and  peace.  They  coined  money. 
They  exercised  all  functions  of  a  government. 

By  a  competent  tribunal,  the  highest  court  of  the  em- 
pire, the  charter  of  the  Governor  and  Company 

Theory  of  An-      ^,V  t»i-i  1 

dros's  govern-  of  Massachusctts  Bay  had  now  been  declared 
null  and  void.  In  English  law,  every  right, 
privilege,  and  immunity  which  had  been  founded  upon 
the  charter  fell  with  the  charter,  —  as  much  those  rights 
which  the  charter  had  been  designed  to  convey,  as  those, 
if  there  were  any  such,  which  had  been  foisted  into  it 
by  erroneous  constructions. 

Among  those  rights  conferred  by  the  charter  which  its 
abrogation  had  annihilated,  the  right  to  distribute  and 
convey  lands  was  prominent.  Failing  that  right,  the  title 
of  the  assigns  failed  also  ;  ^  and  from  this  it  followed  that 
there  was  not  an  acre  in  Massachusetts  but  now  belong-ed 
to  King  James  the  Second  by  hereditary  and  by  official 

1  The  formula  was,  Moritur  partus  in  gremio  parentis. 


5;[4  HISTORY    OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

descent  from  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  the  original 
Christian  owner.  Accordingly  King  James,  whenever  it 
should  please  him,  might  equitably  proceed  to  oust  the 
present  holders  from  property,  which,  under  the  security 
of  his  father's  grant,  their  families  had  been  at  great  cost 
and  hardship  to  acquire,  and  had  peaceably  possessed  for 
nearly  sixty  years.^ 

The  court  doctrine  of  the  existing  relation  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  the  parent  country  entailed  other  conse- 
quences. Massachusetts  belonged  not  to  the  "  empire 
of  the  King  of  England,"  but  to  the  "  dominion  of  the 
Crown  of  England."  Her  people  might  not  claim  any 
birthright  of  Englishmen,  as  such,  but  "  the  Crown  of 
England  might  rule  and  govern  them  in  such  manner  as 
it  should  think  most  fit."  They  were  in  the  condition  of 
Ireland,  which  was  "  a  conquered  kingdom,"  and  which, 
according  to  Sir  Edward  Coke,  had  no  interest  in  the 
Great  Charter,  before  the  time  when  the  privileges  of 
that  instrument  were  extended  to  it  by  the  favor  of  the 
first  Tudor  king.     The  practical  conclusion  was :   "  The 

Plantations, without  any  regard   to  Magna   Char- 

ta,  may  be  ruled  and  governed  by  such  methods  as 
the  person  who  wears  the  crown,  for  the  good  and  ad- 
vancement of  those  settlements,  shall  think  most  proper 
and  convenient."^  Not  only  had  Massachusetts  no  law- 
making or  executive  power  of  her  own.  The  safe- 
guard which  the  ,  struggles  of  past  ages  had  won  for 
the  security  of  the  lives,  liberty,  and  property  of  Eng- 

1  "  Those  -who  were  in  confederacy  impose."      (The    Revolution    in   New 

with    Sir  Edmund  Andros  for  the  en-  England  Justified,  &c.     The   Preface 

riching  themselves  on  the  ruins  of  New  to  this  anonymous  tract  is  subscribed 

England gave  out  that,  now  the  with  the  letters  E.  R.  and  S.  S.     It 

charter  was  gone,  all  their  lands  were  was  probably  written  by  Edward  Raw- 

the  King's ;  that  themselves  did  repre-  son,  formerly   Secretary,  and  Samuel 

sent  the  King ;  and  that  therefore  men  Sewall,  afterwards  Chief  Justice.) 
that  would  have  any  legal  title  to  their         2  John  Palmer,  Impartial    Account 

lands  must  take  patents  of  them,  on  of  the    State   of   New    England,    pp. 

6uch  terms  as  they  should  see  meet  to  14-19. 


Chap.  XIIL]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS.  5^5 

lishmen  afforded  to  her  people  no  protection  in  the  courts 
of  England. 

Such,  briefly  set  forth,  were  the  doctrines  which  An- 
dros,  as  "  Governor  in  Chief  in  and  over  the  territory  and 
dominion  of  New  England,"  was  sent  thither  to  reduce 
to  practice,  as  opportunity  should  serve.-^  His  jurisdiction 
for  the  present  embraced  nothing  except  the  Colony  of 
Plymouth  and  the  County  of  Cornwall,^  in  addition  to  the 
territory  that  had  been  presided  over  by  Dudley.  In 
his  administration  he  was  to  have  the  advice 

Constitution 

of  Andros's  of  a  Couucil,  the  first  members  of  which  were 
appointed  by  the  King  ;  ^  the  Governor  might 
displace  them  at  pleasure,  but  the  King  was  to  fill  the 
vacancies.  With  the  consent  of  his  Council,  the  Gov- 
ernor might  make  laws,  which  were  to  conform  to  the 
laws  of  England,  and  to  be  sent  to  England  for  the  royal 
sanction.  He  might  require  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  be 
taken  by  any  and  every  person  within  the  jurisdiction. 
He  was  to  regulate  the  currency,  and  to  jorevent  the 
coining   of  money.^      He    could    reprieve    and   pardon. 

1  His  commission,  bearing  the  date  be  allowed,  but  the  Governor  by  proc- 
of  June  3,  1686,  is  in  Mixss.  Arch.,  lamation  to  regulate  the  value  at  which 
CXXVI.  16;  R.  I.  Rec,  III.  212.  pieces  of  eight  [Spanish  dollars]  and 

2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXVH.  160.  other  foreign  coins  shall  pass  in  New 

3  The  Counsellors  are  not  named  iii  England."  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.) 
the  commission.  From  its  language,  I  January  15,  1686,  the  officers  of  the 
understand  Andros's  Council  to  have  mint  reported  to  the  Lords  of  the  Com- 
been  but  a  continuation  of  Dudley's,  mittee  that  the  fineness  of  the  New 
as  to  all  the  country  which  that  gov-  England  coins  equalled  that  of  the 
ernment  had  included.  When  the  English,  but  that  their  weight  was  22^ 
Counsellors  from  Plymouth  and  Rhode  per  centum  less  than  that  of  the  Eng- 
Island  took  their  seats  (December  30),  lish  pieces  of  the  same  denomination. 
"  his  Excellency  commanded  the  mem-  (Ibid.)  —  "Many  goldsmiths  in  London 
bers  to  be  called  over  by  their  names,  can  testify  that  the  money  coined  in 
and  take  their  places  as  set  down  in  New  England  is  as   good   as   that   in 

certain  articles  of  instruction  from  his     England,  andnotof  a  Ijaser  alloy 

Majesty  to   his   Excellency  the   Gov-  Did  not  the  Lord  Baltimore  in  Mary- 

ernor."    (Council  Records.)    For  these  land  coin  money  with  his  image  on  one 

Instructions    see    O'Callaghan,   Docu-  side  and  his  coat  of  arms  on  tlie  other  ? 

ments,  &c.,  IH.  543.  Did  not   the  East  India  Company?" 

*"  1685,  October   27.     No  mint  to     ("  New  England  Vindicated,"  &c.,  Lon- 


516  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

With  the  advice  of  his  Council,  he  could  make  regula- 
tions of  trade  ;  constitute  courts  of  justice  (whose  de- 
cisions, however,  were  subject  to  an  appeal  to  the  King) ; 
and  appoint  judicial,  executive,  military,  and  naval  offi- 
cers. He  was  commander  of  the  militia  and  of  the  forts, 
arid  Vice-Admiral  and  Admiralty  Judge.  He  was  em- 
powered to  "  agree  with  planters  and  inhabitants "  for 
the  payment  of  quitrents.  He  was  to  protect  liberty  of 
conscience,  and  particularly  to  "  countenance  and  encour- 
age" the  Church  of  England.^  With  the  advice  of  his 
Council,  he  might  impose  taxes  for  the  support  of  his 
government ;  but  the  old  laws  and  customs  for  raising 
money  were  to  continue  in  effect  till  superseded  by  fur- 
1686.  ther  legislation.  Andros  was  to  receive  an  an- 
juneT.  nual  salary  of  twelve  hundred  pounds,  as  "  Gov- 
ernor of  New  England,  out  of  the  revenue  arising  there," 
and  his  stipend  was  to  be  remitted  from  England  "  until 
a  revenue  should  be  settled  in  New  England  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  government."^  He  brought  for  the  use  of 
his  government  a  seal  and  a  flag,  both  of  a  new  device.^ 

don,  1688.      Was  this  tract  of  eight  flag,   in    Arnold's    History   of   Rhode 

pages  written   by  Increase  Mather  ?)  Island,  I.  496.     The  flag  is  a  red  cross 

June  2,  1686,  the  Council  of  Massa-  on  a  white  ground,   showing  in   the 

chusetts  voted  to  ask  the  King's  per-  centre  a  crown  wrought  in  gold,  with 

mission  to  establish  a  mint.     (Council  the  letters  J.  R.     The  seal  is  described 

Records.)  in  the  receipt  which  Andros  gave  for 

1  Chalmers,  Annals,  463.  —  "It  is  it,  September  29,  1686.  It  was  "  en- 
thought  fit  that  a  clause  be  inserted  in  graven  on  the  one  side  with  his  Majesty's 
Sir  Edmund  Andros's  instructions,  di-  effigies  standing  under  a  canopy,  robed 
recting  him  to  appoint  churches  within  in  his  royal  vestments  and  crowned, 
his  government  of  New  England,  and  with  a  sceptre  in  the  left  hand,  the 
that  he  return  an  account  from  time  to  right  hand  being  extended  towards 
time  of  his  proceedings  therein."  (Co-  an  Englishman  and  an  Indian,  both 
louial  Papers,  &c.,  June  3,  1686.)  kneeling;  the  one  presenting  the  fruits 

2  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  of  the  country,  and  the  other  a  scroll, 

3  The  curious  reader  may  see  a  de-  and  over  their  heads  a  cherubim,  hold- 
scription  and  representation  of  the  seal  ing  another  scroll  with  this  motto, 
in  the  volume  of  Proceedings  of  the  '■Nunquam  lihertas  gratior  extat,'  with 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  his  Majesty's  titles  round  the  circum- 
1862,  1863  (p.  79;  comp.  Historical  ference ;  —  there  being  on  the  other 
Magazine,  &c.,  VI.  105)  ;   and  of  the  side  the  King's  arms,  with  the  garter, 


Chap.  XIIL]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS.  5^7 

_  \ 

Andros  had  now  been  absent  from  America  nearly  six 
years,  during  which  time  he  had  received  the  honor  of 
knighthood,  and  risen  to  the  command  of  a  regiment  in 
the  royal  army.  When  the  well-proved  wickedness  of 
Colonel  Kirke  had  satisfied  King  James  of  the  expe- 
diency of  retaining  him  for  service  in  England,  it  was 
natural  that  he  should  turn  his  attention  to  Sir  Edmund 
Andros  as  the  person  most  fit  to  carry  out  his  plans  in 
America.  He  had  known  Andros  many  years  as  a  person 
of  resolution  and  capacity,  of  arbitrary  principles,  and  of 
habits  and  tastes  absolutely  foreign  to  those  of  the  Puri- 
tans of  New  England ;  and  could  scarcely  have  been  ig- 
norant of  his  personal  grudge  against  Connecticut,  and 
especially  against  Massachusetts,  on  account  of  old  af- 
fronts. It  was  not  to  be  doubted  that  here  was  a  man 
prepared  to  be  as  oppressive  and  offensive  as  the  King 
desired. 

The  frigate  which  brought  the  Governor  ar- 
rived in  Boston  harbor  on  a  Sunday.     Attended 
by  a  company  of  soldi-ers,^  he  landed  the  next  day.     i\.t 
the  end  of  Long  Wharf  he  was  met  by  "  a  great  Andres's  as- 
number  of  merchants  and  others,  with  all  the  sumption  of  the 

'  government. 

militia  of  horse  and  foot,"  who  escorted  him  to  December  20. 
the  town-house  at  the  head  of  King  (now  State)  Street.^ 
There  he  caused  his  commission  to  be  read,  produced  the 
great  seal  of  his  government,  took,  and  administered  to 

crown,  supporters,  and  motto,  and  this  pheme,  curse,  and  damn ;  a  crew  that 

inscription  round  the   circumference  :  were  every  foot  moving  tumults,  and 

^  Sigillum  Novce  Anglice  in  America.' "  committing  insufferable  riots  amongst 

1   "  About    sixty    red-coats,"    says  a  quiet  and  peaceable  people." 

Judge  Sewall  in  his  Diary.     Accord-  2  The   Council   had   made  arrange- 

ing  to  the  author  of  the  very  vigorous  ments,  at  a  meeting  held  November  11, 

contemporary  treatise,  "  A  Vindication  for  a  stately  reception  of  Sir  Edmund. 

of  New  England,"  &c.  (14),   Andros's  I  do  not  know  what  to  make  of  an  or- 

soldiers  did  not  recommend  themselves  der  passed  on  that  day  to  desire  the 

by  good  conduct.     "  Those  that  were  minister   ofBciating    at    the   Thursday 

brought  a  thousand  leagues  to  keep  the  Lecture  "  to  hasten  his  sermon,"  unless 

country  in  awe  ;  a  crew  that  began  to  its  length  was  thought  to  interfere  with 

teach  New  England  to  drab,  drink,  bias-  the  military  preparations. 

VOL.  III.  44 


5]^g  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

eight  Counsellors,  the  oaths  of  office,  and  ordered  that  all 
persons  holding  civil  or  military  office  should  provision- 
ally continue   to   exercise   their  functions.-^     A  meeting 
of  the  Council  was  appointed   for   the   ninth  day  after, 
to   affi)rd  opportunity  to  summon  the  Counsellors  from 
Plymouth    and   Rhode    Island.      Five    Counsellors    then 
appeared  from  each  of  those  Colonies.^     The  Governor 
caused  his  commission  to  be  read  again  ;  admin- 
istered the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  of  office  to 
the  new-comers ;  took  an  oath  "  for  observing  the  Acts  of 
Trade  and  Navigation";  and   directed  an  issue  of  new 
commissions    to     officers    throughout    his    jurisdiction.^ 
It   was   ordered    that    certain    duties    hitherto 
Januarys.     Icvlcd   In   Massachusctts  on   imported    articles 
anuary  .     g}jQy|(;[  heuccforward  be  levied  and  collected  in 
the  other  Colonies  of  the  jurisdiction,  and  that  "a  single 
country  rate  of  one  penny  in  the  pound"  should  be  as- 
sessed for  present  use.     The  Council  were  informed  that 

1  Mass.  Arch.,  CXXVI.  164.  Journal,  but  was  merely  a  full  abstract 

2  "  His  Excellency  demanded  of  of  its  contents,  prepared  for  the  inspec- 
Walter  Clarke  and  other  members  of  tion  of  the  Lords  of  the  Committee, 
the  Council  for  Rhode  Island  the  de-  with  such  compression  and  suppres- 
livery  of  their  charter.  They  made  sions  as  the  humor  or  purposes  of  the 
answer,  It  was  at  their  Governor's  Secretary  (Randolph)  might  direct, 
house  at  Newport,  and  that  it  should  The  original  Journal  for  the  first  four 
be  forthcoming  when  sent  for,  but  on  months,  in  the  handwriting  of  Ran- 
account  of  the  tediousness  of  the  bad  dolph's  clerk,  with  interlineations  by 
■weather  it  could  not  then  be  brought."  himself,  is  in  the  library  of  the  Ameri- 
(Original  Journal  of  Andros's  Coun-  can  Antiquarian  Society;  —  from  what 
oil.)  —  "There  are  no  public  records,  source  obtained,  is  not  now  known.  It 
from  the  dissolution  of  the  old  charter  is  to  this  document  that  I  refer  for  the 
government  in  1686,  until  the  resto-  period  which  it  covers.  The  list  which 
ration  of  it  in  1689.  If  there  was  any  Hutchinson  printed  of  the  Council 
book  of  records,  it  was  secreted  or  de-  (Ibid.),  found  by  him  "  upon  a  de- 
stroyed." So  wrote  Governor  Hutch-  fensive  leaf  of  an  old  Colony  law- 
inson  (Hist.,  I.  317,  note).  But  he  was  book,"  proves,  on  a  comparison  with 
in  error.  (See  above,  p.  486,  note.)  the  original  Journal,  to  be  very  nearly 
Recently  it  further  turns  out  that  the  correct. 

transcript  of  which  a  copy  was  ob-  3  This  arrangement  probably  put 
tained  in  England  for  the  Common-  money  into  the  pockets  of  Secretary 
•wealth  did  not  represent  the  original     Randolph. 


Chap.  XIII.]     GOVERNMENT  OF   SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS. 


519 


January  22. 


January  28. 


the  Lords  of  the  Committee  expected  to  re- 
ceive every  quarter  a  report  of  proceedings  in 
the  Colony;^  and  an  effective  step  was  taken  for  the  dis- 
arming of  opposition  to  the  intended  proceed- 
ings, by  the  appointment  of  Dudley  to  be  cen- 
sor of  the  press,  accompanied  with  a  prohibition  of  the 
printing  of  anything  "either  in  Boston  or  Cambridge," 
without  his  license.^ 

After  the  first  week  the  meetings  of  the  Council  were 
thinly   attended.      Out   of  twenty-six    members   besides 
the   Governor  and  Secretary,  sometimes  not  more  than 
six  or  eight  appeared,  and  in  some  instances 
even  a  smaller  number.      The   members  who  of  the 


new 
government 


came  were  mostly  the  retainers  of  the  Governor 
and  Randolph.  Stoughton  was  very  rarely  absent,  and 
Dudley  still  less  frequently.  Thus  far  Dudley  was  fully 
in  the  interest  of  Andros.  Thus  far  Stoughton  was  the 
shadow  and  echo  of  Dudley.     Accordingly  the  Governor 


1  According  to  that  account  of  the 
proceedings  at  this  meeting  which  was 
sent  by  Randolph  to  England,  five  ports 
of  clearance  and  entry  were  now  desig- 
nated, viz.  :  Boston,  Salem,  Ports- 
mouth (N.  H.),  Bristol,  and  Newport. 
But  the  original  Journal  has  nothing 
to  that  effect.  It,  however,  records 
the  arrangement  as  having  been  made, 
March  8,  with  the  addition  of  the  port 
of  Pemaquid. 

2  Randolph  had  previously  assumed 
to  be  censor  of  the  press.  Just  before 
the  Governor's  arrival  (December, 
1686),  Greene,  the  Cambridge  printer, 
received  the  following  order :  "  Mr. 
Greene,  I  am  commanded  by  Mr. 
Secretary  Randolph  to  give  you  no- 
tice that  you  do  not  proceed  to  print 
any  Almanac  whatever  without  having 
his  approbation  for  the  same.  Yours, 
Ben.  BuUivant."  My  learned  friend, 
Mr.    Haven,   points  out   the  meaning 


of  this  order.  (Proceedings  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  April 
24,  1861.)  In  the  Almanac  which  was 
published  for  the  year  1687  (Tulley's 
Ephemeris,  printed  by  Greene),  the 
holidays  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  for 
the  first  time  in  New  England,  were 
entered  in  the  Calendar ;  opposite  the 
date  of  January  30  was  the  memoran- 
dum, "King  Charles  murdered";  and 
at  the  beginning  was  placed  a  list  of 
the  Enghsh  sovereigns,  omitting  the 
Commonwealth  and  the  Protectorate, 
and  ending  with  the  lines, 

"And  may  we  look  on  monarchy,  and  sing, 
'  In  health  and  peace  long  live  great  James,  our 
King!'" 

I  may  add  that  Tulley's  Almanac  for 
1687  was  the  first  New-England  Al- 
manac that  began  the  year  with  the 
month  of  January.  Down  to  this  time, 
March  had  been  reckoned  the  first 
month. 


520  mSTOEY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

and  the  Secretary  could  take  their  measures  with  scarcely 
a  show  of  opposition.  Dudley  and  Stoughton 
were  gratified  by  being  appointed  "Judges  of 
the  Superior  Court " ;  ^  the  former  with  an  an- 
nual salary  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  the 
latter,  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  pounds. 

In  legislation  there  was  a  prudent  delay,  probably 
intended  by  the  Governor  to  give  him  opportunity  to 
observe  the  temper  of  the  people.  One  very  important 
Act,  however,  —  the  first  in  the  collection  of  his  stat- 
utes,—  was  passed  within  a  few  weeks  after  the 
beginning  of  his  administration.  It  was  entitled, 
"  An  Act  for  the  Continuing  and  Establishing  of  several 
Rates,  Duties,  and  Imposts."  It  provided  that  every 
year,  beginning  four  months  after  the  enactment,  the 
Treasurer  should  send  his  warrant  to  the  Constable  and 
Selectmen  of  every  town,  requiring  the  inhabitants  to 
choose  a  taxing  Commissioner;  that  the  Commissioner 
and  the  Selectmen  should  in  the  next  following  month 
make  a  list  of  persons  and  a  valuation  of  estates  within 
their  respective  towns ;  that,  in  the  next  month  after  this, 
the  Commissioners  for  the  towns  in  each  county  should 
meet  at  their  respective  county  towns,  and  compare 
and  correct  their  respective  lists  to  be  forwarded  to  the 
Treasurer,  and  that  he  should  thereupon  issue  his  warrant 
to  the  Constables  to  collect  the  taxes,  so  assessed,  within 
ten  weeks.  And  every  Commissioner  or  Selectman  neg- 
lecting to  perform  this  duty  was  punishable  by  a  fine.'^ 
The  Mate  was- adjusted  by  this  law  according  to  the 
ancient  system  of  Massachusetts.^    The  prescribed  duties 

1  Council  Record.  "  President  of  the  Andros  and  his  Council  (the  only  rec- 
Council,  and  Chief  Judge  of  the  Terri-  ord  of  them  known  to  be  in  existence) 
tory;  a  chief  tool  of  all  the  ensuing  was  found  by  Mr.  J.  Hammond  Trum- 
barbarous  and  infamous  administra-  bull  in  the  Library  of  Yale  College,  and 
tion."  (Deplorable  State  of  New  Eng-  he  has  enriched  with  it  his  admirable 
laud,  3.)  edition  of  the  Records  of  Connecticut. 

2  Conn.  Rec,  III.  405-411.     A  col-  3  See  above,  pp.  50,  230. 
lection   in  manuscript  of  the  laws  of 


Chap.  XHI]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS.  521 

on  imported  articles  were  partly  specific,  and  partly 
ad  valorem.  The  excise  duties  were  on  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  liquors,  and  were  specific.  Randolph  wrote 
that  this  law  "  passed  with  great  difficulty,"  because 
the  Colonists  "have  always  accounted  themselves  a  free 
people,  and  look  upon  this  act  to  be  a  clog  upon  them 
and  their  estates."  ^  "• 

The  feelings  of  the  people  were  shocked  by  a  pro- 
ceeding of  a  different  description.  On  the  day  of  his 
landing  in  Boston,  the  Governor  "  spoke  to  the  minis- 
ters in  the  library  about  accommodation  as  to  a  Meet- 
ing-house, that  might  so  contrive  the  time,  as  one  house 
might  serve  two  assemblies."  The  ministers,  and  igge. 
a  committee  of  four  other  persons  from  each  i'«<:'^«>''e'"  21- 
congregation,  met  "  to  consider  what  answer  to  give  the 
Governor."  They  "agreed  that  they  could  not  with  a 
good  conscience  consent  that  their  Meeting-houses  should 
be  made  use  of  for  the  Common-Prayer  worship " ;  and 
two  of  the  ministers,  Mather  and  Willard,  Were 
deputed  to  carry  this  reply,  who  "  thoroughly 
discoursed  his  Excellency  about  the  Meeting-houses,  in 
great  plainness,  showing  that  they  could  not  consent." 
If  the  demand  had  been  for  the  use  of  the  building 
for  a  mass,  or  for  a  carriage-house  for  Juggernaut,  it 
could  scarcely  have  been  to  the  generality  of  the  people 
more  offensive.  For  a  little  time  the  Governor  forbore. 
But  before  long.  Good  Friday  drew  near,  and  his  epis- 
copal fervors  overcame  his  delicacy.  He  sent  Randolph 
to  demand  the  keys  of  the  Old  South  Meeting-  iggT. 
house,  that  it  might  be  opened  for  a  service  ^archas. 
of  his  Church  on  that  day.  A  committee  of  the  con- 
gregation waited  on  him  to  say  that  "  the  land  and  house 
were  theirs,  and  that  they  could  not  consent  to  part 
with  it  to  such  use."     But  Goodman  Needham,  the  sex- 


1  Letter  of  Randolph  to  the  Committee,  March  25,  in  Colonial  Papers,  &c. 
44* 


522  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

ton,  was  frightened  into  opening  the  doors  and  ringing 
the  bell ;  and  thenceforward  episcopal  worship 
was  held  there,  on  Sundays  and  other  holidays 
of  the  Church,  at  hours  when  the  building  was  not  oc- 
cupied by  the  regular  congregation.^  The  Congrega- 
tional churches  had  cause  for  alarm  on  yet  another 
account.  There  was  debate  at  the  Council  table  on  the 
question  whether  the  laws  compelling  townsmen  to  pay 
the  salaries  of  ministers  should  be  allowed  to  remain  in 
force.^  Reporting  his  proceedings  to  the  Lords  of  the 
Committee,  at  the  end  of  the  first  three  months  of  his 
government,  Andros  made  special  mention  of  the  lodg- 
ment he  had  effected  in  the  Old  South  Meetinsc-house. 
At  the  same  time,  he  described  the  Colonies  as  being 
poor,  partly  in  consequence  of  the  Indian  war.  He 
represented  the  prospects  of  his  administration  as  hope- 
ful, though  not  without  obstacles  to  be  apprehended  in 
extending  it  to  Connecticut;  and  he  nominated  twelve 
persons  as  qualified  to  fill  vacancies  which  might  from 
time  to  time  occur  in  the  Council.^ 

For  the  profit  of  the  agents  of  the  new  government, 
the  administration  of  justice  was  made  oppressively  ex- 
pensive.    An  order  went  out  that  all  public  rec- 

May25.  i  ^  ,  , 

ords   01   "  the  late    governments   now   annexed 
under   this   dominion "    should    be    brought   to    Boston, 
whither  of  course  it  became  necessary  that  they  should 
be  followed  by  whosoever  needed  to  consult  them.     At 
Boston  only  could  conclusive  action  be  had  on  wills  pre- 
sented for  probate ;  and  a  journey  to  that  place 
was  accordingly  always  liable  to  be  required  of 
widows*  and  heirs.    Another  order  made  it  neces- 
sary that  all  deeds,  mortgages,  and  wills  should  be 

1  Sewall,  Diary ;  comp.  Vindication     Ex-Governor  Clai-ke  of  Rhode  Island, 
of  New  England,  &c.,  12.  were  the  chief  champions  of  their  re- 

2  Council    Record,    February    2.3,     spective  opinions. 
March   2,   and  March  4,   1687.      Ex-         3  Colonial  P^ipers,  &c. 
Grovernor  Hincklev  of  Plymouth,  and        *  Coun.  Rec,  III.  423. 


June  9. 


Chap.  XIII.]     GOVERNMEJ^T   OF   SIR   EDMUND    ANDROS.  523 

registered  by  Randolph  and  his  Deputies,  who  should  be 
paid  by  fees.  Excessive  fees  were  demanded;^  and,  in 
the  uncertainty  as  to  what  amount  of  profit  might  be  had 
from  them  by  the  Secretary,  Randolph  made  an 
advantageous  bargain  by  farming  them  out  to  one 
John  West,  whom  he  appointed  to  be  his  Deputy,^  and  who 
was  also  made  Judge  of  the  Inferior  Court  of  the 
County  of  Suffolk.^  It  was  believed  that  juries 
were  corruptly  constituted ;  and  the  adoption  of  the 
rule  to  kiss  the  Bible,  in  taking  the  oath,  instead  of 
the  Puritan  practice  of  lifting  the  right  hand,  discoui^ 
aged,  in  frequent  instances,  the  appearance  of  con- 
scientious witnesses  and  jurors.  The  new  form  was. 
commonly  regarded  as  idolatrous,  and,  sooner  than  ob- 
serve it,  many  persons,  when  drawn  to  serve  upon 
a  jury,  would  expose  themselves  to  be  proceeded 
against  by  a  process  for  contempt*  The  laws  were  not 
*'  printed,  as  was  the  custom  in  the  former  governments, 

1  "  Extraordinary  oppressive  fees  residing  in  New  York,  was  appointed 
taken  in  all  matters  by  indigent  and  by  Andros  to  be  Secretary  of  that 
exacting  officers."  (Narrative  of  the  Province,  which  office  he  sustained 
Proceedings  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros  some  two  or  three  years.  At  the  end 
and  his  Complices,  10.  This  very  im-  of  that  time  he  was  despatched  by 
portant  tract,  published  in  February,  Governor  Dongan  to  Maine,  where  he 
1691,  was  composed  and  signed  by  had  a  career  with  which  the  reader 
five  of  Andros's  Counsellors ;  namely,  will  presently  be  acquainted,  and  which 
Stoughton,  who  had  been  provoked  gave  him  excellent  preparation  for  the 
into  separating  for  this  once  from  his  accomplishment  of  Randolph's  pur- 
friend  Dudley,  Hinckley,  Gedney,  poses  and  his  own  in  Massachusetts, 
Shrimpton,  and  Wait  Winthrop.)  —  when  their  friend  Andros  was  placed 
"  Of  all  our  oppressors  we  were  chiefly  at  the  head  of  affairs  there.  —  By  an 
squeezed  by  a  crew  of  abject  persons,  indenture  of  lease,  dated  May  3,  1G87, 
fetched  from  New  York,  to  be  the  Randolph  rented  the  Secretary's  office 
tools  of  the  adversary  standing  at  our  to  West  for  four  years  for  the  consid- 
right  hand.  By  these  were  extraor-  eration  of  £  150  a  year.  (Colonial  Pa- 
dinary  and  intolerable  fees  extorted  pers,  &c.)  The  report  in  England  was 
from  every  one  upon  all  occasions,  that,  in  the  same  year,  the  President 
without  any  rules  but  those  of  their  (Dudley)  and  Council  farmed  out  the 
own  insatiable  avarice  and-  beggary."  annual  excise  for  £  450.  (Ibid) 
(Byfield,  Account  of  the  Late  Revo-        ^  Council  Record. 

lution  in  New  England,  &e.,  11.)  *  Byfield,  Account  of  the  Late  Rca'O- 

2  Council    Record    for    June    4. —     lution,  &c.,  13. 
In  1680,  West,  an  English  merchant 


524  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

SO  that  the  people  were  at  a  great  loss  to  know  what 
was  law,  and  what  not."-^ 

Two  things  vital  to  the  objects  of  the  new  govern- 
ment were  especially  exasperating  to  the  citizens.  One 
Imposition  was,  the  arbitrary  imposition  pf  taxes ;  the  other, 
of  taxes.  ^^Q  demand  for  new  patents  to  be  taken  out 
for  the  ownership  of  land.  The  reader  knows  that,  fi'om 
the  earliest  period  of  New  England,  towns  had  their 
executive  magistracy;  they  held  meetings  as  often  as 
occasion  arose  for  deliberation  on  matters  of  common 
concern  ;  they  taxed  themselves,  and  made  other  orders, 
for  the  maintenance  of  their  roads,  their  schools,  and 
their  poor ;  and,  when  a  Colony  tax  was  imposed  by  the 
General  Court,  each  town,  having  received  notice  of  the 
proportion  which  it  was  to  contribute,  proceeded,  by 
its  municipal  officers,  to  assess  the  sum  on  its  inhabit- 
ants. There  was  now  no  General  Court;  the  Governor 
in  Council  imposed  taxes ;  and  the  first  act  of  his  admin- 
istration required  a  compulsory  assessment  of  them  by 
Commissioners  and  Selectmen. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  privileges  so  important 
and  so  long  enjoyed  should  be  withdrawn  without  creat- 
ing dissatisfaction  and  disturbance.     At  length  the  time 
anived,  that  had  been  specified  in  the  Act  for  its  pro- 
visions to  go  into  effect.     A  warrant  came  from 
the  Treasurer  for  each  town  to  choose  a  Com- 
missioner to  act  with  the  Selectmen,  in  assessing  upon 
its    citizens    the    sum    at   which    the    town    was    rated. 
Several  towns  of  Massachusetts,  including  every 
town   but   three   in  Essex   County,^  refused    to 
proceed  to  the  election  which  was  ordered. 

1  Narrative  of  the  Miseries  of  New  over  the  now  enlarged  jurisdiction  by 

England.    This  anonymous  tract  (with-  a   new  commission,  dated   September 

,  out  imprint)  is  probably  the  piece  re-  15,    1686.      (vSee    Mass.    Hist.    Coll., 

ferred  to  in  "Revolution  in  New  Eng-  XXVU.  161.) 

land   Justified  "   (38)  as  having  been         2  The  compliant  Essex  towns  were 

written     by     Governor     Hinckley.  —  Salem,    Newbury,    and    Marblehead. 

Kandolph  had  been  made   Secretary  (Council  Record  for  September  23.) 


Chap.  Xni.]     GOVERNMENT  OF   SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS.  525 

The  proceedings  of  the  government  against  Ipswich, 
then  perhaps  the  second  town  in  the  Colony,  at-  Resistance 
tracted  particuhir  attention  at  the  time,  and  will  andTi^-  ' 
serve  for  a  specimen  of  the  encroachments  of  ^''^"• 
the  Governor  and  Council,  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  the 
course  and  the  consequences  of  resistance  to  it,  on  the 
other.  On  the  reception  of  ^  an  order  from  John  Usher, 
Treasurer,  for  choosing  a  Commissioner  to  join  with  the 
Selectmen,  to  assess  the  inhabitants  according  to  an  Act 
of  his  Excellency  the  Governor  and  Council  for  laying 
of  rates,"  John  Wise,  minister  of  Ipswich,  met  several 
others  of  the  principal  inhabitants  at  the  house  of  John 
Appleton,  who  had  been  an  Assistant  under  the  old 
government.  The  persons  assembled  "  discoursed  and 
concluded  that  it  was  not  the  town's  duty  any  way  to 
assist  that  ill  way  of  raising  money  without  a  Gen- 
eral Assembly."     At  a  town  meetino^  held   the 

,,„,,,.  .  ^1  .,  August  23. 

next  day,  they  defended  this  view  of  the  rights 
of  their  fellow-citizens.  What  ensued  is  best  recorded 
in  the  words  of  the  following  statement,  afterwards  made 
under  oath  by  Wise  and  his  fellow-sufferers  named  there- 
in. The  Court  before  which  they  were  brought  for  trial 
was  constituted  by  special  commission.-^ 

"  The  town,  considering  that  the  said  Act  did  infringe 
their  liberty  as  free-born  English  subjects  of  his  Ma- 
jesty by  interfering  with  the  statute  laws  of  the  land, 
by  which  it  was  enacted  that  no  taxes  should  be  levied 
upon  the  subjects  without  the  consent  of  an  Assembly 
chosen  by  the  freeholders  for  assessing  of  the  same,  they 
did  therefore  vote  that  they  were  not  willing  to  choose 
a  Commissioner  for  such  an  end  without  said  privilege ; 
and  moreover  consented  not  that  the  Selectmen  should 
proceed  to  lay  any  such  rate  until  it  was  appointed  by 
a  General  Assembly  concurring  with  the  Governor  and 
Council.     We,  the  complainants,  with  Mr.  John  Apple- 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c. 


526  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book   IH. 

ton  and  Thomas  French,  all  of  Ipswich,  were  brought 
to  answer  for  the  said  vote  out  of  our  own  county  thirty 
or  forty  miles,  into  Suffolk,  and  in  Boston  kept  in  gaol, 
only  for  contempt  and  high  misdemeanors  as  our  mitti- 
mus specifies;  and  upon  demand,  denied  the  privilege 
of  an  habeas  corpus,  and  from  prison  overruled  to  an- 
swer at  a  Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  in  Bos- 
ton aforesaid.  Our  judges  were  Mr.  Joseph  Dud- 
ley, of  Roxbury  in  Suffolk  in  New  England  ;  Mr.  Stough- 
ton,  of  Dorchester ;  John  Usher,  of  Boston,  Treasurer ; 
and  Edward  Randolph.  He  that  officiates  as  Clerk  and 
Attorney  in  the  case  is  George  Farewell. 

"The  jurors,  only  twelve  men,  and  most  of  them  (as 
is  said)  non-freeholders  of  any  land  in  the  Colo- 

Suppression  ■'  >' 

of  the  resist-  ny,  wcrc  some  of  them  strangers  and  foreigners, 
gathered  up  (as  we  suppose)  to  serve  the  pres- 
ent turn.  In  our  defence  was  pleaded  the  repeal  of  the 
Law  of  Assessment  upon  the  place ;  ^  also  the  Magna 
Charta  of  England,  and  the  statute  laws  that  secure 
the  subjects'  properties  and  estates,  &c.  To  which  was 
replied  by  one  of  the  judges,  the  rest  by  silence  as- 
senting;, that  we  must  not  think  the  laws  of  Eno-land 
followed  us  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  or  whither  we  went. 
And  the  same  person  (John  Wise  abovesaid  testifies) 
declared  in  open  Council,  upon  examination  of  said 
Wise,  '  Mr.  Wise,  you  have  no  more  privileges  left  you 
than  not  to  be  sold  for  slaves ' ;  ^  and  no  man  in  Council 

1  The  ancient  law  of  taxation  had  2  Dudley  was  the  person  referred  to 

been  repealed  four  years  before  this  as  having  used  this  offensive  language, 

time   (Mass.  Rec,  V.  414),  probably  "A   vast   scene  of  misery   appeared; 

in  apprehension  of  the  state  of  things  and  they  found  among  the  principal 

that  had  now  arrived.    And,  of  course,  instruments  of  this  mischief  one  whom 

it  had  never  been  a  standing  law,  ex-  their   own   womb    had    brought    forth 

cept  as  defining  the  conditions  of  a  rate,     and  their  breasts  had  nourished 

A   new   tax-bill   had   been   necessary  When  the  President  was  pleased,  out 

every    year,    determining   how    much  of  an  active  and  passive  principle,  to 

was  to  be  raised  for  that  year;  whether  tell  our  countrymen,  in   open   Coun- 

a  rate,  or  more,  or  less.  cil,  that  the  people  in  New  England 


Chap.  XIIL]     GOVERNMENT   OF  SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS.  527 

contradicted.  By  such  laws  our  trial  and  trouble  began 
and  ended.  Mr.  Dudley,  aforesaid,  Chief  Judge,  to  close 
up  the  debate  and  trial,  trims  up  a  speech  that  pleased 
himself  (we  suppose)  more  than  the  people.  Among 
many  other  remarkable  passages  to  this  purpose,  he 
bespeaks  the  jury's  obedience,  who  (we  suppose)  were 
very  well  pre-inclined,  viz.  '  I  am  glad,'  says  he,  '  there 
be  so  many  worthy  gentlemen  of  the  jury  so  capable 
to  do  the  King  service ;  and  we  expect  a  good  verdict 
from  you,  seeing  the  matter  hath  been  so  sufficiently 
proved  against  the  criminals.'  Note,  the  evidence  in 
the  case,  as  to  the  substance  of  it,  was  that  we  too 
boldly  endeavored  to  persuade  ourselves  we  were  Eng- 
lishmen, and  under  privileges ;  and  that  we  were  all  six 
of  us  aforesaid  at  the  town-meeting  of  Ipswich  afore- 
said ;  and,  as  the  witness  supposed,  we  assented  to  the 
aforesaid  vote ;  and  also  that  John  Wise  made  a  speech 
at  the  same  time,  and  said  we  had  a  good  God,  and  a 
good  King,  and  should  do  well  to  stand  for  our  privi- 
leges. Jury  returns  us  all  six  guilty,  being  all  involved 
in  the  same  information.  We  were  remanded  from  ver- 
dict to  prison,  and  there  kept  one  and  twenty  days  for 
judgment.  Then,  with  Mr.  Dudley's  approbation,  as 
Judge  Stoughton  said,  this  sentence  was  passed,  viz. :  — 
"  John  Wise  suspended  from  the  ministerial  function ; 


were  all  slaves,  and  that  the  only  dif-  of  being  quiet,  lest  their  estates  should 

lerence  between  them  and  slaves  was  be  seized,  and  themselves  imprisoned. 

their  not  being  bought  and  sold,  and  They  saw  all  this,  but  perceived 

that  they  must  not  think  the  privileges  no   way   to  escape,  till,  throwing  up 

df  Englishmen   would  follow  them  to  their  arms  to  Heaven,  they  were  an- 

the  end  of  the  world;  —  I  say,  when  imated    by    Divine    power    to    rescue 

tlje   people   heard    this,    they   looked  themselves  and  children  from  the  im- 

upon  themselves  in  a  manner  lost.    On  pending  ruin."    (Memorial  of  the  Pres- 

tliiB  one  hand,  they  saw  their  enemies  ent  Deplorable  State  of  New  England, 

invested  with  a  full  power  in  the  gov-  8-5.     This  tract  is  believed  to  have 

errtment;  on  the  other,  they  saw  them-  been  written  by    Sir  Henry   Ashurst. 

selres  not  only  turned  out  of  the  public  It  has  an  "  Epistle  Dedicatory  to  the 

ministry,  but  under  a  necessitous  fear  Earl  of  Sunderland,"  subscribed  A.  H.) 


528  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  HI. 

fine  fifty  pound  money;  pay  cost;  a  thousand  pound 
bond  for  the  good  behavior  one  year. 

"John  Appleton  not  to  bear  office ;  fine,  fifty  pound 
money ;  pay  cost ;  a  thousand  pound  bond  for  the  good 
behavior  one  year. 

"  John  Andrews  not  to  bear  ofiice ;  fine,  thirty  pound 
money ;  pay  cost ;  five  hundred  pound  bond  for  the  good 
behavior  one  year. 

"  Robert  Kinsman  not  to  bear  office ;  fine,  twenty 
pound  money ;  pay  cost ;  five  hundred  pound  bond  for 
the  good  behavior  one  year. 

"  WilHam  Goodhue  not  to  bear  office ;  fine,  twenty 
pound  money;  pay  cost;  five  hundred  pound  bond  for 
the  good  behavior  one  year, 

"  Thomas  French  not  to  bear  office,  fine  fifteen  pound 
money ;  pay  cost ;  five  hundred  pound  bond  for  the  good 
behavior  one  year. 

"  The  total  fees  of  this  case  upon  one  single  informa- 
tion, demanded  by  Farewell  abovesaid,  amount  to  about 
a  hundred  and  one  pound  seventeen  shillings,  who  de- 
manded of  us  singly  about  sixteen  pound  nineteen  shil- 
lings sixpence,  the  cost  of- prosecution.  The  fines  added 
make  up  this,  viz.  two  hundred  eighty  and  six  pounds 

seventeen  shillings  money To  all  which  we  may 

add  a  large  account  of  other  fees  of  messengers,  prison- 
charges,  money  for  bonds  and  transcript  of  records,  ex- 
hausted by  those  ill  men  one  way  and  another,  to  the 
value  of  three  or  four  score  pounds,  besides  our  expense 
of  time  and  imprisonment. 

"We  judge  the  total  charge  for  one  case  and  trial, 
under  one  single  information,  involving  us  six  men  afore- 
said in  expense  of  time  and  moneys  of  us  and  our  re- 
lations for  our  necessary  succor  and  support,  to  amount 
to  more,  but  no  less,  than  four  hundred  pound  money."  ^ 

So  vigorous   a  course  of  proceeding  as   this,  was   de- 

1  Revolution  in  New  England  Justifiod,  &c.,  9  et  seq. 


Chap.  XIII.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS.  529 

cisive.  Unless  the  country  was  prepared  for  violent 
measures  of  redress,  submission  was  unavoidable.  Men 
who  possessed  the  confidence  of  their  fellow-citizens, 
and  were  fit  to  take  the  lead  in  public  movements,  could 
not  be  expected  to  persevere  in  a  course  of  opposition, 
at  once  fruitless  to  the  public,  and  ruinous  to  them- 
selves. The  towns  succumbed.  The  moneys  demanded 
by  the  Governor  and  his  Council  were  paid  agreeably  to 
assessments  made,  under  their  direction,  by  the  Sheriff 
and  three  Justices,^  in  cases  where  the  more  regular 
process  failed. 

The  other  principal  system  of  oppression  that  was 
entered  on  was  still  more  intolerable.  The  doctrine 
of  the  invalidity  of  existing  private  titles  to  land  was 
to  be  practically  asserted.  The  Governor  gave  Demand  of 
out  that  whoever  wished  to  have  his  title  con-  ^"'"■'^"'^• 
firmed  might  do  so  on  an  application  to  him  and  the 
payment  of  a  quitrent.^  The  kind  of  treatment  to 
which  a  proprietor  exposed  himself  by  neglect  of  this 
notice  may  be  shown  in  a  single  instance.  James  Eus- 
sell  and  others  were  joint  owners  of  a  piece  of  pasture 
land  in  Charlestown.     A  jDortion  of  it,  consisting  of  some 

1  Council  Record  for  September  23.  and  ground  in  Boston  "  for  two  shil- 
—  Dudley  Bradstreet,  of  Andover,  the  lings  and  sixpence  a  year;  and  to  Lieu- 
late  Governor's  son,  -was  committed  for  tenant-Colonel  Lydgett,  "the  farm  in 
"neglecting  and  refusing  to  discharge  Charlestown  called  Ten  Hills,  contain- 
his  duty  with  the  other  Commissioners  ing  nine  hundred  and  twenty  acres," 
in  examining,  completing,  and  return-  for  ten  shillings  a  year.  As  yet,  it  was 
ing  the  rates  and  assessments  of  the  not  judicious  to  demand  high  rents, 
town."  He  acknowledged  his  "  great  The  first  object  was  to  familiarize  the 
imprudence  and  folly,"  and  was  released  people  to  the  idea  that  the  King  was 
on  his  recognizance  for  £1,000.    (Ibid.,  sole  proprietor  and  landlord. 

for  September  30  and  October  5.)  In  September,  Andros  wrote  to  the 

2  The  first  references  to  this  process  Lords  of  the  Committee  that  Wharton, 
that  occur  in  the  Council  Record  Smith,  Brinley,  and  otliers  had  sub- 
are  in  the  entry  for  August  10.  On  mitted  to  him  their  claims  to  landed 
that  day,  the  Governor  in  Council  con-  property,  and  that  Wharton  had  taken 
firmed  to  the  Treasurer,  Usher,  "  a  out  a  new  lease.  And  he  prayed  the 
house  and  two  pieces  of  ground  in  Bos-  King's  permission  to  extend  this  meth- 
ton,"  for  an  annual  rent  of  two  shil-  od  of  proceeding.  (Colonial  Papers, 
lings ;  to  Henry  Mountford,  "  a  house  &c.) 

VOL.  III.  45 


530  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

hundred  and  fifty  acres,  was  given  by  the  Governor  to 
Colonel  Lydgett,  one  of  his  favorites,  and  a  member 
of  his  Council.  Eussell,  venturing  to  remonstrate  with 
warmth,  was  punished  by  a  Writ  of  Intrusion,  brought 
to  eject  him  from  a  farm,  of  which  he  was  sole  pro- 
prietor, in  the  same  town ;  and  "  to  stop  prosecution,  he 
was  forced  to  petition  for  a  patent,  he  having  a  tenant, 
who,  it  was  feared,  would  comply  in  anything  that  might 
have  been  to  his  prejudice,  and  so  his  land  would  have 
been  condemned  under  color  of  law,  and  given  away,  as 
well  as  his  pasturage  was,  without  law."  He  owned  an 
island  in  Casco  Bay.  A  person,  who  had  been  sent  by  the 
Governor  to  survey  it,  showed  Russell  the  plan  which 
had  been  made,  and  told  him  that,  if  he  wanted  a  patent 
for  it,  he  must  satisfy  the  Governor  with  ready  money ; 
otherwise  Mr.  Usher,  the  Treasurer,  was  to  have  it. 
The  price  demanded  in  this  instance  was  only  three 
pence  an  acre  for  six  hundred  and  fifty  acres.  But  in 
the  earliest  transactions  of  this  nature,  the  amount  of 
the  sum  extorted  was  not  the  main  consideration.  The 
material  thing  was  to  get  a  practical  recognition  of 
the  principle,  and  especially  to  tempt  or  frighten  the 
leading  men  into  compliance,  after  which  the  extortions 
might  proceed  without  limit.^ 

Many  of  the   towns  had  commons,  used  by  the   in- 
habitants for   the  pasturao;e   of  cattle.^      Often 

Seizure  of  ir  O 

commoQ       these   lands,  situate  near   the   centre   of  settle- 

lands. 

ments,  were  of  great  value.  By  the  Governor's 
orders,  portions  of  the  common  lands  of  Lynn,  Cambridge, 
and  other  towns,  were  enclosed,  and  given  to  some  of 
his  friends.^ 

Legal  transactions  were  rendered  more  and  more  griev- 

1"  Major  Smith  can  tell  them  that  lution   Justified,    21.)      But   this    was 

an    estate    not    worth    two    hundred  at  a  later  time, 

pounds   had   more   than   fifty   pounds  2  See  above,  p.  55. 

demanded  for  a  patent  for  it."    (Revo-  s  Revolution  Justified,  22. 


Chap.  XIII.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS.  53 1 

ously  burdensome  by  excessive  fees  and  bills  of  costs. 
West,  the  Deput}^  Secretary,  had  his  fortune  to  make 
out  of  the  people  after  reimbursing  himself  for  Extortion  of 
the  large  sum  for  which  he  farmed  his  office  excessive  fees. 
from  Randolph;  and  he  required  gratuities  from  the 
officers  of  the  courts,  which  they  in  turn  had  to  col- 
lect from  suitors  and  others,  alike  by  the  oppressive 
impositions  which  were  made  lawful,  and  by  such  in- 
directions as  it  was  always  easy  for  them  to  practise.-' 
Persons  especially  refractory  were  dealt  with  by  having 
their  cases  carried  out  of  the  county,  to  be  tried  by  a 
court  at  a  distance  from  their  homes.^  Meanwhile  the 
Council,  though  partly  composed  of  men  who  were  more 
or  less  desirous  of  protecting  their  fellow-citizens,  had 
become  merely  a  board  of  registry  of  the  edicts  of 
Andros  and  his  creatures.  These  better  men  were 
"  much  dissatisfied  and  discouraged."  The  Governor  "  did 
quickly  neglect  the  great  number  of  the  Council,  and 
chiefly  adhere  unto,  and  govern  by,  the  advice  Degradation  of 
of  a  few  others,  the  principal  of  them  strangers  "^^^  council. 
to  the  country,  without  estates  or  interests  therein  to 
oblige  them,  persons  of  known  and  declared  prejudices 
against  this  poor  people,  and  that  had  plainly  laid  their 
chiefest  designs  and  hopes  to  make  unreasonable  profit 

of  them The  debates  in  Council  were  not  so  free 

as  ought  to  have  been,  but  too  much  overruled,  and 
a  great  deal  of  harshness  continually  expressed  against 
persons  and  opinions  that  did  not  please."^  From  the 
first,  the  Governor  disregarded  the  Council's  advice. 
"There  was  never  any  fair  way  of  taking  and  counting 
the  number  of  the  Counsellors  consenting  and  dissent- 
ing, that  so  the  majority  might  be  known."  Motions 
for  delay,  with  a  view  to  deliberation,  "  were  ever  dis- 
acceptable,  and   entertained  with  no  little  displacency." 

1  Narrative   of  the   Proceedings  of        2  Ibid. 
Sir  Edmund  Andros,  &c.,  10.  3  Ibid.,  4. 


532  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

"After  a  little  while  there  were  no  set  times  appointed 
or  notice  given  for  the  making  of  laws,  that  so  the 
members  of  the  Council  might  attend  in  a  fuller  num- 
ber to   be   helpful  therein So   that  it  might  be 

too  truly  affirmed,  that  in  effect  four  or  five  persons,  and 
those  not  so  favorably  inclined  and  disposed  as  were 
to  be  wished  for,  had  the  rule  over  and  gave  law  to  a 
territory,  the  largest  and  most  considerable  of  any  be- 
longing to  the  dominion  of  the  crown." -^ 

So  passed  the  first  year  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros's  ad- 
ministration in  Massachusetts.  If  the  reader  asks  how 
it  was  possible  that  men  of  English  blood  should  bear 
such  rule,  let  him  turn  back  to  read  of  the  condition  of 
patriots  at  the  same  time  in  the  parent  country.  If  the 
great  English  people  stood  baffled  and  amaze'd,  and  all 
hope  of  successful  opposition  for  the  present  had  died 
out  of  the  hearts  of  men  that  had  shared  the  counsels 
of  Kussell  and  Sidney,  who  may  wonder  that  he  does 
not  see  poor  Massachusetts  in  an  attitude  for  desperate 
conflict  ? 

By  Andros's  commission,  the  "  Province  of  Maine  "  was 
comprehended  within  the  limits  of  his  government,  with 
an  extension  of  the  territory  which  the  name  of  3Iaine 
had  hitherto  denoted.  The  grant  of  American  lands, 
which  the  present  King,  when  Duke  of  York,  had  re- 
ceived from  his  brother,  included  a  district  on  the  eastern 
Proceedings  sldo  of  Kenncbec  River,  reaching  as  far  as  to 
ieriLTorthe  river  St.  Croix.  Andros,  while  Governor 
the  Duke  of    of  Ncw  York  for  the  Duke,  sent  thither  a  force 

1677.      to  take  possession,  and   erected  a  small  fortifi- 


York 


1  Ibid.,    6,    7.  —  "  The    Governor,  Rhode    Island    and    New   Plymouth," 

■with  five  or  six  more,  did  what  they  -wrote  Randolph  to  Povey  (May  21), 

would."    (Byfield,  Account  of  the  Late  "have   enough   of  coming    to    sit    in 

Revolution,  &c.,   16.)  —  By  the  com-  Council  eight  or  ten  days  at  a  time 

mission,  seven  members  made  a  Coun-  at  their  own  charge,   and  I  now   ex- 

cil,  and  a  majority  exercised  its  power,  pect  but  very  thin  appearance  for  the 

"  The    members    of  the    Council    for  future."      (Ilutch.  Coll.,  55.) 


Chap.  XIIL]     GOVERNMENT  OF  SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS.  533 

cation  on  the  island  of  Pemaquid,  establishing  there 
also  a  custom-house  and  a  factory  for  the  Indian  lesa. 
trade.^  When  Dongan  succeeded  Andros  at  New  ^"^^'• 
York,  he  was  not  long  unmindful  of  his  master's  Eastern 
Province,  still  called  the  County  of  Cornwall.  He  de- 
spatched two  commissioners  to  manage  its  affairs, 
the  same  John  Palmer^  and  John  West  who, 
as  has  been  related,  soon  after  became  unfavorably  con- 
spicuous in  Massachusetts.  Already  assuming  the  the- 
ory of  provincial  government  on  which  Andros  was 
presently  to  proceed  in  the  latter  Colony,  Palmer  and 
West  called  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Cornwall  to  buy, 
at  exorbitant  prices,  new  patents  for  their  lands,  at 
the  same  time  appropriating  large  tracts  to  themselves, 
and  to  English  partners  of  theirs  in  New  York.^  A  ves- 
sel from  Portsmouth,  going  with  a  cargo  of  wine  to  a  land- 
ing-place on  the  river  Penobscot,  on  the  supposition  of 
its  being  within  the  French  jurisdiction  as  defined  by  the 
treaty  of  Breda,  was  seized  on  her  return  by  Palmer 
and  West  for  not  having  paid  duties  at  Pemaquid,  —  a 
proceeding  regarded  in  Massachusetts  as  an  offensive 
interference  with  her  traffic  in  the  Eastern  country.* 

In  the  government  of  Andros,  two  Counsellors,  namely, 
Edward  Tyng,  of  Falmouth,  and  Bartholomew  Gedney, 


1  Belknap,  History  of  New  Ilamp-  arbitrary  as  the  Grand  Turk."  (Ran- 
shire,  I.  158.  dolph    to   Povey,  June    21,    1688,   in 

2  John  Palmer  was  a  man  of  capa-  Huteh.  Coll.,  564,  565.) 

city  and  knowledge.  After  Randolph,  4  Williamson,  History  of  Maine,  I. 
though  longo  intervallo,  Massachusetts  581-584;  Randolph  to  Blathwayt,  in 
had  not  a  more  troublesome  enemy  Hutch.  Coll.,  547,  548.  The  cargo 
than  he.  He  was  author  of  the  "  Im-  was  landed  near  Castine,  and  Palmer 
partial  Account,"  &c.,  from  which  I  seized  the  vessel,  as  having  been  en- 
have  quoted  above.    (See  p.  514.)  gaged  in  smuggling  it  into  the  Duke's 

3  "  Captain  Palmer  and  Mr.  AVest  Province.  The  French  Ambassador  in 
laid  out  for  themselves  large  lots;  and  London  made  a  stir  about  it.  (Colo- 
Mr.  Graham,  though  not  there,  had  a  nial  Papers,  &c.)  The  boundary  was 
child's  portion,  I  think   some  eight  or  disputed.    The  Duke  claimed  the  ter- 

ten  thousand  acres They  placed  ritory   to    the   river    St.    Croix  ;    the 

and  displaced  at  pleasure,  and  were  as  French,  to  the  Penobscot. 

45* 


534  HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND.  [Eook  III. 

of  Salem,  who  had  property  in  Maine,  represented  the 
consoKdated  Eastern  Province.  The  extortions,  which 
now  began  to  be  practised  in  Massachusetts  in  respect 
to  the  renewal  of  land-titles,  were  plied  in  Maine  with 
still  more  freedom  and  severity.  From  the  feeble  pop- 
ulation of  that  Province  less  resistance  was  to  be  ex- 
pected ;  and  the  example  there  presented  of  easy  success 
familiarized  the  people  of  the  stronger  Colony  to  the 
depredations  to  which  they  were  equally  exposed. 

Eobert  Mason -^  and  John  Hincks  represented  New 
Hampshire  in  the  Governor's  Council.  In  that  Prov- 
ince, discouraged  by  the  results  of  its  recent  turbulence, 
no  opposition  to  the  new  order  of  things  appears  to 
Proceedings  in  have  bccn  attempted.  Plymouth  also  yielded 
Plymouth.  with  scarcely  a  struggle,  though  not  without 
entreaty  and  complaint.  In  immediate  answer  to  the 
summons  of  the  Governor,  five  of  the  eight  persons 
belonging  to  that  Colony  who  had  been  named  as  Coun- 
sellors came  to  Boston,  and  took  their  seats  at  the  first 
meeting  of  the  board.  They  were  Thomas  Hinckley, 
lately  Governor,  and  William  Bradford,  lately  Deputy- 
Governor  of  the  Colony,  with  Barnaby  Lothrop,  John 
Walley,  and  Nathaniel  Clarke.^  Andros  had  not  the 
same  advantage  in  Plymouth  as  in  Massachusetts  for 
that  levy  of  a  tax  which  was  one  of  the  first  acts  of 
his  administration ;  for  in  Massachusetts,  but  not  in  the 
sister  Colony,  the  general  scheme  of  taxation  which 
he  adopted  was  but  the  revival  of  a  law  of  the  earlier 
government.  In  Plymouth,  as  in  Massachusetts,  some 
opposition  was  made  to  his  demand  for  money,  but  with 
similar  ill-success.      The   town   of  Taunton,  when   sum- 

1  Mason  and  Greene,  having  just  still  to  provide  by  taxation  "  a  com- 
come  togetbei-  from  England,  took  fortable  maintenance "  for  their  minis- 
their  seats  in  the  Council,  May  20  of  ters,  and  have  the  avails  of  the  mack- 
this  year.     (Council  Record.)  erel  fishery  "for  the  maintenance  of 

2  Hinckley  early  presented  a  peti-  grammar  schools."  (Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
lion  from  his  Colony  (February,  1687),  XXXV.  149.) 

praying  that  they  might  be  permitted 


Chap.  XIII.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS. 


535 


moned  to  assess  the  inhabitants,  repUed  that  they  did 
not  feel  "free  to  raise  money  on  the  inhabitants  without 
their  own  assent  by  an  assembly."'  For  transmitting 
this  reply,  Shadrach  Wilbur,  the  town-clerk,  was 

•1.1  n  f>  August  31 

"punished   with   a   fine   of  twenty   marks,   and 

three  months'  imprisonment,  and  bound  to  find  sureties 

by  recognizance  to  appear  the  next  court."  ^ 

The  Address  of  Ehode  Island  to  the  King,  praying  for 
the  continuance  of  the  privileges  granted  by 
his  brother,  but  submitting  everything  to  his 
discretion,^  had  had  the  effect  of  immediately  causing 
that  Colony  to  be  included  in  the  commission 
of  Andros.  He  was  instructed  at  the  same  time 
to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  charter,  which 
he   did    accordino-ly,  by  a  letter   to   Governor  Rto'ie  isiami 

,  ,   .  .        ,  -p,  to  the  gove-" 

Clarke,  on  the  third  day  after  his  arrival  at  Bos-  meutofAa 
ton.^    Rhode  Island  needed  no  compulsion ;  and, 


1686. 
June  -29. 


September  13. 

December  22. 

Annexation  of 
Rhode  Island 
to  the  govern- 


1  Council  Eecord ;  Revolution  Justi- 
fied, 14;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXVII. 
190.  —  After  the  Revolution,  Governor 
Hinckley  of  Plymouth  wrote  a  "  Nar- 
rative of  the  Grievances  and  Oppres- 
sions of  their  Majesties'  good  Subjects 
in  the  Colony  of  New  Plymouth  in 
New  England,  by  the  Illegal  and  Arbi- 
trary Actings  in  the  late  Government 
under  Sir  Edmund  Andros."  (Revo- 
lution Justified,  38.)  But  I  suppose  it 
was  never  printed.  June  28,  1687, 
in  a  letter  to  Blathwayt,  he  set  forth 
at  large,  and  in  exceedingly  affecting 
terms,  the  lamentable  condition  of  his 
Colony,  representing  the  gross  injustice 
of  applying  to  Plymouth,  in  its  totally 
different  circumstances,  a  system  of 
taxation  anciently  devised  by  the  Mas- 
sachusetts people  for  themselves ;  the 
exorbitancy  of  the  fees  exacted  by 
"  that  gentleman,  who  hath  farmed  the 
Secretary's  ofiice  of  Mr.  Randolph  " ; 
the  grievance  of  being  obliged  to  go 
to  Boston  for  the  probate  of  wills,  and 


access  to  the  Colonial  records ;  and  the 
affliction  of  an  interference  with  the 
laws  by  which  they  supported  the  in- 
stitutions of  religion.  He  signs  his 
letter  alone,  he  says,  "  thinking  it  not 
convenient  [that  is,  knowing  it  would 
not  be  safe]  to  assemble  any  company 
of  our  people  together  to  write  their 
names."  (Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXXV. 
153  -  162.)  The  Grand  Jury  of  Barn- 
stable County  ventured  to  prepare  an 
Address  to  the  King,  partly  to  the  same 
effect;  or  perhaps  Hinckley  prepared 
it  for  them ;  I  do  not  know  that  it  was 
ever  sent.  (Ibid.,  167.)  I  must  say 
the  same  of  an  Address  of  the  Colony 
to  the  King  in  October,  1687,  in  which 
Hinckley's  arguments  addressed  to 
Blathwayt  are  rehearsed  and  am- 
plified.    (Ibid.,  169-186.) 

2  See    above,   p.    505 ;    Mass.    Hist. 
Coll.,  XXVII.  162. 

3  R.  I.   Rec,  HI.  219;  Mass.   Hist. 
Coll.,  XXVII.  164. 


g36  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

of  the  seven  Counsellors  appointed  to  represent  her, — 

namely,  Walter  Clarke,  John  Coggeshall,  Richard  Arnold, 

"Walter  Newberry,  J©hn  Alborough,  John  Green,  and  John 

Sandford,  —  the  first-named  five  took  their  seats 

December  30.      .  t     ,     i  i      •  i  r^ 

nnmediately  on  bemg  summoned,  ureen  was 
in  England.  Sandford  probably  was  only  kept  away  by 
accident.^  Richard  Smith  was  subsequently  appointed 
ji  Counsellor  for  the  Narragansett  country,^  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  he  ever  acted  as  such. 

Rhode  Island  had  never  known  so  quiet  a  time,  as  now, 
for  a  little  while,  it  was  to  enjoy  under  the  government 
of  Andros.     It  made  no  opposition  to  his  measures,  and 
took  no  interest  in  determining  what  from  time  to  time 
they  should  be.     Rarely  does  a  member  of  the  Council 
from   this  Colony  appear  to  have  been  present  at  any 
meeting  after  the  first  novelty  was  over.     John  Green, 
in  England,  was  busying  himself  in  the  Governor's  inter- 
jgg7^       est.      He  "  acknowledged   his   Majesty's   grace 
January.      ^^^  favor  lu  scudiug  ovcr  his  Honor,  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros,"  and  solicited  an  enlargement  of  the  Gov- 
ernor's powers  in  respect  to  a  disposal  of  the  Narragan- 
sett lands.^     To  this  business  Andros  attended  with  his 
accustomed  assiduity,  and  with  his  usual  devotion  to  the 
objects  of  the  court.     A  memoir  which  he  sent 
to  England  embraced  a  full  and  clear  history 

1  Clarke,  ■when  he  took  his  seat  in  good  use  in  other  times,  it  remained 

the  Council,  told  Andros  that  he  had  undiscovered,  when,  towards  the  close 

the   charter   of  his   Colony,   and   was  of  the  year,  the  Governor's  interest  in 

ready  to  deliver  it  (see  above,  p.  518).  it  was  awakened.    At  Hartford,  he  had 

He  had  received  it  when  he  became  failed,  as  is  presently  to  be  related,  in 

Governor  (R.  I.  Rec.,  HI.  187,  188),  possessinghimself  of  the  charter  of  Con- 

and  it  was  still  in  his  hands  in  Febru-  necticut.     Returning  to  Boston  in  No- 

ary,   1691.    (Ibid.,  261.)     There  is  a  vember,  he  took  Newport  in  his  way, 

story   that   he   had   now   given   it   in  and  asked  for  the  charter.     But  it  was 

charge  to  his  brother,  to  be  hidden  in  not  forthcoming,  and  there  is  no  evi- 

some  place  known  only  to  himself  and  dence  of  his  having  urged  the  demand, 
to  the   last    Secretary    (Foster  MSS.         2  See  below,  p.  604. 
in  the  Collection  of  the  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc),         3  R.  I.  Rec,  HI.  221,  222. 
and  that  there,  destined  to  be  put  to 


Chap.  XIII.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDxMUND   ANDROS.  537 

of  claims,  public  and  private,  to  the  Narragansett  coun- 
try. He  condemned  the  pretension  of  the  Atherton  Com- 
pany, as  resting  upon  extortionate  dealings  with  the 
Indians ;  and  he  upheld  the  alleged  cession,  obtained  by 
Green  from  the  Indians,  as  vesting  in  the  King  a  good 
title  to  the  whole  of  the  territory ;  w^hich  title,  he  main- 
tained, had  never  since  been  alienated,  notwithstanding 
the  grants  in  the  charters  of  the  two  Colonies  between 
which  the  country  lay.^ 

Connecticut,  as  well  as  Rhode  Island,  was  prospectively 
included  in  Andros's  government,  though  it  was  not  as- 
sumed in  his  instructions  that  as  yet  Connecticut  had 
made  submission.^  On  the  day  that  he  sum-  ]6S6. 
moned  Ehode-Islanders  to  his  Council  he  sent  i>e<=ember  22. 
an  express  messenger  to  Hartford  with  a  letter  to  Gov- 
ernor Treat.  "I  am,"  he  wrote,  "commanded  pretensions  of 
and  authorized  by  his  Maiesty,  at  my  arrival  in  Andiosinre- 

•/  o         J  ^  J  spect  to  Con- 

these  parts,  to  receive  in  his  name  the  surren-  necticut. 
der  of  your  charter,  if  tendered  by  you,  and  to  take  you 
into  my  present  care  and  charge,  as  other  parts  of  the 
government,  assuring  his  Majesty's  good  subjects  of  his 
countenance  and  protection  in  all  things  relating  to  his 
service  and  their  welfare."  ^  By  the  same  conveyance  a 
letter  was  despatched  from  Randolph,  informing  the  dila- 
tory Colony  that  yet  another  writ  of  quo  ivarranto  had 
been  issued,  and  explaining,  in  discourteous  terms,  that 
it  would  be  prudent  to  conciliate  the  royal  favor  by  a 
prompt  compliance  with  Andros's  demand.* 

Governor  Treat,  who,  meanwhile,  had  hastened       igg:. 
to  congratulate  Sir  Edmund  on  his  arrival,^  now    J^™'"^  ''• 
convoked  the  General  Court,  which,  rather  than 
take  action  of  its  own  on  a  matter  of  such  deli- 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  4  Conn.  Rec,  III.  375. 

