Skip to main content

Full text of "The history of New-Hampshire : comprehending the events of one complete century and seventy-five years from the discovery of the River Pascataqua to the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, containing also a geographical description of the State, with sketches of its natural history, productions, improvements, and present state of society and manners, laws, and government"

See other formats 


HANDBOUND 
AT  THE 


UNIVERSITY  OF 
TORONTO  PRESS 


THE  HISTORt 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 


COMPREHENDING 

The  Events  of  one  complete  century  and  seventy -five  years  from  the  discovery 

of  the  River  Pascataqua  to  the  year  one  thousand 

seven  hundred  and  ninety. 

CONTAINING  ALSO, 

A  GEOGRAPHICAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  STATE, 


SKETCHES  OF  ITS  NATURAL  HISTORY,  PRODUCTIONS, 
IMPROVEMENTS,  AND  PRESENT  STATE  OF 
SOCIETY  AND  MANNERS,  LAWS, 
AND  GOVERNMENT. 


BY  JEREMY  BELKNAP,  D.D. 

Member  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  held  at  Philadelphia,  for  pro- 
moting useful  knowledge,  and  of  the  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences 
in  Massachusetts. 

THE    SECOND    EDITION, 


WITH  LA.HGE  ADDITIONS  AND  IMPROVEMENTS,  PUBLISHED  FROM  THE 
AUTHOB/S  LAST  MANUSCRIPT. 


ILLUSTRATED  BY  A   MAP. 


Tempus  edax  rerum,  tuque  invidiosa  vetustas 
Omnia  destruitis:    vititaque  dentibus  ffivi 


Paulatim  lenta  eonsumitis  omnia  morte.  i  L 

>K 


H*c  perstant.  Ovi». 

VOL.  I. 


BOSTON : 

PUBLISHED  BY  BRADFORD  AND  READ. 


H 


DISTRICT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  TO  XVIT  : 

District  Clerk's  Office. 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  That  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  June,  A  D.  1813, 
and  in  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica. BRADFORD  &?  READ,  of  the  said  District,  have  deposited  in  this  Office  the 
title  of  a  Book,  the  right  whereof  they  claim  as  Proprietors,  in  the  words 
following,  to  ivit  : 

The  History  of  New-Hampshire.  Comprehending  the  events  of  one  complete 
century  and  seventy-five  years  from  the  discover}'  of  the  river  Pascataqua  to 
the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety.  Containing  also,  a  geographical 
description  of  the  Slate,  with  sketches  of  its  natural  history,  productions,  im- 
provements, and  present  state  of  society  and  manners,  laws,  and  government. 
By  JKKEMY  BELKITAP,  D.D.  memher  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  held 
at  Philadelphia,  for  promoting  useful  knowledge,  and  of  the  Academy  of  arts 
and  sciences  in  Massachusetts.  The  second  edition,  with  large  additions  and 
improvements,  published  from  the  author's  last  manuscript.  Illustrated  hy  a  map. 

Tempos  edax  rerum,  tuque  invidiosa  vetustas 

Omnia  destruilis  :  vititaque  dentibus  oevi 

Paulatim  lenta  consumitis  omnia  morte. 

llsec  perstant.  OVID. 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled,  "A a 
Act  for  the  encouragement  of  Learning  by  securing  the  copies  of  Maps,  Charts 
and  Books,  to  the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  copies,  during  the  times 
therein  mentioned  ;"  and  also  to  an  Act  entitled,  "An  Act  supplementary  to 
an  Act,  entitled,  an  Act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the 
r.opies  of  Maps,  Charts  and  Books,  to  the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  copies 
'luring  the  times  therein  mentioned  ;  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the 
arts  of  designing,  engraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints." 

AV1U.1AM  S.  SHAW, 


\u 


PREFACE. 


\V  HEN  a  new  publication  appears,  some  pre* 
account  ot  the  reasons  which  led  to  it,  and  the  manner  in 
k  -us  been  conducted,  is  generally  expected. 

The  compiler  of  this  history  was  early  impelled  by  his  natur- 
al cimor4ty  to  enquire  into  the  original  settlement,  progress,  and 
improvement  ot  the  country  which  gave  him  birth.  When  he 
took  up  his  residence  in  New-Hampshire  his  enquiries  were 
more  particularly  directed  to  that  part  of  it  Haxing  met  with 
some  valuable  manuscripts  which  were  but  little  known,  he  be- 
gan to  ex.uwA  cum  uiciriuciize  the  principal  things  in  them  ;  an4 
this  employment  was  Cto  speak  in  uiv,  oiju,  \jt.  a  vcicnrated  mod- 
ern author)  his  "  hobby  horse  " 

The  work,  crude  as  it  was,  being  communicated  to  some 
gentlemen,  to  whose  judgment  he  paid  much  deference,  he  was 
persuaded  and  encouraged  to  go  on  with  his  collection,  until 
the  thing  became  generally  known,  and  a  publication  could  not 
decently  be  refused. 

He  owns  himself  particularly  obliged  to  the  public  officers 
both  in  this  and  the  neighbouring  state  of  Massachusetts,  under 
the  former  as  well  as  the  present  constitutions,  for  their  oblig- 
ing attention  in  favouring  him  with  the  use  of  the  public  records 


PREFACE. 

or  extracts  from  them.  He  is  under  equal  obligation  to  a  num- 
ber of  private  gentemen,  who  have  either  admitted  him  to  their 
own  collections  of  original  papers  or  procured  such  for  him.  In 
the  course  of  his  enquiry  he  has  frequently  had  reason  to  la- 
ment the  loss  of  many  valuable  materials  by  fire  and  other  acci- 
dents :  But  what  has  pained  him  more  severely  is  the  inatten- 
tion  of  some  persons  in  whose  hands  original  papers  have  been, 
deposited,  and  who  have  suffered  them  to  be  wasted  and  de- 
stroyed as  things  of  no  value.  The  very  great  utility  of  a  pub- 
lic repository  for  such  papers  un  ier  proper  regulations,  has  ap- 
peared to  him  in  the  strongest  light,  and  he  is  persuaded  that 
it  is  an  object  worthy  the  attention  of  an  enlightened  legislature. 

The  late  accurate  and  indefatigable  Mr.  PRINCE  of  Boston, 
(under  whose  ministry  the  author  was  educated  and  whose 
memory  he  shall  always  revere)  he^an  such  a  collection  in  his 
youth  and  continued  it  for  above  fifty  years.  By  his  will  he  left 
it  to  the  care  of  the  Old  South  Church,  of  which  he  was  pastor, 
and  it  was  deposited  with  a  library  of  ancient  books  in  an  apart- 
ment of  their  meeting-house.  To  this  collection,  the  public  are 
obliged  for  some  material  hints  in  the  present  woi  or 

having  had  frequent  access  to  thatlibia 

ment  of  the  late  war.     But  the  use  <  in 

1775  made  of  that  elegant  buildiir.  h.m  •  'is 

noble  collection  of  manuscripts  ;  the  friend*  of  science  ur.J  of 
America  must  c'eplore  the  irretriev  Me  ir**  H  •«  VVP.  ^.Kered 
it  by  the  h  HIKU  /%r  v;  A  u  .  „  „  XTC  tho  h.  icf  had  been  less  poignant  I 

Historians  have  mentioned  the  affairs  of  New-Hampshire  on- 
ly in  a  loose  and  general  manner.  Nettle  and  Douglas,  though 
frequently  erroneous,  have  given  some  hints,  which  by  the  help 
of  original  records  and  other  manuscripts,  have  in  this  work  been 
carefully  and  largely  pursued.  Hu'chinson  has  said  many  thing* 
which  the  others  have  omitted  ;  his  knowledge  of  the  antiqui- 
ties of  the  country  was  extensive  and  accurate,  and  the  public 
are  much  obliged  by  the  publication  of  his  history  ;  but  he 
knew  more  than  he  thought  proper  to  relate.  The  few  publi- 
cations concerning  New-Hampshire  are  fugitive  pieces  dictated 
by  paity  or  interest.  No  regular  historical  deduction  has  ever 


PREFACE. 

appeared.  The  late  Mr.  FITCH  of  Portsmouth  made  a  begin- 
ning  of  this  sort  about  the  year  1728  :  From  his  papers  some 
things  have  been  collected  which  have  not  been  met  with  else- 
where. The  authorities  from  which  information  is  derived  are 
carefully  noted  in  the  margin.  Where  no  written  testimonies 
could  be  obtained,  recourse  has  been  had  to  the  most  authentic 
tradition,  selected  and  compared  with  a  scrupulous  attention, 
and  with  proper  allowance  for  the  imperfection  of  human  mem- 
ory. After  all,  the  critical  reader  will  doubtless  find  some 
chasms  which  in  such  a  work  it  would  be  improper  to  fill  by  the 
help  of  imagination  and  conjecture. 

The  author  makes  no  merit  of  his  regard  to  truth.  To  have 
disguised  or  misrepresented  facts  would  have  been  abusing  the 
reader.  No  person  can  take  more  pleasure  in  detecting  mis- 
takes than  the  author  in  correcting  them  if  he  should  have  op- 
portunity. In  tracing  the  progress  of  controversy  it  is  impos- 
sible not  to  take  a  side,  though  we  are  ever  so  remote  from 
any  personal  interest  in  it  :  Censure  or  applause  will  naturally 
follow  the  opinion  we  adopt.  If  $e  reader  should  happen  to 
entertain  different  feelings  from  the  writer,  he  has  an  equal 
rightio  indulge  them  ;  but  not  at  the  expence  of  candor. 

The  Masonian  controversy  lay  so  directly  in  the  way  that  it 
could  not  be  avoided.  The  rancour  shewn  on  both  sides  in  the 
early  stages  of  it  has  now  subsided.  The  present  settlement  is 
so  materially  connected  with  the  general  peace  and  welfare  of 
the  people,  that  no  wise  man  or  friend  to  the  country  can  at  this 
day  wish  to  overthrow  it. 

Mr.  HUBBARD,  Dr.  MATHER  and  Mr.  PENHALLOW  have 
published  narratives  of  the  several  Indian  wars  :  Thebe  have 
been  compared  with  the  public  records,  with  ancient  manu" 
scripts,  with  CHARLEVOIX'S  history  of  New-France,  and  with 
the  verbal  traditions  of  the  immediate  sufferers  or  their  de- 
scendants. The  particular  incidents  of  these  wars  may  be 
tedious  to  strangers,  but  will  be  read  with  avidity  by  the  posteri- 
ty of  those  whose  misfortunes  and  bravery  were  so  conspicuous. 
As  the  character  of  a  people  must  be  collected  from  such  9. 


PREFACE. 

minute  series,  it  would  have  been  improper  to  have  been  le»s 
particular. 

The  writer  has  had  it  in  view  not  barely  to  relate  facts,  but 
to  delineate  the  characters,  the  passions,  the  interests  and  tem- 
pers of  the  persons  who  are  the  subjects  of  his  narration,  and  to 
describe  the  most  striking  features  of  the  times  in  which  they 
lived.  How  far  he  has  succeeded,  or  wherein  he  is  defective^ 
must  be  left  to  the  judgment  of  every  candid  reader)  to  which 
this  work  is  most  respectfully  submitted, 

Dover,  June  I,  1784, 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.    I. 

JDlSCOVERY  of  the  country.  Eftablifli- 
ment  of  the  council  of  Plymouth.  Their 
grants  to  Mafon  and  others.  Beginning 
of  the  fettlements  at  Portfmouth  and  Dover. 
Whelewright's  Indian  purchafe.  Neale's 
adventures.  Difcouragements.  DifTolutioa 
of  the  council.  Mafbn's  death.  Caufes  of 
the  failure  of  his  enterprize.  Page  9. 

II.  Troubles  at  Dover.     Settlements  of  Exe- 
ter and  Hampton.      Story  of  Underbill. 
Defertion  of  Mafon's  tenants.      Combina- 
tions at  Portfmouth  and  Dover.     Union  of 
New-Hampfliire  with  Maflachufetts.      32. 

III.  Obfervations  on  the  principles  and  con- 
duct of  the  firft  planters  of  New-England. 
Caufe   of  their  removal.      Their  religious 
fentiments.     Fortitude.    (Jare  ot  their  pof- 
terity.     Juflice.     Laws.    Principles  of  gov- 
ernment.   Theocratic  prejudices.    Intoler- 
ance and  perfections.  54. 

IV.  Mode  of  government  under  MafTachu- 
fetts.     Mafon's  efforts  to  recover  the  pro- 
perty of  his  anceftor.     Tranfactions  of  the 
king's  commiffioners.    Oppofition  to  them. 
Internal  tranfactions,    Mafon  difcouraged* 

85. 

V.  Remarks  on  the  temper  and  manners  of 


Vlll,  CONTENTS. 

the  Indians.     The  firfl  general  war  with 
them,  called  Philip's  war.  100. 

VI.  Mafon's   renewed   efforts.       Randolph's 
miffion  and  tranfactions.    Attempts  for  the 
trial  of  Mafon's  title,       New-Hampfhire 
feparated  from  Maffachufetts  and  made  a 
royal  province.     Abftradl  of  the  commif- 
fion.     Remarks  on  it.  184. 

VII.  The  adminiftration  of  the  firfl  council. 
Mafon's  arrival,    Oppofition  to  him.      His 
departure.    State  of  trade  and  navigation. 

143. 

VIII.  The  adminiftration  of  Cranfield.    Vio- 
lent  meafures.      Infurrections.      Mafon's 
fuits.    Profecution  of  Moody  and  Vaughan. 
Arbitrary    meafures.       Complaints.      Tu- 
mults.   Weare's  agency  in  England.  Gran- 
field's    removal.      Barefoote's  adminiftra- 
tion. 153. 

IX.  Adminiftration  of  Pudley  as  prefident, 
and  AndrofTe  as  governor  of  New-England. 
Mafon's  further  attempts.    His  difappoiiit- 
inent  and  death.    Revolution.    Sale  to  Al- 
len. His  cpmmimon  for  the  government. 

184. 

X.  The   war  with  tK<?   French  and  Indians, 
commonly  called  King  William's  war.  195. 

XL  The  civil  affairs  of  the  province  during 
the  adminiftrations  of  Ufher,  Partridge,  Al- 
len, the  Earl  of  Bellamont  and  Dudley, 
comprehending  the  whole  controverfy  with 
Allen  and  his  heirs.  231. 

XII.  The  war  with  the  French  and  Indians, 
called  Queen  Anne's  war.  Conclufion  of 
Dudley's  and  Ulher's  adminiftratioo.  263, 


THE 

HISTORY 

6  F 

:  NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

i 

G  H  A  P.     L- 

Ui&c(ji>ery  of  the  country.  —  F^stablishmt-nt  of  the  Council  of 
Plymouth.  —  '-Their  grant*  to  Mason  and  others.  —  Beginning 
•jfihe.  settlements  at  P'ortsmvuth  and  Dover.  —  Wheleivrighfv 
Imlian  fture/Mise.—^Vfiu'fi  adi>entures.-»—  'Discouragements.  — 
of  the  Council.  —  Mason"  a  death.  —  Causes  of  the' 
oj  hi*  tmerjn'i'zc. 


is  happy  for  America  that  its  dif- 
covery  and  fettlement  by  the  Europeans  hap- 
pened at  a  time  when  they  were  emerging 
from  a  long  period  of  ignorance  and  darknefs. 
The  difcovery  of  the  magnetic  needle,  the  in- 
vention of  printing,  the  revival  of  literature 
and  the  reformation  of  religion,  had  caufed  a 
Vafl  alteration  in  their  views,  and  taught  them 
the  true  ufe  of  their  rational  and  active  pow- 
ers. To  this  concurrence  of  favourable  cauf- 
es  we  are  indebted  for  the  precifion  with 
which  we  are  able  to  fix  the  beginning  of  this 
great  American  empire  :  An  advantage  of 
which  the  hiftorians  of  other  countries  almofl 
univerfally  are  deftitute  ;  their  firft  aeras  being 
either  difguifed  by  fiction  and  romance,  or 
involved  in  impenetrable  obfcurity. 

Mankind  do  not  eafily  relinquiih  ancient 
and  eftabliihed  prejudices,  or  adopt  new  fyf- 
tqms  of  conduct,  without  fome  powerful  atj^ 
B 


10  HISTORY  6f 

tractive.     The  profpect  of  immenfe  wealth, 
from  the  mines  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  fired  the 
Spaniards  to   a  rapid  conqueft  of  thofe  re- 
gions and  the  deftruction  of  their  numerous 
inhabitants  ;  but  the  northern  continent,  pre- 
fenting  no  fuch  glittering  charms,  was  ne- 
1496.     gle6led  by  the  European  princes  for  more 
prince^      than  a  century  after  its  difcovery.     No  ef- 

Annals.  '  i  r  i  r  i 

rectual  care  was  taken  to  iecure  to  themieives 
the  polTeflion  of  fo  exteniive  a  territory,  or 
the  advantage  of  a  friendly  traffic  with  its  na- 
tives, or  of  the  fifhery  on  its  co;ifts  ;  till  pri- 
vate adventurers  at  a  vaft  expence,  with  i-ifi- 
nite  hazard  and  perfevering  zeal,  eftabliihed 
fettlements  for  themfelves;  and  thereby  en- 
larged the  dominions  of  theii*  fovereigns. 

Of  the  voyagers  who  vifitecj  the  northerii 
coaft  of  America,  for  the  fake  of  its  furs  and 
filh,  one  of  the  mofl  remarkable  was  Captain 
J614  J°mi  Si^i^h  ;  who  ranged  the  more  from  Pe- 
iiobfcot  to  Cape  Cod,  and  in  this  route  diC- 
covered  the  river  Pafcataqua  ;  which  he  found 
to  be  a  fafe  harbour  with  a  rocky  more.  He 
returned  to  England  in  one  of  his  mips,  and 
there  publiflied  a  defcription  of  the  country, 
with  a  map  of  the  fea-coaft,  which  he  prefent- 
c4  to-  Prince  Charles,  who  gave  it  the  name  of 
NEW-ENGLAND.  The  other  ftiip  he  left  be- 
hind under  the  ca'rg  of  Thomas  Hunt,  who 
decoyed  about  twenty  of  the  natives  on  board 
and  fold  them  for  flaves  at  Malaga.  This 
perfidious  action  excited  a  violent  jealoufy  in 
tliQ  natives,  and  bitterly  enraged  them  againft 
fucceeding  adventurers.  Two  of  thofe  fav- 
ages  having  found  their  way  back  as  far  as 
Newfoundland,  then  under  the  government 
of  Captain  John  Mafon,  were  reftored  to  their 


MEW-HAMPSHIRE.  11 

native  country  by  his  friendly  interposition,  _1 6 14; 
and  reported  the  itrong  disapprobation,  which 
the  Engliih  in  general  entertained  of  the- jnif- 
chievous  plot  by  which  they  had  beeu  car- 
ried off.     By  this  means,  together  with  the    - 
prudent  endeavours  of  Captain  Thomas  Der-  _, 

-1  ,  Hubnara  s 

mer,  and  afterward  of  the  Plymouth  lettlers,  printed 
tranquility  was   re-eftab,liihed  between  the  Set^oub- 
Indians  and  the  adventurers,  which  was  tol-  lensd^ the 
erably  preferved  for  many  years.     However  Q. 
fond  we  may  have  been  of  accufing  the   In- 
dians of  treachery  and  infidelity,  it  muft  be 
confeiled  that  the  example  was  firft  fet  them 
by  the  Europeans.     Had  we  always  treated 
them  with  that  juftice  and  humanity  which 
our  religion  inculcates,  and  our  true  intere|l 
at  all  times  required,  we  might  have  lived  in 
as   much  harmony  with  them,  as   with  any 
other  people  on  the  globe. 

The  importance  of  the  country  now  be-  1620. 
gan  to  appear  greater  than  befqre,  and  fome 
meafures  were  taken  to  promote  its  fettle- 
ment.  A  patent  had  been  granted  by  King 
James  in  1606,  limiting  the  dominion  of  Vir- 
ginia, from  the  thirty-fourth,  to  the  forty- 
fourth  clegrfee  of  northern  latitude  ;  which 
extent  pf  territory  had  been  divided  into  two 
parts,  called  North  and  South  Virginia.  The 
latter  was  affigned  to  certain  noblemen, 
knights  and  gentlemen  of  London,  the  for- 
mer to  others  in  Briftol,  Exeter  and  Plym- 
outh. Thofe  who  were  interefted  in  the  Gorges' 
northern  colony,  finding  that  the  patent  did 
not  fecure  them  frorn  the  intrufions  of  oth- 
ers, petitioned  for  an  enlargement  and  con- 
firmation of  their  privileges.  After  fome  ^ov^; 
time,  the  king,  by  his  fole  authority,  confti- 


12  HIS  TOR  YO* 

1620.  tuted  a  council,  confiding  of  forty  noblemeo, 
knights  and  gentlemen"*,  by  the  name  of 
"  The  council  eftabliihed  at  Plymouth,  in  the 
"  county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling 
"  and  governing  of  New-England,  in  Ameri- 

MS  Copy         fC  )>          r-r^'t  '        •  •     1 

in  super.  ca.  I  hey  were  a  corporation  with  perpet- 
court  files.  uaj  faccellion,  by  election  of  the  majority  ; 
and  their  territories  extended  from  the  for- 
tieth to  the  forty-eighth  degree  of  northern 
latitude.  This  patent,  or  charter,  is  the  foun- 
dation of  all  the  grants  that  were  made  of  the 
country  of  New-England.  But  either  from 
the  jarring  interefts  of  the  members,  or  their 
indiftin<5l  knowledge  of  the  country,  or  their 
inattention  to  bufiuefs,  or  forne  other  caufe 
which  does  not  fully  appear,  their  affairs 
"vere  tranfa&ed  in  a  confufed  manner  from 
the  beginning ;  and  trie  grants  which  they 
made  were  fo  inaccurately  described,  and  in- 
terfered fo  much  with  each  other,  as  to  oc- 
cafion  difficulties  and  controverfies,  fome  of 
which  are  not  yet  ended* 

Two  of  the  moft  active  members  of  this 
coun9il  were  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and 
Captain  John  Mafon.  Gorges  had  been  an 

*  The  Du'-e  of  Lenox,  John  Brook?, 

Marquis  «f  Bncki  -^ham,  - — Thomas  Gates, 

-Hamilton,  Richard  Hawkins, 

Earl  of  Pembroke,  - — Richard  Edgecombe, 

Amndel,  — —  Allen  Apslry, 

Bath,  ; —  Warwick  He:, ! , 

Soutl'nmpton,  Richard  Coto; 

S  ah  sbn  rv,  . .Ton  n '  Ro- 1  riffh  iere, 

-War.vick,  — •-  Nathaniel  Rich, 

Visconnt  Hadoington,  Kdward  Giles, 

.Lord  Zouche,  — *-  Giles  Mompesson, 

SheTiehi,  Ti'om-is  Wroth,  IU 

Gorges,  M;i: 

8ir  Edward  Seymov.-,  Kol^ert  Heath, 

RoVrt  Mans^l,  Ilenrj' Bnurgcbiere, 

• —  Edward  Zonchp,  John  Drnkr, 

TTVidiey  Di^ge?,  Ravvley  Gilbert, 

— -Tlmmas  Roe,  fieorjre  Cliu'liey. 

Ferdinando  Gorge r.  rl"homas  H;imn.' 

;'am;  Jo'i''  Av;r:(tL  K:  : 


NJEW-HAMPSIIIRE.  13 

^officer  in  the  navy  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  inti-  1620; 
mately  connected  with  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  Hume- 
of  whofe  adventurous  fpirit  he  had  a  large 
fhare.  After  the  peace  which  King  James 
made  in  1604,  he  was  appointed  governor  of 
the  fort  and  ifland  of  Plymouth  in  Deyon- 
ihire.  While  hie  refided  there,  Captain  Wey- 
mouth,  who  had  been  employed  by  Lord 
Arundel  in  fearch  of  a  north  weft  paffage,  but 
had  fallen  fhort  of  his  courfe  and  put  in  at 
Pemaquid,  brought  from  thence  into  the  har- 
bour of  Plymouth,  five  natives  of  America, 
three  of  whom  were  eagerly  feized  by  Gor- 
ges, and  retained  in  his  fervice  for  three  years. 
Finding  them  of  a  tra&able  and  communi- 
cative difpofition,  and  having  won  their  af- 
fections by  gentle  treatment,  he  learned  from 
them  many  particulars  concerning  their 
cpuntry,  its  rivers,  harbours,  iflands,  fisheries 
and  other  products  ;  and  the  numbers,  force, 
difpofition  and  government  of  the  natives  ; 
.and  from  thjs  information  he  conceived  fan- 
guine  hopes  of  indulging  his  genius,  and  mak- 
ing his  fortune,  by  a  thorough  difcovery  of 
the  country.  For  this  purpofe  he,  in  con-  N 
juncjlioii  with  others,  ventured  feveral  mips, 
whereof  fbme  met  with  peculiar  misfortunes  ; 
and  others  brought  home  accounts,  which, 
though  difcour aging  to  fome  of  his  affbciates, 
made  him  determine  upon  farther  attempts, 
wherein  his  reiblution  and  perfeverance  were 
more  conspicuous  than  any  folid  gain,  Thefe 
tranfadlions  were  previous  to  the  eftablifh- 
ment  of  the  council  ;  in  foliciting  which, 
Gorges  was  fb  extremely  a6Uve,  that  he  was 
appointed  their  prefident,  and  had  a  principal 
(hare  in  all  their  tranfa<51ions.  Mafon  wa.-  >:  • 


14  HISTORY  OF 

1620.  merchant  of  London,  but  became  a  Tea-officer., 
and,  after  the  peace,  governor  of  Newfound- 
land,   where    he    acquired   a   knowledge  of 
America,  which  led  him,  on  his  return   to 
pngland,  into  a  clofe  attachment  to  thofe  who 
were  engaged  in  its  difcovery ;     and  upon 
fome  vacancy  in  the  council,  he  was  elected 

•  a  member  and  became  their  fecretary ;  being 
alfo  governor  of  Portfmouth  in  Hampihire. 

1621.  ^e  Procured  a  grant  from  the  council,  of  all 
March  9.    the  land  from  the  river  of  Naumkeag,  [now 

Salem]  round  Cape  Anne,  to  the  river  Mer- 
rimack  ;  and  up  each  of  thofe  rivers  to  the 
fartheft  head  thereof ;  then  to  crois  over  from 
the  head  of  the  one  to  the  head  of  the  other  ; 
with  all  the  iilands  lying  within  three  miles 
of  the  coaft.  This  diftriit  was  called  MA- 

1622.  RIANA.     The  next  year  another  grant  was 
AB^.IO.     jn;ijej  to    Gorges  and  Mafon  jointly,  of  all 

the  lands  between  tlie  rivers  Merrimack  and 
Sagadehock,  extending  back  to  the  great 
lakes  and  river  of  Canada,  and  this  was  called 
LACONIA. 

Under  the  authority  of  this  grant,  Gorges 
and  Mafon,  in  conjunction  with  fever  al  mer- 
chants of  London,  Briflol,  Exeter,  Plymouth, 
Shrew fbury  and  Dorchefter,  who  ftyled  them- 
felves  "  The  company  of  Laconia,"  attempted 
the  eftablifhment  of  a  colony  and  filhery  at 
the  river  Pafcataqua  ;  and  in  the  fpring  of 

1623.  the  following  year  feiit  over  David  Thomp- 
foiij  a  Scotfman,  Edward  and  William  Hil- 
ton, fifhmongers  of  London,  with  a  number 
of  other  people,  in  two  divifions,  furniihed 
with  all  neceffaries  to  carry  on  their  defign. 
One  of  thefe  companies  landed  on  the  fouth. 
qrn  fliore  of  the  river,  at  its  mouth,  and  call. 


15 

ed   the   place    Little-Harbour  :    Here  they  1623, 
eredled  falt-works,  and  built  an  houfe  which 
was  afterward  called  Mafon-Hall  ;    but  the 
Hiltons  fet  up  their  ftages  eight  miles   fur- 
ther up  the  river  toward  the  northweft,  on  a 
neck  of  land  which  the  Indians  called  Win-  Hubbaid«g 
nichahannat,  but  they  named  Northam,  and  MS. 
afterward  Dover.   Thompfon  not  being  pleaf- 
ed  with  his  fituation,  removed  the  next  fpring  1(324, 
to  an  ifland  in  the  bay  of  Maffachufetts  ;  this 
the  General  Court   afterward  confirmed  to  Prince's 
him  and  ftill  bears  his  name.  ls*, 

Thefe  fettlements  went  on  but  flowly  for 
fqveral  years,  but  the  natives  being  peaceable 
and  feveral  other  fmall  beginnings  being  made 
along  the  coaft  as  far  as  Plymouth,  a  neigh- 
bourly intercourfe  was  kept  up  among  them^ 
each  following  their  refpecTlve  employments 
of  fifhing,  trading  and  planting,  till  the  dif- 
orderly  behaviour  of  one  Morton,  at  Mount 
Wollafton  in  the  Bay  of  MafTachufetts,  cauf- 
ed  an  alarm  among  the  fcattered  fettlements 
as  far  as  Pafcataqua.  This  man  had,  in  de- 
fiance of  the  king's  proclamation,  made  a 
practice  of  felling  arms  and  ammunition  to 
the  Indians,  whom  he  employed  in  hunting 
and  fowling  for  him  ;  fo  that  the  Englifh, 
feeing  the  Indians  armed  in  the  woods,  be- 
gan to  be  in  terror.  They  alfo  apprehended 
danger  of  another  kind  5  for  Morton's  plan- 
tation was  a  receptacle  for  difcontented  fer- 
vants,  whofe  defertion  weakened  the  fettle- 
ments, and  who,  being  there  without  law, 
were  more  formidable  than  the  favages  them- 
felves.  The  principal  perfons  of  Pafcataqua 
therefore  readily  united  with  their  neigh- 

t  .  ,   .   J  .& 

oours,  in  making  application  to  the  colony 


£6  HISTORY  CJP 

1628.  of  Plymouth,  which  was  of  more  force  thart 
all  the  reft,  to  put  a  ftop  to  this  growing  mif- 
chief ;  which  they  happily  effected  by  feiz- 
ing  Morton  and   fending   him   prifoner   to 
England. 

Some  of  the  fcattered  planters  in  the  Bay 
of  MafTachufetts,  being  defirous  of  making  a 

1629.  fettlemeiit  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Pafcata- 
qua,  and  following  the  example  of  thofe  at 
Plymouth,  who  had  purchafed  their  lands  of 
the     Indians,    which    they    confcientioufly 
thought  neceflary  to  give  them  a  juil  title,  pro- 
cured a  general  meeting  of  Indians,  at  Squam- 
fcot  falls,  where  they  obtained  a   deed  from 
Paflaconaway  Sagamore  of  P'enacook,  Run- 
naawitt    of  Pantucket,   Wahangnonawit    of 
Squamfcot,  and  Rowls  of  Newichwannock  : 
wherein  they  express  their   *  defire  to  have 

*  the  Englifh  come  and  fettle  among  them  as 

*  among  their  countrymen  in  MafTachufetts, 

*  whereby    they    hope    to    be    ftrengthened 
*againft  their  enemies  the  Tarrateens  ;  and 

*  accordingly  ivitb  the  univerfal  confcnt  of  their 
'fiiljetJs,  for  what  they  deemed  a  valuable  con- 

*  fideration  in  coats,  fhirts  and  kettles,  fell  to 
fc'  John  Whelewrightof  the  Maflachufetts  Bay, 

*  late  of  England,  minifler  of  the  gofpel,  Au- 
4  guftine    Story  [or  Storer]  Thomas    Wight, 
4  William  Wentwor th,  and  Thomas  Leavit, 
"  all  that  part  of  the  main  Land  bounded  by 
"  the  river  Pafcataqua  and  the  river  Merri- 
"  mack,  to  begin  at  Newichwannock  falls  in 
"  Pafcataqua  river  aforefaid,  and  down  faid 
"  river  to  the  fea  ;  and  along  the  fea-fhore  to 
i;  Merrimack  river  ;  and  up  faid  river  to  the 
<c  falls  at  Pantucket ;  and  from  thence  upon  a 
t:  northweft  line,  twenty  Englifh  miles 


-H  AMPS  HIRE.  17 

u  the  woods ;  and  from  thence  upon  a  ftrait  1629, 
"  line  northeaft,  till  it  meet  with  the  main 
"rivers  that  run  down  to  Pantucket  falls, 
"  and  Newichwannock  falls  aforefaid*  ;  the 
"  faid  rivers  to  be  the  bounds  from  the  thwart 
"  or  head  line  to  the  aforefaid  falls,  and  from 
"  thence  the  main  channel  of  each  river  to 
"  the  fea  to  be  the  fide  bounds  ;  together  with 
"  all  the  illands  within  the  faid  bounds  ;  as 
"  alfo  the  ifles  of  fhoals  fo  called."  The  con- 
ditions of  this  grant  were, c  that  Whelewright 
c  Ihould  within  ten  years,  begin  a  plantation 

*  at  Squamfcot  falls  ;  that  other  inhabitants 

*  mould  have  the  fame  privileges  with  him  ; 
c  that  no  plantation  mould  exceed  ten  miles 
6  fquare  ;  that  no    lands  fhould    be  granted 
c  but  in  townfliips  ;  and  that  thefe  fhould  be 
cfubjecl  to  the   government   of  the  Mafla- 

*  chufetts    colony,  until    they  fhould    have 
c  a      fettled      government     among     them- 

*  felves  ;  that  for  each  townfhip  there  fhould 

*  be  paid  an  annual  acknowledgment  of  "one 
"  coat  of  trucking  cloth,"  to  PafTaconaway  the 
( chief  Sagamore  or   his  fucceflbrs,  and    two 
c  bufhels  of  Indian  corn  to  Whelewright  and 
chis  heirs.     The  Indians  referved  to   them- 
c  felves  free  liberty  of  fifhing,  fowling,  hunt- 

*  intr  and  planting  within  thefe  limits.'     The  ^  Cop>' 

•  •       i  r  r  r*    r  ln  SuPer> 

principal  perions  ot  raicataqua  and  the  prov-  court  file 
ince  of  Maine  were  witneffes  to  the  fubfcrib- 
ing  of  this  inflrument,  and  giving  poflemon 
of  the  lands. 