2  R.  I.  Rec,  in.  218.  5  Colonial  Papers,  &c. 

3  Conn.  Rec.,  III.  376  ;   Mass.  Hist. 

Coll.,  XXVn.  165.  * 


538  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

cacy,  passed  a  vote  to  "  leave  it  with  the  Governor  and 
Council  to  take  care  to  do  what  was  requisite  to  be  done 

in  reference  to  affairs  in  England  and  the  last  quo 

warranto."^  Under  the  instructions  of  the  Court,  however, 
an  answer  was  prepared  to  the  message  of  Andros,  and  a 
letter  to  Lord  Sunderland,  Secretary  of  State. 

In  the  latter  paper,  the  Court  recited  the  steps  which 
Reluctance  of  thej  liad  takcu  in  respect  to  the  legal  proceed- 
connecticut.  -j^gg  j^^  Euglaud  agalust  their  charter,  and  con- 
cluded with  language  which  the  government  there  saw  fit 
to  interpret  as  a  voluntary  surrender.  "  We  are  his  Majes- 
ty's loyal  subjects,"  they  wrote,  "  and  we  are  heartily  de- 
sirous that  we  may  continue  in  the  sarne  station  that  we 
are  in,  if  it  may  consist  with  his  princely  wisdom  to  con- 
tinue us  so.  But,  if  his  Majesty's  royal  purposes  be  oth- 
erwise to  dispose  of  us,  we  shall,  as  in  duty  bound,  submit 
to  his  royal  commands ;  and  if  it  be  to  conjoin  us  with 
the  other  Colonies  and  Provinces  under  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dros, his  Majesty's  present  Governor,  it  will  be  more 
pleasing  than  to  be  joined  with  any  other  Province."^ 

In  reply  to  the  letter  to  himself,  in  which  Treat  had 

said  for  his  Colony,  "  We  are  well  content  to  remain  as 

we  are,  and  to  make  no  alteration  in  our  present  stand- 

ino- "  ^  Andros  wrote  to  him,  in  the  name  of  his 

February  25.  ° 

Council,  remonstratmg  agamst  any  further  de- 
lay.    It  "  hazarded,"  he  said,  "  the  advanta  o-es 

February  28.         •,  •     ^ 

that  might  be  to  the  Colony,"  and  made  him 
incapable  to  serve  it  as  he  would,  but  occasioned  the 
contrary.*  The  correspondence  continued  through  the 
spring  and  into  the  summer,  with  iterations  of  the  same 

1  Conn.  Rec.  III.  226.  backwardness  of  our  Court's  compli- 

2  Ibid.,  377.  ance,  though  it  may  seem  strange,  yet 

3  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  —  Treat  was  I  hope,  through  your  great  wisdom  and 
at  this  time  conducting  a  correspond-  clemency,  you  will  give  favorable  con- 
ence  of  his  own  with  Andros.     Under  structions  thereof."     (Ibid.) 

the  same  date  as  that  of  his  public  let-        4  Conn.  Rec,  III.  379. 
ter,  he  wrote :  "  The  present  seeming 


Chap.  XIII.]    GOVERNMENT  OF  SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS.  539 

topics.^  It  was  conducted  in  a  civil  tone  on  both  sides, 
but  the  passive  position  of  Connecticut  was  not  shaken. 
The  General  Court  met  four  times,  but  transacted  very 
little  business,  or,  at  all  events,  put  very  little  on  their 
records,  in  relation  to  the  subject  which  must  have 
weighed  most  heavily  on  their  minds.  "They  did  not 
see  sufficient  reason  to  vary  from  the  answer 

.  ";  .  March  30 

they  gave  to  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  to  a  motion 
of  a  surrender."  ^     They  "  left  it  with  the  hon- 
ored Governor  or  Deputy-Governor,  and  so  many 
of  the  Assistants  as  might  make  up  seven  with  the  Gov- 
ernor or  Deputy-Governor,  to  be  a  Council  to  act  and 
ti'ansact  all  such  emergent  occasions  and  affairs  as  should 
fall  in,  in  the  intervals  of  the  General  Court "  ;  ^  and  they 
held  their  annual  election  of  Colony  officers  as  usual. 
Mr.  Whiting,  their  agent  in  England,  was  doing  his  best 
for  their  service.     It  was  with  little  hope  of  effecting 
anything,  as   he   constantly  informed   them ;  *   but  suc- 
cessive accidents  favored  his  perseverance,  and      juaeii. 
the  legal  proceedings  against  the  Colony  were      ^u-LVq 
never  brought  to  an  issue.  September  21. 

Meanwhile  every  exertion  was  made  by  Andros  and 
his  instruments  to  influence  the  leading  men  of  latngueaiQ 
Connecticut  to   a  voluntary  surrender  of  the  Connecticut. 
charter.     Palmer  and  Graham  visited  some  of  the  princi- 
pal towns.     From  New  Haven  they  wrote  to 

^  Mav  5 

Andros  that  at  Fairfield  they  had  "  fully  dis- 
coursed Major  Gold,  then  Deputy,  and  several  other 
people,  concerning  a  surrender  unto  his  Majesty,  and  the 
great  advantages  that  would  accrue  to  them  thereby."  ^ 
They  had  had  similar  conferences  at  Milford  and  at  New 
Haven,  and  "  found  all  united  in  one  mind  that  it  was 

1  Conn.  Rec,  HI.  380  -  383.  6  Nathan  Gold,  of  Fairfield,  had  for 

2  Ibid.,  227.  many  years  been  an  important  man  in 

3  Ibid.,  232.  the  Colony. 

4  E)id.,  237,  384-386. 


540  HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

their  only  interest  to  be  joined  to  York,  and  they  did 
expect  that  his  Majesty  would  accordingly  dispose  of 
them  that  way  ;  but  they  were  so  foolishly  fond  of  their 
charter,  that  they  unanimously  agreed  to  be  passive  and 
not  active  in  the  case  ;  that  is,  they  would  never  surren- 
der, but,  if  it  were  his  Majesty's  pleasure  to  take  their 
charter  from  them,  they  would  submit  thereto.  The 
Governor,"  they  continued,  "gives  your  Excellency  his 
service,  and  proves,  with  the  rest  of  the  Council  here, 
very  zealous  for  his  Majesty's  service,  and  promoting 
your  Excellency's  proposals.  The  Council  have  already, 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  Deputy  [Deputy-Governor 
Bishop],  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  State  concerning  the 
whole  matter,  and  have  surrendered  their  interest  unto 
his  Majesty's  pleasure,  and  informed  that  the  obstruction 
of  the  rest  remains  with  the  Deputy,  which  they  cannot 
compose ;  so  that,  on  the  whole,  we  believe  that  his 
Majesty  will  be  constrained  to  proceed  to  a  judgment 
against  them ;  so  that  it  will  be  your  Excellency's  inter- 
est to  make  court  at  home  for  accomplishing  the  matter, 
their  agent  having,  in  his  last,  informed  them  that  it  was 
the  discourse  at  Whitehall,  that  all  to  the  westward  of 
Connecticut  will  be  joined  to  New  York.  The  rest  is 
not  worth  desiring.  We  are  afraid  their  agent,  for  his 
own  private  gains,  is  a  great  cause  of  their  stubbornness."^ 

1  Colonial  Papers,  &c. —  Treat  wrote  nexed    to    such    government    as    his 

to  Dongan  (May  12)  his  own  account  Majesty  shall  see  fit;  for  a  dividing  of 

of  these  conferences.    He  said  that,  in  it  will  be  very  prejudicial."     (Ibid.)  — 

the  presence  of  Palmer  and  Graham,  Randolph  anticipated  with  confidence 

he  had  communicated  to  his  General  the  catastrophe  that  was  soon  to  come. 

Court  a  letter  received  by  him  from  As  early  as  August  9,  he  petitioned 

Dongan.     "We  do  not  see  it  in  our  the  King  for  an  appointment  as  Secre- 

way  at  present,"  he  continued,  "  to  be  tary  of  all  New  England,  to  correspond 

active  in  any  change  ;  but  as  the  mat-  to  Andros's   commission  as    Governor 

ter  is  in  his  Majesty's   hands,  so  we  of  all  that  country.     He    pleaded  his 

leave  It  there."     If  a  new  disposition  twelve    years    "  management    of   his 

was  to  be  made,  "  we  do  earnestly  re-  Majesty's  public  affairs  in  New  Eng- 

quest,"  he  says,  "  that  our  whole  Col-  land,"  and,  referring  to  his  orders  to 

ony  or  Province  may  together  be  an-  reduce  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut, 


Chap.  XIIL]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS. 


541 


It  is  probable  that  this  information  concerning  the 
supineness  and  want  of  concert  in  Connecticut,  and  fur- 
ther information  of  the  same  sort  which  may  have  fol- 
lowed, determined  Andros,  after  due  reflection,  to  settle 
the  pending  question  by  a  stroJce  of  state.  The  time 
seemed  favorable  to  such  a  movement;  for,  by  the  suc- 
cesses of  the  summer,  opposition  in  Massachusetts  was 
for  the  present  silenced,  if  not  overcome.  The  collection 
of  taxes  levied  by  a  despotic  authority  had  been  enforced, 
and  the  system  of  making  all  proprietors  pay  rent  to  the 
King  for  their  lands  and  houses,  as  his  tenants,  had  been 
hopefully  inaugurated.  Taking  advantage  of  this  repose, 
the  Governor  obtained  the  advice  of  his  Council 
to  proceed  to  Connecticut,  in  order  to  assume 
the  government  there,  "  with  such  of  the  Council,  or  other 


October  22. 


said,  "  which  your  petitioner  has  so 
effectually  performed  that  the  whole 
plantation  of  New  England,  having 
for  nigh  sixty  years  been  divided  into 
many  petty  governments,  is  now 
united,  and  a  large  and  advantageous 
dominion  added  thereby  to  your  Majes- 
ty's imperial  crown."  (Ibid.)  Dongan 
communicated  his  views  to  Lord  Sun- 
derland in  a  letter  of  May  27.  Palmer 
and  Graham  had  told  him  that  the 
Assembly  of  Connecticut  had  been 
prevailed  on  by  them  to  write  him  a 
letter,  "  wherein,"  he  says,  "  they  signi- 
fied their  submission,  and  requested  of 
me  to  get  them  firmly  annexed  to  this 
government,  and  the  same  ready  to  be 
signed,  having  the  unanimous  appro- 
bation of  the  whole.  But  before  that 
could  be  done,  some  of  their  clergy 
came  among  them  and  quite  overthrew 
all  they  had  done,  telling  them  that,  to 
whatever  government  they  should  be 
joined,  it  would  be  a  grievous  afilic- 
tion  ;  which,  however,  if  they  received 
as  they  ought,  might  be  sanctified  to 
them  and  turn  to  their  advantage, 
VOL.  III.  46 


which  would  be  by  being  nowise  ac- 
tive themselves ;  for,  should  they,  they 
might  then  justly  expect  utter  desola- 
tion. With  these  and  such  like  con- 
trary expressions,  the  Assembly  was 
wrought  upon  to  let  sending  that  letter 

alone I  am,  my  Lord,  informed, 

by  the  by,  from  some  of  their  Council, 
that  they  will  not  submit  till  their 
charter  be  made  void."  (Ibid.)  Not 
succeeding  as  he  desired  with  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Connecticut,  Dongan  (Octo- 
ber 4)  addressed  himself  directly  to  the 
General  Court.  "  As  for  j'our  Gov- 
ernor," he  said,  "he  is  an  easy,' good- 
natured  gentleman,  and  I  believe  has 
been  imposed  upon  ;  but  what  inter- 
est has  governed  Mr.  Allyn,  he  knows 
best.  [Nobody  ever  supposed  Allyn 
to  be  imposed  upon.]  But  if  he  con- 
siders the  good  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
the  situation  of  both  governments,  he 
cannot  but  be  of  another  opinion  ;  for 
if  that  [Connecticut]  should  happen 
not  to  be  joined  to  this  [New  York], 
we  must  prove  very  uneasy  to  you." 
(Conn.  Rec,  IIL  387.) 


542  HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

persons,  guards,  and  attendance,  as  he  should  think  fit."  ^ 
On  the  same  day,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Treat,  that, 
"  pursuant  to  effectual  orders  and  commands  from  his 
Majesty,"  he  was  presently  to  set  out  on  that  journey.^ 

He  executed  his  purpose  so  promptly,  that  he  must 

have  reached  Hartford  almost  as  soon  as  his  letter.     He 

was  attended  from  Boston  by  "  a  company  of  gentlemen 

and   grenadiers,  to  the  number  of  sixty  or  upwards."^ 

Some   hasty  arrangements  were   made   for  his 

Visit  of  Andros  •^  "-' 

to  Connecticut,  rcccption.     At  Wethersfield,  where  he  crossed 
a  ferry,  he  was  met  by  a  troop  of  horse,  who 
escorted  him  to  Hartford.     There  he  found  "  the  train- 
bands of  divers  towns united  to  pay  him  their 

respects."  According  to  a  friendly  report,  "  he  was 
greeted  and  caressed  by  the  Governor  and  Assistants," 
and  there  was  "  some  treaty  between  his  Excellency  and 
them  that  evening."  * 

Tradition  has  preserved  the  memory  of  a  striking  inci- 
dent of  that  evening's  conference.     It  relates  that,  while 
a  discussion  was  proceeding  in  the  presence  of  a  numer- 
ous company,  the   charter  of  the   Colony  was 

Concealment  i  •  •  -t  r\ 

of  the  Colonial  brought  lu  aud  laid  upon  a  table.  Suddenly 
the  lights  were  extinguished,  and  when  they 
were  rekindled,  the  charter  had  disappeared.  Captain 
Wadsworth  had  taken  it  away,  and  secreted  it  in  the  hol- 
low trunk  of  a  tree  which  stood  hard  by,  in  the  grounds 
of  Samuel  Wyllys,  a  magistrate.^ 

1  Council  Records.           .  (History  of  Connecticut,  I.  371.)     In 

2  Conn.  Rec,  III.  387.  reply   to   my   application    to    Mr.   J, 

3  Sewall's  Diary.  Hammond  Trumbull  for  information 
*  Bulkeley,  Will  and  Doom.  concerning  the  authority  for  it,  that 
6  The    tree,    thenceforward  called     gentleman   informs  me  that  the  histo- 

The   Charter    Oak,   remained    un-  rian  may  probably  have  had  it  from 

injured  for  nearly  a  hundred  and  scv-  George  Wyllys,  Secretary  of  the  Col- 

enty  years  longer,  at  the  end  of  which  ony,  with  whom,  while  employed  upon 

time  it  was  prostrated  in  a  gale  of  wind,  his  book,  he  was  in   constant  commu- 

August  20,  1856.  nication.     George  Wyllys  was  son'  of 

The  story  is  told  by  Dr.  Trumbull.  Hezekiah,  also  Colonial  Secretary,  who 


Chap.  XIII.]     GOVERNMENT  OF   SIR   EDMUND   ANDROS. 


643 


No  writing  of  the  period  alludes  to  this  remarkable 
occurrence.  What  is  recorded,  on  good  authority,  is, 
that,  on  the  morning  after  Sir  Edmund's  arrival 

,  Annexation  of 

at  Hartford,^  he  was  "  waited  on  and  conducted  Connecticut. 
by  the  Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  Assistants, 


November  1. 


was  son  of  Samuel,  an  Assistant 
before  and  after  Andros's  assumption 
of  the  government  of  Connecticut. 
The  Charter  Oak  stood  on  the  Wyllys 
homestead.  Both  from  their  official 
station,  and  from  the  scene  of  the  al- 
leged transaction,  the  Wyllyses  should 
have  been  well  informed  about  the 
story. 

It  derives  some  confirmation  from  a 
proceeding  of  the  General  Court  many 
years  afterwards.  In  May,  1715,  the 
Court  granted  "  the  sum  of  twenty 
shillings "  to  Captain  Joseph  Wads- 
worth  of  Hartford,  "  upon  considera- 
tion of  faithful  and  good  service,  .... 
especially  in  securing  the  duplicate 
charter,  in  a  very  troublesome  season, 
when  our  constitution  was  struck  at, 
and  in  safely  keeping  and  preserving 
the  same  ever  since  unto  this  day." 
(MS.  Conn.  Rec.) 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  observable 
that  neither  the  Council  Records,  nor 
Bulkeley,  in  the  "  Will  and  Doom,"  nor 
Andros,  in  his  report  (November  28) 
to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  (Colo- 
nial Papers,  &c.)  of  the  proceedings  at 
this  time,  nor  Randolph,  in  any  one  of 
his  writings  that  remain,  has  any  refer- 
ence to  the  transaction.  It  is  known, 
however,  that  there  were  duplicates 
of  the  charter  at  Hartford ;  and  it  is 
supposable  that,  while  one  of  them 
was  disposed  of  as  alleged,  Andros, 
'  having  obtained  possession  of  the  oth- 
er, did  not  know  that  anything  was 
missing. 

According  to  Dr.  Stiles  (MS.  Itin- 
erary, in  the  Library  of  Yale  College, 
II.  105),  Governor  Roger  Wolcott, 
when  eighty-seven  years  old,  gave  him, 


in  1764,  another  version  of  the  story. 
AVolcott  told  him  that  "  Nathaniel 
Stanley  ....  took  one  of  the  Con- 
necticut charters,  and  Mr.  Talcot,  the 
late  Governor  Talcot's  father,  took  the 
other  [the  duplicate]  from  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros,  in  Hartford  meeting- 
house, —  the  lamps  blown  out." 

The  last  that  is  known  of  the  cus- 
tody of  the  charter  before  Andros's 
visit  is  learned  from  the  following 
entry  in  the  Colony  Records,  under 
the  date  of  the  next  preceding  June 
15.  "Sundry  of  the  Court  desiring 
that  the  patent  or  charter  might  be 
brought  into  the  Court,  the  Secretary 
sent  for  it,  and  informed  the  Governor 
and  Court  that  he  had  the  charter,  and' 
showed  it  to  the  Court ;  and  the  Gov- 
ernor bid  him  put  it  into  the  box  again, 
and  lay  it  on  the  table,  and  leave  the 
key  in  the  box,  which  he  did  forth- 
with."    (Conn.  Rec,  III.  238.) 

One  of  the  duplicates  is  now  in  the 
office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  State  of 
Connecticut.  A  part  of  the  other  is 
in  the  Hartford  Historical  Society's 
collection,  having  been  obtained  from 
a  tailor,  to  whom  it  had  been  given  or 
sold,  after  having  been  for  perhaps 
three  generations  in  the  possession  of 
the  Wyllys  family. 

1  He  held  a  Council  on  this  day. 
The  Counsellors  who  were  present, 
having  accompanied  him  from  Boston, 
were  Stoughton,  Mason,  Fitz  John 
Winthrop,  Usher,  Pynchon,  Gedney, 
and  Edward  Tyng.  First,  Treat  and 
Allyn  alone  were  summoned  to  at- 
tend upon  Sir  Edmund.  Then  the 
Governor  and  Magistrates  were  sent 
for,  and  desired  to  "  bring  with  them 


-     544  HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND.  [Book  IH. 

and  Deputies,  to  the  Court  chamber,  and  by  the  Gov- 
ernor himself  conducted  to  the  Governor's  seat ;  and 
being  there  seated,  (the  late  Governor,  Assistants,  and 
Deputies  being  present,  and  the  chamber  thronged  as  full 
of  people  as  it  was  capable  of,)  his  Excellency  declared 
that  his  Majesty  had,  according  to  their  desire,  given  him 
a  commission  to  come  and  take  on  him  the  government 
of  Connecticut,  and  caused  his  commission  to  be  publicly 
read.  That  being  done,  his  Excellency  showed  that  it 
was  his  Majesty's  pleasure  to  make  the  late  Governor 
and  Captain  John  Allyn  members  of  his  Council,  and 
called  upon  them  to  take  their  oaths,  which  they  did 
forthwith  ;  and  all  this  in  that  great  and  public  assembly, 
nemine  contradicente,  only  one  man  said  that  they  first  de- 
sired that  they  might  continue  as  they  were The 

Secretary,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  all  the  trans- 
actions of  the  General  Court,  and  very  well  understood 
their  meaning  and  intent  in  all,  delivered  their  common 
seal  to  Sir  Edmund  Andros."  ^ 

such  persons  as  they  should  think  fit  from  England.  (Journals  of  the  Privy 
to  hear  his  Majesty's  commands."  Ac-  Council,  for  June  18.) 
cordingly,  "before  noon  attending  on  ^  Bulkeley  in  "Will  and  Doom."  — 
his  Excellency  at  his  lodging,  they  all  Gershom  Bulkeley  was  only  one  of 
together  went  thence  to  the  public  the  compilers  of  this  tract ;  he  shared 
Court-house,  where  his  Excellency  its  authorship  with  Edward  Pahiies  and 
publicly  signified  the  occasion  of  his  William  Rosewell.  All  three  were 
coming,  and  commanded  his  Majesty's  justices  under  Andros.  Palmes  mar- 
letters  patent  for  the  government  of  ried  a  daughter  of  the  second  John 
New  England,  and  his  Majesty's  orders  Winthrop.  Bulkeley  was  a  son  of  th^ 
to  his  Excellency  for  annexing  the  Reverend  Peter  Bulkeley,  of  Concord, 
said  Colony  to  his  dominion  of  New  Massachusetts,  and  a  brother  of  Peter 
England,  and  to  take  the  same  under  Bulkeley,  the  messenger  of  Massachu- 
his  government,  to  be  publicly  read,  setts  to  England.  In  early  manhood, 
which  was  done  accordingly."  After  he  was  the  minister  of  New  London, 
which  the  Governor  declared  that  the  and  afterwards  of  Wethersfield.  When 
charter  government  "  and  General  about  forty  years  of  age,  he  withdrew 
Court  of  that  Colony  were  dissolved,  from  the  sacred  profession,  and  took 
and  the  said  Colony  annexed  to  the  to  the  practice  of  medicine.  He  was 
Dominion  of  New  England  accord-  always  a  discontented  and  troublesome 
ingly."  Treat  and  Allyn  were  then  person,  and  what  he  has  written  re- 
sworn in  as  members  of  the  Council  specting  these  times  is  to  be  read  with 
(Council  Records),  agreeably  to  orders  large  allowance  for  his  being  a  bigoted 


Chap.  XIIL]     GOVERNMENT   OF  SIR   EDMUND    ANDROS.  545 

The  more  brief  public  record  of  "A  General  Court, 

held by  order  of  the  Governor,"  merely  contains 

a  list  of  the  Magistrates  and  Deputies  present,  with  the 
words :  — 

"  His  Excellency  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Knight,  Captain- 
General  and  Governor  of  his  Majesty's  Territory  and  Do- 
minion in  New  England,  by  order  from  his  Majesty,  King 
of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  the  31st  of  October, 
1687,  took  into  his  hands  the  government  of  this  Colony 
of  Connecticut,  it  being  by  his  Majesty  annexed  to  the 
Massachusetts  and  other  Colonies  under  his  Excellency's 
government. 

Finis."  ^ 

The  separate  history  of  Connecticut  was  closed  for  the 
present.  Connecticut  was  the  last  of  the  New  England 
Colonies  to  fall.  New  England  was  consolidated  under 
one  despotism. 

partisan  of  Andros.     He  was  never  a  cut  has  been   commonly   ascribed   to 

-freeman  of  Connecticut.     The  "  Will  Andros,  perhaps  on  the  authority  of 

and   Doom"  was   not   printed.      The  a   manuscript   of    Governor    Wolcott. 

original   manuscript    is   in    the    State  (Holmes,  Annals,  I.  421.)     But,  with- 

Paper    Office    at    London,    and    the  out  question,  the  whole  record  of  the 

Connecticut  Historical   Society  has  a  last    General     Court,     including    the 

copy.    Dr.  O'Callaghan  (in  Documents,  closing   word,   is    in   the   handwriting 

&c.,  HI.  849  et  seq. ;  comp.   72;    IV.  of  Secretary  Allyn. — In  Allyn's  mer- 

1062)    and   Mr.  J.   Hammond  Trum-  curial  character  there  was  a  vein  of 

bull  (Conn.  Rec,  HI.  389  -391,  455-  sentiment ;  and  one  may  imagine  that, 

460)    have    printed    copious    extracts  political  manager  as  he   had  been,  it 

from  it.  was  not  without  tears  that  he  set  down 

1  Conn.  Rec,  HI.  248 —  This  dra-  those  parting  words. 
matic  Jinale  of  the  history  of  Connecti- 


46* 


CHAPTER   XIV. 


Sir  Edmund  remained  in  Connecticut  long  enough  to 
arrange  its  government  for  the  future.  From  Hartford 
he  proceeded  to  New  Haven,  Fairfield,  and  New  London, 
establishing  courts  of  judicature  and  appointing  sheriffs 
in  each  of  the  counties,  commissioning  all  persons  who 
had  filled  the  office  of  Assistant  to  be  Justices  of  the 
Peace,^  and  instituting  military  officers  in  each  town,  and 
revenue  officers  in  the  several  seaports.^  As  he  trav- 
ersed the  Colony,  making  these  arrangements,  he  is 
said  to  have  been  "  everywhere  cheerfully  and  gratefully 

The  Governor's    rCCeiVeCl. 

return  to  Mas-        jj^  Massachusctts  no  such  welcome  awaited 

sachusetts. 

1687.  him.  At  the  first  Council  held  after  his  return,* 
Novl^berig!   a  complalut  was  made  against  Mr.  Morton,  min- 


1  He  was  at  New  Haven,  Novem- 
ber 7,  on  which  day  he  signed  there 
Treat's  commission  as  Colonel  of  the 
militia  of  New  Haven  County.  (Conn. 
Rec,  HI.  392.) 

2  Council  Records. 

3  Bulkeley,  Will  and  Doom,  in  Conn. 
Rec.,  m.  390. 

*  At  this  session  of  the  Council,  leave 
was  given  to  the  "  French  congrega- 
tion "  to  occupy  the  Latin  School-house 
in  Boston  for  their  Sunday  worship. 
This  congregation  consisted  of  a  few 
Huguenot  families  who  had  come  over 
from  France  after  the  revocation  of 
the  Edict  of  Nantes,  which  took  place 
in  October,  1685.  (See  above,  p.  323.) 
They  arrived,  I  suppose,  in  the  follow- 
ing summer ;  for  the  record  of  Dudley's 


Council  for  July  12,  1686,  records 
their  being  permitted  to  reside  in  Mas- 
sachusetts on  taking  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance. In  the  next  month  (August  5) 
the  Council  issued  a  brief  for  a  contri- 
bution for  their  benefit  in  the  churches. 
(Council  Records;  comp.  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.,  VI.  265.)  There  were  fifteen 
families,  numbering  "  in  all,  men, 
women,  and  children,  more  than  four- 
score souls By  their  long  pas- 
sage at  sea,  their  doctor  and  twelve  men 
were  dead."  (Council  Records.)  All, 
or  most  of  them,  soon  left  Boston  to- 
gether to  establish  themselves  on  part 
of  a  tract  of  land,  which,  in  1682,  had 
been  granted  by  the  General  Court  to 
Dudley  and  Stoughton  (Mass.  Rec,  Y. 
343,  comp.  488),  and  which  afterwards 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR   EDMUND   ANDROS. 


547 


ister  of  Charlestown,  for  preaching  a  sermon  "containing 
several  seditious  expressions."  Morton  was  bound  over 
to  take  his  trial  at  the  first  session  of  the  Superior  Court, 
and  to  keep  the  peace  meanwhile.^ 


became  the  town  of  Oxford.  With 
reference,  I  suppose,  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Huguenot  immigrants 
there,  the  tract  was  confirmed  to  Dud- 
ley and  his  partners,  December  19, 
1687.  (Council  Records.)  Accord- 
ing to  the  town  records  the  proprietors 
brought  thither  "  over  thirty  French 
families."  In  1696,  the  settlement  was 
broken  up  by  the  Indians,  and  the  fugi- 
tives came  down  to  Boston,  where  their 
descendants  continued  to  constitute  a 
separate  religious  society  for  about  fifty 
years.  (Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  III.  29,  30 ; 
XXII.  1-83.) 

1  Council  Records.  Charles  Mor- 
ton, born  in  England  in  1626,  became 
a  fellow  in  the  University  of  Oxford, 
and  a  clergyman  of  the  Established 
Church.  He  turned  Independent,  and 
under  the  Act  of  Uniformity  was  ex- 
pelled from  his  living.  Having  a  high 
reputation  for  scholarship,  he  set  up  a 
school  at  Newington  Green,  near  Lon- 
don. Here  Daniel  Defoe,  who  com- 
mends him  in  high  terms,  was  one 
of  his  pupils.  (Wilson,  Memoirs  of  the 
Life  and  Times  of  Daniel  Defoe,  &c., 
L  19  -  26.)'  After  the  death  of  Rogers, 
President  of  Harvard  College,  the  eyes 
of  many  friends  of  that  institution  were 
turned  to  Morton  as  his  successor.  It 
was,  no  doubt,  with  the  expectation 
of  receiving  that  appointment,  that 
he  came  out  to  New  England  in  the 
summer  of  1686.  (Letter  of  Morton 
to  Increase  Mather,  of  October  10, 
1685,  in  the  Prince  Collection  of  MSS. 
belonging  to  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  p. 
59.)  Dudley  was  now  in  power  ;  other 
arrangements  had  been  made  for  the 
College  ;  and  Morton  accepted  the 
charge    of   the    Charlestown    church. 


(Randolph  to  the  Lords  of  the  Com- 
mittee, in  Hutch.  Coll.,  545  ;  Randolph 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Ibid., 
551.)  On  that  occasion  he  was  in- 
stalled, or,  in  his  own  phrase,  "  in- 
ducted," instead  of  being  ordained,  — 
a  step  which  was  regarded  by  strict 
Congregationalists  with  dislike,  as  inti- 
mating that  the  clerical  character  was 
indefeasible,  and  still  adhered  to  him 
after  he  had  left  his  former  congrega- 
tion. (Judge  Sewall's  Diary,  Novem- 
ber 5, 1686  ;  see  above.  Vol.  H.  p.  39.) 

The  complaint  against  ]\Iorton, 
"sworn  to  by  Mr.  Thomas  Clark  in 
Council,"  was  that  "  about  the  end 
of  September"  (Council  Records)  he 
had  told  his  Charlestown  congregation 

"  that   persecution was   come 

amongst  us  and  settled  amongst  us ; 
but  he  bid  them  have  courage ;  he 
hoped  it  would  not  last  long.  Then 
he  told  them,  that,  although  the  rulers 
of  Jerusalem  were  unjustly  set  aside, 
they  should  not  be  cast  down  at  it. 
for  it  would  not  last  long."  (Colonial 
Papers,  &c.) 

Though  Morton's  alleged  offence  was 
committed  in  Middlesex  County,  he 
was  taken  before  a  court  held  in  Suf- 
folk to  be  tried ;  Farwell,  the  prose- 
cuting officer,  expressing  the  opinion 
that  "  there  were  not  honest  men^ 
enough  in  Middlesex  to  make  a  jury 
to  serve  their  turn."  (Revolution  Jus- 
tified, 22.)  It  was  also  affirmed  that 
the  jury  was  packed,  one  of  the  pan- 
el, an  enemy  to  the  accused,  being 
brought  from  a  place  two  hundred 
miles  distant,  and  another  not  being 
a  householder.  Morton  was  acquitted, 
but  the  process  had  been  expensive 
and  vexatious  to  him. 


548 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


At  Boston,  Andros  appears  to  have  received  the  King's 
Reception  of  Dcckration  of  Indulgence,  brought  thither  dur- 
the  royal  Dec-    ^^„  j^jg  abscnce.     Hc  thereuDou  issued  orders 

laration  of  In-  ^^  ^  '■ 

duigence.  for  a  general  thanksgiving  throughout  his  gov- 
ernment, "for  his  Majesty's  health,  and  his  many  royal 
favors  bestowed  on  his  subjects  here."  -^  In  New  Eng- 
land, as  in  the  parent  country,  the  sanguine  portion  of 
dissenters  from  the  Church  received  the  Declaration  with 
joy ;  the  sagacious,  with  distrust  and  apprehension.^ 

The  consolidation  of  the  government  of  New  England 
Legal  consoii-  was  spccdily  completed  by  an  Act  of  Council, 
dationofNew    ^j^i^h  extendcd  to  Connecticut  the  obligations 

England.  o 

December  29.  of  all  the  laws  that  had  been  passed  in  the 
time  between  the  arrival  of  Andros  and  the  annexation 
of  that  Province  to  the  "  Dominion  of  New  England."  ^ 


1  Council  Records  ;  Letters  of  An- 
dros and  West  to  Allyn,  of  November 
23,  in  Conn.  Rec,  III.  392,  393.  —  Win- 
ter was  now  coming,  and  the  towns  had 
been  deprived  of  powers  heretofore 
exercised  by  them,  one  of  which  was 
that  of  taking  care  of  their  poor. 
At  the  next  Council  (November  30) 
this  duty  was  assigned  to  the  Justices 
for  the  several  Counties.  —  A  post  was 
now  contemplated,  to  pass  between 
Boston  and  the  furthest  settlements  of 
distant  Connecticut.  "  I  have  spoken 
to  Perry  of  his  going  between  this  and 
Hartford  once  a  month  this  winter,  if 
not  further  as  far  as  Fairfield  and 
Stamford,  as  I  design  oftener  in  the 
spring."  (Letter  of  Andros  to  Allyn, 
November  23,  in  Conn.  Rec,  IIL  393.) 
"  I  believe  Perry  will  undertake  once 
a  month  to  pass  from  Fairfield  to  Bos- 
ton in  the  winter,  and  once  in  three 
weeks  in  the  summer,  or  oftener  if  your 
Excellency  desire  it,  and  the  charge  of 
it  upon  the  whole  will  be  no  great  mat- 
ter. Should  it  be  put  upon  letters  at 
first,  I  believe  it  will  not  answer  the 
charge  to  satisfy  the  post.     But  if  it 


were  tried  one  year  by  a  salary,  the 
better  guess  may  be  given  for  a  future 
settlement  of  it."  (Allyn  to  Andros, 
December  5,  in  Conn.  Rec,  398.) 

2  Increase  Mather  was  much  pleased 
with  it,  and  got  his  church  (Bobbins, 
History  of  the  Second  Church,  50) 
and  many  of  the  ministers  (Parentator, 
102)  to  join  him  in  an  address  of 
thanks  to  the  King.  Samuel  Dan- 
forth,  as  usual,  saw  further.  "  I  do 
more  dread  the  consequences  thereof," 
he  wrote  to  Mather  (November  7), 
"  than  the  execution  of  those  penal 
laws,  the  only  wall  against  Popery." 
(Hutch.  Hist.,'  L  320.) 

3  Conn.  Rec,  IH.  402  -  405.  —  On 
receiving  a  copy  of  it  before  it  was 
enacted,  the  canny  Allyn  wrote  to  An- 
dros :  "  As  to  the  several  acts  or  laws 
mentioned  therein,  I  have  nothing  to 
object  against  what  is  done,  and  believe 
what  is  ordered  will  readily  be  at- 
tended." (Allyn  to  Andros,  Decem- 
ber 5,  in  Conn.  Rec,  IIL  397.)  But  a 
sober  second-thought,  or  a  wholesome 
fear  of  being  found  out,  caused  him  to 
erase  this  clause  in  his  letter. 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF    SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS. 


549 


The  Governor  might  now  easily  persuade  himself  that 
the  largest  and  the  hardest  part  of  his  and  his  master's 
work  was  done,  and  that  he  needed  to  have  little  anxiety 
as  to  his  power  to  effect  what  remained/  Accordingly 
the  legislation  which  was  to  be  destructive  of  the  ancient 
liberties  of  New  England  was  henceforward  prosecuted 
with  vio;or.     Internal  trade  was  obstructed  by  a 

c  "^  Activity  in 

law  which  prohibited  the  business  of  travelling  oppresswe 
merchants  or  pedlers,  and  confined  every  deal-        less. 
er's  sales  to  his  own  town.     "  An  Act  for  Addi- 
tional Duties   of  Imposts  and  Excise,  for  the 

1  11-  1  •  1   '         HT    '  >         February  15. 

better    collectmg   and    securmg    his    Majesty  s 
Revenue,"  ^  laid  heavy  burdens  upon  commerce,  and  ex- 
torted an  excessive  tax  from  the  consumer.^     The  privi- 


The  Council  at  which  it  was  deter- 
mined to  extend  the  laws  of  the  "  Do- 
minion "  to  Connecticut,  was  the  last 
that  is  recorded.  In  the  next  pre- 
ceding week  (December  23),  Robert 
Orchard  (see  above,  pp.  343,  378,  390) 
was  finally  disposed  of,  by  a  reference 
of  his  claim  to  the  judicial  courts. 

"  The  Lady  Andros  departed  this 
life,  to  the  great  grief  and  sorrow  of 
his  Excellency  and  all  that  knew  her." 
(West  to  Allyn,  in  Conn.  Rec,  III.  437.) 
The  day  was  January  22.  (Randolph 
to  Povey,  in  Hutch.  Coll.,  557.)  Feb- 
ruary 10,  she  was  buried  with  much 
state  by  torchlight  from  "  the  South 
Meeting-house,"  the  hearse  drawn  by 
six  horses,  the  church  illuminated,  and 
a  military  guard  attending.  (Judge 
Sewall's  Diary.) 

1  Within  a  fortnight  after  his  return 
from  Connecticut,  he  wrote  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee  (November 
28)  :  "  I  have  now  effected  a  palisado 
fort  of  four  bastions  on  Fort  Hill,  at  the 
south  end  of  this  town,  commanding 
the  harbor,  in  which  also  a  house  is 
erected  for  lodging  the  garrison,  much 
wanted  and  necessary  for  his  Majesty's 


service."  He  soon  had  opportunity  to 
judge  of  the  strength  of  the  work  and 
the  convenience  of  the  house.  I  sup- 
pose he  had  now  two  companies  of 
regulars,  for,  after  his  deposition,  he 
was  allowed  pay  for  that  force  down  to 
the  beginning  of  the  preceding  autumn. 
(See  below,  p.  568,  note  2.) 

2  An  observable  indication  of  the 
feeling  of  the  government  towards  Mas- 
sachusetts occurs  in  this  act.  It  gave 
to  Massachusetts  only  two  ports  of 
entry,  viz.  Boston  and  Salem;  while 
no  fewer  than  six  were  allowed  to 
Connecticut. 

3  Andros  had  sent  home  an  estimate 
of  the  expenses  of  his  government 
(which  amounted  to  £  4,520  17a-.  llr/.), 
showing  that  existing  receipts  from 
the  customs,  excise,  and  direct  tax 
left  a  deficit  of  nearly  seven  hundred 
pounds.  (Chalmers,  Annals,  465.) 
He  was  accordingly  authorized,  in  a 
letter  from  the  King,  of  November  11, 
1687,  to  impose  such  "  rates  and  taxes  " 
as  he  and  his  Council  should  think 
proper,  and  to  collect  them  from  "  the 
several  counties."  (Journals  of  the 
Privy   Council ;    comp.  Revolution  ia 


550  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

leges  of  the  towns  were  a  main  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
the  usurpations  which  were  in  train.  Town-meetings  for 
the  choice  of  officers  were  by  ancient  practice  held  in  the 
spring.  Before  the  day  for  these  elections  came  round 
the  second  time  under  Andros's  government,  an 
Act  was  passed  which  struck  at  the  root  of  the 
municipal  franchises.  It  forbade  more  than  one  town- 
meeting  to  be  held  in  a  year,  "  upon  any  pretence  or 
color  whatsoever."  At  that  meeting  were  to  be  chosen 
Selectmen,  Constables,  and  a  Commissioner,  for  the  year. 
The  Commissioner  was  to  assess  upon  the  inhabitants 
the  tax  laid  by  the  Governor  in  Council  upon  the  town. 
The  Selectmen  were  to  be  overseers  of  the  poor,  of 
bridges,  of  meeting-houses,  and  of  schools,  and  keepers 
of  the  town's  property  of  every  kind  ;  and  they  might 
make  assessments  for  these  objects,  but  not  without  the 
approbation  of  two  Justices  of  the  Peace.  If  a  Select- 
man or  Commissioner,  chosen  by  a  town,  refused  to  serve, 
two  Justices  of  the  Peace  might  appoint  another  inhab- 
itant to  fill  the  vacancy.  The  refusal  of  a  Constable  to 
serve  was  to  be  punished  by  a  fine  of  five  pounds.-^  It 
may  be  presumed  that  the  government,  had  it  lasted, 
would  soon  have  been  centralized  still  more,  by  giving  to 
the  Justices,  creatures  of  the  Governor,  the  power  to  ap- 
point local  officers  for  what  had  been  towns,  without 
waiting  for  the  formality  of  a  municipal  election.  "  An 
Act  for  settling  the  Militia"  brouu^ht  the  mili- 

March  24.  .  . 

tary  force  of  the  country  into  regular  subordi- 
nation to  the  imported  Commander-in-Chief.^  The  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  resolved  that  all  local  laws  should 
cease  to  have  force,  and  that  the  people  of  the  jurisdic- 
tion were  "  not  to  be  guided  by  any  laws  or  orders  but 

New  England  Justified,  &c.,  13.)     The  people,  hope  will  be  so  understood  and 

bill  above  mentioned  was  the  result.  fully  answer  that  end."     (Conn.  Rec, 

1  "Which  [Act],"  writes    West   to  111.440.) 

Allyn,  "as  it  is  an   act  of  grace  de-  2  Ibid.,  427-436. 
signed  for  the  benefit  and  ease  of  the 


Chap.  XIV.J    GOVERNMENT  OF   SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS.  55^ 

such  as  were  made  and  published  by  his  Excellency  and 
Council,  or  the  laws  of  England  where  they  had  not  pro- 
vided."^ As  towns  could  no  longer  hold  meetings  "to 
make  complaints  of  grievances,"  so,  before  long,  "where- 
as by  constant  usage  any  person  might  remove  out  of  the 
country  at  his  pleasure,  a  law  was  made  that  no  man 
should  do  so  without  the  Governor's  leave";  —  a  measure 
reasonably  regarded  by  the  people  as  an  interdiction  of 
attempts  to  seek  redress  in  England.^ 

When  these  strong  measures  had  taken  partial  effect, 
and  it  seemed  that  opposition,  if  not  crushed,  was  in- 
timidated and  disabled,  the  business  of  vacating  the  an- 
cient titles  to  land  was  entered  upon  with  new  vigor. 
Several  instances  of  this  sort  of  proceeding  are  on  record, 
attested  by  the  oaths  of  the  parties  concerned.  Under 
this  sanction,  Joseph  Lynde,  of  Charlestown,  a  man  of 
character  and  of  substance,  told  his  story  as  follows :  — 

"In  the  year  1687,  Sir  Edmund  Andros  ....  did  in- 
quire of  him,  the  said  Lynde,  what  title  he  had  to  his 
lands;  who  showed  him  many  deeds  for  land  issue  of  writs 
that  he  the  said  Lynde  possessed,  and  particu-  °f '""■"^''«»- 
larly  for  land  that  the  said  Lynde  was  certainly  informed 
would  qliickly  be  given  away  from  him  if  he  did  not 
use  means  to  obtain  a  patent  for  it.  The  deed  being 
considered  by  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  he  said  it  was  worded 
well,  and  recorded  according  to  New-England  custom, 
or  words  to  the  same  purpose.  He  further  inquired  how 
the  title  was  derived.     He,  the  said  Lynde,  told  him,  that 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  441.  "moved"    when    "Mr.    Mather    was 

2  Revolution  in  New  England  Justi-  known  to  be  intending  for  New  Eng- 
fied,  &e.,  12;  Vindication  of  New  Eng-  land,"  which  was  in  the  spring  of  1688, 
land,  11  ;  comp.  Sixth  Collection  of  it  was  opposed  in  Council  in  Boston, 
Papers  relating  to  the  Present  June-  and  was  at  last  "  carried  as  far  as  New 

'^  ture  of  Affairs  in  England,  30.  —  The  York,  and  there  an  opportunity  found 

title  of  this  Act  was,  "  An  Act  requir-  for  the  obtaining  of  it."     (Narrative  of 

ing  all  Masters  of  Ships  or  Vessels  to  the  Proceedings,  &c.,  8.)     But  Andros 

give   Security."      I  do  not  know  the  held  no  Council  in  New  York  till  after 

date   of   its   enactment;    but,  though  midsummer  of  1688. 


552  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III, 

he  that  he  bought  it  of  had  it  of  his  father-in-law  in  mar- 
riage with  his  wife ;  and  his  said  father,  from  Charles- 
town  ;  and  the  said  town,  from  the  General-Court  grant 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  also  by  purchase  from  the 
natives.  And  he  said,  my  title  was  nothing  worth  if  that 
were  all.  At  another  time,  after  showing  him  an  In- 
dian deed  for  land,  he  said  that  their  hand  was  no  more 
worth  than  a  scratch  with  a  bear's  paw,  undervaluing 
all  my  titles,  though  every  way  legal  under  our  former 
Charter  government.  I  then  petitioned  for  a  patent 
for  my  whole  estate  ;  but  Mr.  West,  Deputy-Secretary, 
told  me,  I  must  have  so  many  patents  as  there  were 
counties  that  I  had  parcels  of  land  in,  if  not  towns. 
Finding  the  thing  so  chargeable  and  difiicult,  I  delayed ; 
upon  which  I  had  a  writ  of  intrusion  served  upon  me, 

in   the   beginning   of  the   summer,   1688 I   gave 

Mr.  Graham,  Attorney-General,  three  pounds  in  money, 
promising  that,  if  he  would  let  the  action  fall,  I  would 
pay  court  charges,  and  give  him  ten  pound  when  I  had 
a  patent  completed  for  that  small  parcel  of  land   that 

said  writ  was  served   upon  me   for About  the 

same  time  Mr.  Graham,  Attorney-General,  asked  said 
Lynde  what  he  would  do  about  the  rest  of  his  land,  tell- 
ing him,  the  said  Lynde,  that  he  would  meet  with  the 
like  trouble  about  all  the  rest  of  his  lands  that  he  pos- 
sessed, and,  were  it  not  for  the  Governor's  going  to  New 
York  at  this  time,  there  would  be  a  writ  of  intrusion 
against  every  man  in  the  Colony  of  any  considerable 
estate,  or  as  many  as  a  cart  could  hold ;  and,  for  the 
poorer  sort  of  people,  said  Sir  Edmund  Andros  would 
take  other  measures,  or  words  to  the  same  purpose."  ^ 

1  Revolution  Justified,  &c.,  20  -  22  ;  the  summer  resort  of  luxurious  Bosto- 
Frothiiigham,  History  of  Charlestown,  nians.  (Lewis,  History  of  Lynn,  171-  , 
219.  —  Randolph  had  a  sentiment  for  175.)  The  Selectmen  of  Lynn  had  a 
the  picturesque.  Among  his  other  sharp  struggle  for  this  promontory,  de- 
ambitions  was  that  of  appropriating  to  scribing  it  as  "  the  only  secure  place  for 
himself  the  peninsula  of  Nahant,  now  the  grazing  of  some  thousands  of  their 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS.  553 

That  this  sj^stem  of  extortion  might  not  fail  through 
any  hope  of  indulgence  on  the  part  of  the  government, 
writs  of  intrusion  were  served  upon  some  of  the  most 
considerable  of  those  persons  who  did  not  come  forward 
to  buy  new  patents  for  their  lands.  Samuel  Shrimpton, 
a  man  of  large  property,  was  a  Counsellor  by  the  King's 
appointment.  If  he  could  not  be  spared,  less  important 
men  could  scarcely  hope  for  favor.  The  rent  of  Deer 
Island,  in  Boston  harbor,  had  from  an  early  time  been 
appropriated  to  the  maintenance  of  a  school.  .  Shrimp- 
ton  hired  the  island  of  the  town,  and  kept  it  by  a  tenant. 
Sherlock,  the  sheriff,  came  thither  and  seized  the  ten- 
ant, "  and  turned  him  and  his  family  afloat  on  the  water 

when  it  was  a  snowy  day, and  put  two  men,  whom 

he  brought  with  him,  into  possession  of  the  said  island, 
as  he  said  on  behalf  of  King  James  the  Second."  ^  Two 
of  the  Selectmen  made  oath  to  a  conversation  which 
on  that  occasion  occurred  between  themselves  and  Gra- 
ham, the  Governor's  attorney.  "  We,  the  deponents, 
told  him  we  would  answer  in  behalf  of  the  town.     The 

sheep,  and  without  which  their  inhab-  new  patents  gratis,  that  otliers  might 

itants  could  not  provide  for  their  fami-  be  drawn   in  by  the   authority  of  hia 

lies."     (Revolution  Justified,  &c.,  23.)  example;  but,  when  he  was  apprised 

1  Ibid.,    22,     23.  —  Sherlock,     "a  of  their  design,  he  chose  rather  to  have 

stranger   in   the  country,  and  having  his  lands  seized  (and  they  were  seized) 

no   estate   there,"    (Ibid.,   9,)  was  ap-  than  by  such  a  base  compliance  betray 

pointed  Sheriff  (April  6,  1687)  shortly  his   countrymen."      This  explains  the 

after  Andres's  arrival.     (Council  Rec-  record  of  the   Council  for  December 

ords.)      November   4,    1687,    Samuel  19,  1687,  at  which  time  Dudley  and 

Shrimpton,     William    Brown,     Simon  others   had    the    property   of   certain 

Lynde,  and   Richard  Smith,  "  on   the  lands  and  houses  confirmed  to  them, 

%  recommendation  of  Sir  Edmund   An-  without  any  condition  of  quitrent.     So 

dros,"   were  "  admitted  of  the    Coun-  resolute  a  man  as  Judge  Samuel  Sewall 

cil   in    New    England "    (Journals   of  yielded  to  the  seeming  necessity.     He 

the   Privy   Council) ;   and    Shrimpton,  wrote   to  Increase   Mather,  July   24  : 

Brown,  and  Smith  took  the  oath  and  "The  generality   of  people    are  very 

their  seats   as   Counsellors   in  March,  averse  from  complying  with  anything 

1688.      (Conn.    Rec,    III.    441,  442.)  that  may  alter  the  tenure  of  their  lands, 

Jeremiah   Dummer    (Defence   of   the  and  look  upon  me  very  sorrowfully  that 

New  England  Charters,  50)  says  that  I  have  given  way."      (Mather  MSS., 

Shrimpton    "  was   courted    to   receive  VII.  28.) 

VOL.  III.  47 


554  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

said  Graham  replied,  there  was  no  town  of  Boston,  nor 
was  there  any  town  in  the  country.  We  made  answer, 
we  were  a  town,  and  owned  so  to  be  by  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dros.  Governor,  in  the  warrant  sent  us  for  making  a  rate. 
Then  the  said  Graham  told  us  we  might  stand  the  trial, 
if  we  would ;  but  bid  us  have  a  care  what  we  did,  saying 
it  might  cost  us  all  we  were  worth,  and  something  else 
too,  for  aught  he  knew."  ^ 

The  people  of  Plymouth  Colony  were  much  incensed 
by  ill-treatment  offered  to  Mr.  Wis  wall,  minister  of  Dux- 
bury.  Clark's  Island,  in  Plymouth  harbor,  had  been  ap- 
propriated to  the  support  of  the  poor  of  that  town.  An- 
dros  gave  it  to  the  Counsellor  Nathaniel  Clark,  one  of 
his  creatures.  Mr.  Wiswall  interested  himself  in  a  col- 
lection of  some  money,  by  voluntary  contribution,  to 
defend  at  law  the  right  of  the  town.  This  was  construed 
as  an  offence,  and  Mr.  Wiswall  was  summoned 

June  21.  _-  n        •  tt  i  i 

to  rJoston  to  answer  lor  it.  "  He  was  then  lame 
in  both  feet  with  the  gout,  fitter  for  a  bed  than  a  journey ; 
therefore  wrote  to  the  Governor,  praying  that  he  might 
be  excused  until  he  should  be  able  to  travel,  and  engaged 
that  then  he  would  attend  any  court."  But  the  Gov- 
ernor was  inexorable,  and  the  minister  had  to  go  to  Bos- 
ton. There,  the  Council  having  kept  him  standing  in 
their  presence  ''  till  the  anguish  of  his  feet  and  shoulders 
had  almost  overcome  him,"  he  was  compelled  to  enter 
into  a  recognizance  for  a  second  appearance,  and  to  pay 
more  than  four  pounds  for  fees.  These  hardships  were 
repeated,  and  then  brought  on  an  illness  which  threat- 
ened to  prove  fatal.  A  third  appearance  at  the  capital' 
town  was  required,  at  which  he  was  at  length  judicially 
"delivered  from  the  hands  and  humors  of  his  tyrannical 

1  Mather  MSS.,  VII.  26.  —  James  patronage  of  Andros.     Graham  was  a 

Graham,  a  Scotchman,  was  one  of  the  merchant  in  that  city  as  early  as  1678. 

rapacious  persons  who  came  from  New  (Wooley,  Two  Years'  Journal,  69.) 
Y^ork  to  push  their  fortunes  under  the 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT    OE    SIR   EDMUND   ANDROS.  555 

oppressor^,  who  had  exposed  him  to  great  difficulties  and 
charges,  and  to  two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  miles' 
travel  in  journeying  to  and  from  Boston."  -^  The  lesson 
was  cogently  taught,  that  it  was  altogether  unsafe  to  in- 
terfere with  the  Governor's  gifts  of  other  people's  prop- 
erty, and  that  no  gravity  of  character,  or  public  estima- 
tion, or  distance  of  place,  would  protect  from  his  vin- 
dictiveness. 

In  their  distress,  the  people  turned  to  England  with 
faint  hope  of  relief  Perhaps  it  was  thought  that  the 
King's  exultation  in  the  new  prospect  of  an  heir  to  his 
throne^  might  incline  him  to  greater  lenity  than  could 
be  obtained  from  his  representative.  Perhaps  there  was 
more  hope  than  the  facts  would  justify  of  effective  aid 
to  be  obtained  from  the  Dissenting  interest  in  the  parent 
country.^     It  was  resolved  to  send  Mr.  Mather 

T     •  '  T  •» «-      1  Mission  of  In- 

to  make  solicitation  at  court.  Increase  Mather,  crease  Mather 
now  forty-eight  years  old,  was  minister  of  the  *°  °^''°* 
Second  Church  in  Boston.  The  most  eminent  among 
the  clergy  of  Massachusetts,  he  had  been  twice  invited  to 
become  President  of  Harvard  College,  and  now  held  that 
office  provisionally,  by  an  arrangement  with  his  Boston 
congregation,  which  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to 
release  him.*     A  resolute  adherence  to  the  old   charter 

1  Revolution  Justified,  &c.,  26,  27.  4  After  the  resignation  of  President 

2  See  above,  p.  467.  —  April  18,  Hoar  in  1675  (see  above,  p.  96),  the 
Andros,  by  proclamation,  appointed  office  remained  vacant  for  four  years. 
a  Thanksgiving  to  be  held  in  the  Within  that  time  the  Reverend  Urian 
churches  of  the  "Dominion"  on  the  Oakes,  of  Cambridge,  and  John  Rog- 
eleventh  day  after,  for  the  Queen's  ers,  preacher  and  physician,  were 
pregnancy.      (Conn.   Rec,   III.   443.)  elected  to  it ;  but  both  excused  them- 

3  "  What  should  be  made  of  the  po-  selves,  the  former  probably  on  account 
litical  views  in  the  court  at  this  time,  of  the  displeasure  he  had  excited  in 
who  can  say  ?  Upon  the  numbering  high  quarters  by  his  complicity  in  the 
of  the  people,  it  was  then  reckoned  cabal   against    Hoar.      He,    however, 

that  there  were  [in  England] exercised    substantially   the   functions 

about  eleven  hundred  thousand  Prot-  of  President,  till,  in  February,  1679,  a 

estant  Non-conformists,  of  several  de-  second  election  prevailed  with  him,  and 

nominations."    (Cotton  Mather,  Paren-  he  administered  the  office  with  ability, 

tator,  104.)  diligence,  and  success  for  a  little  more 


556 


HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


had  won  for  him  the  confidence  of  the  patriots  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  the  hostiUty  of  the  present  rulers. 

A  letter,  subscribed  with  the  initials  of  his  name,  had 
been  received  from  Boston  five  years  before  by  a  gentle- 
man of  Amsterdam.  It  contained  severe  animadversions 
upon  the  English  ministry,  and  eulogies  upon  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury, Titus  Gates,  and  other  persons  obnoxious  to  the 
King's  displeasure.  A  copy,  somehow  obtained,  was  con- 
veyed to  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins,  Secretary  of  State,  who  sent 
it  to  New  England.  Mather,  brought  to  bay,  insinuated 
that  it  was  a  forgery  of  Randolph.^     Randolph  prosecuted 


than  two  years.  At  the  end  of  this 
time  he  died,  and  the  Reverend  In- 
crease Mather,  of  Boston,  and  the  Rev- 
erend Samuel  Torrey,  of  Weymouth, 
were  successively  chosen  to  succeed 
him  ;  but  both  refused  to  forsake  their 
parochial  charge.  Mr.  Rogers  was 
then  a  second  time  elected,  and  held 
the  office  for  a  year  or  two,  till  his  death. 
Then  the  Reverend  Joshua  Moody,  of 
Portsmouth,  was  chosen,  but  he  too 
declined  the  place;  and,  June  11, 
1685,  the  Fellows  voted  to  request  Mr. 
Mather  "  to  take  special  care  for  the 
government  of  the  College,  and,  for 
that  end,  to  act  as  President  until  a 
further  settlement  be  orderly  made." 
Increase  Mather  was  son  of  the  Rev- 
erend Richard  Mather,  of  Dorchester ; 
in  his  youth  he  was  a  favorite  pupil 
of  John  Norton  ;  after  graduating  at 
Harvard  College  at  an  early  age,  he 
went  abroad  for  four  years,  spending 
one  year  in  study  at  Trinity  College, 
Dublin,  and  preaching  to  several  con- 
gregations. The  alteration  in  the  pros- 
pect for  Dissenters  at  the  restoration 
of  the  King,  and  some  intimations  of 
General  Monk's  displeasure  against 
him  personally  (Parentator,  21),  drove 
him  home ;  and  he  had  now  been  for 
twenty-one  years  a  minister  of  the 
Second   Church   in   Boston.      In   this 


twofold  position,  of  pastor  and  aca- 
demic, the  administrations  of  Dudley 
and  of  Andros  found  him.  He  had 
also  been  long  one  of  the  acknowl- 
edged leaders  in  both  the  ecclesiastical 
and  the  secular  politics  of  the  Colony, 
as  the  reader  of  this  work  has  already 
had  some  occasion  to  observe.  (See 
above,  pp.  332,  385,  388.) 

In  the  ten  years  between  the  resig- 
nation of  Hoar  and  the  appointment 
of  Mather,  only  fifty-two  young  men 
took  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts 
at  Harvard  College.  From  the  time 
of  Mather's  accession  the  number 
largely  increased,  —  a  result  in  no 
small  part  to  be  ascribed  to  the  ability 
and  reputation  of  Governor  Loverett's 
son  John,  already  Tutor,  and  eventu- 
ally President. 

1  There  is  a  copy  of  this  letter  among 
the  Colonial  Papers  of  the  British  State 
Paper  Office.  It  was  sent  by  one 
George  Rosse  to  "  Edward  Randolph, 
Esq.,  at  the  Plantation  Office  at  White- 
hall," to  whom  Rosse  writes :  "  It  is  a 
long  time  since  I  see  you  in  Scotland, 
where  your  favors  ever  obliged  me  to 
be  your  humble  servant";  and,  "being 
lately  in  Amsterdam,  accidentally  came 
into  my  hands  a  letter  from  Boston, 
which  I  had  time  to  copy."  He  dates 
his  own  letter,  "  Friday,  June  6  " :  the 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR   EDMUND   ANDROS. 


557 


him  for  defamation.  Mather  was  acquitted  by  a  jury ;  but 
Randolph  had  the  government  on  his  side,  and  contrived 
to  keep  the  suit  ahve,  partly  for  the  important  object  of 
preventing  Mather's  voyage.     Mather  concealed  himself 


sixth  day  of  June  fell  on  Friday  in  the 
year  1684. 

The  letter  transmitted  by  Rosse  to 
Edward  Randolph,  dated  December 
3,  1683,  signed  /.  ikf.,  and  addressed 
to  "  my  worthy  friend  Mr.  G.  [Gouge] 
in  Amsterdam,"  purports  to  have  been 
sent  by  the  hand  of  a  Jew  who 
was  first  going  to  Barbadoes.  Dud- 
ley received  from  England  a  tran- 
script of  it,  which  he  showed  to  In- 
crease Mather.  In  a  letter  to  Dudley, 
of  November  10,  1684,  Mather  disa- 
vows it,  and  suggests  that  it  was  a 
forgery  of  Randolph.  He  says  that 
he  received  no  letter  (as  the  letter  at- 
tributed to  him  declared  that  he  did) 
by  the  hand  of  the  agents,  Dudley  and 
Richards,  on  their  return  from  Eng- 
land. He  says  that  one  of  several 
books  which  the  letter  desires  his 
friend  to  procure,  he  has  had  no  occa- 
sion to  send  for,  for  he  has  owned  it  no 
less  than  fifteen  years,  while  another 
he  never  heard  of,  and  others  arfe  on 
sale  in  Boston.  He  declares  he  never 
esteemed  Lord  Shaftesbury,  whom  the 
letter  commends.  "  Belike,"  he  says, 
"  the  Jew's  name  that  carried  the  let- 
ter  was   either    Edward   or   Barnard 

Randolph It  is  reported  that 

he  has  a  notable  art  in  imitating  hands  ; 
that  he  can  do  it  so  exactly  that  a 
man  cannot  easily  discern  the  knavery. 

You  may  communicate  this  to 

whom  you  please."  (Colonial  Papers, 
&c.  The  copy  of  Mather's  letter  to 
Dudley  got  into  that  collection  in  con- 
sequence of  being  sent  by  Randolph  to 
John  Paddy.) 

Hutchinson    (Hist.,    I.    327),    and 
other  writers,  have  treated  this  letter  as 
47* 


a  forgery  made  with  Randolph's  privity. 
I  have  strong  doubts  as  to  the  correct- 
ness of  this  opinion.  I  cannot  imagine 
that  he  should  have  thought  it  worth 
his  while  to  resort  to  such  a  trick.  For 
him,  as  far  as  I  can  see,  the  play  would 
not  have  been  worth  the  candle.  I 
find  nothing  in  the  letter,  whether  in 
respect  to  topics  or  opinions,  that  In- 
crease Mather  might  not  have  written 
in  1683  ;  and  if  not  his,  it  is  certainly  a 
very  clever  specimen  of  the  Mathereae 
style.  Still,  I  can  by  no  means  impugn 
his  express  denial.  Repelled  from  this 
supposition,  the  next  conjecture  would 
refer  us  to  an  alter  idem  of  the  Presi- 
dent, which  —  in  some  respects,  though 
by  no  means  in  others  —  his  son  Cot- 
ton was.  In  1683,  Cotton  Mather  was 
but  twenty  years  old ;  but  he  was  ex- 
ceedingly precocious.  When  an  act 
was  done  inexplicable  on  any  obvious 
grounds,  it  is  to  the  inexplicable  Cotton 
Mather,  rather  than  to  any  other  per- 
son of  that  time,  that  it  is  naturally 
ascribed ;  and  I  cannot  but  think  that 
the  writing  of  this  letter,  and  putting 
his  ftither's  initials  to  it,  would  have 
been  a  freak  quite  characteristic  of 
him.  When  it  was  written,  no  par- 
ticular harm  could  have  seemed  likely 
to  come  of  it.  But  when  it  got  into 
the  hands  of  a  Secretary  of  State,  and 
brought  the  ostensible  author  into 
trouble,  the  relations  between  him  and 
the  real  author  might  have  made  the 
latter  afraid  to  avow  it;  and  a  natural 
resource  would  be  to  charge  a  forgery 
upon  Randolph,  who  had  done  roguery 
enough  to  justify  the  suspicion  of  any 
amount  of  more.  Still,  I  am  not  ready 
to  believe  that,  if  Cotton  Mather  was 


558  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

to  avoid  the  service  of  a  writ,  and  at  length  managed,  by 
night  and  in  disguise,  to  get  on  board  a  ship 
bound  for  Enghand.^ 
The  great  features  of  his  administration  having  been 
determined  so   much  to  his  mind,  the  Governor  found 
leisure  for  an  expedition  to  the  eastward,  which  he  had 
been  contemplating   for   some   months.      He    hoped    to 
recommend  himself  both  to  the  King  and  to  the  Colo- 
nists by  frightening  off  the  French  settlers  as  far  as  to 
the  St.  Croix.     He  went  from  Boston  to  Ports- 

Expedition  of 

the  Governor  moutli  by  laud,  and  thence  by  sea  to  Casco 
country.'"'^"'  Bay.  Haviug  visitcd  the  settlement  at  Pejep- 
^^"'^^"  scot,  and  ascended  the  Kennebec  several  miles, 
he  proceeded  to  Pemaquid,  where  the  Rose  frigate  awaited 
him.  The  frigate  took  the  Governor  to  the  Penobscot, 
his  special  object  being  a  conference  with  an  adventurer 
named  Castine,  who  held  a  little  dominion  of  his  own 
near  the  mouth  of  that  river,  in  disregard  of  the  claim 
of  King  James  to  its  possession.  Castine  was  a  French- 
man, who  had  established  himself  some  years  before 
among  the  Penobscot  Indians,  adopted  their  manner 
of  life,  and  taken  three  or  four  of  their  women  for  his 
wives. 

The  Governor  caused  his  ship  to  be  anchored  "  before 
Capture  of  Castluc's  door,"  and  sent  an  officer  on  shore  to 
castine'B  post,  anuouncc  his  arrival,  upon  which  Castine  and 
his  retinue  decamped  and  took  to  the  woods.  "  The  Gov- 
ernor landed,  with  other  gentlemen  with  Tiim,  and  went 
into  the  house,  and  found  a  small  altar  in  the  common 
room,  which  altar  and  some  pictures  and  ordinary  orna- 
ments  they  did   not  meddle  with   anything   belonging 

the  writer,  he  could  have  made  up  his  not  Edward  Randolph  that  he  had  in- 

mind  to  use  the  language  which  he  has  tended  to  charge  with  forgery,  but  his 

used  in  treating  of  the  subject.     (Pa-  brother.     (Mather  MSS.  in  the  Library 

rentator,  93.)  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  VII.  2.) 

Increase  Mather,  in  a  letter  to  Dud-  1  Parentator,  105-  108. 
ley,  of  January  24,  1688,  said  it  was 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF  SIR   EDMUND  ANDROS.  559 

• 

thereto,  but  took  away  all  his  arms,  powder,  shot,  iron 
kettles,  and  some  trucking-cloth  and  his  chairs,  all  which 
were  put  aboard  the  Rose,  and  laid  up  in  order  to  a  con- 
demnation of  trading."  Andros  had  intended  to  repair 
an  old  English  fort  on  the  Penobscot,  and  had  taken  with 
him  workmen  and  materials  for  the  purpose  ;  but  finding 
the  old  work  gone  to  ruin,  '^  was  resolved  to  spare  that 
charge  till  a  more  proper  time  offered."  He  then  re- 
turned to  Pemaquid,  having  informed  Castine,  through 
some  Indian  messengers,  that  his  property  should  be  re- 
stored as  soon  as  he  would  come  to  that  place,  and  pro- 
fess allegiance  to  the  King  of  England. 

Randolph,  who  had  been  detained  at  Boston  by  illness, 
met  the  Governor  at  sea,  and  returned  with  him  to 
Pemaquid.  There  the  Governor  had  business  of  two 
kinds.  Occasion  had  arisen  for  uneasiness  about  Treaty  with 
the  temper  of  the  Indians  of  Maine,  who  had  '^<^  i"'^**"'- 
never  been  reconciled  after  their  disasters  in  Philip's 
war,  and  who,  excited,,  as  was  thought,  by  the  influence 
of  Castine,  had  recently  broken  out  into  some  hostile 
acts.^  The  Indian  chiefs  of  the  neighborhood  were 
now  summoned  to  Pemaquid,  where  they  "were  well 
treated  with  shirts,  rum,  and  trucking-cloth ;  and  his 
Excellency  in  a  short  speech,  by  an  interpreter,  ac- 
quainted them  that  they  should  not  fear  the  French, 
that  he  would  defend  them,  and  ordered  them  to  call 
home  all  their  young  men,  and  they  should  live  quietly 
and  undisturbed."^ 

The  other  matter  of  business  related  to  the  recent 
administration  of  the  County  of  Cornwall  by  Palmer  and 
West,  who,  as  deputies  of  Governor  Dongan,  had  had  it 
in  charge.  Randolph,  confederate  as  he  was  with  them, 
professed  himself  disgusted  with  the  rapacity  of  their 

1  See  above,  p.  503.  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  October 

2  Randolph  to  Povey,  June  21,  1688     8,   in    O'Callaghan,    Documents,   &c., 
(in  Hutch.  Coll.,  561  -  565)  ;  the  same     III.  567. 


5gO  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

proceedings.     Anticipating  the  policy  which  Andros  had 
now  besrun  to  carry  out  in  Massachusetts,  they 

Regulation  •  n      i        i  '     ^       ^   •  •  ^   ' 

ofaffivirsin  had  temfied  the  inhabitants  into  taking  out 
new  grants  for  their  lands  on  the  payment  of 
exorbitant  lease-money,  a  grievance  felt  to  be  the  more  dis- 
tressing, when  Andros,  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  what 
had  been  done,  declared  the  patents  lately  bought  of  West 
and  Palmer  to  be  of  no  validity,  "  the  commission  [from 
Dongan],  and  the  whole  proceeding,  being  illegal."  These 
upstart  persons,  Randolph  wrote,  had  "  very  much  op- 
pressed the  poor  here."  Randolph  was  impatient  of  all 
rapacity  which  interfered  with  his  own.  He  ill  brooked 
the  influence  of  any  other  counsellor  with  his  superior; 
the  interlopers  from  New  York  were  clever  men,  and 
he  was  not  without  fear  that  they  would  supplant 
him.^     Before  leaving  Pemaquid,  the  Governor  directed 

1  Randolph  to  Povey,  June  21, 1688,  the  judges  will  not  give  a  cause  for  the 

in    Hutch.    Coll.,    561-565;    comp.  King.     They  now  dispute  his  Excel- 

Kandolph's  Letter  to  the  Lords  of  the  lency's  grants,  and  plead  either  pos- 

Committee,    in     O'Callaghan,     Docu-  session  or  Indian  purchase  in  bar  of  it. 

ments,  &c..  III.  567.  —  Randolph  thus  The  addition  of  New  York  to  this  gov- 

describes  the  happy  family  of  which  he  ernment  does  very  much  enlarge  our 

■was  the  second  most  important  mem-  bounds,  and  may  be  of  great  service 

ber :  "  Mr.  Graham  and  his  family  are  to  the   crown ;   but    they   have  been 

settled  in  Boston ;  he  is  made  Attor-  squeezed   so  dry  by  Colonel  Dongan 

ney-General,  and  now  the  Governor  is  and  his  agents,  West  and  Graham,  that 

safe   in  his  New  York  confidants,  all  there  is  little  good  to  be  done.     We 

others  being  strangers  to  his  Council,  are    in    great    expectation    of   Foye's 

My  cousin  Mason  can  make  no  progress  arrival,    and    some    preparations    are 

in  his  business  ;  he  has  attempted  to  making  for  a  Southern  expedition  ;  but 

try  his  title  at  Piscataqua,  but  has  been  I  believe  Sir  Edmund  will  not  go  into 

delayed  by  the  judges,  and  the  iuhab-  New  York  till  Colonel  Dongan  is  re- 

itants  are  far  more  obstinate  than  for-  moved  off  the  place.    There  is  no  good 

merly,  Mr.  West  having  told  some  of  understanding  betwixt  them,  and  't  was 

them  that  his  title  is  little  worth.     All  not  well  done  of  Palmer  and  West  to 

Mr.  West  aims  at  is  to  have  the  pass-  tear  all  in  pieces  that  was  settled  and 

ing  grants  for  all  Mr.  Mason's  lands ;  granted  at  Pemaquid  by  Sir  Edmund. 

and  neither  he  nor  Graham  will  allow  Some  of  the  first  settlers  of  that 

that  he  has  power  to  make  a  grant  to  Eastern  country  were  denied  grants  of 

any  tenant ;  they  are  for  leaving  him  their  own  lands,  whilst  these  men  have 

out  of  all.     The  news  of  the  Dissenters  given    the    improved    lands    amongst 

being  indulged  and  taken  into  favor,  themselves."       (Hutch.     Coll.,     564  ; 

at  home,  encouraged  this  people;  and  comp.  Revolution  Justified,  &c.,  37.) 


CiiAP.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT  OF   SIR   EDMUND  ANDROS.  55 ^ 

that  the  fort  at  that  important  post  should  be  put  in 
thorough  repair. 

Returning    to    Boston    from    this    expedition,   Andros 
found   a  2;reat    promotion    awaitino;   him.     By 

.      f  -  „.  -  °  .  \  June. 

a   new   commission  the  Kino;  had   constituted 

'-'  Exttnsion  of 

him  Governor  of  all  the  English  possessions  on  New  England 
the  mainland  of  America,  except  Pennsylvania,  Bay. 
Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.  The  "  Terri-  ^^"'  ^' 
tory  and  Dominion  "  of  New  England  was  now  to  embrace 
the  country  between  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude  and 
the  River  St.  Croix,  thus  including  New  York  and  the 
Jerseys.  The  seat  of  government  was  to  be  at  Boston ; 
and  a  Lieutenant-Governor,  to  reside  at  New  York,  was 
to  be  the  immediate  head  of  the  administration  of  that 
Colony  and  of  the  Jerseys.  The  Governor  was  to  be 
assisted  by  a  Council  consisting  of  forty-two  members, 
of  whom  five  were  to  constitute  a  quorum.  The  Gov- 
ernor might  suspend  a  Counsellor  for  sufficient  cause, 
reporting  his  proceeding,  with  the  reason  of  it,  to  the 
King.  The  Governor  in  Council  might  impose  and  col- 
lect taxes  for  the  support  of  the  government,  and  might 
pass  laws,  which  however  were,  within  three  months  of 
their  enactment,  to  be  sent  over  to  the  Privy  Council  for 
approval  or  repeal.  "Whereas  there  were  great 
tracts  of  land  within  the  said  Territory  and  Do- 
minion yet  undisposed  of,  and  other  lands,  tenements,  and 
hereditaments  for  which  the  royal  confirmation  might  be 
Wanting,"  the  Governor  was  authorized  "  to  dispose  of 
such  lands  for  a  moderate  quitrent,  not  under  two  shil- 
lings and  sixpence  for  every  hundred  acres."  He  had  an 
unrestricted  prerogative  to  "  suspend  or  discharge "  the 
officers  of  the  militia.  The  seal  of  New  York  was  to  be 
broken,  and  the  seal  of  New  England  to  be  used  for  the 
whole  jurisdiction.  Liberty  of  conscience  was  to  be  al- 
lowed, agreeably  to  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence,  An 
account  was  to  be  kept  of  the  entrance  and  clearance  of 


662 


HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


vessels  and  cargoes,  to  be  transmitted  every  year  to  Eng- 
land. The  Governor  was  "  to  provide  by  all  necessary 
means  that  no  person  keep  any  printing-press  for  print- 
ing, nor  that  any  book,  pamphlet,  or  other  matter  what- 
soever, be  printed  without  his  special  leave  and  license 
first  obtained."  ^ 

After  a  few  weeks  passed  in  Boston,^  Andros 
proceeded  southward  to  take  possession  of  his 
new  government.  He  published  his  commission 
first  in  New  York,  and  presently  afterwards  in 
East  and  in  West  Jersey,  settling  the  two  last- 
named  Provinces  "  to  their  great  satisfaction."  ^ 
This  might  well  be,  for  New  York  and  New  Jersey  had 
never  before  had  what  might  seem  a  stable  gov- 
ernment of  any  kind.  Returning  to  New  York, 
he  there  held  a  Council,  at  which  members  were  present 
from  all  the  Provinces,  and  an  order  lately  made  for  sus- 
pending a  levy  of  taxes  laid  by  Dongan  was  rescinded.* 
There,  too,  Andros  heard  the  joyful  news  of  the 
birth  of  a  Prince  of  Wales,  and  issued  a  procla- 
mation for  the  keeping  of  a  day  of  thanksgiving  for  that 


Visit  of  the 
Governor  to 
his  Southern 
Provinces. 
July  31. 

August  11. 

August  15. 

August  18. 


August  29. 


August  23. 


1  For  this  new  commission,  and  the 
full  instructions  of  Lord  Sunderland 
to  Andros  which  accompanied  it,  see 
O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  537- 
549.  The  date  of  the  instructions  is 
April  16.  Captain  Francis  Nicholson, 
who  had  been  a  Counsellor  since  Au- 
gust 24,  1G87  (Council  Records),  was 
commissioned  to  be  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor, April  20, 1688.  (Ibid.)  Hutch- 
inson says  (Hist.,  I.  331)  :  "  Several 
letters  mention  the  arrival  from  Eng- 
land of  John  Palmer,  who  had  been 
of  Sir  Edmund's  Council,  both  in  New 
York  and  New  England,  with  a  com- 
mission of  appointment  for  Chief  Judge 
of  the  Supreme  Court."  But  certainly 
he  was  in  error  if  he  supposed  that 
Dudley  was  thus  superseded.  —  June 


12,  Andros's  salary  was  fixed  at  £  1400, 
"  to  be  paid  out  of  the  revenue  arising 
there,  in  the  value  of  sterling  money," 
and  to  begin  at  the  publication  of  his 
commission. 

2  By  a  sort  of  commission,  dated 
June  2,  Andros  designated  Hubbard 
(Mather  having  gone  abroad)  to  pre- 
side at  the  Commencement  of  Harvard 
College,  as  he  had  done  on  a  previous 
occasion.  See  above,  p.  153  ;  comp. 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXL  83. 

3  Nicholson's  Letter  of  August  31  ; 
comp.  Andros's  Letter  of  October  4  to 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee.  (O'Cal- 
laghan,  Documents,  &c.,  III.  550,  554, 
567.) 

4  Conn.  Rec,  IIL  447. 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS. 


563 


auspicious  event.-^     He  next  passed  a  month  in  a  visit 
to  Albany,  to  which  place  he  went  chiefly  for 

^  ^  ^  _  *^  Visit  to  the 

the    purpose    of  establishing  a  friendly  under-  iroquois  in- 
standing  with  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations,  August  30- 
who,  it  was  feared,  were  coming  under  a  dan-  ^"p"""'"''"  ^"• 
gerous  influence  on  the  part  of  the  French.^ 

The  Indians  were  making-  disturbance  again  in  all  di- 
rections.    Before  ffoinoj  to  Albany,  the  Governor 

,  ,  Uneasiness 

received  information  of  the  murder,  by  some  among  the 
of  them,  of  five  Englishmen  near  Springfield, 
and   of  six   more  at   Northfield,  on  Connecticut  River.^ 
This  made  occasion  for  him  to  hold,  on  his  way  home- 
ward, a  consultation  at  Hartford,  with  some  of  the  princi- 
pal men  of  the  Colony  and  some  of  the  native  chiefs.* 


1  Atidros  to  the  Lords  of  the  Com- 
mittee, in  O'Callagban,  Documents, 
&c.  III.  554. 

2  Conn.  Rec,  III.  449  ;  O'Callaghan, 
Documents,  &c..  III.  555-561.  —  Ma- 
son died  while  accompanying  the  Gov- 
ernor on  this  journey.  (Belknap,  His- 
tory, &c.,  I.  337;  Letter  of  Randolph 
to  the  Lords,  October  8,  in  O'Cal- 
laghan, Documents,  &c.,  III.  368.)  — 
King  James  seems  to  have  now  had 
a  spasm  of  English  feeling  in  respect 
to  the  threatened  encroachments  of 
the  French  upon  his  dependencies  in 
America.  France  was  beginning  to 
manifest  her  ambition  for  American 
empire,  by  employing  missionaries  and 
erecting  fortresses  along  the  inland 
English  frontier  (Charlevoix,  His- 
toire  Generale  de  la  Nouvelle  France, 
Livre  XL)  ;  and  the  consolidating  of 
the  Northern  English  Colonies  under 
one  head  probably  seemed  to  King 
James's  advisers  a  suitable  measure  of 
counteraction.  "  About  the  year  1685, 
the  French  of  Canada  encroached 
upon  the  lands  of  the  subjects  of  the 
crown  of  England,  building  forts  upon 
the  heads  of  their  great   rivers,  and, 


extending  their  bounds,  disturbed  the 

inhabitants ; whereupon  it  was 

advised  and  ordered  in  Council,  that 
the  three  small  Colonies  of  Connecti- 
cut, New  Plymouth,  and  Rhode  Island, 
not  able  to  make  any  defence  against 
the  French,  together  with  the  Prov- 
inces of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine, 
should  be  united,  and  made  one  en- 
tire government,  the  better  to  defend 
themselves  against  invasion."  (Ran- 
dolph's "  Short  Narrative,"  &c.,  in 
O'Callaghan,  Documents,  III.  579.) 
"  This  [the  annexation  of  New  York 
and  New  Jersey  to  New  England], 
besides  other  advantages,  will  be  ter- 
rible to  the  French,  and  make  them 
proceed  with  more  caution  than  they 
have  lately  done."  (Blathwayt  to 
Randolph,  March  11,  1G88,  in  Hutch. 
Hist.,  L  332.) 

3  Letter  of  Andros  to  Major  Gold,  of 
August  25.  (Conn.  Rec,  IIL  448.) 
Comp.  Letter  of  Randolph,  of  October 
8,  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee. 
(O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  IIL 
550-568.) 

*  Letter  of  Andros  to  Allyn  (Conn. 
Rec,  m.  449),  dated  New  York,  Oct.  1. 


564  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Thence  lie  went. up  to  Northfield,  where  he  was  annoyed 
by  mtellisrence  brouojht  to  him  from  Boston, 

October  15.  ,  i  •    •  i  ,     ,i  •,  , 

that  the  provisional  government  there,  alarmed 
by  a  report  of  turbulent  manifestations  of  the 
natives  about  Casco  Bay/  had  sent  a  force  to 
Maine  for  the  protection  of  the  settlers.^ 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  Governor  felt  any  con- 
cern about  the  operations  of  Mather  in  England.     That 
sanguine    emissary    had    not,    however,    been    inactive. 
Arriving  at  London  after  a  short  passage,  he 
in   a  few   days   obtained   an    audience    of  the 
King  at  Whitehall.      The  King  was  now  dili- 
gently courting  the  Dissenters,^  and  he  received  Mather 
with  gracious  professions.     At  the  first  interview,  Mather 
did  no  more  than  present  Addresses,  from  ministers  of 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  of  thanks  for  the  Declara- 
tion  of  Indulgence.      At  a   second,  two   days 
after,  he  opened  his  case  against  Andros,  and  was 
directed  to  present  in  writing  a  statement  of  the  griev- 
ances complained  of      Subsequently  the  King  received 
him  three  times,  and  renewed  his  promises  of 
September  26.   favor.      Mcanwliile    Mather    "  made    as   many 
friends  as  he  could."     William  Penn   "  treated 

him  with  much  civility, and  the  Eoman  Catholics 

themselves  used  him  very  courteously."  It  was  said  that 
he  came  into  friendly  relations  with  Father  Peter.  But 
this  he  denied.  "  Some  that  were  friends  to  New  Eng- 
land strongly  advised  him  to  seek  an  acquaintance  with 
that  gentleman,  and  use  his  interest  with  the  King ;  but 
he  always  declined  it,  and  said  it  was  next  to  going  to 

1   The  alarm  was  -wide-spread  and  ments,  &c.,  III.  550-552  ;  Mass.  Arch., 

serious,  even  in  Massachusetts  proper.  CXXIX.  167,  168,  173,  179.) 

Deputy-Governor  Nicholson,  who  was  2  Conn.   Rec,  III.  451  ;    Narrative 

sent  by  Andros  to  Boston  on  his  recep-  of  Proceedings,  &c.,  11  ;  Randolph  to 

tion  of  bad  news  at  Northfield,  took  the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  in  O'Cal- 

active  measures  of  precaution.     (Let-  laghan,  Documents,  &c..  III.  365- 367. 

ter  of  Nicholson,  in  O'Callaghan,  Docu-  3  gee  above,  p.  460. 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND   ANDROS.  5^5 

the  Devil  for  help,  and  he  could  never  find  in  his  heart 
to  do  it."  The  result  of  his  observations  upon  the  King 
was,  that  he  "  said,  in  his  own  mind, '  I  will  see  thy  face 
again  no  more.'  He  thought  that  he  had  heard  good 
words  enough,  and  saw  they  were  all  he  was  like  to  be 
put  off  withal."  ^ 

But  he  had  not  confined  himself  to  endeavors  in  that 
exalted  quarter.  Jointly  with  Samuel  Nowell  and  EHsha 
Hutchinson,  formerly  Assistants  of  Massachusetts,  whom 
he  found  at  London,  he  presented  a  petition  to 

^  i  L  Proceedings  or 

the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  which  received  so  Mather  and  hu 
much  notice  as  to  be  referred  by  them  to  the  England. 
Attorney-General.^  The  memorial  "  prayed,  ^"^''^'^®- 
that  the  right  which  they  [the  Massachusetts  people] 
had  in  their  estates  before  the  government  was  changed 
might  be  confirmed ;  and  that  no  laws  might  be  made, 
or  moneys  raised,  without  an  Assembly,  with  sundry  other 

particulars The  Clerk,  William  Blathwayt,  sent  to 

the  Attorney-General  a  copy,  wherein  the  essential  pro- 
posal of  an  Assembly  was  wholly  left  out.  And,  being 
spoke  to  about  it,  he  said  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  blotted 
out  that  with  his  own  hand."  ^  The  King's  ministers  had 
no  mind  to  concede  either  of  these  material  points,  and 
Mather  and  his  friends  saw  that  they  had  effected  noth- 
ing. One  more  ineffectual  effort  they  made  with  King 
James,  all  whose  attention  was  now  beginning  to  be  far 
otherwise  employed.  Their  final  petition  to 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee  was  as  follows : 
"  Since  your  Lordships  seem  to  be  of  opinion   that  his 

1  Parentator,  109-116.  a  freedom  of  speech  which  had  given 

2  The  same  persons  had  presented  *  offence  ;  for  there  is  an  indorsement 
an  earlier  petition,  praying  for  "  liberty  on  their  papers  to  the  effect  that  a  day 
of  conscience  and  property,"  and  a  was  appointed  for  hearing  them  (June 
charter  for  the  College,  accompanied  19),  but  "  they  withdrew  their  petition, 
by  "  an  humble  memorial  of  the  pres-     and  did  not  appear."     (Ibid.) 

ent  condition  of  the  Dissenters  in  New  3  Narrative  of  the  Miseries  of  New 
England."     (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)     It  England,  in    Sixth  Collection  of  Pa- 
is likely  that  they  found  they  had  used  pers,  &c.,  33. 
VOL.  III.                                  48 


566 


HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


Majesty  will  not  at  present  grant  an  Assembly  to  be  held 
within  his  dominion  of  New  England  for  the  making  of 
laws  or  raising  of  money,  the  petitioners  humbly  conceive 
that  it  will  be  much  for  his  Majesty's  service  and  the 
peaceable  government  of  his  subjects  there,  that,  until 
his  Majesty  shall  be  graciously  pleased  to  grant  an  As- 
sembly, the  Council  should  consist  of  such  persons  as 
shall  be  considerable  proprietors  of  lands  within  his  Majes- 
ty's dominions ;  and  that,  the  counties  being  continued 
as  at  present,  each  county  may  have  one  at  least  of  such 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  same  to  be  members  thereof. 
And  that  no  Acts  may  pass  for  law  but  such  as  have  been 
or  shall  be  voted  by  the  manifest  consent  of  the  major 
part  in  the  Council.  And  that  all  laws,  so  made,  may  by 
printing  be  published  for  the  general  instruction  of  all 
the  inhabitants."  ^  So  small  a  boon,  in  that  dismal  time, 
were  men  of  Massachusetts  content  to  ask  from  a  King 
of  England.^ 


1  Hutch.  Hist,  I.  229,  230. 

2  In  the  collection  of  Colonial  Pa- 
pers in  the  British  State  Paper  Office 
is  a  characteristic  letter  written  about 
this  time  (October  19,  1688)  by  Ran- 
dolph to  "John  Paddy,  at  the  Plan- 
tation Office,  Whitehall."  "  Hearing 
how  furiously  Mr.  Mather  and  his 
friends  now  at  Whitehall  drive  on,"  he 
furnishes  his  friend  with  papers,  "  by 
which,"  he  says,  "  you  may  inform  your- 
self and  others  of  the  man,  his  qualities, 
and  especially  his  loyalty."  One  of 
these  papers,  described  by  him  as  "  a 
copy  of  Mr.  Rosse's  letter  directed  to 
me  at  the  Plantation  Office,"  relates  to 
the  alleged  letter,  mentioned  above,  of 
Increase  Mather  to  a  resident  of  Am- 
sterdam. (See  above,  p.  557.)  Ran- 
dolph charges  Mather  with  having  said, 
at  a  public  meeting  in  Boston,  that 
"  the  King's  desiring  a  surrender  of 
their  charter  was  like  Ahab's  requiring 


Naboth's  vineyard."  He  added  (see 
above,  p.  388,  note  1):  "Mr.  Whar- 
ton, then  of  another  kidney,  was  pres- 
ent, and,  upon  hearing  such  expi-essions, 
left  the  meeting  in  great  heat."  Hav- 
ing reviled  Mather  and  Nowell  largely, 
Randolph  winds  up  his  letter  with  the 
words :  "  From  such,  good  Lord  de- 
liver. Sir,  your  humble  servant,  Ed. 
Randolph." 

In  the  same  collection  is  a  manu- 
script, bearing  the  title,  "  Naval  Office 
Returns,  Massachusetts,  No.  35."  It 
relates  to  the  years  1686-1707,  and 
contains  important  entries  of  Ran- 
dolph, relating  to  the  commerce  of 
Boston.  According  to  this  authority, 
there  were  cleared  at  the  port  of 
Boston,  in  the  half-year  between 
March  25  and  September  29,  1688, 
seven  vessels  for  England  (all  bound 
to  London)  ;  one,  for  Fayal ;  two,  for 
Madeira;  one,  for  Holland ;  eleven,  for 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS. 


567 


The  Governor's  vexation  about  Indian  affairs  was  not 
relieved  when  he  found  himself  at  home  ao^ain  in 

_,  Tx  1  •    1         1  •  T  1  October  25. 

Boston.     He  was  possessed  with  the  idea  that 
the  Indians  at  the  Eastward  were  hardly  treated,  and  that 
it  was  needless  severity  to  send  a  force  against  them,  as 
the  Magistrates  at  Boston  had  done  in  his  ab- 
sence.-^    He  at  once  arrested  the  military  move- 
ment, and  discharged  some  natives  who  had  been  taken 
prisoners,  at  the   same  time   issuing  a  proclamation,  in 
which  he  called  upon  the  Indians  to  set  at  liberty  their 
English  captives  at  once,  and  to  surrender  up  to  justice 
within  three  weeks  every  Indian  who  had  killed  a  settler. 
He  advised  them  to  establish  themselves  near  the  settle- 


Bilbao  ;  one,  for  the  Canary  Islands ; 
eighty-four,  for  Barbadoes,  Jamaica, 
and  other  West  India  Islands  ;  thirty- 
two,  for  other  North  American  Col- 
onies ;  one,  for  Portugal  ;  and  one, 
for  Cadiz.  Almost  all  these  vessels 
■were  owned  in  Boston,  and  were 
"  plantation  built."  The  coasters  and 
the  vessels  trading  to  the  West  Indies 
were  of  30,  20,  and  10  tons'  measure- 
ment. There  is  one  instance  of  a  ves- 
sel of  7  tons  ;  her  lading  consisted  of 
"  provisions ;  one  pipe  Madeira,  and 
two  chests  of  Bhenish  wine  ;  some 
earthenware,  and  a  parcel  of  English 
goods,  as  per  certificate."  One  vessel 
measured  200  tons  ;  two,  160  ;  one, 
120  ;  two,  140  ;  two,  120  ;  no  other 
exceeded  100  tons.  Within  the  same 
time  there  were  entered  thirty-seven 
vessels  arriving  from  other  North 
American  Colonies ;  eighty-nine,  from 
the  West  Indies  ;  twenty-one,  from 
England  ;  two,  from  Madeira ;  four, 
from  Fayal ;  and  one,  from  Ireland. 
This  last  vessel  was  of  40  tons'  bur- 
den, and  she  brought  no  other  cargo 
than  "  thirty-one  men  and  women  ser- 
vants, being  bound  for  Virginia." 

1  "  Sir  Edmund  hath  lately  been  at 
New  York,  and  from  thence  to  Albany, 


&c.,  through  the  country ;  was  absent 
about  eleven  weeks,  and,  as  I  hear, 
will  not  allow  it  to  be  called  a  war,  but 
murtherous  acts,  and  he  will  inquire 
the  grounds ;  is  not  pleased  that  any 
soldiers  were  levied,  in  his  absence,  to 
send  Eastward,  and  hath  released  from 
prison  Indians  that  were  sent  thence." 
(Letter  from  Danforth,  in  Boston,  to 
Nowell,  in  London,  of  October  22, 
1688,  in  Hutch.  Coll.,  565.)  —  This  is  a 
mournful  letter.  "  Let  me  advise  you," 
writes  Danforth,  "  not  to  present  any- 
thing by  way  of  complaint  to  his  Ma- 
jesty ;  for  that,  I  fear,  will  do  us  more 
hurt  than  good."  "  Without  a  General 
Assembly,"  he  says,  "  our  condition  ia 
little  inferior  to  absolute  slavery."  "  I 
again  beseech  you  to  conceal  my  name 
from  all  men,  for  you  well  know  how 
great  an  object  I  am  of  their  hatred."  — 
One  of  Danforth's  important  opponents 
was  now  dead.  "  Mr.  Peter  Bulkeley 
died  about  three  months  since,  and 
verily  his  sun  did  set  in  a  cloud." 
(Ibid.)  He  had  been  failing  many 
months.  "  As  for  Mr.  Bulkeley,  he  is 
stupefied  and  drown  in  melancholy, 
and  almost  useless,  being  seldom  with 
us."  (Randolph  to  Povey,  January 
24,  1688,  Ibid.,  557.) 


568  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

ments,  and  to  cultivate  relations  of  good-will  with  their 
Eno-lish  neigchbors. 

The  proclamation  produced  little  effect.  The  Indians 
were  enraged  and  confident.  Castine  had  taken  deep 
offence,  and  his  influence  with  the  tribes  was  powerful. 
No  prisoners  or  culprits  were  given  up.^  The  language 
of  the  natives  was  defiant.  Sir  Edmund  abandoned  his 
peaceful  policy.     Collectino-  hastily  a  force  of 

Military  expe-      ^  i.  J  o  ^  ^ 

ditioDofAn-  nearly  a  thousand  men/  he  led  them  into  the 
juinL  Eastern  country.     The  hardships  and  the  mis- 

November.  f^j-tunes  of  thc  Campaign  added  to  the  burden 
of  his  unpopularity.  The  weather  was  severe.  The 
fatigue  of  long  marches,  through  a  country  unsettled  and 
without  roads,  was  excessive.  Sickness  spread  among 
the  companies.  Shelter  and  hospital  stores  had  been 
insufficiently  provided.  The  Indians  fled  unharmed  to 
the  woods,  where  they  were  at  home  and  secure.  The 
undertaking  was  contemptibly  abortive. 

But  the  Governor,  with  all  his  faults,  was  no  coward. 
He  pressed  on,  and  did  what  he  could  for  the  protection 
of  the  settlers  by  establishing  forts  at  convenient  dis- 
tances. They  were  eleven  in  number,  and  were  garri- 
soned through  the  winter  by  nearly  six  hundred  men.^ 

The  costliness,  discomforts,  and  inutility  of  this  ex- 
pedition  occasioned  clamor  in  the   camp,  and 

Current  sus-         \ 

picioDsasto      increased  the   discontents  existing  at  the  cap- 
ital.    It  was  natural  that  the  despotic  Governor 

1  Chalmers  (Annals,  428)  says,  oth-  Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  in  Hutch.  Hist.,  I. 
erwise,  as  to  prisoners.  But  the  state-  353,  note.)  —  Sir  Edmund  had  at  this 
ment  of  Stoughton  and  others,  in  time  at  least  two  companies  of  regular 
"Narrative  of  the  Proceedings,"  &c.  infantry;  for,  November  13,  1689,  he 
(12),  is  conclusive  against  him.  "  received  pay  for  the  two  foot  compa- 

2  "  An  army  of  one  thousand  Eng-  nies  in  New  England  to  September  1, 
lish,"  says  Byfield.  (Account  of  the  1688."  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  Ac- 
Late  Revolution,  &c.,  17.)  Other  au-  cording  to  Williamson  (History,  &c.,  I. 
thorities  make  the  force  to  have  been  589,  590),  whose  authority  for  the  state- 
somewhat  less.  "  About  seven  hun-  ment  I  do  not  know,  Andros  took  a 
dred  soldiers  then  levied  in  this  Col-  hundred  regulars  into  Maine. 

ony,  and  sent  thither."     (Dabforth  to        3  ibid. 


Chap.  XIV.]     GOVERNMENT   OF   SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS.  559 

should  be  assailed  with  more  accusations  than  he  merited. 
The  public  mind  was  embittered  by  suspicions  of  his 
being  treacherous  in  these  military  transactions.  It  was 
said  that  he,  had  attacked  Castine's  fort  to  provoke  him 
to  make  a  hostile  league  with  the  Indians ;  that  at  Al- 
bany he  had  made  a  peace  between  the  Five  Nations 
and  the  French,  with  a  view  to  a  concerted  action  against 
the  Colonies  of  New  England  ;  that  he  had  led  Massachu- 
setts troops  into  a  wilderness  in  the  depth  of  winter  in 
order  to  their  ruin,  and  not  to  the  defeat  of  their  ene- 
mies. An  Indian  prisoner  reported  that  his  comrades 
had  been  told  by  the  Governor  that  the  French  would 
seize  on  Boston  in  the  spring.  Another  said  that  the 
Mohawks  had  sent  a  message  to  his  tribe  that  they  had 
been  hired  by  Sir  Edmund  to  attack  the  English.  The 
apprehension  that  he  was  instructed  by  the  King  to  turn 
New  England  over  to  the  French,  in  the  contingency  of 
a  popular  outbreak  in  England,  was  confirmed  by  reports 
of  French  men-of-war  hovering  about  the  coast  for  the 
consummation  of  this  object.^  At  Pemaquid,  information 
came  to  Andros  of  the  apprehensions  entertained  at  court 
of  a  movement  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  ;  where-  lesg. 
upon  he  issued  a  proclamation  commanding  his  J'*°'^'""y  lo- 
Majesty's  subjects  in  New  England,  and  especially  all 
officers,  civil  and  military,  to  be  on  the  alert,  should  there 
be  an  approach  of  any  foreign  fleet,  to  resist  such  land- 
ing or  invasion  as  might  be  attempted.^  Not  unjustly, 
it  may  be  believed,  the  Governor's  object  was  understood 
to  be  to  hold  New  England  for  King  James,  if  possible, 
should  the  parent  country  regain  her  freedom. 

1  Revolution  Justified,  40,  41  ;  Vin-        2  Revolution  Justified,  10;  Colonial 
dication  of  New  England,  14,  15.  Papers,  &c. 


48* 


CHAPTER    XV. 


When  Governor  Andros  returned  to  Boston  from  his 

circ.        improsperous  military  expedition  to  the  Eastern 

March  3.      countrj,  he   met  no  friendly  welcome.^      The 

height  to   which  the   discontent  with  King  James  had 

reached  in  England  was  not  unknown  in  America,  and 


1  I  do  not  know  the  precise  time  of 
Andros's  return  from  his  expedition  to 
the  Eastward.  Hutchinson  says  (Hist. 
1.  332)  that  "a  rumor  of  the  landing 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange  brought  the 
Governor  from  Pemaquid  to  Boston  " ; 
but,  if  so,  the  rumor  must  have  been 
a  very  vague  one.  January  26,  1689, 
in  a  letter  dated  at  Pemaquid,  Andros 
said  thgj;  he  intended  to  return  "  as 
soon  as  the  state  of  those  parts  would 
admit."  (Mass.  Arch.,  CXXIX.  316.) 
In  Randolph's  "  Short  Narrative,"  ad- 
dressed to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee 
(O'Callaghan,  Documents,  &c.,  HI. 
681),  he  says:  "The  Governor  left 
the  forces  to  the  Eastward  on  the  16th 
of  March,  and  arrived  in  Boston  about 
a  week  after."  But  an  official  paper 
purports  to  have  been  executed  by  the 
Governor  in  Boston,  March  5.  (Mass. 
Arch.,  CXXIX.  346.)  If  this  was  so, 
it  was  immediately  after  his  arrival 
there ;  for  "  he  passed  through  Salem 
going  for  Boston,  in  March,  1688-89, 
when  he  came  from  the  Indian  war." 
(Affidavit  of  the  Reverend  Mr.  Hig- 
ginson,  and  Captain  Sewall,  of  Salem, 
in  "  Revolution  in  New  England  Jus- 
tified," pp.  12-15.) 

On  this  occasion,  in  the  presence  of 


"  the  Attorney-General  Graham,  Sec- 
retary West,  Judge  Palmer,  the  room 
being  also  full  of  other  people,"  the 
aged  minister  of  Salem  had  a  full 
conference  with  the  Governor,  who 
affirmed  that  "  all  the  lands  in  New 
England  were  the  King's,"  and  "  said 
with  indignation,  '  Either  you  are  sub- 
jects, or  you  are  rebels,'  intimating," 
says  Higginson,  "  as  I  understood  him, 
according  to  the  whole  scope  and  ten- 
dency of  his  speeches  and  actions,  that, 
if  we  would  not  yield  all  the  lands  of 
New  England  to  be  the  King's,  so  as 
to  take  patents  for  lands,  and  to  pay 
rent  for  the  same,  then  we  should  not 
be  accounted  subjects,  but  rebels,  and 
treated  accordingly."     (Ibid.,  18,  20.) 

Chalmers's  reflections  on  the  state  of 
things  at  this  time  are  as  follows :  — 

"  If  from  a  Colony,  always  remark- 
able for  quietude  [Pennsylvania],  we 
turn  our  attention  to  one  as  noted 
generally  for  turbulence,  we  shall  ob- 
serve those  effects  which  necessarily 
result  from  correspondent  causes,  the 
successful  result  of  projects  deeply  laid 
and  ably  conducted.  The  agents  of 
Massachusetts,  who  went  to  England 
in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1688  in 
conformity   to   instructions   which   re- 


Chap.  XV.]  KEVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.      57^ 

did  not  fail  to  exasperate  the  prevailing  resentment 
against  his  tyrannical  representative.  The  oppressive 
character  of  the  Governor's  administration  created  more 
and  more  indignation  and  alarm,  as  it  was  more  devel- 
oped and  more  discussed.  The  misfortunes  of  his  re- 
cent campaign  added  to  the  burden  of  odium  under 
which  he  lay.  Exposure  and  disease  had  proved  fatal 
to  many  of  the  soldiers,  and  their  friends  angrily  asked 
what  advantage  the  sacrifice  had  Won. 

One  of  the  Governor's  first  acts  after  his  return  tended 
strongly  to  increase  the  popular  disaffection.  The  gloomy 
and  jealous  state  of  men's  minds  had  gained  credit  for 


quired  them  to  take  every  advantage 
of  times  and  circumstances  for  the  good 
of  New  England,  having  derived  every 
advantage  from  the  folly  or  infatua- 
tion of  James  II.,  beheld  with  satis- 
faction, in  October,  1688,  the  approach 
of  the  Prince  of  Oransje  to  England. 
They  rejoiced  in  proportion  as  they 
perceived  that  their  beloved  Massa- 
chusetts must  gain,  whatever  might  be 
his  success.  When  the  information  of 
Louis  XIV.  at  length  roused  James 
II.  from  the  dream  of  security  into 
which  he  had  been  lulled  by  the  in- 
sidious counsels  of  his  minister,  he  on 
the  16th  of  October  gave  notice  to 
Andros,  by  circular  letter  to  the  Gov- 
ernors, of  the  intended  invasion 

By  the  same  opportunity,  the  agents 
transmitted  qot  only  the  result  of  their 
solicitations,  but  informed  their  friends 
of  what  they  saw  and  heard  in  Eng- 
land, and  warned  them  to  prepare  the 
minds  of  the  people  for  an  interesting 
change.  The  vessel  which  carried  all 
these  different  despatches  arrived  at 
Boston  in  the  beginning  of  January, 

1689.      Andros was  then  at 

Pemaquid,  on  the  extremity  of  the 
Eastern  frontiers.  In  pursuance  of  his 
orders,  on  the  10th  of  January  he 
issued  there  a  proclamation But 


he  gave  commands  in  vain  to  men 
whose  minds  had  been  long  alienated 
equally  as  well  from  their  sovereign 
and  his  representative  whom  they 
hated  as  the  author  of  their  ills,  and 
whose  zeal  would  have  received  those 
proscribed  invaders  with  acclamation 
and  favor.  Agreeably  to  the  sugges- 
tions of  the  agents,  a  variety  of  rumors 
were  scattered  among  the  vulgar;  now, 
that  King  James  had  fled  to  France, 
and  there  died  of  vexations;  anon,  that 
the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange 
had  been  proclaimed  King  and  Queen 
of  England.  Andros,  unsuspicious 
that  the  train  was  affixed  to  a  mine 
that  was  soon  to  blow  his  government 
in  air,  reipained  at  Pemaquid  till 
towards  the  end  of  March,  —  when 
he  returned  to  Boston,  in  consequence 
of  the  reports  that  had  reached  him." 
(Annals,  Book  II.  in  Mr.  Sparks's  man- 
uscript.) 

I  must  add  that  Chalmers's  statement 
of  the  time  of  Andres's  return  is  con- 
firmed by  the  Governor  in  his  report  to 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee.  "  About 
the  latter  end  of  March,  1688,  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros  returned  for  Boston." 
(R.  L  Rec,  m.  282.)  Perhaps  the 
date  of  his  official  signature  (see  page 
570)  was  an  error  for  Aptil  5. 


572  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III, 

stories,  circulating  in   the   army,  to   the   effect  that  he 


Charges  of 


had  a  treacherous  understanding^  with  the  In- 
treachery         diaus,  and  had  even  furnished  them  with  ammu- 

against  An-  ' 

dros.  nition   for  the  destruction  of  the   force   under 

his  command/  The  stories  were  improbable,  but  his 
imprudence  gave  them  an  appearance  of  truth.^  An 
Indian  had  declared,  in  the  hearing  of  some  inhabitants 
of  Sudbury,  "  that  the  Governor  was  a  rogue,  and  had 
hired  the  Indians  to  kill  the  English,"  adding  some  par- 
ticulars of  the  alleged  bargain.  The  Sudbury 
men  rebuked  him ;  and  when  he  persisted  in 
the  allegation,  two  of  them,  named  Browne  and  Goode- 
now,  brought  him  to  Watertown,  and  there  told  their 
story  to  a  Justice  of  the  Peace. 

By  the  Justice's  advice,  they  next  took  him  to  the 
Governor  at  Boston.    The  Governor  was  rough 

His  imprudent  ^ 

treatment  of  wlth  tlicm.  Thcy  wcro  not  admitted  to  his 
presence  till  "  after  long  waiting  in  a  very  wet 
and  cold  season,"  and  then  they  "were  detained  until 
eleven  or  twelve  o'clock  at  night."  By  this  time  they 
would  have  liked  to  be  rid  of  the  business  and  of  their 
prisoner.  But  such  was  not  the  Governor's  pleasure. 
He  "commanded  them  still  to  take  care  of  the  Indian 
till  his  pleasure  was  to  call  for  them  again,  and  this  as 
they  would  answer  it.  Thus  being  severely  chidden 
out  of  his  presence,  they  were  forced  with  the  Indian 
to  seek  their  quarters  where  they  could  find  them.  The 
next  morning,"  they  say  in  their  affidavit,  "we  were 
preparing  to  go  home  again  to  Sudbury  (being  twenty 
miles  or  more),  being  Saturday,  when  we  were  again 
sent  for  by  the  Governor  by  a  messenger  to  wait  on 
the  Governor  with  the  Indian,  which  we  did,  and  waited 
at  the  Exchange  or  Council-House  in  Boston,  from  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning  till  three   of  the  clock  in  the 

i  Revolution  Justified,  &c.,  27-30.       12  ;  Vindication  of  New  England,  &c., 
2  Narrative  of  Proceedings,  &c.,  10  -     14,  15. 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.      573 

afternoon,  where,  in  the  face  of  the  country,  we  were 
made  to  wait  upon  the  Indian  with  many  squibs  and 
scoffs  that  we  met  withal.  At  last,  we  were  commanded 
up  before  the  Governor  and  his  Council,  where  we  were 
examined  apart  over  and  over,  and  about  the  sunsetting 
were  granted  leave  to  go  home,  it  being  the  evening 
before  the  Sabbath." 

The  officious  witnesses  remained  at  home  unmolested 
a  week,  during  which  time,  however,  five  of  their 
neighbors,  probably  for  professing  to  believe 
the  Indian's  story,  were  by  "  a  messenger  fetched  down 
to  Boston,  where,  after  examination,"  one  of  them  "  was 
committed  to  close  prison."  The  following  week, 
"  the  Sheriff  of  Middlesex  and  his  Deputy  came 
up  to  Sudbury,  and  commanded "  Browne  and  Goode- 
now,  with  three  others,  "  forthwith  to  appear  at  Boston, 
at  Colonel  Paige's  house ;  but,  it  being  a  wet  and  cold 
day,  they  were  detained  at  Judge  Dudley's  house  at 
Roxbury,  where,  after  long  waiting,  they  had  the  kind- 
ness shown  them  to  have  an  examination,  every  man 
apart,  before  Judge  Dudley,  Judge  Stoughton,  Mr.  Gra- 
ham, and  others,  and  were  bound  over  to  answer,  at 
the  next  Superior  Court  to  be  held  at  Boston,  what 
should  there  be  objected  against  them  on  his  Majesty's 
account."  Browne,  GoodenoW^  and  another  "  were  each 
of  them  bound  over  in  three  hundred  pound  bonds,  and 
each  man  two  sureties  in  three  hundred  pound  bond 
apiece."  The  comment  of  the  time  was  not  unnatural 
nor  uncandid.  "  Although  no  man  does  accuse  Sir  Ed- 
mund merely  upon  Indian  testimony,  yet  let  it  be  duly 
weighed  (the  premises  considered)  whether  it  might  not 
create  suspicion  and  an  astonishment  in  the  people  of 
New  England,  in  that  he  did  not  punish  the  Indians 
who  thus  charged  him,  but  the  English  who  complained 
of  them  for  it."^ 

1  Revolution  Justified,  &c.,  31-34. 


574  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

The  nine  days'  wonder  of  the  prosecution  of  the  Sud- 
Newsofuie      burj  men  was  not  over,  when  a  matter  of  far 

landing  of  the  •  •  j_       ^     '  i     ±^  UT  j.j. 

Prince  of        more  serious  import  claimed  the  public  atten- 

En^fnd"        ^^^^'      ^   young   man,  named   John   Winslow, 

April  4.       arrived   at   Boston  from   the   island   of  Nevis, 

bringing  a  copy  of  the  Declaration  issued  by  the  Prince 

1690.        of  Orange  on  his  landing  in  England.    His  story 

February  4.    jg  j^gg^.  ^q|^  'j^  ^j^g  words  of  an  affidavit  made 

by  him  some  months  after. 

"  Being  at  Nevis,"  he  says,  "  there  came  in  a  ship  from 
1689.  some  part  of  England  with  the  Prince  of 
February.  Qraugc's  Declaratious,  and  brought  news  also 
of  his  happy  proceedings  in  England,  with  his  entrance 
there ;  which  was  very  welcome  news  to  me,  and  I  knew 
it  would  be  so  to  the  rest  of  the  people  in  New  England. 
And  I,  being  bound  thither,  and  very  willing  to  carry 
such  good  news  with  me,  gave  four  shillings  sixpence 
for  the  said  Declarations,  on  purpose  to  let  the  people 
in  New  England  understand  what  a  speedy  deliverance 
they  might  expect  from  arbitrary  power.  We  arrived 
at  Boston  harbor  the  fourth  day  of  April  following ;  and, 
as  soon  as  I  came  home  to  my  house.  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dros,  understanding  I  brought  the  Prince's  Declarations 
with  me,  sent  the  Sheriff  to  me.  So  I  went  along  with 
him  to  the  Governor's  house ;  and,  as  soon  as  I  came 
in,  he  asked  me  why  I  did  not  come  and  tell  him  the 
news.  I  told  him  I  thought  it  not  my  duty,  neither 
was  it  customary  for  any  passenger  to  go  to  the  Gov- 
ernor when  the  master  of  the  ship  had  been  with  him 
before,  and  told  him  the  news.  He  asked  me  where 
the  Declarations  I  brought  with  me  were.  I  told  him 
I  could  not  tell,  being  a,fraid  to  let  him  have  them, 
because  he  would  not  let  the  people  know  any  news. 
He  told  me  I  was  a  saucy  fellow,  and  bid  the  Sheriff 
carry  me  away  to  the  Justices  of  the  Peace ;  and,  as 
we  were  going,  I  told  the  Sheriff  I  would   choose  my 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.      575 

Justice ;  he  told  me,  No,  I  must  go  before  Doctor  BuUi- 
vant,  one  picked  on  purpose  (as  I  judged)  for  the  busi- 
ness. Well,  I  told  him,  I  did  not  care  who  I  went  before, 
for  I  knew  my  cause  was  good.  So  soon  as  I  came  in, 
two  more  of  the  Justices  dropped  in,  Charles  Lidget  and 
Francis  Foxcroft,  such  as  the  former,  fit  for  the  purpose. 
So  they  asked  me  for  my  papers.  I  told  them  I  would 
not  let  them  have  them,  by  reason  they  kept  all  the 
news  from  the  people.  So  when  they  saw  they  could 
not  get  what  I  bought  with  my  money,  they  sent  me  to 
prison  for  bringing  traitorous  and  treasonable  libels  and 
papers  of  news,  notwithstanding  I  offered  them  security 
to  the  value  of  two  thousand  pounds."  ^ 

The  intelligence  which  had  reached  Winslow  at  Nevis, 
and  waerbrought  thence  by  him  to  Boston,  could  scarcely 
have  embraced  transactions  in  England  of  a  later  date 
than  the  first  month  after  the  landing  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  Within  that  time,  the  result  of  the  expedition 
was  extremely  doubtful.^  There  had  been  bo  extensive 
rising  against  the  King,  and  every  day  of  delay  was  in 
his  favor.  He  had  a  powerful  army  and  fleet ;  and  the 
history  of  England  taught  nothing  more  clearly,  than  the 
insecurity  of  all  calculations  upon  popular  discontent, 
when  an  occasion  arose  for  putting  English  loyalty  to  the 
last  proof  Should  the  clergy,  after  all,  be  true  to  their 
ostentatious  assertions  of  the  obligation  of  unqualified 
obedience  ;  should  the  army  be  faithful ;  should  the  King, 
by  artifice  or  by  victory,  attract  to  his  side  the  wavering 
mass  of  his  subjects,  and  expel  the  Dutch  invader,  then 
there  would  be  an  awful  reckoning  for  all  who  had  taken 

1  Vindication,  &c.,  21,  22;  Revolu-  than  that  his  Highness  was  landed  in 
tion  Justified,  &e.,  11,  12.  England They  also   accounted 

2  "  They,  as  it  were,  rescued  the  it  their  duty  to  embark  themselves  in 
country  out  of  the  hands  of  the  French,  the  same  cause,  though  they  knew  not 
even  before  they  knew  the  Prince  of  what  the  issue  of  so  mighty  a  work 
Orange  was  King  of  P^nglaud,  and  that  might  be."  (Ibid.  ;  comp.  Hutchinson 
at  a  time  when  they  knew  no  more  Papers,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXI.  100.) 


576  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book   III. 

part  against  the  court.  The  proceedings  after  the  insur- 
rection under  Monmouth  had  not  entirely  shown  how 
cruel  James  could  be.  His  position  then  had  been  far 
less  critical  than  now.  Then  he  enjoyed  some  degree  of 
popular  esteem,  and  then  the  preparations  against  him 
were  not  on  a  formidable  scale.  Now  he  was  thoroughly 
frightened.  In  proportion  to  his  present  alarm  would  be 
his  fury  if  he  should  come  off  victorious.  The  last  chance 
was  pending.  If  now  opposed  in  vain,  he  would  be  hence- 
forward irresistible.  Englishmen  who  should  now  with- 
stand their  King  must  be  sure  to  conquer  him,  or  must 
abandon  all  security  for  property,  liberty,  and  life.  Was 
it  any  way  prudent  for  the  feeble  Colony  of  Massachu- 
setts, divided  by  parties,  and  with  its  administration  in 
the  hands  of  a  tool  of  the  tyrant,  to  throw  itself  into 
the  contest  at  this  doubtful  stage  ? 

It  is  unavoidable  to  suppose  that  these  considerations 
were  anxiously  weighed  by  the  patriots  of  Massachusetts 
after  the  reception  of  the  momentous  intelligence  from 
England.  It  is  natural  to  believe  that,  during  the  fort- 
night which  followed,  there  were  earnest  arguments  be- 
tween the  more  and  the  less  sanguine  portions  of  the 
people.  It  seems  probable  that  the  leaders,  who  had 
most  to  fear  from  rashness,  if  it  should  be  followed  by 
defeat,  pleaded  for  forbearance,  or  at  least  delay.  If 
any  of  them  took  a  different  part,  they  took  it  warily, 
and  so  as  not  to  be  publicly  committed.  But  the  peo- 
ple's blood  was  up.  Though  any  day  now  might  bring 
tidings  which  would  assure  them  whether  a  movement 
of  theirs  would  be  safe  or  fatal,  their  impatience  could 
not  be  controlled.  If  the  leaders  would  not  lead, 
some  of  the  followers  must  take  their  places.  Mas- 
sachusetts must  at  all  events  have  her  share  in  the 
struggle,  and  her  share,  if  King  James  should  conquer, 
in  the  ruin. 

It   may   be   presumed    that   Andros   saw  threatening 


CuAP.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.      577 

signs/  as,  when  next  heard  of,  he  was  within  the  walls  of 
the  work  on  Fort  Hill.  Two  weeks  had  passed  after 
Winslow  came  with  his  news,  when,  at  an  early 

Rising  in 

hour  of  the  day,  without  any  audible  note  of  Boston. 
preparation,  Boston  was  all  astir.  The  day  was 
Thursday,  when  the  weekly  lecture  of  the  First  Church 
invited  a  concourse  from  the  neio-hborino;  towns.^  At 
the  South  End  of  Boston  a  rumor  spread  that  armed  men 
were  collecting  at  the  North  End.  At  the  North,  it 
was  told  that  there  was  a  bustle  and  a  rising  at  the 
South ;  and  a  party,  having  found  Captain  George  of  the 
Rose  frigate  on  shore,  laid  hands  on  him,  and  gave  him 
over  to  a  guard.  "  About  nine  of  the  clock  the  drums 
beat  through  the  town,  and  an  ensign  was  set  up  upon 
the  beacon."  Presently  Captain  Hill  marched  his  com- 
pany up  King  [State]  Street,  escorting  Bradstreet,  Dan- 
forth,  Richards,  Cooke,  Addington,  and  others  of  the  old 
Magistrates,  who  proceeded  together  to  the  Council-Cham- 
ber. Meantime,  Secretary  Randolph,  the  Justices  Bulli- 
vant  and  Foxcroft,  Sheriff  Sherlock,  and  "  many  more  " 
of  the  Governor's  party,  were  apprehended  and  put 
in  gaol.  The  gaol-keeper  was  added  to  their  company, 
and  his  function  was  undertaken  by  "  Scates  the  brick- 
layer." » 

"  About  noon,"  the  gentlemen  who  had  been  conferring 
together  in  the  Council-Chamber  appeared  in  the  eastern 
gallery  of  the  Town-House,  at  the  head  of  King  Street, 

1  Gershom  Bulkeley  says  (People's  that  there  was  "  a  general  buzzing 
Right  to  Election,  &c.,  in  Conn.  Hist,  among  the  people,  great  with  ex- 
Coll.,  I.  77)  that  "the  people's  taking  pectation  of  their  old  Charter,  or  they 
to  arms  was  wholly  a  surprise  to  his  know  not  what,"  and  directing  that 
Excellency,  and  that,  until  they  were  magistrates  should  be  vigilant,  and 
actually  so,  he  had  not  the  least  advice  that  extra  rations  should  be  served 
or  intimation  thereof."  But  Bulkeley,  out  to  the  troops.  (Hutch.  Hist.,  I. 
living  so  far  off  as  Connecticut,  was  332,  333.) 

mistaken.     April   16,  two  days  before  2  Letter  of  Bradford  and  Thomas  to 

the   outbreak,    Andros   wrote    to    the  Hinckley,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  XXXV. 

Counsellor  Brockholst,  informing  him  lyo. 

VOL.  III.  49 


578  HISTORY   OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

and  there  read  to  the  assembled  people  what  was  enti- 
Manifestoof  tied  a  "  Declaratioii  of  the  Gentlemen,  Mer- 
the  leaders.  chants,  and  Inhabitants  of  Boston,  and  the  Coun- 
try adjacent."  The  document  contains  a  short  narrative 
of  the  oppressions  that  had  been  suffered  by  the  Colony, 
beginning  with  the  vacating  of  the  charter.  It  animad- 
verts briefly  on  the  "  illegal "  commission  to  President 
Dudley  and  his  Council,  and  then  proceeds  to  portray  at 
some  length  the  misgovernment  of  Andros,  as  it  has  been 
described  in  these  pages.  Towards  the  end,  it  refers  in  a 
few  words  to  "  the  noble  undertaking  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  to  preserve  the  three  kingdoms  from  the  horrible 
brinks  of  Popery  and  Slavery,  and  to  bring  to  a  condign 
punishment  those  worst  of  men  by  whom  English  liber- 
ties have  been  destroyed."  One  point  was  delicate  ;  for 
among  the  recent  Counsellors  of  the  Governor  had  been 
considerable  men,  who,  it  was  hoped,  would  hereafter  act 
with  the  people.  It  is  thus  disposed  of:  "All  the  Coun- 
cil were  not  engaged  in  these  ill  actions ;  but  those  of 
them  which  were  true  lovers  of  their  country  were  sel- 
dom admitted  to,  and  seldomer  consulted  at,  the  debates 
which  produced  these  unrighteous  things.  Care  was 
taken  to  keep  them  under  disadvantages,  and  the  Gov- 
ernor, with  five  or  six  more,  did  what  they  would." 

The  Declaration  concludes  as  follows :  — 

"  We  do  therefore  seize  upon  the  persons  of  those  few 
ill  men  which  have  been  (next  to  our  sins)  the  grand 
authors  of  our  miseries  ;  resolving  to  secure  them  for 
what  justice  orders  from  his  Highness,  with  the  English 
Parliament,  shall  direct,  lest,  ere  we  are  aware,  we  find 
(what  we  may  fear,  being  on  all  sides  in  danger)  our- 
selves to  be  by  them  given  away  to  a  foreign  power, 
before  such  orders  can  reach  unto  us ;  for  which  orders 
we  now  humbly  wait.  In  the  mean  time,  firmly  believing 
that  we  have  endeavored  nothing  but  what  mere  duty 
to  God  and  our  country  calls  for  at  our  hands,  we  com- 


Chap.  XV.]  EEVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.       579 

mit  our  enterprise  unto  the  blessing  of  Him  who  hears 
the  cry  of  the  oppressed ;  and  advise  all  our  neighbors, 
for  whom  we  have  thus  ventured  ourselves,  to  join  with 
us  in  prayers,  and  all  just  actions,  for  the  defence  of  the 
land."i 


1  For  the  "Declaration"  see  Na- 
thaniel Byfield's  "  Account  of  the  Late 
Revolution,"  &c.,  7  -  20.  Hutchinson 
(Hist.,  I.  339)  says:  "  There  would  be 
room  to  doubt  whether  this  Declaration 
was  not  a  work  of  time,  and  prepared 
beforehand,  if  it  did  not  appear,  by  the 
style  and  language,  to  have  been  the 
performance  of  one  of  the  ministers 
of  Boston,  who  had  a  remarkable  talent 
for  very  quick  and  sudden  composures." 
Hutchinson  had  Cotton  Mather  in  his 
mind.  I  presume  that  Cotton  Mather 
was  the  chief  author  of  the  Declara- 
tion ;  a  probability  confirmed  by  the 
manner  in  which  he  has  abridged  it 
(Magnalia,  H.  43,  44),  treating  it  in 
that  loving  way  which  he  would  think 
due  to  a  bantling  of  his  own.  But 
I  also  incline  to  think  that  it  was  "  a 
work  of  time,"  and  that  it  was  com- 
posed before  news  came  of  the  landing 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  in  the  hope 
that  some  occasion  might  arise,  or  be 
made,  for  its  use.  I  will  go  so  far  as 
to  say,  that  the  brief  mention,  towards 
the  end,  of  the  recent  news  of  the 
Prince's  landing  does  not  indicate  to 
me  that  the  bulk  of  the  paper  was  pre- 
pared after  that  news  came.  I  think 
his  enterprise  would  then  have  been 
more  likely  to  be  made  the  first  topic, 
and  to  furnish  an  introduction  to  the 
rest.  The  mention  of  it,  coming  where 
it  now  does,  looks  to  me  rather  like  an 
afterthought  and  an  appendix. 

It  would  be  very  Interesting  to  know 
when  and  how  the  rising  in  Boston 
was  projtictetl.  But  conspirators  do 
not  show  their  hands  while  they  are  at 
their  game ;  and,  after  the  settlement 


under  King  William,  it  became  alto- 
gether unsuitable  for  those  who  had 
been  privy  to  the  facts  to  let  it  be 
known  that  the  insurrection  at  Boston 
was  a  movement  independent  of  his 
enterprise.  Morton's  Sermon,  so  redo- 
lent of  mutiny,  was  preached  a  year 
and  a  half  before  the  outbreak.  (See 
above,  p.  547.)  It  is  not  hkely  that 
the  winter  of  Andres's  absence  at  the 
Eastward  passed  without  many  con- 
sultations at  Boston  among  the  patri- 
otic malecontents.  Chalmers,  in  his 
unpublished  Second  Book  of  "  Political 
Annals,"  (see  above,  p.  480,)  wrote : 
"  As  vessels  frequently  sailed  from  Hol- 
land to  Boston  during  the  winter,  the 
conductors  of  the  intended  projects 
received  from  their  correspondents  in 
that  country  regular  notice  of  every 
event  in  Europe.  And  they  circulated 
their  inventions  or  their  fictions  as  best 
suited  the  conjuncture  of  the  times." 
The  author  of  a  piece  which  I  read  in 
the  British  State  Paper  Office,  "  Re- 
flections on  a  Pamphlet  lately  come 
abroad,  entitled,  '  Reasons  for  the  Con- 
firmation of  the  Charters  belonging 
to  the  several  Colonies  of  New  Eng- 
land,' "  declares  that  "  the  subversion 
of  kingly  government  and  re-establish- 
ment of  their  Commonwealth  in  New 
England  was  long  contrived  before 
they  knew  anything  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange's  arrival  or  design  ;  only  a 
suitable  opportunity  was  wanting  to 
put  it  in  execution,  which  that  juncture 
of  affairs  afforded  them."  —  "  That  such 
was  their  design,  to  rend  themselves 
from  the  crown  of  England,  will  appear 
from  the  free   and  open  confession  of 


580  HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

Andros  sent  Edward  Dudley,  the  young  son  of  the  Chief 
Justice,  with  a  message  to  the  ministers  -^  and  to  two  or 
three  other  considerable  citizens,  inviting  them  to  the  fort 
for  a  conference,  which  they  declined.  Meanwhile  the  sig- 
nal on  Beacon  Hill  had  done  its  office,  and  by  two  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  in  addition  to  twenty  companies  already 
paraded  in  Boston,  several  hundred  soldiers  were  seen 
on  the  Charlestown  side,  ready  to  cross  over.  Fifteen 
principal  gentlemen,  some  of  them  lately  Counsellors, 
and  others  Assistants  under  the  old  charter,  subscribed  a 
Summons  to  summous  which  was  sent  to  Andros.  "  We 
the  Governor,  judgc  it  neccssary,"  they  wrote,  "  you  forthwith 
surrender  and  deliver  up  the  government  and  fortifica- 
tion, to  be  preserved  and  disposed  according  to  order  and 
direction  from  the  crown  of  England,  which  suddenly 
is  expected  may  arrive,  promising  all  security  from  vio- 
lence to  yourself  or  any  of  your  gentlemen  or  soldiers 
in  person  or  estate.  Otherwise  we  are  assured  they  will 
endeavor  the  taking  of  the  fortification  by  storm,  if  any 
opposition  be  made."  ^ 

"  The  frigate,  upon  the  news,  put  out  all  her  flags  and 
pendants,  and  opened  all  her  ports,  and  with  all  speed 
made  ready  for  fight,  under  the  command  of  the  lieuten- 

some  well  knowing  in  that  conspiracy,  in  his  "  Will  and  Doom,"  alludes  to 
who  have  since  declared  by  witnesses  rumors,  current  in  the  winter  of  1688  - 
of  undeniable  truth,  now  here  in  Eng-  89,  of  "  a  plot  on  foot  in  Connecticut, 
land,  that  the  design  of  seizing  upon  as  well  as  other  parts  of  the  country. 
Sir  Edmund  Andros,  and  subverting  to  make  insurrection  and  subvert  the 
kingly  government  in  New  England,  government";  and  mentions  some  cir- 
had  been  long  contrived  and  resolved  cumstances  corroborative  of  the  gen- 
on,  and  was  to  have  been  done  the  be-  eral  fact,  and  particularly  of  a  concert 
ginning  of  January,  1688  [1689],  and  between  Connecticut  and  Massachu- 
that  those  concerned  in  the  late  revo-  setts.  (Conn.  Rec,  III.  455,  456.) 
lution  were  then  to  have  acted  the  like  i  The  Boston  ministers  were  Messrs. 
parts,  at  which  time  was  no  account  of  Allen  and  Moody  of  the  Fii-st  Church, 
the  Prince  of  Orange's  intention  of  Increase  and  Cotton  Mather  of  the 
coming  into  England  known  in  that  Second,  and  Willard  of  the  Old  South, 
land."  (C.  D.,  Brief  and  True  Ac-  2  Byfield,  Account  of  the  Late  Rev- 
count,  &c.,  London,  1690.)  —  Bulkeley,  olution,  &c.,  20. 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.       58^ 

ant,  he  swearing  that  he  would  die  before  she  should  be 
taken."  He  sent  a  boat  to  bring;  off  Andros  and  his  at- 
tendants,  but  it  had  scarcely  touched  the  beach  when  the 
crew  were  encountered  and  overpowered  by  the  party 
from  the  Town-House,  which,  under  the  command  of  Mr. 
John  Nelson,  was  bearing  the  summons  to  the  Governor.^ 
The  boat  was  kept,  with  the  sailors  manning  it,  who  were 
disarmed.^  Andros  and  his  friends  withdrew  again  within 
the  fort,  from  which  they  had  come  down  to  go  on  board 
the  frigate.  Nelson  disposed  his  party  on  two  sides  of 
the  fort,  and,  getting  possession  of  some  cannon  in  an 
outwork,  pointed  them  against  the  walls.  The  soldiers 
within  were  daunted.  The  Governor  asked  and  obtained 
a  suspension  of  the  attack,  till  he  should  send  West  and 
another  person  to  confer  with  the  directors  of  affairs  at 
the  Town-House.  The  reply,  whatever  it  was,  decided 
him  how  to  proceed  ;    and  he  and  his  party 

.  ImprisoDinent 

"came  forth  from  the  fort,  and  went  disarmed  of  the  gov- 
to  the  Town-House,  and  from  thence,  some  to 
the  close  gaol,  and  the  Governor,  under  a  guard,  to  Mr. 
Usher's  house." 

So  ended  the  first  day  of  the  insurrection.     The  Castle 
and  the  frigate  were  still  defiant  in  the  harbor. 

•11  ^  1  r>     1  Occupation  of 

Andros  was  mduced  to  order  a  surrender  of  the  thecastie. 
Castle  ^  by  a  threat  that,  "  if  he  would  not  give  ^^"^  ^^' 
it  presently,  under  his  hand  and  seal,  he  would  be  ex- 
posed to  the  rage  of  the  people."  A  party  of  Colonial 
militia  then  "  went  down,  and  it  was  surrendered  to  them 
with  cursings ;  and  they  brought  the  men  away,  and  made 
Captain  Fairweather  commander  in  it.  Now,  by  the  time 
the  men  came  back  from  the  Castle,  all  the  guns,  both 
in  ships  and  batteries,  were  brought  to  bear  against  the 

1  "  About  four  o'clock  in  the  after-        2  The  boat's  crew  were  set  at  lib- 
noon,  orders  were  given  to  go  and  de-  erty  on  the  22d.      (MS.  Mass.  Rec, 
mand   the   fort."     (Anonymous   letter  VI.  4.) 
in  Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  335.)  3  Mass.  Arch.,  CVH.  1. 
49* 


532  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

frigate,  which  were  enough  to  have  shattered  her  in 
pieces  at  once,  resolving  to  have  her." 

Captain  George,  who,  as  the  reader  has  been  told,  had 
long  nursed  a  private  quarrel  with  the  arch-disturber, 
"  cast  all  the  blame  now  upon  that  devil  Randolph ;  for 
had  it  not  been  for  him,  he  had  never  troubled  this  good 
people  ;  —  earnestly  soliciting  that  he  might  not  be  con- 
strained to  surrender  the  ship,  for  by  so  doing  both  him- 
self and  all  his  men  would  lose  their  wages,  which  other- 
stripping  of  the  wise  would  be  recovered  in  England,  giving 
Rose,  frigate,  j^avc  to  go  ou  board,  and  strike  the  topmasts, 
and  bring  the  sails  on  shore."  The  arrangement  was 
made,  and  the  necessity  for  firing  on  a  ship  of  the  royal 
navy  was  escaped.  The  sails  were  brought  on  shore,  and 
there  put  away  ;  and  the  frigate  swung  to  her  anchors 
off  Long  Wharf,  a  harmless  and  ridiculous  hulk.  "  The 
country  people  came  armed  into  the  town,  in  the  after- 
noon, in  such  rage  and  heat  that  it  made  all  tremble  to 
think  what  would  follow ;  for  nothing  would  satisfy  them, 
but  that  the  Governor  should  be  bound  in  chains  or 
cords,  and  put  in  a  more  secure  place,  and  that  they 
would  see  done  before  they  went  away;  and  to  satisfy 
them,  he  was  guarded  by  them  to  the  fort." 