By  this  deed  the  Englifh  inhabitants  with- 
in thefe  limits  obtair^ed  a  right  to    the  foil 

*  The  NW  line  here  described  will  end  within  the  township  of  Amherst ; 
and  the  NE  line  from  thence  will  cross  the  river  Merrimack  about  Amxiskeag 
i'alls,  and  passing  through  Chester,  Nottingham,  Harrington  and  Rochestfr^ 
•will  stn',.-  NT .-  vi'j'uvannock.  river  about  tea  mjles  ab^ve  the  Sali^on  falls, 

C 


18  HISTORY   OF 

1629.  from  the  original  proprietors,  more  valuable 
a  moral  view,  than  the  grants  of  any  Eu- 
ropean prince  could  convey.  If  we  fmile  at 
the  arrogance  of  a  Roman  Pontiff  in  afTum- 
ing  to  divide  the  whole  new  world  between 
the  Spaniards  and  Portuguefe,  with  what 
confiileiicy  can  we  admit  the  right  of  a  king 
of  England,  to  parcel  out  America  to'  his 
fubjects,  when  he  had  neither  purchafed  nor 
conquered  it,  nor  could  pretend  any  other 
title,  than  that  fome  of  his  fubje6ls  were  the 
firft  Europeans  who  difcovered  it,  while  it 
was  in  poifeilion  of  its  native  lords  ?  The  only 
validity  which  fuch  grants  could  have  in  the 
eye  of  reafon  was,  that  the  grantees  had  from 
their  prince  a  permiffion  to  negotiate  with 
the  pofTeffors  for  the  purchafe  of  the  foil,  and 

NOV.  7.  thereupon  a  power  of  jurifdiction  fubordi- 
nate  to  his  crown. 

The  fame  year  Captain  Mafon  procvired  a 
new  patent,  under  the  common  feal  of  the 
council  of  Plymouth,  for  the  land  "  from  the 
"middle  of  Pafcataqua  river  and  up  the  fame 
"  to  the  fartheft  head  thereof,  and  from  thence 
"  northweflward  until  iixty  miles  from  the 
"  mouth  of  the  harbour  were  finifhed  ;  alfo 
"  through  Merrimack  river,  to  the  farthefl 
"  head  thereof,  and  fo  forward  up  into  the 
"  land  weftward,  until  fixty  miles  were  finiih- 

M^in^ies  u  ec[  .  .an(i  frorn  thence  to  crofs  over  land  to 

court.  "  the  end  of  the  fixty  miles  accounted  from 
"  Pafcataqua  river  ;  together  with  all  iilaiids 
"within  five  leagues  of  the  coaft."  This  tract 
of  land  was  called  NEW-HAMPSHIRE:  It 
comprehended  the  whole  of  Whelewright's 
purchafe  ;  and  unlefs  Mafon's  intention  was 
to  fruftrate  his  title,  it  is  difficult  to  aflign  a 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  19 

reafon  for  the  procurement  of  this  patent,  as  1629. 
the  fame  land,  with  much  more,  had  been 
granted  to  Gorges  and  Mafon  jointly,  feven 
years  before.     If  there  was  an  agreement  be- 
tween them  to  divide  the  province  of  Laco- 
nia,  and  take  out  new  patents  from  the  coun- 
cil, in  preference  to  the  making  a  deed  of  par- 
tition ;  it  is  not  eafy  to  conceive  why  the 
weftern  boundary   ihould  be  contracted  to  Gor  es» 
iixty  miles  from  the  fea,  when  the  lakes  and  H^V  of 
river  of  Canada  were  fuppofed  to   be  but  &. 
ninety  or  an  hundred  miles  from  Pafcataqua. 
If  this  grant  was  intended  as  an  equivalent 
for  the  patent   of  Mariana,  which  the  coun- 
cil had  the  preceding  year  included  in  their 
deed  to  the  MaiTachufetts  company  ;  it  is  im- 
poffible  to  account  for  the  extenfion  of  New- 
Hampfhire  to  the  river  Merrimack,wli€n  the 
grant  of  MafTachufetts  reached  to  "  three  miles  iQgQ 
"  north  of  that  river  and  of  every  partof  it*."  March  12, 

The  weft  country  adventurers  were  not 
lefs  attentive  to  their  intereft  ;  for  in  the  fol- 
lowing fpring  they  obtained  a  patent  from 
the  council  whereby  "  all  that  part  of  the 
"  river  Pafcataqua  called  or  known  by  the 
"  name  of  Hilton's  Point,  with  the  fouth  fide 

*  Mr.  Hnbbard  in  his  MS  history  says  "  it  hath  been  affirmed  by  Mr. 
Josselyn,  who  first  came  over  into  New-Kngland  on  Capt.  Mason's  account, 
that  there  was  ay  agreement  made  between  Mr.  Mathew  Cradock  (the  first 
Governor  oi'tl^  Massachusetts  company)  and  Captain  John  Mason,  that  the 
bounds  of  th£  Massachusetts  should  reach  to  three  7n!!es  northward  of  the  Mer- 
rimacl:,  and  the  remainder  of  the  land  bet'.vixt  that  line  and  Pascataqua  river, 
should  be  left  for  Captain  Mason's  patent." 

The  comrmssi-  ners  sent  by  Charles  If  in  1664,  report  that  "  Mr.  Mason 
had  a  patent  for  seme  land  abaut  Cape  Anne  before  the  Massachusetts  had 
their  first  patent  ;  whereupon  Captain  Mason  and  Mr.  Cradock  agreed  that 
the  Massachusetts  should  have  that  land,  which  was  granted  to  Capt.  Ma- 
son about  Cape  Anne,  and  Capt.  Mason  should  have  that  land  ivhich  ti>as  be- 
yond Mfrrhnack  and  granted  to  the  Massachusetts.  This  agreement  was  sent 
to  Mr.  Henry  Jocelyn  to  get  recorded  at  Boston,  but  before  he  could  have 
leisure  to  go  there  he  heard  that  Capt.  Mason  was  dead  and  therefore  went 
not.  Of  this  he  made  affidavit,  before  the  commissioners.'*  Hutch.  CgSp 
lotion  Papers,  p.  423. 


*  HISTORY     Of 

1630.  "  of  the  faid  river  up  to  the  falls  of  Squam- 
"  fcot,  and  three  miles  into    the   main  land 
"  for  breadth,"  was  granted  to  Edward  Hilton^ 
This  patent,  fealed  with  the  common  feal  of 
the  council,  and    fubfcribed  by  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  fets  forth,  that  Hilton  and  his  aiTo- 
ciates  had  at  thtir  own  proper  coft  and  charg- 
es   transported   fervants,    built  houfes    and 
planted  corn  at  Hilton's  Point,  now  Dover, 

MS  Copy    and  intended   the  further  increafe  and  ad- 

S^  oSce".  vancement  of  the  plantation.  William  Black- 

ftone,  William  Jefferies  and  Thomas   Lewis 

1631.  or  either  of  them,  were  impowered  to  give 
pofleffion  of  the  premifes  ;   which  was  clone 
by  Lewis  and  the  livery  and  feizin  eiidori- 
ed.     Within  thefe  limits   are  contained    the 
towns  of  Dover,  Durham,  and  Stretham,  with 
part  of  Newington  and  Greenland.     It  was 
commonly  called  Squamfcot  patent,  but fome- 
times  Bloody-point  patent,  from    a  quarrel 
between  the  agents   of  the   two  companies 
about  a  point  of  land  in  the  river  which  was 
convenient  for  both  ;    and    there   being  no 
government  then  eftablifhed,  the  controver- 
.jy  ^yo^d  have  ended  in    blood,  if  the  con- 
tending   parties    had  not     been     periiiaded 
to  refer  the  decifion  of  it  to  their  employers. 

The  London  adventurers  alfo  thought   it 
prudent  to  have  feme  fecurity  for  the  inter- 
No^  3.  e^.  w}1jc}1  they  had  advanced,  and  according- 
ly obtained  a    grant  from    the    council,    of 
Hutch,  vol.  "  that  part  of  the  patent  of  Laconia,  on  which 
i.p.*   •    « tjie  J^jilJingg  ancl  falt-works  were  erecled, 
"  fituano  on  both  fides  the  harbour  and  river 
"  of  Pafcataqua  to  the  extent    of  five  miles 
"  vveilwarcl  by  the   fea~coaft,   then    to    crofs 
"  over  towards  the    other   plantation  in   the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  21 

*c  hands  of  Edward  Hilton."  The  grantees  1631- 
named  in  this  patent*  were,  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  Captain  John  Mafon,  John  Cotton, 
Henry  Gardner,  George  Griffith,  Edwin  Gay, 
Thomas  Warnerton,  Thomas  Eyre  and  Elie- 
zer  Eyre,  who,  it  is  faid,  had  already  ex- 
pended three  thoufand  pounds  in  the  under- 
taking. They  were  to  pay  forty-eight  pounds 
per  annum  by  way  of  acknowledgment  to 
the  prefident  and  council,  if  demanded.  Cap-  Hubbard^ 
tain  Comocke,  a  relation  of  the  Earl  of  War-  MS. 
wick,  with  Henry  Jocelyn,  who  were  then 
intending  a  voyage  here  were  appointed  to 
put  the  ^;rar\toes  in  poifeffion.  Within  this 
patent  are  comprehended  the  towns  of  Portf- 
mouth,  Newcaftle  and  Rye,  with  part  of  New- 
ington  and  Greenland. 

The  whole  interefl  being  thus  divided  into 
two  parts,  Captain  Thomas  Wiggen  was  ap- 
pointed agent  for  the  upper,  and  Captain 
Walter  Neal  for  the  lower  plantation  ;  with  MS 
him  were  affociated  Ambrofe  Gibbons,  George 
Vaughan,  Thomas  Warnerton,  Humphrey 
Chadbourne  and  one  Godfrie  as  fuperinten- 
dants  of  the  feveral  bufinefles  of  trade,  fifhe- 
ry,  falt-making,  building  and  hufbandry. 
Neal  relided  at  Little-Harbour  with  Godtrie 
who  had  the  care  of  the  filhery.  Chadbourne 
built  a  houfe  at  Strawberry-bank,  which  was 
called  the  great  houfc,  in  which  Warnerton  re- 
(ided.  Gibbons  had  the  care  of  a  faw-mill, 
and  lived  in  a  palifaded  houfe  at  Newich- 
wannock,  where  he  carried  on  trade  with  the 

*  Mr.  Httbbard  says,  that  this  patent  was  in  the  bands  of  some  gentlemen 
at  Portsmouth  \vhen  he  wrote.  I  have  seen  no  copy  of  it  but  what  is  pre- 
served in  hia  MS  history.  There  is  among-  the  ancient  files  in  the  Recor- 
der'1 s  office,  an  invoice  of  goods  sent  over  in  1631,  subscribed  by  all  the  above 
names,  except  the  last,  in  whose  stead  is  snbt'cribecl  William  Gyles. 


22  HISTORY  OP 

1631.  Indians.  He  afterward  removed  to  Sander  V 
point,  where  the  adventurers  gave  him  a  fet* 
tlement  for  his  faithful  fervices.  He  was 
fucceeded  at  Newichwannockby  Chadbourne, 
whofe  poflerity  are  perfoiis  of  principle  fig- 
ure and  interefb  there  at  this  day.  The  pro- 
prietors were  alfo  careful  to  provide  for  the 
defence  of  their  plantations,  and  fent  over  fev- 
eral  cannon  which  they  directed  their  agents 
to  mount  in  the  moft  convenient  place  for  a 
fort.  They  accordingly  placed  them  on  the 
northeafl  point  of  the  Great-Ifland  at  the 
mouth  of  the  harbour,  and  laid  out  the 

MS  in  the  ground  "  about  a  bow-fhot  from  the  water- 
Recorder's  Srj  1-1  i  •  i     • 
ftt*         "iide  to  a  high  rock,  on    which  it    was   m- 

"  tended  in  time  to  build  the  principal  fort." 
A  great  part  of  Captain  Neal's  errand  jvas 

to  penetrate  the  interior  part  of  the  province 
«orges'  °^  Lac°nia,  concerning  which  the  adventur- 
History  of  ers  had  formed  very  fanguine  expectations. 

America,       •»•  J/^MI  •"  •  T 

l>,  £7.        It  was  deicribed  as  containing  divers  lakes, 
and  extending  back  to  a  great  lake  and  river 
in  the  country  of  the  Iroquois.     This  river 
was  faid  to  be  fair  and  large,  containing  ma- 
ny fruitful  iflands  ;  the  air  pure  and  falubri- 
ous  ;  the  country  pleafant,  having  fome  high 
hills  ;  full  of  goodly  forefts,  fair  vallies  and 
fertile  plains  ;  abounding  in  corn,  vines,  cheC- 
nuts,  walnuts,  and  many  other  forts  of  fruit ; 
the  rivers  well  ftored  with  filh,  and  enviroib- 
ed  with  goodly  meadows  full  of  timber-trees. 
In  the  great  lake  were  faid  to  be  four  iflands, 
full  of  pleafant  woods  and  meadows,  having 
great  ftore  of  ftags,  fallow-deer,  elks,  roe- 
bucks, beavers  and  other  game,  and  thefe 
iflands  were  fuppofed  to  be  commodioufly 
lituated   for  habitation   and  traffic,  in    the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  2 

midft  of  a  fine  lake,  abounding  with  the  moft  1631. 
delicate  fiih.  No  one  who  is  acquainted  with 
the  interior  part  of  the  country  in  its  wilder- 
nefs  (late,  can  forbear  fmiling  at  this  roman- 
tic defcriptioii,  penned  in  the  true  ftyle  of 
adventurers  :  yet  fuch  an  impreilion  had  the 
charms  of  Laconia  made  on  the  minds  of 
our  firft  fettlers,  that  Neal  let  out  on  foot,  in 
company  with  Jocelyn  and  Darby  Field,  to 
difcover  thefe  beautiful  lakes,  and  fettle  a 
trade  with  the  Indians  by  pinnaces,  imagin- 
ing the  diftance  to  be  fhort  of  an  hundred 
miles.  In  the  courfe  of  their  travels,  they 
vifited  the  white  mountains,  which  they  de- 
fcribed  in  the  fame  romantic  ftyle,  to  be  a 
ridge,  extending  an  hundred  leagues,  on 
which  fnow  lieth  all  the  year,  and  inaccefli- 
ble  but  by  the  gullies  which  the  diffolved 
fnow  hath  made  :  on  one  of  thefe  mountains 
they  reported  to  have  found  a  plain  of  a  day's 
journey  over,  whereon  nothing  grows  but 
mofs  ;  and  at  the  further  end  of  this  plain,  a 
rude  heap  of  mafly  ftones,  piled  vip  on  one  ano- 
ther a  mile  high  ;  on  which  one  might  afcend 
from  itoiie  to  ftone,  like  a  pair  of  winding 
flairs,  to  the  top3  where  was  another  level  of 
about  an  acre,  with  a  pond  of  clear  water. 
This  fummit  was  faid  to  be  far  above  the 
clouds,  and  from  hence  they  beheld  a  va- 
por like  a  vaft  pillar,  drawn  up  by  the  fun- 
beams,  out  of  a  great  lake  into  the  air,  where 
it  was  formed  into  a  cloud.  The  country 
beyond  thefe  mountains  northward,  was  faid 
to  be  "  daunting  terrible,"  full  of  rocky  hills, 
as  thick  as  mole-hills  in  a  meadow,  and 
clothed  with  infinite  thick  woods.  They  had 
great  expectation  of  finding  precious  ftones 


24  HISTORY   OF 

1832.    oil  thefe  movintains  ;  and  fomething  refem- 
bling  chryftal  being  picked  up,  was  fufficient 
to  give  them  the  name  of  the  CHRYSTAL- 
HILLS.     From  hence  they   continued  their 
route  in  fearch  of  tiie  lake  ;  till  finding  their 
provifion  almoft  fpent,  and  the  forefts  of  La- 
conia  yielding  no  fupply,  they  were  obliged 
to  return  when  they  fuppoied  themfelves  fo 
far  advanced,  that    "  the    difcovery  wanted 
P. 48.        "but  one  day's  journey  of  being  finifhed*." 
This  expedition,  being  ended,  was  fucceed- 
ed  by  one  of  another  kind.     The  coaft  was 
alarmed  by  the  report  of  a  pirate,  one  Dixy 
November.  Bull ;  who  with  fifteen  others,  being  employ- 
ed in  the  Indian  trade  at  the  eaftward,    had 
taken  feveral  boats  and  rifled  the  fort  at  Pe- 
maquid.     Neal,  in  conjunction  with  the  oth- 
ers, equipped    four   pinnaces    and  fliallops, 
manned  with  forty  men,  being  all  the  force 
that  both  plantations  could  fpare  who,  being 
joined  by  twenty  more  in  a  bark  from  Bof- 
ton,  proceeded  to  Pemaquicl  ;    but  contrary 
winds  and  bad  weather  obliged  them  to  re- 
turn without  meeting  the  pirates,  who  made 
their  way  farther    to  the    eaftward,  and  at 
prince'.      length  got  to  England  ;  where  Bull  met  with 
wi.2.  *P.     his  deferts.     The  company  on  their  return 
73.  as.       hanged,  at  Richmond's  ifland,  an  Indian  who 

had  been  concerned  in    the    murder  of  an 

r      v/1 

Jinglimman. 

The  next  year  Neal  and  Wiggen  joined  in 
furveying  their  refpeclive  patents,  and  lay- 
ing out  the  towns  of  Portfmouth  and  North- 

*Mr.  Hubbard,  and  after  him  Governor  Hutchinson,  place  tbis  discovery 
of  the  White  Hi]ls  in  1642.  But  as  Neal  bad  positive  orders  to  discover 
the  lakes,  and  tarried  but  three  years  in  the  country,  employing  great  part  of 
his  time  in  searching  the  woods,  it  is  probable  that  Mr.  Hubfeatd  mistook 
one  figure  in  his  date. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  25 

am,  and  another  which  was  called  Hampton,    1633. 

though  no  fettlement  had  been  made  there. 

They  alfo   agreed    with    Whelewright    that 

the  plantation  which  he  had  undertaken    to 

make    at  Squamfcot  falls,  Ihould  be  called 

Exeter  ;  and  determined  the  bounds  between 

his  land  and  theirs.     This  furvey  was  made 

by  order  of  the  company  of  Laconia,  who 

gave  names  to  the  four  towns,  and  the  tranf-  MS  inRi. 

adtion  was  duly  reported  to  them  :    foon  af- 

ter  which  Neal  returned  to  England. 

From  a  number  of  letters  that  pafTed  be- 
tween the  adventurers  and  Gibbons  their  fac- 
tor, and  which  are  yet  preferved,  it  appears 
that  their  views  were  chiefly  turned  toward 
the  difcovery  of  the  lakes  and  of  mines  ;  the 
cultivation  of  grapes,  and  the  advantages  of 
trade  and  fifhery  ;  and  that  little  regard  was 
had  to  agriculture,  the  fureft  foundation  of 
all  other  improvements  in  fuch  a  country  as 
this.  They  often  complain  of  their  expen- 
ces,  as  indeed  they  might  with  reafon  ;  for 
they  had  not  only  to  pay  wages  to  their  col- 
onifts,  but  to  fupply  them  with  provifions, 
clothing,  utenfils,  medicines,  articles  of  trade, 
implements  for  building,  hufbandry  and  fifh- 
ing,  and  to  flock  their  plantations  with  cat- 
tle, fwine,  and  goats.  Bread  was  either 
brought  from  England  in  meal,or  from  Virgin- 
ia in  grain,  and  then  fent  to  the  wind-mill 
at  Boiton,  there  being  none  erected  here.  Ve- 
ry  little  improvement  was  made  on  the  lands  ; 
the  lakes  were  not  explored ;  the  vines  were 
planted  but  came  to  nothing  ;  no  mines  were 
found  but  thofe  of  iron,  and  thefe  were  not 
wrought  ;  three  or  four  houfes  only  were 
built  within  the  firfl  feven  years  ;  the  peltry 

D 


6  HISTORY   OF 

1633.  trade  with  the  Indians  was    of  fome  value, 
and  the  fifhery  ferved  for  the  fupport  of  the 
inhabitants  ;    but  yielded  no  great  profit  to 
the  adventurers,  who    received  but  inade- 
quate returns  in  lumber  and  furs.  They  faw 
their  mtereft  finking  apace,  and  grew  difpi- 
rited ;  and  the  major  part  of  them  either  re- 
linquiihed  the  clefign,  or  fold  their  fhares  to 
Mafon  and  Gorges,  who  were  more  fanguine 
than  the  reft,  and  became  (either  by  purchafe 
or  tacit  confent  of  the  others)  the  principal, 
if  not  fole  proprietors.     rl  hefe  gentlemen  re- 
newed their  exertions   with  greater  vigour, 
fent  over  a  freih  fupply  of  fervants,  and  ma- 
terials for  carrying  on  the  fettlement,  and  ap- 
poinced  Francis  Williams  their  governor.  He 

1634.  was  a  gentleman  of  good  fenfe  and  difcretion ; 
and  fo  very  acceptable    to    the   people,  that 
when  they  combined  in  a  body  politic  they 
continued  him  at  their  head. 

Herd's        The  charter  by  which  the  council  of  Plym- 
MS  Hist,    oiith  was  eftabliihed,  had  been  from  the  be- 

1635.  §ilininS  difrelifhed  by  the  Virginia    compa- 
ny ;  who  fpared  no  pains  to  get  it    revoked. 
Their  applications  to  the  king  proved  fruit- 
lefs  ;  but  when  the  parliament  began  to  en- 
quire into  the  grievances  of  the  nation,  this 
patent  was  complained  of  as    a    monopoly. 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  being  fumrnoned,  ap- 
peared before  them,  and  both  in  perfon  and 

GOT  es'      ky  his  council  defended  it  in  a  mafterly  man- 
Narrative,    ner,  but  in  vain  ;  for  when  the  national  griev- 
P.  22  &  44.  ances  were  prefented  to  the  throne,  the  pa- 
tent   of  New-England    was    the  fir  ft.     The 
council  alfo  had  got  into  difrepute  with  the 
high-church  party,  for    having    encouraged 
the  fettlement  of  the  Plymouth   and  Mafla- 


NEW-H  AMPS  HIRE,  f7 

chufetts  colonifts,  who  fled  from  their  perfe-  1635. 
cutioas.  Thefe  prejudices  againft  them,  ope- 
rating as  dilcouragements  to  their  undertak- 
ing, induced  the  council  torelign  their  char- 
ter to  the  king  ;  having  previoufly  taken  care 
to  fecure  fome  portion  of  the  expiring  inter- 
eft  to  fuch  of  themfelves  as  were  difpofed  to 
accept  it.  The  fcheme  they  had  in  view  was 
to  divide  their  territory  into  twelve  provinces, 
under  as  many  proprietary  governors,  fub« 
jecT:  to  one  general  governor  ;  and  they  went 
fo  far  as  to  nominate  Gorges,  then  threefcore 
years  of  age,  for  the  perfon,  and  build  a  ihip 
of  war,  which  was  to  bring  him  over  and  re- 
main in  the  fervice  of  the  country.  But  the 
fhip  fell  and  broke  in  the  launching  ;  and 
their  project  not  being  fufficiently  attended 
to  by  thole  in  power,  they  were  obliged  to 
be  content  with  fuch  grants  as  they  could 
make  of  thofe  diftricts,  into  which  they  had 
divided  the  country.  That  which  was  now 
made  to  Mafon  comprehended  both  his  for- 
mer patents,  extending  from  Naumkeag  to 
Pafcataqua,  and  fixty  miles  northwefhward 
within  the  land,  together  with  the  fouth  half 
of  the  Ifles  of  Shoals,  and  ten  thoufand  acres 
at  Sagaclahock ;  faving  to  thofe  already  fet- 
tled within  thefe  limits,  the  property  of  their 
lawful  grants  ou  paying  "fome  fmall  ac- Files  of  the 
"  knowledgment"  to  the  proprietor.  This  SuP-Court- 
grant  was  dated  the  twenty-fecond  of  April*.  Hoard's 
In  June  following,  the  council  furrendered  MS  Hist> 
their  charter  to  the  king  ;  and  in  September 

*  Whether  Captain  Mason  had  his  title  confirmed  by  the  king1  after  the 
sxirrender  of  the  charter  is  a  point  that  his  been  questioned.  1  shall  here  col- 
lect what  evidence  I  have  met  with  on  both  sides. 

In  a  pamphlet  published  in  1728,  containing  a  detail  of  the  grants  and 
transactions  of  Captain  Mason,  it  i<;  said  "  Kin^  CharK*  t.  by  charter  dated 


28  HISTORY  O£ 

1635.  Gorges  fold  to  Mafon  a  tradl  of  land  on  the 
northeaft  fide  of  the  river  Pafcataqua,  extend- 
ing three  miles  in  breadth,  and  following 
the  courfe  of  the  river  from  its  mouth  to 
its  fartheflhead, including  thefaw-mill  which 

atateof     had  been  built  at  the  falls  of  Newichwan- 

AHen'sTi-    UQck> 

But  death  which  puts  an  eud  to  the  fair  eft 
proipecls,  cut  off  all  the  hopes  which  Mafon 
had  entertained  of  aggrandizing  his  fortune, 
by  the  fettlement  of  New-Hampmire.  By 
his  laft  will,  which  he  figned  a  few  days  be- 
fore his  death,  he  difpofed  of  his  American 
eilate  in  the  following  manner,  viz.  c  To 
'  the  corporation  of  Lynn  Regis  in  Norfolk, 

*  the  place  of  his  nativity,  he  gave  two  thou- 

*  fand  acres  of  land  in  New-Hampihire,  fub- 
cje<5l  to  the  yearly    rent  of  one    penny  per 
c  acre  to  his  heirs,  and  two  fifths  of  all  mines 

"  Aug.  19,  16S5,  gives,  grants  and  confirms  unto  Capt.  John  Mason,  then 
'•'  called  treasurer  and  paymaster  of  his  army,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  all  the 
"aforesaid  tract  of  land,  granted  to  him  by  the  council  of  Plymouth,  by  the 
fi  name  of  the  province  of  New-Hampshire  ;.  'with  frrtvtr  oj '  'government \  and  as 
''  ample-jurisdiction  and  prerogatives  as  used  by  the  bishop  of  Durham  ;  cre- 
"atiiighimancl  his  aforesak'.s  absolute  lards  and  proprietors  of  the  province  ot' 
v'  New-Hampshire,  with  power  of  conferring  honours,  £cc.  On  this  authori- 
ty (I  suppose)  Douglass  has  asserted  the  same  thing.  On  which  Hutchin- 
J)au*.  son  remark?  "This  is  not  probable.  His  heirs  were  certainly  unacquainted 

Summary,      "with  it,  or  they  would  have  made  mention  of  it  before  the  king  in  council 
I.  418.  "  in  lf>91."     The  report  of  the  Lords  Chief  Justices  in  1677,  wherein  the 

Hist.  Mass,    severa'  grants  are  recited,  makes  no  mention  of  this  :  But  on  the  contrary  it 
1.317.  is  said,  "  As  to  Mr.  Mason's  right  of  government  within  the   soil  he  claimed, 

u  their  lordships,  and  indeed  hip  own  council,  agreed  he  had  none  /  the  great 
"council  of  Plymouth,  under  whom  he  claimed,  having  no  power  to  transfer 
"government  to  any."  The  Lords  of  Trade  in  a  report  to  the  king  in  1753, 
"  say,  "  It  is  alledged  that  this  last  grant  to  Mason  was  ratified  and  confirmed 
"  by  the  crown,  by  charter  dated  Aug.  19,  1635,  with  full  power  of  civil  ju- 
<;  risdiDtion  and  government,  but  no  such  charier  as  this  appears  upon  record" 

None  of  ATason's  heirs  ever  attempted  to  assume  government  by  virtue  of 
Fuch  a  ohsjiter,  3?  the  heirs  of  Gorges  did  in  the  province  of  Maine.  Robert 
TVIaFon  was  appointed  councellor  by  mandamus,  and  Samuel  Allen,  who  pur- 
chased the  title,  was  governor  by  ccrn:n;ssion  from  the  crown. 

Tii' TC  is  an  original   letter  in    the   Recorders    files,   written  by  George 
Vaughan  to  Ambrose  Gibbons,  both   factors   for  the   company  of  Laconia, 
April  10,  1636,  long  before  any  controversy  arose  on  this  point,  which  may 
mcrr  light  fo  it   than  any    thing  thai  Iras  vet  been  published,     . 
t'.;N  A:  r-.  n 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  29 

c  royal ;  on  condition  that  five  families  fhould     1635* 

4  within  five  years  be  fettled  thereupon.     To 

4  his  brother  in   law   John  Wallafton,  three 

4  thoufand  acres,  fubjecSl  to  the  yearly  rent  of 

4  one  {hilling.    To  his  grandchild  Anne  Tuf- 

4  ton,  ten  thoufand  acres  at  Sagadahock.   To 

4  Robert  Tufton,  his    grandfon,  he  gave  his 

4  manor  of  Mafon-hall,  on  condition  that  he 

4  fhould  take  the  firname  of  Mafon,    He  alfo 

4  gave  to  his  brother  Wallafton  in  truft,  one 

4  thoufand  acres  for  the  maintenance  of  "  an 

"  honeft,  godly   and  religious    preacher    of 

44  God's  word  ;"  and  one  thoufand  more  for 

4  the  fupport  of  a  grammar-fchool  ;  each  of 

4  thefe  eftates  to  be  conveyed   to  feoffees  in 

4  truft,  and  their  fucceffors,  paying  annually 

*  one  penny  per  acre  to  his  heirs.     The  refi- 

*  due  of  his  eftate  in  New-Hampfhire  he  gave 
4  to  his  grandfon  John  Tufton,  he  taking  the 
4  firname  of  Mafon,  and  to  his  lawful  iffue  ; 
4  or  in  want  thereof  to  Robert  Tufton  and  his 
4  lawful  ifTue  ;  or  in  want  thereof  to  Dodlor 
4  Robert  Mafon,  chancellor  of  the  diocefe  of 
4  Winchefter,    and  his   lawful   iffue  ;  or,  in 
4  want  of  fuch  iffue,  to  his  own  other  right  heirs 
4  forever  ;  provided  that  it  fhould  not  go  out 
4  of  the  name  of  Mafon.  The  refiduary  lega- 
4  tee  was  required  to  pay  five  hundred  pounds 

4  out  of  this  eftate  to  his  fifter  Mary  and  all  • 
*  the  grandchildren  were  to  relinquish  their 
4  right  to  one  thoufand  pounds  due  from  this 
reflate  to  their  father  Jofeph  Tufton.'  The 
eftate  in  America  was  valued  in  the  invento- 
ry at  ten  thoufand  pounds  fterling. 