The  fort  in  Boston  had  been  given  in  charge  to  Nelson^ 
Imprisonment  aud  thcrc  Coloucl  Lldgctt  shared  the  captivity 
of  the  Gov-       Q^  ^Yie  Governor,  who  was  transferred   thither 

ernor's  ad-  z-i       i  Tt    ^ 

herents.  the   day   after   his   arrest.       Graham,    ralmer,i 

1  In  this  seclusion  Palmer  wrote  his  impartially  considered  in  a  Letter  to 

"  Impartial  Account  of  the   State  of  the  Clergy,  by  F.  L."     The  following 

New  England,"  repeatedly  quoted  in  year  that  printed  edition  of  it  of  which 

the  foregoing  pages.     It  is  in  the  form  1  have  used  a  copy  appeared  in   Lon- 

of  "  A  Letter  to  the  Clergy  of  New  don,  with  the  writer's  name,  and  with 

England."       The    Postscript    (40)    is  alterations,    additions,    and    omissions, 

dated  June  20,  1689.     At  first  it  was  particularly  the  omission  of  a  set  argu- 

circulated    only   in    manuscript,    and  ment,  bolstered  up  with  numerous  au- 

anonymously,    (Ibid.,  3.)    Then  it  was  thorities,  digested  under   nine   heads, 

published    in    Boston,   with   the   title,  and    covering     some     twenty    pages, 

"  The  Present  State  of  Now  England,  against  the  sin  of  rebellion,  —  an  ar- 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.      5g3 


April  26. 


West  and  others  of  his  set  were  placed  in  Fairweather's 
custody  at  the  Castle.  Randolph  was  taken  care  of-  at 
the  common  gaol,  by  the  new  keeper,  "  Scates,  the  brick- 
layer." Andros  came  near  effecting  his  escape. 
Disguised  in  woman's  clothes,  he  had  safely 
passed  two  sentries,  but  was  stopped  by  a  third,  who 
observed  his  shoes,  which  he  had  neglected  to  change.^ 
Dudley  was  absent  at  Long  Island,  on  his  circuit  as  Chief 
Justice,  Returning  homeward,  he  heard  the 
great  news  at  Newport.  He  crossed  into  the 
Narragansett  country,  where  he  hoped  to  lie  concealed 
at  the  house  of  his  fellow-Counsellor,  Major  Smith ; 
but  a  party  got  upon  his  track,  and  took  him 
to  his  home  at  Roxbury.  "  To  secure  him 
against  violence,"  as  the  order  expresses  it,  a  guard 
was  placed  about  his  house.  Dudley's  host,  Smith,  was 
lodged  in  gaol  at  Bristol.^ 


April  28. 


gument  which  would  not  have  been 
opportune  at  the  court  of  the  Libera- 
tor, in  tli«  first  year  of  his  reign. 

1  Jyne  6,  for  greater  security,  per- 
haps, he  was  sent  to  the  Castle.  (MS. 
Mass.  Rec,  VL  31.) 

2  An  anonymous  letter  of  April  22, 
addressed  by  an  eyewitness  of  the  trans- 
actions to  Hinckley,  Governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, and  adopted  by  Hutchinson 
(Hist.,  L  334  -  33ti),  and  Nathaniel 
By  field's  letter  of  April  29,  to  friends  in 
England  (Account  of  the  Late  Revo- 
lution in  New  England,  &c.,  pp.  4  -  6), 
are  the  chief  authorities  for  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  two  memorable  days, 
April  18  and  19,  as  I  have  described 
them  above.  They  agi-ee  together  re- 
markably in  every  material  point. 

Bulkeley,  whose  opportunities  of  in- 
formation were  not  the  best,  says : 
"  Hearing  that  many  of  the  Council 
were  at  the  Council-Chamber,  where 
(it  being  the  ordinary  Council-day) 
they  were  to  meet  (and  some  particu- 


larly by  him  sent  for,  from  Salera  and 
other  parts,  to  be  there),  his  Excellency 
went  to  them,  and  desired  their  assist- 
ance to  pacify  the  people  then  in  arms, 
offering  on  his  part  to  do  what  might 
be  proper  for  his  Majesty's  service  and 
the  good  and  welfare  of  his  subjects 
here ;  but  several  others  of  the  chief 
of  the  town,  and  Magistrates  in  the 
late  government,  being  designedly  met 
there,  instead  of  complying  with  his 
Excellency's  proposals,  and  to  support 
and  maintain  the  government,  they 
lent  the  crowd  their  arm  to  shake  the 
tree,  and  made  his  Excellency  a  prison- 
er in  the  Council-Chamber,  and  soon 
after   some  of  the  Council  and  other 

officers  that  waited  on  him After 

his  Excellency  was  thus  confined,  he 
was  often  pressed  with  threats  to  give 
order  for  the  surrender  of  the  fort 
and  Castle,  which  he  absolutely  refused, 
and  never  gave  any  order  for  the  sur- 
render of  either,  but  they  were  forced 
from  the  officers  that  had  the  command 


584 


HISTORY   OF  NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  IH. 


To  secure  Dudley  against  popular  violence  miglit  well 
be  an  occasion  of  anxious   care  to  those  who 


Resentment 

against  Dud-     had  formerly  been  his  partners  in  public  trusts, 
the   oppressors,  he   it   was  whom  the 


ley. 


Among 


of  them."  (People's  Right  to  Election, 
&c.,  in  Conn.  Hist.  Coll.,  I.  77,  78.) 

A  memorandum  in  the  State-Paper 
Office  of  the  "  Names  of  those  impris- 
oned with  Sir  Edmund  Andros  "  desig- 
nates twenty-five  persons.  According 
to  Hutchinson  (Hist,  I.  333),  the  "  ob- 
noxious persons,"  who,  on  the  18th  of 
April,  "  were  seized  and  confined," 
were  "  about  fifty  in  the  whole."  Comp. 
Danforth  to  Hinckley,  in  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.,  XXXV.  192.  — John  Nelson, 
who  bore  the  summons  to  Fort  Hill, 
"  was  a  gentleman  of  good  family,  and 
a  near  relation  to  Sir  Thomas  Temple, 
an  enemy  to  the  tyrannical  govern- 
ment of  Andros,  but  an  Episcopalian 
in  principle."  (Hutch.  Hist.,  I.  337.) 
One  might  suppose  he  would  have 
been  able  to  protect  his  church  from 
violence ;  but  according  to  C.  D.  (see 
above,  p.  579,  note),  "the  church  it- 
self had  great  difficulty  to  withstand 
their  fury,  receiving  the  marks  of  their 
indignation  and  scorn  by  having  the 
windows  broke  to  pieces,  and  the  doors 
and  walls  daubed  and  defiled  with  other 
filth,  in  the  rudest  and  basest  manner 
imaginable."  I  presume,  from  Dr. 
Greenwood's  omission  to  mention  any- 
thing of  this  kind  (History  of  King's 
Chapel,  43-51),  that  he  did  not  believe 
it,  though  in  the  venomous  Address  of 
the  Rector  and  Church-Wardens  to 
King  William,  they  said,  "  Our  church, 
by  their  rage  and  fury  having  been 
greatly  hurt  and  damnified,  and  daily 
threatened  to  be  pulled  down  and  de- 
stroyed." (Vindication  of  New  Eng- 
land, &c.,  5.) 

In  the  State-Paper  Office  is  an  ac- 
count of  some  of  the  transactions  above 
related,  addressed,  June  12,  by  Cap- 


tain George  to  Pepys,  Secretary  of  the 
Admiralty.  He  says  that  "  some  hours 
after "  his  own  arrest  (and  when  he 
could  not  have  been  a  personal  observ- 
er), Andros  was  seized  when  "coming 
down  to  sit  in  Council,"  and  this  partly 
in  consequence  of"  rumors  being  spread 
among  the  people  that  at  least  he  in- 
tended to  fire  the  town  at  one  end,  and 
I  [George]  at  the  other,  and  then  go 
away  in  the  smoke  for  France."  He 
says,  that  on  the  19th  he  was  lodged, 
under  a  guard,  at  "  Colonel  Shrimp- 
ton's  house,  who  was  very  kind "  to 
him.  The  only  material  deviation  of 
his  story  from  others  (extorted  perhaps 
by  a  sense  of  professional  dignity)  is 
in  what  follows  :  —  "I  was  sent  for  to 
the  Council  of  Safety,  as  they  term 
themselves,  consisting  of  the  chief  gen- 
tlemen and  merchants  of  Boston,  who 
demanded  of  me  an  order  to  the  lieu- 
tenant for  surrendering  the  ship.  la 
answer  to  which,  I  said  it  was  not  in 
my  power,  being  a  prisoner,  nor  would 
I  ever  be  brought  to  give  such  order, 
which  the  lieutenant  would  not  obey. 
They  told  me  my  commission  was  now 
of  no  force,  and  urged  me  to  take  a 
commission  from  them,  and  serve  the 
country.  I  told  them  my  commission 
was  good,  till  one  from  the  crown  of 
England  made  it  invalid.  While  they 
were  thus  discoursing  with  me,  they 
sent  on  board  two  or  three  men,  who 
persuaded  the  lieutenant  and  company 
to  declare  for  the  Prince  of  Orange ; 
which  was  presently  done ;  and  they 
immediately  informed  me  of  it,  and 
remanded  me  back  to  confinement. 
On  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  an 
order  was  sent  on  board  by  the  said 
Council  to  the  lieutenant,  for  the  deliv- 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.      535 

people  found  it  hardest  to  forgive.  If  Andros,  Randolph, 
West,  and  others  were  tyrants  and  extortioners,  at  all 
events  they  were  strangers  ;  they  had  not  been  preying 
on  their  own  kinsmen.     But  this  man  was  son  of  a  brave 


ery  of  the  sails,  which  was  accordingly 
executed,  and  they  now  remain  in  cus- 
tody of  them." 

In  a  letter  of  seven  closely  written 
pages,  addressed  by  Randolph  "  from 
the  common  gaol  in  Boston,  29th  May, 
1689,"  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee, 
he  says :  "  Five  ministers  of  Boston, 
namely,  Moody,  Allen,  young  Mather, 
Willard,  and  Milburn,  an  Anabaptist 
minister,  were  in  the  Council-Chamber 
on  the  18th  of  April,  when  th-e  Gov- 
ernor and  myself  were  brought  out  of 
the  fort  before  them,  writing  orders,  and 
were  authors  of  some  of  their  printed 
papers."  (Colonial  Papers,  &c.)  The 
Governor's  letters  from  England  and 
his  own,  he  proceeds  to  say,  "  are 
stopped  and  opened  by  Sir  William 
Phipps,  who  says  the  Governor  is  a 
rogue."     (Ibid.) 

There  is  in  the  State-Paper  Office 
a  paper  entitled  "  A  Narrative  of  the 
Proceedings  at  Boston  in  New  Eng- 
land upon  the  Inhabitants  seizing  the 
Government  there,"  presented  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee,  July  22,  1689, 
by  John  Riggs,  called  "  a  servant  of 
Sir  Edmund  Andros."  I  give  it  for 
what  it  may  be  thought  worth.  It  is 
as  follows :  — 

"  On  the  18th  of  April,  1689,  about 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  Gov- 
ernor, Sir  Edmund  Andros,  being  in- 
formed that  some  numbers  of  men 
were  gathering  together  at  Charles- 
town,  sent  for  the  sheriff,  who  assured 
him  it  was  a  false  report.  About  two 
hours  after.  Captain  George,  Com- 
mander of  one  of  his  Majesty's  frigates 
there,  coming  on  shore,  was  seized  by 
the   inhabitants  and  his  sword   taken 


from  him  ;  who,  upon  his  expostulating 
their  authority,  showed  their  swords, 
saying,  that  was  their  authority.  By 
such  time  as  this  came  to  the  Gover- 
nor's ear,  there  was  at  least  a  thou- 
sand men  in  arms,  crying  one  and  all, 
seizing  and  carrying  to  prison  whoso- 
ever they  suspected  would  oppose  or 
disprove  their  design.  About  noon 
they  called  a  Council,  and  made  one 
Broadstreete  (formerly  their  Gover- 
nor) President  of  it;  and  then  drew 
up  a  paper,  or  narrative,  why  they  be- 
took themselves  to  arms ;  and  at  the 
same  time  with  armed  men  encom- 
passed the  fort  in  great  numbers,  forcing 
the  out-guards  to  retire  ;  whereupon 
the  Governor  (by  advice  of  such  gen- 
tlemen as  had  retired  to  him  into  the 
fort)  went  out  to  them  to  know  the 
reason  of  their  tumultuous  arming,  and 
was  presented  with  a  paper  by  one 
Avho  said  he  was  sent  by  the  Council 
to  demand  and  receive  the  fort,  and 
said  farther  that  the  Council  desired 
to  speak  with  him,  the  Governor,  in 
order  to  appease  the  people.  The  Gov- 
ernor replied  that  he  knew  of  no  Coun- 
cil, nor  had  any  one  there  power  to 
convene  one  without  his  order ;  and 
so  retired  to  consult  with  the  gentle- 
men in  the  fort  with  him,  who  advised 
him  to  go  down  to  them  to  the  Town- 
House,  where  the  pretended  Council 
were  assembled,  and  they  would  wait 
on  him  thither;  where  they  were  no 
sooner  come  but  those  with  him  were 
seized  and  sent  away  to  prison,  not 
being  permitted  to  go  in  with  the  Gov- 
ernor, who,  demanding  the  reason  o^" 
that  their  meeting  and  the  tumultuous 
arming  in  the  town,  was  answered  by 


586 


HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


old  emigrant  Governor ;  he  had  been  bred  by  the  bounty 
of  Harvard  College ;  he  had  been  welcomed  at  the  earli- 
est hour  to  the  offices  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  pro- 
moted   in   them   with    a   promptness  out  of  proportion 


one  of  the  pretended  Council  that  now 
was  the  time  for  them  to  look  to  them- 
selves, and  they  must  and  would  have 
the  government   in  their  own  hands, 
telling  the  Governor  he  was  their  pris- 
oner.    By  this  time,  there  was  at  least 
five  thousand  men  in  arms  in  the  town, 
most  of  them   drawn  up  to  the   fort, 
which  they  demanded,  there  being  only 
two  commission  officers  and  the  main- 
guard,  in  all  not  above  fourteen  men 
in  it,  threatening  to  storm  it,  and  put 
them  all  to  the  sword,  if  they  refused 
to  surrender  it.     But  their  threats  not 
prevailing,   they   sent   down   to   their 
Council,   who   sent  to  the    Governor 
(whom  they  had  sent  prisoner  to  one 
Mr.  Usher's  house  with  a  strong  guard) 
to  give  orders  for  the  surrender  of  it. 
Whereupon   the   Governor  told  them 
that  he  wondered  at  their  confidence, 
having  made  him  their  prisoner,  to  ask 
it  of  him,  saying  he  would  sooner  die 
than   give   any   such   order.     Finding 
they  could  not  prevail  upon  him,  they 
took  Mr.  Randolph,  Secretary  of  the 
government,  and  clapping  a  pistol  to 
his   breast,   threatened    to   shoot   him 
if  he  did  not  go  with  them  to  the  fort, 
and  acquaint  those  in  it,  as  from  the 
Governor,  that  it  was  his  pleasure  and 
direction   that  they  should  deliver   it 
up.      Which   message   Mr.    Randolph 
was  forced  to  deliver.    And  they  with- 
in, considering  that  the  Governor  was 
a  prisoner  and  themselves  not  able  to 
man  a  fifth  part  of  it,  upon  condition 
they   should  have  their  liberties,  sur- 
rendered the  fort ;  which  having  got- 
ten, then  they  wanted  the  Castle  (which 
stands  about  a  league  from  the  town), 
which  after  they   had    sent    down   a 


party   to   demand   and  were   refused, 
they   use    the   same   violence   on  Mr. 
Randolph  as  before,  and  force  him  to 
deliver  the  same  false  message  as  from 
the  Governor.     But  the  Castle  would 
not  obey,  suspecting  the  violence  used 
to  Mr.  Randolph.     Hereupon  they  ap- 
ply to  the  Governor  as  before  for  his 
orders  to  deliver  the  Castle,  and  he 
gave  them  his  former  answer ;  to  which 
they  replied,  that  they  would  have  it, 
let  it  cost  what  it  would,  and,  if  he 
would  not  order  its  delivery,  they  would 
expose  'him  first  to  the  shot  that  should 
come  from  it.      But  their  threats  not 
prevailing,  they  added  they  would  put 
all  his  adherents  to  the  sword.     The 
next  day,  upon  consideration  that  the 
Castle  could  make  no  long  opposition, 
and  that  they  could  expect  no  relief 
but  from  England,  which  was  very  re- 
mote, and   that   most   of  the   soldiers 
were  to  the  eastwards  in  several  garri- 
sons, and  the  man-of-war  as  well  as 
the  Governor  already  in  their  hands, 
and  the  people  very  riotous  and  ready 
to   put   their   threats   into   execution, 
several  gentlemen,  as  indifferent  per- 
sons, went  down  to  the  Castle  and  pre- 
vailed   with    the    commander    (upon 
faithful   promise   of  their   liberty)    to 
deliver  the  Castle.     Which  was  done 
accordingly.    But  they  no  sooner  came 
up  to  the  town,  but  were  all  imprisoned, 
and  still  continue  so.     The  Governor 
with  two  others  is  a  close  prisoner  in 
the  fort,  being  denied  the  service  of 
his  own  cook   to  dress   his  meat,   nor 
suffered  to  speak  with  any  person  but 
in  the  presence  of  two  witnesses.    Mr. 
Dudley,  Mr.    Randolph,  and  most  of 
the  justices,   with   other   officers   and 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.       ^^^ 

to  the  claims  of  liis  years.  Confided  in,  enriched,  caressed 
from  youth  to  middle  life  by  his  native  Colony  beyond 
any  other  man  of  his  time,  he  had  been  pampered  into 
a  power,  which,  as  soon  as  the  opportunity  was  pre- 
sented, he  used  for  the  grievous  humiliation  and  distress 
of  his  generous  friends.  That  he  had  not  brought  them 
to  utter  ruin  seemed  to  have  been  owing  to  no  want 
of  resolute  purpose  on  his  part  to  advance  himself  as 
the  congenial  instrument  of  a  despot. 

A  revolution  had  been  consummated,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  the  King  of  England  in  Massachusetts  w^as  dis- 
solved.^ The  day  after  Andros  was  led  to  prison,  the 
persons  who  had  been  put  forward  in  the  movement 
assembled  again  to  deliberate  on  the  state  of  affairs. 
The  result  was,  that  several  of  them,  with  Provisional 
twenty-two  others  whom  they  now  associated,  MassTcwtte 
formed  themselves  into  a  provisional  govern-  Aprii2o. 
ment,  which  took  the  name  of  a  "  Council  for  the  Safety 
of  the  People,  and  Conservation  of  the  Peace."  They 
elected  Bradstreet,  now  eighty-seven  years  of  age,  to 
be  their  President,  and  Wait  Winthrop  to  command  the 
militia.  Among  the  orders  passed  on  the  first  day  of 
this  new  administration  was  one  addressed  to  Colonel 
Tyng,  Major  Savage,  and  Captains  Davis  and  Willard, 
serving  in  the  Eastern  country,  to  send  certain  officers 
to  Boston,  and  dismiss  a  portion  of  their  force.     There 

gentlemen,  are  in  the  common  gaol ;  House,  to  attend  an  appointed  meeting 

the  Judges  and  Attorney-General  and  of  the  Council.     It  has  been  printed 

some  commission  ofEcers  close  prison-  (R.  I.  Rec,  III.   281-285)  from  the 

ers  in  the  Castle,  where  they  all  still  original  in  the   collection  of  Colonial 

continue  in  great  durance."  Papers,  &c. 

A  few  periods  of  an  account  of  his        i  In   a  manner,  Massachusetts   an- 

administration,  presented  by   Sir  Ed-  ticipated  the  parent  state  in  deposing 

mund  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  the  Stuart  family,  as  Virginia  had  pre- 

relate  to  the  transactions  of  the  18th  ceded  the  parent  state  in  restoring  it. 

and  19th  of  April.    They  are  extremely  Charles   the    Second   was   proclaimed 

disingenuous.     One  would  infer  from  King  in  Virginia,  before  tidings  came 

them  that  on  the  first  day  of  the  re-  thither  of  the  death  of  Oliver  Crom- 

volt  he  went  voluntarily  to  the  Town-  well.     (Chalmers,  Annals,  124,  125.) 


588  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

was  probably  a  threefold  purpose  in  this  order,  —  to  get 
possession  of  the  persons  of  some  distrusted  officers ;  to 
gratify  a  prevailing  opinion  that  the  exposures  of  the 
campaign  had  been  needless,  as  well  as  cruel,  and  to 
obtain  a  reinforcement  of  skilled  troops  at  the  centre  of 
affairs.-^ 

The  Council  felt  the  weakness  of  their  position.  They 
held  their  place  neither  by  deputation  from  the  sovereign, 
nor  by  election  of  the  people.  They  hesitated  to  set  up 
the  charter  again,  for  it  had  been  formally  condemned 
in  the  King's  courts,  and  there  was  a  large  party  about 
them  who  bore  it  no  good-will ;  nor  was  it  to  be  expected 
that  their  President,  the  timid  Bradstreet,  whatever  were 
his  own  wishes,  could  be  brought  to  consent  to  so  bold 
a  measure.  Ng-turally  and  not  improperly  desirous  to 
Convention  of  Gscapo  from  such  a  responsibility,  they  decided 
delegates  from   ^^  suuimou  a  convcntiou,  to  consist  of  two  dele- 

the  towns.  ' 

May  2.  gatcs  from  each  town  in  the  jurisdiction,  except 
Boston,  which  was  to  send  four.^ 

On  the  appointed  day,  sixty-six  delegates  came 
together.  They  brought  from  their  homes,  or 
speedily  reached,  the  conclusion  that  of  right  the  old 
charter  was  still  in  force ;  and  they  addressed  a  commu- 
nication to  that  effect  to  the  Magistrates  who  had  been 
elected  just  before  Dudley  took  the  government,  desiring 
those  Magistrates  to  resume  their  functions,  and  to  con- 
stitute, with  the  delegates  just  now  sent  from  the  towns, 
the  General  Court  of  the  Colony,  according  to  ancient 
law  and  practice.  Their  request  was  denied.  Either  the 
wisdom  or  the  fears  of  the  Magistrates  held  them  back 
from  so  bold  a  venture.     The  deles^ates  then 

May  10.  1       .        T        1  rN  -1  . 

desn-ed  the  Council  to  contmue  to  act  as  a 
Committee  of  Public  Safety,  till  another  convention  might 
assemble  of  delegates  bringing  express  instructions  from 
their  towns.^ 

1  MS.  Mass.  Rec,  VI.  2-4.  2  ibid.,  12.  3  Ibid.,  15-18. 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.       539 

Fifty-four  towns  were  represented  in  the  new 

"    ^  ^  t  1        T     •  •^  second  con- 

convention.     All  but  fourteen  of  them  had  in-  veuuoD. 
structed  their  delegates  to  insist  on  the  resump- 
tion of  the   charter.     In  the  Council,  the  majority  was 
opposed  to  that  scheme.     After  a  debate  of  two  days,  the 
popular  policy  prevailed,  and  the  Governor  and 

r     i  X  ^     i  J  ^  Provisional  re- 

Magistrates,  chosen  at  the  last  election  under  establishment 

.,  ,  ,       "       of  the  ancient 

the  charter,  consented  to  assume  the  trusts  then  govremment. 
committed  to  them,  and,  in  concert  with  the  ^^'^y^i. 
delegates  recently  elected,  to  form  a  General  Court,  and 
administer  the  Colony,  for  the  present,  according  to  the 
ancient  forms.  They  desired  that  the  other  gentlemen 
lately  associated  with  them  in  the  Council  should  con- 
tinue to  hold  that  relation.  But  this  the  delegates 
disapproved  ;  and  accordingly  those  gentlemen,  among 
whom  were  Wait  Winthrop,  the  newly-appointed 
commander-in-chief,  and  Stoughton,  whom  the 
people  could  not  yet  forgive,  relinquished  their  part  in 
the  conduct  of  affairs.^  They  did  so  with  prudence  and 
magnanimity,  engaging  to  exert  themselves  to  allay  the 
dissatisfaction  of  their  friends,  and  only  avowing  their 
expectation  that  the  state  prisoners  would  be  well  treated, 
and  that  there  should  be  no  encouragement  to  popular 
manifestations  of  hostility  to  England.  Bradstreet  and 
Addington  were  re-elected  to  the  offices  which  had  been 
recently  assigned  to  them  in  the  temporary  government.^ 
Scarcely  had  this  arrangement  been  made,  when  it 
became  known  that,  if  dangers  still  existed,  at  least  the 
chief  danarer  was  over.     A  ship   arrived   from 

.  .    .  May  26. 

England,  with  an  order  to   the   authorities  on 
the   spot  to   proclaim  King  William   and   Queen   Mary. 
Never,  since   the   Mayflower  groped  her  way  into  Ply- 
mouth harbor,  had  a  message  from  the  parent  country 

1  Itdeserves  remark,  that  to  the  letter        2  MS.  Mass.  Rec,  VI.  25-28. 
in  which  this  was  done  the  name  of  the 
morose  Stoughton  was  not  subscribed. 

VOL.  III.  50 


590  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  UI. 

been  received  in  New  England  with  such  joy.  Never 
Proclamation  ^ad  such  a  pageant  as,  three  days  after,  ex- 
of^wiuiam  and  pj^^sscd  thc  prevaiHug  happiness,  been  seen  in 
May  29.  Massachusetts.  From  far  and  near  the  people 
flocked  into  Boston ;  the  government,  attended  by  the 
principal  gentlemen  of  the  capital  and  the  towns  around, 
passed  in  procession  on  horseback  through  the  thorough- 
fares ;  the  regiment  of  the  town,  and  companies  and 
troops  of  horse  and  foot  from  the  country,  lent  their 
pomp  to  the  show ;  there  was  a  great  dinner  at  the 
Town-House  for  the  better  sort ;  wine  was  served  out 
in  the  streets;  and  the  evening  was  made  noisy  with 
acclamations,  till  the  bell  rang  at  nine  o'clock,  and  fami- 
lies met  to  thank  God  at  the  domestic  altar  for  causing 
the  great  sorrow  to  pass  away,  and  giving  a  Protestant 
King  and  Queen  to  England.^ 

Three  days  after  the  ship  which  brought  to 

Arrival  of  '^  ^  ^  , 

Sir  William      Bostou   thc    royal   message    came    another,   m 
'^^''  which   Sir  William   Phipps  was    a   passenger.^ 

1  "  No  reasonable  confirmation  [of  and  he  was  apprenticed  to  a  ship-car- 
the  rumors  of  a  landing  of  the  Prince  penter.  With  a  brave  and  adven- 
of  Orange  in  England]  till  the  arrival  turous  spu-It  and  an  extraordinary 
of  two  ships  from  London,  the  first  the  natural  capacity  for  the  details  of 
25th,  the  other  the  29th,  of  May,  Sir  practical  affairs,  he  felt  through  all  his 
William  Phipps  coming  in  the  latter."  life  the  ill  effects  of  want  of  early  edu- 
(Letter  of  June  12,  from  Captain  cation.  He  obtained  some  property 
George  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Admi-  by  marriage,  with  which  he  set  up  a 
ralty,  in  the  State-Paper  Office.)  It  ship-yard  at  Sheepscot,  in  Maine,  and 
attracts  the  reader's  attention,  that  the  afterwards  another  at  Boston.  Thence 
record  of  the  almost  daily  meetings  of  he  went  to  sea,  as  master  of  a  vessel, 
the  Council  at  this  time  contains  no  Being  at  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands, 
mention  of  these  arrivals,  or  of  the  and  there  hearing  of  the  wreck  of  a 
proclamation  of  the  new  sovereigns.  Spanish  galleon,  which  had  gone  down 

2  Phipps,  now  thirty-nine  years  old,  with  a  quantity  of  gold  and  been  aban- 
was  a  native  of  Pemaquid,  being  one  doned,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  recov- 
of  twenty-one  sons,  who,  besides  five  ering  the  treasure,  and  proceeded  to 
daughters,  were  born  of  the  same  England  to  offer  his  services  to  the 
parents.  So  says  Cotton  Mather  King  for  that  purpose.  The  project 
(Magnalia,  II.  38),  who  liked  such  was  approved,  and  in  the  year  1683 
stories  (comp.  Magnalia,  III.  165).  he  proceeded  with  two  frigates  to  the 
In  Phipps's  childhood  his  father  died,  spot.     It  turned  out  that  he  had  not 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.       59]^ 

From  him  there  was  much  for  his  friends  in  New  Eng- 
land to  learn.  Phipps  had  formerly,  in  Boston,  been  one 
of  Increase  Mather's  hearers.  The  old  acquaintance  had 
now  recently  been  renewed  in  London,  where  Phipps 
had  established  a  substantial  consideration  and  influence 
in  high  quarters,  and,  Jiappily  for  Massachusetts,  the 
friends  had  united  their  efforts  for  her  advantao-e. 

It  was  unavoidable  that  the  provisional  arrangements 
which  immediately  followed  the  entrance  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  into  London  should  be  summary  and  hasty. 
It  was  natural  that  the  general  tenor  of  them  should  be, 
to  authorize  a  continuance  of  the  existino-  state  of  things 
till  there  should  be  time  to  make  changes  with  delibera- 
tion. Among  those  arrangements  one  was  an  order  for 
the  government  of  New  England  to  continue  for  the 
present  in  the  hands  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros.  This  order 
became  known  to  Mather,  who,  by  prompt  and  energetic 
intervention,  succeeded  in  arresting  its  transmission  to 
New  England.-^ 

Not  to  lose  the  opportunity  of  the  King's  so  favorable 
disposition  before  his  thoughts  should  be  demanded  for 

come  properly  provided ;  and  for  the  at  court,  and  there  Increase  Mather, 
present  the  attempt  miscarried.  Noth-  coming  from  New  England,  found  him 
ing  discouraged,  he  returned  to  Eng-  enjoying  no  little  favor, 
land  to  solicit  the  means  for  another  1  January  12,  a  letter  was  prepared, 
trial.  The  Duke  of  Albemarle,  Monk,  conveying  authority  from  the  Prince  for 
to  whose  ear  the  sound  of  gold,  even  the  continuance  of  the  existing  gov- 
beyond  the  wonted  drums  and  trum-  ernment  in  New  England.  It  is  in  the 
pets,  was  always  music,  furnished  him  State-Paper  Office,  with  the  follow- 
sufficiently  with  money ;  and  from  a  ing  memorandum  appended.  "  Mem. 
second  expedition  the  lucky  adventurer  Upon  the  application  of  Sir  William 
brought  back  three  hundred  thousand  Phipps  and  Mr.  Mather  this  letter  was 
pounds,  of  which  sum  sixteen  thousand  stopped,  and  ordered  not  to  be  sent." 
pounds  went  to  his  own  share  in  the  (Comp.  "  A  Brief  Account  concerning 
division ;  and  the  King  expressed  his  several  of  the  Agents  of  New  Eng- 
gratification  by  dubbing  him  a  Knight,  land,"  &c.,  4.)  —  It  marks  the  impor- 
Sir  William,  though  rough  enough  tance  of  New  England,  that,  before 
at  times,  had  powers  of  personal  at-  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  on  the 
traction.  These,  coupled  with  the  throne,  he  turned  his  thoughts  to  that 
reputation  and  the  solid  results  of  his  country, 
recent  enterprise,  advanced  his  credit 


HISTORY   OF   NEW   ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


February  18. 


other  subjects,  Pliipps  and  Mather,  immediately  after  his 
accession  to  tlie  regal  power,  presented  to  him 
a  joint  petition,  in  which  thej  prayed  that  not 
only  Massachusetts,  but  also  Plymouth,  Rhode  Island, 
and  Connecticut,  might  "  be  restored  to  their  ancient 
privileges,"  and  that  accordingly  Bradstreet,  Hinckley, 
Clarke,  and  Treat  might  be  recognized  as  Governors  of 
those  Colonies  respectively.^  This  was  moving  too  fast. 
The  young  Somers,  and  the  other  Counsellors  of  the  new 
monarch,  were  cautious  men.  The  King  could 
be  brought  to  promise  no  more  than  that  "Sir 
Edmund  Andros  should  be  removed  from  the  government 
of  New  England,  and  be  called  unto  an  account  for  his 
maleadministration,"  and  "  that  the  present  King  and 
Queen  should  be  proclaimed  by  their  former  Magis- 
trates." ^ 


March  14. 


1  Colonial  Papers,  &c.  This  peti- 
tion bears  the  date  of  the  fifth  day 
after  the  proclamation  of  William  and 
Mary  as  King  and  Queen  of  England. 

2  February  22,  1689,  Sir  Robert 
Sawyer,  late  Attorney-General,  told 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  that  the 
Massachusetts  had  had  their  charter 
vacated  "  for  levying  money  illegally 
upon  his  Majesty's  subjects ;  for  coin- 
ing of  money  ;  for  imposing  an  oath  of 
fidelity  to  themselves  upon  the  inhab- 
itants, not  being  free  of  the  company  ; 
for  making  several  crimes  treason  and 
felony,  that  were  not  so  by  law. 
Whereupon  their  Lordships,  taking 
notice  that  his  Majesty's  revenue  in 
the  plantations  is  very  much  concerned 
herein,  as  also  that  the  French  who 
border  upon  these  Colonies  have  lately 
invaded  his  Majesty's  dominions  in 
these  parts,  it  is  agreed  to  offer  that 
his  Majesty  be  pleased  to  send  forth- 
with a  Governor  to  New  England  in 
the  place  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  with 
a  provisional  commission,  and  with  in- 
structions to  proclaim  his  Majesty  in 


those  Colonies,  and  to  take  the  present 
administration  of  the  government  in 
those  parts  until  further  order ;  in  which 
commission  and  instructions  it  may  be 
expressed  that  no  money  shall  be  raised 
by  the  Governor  and  Council  only. 
And  their  Lordships  will  likewise  pro- 
pose that  his  Majesty  do  thereupon 
give  further  order  for  preparing,  as 
soon  as  may  be,  such  a  further  estab- 
lishment as  may  be  lasting,  and  preserve 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  people 
of  New  England,  and  yet  reserve  such 
a  dependence  on  the  crown  of  England 
as  shall  be  thought  requisite."  (Colo- 
nial Papers,  &c.)  Somehow,  perhaps 
through  some  influence  from  Mather 
and  his  fi-iends,  whose  policy  it  was  to 
defeat  this  plan  for  the  present  by 
any  other,  it  did  not  please  the  King. 
"  On  the  26th  of  this  month  their  Lord- 
ships, having  accordingly  made  report 
to  his  Majesty  in  Council,  his  Majesty 
was  thereupon  pleased  to  order  that  it 
be  referred  back  to  the  Committee  to 
consider  of  and  prepare  the  draught 
of  a  new  charter  to  be  granted  to  the 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.      593 

A  week  after  the  proclamation  thus  authorized  was 
made  in  the  manner  already  related,  a  General 

r-i  ITT  -r»  -IT  TT  Meeting  of  the 

Court  assembled  at  iJoston,  mcludnig  a  House  General  court. 
of  Deputies  constituted  by  a  new  election.  The 
joyous  excitement  that  had  attended  the  recognition  of 
the  new  sovereigns  had  not  had  time  to  subside,  when 
the  explanations  brought  by  Phipps  were  found  to  pre- 
sent matter  for  serious  thought.  But  the  prospect  was 
fair ;  at  all  events,  the  temper  of  the  towns  was  resolute. 
Almost  the  first  step  taken  by  the  Deputies  was  to  call 
upon  the  Council  to  assume  and  exercise  for  the  present 
all  the  functions  conferred  by  the  charter  on  Magistrates 
of  the  Company.  Without  this  arrangement  the  Depu- 
ties declared  that  "  they  could  not  proceed  to  act  in  any- 
thing of  public  concerns";  and  the  Council  accordingly 
agreed  to  it.  The  Council  proposed  that  articles  of  im- 
peachment should  be  drawn  up  against  the  late  Governor 
and  his  friends  now  in  prison,  or  else  that  they  should  be 
set  at  liberty,  giving  security  for  their  appearance  when- 
ever called  for;  and  Sir  Edmund  sent  in  a  de-  impeachment 
mand  for  the  release  of  his  friends  and  of  him-  of^narosand 

hia  retainers. 

self     The  Deputies  complied  so  far  as  to  send      June  27. 
up  charges  to  the  Council  against  Andros,  Dudley,  Ran- 

inhabitants  of  New  England,  and  may  government  countermanded.  (Paren- 
preserve  the  rights  and  properties  of  tator,  118,  119.)  March  14,  being 
those  Colonies,  and  reserve  such  a  de-  again  brought  by  Lord  Wharton  into 
pendence  on  the  crown  according  to  the  the  royal  presence,  he  obtained  from 
Report ;  and  that,  instead  of  a  Gover-  William  the  promise  recited  above 
nor  to  be  sent  in  the  room  of  Sir  Ed-  (p.  591),  to  remove  and  arraign  An- 
mund  Andros,  there  be  appointed  two  dros.  (Parentator,  120,  121.) 
commissioners  to  take  upon  them  the  ad-  In  the  seventh  volume  of  the  col- 
ministration  of  the  government  there,  lection  of  Mather  MSS.  in  the  Library 
with  directions  immediately  to  proclaim  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society 
tlie  King  and  Queen."  (Ibid.)  Tliis  is  a  most  interesting  series  of  let- 
crude  scheme,  however,  was  not  fol-  ters  from  Mather  to  Deputy-Governor 
lowed  up.  January  9,  Mather,  intro-  Bishop  of  Connecticut,  containing  an 
duced  by  Lord  Wharton,  had  had  that  account  of  transactions  in  England  as 
audience  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  they  appeared  to  the  writer  from  the 
which  enabled  him  to  prevail  in  hav-  time  of  his  arrival  there  to  January  8, 
ing  the  order  for  confirming  Andros's  1689. 
50* 


594 


HISTORY    OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


[Book  III. 


dolph,  Palmer,  "West,  Graham,  Farwell,  and  Sherlock,  but 
at  the  same  time  resolved  that  the  persons  accused  could 
not  be  admitted  to  bail.^  A  fortnight  later,  on  account 
of  an  indisposition  of  Dudley,  the  Council,  with  the  con- 
sent of  some  Deputies,  allowed  him  to  go  to  his  house  at 
Roxbury,  after  giving  a  bond  not  to  leave  it,  except  on 
Sundays,  and  then  under  a  guard.^  But  the 
same  night  a  party  from  Boston  went  out,  and 
brought  him  forcibly  back  to  gaol.^     The  General  Court, 


1  Dudley  sent  a  pathetic  petition  for 
release.     (Mass.  Arch.,  CVII.  119.) 

2  MS.  Mass.  Rec,  VI.  64. 

3  Colonial  Papers,  &c. — In  an  anony- 
mous paper,  dated  "  Boston,  July  30," 
it  is  related  that,  on  the  13th  of  that 
month  [the  day  of  the  adjournment  of 
the  Court],  Dudley  gave  bonds,  and 
went  to  his  house.  "  About  twelve 
o'clock  at  night,  being  Saturday  night, 
about  200  or  300  of  the  rabble,  Dear- 
ing  and  Searle  heading  of  them,  went 
and  broke  open  his  house,  and  brought 
him  to  town.  The  keeper  [of  the 
gaol]  would  not  receive  him,  and  they 
took  him  to  Mr.  Paige's.  [Paige's  wife 
was  a  sister  of  Dudley.]  Monday 
night,  the  15th,  they  broke  into  Mr. 
Paige's  house  (smashing  his  windows), 
searching  for  him  [Dudley].  The  16th 
instant,  Mr.  Dudley  walked  to  the 
prison,  accompanied  with  several  gen- 
tlemen, there  being  no  stilling  the 
people  otherwise." 

In  the  same  collection  is  the  order, 
dated  July  13,  to  ti-ansfer  Dudley  from 
prison  to  his  house,  in  "  consideration  of 
his  great  indisposition  of  body."  The 
order  is  without  signature.  Randolph 
adds  to  it,  in  a  note  :  "  Neither  Mr. 
Bradstreet  nor  Addington  [Governor 
and  Secretary]  would  sign  this  paper, 
for  fear  of  being  put  to  gaol  for  it.  It 
was  carried  to  Dudley,  "  in  prison,"  by 
the  Marshal,  "  about  three,  afternoon." 
Samuel  Shrimpton,  Nicholas  Paige,  and 


Eliakim  Hutchinson  were  the  sureties, 
in  the  sum  of  £10,000. 

Bradstreet  was  in  great  trouble ; 
among  other  reasons,  because  his  ac- 
complished wife  was  Dudley's  sister. 
The  party  which  went  from  Boston  to 
bring  Dudley  took  a  letter  from  Brad- 
street, preserved  in  the  State  Paper 
Office  in  a  copy  which  it  seems  Dudley 
afterwards  allowed  Randolph  to  make. 
The  copy  was  so  hastily  made,  as  to 
be  in  part  scarcely  legible.  It  reads 
as  follows :  — 

"  Sir,  —  The  tumult  in  the  town  is 
so  great  and  so  sudden,  no  reason  will 
be  heard  or  regarded,  that  I  am  neces- 
sitated earnestly  to  Qntreat  you,  for 
the  safety  of  yourself  and  family,  and 
welfare  of  the  whole  country,  to  yield 
quickly  to  the  present  stress,  which  1 
hope  you  will  never  repent. 
"  Your  cordial  friend 

and  humble  servant, 

"  S.  Bradstreet. 

"  Have  respect,  I  pray,  to  the  glory 
of  God,  and  the  welfare  of  this  people. 

"  Received  the  thirteenth  of  July, 
at  12  o'clock  at  night,  by  the  hand  of 
Ephrim  Sabe  [Searle  ?],  cooper. 

"  J.  Dudley. 

"  Taken  from  the  original  letter  by 
Mr.  E.  Randolph." 

July  16,  Bradstreet  wrote  to  Dud- 
ley :  "  In  this  juncture  of  affairs  there 
is  nothing  better  for  yourself,  friends, 
and  relations,  and  the  whole  country, 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.       595 


as  we  may  now  call  it,  having  done  its  work  of  or- 
ganization/ and  transacted  other  necessary  business,  ad- 
journed on  that  day.^ 

The  revolution  in  Massachusetts  determined  the  pro- 
ceedings in  the  other  Colonies  under  Andros's  sway.  In 
New  York  they  had  an  unfortunate  management  and 
a  tragical  course,  the  relation  of  which  does  not  belong 
to  this  history.  On  learning  what  had  been  done  in  Bos- 
ton, the  people  of  Plymouth  seized  the  person  of  their 


than  forthwith  to  do  that  which  you  in- 
tended and  promised  to  do  the  last 
night,  and  take  up  your  lodging  in  the 
prison  till  the  fury  of  the  people  be 

more   allayed I  can  add  no 

more,  nor  do  no  more,  being  full  with 
grief  and  sorrow  for  your  and  our  sad 

condition Your  affectionate 

kinsman  and  humble  servant."  (Colo- 
nial Papers,  &c.) 

In  the  same  collection  is  a  manu- 
script purporting  to  be  an  abstract  of 
letters  to  England  from  Boston  mer- 
chants "  since  July  last "  (1689),  which 
illustrates  the  local  opposition  the  patri- 
ots had  to  contend  with.  —  "  'T  is  a  ques- 
tion," wrote  the  thrifty  James  Lloyd  to 
Thomas  Brinley,  July  10,  "whether 
one  hundred  thousand  pounds  will 
make  good  the  damages,  and  settle 
the  land  in  so  hopeful  a  way  as  it  was 
at  the  time  the  Governor  lost  his  author- 
ity." —  One  of  Lloyd's  friends  was  in 
a  very  gloomy  state  of  mind.  "  Should 
this  place  be  governed  as  in  old  times, 
there  can  be  no  living  for  sober  people. 
To  be  governed  amongst  ourselves  by 
some  chosen  among  us  is  nearest  unto 
an  anarchy."  (Francis  Brinley  to 
Thomas  Brinley,  July  15.)  —  "I  am 
afraid  that  this  people  will  grow  so 
unruly  that  nothing  but  an  immediate 
Governor  from  the  King  will  or  can 
rule  them They  are  daily  ex- 
pecting Mr.  Mather  with  a  charter. 
If  it  pleases  them,  well ;  If  not,  they 


will  despise  it,  for  they  are  not  afraid 
to  say,  in  some  towns  of  the  country, 
that  the  crown  of  England  hath  noth- 
ing to  do  with  them We  are 

not  bettered  by  pulling  down  Sir  Ed- 
mund's government,  but  much  worst- 
ed." (Benjamin  Davis  to  Edward 
Hall,  July  31.)  —  Almost  from  the 
primitive  times,  the  good  sense  and 
good  temper  of  Massachusetts  have  had 
some  people  of  this  sort  to  deal  with. 

1  Maine  was  not  overlooked.  June 
28,  Samuel  Danforth  was  reinstated 
in  the  government  of  that  Province. 
(MS.  Mass.  Rec.,  VI.  50.) 

2  "  Since  the  death  of  William  the 
Silent,"  says  Mr.  Motley  in  his  great 
History  (United  Netherlands,  I.  314), 
"  there  was  no  individual  in  the  Neth- 
erlands to  impersonate  the  struggle  of 
the  Provinces  with  Spain  and  Rome. 
To  a  certain  extent  the  achieve- 
ments of  the  little  republic  were  anony- 
mous  But  those  who   were 

brought  into  closest  contact  with 
the  commonwealth  acknowledged  in 
strongest  language  the  signal  ability 
with  which,  self-guided,  she  steered 
her  course."  One  is  fain  to  apply  the 
remark  to  Massachusetts  during  the 
forty  years  that  followed  the  death  of 
the  elder  Winthrop,  and  the  history  of 
which  is  here  closed ;  yet  the  remark 
must  not  be  so  applied  as  to  slight  men 
like  John  Leverett  and  Samuel  Dan- 
forth. 


596  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

townsman,   Nathaniel    Clark,    one    of  Andros's 

Proceedings  in  ' 

Plymouth.        Counsellors  and  tools,  and,  recallinp^  Governor 

April  22.  TT-        1   1  '         1  '  1 

Hmckley,  set  up  agam  the  ancient  government. 
When  the  revolution  in  Massachusetts  became  known  at 
Newport,  a  summons  was  issued  from  that  place 

Proceedings  lu  ^  ^  ••■ 

Rhode  Island,    to  "  the  scveral  towns  "  of  Rhode  Island,  invit- 
ing   them   to    send    their   "  principal    persons " 
to  Newport  "  before  the  day  of  usual  election  by  char- 
ter,   there  to  consult  of  some  suitable  way  in  this 

present  juncture."  ^  Accordingly,  at  a  meeting 
held  on  the  day  appointed  by  the  charter  for 
annual  elections,  it  was  determined  "  to  reassume  the 
government  according  to  the  charter,"  and  "  that  the 
former  Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  and  Assistants  that 
were  in  place before  the  coming  over  of  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros,  the  late  Governor,  should  be  established 
in  their  respective  places  for  the  year  ensuing,  or  further 
order  from  England."  ^  Walter  Clarke  was  the  Governor 
who  had  been  superseded  by  Andros.  But  he  had  no 
mind  for  the  hazardous  honor  which  was  now  thrust  upon 
him,  and  Rhode  Island  remained  without  a  Governor. 

On  the  arrival  in  Connecticut  of  the  news  of  the  de- 
position of  Andros,  the  plan  of  resuming  the  charter  of 
that  Colony,  and  re-establishing  the  government  under 
it,   was  immediately   canvassed  in  all  the   settlements.* 

1  Manuscript  quoted  In  Hutch.  Hist.,  tlie   initial   letters    W.   C.    and  J.    C. 

I.  341  ;  Byfield,  Account  of  the  Late  Without    doubt    W.    C.    was    Walter 

Revolution,  6.     A  General  Court  was  Clarke ;    and   what   appears   to   have 

held,  June   1.     Hinckley  was   chosen  been   the   original   summons   received 

Governor,  and  William  Bradford  Dep-  at  Providence  still  exists  there,  and  is 

uty-Governor,  with  six  Assistants,  five  in  his  handwriting.     (R.  I.  Rec,  HI. 

of  whom  were  persons  elected  to  that  257.) 

office  in  1686.    Clarke  was  bound  over  3  Ibid.,  258,  266. 

to  be  of  good   behavior  towards   the  *  GershomBulkeley,InhIs  "  Willand 

new  sovereigns.     The  military  officers  Doom,"  presents   some  considerations, 

of  the  year  1686  were  reinstated,  and  a  which,  he  thinks,  "make  it  probable 

day  of  Thanksgiving   was   appointed,  that  the  plot  was  of  longer  standing 

(Plym.  Rec.,VI.  205 -21^.)  and   of  larger   extent   than  we   were 

2  The  summons  was  signed  only  with  aware  of,"  and   which  cause  it  to  be 


Chap.  XV.]  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.      597 

Agreeably  to  some  general  understanding,  a  number 
of  principal  men,  most  of  them  delegated  by  y,,,,,,^.,^^,  ^^ 
their  respective   towns,  assembled  at  Hartford  Connecticut. 

T  f        1   •  May  8. 

to  consult  together  on  the  expediency  of  takmg 
that  step.  They  determined  to  submit  three  questions, 
the  next  day,  to  the  decision  of  the  freemen,  who  had 
come  together  in  large  numbers.  The  questions  were : 
—  1.  "  Whether  they  would  that  those  in  place  and 
power  when  Sir  Edmund  Andros  took  the  government 
should  resume  their  place  and  power  as  they  were  then ; 
or,  2.  Whether  they  would  continue  the  present  gov- 
ernment ;  or,  3.  Whether  they  would  choose  a  Commit- 
tee of  Safety." 

The  adoption  of  any  one  of  these  proposals  disposed 
of  the  others.     The  first  of  them  was  first  sub- 

May  9. 

mitted  to  a  vote,  and  prevailed.^  A  General 
Court  after  the  ancient  pattern  was  constituted  accord- 
ingly. The  persons  just  deputed  from  the  towns  made 
the  Lower  House.  Governor  Treat  and  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Bishop  resumed  their  functions,  with  ten  Magis- 
trates elected  with  them  two  years  before,  and  two 
others  now  chosen  by  the  freemen  to  fill  the  places  of 
Magistrates  who  had  died  meanwhile. 

The  first  measure  of  the  Court  was  to  order  "  that  all 
the  laws  of  this  Colony  formerly  made  according  to 
charter,  and  courts  constituted  in  this  Colony  for  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  as  they  were  before  the  late  in- 
terruption, should  be  of  full  force  and  virtue  for  the 
future,  and  till  the   Court   should   see   cause   to   make 

matter  of  less  surprise  "  that  the  gen-  where  the  same  sanguine  observer  of 

tlemen  of  Connecticut  should  so  easilyj  the  signs  of  the  times,  "there  be  not 

in  the  year  1689,  receive  encourage-  some  Jesuit  that  has  foisted  in  this  pro- 

ment,  by  letter  from  England,  to  take  ject  amongst  them  in  the  Bay  and  u3 

their  charter  government  again,  tell-  here,  as  the  most  probable  way  to  ruin 

ing  them  they   were   a  company   of  us."    (People's  Right  to  Election,  &c., 

hens,  if  they  did  not  do  it."     (Conn,  in  Conn.  Hist.  Coll.,  I.  72.) 

Rec,  lU.  456.)    "  I  wish,"  writes  else-  l  Conn.  Rec,  III.  456  -  460. 


598  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  [Book  III. 

further  and  other  alteration  and  provision  according  to 
charter."  The  second  vote  was  to  confirm  "  all  the  pres- 
ent military  officers."  Justices  of  the  Peace  were  ap- 
pointed for  the  towns  where  no  Magistrates  resided. 
The  armament  of  the  fort  at  Saybrook  was  provided 
for.  The  Governor  was  charged  to  convene  the  Gen- 
eral Court  "in  case  any  occasion  should  come  on,  in 
reference  to  the  charter  or  government."  A  day  of 
Fasting  was  proclaimed.     And  then  the  Court  adjourned. 

It  was  soon  convened  again,  in  consequence  of  the  in- 
telligence of  the  accession  of  William  and  Mary 
to  the  throne.  The  King  and  Queen  were  pro- 
claimed with  all  solemnity.  A  day  was  appointed  for 
Thanksgiving.  And  an  Address  of  congratulation  was 
prepared,  in  which  the  Court  also  briefly  rehearsed  the 
recent  proceedings  in  the  Colony,  and  prayed  for  "  rati- 
fications and  confirmations  of  the  charter."^ 

Again  Englishmen  were  free  and  self-governed  in  the 
settlements  of  New  England. 

1  Conn.  Rec,  III.  250  -  255 ;  comp.  463  -  466. 


APPENDIX. 


COMMISSIONERS    OF    THE    CONFEDERACY. 


Plymouth. 


Josiah  Winslow. 
Thomas  Southworth. 
Thomas  Prince  (Substitute). 


Massachusetts. 

1668. 

Thomas  Danforth. 
Johu  Leverett. 


1669. 


Josiah  Winslow.  Thomas  Danforth 

Thomas  Southworth.  John  Leverett. 

Thomas  Prince  (Substitute).  Sim.  Bradstreet 
Wm.  Hathorne 


CONNECTIOCT. 


John  Winthrop. 

William  Leete. 

Samuel  Wyllys  (Substitute) 


John  Winthrop. 
John  Talcott. 
\  (Subst  )     "^^™*^^  Richards  (Substitute). 


Thomas  Prince. 
Josiah  Winslow. 


1670. 


Simon  Bradstreet. 
Thomas  Danforth. 
Wm.  Hathorne 
John  Leverett 


I  (Subst. 


Samuel  Wyllys. 

John  Talcott. 

James  Richards  (Substitute), 


1671. 

Thomas  Prince.  Simon  Bradstreet. 

Josiah  Winslow.  Thomas  Danforth. 

Thorn. Hinckley  (Substitute). William  Hathorne. 

Daniel  Denison  (Subst). 


1672. 


Thomas  Prince,  P. 
Josiah  Winslow. 


Thomas  Danforth. 
Simon  Bradsti'cet. 


Thorn.  Hiuckley( Substitute). Wra.  Hathorne 
John  Leverett 


[  (Subst.). 


Samuel  Wyllys. 

John  Talcott. 

James  Richards  (Substitute). 


William  Leete.i 
James  Richards. 
John  Talcott  (Substitute). 


Thomas  Hinckley. 
Josiah  Winslow. 


1673. 

Thomas  Danforth. 
William  Hathorne. 


William  Leete,  P. 
John  Talcott. 


Wm.  Bradford  (Substitute).  Wm.  Stoughton  I  /g„Ugj  \    John  Allyn  (Substitute). 
Daniel  Denison  ) 


1  Conn.  Kec,  II.  170.     But  Wintljrop,  instead      sioners  this  year.     (Hazard  II.  528 ;  comp.  Conn, 
of  Leete,  attended  the  meeting  of  the  Commis-     Rec.,  II.  182.) 


600 


COMMISSIONERS   OF   THE   CONFEDERACY.       [Appendix. 


Plymouth. 


Massachusetts. 


1674. 

Josiah  Winslow.  Thomas  Danforth. 

Thomas  Hinckley.  William  Stoughton. 

Wm.  Bradford  (Substitute).  Sim.  Bradstreet )  /gufjgj.  \ 
Daniel  Denison  ) 

1675. 

Josiah  Winslow.  Thomas  Danforth. 

Thomas  Hinckley.  William  Stoughton. 

Wm.  Bradford  (Substitute).  Sim.  Bradstreet  /  /o„Ugj.  \ 
Daniel  Denison  ) 


Josiah  Winslow. 

Thomas  Hinckley. 

Wm.  Bradford  (Substitute). 


1676. 
Thomas  Danforth. 
William  Stoughton. 


1677. 

Josiah  Winslow.  Thomas  Danforth. 

Thomas  Hinckley.  Joseph  Dudley. 

Wm.  Bradford  (Substitute).  Sim.  Bradstreet  |  ,o  i^^.  \ 


Josiah  Winslow. 

Thomas  Hinckley. 

Jas.  Cud  worth  (Substitute), 

Josiah  Winslow. 
Thomas  Hinckley. 


Wm.  Stoughton 

1678. 

Thomas  Danforth. 
Joseph  Dudley. 

1679. 

Thomas  Danforth. 
Joseph  Dudley. 


Jas.  Cudworth  (Substitute).  Daniel  Denison    )  ,q  .    . 


Josiah  Winslow. 

Thomas  Hinckley. 

Wm.  Bradford  (Substitute) 

Thomas  Hinckley. 

James  Cudworth. 

Wm. Bradford  (Substitute). 

Thomas  Hinckley. 
William  Bradford. 
Daniel  Smith  (Substitute). 


Humphrey  Davy  ) 

1680. 
William  Stoughton. 
Joseph  Dudley. 

1681. 

William  Stoughton. 
Joseph  Dudley. 

1682. 

William  Stoughton. 
Peter  Bulkeley. 
Samuel  No  well    lie 
Thorn.  Danforth  ) 


bst. 


Connecticut. 


John  Allyn. 

James  Richards. 

John  Talcott  (Substitute). 


John  Allyn.i 

James  Richards. 

John  Talcott  (Substitute). 


John  Talcott. 

James  Richards. 

John  Allyn  (Substitute). 


John  Allyn. 

James  Richards. 

John  Talcott  (Substitute). 


William  Leete. 
John  Allyn. 


John  Allyn. 
James  Richards. 


John  Allyn. 
James  Richards, 


Robert  Treat. 
John  Allyn. 


Robert  Treat. 
John  Allyn. 


1  By  a  vote  of  the  Council,  August  18, 1675,  Win- 
throp  was  substituted  for  Allyn  (Conn.  Rec  ,  II. 
351) ;  and,  by  a  vote  of  the  General  Court,  of  Octo- 


ber 14,  Wait  Winthrop  was  substituted  for  Rich- 
ards (Ibid.,  271). 


Appendix.]  MAGISTRATES  OP  THE  SEVERAL  COLONIES. 


601 


Plymouth. 


Thomas  Hinckley. 
William  Bradford. 
Daniel  Smith  (Substitute). 


Thomas  Hinckley, 
William  Bradford. 
Daniel  Smith 
John  Walley 


}' 


Subst). 


Thomas  Hinckley. 
William  Bradford. 
John  Walley  (Substitute). 


Massachusbtts. 
1683. 


Connecticut. 


William  Stoughton. 

Peter  Bulkeley. 

Samuel  Nowell  (Substitute). 

1684. 


John  Talcott. 
John  Allyn. 


Samuel  Nowell.  John  Talcott. 

William  Stoughton.  John  Allyn. 

Peter  Bulkeley  /  ^^^ 
Joseph  Dudley  ) 

1685. 

William  Stoughton. 
Samuel  Nowell. 

1686. 

William  Stoughton.  John  Talcott 

Samuel  NowelL  John  Allyn. 


MAGISTRATES  OF  THE  SEVERAL  COLONIES. 


PLYMOUTH. 


GOVEENOKS. 

1668  -  1672.  Thomas  Prince. 
1673  -  1680.  Josiah  Winslow. 
1681-1686.     Thomas  Hinckley. 


John  Alden,  1668-1686. 
Josiah  Winslow,  1668-1672. 
Thomas  Southworth,  1668,  1669. 
William  Bradford,  1668-1681. 
Thomas  Hinckley,  1668-1679. 
John  Freeman,  1668  -  1686. 
Nathaniel  Bacon,  1668  -  1673. 


Deputt-Governobs. 


1680.  Thomas  Hinckley. 

1681.  James  Cudworth. 

1682  -  1686.     William  Bradford. 

Assistants. 

Constant  Southworth,  1670  -  1678. 
James  Brown,  1673-1683. 
James  Cudworth,  1674-1680. 
Daniel  Smith,  1679-1686. 
Barnabas  Lothrop,  1681  -  1686. 
John  Thacher,  1682  -  1686. 
John  Walley,  1684-1686. 


Governors. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 

Deputy-Governors. 


1668-1672.     Richard  Bellingham. 
1673-1 678.    John  Leverett. 
1679  -  1686.     Simon  Bradstreet. 


VOL.  III. 


51 


1 668  - 1 670.  Francis  Willoughby. 

1671,  1672.  John  Leverett. 

1673-1678.  Samuel  Symonds. 

1679-1686.  Thomas  Danforth. 


602 


MAGISTRATES  OF   THE   SEVERAL  COLONIES.  [Appendix. 


Simon  Bradstreet,  1668  -  1678. 
Samuel  Symonds,  1668-1672. 
Daniel  Gookin,  1668-1675,  1677- 
Daniel  Denison,  1668-1682. 
Simon  Willard,  1668-1675. 
Richard  Russell,  1668-1676. 
Thomas  Danforth,  1668-1678, 
William  Hathorae,  1668-1679. 
Eleazar  Lusher,  1668-1672. 
John  Leverett,  1668-1670. 
John  Pynchon,  1668-  1686. 
Edward  Tyng,  1668-1680. 
William  Stoughton,  1671  -  1686. 
Thomas  Clarke,  1673-1677, 
Joseph  Dudley,  1676-1683,  1685. 
Peter  Bulkeley,  1677  - 1684. 
Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  1679-1686. 
Humphrey  Davy,  1679  -  1686. 
James  Russell,  1680-1686. 


Assistants. 

Samuel  Nowell,  1680  -  1686. 

Peter  Tilton,  1680-1686. 
1686,      John  Richards,  1680  -  1686, 

John  Hull,  1680-1683. 

Bartholomew  Gidney,  1680-1683. 

Thomas  Savage,  1680,  1681. 

William  Brown,  1680-1683. 

Richard  Saltonstall,  1681,  1682. 

Samuel  Appleton,  1682-1686. 

Robert  Pike,  1682  -  1686. 

Daniel  Fisher,  1683. 

John  Woodbridge,  1683. 

Elisha  Cooke,  1684  -  1686. 

William  Johnson,  1684-  1686. 

John  Hathorne,  1684-  1686. 

Elisha  Hutchinson,  1684-1686. 

Samuel  Sewall,  1684-1686. 

Isaac  Addington,  1686, 

John  Smith,  1686, 


GOVERNOHS. 

1668  -  1675.    John  Winthrop. 
1676  -  1682,     William  Leete. 
1683-1687.     Robert  Treat. 


Samuel  Wyllys,  1668  -  1684, 
Nathan  Gold,  1668-1687, 
John  Talcott,  1668-1687, 
Henry  Wolcott,  1668  -  1680. 
John  Allyn,  1668-1687. 
William  Leete,  1668. 
William  Jones,  1668  -  1687. 
Benjamin  Fenn,  1668-  1672. 
Alexander  Bryant,  1668  -  1678. 
James  Bishop,  1668  -  1682. 
Anthony  Howkins,  1668-1673. 
Thomas  Wells,  1668. 
John  Mason,  1669-1671. 
James  Richards,  1669  -  1680, 


CONNECTICUT. 

Deputt-Governoes. 

1668,    John  Mason. 
1669  -  1675,     William  Leete, 
1676-1682.     Robert  Treat. 
1683  - 1687.    James  Bishop. 

Assistants. 

John  Nash,  1672-1687. 
Robert  Treat,  1673  - 1675. 
Thomas  Topping,  1674  -  1684. 
John  Mason,  1676. 
Matthew  Gilbert,  1677. 
Andrew  Leete,  1678  -  1687. 
John  Wadsworth,  1679-1687, 
Robert  Chapman,  1681-1684, 
James  Fitch,  1681-  1687. 
Samuel  Mason,  1683-1687, 
Benjamin  Newberry,  1685-1687. 
Samuel  Talcott,  1685-1687, 
Giles  Hamlin,  1685-1687. 


RHODE  ISLAND   AND 

GOVEKNOKS. 


PROVIDENCE  PLANTATIONS. 
Deputt-Governoks. 


1668. 

William  Brenton. 

1668. 

Nicholas  Easton. 

1669- 

-1671,     Benedict  Arnold. 

1669. 

John  Clarke. 

1672, 

1673.     Nicholas  Easton. 

1670. 

Nicholas  Easton. 

1674, 

1675.     William  Coddington. 

1671. 

John  Clarke. 

1676. 

Walter  Clarke, 

1672. 

John  Cranston. 

1677, 

1678.     Benedict  Arnold. 

1673. 

William  Coddington, 

1679. 

John  Cranston. 

1674, 

1675.     John  Easton, 

Appendix.]  MAGISTRATES  OF  THE   SEVERAL  COLONIES. 


603 


GOVEHNORS. 

1680-1682.     Peleg  Sanford. 
1683-1685.     WilJiam  Coddington. 
1686.     Walter  Clarke. 


Deptjtt-Goveenobs. 

1676-1678.  John  Cranston. 
1679  -  1685.  Walter  Clarke. 
1686.     John  Coggeshall. 


Assistants. 


Peleg  Sanford,  1668,  1669,  1677,  1678. 

John  Cranston,  1668-1671. 

John    Easton,    1668  -  1670,    1672,    1673, 

1676,  1681-1686. 
William  Carpenter,  1668-1671. 
William  Harris,  1668,  1669,  1673,  1674, 

1676. 
Thomas  Harris,  1668,  1671-1675. 
William  Baulston,  1668-1672. 
Samuel  Wilbur,  1668,  1677. 
John   Greene,    1668-1672,    1677,   1680- 

1684,  1686. 
Benjamin  Smith,  1668,  1669,  1671,  1672, 

1675. 
Thomas  Olney,  1669,  1670,  1677,  1678. 
Joshua  Coggeshall,  1669,  1672-1676. 
John  Coggeshall,  1670,  1671,  1674,  1676, 

1683-1686. 
Roger  Williams,  1670. 
John  Tripp,  1670,  1673-1675. 
James  Greene,  1670. 
James  Barker,  1671,  1676. 
John    Albro,    1671,    1677-1681,    1683- 

1685. 
Richard  Smith,  1672. 
Francis  Brinley,  1672. 
Arthur  Fenner,  1672,  1674-1676,  1679- 

1686. 


Henry  Browne,  1672. 

Walter  Clarke,  1673-1675. 

Daniel  Gould,  1673,  1674. 

Thomas  Field,  1673. 

Walter  Todd,  1673. 

Job  Almy,  1673. 

Samuel  Stafford,  1674,  1686. 

Henry  Bull,  1675. 

Edward  Thurston,  1675,  1686. 

Thomas  Borden,  1675, 

Benjamin  Barton,  1675,  1683,  1685. 

William  Cadman,  1676,  1682. 

Randall  Holden,  1676. 

Samuel  Gorton,  1676-1682,  1685. 

Joseph  Clarke,  1677-1679. 

John  Whipple,  1677-1679. 

Stephen  Arnold,  1677  -  1680. 

Thomas  Greene,  1678,  1679,  1684. 

Caleb  Car,  1679-1685. 

Thomas  Ward,  1679,  1680. 

John  Sanford,  1679. 

William  Coddington,  1680-1682. 

Joseph  Jenks,  1680-1686. 

George  Lawton,  1680-1686. 

Richard  Arnold,  1681  -  1686. 

Walter  Newberry,  1686. 


NEW    HAMPSHIRE. 


Presidents. 

J  679,  1680.    John  Cutts. 
1681.     Richard  Waldron. 

Governors. 

1682  -  1685.    Edward  Cranfield. 
1686.     Walter  Barefoote. 

Richard  Martyn,  1679-1682. 
William  Vaughan,  1679-1686. 
Thomas  Daniel,  1679-1683. 
John  Oilman,  1679-1682. 
Christopher  Hiissey,  1679  -  1686. 
Richard  Waldron,  1679,  1680,  1682. 
Elias  Stileman,  1680-1682. 
Samuel  Dalton,  1 680. 
Job  Clements,  1680-1683. 
Robert  Mason,  1680-  1686. 


Vice-Presidents. 

1680.  Richard  Waldron. 

1681.  Elias  Stileman. 

Depdtt-Governob. 
1 683  -  1 686.     Walter  Barefoote. 

Counsellors. 

Richard  Waldron,  jr.,  1681  -1686. 
Anthony  Nutter,  1681  -  1686. 
Walter  Barefoote,  1682. 
Richard  Chamberlain,  1682-1686. 
Nathaniel  Fryer,  1683  -  1686. 
Robert  Elliot,  1683-1686. 
John  Hinckes,  1683-1686. 
James  Sherlock,  1683  -  1686. 
Francis  Champernoon,  1683-1686. 
Edward  Randolph,  1683  -  1686. 


gQ^  PROVINCIAL  MAGISTRATES.  [Appendix. 

ROYAL    PROVINCE    OF    NEW   ENGLAND. 

Governor. 
1686  (December)  -  1689.     Edmund  Andros. 

COCNSELLOHS. 

The  following  Counsellors  were  named  in  the  Commission  which  took  effect  in 

May,  1686,  as  appears  from  the  Proclamation  issued  on  the  25th  of  that  month,  viz.:  — 

Joseph  Dudley,  1686  (May)  -  1689.  Richard  Wharton,  1686  -  1689. 

(President  in  1686.)  John  Usher,  1686  -  1689. 

William  Stoughton,  1686  -  1689.  Nathaniel  Saltonstall. 

(Deputy-President  in  1686.)  Simon  Bradstreet. 

Robert  Mason,  1686  -  1688.  Dudley  Bradstreet. 

Fitz-John  Winthrop,  1686  -  1689.  Bartholomew  Gidney,  1686  - 1689. 

John  Pynchon,  1686-1689.  Jonathan  Tyng,  1686  - 1689.  t 

Peter  Bulkeley,  1686-  1688.  John  Hinckes,  1686-1689. 

Edward  Randolph,  1686  - 1689.  Edward  Tyng,  1686  - 1689. 

Wait  Winthrop,  1686  -  1689.  Francis  Champernoon. 

In  Andros's  first  Commission  all  the  above-named  Counsellors  were  included,  except 

the  two  Bradstreets,  Saltonstall,  and  Champernoon,  who  had  not  accepted  the  trust ; 

and  the  following  were  added.     Their  names,  with  the  preceding,  are  in  a  list  at  the 

beginning  of  the  original  minutes  of  Andros's  Council.     (See  above,  p.  518,  note  2.) 

Thomas  Hinckley,  1686-1689.  Walter  Clarke,  1686-1689. 

Barnabas  Lothrop,  1686  -  1689.  Walter  Newberry,  1686  -  1689. 

William  Bradford,  1686  -  1689.  John  Sandford,  1686  -  1689. 

Daniel  Smith,  1686-1689.  John  Greene,  1686-1689. 

John  Walley,  1 686  -  1 689.  Richard  Arnold,  1686-1689. 

Nathaniel  Clarke,  1686  -  1689.  John  Albro,  1686  - 1689. 

John  Coggeshall,  1686-1689. 

In  the  Journal  of  Andros's  Council,  the  above  names  of  Counsellors  occnr,  and 

also  the  following,  subsequently  appointed,  viz. :  — 

Francis  Nicholson,  1687  (August)  -  1689.      John  Allyn,  1687  (November)  -  1689. 

Robert  Treat,  1687  (November)  -  1689.  Samuel  Shrimpton,  1688  (March)  -  1689. 

In  Andros's  second  Commission  (April  16,  1688),  all  the  above  names  were  in- 
cluded, and  the  following  in  addition,  viz.  :  — 

William  Browne,  1688,  1689.  Henry  Courtland,  1688,  1689. 

Richard  Smith,  1688,  1689.  John  Young,  1688,  1689. 

Simon  Lynde,  1688,  1689.  Nicholas  Bayard,  1688,  1689. 

Anthony  Brockholst,  1688,  1689.  John  Palmer,  1688,  1689. 

Frederick  Phillips,  1688,  1689.  John  Spragg  [Sprague?],  1688,  1689. 

Anthony  Baxter,  1688,  1689. 

A  list  of  Counsellors  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives  (CXXVI.  77)  contains  the 
names  of  all  the  Counsellors  who  served  during  the  first  year,  and  no  others.  Hutch- 
inson (Hist.,  I.  317)  had  not  seen  any  list  that  he  could  rely  upon.  A  list,  how- 
ever, which  he  found  on  the  fly-leaf  of  a  volume  of  the  Colonial  Laws,  turns  out  to  be 
nearly  correct.  It  contained  all  the  names  of  Counsellors  mentioned  above,  except 
that  of  Simon  Lynde.  Hutchinson,  however,  writes  John  Cothill  for  John  Coggeshall, 
whose  name,  in  the  list  in  the  Archives,  is  spelt  Coxell. 


INDEX. 


51* 


INDEX. 


Abbot,  Archbishop,  his  puritanical  tenden- 
cies, I.  254 ;  suspended  from  his  office, 
268. 

Abhorrers,  fvst  name  of  the  Tory  party, 
III.  256. 

Aborigines,  of  New  England,  estimate  of 
the  numbers  of,  I.  19;  descriptions  of, 
by  the  early  voyagers,  20 ;  identity  of 
appearance  and  habits  among  the  differ- 
ent tribes  of,  ib. ;  lineaments  of  charac- 
ter and  habits  of,  change  and  become 
effaced,  ib.;  belong  to  the  fsiraily  of  the 
Algonquins,  23  ;  twofold  division  of, 
ib. ;  geographical  division  of,  ib. ;  com- 
putation of  the  numbers  of,  at  the  time 
of  the  first  English  immigration,  24 ; 
number  of,  in  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island,  ib. ;  and  in  Maine,  ib. ;  physical 
characteristics  of,  25  ;  dress,  houses,  and 
food  of,  26  ;  horticulture  and  fishing  of, 
27  ;  cookery  and  manufactures  of,  28  ; 
tools,  arms,  ornaments,  and  furniture 
of,  29 ;  had  no  domestic  animals,  30 ; 
domestic  relations  of,  31  ;  burials  of, 
31  ;  trade  and  money  of,  32 ;  their  lazi- 
ness and  love  of  gambling  and  drink, 
lb.;  their  inventions,  33;  their  music, 
eloquence,  &c.,  34 ;  their  science,  and 
power  of  calculation,  35  ;  their  civil 
state  and  government,  36 ;  their  sa- 
chems and  sagamores,  38  ;  their  lan- 
guages, 40  ;  their  religion,  43  ;  their 
stoicism,  49  ;  their  inferior  capacity  for 
civilization,  50. 

Acadie,  name  given,  by  the  French,  to  a 
region  in  America,  I.  77 ;  conquered  by 
the  English  and  called  Nova  Scotia,  IL 
286. 

AgamenticHs.     See  York. 

Alden,  John,  his  origin,  &c.,  I.  162. 

Alderman,  a  friendly  Indian,  shoots  King 
Philip,  III.  205. 

Alexander,  Sachem  of  the  Pokanokets, 
III.  143. 

Alfxander,  Sir  William,  his  account  of 
Popham's  Colonists  on  the  Kennebec, 


I.  84;  becomes  Earl  of  Stirling,  and 
obtains  a  patent  for  Nova  Scotia,  234. 

Algonquins,  name  given  to  a  family  of  In- 
dians, I.  23  ;  territory  occupied  by,  ib. 

AUerton,  Isaac,  chosen  Assistant  Governor 
of  the  Plymouth  Colony,  I.  180;  his 
voyage  to  England  and  his  doings  there, 
227  ;  his  second  voyage  to  England  and 
doings  there,  230;  "falls  under  the  dis- 
pleasure of  his  Plymouth  associates, 
534  ;  his  residence  at  Marblehead,  and 
at  New  Haven,  335. 

AUyn,  John,  treats  with  New  Haven  on 
the  matter  of  union  with  Connecticut, 

II.  549  ;  his  great  influence  in  Connecti- 
cut, III.  238. 

Anabaptists.     See  Baptists. 

Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Com- 
pany, formation  of,  I.  556. 

Andrews,  William,  sentenced  by  the  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Massachusetts  to  servitude, 
I.  553. 

Andres,  Sir  Edmund,  made  Governor  of 
New  York,  HI.  34 ;  takes  possession 
of  New  York,  127  ;  some  account  of,  ib. ; 
lays  claim  to  territory  of  Connecticut, 
128;  asserts  the  claim  with  an  armed 
force,  129;  returns  to  New  York,  131  ; 
his  conduct  during  the  Indian  war,  re- 
sented by  New  England,  208 ;  sends  a 
force  to  build  and  occupy  a  fort  at 
Pemaquid,  213;  his  representation  of 
the  political  condition  of  Massachu- 
setts, ib. ;  his  complaints  of  Massachu- 
setts, ib. ;  earliest  intimation  of  his 
appointment  to  be  Governor  of  New 
England,  499 ;  made  Governor  of  all 
New  England,  511;  principles  of  his 
government,  512;  constitution  of  his 
government,  extent  of  its  jurisdiction, 
his  powers,  salary,  seal  and  flag,  &c., 
515  ;  his  assumption  of  the  government, 
517  ;  demands  the  delivery  of  the  Rhode 
Island  charter,  518;  proceedings  of  his 
government,  519 ;  "  Act  for  Establishing 
and  Continuing  several  Rates,  Duties, 
and  Imposts,"  520;  his  institution  of 


608 


INDEX. 


Anglican  worship,  521 ;  his  report  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee,  522 ;  costly  ad- 
ministration of  justice  under,  ib. ;  juries 
corruptly  constituted  and  the  laws  not 
printed  under  the  rule  of,  523 ;  imposes 
taxes  arbitrarily,  524 ;  his  imposition  of 
taxes  resisted  in  Massachusetts,  524 ; 
suppression  of  the  resistance,  526  ;  gen- 
eral submission  to  his  mode  of  taxation, 
529;  demand  of  quitrents,  ib.;  seizure 
of  common  lands  in  Lynn,  Cambridge, 
and  elsewhere,  530;  extortion  of  ex- 
cessive fees,  degradation  of  the  Coun- 
cil, &c.,  531  ;  his  commission  embraces 
Maine,  532 ;  his  despotic  government 
over  Maine,  534  ;  his  proceedings  in 
Plymouth,  ib.  ;  his  government  is  ex- 
tended over  Rhode  Island,  535 ;  ex- 
pounds the  claims  to  the  Narragansett 
country,  536  ;  makes  pretensions  to  the 
government  of  Connecticut,  537  ;  sends 
Commissioners  to  Connecticut  to  in- 
trigue for  him,  539  ;  determines  to  settle 
the  troubles  with  Connecticut  by  a  stroke 
of  state,  541  ;  visits  Connecticut,  542  ;  his 
reception  in  Connecticut,  ib. ;  succeeds 
in  his  design  of  annexing  Connecticut 
to  his  government,  543  ;  his  proceed- 
ings in  Connecticut  after  its  annexa- 
tion, 546 ;  returns  to  Boston,  death  and 
burial  of  his  wife,  548 ;  his  renewed  ac- 
tivity in  oppressive  legislation,  549  ; 
builds  a  fort  on  Fort  Hill,  549 ;  expen- 
ses of  his  government  and  deficiencies 
in  revenues,  ib. ;  issues  writs  of  intru- 
sion, 551 ;  narrative  of  Joseph  Lynde,  ib. ; 
appoints  a  day  of  thanksgiving  for  the 
Queen's  pregnancy,  555  ;  expedition  of, 
to  the  Eastern  country,  ib. ;  and  capture 
of  a  French  post,  558 ;  treats  witli  the 
Maine  Indians,  559 ;  regulates  affairs 
in  Cornwall,  to  the  prejudice  of  Palmer 
and  West,  560  ;  commissioned  Governor 
of  the  English  possessions  in  America, 
as  far  south  as  Delaware  Bay,  561  ; 
regulations  and  powers,  salary,  &c.,  per- 
taining to  the  new  dignity  of,  ib. ;  visits 
his  southern  provinces,  562  ;  proclaims 
a  thanksgiving  day  for  the  birth  of  tlie 
Prince  of  Wales,  563  ;  visits  the  Iroquois 
Indians,  ib. ;  reasons  for  the  consolida- 
tion of  the  English  colonies  in  the  North 
under,  ib. ;  Mather  opens  his  case  against, 
before  the  King,  564 ;  attempts  fruit- 
lessly to  treat  with  the  Eastern  tribes, 
567  ;  failure  of  his  military  expedi- 
tion into  Maine,  568  ;  suspicions  enter- 
tained of  his  designs,  569  ;  his  return 
to  Boston  from  the  East,  570  ;  charges 
of  treachery  against,  and  his  impru- 
dent treatment  of  them,  572  ;  receives 
news  of  the  landing  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  in  England,  574 ;  is  apprehen- 
sive of  coming  troubles,  ib. ;  rising  in 
Boston   against,   ib.  ;    seeks   a   confer- 


ence with  the  insurgents,  580 ;  summons 
to,  ib. ;  attempts  to  reach  the  Rose  frig- 
ate, but  is.  prevented  and  surrenders, 
581  ;  fails  in  his  attempt  to  escape  from 
imprisonment,  583  ;  impeachment  of, 
593. 

Androscoggin  River,  source  of,  I.  7 ;  navi- 
gable for  small  vessels,  9. 

Anglesey,  Lord,  chides  the  Colonists  for 
their  bearing  towards  the  home  govern- 
ment, III.  231. 

Anne,  Princess,  her  marriage.  III.  267 ; 
joins  the  Prince  of  Orange,  475. 

Antinomianism,  in  New  England,  I.  474  ; 
political  necessity  for  the  proceedings 
against  in  New  England,  489 ;  the  mixed 
motives  of  the  party  opposed  to,  505 ; 
their  moderation,  506 ;  character  of  its 
adherents,  507  ;  the  wisdom  of  the  course 
pursued  against,  vindicated  by  events, 
509 ;  dispersion  of  the  adherents  of,  510 ; 
for  a  time  triumphant  at  Cochecho,  520. 

Apian,  Peter,  his  map  of  the  world,  drawn 
in  1520,  I.  95. 

ApoUonius,  William,  defends  Presbyteri- 
anism  against  Independency,  II.  91. 

Appleton,  Alajor  Samuel,  his  patriotic  con- 
duct in  the  Indian  war,  III.  166 ;  suc- 
ceeds Pynchon,  as  commander-in-chief 
on  the  Connecticut,  171  ;  Connecticut 
officers  complain  of  his  inaction,  173. 

Aquetnet,  settlement  on  the  island  of,  by 
the  Antinomians,  I.  511 ;  is  called  "the 
Isle  of  Rhodes,"  512;  dissensions  at,  ib. ; 
division  of  the  settlers,  and  new  organ- 
ization formed  at,  514;  removal  from, 
of  several  Antinomians,  606  ;  proceed- 
ings of  the  planters  on,  607  ;  not  ad- 
mitted into  the  Colonial  confederacy, 
630 ;  settlement  on,  a  safety  valve  for 
the  escape  of  uneasy  spirits,  II.  4;  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Federal  Commission- 
ers with  reference  to  a  union  of,  with 
Plymouth  or  Massachusetts,  152;  re- 
marks upon  the  settlements  on,  and  the 
neighborhood,  343. 

Arbella,  the,  sails  from  the  port  of  Yar- 
mouth, I.  311 ;  her  voyage  and  arrival 
at  Salem,  312. 

Arc/ier,  Gabriel,  his  description  of  Martha's 
Vineyard,  I.  72 ;  and  of  Cuttyhunk,  ib. 

Argall,  Captain,  breaks  up  the  French  set- 
tlements at  Mount  Desert  and  Port 
Royal,  I.  85,  234. 

Argyll,  Marquis  of,  some  account  of  the, 
it.  439 ;  leads  an  insun-ection  in  Scot- 
land, his  defeat  and  death,  450,  451. 

Arlington,  Earl  of,  (Sir  Henry  Bennett,) 
one  of  the  Cabal  ministry,  IIL  10 ;  some 
account  of,  11;  the  "  Eliab "  of  Dry- 
den,  ib.;  disappears  from  public  life,  21. 

Arminius,  professor  at  Leyden,  I.  145. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  interpreter  of  the  Shawo- 
met  Sachems  at  Boston,  II.  123;  suc- 
ceeds Williams  as  Governor  of  the  Provi- 


INDEX. 


609 


dence  Colony,  366  ;  his  letter  to  Massa- 
chusetts, upon  the  Quakers,  472. 

Aitiold,  Governor  Benedict,  prohahly  the 
builder  of  the  Old  Round  Tower  at 
Newport,  I.  57  ;  his  reputed  descent  from 
a  family  in  Warwickshire,  England,  ih. 

Arnold,  William,  his  letter  about  Gorton 
in  "Hypocrisy  Unmasked,"  II.  117. 

Arrowsick,  capture  of  the  fort  at,  by  the 
Indians,  III.  208. 

Articles,  The  Thirty-nine,  submitted  to  Par- 
liament, 1.  120. 

Articnli  Cleri,  opposed  by  the  jurists,  I. 
250. 

Arundel  of  Wardour,  Lord,  assists  Way- 
mouth  in  his  second  voyage  of  dis- 
covery, I.  75. 

Ashley,  Edward,  establishes  a  trading- 
house  on  the  Penobscot,  I.  337. 

Ashurst,  Sir  Henry,  supposed  author  of 
the  "  MemoriaUof  the  Present  Deplora- 
ble State  of  New  England,"  quoted, 
III.  526. 

Askew,  Ann,  suffers  at  the  stake,  I.  111. 

Aspinwatl,  William,  an  adherent  of  Mrs. 
Hutchinson,  returns  to  Boston,  and  is 
reconciled  to  the  church  there,  I.  606. 

Assistant,  permanency  of  the  office  of,  I. 
349.     See  Courts  of  Assistants. 

Astley,  Lord,  taken  prisoner  by  Colonel 
Morgan,  II.  100. 

Atherton,  Captain,  leads  a  small  expedition 
against  the  Narragansetts,  II.  231  ;  ap- 
pointed "ruler  over  the  praying  In- 
dians "  of  Massachusetts,  338. 

Atherton  Company,  question  of  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  lands  of  the,  II.  561  ; 
names  of  the  partners  of,  ib. ;  favored  by 
the  King,  564 ;  place  their  lands  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  571  ; 
lands  of,  to  be  relinquished  to  the  In- 
dians, by  a  decree  of  the  Royal  Commis- 
sioners, 603 ;  receives  permission  from 
Connecticut  to  settle  plantations.  III. 
429  ;  claims  of,  to  lands  in  the  Narragan- 
sett  country,  condemned  by  Andros,  537. 

Austerjield,  the  birthplace  of  William 
Bradford,  I.  133. 

Autonomy,  connected  with  Separatism,  the 
form  of  government  adopted  by  New 
Haven,  &c.,  I.  534. 

B. 

Bacon,  Sir  Nicholas,  supports  Noncon- 
formity, I.  119. 

Bancroft,  Bishop  of  London,  conduct  of, 
at  Hampton  Court,  I.  129  ;  his  accession 
to  the  Primacy  and  his  severity  to  the 
reformers,  132;  the  result  of  his  severi- 
ties, 240  ;  his  death,  and  the  character 
of  his  administration,  254. 

Baptists,  The,  their  church  at  Newport, 
II.  346 ;  law  against,  in  Massachusetts, 
347  ;    in   Plymouth,  349  ",   enmity   of, 


against  Coddington,  350 ;  proceedings 
against,  in  Massachusetts,  485,  486  ;  re- 
newed controversy  with,  in  Massachu- 
setts, III.  88;  numbers  of,  disfranchised 
and  imprisoned,  89 ;  public  debate  in 
Boston  with  Orthodox  divines,  90  ; 
discontinuance  of  proceedings  against, 
91. 

Barebones  Parliament,  11.  289 ;  dissolves 
itself,  290. 

Barefoote,  Walter,  Deputy-Collector  of  the 
King's  Customs  in  New  Hampshire, 
fined  for  insolent  conduct.  III.  405 ; 
appointed  Deputy-Governor  of  New 
Hampshire,  412;  corresponds  with  the 
Privy  Council,  ib. ;  made  a  justice  for 
New  Hampshire,  495. 

Barneveldt,  his  incorruptible  spirit  and  his 
violent  death,  I.  144. 

Baxter,  Richard,  sufferings  of,  under  the 
Conventicle  Act,  III.  8 ;  approves  of 
the  Apostle  Eliot's  defence  of  Synods, 
83  ;  gives  books  to  Harvard  College,  93. 

Baxter,  Thomas,  privateering  officer  of 
Rhode  Island,  II.  360;  arrested  and 
fined,  378. 

Baylie,  Robert,  his  denunciation  of  Inde- 
pendency, II.  83 ;  his  account  of  Rob- 
inson, Goodwin,  and  Cotton,  84 ;  de- 
nounces toleration,  89  ;  an  opponent  of 
Cotton  in  the  Presbyterian  controversy, 
91. 

Bays  of  New  England,  I.  10. 

Beers,  Captain,  defeated  at  Northfield  by 
the  Indians,  and  killed.  III.  165. 

Belknap,  his  description  of  the  Island 
of  Cuttyhunk  as  it  appeared  in  1797, 
and  of  the  remains  of  Gosnold's  store- 
house, I.  73  ;  his  History  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, IIL  403. 

Bellingham,  Richard,  chosen  Deputy-Gov- 
ernor, of  Massachusetts  Bay,  I.  428 ; 
and  Governor,  611;  his  unsatisfactory 
administration,  612  ;  his  desire  to  be- 
come a  member  of  "  The  Council  for 
Life,"  614;  denies  to  the  Magistrates 
a  negative  voice,  619 ;  remarks  upon, 
II.  381  ;  chosen  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, 610;  his  thorough  acquaintance 
with  the  Massachusetts  charter,  615  ; 
his  presence  in  England  demanded  by 
the  King,  625  ;  his  interview  with  Sam- 
uel Maverick,  ib. ;  his  death,  III.  92. 

Berkshire  County,  situation  of,  and  eleva- 
tion of  land  in,  I.  5. 

Billington,  John,  hung  for  murder  at  Plym- 
outh, I.  334. 

Biorne,  or  Biarne,  early  navigator,  visits 
America,  I    53. 

Blackwell,  John,  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts, makes  a  grant  of  land  to,  III. 
497  ;  some  account  of,  ib. 

Blake,  Colonel,  afterwards  Admiral,  be- 
sieged in  Taunton,  II.  98 ;  his  first  ap- 
pearance as  a  naval  commander,  283. 


610 


INDEX. 


Blathioayt,  William,  made  Auditor  and 
Surveyor-General  of  tlie  King's  revenues 
in  North  America,  III.  350. 

Block,  Adrian,  explores  Long  Island 
Sound  and  Narragansett  Bay,  I.  235. 

Block  Island,  incorporated  as  a  town,  III. 
114. 

Bloody  Brook,  battle  of,  III.  169. 

Blue  Laws  of  New  Haven,  a  fiction,  II. 
32. 

Body  of  Liberties,  The,  contains  the  earli- 
est written  laws  of  Massachusetts,  II. 
22  ;  observations  upon,  27  ;  its  enact- 
ments upon  the  death-penalty,  inherit- 
ance, servitude,  &c.,  28  ;  committee  ap- 
pointed to  consider  of,  31. 

Boleyn,  Ann,  popularity  of,  among  Prot- 
estants, I.  115. 

Book  of  Common  Prayer,  amended  edition 
of,  under  James  the  First,  I.  130. 

Book  of  Canons,  its  lofty  pretensions,  I. 
132. 

Boston,  England,  some  account  of,  I.  367. 

Boaton,  visit  of  Plymouth  people  to  the  bay 
of,  I.  185,  186  ;  General  Court  in,  321  ; 
settlements  about  the  bay  of,  323  ;  sick- 
ness and  famine  in  the  settlements  about, 
324  ;  division   of  the   Church   at,  358 ; 
taking  the  character  of  the  capital  town, 
359  ;  appearance  of,  in  1632,  ib. ;  visit  of 
a  Narragansett  Sachem  to,  361  ;  scarcity 
of  food  among  the  settlers  of,  363  ;  prep- 
arations of,  against  the  French,  ib. ;  char- 
acter of  the  early  settlers  at,  367  ;  for- 
mation  of  town   government  at,  381  ; 
fortifications   erected   in  the  harbor  of, 
394  ;  disaffection  of,  and  removal  of  the 
Court  from,  to  Newton,  480 ;  powder 
and  arms  removed  from,  487  ;  meeting 
of  Commissioners  from   the   four  Col- 
onies  at,   628  ;   first   public  schools  at, 
II.  47  ;   description  of,  in  the  "  Won- 
der-working Providence,"  271  ;  descrip- 
tion of,  in  1665,  III.  39;   book  trade 
of,  69  ;  establishment  of  a  Tiiird  Church 
in,  83  ;  great  fire  of  1679  in,  338  ;  wor- 
ship of  the  Church  of  England  set  up 
in,   485  ;    reception    of   Governor    An- 
dros  at,  517  ;   one  of  the  churches  in, 
seized  by  Andros  for  Anglican  worship, 
521 ;  congregation  of  Huguenots  arrive 
at,    546  ;    commerce  of,   from    1686   to 
1707,  566;    rising  in,  against  Andros, 
177. 
Bololph,  Saint,  church  of,  I.  368. 
Boyle,   Robert,   President  of  the  Society 
ibr  Propagating  the  Gospel  among  the 
Indians,  JI.  446  ;  condemns  the  politics 
of  Massachusetts,  608. 
Bradford,  William,   born    at   Austerfield, 
I.  133  ;  his  History  of  Plymouth  Plan- 
tation,   136;   his   account  of  the    emi- 
gration of  the  Scrooby  Congregation  to 
Holland,   138  ;   his  account  of  William 
Brewster,   141;    his   account   of  John 


Robinson,  143;  his  account  of  the  em- 
barkation from  Delft- Haven,  158  ;  is  cho- 
sen Governor  of  the  Plymouth  Colony, 
181  ;  remonstrates  against  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  Dutch,  237  ;  visits  Salem, 
296 ;  surrenders  the  Plymouth  patent  to 
the  freemen,  597;  his  account  of  the 
death  and  character  of  William  Brew- 
ster, 598,  599 ;  inventory  of  his  table 
furniture,  II.  64 ;  death  of,  405. 

Bradstreet,  Dudley,  son  of  Simon,  com- 
mitted to  prison  for  refusal  to  act 
as  tax  commissioner  for  Andros,  III. 
329. 

Bradstreet,  Simon,  Assistant  of  the  Com- 
pany of  Massacliusetts  Bay,  I.  303  ;  sent 
as  agent  to  England,  521  ;  favors 
prerogative,  627  ;  elected  Governor,  III. 
329  ;  his  character  and  history,  ib  ;  his 
statement  concerning  the  importation  of 
slaves  into  Massachusetts,  334;  a  lead- 
er of  the  Moderate  party,  362  ;  his  let- 
ter concerning  Mason's  claim  to  New 
Hampshire,  373  ;  President  of  the  Pro- 
visional government  of  Massachusetts, 
587. 

Breda,  peace  of,  II.  421  ;  Nova  Scotia 
lost  to  England  by,  630. 

Breedon,  Captain  Thomas,  his  report  con- 
cerning the  Regicides,  II.  495  ;  informs 
against  the  Regicides,  497  ;  fined  for 
insolence  and  contempt,  530;  house  of, 
designated  for  the  trial  of  Thomas 
Deane  and  others,  616;  testifies  to  the 
rebellious  conduct  of  Massachusetts,  IIL 
319. 

Brereton,  Sir  William,  captures  Chester, 

II.  98. 

Brewster,  William,  chief  man  of  the  Scroo- 
by Congregation,  I.  135;  his  emigration 
to  Holland,  139  ;  Bradford's  account  of, 
141  ;  suspicions  of,  entertained  by  Sir 
Dudley  Carleton  and  others,  ib. ;  his 
occupation  as  a  printer,  ib. ;  the  spiritual 
guide  of  the  Plymouth  Colonists,  231  ; 
his  death  and  his  character,  598;  his  li- 
brary, II.  45  ;  his  style  of  dress,  65. 

Bridyman,  Sir  Orlando,  made  Lord  Keeper, 

III.  6 ;  projects  a  scheme  for  religious 
comprehension,  7 ;  resigns  the  office  of 
Lord  Keeper,  14. 

Brooke,  Lord,  proposes  to  remove  to  New 
P^ngland,  I.  390;  Lord  Clarendon's  ac- 
count of,  587. 

Brookjield,  its  solitary  situation.  III.  158; 
attacked  by  the  Indians,  160;  and  re- 
lieved by  Major  Willard,  161. 

Browne,  John,  displeases  Massachusetts, 
by  his  conduct  as  Commissioner  from 
Plymouth,  IL  312. 

Browne,  John  and  Samuel,  expelled  from 
Salem,  I.  298 ;  relations  of.  to  the  Mas- 
sachusetts-Bay Colony,  309  ;  their  ex- 
pulsion compared  with  the  banishment 
of  Roger  Williams,  413. 


INDEX. 


611 


Brownhts,  I.  123;  their  number  in  Eng- 
land, 125;  their  scheme  of  church  ad- 
ministration, II.  82;  how  they  differed 
from  the  Independents,  83. 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,  I.  262 ;  defeated  by 
the  French,  268;  murder  of,  271. 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,  a  member  of  the 
Cabal  ministry.  III.  10;  the  "  Zimri " 
of  Dryden,  1 1 ;  goes  over  to  the  Coun- 
try party,  21  ;  his  parliamentary  tactics, 
23  ;  imprisoned  in  the  Tower,  25. 

Bulkeley,  Gershom,  one  of  the  authors  of 
the  "  Will  and  Doom,"  some  account 
of,  III.  544. 

Bulkeley,  Peter,  sent  as  agent  to  England 
from  Massachusetts,  III.  293. 

Bull,  Captain,  commands  the  garrison  at 
Saybrook,  III.  129. 

Bunyan,  John,  his  popularity  in  New  Eng- 
land, III.  487. 

Burdet,  George,  Laud's  spy  at  Dover,  I, 
517;  his  letter  to  Laud,  518;  withdraws 
to  Agamenticus,  519  ;  leaves  the  coun- 
try, 527. 

Burke,  Edmund,  his  account  of  the  origin 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  I. 
308  ;  his  opinion  of  the  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations,  III.  33. 

Burleigh,  Lord,  views  of  towards  the  Non- 
conformists, I.  119  ;  his  discontent  with 
Whitgift,  122. 

C. 

Cabal  Ministry,  the,  III.  1 0 ;  dissolution 
of,  21. 

Cabot,  John,  authorized  by  King  Henry 
VII.  to  make  a  voyage  of  exploration, 
I.  60  ;  touches  on  the  coast  of  Labrador, 
61  ;  has  a  glimpse  of  New  England, 
62;  authorized  .to  make  a  second  voy- 
age, ib. ;  his  discovery  the  basis  of  the 
English  claim  to  North  American  ter- 
ritory, 77. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  I.  60  ;  sails  on  a  voyage 
of  discovery,  61  ;  supposed  to  have 
made  a  second  voyage  to  America,  62  ; 
some  reason  to  believe  he  made  a  third 
voyage,  63. 

Caernarvon,  Earl  of,  his  speech  upon  the 
proceedings  against  Lord  Danby,  III. 
250. 

Calvin,  John,  church  polity  of,  II.  71,  72; 
revives  the  Augustinian  doctrine,  ib. 

Cambridge,  University  of,  in  England,  its 
privileges  invaded  by  James  the  Sec- 
ond, III.  460. 

Canada,  derivation  of  the  name,  I.  1 . 

Candolle,  De,  mention  of  vegetables  in- 
digenous to  the  New  World  by,  I.  27. 

Canonchet,  Sachem  of  the  Narragansetts, 
breaks  his  treaty  with  the  English,  III. 
172  ;  defeats  a  company  under  Captain 
Pierce,  189  ;  taken  prisoner  by  the 
English  and  put  to  death,  192. 


Canonicus,  Chief  of  the  Narragansetts,  hia 
disposition  towards  the  Colonists,  II. 
112  ;  cedes  the  Narragansett  territory  to 
the  King,  136  ;  with  Pessacus  address- 
es a  threatening  letter  to  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts,  137  ;,  receives 
with  indignity  an  embassy  from  Massa- 
chusetts, 138;  concludes  a  truce  with 
the  Federal  Commissioners,  139. 

Cap  Blanc,  name  given  by  the  French  to 
what  is  now  Provincetown,  I.  78. 

Cape  Ann,  Lord  Sheffield's  patent  for,  I. 
222  ;  settlement  at,  by  the  Dorchester 
Company,  285. 

Cape  Cod,  discovered  by  Bartholomew 
Gosnold,  I.  71  ;  name  equivocal,  99; 
geographical  description  of,  164. 

Cap  Fortune,  name  given  by  the  French 
to  the  southeasterly  point  of  Chatham, 
L  78. 

Carew,  Thomas,  his  "  Caelum  Britanni- 
cum,"  I.  382. 

Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  his  suspicions  of 
Brewster,  I.  141  ;  is  made  Lord  Dor- 
chester, 392. 

Carr  Mountain,  situation  and  height  of, 
I.  6. 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  one  of  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners in  1664,  II.  578;  some  ac- 
count of,  580  ;  reduces  the  Dutch  posts 
on  the  Delaware  River,  592 ;  his  letter 
to  the  Apostle  Eliot,  604  ;  makes  men- 
tion of  Roger  Williams,  /6. ;  his  conduct 
while  in  New  Hampshire,  619  ;  projects 
a  new  Colony  in  New  England  as  a 
rival  of  Massachusetts,  623 ;  his  death, 
633 ;  characteristic  adventure  of,  (6. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  sails  up  the  St.  Lawrence 
in  1565,  and  lays  the  foundation  of  New 
France,  I.  65. 

Cartwriffht,  Colonel  George,  one  of  the 
Royal  Commissioners  to  New  England 
in  1664,  II.  578;  some  account  of,  580; 
captures  Fort  Orange  on  the  Hudson 
River,  592  ;  solicits  a  profession  of 
loyalty  from  the  General  Court  of  Ply- 
mouth, 601  ;  his  return  to  England, 
624  ;  his  opinion  of  the  Rhode-Island 
people.  III.  100. 

Cartwright,  Thomas,  his  tract  against 
Episcopacy  and  Royal  Supremacy,  I. 
119  ;  his  relation  to  Presbytery  in  Eng- 
land, II.  74  ;  is  imprisoned  in  the 
Fleet,  76  ;  his  visit  to  Geneva  and  his 
acquaintance  with  Theodore  Beza,  78. 

Carver,  John,  is  sent  to  England  by  the 
Leyden  congregation,  I.  150  ;  chosen 
Governor  of  the  Plymouth  Colony,  167 ; 
reelected  Governor,  179  ;  his  death, 
180;  remarks  upon,  181. 

Castine,  a  French  settler  among  the  Pe- 
nobscots,  dispossessed  by  Governor  An- 
dros.  III.  558. 

Castle  Island,  fortifications  on,  I.  395  ; 
seized  by  the  people  of  Boston,  III.  581. 


612 


INDEX. 


Chamberlain,  Richard,  appointed  Secre- 
tary to  the  Provincial  government  of 
New  Hampshire,  III.  406  ;  his  com- 
plaints to  the  Lords  of  the  Commit- 
tee, ih. 

Ckamplain,  Lake,  height  of  the  surface  of, 
above  the  ocean,  L  2. 

Charles  the  First,  his  accession  and  his 
first  Parliament,  L  264  ;  summons  a 
second  Parliament  and  dissolves  it,  266; 
makes  war  upon  France,  267  ;  his  ex- 
pedients for  a  revenue,  268  ;  summons  a 
third  Parliament,  269  ;  his  perplexities, 
270 ;  his  disuse  of  Parliaments  for  eleven 
years,  273  ;  commits  to  prison  several 
members  of  Parliament,  ib. ;  his  ad- 
dress upon  the  dissolution  of  the  third 
Parliament,  274  ;  his  literary  taste,  276  ; 
seems  to  surmount  the  obstacles  be- 
fore him,  393  ;  his  plan  of  a  General 
Governor  for  New  England,  401  ;  his 
despotism,  560  ;  exacts  ship  money,  561 ; 
outbreak  at  Edinburgh  against  his  au- 
thority, 565  ;  spread  of  the  insurrection 
against  him  in  Scotland,  567  ;  advances 
into  Scotland  with  an  army,  568 ;  is  in- 
duced by  the  troubles  in  Scotland  to 
call  a  Parliament,  569  ;  his  fourth  Par- 
liament, ib.,  and  its  dissolution,  570 ; 
his  army  beaten  by  the  Scots  at  New- 
burn,  571  ;  convokes  a  Council  of  Peers, 
ib. ;  summons  his  fifth  or  the  Long  Par- 
liament, ib. ;  goes  to  Scotland,  573  ;  re- 
vival of  loyal  sentiments  towards,  574  ; 
attempts  to  arrest  members  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  575  ;  withdraws  to  Hamp- 
ton Court,  576  ;  his  resolution  to  resist 
the  Parliament,  577  ;  sets  up  his  stand- 
ard at  Nottingham,  ib.  ;  tide  of  success 
turning  against,  II.  69  ;  successes  of, 
in  the  south,  70  ;  negotiates  with  the 
Parliament  at  Uxbridge,  93  ;  takes 
Leicester  by  storm,  98  ;  is  defeated  at 
Naseby,  99  ;  capture  of  his  j)rivate  let- 
ters, ib. ;  his  retreat  to  Oxford,  ib. ;  his 
gloomy  prospects,  and  flight  to  the 
Scottish  army,  ib. ;  surrendered  to  Par- 
liament, 104 ;  is  carried  to  the  army, 
105  ;  courts  the  army,  106  ;  escapes  to 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  107  ;  his  treaty  with 
the  Scottish  Commissioners,  ib. ;  nego- 
tiation with  Parliament,  108  ;  the  army 
demands  that  he  be  brought  to  justice, 
109  ;  agrees  to  the  suspension  of  the 
episcopate,  ib. ;  imprisoned  in  Hurst  Cas- 
tle, lb. ;  brought  to  Windsor  under  mili- 
tary escort,  110;  tried,  condemned,  and 
beheaded.  111. 

Charles  the  Second,  proclaimed  King  by 
the  Scotch,  II.  275  ;  coronation  of, 
278  ;  makes  an  irruption  into  England, 
279 ;  is  defeated  at  Worcester  and  es- 
capes to  the  Continent,  ib.  ;  his  resto- 
ration, 423  ;  early  proceedings  after 
the  restoration,  425  ;  trial  of  the  regi- 


cides, 426  ;  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  the 
early  part  of  the  reign  of,  432 ;  makes 
war  upon  Holland,  441  ;  Council  of 
Foreign  Plantations  established  by, 
444 ;  grants  a  charter  to  the  Society 
for  Propagating  the  Gospel  among 
the  Indians,  445  ;  receives  favorably 
the  address  from  Massachusetts,  494  ; 
proclaimed  King  in  Mass.achusetts, 
517  ;  forbids  persecution  of  the  Qua- 
kers in  Massachusetts,  519  ;  interferes 
with  the  General  Court  of  Massachu- 
setts in  matters  of  religion,  527  ;  ac- 
knowledged King  by  Plymouth,  532, 
by  New  Haven,  535,  by  Connecticut, 
536,  by  Rhode  Island,  559  ;  effect  of 
Clarendon's  retirement  upon.  III.  4 : 
forced  into  a  quarrel  with  France,  5  ; 
not  averse  to  the  scheme  for  a  religious 
comprehension,  7  ;  disappointed  in  his 
expectations  of  Parliamentary  aid,  8  ; 
remarks  upon  the  character  of,  9 ;  his 
French  partialities,  ib.  ;  his  desire  to 
avow  himself  a  Romanist,  10  ;  enters 
into  a  treaty  with  Louis  XIV.,  12  ;  his 
duplicity  towards  Parliament,  18 ;  pro- 
claims a  Declaration  of  Indulgence,  14  ; 
withdraws  the  Declaration  of  Indul- 
gence, 18  ;  embarrassing  position  of, 
25 ;  his  hesitating  conduct  in  reference 
to  France,  26  ;  distrusted  by  his  Par- 
liament, 27  ;  dissolves  his  second  Par- 
liament, ib. ;  the  third  Parliament  more 
hostile  to,  than  the  second,  251 ;  reso- 
lutely opposes  the  proceedings  against 
the  Duke  of  York's  succession,  253  ; 
offers  concessions  to  Parliament,  254  ; 
gains  ground  in  his  contest  with  Par- 
liament, 257  ;  enters  into  a  treaty 
with  Louis  XIV.  for  a  subsidy,  ib. ; 
peremptorily  dissolves  the  Parliament, 
258  ;  prosecutes  the  leading  reform- 
ers, ib. ;  hesitates  about  convoking  a 
Parliament  at  the  end  of  three  years, 
270  ;  his  death,  271  ;  his  reconcilia- 
tion to  the  Church  of  Rome,  272  ; 
outwitted  by  Massachusetts  in  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Province  of  Maine,  312  ; 
duplicity  of  his  conduct  respecting  the 
Buccaneers,  425. 

Clia.rkstown,  preparations  for  a  settlement 
at,  I.  289  ;  Courts  of  Assistants  at,  317, 
320;  epidemic  sickness  at,  321  ;  order 
for  a  town  government  at,  381  ;  de- 
scription of,  in  "  Wonder-working  Prov- 
idence," II.  271. 

Ckarnise',  Charles  d'Aulnay  de,  pillages 
the  Plymouth  factory  on  the  Penob- 
scot, I.  540  ;  quarrels  with  his  associate, 
La  Tour,  II.  144  ;  Thomas  Gorges's 
account  of  the  military  force  of,  144  ; 
his  threatening  letter  to  Winthrop,  145  ; 
sends  an  embassy  to  Massachusetts, 
149  ;  further  difhculties  with  Massachu- 
setts, and  triumph  over  La  Tour,  199; 


INDEX. 


613 


comes  to  a  settlement  with  Massachu- 
setts, 201. 

Charter  Oak,  tradition  relating  to  the,  III. 
542. 

Chaucer,  the  friend  of  Wickliffe,  I.  106. 

Chaudiere  River,  source  and  direction  of, 
I.  7. 

Cluiiiiici/,  Mr.  Charles,  minister  at  Plym- 
outh, disagrees  with  his  congregation, 
I.  54.5 ;  succeeds  Dunster  as  President 
of  Harvard  College,  II.  398. 

Cheever,  Ezekiel,  first  schoolmaster  in 
New  Haven  Colony,  II.  47. 

Cliesterton,  England,  mill  at,  its  resem- 
blance to  the  Old  Tower  at  Newport, 
I.  58. 

Chickatahot,  Sachem  of  Neponset,  visits 
Governor  Winthrop,  I.  328  ;  fined  by 
the  Court  of  Assistants,  351. 

Child,  Sir  Josiah,  advocates  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  Navigation  Laws  upon  New 
England,  III.  277  ;  his  opinion  of  the 
respective  founders  of  Massachusetts 
and   Virginia,  278. 

Child,  Robert,  signs  a  memorial  against 
the  proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts 
government,  II.  168;  fined  for  seditious 
practices,  177;  goes  to  England  to  op- 
pose Winslow,  178. 

Christison,  Wunlock,  sentenced  to  death, 
11.481. 

Church,  definition  and  government  of  a,  in 
New  England,  II.  36. 

Church,  Benjamin,  quotations  from  his 
"  Entertaining  Passages,"  &c.,  III.  156  ; 
takes  an  active  part  in  the  Indian  war, 
ib.  ;  opposes  the  burning  of  the  wig- 
wams of  the  Narragansett  fort,  179  ;  his 
reminiscences  of  the  attack  on  the  fort, 
ih. ;  takes  the  field  for  a  third  time, 
198  ;  closely  pursues  and  kills  King 
Philip,  204  ;  captures  a  party  of  In- 
dians under  one  of  Philip's  sachems, 
206. 

Claremlon.  some  account  of  Edward,  first 
Earl  of,  II.  424  ;  falls  from  power,  442  ; 
grants  a  charter  to  Coimecticut,  542 ; 
his  scheme  for  reducing  New  England, 
578  ;  his  answer  to  a  petition  from 
Massachusetts,  607  ;  indicates  the  im- 
patience of  the  King  at  the  conduct  of 
the  leadinsr  men  of  the  Massachusetts 
Colony,  625  ;  letter  of,  to  Governor 
Wintlirop  of  Connecticut  upon  the  re- 
ception of  the  Royal  Commissioners, 
III.  238. 

Clarendon,  second  Earl  of,  his  administra- 
tion of  the  government  of  Ireland  as 
Lord  Lieutenant,  III.  470;  dismissed 
from  the  office  of  Lord  Lieutenant,  ib.  ; 
joins  the  Prince  of  Orange,  475. 

Clarice,  John,  a  prominent  settler  of 
Aquetnet,  I.  511  ;  his  dispute  with 
Coddington  on  religious  matters,  II. 
344  ;  a  leader  of  the  Baptists,  346;  op- 
VOL.  III.  62 


poses  Coddington's  commission  on  re- 
ligious grounds,  349  ;  makes  a  visit  to 
Massachusetts,  350  ;  arrested  at  Lynn, 
351  ;  goes  to  England  with  Roger  Wil- 
liams, 554  ;  his  negotiations  wliile  there, 
557  ;  opposes  Winthrop's  designs,  as 
agent  for  Rhode  Island,  560  ;  a])plies  for 
a  charter,  562  ;  makes  an  agreement 
with  Winthrop,  ib.  ;  his  boundary  be- 
tween Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut, 
563  ;  his  return  from  England  and  ob- 
sequiousness to  the  Royal  Commission- 
ers, 602  ;  death  of,  and  remarks  upon, 
III.  232. 

Cleaves,  George,  is  appointed  to  manage 
the  territory  known  as  ihe  Plow  Patent, 
I.  595  ;  gets  into  difficulty  with  Rich- 
ard Vines,  the  agent  of  Sir  Eenlinando 
Gorges,  ih. 

Clifford,  Lord,  made  Lord  Treasurer  in 
the  Cabal  ministry,  III.  10  ;  Evelyn's 
account  of  the  advancement  of,  11;  dis- 
placed from  office  by  the  operation  of 
the  Test  Act,  20. 

Clifton,  Richard,  pastor  of  the  congrega- 
tion at  Scrooby,  I.  134  ;  his  death  at 
Amsterdajn,  140. 

Cuhlium,  Lord,  his  heresy  and  death,  I. 
607. 

Corhecho.     See  Dover. 

Coddington,  William,  builds  the  first  good 
house  at  Boston,  I.  328  ;  elected  an  As- 
sistant, 355 ;  chosen  judge  at  Aquet- 
net, 511  ;  establishes  a  settlement  at 
Newport,  514  ;  chosen  Governor  at  New- 
port, 515  ;  rechosen  Governor  from  year 
to  year,  606  ;  plan  of  bis  house  at  New- 
port, II.  62  ;  desires  a  union  of  Rhode 
Island  with  Plymouth  or  Massachu- 
setts, 152;  chosen  President  of  the 
Providence  Colony,  and  "  divers  bills 
of  complaint  against,"  221  ;  applies  for 
the  admission  of  Rhode  Island  into  the 
Confederacy,  223;  commissioned  Gov- 
ernor of  Rhode  Island  and  Canonicut, 
344  ;  falls  into  new  disputes  about  re- 
liizious  matters,  345  ;  opposed  by  the 
Baptists,  349  ;  averse  to  a  union  with 
Providence  and  Warwick,  353;  revoca- 
tion of  his  commission,  356  ;  suspected 
of  criminal  dealings  with  the  Indians, 
365  ;  copy  of  the  instrument,  by  which 
his  "Commission"  was  revoked,  557  ; 
joins  the  Quakers,  and  emerges  from 
his  retirement.  III.  105;  defends  the 
Quakers,  against  Williams,  ih. ;  death 
of,  444. 

Coke,  Sir  Edward,  reports  against  the 
action  of  the  Council  for  New  England, 
I.  209  ;  denounces  the  independent  juris- 
diction of  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts,  250 ; 
a  popular  leader,  258  ;  imi)risonment 
of,  260  ;  his  relations  with  Roger  Wil- 
liams, 405. 

Coleman,  a  servant  of  the  Duke  of  York, 


614 


INDEX. 


his  connection  with  the  Popish  Plot, 
III.  243. 

Collins,  John,  his  letter  to  Governor  Lev- 
erett,  upon  the  condition  of  Protestant- 
ism in  Europe,  in  1675,  III.  22. 

Collier,  William,  Federal  Commissioner 
for  Plymouth,  II.  112. 

Colony,  First  and  Second  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  when  established  and  for 
what  purpose,  I.  81  ;  what  territory 
assigned  to  the  First  and  what  to  the 
Second,  82  ;  neither  to  make  a  settle- 
ment within  a  hundred  miles  of  the 
other,  ib. ;  their  privileges  and  duties,  (6. 

Colve,  Anthony,  Dutch  Governor  of  New 
York,'  his  answer  to  a  letter  from  Con- 
necticut, III.  123  ;  releases  New  Eng- 
land captains,  ib. ;  is  enraged  at  the 
peace  of  Westminster,  127. 

Conant,  Mr.  Koger,  removes  from  Plym- 
outh, and  is  made  Governor  of  the  set- 
tlement at  Cape  Ann,  I.  285. 

Cotufregationalism,  difference  between  it  and 
Independency,  II.  182;  the  Cambridge 
Platform,  183;  divided  upon  the  ques- 
tion of  baptism,  487. 

Connecticut,  situation  and  extent  of,  I.  3  ; 
height  of  mountains  in,  5  ;  munici- 
pal system  of  representation  in,  382  ; 
scheme  of  an  emigration  to,  from  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  444 ;  settlements  in, 
450  ;  John  Winthrop,  the  younger,  made 
Governor  of,  450 ;  Vane  and  Peter  as- 
sociated with  him,  in  the  management 
of,  451  ;  sufferings  of  the  first  settlers 
of,  452;  renewed  emigration  to,  453; 
political  constitution  of,  454 ;  govern- 
ment of  the  Colony  for  the  first  year, 
ib. ;  names  given  to  the  earliest  towns 
in,  455;  first  General  Court  in,  ib. ; 
population  of  the  three  towns  in,  ib. ;  war 
of  the  settlers  with  the  Pequots,  456  ; 
made  secure  by  the  victory  over  the 
Pequots,  467  ;  desperate  condition  of  the 
Colonists  after  the  Pequot  war,  471  ; 
frame  of  government  of,  in  1639,  535; 
election  of  magistrates  and  early  legisla- 
tion in,  537  ;  magistrates  of,  603  ;  separa- 
tion of  Springfield  from,  604  ;  accession 
of  Southampton  and  Saybrook  to,  605  ; 
treatment  of  the  Indians  in,  ib. ;  proposes 
to  Confederate  with  the  other  Colonies, 
626  ;  population  of,  at  the  time  of  the 
Confederation,  II.  6  ;  the  government  of, 
different  from  that  of  Massachusetts,  7  ; 
non-freemen  vote  for  Deputies,  ib. ; 
church-membership  not  a  requisite  for 
the  franchise,  8  ;  legislature  divided  into 
two  branches,  9 ;  remuneration  of  the 
magistrates,  11  ;  number  of  its  towns 
in  1650,  12  ;  number  of  its  towns  at  the 
Confederation,  13;  early  courts  of  jus- 
tice in,  15;  juries  and  trial  by,  19; 
early  laws  of,  how  far  copied  from  "  The 
Body  of  Liberties,"  and  how  far  equity, 


31  ;  courts,  guided  by  rules  of  equity 
and  Scripture,  ib. ;  the  "  sin  of  lying  " 
punishable,  33  ;  no  such  union  of  church 
and  state  in,  as  in  Massachusetts,  40 ; 
quota  of,  in  the  Narragansett  war,  225  ; 
troubles  with  the  Indians,  232 ;  new 
settlements,  ib.  ;  legal  administration 
in,  235  ;  attempts  to  get  a  patent,  237  ; 
imposition  of  an  export  duty  at  Say- 
brook,  240  ;  reply  to  the  objections  of 
Massachusetts,  241 ;  suspicions  of  the 
Dutch,  312;  written  Code  and  Bill  of 
Rights,  375  ;  growth  of,  376  ;  hostil- 
ity of,  to  New  Netherland,  377  ;  suf- 
fers from  Rhode  Island  privateers,  378  ; 
changes  in  the  government,  379;  con- 
troversy upon  religious  questions,  488  ; 
acknowledgment  of  Charles  II.  in, 
536 ;  sends  a  mission  to  England,  ib. ; 
colonial  charter  granted  to,  540 ; 
claims  the  territory  of  the  New  Haven 
Colony,  543;  charter  received  in,  545; 
peremptory  conduct,  with  reference  to 
New  Haven,  549;  persists' in  forcing 
New  Haven. to  a  union,  550  ;  her  claims 
under  the  charter  not  recognized  by 
the  Federal  Commissioners,  551  ;  dis- 
pute as  to  boundary  line  between  Rhode 
Island  and,  560;  accepts  the  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  lands  of  the  Atherton 
Company,  571  ;  renewal  of  trouble  with 
Rhode  Island,  ib. ;  General  Court  of, 
sends  a  Commission  to  New  Haven 
Colony  to  demand  its  submission,  594  ; 
boundary  defined  between  New  York 
and,  595 ;  union  of  New  Haven  Colony 
with,  595  ;  General  Court  of,  newly  con- 
stituted, 596 ;  no  opposition  to  the 
schemes  of  the  Royal  Commissioners 
apprehended  from,  600;  visited  by  the 
Royal  Commissioners  in  1665,  604  ;  her 
submission  to  the  Royal  Commissioners 
a  disappointment  to  New  Haven,  605  ; 
probable  population  of,  in  1665,  III.  35  ; 
condition  of,  as  described  by  the  Royal 
Commissioners,  in  1666,  37;  property 
of  the  people  of,  after  the  annexation  of 
New  Haven,  ib.;  laws  of,  in  1665,  57; 
General  Court  of,  how  constituted,  ib. ; 
inferior  courts,  58  ;  judicial  processes, 
59  ;  criminal  law  and  general  policy,  ib. ; 
marriage  and  inheritances,  61  ;  eccle- 
siastical system,  ib.  ;  towns,  how  con- 
stituted, ib. ;  her  course  toward  New 
Haven,  a  matter  of  offence  to  Plymouth 
and  Massachusetts,  71  ;  her  relations 
to  England,  ib.;  complained  of  by  Plym- 
outh and  Massachusetts,  74 ;  boundary 
question  between  Rhode  Island  and, 
109  ;  administration  of,  114  ;  project  for 
an  invasion  of  New  France,  ib,  ;  eccle- 
siastical controversy  in,  116  ;  settlement 
of  the  boundary  between  Massachusetts 
and,  119  ;  quarrels  with  the  Dutch,  ib. ; 
letter  to  the  Dutch,  123 ;  first  election 


INDEX. 


615 


sermon,  126  ;  territory  of,  claimed  by 
Governor  Andros  in  behalf  of  the  Duke 
of  Yori?,  128  ;  reply  of,  to  the  claims  of 
Andros,  ib.  ;  Indian  disorders  communi- 
cated by  the  government  of,  to  Andros, 
129  ;  preparations  of,  to  defend  its  terri- 
tory against  Andros,  ib. ;  prepares  for 
war  with  the  Indians,  162  ;  her  conduct 
during  part  of  the  Indian  war  unsatis- 
factory to  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth, 
1 73 ;  partial  statement  of  the  expenses 
incurred  by,  during  the  Indian  war, 
215  ;  settlements  of,  not  ravaged  by  the 
Indians,  229 ;  gives  to  Plymouth  and 
Massachusetts  her  share  of  the  Irish 
donation,  231  ;  Randolph's  description 
of,  302  ;  particulars  as  to  the  condition, 
military,  economical,  ecclesiastical,  &c., 
of,  in  1680,  426;  further  dispute  with 
Rhode  Island  over  the  boundary  ques- 
tion, 428  ;  sends  a  commissioner  to 
England  to  plead  her  cause  against 
Rhode  Island,  434  ;  makes  military 
preparations,  ib. ;  new  disturbances  with 
Rhode  Island,  435  ;  her  representations 
to  the  English  Secretary  of  State,  il). ; 
sends  commissioners  to  plead  her  cause 
before  the  Royal  Board  of  Award,  438  ; 
her  pretensions  to  the  Narragansett 
country  sustained  by  the  Royal  Board, 
(V>. ;  claim  of  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  to 
lands  of,  439  ;  boundary  question  with 
New  York  settled  by  treaty,  440 ;  her 
loyalty,  ib.  ;  proclamation  of  King 
James  Second  in,  507  ;  proceedings 
against  the  charter  of,  in  England,  ib. ; 
advised  by  Randolph  to  give  up  the 
charter  peaceably,  &c.,  508  ;  proceed- 
ings of  the  General  Court  on  the  recep- 
tion of  the  writ,  509  ;  "probable  condi- 
tion of,  on  the  vacating  of  the  charter, 
511;  Andros  pretends  to  the  govern- 
ment of,  537 ;  meeting  of  the  Court  to 
consider  Andros's  demands,  ib. ;  reluc- 
tance of,  to  give  up  the  old  form  of 
government,  538;  continued  correspond- 
ence of,  with  Andros,  on  the  charter 
question,  539;  legal  proceeding  against 
in  England  never  brought  to  an  issue, 
ih.  ;  intrigues  in,  ib.  ;  Andros's  visit  to, 
542  ;  concealment  of  the  charter,  ib  ; 
is  annexed  to  the  government  of  An- 
dros, 543  ;  last  public  record  of  the 
General  Court  of,  545;  proceedings  in, 
on  the  deposition  of  Andros,  596. 

Connecticut  River,  course  and  description 
of,  I.  7  ;  how  far  navigable,  9 ;    Plym- 
outh factory  on  the,  339 ;    expeditions  . 
to,  369. 

Conventicle  Act,  provisions  of,  II.  437  ; 
passed  anew,  1670,  III.  8. 

Cooke,  Elisha,  made  Speaker  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts House  of  Deputies,  III. 
379. 

Corbet,  Abraham,  excites  disaffection  in 


New  Hampshire,  II.  620  ;  punished  by 
the  General  Court,  ib. 

Cornwoll,  put  under  the  government  of 
Andros,  III.  515. 

Corporation  Act,  provisions  of  the,  II.  435. 

Cotiereal,  Caspar,  voyage  of,  in  1500,  I. 
63. 

Cotton,  John,  teacher  of  the  Church  of 
Boston,  I.  367  ;  account  of,  368  ;  the- 
ory of,  concerning  the  tenure  of  public 
office,  373 ;  controverts  .some  notions 
of  Roger  Williams,  409  ;  his  opinion 
of  banishment  as  a  punishment,  419  ; 
his  letter  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  as  to 
the  "  Council  for  Life,"  442  ;  his  ser- 
mon upon  the  veto  power  of  the  Magis- 
trates, 448  ;  esteemed  by  Mrs.  Ann 
Hutchinson,  472;  satisfies  the  ministers 
as  to  his  orthodoxy,  475  ;  speech  about 
the  religious  differences  in  New  Eng- 
land, 495  ;  is  invited  to  England  to  the 
Westminster  Assembly  of  Divin&s,  581  ; 
his  "  Abstract  of  Laws,"  II.  25 ;  his 
"True  Constitution  of  a  Particular  Vis- 
ible Church,"  85  ;  Robert  Baylie's  ac- 
count of,  84 ;  his  prominent  place  in 
the  ranks  of  the  Independents,  90 ;  a?- 
cribes  to  the  Independents  the  success 
of  the  patriot  English  party  in  the  Civil 
War,  100;  his  agency  in  reducing  In- 
dependency to  a  working  system,  184  ; 
his  correspondence  with  Cromwell,  280 ; 
his  death,  409. 

Council  for  New  England.  (See  New 
England.) 

Country  Interest,  opposition  of  to  the 
Court,  I.  288. 

Court  of  High  Commission,  powers  and 
constitution  of,  I.  121. 

Court  Orders  at  Plymouth,  I.  342. 

Courts  of  Assistants,  I.  317  ;  renewal  of, 
325  ;  further  proceedings  of,  351  ;  towns 
taxed  by,  353  ;  their  action  opposed  by 
the  General  Court,  375. 

Courts  of  Justice  in  New  England,  history 
of  the  organization  of,  II.  15. 

CoweJl.  his  "  Law  Dictionary,"  I.  250. 

Cox,  Bishop  of  Ely,  opposes  John  Knox, 
L  118. 

Crridock,  Governor  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
Company,  favors  the  surrender  of  its 
charter  to  the  Colonists,  I.  301  ;  his  ad- 
vice as  to  the  treatment  of  the  Indians, 
362  ;  ordered  to  produce  the  charter  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  371  ; 
defaulted  at  Westminster  Hall,  403. 

Crandall,  John,  visits  Massachusetts  in 
company  with  John  Clarke,  II.  351  ; 
punished  for  a  misdemeanor,  352. 

Cranjield,  Edward,  appointed  Governor 
of  the  Royal  Province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, III.  407  ;  his  official  powers,  ib. ; 
his  oppressive  administration,  408  ;  de- 
clares himself  to  have  been  deceived  by 
Robert  Mason,  ib. ;   quarrels  with   the 


616 


INDEX. 


Assembly  of  New  Hampshire,  and  dis- 
solves it,  409  ;  quotations  from  his  sev- 
eral communications  to  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil, 410;  appoints  a  Deputy-Governor 
and  goes  to  Boston,  412;  further  quo- 
tations from  the  letters  of,  to  England, 
&c.,  415  ;  further  instances  of  his  despot- 
ism, 416;  his  course  censured  by  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee,  417  ;  sues  to 
be  relieved  from  his  government,  418  ; 
his  departure  to  the  West  Indies,  419  ; 
further  quotations  from  the  correspond- 
ence of,  418. 

Cranmer,  his  honesty  and  his  errors,  I. 
109  ;  opfjoses  the  statnt-e  of  tJie  six  arti- 
cles, 110;  superintends  the  preparation 
of  the  Liturgy,  111  ;  his  opposition  to 
Hooper,  1 1 2. 

Cranston,  John,  Governor  of  Rhode  Island, 
begs  Mount  Hope  of  the  King  for  Rhode 
Island,  III.  432;  gets  into  trouble  with 
the  government  of  Connecticut,  434. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  liis  dialogue  with  White- 
locke,  I.  281  ;  his  success  at  Gains- 
borough, 479  ;  his  success  at  Marston 
Moor,  II.  70  ;  an  Independent,  86  ;  at 
Uxbridge,  94 ;  denounces  Lord  Man- 
chester in  Parliament,  95  ;  the  Scotch 
jealous  of,  97  ;  remains  in  the  army 
notwithstanding  the  "  Self-Denying  Or- 
dinance," ih.  ;  assists  to  remodel  the 
army,  98  ;  his  conduct  at  Naseby,  99  ; 
opposed  to  conformity,  101  ;  his  con- 
duct at  Preston  Pans,  108  ;  member 
of  the  High  Court  of  Justice,  111;  the 
ruler  of  England,  273  ;  appointed  to 
command  in  Ireland,  274  ;  sacks  Drogh- 
eda  and  Wexford,  ib. ;  appointed  to 
command  in  Scotland,  276  ;  fights  the 
battle  of  Dunbar,  277  ;  fights  the  battle 
of  Worcester,  279  ;  corresponds  with 
John  Cotton,  ih. ;  expels  the  Long  Par- 
liament and  exercises   supreme  power, 

288  ;    selects   "  the  Little  Parliament," 

289  ;  first  Protectorate  of,  291  ;  insti- 
tutes the  Court  of  Triers,  292  ;  sum- 
mons his  second  Parliament,  294;  dis- 
solves it,  295  ;  divides  England  into 
military  districts,  I'o.  ;  makes  war  with 
Spain,  is  defeated  at  San  Domingo,  but 
succeeds  in  Jamaica,  296  ;  summons  a 
third  Parliament,  298  ;  is  elected  King, 
299  ;  refuses  the  crown,  300  ;  dissolves 
his  third  Parliament,  302  ;  his  power,  af- 
flictions, and  death,  303  ;  his  plan  for 
transferring  the  New-England  people 
to  Ireland,  389  ;  and  to  Jamaica,  390  ; 
his  communications  with  John  Levcrett, 
392 ;  how  esteemed  in  New  England, 
400. 

Cromwell,  Richard,  accession  of,  II.  416; 

state  of  parties  at  the  accession  of,  417  ; 

calls  a  Parliament,  218  ;  abdicates,  419. 
Crowne,  John,  his  information  against  the 

Regicides,  II.  498 ;  begs  assistance  of 


the  English  government  for  meritorious 
services,  &c.,  III.  431  ;  opinion  enter- 
tained of,  by  the  Federal  Commission- 
ers, 433. 

Crowne,  William,  made  a  Proprietor  of 
Nova  Scotia,  by  Cromwell,  II.  286. 

Cuba  Mountain,  situation  and  height  of, 
L  6. 

Cudworth,  James,  sympathizes  with  the 
Quakers,  and  is  disfranchised,  II.  484, 
532  ;  restored  to  favor,  HI.  98 ;  his  rea- 
sons for  declining  public  service,  ib. 

Culpepper,  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
under  Charles  the  First,  quotations  from 
his  speech  upon  the  exaction  of  duties, 
I.  560. 

Ciilpeppe-r,  Lord,  Governor  of  Virginia, 
thinks  a  Royal  Governor  should  be  put 
over  New  England,  III.  343. 

Cushinan,  Robert,  sent  to  England  by  the 
Leyden  congregation,  I.  150;  censured 
for  yielding  to  the  merchant  adventurers, 
155;  withdraws  from  the  enterprise  of 
emigration,  160;  prophecy  of,  195;  his 
death,  and  Bradford's  tribute  to  his 
memory,  224. 

Cutts,  John,  made  President  of  the  Royal 
Province  of  New  Hampshire,  III.  412. 

Cuttt/ltunic,  description  of,  by  Archer,  I. 
72  ;  Gosnold's  first  settlement,  73, 

D. 

UAillehouet,  Louis,  Governor  of  New 
France,  seeks  aid  fiom  New  England 
against  the  Indians,  II.  305. 

Da/ziel,  commands  the  Kiijg's  troops  ia 
Scotland  against  the  covenanters,  III. 
30. 

Danby,  Earl  of,  (Sir  Thomas  Osborne,) 
made  Lord  Treasurer,  III.  22  ;  encour- 
ages the  disclosures  of  a  Popish  plot,  247; 
proceedings  against,  in  Parliament,  250. 

Danforth,  Thomas,  some  account  of,  II. 
514  ;  loses  favor  by  his  friendship  for 
the  Praying  Indians,  III.  200  ;  chosen 
Deputy-Governor,  332  ;  chairman  of  the 
committee  for  preparing  instjuctions  to 
the  agents,  352  ;  the  leader  of  the  popu- 
lar party,  361  ;  his  parting  letter  to  Ran- 
dolph. 375  ;  probable  author  of  a  paper, 
signed  Phileroy  Philopatris,  385  ;  ap- 
pointed President  of  Maine,  400  ;  neg- 
lected by  the  Provisional  government, 
495 ;  displaced  from  the  Presidency  of 
Maine,  503.  ^ 

Durlmouth,  assault  upon,  by  the  Indians, 
III.  157. 

Davenport,  Rev.  John,  comes  to  New  Eng- 
land, I.  484  ;  some  account  of,  528  ; 
removes  to  Quinnipiack,  529 ;  his  ser^. 
mon  upon  the  organization  of  a  gov- 
ernment at  Quinnipiack,  530  ;  is  invited 
to  the  Westminster  Assembly  of  Di- 
vines, 581  i  value  of  his  library,  II.  45  ; 


INDEX. 


617 


his  sermon  upon  the  Rej;;ici(les,  505 ; 
opposes  the  union  of  New  Haven  to 
Connecticut,  546  ;  states  New  Haven's 
case  against  Connecticut,  558  ;  his  sor- 
row at  the  extinction  of  New  Haven, 
IH.  81  ;  becomes  pastor  of  the  First 
Church  in  Boston,  82 ;  his  death,  &c., 
88. 

Davis,  John,  makes  explorations  along 
the  North  American  coast,  I.  69. 

Davis,  Simon,  commands  the  garrison  at 
Brookfield,  III.  160. 

Davison,  falls  into  disgrace  with  Queen 
Elizabeth,  I.  136. 

Deane,  Thomas,  complains  of  breaches,  in 
Massachusetts,  of  the  Navigation  Laws, 

II.  616. 

Declaration  of  Right,  at  the  accession  of 

William  and  Mar\',  III.  479. 
Deerfield,   assaulted   by  the  Indians,  III. 