The  Maffachufetts  planters  viewed  Mafon  MS  in  sup. 
as  their  enemy,  becaufe  he  with  Gorges  had  court  files, 
privately  encouraged  fome  perfons  whom 


HISTORY  OF 


1635. 


Gorges* 
Na-u^.-ve. 


they  had  cenfured  and  fen?  home,  to  petition 
agaiiiil  them  as  difaffecked  to  the  government; 
and  had  endeavoured  to  get  their  charter  fet 
aiide,  to  make  way  for  the  fcheme  of  a  gene- 
ral governor*. 

But  though  Mafonand  Gorges  had  not  the 
fame  religious  views  with  the  Maifachufetts 
planters,  yet  their  memory  deferves  refpedt. 
They  were  both  heartily  engaged  in  the  fet- 
tlement  of  the  country  ;  they  funk  their  ef- 
tat.es  in  the  undertaking,  and  reaped  no  profit 
to  themfelves  ;  yet  their  enterprizing  fpirit 
excited  emulation  in  others,  who  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  improving  their  plans  and  avoid- 
ing their  miftakes.  Gorges  accounted  for  the 
ill  fuccefs  of  his  adventures  in  the  following 

mer.  1.  He  began  when  there  was  no 
hope  of  any  thing  for  the  prefent  but  lofs  ;  as 
he  had  firft  to  feek  a  place  ;  which,  being 
found,  was  a  wildernefs  ;  and  fo  gloomy  was 
the  profpecljthat  he  could  fcarce  procure  any 

o,  much  lefs  to  refide  in  it ;  and  thofe 
whom  he  at  length  fent,  could  not  fubfi.fl  but 
on  the  proviiions  with  which  he  fupplied 
them.  C2.  He  fought  not  barely  his  own  prof- 
it, but  the  thorough  difcovery  of  the  coun- 
try ;  wherein  he  went  fo  far  (with  the  help  of 
his  alfociates)  as  to  open  the  way  for  others 

*  Mr.  Hubbard  relates  the  following  anecdote,  without  mentioning  the 
name  of  the  person.  "  One  of  the  gentlemen  who  was  kuo.vn  to  be  one  o/f 
;  the  greatest  adversaries  to  the  aiTairs  of  the  Massachusetts,  fell  sick  and 
'died.  In  his  sickness  he  sent  for  the  minister,  and  bewailed  his  enmity 
4  against  them  :  and  promised  if  lie  recovered,  he  would  be  as  goad  a  friend 
'  to  New-England,  as  he  had  been  an  enemy  ;  but  his  fatal  hour  being  come, 
;  his  purposes  of  that  nature  were  cut  oft'.  The  passage  aforegoing  was  cer- 
'  certified  by  letters  from  Lord  Say  and  others  to  the  governor  of  New- 
'  England  about  the  year  lf>35." 

Governor  Winthrop  has  the  following  remark  in  his  Journal.  "1636. 
:  The  last  winter  Captain  Mason  died.  He-  was  the  chief  mover,  in  all  at- 
'  tempts  against  us  ;  and  was  to  have  sent  the  general  governor  ;  and  for 
'  this  end  -.vas  providing  ships.  But  the  Lord  /;/  mercy  taking^  him  a 
•  all  the  business  fell  on  sleep." 


NEW-HA'MPSHIRE.  31 

to  make  their  gain,  3.  He  never  went  in  1635. 
perfon  to  overfee  the  people  whom  he  em- 
ployed. 4.  There  was  no  fettled  government 
to  punifh  offenders,  or  mifpenders  of  their 
mafters'  goods.  Two  other  things  contribut- 
ed to  the  difappointment  in  as  great,  if  not  a 
greater  degree  than  what  he  has  affigned. 
The  one  was  that  inflead  of  applying  them- 
felves  chiefly  to  hufbandry,the  original  fource 
of  wealth  and  independence  in  fuch  a  coun- 
try as  this  ;  he  and  his  affociates,  being  mer- 
chants, were  rather  intent  on  trade  and  fim- 
ery  as  their  primary  objecfhs.  Thefe  cannot 
be  profitable  in  a  new  country,  until  the 
foundation  is  laid  in  the  cultivation  of  the 
lands.  If  the  lumber  trade  and  filhery  can- 
not now  be  carried  on  to  advantage,  without 
the  conftant  aid  of  hufbandry  in  their  neigh- 
bourhood, how  could  a  colony  of  traders  and 
fiftiermeii  make  profitable  returns  to  their 
employers,,  when  the  husbandry  neceffary 
for  their  fupport  was  at  the  diftance  of  Vir- 
ginia or  England  ?  The  other  miftake  which 
thefe  adventurers  fell  into  was  the  idea  of 
lordihip,  and  the  granting  of  lands  not  as 
freeholds,  but  by  leafes  fubje6l  to  quit-rents. 
To  fettle  a  colony  of  tenants  in  a  climate  fo 
far  northward,  where  the  charges  of  fubfift- 
ence  and  improvement  were  much  greater 
than  the  value  of  the  lands,  after  the  improve- 
ments were  made  ;  efpecially  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  fo  refpecbable  and  growing  a 
colony  as  that  of  Maifachufetts,  was  indeed  a 
chimerical  project  ;  and  had  not  the  wifer 
people  among  them  fought  an  union  with  the 
Maifachufetts,  in  all  probability  the  fettle- 
ments  mud  have  been  deferted. 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.     II. 


.iblcs  at  .Dover.  —  Settlement.^  rf  / 
Ruin   c/  '.   interest*  —  Story  of  Utidcrh: 

tics.';  at  PortMwuik  and  Dover.  —  L'.\ 
with  A 


"W  ^TT" 

V?  HILE  the  lower  plantation  on  the 
river  Pafcataqua  lay  under  difcouragemerit 
by  the  death  of  its  principal  patron,  the  up- 
per fettlement,  though  carried  on  with  more 
fuccefs,  had  peculiar  difficulties  to  ftruggle 
with.  Two  thirds  of  this  patent  belonged 
to  fome  merchants  of  Briftol,  the  other  third 
to  fome  of  Shrewsbury  ;  and  there  was  an 
agreement  that  the  divifion  ihould  be  made 
by  indifferent  men.  Captain  Wiggen  who 
was  lent  over  to  fuperintend  their  affairs,  af- 
ter about  one  year's  refidence  in  the  country 
made  a  voyage  to  England,  to  procure  more 
ample  means  for  carrying  on  the  plantation. 
In  the  mean  time  thofe  of  Briftol  had  fold 
their  interell  to  the  lords  Say  and  Broke, 
George  Willys  and  William  Whiting,  who 
continued  Wiggen  in  the  agency,  and  pro- 
cured a  coniiderable  number  of  families  in  the 
Weft  of  England,  fome  of  whom  were  of  good 
1633  eftates)  and  "  of  fome  account  for  religion," 
to  come  over  and  increafe  the  colony.  It  ap- 
-  Pears  from  ancient  records  that  Wiggen  had 
a  power  of  granting  lands  to  the  fettlers  ;  but, 
as  trade  was  their  principal  object,  they  took 
up  finall  lots,  intending  to  build  a  compact 
town  on  Dover  Neck,  which  lies  between  two 
branches  of  the  river,  and  is  a  fine,  dry,  and 
healthy  fituation  ;  fo  high  as  to  command  all 
the  neighbouring  ihores,  and  afford  a  very 


KEW-HAMPSHIR£  35 


£xtemtve  and  delightful  profpeft.  On  the 
moft  inviting  part  of  this  eminence  they 
built  a  meeting-houfe,  which  was  afterward 
furrounded  with  an  entrenchment  and  flank- 
arts,  the  remains  of  which  are  ftill  vifible. 
Wiggen  alfo  brought  over  William  Leverich, 
a  worthy  and  able  puritan  minifler  ;  but  his 
allowance  from  the  adventurers  proving  too 
fmall  for  his  fupport  in  a  new  country,  where 
all  the  neceflfaries  of  life  were  fcarce  and 
dear,  he  was  obliged  to  remove  to  the  fouth- 
ward  ;  and  fettled  at  Sandwich  in  the  colony 
of  Plymouth.  This  proved  an  unhappy  event 
to  the  people,  who,  being  left  deftitute  of  reg- 
ular inftrudlion,  were  expofed  to  the  intru- 
fions  of  artful  impoftors. 

The  firfl  of  th^fe  was  one  Burdet.  He  had  1634r 
been  a  minifter  at  Yarmouth  in  England  ; 
but  either  really  or  pretendedly  taking  of- 
fence  at  the  extravagancies  of  the  biihops 
and  fpiritual  courts,  came  over  to  New-Eng- 
land, and  joined  with  the  church  in  Salem, 
who  employed  him  for  a  year  or  two  as  a 
preacher,  being  a  good  fcholar  and  plaufible 
in  his  behaviour.  But,  difgufted  with  the 
(Iridlnefs  of  their  difcipline,  he  removed  to 
Dover  ;  and  continued  for  fometime  in  good  ef- 
teem  with  the  people  as  a  preacher;  until  by  1636? 
artful  infimiations  he  raifed  fuch  a  jealoufy 
in  their  minds  againft  Wiggen  their  gover- 
nor, that  they  deprived  him  of  his  office,  and 
ele&ed  Burdet  in  his  place. 

During  his  relidence  here,  he  carried  on  a 
correfpondence  with  Archbifhop  Laud  to  the 
difadvantage  of  the    Maflachufetts    colony, 
reprefentmg  them  as  hypocritical  and  difaf-  163Tf 
fefted,  and  that  under  pretence  of  greater 
E 


34  HISTORY    OF 

168*7.  rity  and  difcipline  in  matters  of  religion, 
they  were  aiming  at  independent  fovereign- 
ty ;  it  being  accounted  perjury  and  treafon 
by  their  general  court,  to  fpeak  of  appeals  to 
the  king.  The  prelate  thanked  him  for  his 

iooo.    zeaj   jn  t]le  king's  fervice,  and  affured  him 

that  care  fhould  be  taken  to  redrefs  thofe  dif- 
orders  when  leifure  from  their  other  concerns 
would  permit.  This  letter  of  the  archbiihop 
was  intercepted,  and  fhewn  to  the  governor 
of  MafTachufetts.  Burdet's  villainy  was  con- 
fidered  as  the  more  atrocious,  becaufe  he  had 
been  admitted  a  freeman  of  their  corpora- 
tion, and  had  taken  the  oath  of  fidelity.  A 
copy  of  his  own  letter  was  afterward  found 
in  his  clofet. 

Abciut  this  time,  the  Antinomian  contro- 
verfy  at  Bofton  having  occafioned  the  ban- 
ifhmeiit  of  the  principal  perfons  of  that  fedl> 
feveral  of  them  retired  to  this  fettlement,  be- 
ing without  the  jurifdiclion  of  Mafiachufetts. 
When  this  was  known,  Governor  Winthrop 
wrote  to  Wiggen,  Burdet  and  others  of  this 
plantation, '  that  as  there  had  hitherto  been  a 
4  good  corref  pondence  between  them  it  would 
4  be  much  refented  if  they  fhould  receive  the 
c  exiles  ;  and  intimating  the  intention  of  the 
*  general  court  to  furvey  the  utmoft  limits  of 
4  their  patent,  and  make  ufe  of  them.'  To 
this  Burdet  returned  a  fcornful  anfwer,  re- 
fufing  to  give  the  governor  his  title.  The 
governor  thought  of  citing  him  to  court  to 
anfwer  for  his  contempt ;  but  was  dilTuaded 
from  it  by  Dudley,  the  deputy-governor,  who 
judged  it  imprudent  to  exafperate  him,  left 
he  fhould  avenge  himfelf  by  farther  accufing 
them  to  their  enemies  in  England.  The 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE,  §5 

governor  contented  himfelf  with  fending  to  1638. 
Hilton  an  account  of  Burdet's  behaviour,  in- 
clofing  a  copy  of  his  letter,  and  cautioning 
the  people  not  to  put  themfelves  too  far  un- 
der his  power.  His  true  character  did  not 
long  remain  fecret  ;  for  being  detedled  in. 
fome  lewd  actions  he  made  a  precipitate  re- 
moval to  Agamenticus  [now  York]  in  the 
province  of  Maine,  where  he  alfo  aflumed  to 
rule,  and  continued  a  courfe  of  injuftice  and 
adultery  till  the  arrival  of  Thomas  Gorges,, 
their  governor,  [in  1640]  who  laid  a  fine  on 
him,  and  feized  his  cattle  for  the  payment  of 
it*.  He  appealed  to  the  king,  but  his  appeal 
not  being  admitted,  he  departed  for  England 
full  of  enmity  againft  thefe  plantations. 
When  he  arrived,  he  found  all  in  confufion ; 
and  falling  in  with  the  royalifts  was  taken 
and  imprifoned  by  the  parliamentary  par- 
ty, which  is  the  laft  account  we  have  of 
Jiim, 

One  of  the  exiles  on  account  of  the  And- 
nomian  controverfy,  was  John  Whelewright, 
brother  to  the  famous  Anne  Hutchinfon. 
He  had  been  a  preacher  at  Braintree,  which 
was  then  part  of  Bofton,  and  was  a  gentle- 
man of  learning,  piety  and  zeal.  Having  en- 
gaged to  make  a  fettlement  within  ten  years, 
on  the  lands  he  had  purchafed  of  the  Indians 
at  quamfcot  falls,  he  with  a  number  of  his 
adherents  began  a  plantation  there,  which 
according  to  the  agreement  made  with  Ma- 
fon's  agents  they  called  Exeter.  Having  ob- 
tained a  difmiffion  from  the  church  in 


*  The  records  of  the  court  mention  him  as    "  a  man  of  ill  name  and 
•"fame,  infamous  for  incontinency,"     Lib.  A.  Sept,  8th,  1640, 


36  HISTORY  OF 

1638.  Bofton*,  they  formed  themfelves  into  a 
church  ;  and  judging  themfelves  without  the 
jurifdidtion  of  Maffachufetts,  they  combin- 
ed into  a  feparate  body  politic,  and  chofe  rul~ 
ers  and  afliftants,  who  were  fworn  to  the  due 

Records,  difcharge  of  their  office,  and  the  people  were 
as  folemnly  fworn  to  obey  them.  Their 
rulers  were  Ifaac  Grofie,  Nicholas  Needham, 
and  Thomas  Wilfon  ;  each  of  whom  contin- 
ued in  office  the  fpace  of  a  year,  having  two 
affiftants.  The  laws  were  made  in  a  popular 
afTembly  and  formally  confented  to  by  the 
rulers.  Treafon,  and  rebellion  againft  the 
king,  (who  is  ftyled  "  the  Lord's  anointed") 
or  the  country,  were  made  capital  crimes  ; 
and  fedition  was  punifhable  by  a  fine  of  ten 
pounds,  or  otherwife,  at  the  difcretion  of 
the  court.  This  combination  fubfifted  three, 
years. 

About  the  fame  time  a  plantation  was 
formed  at  Winnicumet,  which  was  called 
Hampton.  The  principal  inducement  to  the 
makii^g  this  fettlement  was  the  very  exten- 
five  falt-marih,  which  was  extremely  valua- 
ble, as  the  uplands  w.ere  not  cultivated  fo  as 
to  produce  a  fufficiency  of  hay  for  the  fhp- 
port  qf  cattle.  With  a  view  to  fecure  thefe 
meadows,  the  general  court  of  MafTachufetts 
had  [in  1 636]  empowered  Mr.  Dummer  of 
Newbury,  with  John  Spencer,  to  build  an 
houfa  there  at  tjie  expersce  Qf  t}ie  colony, 

which  was  to  be    refunded   by    thofe  who 

*  Ttie  names  of  the:-:  \vho  \v«e  thus  dismissed  were, 
John  Whelewright,  Cliristopher  Marsha!!, 

Richard  Alcrrj-.e,  George  Baytes, 

.Richard  Buljjar,  Thomas  Wai-dell, 

Philemon  Purrso:,  "William  Wardell. 

I?aac  Grarse,  /  rjp.non  Church  Records.' 


-H  AMPS  HIRE.  37 

Ihould  fettle  there.     Accordingly   an  houfe    1638i 
was  built,  and  commonly  called  the  Bound- 
houfe  ;  though  it  was  intended  as  a  mark  of 
poiTeffion  rather  than  of  limits.     The  archi- 
ted:  was  Nicholas  Eafton,  who  foon  after  re- 
moved  to  Rhode-Ifland,  and  built  the  firft  Ser9mon> 
Englifti  houfe  in  Newport. 

This  entrance  being  made,  a  petition  was 
presented  to  the  court  by  a  number  of  per-  MS  of  Mr 
fons,  chiefly  from  Norfolk  in  England,  pray-  Gookm' 
ing  for  liberty  to ,  fettle  there,  which  was 
granted  them.     They  began  the  fettlement 
by  laying  out  a  townfhip  in  one  hundred  and  s, 
forty-feven   fhares ;   and   having   formed  a 
church,  chofe  Stephen   Batchelor  for    their 
minifter,  with  whom  Timothy  Dalton  was 
foon  after  affociated.     The  number  of  the 
firft  inhabitants  was  fifty-fix*. 

The  authority  of  Maffachufetts  having  ef- 
tabliihed  this  fettlement,  they,  from  the  be- 
ginning, confidered  it  as  belonging  to  their 
colony.    Though  the  agent  of  Mafon's  eftate  MS 
inade  fome  objection  to  their  proceeding,  yet 
110   legal   method  being  taken  to  controvert  file?, 
this  extenfion  of  their  claim,  the  way  was  pre- 
pared for  one   ftill  greater,  which  many  cir- 
cumftances  concurred  to  eftablim. 

After  the  death  of  Captain  Mafon,  his  wid-  Anne  Ma- 
ow'and  executrix  fent  over   Francis    Norton  «>n'sLe*- 
as   her  "  general   attorney  ;"   to  whom  me      ' 
committed  the  whole  management  of  the  ef- 

*  Some  of  their  names  are  mentioned  in  the  Court  Records,  vis. 

Stephen  Batchelor,  Thomas  Moltan, 

Christopher  Hussey,  William.  Estow, 

Mary  Hussey,  widow,  William  Palmer, 

Thomas  Cromwell,  William  Scrgeanf., 

Samuel  Skullard,  Richard  Swayne, 

John  Osg-ood,  William  6and-r: 

Samuel  Greenfield,  Ilobert 

?o!m  Molt  on,  v  /ahn 


38  HISTORY  OF 

1638.  tate.  But  the  expence  fo  far  exceeded  the  in- 
come, and  the  fervants  grew  fo  impatient  for 
their  arrears,  that  fhe  was  obliged  to  relin- 
quifh  the  care  of  the  plantation,  and  tell  the 
fervants  that  they  muft  fhift  for  themfelves. 
Upon  which  they  fhared  the  goods  and  cattle. 
Norton  drove  above  an  hundred  oxen  to  BoG- 
ton,  and  there  fold  them  for  twenty-five 
pounds  fterling  per  head,  which  it  is  faid  was 
the  current  price  of  the  beft  cattle  in  New- 
England  at  that  time.  Thefe  were  of  a  large 
breed,  imported  from  Denmark,  from  whence 
Mafon  had  alfo  procured  a  number  of  men 
fkilled  in  fawing  planks  and  making  potafh- 
es.  Having  fhared  the  flock  and  other  ma- 
terials, fome  of  the  people  quitted  the  plan- 
tation ;  others  of  them  tarried,  keeping  pof- 
feflion  of  the  buildings  and  improvements, 
which  they  claimed  as  their  own ;  the  houf- 
es  at  Newichwannock  were  burned  ;  and  thus 
•  Mafon's  eftate  was  ruined.  Thefe  events  hap- 
pened between  1638  and  1644, 

Among  the  Antinomians  who  were  banifh- 

tohmi's  ed  from  Bofton,  and  took  refuge  in  thefe 
lst'  plantations,  was  Captain  John  Underbill,  in 
whofe  ftory  will  appear  fome  very  ftrong 
characterises  of  the  fpirit  of  thefe  times. 
He  had  been  a  foldier  in  the  Netherlands, 
and  was  brought  over  to  New-England  by 
Governor  Winthrop,  to  train  the  people  in 
military  difcipline.  He  ferved  the  country 
in  the  Pequod  war,  and  was  in  fuch  reputa- 

AnnaTJ'     t*011  in  the  town  of  Bofton,  that   they  had 

553  •  chofen  him  one  of  their  deputies.  Deeply 
tin&ured  with  Antinomian  principles,  and 
pofTefTed  of  an  high  degree  of  enthufiafm,  he 
made  a  capital  figure  in  the  controverfy ;  be* 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  38 


ing  one  of  the  fubfcribers  to  a  petition  in 
which  the  court  was  cenfured,  with  an  inde- 
cent feverity,  for  their  proceedings  againft 
Whelewright.  For  this  offence  he  was  dif- 
franchifed.  He  then  made  a  voyage  to  Eng- 

,   .  '  .  9  ,       f      Nov.  15tfc> 

land  ;  and  upon  his  return  petitioned  the  1537, 
court  for  three  hundred  acres  of  land  which 
had  been  promifed  him  for  his  former  fer- 
vices,intending  to  remove  after  Whelewright. 
In  his  petition  he  acknowledged  his  offence 
in  condemning  the  court,  and  declared  "  that 
"  the  Lord  had  brought  him  to  a  ienfe  of 
"  his  fin  in  that  refpecT:,  fo  that  he  had  been 
"  in  great  trouble  on  account  thereof."  On 
this  occafion  the  court  thought  proper  to 
quefbion  him  concerning  an  offenfive  expref- 
fion,  which  he  had  uttered  on  board  the  fhip 
in  which  he  came  from  England,  "  that  the 
"  government  at  Bofton  were  as  zealous  as 
"  the  fcribes  and  Pharifees,  and  as  Paul  before 
"  his  converfion."  He  denied  the  charge,  and 
it  was  proved  to  his  face  by  a  woman  who 
was  paffenger  with  him,  and  whom  he  had  en- 
deavoured to  feduce  to  his  opinions.  He  was 
alfo  queftioned  for  what  he  had  faid  to  her 
concerning  the  manner  of  x  his  receiving  a£- 
furance,  which  was  "  that  having  long  lain 
"  under  a  fpirit  of  bondage,  he  could  get  no 
"  affurance  ;  till  at  length  as  he  was  taking  a 
*c  pipe  of  tobacco,  the  fpirit  fet  home  upon 
"  him  an  abfolute  promife  of  free  grace,  with 
"  fuch  affurance  and  joy  that  he  had  never 
"firice  doubted  of  his  good  eftate,  neither 
"  fhould  he,  whatever  fins  he  might  fall  in- 
"  to."  This  he  would  neither  own  nor  de- 
ny ;  but  objected  to  the  fufficiency  of  a  fin- 
gle  teftimony.  The  court  committed  him 


40.  HISTORY  Otf 

1638,    for  abufing  them  with  a  pretended 

and  the  next  day  patted  the  fentence  of  .ban- 
ifhmeiit  upon  him.  Being  allowed  the  liber- 
ty of  attending  public  worihip,  his  enthufi- 
aftic  zeal  brake  out  in  a  fpeech  in  which  he  en- 
deavoured to  prove  "  that  as  the  Lord  was 
"  pleafed  to  convert  Saul  while  he  was  per- 
"  fecuting,  fo  he  might  manifeft  himfelf  to 
"  him  while  making  a  moderate  ufe  of  the 
"  good  creature  tobacco  ;  profefiing  withal 
"  that  he  knew  not  wherein  he  had  deferv- 
"  ed  the  cenfure  of  the  court."  The  elders 
reproved  him  for  this  inconfiderate  fpeech  ; 
and  Mr.  Cotton  told  him, "  that  though  God 
"  often  laid  a  man  under  a  fpirit  of  bondage 
u  while  walking  in  fin,  as  was  the  cafe  with 
"  Paul,  yet  he  never  fent  a  fpirit  of  comfort 
"  but  in  an  ordinance,  as  he  did  to  Paul  by 
"  the  miniftry  of  Ananias  ;  and  therefore 
"  exhorted  him  to  examine  carefully  the  rev- 
"  elation  and  joy  to  which  he  pretended." 
The  fame  week  he  was  privately  dealt  with, 
on  fufpicion  of  adultery,  which  he  difre- 
garded  ;  and  therefore  on  the  next  fabbath 
was  queftioned  for  it  before  the  church  ;  but 
the  evidence  not  being  fufficient  to  convi£l 
him,  the  church  could,  only  admonifh  him, 
Thefe  proceedings,  civil  and  ecclefiaftical, 
being  fmifhed,  he  removed  out  of  their  jurif- 
didlion  ;  and  after  a  while  came  to  Dover, 
where  he  procured  the  place  of  governor  in 
the  room  of  Burdet.  Governor  Winthrop 
hearing  of  this,  wrote  to  Hilton  and  others 
of  this  plantation,  informing  them  of  his 
character.  Underhill  intercepted  the  letter, 
and  returned  a  bitter  anfwer  to  Mr.  Cotton  ; 
and  wrote  another  letter  full  of  reproaches 


•NKW-Il  AMPS  HIRE.  il 

againft  the  governor  to  a  gentleman  of  his  1639 
faaiily,  while  he  addrefled  the  governor  him- 
ielf  in  a  fawning,  obfequious  ilrain,  begging 
an  obliteration  of  former  mifcarriages,  and 
a  bearing  with  human  infirmities.  Thefe 
letters  were  all  fent  back  to  Hilton  ;  but  too 
late  to  prevent  his  advancement. 

Being  fettled  in  his  government,  he  pro- 
cured a  church  to  be  gathered  at  Dover  who 
choie    Hanierd  Knollys  for   their  minifter. 
He  had  come  over  from  England  the  year 
before  ;  but  being  an  Auabaptift  of  the  An- 
tinomian  caft,  was  not  well  received  in  Maf- 
fachufetts,  and  came  here  while  Burdet  was 
in  office,  who  forbad  his  preaching  ;  but  Un- 
derhill,  agreeing  better  with  him,  prevailed 
to  have  him  chofen  their  minifter.     To  in- 
gratiate himfelf  with  his  new  patron,  Knollys 
wrote  in  his  favour  to  the  church  in  Bofton  ; 
ftyling  him     "  The  right  worlhipful   their 
honoured  governor."  Notwithftanding  which 
they  cited  him  again  to  appear  before  them  ; 
the  court  granting  him  fafe  condudl.  At  the 
fame  time  complaint  was  made  to  the  chief 
inhabitants  on  the  river,  of  the  breach  of 
friendfhip  in  advancing  Underhill  after  his 
rejection  ;  and  a  copy  of  Knollys's  letter  was 
returned,  wherein  he  had  written  that  "  Un- 
'"  derhill  was  an  instrument  of  God  for  their 
"  ruin,"  and  it  was  enquired  whether  that 
letter  was  written  by  the  defire  or  confent  of 
the  people.     The  principal  perfons  of  Portf- 
mouth  and  Dover  difclaimed  his  mifcarriag- 
es, and  exprefled  their  readinefs  to  call  him 
to  account  when  a  proper  information  mould 
be   prelented  ;    but  begged    that  no   force 
might  be  fent  againft  him.     By  his  inftiga- 
V 


4  HISTORY  OF 

1639.  tion  Knollys  had  alfo  written  to  his  friends 
in  England,  a  calumnious  letter  againft  the 
MafTachufetts  planters,  reprefenting  them  as 
more  arbitrary  than  the  high-commiffion 
court,  and  that  there  was  no  real  religion  in 
the  country.  A  copy  of  this  letter  being 
fent  from  England  to  Governor  Winthrop, 
Knollys  was  fo  afhamed  at  the  difcovery, 
that  obtaining  a  licence,  he  went  to  Bofton  ; 
and  at  the  public  ledhire  before  the  gover- 
nor, magiflrates,  minifters  and  the  congrega- 
tion, made  confeffion  of  his  fault,  and  wrote 
a  retraction  to  his  friends  in  England,  which 
he  left  with  the  governor  to  be  fent  to  them, 

Underbill  was  fo  affedled  with  his  friend's 
humiliation,  and  the  difaffection  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Pafcataqua  to  him,  that  he  refolved  to 
retrieve  his  character  in  the  fame  way. 
Having  obtained  fafe  conduct,  he  went  to 
Bofton,  and  in  the  fame  public  manner  ac- 
knowledged his  adultery,  his  difrefpect  to 
the  government  and  the  juftice  of  their  pro- 
ceedings againft  him  :  But  his  confeffion 
was  mixed  with  fo  many  excufes  and  exten- 
uations that  it  gave  no  fatisfaction  ;  and  the 
evidence  of  his  fcandalous  deportment  being 
now  undeniable,  the  church  pafled  the  fen- 
tence  of  excommunication,  to  which  he  feem- 
ed  to  fubmit,  and  appeared  much  dejected 
while  he  remained  there. 

Upon  his  return,  to  pleafe  fome  difaffect- 
ed  perfons  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  he  fent 
thirteen  armed  men  to  Exeter  to  refcue 
out  of  the  officer's  hand  one  Fifh,  who  had 
.  been  taken  into  cuftody  for  fpeaking  againft 
the  king.  The  people  of  Dover  forbad  his 
coming  into  their  court  till  they  had  confid- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  43 

ered  his  crimes  and  he  promifed  to  refign  1639. 
his  place  if  they  fhould  difapprove  of  his 
conduct  ;  but  hearing  that  they  were  deter- 
mined to  remove  him,  he  niftied  into  court 
in  a  paffion,  took  his  feat,  ordered  one  of  the 
magiftrates  to  prifon,  for  faying  that  he 
would  not  fit  with  an  adulterer,  and  refufed 
to  receive  his  difmiffion,  when  they  voted  it. 
But  they  proceeded  to  chufe  another  gover- 
nor, Roberts,  and  fent  back  the  prifoner  to 
Exeter. 