16.3  ;  abandoned  by  the  English,  169. 
De  la  Cosa,  John,  his  map  of  the  eastern 

coast  of  America,  I.  95. 
Delft-Haven,  embarkation  of  the  Pilgrims 

from,  I.  156. 
De  Monts,  Sieur,  obtains  from  King  Henry 

IV.  a  patent  for  lands  in  America,  I. 

77  ;  sails   for  America,  ih.  ;  returns  to 

France  the  ensuing  year,  78. 
Denison,  Daniel,  some  account  of,  II.  316  ; 

ordered  to  prepare  a  new  edition  of  the 

Laws  of  Massachusetts,  394  j  favors  pre- 
rogative, 627. 
Denison,  George,  his  exploits  against  the 

Indians,  III.  191. 
De  Poutrincourt,  sails  with  De  Monts  for 

America,  I.  77  ;  returns  to  France,  78. 
De  Rasieres,  Isaac,  his  visit  to  Plymouth, 

I.  226. 
Dermer,  Captain,  his  adventures  at  Plym- 
outh and  on  Cape  Cod,  I.  99 ;  visits  the 

mouth  of  the  Hudson,  236. 
De  Ruyter,  Admiral,  his  exploits  against 

the  English,  II.  441. 
Deshorouyh,  Samuel,  one  of  the  founders  of 

Guilford,  I.  534  ;   made   keeper  of  the 

Great  Seal  of  Scotland,  586. 
Devonshire,   formation   of  the   county  of, 

III.  97. 

D'Ewes,  Sir  Simonds,  a  member  of  the 
Long  Parliament,  I   574. 

Dix'cell,  John,  one  of  the  Regicides,  some 
account  of,  II.  508. 

Dom/an,  Thomas,  Governor  of  New  York, 
III.  440  ;  makes  a  settlement  of  the 
boundary  question  with  Connecticut,  ih.\ 
desires  the  annexation  of  Connecticut  to 
New  York,  511  ;  sends  Commissioners 
to  Maine,  533  ;  his  letter  upon  the  union 
of  Connecticut  and  New  York,  &c., 
540. 

Dorchester  Company,  formation  of,  I.  284  ; 
forms  a  settlement  at  Cape  Ann,  285  ;  a 
partnership,  but  not  a  corporation,  290  ; 
obtains  a  charter  from  the  Crown,  ib. 
62* 


Dorchester,  town  government  at,  I.  381 ; 
description  of,  in  the  "  Wonder- Work- 
ing Providence,"  II.  271. 

Dover,  settled  by  adherents  of  Mrs.  Hutch- 
inson, I.  517  ;  confederation  at,  589  ; 
serious  quarrel  between  factions  at,  590. 

Dover  Cliff,  early  name  given  by  Gosnold 
to  Gay  Head,  I.  72. 

Downing,  George,  holds  high  oiBce  during 
the  Protectorate,  I.  586  ;  some  account 
of,  II.  431  ;  his  diplomatic  adroitness 
in  Holland,  III.  5. 

Drake,  Sir  Bernard,  visits  Newfoundland 
with  an  English  squadron,  I.  69. 

Drinker,  Edward,  writes  a  letter  to  John 
Clarke  upon  the  sufferings  of  the  Bap- 
tists, III.  89. 

Drof/heda,  sack  of,  II.  274. 

Druillettes,  Gabriel,  goes  among  the  In- 
dians as  missionary,  II.  305  ;  account 
of  his  visit  to  Boston,  307. 

Drijden,  John,  his  sketches  of  the  Cabal 
ministry  in  the  "  Absalom  and  Achit- 
ophel,""lII.  11. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  Deputy-Governor  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  I.  303  ;  some  ac- 
count of,  ib. ;  his  account  of  New  Eng- 
land, 329  ;  re-elected  Deputy-Governor, 
348 ;  is  displeased  with  Winthrop,  389  ; 
but  becomes  reconciled,  356  ;  for  the 
fourth  time  chosen  Deputy-Governor, 
366  ;  succeeds  Winthrop  as  Governor, 
374 ;  his  conduct  at  the  conference  with 
reference  to  Winthrop,  437  ;  made  one 
of  a  "  Council  for  life,"  441  ;  succeeds 
Winthrop  as  Governor,  a  second  time, 
555  ;  disgusted  with  Bellingham's  ad- 
ministration, 612  ;  represents  Massachu- 
setts in  the  first  Confederate  Congress, 
II.  112;  elected  Governor,  253;  death 
of,  and  remarks  upon,  411. 

Dudlei/,  Joseph,  a  commissioner  from  Mas- 
sachusetts to  the  Narragansetts,  III. 
1 57  ;  sent  as  agent  to  England.  352  ; 
Randolph's  opinion  of,  356  ;  the  leader 
of  the  moderate  party  in  Massachusetts, 
362  ;  some  account  of,  ib.  ;  his  fidelity 
suspected,  372  ;  counsels  submission  to 
the  King,  380  ;  rendered  unpopular  by 
his  course,  388  ;  chosen  Assistant  by  a 
small  vote,  481  ;  writes  to  Randolph  of 
the  necessity  for  a  provisional  govern- 
ment in  Massachusetts,  483  ;  displaced 
from  the  office  of  Assistant  in  the  elec- 
tion of  1686,  484;  made  President  of 
the  Provisional  Government  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 485 ;  reflections  upon,  sug- 
gested by  his  elevation  to  the  Presi- 
dency, 488  ;  his  connection  with  Edward 
Randolph,  490;  substance  of  his  inau- 
guration speech,  493  ;  his  remarks  to  the 
General  Court,  when  announcing  the 
Provisional  Government,  ib  ;  advises 
Connecticut  to  give  up  her  Charter  and 
seek  a  union  with  Massachusetts  rather 


618 


INDEX. 


than  with  New  York,  509 ;  appointed 
censorof  the  press,  519  ;  fully  committed 
to  Andros,  ib. ;  appointed  a  "Judge  of 
the  Superior  Court,"  520  ;  his  offensive 
language  to  Rev.  John  Wise,  526 ;  his 
address  to  the  jury  at  the  trial  of  Wise 
and  others,  527  ;  honorably  imprisoned 
by  the  suhverters  of  the  government  of 
Andros,  583  ;  resentment  against,  584 ; 
imprisoned,  and  released  on  a  bond,  594  ; 
popular  tumults  against,  ib. 

Dunstcr,  Henry,  his  success  as  master  of 
Harvard  College,  II.  49  ;  is  interested 
in  the  religious  instruction  of  the  In- 
dians, 191  ;  resigns  his  office,  397  ;  clos- 
ing scenes  of  his  life,  533 ;  place  of 
burial,  ib. 

Dvnton,  John,  his  visit  to  New  England, 
III.  487. 

Dury,  John,  scheme  of,  for  a  nnion  of 
Protestant  churches,  &c.,  II.  292. 

Dutch  at  New  Amsterdam,  quarrel  between 
Connecticut  and.  III.  119;  their  forbear- 
ance towards  New  England  explained, 
120;  their  operations  in  Long  Island 
Sound, 124. 

Dutch  West  India  Company,  its  charter, 
I.  236. 

Duxbury,  town  organization  of,  II.  13. 

Duyckvelt,  a  spy,  —  ambassador  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  to  England,  III.  473. 

Dyer,  Mary,  a  Quaker,  sentenced  to  be 
hanged,  II.  475  ;  her  execution,  480. 

Dyer,  William,  General  Recorder,  &c.,  of 
the  Providence  Plantations,  II.  357  ; 
commands  a  privateer,  360 ;  his  letter 
to  Endicott  about  his  wife,  479. 


E. 

Easton,  Nicholas,  warned  away  from 
Hampton  by  the  Massachusetts  author- 
ities, I.  516  ;  promulgates  new  doctrines 
on  Rhode  Island,  II.  345  ;  becomes  a 
Quaker,  III.  105  ;  Governor  of  Rhode 
Island,  ib. 

Eaton,  Nathaniel,  first  master  of  Harvard 
College,  severity  of  his  discipline,  II. 
49. 

Eaton,  Theophilus,  some  account  of,  I. 
528  ;  emigrates  to  Quinnipiack,  529 
chosen  Magistrate  at,  532  ;  chosen  Gov 
ernor  of  New  Haven  Colony,  602 
his  furniture,  wardrobe,  &c.,  II.  63 
represents  New  Haven  in  the  first  Con 
federate  Congress,  112  ;  death  of,  415. 

Edyehill,  battle  of,  I.  578. 

Edict  of  Nantes,  revocation  of.  III.  453. 

Edinburgh,  outbreak  at,  against  the  au- 
thority of  Charles  the  First,  I.  565. 

Edward  the  First,  his  ecclesiastical  policy, 
I.  102. 

Edward  the  Sixth,  his  testamentary  dis- 
position of  his  kingdom,  I.  115. 

Edvoards,  Jonathan,  the  younger,  his  ob- 


servations on   the  Mohegan  dialect,  I. 
40. 

Eliot,  John,  thf  Apostle,  aiTives  in  New 
England,  I.  357  ;  leams  the  native  lan- 
guage, II.  189;  begins  his  missionary 
labors,  190;  preaches  to  Indians  near 
Watertown,  ib. ;  sees  the  importance 
of  educating  the  Indians,  193  ;  preaches 
at  Neponset  and  other  places,  194  ;  his 
method  of  instruction,  197;  his  salary, 
333 ;  his  strictures  upon  the  Society  for 
Propagating  the  Gospel,  334;  meets 
with  difficulties,  336  ;  establishes  a  com- 
munity of  native  converts  at  Natick,  ib. ; 
publishes  a  political  treatise,  510;  re- 
pents of  his  error,  512;  his  translation 
of  the  Bible,  ib.  ;  interposes  with  the 
Royal  Commissioners  in  behalf  of  the 
Indian  Pomham,  II.  604;  approves  of 
Synods,  III.  83  ;  the  friend  of  the  Pray- 
ing Indians  during  Philip's  war,  200. 

Elizabeth  Islands,  their  situation,  I.  72. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  accession  of  to  the 
throne,  I.  116  ;  temper,  religious  sense, 
and  early  associations  of,  117;  her  sym- 
pathies with~Romanism,  il). ;  proclama- 
tion of,  requiring  uniformity,  119;  re- 
ligious persecutions  in  the  last  twenty 
years  of,  124;  outlived  her  popularity, 
242  ;  number  of  crimes  which  were 
capital,  at  the  end  of  her  reign,  II.  27  ; 
regulates  the  dress  of  her  subjects,  33. 

Endicott,  John,  willingness  of,  to  emigrate 
to  New  England,  I.  287;  hig^company 
at  Salem,  289  ;  visits  the  settlers  at 
Merry  Mount,  ib. ;  Governor  at  Salem, 
and  writes  to  Governor  Bradford  on 
religious  forms,  296  ;  fined  for  assault 
and  battery,  327  ;  called  to  account  for 
defacing  the  English  flag,  427  ;  dis- 
missed from  public  office,  429 ;  made 
one  of  a  Council  for  life,  441  ;  com- 
mands an  expedition  against  the  In- 
dians, 459  ;  chosen  Deputy-Governor, 
611  ;  his  letter  of  confidence  to  Win- 
throp,  II.  155;  elected  Governor,  156; 
chosen  "  Sergeant-Major-General,"  253  ; 
his  letter  to  New  Haven  upon  war 
with  the  Dutch,  320  ;  his  importance 
after  Winthrop,  381  ;  orders  the  arrest 
of  the  Regicides,  500  ;  arrests  some  in- 
habitants of  Rhode  Island,  572 ;  his 
death  and  character,  598  ;  disliked  by 
the  King,  607. 

England,  Puritanism  in,  down  to  the  time 
of  King  James  the  First,  I.  101  ;  and 
during  his  reign,  127,  240;  and  down 
to  the  beginning  of  the  great  Civil  War, 
264,  560  ;  progress  of  the  Civil  War  in, 
rise  of  the  Independents,  and  subversion 
of  the  monarchy,  II.  69  ;  governed  by 
the  House  of  Commons  and  by  a 
Council  of  State,  273  ;  protectorate  of 
Oliver  Cromwell,  291  ;  protectorate 
of  Richard  Cromwell,  416;  restoration 


INDEX. 


619 


of  the  monarchy,  421;  ecclesiastical  af- 
fairs of  Ent^kuid  in  the  reign  of  Cliarles 
II.,  432  ;  decline  of  morals,  437  ;  scheme 
for  a  religious  comprehension.  III. 
7 ;  increased  severities  against  non- 
conformists, 8 ;  repudiation  of  public 
debt,  13;  Declaration  of  Indulgence, 
14;  war  with  Holland,  15;  passage 
of  the  Test  Act,  19;  peace  with  Hol- 
land, 22 ;  defeat  of  the  High  Tory 
party,  23 ;  condition  after  the  peace 
of  Nimeguen,  28  ;  Council  for  Foreign 
Plantations  newly  constituted,  32  ;  levy 
of  custom  duties  in  the  Colonies,  33  ; 
disturbed  politics  in,  after  the  peace  of 
Nimeguen,  241  ;  revelations  by  Titus 
Gates  of  a  Popish  Plot,  242 ;  proceed- 
ings of  Parliament  in  reference  to  tlie 
Popish  Plot,  246  ;  popular  frenzy,  247  ; 
fright  and  artitices  of  the  Protestant 
statesmen,  247  ;  persecution  of  the  Cath- 
olics, 249  ;  new  scheme  for  a  ministry, 
252;  proceedings  against  the  Duke  of 
York,  253  ;  E.Kclusion  Bill,  254  ;  dis- 
continuance of  parliaments,  257  ;  dis- 
franchisement of  the  corporations,  259  ; 
conferences  of  the  Whig  leaders,  261  ; 
the  Rye  House  Plot,  262 ;  arrest  of 
Whig  leaders,  ib.;  depression  of  the  pa- 
triot party,  266  ;  a  despotism  reinstated, 
267  ;  renewal  of  designs  against  New 
England,  273 ;  claims  of  Gorges  and 
Mason  before  the  Privy  Council,  275; 
complaints  of  English  tradesmen  against 
New  England,  276  ;  projects  of  tlie 
Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Trade  in 
reference  to  New  England,  280 ;  report 
upon  the  liability  of  New  England  to  the 
Trade  and  Navigation  Acts,  lier  eva- 
sions of  them,  &c.,  281 ;  Lords  of  the 
Committee  take  evidence  of  the  repeated 
breaches  of  the  Navigation  Laws  in  New 
England,  289  ;  proceedings  against  Mas- 
sachusetts, 305  ;  the  Judges'  report 
against  the  claims  of  Massachusetts, 
307  ;  peremptory  language  of  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee  to  the  agents  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, 308  ;  report  of  the  Attorney- 
General  and  the  Solicitor-General  upon 
the  laws  of  New  England,  309  ;  propo- 
sal of  the  Lords  to  require  the  approba- 
tion of  the  King  for  the  election  of  a 
Governor,  310  ;  answer  of  the  agents,  ih.; 
Lords  of  the  Committee  submit  to  the 
law  officers  of  the  crown  questions  con- 
cerning the  charter  of  Massachusetts, 
314;  and  complain  of  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance there  administered,  315  ;  report 
of  the  crown  lawyers  upon  the  Massa- 
chusetts charter,  316  ;  Lords  of  the  Com- 
mittee recommend  a  writ  of  quo  wairan- 
to  against  the  Massachusetts  charter, 
317,  and  that  Randolph  be  made  Col- 
lector of  Customs  in  New  England,  ib. ; 
further  questions  of  the  Lords  of  the 


Committee  to  the  agents  of  Massachu- 
setts touching  the  reception  of  royal  let- 
ters by  that  Colony,  &c.,  319  ;  further  de- 
mands of  the  Lords  of  the  Committee, 
324 ;  exposition,  by  the  agents  of  Massa- 
chusetts, of  concessions  which  had  been 
made  to  the  wishes  of  the  crown,  369  ; 
design  to  crush  Massachusetts  matured, 
370;  process  against  the  charter,  376  ; 
Privy  Council  send  a  notification  of  the 
process  to  Massachusetts,  376  ;  decree 
in  chancu-y  vacating  the  charter,  390 ; 
quarrel  between  Conn^ticut  and  Rhode 
Island  transferred  to,  431  ;  Commission- 
ers appointed  to  settle  the  dispute,  437  ; 
accession  of  King  James  the  Second, 
446  ;  submissive  spirit  of  the  people, 
448  ;  insurrection  of  the  Duke  of  xMon- 
mouth,  449  ;  judicial  cruelties,  451  ;  ar- 
guinents  for  and  against  the  sovereign's 
claim  to  a  dispensing  power,  453  ;  the 
sovereign's  claim  to  a  dispensing  pow- 
er allowed  by  the  'judges,  455  ;  revi- 
val of  the  High  Commission  Court, 
455  ;  dismissal  of  Protestant  Tories 
from  office,  456 ;  estrangement  of  the 
clergy  from  the  kiny:,  462  ;  non-con- 
formists unite  with  Cliurchmen  in  op- 
position to  the  king,  463 ;  memorial 
of  seven  bishops,  ib. ;  defeat  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Indulgence,  464 ;  impris- 
onment, trial,  and  acquittal  of  the  bish- 
ops, (7;. ;  birth  of  a  Prince  of  Wales, 
467  ;  suspicions  of  fraud  in  respect  there- 
to, 468 ;  the  disaffection  of  the  Church 
encourages  the  undertaking  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  474  ;  the  Prince  of  Orange 
lands  in,  ib. ;  flight  of  King  James,  476  ; 
convention  of  the  estates  of  the  realm 
and  discussions  therein  concerning  the 
succession  to  the  throne,  477  ;  dispute 
between  the  Lords  and  tlie  Commons, 
478  ;  tiie  throne  declared  vacant,  and 
William  and  Mary  proclaimed  King  and 
Queen,  479;  Declaration  of  Right,  ib. 

E(juinox,^lonnt,  situation  and  height  of,  1. 5. 

Erastians,  their  position  in  "  the  West- 
minster Assembly,"  II.  81. 

Esquimaux,  North  American,  belong  to  the 
Mongolian  race,  I.  22 ;  what  region 
they  inhabit,  ib.;  may  have  dwelt  as  far 
south  as  Rhode  Island,  55. 

Essex,  one  of  the  four  original  counties  of 
Massachusetts,  towns  in,  in  1643,  I.  617; 
cabal  in,  II.  157. 

Essex,  first  Earl  of,  strong  attachment  of 
the  nation  to  him,  I.  79. 

Essex,  second  Earl  of,  General-in-Chief  for 
tlie  Parliament,  I.  577  ;  Parliament 
votes  him  thanks,  II.  70 ;  and  discharges 
him,  95. 

Essex,  third  Earl  of,  a  Whig  leader  in  the 
time  of  Charles  II.,  arrested  for  com- 
plicity with  the  Rye  House  Plotters,  III. 
262 ;  commits  suicide  in  the  Tower,  264. 


620 


INDEX. 


Eusti's,  Professor,   account  of   a   violent 

earthquake  by,  I.  12. 
Exeter,  settlement  at,  by  Wheelwright  and 

others,  I.  515. 

F. 

Fairfax,  Sir  Thomas,  his  success  at  Wake- 
field, I.  579  ;  appointed  General-in-Chief 
for  the  Parliament,  II.  97  ;  his  success 
at  and  after  the  battle  of  Naseby,  100; 
occupies  London  with  the  ymy,  106;  a 
member  of  the  "  High  Court  of  Jus- 
tice," 111  ;  is  appointed  Commander 
of  the  Parliamentary  forces  against  the 
Scotch,  but  refuses,  276. 

Fairfield,  settlement  at,  I.  538. 

Farmer,  Anthony,  recommended  for  Pres- 
ident of  Magdalen  College  by  James 
II.,  III.  461. 

Fenwick,  George,  comes  to  New  England, 
and  settles  at  Saybrook,  I.  539  ;  com- 
mands a  regiment  for  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment, 585  ;  conveys  Saybrook  to  "  the 
jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,"  605  ;  his 
position  upon  the  subject  of  confedera- 
tion, 628  ;  richness  of  his  household  fur- 
niture, &c.,  II.  63;  represents  Connecti- 
cut in  the  First  Federal  Congress,  112. 

Fifth  Monarchy,  uprising  of,  II.  434  ; 
meaning  of  the  movement,  509 ;  in  New 
England,  ib. 

Fitch,  Rev.  James,  preaches  the  first  elec- 
tion sermon  in  Connecticut,  III.  126. 

Five-Mile  Act,  provisions  of,  II.  437. 

Flanders,  invasion  of,  by  Louis  XIV.,  III.4. 

Fleetwood,  General,  a  Parliamentary  lead- 
er, II.  418;  degraded  by  Parliament, 
419. 

Forster,  John,  value  of  his  essay  of  "  The 
Grand  Remonstrance,"  I.  574. 

Fortune,  the,  arrival  at  Plymouth  of,  I. 
187  ;  return  of,  to  England,  194. 

Fox,  George,  reputed  founder  of  the  sect 
of  Friends,  religious  history  of,  II.  453  ; 
visits  Rhode  Island,  III.  106  ;  challenged 
to  a  public  discussion  by  Williams,  ib. 

France,  prosperous  condition  of,  under 
Louis  XIV.,  III.  4. 

Frederic,  Count  Palatine,  son-in-law  of 
James  the  First,  I.  255. 

Friends,  or  Quakers,  remarks  upon  the 
sect  of,  II.  452  ;  origin  of,  453  ;  spread 
of,  458  ;  how  received  in  England,  459  ; 
alarm  respecting  them  in  Massachu- 
setts, 460  ;  appearance  of,  at  Boston, 
463 ;  action  of  Federal  Commissioners 
and  proceedings  in  Massachusetts  in  re- 
ference to,  465  ;  further  action  of  Fed- 
eral Commissioners  in  reference  to,  469 ; 
exiles  returning  to  Massachusetts  to  be 
punished  with  death,  472  ;  modification 
of  the  law  against,  in  Massachusetts, 
482  ;  proceedings  against,  in  the  smaller 
Colonies  of  New  England,  484. 


Gallatin,  Albert,  his  synopsis  of  the  Indian 
tribes,  and  map,  I.  23  ;  his  estimate  of 
the  number  of  New  England  Indians  be- 
fore the  landing  of  the  English,  24. 

Gallap,  John,  his  fight  witli  Indians,  I. 
458. 

Gardiner,  Lion,  builds  a  fort  at  Saybrook, 
I.  451 ;  recounts  the  cruelties  of  the 
Pequots,  461. 

Gardiner,  Sir  Christopher,  account  of,  I. 
329. 

Geddes,  Jenny,  her  part  in  the  outbreak 
at  Edinburgh,  I.  566. 

Gibbons,  Edward,  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  Colonial  forces  against  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  II.  225  ;  some  account  of  ib. 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  projects  a  colony 
in  North  America,  I.  67  ;  sails  from  Eng- 
land, 68  ;  enters  the  harbor  of  St.  John's, 
Newfoundland,  ib. ;  promulgates  laws, 
ib  ;  is  shipwrecked  and  drowned,  ib. 

Glover,  Joseph,  gives  Harvard  College  a 
printing-press,  II.  45. 

Glover,  Rev.  Peletiah,  house  of,  sacked  by 
the  Indians  in  the  attack  upon  Spring- 
field, III.  171. 

Godfrey,  Edward,  elected  Governor  of 
Maine,  II.  384 ;  disputes  with  Massa- 
chusetts about  a  boundary,  385. 

Godfrey,  Sir  Edmondbury,  his  mysterious 
death.  III.  245. 

(jo^e, William,  see  Regicides;  abruptly  ap- 
pears at  Had  ley  when  attacked  by  the 
Indians,  III.  164. 

Gold,  Thomas,  a  prominent  Baptist,  re- 
sides at  Noddle's  Island,  III.  89 ;  sen- 
tenced to  banishment,  90. 

Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez,  his  map  of  the 
coasts  of  America,  I.  95. 

Gomez,  Stephen,  an  early  voyager  to 
the  American  coast,  I.  65. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  his  testimony  concerning 
the  language  and  speech  of  the  New 
England  Indians,  I.  23  ;  his  estimate  of 
their  numbers  before  the  landing  of  the 
English,  24  ;  appointed  "  ruler  over  the 
praying  Indians  "  of  Massachusetts,  II. 
338";  account  of,  ib.  ;  his  provisional 
oath  of  allegiance  as  Magistrate,  616; 
his  friendship  to  the  Praying  Indians 
during  Philip's  war.  III.  199  ;  his  trea- 
tise upon  the  Praying  Indians,  202. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  birthplace  and 
ancestry  of,  I.  79 ;  early  life  of,  ib. ; 
importance  of  the  papers  of,  ib. ;  serves 
in  the  Royal  navy  during  the  Spanish 
war,  and  afterwards  Governor  of  Plym- 
outh, 80;  employs  usefully  the  Indian 
captives  brought  home  by  Waymouth, 
ib. ;  engages  Sir  John  Popham  in  his 
project  of  colonization,  81  ;  perseveres 
in  cherishing  the  project  of  a  colony  in 
America,  85 ;  fits  out  an  expedition  un- 


INDEX. 


621 


der  Richard  Vines  for  NewEno^land,98; 
elected  Governor  of  the  Council  for  New 
England,  207  ;  his  account  of  the  grant- 
ing of  a  patent  for  Massachusetts,  288  ; 
his  appointment  to  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor-General of  New  England,  inti- 
mated hy  the  King,  401  ;  becomes  dis- 
pirited by  the  ill  success  of  his  projects, 
404  ;  claims  the  country  between  the 
Piscataqua  and  the  Kennebec,  524 ;  is 
made  Lord  Proprietary  of  Maine,  ib. ; 
his  organization  of  a  Government,  525  ; 
the  plantations  under  his  government 
not  admitted  into  the  Colonial  Confed- 
eracy, 629  ;  some  account  of  his  descend- 
ants", II.  620. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando,  publishes  the  "Brief 
Narrative,"  II.  620 ;  claims  the  prov- 
ince of  Maine,  621  ;  prospects  of  a  favor- 
able settlement  of  his  claim,  III.  275; 
sends  a  memorial  to  the  Privy  Council 
complaining  of  Massachusetts,  ib. ;  re- 
port of  the  law  officers  in  his  favor,  281  ; 
the  judges  of  England  decide  that  tiie 
government  of  Maine  belongs  to,  307. 

Gorges,  Thomas,  son  of  Sir  Ferdinando, 
made  Deputy-Governor  of  the  Province 
of  Maine,  I." 526. 

Gorton,  Samuel,  creates  disturbance  at 
Providence,  II.  116;  earlier  history  of, 
118;  his  answer  to  Massachusetts  re- 
specting his  doings  at  Providence,  121  ; 
names  of  his  party,  ib.  ;  buys  lands  of 
Miantonomo,  122;  seeks  the  liberation 
of  Miantonomo,  125  ;  his  company  at 
Shawomet  proceeded  against  by  Mas- 
sachusetts, 130  ;  imprisoned  by  the 
Massachusetts  Magistrates,  133;  equiv- 
ocal nature  of  their  crime,  ib. ;  their 
conviction  and  punishment,  135  ;  their 
discharge  from  punishment,  ('6. ;  tJiey  pre- 
vail upon  the  Narragansetts  to  put  th'?m- 
selves  under  the  protection  of  the  King, 
136;  reflections  upon  the  treatment  of, 
by  Massachusetts,  140  ;  his  mission  to 
England,  and  its  success,  206  ;  his 
"  Simplicitie's  Defence,"  &c.,  209  ;  con- 
clusion of  the  Parliamentary  Commis- 
sioners with  respect  to,  213  ;  his  return 
to  America  and  the  submission  of  his 
party,  214  ;  duration  of  his  absence  in 
England,  223. 

Gosvotd,  Bartholomew,  the  first  European 
who  set  up  a  dwelling  in  New  England, 
I.  70  ;  sails  from  Falmouth  for  America, 
71  ;  discovers  Cape  Cod,  Martha's 
Vineyard,  and  the  Elizabeth  Islands, 
ib. ;  return  to  England,  73  ;  one  of  the 
settlers  in  Virginia,  ib.  ;  interest  excited 
by  the  reports  of  his  voyage  74. 

Gove,  Edward,  course  and  issue  of  his 
insurrection  in  New  Hampshire,  III. 
411. 

Graham,  James,  Attorney  of  Governor 
Andros,  III.  553. 


Gray,  John  C,  his  remarks  on  the  climate 
of  New  England,  I.  11. 

Greene,  John,  some  account  of  his  career 
previous  to  his  joining  Gorton  at  Provi- 
dence, II.  118;  busies  himself  for  Gov- 
ernor Andros  while  in  England,  III. 
.536. 

Green  Mountains,  general  name  of  west- 
ern belt  of  New  England  Highlands, 
I.  4. 

Greem^mith,  Stephen,  fined  for  heresy,  I. 
478  ;  fined  for  slander,  484. 

Greenwich,  revolt  of  the  settlement  at,  I. 
601  ;  re-annexed  to  New  Haven,  II.  372. 

Gregson,  Thomas,  represents  New  Haven 
in  the  first  Federal  Congress,  II.  112. 

Grey,  Lady  Jane,  monarchy  of  England 
bequeathed  to,  I.  115. 

Greylock,  Mount,  situation  and  height  of, 
1.5. 

Grindal,  accession  of  to  the  primacy,  I. 
120. 

Grolius,  sentenced  to  perpetual  imprison 
ment,  I.  144. 

Guilford,  Lord  Keeper,  his  subserviency 
to  the  crown.  III.  392  ;  decides  that 
corporations  ougiit  always  to  have  their 
attorney  in  court,  394 ;  a  member  of 
James  the  Second's  first  ministry,  447  ; 
advises  arbitrary  measures,  448. 

Guilford,  settlement  at,  I.  534  ;  original 
form  of  government  at,  535  ;  unites 
with  the  New  Haven  Colony,  602. 

Gityot,  Professor,  his  manuscript  memoir 
of  the  physical  geography  of  New  Eng- 
land, I.  9. 

H. 

IJiiheas  Corpus  Act,  how  passed.  III.  255. 

Hadley,  a  military  post  in  Philip's  war, 
III.  163  ;  assaulted  by  the  Indians,  ib. 

Hukiuyt,  Richard,  interested  in  the  ex- 
ploration of  New  England,  I.  74  ;  two 
maps  in  his  "  Divers  Voyages,"  95. 

Hale,  Doctor  Enoch,  his  memoir  men- 
tioned, I.  11. 

Halifax,  Earl  of,  opposes  the  Exclusion 
Bill,  III.  256  ;  a  minister  of  King 
James,  447  ;  joins  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
476. 

Hal.lum,  observations  of,  upon  the  Puri- 
tans, I.  118. 

Hamilton,  Duke  of,  supports  King  Charles 
the  First,  II.  108  ;  commands  the  Scotch 
at  Preston  Pans,  ib. ;  heirs  of,  lay  claim 
to  lands  in  Connecticut,  III.  439. 

Hammond,  Colonel,  his  custody  of  the 
King,  II.  107  ;  his  correspondence  with 
Cromwell,  Fairfax,  &c.,  ib. 

Hampden,  John,  supposed  visit  of,  to  Plym- 
outh, I.  201  ;  brings  the  question  of 
ship-money  to  trial,  562  ;  judgment 
against,  cancelled,  572  ;  his  death,  578. 

Hampton  Court,  conference  at,  I.  129. 


622 


INDEX. 


Hampton,  township  of,  I-  516. 

Harbors  of  New  England,  I.  10. 

Hare,  Archdeacon,  his  views  of  the  rela- 
tion between  Divine  law  and  human,  II. 
27. 

Harlakenden,  Roger,  chosen  Assistant,  I. 
440. 

Harris,  William,  an  adherent  of  Roger 
Williams,  I.  422  ;  arrested  for  high 
treason,  11.  365  ;  quarrels  with  Wil- 
liams, III.  102;  character  of,  depicted 
by  Williams,  ib. ;  gets  into  trouble  with 
the  General  Court  of  Rhode  Island, 
103 ;  Commissioner  from  Connecticut 
to  England,  434;  taken  by  pirates,  435. 

Hartford,  tirst  school  at,  II.  47. 

Harvard,  John,  his  bequest  to  the  College, 
I.  549  ;  extent  of  his  Library,  II.  45. 

Harvard  College,  its  first  Commencement, 
course  of  study,  and  early  progress,  II. 
48  ;  support  of,  recommended  by  the 
Federul  Commissioners,  151  ;  help  so- 
licited from  England  for,  341  ;  made  a 
corporation,  397  ;  accounts  of  the  early 
stewards  of,  399  ;  probable  inaccuracy 
of  the  early  Catalogues,  ib  ;  how  it  ap- 
peared to  Lord  Clarendon's  Commis- 
sioners, III.  39  ;  baptismal  names  in 
the  early  Catalogues  of,  70 ;  troubles  in, 
93  ;  donations  to,  from  several  towns, 
t6. ;  is  befriended  by  Richard  Baxter, 
ib. ;  Edward  Randolph's  description  of, 
302 ;  Walter  Barefoote  recommends  the 
Privy  Council  to  suppress  it  as  a  nui- 
sance, 412  ;  Presidents  of,  from  1675  to 
1685,  and  number  of  pupils,  556. 

Hatjield  attacked  by  the  Indians,  III.  171. 

Hatlierlji,  Timothy,  sympathizes  with  the 
Quakers,  and  is  deprived  of  office,  II. 
484. 

Hathorne,  William,  chosen  a  Federal  Com- 
missioner from  Massachusetts,  II.  156. 

Haynes,  John,  chosen  Governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  1.  428;  declines  the  sal- 
ary of  his  office,  429  ;  his  conduct  with 
reference  to  Winthrop,  438;  removes' to 
Connecticut,  455  ;  is  chosen  Governor 
of  Connecticut,  537  ;  death  of,  and  re- 
marks upon,  II.  413. 

Haipies,  Reverend  John,  minister  at  Hart- 
ford, in.  116;  a  latitudinarian  in  re- 
spect to  baptism,  ib. ;  accompanies  Gap- 
tain  Bull's  force  to  Saybrook,  129. 

Hellulnnd,  meaning  of  the  word,  I.  53 ; 
su|)posed  to  designate  Newfoundland  or 
Labrador,  55. 

Henrietta,  sister  of  Charles  II.,  makes  a 
treaty  for  him  with  Louis  XIV..  III.  12. 

Henrji  the  Eighth,  his  secession  from  the 
Church  of  Rome  supported  by  his  sub- 
jects, I.  107,  and  seconded  by  Parlia- 
ment, 109  ;  his  bequest  of  his  kingdom, 
115. 

Henry  the  Fourth,  his  proclamation  against 
the  Lollards,  I.  106. 


Herle,  Rev.  Charles,  prolocutor  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  II.  91. 

Hibbens,  William,  sent  to  England  in  1641, 
I.  582  ;  chosen  an  Assistant,  613. 

Higyinson,  Rev.  Francis,  his  "  New  Eng- 
land's Plantation"  cited,  I.  16;  set- 
tles at  Salem,  293  ;  his  letter  to  Eng- 
land. 294  ;  some  account  of,  295  ;  his 
alleged  farewell  to  England,  297  ;  im- 
itates the  Plymouth  Church  scheme,  II. 
36. 

Higginson,  John,  teaches  a  school  at  Hart- 
ford, II.  48  ;  account  of  his  interview 
with  Andros,  III.  570. 

High-Church  party,  lofty  prerogative  no- 
tions of,  I.  250. 

"  Hiqh  Court  of  Commission,"  its  revival, 
III.  455. 

High  Court  of  justice  for  the  trial  of  lung 
Charles  the  First,  II.  110. 

Highlands  of  New  England,  description  of, 

i.  3. 

Hinckley,  Thomas,  Deputy-Governor  of 
Plymouth,  III.  423  ;  Governor  of  Plym- 
outh, ih. ;  approves  the  levy  of  taxes 
for  the  support  of  the  Gospel  and  gram- 
mar schools,  534 ;  his  letter  on  the 
grievances  of  Plymouth,  535. 

Hijigham,  disturbance  at,  II.  254. 

Hoar,  Leonard,  early  history  of.  III.  93 ; 
elected  President  of  Harvard  College, 
94  ;  his  ill  success  in  that  office,  95 ; 
resignation  and  death,  96  ;  advises 
against  the  study  of  music,  134. 

Hobart,  Rev.  Peter,  his  part  in  a  disturb- 
ance at  Hingham,  II.  254 ;  a  Presby- 
terian, 259. 

Hockinfj,  his  affray  on  the  Kennebec 
River,  I.  338. 

Holden,  Randall,  some  account  of  his 
early  career,  II.  118  ;  his  proceedings  at 
Warwick,  122. 

Holland,  unfriendly  relations  of,  with 
England,  II.  280  ;  conflict  between  the 
English  and  Dutch  fleets,  283  ;  war  with 
England,  and  peace,  284  ;  war  renewed 
with  England,  441  ;  peace  of  Breda,  ib. ; 
war  with  England  and  France  and  dis- 
tress consequent  upon.  III.  15. 

Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  his  dissertation 
on  fever,  cited,  I.  13. 

Holmes,  Obadiah,  visits  Massachusetts 
with  John  Clarke,  II.  351  ;  fined  and 
whipped,  352. 

Holyoke,  Captain,  his  gallantry  in  the  bat- 
tle of  Turner's  Falls,  III.  195. 

Hominy,  a  preparation  of  Indian  com,  I. 
28. 

Hondius,  his  map  of  Drake's  voyages,  I. 
95. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  emigrates  to  New  Eng- 
land, and  settles  at  Newtown,  I.  367  ; 
account  of,  445  ;  desires  to  remove  to 
Connecticut,  446  ;  removes  to  Connecti- 
cut, 453 ;  is  invited  to  England  to  the 


INDEX. 


623 


Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines,  581  ; 
value  of  his  library,  11.  45  ;  defends  In- 
dependency, 91  ;  his  letter  to  Shepard, 
173  ;  his  letter  to  Winthrop  on  the  con- 
federation, 239  ;  his  death,  263. 

Hooper,  John,  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  his 
distaste  for  the  Episcopal  robes,  I.  112  ; 
his  course  not  irrational,  113. 

Hopkins,  Edward,  chosen  Assistant  in 
Connecticut,  I.  537  ;  his  advancement 
under  Cromwell,  586  ;  represents  Con- 
necticut in  the  first  Confederate  Con- 
gress, II.  112 ;  death  of,  414. 

Hough,  Dr.,  elected  President  of  Magdalen 
College,  III.  461  ;  deposed  by  the  High 
Court  of  Commission,  ib. 

House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  the  firpt 
popular  representative  body  in  America, 
I.  378. 

House  of  Commons  refuses  to  suppress 
Wickliffe's  translation  of  the  Bible,  I. 
105  ;  proceedings  of,  in  reference  to  New 
England,  209  ;  its  opposition  to  King 
James  the  First,  244  ;  proceedings  of 
against  monopolies,  257  ;  petitions  that 
the  heir  apparent  be  betrothed  to  a 
Protestant  princess,  258 ;  protestation 
of,  260  ;  establishes  its  right  of  impeach- 
ment, 261  ;  its  opposition  to  Charles 
the  First,  266  ;  its  renewed  opposition 
to  the  King,  272 ;  absolute  control  of, 
over  tonnage  and  poundage  affirmed, 
572  ;  its  "  privilege  "  insulted  by  King 
Charles  the  First,  575  ;  procession  of,  to 
Westminster,  576 ;  purged  by  Colonel 
Pride,  II.  110;  orders  a  trial  of  King 
Charles  the  First,  ih. ;  asserts  to  itself 
supreme  power,  ib. ;  votes  the  House 
of  Peers  to  be  "  useless  and  danger- 
ous," 111;  establishes  a  "Council  of 
State,"  273  ;  number  of  its  members  in 
1640  and  1649,  ib.-,  asserts  the  royal 
pardon  to  be  no  protection  against  a 
process  issued  by,  III.  252  ;  condemns 
the  conduct  of  the  judges  in  the  case  of 
the  Duke  of  York,  256. 

Howard,  Lord,  a  whig  leader.  III.  261  ; 
arrested  for  complicity  with  the  Rye 
House  Plotters,  262  ;  turns  against  Rus- 
sell, 263  ;  and  against  Sidney,  265. 

Hubbard,  Rev.  William,  quotation  from 
his  History,  I.  17  ;  consideration  of  his 
"  History  of  New  England  "  by  a  com- 
mittee of  the  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts, III.  361. 

Hudson,  Henry,  visits  the  coast  of  Amer- 
ica, I.  85 ;  explores  the  Hudson  River, 
235. 

Hudson  River,  former  name  of,  I.  1  ;  its 
course,  2. 

Hue's  Cross,  name  of,  changed  by  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop,  I.  335. 

Hull,  John,  a  Boston  merchant,  his  emo- 
tion at  being  chosen  a  corporal  of  mi- 
litia, II.  51 ;  his  accoupt  of  Cromwell's 


death,  401  ;  appointed  mint-master, 
403. 

"Humble  Request,  The,"  of  Winthrop's 
company,  upon  leaving  England,  I. 
312. 

Humboldt  ascribes  the  discovery  of  Amer- 
ica to  the  Northmen,  I.  51,  56. 

Hume,  his  opinion  of  the  devotion  of  the 
English  to  the  Holy  See,  I.  lOI  ;  and  of 
the  prosperity  of  England  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  385  ;  his  estimate  of  the 
value  of  the  conquest  of  New  Nether- 
land,  II.  592. 

Humphrey,  John,  chosen  Deputy-Governor 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  I.  302 ;  some 
account  of,  303  ;  chosen  Assistant,  355  ; 
brings  from  England  military  stores  for 
the  Colony,  378  ;  brings  important  news 
from  England,  388 ;  complains  to  the 
Council  for  New  England  of  the  re- 
straints upon  emigration,  400 ;  chosen 
Sergeant-Major-General  of  Massachu- 
setts, 612  ;  returns  to  England,  613. 

Humphreys,  Robert,  retained  as  counsel  in 
England,  by  Massachusetts,  111.  380; 
declines  to  appear  before  the  King's 
Bench,  390  ;  censures  the  General  Court 
of  Ma.ssachusetts,  393. 

Hurst  Castle,  King  Charles  the  First  im- 
prisoned in,  II.  109. 

Hutchinson,  Mrs.  Ann,  comes  to  New 
England,  I.  472  ;  her  conduct  on  the 
voyage,  473  ;  her  errors  described  by 
Winthrop,  ib. ;  begins  to  hold  meetings 
for  women,  474  ;  attracts  a  strong  party, 
ib. ;  ministerial  interference  with,  475  ; 
her  party  first  move  in  the  religious  dis- 
pute, 477  ;  proceedings  against  her  and 
her  partisans,  485  ;  admonished  and  de- 
nounced by  the  Boston  Church,  487  ; 
banished,  489 ;  retiections  on  the  pro- 
ceedings against  her  and  her  party,  489  ; 
her  movements  after  her  banishment, 
511;  her  activity  at  Aquetnet,  512; 
thinks  magistracy  unlawful,  515 ;  re- 
moves from  Rhode  Island,  606  ;  is  mur- 
dered by  the  Indians,  608. 

Hutchinson,  Captain  Edward,  son  of  Ann 
Hutchinson,  commands  an  expedition 
against  the  Nipmuck  Indians,  and  is 
defeated  and  mortally  wounded.  III. 
158. 

Hutchinson,  William,  chosen  judge  at 
Aquetnet,  I.  512  ;  reunites  with  the  set- 
tlement at  Newport,  515  ;  chosen  As- 
sistant at,  ib. ;  his  death,  606. 

Hyde,  Lawrence,  Earl  of  Rochester,  made 
Lord  Treasurer,  III.  447  ;  dismissed 
fiom  that  office,  456. 


Independents,  their  position  in  the  "  West- 
minster Assembly,"  II.  81  ;  their  con- 
nection with  New  England,  83;  differ- 


624 


INDEX. 


ence  between  the  Brownists  and,  ib. ; 
Independent  members  of  the  Assem- 
bly and  of  Parliament,  86  ;  their  strug- 
gle with  the  Presbyterians  in  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  88 ;  politics  of  tlie, 
92  ;  their  strength  in  the  army,  94 ; 
triumpli  over  the  Presbyterians  on  the 
question  of  military  reform,  96 ;  their 
agency  in  bringing  the  first  civil  war  to 
an  end,  100  ;  triumph  over  the  Presby- 
terians, 106;  Independency  in  New  Eng- 
land, 166;  embarrassed  in  England  by 
their  union  with  sectaries,  172. 
Indians,  North  American,  see  Aborigines. 
Conspiracy  of,  against  the  Colonists  of 
New  England,  I.  201  ;  and  its  suppres- 
sion, 202  ;  not  to  be  employed  in  families 
without  license,  326;  alarm  from,  361  ; 
early  indications  of  their  readmess  to 
receive  Christianity,  II.  187  ;  interest  in 
them  excited  in  England,  197;  continued 
efforts  to  give  religious  instruction  to, 
332 ;  how  treated  by  the  Colonists  of 
New  England,  III.  137;  their  probable 
numbers  in  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth 
at  the  time  of  the  settlement,  ib. ;  pur- 
chases of  land  from,  by  the  Colonists, 
138  ;  protected  by  the  law,  ib. ;  humanely 
treated  by  the  Colonists,  139;  derived 
advantages  from  the  contiguity  of  the 
English,  ib.;  success  of  the  attempts  to 
Christianize,  141  ;  number  and  condition 
of  the  Praying  Indians,  ib. ;  attack  the 
town  of  Swanzey,  155  ;  attack  Taunton, 
Middleborough,  and  Dartmouth,  157  ; 
their  operations  at  Brookfield,  159;  as- 
sault Deerfield  and  Hadley,  and  engage 
the  Whites  at  Sugar  Loaf  Hill,  163; 
their  operations  at  Northfield,  165  ;  the 
number  of,  in  New  England  at  the  time 
of  Philip's  War,  167;  the  advantages 
of,  over  the  Colonists,  ib  ;  surprise  and 
defeat  the  Whites  at  Bloody  Brook, 
169  ;  attack  Springfield  and  Hatfield, 
171  ;  assault  and  sack  Lancaster,  183; 
Mrs.  Rowlandson's  account  of  her  cap- 
tivity among,  185;  continued  ravages 
of,  upon  the  settlements,  187;  arrange 
for  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  ib. ;  gain 
new  victories  over  the  English,  189;  be- 
gin to  lose  ground  in  the  contest,  191  ; 
defeat  the  Enghsh  at  Sudbury,  192;  are 
defeated  in  the  battle  at  Turner's  Falls, 
194  ;  and  turn  the  defeat  into  a  victory, 
195;  their  declining  prospects,  196; 
conduct  of  the  Praying  Indians,  199; 
treatment  of  them,  200  ;  continued  de- 
feats of,  204 ;  operations  of  the  Eastern 
tribes,  206  ;  termination  of  the  war,  213 
benefits  received  from  the  Whites  by, 
before  Philip's  war,  216;  their  ingrati- 
tude, 217;  treated  with  arrogance  by 
the  Whites,  218;  receive  harsh  treat- 
ment at  the  hands  of  their  conquerors, 
220. 


Ipswich,  resists  Andros's  arbitrary  im- 
position of  taxes.  III.  525  ;  trial  and 
punishment  of  leading  citizens  of,  526. 

Ireland,  war  in,  between  the  royalists  and 
Cromwell,  II.  273  ;  despotism  of  James 
II.  in,  470;  distress  of  Englishmen  in, 
472. 

Ireton,  son-in-law  of  Cromwell,  his  con- 
duct at  Naseby,  II.  99. 

Iroquois,  make  war  upon  the  Hurons  and 
alarm  the  Erench,  II.  305. 


Jacob,  Henry,  institutes  the  first  Indepen- 
dent church  in  London,  II.  83. 

Jamaica,  conquest  of,  by  the  English,  II. 
297. 

James  the  First,  his  accession  to  the  throne, 
early  education  and  character,  I.  126; 
his  reception  of  the  millenary  petition, 
127  ;  his  proclamation  for  Episcopacy, 
128;  his  conduct  at  Hampton  Court, 
129  ;  his  requirement  of  conformity, 
130;  the  vital  struggle  in  the  reign  of, 
240 ;  his  learning,  ib.  \  restless  state  of 
public  sentiment  in  the  reign  of,  242 ; 
conduct  of,  at  his  accession,  243  ;  state 
of  opinion  among  the  courtiers  and 
lawyers  in  the  reign  of,  249  ;  High 
Church  party  in  the  reign  of,  250 ;  im- 
poses illegal  duties  on  imports,  251  ; 
discontinuance  of  Parliaments,  and  ex- 
pedient to  obtain  a  revenue,  ib. ;  sur- 
renders the  Dutch  cautionary  towns, 
253  ;  espouses  his  daughter  to  Fred- 
eric, Count  Palatine,  255  ;  increase  of 
dissensions  between  Parliament  and, 
258 ;  his  rage  against  the  House  of 
Commons,  260  ;  his  death,  and  pro- 
gress of  popular  principles  in  his  reign, 
263. 

James  the  Second,  accession  of,  to  the 
throne  of  England,  HI.  446  ;  his  fair 
prospects,  ib. ;  announces  a  liberal  pol- 
icy, ib.  ;  his  first  ministry,  447  ;  pro- 
ceeds to  arbitrary  measures,  ib.  ;  his 
haughty  treatment  of  his  Parliament, 
448  ;  his  cruel  treatment  of  the  Duke^ 
of  Monmouth,  450  ;  announces  his  in- 
tention to  commission  Catholics,  pro- 
rogues Parliament  in  ill  temper,  &c., 
452 ;  claims  a  dispensing  power,  453 ; 
summons  Catholics  to  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil, 455  ;  dictates  to  the  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don, 456  ;  his  course  to  absolutism  clear 
before  him,  457  ;  his  fanaticism  disap- 
proved by  Continental  Popish  sover- 
eigns, ib. ;  his  encroachment  on  the 
Church  of  England,  and  apparent  len- 
ity towards  Dissenters,  459  ;  attacks 
the  University  of  Cambridge,  460  ; 
quarrels  with  Magdalen  College,  Ox- 
ford, 461  ;  his  second  Declaration  of 
Indulgence,  462  ;  estrangement  of  the 


INDEX. 


625 


clergy  from,  ib.  ;  Dissenters  not  de- 
ceived by  the  Declarations  of  Indul- 
gence, 463  ;  his  reception  of  the  memo- 
rial of  seven  Bishops,  464  ;  proves  the 
legitimacy  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  469  ; 
his  despotism  in  Scotland,  ib. ;  and  in 
Ireland,  470  ;  expostulates  with  the 
'Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange,  472; 
sends  Commissioners  to  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  475  ;  flees  from  his  palace  to 
Feversham  and  is  arrested,  ib. ;  quits 
the  kingdom  and  establishes  a  mock 
court  at  St.  Germain's,  476  ;  opposes 
the  plan  of  a  House  of  Assembly  in 
New  England,  483. 

Jeffries,  George,  Lord  Chief  Justice,  the 
judicial  character  of.  III.  392  ;  advises 
the  King  to  arbitrary  measures,  445  ; 
his  judicial  "  campaign  "  after  the  in- 
surrection of  Monmouth,  451  ;  made 
Lord  Chancellor,  455. 

John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  be- 
friends Wickliffe,  I.  104. 

Johnson,  Isaac,  Assistant  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  I.  303 ;  some  account  of,  ib. ; 
death  of,  315;  and  Winthrop's  tribute 
to,  ib. 

Johnson,  Lady  Arbella,  wife  of  Isaac, 
death  of,  I.  315. 

Jones,  Colonel,  defeats  the  King  at  Ches- 
ter, II.  100. 

Jonsnn,  Ben,  ridicules  Puritan  morality,  I. 
276. 

Joss)-lyn,  Mr.,  disputes  the  authority  of 
Massachusetts  over  the  County  of  York, 
II.  633. 

Jojce,  Comet,  rescues  the  King  from  the 
hands  of  Parliament,  II.  105. 

Juries,  and  trial  by,  in  New  England,  II. 
18. 

K. 

Katahdin,  Mount,  height  of,  I.  6. 

Keayne,  Captain  Robert,  his  difficulty  with 
Mrs.  Sherman  about  a  stray  sow,  and 
its  important  consequences,  I.  618. 

Kenneh^  Kiver,  source  and  direction  of,  I. 
7  ;  attempted  settlement  on,  83  ;  affray 
on,  between  parties  from  Plymouth  and 
Massachusetts,  338. 

Kialnrnes,  Cape,  name  given  by  the  North- 
men to  Cape  Cod,  I.  55. 

Kieft,  William,  Governor  of  New  Nether- 
land,  I.  625  ;  his  troubles  with  the  Eng- 
lish settlements,  ib. 
*  Killinqton  Peak,  situation  and  height  of, 
I   5. 

Kingston,  town  of  Rhode  Island,  III.  114. 

Kirk,  Colonel  Piercy,  appointed  Governor 
of  New  England,  &c..  III.  395. 

Kirk,  Sir  William,  captures  Port  Royal 
and  Quebec  from  the  French,  I.  235. 

Kittery,  settlement  at,  II.  383. 

Knollys,  Hansard,  settles  at  Cochecho  as 
VOL.  III.  53 


minister,  I.  519;  slanders  the  colonial 
government  in  a  letter  to  England,  520 ; 
his  quaiTel  with  Mr.  Larkham,  590. 
Knox,  John,  opposes  Cox,  Bishop  of  Ely, 

I.  118;  adopts  the  Presbyterian  polity 
of  Calvin,  II.  73. 

Krossanes,  name  given  by  the  Northmen  to 
Point  Allerton,  I.  55. 

L. 

La  Fayette,  Mount,  situation   and   height 

of,  1.  6. 
Lakes  of  New  England,  general  character 

of,  L  9. 
Lambert,   General,  ambitious   projects  of, 

II.  418  ;  quarrels  with  the  Parliament, 
419  ;  meets  with  disaster,  421  ;  close  of 
his  life,  430. 

Zyoncaster,  description  of,  III.  182  ;  assault- 
ed and  sacked  by  the  Indians,  183. 

Larkham,  Thomas,  settles  at  Dover,  I. 
589. 

La  Tour,  quarrels  with  De  Charnise  ia 
Acadie,  II.  144  ;  seeks  aid  from  Massa- 
chusetts, 14.5;  visits  Boston  a  second 
time  for  aid,  146  ;  visit  of  his  wife  to  Bos- 
ton. 148  ;  is  defeated  by  De  Charnise', 
200  ;  his  dishonesty  towards  his  Boston 
friends,  ib. ;  his  varied  fortunes,  285  ; 
Cromwell  makes  him  a  proprietor  of 
Nova  Scotia,  286. 

Laud,  Bishop,  advancement  of,  I.  268  ; 
succeeds  to  the  Primacy,  367  ;  his  high 
place  at  court,  393  ;  further  account  of 
his  tyranny,  562  ;  impeached  of  high 
treason  and  executed,  572. 

Lauderdale,  Earl  of,  Maitland,  one  of  the 
Cabal  ministry.  III.  1 1  ;  removal  of, 
solicited  by  the  House  of  Commons,  21. 

Lechford,  Thomas,  the  first  lawyer  in  New 
England,  punished  for  pleading  out  of 
court,  I.  5.53. 

Lecturers,  the,  function  of,  I.  295. 

Leddra,  William,  a  Quaker,  hanging  of, 
II.  480. 

Z^ete,  William,  settles  at  Quinnipiac,  1. 534 ; 
Deputy-Governor  of  New  Haven,  II. 
501  ;  unwilling  to  aid  in  the  capture  of 
the  Regicides,  ib. ;  his  consequent  em- 
barrassments, 547  ;  President  of  the  Fed- 
eral Commissioners,  631 ;  his  death  and 
character.  III.  442. 

Leicester,  Earl  of,  supports  non-conform- 
ity, L  119. 

T^enthal,  Robert,  first  schoolmaster  at 
Newport,  II.  48. 

Leslie,  Alexander,  commands  the  Scottish 
force,  I.  568  ;  becomes  Earl  of  Leven, 
and  a  second  time  invades  England,  and 
defeats  Montrose,  II.  100. 

Leslie,  David,  commands  the  Scottish 
forces  against  Cromwell,  II.  277. 

Leverett,  John,  a  subaltern  of  Cromwell, 
I.  585 :   some  account  of,  II.  285 ;    a 


626 


INDEX. 


commissioner  to  the  Dutch,  315;  com- 
mander of  colonial  forces,  316;  agent 
for  Massachusetts  in  England,  388  ;  his 
account  with  the  English  government, 
ib. ;  warns  Massachusetts  of  unfavor- 
able indications  in  P>ngland,  448;  suc- 
ceeds Bellingham  as  Governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, III.  92  ;  desires  a  reconcilia- 
tion between  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut, 126  ;  his  reception  of  Edward 
Randolph,  285  ;  pi-actically  asserts  the 
independence  of  the  Colonies,  287 ; 
summons  the  General  Court  to  con- 
sider Randolph's  mission,  291 ;  his 
qualifications  for  government,  328  ;  his 
death,  329. 

Leverett,  Thomas,  lands  granted  to,  on 
Muscongus  Bay,  I.  523. 

Leverich,  Rev.  William,  minister  at  Dover, 

I.  517. 

Levett,  Christopher,  account  of,  I.  206. 

Leyden,  description  of,  I.  140;  its  Univer- 
sity, 141;  disturbances  at,  145;  re- 
newed emigration  from  to  New  Eng- 
land, 331. 

Lief,  his  voyage  to  the  coast  of  America, 
i.  53. 

Lilbnrne,  John,  punished  by  the  Star-Cham- 
ber,  I.  563  ;  turns  Quaker,  II.  457. 

LisJp,  Lady  Alice,  her  trial  and  execution, 
111.451. 

Locke,  John,  prote'q^  of  Shaftesbury,  III. 
24 ;  Secretary  of  the  Council  for  For- 
eign Plantations,  33. 

London,  occupied  by  Fairftix's  army,  II. 
106  ;  occupied  by  the  army  a  second 
time,  110;  plague  and  fire  in,  442; 
charter  vacated  by  Charles  the  Second, 
III.  259. 

Lon(j  Island  attached  by  nature  to  New 
England,  I.  3. 

Long  Parliament ;  its  first  measures  of  re- 
form, I.  572;  its  prorogation,  573;  as- 
sumes the  conduct  of  the  war  in  Ireland, 
ih. ;  asserts  the  power  of  the  sword, 
576  ;  offers  a  basis  of  settlement  to  the 
king,  577 ;  invites  the  Scots  to  resist- 
ance, 579 ;  forms  a  "  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant "  with  the  Scots,  ib. ; 
conditions  imposed   upon  the  King  by, 

II.  93  ;  passes  the  "  Self-denying  Ordi- 
nance," 97  ;  establishes  Presbyterianism, 
but  without  assenting  to  the  claim  of  a 
sanction  of  divine  right,  101  ;  claims  and 
receives  the  custody  of  the  King,  104;  at- 
tempts to  reduce  the  military  establish- 
ment, 104;  alarmed  by  the  movements 
of  the  army,  105;  invites  the  King  to 
Westminster,106  ;  vainly  negotiates  with 
the  King  at  Newport,  108;  refuses  to 
receive  the  remonstrance  of  the  army, 
109  ;  votes  that  the  King's  concessions 
are  sufficient  grounds  for  a  settlement, 
110;  its  authority  defied  by  the  army, 
ib. ;  authorizes  a  Society  for  Propagat- 


ing' the  Gospel  in  New  England,  198; 
"  The  Rump  "  expelled  by  Cromwell, 
288. 

Lothrop,  Captain,  commands  a  company 
of  Massachusetts  troops  in  Philip's  war, 
III.  162  ;  engaged  in  the  affair  at  Sugar 
Loaf  Hill,  163;  commands  the  English 
at  Bloody  Brook  and  is  killed,  169. 

Louis  XIV.  his  power  and  resources.  III. 
4 ;  his  invasion  of  Flanders,  ib. ;  his 
position  in  reference  to  Charles  II.  9 ; 
his  religious  views,  10;  forms  a  treaty 
with  Charles  II.  12;  inclined  to  make 
peace  with  Holland,  24 ;  military  suc- 
cesses of,  against  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
25  ;  exhibits  no  displeasure  at  the  mur- 
riage  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  the 
Princess  Mary  of  England,  26 ;  his  wat 
with  Holland,  a  success,  28  ;  persuades 
Charles  II.  not  to  call  a  Parliament, 
270  ;  revokes  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  453  ; 
stirs  up  dissensions  between  James  II. 
and  his  subjects,  458. 

Lvdewig,  Mr.  quotation  from  his  "Lit- 
erature of  American  Aboriginal  Lan- 
guages," I.  19. 

Ludlow,  Mr.  Roger,  chosen  an  Assistant, 

I.  323 ;  falls  into  disgrace,  429  ;  chosen 
Assistant  in  Connecticut,  537  ;  settles  at 
Fairfield,  .538 ;  appointed  to  draw  up  a 
code,  II.  235  ;  departure  of,  and  remarks 
upon,  412. 

Luther,  his  church  polity,  what  and  where 

adopted,  II.  71. 
Lyford,  his  conduct  at  Plymouth,  I.  219; 

his  trial,  conviction,  and  removal,  220; 

makes  trouble  between  the  settlements 

at  Plymouth  and  Cape  Ann,  223. 
Lyijonia  Patent,  The,  594  ;  annexation  of, 

to  Massachusetts,  II.  387. 
Lynde,  Joseph,  a  victim  of  Andres's  writs 

of  intrusion.  III.  551. 

M. 

Madoc,  his  alleged  voyage  to  America, 
L  59. 

Maine,  superficial  measurement  of,  I.  3 ; 
situation  of,  ib.;  character  of  highlands,  6; 
size  of  rivers  in,  9  ;  district  system  of  rep- 
resentation in,  382  ;  origin  of  the  name, 
525;  boundaries  of,  ?7*. ;  government  of, un- 
der Gorges,  526  ;  divided  into  two  coun- 
ties, 527  ;  number  of  its  towns  in  1850, 

II.  12;  independent  government  organ- 
ized in,  383 ;  annexation  to  Massachu- 
setts, 384 ;  conflicting  claims  to  the  lands  ^ 
of,  620 ;  proceedings  of  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners in,  622  ;  description  of,  by 
the  Royal  Commissioners,  III.  38 ;  In- 
dian war  in,  206 ;  condition  of,  after  the 
Indian  war,  214  ;  destined  to  be  under 
the  government  of  Kirk,  395;  political 
condition  of,  after  the  Indian  war,  399  ; 
institution  of  a  government  for,  by  Mas- 


INDEX. 


627 


sachusetts,  400 ;  expression  of  gratitude 
to  Massaciiusetts,  &c.,  402  ;  probable 
population  of,  in  1679,  ib. ;  history 
during  tlie  Presidency  of  Dudley,  503  ; 
comprehended  within  Andros's  govern- 
ment, 5.32 ;  condition  of,  under  Palmer 
and  West,  533. 

Maistre,  De,  reflections  of,  upon  the  re- 
ligion, &c.,  of  the  Red  Men,  I.  49. 

Maize,  not  indigenous  in  New  England, 
1.27. 

Malabar,  name  given  by  the  French  to 
Nauset  Harbor,  I.  78. 

Manhatlan,  Dutch  settlement  at,  I.  235. 

Maniton,  signification  of,  I.  45. 

Mansfield,  Mount,  situation  and  height  of, 
I.  5. 

Mapes,  Walter,  his  Latin  poems,  I.  106. 

Markland,  a  supposed  early  name  for 
Nova  Scotia,  I.  53. 

Marstun  Moor,  battle  of,  II.  70. 

Martha's  Vineyard,  discovery  of,  I.  72. 

Martipi,  Richard,  a  Magistrate  and  Treas- 
urer of  New  Hampshire,  III.  403 ;  dis^ 
missed  from  the  government  by  Cran- 
field,  408 ;  prosecuted  for  official  mis- 
conduct, 414. 

Mart/,  Princess,  proclaimed  Queen  of  Eng- 
land, ni.  439. 

Mary,  Queen,  her  accession  to  the  throne, 
I.  114;  promises  to  make  no  alteration 
in  religion,  115;  her  hard  treatment 
of  Protestants,  116  ;  her  marriage,  ib. ; 
her  death,  ib. 

Mason,  Arthur,  a  Boston  constable,  ar- 
rests Sir  Robert  Carr  for  disorderly 
conduct,  II.  623. 

Mason,  John,  obtains  a  grant  of  certain 
lands  in  New  England,  I.  204 ;  made 
Vice- Admiral  of  New  England,  402 ; 
how  his  death  affected  the  interests  of 
New  England,  404  ;  is  patron  of  the 
plantation  at  the  mouth  of  the  Piscata- 
qua,  522;  his  will,  523  ;  libels  Governor 
Minuit's  ship  for  carrying  on  an  unlaw- 
ful trade,  624  ;  account  of  the  descend- 
ants of,  and  their  claim  to  lands  on  the 
Piscataqua,  II.  618. 

Mason,  John,  is  highly  esteemed  by  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax,  463  ;  an  account  of 
his  expedition  against  the  Pequots,  463  ; 
his  narrow  escape  from  death,  467  ;  re- 
turn of  his  expedition,  468. 

Mason,  Robert,  his  prospects  of  an  estate 
in  New  England  brighten,  II.  275  ;  has 
"  a  good  and  legal  title  to  the  Province 
of  New  Hampshire,"  281  ;  Judges  of 
England  decide  the  government  of  New 
Hampshire  not  to  be  vested  in,  307  ; 
visits  New  Hampshire,  gets  into  diffi- 
culty with  the  Provincial  government, 
and  returns  to  England,  406  ;  makes  a 
barsrain  with  Cranfield,  the  Governor 
of  New  Hampshire,  407  ;  quarrels  with 
Cranfield,  409 ;  his  claims  supported  by 


Cranfield,  412  ;  is  appointed  Chancellor 
of  New  Hampshire,  and  prosecutes  his 
claims  with  success,  413  ;  rejircsents 
New  Hampshire  in  Governor  Andros's 
Council,  534. 
Massachusetts,  superficial  measurement  of, 
I.  3 ;  situation  of,  ib. ;  height  of  moun- 
tains in,  5 ;  early  English  planters  in 
and  about,  233  ;  origin  of  the  settle- 
ment in,  284  ;  grant  of,  from  the  Coun- 
cil for  New  England,  288 ;  charter  of 
the  Governor  and  Company  of,  290; 
instructions  of  the  Governor  and  Com- 
pany of,  to  the  planters  at  Salem,  292  ; 
transfer  of  the  charter  of  the  Compa- 
ny of,  to  New  England,  301  ;  new  offi- 
cers of  the  Company  of,  303  ;  position 
and  character  of  its  members,  304 ; 
right  of  the  Company  of,  to  convey  its 
charter  to  America,  306 ;  comprehen- 
sive designs  of  the  Company,  308 ; 
financial  arrangements,  310;  adoption 
of  new  rules  for  the  Company  of,  322  ; 
religious  test  for  the  franchise  of,  345  ; 
freemen  of  the  Colony  of,  resume  the 
right  of  election,  &c.,  354  ;  aiTival  of 
more  colonists  in,  356  ;  scarcity  of  food 
in,  363  ;  preparations  against  the  French, 
363 ;  complaints  against  the  Colonists 
before  the  Privy  Council,  364  ;  re-elec- 
tion of  magistrates  at,  366  ;  renewal  of 
emigration  to,  367 ;  scarcity  of  corn 
among  the  plantations  of,  369 ;  public 
thanksgivings,  ib. ;  renewal  of  com- 
plaints at  Court  against  the  Colony  of, 
370;  reform  of  the  government  in,  371 ; 
number  of  towns  and  of  inhabitants  in, 
ib. ;  form  of  the  Freeman's  oath,  377 ; 
wise  action  of  the  freemen,  378  ;  condi- 
tion of  the  settlers  in,  883 ;  freemen  and 
magistrates  in,  384;  clergy,  ib.;  inde- 
pendent action  a  necessity  of  the  Colon- 
ists of,  386  ;  political  rights  of  the  free- 
men of,  387  ;  arrival  of  important  in- 
telligence from  England,  389  ;  answer 
of  the  Colonists  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele 
and  Lord  Brooke,  389  ;  colonial  commis- 
sion for,  and  recall  of  the  charter  of,  39 1  ; 
policy  of  the  Court  in  relation  to,  391  ; 
apprehensions  of  the  sending  of  a  Gov- 
ernor from  England,  395  ;  military  com- 
mission organized  at,  396  ;  quo  warranto 
against  the  company  of,  402  ;  English 
view  of  the  rights  of  the  colonists  in, 
403  ;  elections  by  ballot  in,  429 ;  muti- 
lation of  the  English  flag,  430  ;  legisla- 
tive proceedings  in,  431  ;  formation  of 
churches  in,  432  ;  formation  of  towns  in, 
434  ;  arrival  of  three  distinguished  men 
in,  435  ;  conference  of  leaders,  437  ;  in- 
stitution of  a  "  Council  for  Life,"   in, 

441  ;   proposal  for  a  code  of  laws  in, 

442  ;  freemen  allowed  to  vote  by  proxy, 

443  ;  military  organization,  ib. ;  scheme 
of  emigration  from,  to  Connecticut,  444 ; 


628 


INDEX. 


question  respecting  a  veto  power  of  the 
magistrates,  448 ;  magistrates  permit 
emigration  to  Connecticut,  449  ;  emi- 
gration to,  in  1635;  levy  of  men  and 
money  in,  for  tiie  Pequot  war,  462 ; 
Mrs.  Ann  Hutchinson  trouhles  the  mag- 
istrates, 472 ;  meeting  of  magistrates 
and  elders  to  pacify  relisious  differen- 
ces, 476;  appointment  of  a  fast,  477; 
increase  of  excitement,  478  ;  passage  of 
an  Alien  Law,  483  ;  magistrates  exer- 
cise control  over  the  township  of  Hamp- 
ton, 516;  institution  of  a  college  in, 
548  ;  renewed  prosperity,  550  ;  the  An- 
cient and  Honorable  Artillery  Com- 
pany, 551  ;  progress  of  organization, 
legislation  and  administration,  551  ;  re- 
striction of  the  number  of  Deputies, 
554 ;  restriction  of  the  "  Council  for 
Life,"  555  ;  renewed  demand  from  Eng- 
land for  the  charter,  556  ;  danger  of  the 
settlers  of,  going  over  to  the  Dutch, 
559  ;  mission  to  England  from,  582  ; 
territorial  claim  of,  587  ;  accession  of 
the  New  Hampshire  settlements  to,  592  ; 
divided  into  counties,  593  ;  annexation 
of  Pejepscot  ■  to,  ib. ;  general  remarks 
upon,  610  ;  relief  law  in,  ib.  ;  disuse  of 
the  oath  of  allegiance  in,  614;  renewal 
of  the  question  about  a  "  Council  for 
Life,"  614 ;  names  of  the  towns  and 
counties  of,  in  1643,  617;  legislature 
divided  into  two  branches,  618;  the 
"  falling  out  of  a  great  business,  upon 
a  very  small*  occasion,"  in,  ib.;  the 
question  about  the  Magistrates'  negative, 
621  ;  vote  upon  the  question  of  dividing 
the  legislative  body,  622  ;  position  of,  in 
reference  to  the  confederation,  627  ;  ob- 
ject of  the  planters  in  establishing  the 
colony  of,  II.  3  ;  position  of  the  Colony 
of,  with  respect  to  the  settlements  on  the 
Connecticut  River,  4  ;  no  claim  for  a 
political  union  with  Plymouth,  ib. ;  no 
desire  for  a  union  with  Providence  and 
Rhode  Island,  ih.  ;  population  of,  at  the 
time  of  the  confederation,  5  ;  only  under 
the  control  of  the  freemen,  7  ;  franchise 
confined  to  church-members,  8  ;  yearly 
election  of  Magistrates  required  by  the 
charter,  9 ;  forms  of  election  of  the 
highest  officers,  10;  remuneration  of 
the  Magistrates  and  Deputies,  11  ;  first 
poll-tax,  ib.  ;  number  of  its  towns  at 
the  confederation,  13  ;  the  "Inferior," 
"  Town,"  "  Merchants,"  and  other  courts 
in,  15  ;  juries  and  trial  by,  18  ;  equity 
at  first  the  only  law  in,  22  ;  rulers  op- 
posed to  a  written  code,  ib.  ;  Funda- 
mental laws  or  "  The  Body  of  Liber- 
ties." 22 ;  capital  crimes,  28 ;  laws 
of  inheritance  and  servitude,  29  ;  revis- 
ion of  "  The  Body  of  Liberties,"  31  ; 
support  of  and  Httcndance  upon  the 
ministers  enforced  by  law,  33 ;  virtues 


of  the  planters  of,  35  ;  insensible  union 
of  Church  and  State  in,  39  ;  first  steps 
in  respect  to  education  and  schools  in, 
46;  military  age  defined  in,  49;  mili- 
tary force  at  the  confederation,  50;  re- 
fuses to  go  to  war  with  the  Indians,  114; 
Pawtuxet  surrendered  to,  120;  Magis- 
trates interfere  with  Gorton  and  his 
party  at  Pawtuxet,  121 ;  not  influenced 
by  greed  of  territory,  122;  takes  the 
sachems  of  Shawomet  under  her  pro- 
tection, 123;  proceedings  against  Gor- 
ton's company  at  Shawomet,  130;  title 
of,  to  the  lands  of  Shawomet,  135  ;  her 
position  in  the  New  England  confede- 
racy, 142;  her  transactions  with  the 
French  in  Acadie,  144;  her  conduct  to- 
wards the  French  censured  by  the  Fed- 
eral Commissioners,  151;  dissensions 
and  changes  among  the  Magistrates, 
154;  cabal  in  Essex  County,  157;  dis- 
pute between  Magistrates  and  Depu- 
ties, 158;  settlement  of  the  di.spute, 
160  ;  precautions  against  a  party  for 
the  King,  161  ;  demonstrations  of  inde- 
pendence, 161  ;  independence  of  the 
churches,  165;  cabal  of  Presbyterians, 
166;  Synod  at  Cambridge,  170;  appeal 
to  the  home  government  by  the  Presby- 
terian party,  174;  "  Declaration  "  of 
the  General  Court,  ib. ;  proceedings 
against  the  malecontents,  ib.  ;  theory 
of  the  relation  of  the  Colony  to  the 
home  government,  176;  Magistrates' 
seizure  of  some  of  Vassall's  party,  177  ; 
result  of  the  Synod,  and  rise  of  Congre- 
gationalism, 179;  action  of  the  General 
Court  with  reference  to  the  Indians, 
188;  settlement  of  the  quarrel  with  De 
Charnise,  201  ;  ordered  by  Parliament 
to  stay  proceedings  against  the  settlers 
at  Shawomet,  206 ;  doubts  as  to  the 
policy  of  obeying  the  mandate  from 
England,  207  ;  representations  to  Par- 
liament, and  to  the  Parliamentary  Com- 
missioners, 208  ;  reply  of  the  Commis- 
sioners to  the  claim  of  exemption  from 
appeals,  213;  number  of  men  for  the 
Narragansett  war  contributed  by,  225 ; 
dispute  between  the  Magistrates  and 
Deputies,  228 ;  objects  to  Connecticut 
laying  duties  upon  exports,  240  ;  symp- 
toms of  dissatisfaction  with  the  confed- 
eracy, 242 ;  proposal  of,  for  a  revision 
of  the  Articles  of  Union,  243;  retalia- 
tory action  against  the  imposts  laid  by 
Connecticut,  248 ;  proposal  to  reduce 
the  number  of  Deputies  in,  252  ;  restora- 
tion of  Dudley  and  Winthrop  to  power, 
253  ;  General  Court's  dealing  with  a  kid- 
napper of  negroes,  254;  disturliance  at 
Hingham,  ih.\  dispute  between  the  Mag- 
istrates and  Deputies,  255  ;  election 
of  Winthrop  to  be  Governor,  260  ;  free- 
men choose  the  Federal  Commissioners, 


INDEX. 


629 


ib. ;  proceedings  for  a  code  of  laws,  ib. ; 
improvements  of  the  revenue  system  and 
levy  of  a  poll  tax,  261  ;  institution  of 
common  schools,  262 ;  population  in 
1647,  as  compared  with  the  other  Colo- 
nies, 272  ;  difficulty  with  Plymouth, 
312;  reluctance  to  make  war  upon  the 
Dutch,  314  ;  considers  the  "sixth  arti- 
cle of  confederation "  to  apply  only 
to  defensive  war,  319  ;  reflections  upon 
the  conduct  of,  321  ;  opposes  the  wish 
of  the  other  Colonies  to  make  war  upon 
the  Nyantics,  325  ;  explanation  of,  as  to 
the  construction  put  upon  the  articles  of 
confederation,  327 ;  law  against  Bap- 
tists, 346 ;  visit  of  Clarke  and  other 
Baptists  to,  351  ;  remarks  upon  the 
leading  men  of,  381  ;  extension  of  ter- 
ritory, 382  ;  annexation  of  Maine  to, 
384;  annexation  of  Lygonia  and  other 
settlements  to,  387  ;  answer  of  General 
Court  to  Cromwell's  plan  of  removal  to 
Jamaica,  391  ;  prosperity  of,  393;  revi- 
sal  and  republication  of  the  laws,  394  ; 
ecclesiastical  law  in,  ib. ;  sensibility  to 
dangers  from  heretics,  ih.;  virtual  inde- 
pendence in  respect  to  England,  398  ; 
comes  into  conflict  with  other  English  col- 
onies, especially  Virginia,  402 ;  coinage 
of  money,  403  ;  sends  an  address  to  King 
Charles  II.,  448  ;  and  to  his  Parliament, 
449  ;  instructions  to  the  agents  in  Eng- 
land, 450  ;  uneasiness  as  to  the  attitude 
of  Charles  II.,  451  ;  arrival  of  the  Qua- 
kers looked  for  with  alarm,  461  ;  pro- 
ceedings against  the  Quakers,  465  ;  re- 
flections upon  the  course  pursued  by, 
against  the  Quakers,  485  ;  proceedings 
against  the  Baptists,  ib. ;  relaxation  of 
ecclesiastical  severities,  493 ;  her  ad- 
dress to  Charles  the  Second  favorably 
received,  494 ;  proceedings  against  en- 
croachment from  England,  512;  rela- 
tions of  the  Colony  to  England,  514 ; 
Charles  the  Second  proclaimed  King, 
517  ;  mission  of  Bradstreet  and  Norton 
to  England,  521;  new  coinage,  525; 
return  of  Bradstreet  and  Norton,  526  ; 
letter  from  King  Charles  the  Second 
abridging  the  local  authority,  527  ;  pro- 
ceedings of  General  Court  in  relation  to 
Charles  the  Second's  demands,  528 ; 
further  questions  with  Connecticut  as  to 
jurisdiction  over  lands  on  Pequot  River, 
552  ;  disputes  with  Rhode  Island  con- 
cerning lands  on  the  Paucatuck  River, 
571  ;  independent  position  in  reference 
to  England,  574  ;  action  of  the  General 
Court  upon  intelligence  of  coercive  mea- 
sures on  the  part  of  the  parent  country, 
576  ;  arrival  of  ships  of  war  from  Eng- 
land with  Royal  Commissioners,  578  ; 
objects  of  the  commission  explained  in 
a  royal  letter,  582  ;  private  instructions 
of  the  Commissioners,  583  ;  response 
53* 


of  the  General  Court  to  the  Commis- 
sioners, ib.;  modification  of  the  franchise 
in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  the  King, 
587  ;  petition  of  the  General  Court  to 
the  King,  588 ;  a  meeting  of  all  the  in- 
habitants of,  desired  by  the  Royal 
Commissioners,  597  ;  dissatisfaction  of 
the  King  and  Court  with  the  conduct 
of,  607  ;  debate  between  the  Royal 
Commissioners  and  the  Magistrates,  608; 
Manifesto  of  the  Commissioners,  609 ; 
discussion  of  public  matters  between 
the  General  Court  and  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners, 610  ;  affair  of  John  Por- 
ter, 61 1 ;  further  discussion  of  public 
matters  between  the  General  Court 
and  the  Royal  Commissioners,  612 ; 
form  of  the  oath  of  allegiance  drawn  up 
by  the  General  Court,  614  ;  dissatisfac- 
tion of  the  Royal  Commissioners,  615; 
rupture  between  them  and  the  General 
Court,  616;  helplessness  of  the  Royal 
Commissioners,  617;  their  departure 
from  Boston,  618  ;  the  General  Court  as- 
signs lands  on  the  Piscataqua  to  heirs 
of  Captain  John  Mason,  ib. ;  committee 
appointed  by  the  General  Court  to  fore- 
stall the  action  of  the  Royal  Commission- 
ers in  New  Hampshire,  619  ;  jurisdiction 
over  the  Eastern  settlements  vigorously 
asserted  by  the  General  Court,  621  ; 
cautionary  proceedings  of  the  General 
Court  in  reference  to  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners, 622  ;  dispersion  of  the  Royal 
Commissioners,  623  ;  displeasure  of  the 
King  at  the  conduct  of,  624  ;  demand 
for  agents  to  be  sent  to  England  from, 
625  ;  action  of  the  General  Court  upo'b 
the  King's  angry  letter,  625  ;  division 
of  counsels  in  the  General  Court  as  to 
the  King's'  prerogative,  627  ;  timely 
present  to  the  King  from  the  General 
Court,  625  ;  the  General  Court  rejects  the 
proposal  for  an  expedition  against  New 
France,  630  ;  inclination  of  the  leading 
minds  in  England  towards,  632  ;  resto- 
ration of  the  authority  of,  in  Maine,  632  ; 
probable  population  of,  in  1665,  III. 
35  ;  description  of,  by  tiie  Royal  Com- 
missioners, 38 ;  number  of  freemen  in, 
in  1670,  41  ;  early  pretensions  to  sov- 
ereignty in,  42  ;  courts  of  justice,  42  ; 
judicial  processes,  43  ;  inheritances,  44  ; 
offences  and  penalties,  45  ;  militia,  48  ; 
religious  observances,  49  ;  revenue  sys- 
tem, 50 ;  regulations  for  shipping  and 
commerce,  ib.  ;  inspection  laws,  52 ; 
prohibitions  and  regulations  of  trade, 
ib. ;  municipal  and  police  regulations, 
55  ;  dissatisfied  with  the  new  plan  of 
confederation,  77  ;  agitations  respecting 
the  Half- Way  Covenant,  85  ;  renewed 
controver.sy  with  the  Baptists,  88  ; 
troubles  in  the  college,  93 ;  extension 
of,  to  the  eastward,  96 ;  abandons  her 


630 


INDEX. 


interest  in  the  Pequot  lands,  109  ;  de- 
clines a  proposition  from  Connecticut 
for  an  invasion  of  New  France,  115; 
proceedinfTS  of,  respecting  the  Dutch, 
121;  formidable  preparations  for  war 
in,  1 22  ;  general  alarm  on  account  of 
the  Indians,  162;  forces  sent  to  the 
Connecticut  River,  ih. ;  code  of  "  laws 
and  ordinances  of  war,"  172  ;  despatches 
a  force  against  the  Indians  of  Maine, 
209  ;  urges  upon  Connecticut  and  Plym- 
outh a  further  levy  of  troops,  213  ;  par- 
tial statement  of  expenses  incurred  by, 
during  the  Indian  war,  216;  impov- 
erished by  the  Indian  war,  230 ;  pro- 
ceedings in  reference  to  the  mission 
of  Edward  Randolph,  286;  the  General 
Court's  "  humble  petition  and  address 
to  his  Majesty ,v  292  ;  sends  agents  to 
England,  ib.  ;  instructions  to  the  agents, 
294  ;  proceedings  in  England  against, 
305  ;  Lords  of  the  Coinmittee  report 
violations  of  the  Navigation  laws,  306  ; 
the  Judges  of  England  decide  against  lier 
claims  to  Maine  and  New  Hampsliire, 
307  ;  and  in  favor  of  the  charter  of 
Charles  the  First  as  constituting  "  a 
corporation  upon  the  place,"  ib. ;  ap- 
pearance of  her  agents  before  the  Privy 
Council,  ib.  ;  the  General  Court  pass  an 
order  to  observe  the  Navigation  Laws, 
311;  buys  the  Province  of  Maine  of 
Gorges,  312  ;  condition  of  things  in 
England  more  and  more  unfavorable 
to,  313;  the  charter  in  danger,  314; 
the  taking  of  the  oath  of  allegiance  en- 
forced, 315  ;  report  of  the  Crown  law- 
yers upon  the  legal  condition  of,  316; 
the  Lords  of  Committee  recommend  that 
a  quo  warranto  be  brought  against  the 
charter  of.  317  ;  reply  of  the  agents  of, 
to  Randolph's  representations,  318  ; 
agents  of,  beg  leave  to  return  home, 
319;  further  concessions  to  the  crown, 
320 ;  the  General  Court  prepares  an  ad- 
dress to  the  King,  and  sends  further  in- 
structions to  its  agent,  321 ;  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee  assail  the  "liber- 
ties ecclesiastical,"  324 ;  return  of  the 
agents  to,  327  ;  parties  in,  3-'8  ;  an  ac- 
count of  the  "  Reforming  Synod,"  330  ; 
'  letter  from  the  King  by  the  agents, 
333  ;  action  of  the  General  Court  upon 
the  King's  letter,  334  ;  letter  of  the 
General  Court  to  the  Earl  of  Sunder- 
land, 335  ;  answer  of  the  General  Court 
to  the  demands  of  the  King,  336  ;  a 
second  letter  from  the  King  to,  341  ; 
action  of  the  General  Court  thereupon, 
342  ;  choice  of  agents  to  go  to  England, 
ib.;  testimony  of  Lord  Culpepper  and 
others  before  the  Privy  Council  against, 
343 ;  revisal  of  the  laws,  348  ;  reply  of 
the  General  Court  to  the  King's  second 
letter,  349  ;  another  and  peremptory  let- 


ter from  the  King,  350  ;  makes  new  con- 
cessions to  the  King,  351  ;  despatch  of 
agents  to  England,  352  ;  Randolph's 
active  hostility  to,  354  ;  parties  in,  at 
the  time  of  the  second  agency  to  Eng- 
land, 359  ;  the  moderate  party,  ib.  ; 
the  clergy,  360  ;  the  popular  party, 
361  ;  Bradstreet,  Stoughton,  and  Dud- 
ley, 362  ;  proceedings  of  the  agents  of,' 
in  England,  369  ;  hopelessness  of  the 
cause  of,  in  England,  370  ;  proceedings 
of  the  government  of,  upon  receipt  of 
gloomy  intelligence  from  England,  371 ; 
humble  petition  sent  to  the  King,  ib. ; 
new  conimission  and  instructions  to  the 
agents  in  England,  372  ;  petition  and 
address  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  King, 
374  ;  process  against  the  charter  of, 
376  ;  reception  of  the  qtio  warranto  pro- 
cess, and  proceedings  thereupon,  378  ; 
submission  of  the  Magistrates,  380  ; 
persistence  of  the  Deputies.  381  ;  argu- 
ments of  the  patriot  party  for  resisting 
the  claims  of  the  King's  ministers, 
ib.  ;  arguments  for  a  resignation  of  the 
Charter  refuted,  383 ;  the  Charter  va- 
cated by  a  decree  of  the  English  Court 
of  Chancery,  390  ;  sketch  of  the  legal 
proceedings,  ib. ;  action  of  the  General 
Court  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the 
vacating  of  the  Charter,  ib. ;  political 
condition  of,  without  the  Charter,  394  ;  a 
Governor  appointed  and  important  regu- 
lations made  for,  395  ;  why  no  resistance 
was  made  to  the  Crown  by,  396 ;  pro- 
visional arrangements  of  James  the  Sec- 
ond for,  480 ;  King  James  the  Second 
proclaimed  in,  481  ;  despondency  in, 
ib. ;  last  election  under  the  Charter,  484 ; 
a  provisional  government  constituted, 
ib. ;  General  Court  abdicate  tlie  govern- 
ment under  protest,  486  ;  proceedings  of 
the  new  government,  492  ;  Governor 
and  Company  of,  their  title  to  lands  in 
New  England,  512;  tenure  of  land 
in,  according  to  the  theory  of  An- 
dros's  government,  513;  resistance  to 
Andros's  imposition  of  taxes,  524  ;  re- 
sistance suppressed,  526 ;  demand  of 
quitrents,  529  ;  seizure  of  common 
lands,  530 ;  extortion  of  excessive  fees, 
531  ;  degradation  of  the  Council,  ib. ; 
reception  of  the  Declaration  of  Indul- 
gence in,  548  ;  news  of  the  landing  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  in  England  reaches, 
574 ;  affidavit  of  John  Winslow,  ib. ; 
rising  in  Boston  against  Andros,  577; 
manifesto  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolt, 
578;  rapid  spread  of  the  revolt  and 
summons  to  the  Governor,  580 ;  impris- 
onment of  the  Governor,  and  occupation 
of  the  Castle  in  Boston  Harbor,  581 
stripping  of  the  Rose  frigate,  582  ;  im 
prisonment  of  Andros's  adherents,  582 
resentment  against  Dudley,  584  ;  quota- 


INDEX. 


631 


tions  from  Bulkeley,  Captain  George, 
Randolph  and  others  respecting  the  re- 
volt, 583  ;  provisional  government  of, 
succeeding  Andros,  687 ;  Convention 
of  Delegates  from  the  towns  called,  588  ; 
hesitation  about  returning  to  the  old 
form  of  government,  ib. ;  second  Con- 
vention of  Delegates  of  the  towns,  and 
provisional  re-establishment  of  the  an- 
cient government,  589 ;  William  and 
Mary  proclaimed,  590  ;  arrival  of  Sir 
William  Vhipps,  ih. ;  King  William  re- 
tracts his  order  for  a  confirmation  of, 
under  the  government  of  Andros,  591  ; 
meeting  of  the  General  Court,  593 ; 
impeachment  of  Andros  and  his  retain- 
ers, 593. 

Massasoit,  an  Indian  chief,  visits  the  first 
settlers  at  Plymouth,  and  forms  a  treaty 
with  them,  I.  178  ;  Plymouth  people 
send  an  embassy  to,  1 83 ;  his  house- 
keeping, ib. ;  good  will  of,  towards  the 
Plymouth  settlers,  ib. ;  visit  of  Winslow 
to,  201  ;  his  death,  and  the  succession 
to  his  power  by  his  sons,  III.  142. 

Mather,  Cotton,  probable  author  of  the 
Revolution  Manifesto,  579. 

Mather,  Increase,  Pastor  of  the  Second 
Church  of  Boston,  his  mission  to  Eng- 
land, III,  555  ;  some  account  of,  ib. ; 
reputed  author  of  a  letter  to  Amster- 
dam, &c.,  556 ;  denies  the  authorship 
of  the  letter,  ib.;  prosecuted  by  Edward 
Randolph  for  a  libel,  and  is  acquitted, 
557  ;  invited  to  take  charge  of  Har- 
vard College,  556  ;  his  interviews  with 
the  King  and  others,  564  ;  petitions  for 
leave  to  hold  assemblies  in  the  Colonies, 
565  ;  obtains  an  arrest  of  the  order  for 
continuing  Andros  in  power,  591  ;  pe- 
titions for  a  restoration  of  the  privileges 
of  the  New-England  Colonies,  592. 

Mather,  Richard,  defends  Independency 
against  Presbytcrianism,  II.  86. 

Maude,  Rev.  Daniel,  appointed  a  school- 
master at  Boston,  II.  47. 

Maurice,  Prince,  ambition  of,  I.  144. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  signs  a  Memorial 
against  the  proceedings  of  Massachu- 
setts, II.  168;  one  of  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners to  New  England,  578 ;  his 
qualifications  for  the  office,  581  ;  imperi- 
ous conduct  of,  as  a  Royal  Commissioner, 
582  ;  an  inhabitant  of  New  York,  623  ; 
revisits  Boston,  and  has  an  interview 
with  Governor  Bellingham,  625 ;  pro- 
tests against  the  action  of  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts,  628. 

Mayflower,  the,  sailing  of,  I.  159  ;  origin 
of  some  passengers  in  the,  160;  inci- 
dents in  the  voyage  of,  162  ;  arrival  of, 
at  Cape  Cod,  164;  return  to  England 
of,  1 80 ;  birth  of  children  on  board  of, 
182. 

Mayhew,    Thomas,    settles    at    Martha's 


Vineyard  and  teaches  the  Indians,  IT. 
146  ;  some  account  of,  ib. ;  method  of 
instructing  the  Indians,  1 97  ;  success 
of  his  labors  at  Martha's  Vineyard, 
339. 

Mayhew,  Thomas,  the  elder,  succeeds  his 
son  as  missionary  on  Martha's  Vine- 
yard, II.  340. 

Mazarin,  Cardinal,  his  fear  of  Cromwell, 
II.  286. 

Merchant  Adventurers,  disagreement  of 
with  the  Leyden  congregation,  I.  155; 
their  letter  to  the  Plymouth  Colonists, 
212;  faction  among,  216;  disruption 
of  the  partnership  of,  221. 

Metacomet,  son  of  Massasoit.     See  Philip. 

Mey,  made  Director  of  the  settlement  at 
Manhattan,  I.  237. 

Miantonomo,  his  visit  to  Boston,  I.  361  ; 
his  equivocal  conduct  toward  the  set- 
tlers, II.  112;  plans  a  general  massacre 
of  the  English,  114  ;  sells  land  to  Gor- 
ton, 122  ;  appears  before  the  Court  at 
Boston,  124;  makes  war  upon  Uncas 
and  is  defeated,  124  ;  the  Federal  Com- 
missioners advise  Uncas  to  put  him  to 
death,  125;  execution  of,  128;  reflec- 
tions upon  the  conduct  of  the  Federal 
Commissioners,  ib. 

Michaelius,  Jonas,  first  minister  at  New 
Amsterdam,  I.  238. 

Middlesex,  one  of  the  four  original  coun- 
ties in  Massachusetts  ;  towns  in,  in  1643, 
I. 'fel7. 

Milford,  settlement  at,  I.  534  ;  principal 
founders  and  form  of  government,  ib. ; 
unites  with  the  New  Haven  Colony, 
602. 

M///enarT/ Petition,  I.  127;  subscribers  of, 
committed  to  prison,  131. 

Milton,  his  censure  of  the  tyranny  of  the 
English  bishops,  I.  557  ;  Mrs.  Sadlier's 
opinion  of,  II.  357. 

Ministers  of  New  England,  their  number 
and  character  at  the  confederation,  II. 
38  ;  primitive  theory  and  practice  con- 
cerning, in  New  England,  39. 

Minuit,  Peter,  Director  of  the  settlement 
at  Manhattan,  I.  237 ;  is  driven  into  the 
English  port  of  Plymouth,  where  his 
ship  is  libelled,  624. 

Mitchell,  Jonathan,  minister  at  Cambridge, 
dissatisfied  •  with  Dunster's  faith,  II. 
398 ;  one  of  a  committee  to  draw  up  a 
petition  to  the  King,  587 ;  his  opinion 
upon  agitating  religious  questions,  HI. 
87. 

Mohawks,  the,  never  had  a  permanent  resi- 
dence in  New  England,  I.  24. 

Mohegans,  their  power,  II.  112  ;  their 
troubles  with  the  Narragansetts,  113. 

A/bnat/noci, Mount,  situation  and  height  of, 
I.  6. 

Monk,  George,  plots  for  the  restoration 
of  monarchy,  II.  419;   occupies  Lon- 


632 


INDEX. 


don,  421 ;  created  Duke  of  Albemarle, 
425. 

Monmouth,  Duke  of,  put  forward  as  heir 
to  the  throne,  III.  255  ;  leads  the  royal 
forces  ajjainst  the  Scots,  268 ;  insur- 
rection of,  449  ;  defeat,  capture,  and  ex- 
ecution of,  450. 

Montrose,  Marquis  of,  King  Charles's  lieu- 
tenant in  Scotland,  defeated  by  Lesley, 
II.  100  ;  his  execution,  439. 

Moodi/,  Eev.  Mr.,  of  Portsmouth,  de- 
nounced by  the  royal  officials,  III. 
406  ;  refuses  to  administer  the  sacra- 
ment to  Governor  Cranfield,  and  is  im- 
prisoned, 416. 

Moose/lead  Lake,  situation  and  size  of,  I. 
9. 

Moosehillock,  Mount,  situation  and  height 
of,  I.  6. 

Mortmain,  statute  of,  an  efficient  protec- 
tion against  the  cupidity  of  the  monks, 
I.  102. 

Morton,  Rev.  Charles,  bound  over  for  trial 
for  preaching  a  seditions  sermon.  III. 
547  ;  some  account  of,  ib. 

Morton,  Thomas,  his  evil  practices  at 
Mount  WoUaston,  I.  231  ;  his  punish- 
ment, 319  ;  employed  as  solicitor  by  the 
Council  of  New  England,  401. 

Moseley,  Captain,  commands  a  company 
against  the  Indians,  III.  156  ;  his  pecu- 
liar mode  of  fighting,  162  ;  attacks  the 
Indians  after  their  victory  at  Bloody 
Brook,  170;  petitions  for  an  indepen- 
dent command,  193. 

Mount  Desert,  occupied  by  the  French,  I. 
85. 

Mount  Hope,  residence  of  the  Sachem 
Philip,  III.  154;  abandoned  by  Philip, 
156. 

Mountains  of  New  England,  increase  in 
height  of,  towards  the  north,  I.  5  ;  their 
influence  upon  the  sites  for  early  settle- 
ment, 7. 

Mount  WoUaston,  settlement  at,  I.  222 ; 
troubles  at,  232. 

Mugg,  an  Indian  Sachem  of  Maine,  con- 
cludes a  treaty  with  the  English,  III. 
211;  killed  in  battle,  212. 

N. 

^adhorth,  Samuel,  (pseudonyme,)  letter  to 
England,  II.  628. 

Narragansetts,  the,  threaten  the  Plymouth 
Colonists  vrith  war,  I.  196;  their  alli- 
ance with  the  English,  460 ;  their  power 
after  the  overthrow  of  the  Pequots,  II. 
112;  their  trouble  with  the  Mohegans, 
113;  their  hostile  designs  against  the 
English,  ib. ;  cede  their  country  to  the 
king,  136;  truce  with,  139;  further  hos- 
tile movements  of,  against  the  Mohe- 
gans, 224 ;  treaty  of  peace  with,  at  Bos- 
ton, 229 ;    break  the  treaty,   ih. ;    their 


country  erected  by  Royal  Commission- 
ers into  a  separate  province,  602 ;  alU- 
ance  with  the  English  against  Philip, 
III.  158;  alarm  respecting,  172;  co- 
lonial troops  march  against,  175 ;  attack 
upon  the  fort  of,  176;  condition  of,  af- 
ter the  capture  of  their  fort,  181 ;  mo- 
tives of,  for  war,  228  ;  proceedings  in 
the  country  of,  by  Dudley's  govern- 
ment, 506. 

Naseby,  battle  of,  II.  99. 

Natick,  native  converts  at,  II.  336. 

Naumkeag,  removal  of  Cape  Ann  settle- 
ment to,  I.  286 ;  Higginson's  descrip- 
tion of,  294. 

Nausets,  the,  hostility  of,  to  the  English, 
I.  177;  visit  of  some  Plymouth  people 
to,  184. 

Navigation  Act,  provisions  of  the,  11.  282 ; 
how  regarded  by  the  Dutch,  283 ;  ex- 
tended, 445  ;  opinions  of  eminent  pub- 
licists upon.  III.  276. 

Naylor,  James,  an  English  Quaker,  11. 
458. 

Neal,  Captain  Walter,  settles  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Piscataqua,  I.  522. 

Nelson,  John,  captures  Fort  Hill  and  Gov- 
ernor Andros,  III.  581  ;  a  relative  of 
Sir  Thomas  Temple,  584. 

Netherlands,  the,  disturbances  in,  I.  144. 

New  Amsterdam,  population  of,  I.  238 ; 
transactions  of  the  settlers  at,  with  New 
England,  II.  143  ;  captured  by  the  Eng- 
lish and  named  New  York,  II.  391 ;  re- 
taken by  the  Dutch,  34;  anger  at,  be- 
cause of  the  peace  of  Westminster,  126. 

Newbunj,  battle  of,  I.  378 ;  second  battle 
of,  li.  71. 

Neivcastle,  Marquis  of,  retreats  before  the 
Scots,  to  York,  II.  69  ;  advises  against 
the  battle  of  Marston  Moor,  70. 

New  England,  physical  conformation  of, 
I.  1  ;  area  of,  2  ;  boundaries  of,  3 ; 
superficial  measurement,  ib. ;  extent  of 
its  sea-coast,  ib. ;  Long  Island,  attached 
by  nature  to,  ib.  ;  elevations  of  the 
coast  of,  ib.  ;  ranges  of  highlands  of, 
3 ;  height  of  mountains  in,  5 ;  source 
and  direction  of  the  rivers  of,  7  ;  lakes, 
harbors,  and  bays  of,  9  ;  meteorology, 
climate,  and  soil  of,  10 ;  local  diseases 
of,  12;  climatic  influences  of,  13;  agri- 
culture of,  ib.;  minerals  of,  15;  botanical 
productions  of,  15;  fishes,  birds,  insects, 
reptiles,  and  quadrupeds  of,  17;  aborigi- 
nal inhabitants  of  see  Aborigines;  sup- 
posed early  discovery  of,  by  the  North- 
men, 53  ;  not  visited  by  the  Welsh,  59  ; 
almost  overlooked  by  the  early  naviga- 
tors to  America,  69 ;  designated  by  Ra- 
leigh as  North  Virginia,  74  ;  in  danger 
of  French  occupation,  77  ;  first  called 
New  England  by  Capt  John  Smith,  93  ; 
early  maps  of,  95  ;  incorporation  of  the 
Council  for,    192;   perplexities   of  tiie 


INDEX. 


633 


Council  for,  204 ;  further  attempts  at 
colonization  of,  ib.  ;  grants  of  land  in, 
to  Gorges  and  Mason,  205  ;  project  for 
a  general  government  of,  206 ;  distribu- 
tion of  its  territory  amongst  several  no- 
blemen, 222  ;  map  of  the  south  part  of, 
for  1634,  360;  dissolution  of  the  Coun- 
cil for,  397  ;  a  statement  of  some  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Council  for,  398 ; 
war  of  the  settlers  with  the  Pequots, 
456  ;  estimated  number  of  inhabitants 
in  1638,  557  ;  influence  of  the  English 
revolution  upon  the  politics  of,  579 ; 
ministers  of,  invited  to  the  Westminster 
Assembly,  581  ;  discontinuance  of  emi- 
gration to,  584 ;  number  of  emigrants 
to,  down  to  1643,  ib.;  return  of  emigrants 
to  England  from,  585  ;  articles  of  con- 
federation of  the  four  Colonies  of,  630 ; 
Parliamentary  commission  for  the  gov- 
ernment of,  633  ;  the  confederation  of 
the  Colonies  an  epoch  in  the  history  of, 
II.  3 ;  gradual  consolidation  of  the  set- 
tlements throughout,  5  ;  population  and 
prosperity  of  the  Confederacy  of,  5 ; 
self-government  in  the  Colonies  of,  7 ; 
conditions  of  the  franchise,  8  ;  magis- 
trates, 9  ;  deputies,  1 0 ;  towns,  1 1  ;  courts 
of  justice,  15  ;  juries,  18  ;  processes,  19 ; 
regulation  of  prices  and  expenses,  33  ;  le- 
gal obligation  to  attend  public  worship, 
34 ;  organization  of  separate  churches, 
36  ;  number  and  character  of  the  min- 
isters at  the  time  of  the  confederation, 
38  ;  mutual  relation  of  churches,  39  ; 
manner  of  conducting  public  worship 
in,  40;  marriages  and  burials  in,  43; 
observance  of  the  Sabbath,  fast  days, 
feast  days,  &c ,  ib.;  provisions  for  learn- 
ing, 45 ;  military  system,  49 ;  cul- 
tivation of  the  soil,  and  its  produc- 
tions, 52  ;  domestic  animals,  53  ;  man- 
ufactures, ib. ;  products  of  the  woods, 
54  ;  fisheries,  55  ;  ship-building,  56 ; 
commerce  and  circulating  medium,  57  ; 
facilities  for  travel,  58  ;  architecture,  ib.  ; 
household  and  table  furniture,  62  ;  dress, 
64  ;  diet,  65  ;  amusements,  titles,  speech, 
67  ;  connection  of  the  Independents  with, 
83 ;  first  meeting  of  the  Federal  Com- 
missioners, 112;  transactions  with  the 
Swedes  on  the  Delaware,  and  the  Dutch 
at  New  Amsterdam,  143;  proceedings 
of  the  Federal  Commissioners,  151  ; 
Federal  Commissioners  ratify  a  treaty 
made  by  Massachusetts,  with  the  French 
in  Acadie,  201  ;  disputes  with  the  Dutch 
oj  New  Netherland,  202 ;  preparations 
for  war  against  the  Narragansetts,  224  ; 
decisive  action  against  the  Narragan- 
setts, 231  ;  troubles  arising  between  the 
confederate  Colonies,  239  ;  provisional 
decision  of  the  Federal  Commissioners 
upon  the  matter  of  imposts  laid  by  Con- 
necticut, 242 ;  further  discussion  of  the 


impost  question,  244;  merits  of  the  con- 
troversy about  the  impost,  249  ;  prosper- 
ous condition  of,  at  the  death  of  Win- 
throp,  269  ;  relations  to  New  France, 
304  ;  refuses  aid  to  the  French  against 
the  Indians,  307  ;  relations  to  New  Neth- 
erland, 308;  settlement  of  disputes  with 
New  Netherland,  and  establishment  of 
a  boundary,  310;  renewal  of  jealousies 
of  the  Dutch,  312  ;  preparations  for  war 
with  the  Dutch,  315  ;  doubts  of  the  jus- 
tifiableness  of  the  war  with  the  Dutch, 
317;  questions  as  to  the  power  of  the 
Confederacy  over  individual  Colonies  in 
the  making  of  war,  318;  threat  of  dis- 
union, 320  ;  alarm  of  war  with  the  Ny- 
antics,  324  ;  new  dissension  in  the  Con- 
federacy, 325 ;  expedition  against  the 
Nyantics,  328  ;  protection  extended  to 
the  Pequots,  331  ;  efforts  to  instruct  the 
natives  in  religion,  332  ;  ill  success  of 
the  missionary  efibrts  in  the  Southern 
Colonies,  340  ;  proceedings  of  the  Fed- 
eral Commissioners  in  regard  to  Har- 
vard College,  341  ;  and  for  composing 
a  history  of  the  Colonies,  342  ;  Crom- 
well's plan  for  transferring  to  Ireland  or 
Jamaica  the  people  of,  389 ;  English 
politics,  how  regarded  in,  447  ;  action 
of  the  Federal  Commissioners  in  refer- 
ence to  the  Quakers,  465  ;  religious  dis- 
putes upon  the  question  of  baptism,  &c., 
487  ;  reflections  upon  the  condition  of, 
during  the  first  years  of  the  reign  of 
Charles,  III.  35 ;  probable  population 
of,  in  1665,  t6.;  number  and  situation 
of  the  towns  in,  36;  account  of  the  con- 
dition of,  as  given  by  -the  Koyal  Com- 
missioners, 37  ;  publication  of  the  laws 
in  the  several  Colonies  of,  40 ;  remarks 
upon  tiie  spirit  of  the  laws  in,  65  ;  dan- 
gers of  an  emigrant  people,  67  ;  these 
dangers  understood  and  counteracted, 
68  ;  attempt  to  revive  the  Confederacy, 
71  ;  meeting  of  the  Federal  Commis- 
sioners in  1 667,  72  ;  proposal  of  an 
amended  scheme  of  confederation,  74 ; 
agreement  in  relation  to  a  reformed 
Confederacy,  75  ;  confederation  of  the 
three  Colonies,  78 ;  proceedings  of  the 
Federal  Commissioners  in  reference 
to  the  recapture  of  New  York  by 
the  Dutch,  ib. ;  reflections  upon  the 
conduct  of  the  people  of,  during  the 
years  succeeding  the  attempt  to  subject 
them  more  strictly  to  the  Kmg,  80; 
project  of  an  invasion  of  New  France, 
114;  meeting  of  the  Federal  Commis- 
sioners, 121  ;  intelligence  of  the  peace 
of  Westminster,  126;  condition  of,  at 
the  breaking  out  of  Philip's  war,  132 ; 
relations  of  the  Colonists  to  the  na- 
tives, 137 ;  movement  of  colonial 
troops,  1 55  ;  meeting  of  the  Federal 
Commissioners,  166;  critical  condition 


634 


INDEX. 


of  the  Colonists,  1G7;  dissensions  be- 
tween the  Colonies  as  to  the  prosecution 
of  the  Indian  war,  173;  great  military 
preparations,  ('6.;  withdrawal  of  the  troops 
from  the  field  after  the  capture  of  the 
Narragansett  fort,  181  ;"a  new  levy  of 
troops  called  for,  182;  distresses  inflicted 
upon,  by  the  Indian  war,  214 ;  treat- 
ment of  the  natives  by  the  Colonists, 
216  ;  and  the  intractableness  of  the  In- 
dians, 217;  influences  determining  the 
conduct  of  the  Colonists  towards  the 
Indians,  218;  treatment  of  the  con- 
quered Indians  by  the  English,  220; 
donation  of  money  from  Ireland  to, 
230  ;  receives  no  aid  from  the  King  of 
Parliament,  231  ;  reasons  for  not  apply- 
ing for  aid  to  England,  ib. ;  renewal 
of  designs  in  England  against,  273  ; 
complaints  of  English  tradesmen  against 
the  evasions  of  the  Navigation  Act  in, 
276  ;  subjected  to  commercial  restric- 
tions, by  the  parent  country,  279  ;  con- 
sultations and  projects  of  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee  and  the  Commission- 
ers of  Customs  in  reference  to,  280 ; 
the  time  unfavorable  for  resistance  to  the 
demands  of  the  Crown,  283;  mission 
of  Edward  Randolph  to,  284 ;  further 
action  of  the  Lords  of  the  Committee 
in  regard  to,  289  ;  Randolph's  descrip- 
tion of,  296  ;  "  Observations  on,  by  the 
Curious,  about  1673,"  303  ;  laws  passed 
against  buccaneering  in  obedience  to 
King  Charles  the  Second,  425 ;  action 
of  the  Federal  Commissioners  respect- 
ing the  jurisdiction  of  lands  claimed  by 
Rhode  Island,  432  ;  last  meetings  of  the 
Federal  Commissioners,  445 ;  an  Ad- 
miralty Court  constituted  for,  484  ;  fac- 
simile representation  of  Seller's  map  of, 
489 ;  Episcopal  movement  in,  and  its 
consequences,  &c.,  494  ;  ministers  when 
first  authorized  to  marry  in,  prayers 
when  first  offered  at  funerals  in,  495  ; 
indications  of  emigration  in  large  num- 
bers to,  in  1686,  497  ;  the  Queen's  birth- 
day celebrated  in  Boston  harbor,  499 ; 
Andros  made  Governor  of,  511  ;  oppo- 
sition of  the  Colonists  to  the  abrogation 
of  the  Charters  justified  by  results,  512  ; 
King  of  England's  title  to  New  England, 
how  obtained,  ib.  ;  title  of  the  Governor 
and  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
and  administration  under  it,  ib.;  interpre- 
tation given  to  the  Charters  by  the  Colo- 
nists, 513;  theory  of  Andros's  govern- 
ment and  its  consequences,  ib. ;  con- 
stitution of  Andros's  government,  its 
powers,  extent  of  jurisdiction,  &c.,  515  ; 
Andros  assumes  the  government,  517; 
bad  conduct  of  the  "  red  coats,"  ib. ; 
five  ports  of  clearance  and  entry  desig- 
nated in,  519;  Almanac  for  1687,  pe- 
culiarities of,  ib. ;   proceedings  of  the 


new  government,  ib. ;  provisions  of  the 
"Act  for  establishing  and  continuing 
several  rates,  duties,  and  imposts,"  520 ; 
oppressive  administration  of  justice  un- 
der the  rule  of  Andros,  522 ;  arbitrary 
imposition  of  taxes  by  Andros,  524 ; 
and  resistance  to,  525 ;  general  submis- 
sion to  Andros's  mode  of  taxation,  529 ; 
demand  of  quitrents  and  seizure  of  com- 
mon lands  by  Andros,  ib. ;  legal  consol- 
idation of,  548  ;  trade  obstructed  by  the 
levy  of  additional  duties,  privileges  of 
the  towns  struck  at,  military  force  sub- 
ordinated to  the  will  of  the  Governor, 
&c.,  549 ;  issue  of  writs  of  intrusion, 
narrative  of  Joseph  Lynde,  551  ;  a  day 
of  thanksgiving  appointed  for  the 
Queen's  pregnancy,  555 ;  mission  of 
Increase  Mather  to  England,  ib. ;  Ex- 
tension of,  to  Delaware  Bay,  561  ; 
Chalmers's  reflections  upon  the  revolu- 
tion in,  against  Andros,  570 ;  news  of 
the  landing  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  in 
England,  reaches,  574 ;  affidavit  of  John 
Winslow,  ib. 

New  France,  statement  of  the  early  his- 
tory of,  I.  234  ;  proposal  for  an  expedi- 
tion against,  II.  630. 

New  Hampshire,  superficial  measure- 
ment of,  I.  3 ;  situation  of^  ib. ;  character 
of  mountains  in,  6 ;  municipal  system 
of  representation  in,  382  ;  disorders  in, 
588  ;  accession  of  the  settlements  in,  to 
Massachusetts,  592  ;  heirs  of  Captain 
John  Mason  lay  claim  to  the  Province 
of,  II.  618;  proceedings  of  the  Royal 
Commissioners  of  1665  in,  619;  peti- 
tions the  king  to  be  allowed  to  remain 
under  the  government  of  Massachusetts, 
III.  311  ;  united  with  Massachusetts 
and  Plymouth  under  the  government 
of  Kirk,  395  ;  constituted  a  Royal  Prov- 
ince, 402  ;  magistrates  appointed  by  the 
King  for,  and  their  initiatory  proceed- 
ings, 403 ;  number  of  voters  in,  in 
1680, 404  ;  friendly  communication  of, to 
the  government  of  Massachusetts,  ib. ; 
operations  of  Randolph  as  collector  of 
the  King's  customs  in,  405  ;  troublesome 
operations  of  Robert  Mason  in,  406 ; 
Privy  Council  advise  the  King  to  re- 
model the  government  of,  407 ;  Ed- 
ward Cranfield  appointed  Governor  of, 
ib. ;  Cranfield's  powers  under  the  royal 
commission,  ib. ;  Cranfield's  oppres- 
sive administration,  408  ;  military  con- 
dition of,  as  found  by  Cranfield,  ib.  ; 
quarrel  between  Cranfield  and  the  as- 
sembly of,  409;  insurrection  in,  411; 
renewed  misgovernment  in,  412;  fur- 
ther despotic  acts  of  Cranfield,  414 ; 
the  four  towns  petition  the  King  for  re- 
lief from  Cranfield,  415  ;  continued  des- 
potism of  Cranfield,  416  ;  renewed  dis- 
turbances in,  418  •  history  during  the  gov- 


INDEX. 


635 


ernment  of  Dudley,  502  ;  offers  no  op- 
position to  Andros,  534. 

New  Haven,  early  name  Qiiinjpiac,  I. 
533 ;  extension  and  consolidation  of 
the  Colony  at,  600  ;  election  of  officers 
and  organization  of  government  at, 
603  ;  population  and  wealth  at,  ib. ; 
population  of,  at  the  time  of  the  con- 
federation, II.  6  ;  difference  between  its 
government  and  that  of  Massachusetts, 
7  ;  the  franchise  limited  to  church-mem- 
bers, 8  ;  remuneration  of  Magistrates, 
11 ;  number  of  its  towns  at  the  confed- 
eration, 13  ;  earlier  courts  of  justice  in, 
15  ;  no  system  of  trial  by  jury  in,  18  ; 
no  body  of  statutes  in,  at  the  confedera- 
tion, 31  ;  courts,  how  guided  in  their 
decisions,  ih.  ;  "  Blue  Laws  "  of,  32  ; 
insensible  union  of  church  and  state  in, 
40 ;  early  provision  for  education  in, 
47  ;  quota  of,  in  the  war  against  the 
Narragansetts,  225  ;  troubles  with  the 
Indians,  232  ;  administration  in,  236  ; 
susi)icions  of  the  Dutch,  312  ;  incensed 
at  the  dissent  of  Massachusetts  from  the 
Dutch  war,  and  action  relative  to,  319  ; 
anxious  to  make  war  upon  New  Neth- 
eriand,  and  fits  out  an  expedition  for 
that  purpose,  371  ;  re-annexation  of 
Greenwich,  372  ;  education  in,  373 ; 
collection  of  laws  in,  374  ;  entertains 
Cromwell's  plan  for  a  removal,  393  ; 
acknowledgment  of  Charles  the  Second 
in,  535 ;  resistance  of,  to  a  union  with 
Connecticut,  543 ;  consents  to  be  joined 
to  Connecticut  provisionally,  562 ;  pro- 
cee<lings  of  the  Federal  Commissioners 
in  reference  to  a  junction  with  Connect- 
icut, 593;  General  Court  of,  unwilling 
to  unite  with  Connecticut,  594 ;  con- 
sents to  the  union  with  Connecticut, 
596  ;  interests  of,  different  from  those 
of  Connecticut,  605. 

New  Netherland,  discovery  and  territorial 
extent  of,  I.  235  ;  surrenders  to  the 
English,  II.  591. 

Newport,  the  Old  Round  Tower  at,  de- 
scription of  and  discussions  concerning, 

I.  56;  settlement  at,  514;  political  or- 
ganization at,  515;  provision  for  educa- 
tion lit,  II.  48. 

Newport,  (England,)  treaty  at,  between 
King  Charles  the  Fii-st  and  Parliament, 

II.  108. 

Newtown,  proceedings  of  the  General 
Court  of  Elections  at,  I.  480  ;  Ecclesi- 
astical Synod  at,  484  ;  the  site  of  the 
Colk-ge,  and  its  name  changed  to  Cam- 
bridge, 549 ;  printing  press  at,  II.  45  ; 
description  of,  in  the  "  Wonder-work- 
ing Providence,"    271. 

New  York,  name  given  to  New  Nether- 
land, after  its  conquest  by  the  English, 
II.  592  ;  population  of,  when  taken  by 
the  English,  ib. ;    annexation  of  Long 


Island  to,  595 ;  retaken  by  the  Dutch, 
III.  34. 

Nicholson,  Captain  Francis,  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  New  England  under  An- 
dros, IIL  562. 

Nicol/s,  Colonel  Richard,  one  of  the  Royal 
Commissioners  to  New  England,  II. 
578  ;  some  account  of,  580  ;  commands 
the  expedition  against  New  Netherland, 
591  ;  proclaimed  Deputy-Governor  of 
New  York,  592 ;  concluding  events  of 
his  life,  624. 

Nimegnen,  treaty  of,  III.  28. 

Ninicjret,  Sachem  of  the  N yantics,  appears 
before  the  Federal  Commissioners,  II, 
230 ;  offends  the  Federal  Commission- 
ers, 324  ;  renewed  difficulties  with  the 
Confederacy,  328  ;  his  portrait.  III.  143  ; 
takes  no  part  in  the  Indian  war,  147. 

Nipmucks,  the,  ten-itory  of,  I.  24 ;  rise 
against  the  Colonists,  and  defeat  a  com- 
pany under  Captain  Hutchinson,  IIL 
158. 

Noddle's  Island,  a  place  of  refuge  for  the 
Baptists,  III.  89  ;  names  of  different 
purchasers  of,  ib. 

Nonconformists,  the,  strength  of,  I.  119; 
persecutions  of  121  ;  gloomy  prospects 
of,  131  ;  number  of  their  clergymen  in 
England  and  Wales  in  1604,  132  ;  jeal- 
ousy of  the  preaching  of,  ib  ;  how  dis- 
tinguished from  the  Separatists,  241  ; 
loyalty  of,  ib.  ;  their  magnanimous  op- 
position to  King  James  the  Second,  III. 
463. 

Nookhik,  how  prepared,  I.  28 ;  meaning 
of  the  word,  ib. 

Norfolk,  one  of  the  original  counties  of 
Massachusetts,  towns  in,  in  1643,  I.  617. 

Northjield,  engagements  at,  between  the 
colonists  and  Indians,  III.  165. 

Northmen,  alleged  voyages  of,  to  America, 
1.51. 

Northumbeiiand,  Duke  of,  his  unpopular- 
ity, L  115. 

Norton,  Reverend  John,  settles  at  Plym- 
outh, but  soon  removes  to  Massachu- 
setts, I.  545 ;  defends  Independency 
against  ApoUonius,  II.  92;  succeeds  Cot- 
ton at  Boston,  463  ;  his  "  Declaration" 
against  the  Quakers,  473  ;  goes  to  Eng- 
land upon  amission,  521  ;  his  death,  528. 

Nowell,  Samuel,  chosen  as  agent  from 
Massachusetts  to  England,  III.  342 ; 
receives  the  largest  number  of  votes 
cast  for  any  Assistant,  484. 

No_i)es,  James,  opposes  Independent  church 
government  in  New  England,  II.  171. 

Nyantics,  the,  alarm  of  war  with,  II.  324. 

O. 

Oakes,  Reverend  Urian,  his  election  ser- 
mon of  1673'  III.  86  ;  succeeds  Hoar 
as  President  of  Harvard  College,  556. 


636 


INDEX. 


Oates,  Titns,  his  early  history,  III.  241  ; 
his  fictitious  disclosures^  242  ;  goes  be- 
fore the  Privy  Council,  243  ;  is  rewarded 
by  a  pension,  247  ;  goes  to  still  further 
lengths  in  his  fabrications,  248  ;  is  fined 
and  imprisoned,  266. 

Oldham,  John,  stirs  up  a  faction  amongst 
the  Plymouth  colonists,  I.  219  ;  his  trial, 
conviction,  and  banishment  from  the 
colony,  220 ;  makes  an  expedition  to 
the  Connecticut  River,  369  ;  murdered 
by  the  Pequots,  457. 

Old  South,  name  of  the  third  church  of 
Boston,  III.  84. 

Orange,  Prince  of,  arvives  at  paramount  in- 
fluence in  Holland,  III.  16  ;  marries  the 
Princess  Mary  of  England,  26 ;  his  po- 
litical views  become  interesting  to  Eng- 
lishmen, 472  ;  sends  agents  to  England 
to  keep  him  informed  upon  public  mat- 
ters, 473 ;  his  diplomatic  and  military 
preparations,  ib.  ;  the  disaffection  of  the 
church  to  the  throne,  the  opportunity 
of  his  success,  474  ;  lands  in  England, 
is  joined  by  some  of  the  chief  nobility, 
is  approached  with,  but  rejects,  overtures 
from  the  King,  and  reaches  London, 
474  ;  advises  a  convention  of  the  estates 
of  the  realm,  and  meanwhile  exercises 
supreme  power,  477  ;  informs  the  con- 
vention that  he  must  be  king  or  nothing, 
478  ;  proclaimed  King,  479  ;  promises 
the  removal  of  Andros  from  the  govern- 
ment of  New  Ilngland,  592. 

Orchard,  Uobert,  complains  to  the  Privy 
Council  of  injuries  done  him  by  the 
government  of  Massachusetts,  III.  343, 
378  ;  petitions  the  Privy  Council  for  re- 
muneration, &c.,  390. 

Ormond,  Marquis  of,  commands  the  Roy- 
alist forces  in  Ireland,  II.  273  ;  his  lofty 
character.  III  470  ;  displaced  from  the 
office  of  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  ib. 

Ortelius,  his  geography,  I.  51  ;  his  map  of 
the  New  World,  published  in  1675,  95. 

Owen,  Reverend  John,  Dean  of  Christ 
Church,  Oxford,  entertains  the  project  of 
emigrating  to  New  England,  HI.  70,  81. 

Oxford,  University  of,  its  privileges  at- 
tacked by  James  II.,  III.  461. 


Palmer,  John,  Governor  Dongan's  com- 
missioner in  Maine,  III.  533  ;  his  "  Im- 
partial account,"  &c.,  582. 

Parker,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  his 
opposition  to  religious  reform,  I.  119; 
contest  with  the  Puritans  and  death  of, 
120. 

Parker,  Thomas,  opposes  Independent 
church  government  in  New  England, 
IL  171. 

Partridge,  Ralph,  death  of  and  remarks 
upon',  II.  408. 


Patrick,  Captain,  settles  at  Greenwich, 
where  he  stirs  up  a  revolt  in  favor  of  the 
Dutch.,  I.  601. 

Pawtuxet,  taken  under  the  protection  of 
Massachusetts,  II.  1 20 ;  dispute  between 
Massachusetts  and  Providence  Planta- 
tions, about,  362  ;  becomes  part  of  the 
Providence  Plantations,  364. 

Pelham,  Herbert,  chosen  magistrate  in 
Massachusetts,  II.  253. 

Pemaquid,  settlement  at,  I.  523. 

Penn,  Admiral,  has  command  of  Crom- 
well's fleet  agamst  the  West  Indies,  II. 
297. 

Penobscot  River,  source  and  direction  of,  I. 
7  ;  how  far  navigable,  9  ;  French  on, 
and  their  depredations,  337. 

Pequot  River,  question  of  jurisdiction  at, 
between  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut, 

II.  283  ;  John  Winthrop,  the  younger, 
settles  at,  ib. 

Pequots,  extent  of  their  territory  and  their 
power,  I.  456  ;  murder  Stone  and  Norton, 
two  English  traders,  ib.;  send  an  embas- 
sy to  Boston,  457  ;  murder  John  Old- 
ham, ib.;  expedition  against,  under  En- 
dicott,  460  ;  continued  hostilities  of,  461 ; 
number  of  their  fighting  men,  462  ;  pro- 
tection extended  to,  II.  331  ;  Colonies  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  and  Plymouth  re- 
!«Dlve  to  prosecute  the  war  against,  462  ; 
Majson's  expedition  against,  463;  move- 
ments of  the  Colonists'  force  against, 
464  ;  assault  on  the  Pequot  fort,  465 ; 
map  of  the  fort,  ib. ;  reflections  upon 
the  war  against,  467 ;  conclusion  of 
the  war  against,  469  ;  petition  Connecti- 
cut   for  relief   against   Rhode    Island, 

III.  110. 

Peri7igskiold,  his  "  Heimskringla,  or  Chron- 
icle of  the  Kings  of  Norway,"  I.  52. 

Pes.tarus.  unites  with  Canonicus  in  ceding 
the  Narragansett  territory  to  the  King, 
II.  136  ;  his  answer  to  the  Federal  Com- 
missioners as  to  a  breach  of  the  treaty, 
229. 

Peter,  Hugh,  account  of,  I.  436 ;  under- 
takes to  revise  the  administration  of  gov- 
ernment, 437  ;  rebukes  Governor  Vane, 
476  ;  goes  to  England,  582  ;  chaplain 
of  the  Protector,  and  attends  his  funeral 
with  John  Milton,  586  ;  repudiates  the 
name  Independent,  II.  86  ;  discourages 
the  attempts  to  convert  the  Indians,  334  ; 
trial  and  death  of,  426. 

Peters,  Samuel,  authority  for  the  "Blue 
Laws  of  New  Haven,"  his  credibility  as 
an  historian,  II.  32. 

Petition  of  Right,  I.  270. 

Petitioners,  first  name  of  the  Whig  party, 
IIL  256. 

Petre,  Father,  summoned  to  the  Privy 
Council  by  James  the  Second,  III.  455 ; 
his  character,  and  intimacy  with  the 
King,  458. 


INDEX. 


637 


Phileroy  Philopatris,  author  of  a  paper 
on  the  Massachusetts  Charter,  III.  385. 

Philip,  or  Metacomet,  hecomes  Sachem  of 
the  Pokanokets,  III.  143 ;  suspicions 
entertained  of,  by  Plymouth,  144  ;  re- 
news the  ancient  treaty  of  his  father, 
145  ;  is  charged  with  hostile  designs, 
ih. ;  friendly  relations  restored  between 
the  colonists  of  Plymouth  and,  146  ; 
offers  to  surrender  his  arms,  147  ;  re- 
newed symptoms  of  disaffection  on 
the  part  of,  148 ;  persuades  "  divers 
gentlemen  "  of  Massachusetts,  that  he 
had  been  ill  ti'eated  by  Plymouth,  149  ; 
judgment  of  a  committee  from  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut  upon,  149  ; 
his  humble  submission,  150;  charges 
against,  by  Sausaman,  ib. ;  protests  his 
innocence  before  the  General  Court  of 
Plymouth,  152;  makes  hostile  prepara- 
tions, 153  ;  colonial  troops  move  against, 
155;  retreats  from  Mount  Hope,  156; 
escapes  to  the  Nipmucks,  159  ;  Mrs. 
Rowlandson's  interviews  with,  187  ;  pre- 
paj-es  for  new  hostilities,  203  ;  pursued 
closely  by  the  whites  and  killed,  204  ; 
his  distinction  above  the  other  Sachems 
of  the  war,  undeserved,  222  ;  sentimental 
views  of  his  character,  ib. ;  took  no 
prominent  part  in  the  field  against  the 
English,  225 ;  remarks  upon  the  motives 
erroneously  supposed  to  have  actuated 
him,  226. 

Philology,  Comparative,  recognizes  three 
great  classes  of  languages,  I.  40. 

Phipps,  Sir  William,  his  first  appearance 
as  a  public  character,  III.  390  ;  his  op- 
portune arrival  in  Massachusetts  in 
1688,  590  ;  joins  Mather  in  his  attempts 
at  court,  591. 

Pierce,  John,  takes  out  a  patent  for  the 
Plymouth  Colonists,  I.  193;  his  bad 
faith,  209. 

Piers  Ploiiqhman,  his  Vision,  Tale,  and 
Crede,  I."l05. 

Piscataqua,  plantation  at  the  mouth  of,  I. 
522  ;  slow  progress  of  settlement  east  of 
the,  522. 

Plough  Patent.     See  Lygonia. 

Plymouth  Colonists,  their  arrival  at  Cape 
Cod,  I.  164;  their  compact  for  govern- 
ment, 1 65  ;  remarks  upon  the  settlement 
of,  on  Cape  Cod,  ib. ;  their  first  explo- 
rations of  the  country,  167  ;  their  expos- 
ures and  second  exploring  expedition, 
168;  doubts  as  to  a  settlement  upon 
Cape  Cod,  and  third  exploring  expedi- 
tion of,  169  ;  their  arrival  at  Plymouth, 
172  ;  first  Sunday  of,  at  Plymouth,  173  ; 
first  Christmas  at  Plymouth,  ib. ;  first 
operations  at  Plymouth,  ib. ;  fatal  sick- 
ness among,  174  ;  courage  and  fidelity 
of,  175  ;  military  organization  formed 
by,  176  ;  visited  by  Samoset  and  other 
Indians,  ib. ;  treaty  with  Massasoit, 
VOL.  III.  54 


178;  their  organization,  military  and 
civil,  179  ;  employments  and  condition 
during  the  summer  of  1621,  181  ;  send 
an  embassy  to  Massasoit,  183  ;  send  an 
embassy  to  Nauset,  184  ;  send  an  expe- 
dition to  Namasket,  185  ;  submission  of 
nine  Sachems  to,  185;  their  expedition 
to  Boston  Bay,  and  improved  prospects, 
ib. ;  liability  of,  to  be  expelled  from 
New  England,  193;  obtain  a  patent 
from  the  Council  of  New  England,  194  ; 
scarcity  of  food  among,  196;  threat- 
ened by  the  Narragansetts  with  war,  i6.  ; 
continued  scarcity  of  food  among,  198  ; 
remonstrate  with  the  Wessagussett  set- 
tlers against  robbing  the  Indians  of  food, 
200  ;  conspired  against  by  the  Indians, 
and  their  suppression  of  the  plot,  201  ; 
continued  scarcity  of  food  among,  211  ; 
their  success  in  trading  and  planting  ; 
225  ;  their  good  understanding  with  the 
Dutch  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  226 ;  their 
release  from  the  engagement  with  the 
Merchant  Adventurers,  227  ;  distribu- 
tion of  stock  and  land,  228 ;  trade 
farmed  out  to  eight  Colonists,  230 ; 
execution  for  murder  at,  334 ;  increase 
of  wealth  at,  335 ;  Winthrop  and  Wil- 
son at,  ib. ;  dispersion  of  Colonists  from, 
and  their  settlement  at  Duxbury  and 
Marshfield,  336  ;  epidemic  sickness  at, 
337  ;  colonists  of,  suffer  from  French 
depredations,  337  ;  factory  of,  on  the 
Connecticut,  339 ;  early  legislation  at, 
340  ;  taxation  at,  344  ;  quarrel  of  the 
Colonists  with  Massachusetts  settlers  as 
to  lands  on  Connecticut  River,  452 ; 
levy  of  men  at,  for  the  prosecution  of 
the  Pequot  war,  462  ;  factories  of,  on 
the  Penobscot,  Kennebec,  Connecticut, 
&c.,  539  ;  unsuccessful  expedition  of  the 
Colonists  against  the  French,  540  ;  gen- 
erous conduct  of  the  planters  towards 
the  settlers  in  Connecticut  and  the 
Dutch,  541  ;  execution  of  three  English- 
men at,  for  the  murder  of  an  Indian, 
542  ;  unsatisfactory  commercial  relations 
of,  with  English  merchants,  543  ;  pros- 
perity of,  544  ;  disappointments  in 
Church  affairs,  545  ;  course  of  civil  ad- 
ministration at,  546  ;  Indian  treaty,  547  ; 
boundary  question  between  Massachu- 
setts and,  596  ;  conveyance  of  the  pa- 
tent of,  to  the  freemen,  597  ;  settlement 
of,  with  the  London  partners,  ib. ;  cordial 
relations  between  Massachusetts  Bay 
and,  II.  4 ;  population  of,  at  the  time 
of  the  confederation,  6 ;  self-govern- 
ment a  necessity  at,  7  ;  Church-mem- 
bership not  necessary  for  the  franchise, 
8;  remuneration  of  the  Magistrates,  11; 
first  excise  tax,  ib. ;  number  of  its  towns 
at  the  confederation,  18;  first  organ- 
ization of  a  court  of  justice,  15  ;  juries 
provided  for  by  the  earliest  code,  18; 


63^ 


INDEX. 


statutes  of,  19;  scheme  of  church  order 
at,  36  ;  no  such  union  of  church  and 
state  in,  as  in  Massachusetts,  40  ;  boun- 
daries of,  as  settled  in  the  patent  to 
Bradford,  212;  quota  of,  for  the  Nar- 
ragansett  war,  225  ;  decline  of  the  town, 
hut  prosperity  of  the  Colony,  237 ; 
poverty  and  uprightness  of,  366  ;  friend- 
liness of,  to  the  Parliament,  367  ;  prop- 
erty of,  on  the  Kennebec,  enlarged  and 
confirmed,  368  ;  revision  of  the  laws  and 
state  of  the  churches,  369 ;  acknowl- 
edgement of  the  King  by,  532  ;  disturb- 
ance from  the  Quakers  ib. ;  visit  of  Lord 
Clarendon's  Commissioners,  600 ;  as- 
sent of  the  General  Court  to  the  de- 
mands of  the  Royal  Commissioners, 
601  ;  protests  against  the  extinction  of 
New  Haven  Colony,  631  ;  probable  pop- 
ulation of,  in  1665,  III.  35;  condition 
of,  as  represented  by  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners, 38;  laws  of,  in  1665,  61; 
General  Court,  how  constituted,  62  ;  In- 
ferior courts,  63 ;  offences,  ib.  ;  revenue, 
64  ;  ol)jects  to  a  new  confederation,  72  ; 
compensation  of  the  Governor,  and  the 
"  Old  Magistrates  "  of,  in  1655,  98  ;  en- 
dowment of  a  public  school,  99  ;  friendly 
relations  between  the  Royal  Commis- 
sioners and,  ib. ;  refuses  to  take  part  in 
the  movement  against  the  Dutch,  122; 
refuses  the  application  of  Massachusetts 
for  a  levy  of  troops  against  the  Indians, 
213;  towns  of,  along  Cape  Cod  un- 
assailed  by  the  Indians,  215;  expenses 
incurred  by,  during  the  Indian  war,  ib.; 
impoverishment  of,  230;  Randolph's 
description  of,  303  ;  united  with  Massa- 
chusetts Colony,  under  the  government 
of  Kirk,  395  ;  condition  of,  in  1680, 
420  ;  the  King's  advisers  begin  to  take  an 
interest  in,  421;  solicits  a  charter,  422; 
strives  for  favors  in  England,  424  ;  fails 
in  applications  for  a  charter,  ib. ;  public 
proceedings  at,  during  the  twenty  years 
succeeding  the  death  of  Charles  the  Sec- 
ond, 503 ;  put  under  the  Government 
of  Andros,  515  ;  proceedings  in,  under 
the  government  of  Andros,  534 ;  pro- 
ceedings in,  on  the  news  of  the  rerolt  at 
Boston,  596. 