A  new  fcene  of  difficulty  now  arofe.  1640. 
Thomas  Larkham,  a  native  of  Lyme  in  Dor- 
fetfhire  and  formerly  a  miniftcr  at  Northam 
near  Barnftable,  who  had  come  over  to  New- 
England,  and  not  favouring  the  do6lrine,  nor 
willing  to  fubmit  to  the  difcipline  of  the 
churches  in  Maflachufetts,  came  to  Dover  ; 
and  being  a  preacher  of  good  talents,  eclip- 
fed  Knollys,  and  raifed  a  party  who  deter- 
mined to  remove  him.  He  therefore  gave 
way  to  popular  prejudice,  and  fuffered  Lark- 
ham  to  take  his  place  ;  who  foon  difcovered 
his  licentious  principles  by  receiving  into 
the  church  perfons  of  immoral  characters, 
and  affuming,  like  Burdet,  the  civil  as  well 
as  eccleiiaftical  authority.  The  better  fort 
of  the  people  were  tlifpleafed  and  reftored 
Knollys  to  his  office  who  excommunicated 
Larkham.  This  bred  a  riot  in  which  Lark- 
ham  laid  hands  on  Knollys,  taking  away  his 
hat  on  pretence  that  he  had  not  paid  for  it  ;  • 
but  he  was  civil  enough  afterward  to  return 
it.  Some  of  the  magiftrates  joined  with 
Larkham,  and  forming  a  court,  fummoned 
Underhill,  who  was  of  Knollys's  party  to 
appear  Before  them,  and  aniwer  to  a  new 


44  HISTORY   OF 

1640.    crime  which  they  had  to  alledge  againft  him. 
Underbill  collected  his  adherents  ;  Knollys 
was  armed  with  a  piftol,  and  another  had  a 
bible  mounted  on  an  halbert  for  an  enfign. 
In  this   ridiculous  parade  they  marched  a- 
gainft  Larkham  and  his  party,  who  prudent- 
ly declined  a  combat,  and  fent  down  the  riv- 
er to  Williams  the  governor,  at  Portfmouth, 
for  affiftance.      He  came  up  in  a  boat  with 
an  armed  party,  befet  Knollys's  houfe  where 
Underhill  was,  guarded  it  night  and  day  till 
a  court  was  fummoned,  and  then,  Williams 
fitting  as  judge,  Underbill  and  his  company 
were  found  guilty  of  a  riot,  and  after  being 
fined,  were   baniflied  the  plantation,     The 
new  crime  which  Larkham's  party  alledged 
againft   Underhill  was  that  he  had  been  fe- 
cretly  endeavouring  to  perfuade  the  inhabi- 
tants   to  offer  themfelves  to  the  government 
of  MafTachufetts,  whole  favor   he  was  defi- 
rous  to  pur^hafe,  by  thefe  means,  as  he  knew 
that  their  view  was  to  extend  their  jurifdio 
tioii   as   far  as   they    imagined   their   limits 
reached,  whenever  they  ihould  find  a  favour-* 
able  opportunity.     The  fame  policy  led  him 
with  his  party  to  fend  a  petition  to  Bofton, 
praying  for  the  iiiterpofition  of  the  govern- 
ment in  their  cafe  :  In  confequence  of  which 
the    governor  and     afliftants   commiffioned 
Simon  Bradftreet,  Esq.  with  the  famous  Hugh 
Peters,  then  minifter  of  Salem,  and  Timothy 
Dalton  of  Hampton,  to  enquire  into  the  mat- 
ter, and  effecfi  a  reconciliation,  or  certify  the 
flate  of  things  to  them.     Thefe  gentlemen 
travelled  on  foot  to  Dover,  and  finding  both 
tides  in  fault,  brought  the  matter  to  this  iffue, 
hat  the  one  party  revoked  the  excommuni- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

cation,  and  the  other  the  fines  and  banifti-    164(X 
ment.  ^ 

In  the  heat  of  thefe  difputes,  a  difcovery 
was  made    of    Knollys's  failure  in  point  of 
chaftity.     He  acknowledged  his  crime  be- 
fore the  church  ;  but  they  difmiffed  him  and 
he  returned  to  England,  where  he  fuffered  by 
the  fe verity  of  the  long  parliament  in  1644  ; 
and  being  forbidden  to  preach  in  the  church-  «*>  vol.  n. 
es,  opened  a  feparate  meeting  in   Great  St.  F 
Helen's,  from  which  he  was  fbon  diflodged, 
and  his  followers  difperfed.     He  alfo  fuffer-  ^ spt 

-*•  .  .  _         JN.iinglana. 

ed  in  the  caufe  of  non-conformity  in  the  voi,  i.  page 
reign   of  King  Charles  the  fecond,  and  at  210' 
length  (as  it  is  faid)  died  "  a  good  man  in  a 
good  old  "  age."   (September  19,  1691,  £t. 
ninety-three. ) 

Underbill  having   fmifhed  his  career  in 
thefe  parts  obtained  leave  to  return  to  Bof- 
ton,  and  finding  honefly  to  be  the  beft  poli- 
cy, did  in  a  large  afTembly,  at  the  public  lec- 
ture,  and  during  the   fitting   of  the  court, 
make  a  full  confeffion  of  his  adultery  and  hy- 
pocrify,  his  pride  and  contempt  of  authority, 
juftifymg  the  church  and  court  in  all  that 
they  had  done  againfh  him,  declaring  that 
his  pretended  aflurance  had  failed  him,  and 
that  the  terror  of  his  mind  had  at  fome  times 
been  fo  great,  that  he  had  drawn  his  fword 
to  put  an  end  to  his  life.     The  church  being 
now  fatisfied,  reftored  him  to  their  commu-  Prince> 
nion.     The  court,  after  waiting  fix  months  Annals* 
for  evidence  of  his  good  behaviour,  took  off 
his  fentence  of  banifhmeiit,  and  releafed  him 
from  the  punifliment  of  his  adultery  :  The 
law  which  made  it  capital  having  been  enact- 
ed after  the  crime  was  committed,  could  not 


46  HISTORY    OF 

1640.  touch  his  life.  Some  offers  being  made  him 
ty  ^  £*atck  at  Hudfon's  river,  whofe  lan- 
guage was  familiar  to  him,  the  church  of 
Bofton  hired  a  vefTel  to  tranfport  him  and 
his  family  thither,  furnifhing  them  with  all 
neceffaries  for  the  voyage.  The  Dutch  gover- 
norgave  him  the  command  of  a  company  of  an 
hundred  and  twenty  men, and  he- was  very  fer- 
viceable  in  the  wars  which  that  colony  had 
with  the  Indians,  having,  it  is  faid,  killed  one 
hundred  and  fifty  on  Long-Iflaiid,  and  three 
hundred  on  the  Main.  He  continued  in 
their  fervice  till  his  death. 

We  find  in  this  relation  a  ftriking  inftance 
of  that  fpecies '  of  falfe  religion,  which,  hav-? 
ing  its  feat  in  the  imagination,  inflead  of 
making  the  heart  better  and  reforming  the 
life,  inflames  the  paffions,  ftupifies  reafon, 
and  produces  the  wildeft  effecfls  in  the  behavT 
iour.  The  exceffes  of  enthufiafm  have  often 
been  obferved  to  lead  to  fenfual  gratifica- 
tions ;  the  fame  natural  fervour  being  fuffi- 
cient  to  produce  both.  It  cannot  be  ftrange 
that  they  who  decry  morality,  fhould  indulge 
fuch  grofs  and  fcandalous  enormities  as  are 
fufficient  to  invalidate  all  thofe  evidences  of 
their  religious  character  on  which  they  lay 
fo  much  ilrefs.  But  it  is  not  fo  furprizing 
that  men  mould  be  thus  mifled,  as  that  fuch 
frantic  zealots  ihould  ever  be  reduced  to  an 
acknowledgment  of  their  offences  ;  which  in 
this  inftance  may  be  afcribed  to  the  ftrict 
difcipline  then  praftifed  in  the  churches  of 
New-England. 

The  people  of  Dover  and  Portfmouth  dur- 
ing all  this  time  had  no  power  of  govern^ 
ment  delegated  from  the  crown  :  but  find- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  47 

ing  the  neceflity  of  fome  more  determinate    1640. 
form  than  they  had  yet  enjoyed,  combined 
themfelves  each  into  a  body  politic  after  the 
example  of  their  neighbours  at  Exeter.  The  in- 
habitants of  Dover,  by  a  written  inftrument. 

Ooto  £l* 

ligned  by  41  perfons  agreed  to  fubmit  to  the 
laws  of  England,  and  fuch  others  as  should  be 
ena6ledby  amajority  of  their  number,  until  the  Hubbard*€ 
royal  pleafure  fhould  be  known.    The  date  of  MS  Hist: 
the  combination  at  Portfmouth  is  uncertain, 
their  firfl  book  of  records  having  been  de- 
flroyed  [in  1652,]  after  copying  out  what  P 
they  then  thought  proper  to  preferve.    Wil- 
liams, who  had  been  fent  over  by  the  ad- 
venturers, was  by  annual  fuffrage  continued 
governor  of  the  place,  and  with  him  were  a£- 
fociated  Ambrofe  Gibbons  and  Thomas  War- 
nerton*  in  quality  of  afliftants.    During  this 
combination,  a  grant  of  fifty  acres  of  land 
for  a  glebe  was  made  by  the  governor  and  M*y  25^ 
inhabitants  f  to  Thomas  Walford  and  Henry 
Sherburne,   church-  war  dens,  and  their  fuc- 
ceilbrs  forever,  as  feoffees  in  truft  ;  by  vir-  Ports. 
tue  of  which  grant  the  fame  land  is  ftill  held, 
and  being    let  on  long   leafes,    a   confider- 
able  part  of  the  town  of  Portfmouth  is  built 

*  Warner  ton  had  been  a  soldier.  Upon  the  division  of  Mason's  stock  and 
gioods  he  carried  his  share  to  Penobscot,  or  some  part  of  Nova-Scotia,  where 
lie  was  killed  in  a  fray  with  the  French  inhabitants.  1644.  (Hubbard) 

t  This  grant  is  subscribed  by 

Francis  Williams,  Governor,  Henry  Taler. 

Ambrose  Gibbons,  Assistant,  John  Jones, 

William  Jones,  William  Berry, 

Renakl  Fernald,  John  Pickeiin, 

7ohn  Crowthcr,  John  Billing1, 

Anthony  Bracket,  John  Wot  ten, 

Michael  Chatterton,  Nicholas  Row, 

John  Wall,  Matthew  Coe, 

Robert  Pudingtorij  vVi!liam  Palmer. 
Henry  Sl^rbur  (Ports™.  RPC.> 

Joha  Lands-';, 


48  HISTORY    Of 

1640.  upon  it.  At  this  time  they  had  a  parfbiiage 
houfe  and  chapel,  and  had  chofen  Richard 
Gibfon  for  their  parfon,  the  patronage  being 
veiled  in  the  pariihoners.  Gibfon  was  fent 
from  England  as  minifter  to  a  fifhing  plan- 
tation belonging  to  one  Trelawney.  He  was 
"  wholly  addicted  to  the  hierarchy  and  dif- 

journal,  u  cip}me  of  England,  and  exercifed  his  min- 
"  ifterial  function"  according  to  the  ritual. 
He  was  fummoned  before  the  court  at  Bof- 
ton  for  "  fcandalizing  the  government  there, 
"  and  denying  their  title  ;"  but  upon  his  fub- 
miffion,  they  difcharged  him  without  fine  or 
puniihment,  being  a  ftranger  and  about  to 
depart  the  country.  After  his  departure  the 

Twts.Rec.  people  of  Portfmouth  had  James  Parker*  for 
their  minifter,  who  was  a  fcholar  and  had 
been  a  deputy  in  the  Maflachufetts  court. 
After  him  they  had  one  Browne  ;  and  f 
Samuel  Dudley  a  fon  of  DeputyGovernor 
Dudley  ;  but  thefe  were  only  temporary 
preachers,  and  they  did  not  obtain  the  regu- 
lar fettlement  of  a  minifter  for  many  years. 

Four  diftin<5l  governments  (including  one 
at  Kittery  on  the  north  fide  of  the  river) 
were  now  formed  on  the  feveral  branches  of 

MS  Jouru  *  Governor  Winthrop  gives  th's  account  of  him  and  his  ministry.  (1642. 
'  10  mo  :)  "  Those  of  the  lower  part  of  Pascataqua  invited  Mr.  James  Par- 
'  ker  of  Weymouth,  a  godly  man,  to  be  their  mirister  He  by  advising  with 
c  divers  of  the  magistrates  and  elders  accepted  the  call  and  went  and  taught 
;  among  them,  this  \vinter,  and  it  pleased  Go  1  to  give  great  success  to  his 
:  labours  so  as  above  forty  of  them,  whereof  the  most  had  been  very  pro- 
:  fane  and  some  of  the m  professed  enemies  to  the  way  of  our  churches, 
;  wrote  to  the  magistrates  and  elders,  acknowledging  the  sinful  course  they 
;had  lived  in.  and  bewailing  the  same,  and  blessing  God  for  calling  them  out 
•  of  it  and  earnestly  desiring  that  Mr.  Parker  might  be  settled  amongst 
;  them.  Most  of  them  fell  back  again  in  time,  embracing  this  present 
:  world."  He  afterward  removed  to  Barbadoes  and  there  settled,  (via 
Hutchinson's  collection  of  papers,  p.  155  &  222.)  Hutchinson  supposes  him 
to  have  been  minister  of  Newbury,  mistaking  him  for  Thomas  Parker. 

t  Dudley  settled  at  Exeter  in  1650,  and   died  there  in  1683,  aged    7? 
"  He  was  a  person  of  good  capacity  and  learning."  (Fitch's  MS.) 


-H  AMPS  HIRE.  49 

Palcataqua.     Thefe  combinations  being  only    16400 
voluntary   agreements,  liable  to  be  broken 
or  fubdivided  on  the  firft  popular  difcontent, 
there  could  be  no  fafety  in  the  continuance 
of  them.       The  diftra<5lions  in  England  at 
this  time  had  cut  off  all  hope  of  the  royal 
attention,  and  the  people  of  the  feveral  fet- 
tlements  were  too    much  divided  in    their 
opinions  to  form  any  general  plan  of  govern- 
ment which  could  afford  a  profpecl  of  per- 
manent utility.     The  more  confiderate  per- 
fons  among  them,  therefore  thought  it  belt 
to  treat    with    Mafiachufetts  about    taking 
them  under  their  protection.     That  govern- 
ment was  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  realize 
the  coaftrudlion  which  they  had  put  upon 
the  claiife  of  their  charter  wherein  their  nor- 
thern limits  are  defined.       For  a  line  drawn 
from  eaft  to  weft  at  the  diftance  of  "  three 
"  miles  to  the  northward  of  Merriniack  riv- 
"  er  and  of  any  and  every  part  thereof,"  will 
take  in  the  whole  province  of  New-Hamp- 
fliire,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  province 
of  Maine,  fo  that  both  Mafon's  and  Gorges's 
patents  muft  have  been  vacated.     They  had 
already  intimated  their  intention  to  run  this 
eaft  and  weft  line,  and  prefuming  on  the  juf- 
tice  of  their  claim,  they  readily  entered  into 
a  negociation  with  the  principal  fettlers  of 
Pafcataqua    refpedling    their   incorporation 
with  them.  The  affair  was  more  than  a  year 
in  agitation,  and  was  at  length  concluded  by    pr 
an  inftrument  fubfcribed  in  the  prefence  of 
the  general  court  by  George  Willys,  Robert 
Saltonftall,  William  Whiting,  Edward  Holi- 
ock,  and  Thomas  Makepeace,  in  behalf  of 
themfelves  and  the  other  partners  of  the  two 


so 


HISTORY  OF 


1641.  patents  ;  by  which  inflrument  they  refigned 
the  jurifdi&ion  of  the  whole  to  Maffachu- 
fetts,  on  condition  that  the  inhabitants  fhould 
enjoy  the  fame  liberties  with  their  own  peo- 
ple, and  have  a  court  of  juftice  ere&ed  a- 
mong  them.  The  property  of  the  whole  patent 
of  Portfmouth,  and  of  one  third  part  of  that 
of  Dover,  and  of  all  the  improved  lands 
therein,  was  referved  to  the  lords  and  gen- 
tlemen proprietors,  and  their  heirs  forever. 

The  court  on  their  part  confented  that  the 
inhabitants  of  thefe  towns  fhould  enjoy  the 
fame  privileges  with  the  reft  of  the  colony, 
and  have  the  fame  adminiftration  of  juftice 
as  in  the  courts  of  Salem  and  Ipfwich  ;  that 
they  mould   be    exempted  from  all  public 
charges,  except   what    fhould  arife    among 
themfelves,  or  for  their  own  peculiar  bene- 
fit ;  that  they  iliould  enjoy  their  former  liber- 
ties of  fifhing,  planting  and  felling  timber  ; 
that  they  fhould  fend  two  deputies  to  the 
general  court ;  and    that  the  fame    perfons 
who  were  authorifed  by  their  combinations 
to  govern  them,  fhould  continue  in  office  till 
the  commiflioners  named  in  this  order  mould 
arrive  at  Pafcataqua.     Thefe  commiflioners 
were  invefted  with  the  power  of  the  quarter 
courts  of  Salem  and  Ipfwich,  and  at  their  ar- 
rival they  conftituted  Francis  Williams,  Tho- 
mas Warnerton  &  Ambrofe  Gibbons  of  Portf- 
mouth,    Edward  Hilton,    Thomas  Wiggen 
and  William  Waldron  of  Dover,  riiagiftrates, 
who  were  confirmed  by  the  general  court. 
1642.         By  a  fubfequent  order  a  very  extraordina- 
sept.  s.     ry  concellion  was  made  to  thefe  towns,  which 
fhews  the  fondnefs  that  government  had  of 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  51 

retaining  them  under  their  jurifdi&ion.  A  1642. 
teft  had  been  eftabliilied  by  law,  but  it  was 
difpenfed  with  in  their  favor  ;  their  freemen 
were  allowed  to  vote  in  town  affairs,  and 
their  deputies  to  fit  in  the  general  court 
though  they  were  not  church-members. 

The  people  of  Dover  being  left  deftitute 
of  a  minitter  by  the  Hidden  departure  of 
Larkham,  who  took  this  method  to  avoid  the 
ihame  which  would  have  attended  the  dif-  MS- 
covery  of  a  crime  fimilar  to  that  for  which 
Knollys  had  been  difmiffed,  wrote  to  the 
Maffachuftts  for  help.  The  court  took  care 
to  lend  them  Daniel  Maud  who  had  been  a 
minifter  in  England.  He  was  an  honeft  man, 
and  of  a  quiet  and  peaceable  difpofition, 
qualities  much  wanting  in  all  his  predece£- 
fors.  Larkham  returned  to  England,  where 
he  continued  to  exercife  his  miniftry  till  e- 
je6led  by  the  a£t  of  uniformity  in  1662, 
from  Taviftock  in  Devon.  He  is  faid  to 
have  been  "  well  known  there  for  a  man 
"  of  great  piety  and  fincerity,"  and  died  in 
1689,  M.  68. 

The  inhabitants  of  Exeter  had  hitherto 
continued  their  combination  ;  but  finding 
themfelves  comprehended  within  the  claim 
of  Maflachufetts,  and  being  weary  of  their 
inefficacious  mode  of  government  they  peti- 
tioned the  court,  and  were  readily  admitted  ^  8- 
under  their  jurifdiction.  William  Wenborne, 
Robert  Smith,  and  Thomas  Wardhall  were  Massa.Rec; 
appointed  their  magiftrates  ;  and  they  were 
annexed  to  the  county  of  EfTex.  Upon  this, 
Whelewright  who  was  flill  under  fentence 
of  banifhment,  with  thofe  of  his  church  who 
were  refolved  to  adhere  to  him,  removed  in* 


52  HISTORY  OF 

1642.  to  the  province  of  Maine,  and  fettled  at 
Wells,  where  his  pofterity  yet  remain.  He 

Hubbard's  was  foon  after  reftored,  upon  a  flight  acknow- 
ledgment, to  the  freedom  of  the  colony,  and 
removed  to  Hampton  ;  of  which  church  he 
was  minifter  for  many  years ;  until  he  went 
to  England  where  he  was  in  favor  with 
Cromwell  :  But,  after  the  reftoration,  he  re- 
turned and  fettled  at  Salifbury,  where  he  di- 
ed in  1680. 

After  his  departure  from  Exeter,  an  at- 

io4:4.  tempt  was  made  by  the  remaining  inhabi- 
tants to  form  themfelves  into  a  church,  and 
call  the  aged.  Stephen  Batchelor  to  the  min- 
iftry,  who  had  been  difmiffed  from  Hamp- 
ton for  his  irregular  condudl.  But  the  gen-* 
.  eraj  court  jiere  interpofed  and  fent  them  a 
folemn  prohibition,  importing  "  that  their 
"  divifions  were  fuch  that  they  could  not 
**  comfortably,  and  with  approbation,  pro- 
*  ceed  in  fo  weighty  and  facred  affairs,"  and 
therefore  directing  them  "  to  defer  gather* 
"  ing  a  church,  or  any  other  fuch  proceed-* 
a  ing,  till  they  or  the  court  at  Ipfwich,  upon? 
"  farther  fatisfa6lion  of  tneir  reconcilk 
44  and  fitnefs,  fliould  give  allowance  the  e-- 
«  for." 

Such  a  ftretch  of  power,  which  would  now 
be  looked  upon  as  an  infringement  of  ch 
tian  liberty,  was  agreeable  to  the  principles 
of  the  firft  fathers  of  New-England,  wh--> 
thought  that  civil  government  was  eftablilh- 
ed  for  the  defence  and  fecurity  of  the  churca 
againft  error  both  dodlrinal  and  moral.  In 
this  fentiment  they  were  not  jGngular,  it  be- 
ing univerfally  adopted  by  the  reformers,  in 
that  and  the  preceding  age,  as  one  of  the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  53 

fundamental   principles  of  their   feparation    1644. 
from  the  Romifli  church,  and  neceflary  to 
curtail  the  claims  of  her  Pontiff,  who  aflum- 
ed  a  fupremacy  over   "  the  kings  of  the 
«  earth.'5 


NEW-HAMPSHIR^. 


CHAP.     III. 


on,  the  principles  and  conduct  of  the  first  fifanten 
of ' Nctv-En 'gland. — Causes  of  their  removal.— Their  forti- 
tude,— Religious  sentiments, — Care  of  their  fi  osterity. —-Jus- 
tice.—Laws.— -  Theocratic  prejudices , — -Intalera nee  and  per" 
secutions* 

A.N  union  having  been  formed  between 
the  fettlements  on  Pafcataqua  and  the  colo- 
ny of  Mailachufetts,  their  hiftory  for  the  fuc- 
ceeding  forty  years  is  in  a  great  meafiire  the 
fame*  It  is  not  my  intention  to  write  the 
tranfa&ions  of  the  whole  colony  during  that 
period  ;  but,  as  many  of  the  people  in  New- 
Hampfhirehad  the  fame  principles,  views  and 
interefts  with  the  other  people  of  New-Eng- 
land, I  fliall  make  fome  obfervations  thereon, 
and  interfperfe  fuch  hiftorical  fa£ls  as  may 
illuftrate  the  fubjedL 

In  the  preceding  centtiry  the  holy  fcrip- 
tures,  which  had  long  lain  hid  in  the  rubbifh 
of  monaftic  libraries,  were  brought  to  public 
view  by  the  happy  invention  of  printing  ; 
and  as  darknefs  vaniflies  before  the  riling 
fun,  Ib  die  light  of  divine  truth  began  to  di£- 
fipate  thofe  errors  and  fuperftitioiis  in  which 
Europe  had  long  been  involved.  At  the  fame 
time  a  remarkable  concurrence  of  circum- 
fiances  gave  peculiar  advantage  to  the  bold, 
attempt  of  Luther,  to  roufe  Germany  from 
her  inglorious  fubje&ion  to  the  Roman  Pon- 
tiff, and  effedluate  a  reformation,  which  foon 
fpread  into  the  neighbouring  countries.  But 
fo  intimately  were  the  political  interefts  of 
kingdoms  and  flatus  blended  with  religious 


HISTORY    OF 

prejudices,  that  the   work,  though  happily 
begun,  was  greatly  blemifhed  and  impeded. 

Henry  the  Vlllth  of  England  took  advan- 
tage of  this  amazing  revolution  in  the  minds 
of  men,  to  throw  off  the  papal  yoke,  and  af- 
iert  his  native  claim  to  independence.  But 
fo  dazzling  was  the  idea  of  power,  and  the 
example  of  the  firft  chriftian  princes,  who 
had  exercifed  a  fupermtendency  in  fpirituals, 
as  well  as  temporals,  that  he  transferred  to 
jiiinfelf  that  fpiritual  power  which  had  been 
ufurped  and  exercifed  by  the  bifliops  of 
Rome,  and  fat  up  himfelf  as  fuprenie  head 
on  earth  of  the  church  of  England  ;  com- 
manding both  clergy  and  laity  in  his  do- 
minions to  fwear  allegiance  to  him  in  this 
newly  affiimed  chara<6ter. 

This  claim  was  kept  up  by  his  Ion  and 
fuccefFor  Edward  the  Sixth,  in  whofe  reign 
the  reformation  gained  much  ground  ;  and 
a  fervice-book  was  published  by  royal  au- 
thority as  the  ftandard  of  worfliip  and  dilci- 
pline  for  his  fubjects.  This  excellent  prince 
was  taken  out  of  the  world  in  his  youth  ; 
and  his  fifter  Mary,  who  then  came  to  the 
throne,  reftored  the  fupremacy  to  the  pope, 
and  railed  fuch  fiery  perlecurion  againft  the 
reformers,  that  many  of  them  fled  into  Ger- 
many and  the  Netherlands  ;  where  they  de- 
parted from  that  uniformity  which  had  been 
eftabliftied  in  England,  and  became  divided 
in  their  fentiments  and  practice  refpe&ing 
ecclefiaftical  affairs  :  the  native  effedl  of  that 
juft  liberty  of  conscience  which  they  enjoy- 
ed abroad,  purfuing  their  own  enquiries  ac- 
cording to  their  refpedive  meafures  of  light ; 
uninfluenced  by  secular  power,  or  the  hope 


56  HISTORY  OF 

of  acquiring  dignities  in  a  national  eftablifh- 
ment. 

The  acceflion  of  Elizabeth  infpired  them 
with  new  hopes  ;  and  they  returned  home, 
refolving  to  attempt  the  reformation  of  the 
church  of  England,  agreeably  to  the  refpec- 
tive  opinions  which  they  had  embraced  in 
their  exile.  But  they  foon  found  that  the 
queen,  who  had  been  educated  in  the  fame 
manner  with  her  brother  Edward,  was  fond 
of  the  eftablifhment  made  in  his  reign,  and 
was  ftrongly  prejudiced  in  favor  of  pomp  and 
ceremony  in  religious  worfhip.  She  afTerted 
her  fupremacy  in  the  moft  abfolute  terms, 
and  eredled  an  high-commiffion  court  with 
jurifdicftion  in  ecclefiaftical  aifairs.  Unifor- 
mity being  rigoroufly  enjoined  and  no  abate- 
ment or  allowance  made  for  tender  confci- 
ences  (though  it  was  conceded  that  the  cere- 
monies were  indifferent)  a  feparation  from 
the  eftablifhment  took  place.  Thofe  who 
were  defirous  of  a  farther  reformation  from 
the  Romifh  fuperftitions,  and  of  a  more  pure 
and  perfect  form  of  religion  were  denominated 
Puritans  ;  whofe  principles,  as  diftinguifhed 
from  thofe  of  the  other  reformers  who  were 
in  favor  with  the  queen,  are  thus  repre- 
fented. 

"  The  queen  and  court-reformers  held,  1 . 
That  every  prince  had  the  fole  authority  to 

Neal'sHist.  **"»«*      >  /-in-  i  n   • 

Puritans,  correct  all  abufes  of  doctrine  and  worlhip 
95, '98,Pito.  within  his  own  territories.  2.  That  the 
church  of  Rome  was  a  true  church  though 
corrupt  in  fome  points  of  dodlrine  and  gov- 
ernment ;  that  all  her  miniflrations  were 
valid,  and  that  the  pope  was  a  true  Biihop  of 
Rome  though  not  of  the  univerfal  church. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  57 

8.  That  the  fcriptures  were  a  perfedl  rule  of 
faith,  but  not  a  ftandard  of  difcipline  ;  and 
that  it  was  left  to  the  difcretion  of  the  chrif- 
tian  magiftrate,  to  accommodate  the  govern- 
ment of  the  church  to  the  policy  of  the  ftate. 
4.  That  the  practice  of  the  primitive  church 
for  the  firft  four  or  five  centuries  was  a  pro- 
per ftandard  of  church  government  and  di£- 
cipline ;  and  in  fome  refpedls  better  than  that 
of  the  Apoftles,  which  was  only  accommo- 
dated to  the  infant  ftate  of  the  church,  while 
it  was  under  perfecution  ;  whereas  the  oth- 
er was  fuited  to  the  grandeur  of  a  national 
eftablifliment.  5.  That  things  indifferent 
in  their  own  nature  as  rites,  ceremonies,  and 
habits,  might  be  fettled,  determined  and  made 
neceflary  by  the  command  of  the  civil  magi- 
ftrate, and  that  in  fuch  cafes  it  was  the  duty 
of  the  fubjedl  to  obferve  them." 

"  On  the  other  hand,  the  Puritans,  1.  Di£* 
owned  all  foreign  jurifHidlion  over  the 
church,  but  could  not  admit  of  that  exten- 
five  power  which  the  crown  claimed  by  the 
fupremacy.  However,  they  took  the  oath, 
with  the  queen's  explication,  as  only  reftor- 
ing  her  majefty  to  the  ancient  and  natural 
rights  of  Sovereign  princes  over  their  fub- 
je6ts.  2.  They  held  the  pope  to  be  ami- 
chrift,  the  clmrch  of  Rome  a  falfe  church, 
and  all  her  miniftrations  fuperftitious  and 
idolatrous.  3.  That  the  fcriptures  were  a 
ftandard  of  difcipline  as  well  as  do<5trine^ 
and  if  there  was  need  of  a  difcretionary 
power,  it  was  vefted  not  in  the  magiftrate  but 
in  the  officers  of  the  church.  4.  That  the 
form  of  government  ordained  by  the  Apof- 
tles was  ariftocratical,  and  designed  as  a  pat* 
H 


58  HISTORY    OF 

tern  to  the  church  in  after  ages,  not  to  be 
departed  from  in  its  main  principles.  5.  That 
thofe  things  which  Chrift  hath  left  indiffer- 
ent ought  not  to  be  made  neceflary  ;  and 
that  fuch  rites  and  ceremonies  as  had  been 
abufed  to  idolatry  and  fuperftition,  and  had 
a  manifeft  tendency  to  lead  men  back  there- 
to, were  no  longer  indifferent  but  unlawful." 

"  Both  parties  agreed  too  well  in  afTerting 
the  neceflity  of  uniformity  in  public  wor- 
ftiip,  and  of  ufing  the  fword  of  the  magif- 
trate  for  the  fupport  and  defence  of  their  ref- 
peclive  principles  ;  which  they  made  an  ill 
ufe  of  in  their  turns,  whenever  they  could 
grafp  it  in  their  hands.  The  flandard  of  u- 
niformity  according  to  the  bifhops,  was  the 
queen's  fupremacy  and  the  laws  of  the  land  ; 
according  to  the  Puritans,  the  decrees  of  na- 
tional and  provincial  fynods,  allowed  and  en- 
forced by  the  civil  magiftrate.  Neither  par- 
ty were  for  admitting  that  liberty  of  con- 
fcience  and  freedom  of  profeflion  which  is 
every  man's  right,  fo  far  as  is  confiftent  with 
the  peace  of  civil  government.  Upon  this 
fatal  rock  of  uniformity,  was  the  peace  of  the 
church  of  England  fplit." 

It  is  melancholy  to  obferve  what  mif  chiefs 
were  caufsd  by  the  want  of  a  juft  diftinc- 
tion  between  civil  and  ecclefiaftical  power, 
and  by  that  abfurd  zeal  for  uniformity, 
which  kept  the  nation  in  a  long  ferment,  and  at 
length  burft  out  into  a  blaze,  the  fury  of  which 
was  never  thoroughly  quelled  till  the  happy 
genius  of  the  revolution  gave  birth  to  a  free 
and  equitable  toleratio?iy  whereby  every  man 
was  reftored  to  the  natural  right  of  judging 
and  adling  for  himfelf  in  matters  of  religion. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  59 

All  the  celebrated  wifdom  of  Elizabeth's  gov- 
ernment could  not  devife  an  expedient  fo 
fuccef  sful.  Though  her  reign  was  long  and 
prof  per  ous,  yet  it  was  much  flamed  with  op- 
preflion  and  cruelty  toward  many  of  her  beft 
fubjects  ;  who,  wearied  with  ineffectual  ap- 
plications, waited  the  acceflion  of  James, 
from  whom  they  expelled  more  favour,  be- 
caufe  he  had  been  educated  in  the  prefbyte- 
rian  church  of  Scotland,  and  profefled  an 
high  veneration  for  that  eftablifhment.  But 
they  foon  found  that  he  had  changed  his  re- 
ligious principles  with  his  climate,  and  that 
nothing  was  to  be  expected  from  a  prince  of 
fo  bafe  a  character,  but  infult  and  contempt. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  reign  a  great  num- 
ber of  the  Puritants  removed  into  Holland, 
where  they  formed  churches  upon  their  own 
principles.  But  not  relilhiiig  the  manners 
of  the  Dutch,  after  twelve  years  they  pro- 
jected a  removal  to  America,  and  laid  the 
foundation  of  die  colony  of  Plymouth.  The 
f pirit  of  uniformity  flill  prevailing  in  Eng- 
land, and  being  carried  to  thegreatefl  extent 
in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Firft  by  that  fu- 
rious bigot  Archbifhop  Laud ;  many  of  the 
lefs  fcrupulous,  but  confcientious  members  of 
the  church  of  England,  who  had  hitherto  re- 
mained in  her  communion,  feeing  no  proipecT: 
of  reft  or  liberty  in  their  native  country,  fol- 
lowed their  brethren  to  America,  and  eftab- 
lifhed  the  colony  of  Maffachufetts,  from 
which  proceeded  that  of  Connecticut, 

By  fuch  men,  influenced  by  fuch  motives, 
were  the  principal  fettlements  in  New-Eng- 
land effected.  The  fortitude  and  perfever- 
ance  which  they  exhibited  therein  will  ai- 


60  'HISTORY    Of 

•ways  render  their  memory  dear  to  their  po£- 
terity.  To  prepare  for  their  enterprize,  they 
had  to  fell  their  eftates,  fome  of  which  were 
large  and  valuable,  and  turn  them  into  ma- 
terials for  a  ilew  plantation,  with  the  nature 
of  which  they  had  no  acquaintance,  and 
of  which  they  could  derive  no  knowledge 
from  the  experience  of  others.  After  trav- 
ferfing  a  wide  ocean  they  found  themfelves 
in  a  country  full  of  woods,  to  fubdue  which 
required  immenfe  labour  and  patience  ;  at  a 
vaft  diflance  from  any  civilized  people  ;  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  none  but  ignorant  and 
barbarous  favages  ;  and  in  a  climate,  where 
a  winter  much  more  fevere  than  they  had 
been  accuftomed  to,  reigns  for  a  third  part 
of  the  year.  Their  flock  of  provifions  fal- 
ling fliort,  they  had  the  dreadful  apprehen- 
fion  of  perifhing  by  famine,  one  half  of  their 
number  dying  before  the  firft  year  was  com- 
pleted ;  the  ocean  on  one  fide  feparated  them 
from  their  friends,  and  the  wildernefs  on 
the  other,  prefented  nothing  but  fcenes  of 
horror,  which  it  was  impoffible  for  them  to 
conceive  of  before  they  endured  them. 