Pomham,  a  Sachem  of  Pawtuxet,  offers 
allegiance  to  Massachusetts,  II.  123; 
ordered  by  the  Royal  Commissioners  to 
remove  from  his  land,  604  ;  takes  part  in 
the  Indian  war  against  the  English  and 
is  captured.  III.  203. 

Pontgrave,  sails  with  De  Monts  for  the 
American  coast,  I.  77  ;  returns  to 
France,,  78. 

Po/)/iam,  George,  President  of  the  settlement 
on  the  bank  of  the  Kennebec,  I.  83. 

Popham,  Sir  Francis,  sends  several  fruit- 
less expeditions  to  the  coast  of  New 
England,  I.  84. 


Popham,  Sir  John,  encourages  an  attempt 
to  establish  a  Colony  in  New  England, 
I.  78  ;  despatches  a  vessel  from  Bristol 
for  a  further  survey  of  the  coast  of  New 
England,  82. 

Pormont,  Philemon,  schoolmaster  at  Bos- 
ton, II.  47. 

Porter,  John,  banishment  of,  a  subject  of 
dispute  between  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  and  the  Royal  Commis- 
sioners, II.  611. 

Portsmouth,  Duchess  of,  Louise  De  Quer- 
onaille,  introduced  to  the  English  Court, 
III.  12. 

Pmvow,  pr  medicine-man,  I.  35  ;  was  not 
a  priest  but  a  conjurer,  47. 

Prfpmunire,  Statute  of,  I.  106. 

Presbyteriunism,  dispute  between  the  An- 
glican Church  and,  II.  71  ;  between  the 
Independents  and,  ib. ;  the  Church  polity 
of  Calvin,  72  ;  its  adoption  in  Scotland, 
73 ;  its  appearance  in  England  and  con- 
nection wiih  Cartwright,  74  ;  its  hopes  in 
James  the  First  disappointed,  77  ;  pre- 
dominant religions  interest  among  the 
opposers  of  King  Charles  the  First,  78  ; 
substitution  of,  for  Episcopacy,  79 ;  po- 
sition of,  in  the  "  Westminster  Assem- 
bly," 81 ;  dominant  spirit  of,  in  the  As- 
sembly, 88 ;  testimony  of  its  leaders 
as  to  toleration,  ib. ;  politics  of,  92 ;  its 
adherents  oppose  the  "  Self-Denying 
Ordinance,"  96  ;  established  as  the  re- 
ligious faith  of  England,  101 ;  disap- 
pointed in  its  hopes  of  supremacy,  ib.; 
jealousy  of  the  army,  104;  revives  in 
London,  105  ;  defeats  in  the  struggle 
with  Independency,  106  ;  unacceptable 
to  the  people  of  New  England,  166; 
cabal  of  Presbyterians  in  Massachu- 
setts, ib. ;  position  of,  in  the  early  part 
of  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second, 
432;  identified  with  the  Fifth  Monar- 
chy, 435. 

Pride,  Colonel,  purges  the  Parliament,  11. 
110. 

Prince,  Thomas,  made  Governor  of  Plym- 
uuth  Colony,  1.342;  commissioner  for 
Plymouth  on  the  Kennebec,  II.  369  ; 
his  death,  IIL  97. 

Prim)  or  Prynne,  Martin,  sails  from  Mil- 
ford  Haven  for  America,  I.  74;  returns 
to  England,  75  ;  effect  produced  by  re- 
ports of' his  voyage,  82. 

Processes,  how  conducted  in  New  England, 
IL  19. 

Providence,  foundation  of,  laid  by  Roger 
Williams,  I.  422  ;  government  and  rec- 
ords of  the  settlement  at,  423  ;  planters 
at,  desire  recognition  from  England,  608  ; 
not  admitted  into  the  Colonial  Confed- 
eracy, 630  ;  the  settlement  at,  esteemed 
a  safety  valve  for  the  escape  of  uneasy 
spirits,  II.  4  ;  disorders  of  Samuel  Gor- 
ton and  others  at,  116;  applies  to  Mas- 


INDEX. 


639 


sachusetts  for  aid,  J16  ;  part  of  the  set- 
tlement surreiKlered  to  Massachusetts, 
120;  patent  jfranted  to  the  Plantations 
of,  215;  difficulties  witli  Plymouth  and 
Massachusetts,  216  ;  institution  of  a  gov- 
ernment under  the  patent  of,  219  ;  failure 
and  dissolution  of  the  {government,  220  ; 
Reparation  of  Warwick  and,  from  Rhode 
Island,  356. 

Provincetoum,  situation  of,  I.  164. 

Provisors,  statute  of,  asserts  for  the  Enp^lish 
church  imiepcndence  of  Rome,  I.  104. 

Prudden,  Mr.,  settles  at  Milford,  I.  5.34. 

Pri/nne,  William,  severely  punished  hy 
the  Star-Chamber  Court  for  seditious 
writinj^s,  I.  563 ;  a  defender  of  Presby- 
terianism  against  the  Independents,  90. 

Purchus,  Thomas,  settles  at  Pcjepscot, 
(Brunswick),  I.  593  ;  surrenders  his  set- 
tlement to  Plymouth,  II.  369. 

"■Puritan  Commomvealth,"  reflections  upon 
the  author  of  the,  I.  470. 

Puritxinisin,  not  a  creation  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  I.  101  ;  public  manifestation 
of,  122;  the  impulse  to  resistance  to 
kingly  authority,  254  ;  full  development 
of,  274 ;  its  use  of  Scripture,  ib. ;  its 
morality,  276  ;  its  public  action,  277  ; 
its  habits  and  manners,  278. 

Puritdns,  the,  their  notion  concerning  the 
connection  between  forms  and  opinions, 
I.  113  ;  opposition  of,  to  religious  forms 
and  ceremonies,  118;  strength  of,  in 
Parliainent,  120;  gloomy  prospects  of, 
131. 

Purveyance,  ancient  right  of,  its  abuses,  I. 
245. 

Pym,  John,  appears  in  the  Fourth  Parlia- 
ment of  Ciiarles  tlie  First,  I.  569  ;  ob- 
servations upon  his  death,  578. 

PynchoH,   William,  settles  at   Springfield, 

I.  454  ;  desires  the  annexation  of 
Springfield  to  Massachusetts,  604  ;  cho- 
sen Assistant,  613  ;  his  heretical  book, 

II.  395. 

Q. 

Quinnipiack,  emigration  to,  I.  529  ;  plan- 
tation covenant  at,  530 ;  organization 
of  a  government  at,  531  ;  the  Bible  to 
be  the  only  law  at,  533  ;  town  called 
New  Haven,  (7). ;  prosperity  and  human- 
ity of  the  settlers  at,  ih. 

Quo  l-Farrrtrt/o,  difference  between  the  effect 
of  a  judgment  upon  writ  of  scire  facias 
and  upon  writ  of,  explained.  III.  392. 


R. 

Rnfn,  his  theory  in  respect  to  the  discov- 
ery and  settlement  of  New  England  by 
the  Northmeh,  I.  55. 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  Sir  Humphrey  Gil- 
bert's patent  of  discovery  renewed  to. 


I.  70  ;  the  patent  forfeited  or  lost,  81 ; 
his  glowing  account  of  Guiana,  149. 

Randolph,  Edward,  a  special  messenger  of 
the  crown  to  New  England,  III.  284  ; 
complains  of  the  neglect  of  the  Naviga- 
tion laws  in  Massachusetts,  287  ;  visits 
New  Hampshire  and  Plymouth,  288  ;  is 
reproved  by  the  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts for  officious  conduct,  and  returns 
to  England,  289  ;  his  description  of  New 
England,  296  ;  his  answer  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts memorial,  305  ;  made  Collector 
of  Customs  in  New  England,  317; 
makes  recommendations  to  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee  relative  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts,  324  ;  his  re- 
turn to  Massachusetts  from  England, 
333  ;  his  official  proceedings  and  un- 
comfortable position,  338 ;  returns  to 
England,  343  ;  his  reports  to  the 
home  government,  344 ;  recommends 
Lord  Culpepper  for  Governor  of  North 
America,  347  ;  returns  to  Boston  armed 
with  new  powers,  349  ;  bis  active  hos- 
tility to  the  Colony,  354  ;  his  letter  to 
tlie  Bishop  of  London,  356  ;  his  letter 
to  Sir  Lionel  Jenkins,  357 ;  extracts 
from  several  letters  of,  358  ;  his  con- 
tinued quarrel  with  the  Massachusetts 
government,  363  ;  his  urgency  for  writs 
of  quo  warranto  against  the  Colonial 
charters,  364  ;  declares  the  inability  of 
Massachusetts  to  resist  force,  365  ;  cau- 
tions the  home  government  against  the 

.  reports  of  the  agents,  366  ;  thinks  the 
factions  in  the  Colony  are  stimulated  to 
exertion  by  fanatics  in  England,  368  ; 
rejoices  in  the  prospect  of  an  English 
clergyman  being  sent  to  Boston,  &c., 
ih. ;  bewails  his  own  condition  in  the 
Colony,  369  ;  his  proceedini^  on  his 
return  to  England,  and  an  abstract  of 
his  charges  against  Massachusetts,  375  ; 
ordered  to  return  to  New  England  with 
a  notification  of  the  quo  warranto,  and  a 
"  Declaration  "  from  the  King,  376  ; 
recommends  a  show  of  force  to  accom- 
pany the  process,  378 ;  returns  to  Mas- 
sachusetts with  the  legal  process,  379  ; 
returns  to  England  and  reports  upon 
the  reception  of  the  writ  in  Massachu- 
setts, 386  ;  his  operations  as  Collector 
of  the  King's  customs  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, 405  ;  prosecutes  tlie  claim  of  tlie 
Duke  and  Duchess  of  Hamilton  against 
Connecticut,  439;  petitions  King  James 
the  Second  to  erect  a  temporary  govern- 
ment in  Massachusetts,  and  to  issue  writs 
of  quo  warranto  against  the  charters  of 
Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island, 4 82 ;  com- 
missioned as  postmaster  of  NewEngland, 
484  ;  a  Counsellor  in  Massachusetts  as 
well  as  Secretary  and  Registrar,  485  ;  his 
relations  with  Dudley,  491;  is  dissatisfied 
with  the  new  order  of  things   in  New 


640 


INDEX. 


England,  &c.,  496  ;  his  zeal  for  the 
Church,  as  displayed  in  his  correspond- 
ence with  Archbishop  Sancroft,  495  ; 
complains  of  Dudley  and  others,  501  ; 
further  extracts  from  his  letter  on  the 
state  of  things  in  Massachusetts,  ib. ; 
proceeds  against  the  charter  of  Rhode 
Island,  505  ;  proceeds  against  the  char- 
ter of  Connecticut,  507 ;  writes  letter 
to  the  government  of  Connecticut,  cau- 
tioning them  against  resistance  to  the 
writ,  508  ;  serves  the  writ  of  quo  war- 
ranto on  the  Secretary  of  Connecticut, 
509  ;  farms  out  the  fees  of  his  office, 
523;  advises  Connecticut  to  submit  to 
Andros,  537  ;  anticipates  the  union  of 
all  the  New-England  Colonies  under 
one  government  and  petitions  to  be 
made  Secretary  of  the  same,  540  ;  de- 
sires to  appropriate  the  peninsula  of  Na- 
hant,  552  ;  prosecutes  Increase  Mather 
for  defamation,  558  ;  denounces  the  ra- 
pacious conduct  of  Governor  Dongan's 
agents  in  Cornwall,  560  ;  describes  the 
position  and  prospects  of  his  English 
friends  in  Boston,  ib.  ;  quotation  from  a 
letter  of,  discussing  the  merits  of  Mather, 
Nowell,  &c.,  566  ;  quotations  from  his 
official  entries  pertaining  to  the  com- 
merce of  Boston  from  1688  to  1707,  ib.; 
imprisoned  in  the  common  gaol,  583. 
Rasilli,  French  commander  at  Cape  Breton, 

I.  540. 

Ratchjf'p,  Rev.  Mr.,  the  first  Episcopal 
minister  in  New  England,  III.  494. 

Ruynor,  Mr.,  minister  at  Plymouth,  I.  545. 

Re</i(ides,  the,  in  Boston,  II.  495  ;  their 
history,  496  ;  at  Cambridge,  497  ;  fly 
from  Massachusetts,  498 ;  at  New  Ha- 
ven, 499  ;  Endicoti's  order  for  their  ap- 
prehension, 500  ;  account  of  the  pursuit 
of,  501  ;  at  Milford,  506  ;  at  Hadley, 
507  ;  death  of,  ib. 

Reynolds,  Doctor,  represents  the  Puritans 
in  the  conference  at  Hampton  Court,  I. 
129. 

Rhode  Island,  (see  Ac/uetnct,)  superficial 
measurement  of,  I.  3  ;  situation  of,  ib.  ; 
municipal  system  of  representation  in, 
382  ;    number   of    its    towns    in    1850, 

II.  12  ;  difficulties  between  the  early 
settlements  in,  358  ;  privateering,  359  ; 
re-union  of  the  four  original  towns,  362  ; 
continued  disorder  amongst  the  early 
settlements  in,  364  ;  relations  of,  to  the 
English  Commonwealth,  551;  Charles 
the  Second  proclaimed  King  in,  559  ; 
charter  granted  to,  566  ;  population 
of,  at  the  time  of  the  charter,  570  ; 
-reception  of  the  charter,  570  ;  dis- 
putes with  Connecticut  and  Massachu- 
setts as  to  jurisdiction  over  certain  ter- 
ritories, 571  ;  profuse  expressions  of 
loyalty  to  the  Royal  Commissioners  by 
the  Governor  and  Deputy-Governor  of, 


603  ;  magistrates  of,  to  exercise  tempo- 
rary jurisdiction  over  the  King's  Prov- 
ince, by  order  of  the  Royal  Commis- 
sioners, 603  ;  visited  a  second  time  by 
the  Royal  Coniniisioners,  605  ;  conduct 
of  the  General  Court  highly  satisfactory 
to  the  Royal  Conmiissioners  and  the 
Kirg,  606  ;  General  Court  of,  humbly  ad- 
dress the  King,  ib.  ;  probable  population 
of  in  1665,  III.  35  ;  condition  of,  as  rep- 
represented  by  the  Royal  Commission- 
ers in  1666,  37  ;  charter  government  of, 
99  ;  and  its  feeble  administration,  ib. ;  fac- 
tions and  disorders  in,  101  ;  assessment 
of  taxes  upon  the  various  settlements 
in,  ib. ;  General  Court  of,  passes  an  act 
against  persons  refusing  to  pay  taxes, 
105  ;  influence  of  the  Quakers  in,  ib.  ; 
George  Fox  in,  106  ;  entertains  designs 
against  the  Dutch,  108  ;  difficulties  with 
the  English  Governor  of  New  York, 
lb. ;  boundary  question  between  Connect- 
icut and,  109  ;  takes  no  part  in  the  In- 
dian war,  229  ;  returns  to  the  dispute  with 
Connecticut  over  the  boundary  question, 
428  ;  transfers  the  quarrel  with  Connect- 
icut to  England,  430  ;  representations 
of  her  agents  in  England  upon  the  mat- 
ters in  controversy  with  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut,  431  ;  declines  to  ap- 
pear before  the  Board  of  Award,  438  ; 
her  claims  to  the  Narragansett  country 
set  aside,  ?6. ;  affairs  in,  from  1674  to 
1683,  504  ;  proceedings  against  the  char- 
ter of,  and  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  ordered 
by  the  King,  505  ;  proceedings  in,  upon 
reception  of  the  writ,  ib. ;  dissensions  re- 
specting the  answer  to  be  made  to  the 
writ,  506  ;  Andros  demands  the  charter 
of,  518  ;  annexed  to  the  government  of 
Andros,  535;  makes  no  opposition  to 
the  measures  of  Andros,  536  ;  charter 
of,  withheld  from  Andros,  ib.;  proceed- 
ings in,  on  the  deposition  of  Andros, 
596. 

Ribero,  Diego,  his  map  of  the  Eastern 
Coast  of  America,  drawn  1529,  I.  96. 

Richards,  John,  chosen  as  agent  from  Mas- 
sachusetts to  England,  III.  342  ;  Ran- 
dolph's opinion  of,  357. 

Ridley,  his  opposition  to  Hooper,  I.  112. 

Rivei's  of  New  England,  their  sources,  di- 
rection, and  general  character,  I.  7  ; 
threefold  division  of,  ib. ;  names  and  de- 
scription of  the  Eastern  division,  8 ; 
names  and  description  of  the  Western 
division,  ib. ;  of  but  slight  use  to  com- 
merce, 9  ;  their  great  service  to  civiliza- 
tion, 10. 

Robertson,  his  fragment  of  the  History  of 
New  England,  I.  153. 

Robinson,  John,  teacher  of  the  congrega- 
tion at  Scrooby,  I  135  ;  takes  charge 
of  it  on  the  death  of  ClJifton,  140  ;  asks 
permission  to  remove  from  Amsterdam 


INDEX. 


641 


to  Leyden  with  his  congregation,  14C  ; 
his  character,  143;  his  writings,  145; 
his  pUice  of  burial,  ib. ;  his  sermdn 
upon  the  design  of  his  congregation  to 
emigrate,  155;  his  sermon  at  the  em- 
barkation from  Delfthaven,  156;  his 
parting  letter  to  his  congregation,  159; 
his  letter  to  the  settlers  at  Plymouth 
upon  hearing  of  their  sufferings,  174; 
his  commanding  position  among  the 
reformers,  217  ;  unwillingness  of  the 
Merchant  Adventurers  to  have  him 
emigrate  to  New  England,  ib. ;  his 
death,  and  grief  of  the  Colonists  for, 
225 ;  how  he  differed  from  Robert 
Browne,  II.  83 ;  "  father  of  the  Inde- 
pendents," ib. 

Robinson,  William,  a  Quaker,  account  of 
his  proceedings  and  death,  II.  474. 

Roche,  Marquis  de  la,  establishes  a  set- 
tlement on  the  Isle  of  Sable,  I.  234. 

Rogers,  Mr.,  his  unsuccessful  ministry  in 
Plymouth  Colony,  I.  231. 

Rogers,  Rev.  Ezekiel,  his  election  sermon 
dissuading  from  choosing  the  same 
Magistrate  twice,  I.  614. 

Rogers,  Rev.  John,  succeeds  Oakes  as 
President  of  Harvard  College,  III.  556. 

Roses,  Wars  of  the,  not  a  period  of  relig- 
ious strife,  I.    107. 

Rosier,  James,  his  True  Relation  of  Way- 
month's  second  voyage,  I.  75. 

Rofisiter,  Brav,  creates  a  disturbance  at 
Guilford,  II.  555. 

Roivlandson,  Mrs.,  account  of  the  captivity 
of,  among  the  Indians,  III.  185;  letter 
from  the  Indians  in  reference  to  the  ex- 
change of,  188 ;  her  opinion  of  the  Pray- 
ing Indians,  199. 

Rowlandson,  Rev.  Joseph,  Minister  at  Lan- 
caster, an  incident  of  his  youth,  III. 
183;  goes  to  Boston  to  solicit  relief 
against  the  Indians,  ib. ;  his  house  at- 
tacked and  destroyed,  184. 

Rorbury,  description  of,  in  the  "  Wonder- 
working Providence,"  II.  271. 

Rndyerd,  Sir  Benjamin,  his  alarms  for 
English  liberty, 'I.  570. 

Riimsei/,  Colonel,  discloses  the  Rye-House 
Plot,  III.  262. 

Rupert,  Prince,  commands  the  Royalist 
forces  at  Edgehill,  I.  578 ;  besieges 
Gloucester,  ib. ;  relieves  York  and  is 
defeated  at  Marston  Moor,  II.  69  ;  his 
conduct  at  Naseby,  99  ;  surrenders  Bris- 
tol and  is  ordered  to  leave  England,  100. 

Rnssell,  Hon.  George,  admitted  to  the  free- 
dom of  Massachusetts,  III.  334. 

Russell,  James,  obliged  by  Governor  An- 
dros  to  purchase  patents  for  his  lands, 
III.  530. 

Russell,  John,  joins  the  Baptists,  III.  91  ; 
writes  a  narrative  of  their  sufferings,  ib. 

Russell,  Lord  William,  arrested  for  com- 
plicity with  the  Rye-House  Plot,  III. 
54* 


262 ;  his  trial  and  conviction,  263 ;  bis 

execution,  264. 
Rutherford,  Rev.  Samuel,  an  opponent  of 

Cotton  in  the  controversy  between  the 

Presbyterians  and  Independ'ents,  II.  91. 
Rye-House  Plot,  the,  III.  261. 

S. 

Sachem,  an  Indian  functionary,  I.  38. 

Suco,  one  of  the  original  counties  of 
Maine,  I.  527. 

Sadlier,  Mrs.,  her  account  of  Roger  Wil- 
liams, I.  405  ;  her  correspondence  with 
Williams,  11.  357. 

Sagadahoc,  early  name  of  Kennebec  River 
in  Maine,  I.  83. 

Sagamore,  an  Indian  functionary,  I.  38. 

Salem,  Endicott's  settlement  at,  and  mean- 
ing and  origin  of  the  word,  I.  289  ;  or- 
ganization of  the  settlement  and  its  in- 
structions from  the  Massachtisctts  Bay 
Company,  292  ;  Higginson's  company 
at,  293  ;  ecclesiastical  organization  of 
the  company  at,  295  ;  expulsion  of  two 
malcontents  from,  298;  anti-episcopal 
policy  at,  299  ;  number  of  Colonists  at, 
in  1630,  313  ;  sickness  and  want  in  the 
colony  at,  315  ;  ecclesiastical  settlement 
at,  316;  mutilation  of  the  Englisli  flag 
at,  426. 

*Sa//e,La,  observations  of,  upon  the  religion 
of  the  Indians,  I.  46. 

Sallerne,  Robert,  one  of  Gosnold's  com- 
panions, I.  74. 

Saltonstull,  Sir  Richard,  Assistant  of  Mas- 
sacbusetts  Bay,  303  ;  some  account  of, 
ib. ;  fined  for  absenting  himself  from 
meeting,  320 ;  fined  for  wliipping  two 
persons  without  the  presence  of  anotlier 
Assistant,  321  ;  the  friend  of  Belling- 
ham,  615;  writes  a  treatise  upon  "  The 
Council  for  Life,"  ib. ;  recants  the  same, 
616;  reason  of  his  lenity  towards  relig- 
ious dissentients,  II.  175. 

Samoset,  an  Indian  chief,  visits  the  Plym- 
outh settlers,  I.  176. 

Sancroft,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  op- 
poses the  reading  of  the  Declaration  of 
Indulgence  in  the  churches.  III.  463. 

San  Domingo,  defeat  of  the  English  at, 
IL  297. 

Satidi^s,  accession  of,  to  the  See  of  York, 
I.  120. 

Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  befriends  the  Leyden 
congregation,  I.  151;  becomes  Gover- 
nor of  the  Virginia  Company,  152  ;  ac- 
count of,  191. 

Sassacus,  chief  of  the  Pequots,  strives  to 
form  an  alliance  with  the  Narragansetts, 
I.  460  ;  his  death,  470. 

Sausamnn,  a  Praying  Indian,  makes 
charges  against  Philip,  III.  150;  his  his- 
tory, 151  ;  is  murdered,  152. 

Savage,    Thomas,   some    account   of,   II. 


642 


INDEX. 


326  ;  commands  an  expedition  against 
Philip,  III.  156  ;  further  account  of,  ib. 

Sawkins,  Captain,  an  English  marauder, 
III.  42.5. 

Say  and  Se/e,  Lord,  liis  proposals  for  a  re- 
moval to  New  England,  I.  389  ;  charged 
with  diverting  emigration  from  New 
England,  .'i.'JO ;  made  Lord  Keeper  of 
the  Privy  Seal,  II.  425. 

Sayhrook,  foundation  of,  I.  451  ;  annexa- 
tion of,  to  Connecticut,  605. 

Schoolcraft,  Henry  R.,  explains  the  Berke- 
ley inscription,  I.  56. 

Scituate,  early  name  Sattiit,  I.  543. 

Scotland,  outbreak  in,  against  King  Charles 
the  First,  I.  565  ;  spread  of  the  insur- 
rection in,  567  ;  is  invaded  hy  the  King 
with  an  army,  568 ;  proceedings  by  the 
Parliament  and  Assembly  of,  569  ;  Pres- 
bytery in,  II.  73 ;  commissioners  of,  treat 
with  the  King  at  Carishrook  Castle,  107  ; 
supports  King  Charles  II.,  against  the 
English  Parliament  on  conditions,  275  ; 
prelacy  established  in,  439  ;  condition 
of  Nonconformists  in.  III.  29  ;  her  con- 
dition after  the  reign  of  Cromwell,  ih. ; 
Episcopacy  re-established  in,  29  ;  insur- 
rection in,  30  ;  the  king's  ecclesiastical 
supremacy  in,  31  ;  new  severities  prac- 
tised upon  Non-conformists  in,  32  ; 
troubles  break  out,  267  ;  Test  Act  passed 
by  her  Parliament,  269  ;  her  forlorn  con- 
dition, ib. ;  servility  of  her  Parliament 
to  James  II.,  450;  insurrection  in,  under 
the  Earl  of  Argyll,  450  ;  despotic  gov- 
ernment of  James  II.  over,  and  the  el- 
evation of  Catholics  to  office,  469. 

Scott,  John,  some  account  of  his  history, 
IL  564. 

Scroohy,  congregation  of  Separatists  at,  I. 
133;  resolution  of  the  congregation  to 
emigrate,  137  ;  failure  of  the  first  attempt 
to  emigrate,  138  ;  their  residence  at  Am- 
sterdam and  subsequent  removal  to  Ley- 
den,  139;  their  occupations  at  Leyden, 
their  numbers  and  good  character,  141  ; 
their  project  of  another  removal,  146  ; 
their  doubts  as  to  a  place  of  settlement, 
149;  they  choose  North  Virginia,  150; 
they  send  a  mission  to  England,  ib.  ; 
the  seven  articles  of  their  church,  ib.  ; 
their  negotiations  in  London  with  refer- 
ence to  a  settlement  in  Virginia,  151  ; 
renewed  doubts  and  final  resolution  of, 
in  respect  to  removal,  152;  obtain  a 
patent  from  the  Virginia  Company, 
153  ;  their  contract  with  the  London 
merchants,  i'i. ;  their  preparations  for  de- 
parture, 155;  their  embarkation  from 
Delfthaven,  156;  their  arrival  at,  and 
departure  from,  Southampton,  158. 

Sedf/ewick,  Robert,  commands  an  expedi- 
tion for  Cromwell  against  New  Nether- 
land  and  Acadie,  II.  284  ;  made  Gover- 
nor of  Jamaica,  297. 


Seller,  John,  facsimile  preparation  of  his 
map  of  New  England,  489. 

SepnnUists,  rise  of,  I.  122;  punishments 
irflicted  upon,  125;  emigrate  to  Hol- 
land, 126;  congregation  of,  at  Scrooby, 
1.S3 ;  must  he  employed  to  colonize 
New  England,  216;  distinguished  from 
Non-conformists,  241. 

Setcall,  Samuel,  purchases  a  patent  to  his 
lands  from  Governor  Andros,  III.  553. 

Shaftesbury,  Earl  of,  Ashley  Cooper,  one  of 
the  Cabal  ministry,  III.  11  ;  the  Achit- 
ophel  of  Dryden,  ib. ;  Lord  Chancellor, 
14;  issues  Writs  of  Election  under  the 
Great  Seal,  17  ;  justifies  the  war  upon 
Holland,  ib. ;  disaffection  of,  from  the 
King,  1 8  ;  Great  Seal  taken  from,  20  ;  his 
Parliamentary  tactics,  23 ;  imprisoned 
in  the  Tower,  25;  suspects  the  loyalty 
of  New  England,  34 ;  his  connection 
with  the  pojiish  plot,  248 ;  enters  an 
information  against  the  Duke  of  York, 
255 ;  close  of  his  public  career,  259 ; 
withdraws  to  Holland,  262. 

Sharpe,  Archbishop,  made  Primate  of  Scot- 
land, III.  29  ;  his  persecution  of  Non- 
conformists, 30 ;  murdered,  268. 

Shepard,  'iliomas,  comes  to  New  England, 
and  settles  at  Newtown,  I.  453. 

Ship-money,  exaction  of,  I.  561. 

Shrimpton,  Samuel,  one  of  Governor  An- 
dros's  Council,  served  with  a  writ  of 
intrusion.  III.  553. 

Skclton,  Rev.  Samuel,  settles  at  Salem,  I. 
293 ;  made  Pastor,  295 ;  imitates  the 
Plymouth  Church  scheme,  II.  36. 

Skippen.  Philip,  Major-Gcneral  of  the  Lon- 
don train  bands,  I.  576. 

Smith,  Captain  John,  his  favorable  opin- 
ion of  Massachusetts  and  of  its  native  in- 
habitants, I.  21  ;  sails  from  London  for 
New  England,  85  ;  his  early  history,  86  ; 
his  voyage  to  New  England,  92  ;  makes 
a  map  of  New  England,  93 ;  his  later 
enterprises,  94 ;  is  engaged  by  Gorges 
in  the  service  of  the  Plymouth  Com- 
pany, 94  ;  vainly  endeavors  to  unite  the 
two  companies,  ib. ;  representation  of  his 
map  of  New  England,  ib. ;  sails  again 
for  New  England,  95 ;  his  continued 
exertions  in  England,  ib. 

Smith,  John,  connected  with  the  Presby- 
terian Cabal,  II.  169;  made  Governor 
of  the  Providence  Colony,  232. 

Smith,  Rev.  Mr.,  minister  at  Plymonth,  I. 
331  ;  ill  success,  545;  harbors  Samuel 
Gorton,  II.  118. 

Smith,  Richard,  Roger  Williams's  account 
of,  II.  218  ;  a  friend  of  Roger  Williams, 
a  sufferer  in  the  Indian  war.  III.  437. 

Snrith,  Sir  Tliomas,  first  Governor  of  the 
Virginia  Company,  I.  152. 

Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  the,  I.  379  ; 
provisions  of,  II.  79  ;  how  understood 
by  the  Presbyterians,  88. 


INDEX. 


643 


Somers,  John,  one  of  the  counsel  for  the 
Seven  Bishops,  III.  466;  adviser  of 
Wilham  of  Orange,  592. 

Somerset,  Duke  of,  strongly  supports  the 
Reformatfon,  I.  Ill; 

Southampton,  Earl  of.     See  Wriothesley . 

Southampton,  settlement  at,  I.  604 ;  an- 
nexed to  Connecticut,  II.  112. 

Southhold,  settlement  at,  I.  601  ;  refuses 
the  Dutch  Commissioners  permission  to 
abide  there.  III.  124  ;  is  garrisoned  by 
Connecticut  troops,  and  resists  an  attack 
from  the  Dutch,   125. 

Southwick,  Daniel  and  Provided,  Quakers, 
ordered  to  be  sold,  II.  474. 

Southworth,  Alice,  II.  212. 

Speedwell,  tlie,  incapacity  and  unworthi- 
ness  of,  I.  159. 

Springjield,  settlement  at,  I.  454  ;  an- 
ne.\ed  to  Massachusetts,  604  ;  why  so 
called,  ib.  ;  position  of  Massachusetts 
in  respect  to  the  settlement  at,  II.  4  ; 
refuses  to  pay  export  duty  to  Con- 
necticut, 240 ;  is  attacked  by  the  In- 
dians, III.  171. 

Stagge,  Tliomas,  a  captain  of  an  English 
man-of-war,  his  difficulty  with  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Magistrates,  II.  161. 

Stundish,  Miles,  an  account  of,  I.  161  ; 
commands  an  exploring  expedition, 
167  ;  made  captain  of  a  military  com- 
pany, 176  ;  commands  an  expedition  to 
Namasket,  185  ;  is  threatened  with  assas- 
sination by  the  Indians,  199  ;  goes  to 
England  and  returns  with  sad  news, 
224 ;  advises  the  Providence  people  to 
lay  aside  their  neutrality  in  the  Narra- 
gansett  war,  II.  228  ;  his  death,  407. 

Statute  of  the  Six  Articles,  I.  1 10. 

St.  Albans,  Lord,  impeachment  of,  I.  257  ; 
his  Sermo  de  Unitute  Ecclesice,  414. 

Stevenson,  Marmaduke,  a  Quaker,  account 
of  his  prosecution  and  death,  II.  474. 

St.  Francis  River,  source  and  direction  of, 
1.7. 

St.  John,  Oliver,  an  Independent,  II.  86 ; 
at  Uxbridge,  94. 

St.  John  River,  source  and  direction  of, 
I.  7. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  how  far  tide  is  felt  up 
the,  I.  2, 

Stone,  Samuel,  emigrates  to  New  Eng- 
land and  settles  at  Newtown,  I.  367  ; 
account  of,  445  ;  desires  to  remove 
to  Connecticut,  446  ;  removes  to  Con- 
necticut, 453  ;  takes  a  part  in  the  ex- 
pedition against  the  Pequots,  463 ;  value 
of  his  library,  II.  45  ;  suspected  of  het- 
erodoxy, 487  ;  his  death,  490. 

Slonhigton,  possession  of,  disputed  with 
Connecticut  by  Rhode  Island,  III.  110. 

Stouyhton,  Israel,  his  difficulty  with  the 
Magistrates,  I.  427  ;  commands  a  regi- 
ment for  the  Parliament,  585,  II.  2.53. 

Stoughton,  William,  sent  as  an  agent  from 


Massachusetts  to  England,  III.  293  ; 
favoi"s  a  compliance  with  the  regu- 
lations of  the  Navigation  laws,  311  ; 
chosen  to  go  to  England  a  second  time, 
but  declines,  342  ;  a  leader  of  the  mod- 
erate party  in  Massachusetts,  362  ;  loses 
the  public  favor,  481  ;  made  Deputy- 
President  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts,  485  ;  commit- 
ted to  Andros,  519;  appointed  "Judge 
of  the  Superior  Court,"  520 ;  one  of 
the  judges  at  the  trial  of  the  Ipswich 
men,    526. 

Strachey,  his  journal  of  the  Popham  Colo- 
nists, I.  84. 

Strafford,  Lord.     See  Wentworth. 

Stratford,  Conn.,  settlement  at,  I.  538. 

Stratlon,  Mount,  situation  and  height  of, 
L  5. 

Straumfiordr,  name  given  by  the  Northmen 
to  Buzzard's  Bay,  I.  55. 

Straumoey,  name  given  by  the  Northmen 
to  Martha's  Vineyard,  I.  55. 

Stuyvesant ,  Peter,  Governor  of  New  Neth- 
erland,  II.  202  ;  his  difficulties  with  the 
New  England  Confederacy,  203  ;  visits 
Hartford  and  confers  with  the  Federal 
Commissioners,  309 ;  surrenders  New 
Amsterdam  to  the  English,  591. 

Succotash,  a  preparation  of  maize,  I.  28. 

Sugar-Loaf  Hill,  sanguinary  engagement 
at,  with  the  Indians,  III.  163. 

Suffolk,  one  of  the  original  counties  of 
Massachusetts,  towns  in,  in  1642,  I.  617. 

Sullivan,  observations  of,  on  the  religion 
of  the  Indians,  I.  48. 

Sumner,  George,  investigation  of,  concern- 
ing Robinson's  church  at  Leydon,  I. 
145. 

Swanzey,  assaulted  by  the  Indians,  III. 
155. 

Swedes,  settle  in  Delaware,  I.  624  ;  their 
transactions  with  New  England,  II.  143. 

Sydney,  Algernon,  his  trial,  III.  264  ;  his 
conviction  and  execution,  ib. 

Symmes,  Rev.  Mr.  disagrees  with  Mrs. 
Ann  Hutchinson,  I.  473. 

Symonds,  Samuel,  chosen  an  Assistant  in 
Massachusetts,  I.  613;  succeeds  Lever- 
ett  as  Deputy  Governor,  III.  42. 

Synod  of  Dort,  I.  144. 

Synods,  Congregational,  how  affecting  New 
England  Independency,  II.  182;  their 
functions,  tb. ;  synod  of  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  churches  at  Boston, 
488  ;  svnod  of  Massachusetts  churches, 
491  ;  Reforming  Synod,  III.  380. 

Szkolney,  an  early  navigator  in  the  West- 
ern seas,  I.  60. 


Tables,  The,  name  of  an  organization  in 

Scotland  in  1633,  I.  567. 
Talcot,  Major  John,  a  commander  of  Con- 


644 


INDEX. 


necticnt  troops  in  the  Indian  war,  ex- 
ploits of,  III.  197. 

Tarratine,  Indians,  make  the  first  dis- 
turbance in  Massachusetts,  I.  351. 

Taunton,  a  town  of  Plymouth  Colony,  op- 
poses Andros's  arbitrary  imposition  of 
taxes.  III.  535. 

Temperature  of  New  England,  variable- 
ness of,  I.  1 1 . 

Temple,  Sir  William,  his  interview  at  the 
Hague,  with  the  Pensionary  De  Witt, 
III.  5  ;  procures  the  "  Triple  Alliance," 
6 ;  negotiates  a  peace  with  Holland,  22 ; 
recommends  to  the  King  to  adopt  a  new 
method  of  administration,  252. 

Temple,  Thomas,  made  one  of  the  propri- 
etors of  Nova  Scotia,  by  Cromwell,  II. 
286  ;  is  anxious  to  apprehend  the  Regi- 
cides, 504  ;  explains  the  device  upon  the 
Massachusetts  money  to  the  King,  525 ; 
his  interview  with  the  King  and  Lord 
Clarendon,  upon  New  England  affairs, 
574  ;  purchases  Noddle's  Island,  III.  89  ; 
his  death  and  reminiscences,  ib. 

Test  Act,  The,  III.  19. 

T/iai/er,  Richard,  complains  to  the  Privy 
Council  of  the  people  of  Braintree,  lU. 
378. 

Thompson,  David,  removes  from  the  Pis- 
cataqua  to  an  island  in  Boston  Harbor, 
I.  522. 

Thorjinn,  snrnamed  the  Hopeful,  voyage 
of,  to  the  coast  of  America,  I.  54. 

lliorwald,  his  voyage  io  the  coast  of  Amer- 
ica, I.  54. 

Tilton,  Peter,  depicts  the  dismay  occa- 
sioned in  New  England  by  the  course 
of  Charles  the  Second,  III.  14. 

Tomahawk,  description  of  the,  I.  29. 

Towns,  the  beginning  of,  in  New  England, 
I.  380 ;  their  functions,  434 ;  remarks 
upon  their  character  and  origin,  II.  11 ; 
difference  between  cities  and,  12. 

Treat,  Major  Robert,  chosen  commander- 
in-chief  of  Connecticut  troops  in  Phil- 
ip's War,  III.  162;  relieves  a  party  of 
English  at  Northfield,  165;  joins  Cap- 
tain Moseley  after  the  battle  at  Bloody 
Brook,  170;  appointed  second  in  com- 
mand of  the  Colonial  forces,  175;  suc- 
ceeds Leete  as  Governor  of  Connecti- 
cut, 442 ;  corresponds  with  Andros  on 
a  surrender  of  the  Charter  government 
of  Connecticut,  538 ;  his  letter  to  Gov- 
ernor Dongan  on  tlie  subject  of  uniting 
Connecticut  and  New  York,  540 ;  Don- 
gan's  opinion  of,  ib. 

Triers,  institution  of,  by  Cromwell,  II. 
292  ;  Baxter's  account  of,  293. 

Triple  Alliance,  The,  III.  6. 

Tudor,  Dynasty  of,  how  it  differed  from 
the  Continental  dynasties,  I.  240. 

Tufton,  Robert,  heir  of  Captain  John  Ma- 
son, "  has  a  good  title  to  the  Provinces 
of  New  Hampshire,"  II.  619. 


Turner,  Captain  William,  banished  from 
Massachusetts,  a  Baptist,  III.  90 ;  im- 
prisoned, 91  ;  gains  a  victory  over  the 
Indians,  194  ;  killed  by  the  Indians,  195. 

Turner,  Sir  James,  commands  the  King's 
troops  in  Scotland,  III.  30 ;  captured 
by  the  insurgents,  ib. 

Tyrconnel,  Earl  of,  Richard  Talbot,  Com- 
mander in  Ireland,  III.  470 ;  becomes 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  471. 

U. 

Udal,  John,  his  death  in  prison,  I.  124. 

Uncus,  a  Mohegan  Chief,  engages  with  the 
English  against  the  Pequots,  I.  463 ; 
defeats  Miantonomo,  and  takes  him  pris- 
oner, II.  125;  puts  him  to  death,  128. 

Underhill,  Captain  John,  his  eccentric 
character,  I.  459 ;  takes  a  part  in  Ma- 
son's expedition  against  the  Pequots, 
463  ;  is  disfranchised,  487 ;  seeks  a  retreat 
at  Cochecho,  517;  disputes  the  claim  of 
Massachusetts  to  Dover,  587 ;  publicly 
repents  of  his  sins,  589  ;  gets  into  trouble 
at  Dover,  590 ;  closing  events  of  his 
life,  591 ;  commands  a  privateer  for 
Rhode  Island,  II.  359 ;  confiscates  the 
Dutch  House  at  Hartford,  378. 

Undertakers,  the,  engage  to  elect  a  Parlia- 
ment favorable  to  the  King,  I.  252. 

Uniformity  and  Supremacy,  Acts  of,  I.'117 ; 
IL  436. 

University  of  Oxford,  sustains  WicklifFe, 
L  105. 

Usher,  John,  Colonel,  Treasurer,  III.  494. 

Uxbridge,  negotiations  at,  between  the 
Long  Parliament  and  the  King,  H.  93. 


Van^  Henry,  arrival  in  Massachusetts, 
and  account  of,  L  435 ;  undertakes  to 
revise  the  administration  of  government, 
437 ;  is  chosen  Governor,  439  ;  cere- 
monies at  his  accession,  440 ;  sends  an 
expedition  against  the  Pequots,  458 ; 
becomes  a  partisan  of  Mrs.  Ann  Hutch- 
inson, 474  ;  his  perplexity  and  proposal 
to  return  to  England,  475 ;  gets  into 
difficulty  with  Winthrop  and  others, 
480  ;  his  resentment  and  return  to  Eng- 
land, 482  ;  his  successful  efforts  in  nego- 
tiating between  the  Long  Parliament 
and  the  Scots,  579  ;  his  papers  not  pre- 
served, 581  ;  an  Independent,  II.  86  ; 
at  Uxbridge,  94 ;  extols  in  Parliament 
the  ministers  and  urges  self-abnegation, 
95  ;  fears  from  the  intolerance  of  the 
Independents  in  New  England,  175 ;  re- 
proaches the  Rhode  Island  settlements, 
360  ;  his  trial  and  death,  429. 

Van  Tramp,  Admiral,  his  naval  conflict 
with  Blake,  II.  283. 

Van    Twilltr,    Walter,    succeeds    Minuit 


INDEX. 


645 


as    Governor   of  New  Netherland,   I. 
624. 

Vas  Cortereal,  John,  an  early  voyager, 
1.60. 

Vassal!,  William,  Assistant  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  I.  304  ;  forms  a  cabal  of  Pres- 
byterians, II.  166. 

Vattel,  speaks  of  the  treatment  of  the  In- 
dians by  the  New-England  people,  I. 
362. 

Vaughan,  William,  a  Magistrate  of  the 
Province  of  New  Hampshire  under  the 
Royal  Commission,  III.  403  ;  unjustly 
imprisoned  by  Cranfield,  415. 

Venables,  General,  commands  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  West  Indies,  II.  297. 

Venner,  Thomas,  insurrection  of,  II.  300 ; 
leader  of  the  Fifth-Monarchy  men,  434. 

Vermont,  superficial  measurement  and  sit- 
uation of,  I.  3 ;  height  of  mountains  in, 
5  ;  municipal  system  of  representation 
in,  382  ;  number  of  its  towns  in  18.50, 
11.  12. 

Verrazzano,  the  Florentine,  his  important 
voyage  to  America,  I.  64  ;  his  discovery 
the  basis  of  the  French  claim  to  North 
American  territory,  77. 

Vineland,  or  Wineland,  meaning  of  the 
word,  I.  .53  ;  name  supposed  to  have 
been  given  to  Rhode  Island  by  the  early 
voyagers.  55. 

Vines,  Richard,  sails  for  New  England, 
under  the  patronage  of  Gorges,  I.  98 ; 
returns  with  the  news  of  the  rapid  de- 
population of  the  country,  99  ;  his  dif- 
ficulty with  Cleaves,  595. 

Virginia,  companies  for  the  colonization 
of,  incorporated  in  England,  1.81 ;  Coun- 
cil of,  81  ;  the  Company  of,  favora- 
bly disposed  towards  tiie  Leyden  con- 
gregation, 151  ;  dissensions  in  the  Com- 
pany of,  152  ;  Company  of,  grants  a  pat- 
ent to  the  Leyden  congreigation,  153  ; 
ill  success  of  the  Company  of,  190. 

W. 

Wachusett,  Mount,  situation  and  height  of, 
I.  6. 

Wadleigh,  Robert,  appointed  a  Counsellor 
and  Justice  of  the  Province  of  New 
Hampshire,  III.  419. 

Wadsworth,  Captain,  marches  to  the  re- 
lief of  Lancaster  when  attacked  by  the 
Indians,  III.  183;  defeated  and  killed 
by  the  Indians  at  Sudbury,  192. 

Wtddron,  Major  I^ichard,  his  operations 
against  the  Indians  in  Maine,  III.  209  ; 
some  account  of,  (7).  ;  furtlier  account  of 
his  operations  in  Maine,  211  ;  a  Magis- 
trate of  New  Hamp';hire  under  the 
Royal  Commission,  403  ;  put  in  com- 
mand of  the  military  force  of  the  Prov- 
ince, 405  ;  succeeds  Cutts  as  Governor 
of  the  Province,  407 ;  dismissed  from 


office  by  Cranfield,  408  ;  cast  in  a  suit 
by  Robert  Mason,  413. 

Walford,  Thomas,  officiates  as  church- 
warden at  Piscataqua,  I.  523. 

Walsingham,  Secretary  of  State,  supports 
Non-conformity,  I.  119. 

Wampum  or  Wampumpeag,  used  as  money 
by  the.  Indians,  description  of,  I.  31  ; 
current  as  money  in  Massachusetts,  611. 

Wamsnita,  son  of  Massasoit,  receives  an 
English  name,  III.  143  ;  his  troubles 
with  Plymouth  and  his  death,  ib. 

Ward,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  author  of  "  The 
Body  of  Liberties,"  account  of,  II.  26 ; 
his  code  of  laws,  28  ;  crimes  which  he 
made  punishable  with  death,  29  ;  his 
laws  relative  to  inheritance  and  ser- 
vitude, ib. ;  his  testimony  to  the  vir- 
tues of  the  planters  of  Massachusetts, 
35;  his  denunciation  of  female  foppery, 
64;  his  factious  disposition,  158;  his 
death,  409. 

Warham,  Rev.  Mr.,  adheres  to  the  old 
rule  of  Congregationalism,  III.  116; 
his  church,  119. 

Warner,  John,  one  of  Gorton's  company 
at  Shawomet,  II.  121  ;  his  letter  to  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  137  ; 
disgraced,  357. 

Warwick,  planters  at  "  humbly  petition  " 
the  Royal  Commissioners  against  Mas- 
sachusetts, II.  602  ;  dislikes  to  pay  its 
rate  of  tax,  and  treats  Roger  Williams 
uncivilly,  III.  101  ;  its  impertinent  file, 
ib. ;  burnt  by  the  Indians,  188. 

Warioick,  Earl  of,  his  letter  of  congratula- 
tion to  Winthrop,  I.  391  ;  his  unsatisfac- 
tory relations  with  the  Council  for  New 
England,  398  ;  assigns  Connecticut  to 
certain  proprietors,  450  ;  admiral  under 
the  Long  Parliament,  II.  577. 

Washington,  Mount,  height  of,  I.  6. 

Watatick,  Mount,  situation  and  height  of, 
L  6. 

Watertown,  religious  dispute  at,  I.  350; 
discontent  of  the  people  at,  against  the 
Court  of  Assistants,  353;  formation  of 
^  town  government,  381. 

Wai/moiith,  George,  sails  to  discover  a 
northwest  passage,  I.  69 ;  makes  a  sec- 
ond attempt,  makes  the  Island  of  Nan- 
tucket, and  returns  to  England,  76. 

Weare,  Nathaniel,  carries  the  petition  of 
New  Hampshire  to  England,  III.  415; 
complains  of  Cranfield  to  the  Privy 
Council,  417. 

Welch,  the,  improbability  of  their  having 
come  to  New  Enghxnd  in  the  twelfth 
century,  I.  59. 

Welde,  Thomas,  goes  with  Hugh  Peter 
and  others  to  England,  I.  582;  his 
death,  584  ;  his  manuscripts,  ib. 

Wentworth,  Earl  of  Strafford,  his  desertion 
of  the  popular  cause,  I.  271  ;  condemned 
by  bill  of  attainder,  and  executed,  572. 


646 


INDEX. 


Wessagusset,  plantation  of  Colonists  at,  I. 
199  ;  its  disorders  and  distress,  200 ;  its 
dispersion,  203. 

West,  John,  some  account  of.  III.  523 ; 
extorts  excessive  fees  as  deputy  secre- 
tary, .^31 ;  Governor  Dongan's  com- 
missioner in  Maine,  533. 

Westminster  Assembly,  conditions  upon 
whicli  it  met,  and  tlie  parties  represented 
in,  II.  80  ;  proceeds  to  business,  87 ; 
dissensions  in,  between  Presbyterians 
and  Independents,  88 ;  claims  for  the 
Presbyterian  system  the  sanction  of 
Divine  right,  101  ;  its  political  impo- 
tence, 102  ;  journal  of,  ib. 

Westo>i,  Thomas,  (see  Wessagusset,)  visits 
Plymouth,  I.  203  ;  is  charged  by  Cap- 
tain Gorges  with  disiionesty,  207. 

Wexford,  sack  of,  II.  275. 

Whalley,  Edward.     See  Regicides. 

Wheeler,  Captain  Thomas,  wounded  in 
battle  with  the  Indians,  III.  159;  quo- 
tation from  his  True  Narrative,  162. 

Wheelwright,  Rev.  John,  a  partisan  of 
Mrs.  Ann  Hutchinson,  I.  472 ;  admit- 
ted a  member  of  the  Boston  Church, 
474  ;  called  as  minister  to  Mount  Wol- 
laston,  475 ;  censured  by  the  Court, 
478;  his  seditious  sermon,  479;  contin- 
uance of  his  religious  dispute,  483  ;  dis- 
franchised and  banished,  485  ;  forms  a 
settlement  at  E.xeter,  515  ;  withdraws  to 
the  territory  of  Gorges,  and  settles  at 
Wells,  593  ;  his  sentence  of  banishment 
revoked,  594  ;  close  of  his  life,  ih. 

White,  John,  the  Puritan  Counsellor,  I. 
306. 

White,  Rev.  John,  I.  284  ;  perseveres  in  the 
hope  of  making  a  settlement  in  New 
England,  286  ;  his  letter  to  Conant,  ib. ; 
inclination  of  to  Congregational  church 
government,  318. 

White,    Peregrine,    land    granted  to,    by 

Plymouth,  III  97. 
Whi'tejield,  Rev.  Henry,  settles  at  Quinni- 
piac,  I.  534  ;  afterwards  settles  at  Guil- 
ford, ib.;  plans  of  his  house  at  Guilford, 
II   59. 
Whitelocke,  his  dialogue  with  Cromwell, 
I.  281  ;  his  papers  burned,  581 ;  an  In- 
dependent, II.  86. 
White  Mountains,  highest  peak  of,  I.  6. 
Whitgift,  accession  of,  to  the  primacy,  I. 
120;    his  severe  proceedings,  121;   his 
death,  132;  his  answer  to  "An  admo- 
nition   for  the   Reformation  of  Church 
Discipline,"  II   75. 
Whiting,  Rev.  Samuel,  Pastor  of  the  First 
Church  of  Hartford,  III.  116;  adheres 
to  the  old  rule  of   Congregationalism, 
ib. ;   sets  up  a  second  church  at  Hart- 
ford,  119. 
Wickliffe,  favored  by  the  circumstances  of 
his  times,  I.  103;  a  scholar  at  Oxford, 
ib.',  publishes  a  tract  against  the  de- 


mands of  the  Pope,  104;  denies  many 
of  tlie  essential  doctrines  of  the  Popish 
creed,  ib. ;  is  befriended  by  John  of 
Gaunt,  ih. ;  his  translation  of  the  Bible, 
105;  his  writings  and  his  friends,  26. ; 
his  peaceful  death,  106. 

Wiggin,  Thomas,  observations  of,  upon 
the  Massachusetts  Colonists,  their  Gov- 
ernor and  others,  I.  365  ;  settles  at  Do- 
ver as  factor  for  Lord  Say  and  Sele, 
and  others,  519. 

Wigwam,  description  of  a,  I.  26  ;  descrip- 
tion of  by  one  of  the  Plymouth  Colo- 
nists, 169*. 

Wilbur,  Shadrach,  town  clerk  of  Taunton, 
imprisoned  by  Andres,  and  fined,  for 
contumacious  conduct.  III.  535. 

Willard,  Simon,  commands  the  expedi- 
tion against  the  Nyantics,  II.  329 :  some 
account  of,  330 ;  relieves  Brookfield, 
III.  161  ;    his  death,  212. 

William  the  Conqueror,  his  difficulties 
with  the  Holy  See,  I.  102. 

William  the  Silent,  founds  the  University 
of  Leyden,  I.  141. 

Williams,  Bishop,  influence  of,  in  the 
Church,  I.  263 ;  punished  for  alleged 
heresy,  564. 

Williams,  Roger,  gives  the  Indian  account 
of  the  appearance  of  maize  in  New  Eng- 
land, I.  27  ;  Mrs.  Sadlier's  account  of, 
and  his  first  letter  to  Mrs.  Sadlier,  405  ; 
his  early  life,  ib.  ;  leaves  the  established 
church  and  emigrates  to  New  England, 

406  ;  succeeds  Higginson  at  Salem,  ib. ; 
his  objection  to   the   church  at  Boston, 

407  ;  his  doings  at  Salem  and  Plymouth, 
ib. ;  thinks  women  should  wear  veils  in 
public  assemblies,  409  ;  persuades  En- 
dicott  to  cut  the  red  cross  from  the  col- 
ors, (6. ;  his  sentiments  bring  him  into 
trouble  with  the  Magistrates,  410  ;  ban- 
ished, 412  ;  reflections  upon  his  banish- 
ment, 413;  establishes  a  plantation  at 
Seekonk,  421  ;  lays  the  foundation  of 
Providence,  422  ;  the  government  estab- 
lished there,  423  ;  his  impatience  of  the 
Quakers,  424  ;  his  troubles  about  bap- 
tism, 425  ;  dissuades  the  Narragansetts 
from  an  alliance  with  the  Pcqnots,  460  ; 
embarks  at  New  Amsterdam  for  Eng- 
land, and  his  doings  there,  608  ;  his  in- 
fluence over  Canouicus  and  Mianto- 
nomo,  II.  113;  his  account  of  Samuel 
Gorton,  120  ;  returns  to  America,  216  ; 
removes  into  the  Narragansett  country, 
218;  represents  the  town  of  Providence 
at  a  convention  of  Deputies,  219  ;  is  put 
in  place  of  Coddington  as  head  of  the 
Providence  Colony,  but  declines  in  favor 
of  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  221  ;  his  good 
offices  between  Newport  and  Ports- 
mouth, 222  ;  his  mission  to  England 
with  John  Clarke,  354  ;  success  of  his 
mission,  357  ;  his  correspondence  with 


INDEX. 


647 


Mrs.  Sadlier,  ib. ;  returns  to  America, 
and  strives  to  heal  dissension,  361 ;  de- 
posed from  his  office  of  tiovernor,  366  ; 
remonstrates  with  tlie  Royal  Commis- 
sioners in  behalf  of  the  Indian  Pomham, 
604  ;  vainly  exhorts  the  town  of  War- 
wick to  pay  its  rate  of  taxes,  III.  101 ; 
challenges  George  Fo.k  to  a  public  dis- 
cussion, 107  ;  his  debate  with  Quakers, 
108  ;  made  captain  of  a  train-band,  190; 
endeavors  to  protect  liichard  Smith  in 
his  property,  437  ;  liis  death  and  char- 
acter, 443  ;  his  place  of  burial,  ih. 

Wiliouyhby,  Francis,  one  of  a  committee 
to  draw  up  a  petition  to  the  King,  II. 
587 ;  opposes  prerogative,  627 ;  his 
death,  III.  92. 

Wilson,  IJeverend  John,  enters  into  church 
covenant  witli  Winthrop  and  others,  I. 
316;  de])arts  for  England,  329;  visits 
Plymouth,  33.') ;  his  house  at  Boston, 
359  ;  censured  by  his  church,  477  ;  his 
death.  III.  81. 

Winnipiseoyee,  Lake,  situation  and  size  of, 
1.9. 

Winslow,  Edward,  his  birth  and  condition, 

I.  160;  cures  Massasoit  of  a  desperate 
sickness,  201  ;  his  re-arrival  at  Plym- 
outh from  a  visit  to  England,  215  ;  goes 
a  third  time  to  England,  339 ;  made 
Governor  of  Plymouth  Colony,  341  ; 
his  remarks  upon  Roger  Williams,  416  ; 
his  doings  in  England,  and  his  impris- 
onment there,  542  ;  holds  a  high  office 
under  Cromwell,  586  ;  represents  Plym- 
outh   in    the    first   Federal    Congress, 

II.  112;  his  opinion  of  Samuel  Gor- 
ton and  his  company,  130;  goes  tO' 
England  upon  an  important  mission, 
176;  his  success  there,  178;  takes 
advantage  of  the  sentiment  in  Eng- 
land favorable  to  the  teaching  of  the 
Indians,  198;  his  position  in  England, 
205;  success  of  his  agency,  210;  his 
"Hypocrisie  Unmasked,"  &c.,  211;  goes 
to  Jamaica  with  Venables,  297  ;  his  dis- 
couragement about  getting  a  patent  for 
Plymouth,  368  ;  his  death,  406. 

Winslow,  John,  brings  to  Massachusetts 
the  news  of  the  landing  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  in  England,  III.  574;  makes 
affidavit  of  his  treatment  at  the  hands 
of  Andros  and  the  Magistrates,  ib. 

Winslow,  Josiah,  son  of  Edward,  succeeds 
Prince  as  Governor  of  Plymouth,  III. 
97  ;  administration  of,  98  ;  testifies  to 
the  kind  treatment  received  by  the  In- 
dians, 138;  appointed  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Colonial  forces,  173  ;  com- 
mands in  the  attack  on  the  Narragansett 
fort,  177;  his  interview  with  Edward 
Randolph,  288 ;  writes  a  letter  to  the 
King,  and  presents  him  some  "  Indian 
rarities,"  421  ;  his  death,  423. 

Winthrop,  Fitz-John,  some  account  of,  III. 


11 1  ;  a  Commissioner  from  Connecticut 
to  treat  with  the  Dutch,  124  ;  takes  com- 
mand of  a  garrison  at  Southhold,  125; 
an  officer  under  General  Monk,  236 ; 
one  of  the  Council  of  the  Provisional 
Government  of  Massachusetts,  485. 

Winthrop,  John,  Governor  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  Company,  I.  302 ;  some 
account  of,  303 ;  voyage  and  arrival  in 
New  England,  312  ;  explores  the  country 
round  Salem,  316  ;  is  visited  by  Chick- 
atabot,  328  ;  embassy  from  Connecticut 
River  Indians  to,  ib. ;  visit  of,  to  Plym- 
outh, 335  ;  re-elected  Governor,  348  ; 
refuses  to  receive  presents,  355  ;  recon- 
ciliation of  Dudley  with,  357  ;  Thomas 
Wiggin's  account  of,  365  ;  for  the  fourth 
time  chosen  Governor,  366  ;  his  remarks 
to  the  Deputies  upon  the  government 
of  the  Colony  by  representatives,  372  ; 
democratic  jealousy  of,  and  deeline  of 
his  popularity,  373 ;  his  loss  of  favor  in 
Boston,  378;  ordered  to  present  an  ac- 
count of  his  receipts  and  disbursements, 
379  ;  his  conduct  with  reference  to 
Dudley,  437;  is  blamed  for  remissness 
and  acknowledges  his  error,  438  ;  objects 
to  the  lioisting  of  the  royal  flag,  441  ; 
made  one  of  a  "  Council  for  Life,"  ib. ; 
his  opinion  as  to  a  formal  code  of  laws 
for  the  Colony,  443 ;  succeeds  Vane  as 
Governor,  481  ;  his  cold  reception  at 
Boston,  ib. ;  his  knowledge  of  law  illus- 
trated by  an  example,  482  ;  his  praise- 
worthy conduct,  contrasted  with  the 
conduct  of  Dudley,  Ludlow,  and  Vane, 
510;  disapproves  of  Winslow's  course 
in  England,  543 ;  remonstrates  with 
Lord  Say  and  Sele,  for  his  diverting 
emigration  from  New  England,  550 ; 
reflections  upon  the  administration  of, 
and  the  jealousies  incident  to  his  con- 
tinuing in  office,  553  ;  second  deposition 

,  of  the  Governor,  555  ;  his  reply  to  the  re- 
call of  the  Charter,  557  ;  states  the  reason 
for  sending  a  mission  to  England  in  1641, 
583  ;  thinks  Bellingham  "  unduly  elect- 
ed "  Governor,  611  ;  succeeds  Belling- 
ham as  Governor,  613  ;  his  opposition  to 
Saltonstall's  treatise  upon  "  the  Council 
for  Life  "  question,  615  ;  his  "  Breviate" 
of  the  case  between  Mrs.  Sherman  and 
Captain  Keayne,  619;  his  conciliatory 
and  humble  speech  to  the  General 
Court,  620  ;  defends  the  negative  of  the 
Magistrates,  621  ;  letters  of,  upon  the 
subject  of  confederation,  626  ;  repre- 
sents Massachusetts  in  the  first  Federal 
Congress,  over  which  he  presides,  II, 
112;  refuses  to  treat  with  Gorton's  com- 
pany, as  being  no  state,  132  ;  Deputy- 
Governor  under  Dudley,  253  ;  com- 
plaint against,  255 ;  his  acquittal  and 
vindication  of  himself,  257  ;  elected 
Governor,  260  ;  death  of,  264. 


648 


INDEX. 


Winihrop,  John,  the  younger,  some  ac- 
count of,  I.  435  ;  is  constituted  Gov- 
ernor at  Saybrook,  by  a  patent  from 
Lord  Say  and  Sele  and  others,  450 ; 
lays  the  foundation  of  a  Colony  at 
Saybrook,  451  ;  goes  to  England  in 
1641,  582;  begins  a  plantation  on  Pe- 
quot  River,  II.  233  ;  undertakes  another 
settlement  at  Paucatuck,  235  ;  elected 
Governor  of  Connecticut,  379 ;  goes  to 
England  on  behalf  of  Connecticut,  539; 
his  connection  with  the  Koyal  Society, 
ib. ;  his  doubtful  conduct  in  reference  to 
the  union  of  New  Haven  with  Con- 
necticut, 543  ;  mediates  between  Con- 
necticut and  New  Haven  on  the  matter 
of  union,  550;  returns  and  represents 
Connecticut  in  the  Confederate  Con- 
gress, 551  ;  his  death,  HI.  233. 

Winthrop,  Stephen,  becomes  a  Major-Gen- 
eral  of  the  Parliament,  I.  585. 

Winthrop,  Wait,  one  of  the  Council  of  the 
Provisional  Government  of  Massachu- 
setts, III.  485 ;  commands  the  Castle  in 
Boston  Harbor,  494. 

Wise,  Rev.  Jolm,  minister  of  Ipswich,  ad- 
vises the  inhabitants  of  that  town  to  pay 
no  tax  unless  levied  by  an  assembly, 
III.  525  ;  put  upon  trial  at  Boston,  and 
punished  by  a  fine  and  suspension  from 
his  office,  526. 

Wiswall,  Rev.  Mr.,  a  victim  of  Governor 
Andros,  III.  554. 

Wolcott,  Governor  Roger,  his  version  of 
the  Charter-Oak  story.  III.  542. 

Wollaston,  Captain,  forms  a  settlement  in 
the  town  now  called  Quincy,  I.  222 ;  he 
withdraws  to  Virginia,  231. 

Woodbridge,  Rev.  John,  his  opinion  of 
Eliot's  defence  of  synods.  III.  84. 

Worcester,  battle  of,  11.  279. 

Worcester,  see  Quinsigamond. 

Wriothesley,  Henry,  Earl  of  Southampton, 
a  patron  of  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  I, 
70 ;  chosen  Governor  of  the  Virginia 
company,  191;  assists  Waymouth  in 
his  second  expedition,  75. 


Wyat,  Sylvester,  sails  up  the  Gulf  of  St. 

Lawrence,  I.  69. 
Wyllys,  George,  an  early  Magistrate  of 

Connecticut,  I.  603 ;  his  death,  II.  263. 


Y. 

York,  Duchess  of,  her  death,  III.  13. 

York,  Duke  of,  a  patent  for  land  between 
the  rivers  Connecticut  and  Delaware 
granted  to,  II.  580  ;  avows  himself  a 
Papist,  HI.  13;  marries  a  Catholic  prin- 
cess, 19  ;  is  displaced  from  the  office  of 
Admiral  by  the  Test  Act,  20;  has  small 
faith  in  the  goodness  of  his  claim  to 
lands  in  Connecticut,  131  ;  believes  the 
Popish  Plot  an  artifice  of  the  Earl  of 
Danby,  243  ;  is  excepted  by  the  Lords 
from  the  operation  of  the  bill  for  the 
exclusion  of  Catholics  from  public  em- 
ployment, 249 ;  withdraws  to  the  Conti- 
nent, 251  ;  exclusion  bill  against  pro- 
posed in  the  Commons,  254  ;  informa- 
tion against  by  Lord  Shaftesbury,  255  ; 
bill  of  exclusion  against,  passes  the 
House  of  Commons,  256  ;  his  restora- 
tion to  power,  267  ;  invested  with  the 
administration  of  the  government  of 
Scotland,  269 ;  his  accession  to  the 
throne  as  King  James  the  Second,  &c., 
see  James  the  Second. 

York,  one  of  the  original  counties  of  Maine, 
I.  527  ;  the  empty  honors  bestowed  upon 
it  by  Gorges,  ib. ;  authority  of  Massa- 
chusetts restored  over,  II.  632. 


Z. 


Zeni,  the  Venetian  brothers,  their  alleged 
discoveries  along  the  coast  of  America, 
I.  60. 

Zulestein,  Earl  of  Rochford,  a  bastard 
cousin  of  William  of  Orange,  and  a  spy- 
ambassador  of  that  Prince  in  England, 

HI.  474. 


THE   END. 


Cambridge  :  Stereotyped  and  Printed  by  Welch,  Bigelow,  &  Co. 


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