But  under  all  thefe  difficulties,  they  main- 
tained a  fleady  and  pious  refolution  ;  depend- 
ing on  the  providence  of  the  fupreme  ruler, 
and  never  repenting  the  bufinefs  on  which 
which  they  had  come  into  this  wildernefs. 
As  purity  in  divine  adminiftrations  was  the 
profefled  object  of  their  undertaking,  fo  they 
immediately  fet  themfelves  to  form  church- 
es, on  what  they  judged  the  gofpel  plan. 
To  be  out  of  the  reach  of  prelatic  tyranny, 
and  at  full  liberty  to  purfue  their  own^  en- 
quiries, and  worfhip  God  according  to  their 


NEW^HAMPSHIRf,  61 

confciences,  (which  had  been  denied  them  in 
their  own  country)  was  efteemed  the  great- 
eft  of  bleffings,  and  fweetened  every  bitter 
cup  which  they  were  obliged  to  drink.  They 
always  profefled  that  their  principal  defign 
was  to  erect  churches  on  the  primitive  mod- 
el, and  that  the  confideration  of  temporal  in- 
tereft  and  conveniency  had  but  the  fecond 
place  in  their  views.* 

In  the  doclrinal  points  of  religion  they 
were  of  the  fametnind  with  their  brethren 
V)f  the  church  of  England,  as  exprefled  in  HutcHn. 
their  articles.  The  Maflachufetts  planters  |,P.«7, 
left  behind  them,  when  they  failed,  a  reC-. 
pedtful  declaration  importing  that  they  did 
not  confider  the  church  of  England  as  anti- 
chriftian,  but  only  withdrew  from  the  impo- 
lition  of  unfcriptural  terms  of  communion* 
Some  of  the  Plymouth  planters  had  embrac- 
ed the  narrow  principles  of  the  Brownifts, 
the  firft  who  feparated  from  the  church  of 
England  ;  but  by  the  improvements  which 
they  made  in  religious  knowledge  under  the 
inftruction  of  the  renowned  John  Robinfon, 
their  paftor  in  Holland,  they  were  in  a  great 
meafure  cured  of  that  four  leaven.  The 
congregational  fyftem  of  church  government 
was  the  refult  of  the  ftudies  of  that  truly  pi- 
ous, learned,  humble  and  benevolent  divine, 
who  feems  to  have  had  more  of  the  genuine 
fpirit  of  the  reformation,  and  of  freedom 

*  "  It  concerned!  New-England  always  to  remember,  that  they  are  orlg- 
"  inallya  plantation  religious,  not  a  plantation  of  trade.  The  profession  of 
"  the  purity  of  doctrine,  worship  and  discipline  is  written  upon  her  forehead. 
u  Let  merchants,  and  such  as  are  increasing  cent  per  cent  remember  this, 
';  that  worldly  gain  was  not  the  end  and  design  of  the  people  of  New-Eng- 
"  land  but  religion.  And  ii  ary  man  among  us  makereligion  as  twelve,anc! 
*'  the  world  as  thiri:ri:.  Bflch  r.n  om  hath  not  the  spirit  of  a  true  New*- 
;'  England  man."  Higg-inson's  Election  Senr.on, 


62  HISTORY  OF 

from  bigotry,  than  any  others  in  his  day. 
His  farewell  charge  to  thofe  of  his  flock  who 
were  embarking  in  Holland  for  America  de- 

Neai'sHist.  ferves  to  be  had  in  perpetual  remembrance. 

voi.  inp'.84.  "  Brethren  (faid  he)  we  are  now  quickly  to 
"  part  from  one  another,  and  whether  I  may 
"  ever  live  to  fee  your  face  on  earth  any 
"  more,  the  God  of  heaven  only  knows  ;  but 
"  whether  the  Lord  hath  appointed  that  or 
"  no,  I  charge  you  before  God  and  his  blet- 
"  fed  angels  that  you  follow  me  no  further 
<c  than  you  have  feen  me  follow  the  Lord  Je-r 
ic  fus  Chrift.     If  God  reveal  any  thing  to  you 
o  c'u  by  any  other  inftrument  of  his,  be  as  ready 
<c  to  receive  it,  as  ever  you  were  to  receive 
"  any  truth  by  my  ininiilry  ;  for  I  am  veri- 
"  ly  perfuaded,  I  am  very  confident,  the  Lord 
"  has  more  truth .  yet  to  break  forth  out  of 
"  his  holy  word.    For  my  part,  I  cannot  fuf- 
a  ficiently  bewail  the  condition  of  the  re- 
"  formed  churches,  who  are  come  to  a  peri- 
"  od  in  religion,  and  will  go  at  prefent  no 
"  farther  than  the  inflrumeiits  of  their  refor- 
"  mation.     The  Lutherans  cannot  be  drawn 
"  to  go  beyond  what  Luther  law  ;  whatever 
"  part  of  his  will  our  Good  God  has  reveal- 
"  ed  to  Calvin,  they  will  rather  die  than  em- 
"  brace  it.     And  the  Calvinifts  you  fee  flick 
"  fail  where  they  were   left  by  that  great 
"  man  of  God,  who  yet  faw  not  all  things. 
u  This   is  a  mifery  much  to  be  lamented  ; 
"  for  though  they  were  burning  and  fhining 
"  lights  in  their  times,  yet  they  penetrated 
"  not  into  the  whole  counfel  of  God  ;  but 
u  were  they  now  living,  would  be  as  willing 
"  to  embrace  farther  light,    as    that  which 
w  they  at  firil  received.     I  befeech  you  to  re- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  63 

tf  member  it  as  an  article  of  your  church 
"  covenant,  That  you  be  ready  to  receive  wbaf- 
£<  ever  truth  Jhall  be  made  knoivn  to  you  from 
"  the  'written  word  of  God.  Remember  that, 
"  and  every  other  article  of  your  facred  cov- 
"  enant.  But  I  muft  herewithal  exhort  you 
"  to  take  heed  what  you  receive  as  truth. 
"  Examine,  coniider  and  compare  it  with 
"  other  fcriptures  of  truth,  before  you  re-  . 
"  ceive  it  ;  for  it  is  not  poflible  the  chriftian 
"  world  fhould  come  fo  lately  out  of  fuch 
"  thick  antichriftian  darknefs,  and  that  per- 
"  fedlion  of  knowledge  fhould  break  forth 
"  at  once."  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that 
this  excellent  man  did  not  live  to  reach  New- 
England  and  to  diffufe  more  generally  fuch 
truly  catholic  and  apoflolic  principles. 

Many  of  the  firfl  planters  of  New-Eng- 
land were  perfons  of  good  education,  and 
forne  of  them  eminent  for  their  abilities  and 
learning.  Such  men  could  not  but  fee  the 
neceffity  of  fecuring  to  their  pofterity  the 
advantages  which  they  had  fo  dearly  pur- 
chafed.  One  of  their  firft  concerns  was  to 
have  their  children  confidered,  from  their 
earlieft  years,  as  fubjedls  of  ecclefiaftical  diC- 
cipline.  This  became  a  matter  of  controver- 
fy,  and  was  largely  difcuflfed  in  fermons  and 
pamphlets,  and  at  length  determined  by  the 
authority  of  a  fynod.  A  regular  courfe  of 
academical  learning  was  a  point  of  equal  im- 
portance, and  admitted  of  no  difpute.  They 
faw  that  the  reputation  and  happinefs  of  the 
whole  country  depended  greatly  upon  it. 
They  therefore  took  early  care  for  the  eftab- 
lifhment  of  fchools,  and  -within  ten  years 


HISTORY  OF 

from  their  firfl  fettlement,  founded  a  Col- 
lege at  Cambridge*,  which  from  fmall  be- 
ginnings, by  the  iminificenee  of  its  patrons, 
lias  made  a  diftinguimed  figure  in  the  re- 
public of  letters.  Many  eminent  men  have 
there  been  formed  for  the  fervice  of  the 
church  and  ftate  ;  and  without  this  advan- 
tage the  country  could  not  have  arrived,  in 
fo  fhort  a  time,  at  its  prefent  refpeftable 
ftate  ;  nor  have  been  furnilhad  with  men  ca- 
pable of  filling  the  various  ftations  of  ufe- 
fulnefs,  and  of  defending  our  civil  and  reli- 
gious liberties. 

Though  the  firft  planters  derived  from  the 
royal  grants  and  charters  a  political  right  as 
fubje&s  of  the  crown  of  England,  to  this  ter- 
ritory ;  yet  they  did  not  think  themfelves 
juftly  entitled  to  the  property  of  it  till  they 
had  fairly  purchafed  it  of  its  native  lords, 
and  made  them  full  fatisfaftionf .  Nor  did 
they  content  themfelves  with  merely  living 
peaceably  among  them,  but  exerted  them- 
felves vigoroufly  in  endeavouring  their  con- 
verfion  to  chriftianity,  which  was  one  of  the 
obligations  of  their  patent,  and  one  of  the 
profeffed  defigns  of  their  fettlement  in  this 
country.  This  painful  work  was  remarka- 
bly fucceeded,  and  the  names  of  ELIOT  and 

*  "When  New-England  was  poor,  and  we  were  but  few  in  number,  there 
"was  a  spirit  to  encourage  learning,  and  the  college  was  full  of  students.'* 

Result  of  a  Synod  in  1679. 

f  The  Abbe  Raynal  in  his  elegant  History  of  the  East  and  West  Indict 
speaks  of  the  purchase  made  of  the  Indians  by  William  Penn  in  1681,  as 
*'  an  example  of  moderation  and  justice  in  America,  which  was  never  thought 
**  of  before,  by  the  Europeans."  It  can  be  no  derogation  from  the  honor du« 
to  the  wise  founder  of  Pennsylvania  that  the  example  of  this  moderation  and 
justice  was  first  set  by  the  planters  of  New-England,  whose  deeds  of  poXi 
•veyance  from  the  Indians  were  earlier  than  his  by  half  a  century. 

In  some  parts  of  the  country  the  lands  purchased  of  the  Indians  are  sub- 
ject to  quit-rent,  which  is  annually  paid  to  their  posterity.     The  > 
reserved  to  their  use,  which  are  not  allowed  to  b?.  pnrc'nssd  of  *':"ni  ^ 
the  consent  of  the  legislature. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  65 

MAYHEW  will  always  be  remembered  as  un- 
wearied inftruments  in  promoting  it.  Great 
care  was  taken  by  the  government  to  pre- 
vent fraud  and  injuflice  toward  the  Indians 
in  trade,  or  violence  to  their  perfons.  The 
neareft  of  the  natives  were  fo  fenfible  of  the 
juftice  of  their  Engliih  neighbours,  that  they 
lived  in  a  flate  of  peace  with  them,  with  but 
little  interruption,  for  above  fifty  years. 

Slavery  was  thought  fo  inconfiftent  with 
the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  and  detri- 
mental to  fociety,  that  an  exprefs  law  was 
made,  prohibiting  the  buying  or  felling  of 
flaves,  except  thofe  taken  in  lawful  war,  or 
reduced  to  fervitude  for  their  crimes  by  a 
judicial  fentence  ;  and  thefe  were  to  have 
the  fame  privileges  as  were  allowed  by  the 
laws  of  Mofes.  There  was  a  remarkable  in- 
ftaace  of  juftice  in  the  execution  of  this  law 
in  1645,  when  a  Negro  who  had  been  frau- 
dulently brought  from  the  coaft  of  Africa, 
and  fold  in  the  country,  was  by  the  fpecial 
interpofition  of  the  general  court  taken  from 
his  mafter  in  order  to  be  fent  home  to  his 
native  land*.  How  long  after  this  the  im- 
portation of  blacks  continued  to  be  difallow- 
ed  is  uncertain  ;  but  if  the  fame  refolute 
juftice  had  always  been  obferved,  it  would 
have  been  much  for  the  credit  and  intereft 
of  the  country  ;  and  our  own  ftruggles  for 

*  "14.  3d  mo.  1645.  The  court  thought  proper  to  write  to  Mr.  Wil- 
'  Hams  of  Pascataqua,  (understanding  that  the  Negroes  which  Captain 
'-  Smyth  brought  were  fraudently  and  injuriously  taken  and  brought  from 
c'  Guinea,  by  Capt.  Smyth'a  confession  and  the  rest  of  the  company)  that  he 
"  forthwith  send  the  Negro  which  he  had  of  Captain  Smyth  hither,  that  he 
•'  may  be  sent  home,  which  this  court  doth  resolve  to  send  back  without  de- 
'•'  lay.  And  if  you  have  any  thing  to  alledge,  why  you  should  not  return 
c  him  to  1-e  disposed  of  by  the  court,  it  will  be  expected  you  should  forth 
•  '  ma  he  it  appear  either  by  yourself  or  your  agent." 

Massachusetts  Record,-, 


66  HISTORY   OF 

liberty  would  not  have  carried  fo  flagrant  ait 
appearance  of  inconfiftency. 

Severe  laws  conformable  to  the  principles 
of  the  laws  of  Mofes  were  ena&ed  againft  all 
kinds  of  immorality.  Blafphemy,  Idolatry, 
adultery,  unnatural  lufts,  rape,  murder,  man- 
ftealing,  falfe  witnefs,  rebellion  againft  par- 
ents, and  confpiracy  againft  the  common- 
wealth were  made  capital  crimes ;  and  be- 
caufe  fome  doubted  whether  the  magiftrate 
could  punifli  breaches  of  the  four  firft  com- 
mands of  the  decalogue,  this  right  was  a£- 
ferted  in  the  higheft  tone,  and  the  denial  of 
it  ranked  among  the  moft  peftilent  herefies, 
and  puniflied  with  banifhment.  By  the  fe- 
verity  and  impartiality  with  which  thofe 
laws  were  executed,  intemperance  and  pro- 
fanenefs  were  fo  effectually  difcountenanced 
that  Hugh  Peters,  who  had  refided  in  the 
country  twenty  years,  declared  before  the 
parliament  that  he  had  not  feen  a  drunken 
man,  nor  heard  a  profane  oath  during  that 
period.  The  report  of  this  extraordinary 
ftridlnefs,  while  it  invited  many  of  the  beft 
men  in  England  to  come  over,  kept  them 
clear  of  thofe  wretches  who  fly  from  one 
country  to  another  to  efcape  the  punifhment 
of  their  crimes. 

The  profefled  defign  of  the  plantation  be- 
ing the  advancement  of  religion,  and  men  of 
the  ftrifteft  morals  being  appointed  to  the 
chief  places  of  government,  their  zeal  for 
purity  of  every  kind  carried  them  into  fome 
refinements  in  their  laws  which  are  not  gen- 
erally fuppofed  to  come  within  the  fphere  of 
magiftracy,  and  in  larger  communities  could 
fcarcely  be  attended  to  in  a  judicial  way. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  67 

The  drinking  of  healths,  and  the  ufe  of  to- 
bacco were  forbidden,  the  former  being  con- 
fidered  as  an  heathenifh  and  idolatrous  prac- 
tice, grounded  on  the  ancient  libations  ;  the 
other  as  a  fpecies  of  intoxication  and  waile  of 
time.  Laws  were  inftituted  to  regulate  the  in- 
tercourfe  between  the  fexes,  and  the  advances 
toward  matrimony  :  They  had  a  ceremony 
of  betrothing,  which  preceded  that  of  mar- 
riage. Pride  and  levity  of  behavior  came 
under  the  cognizance  of  the  magiftrate.  Not 
only  the  richnefs  but  the  mode  of  drefs,  and 
cut  of  the  hair  were  fubjeil  to  ftate-regula- 
tions.  Women  were  forbidden  to  expofe 
their  arms  or  bofoms  to  view  ;  it  was  ord- 
ered that  their  ileeves  fhould  reach  down  to 
their  wrift,  and  their  gowns  be  clofed  round 
the  neck.  Men  were  obliged  to  cut  ihort 
their  hair,  that  they  might  not  refemble  wo- 
men. No  perfon  not  worth  two  hundred 
pounds  was  allowed  to  wear  gold  or  iilver 
lace,  or  filk  hoods  and  fcarfs.  Offences  a- 
gainft  thefe  laws  were  prefentable  by  the 
grand  jury  ;  and  thofe  who  drefled  above 
their  rank  were  to  be  afTefTed  accordingly. 
Sumptuary  laws  might  be  of  ufe  in  the  be- 
ginning of  a  new  plantation  ;  but  thefe  pi- 
ous rulers  had  more  in  view  than  the  politi- 
cal good.  They  were  not  only  concerned 
for  the  external  appearance  of  fobriety  and 
good  order,  but  thought  themfelves  obliged, 
fo  far  as  they  were  able,  to  promote  real  re- 
ligion and  enforce  the  obfervance  of  the  di- 
vine precepts. 

As  they  were  fond  of  imagining  a  near  re* 
femblance  between  the  circumftances  of  their 
fettlement  in  this  country  and,  the  redempr 


HISTORY  Ot 


Increase 
Mather's 
tife,  p.  57. 


Mather's 
Magnalia, 
-    Hb.  3.  p. 
20. 


H'ltch. 
C,  ee, 
papers,  p. 
161. 


tion  of  Ifrael  from  Egypt  or  Babylon  ;  it  is 
not  ftrange  that  they  ihould  alfo  look  upon 
their  "  commonwealth  as  an  inftitution  of 
"  God  for  the  prefervation  of  their  church- 
"  es,  and  the  civil  rulers  as  both  members 
"  and  fathers  of  them."  The  famous  John 
Cotton,  the  firft  minifter  in  Bofton  was  the 
chief  promoter  of  this  fentiment.  When 
he  arrived  in  1633,  he  found  the  people  di- 
vided in  their  opinions.  Some  had  been  ad- 
mitted to  the  privileges  of  freemen  at  the 
firft  general  court,  who  were  not  in  commu- 
nion with  the  churches  ;  after  this  an  order 
was  pafTed,  that  none  but  members  of  the 
churches  fliould  be  admitted  freemen  ; 
.whereby  all  other  perfons  were  excluded 
1  from  every  office  or  privilege  civil  or  mili- 
tary. This  great  man  by  his  eloquence 
confirmed  thofe  who  had  embraced  this 
opinion,  and  earneftly  pleaded  "  that  the 
"  government  might  be  coiifidered  as  a  theo- 
"  cracy  wherein  the  Lord  was  judge,  lawgiv- 
"  er  and  king  ;  that  the  laws  which  he  gave 
"  Ifrael  might  be  adopted,  fo  far  as  they 
"  were  of  moral  and  perpetual  equity ;  that 
"  the  people  might  be  coiifidered  as  God's 
"  people  in  covenant  with  him  ;  that  none 
"  out  perfons  of  approved  piety  and  eminent 
"  gifts  fhould  be  chofen  rulers  ;  that  the 
"  minillers  fhould  be  confulted  in  all  mat- 
"  ters  of  religion  ;  and  that  the  magiftrate 
"  fhould  have  a  fuperintending  and  coercive 
"  power  over  the  churches."  At  the  defire 
of  the  court,  he  compiled  a  fyftem  of  laws 
founded  chiefly  oil  the  laws  of  Mofes,  which 
was  coiifidered  by  the  legiflative  body  as 
the  general  ftandard  ;  though  they  never  for- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  69 

mally  adopted  it,  and  in  fome  inftances  va- 
ried from  it. 

Thefe  principles  were  fundamentally  the 
fame  with  thofe  on  which  were  ground- 
ed all  the  perfecutions  which  they  had  en- 
dured in  England,  and  naturally  led  to  the 
fame  extremes  of  oridudl  which  they  had  fo 
bitterly  complained  of  in  thofe  civil  and  ec- 
clefiaftical  rulers,  from  whofe  tyranny  they 
had  fled  into  this  wildernefs.  They  had  al- 
ready proceeded  a  flep  farther  than  the  hie- 
rarchy had  ever  attempted.  No  teft-law  had 
as  yet  taken  place  in  England ;  but  they  had 
at  one  blow  cut  off  all  but  thofe  of  their  own 
communion,  from  the  privileges  of  civil 
offices,  however  otherwife  qualified.  They 
thought  that  as  they  had  fufFered  fo  much 
in  laying  the  foundation  of  a  new  ftate, 
which  was  fuppofed  to  be  "  a  model  of  the 
"  glorious  kingdom  of  Chrift  on  earth*," 
they  had  an  exclufive  right  to  all  the  hon- 
ours and  privileges  of  it  ;  and  having  the 
power  in  their  hands,  they  effectually  eftab- 
lifhed  their  pretenfions,  and  made  all  diflent- 
ers  and  difturbers  feel  the  weight  of  their 
indignation. 

In  confequence  of  the  union  thus  formed 
between  the  church  and  ftate  on  the  plan  of 
the  Jewifh  theocracy,  the  miiiifters  were  cal- 
led to  fit  in  council,  and  give  their  advice  in 
matters  of  religion  and  cafes  of  confcience 

'-  "I  look  upon  this  as  a  little  model  of  the  glorious  kingdom  of  Christ 
on  earth  Christ  reigns  among;  us  in  the  commonwealth  as  well  as  in  the 
Church,  and  hath  his  glorious  interest  involved  in  the  good  of  both  so- 
cieties respectively.  He  that  shall  be  treacherous  and  false  to  the  civil 
government,  is  guilty  of  high  treason  against  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
will  be  proc  eded  against  as  a  rebel  and  traitor  to  the  King  qf  kings,  when 
;  he  shall  hold  his  great  assizes  at  the  end  of  the  world," 

President  Oakes'p  Election  Sermon,  1679. 


70  HISTORY  OF 

which  came  before  the  court,  and  without 
them  they  never  proceeded  to  any  aft  of  an 
ecclefiaftical  nature.  As  none  were  allowed 
to  vote  in  the  election  of  rulers  but  freemen, 
and  freemen  muft  be  church  members  ;  and 
as  none  could  be  admitted  into  the  church 
but  by  the  elders,  who  firfl  examined,  and 
then  propounded  them  to  the  brethren  for 
their  vote,  the  clergy  acquired  hereby  a  vaft 
afcendency  over  both  rulers  and  people,  and 
had  in  effedl  the  keys  of  the  ftate  as  well  as 
the  church  in  their  hands.  The  magiftrates, 
on  the  other  hand,  regulated  the  gathering 
of  churches,  interpofed  in  the  fettlement  and 
difiniflion  of  minifters,  arbitrated  in  ecclefi- 
aftical controversies  and  controled  fynodical 
aflemblies.  This  coercive  power  in  the  magit 
trate  was  deemed  abfolutely  neceflary  to 
preferve  "  the  order  of  the  gofpel." 

The  principle    on   which  this  power  is 
chap.  17.  5  .  „  .          * 

sec.  3.  grounded  is  exprelled  in  the  Cambridge 
Platform  in  terms  as  foft  as  poffible.  "  The 
"  power  and  authority  of  magiftrates  is  not 
"  for  the  reftraining  of  churches,  or  any  other 
"good  works,  but  for  the  helping  in  and 
"furthering  thereof,  and  therefore  the  con- 
"  fent  and  countenance  of  magiftrates  when 
"  /'/  may  be  had^  is  not  to.  be  flighted  or  light- 
"  ly  efteemed ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  a 
"  part  of  the  honor  due  to  chriftiaii  magif- 
"  trates  to  deiire  and  crave  their  confent  and 
"  approbation  therein  :  which  being  obtain- 
4C  ed,  the  churches  may  then  proceed  in  their 
*'  way  with  ??inch  more  encouragement  and 
"  comfort."  This  article  (like  clivers  others 
in  that  work)  is  curioufly  and  artfully  drawn 
up,  fo  that  there  is  an  appearance  of  liberty 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  71 

and  tendernefs  but  none  in  reality :  For  al- 
though the  magiftrate  was  not  to  reftrain 
any  good  works,  yet  be  was  to  be  the  judge  of 
the  good  or  evil  of  the  works  to  be  reftrain- 
ed ;  and  what  fecurity  could  churches  have 
that  they  fhould  not  be  reftrained  in  the  per- 
formance of  what  they  judged  to  be  good 
works  ?  They  might  indeed  think  them- 
felves  fafe,  while  their  rulers  were  fo  zealous 
for  the  purity  of  the  churches  of  which 
themfelves  were  members,  and  while  their 
minifters  were  confulted  in  all  ecclefiaftical 
affairs  ;  but  if  the  civil  powers  had  adled 
without  fuch  confultation,  or  if  the  minif- 
ters had  been  induced  to  yield  to  the  opinion 
of  the  magiftrates,  when  contrary  to  the  in- 
terefl  of  the  churches,  what  then  would 
have  become  of  religious  liberty  ? 

The  idea  of  liberty  in  matters  of  religion 
was  in  that  day  ftrangely  underftood,  and 
myfterioufly  expreffed.  The  venerable  Hig- 
ginfoii  of  Salem  in  his  fermon  on  the  day  of 
the  election  1663,  fpeaks  thus  ;  "  The  got 
"  pel  of  Chrift  hath  a  right  paramount  all 
"  rights  in  the  world  ;  it  hath  a  divine  and 
"  fupreme  right  to  be  received  in  every  na- 
fc  tion,  and  the  knee  of  magiftracy  is  to  bow 
"  at  the  name  of  Jefus.  This  right  carries 
"  liberty  along  with  it,  for  all  fuch  as  pro- 
"  fefs  the  gofpel,  to  walk  according  to  the 
"  faith  and  order  of  the  gofpel.  That  which 
"  is  contrary  to  the  gofpel  hath  no  right,  and 
"  therefore  fliould  have  no  liberty."  Here 
the  queftion  arifes,  who  is  to  be  the  judge 
of  what  is  agreeable  or  contrary  to  the  gof- 
pel ?  If  the  magiftrate,  then  there  is  only  a 
liberty  to  believe  and  pradlice  what  the 


HISTORY    OF 

magiftrate  thinks  right.  A  fimilar  fentiment 
occurs  in  the  fermon  of  the  learned  Prefident 
Oakes  on  the  fame  occafion  in  1673  ;  "  The 
4t  outcry  of  fome  is  for  liberty  of  confcience. 
Cc  This  is  the  great  Diana  of  the  libertines  of 
*'  this  age.  But  remember  that  as  long  as  you 
**  have  liberty  to  walk  in  the  faith  and  order 
"  of  the  gofpel,  and  may  lead  quiet  and 
"  peaceable  lives  in  all  godlinefs  and  honef- 
a  ty,  you  have  as  much  liberty  of  confcience 
a  as  Paul  defired  under  any  government." 
Here  the  queftion  recurs,  Would  Paul  have 
fubmitted  to  walk  according  to  the  opinion 
which  the  magiftrate  might  entertain  of  the 
faith  and  order  of  the  gofpel  ?  But  this  was 
all  the  freedom  allowed  by  the  fpirit  of  thefe 
times.  Liberty  of  confcience  and  toleration 
were  offeiifive  terms,  and  they  who  ufed 
them  were  fuppofed  to  be  the  enemies  of  re- 
ligion and  government.  "  I  look  upon  tol- 
"  eration  (fays  the  fame  author)  as  the  firfl 
"  born  of  all  abominations  ;  if  it  Ihould  be 
"  born  and  brought  forth  among  us,  you 
"  may  call  it  Gad,  and  give  the  fame  reafon 
"  that  Leah  did  for  the  name  of  her  fon,  Be- 
"  hold  a  troop  cometb^  a  troop  of  all  manner  of 
"  abominations."  In  another  of  thefe  elec- 
tion fermons,  (which  may  generally  be  ac- 
counted the  echo  of  the  public  voice,  or  the 
political  pulfe  by  which  the  popular  opinion 
may  be  felt)  it  is  fhrewdly  intimated  that 
toleration  had  its  origin  from  the  devil,  and 
the  fpeech  of  the  demoniac  who  cried  out, 
"  what  have  we  to  do  with  thee,  let  us  alone, 
"  thou  Jefus  of  Nazareth,"  is  ftylecl  "  Satan's 
"  plea  for  toleration."  The  following  aclmo- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  73 

taition  to  pofterity,  written  by  the  Deputy- 
Governor  Dudley,  is  another  fpecimen. 

"  Let  men  of  God  in  courts  and  churches  watch  -^  rt  n> 

"  O'er  such  as  do  a  toleration  hatch  ;  Memorial. 

'•  Lest  that  ill  egg  bring  forth  a  cockatrice,  F-  *^9. 

'•'  To  poison  all  with  heresy  and  vice. 
^  If  men  be  left  and  otherwise  combine 
^  My  epitaph's  /  die  no  libertine?'' 

The  champion  of  thefe  fentiments  was  Cot- 
ton, who  though  eminently  meek,  placid  and 
charitable,  yet  was  ftroiigly  tinctured  with 
the  prevailing  opinion,  That  the  magiftrate 
had  a  coercive  power  againft  heretics.  The 
baiiifhment  of  Roger  Williams,  minifter  of 
Salem,  occafioneci  a  vehement  controverfy 
on  this  point.  Williams  having  written  in 
favour  of  liberty  of  confcience,  and  flyled 
the  oppofite  principle  "  the  bloody  tenet  ;" 
was  anfwered  by  Cotton,  who  publifhed  a 
Treatife  in  1647  with  this  flrange  title, 
"  The  bloody  tenet  wafhed,  and  made  white 
"  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb."  In  this  work 
he  labours  to  prove  the  lawfulnefs  of 
the  magiftrate's  ufing  the  civil  fword  to  ex- 
tirpate heretics,  from  the  commands  given 
to  the  Jews  to  put  to  death  blafphemers  and 
idolaters.  To  the  objection,  that  perfecu- 
tion  ferves  to  make  men  hypocrites,  he  fays, 
"  better  tolerate  hypocrites  and  tares  than 
"  briars  and  thorns.  In  fuch  cafes  the  civil 

*  fword  doth  not  fo  much  attend  the  con- 

*  verfion  of  feducers,  as  the  preventing  the 
"  feduction  of  honed  minds  by  their  means." 
He  allows  indeed  that  "  the  magiftrate  ought 
"c  not  to  draw  the  fword  againft  feducers  till 

:  he  have  ufeci  all  good  means  for  their  con- 
is. 


74  HISTORY   O* 

"  vidtion  :  But  if  after  their  continuance  in  ol> 
"  ftinate  rebellion  againft  the  light,  he  lhall 
"  ftill  walk  toward  them,  in  foft  and  gentle 
"  commiferation,  his  foftnefs  and  gentlenefs 
"  is  exceflive  large  to  foxes  and  wolves  ;  but 
"  his  bowels  are  miferably  ftraitned  and 
"  hardned  againft  the  poor  fheep  and  lambs 
"  of  Chrift.  Nor  is  it  fruftrating  the  end  of 
"  Chrift's  coming,  which  was  to  fave  fouls, 
"  but  a  diredl  advancing  it,  to  deftroy,  if 
"  need  be,  the  bodies  of  thofe  wolves,  who 
"  feek  to  deftroy  the  fouls  of  thofe  for  whom 
"  Chrift  died."  In  purfuiiig  his  argument 
he  refines  fo  far  as  to  deny  that  any  man  is 
to  be  perfecuted  on  account  of  confcience 
"  till  being  convinced  in  his  confcience  of 
"  his  wickednefs,  he  do  ft  and  out  therein, 
"  not  only  againft  the  truth,  but  againft  the 
"  light  of  his  own  confcience,  that  fo  it 
"  may  appear  he  is  not  perfecuted  for  caufe 
"  of  confcience,  but  puniflied  for  finning 
"  againft  his  own  confcience."  To  which 
he  adds,  "  fometimes  it  may  be  an  aggrava- 
"  tion  of  fin  both  in  judgment  and  practice 
"  that  a  man  committeth  it  in  confcience." 
"  After  having  faid  that  it  was  toleration 
"  which  made  the  world  antichriftiaii,"  he 
concludes  his  book  with  this  fingular  ejacu- 
lation, "  the  Lord  keep  us  from  being  be- 
"  witched  with  the  whore's  cup,  left  while 
"  we  feem  to  rejedl  her  with  open  face  of 
u  profeflion,  we  bring  her  in  by  a  back  door 
"  of  toleration  ;  and  fo  come  to  drink  deep- 
"  ly  of  the  cup  of  the  Lord's  wrath,  and  be 
"  filled  with  her  plagues." 

But  the  ftrangeft  language  that  ever  was 
uied  on  this  or  perhaps  on  any  other  fubjedl, 


u 


" 


JSTEW-HAMPSHIRE.  •       75 

is  to  be  found  in  a  book  printed  in  1645  by 
the  humourous  Ward  of  Ipfwich  entitled, 
"  the  Simple  Cobler  of  Agawam."  "  My 
"  heart  (fays  he)  hath  naturally  detefted 
"  four  things  ;  the  {landing  of  the  Apocry- 
"  pha  in  the  bible  :  foreigners  dwelling  in 
"  my  country,  to  croud  out  native  fubjedls 
"  into  the  corners  of  the  earth  :  alchymized 
"  coins  :  toleration  of  divers  religions  or  of 
*'  one  religion  in  fegregant  lhapes.  He  that 
willingly  affents  to  the  laft,  if  he  examines 
his  heart  by  day-light,  his  confcience  will 
tell  him,  he  is  either  an  atheift,  or  an  here* 
tic,  or  an  hypocrite,  or  at  beft  a  captive  to 
u  fome  luft.  Polypiety  is  the  greateft  impiety 
"  in  the  world.  To  authorize  an  untruth  by 
44  toleration  of  the  ftate,  is  to  build  a  fconce 
"  againft  the  walls  of  heaven,  to  batter  God 
"  out  of  his  chair.  Perfecution  of  true  reli- 
"  gion  and  toleration  of  falfe  are  the  Jannes 
"  and  Jambres  to  the  kingdom  of  Chrift, 
"  whereof  the  laft  is  by  far  the  worft.  He 
"  that  is  willing  to  tolerate  any  unfound 
<4  opinion,  that  his  own  may  be  tolerated 
"  though  never  fo  found,  will  for  a  need, 
"  hang  God's  bible  at  the  devil's  girdle.  It 
u  is  faid  that  men  ought  to  have  liberty  of 
"  confcience  and  that  it  is  perfecution  to  de- 
u  bar  them  of  it  :  I  can  rather  ftand  amaz- 
*4  ed  than  reply  to  this  ;  it  is  an  aftonimment 
;c  that  the  brains  of  men  mould  be  parboiled 
"  in  fuch  impious  ignorance." 

From  thefe  fpecimens,  (of  which  the  read- 
er will  think  he  has  had  enough)  it  is  eafy 
to  fee  how  deeply  the  principle  of  intoleran- 
cy  was  rooted  in  the  minds  of  our  forefath-* 
ers  •  Had  it  ftopd  onlv  in  their  books  as  H 


76  HISTORY  OF 

fubjedi  of  {peculation,  it  might  have  been 
excufed,  confidering  the  prejudices  of  the 
times  ;  but  it  was  drawn  out  into  fatal  prac- 
tice, and  caufed  fevere  perfecutions  which 
cannot  be  juftified  confidently  with  chrifti- 
anity  or  true  policy.  Whatever  may  be  faid 
in  favour  of  their  proceedings  againft  the 
Antinomians,  whofe  principles  had  fuch  an 
effed:  on  the  minds  of  the  people  as  materi- 
ally afFedled  the  foundations  of  government, 
in  the  infancy  of  the  plantation  ;  yet  the 
Anabaptifls  and  Quakers  were  fo  incoiifid- 
erable  for  numbers,  and  the  colony  was  then 
fo  well  eftabliflied  that  no  danger  could  have 
been  rationally  apprehended  to  the  common- 
wealth from  them.  Rhode-Ifland  was  fet- 
tled by  fome  of  the  Antinomian  exiles  on  a 
calender's  plan  of  entire  religious  liberty  :  men  of  eve- 
seTmon!  ry  denomination  being  equally  prote&ed  and 
countenanced,  and  enjoying  the  honours  and 
offices  of  government.  The  Anabaptifts, 
fined  and  baniihed,  flocked  to  that  new  fet~ 
tlement,  and  many  of  the  Quakers  alfo  took 
refuge  there  ;  fo  that  Rhode-Ifland  was  in 
thofe  days  looked  upon  as  the  drain  or  fink 
of  New-England  ;  and  it  has  been  faid  that 
"  if  any  man  had  loll  his  religion,  he  might 
"  find  it  there.,  among  fuch  a  general  mufter 
'•'  of  opinionifts."  Notwithftanding  this  in- 
vective, it  is  much  to  the  honour  of  that 
government  that  there  never  was  an  iiiftance 
of  perfecution  for  confcience  fake  counten- 
anced by  them.  Rhode-Ifland  and  Pennfyl- 
vania  afford  a  ftrong  proof  that  toleration 
conduces  greatly  to  the  fettlement  and  in,- 
creafe  of  an  infant  plantation. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  77 

The  Quakers  at  firft  were  banifhed  ;  but 
this  proving  infufficient,  a  fucceflion  of  fan- 
guinary  laws  were  enabled  againft  them,  of 
whichimprifonment,whipping,cuttingoflFthe 
ears,  boring  the  tongue  with  an  hot  iron,  and 
banifhment  on  pain  of  death,  were  the  terri- 
ble fan<5tions.  In  confequence  of  thefe  laws 
four  perfons  were  put  to  death  at  Bofton, 
bearing  their  punifliment  with  patience  and 
fortitude  ;  folemnly  protefling  that  their  re- 
turn from  baiiiihment  was  by  divine  direc- 
tion, to  warn  the  magiflrates  of  their  errors, 
and  intreat  them  to  repeal  their  cruel  laws  ; 
denouncing:  the  judgments  of  God  upon  sewei'« 

.  r    i  n          n  ,  History  df 

them  ;  and  foretelling  that  if  they  ihould  put 
them  to  death  other-  would  rife  up  in  their  ers* 
room  to  fill  their  hands  with  work*.     After 

*  The  following  passages  extracted  from  William  Leddra's  letter  to  his 
friends,  written  the  day  before  his  execution,  March  15,  1660,  shew  an  ele- 
gance of  sentiment  and  expression,  not  common  in  their  writings. 

"  Most  dear  and  inwardly  beloved, 
"  The  sweet  influence  of  the  morning  star,  like  a  flood,  distilling  into  my 

*  innocent  habitation  hath  so  ftlled  me  with  tke  joy  of  the  Lord  in  the  beauty 
*{  of  holiness,    that  my  spirit  is  as  if  it  did  not  inhabit  a  tabernacle  of  clay, 
f-  but  is  wholly  swallowed  up  in  the  bosom  of  eternity  from  whence  it  had  its 

«  being." 

"  AIa»,  alas  !  what  can  the  wrath  and  spirit  of  man,  that  lusteth  to 
wi  envy,  aggravated  by  the  heat  and  strength  of  the  king  of  the  locusts  which 
"  came  out  of-  the  pit,  do  unto  one  that  is  hid  in  the  secret  places  of  the  Al- 
"  mighty  ?  or  to  them  that  are  gathered  under  the  healing  wings  of  the 
rt  Prince  of  Peace  ?  O  my  beloved,  1  have  waited  as  the  dove  at  the  win- 

*  dows  of  the  ark,  and  have  stood  still  in  that  watch,  which  the  master  did  at 
"  his  coming  reward  with  the  fulness  of  kis  love  ;  wherein  my  heart  did  re- 

*  joice   that   I  might   speak  a  few  words    to  you,    sealed   with  the  spirit  of 
'•'  promise.     As  the  flowing  of  the  ocean   doth  fjl  every  creek  and  branch 
"c  thereof,  and  then  retires  again  toward  its  own  being  and  fulness  and  leaves 
•'•  a  savour  behind  it  ;  so  doth  the  life  and  virtue  of  God  flow  into  everyone 
"  of  your  hearts,  whom  he  hath  made  partakers  of  his  divine  nature  ;   and 
Ci  when   it  withdraws  but  a  little,   it  leaves  a  sweet   savour   behind  it, 
•"•  that  many  can  say  they  are  made  clean  through  the  word  that  he  has  spok- 
"  en  to  them.     Therefore,  my  dear  hearts,  let  the  enjoyment  of  the  life  alone 
::  %e  your  hope,  your  joy  and  your  consolation.     Stand  in  the  watch  within, 
*  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord  which  is  the  entrance  of  wisdom.     Confess  him 
"  before  men,  yea  before  his  greatest  enemies.     Fear  not  what  they  can  do 
V  to  you  :   Greater   is   he  that  is  in  you  than  he  that  is  in  the  world,  for  he 
•'*  will  clothe  you  with  humility  and  in  the  power  of  his  meekness  you  shafl 
*'  reign  over  all  the  rage  of  your  enemies." 

Sewers  Hist.  Quakers,  page  274. 


78  HISTORY   OF 

the  execution  of  the  fourth  perfon,  an  order 
from  King  Charles  the  fecond,  procured  by 
their  friends  in  England,  put  a  ftop  to  capi- 
tal executions. 

Impartiality  will  not  fuffer  a  veil  to  be 
drawn  over  thefe  difgraceful  tranfa<5lions. 
The  utmofl  that  has  been  pleaded  in  favor  of 
them,  cannot  excufe  them  in  the  eye  of  reaf- 
on  and  juftice.  The  Quakers,  it  is  faid,  were 
heretics ;  their  principles  appeared  to  be 
fubverfive  of  the  gofpel,  and  derogatory  from 
the  honor  of  the  Redeemer.  Argument  and 
fcripture  were  in  this  cafe  the  proper  weap- 
ons to  combat  them  with  ;  and  if  thefe  had 
failed  of  fuccefs,  they  muft  have  been  left  to 
the  judgment  of  an  omnifcient  and  merciful 
God.  They  were  complained  of  as  diftur- 
bers  of  the  peace,  revilers  of  magiftracy, 
a  malignant  and  affiduous  promoters  of  doc- 
"  trines  diredlly  tending  to  fubvert  both 
"  church  and  ftate  ;"  and  our  fathers  thought 
it  hard,  when  they  had  fled  from  oppolition 
and  perfecution  in  one  fhape  to  be  again 
troubled  with  it  in  another.  But  it  would 
have  been  more  to  their  honor  to  have  fuf- 
fered  their  magiflracy  and  church  order  to 
be  infulted,  than  to  have  flamed  their  hands 
with  the  blood  of  men  who  deferved  pity 
rather  than  punifhment.  The  Quakers  in- 
deed had  no  right  to  diflurb  them  ;  and  fome 
of  their  conduct  was  to  an  high  degree  inde- 
cent and  provoking  ;  but  they  were  under 
the  influence  of  a  fpirit  which  is  not  eafily 
quelled  by  oppofition.  -Had  not  the  govern- 
ment appeared  to  be  jealous  of  their  princi- 
ples, and  prohibited  the  reading  of  their  books 
before  any  of  them  appeared  in  perfon,  there 


NEVV-HAMPSHIRfc*  79 

could  not  have  been  fo  plaufible  a  pretext  for 
their  reviling  government.  It  was  faid  that 
the  laws  by  which  they  were  condemned 
were  grounded  on  the  laws  in  England 
againfh  Jefuits,  But  the  cafe  was  by  no 
means  parallel,  (as  the  Quakers  pleaded) auakers 
their  principles  and  practices  not  being  equal- 
ly detrimental  to  fociety.  It  was  moreover 
urged  in  excufe  of  the  feverities  exercifed 
againfl  the  Quakers  that  the  magiftrates 
thought  themfelves  "  bound  in  confcience  to  Ma59«  Rec* 
keep  the  pafiage  with  the  point  of  the  fword : 
this  (it  was  faid)  could  do  no  harm  to  him 
that  would  be  warned  by  it :  their  rufhing 
on  it  was  their  own  a6l,  and  they  brought 
the  blood  on  their  own  heads.  Had  they 
promifed  to  depart  the  jurifdi<flion  and  not 
return  without  leave,  the  country  would  have 
been  glad  to  have  rid  themfelves  of  the  trouble 
of  executing  the  laws  upon  them  ;  it  was 
their  prefumptuous  returning  after  banim- 
ment  that  caufed  them  to  be  put  to  death." 
This  was  the  plea  which  the  court  ufed  in  fe 
their  addrefs  to  the  king ;  and  in  another  ?.  972. 
vindication  publifhed  by  their  order,  the  un- 
happy fufferers  are  ftyled  "  felones  de  fe,"  or 
•felf-nuirderers.  But  this  will  not  juftify  the 
putting  them  to  death,  unlefs  the  original 
crimes  for  which  they  were  banifhed  had  de- 

D     1 9" 

fervedit.  The  preamble  to  the  aft  by  which 
they  were  condemned  charges  them  with 
u  altering  the  received  laudable  cuftom  of  giv- 
ing refpedi  to  equals  and  reverence  to  fupe- 
riors  ;  that  their  actions  tend  to  undermine 
the  civil  government  and  deftroy  the  order 
of  the  churches,  by  denying  all  eftablifhed 
form?  of  worfhip,  by  withdrawing  from  or- 


HISTORY  OF 

derly  church  fellowfhip  allowed  and  approv- 
ed by  all  orthodox  profeffors  of  the  truth, 
and  inftead  thereof,  and  in  oppofition  there- 
to, frequently  meeting  themfelves,  infinuat- 
ing  themfelves  into  the  minds  of  the  fimple, 
whereby  divers  of  our  inhabitants  have  been 
infected."  Did  thefe  offences  deferve  death  ?' 
had  any  government  a  right  to  terrify  with 
capital  laws  perfons  guilty  of  no  other  crimes 
than  thefe,  efpecially  when  they  profeffed  that 
they  were  obliged  to  go  the  greatefl  lengths 
in  maintaining  thofe  tenets  which  they  judg- 
ed facred,  and  following  the  dictates  of  that 
fpirit  which  they  thought  divine  ?  Was  not 
the  mere  "holding  the  point  of  the  fword" 
to  them,  really  inviting  them  to  "  rum  on 
"it"  and  feal  their  teftimony  with  their 
blood  ?  and  was  not  this  the  moil  likely  way 
to  ftrengthen  and  increafe  their  party  ?  Such 
puniftiment  for  offences  which  proceeded 
from  a  rnifguided  zeal,  increafed  and  in- 
flamed by  oppofition,  will  never  reflect  any 
honour  on  the  policy  or  moderation  of  the 
government  ;  and  can  be  accounted  for  only 
by  the  ftrong  predilection  for  coercive  pow- 
er in  religion,  retained  by  moft  or  all  of  the 
reformed  churches  ;  a  prejudice  which  time 
and  experience  were  neceflary  to  remove*.. 

*  From  the  following  authorities,  it  will  appear  that  the  government  of 
New- England,  however  severe  and  unjustifiable  in  their  proceedings  against 
the  GtuXkers,  went  no  farther  than  the  most  eminent  reformers  ;  particularly 
the  Bohemians,  the  Lutherans,  the  celebrated  Calvin  and  the  martyr  Cran- 
mer. 

In  the  war  which  the  Kmperor  Sigismond  excited   against   the  Bohemian 
reformers,    who  had  the  famous  Zisca  for    their  general  ;  ':  The  acts  of  bar- 
barity which  were  committed  on  both    sides  were  shocking  and    terrible  bcr 
yond  expression.  For  notwithstanding  the  irreconcilable  opposition  h 
the  religious  sentiments  of  the  contending  parties,  they  both  agreed    in  this 
one  horrible  point,  that  it  was  innocent  and  lawful    to    persecute  and 
^ate  with  fire  and  sword,  the  enemies  of  the   true   religion,  ar 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  81 

The  miftakes  on  which  their  conduct  was 
grounded  cannot  be  detedled  in  a  more  maf- 
terly  manner,  than  by  tranfcribing  the  fenti- 
ments  of  Do6lor  Increafe  Mather,  who  lived 
in  thofe  times,  and  was  a  itrong  advocate  for 
the  coercive  power  of  the  magiftrate  in  mat- 
ters of  religion  ;  but  afterward  changed  his 
opinion  on  this  point.  "  He  became  fenfi- 
"  ble  that  the  example  of  the  Ifraelitiih  re- 
"  formers  inflicting  penalties  onfalfe  worfhip- 
u  pers  would  not  legitimate  the  like  proceed- 
"  ings  among  chriftian  gentiles :  For  the  ho- 
"  ly  land  of  Q±d  wa^  by  a  deed  of  gift  from 
"  the  glorious  God,  miraculoufly  and  indif- 
"  putably  granted  to  the  Ifraelitiih  nation, 
"  and  the  condition  on  which  they  had  it  was 

reciprocally  appeared  to  be  in  each  others  eyes."     Mosheim's  Eccl.  Hist,  veil, 
3.  p.  261. 

"  It  were  indeed  ardently  to  be  wished,  that  the  Lutherans  had  treated 
with  more  mildness  and  charity  those  who  differed  from  them  in  religious 
opinions.  But  they  had  unhappily  imbibed  a  spirit  of  persecution  in  their 
early  education.  This  was  too  much  the  spirit  of  the  times,  and  it  was  even 
a  leading  maxim  with  our  ancestors  (this  author  was  a  Lutheran)  that  it  was 
both  lawful  and  expedient  to  use  severity  and  ibrce  against  those  whom  they 
looked  upon  as  heretics.  This  maxim  ivas  derived  from  ROME  ;  and  even 
those  who  separated  from  that  church  did  not  find  it  easy  to  throw  off  all  of  a 
sudden  that  despotic  and  uncharitable  spirit,  that  had  so  long1  been  the  main 
spring  of  its  government  and  the  general  characteristic  of  its  members.  Nay 
in  their  narrow  view  of  things,  their  very  piety  seemed  to  suppress  the  gen- 
erous movements  of  fraternal  love  and  forbearance,  and  the  more  they  felt 
themselves  animated  with  a  zeal  for  the  divine  glory,  the  more  difficult  did 
they  find  it  to  renounce  that  ancient  and  favourite  maxim,  that  whoever  is 
found  to  be  an  enemy  to  God,  ought  also  to  be  declared  an  enemy  to  his 
eoantry."  Mosheim,  vol.  4.  page  437. 

"  Michael  Servetus,  a  Spanish  physician,  published  seven  books  in  which 
he  attacked  the  sentiments  adopted  by  far  the  greatest  part  of  the  Christian 
church,  in  relation  to  the  divine  nature  and  a  trinity  of  persons  in  the  God- 
head. Few  innovators  have  set  out  with  a  better  prospect  of  success  :  But 
all  his  views  were  totally  disappointed  by  the  vigilance  and  severity  of  Calvin, 
who  when  Servetus  was  passing  through  Switzerland,  caused  him  to  be  ap- 
prehended at  Geneva  in  the  year  1558,  and  had  an  accusation  of  blasphemy 
brought  against  him  before  the  council.  Servetus  adhering  resolutely  to  the 
opinions  he  ha  1  embraced,  was  declared  an  obstinate  heretic  and  condemned 
to  t!;e  HaiiK  .  Mosheim,  vol.  4.  page  171. 

Dr.  Macdaim'  in  his  note  on  this  passage,  says,  "  It  was  a  remaining  por- 
tion of  the  spirit  of  popery  in  the  breast  of  Calvin  that  kindled  his  unchristian 
.eal  against  the  wretched  Servetur,  whose  death  will  bo  an  inclelibk  re- 
.  .  •  "Pv.t  >Tis  tfharacf^v  of  that  reat  and  c-yunent  reformer." 


HISTORY  01 

rt  their  obiervance  of  the  Mofaic  inftitt&ions, 
"  To  violate  them  was  high  treafon  againft 
"  the  king  of  the  theocracy,  an  iniquity  to 
"  be  punifhed  by  the  judge.  At  the  fame 
a  time  fojourners  in  the  land  were  not  com- 
a  pelled  to  the  keeping  thofe  rites  and  laws 
K  which  Mofes  had  given  to  the  people. 
4<  Nay  the  Ifraelites  themfelves  fell,  many  of 
u  them,  into  the  woril  of  hereiies,  yet  while 
"  they  kept  the  laws  and  rites  of  Mofes,  the 
"  magiftrate  would  not  meddle  with  them. 
"  The  herefy  of  the  Sadducees  in  particular 
"  ftruck  at  the  foundation  of  all  religion  ; 
"  yet  we  do  not  find  that  our  Saviour  ever 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  the  sixth  of  England,  anno,  1549,  "  A  woman 
"•  called  Joan  Bocher,  or  Joan  of  Kent,  was  accused  of  heretical  pravity.  Hei 
"  doctrine  was,  "  that  Christ  v/as  not  truly  incarnate  of  the  virgin,  whosr 
"  flesh  being  the  outward  man  was  r.infully  begotten  and  born  in  sin  ;  and 
'•*  consequently  he  could  take  r  n  t  the  word  by  the  consent  of  the  in  - 

"  ward  man  of  the  virgin  was  made  flesh."  A  scholastic  nicety,  not  capa- 
ble of  doing  much  mischief  I  but  tberr  was  a  necessity  for  delivering  the  we- 
man  to  the  flames  for  maintaining-  it.  The  young  king  though  in  such  ten- 
der years,  had  more  sense  than  all  his  counsellors  and  preceptors  ;  and  he 
k>ng  refused  to  sign  the  warrant  for  her  execution.  CRANMER,  with  his  su- 
perior learning,  was  employed  to  persuade  him  to  compliance,  and  he  said, 
that  the  prince,  being  God's  deputy,  ought  to  repress  impieties  against  God. 
in  like  manner  as  the  king's  deputies  were  bound  to  punish  oifenders  against 
the  king's  person.  He  also  argued  from  the  practice  of  the  Jewish  church  in 
stoning  blasphemers.  Edward  overcome  by  importunity  more  than  reason 
at  last  submitted,  and  told  Cranmer  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  that  if  any  wrong 
was  done,  the  guilt  should  He  entirely  on  his  head.  The  primate  was  struck 
with  surprize  ;  but  after  making  a  new  effort  to  reclaim  the  woman  and  find- 
ing her  obstinate,  he  at  last  committed  her  to  the  flames.  Nor  did  he  ever 
renounce  his  burning  principles  so  long  as  he  continued  in  power."  Home's 
Hist.  Eng.  4to  vol.  3.  p.  320.  Neal's  Hist.  Purit.  4to.  vol.  1.  p.  41. 

It  ought  also  to  be  remembered,  that  at  the  same  tirro  that  the  Quakers 
suffered  in  New-England,  penal  laws  against  them  were  made  and  rigorously 
executed  in  England  ;  and  though  none  of  them  suffered  capital  execution;:, 
yet  they  were  thrown  into  prison  and  treated  with  other  marks  of  cruelly, 
which  in  some  instances  proved  the  means  of  their  death.  And  though  the, 
lenity  of  King  Charles  the  lid  in  putting  a  stop  to  capital  executions  here 
lias  been  much  celebrated,  yet  in  his  letter  to  the  Massachusetts  government 
the  next  year,  wherein  he  requires  liberty  for  jhe  church  of  England  airong 
them,  he  adds,  "Wee  cannot  be  understood  hereby  to  direct,  or  wish  that  any 
"indulgence  should  be  graunted  to  Gbuakt-r?,  whose  principles,  being  incon- 
"  sistent  with  any  kind  of  government.  Wee  have  found  it  necessary  with 
"  the  advise  of  out  parliament  here  to  make  a  sharp  law  against  them,  and 
"  are  well  content  you  doe,  the  like  th-re."  R-JC;  N.  Proving 

44  Maine,  lib.  1.  fol.  129 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 

4 

u  blamed  the  Pharifees  for  not  perfecuting 
"  them.  The  chriilian  religion  brings  us 
"  not  into  a  temporal  Canaan,  it  knows  no 
"  weapons  but  what  are  purely  fpiritual.  He 
"  faw  that  until  perfecution  be  utterly  ban* 
**  ifhed  out  of  the  world,  and  Cain's  club 
"  taken  out  of  Abel's  hand,  'tis  impoffible  to 
4C  refcue  the  world  from  endlefs  confufions. 
"  He  that  has  the  power  of  the  fword  will 
:'  always  be  in  the  right  and  always  aflume 
"  the  power  of  perfecuting.  In  his  latter 
"  times  therefore  he  looked  upon  it  as  one 
"  of  the  moft  hopeful  among  the  figns  of  the 
"  times,  that  people  began  to  be  afhamed  of 
u  a  practice  which  had  been  a  mother  of 
"  abominations,  and  he  came  entirely  into 
"  that  golden  maxim,  Errantis  poena  doceri" 
Divers  others  of  the  principal  adlors  and 
abettors  of  this  tragedy  lived  to  fee  the  folly 
and  incompetency  of  fuch  fanguinary  laws, 
to  which  the  fufferings  of  their  brethren, 
the  nonconformifts  in  England,  did  not  a  lit- 
tle contribute.  Under  the  arbitrary  govern- 
ment of  King  James  the  fecond,  when  he, 
for  a  ihew  of  liberty  and  as  a  leading  ftep  to 
the  introduction  of  popery,  iflued  a  procla- 
mation of  indulgence  to  tender  confciences, 
the  principal  men  of  the  country  fent  him 
an  addrefs  of  thanks,  for  granting  them  what 
they  had  formerly  denied  to  others.  It  is 
but  juftice  to  add,  that  all  thofe  difgraceful 
laws  were  renounced  and  repealed,  and  the 
people  of  New-England  are  now  as  candidly 
difpofed  toward  the  Quakers  as  any  other 
denominations  of  chriftians.  To  keep  alive 
a  fpirit  of  refentment  and  reproach  to  the 
country,  pn  account  o£  thofe  ancient 


84  HISTORi    Oi- 

adlions  which  are  now  univerfally  condem- 
ned, would  difcover  a  temper  not  very  con- 
fiftent  with  that  meeknefs  and  forgivenefs 
which  ought  to  be  cultivated  by  all  who  pro- 
fefs  to  be  influenced  by  the  gofpel. 

But  though  our  anceftors  are  juftly  cen- 
furable  for  thofe  inftances  of  misconduct, 
yet  they  are  not  to  be  condemned  as  unwor- 
thy the  chriftian  name,  fince  fome  of  the 
firil  difciples  of  our  Lord,  in  a  zealous  imi- 
tation of  the  prophet  Elias,  would  have  cal- 
led for  fire  from  Heaven  to  confume  a  village 
of  the  Samaritans  who  refufed  to  receive 
him,  Their  zeal  was  of  the  fame  kind  ; 
and  the  anfwer  which  the  benevolent  author 
of  our  religion  gave  to  his  difciples  on  that 
occafion,  might  with  equal  propriety  be  ad- 
drefled  to  them,  and  to  all  perfecuting  chrif- 
tians,  "  Ye  know  not  what  fpirit  ye  are  of, 
"  for  the  Son  of  man  is  not  come  to  deftroy 
fi  men's  live's  but  to  fave  them," 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  $& 


CHAP.     IV. 

of  Government  under  Massachusetts*— Mason's,  efforts 
to  recover  the  property  of  his  ancestor. — Transactions  of  tte 
King's  Commissioners. — Opposition  to  them. — Political  prin- 
ciples.— Internal  transactions, *—Ma son  discouraged. 

DURING  the  union  of  thefe  plan- 
tations  with  Maffachufetts,  they  were  gov* 
erned  by  the  general  laws  of  the  colony,  and 
the  terms  of  the  union  were  ftri<5lly  obferv- 
ed.     Exeter  and  Hampton  were  at  firft  an- 
nexed to  the  jurifdi&ion  of  the  courts  at 
Ipfwich,  till  the  eftablifliment  of  a  new  coun-     164& 
ty  which  was  called  Norfolk,  and  compre- 
hended Salifbury,  Haverhill,  Hampton,  Ex- 
eter, Portfmouth  and  Dover.      Thefe  towns 
were  then    of  fuch  extent  as  to  contain  all 
the  lands  between  the  rivers  Merrimack  and 
Pafcataqua.     The  mire  town  was  Salifbury ; 
but  Dover  and  Portfmouth  had  always  a  dit 
tindl  jurifdicflion,  though  they  were  confid- 
ered  as    part  of  this    new  county  ;    a  court 
being  held  in  one  or  the  other,  fometimes 
once  and  fometimes  twice  in  the  year,  con- 
fiding of  one  or  more  of  the  magiftrates  or 
affiftants,  and    one  or  more   commiflioners 
chofen  by  the  General  Court  out  of  the  prin- 
cipal 'gentlemen    of  each  town.     This  was 
called   the  court  of  Aflbciates  ;     and  their 
power  extended  to  caufes  of  twenty  pounds 
value.     From  them  there  was  an  appeal   to 
the  board  of  Affiftants,  which  being  found 
inconvenient,  it  was  in  1670  ordered  to  be 
made  to  the  county  court  of  Norfolk.  Caufes 
under  twenty  Ihillings  in  value  were  fettled  in 
#ach  town  by  an  Inferior  Court  confifting  of 


86  HISTORY   OF 

three  perfbns.      After  fome  time  they  had 
1647.    liberty  to  choofe  their  AfTociates,  which  was 
done  by  the  votes  of  both  towns,  opened  at 
Dover  and  a  joint  meeting  of  their  felecflmen,  though 
Sorts.  Rec.  fometimes  they  requefted  the  court  to  ap- 
point them  as  before.     That  mutual  confi- 
dence  between   rulers    and   people,   which 
fprings  from  the  genius  of  a  republican  gov^ 
eminent  is  obfervable  in  gll  their  tranfac- 
tiohs.* 

This  extenfion  of  the  colony's  jurifdiftion 
over  New-Hampfliire,  could  not  fail  of  being 
noticed  by  the  heirs  of  Mafon  :  But  the  dif- 
traclions  caufed  by  the  civil  wars  in  England 
were  invincible  bars  to  any  legal  enquiry. 
The  firft  heir  named  in  Mafon's  will  dying 
in  infancy,  the  eftate  defcended  after  the 
death  of  the  executrix  to  Robert  Tufton,  who 
1652.  was  not  of  age  till  1650.  In  two  years  after 
this,  Jofeph  Mafon  came  over  as  agent  to  the 
executrix,  to  look  after  the  intereft  of  her  de- 
ceaied  hufband.  He  found  the  lands  at  New- 
ichwannock  occupied  by  Richard  Leader, 

*  In  1652,  the  number  of  people  in  Dover  -was  increased  so.  that  they 
were  a' loved  by  law  to  send  two  deputies  to  the  General  Court.  Hampton 
oontinui-d  sending  but  one  till  1669,  and  Portsmouth  till  1672.  The  namer 
qf  the  representatives  which  I  have  been  able  to  recover,  are  as  follows  : 

For  Dover. 
John  Baker, 

Valentine  Hill,  Richard  Cook,  of  Boston 

Richard  Waldron,  who  was    '  For  Hampton. 

-Chosen  without  interrup-  jeoffry  Mingay, 

tion  for  25  years.,  and  was  Henry  Dow, 

sometime  spealter  of  ths  Hpu^.       William  F 
Richard  Cook.  Robert  Pa,;e, 

Pfter  Coffin.  Rogev  SI; .< 

For  Portsnw-t.i,  Roger  Page,  • 

Bryan  Pendleton,  Samuel  Dalt.r. 

Henry  SUerburne,  Joshua  G«lman. 

"Richard  Cutts,  Anthony  Stanyon, 

T^a  thinkl  Fr>-er,  Christopher  Hu 

Stilenan,  William  Gerrish, 

John  O.iti  S,  Joseph  Hus?ey. 

Richard  Mavt;-ri, 

"»t  find  that  Fxeter  serf  any  deputies  to  court  during  this  uni-jj^ 

Court  R< 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

againil  whom  he   brought    adlions    in    the    1652. 
county  court  of  Norfolk  ;  but  a  difpute  ant- 
ing whether  the  lands  in  queftion  were  with- 
in the  jurifdidlion  of  MafTachufetts,  and  the 
court  of  Norfolk  judging  the  adlion   not  to 
be  within  their  cognizance,  recourle  wras  had 
to  the  general  court ;  who  on  this    occafion 
ordered  an  accurate  furvey  of  the  northern 
bounds  of  their  patent  to  be  made  ;  a  thing 
which  they  had  long  meditated.   A  commit-  Massa Ret- 
tee  of  the  general  court  attended  by  Jonathan 
Ince,  and  John  Shearman  furveyors,  and  fev~ 
eral  Indian  guides,  went  up  the  river  Merri- 
mack  to  find  the  moft  northerly  part  there- 
of, which  the  Indians  told  them  was  at  Aque- 
dochtan,  the   outlet  of  the  lake  Winnipifeo- 
gee.     The  latitude  of  this  place  was  obferv- 
cd  to  be  43  degrees  40  minutes  and  1 2  fec- 
onds, to  which  three  miles  being  added,  made 
the  line  of  the  patent,  according  to  their  con- 
ftrucftioii,  fall  within  the  lake,  in  the  latitude 
of  43  degrees  43   minutes    and  12  feconds. 
Two  experienced  fhip-mafters,  Jonas  Clarke 
and  Samuel  Andrews,  were  then  difpatched 
to  the  eafterii  coaft,  who  found  the  fame  de- 
grees, minutes,  and  feconds,  on  the  northen 
point  of  an  ifland  in  Cafco   Bay,  called  the 
Upper  Clapboard  Ifland.     An  eaft  and  weft 
line,  drawn  through   thefe  points  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  South  fea,  was  therefore  fup- 
pofed  to  be  the   northern  boundary   of  the 
Maffachufetts  patent,  within  which  the  whole 
claim  of  Mafon,  and  the  greater  part  of  that 
of  Gorges  were  comprehended.     When  this 
grand  point  was  determined,  the  court  were 
of  opinion,  that  "  fome  lands  at  Newichwan- 
"  ncck5  with  the  river,  were  by  agreement  of 


88  HISTORY    OF 

1653.  "  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  others,  appor- 
"  tioned  to  Captain  Mafon,  and  that  he  alfo 
"  had  right  by  purchafe  of  the  Indians,  as  al- 
"  ib  by  poffeinon  and  improvement  ;"  and 
they  ordered  "  a  quantity  of  land  proportion- 
"  able  to  his  difburfements,  with  the  privi- 
"  lege  of  the  river,  to  be  laid  out  to  his  heirs.5' 
The  agent  made  no  attempt  to  recover  any 
other  part  of  the  eftate  ;  but  having  tarried 
long  enough  in  the  country  to  obferve  the 
temper  of  the  government,  and  the  manage- 
ment ufed  in  the  determination  of  his  fuit, 
he  returned  ;  and  the  eftate  was  given  up  for 
loft  unlefs  the  government  of  England  fhould 
interpofe. 

During  the  commonwealth,  and  the  pro- 
tedlorate  of  Cromwell,  there  could  be  no  hope 
of  relief,  as  the  family  had  always  been  at- 
tached to  the  royal  caufe,  and  the  colony 
flood  high  in  the  favor  of  the  parliament  and 

1660.  of  Cromwell.  But  the  reftoration  of  King 
Charles  the  fecond  encouraged  Tufton,  who 
now  took  the  firname  of  Aiafon,  to  look  up 
to  the  throne  for  favor  and  affiftance.  For 
though  the  plan  of  colonization  adopted  by 
his  grandfather  was  in  itself  chimerical,  and 
proved  fruitlefs,  yet  he  had  expended  a  large 
eftate  in  the  profecution  of  it,  which  mud 
have  been  wholly  loft  to  his  heirs,  unlefs 
they  could  recover  the  poffeffion  of  his  A- 
merican  territories.  Full  of  this  idea,  Ma- 
fon  petitioned  the  king  ;  fetting  forth  c  the 
'  encroachment  of  the  Maffachufetts  colony 
'  upon  his  lands,  their  making  grants  arid 
c  giving  titles  to  the  inhabitants,  and  thereby 
'  difpofleffing  him  and  keeping  him  out  of 
*  his  right."  The  king  referred  the  petition 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  89 

to  his  attorney-general  Sir  Geoffry  Palmer,    1660. 
who  reported  that  "  Robert  Mafon,  grandfon  ^°sv:n8gu 
"  and  heir    to   Captain    John    Mafon,  had  a  court  files. 
<l  good  and  legal  title  to  the  province  of  New- 
a  Hampfhire."     Nothing   farther   was  done 
at  this  time,  nor  was  the  matter  mentioned 
in  the  letter  which  the  king   foon   after  fent  -.  ^^ 
to  the  colony,  though  fbme  oftenfive  things  Hutch  " 
in  their  condu.61  were   therein  reprehended,  collect,  of 
and  divers  alterations  enjoined.     But  the  di-  377"' 
redlions  contained  in   this    letter  not  being 
ftridlly  attended  to,   and   complaints  being 
made  to  the  king  of  difputes  which  had  arif- 
en  in  divers  parts  of  New- England  concern-^ 
ing   the  limits  of  jurifdiftion,  and  addrefles  Hutc.Hist. 
having   been   prefented  by  feveral  perfons,  p.ss™' 
praying  for  the  royal  interpolation  ;    a  com- 
miilion  was  iffued  under  the  great  feal  to  ^  „„* 
Colonel  Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carre,  April  35" 
knight,  George  Carteret  and  Samuel  Maver- 
ick, efquires,  impowering  them  "  to  vifit  the 
"  feveral  colonies   of  New-England  ;    to  ex- 
"  amine  and  determine   all    complaints   and 
"  appeals  in  matters  civil,  military  and  crimi- 
"  nal ;  to  provide  for  the  peace  and  fecurity 
"  of  the  country,  according  to  their  good  and 
"  found  difcretion,  and  to   fuch  inftru6lions 
"  as  they  Ihould  receive  from  the  king,  and 
"  to  certify  him  of  their  proceedings." 

This  commiffion  was  highly  difreliihed  by 
i lie  colony,  as  inconfiftent  with  the  rights  and 
privileges  which  they  enjoyed  by  their  char- 
ter, and  which  the  king  had  facredly  prom- 
ifed  to  confirm.     It  is  therefore  no   wonder 
that  the    commiffioners   were    treated  with  Hu|ch- 
much  coolnefs  at  their  arrival ;  but  they  fe-  4iV  ** 
v  repaid  it  in  their  report  to  the  king. 


90  HISTORY    01 

1665*  In  their  progrefs  through  the  country  they 
June.  came  to  Pafcataqua,  and  enquired  into  the 
bounds  of  Mafon's  patent.  They  heard  the 
allegation  of  Whelewright,  who  when  ban- 
ifhed  by  the  colony,  was  permitted  to  refide 
immediately  beyond  what  was  called  the 
bound-houfe,  which  was  three  large  miles  to 
the  northward  of  the  river  Merrimack.  They 
took  the  affidavit  of  Henry  Jocelyn  concern- 
ing the  agreement  between  Governor  Crad- 
ock  and  Captain  Mafon,  that  the  river  fhould 
be  the  boundary  of  their  refpe6live  patents. 
They  made  no  determination  of  this  contro- 
verfy  in  their  report  to  the  king  ;  but  hav- 
ing called  together  the  inhabitants  of  Portf- 
mouth,  Sir  Robert  Carre,  in  the  name  of  the 
reft,  told  them  that  "  they  would  releafe  them 
"  from  the  government  of  Maflachufetts, 
"  whofe  jurifdiftion  fhould  come  no  farther 
"  than  the  bound-houfe."  They  then  pro- 
ceeded to  appoint  juftices  of  the  peace  and 
other  officers,  with  power  to  acl  according  to 
the  laws  of  England,  and  fuch  laws  of  their 
own  as  were  not  repugnant  thereto,  until  the 
king's  pleafure  fhould  be  farther  known. 
There  had  always  been  a  party  here  who 

Collection  i*  /• '  sv»?'  /•      i        •     i  riv/rrr- 

fep.  488.  were  dilaftecled  to  the  government  or  Mafla- 
chufetts.  One  of  the  moft  adlive  among 
them  was  Abraham  Corbett,  of  Portfmouth, 
who,  fince  the  arrival  of  the  commifli  oners 
at  Bofton,  and  probably  by  authority  deriv- 
ed from  them,  had  taken  upon  him  to  iffue 
warrants  in  the  king's  name  on  feveral  occa- 
lions,  which  was  conftrued  a  high  mifde- 
meanor,  as  he  had  never  been  commiffioned 
by  the  authority  of  die  colony.  Being  called 
tQ  account  by  the  general  court,  he  was  ad- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  91 

monifhed,  fined  five  pounds,  and  committed  1665. 
till  the  fentence  was  performed.  Irritated  by 
this  fe  verity,  he  was  the  fitter  inftrument  for 
the  purpoie  of  the  commiffioners,  who  em- 
ployed him  to  frame  a  petition  to  the  king  in 
the  name  of  the  four  towns,  complaining  of 
the  ufurpation  of  Maflachufetts  over  them, 
and  praying  to  be  releafed  from  their  tyran- 
ny. Corbett,  in  a  fecret  manner,  procured 
feveral  perfons  both  in  Portfmouth  and  Do- 
ver to  fubfcribe  this  petition,  but  the  moft 
of  thofe  to  whom  he  offered  it  refufed. 

The  fenfible  part  of  the  inhabitants  now 
faw  with  much   concern  that  they  were  in 
danger  of  being  reduced  to  the  fame  unhap- 
py ftate  which  they  had  been  in  before  their 
union  with  the  colony.    Awed  by  the  fuper- 
cilious  behaviour  of  the  commiffioners,  they 
knew  not  at  firft  how  to  aft  ;    for  to  oppofe 
the  king's  authority  was  conftrued  treafon, 
and  it  was  laid  that    Sir    Robert  Carre  had 
threatened  a  poor  old  man  with  death  for  no 
other  crime  than  forbidding  his   grandchild 
to  open  a  door  to  them.     But  when  the  ru- 
mour was  fpread  that  a  petition  was  drawn, 
and  that  Gorbett  was  procuring  lubfcribers, 
the  people,  no  longer  able  to  bear  the  abufe, 
earneftly  applied  to  the  general  court,  pray- 
ing "  that  in  fome  orderly  way    they  might 
"  have  an  opportunity  to  clear  themfelves  of 
"  ib  great  and  unjuft  afperfions,   as  were  by 
"this  petition,  drawn    in  their    name,  caft 
tc  upon  the   government  under  which  they 
"  were  fettled  ;   and  alfo  to    manifeft  their 
"  feiife  of  fuch  perfidious  aftions,  left  by  their 
"  filence  it  fhvbuld  be   concluded  they  were 
"  of  the  fame  mind  with  thofe  who  f Vame4 


92  HISTORY    0* 

1665.  "  the  petition."  In  confequence  of  this  peti- 
tion the  court  commiffioned  Thomas  Danforth, 
Efeazar  Luiher,  and  Major  General  Leverett 
to  enquire  into  the  matter,  and  fettle  the 
peace  in  thefe  places  according  to  their  beft 
difcretion. 

October  9.  Thefe  gentlemen  came  to  Portfmouth,  and 
having  affernbled  the  inhabitants,  and  pub- 
liihed  their  commiflion,  they  told  them  that 
they  Were  informed  of  a  petition  fubfcribed 
in  behalf  of  that  and  the  neighbouring  towns, 
complaining  of  the  government  ;  and  defir- 
ed  them  if  they  had  any  juft  grievances  to 
let  them  be  known,  and  report  fhould  be 
immediately  made  to  the  general  court. 
The  next  day  they  aflfembled  the  people  of 
Dover  and  made  the  fame  challenge.  Both 
towns  refpe<?dvely  protected  againft  the  pe- 
tition, and  profeffed  full  fatisfadlion  with  the 
goverment,  which  they  fignified  in  addrefles 
to  the  court.  Dudley,  the  minifter  of  Exeter, 
certified  under  his  hand  to  the  committee, 
that  the  people  of  that  town  had  no  concern 
diredlly  nor  indircdlly  with  the  obnoxious 
petition.  They  received  alfo  full  fatisfacflion 
with  regard  to  Hampton ;  a  certificate  of 
which  might  have  been  obtained,  if  they  had 
thought  it  neceffary. 

They  then  proceeded  to  fummon  Corbett 
before  them  for  feditious  behaviour  ;  but  he 
eluded  the  fearch  that  was  made  for  him, 
and  they  were  obliged  to  leave  a  warrant 
with  an.  officer  to  cite  him  to  the  court  at 
Boftoru  The  commiflioners  had  now  gone 
over  into  the  province  of  Maine,  from  whence 
Sir  Robert  Carre  in  their  name  fent  a  fevere 
reprimand  to  this  committee,  forbidding 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  98 

them  to  proceed  againft  fuch  perfons  as  had    1665. 
fubfcribed  the  petition,  and  inclofing  a  copy 
of  a  letter  which  the  faid  commiflioners  had 
written  to  the  governor   and  council  on  the 
fame  fubjed:. 

The  committee  returned  and  reported  their 
proceedings  to  the  court,  and  about  the  fame     . 
time  the  commiffioners  came  from  their  eafi> 
ern  tour  to  Bofton  ;  where  the  court  defired 
a  conference  with  them,  but    received  fuch  i 

an  anfwer  from  Sir  Robert  Carre  as  deter- 
mined them  not  to  repeat  their  requeft.  A 
warrant  was  then  iffued  by  the  fecretary,  in 
the  name  of  the  whole  court,  to  apprehend 
Corbett  and  bring  him  before  the  governor 
and  magiflrates, "  to  anfwer  for  his  tumultu- 
"  ous  and  feditious  practices  againft  the  gov- 
"  eminent."  The  next  fpring  he  was  feized 
and  brought  before  them ;  and  after  a  full  May 
hearing  was  adjudged  guilty  of  fedition,  and 
exciting  others  to  difcontent  with  the  gov- 
ernment and  laws,  and  of  keeping  a  difor- 
derly  houfe  of  entertainment,  for  which 
crimes  he  was  fentenced  to  give  a  bond  of 
one  hundred  pounds  with  fecurity  for  his 
peaceable  behaviour  and  obedience  to  the 
laws  ;  he  was  prohibited  retailing  liquors  ; 
difabled  from  bearing  any  office  in  the  town 
or  commonwealth,  during  the  pleafure  of  the 
court ;  and  obliged  to  pay  a  fine  of  twenty 
pounds  and  five  pounds  for  the  cofts  of  his 
profecution. 

This  fe verity  in  vindication  of  their  char- 
ter-rights they  thought   fit  to  temper  with 
fomethmg  that  had  the  appearance   of  fub- 
miffion  to  the  royal  commands.     The  king's  Hutch. 
pleafure  had  been  fignified  to   th$   commif- 


94  HISTORY  OF 

1666.  fioners,  that  the  harbours  Ihould  be  fortified. 
This  inftru&ion  came  to  hand  while  they 
were  at  Pafcataqua,  and  they  immediately  if- 
fued  warrants  to  the  four  towns,  requiring 
them  to  meet  at  a  time  and  place  appointed 
to  receive  his  majefty's  orders.  One  of  thefe 
\varrants  was  fent  by  exprefs  to  Bofton,  from 
whence  two  officers  were  difpatched  by  the 
governor  and  council  to  forbid  the  towns  on 
their  peril  to  meet,  or  obey  the  commands  of 
the  commiflioners.  But  by  their  own  au- 
thority they  ordered  a  committee  to  look  out 
the  moft  convenient  place  for  a  fortification, 
upon  whole  report  "the  neck  of  land  on  the 
ec. «  eaftwarci  of  tne  Great  Ifland,  where  a  fmall 
"  fort  had  been  already  built,  was  fequefter- 
"  ed  for  the  purpofe,  taking  in  the  Great 
"  Rock,  and  from  thence  all  die  eaflerly  part 
"  of  the  faicl  iflancl."  The  court  of  aflbciates 
being  impowered  to  hear  and  determine  the 
claims  of  thole  who  pretended  any  title  to 
this  land  ;  a  claim  was  entered  by  George 
Walton,  but  rejected  ;  and  the  appropriation 
confirmed.  The  culloms  and  impoils  on 
goods  imported  into  the  harbour  were  appli- 
ed to  the  maintenance  of  the  fort,  and  the 
trained  bands  of  Great-Ifland  and  Kittery- 
Point  were  difcharged  from  all  other  duty  to 
attend  the  fervice  of  it,  under  Richard  Cutts, 
efq.  who  was  appointed  captain. 

The  people  of  MaiTachufetts  have,  both  in 
former  and  latter  times,  been  charged  with 
difloyalty  to  the  king  in  their  conduct  to- 
ward thefe  commiffioners,  and  their  difre- 
gard  of  authority  derived  from  the  fame 
fource  with  their  charter.  To  account  for 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

their  conduct  on  this  occafion,we  muft  con-  1666. 
fider  the  ideas  they  had  of  their  political  con- 
nexion with  the  parent  ftate.  They  had  been 
forced  from  thence  by  perfecution  :  they 
came  at  their  own  charges  into  a  wildernefs, 
claimed  indeed  by  the  crown  of  England  ; 
but  really  in  pofTeflion  of  its  native  lords  ; 
from  whom  they  had  purchafed  the  foil  and 
fovereignty,  which  gave  them  a  title,  confid- 
ered  in  a  moral  view,  fuperior  to1  the  grant  of 
any  European  prince.  For  convenience  on- 
ly, they  had  folicited  and  accepted  a  patent 
from  the  crown,  which  in  their  opinion  con- 
ftituted  the  only  bond  of  union  between 
them  and  their  prince,  by  which  the  nature 
and  extent  of  their  allegiance  t®  him  was  to 
be  determined.  This  patent  they  regarded 
as  a  fblemn  compact,  wherein  the  king  had 
granted  them  undifturbed  pofTemon  of  the 
foil,  and  power  of  government  within  cer- 
tain limits  ;  on  condition  that  they  fliould 
fettle  the  country,  chriftianize  the  natives, 
yield  a  fifth  of  all  gold  and  filver  mines  to 
the  crown,  and  make  no  laws  repugnant  to 
thofe  of  England.  They  had,  on  their  part, 
facredly  performed  thefe  conditions  •  and 
therefore  concluded  that  the  grant  of  title, 
property  and  dominion  which  the  crown  had 
made  to  them  was  irrevocable.  And  although 
they  acknowledged  themfelves  fubjedts  of  the 
reigning  prince,  and  owned  a  dependence 
on  the  royal  authority  ;  yet  they  underftood 
it  to  be  only  through  the  medium  of  their 
charter. 

The  appointment  of  commiflioners  who 
were  to  acl  within  the  fame  limits,  indepen- 
dently of  this  authority,  and  to  receive  ap- 


96  HISTORY    OF 

1666^  peals  from  it  ;  whofe  rule  of  condud  was  no 
eftabliihed  law,  but  their  own  "  good  and 
found  difcretion,"  was  regarded  as  a  danger- 
ous ftretch  of  royal  power,  militating  with 
and  fuperfeding  their  charter.  If  the  royal 
authority  was  deftined  to  flow  through  the 
patent,  it  could  not  regularly  be  turned  into 
another  channel :  if  they  were  to  be  governed 
by  laws  made  and  executed  by  officers  of  their 
own  choofing,  they  could  not  at  the  fame  time 
be  governed  by  the  "  difcretion"  of  men  in 
whpfe  appointment  they  had  no  voice,  and 
over  whom  they  had  no  control.  Two  ruling 
powers  in  the  fame  ftate  was  a  folecifm  which 
they  could  not  digeft.  The  patent  was  nei- 
ther forfeited  nor  revoked  ;  but  the  king  had 
folemnly  promifed  to  confirm  it,  and  it  fub- 
fifled  in  full  force.  The  commiffion  there- 
fore was  deemed  an  ufurpation  and  infringe- 
ment of  thofe  chartered  rights,  which  had 
been  folemnly  pledged  011  the  one  part,  dear- 
ly pur  chafed  and  juftly  paid  for  on  the  oth- 
er. They  regarded  "  a  royal  donation  under 
Hutch.  the  great  feal  (to  ufe  their  own  words)  as  the 
vol.  i.  pas  greateft  fecurity  that  could  be  had  in  human 
S43-  affairs  ;"  and  they  had  confidence  in  the  juf- 
tice  of  the  fupreme  ruler,  that  if  they  held 
what  they  in  their  confidences  thought  to  be 
their  rights,  and  performed  the  engagements 
by  which  they  had  acquired  them,  they 
fhould  enjoy  the  protection  of  his  providence,* 

"  Keep  to  your  patent.  Your  patent  was  a  royal  grant  indeed  •,  and  it 
'is  instrumentally  your  defence  and  secuiity.  Recede  from  that,  on« 
'  way  or  the  other,  and  you  will  expose  yourselves  to  the  wrath  of  God  and 
'  the  rage  of  man.  Fix  upon  the  patent,  and  stand  for  the  liberties  and  in> 
c  munities  conferred  upon  you  therein  ;  and  you  have  GOD  and  the 
'  with  you,  both  a  good  cause  and  a  good  interest  :  and  may  with  good  cor,  - 
'  science  set  your  foct  against  any  foot  of  pride  and  violence  that  shall 
^against  you-'*  president  Oakes's  Election  Sermort 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  97 

though  they  fliould  be  obliged  to  abandon   166& 
the  country,  which  they  had  planted  with  ib 
much  labour  and  expence,  and  feek  a  new 
fettlement  in  fonie  other  part  of  the  globe. 

Thefe  were  the  principles  which  they  had 
imbibed,  which  they  openly  avowed  and  on 
which  they  a6led.  Policy  might  have  dictat* 
ed  to  them  the  fame  flexibility  of  conduct, 
and  foftnefs  of  expreffion,  by  which  the  oth- 
er colonies  on  this  occafion  gained  the  royal 
favour.  But  they  had  fo  long  held  the  fole 
and  uninterrupted  fovereignty,  in  which  they 
had  been  indulged  by  the  late  popular  gov- 
ernment in  England  ;  and  were  fo  fully  con- 
vinced it  was  their  right  ;  that  they  chofe 
rather  to  rifque  the  lofs  of  all,  than  to  make 
any  conceflions  ;  thereby  expoung  themfelves 
farther  to  the  malice  of  their  enemies  and  the 
vengeance  of  power. 

The  commiffioners,  having  finifhed  their 
bufinefs,  were  recalled  by  the  order  of  the 
king,  who  was  much  difpleafed  with  the  ill 
treatment  they  had  received  from  the  Maffa- 
chufetts  government,  which  was  the  more 
heinous,  as  the  colonies  of  Plymouth,  Rhode- 
Ifland  and  Connecticut  had  treated  the  com- 
miffion  with  acknowledged  refped.  By  a  *•££** 
letter  to  the  colony  he  commanded  them  to  547- 
feud  over  four  or  five  agents,  promifing  "  to 
cc  hear  in  perfori,  all  the  allegations,  fuggef- 
"  tions,  and  pretences  to  right  or  favour, 
"  that  could  be  made  on  behalf  of  the  colo- 
u  ny,"  intimating  that  he  was  far  from  de- 
iiring  to  invade  their  charter  ;  and  com- 
manding that  all  things  fhould  remain  as  the 
commiilioners  had  fettled  them  until  his  "  ;•« 
order  ;  and  that  thofe  perfons  who  had 


98  HISTORY  Of 

1666.  been  impriibned  for  petitioning  or  applying 
to  them  fhould  be  releafed.  The  court,  how- 
ever, continued  to  exercife  jurifdiclion,  ap- 
point officers,  and  execute  the  laws  in  thefd 
towns  as  they  had  done  for  twenty-five  years, 
to  the  general  fatisfadlion  of  the  people  who 
were  united  with  them  in  principles  and  af- 
fedlion. 

This  affection  was  demonftrated  by  their 

1669.  ready  concurrence  with  the  propofal  for  a 
general  collection,  for  the  purpofe  of  erecting 
a  new  brick  building*  at  Harvard  college, 
the  old  wooden  one  being  fmall  and  decay- 
ed. The  town  of  Portfmouth,  which  was 
now  become  the  richeft,  made  a  fubfcription 
of  fixty  pounds  per  annum  for  feven  years  ; 
and  after  five  years  pafled  a  town  vote  to 

harvard     carry  this  engagement  into  effect.      Dover 

coi.  Rec.  gave  thirty-two,  and  Exeter  ten  pounds  for 
the  fame  laudable  purpofe. 

1671.  The  people  of  Portfmouth,  having  for 
fome  time  employed  Jolhua  Moody  as  a 
preacher  among  them,  and  erected  a  new  meet- 
ing-houfe,  proceeded  to  fettle  him  in  regu- 
lar order.  A  church  confiiling  of  nine  breth- 

Ports,  chii.  ren  f  was  firft  gathered  ;  then  the  general 

Record*.  court  having  been  duly  informed  of  it,  and 
having  fignified  their  approbation,-  according 
to  the  eftabliihed  practice,  Moody  was  or- 
dained in  the  preience  of  Governor  Leverett 
and  feveral  of  the  Magiftrates. 

1674.  The  whole  attention  of  the  government  in 
England  being  at  this  time  taken  up  with 

*  This  building  was  erected  in  1  fi/2,  and  consumed  by  f  re  in  1  764. 
f  "  Joshua  Moody,  fianr.iel  ITaync-f. 

John  Cutts,    '  James  Pendletnn, 

Richard  Cutts,  Joan  Fletcher, 

Richard  Martyn,  John  Tu  ! 

EHas  Stileman. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  99 

things  that  more  immediately  concerned  1674* 
thernfelves,  nothing  of  moment  relating  to 
Mafon's  intereft  was  tranfafted.  He  became 
difcouraged,  and  joined  with  the  heirs  of 
Gorges  in  propofing  an  alienation  of  their 
refpedtive  rights  in  the  provinces  of  New- 
Hampihire  and  Maine  to  the  Crown,  to  make 
a  government  for  the  Duke  of  Monmouth. 
The  duke  himfelf  was  greatly  pleafed  with 
cheme,  as  he  Jiad  been  told  that  an  an- 
nual revenue  of  five  thoufand  pounds  or 
more  might  be  collected  from  thefe  provinc- 
es. But  by  the  more  faithful  reprefenta-  Hutch. 

r>    r  r  i  11  Collection 

tions    or  iome    perlons   who  were  well   ac-  Ot  rap?™, 
quainted  with  the  country,  he  was  induced  451* 
to  lay  afide  the  project.     Many  complaints 
were  made  againft  the   government  of  Maf- 
fachufetts  ;  and  it  was  thought  to  be  highly 
expedient  that  more  fevere  meafures  fhould 
be  ufed  with  them  ;  but  the  Dutch  wars,  and 
other  foreign  tranfactions,  prevented  any  de- 
termination concerning  them,  till  the  coun- 
try was  involved  in  all  the  horrors  of  a 
eral  war  with,  the  natives. 


100  HISTORY 


CHAP.     V. 

'  *  Indiar.9. — Tn 
i    ::t-ral  ivdr  -\ci:h  iLtm  caiUd  Philijftt  war. 

AT  the  time  of  the  firft  difcovery  of 
the  river  Pafcataqtta  by  Captain  Smith,  it 
was  found  that  the  native  inhabitants  of  thefe 
parts  differed  not  in  language,  manners,  nor 
government,  from  their  eaftern  or  weftern 
neighbours.  Though  they  were  divided  in- 
to- feveral  tribds,  each  of  which  had  a  diftinct 
facherri,  yet  they  all  owned  fubjection  to  a 
fm-ereign  prince,  called  Bafhaba,  whofe  refi- 
was  fomewhere  about  Pemaquid.  It- 
found  thai:  tl:;.  '"*  arrateens,  who 
d  farther  eaftward,  had  invaded  liis  coun- 
try, furprized  and  flairl  him,  and  all  the  peo- 
ple in  his  neighbourhood,  and  carried  oft  his 
women,  leaving  no  traces  of  his  authority. 
Updn  which  the  fubordinate  fachems,  hav- 
ing no  head  to  unite  them,  and  each  one 
ftriving  for  the  pre-eminence,  made  war  among 
themfelves  ;  whereby  many  of  their  people, 
and  much  of  their  provifion  were  deftroyed. 
When  Sir  Richard  Hawkins  vifited  the  coaft  in 
1615,  this  war  was  at  it  height ;  and  to  this  fuc- 
ceeded  a  peftilence,  which  carried  them  off 
in  fuch  dumbers  that  the  living  were  not 
able  to  bury  the  dead  ;  but  their  bones  re- 
mained at  the  places  of  their  habitations  for 
feveral  years.  During  this  peftilence,  Rich- 
ard Vines  and  feveral  others,  whom  Sir  Fer- 
dinando  Gorges  had  hired,  at  a  great  ex- 
pence,  to  tarry  in  the  country  through  the 
winter,  lived  among  them  and  lodged  in  their 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  101 

cabbina,  without  receiving  the  leaft  injury  iji 
their  htalth,  "  not  fo  much  as  feeling  their 
u  heads  to  ache  the  whole  time."  By 
iuch  fingular  means  did  divine  providence 
prepare  the  way  for  the  peaceable  entrance 
of  the  Europeans  into  this  land. 

When  the  firft  fettlements  were  made,  the 
remains  of  two  tribes  had  their  habitations 
on  the  feveral  branches  of  the  river  Pafcata- 
qua  ;  one  of  their  fachems  lived  at  the  falls 
of  Squarnfcot,  and  the  other  at  thofe  of  Ne- 
wichwannock  ;  their  head  quarters  being 
generally  feated  in  places  convenient  for  fifli-* 
ing.  Both  thefe,  together  with  feveral  inland 
tribes,  who  relided  at  Pantucket  and  Winni- 
pifeogee,  acknowledged  fubjedlion  to  Paffaco- 
naway  the  great  fagamore  of  Pannukog,  or 
(as  it  is  commonly  pronounced)  Penacook. 
He  excelled  the  other  fachems  in  fagacity, 
duplicity  and  moderation  ;  but  his  principal 
qualification  was  his  ikill  in  fome  of  the  fe- 
cret  operations  of  nature,  which  gave  him 
the  reputation  of  a  forcerer,  and  extended 
his  fame  and  influence  among  all  the  neigh- 
bouring tribes.  They  believed  that  it  was 
in  his  power  to  make  water  burn,  and  trees 
dance,  &  to  metamorphofe  himfelf  into  flame ;  Jl 
that  in  winter  he  could  raife  a  green  leaf  voi.'i.F. 
from  the  afhes  of  a  dry  one,  and  a  living  fer-  474t 
pent  from  the  {kin  of  one  that  was  dead. 

An  Englilh  gentleman  who  had  been 
much  converfant  among  the  Indians  was  in- 
vited, in  1660,  to  a  great  dance  and  feaft  ; 
.on  which  occafion  the  elderly  men,  in  fongs 
or  fpeeches  recite  their  hiftories,  and  deliver 
their  featiments,  and  advice,  to  the  younger. 
At  this  folemnity  Pafiaconaway,  being  grown 


102  HISTORY  OF 

old,  made  his  farewell  fpeech  to  his  children 
and  people  ;  in  which,  as  a  dying  man,  he 
warned  them  to  take  heed  how  they  quarrel- 
led with  their  Engliih  neighbours  ;  for 
though  they  might  do  them  foine  damage, 
yet  it  would  prove  the  means  of  their  own 
deftrudlion.  He  told  them  that  he  had  been 
a  bitter  enemy  to  the  Englifh,  and  by  the 
arts  of  forcery  had  tried  his  utmofh  to  hinder 
their  fettlement  and  increafe  ;  but  could  by 
no  means  fucceed.  This  caution  perhaps 
often  repeated,  had  fuch  an  effe6t,  that  upon 
the  breaking  out  of  the  Indian  war  fifteen 
tinted*1 's  7ears  afterward,  Wonolanfet,  his  fon  and  fuc- 
Narrative.  ceffor,  withdrew  himfelf  and  his  people  into 
L  fbme  remote  place,  that  they  might  not  be 
drawn  into  the  quarrel. 

While  the  Britifti  nations  had  been  dif- 
trailed  with  internal  convulsions,  and  had 
endured  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war,  produc- 
ed by  the  fame  caufes  which  forced  the  plan- 
ters of  New  England  to  quit  the  land  of  their 
nativity  ;  this  wildernels  had  been  to  them 
a  quiet  habitation.  They  had  ftruggled 
;i  many  hardihips  ;  but  providence  had 
fmiled  upon  their  undertaking,  their  fettle- 
ments  were  extended  and  their  churches 
multiplied.  There  had  been  no  remarkable 
quarrel  with  the  favages,  except  the  fhort 
war  with  the  Pequods,  who  dwelt  in  thq 
fouth-eaft  part  of  Connecticut :  They  being 
totally  fubdued  in  1637,  the  dread  and  ter- 
ror of  the  Englifh  kept  the  other  iiationvS 
quiet  for  near  forty  years.  During  which 
time  the  New-England  colonies  being  con-^ 
federated  for  their  mutual  defence,  and  for 
maintaining  the  public  peace,  took  great 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 


103 


pains  to  propagate  the  gofpel  among  the  na- 
tives, and  bring  them  to  a  civilized  way  of 
living,  which,  with  refpect  to  fome,  proved 
effectual  ;  others  refufed  to  receive  the  mif- 
fioiiaries,  and  remained  obftinately  prejudic- 
ed againft  the  Englifh.  Yet  the  object  of 
their  hatred  was  at  the  fame  time  the  object 
of  their  fear ;  which  led  them  to  forbear 
acts  of  hoftility,  and  to  preferve  an  outward 
ftiew  of  friendfhip,  to  their  mutual  intereft. 
Our  hiftorians  have  generally  reprefented 
the  Indians  in  a  mofl  odious  light,  efpecially 
when  recounting  the  effects  of  their  feroci- 
ty. Dogs,  caitiffs,  mifcreants  and  hell-hounds, 
are  the  politeft  names  which  have  been  given 
them  by  fome  writers,  who  feem  to  be  in  a 
pailion  at  the  mentioning  their  cruelties,  and 
at  other  times  fpeak  of  them  with  contempt.  and . 

.  *  Mather's 

Whatever  indulgence  may  be  allowed  to 
thole  who  wrote  in  times  when  the  mind 
\v;is  vexed  with  their  recent  depredations  and 
inhumanities,  it  ill  becomes  us  to  cherifh  an 
inveterate  hatred  of  the  unhappy  natives. 
Religion  teaches  us  a  better  temper,  and  pro- 
vidence has  now  put  an  end  to  the  contro- 
verfy,  by  their  almoft  total  extirpation.  We 
ihould  therefore  proceed  with  calmnefs  in 
recollecting  their  paft  injuries,  and  forming 
our  judgment  of  their  character. 

It  muft  be  acknowledged  that  human  de- 
pravity appeared  in  thefe  unhappy  creatures 
in  a  moft  {hocking  view.  The  principles  of 
education  and  the  refinements  of  civilized  life 
cither  lay  a  check  upon  our  vicious  propen- 
fities,  or  difguife  our  crimes  ;  but  among 
them  human  wickednefs  was  feen  in  its  nak- 
€cl  deformity.  Yet,  bad  as  tjbev-  were,  it  will 


104  HISTORY   OF 

be  difficult  to  find  them  guilty  of  any  crifn^ 
which  cannot  be  paralleled  among  civilized 
nations. 

They  are  always  defcribed  as  remarkably 
cruel ;  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  this  dif- 
pofition  indulged  to  the  greateft  excefs, 
ftrongly  marks  their  character.  We  are 
ftruck  with  horror,  when  we  hear  of  their 
binding  the  victim  to  the  flake,  biting  off  his 
nails,  tearing  out  his  hair  by  the  roots,  pul- 
ling out  his  tongue,  boring  out  his  eyes, 
flicking  his  fkin  full  of  lighted  pitch-wood* 
half  roafting  him  at  the  fire,  and  then  mak- 
ing him  run  for  their  diverfion,  till  he  faints 
and  dies  under  the  blows  which  they  give 
him  011  every  part  of  his  body.  But  is  it  nofc 
as  dreadful  to  read  of  an  unhappy  wretch, 
fewed  up  in  a  fack  full  of  ferpents'  and 
thrown  into  the  fea,  or  broiled  in  a  red  hot 
iron  chair  j  or  mangled  by  lions  and  tygers 
after  having  fpent  his  flrength  to  combat 
them  for  the  diverfion  of  the  fpe&ators  in 
an  amphitheatre  ?  and  yet  thefe  wrere  pun- 
ifhments  among  the  Romans  in  the  politefl 
ages  of  the  empire.  What  greater  cruelty  is 
there  in  the  American  tortures,  than  in  con- 
fining a  man  in  a  trough,  and  daubing  him 
with  honey  that  he  may  be  flung  to  death  by 
wafps  and  other  venomous  infedls  ;  or  flea- 
ing  him  alive  and  ftretching  out  his  fkin  be- 
fore his  eyes,  which  modes  of  punifhmeiit 
were  not  inconfiflent  with  the  foftnefs  and 
elegance  of  the  ancient  court  of  Perfia  ?  or, 
to  come  down  to  modern  times  ;  what  great- 
er mifery  can  there  be  in  the  Indian  execu- 
tions, than  in  racking  a1  prifoner  on  a  wheel, 
and  breaking  his  bones  one  by  one  with  at* 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  105 

iron  bar  ;  or  placing  his  legs  in  a  boot  and 
driving  in  wedges  one  after  another  ;  which 
tortures  are  ftill,  or  have  till  lately  been 
ufed  in  fome  European  kingdoms  ?  I  forbear 
to  name  the  torments  of  the  inquifition,  be- 
caufe  they  feem  to  be  beyond  the  ftretch  of 
human  invention.  If  civilized  nations,  and 
thofe  who  profefs  the  mofl  merciful  religion 
that  ever  bleffed  the  world,  have  pradlifed 
thefe  cruelties,  what  could  be  expected  of 
men  who  were  ftrangers  to  every  degree  of 
refinement  either  civil  or  mental  ? 

The  Indians  have  been  reprefented  as  re- 
vengcfuL     When  any  perfon  was  killed,   the 
nearefl  relative  thought  himfelf  bound  to  be 
the  avenger  of  blood,  and  never  left  feeking, 
till  he  found  an  opportunity  to  execute  his 
purpofe.     Whether  in  a  ftate,  where  govern-  Number* 
ment  is  confefledly  fo  feeble  as  among  them,  19, 
fuch  a  conduft  is  not  juftifiable,  and  even 
countenanced  by  the  Jewifh  law  may  deferve  v.  12. 
our  confideration. 

The  treachery  with  which  thefe  people  are 
juftly  charged,  is  exadtly  the  fame  difpofition 
which  operates  in  the  breach  of  folemn  trea- 
ties made  between  nations  which  call  them- 
felves  chriftian.  Can  it  be  more  criminal  in 
an  Indian,  than  in  an  European,  not  to  think 
himfelf  bound  by  promifes  and  oaths  extort- 
ed from  him  when  under  durefs  ? 

Their  jealoufy  and  haired  of  their  Englifli 
neighbours  may  eafily  be  accounted  for,  if 
we  allow  them  to  have  the  fame  feelings  with 
ourfelves.  How  natural  is  it  for  us  to  form 
a  difagreeable  idea  of  a  whole  nation,  from 
the  bad  conduct  of  fome  individuals  with 

whom  we  are  acquainted  ?  and  though  others 
o 


106.  HISTORY  OF 

of  them  may  be  of  a  different  character,  yet 
will  not  that  prudence  which  is  efteemed  a 
virtue,  lead  us  to  fufpedl  the  faireft  appear- 
ances, as  ufed  to  cover  the  moft  fraudulent 
defigns,  efpecially  if  pains  are  taken  by  the 
moft  politic  among  us,  to  foment  fuch  jeal- 
Gufies  to  fubferve  their  own  ambitious  pur- 
pofes  ? 

Though  the  greater  part  of  the  English 
fettlers  came  hither  with  religious  views,  and 
fairly  purchafed  their  lands  of  the  Indians, 
yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  fome,  efpecially 
in  the  eaftern  parts  of  New-England,  had  lu- 
crative views  only  ;  and  from  the  beginning 
ufed  fraudulent  methods  in  trade  with  them. 
Such  things  were  indeed  difallowed  by  the 
government,  and  would  always  have  been 
punifhed  if  the  Indians  had  made  com- 
plaint :  but  they  knew  only  the  law  of  re- 
taliation, and  when  an  injury  was  received, 
it  was  never  forgotten  till  revenged.  En- 
croachments made  on  their  lands,  and  fraud 
committed  in  trade,  afforded  fufficient 
grounds  for  a  quarrel,  though  at  ever  fo 
great  a  length  of  time  ;  arul  kept  alive  a  per- 
petual jealoufy  of  theJike  treatment  again*. 
1675.  Such  was  the  temper  of  the  Indians  of 
New-England  when  the  firft  general  war  be- 
gan. It  was  thought  by  the  Englifh  in  that 
day,  that  Philip,  fachem  of  the  Wompanoags, 
a  crafty  and  afpiring  man,  partly  by  intrigue, 
and  partly  by  example,  excited  them  to  fuch 

*  Mons.  du  Pratz  gives  nearly  the  same  account  of  the  Indians  on  the 
Missisippi.  "  There  needs  nothing1  but  prudence  and  good  sense  to  per- 
*  suade  these  people  to  what  is  reasonable,  and  to  preserve  their  friendship 
"  without  interruption.  We  may  safely  affirm,  that  the  differences  we  have 
"  had  with  them  have  been  more  owing  to  the  French  than  to  them.  When 
"•  they  are  treated  insolently,  or  oppressively,  they  have  no  less  sensibility  of 
"  injuries  than  others."  History  of  Ixniisiana,  lib.  4.  cap.  3 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  107 

a  general  combination.     He  was  the  fon  of    1675* 
MaiTaflbiet,  the  neareft  fachem  to  the  colony 
of  Plymouth,  with  whom  he  had  concluded 
a  peace,  which  he  maintained  more  through 
fear  than  good  will,  as  long  as  he  lived.  His 
fon  and  immediate  fucceflbr  Alexander,  pre- 
ferved  the  fame  external  fhew  of  friendfhip  ; 
but  died  with  choler  on  being  detected  in  a 
plot  againft  them.  Philip,  itisfaid,diflembled 
his  hoitile  purpofes  ;  he  was  ready,  on  every 
fufpicion  of  his  infidelity,  to  renew  his  fub- 
miffion,  and  teftify  it  even  by  the  delivery 
of  his   arms,  till  he  had  fecretly  infufed  a 
cruel  jealoufy  into  many  of  the  neighbour- 
ing Indians  ;  which  excited  them  to  attempt 
the  recovering  their  country  by  extirpating 
the  new  pofleffors.     The  plot,  it  is  faid,  was 
difcovered  before  it  was  ripe  for  execution  ; 
and   as  he  could  no  longer  promife  himfelf 
fecurity  under  the  mafk  of  friendfhip,  he  was 
conftrained  to  Ihew  himfelf  in  his  true  char- 
adler,  and  accordingly  began  hoftilities  upon 
the  plantation  of  Swanzy,  in  the  colony  of 
Plymouth,  in  the  month  of  June  1675. 

Notwithftanding    this  general  opinion,  it 
may  admit  of  fome  doubt,  whether  a  fingle 
fachem,  wjiofe  authority  was  limited,  could 
have  fuch  an  extenfive  influence  over  tribes 
fo  remote  and  unconnected  with  him  as  the 
eaftern  Indians  ;  much  more  improbable  is 
It,  that  thofe  in  Virginia  fhould  have  joined 
in  the  confederacy,  as  it  hath  been  intimated. 
The  Indians  never  travelled  to  any  greater  Nam^8 
diftance  than  their  hunting  required  ;  and  page  12. ' 
fo  ignorant  were  they  of  the  geography  of 
their  country,  that  they  imagined  New-Eng-  Hist.SN.E 
land  to  be  an  iiland,  and  could  tell  the  name  V 


1Q£  HISTORY    OF 

1675.  of  an  inlet  or  ftreight  by  which  they  flip- 
pofed  it  was  feparated  from  the  main  land. 
But  what  renders  it  more  improbable  that 
Philip  was  fo  aftive  an  inftrument  in  excit-^ 
ing  this  war,  is  the  conftant  tradition  among 
the  pofterity  of  thofe  people  who  lived  near 
him,  and  were  familiarly  converfant  with 
him,  and  with  thofe  of  his  Indians  who  fur- 
vivqd  the  war :  which  is,  that  he  was  forced 
on  by  the  fury  of  his  young  men,  forely 
againft  his  own  judgment  and  that  of  his 
chief  counfellors  ;  and  that  as  he  forefaw 
that  the  Englifh  would,  in  time,  eftablifh 
themfelves  and  extirpate  the  Indians,  fo  he 
thought  that  the  making  war  upon  them 
would  only  haften  the  dcftruftion  of  his  own 
people.  It  was  always  a  very  common,  and 
fometimes  a  juft  excufe  with  the  Indians, 
when  charged  with  breach  of  faith,  that 
the  old  men  were  not  able  to  reftrain  the 
younger  from  fignalizing  their  valour,  and 
gratifying  their  revenge,  though  they  difap- 
proved  their  raflinefs.  This  want  of  reftraint 
was  owing  to  the  weaknefs  of  their  govern- 
ment ;  their  fachems  having  but  the  ihadow 
of  magiftratical  authority. 

The  inhabitants  of  Briftol  fliew  a  particu- 
^Pot  where  Philip  received  the  news  of 
the  fir  ft  Englifhmeii  that  were  killed,  with 
fo  much  forrow  as  to  caiife  him  to  \veer ;  a  few 
days  before  which  he  had  refcuecl  one  who 
had  been  taken  by  his  Indians,  and  privately 
lent  him  home.  Whatever  credit  may  be 
given  to  this  account,  fo  different  from  the 
current  opinion,  it  mult  be  owned,  that  in 
iuch  a  feafon  of  general  confufion  as  the  firft 
r  occafioned?  fear  and  jealoufy  might 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  109 

create  many  fufpicions,  which  would  fbqn  1675i 
be  formed  into  reports  of  a  general  confede- 
racy, through  Philip's  contrivance  ;  and  it  is 
to  be  noted  that  the  principal  hiftories  of 
this  war,  [Increafe  Mather's  and  Jiubbard's] 
were  printed  in  1676  and  1677,  when  the 
ftrangefl  reports  were  eafily  credited,  and  the 
people  were  ready  to  believe  every  thing 
that  was  bad  of  fo  formidable  a  neighbour 
ILS  Philip.  But  as  the  faft  cannot  now  be 
precifely  afcertained,  I  lhall  detain  the  reader 
no  longer  from  the  real  caufes  of  the  war  in 
thefe  eaftern.  parts. 

There  dwelled  near  the  river  Saco  a  fa- 
chem  named  Squando,  a  noted  eiithufiaft,  a 
leader  in  the  devotions  of  their  religion,  and 
one  tiiac  pretended  to  a  familiar  intercourfe 
with  the  invilible  world.  Thefe  qualifica- 
tions rendered  him  a  perfon  of  the  higheft 
dignity,  importance  and  influence  among  all 
the  eaftern  Indians.  His  fquaw  pafllng  a- 
long  the  river  in  a  canoe,  with  her  infant 
child,  was  met  by  fome  rude  failors,  who  ha- 
ving heard  that  the  Indian  children  could 
fwim  as  naturally  as  the  young  of  the  brutal 
kind,  in  a  thoughtlefs  and  unguarded  hu- 
mour overfet  the  canoe.  The  child  funk,  and 
the  mother  inftantly  diving  fetched  it  up 
alive,  but  the  child  dying  foon  after,  its 
death  was  imputed  to  the  treatment  it  had 
received  from  the  feamen  ;  and  Squando 
was  fo  provoked  that  he  conceived  a  bitter 
antipathy  to  the  Engllfti,  and  employed  his 
great  art  and  influence  to  excite  the  Indians 
againft  them.  Some  other  injuries  were  al- 

ijj  i       >     i  i  i 

ledged  as  the  ground  or  the  quarrel  ;  and,  Lib.  7,  P; 
confidering  the  interefted  views  and  irregu-  55' 


HISTORY  OF 

1675.  gular  lives  of  many  of  the  eaflern  fettlers, 
their  diftance  from  the  feat  of  government, 
and  the  want  of  due  fubordination  among 
them,  it  is  not  improbable  that  a  great  part 
of  the  blame  of  the  eaftern  war  belonged  to 
them. 

The  firft  alarm  of  the  war  in  Plymouth 
colony  fpread  great  confternation  among 
the  diftant  Indians,  and  held  them  a  while 
in  fufpence  what  part  to  aft  ;  for  there  had 
been  a  long  external  friendfhip  fubfifting 
between  them  and  the  Engliih,  and  they 
were  afraid  of  provoking  fo  powerful  neigh- 
bours. But  the  feeds  of  jealoufy  and  hatred 
had  been  fo  effectually  fown,  that  the  crafty 
and  revengeful,  and  thofe  who  were  ambi- 
tious of  doing  foine  exploits,  foon  found 
means  to  urge  them  on  to  an  open  rupture ; 
fo  that  within  twenty  days  after  Philip  had 
begun  the  war  at  the  fouthward,  the  flame 

Hubbard,  broke  out  in  the  moft  northeafterly  part  of 
the  country,  at  the  diftance  of  two  hundred 
miles. 

The  Engliih  inhabitants  about  the  river 
Kennebeck,  hearing  of  the  infurre<5lion  in 
Plymouth  colony,  determined  to  make  trial 
of  the  fidelity  of  their  Indian  neighbours,  by 
requefting  them  to  deliver  their  arms.  They 
made  a  {hew  of  compliance  ;  but  in  doing 
it,  committed  an  a6l  of  violence  on  a  French- 
man, who  lived  in  an  Englifh  family  ;  which 
being  judged  an  offence,  both  by  the  Eng- 
lifh and  the  elder  Indians,  the  offender  was 
feized  ;  but  upon  a  promiie,  with  fecurity, 
for  his  future  good  behaviour,  his  life  was 
ipared,  and  fome  of  them  consented  to  re,- 


^JEW-HAMPSHIRE.  Ill 

ifiairi   as  hoftages  ;  who   foon   made    their    1675. 
efcape,  and  joined  with  their  fellows  in  rob- 
bing the  houfe  of  Purchas,  an  ancient  plan- 
ter at  Pechypfoot. 

The  quarrel  being  thus  begun,  and  their 
natural  hatred  of  the  Englifh,  and  jealoufy 
of  their  defigns,  having  rifen  to  a  great  height 
under   the  malignant  influence  of  Squando 
and  other  leading  men ;  and  being  encourag- 
ed by  the  example  of  the  weftern  Indians, 
who  were  daily  making  depredations  on  the 
colonies  of  Plymouth,  and   Maflachufetts  ; 
they  took  every  opportunity  to  rob  and  mur- 
der the  people  in  the  fcattered  fettlements  of 
the  province  of  Maine  ;   and  having  difperf- 
ed  themfelves  into  many  fmall  parties,  that 
they   might   be  the   more   extenfively  mif- 
chievous,  in  the   month  of  September  they 
approached  the  plantations  at  Pafcataqua,  and 
made  their  firft  onfet  at  Oyfter  river  then  a 
part  of  the  town  of  Dover,  but  now  Durham. 
Here  they  burned  two  houfes  belonging  to  Hnbbarf 
two  perfons  named  Chefley,  killed  two  men  page  10. 
in  a  canoe,  and  carried  away  two  captives  ; 
both  of  whom  foon  after  made  their  efcape. 
About  the  fame  time  a  party  of  four  laid  in 
ambufh  near   the  road,  between  Exeter  and 
Hampton,  where  they  killed  one,  and  took 
another,  who  made  his  efcape.      Within  a 
few  days  an  aflault  was  made  on  the  houfe 
of  one   Tozer  at  Newichwarmock,  wherein 
were    fifteen    women   and   children,   all    of 
whom,  except  two,  were  faved  by  the  intre- 
pidity of  a  girl  of  eighteen.     She  firft  feeing 
the  Indians  as  they  advanced  to  the  houfe,    . 
flint    the  door  and    flood  againft  it,  till   the 
others  efeaped  to  the  next  houfe,  which'  was 


HISTORY    OF 

1675.  better  ieCured.  The  Indians  chopped  the 
door  to  pieces  with  their  hatchets,  and  then 
entering,  they  knocked  her  down,  and  leav- 
ing her  for  dead,  went  in  purfuit  of  the 
others,  of  whom,  two  children,  who  could 
not  get  aver  the  fence,  fell  into  their  hands. 
The  adventurous  heroine  recovered,  and  was 
perfectly  healed  of  her  wound. 

The  two  following  days  they  made  feveral 
appearances  on  both  fides  of  the  river,  ufmg 
much  infolence,  and  burning  two  houfes  and 
three  barns,  with  a  large  quantity  of  grain. 
Some  ihot  were  exchanged  without  effeft,  and 
a  purfuit  was  made  after  them  into  the  woods 
by  eight  men,  but  night  obliged  them  to  re- 
turn  without  fuccefs.      Five  or  fix  houfes 
were  burned  at  Oyfter  river,  and  two  more 
men  killed.     Thefe  daily  infults  could  not 
be  borne  without  indignation  and    reprifal. 
About  twenty  young  men,  chiefly  of  Dover, 
obtained  leave  of  Major  Waldron,  then  com- 
mander  of  the  militia,  to  try  their  Ikill  and 
courage  with  the  Indians  in  their  own  way. 
Having  fcattered  themfelves  in  the  woods,  a 
fmall  party  of  them  difcovered  five  Indians 
in  a  field  near  a  deferted  houfe,  fome   of 
whom  were  gathering  corn,  and  others  kind- 
ling a  fire  to  roaft  it.     The  men  were  at  fuch 
a  diftance  from  their  fellows  that  they  could 
make  no  fignal  to  them  without  danger  of  a 
difcovery ;  two  of  them,  therefore,  crept  along 
filently,  near  to  the  houfe,  from  whence  they 
fuddenly  rumed  upon    thofe    two  Indians, 
who  were  bufy  at  the  fire,  and  knocked  them 
down    with  the    butts   of  their  guns  ;    the 
irther  three  took  the  alarm  and  efcaped. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

All  the  plantations  at  Pafcataqua,  with  the  KJ75* 
whole  eaflern  country,  were  now  filled  with 
fear  and  confufion  :  Bufinefs  was  fufpended, 
and  every  man  was  obliged  to  provide  for 
his  own  and  his  family's  fafety.  The  only 
way  was  to  defert  their  habitations,  and  re- 
tire together  within  the  larger  and  more  con- 
venient houfes,  which  they  fortified  with  a 
timber  wall  and  flankarts,  placing  a  centry- 
box  on  the  roof.  Thus  the  labour  of  the 
field  was  exchanged  for  the  duty  of  the  gar- 
rifon,  and  they  who  had  long  lived  in  peace 
and  fecurity  were  upon  their  guard  night 
and  day,  fubjecl  to  continual  alarms,  and 
the  moft  fearful  apprehenfions. 

The  feventh  of  October  was  obferved  as  a 
day  of  fafting  and  prayer  ;  and  on  the  fix- 
teenth  the  enemy  made  an  aflault  upon  the 
inhabitants  at  Salmon-falls,  in  Berwick. 
Lieutenant  Roger  Plaifted,  being  a  man  of 
true  courage  and  of  a  public  fpirit,  immedi- 
ately fent  out  a  party  of  feven  from  his  gar- 
rifon  to  make  difcovery.  They  fell  into  an 
ambufh  ;  three  were  killed,  and  the  reft  re- 
treated. The  Lieutenant  then  difpatched  an 
exprefs  to  Major  Waldron  and  Lieutenant 
Coffin  at  Cochecho,  begging  moft  importu- 
nately for  help,  which  they  were  in  no  ca- 
pacity to  afford,  confiftently  with  their  own 
fafety.  The  next  day  Plaifted  ventured  out 
with  twenty  men,  and  a  cart  to  fetch  the  dead 
bodies  of  their  friends,  and  unhappily  fell 
into  another  ambufh.  The  cattle  affrighted 
ran  back,  and  Plaifted  being  deferted  by  his 
men,  and  difdaining  either  to  yield  or  fly; 
was  killed  on  the  fpot,  with  his  eldeft  fbn 
and  one  mpre  ;  his  other  fon  died  of  his 


114  HISTORY  OF 

1675.  wound  in  a  few  weeks.  Had  the  heroifm 
of  this  worthy  family  been  imitated  by  the 
reft  of  the  party,  and  a  reinforcement  arriv- 
ed in  feafon,  the  enemy  might  have  received 
fuch  a  fevere  check  as  would  have  prevented 
them  from  appearing  in  fmall  parties.  The 
gallant  behaviour  of  Plaifted,  though  fatal  to 
himfelf  and  his  fons,  had  this  good  effedl, 
Bubbard,  that  the  enemy  retreated  to  the  woods  ;  and 
P.  24.  the  next  day  Captain  Froft  came  up  with  a 
party  from  Sturgeon  creek,  and  peaceably 
buried  the  dead  :  But  before  the  month  had 
expired  a  mill  was  burned  there,  and  an  af- 
fault  made  on  Froft's  garrifon,  who  though 
he  had  only  three  boys  with  him,  kept  up  a 
conftant  fire,  and  called  aloud  as  if  he  were 
commanding  a  body  of  men,  to  march  here 
and  fire  there  :  the  ftratagem  fucceeded,  and 
the  houfe  was  faved.  The  enemy  then  pro- 
ceeded down  the  river,  killing  and  plunder- 
ing as  they  found  people  off  their  guard,  till 
they  came  oppofite  to  Portfmouth  ;  from 
whence  fome  cannon  being  fired  they  dif- 
perfed,  and  were  purfued  by  the  help  of  a 
light  fnow  which  fell  in  the  night,  and  were 
overtaken  by  the  fide  of  a  fwamp,  into  which 
they  threw  themfelves,  leaving  their  packs 
and  pkinder  to  the  purfuers.  They  foon  af- 
ter did  more  mifchief  at  Dover,  Lamprey 
river  and  Exeter  ;  and  with  thefe  fmall,  but 
irritating  aflaults  and  fkirmiilies,  the  autumn 
was  fpent  until  the  end  of  November  ;  when 
the  number  of  people  killed  and  taken  from 
Kennebeck  to  Pafcataqua  amounted  to  up- 
wards of  fifty. 

The  Maffachufetts  government  being  ful- 
ly employed  in  defending  the  fouthern  and 


I 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  115 

\veftern  parts,  could  not  feafonably  fend  fuc-    1675/ 
cours  to  the  eaftward.     Major  General  Deni- 
fon,  who  commanded  the  militia  of  the  colo- 
ny, had  ordered  the  majors  who  commanded 
the  regiments  on  this  fide  of  the  country,  to 
draw  out  a  fufficient  number  of  men  to  re- 
duce the  enemy,  by  attacking  them  at  their 
retreat  to  their  head-quarters  at  Oflapy  and 
Pigwacket.     But  the  winter  fetting  in  early 
and  fiercely,  and  the  men  being  unprovided 
with  rackets  to  travel  on  the  fnow,  which  by 
the  tenth  of  December  was  four  feet  deep  in 
the  woods,  it  was  impoflible  to  execute  the 
defign.     This  peculiar  feverity  of  the  feafon 
however  proved  favourable.      The  Indians 
were  pinched  with  famine,  and  having  loft 
by  their  own  confeffion  about  ninety  of  their 
number,   partly    by    the  war,   and    partly 
for  want  of  food,  they  were  reduced  to  the 
neceility  of  fuing  for  peace.     With  this  view 
they    came   to   Major   Waldron,  exprefling 
great  forrow  for  what  had  been  done,  and 
promifing  to  be  quiet  and  fubmiflive.     By 
his  mediation  a  peace  was  concluded  with 
the  whole   body  of  eaftern  Indians,  which 
continued  till  the  next  Auguft ;  and  might 
have  continued  longer,  if  the  inhabitants  of 
the  eaflem  parts  had  not  been  too  intent  on 
private  gain,  and  of  a  difpofition  too  ungovr 
ernable  to  be  a  barrier  againft  an  enemy  fo 
irritable  and  vindictive.     The  reftoration  of 
the  captives  made  the  peace  more  pleafant : 
A  return  from  the  dead  could  not  be  more 
welcome  than  a  deliverance  from  Indian  cap- 
tivity. 

The  war  at  the  fouthward,  though  renew- 
ed  in  the  fpring,  drew  toward  a  clofe.  Philip's 


116  HISTORY  OF 

1676.  affairs  were  defperate  ;  many  of  his  allies 
and  dependents  forfook  him  ;  and  in  the 
church's  month  of  Auguft  he  was  ilain  by  a  party 
Memoirs,  undet"  Captain  Church.  Thofe  weftern  In 
dians  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  war,  now 
fearing  a  total  extirpation,  endeavoured  to 
conceal  themfelves  among  their  brethren  of 
Penacook  who  had  not  joined  in  the  war, 
and  with  thofe  of  Offapy  and  Pigwacket  who 
had  made  peace.  But  they  could  not  fo  dif- 
guife  themfelves  or  their  behaviour  as  to 
efcape  the  difcernment  of  thofe  who  had 
been  converfant  with  Indians.  Several  of 
them  wer6  taken  at  different  times  and  de- 
livered up  to  public  execution.  Three  of 
them,  Simon,  Andrew  and  Peter,  who  had 
been  concerned  in  killing  Thomas'  Kimbal 
of  Bradford,  and  captivating  his  family,  did, 
within  fix  weeks  voluntarily  reftore  the 
woman  and  five  children.  It  being  doubted 
whether  this  acl  of  fubmiffion  was  a  fufficient 
atonement  for  the  murder,  they  were  com- 
mitted to  Dover  prifon  till  their  cafe  could 
be  confidered.  Fearing  that  this  confine- 
ment was  a  prelude  to  farther  puniilunent, 
they  broke  out  of  prifon,  and  going  to  the 
eaftward,  joined  with  the  Indians  of  Kenne- 
beck  and  Amorifcogin  in  thofe  depredations 
which  they  renewed  on  the  inhabitants  of 
thofe  parts,  in  Auguft,  and  were  afterward 
a^live  in  diilreffing  the  people  of  Pafcataqua. 
This  renewal  of  hoftilitics  occafioned  the 
fending  of  two  companies  to  the  ea  ft  ward 
under  Captain  Jofeph  Syll,  and  Captain  Wil- 
liam Hawthorne,  In  the  courfe  of  their 
march  they  came  to  Cochecho,  on  the  fixth 
of  September,  where  four  hundred  mixed 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  117 

Indians  were  met  at  the  houfe  of  Major    1676. 
Waldron,  with  whom  they  had  made  the 
peace,  and  whom  they  confidered  as  their 
friend  and  father.     The  two  captains  would 
have  fallen  upon  them  at  once,  having  it  in 
their  orders   to  feize    all  Indians,  who  had 
been  concerned  in  the  war.     The  major  di£- 
fuaded  them  from  that  purpofe,  and  contriv- 
ed  the   following  flratagem.     He  propofed 
to  the  Indians,  to  have  a  training  the  next 
day,  and   a  fliam   fight  after   the  Englifh 
mode  ;  and  fummoning  his  own  men,  with 
thofe  under  Capt.  Froft  of  Kittery,  they,  in 
conjunction  with  the  two  companies,  formed 
one  party,  and  the  Indians  another.     Having 
diverted  them  a  while  in  this  manner,  and 
cauled  the  Indians  to  fire  the  firft  volley  ; 
by  a  peculiar  dexterity,  the  whole  body  of 
them  (except  two  or  three)  were  furrounded, 
before  they  could  form  a  fufpicion  of  what 
was  intended.     They  were  immediately  feiz- 
ed  and  difarmed,  without  the  lofs  of  a  man 
on  either  fide.     A  feparation  was  then  made : 
Wonolaiifet,  with  the  Penacook  Indians,  and 
others  whd  had  joined  in  making  peace  the 
winter  before,  were  peaceably  difmiffed ; v  but 
the   ftrange    Indians,    (as  they  were   called) 
who  had  fled  from  the  fouthward  and  taken 
refuge  among  them,  were  made  prifoners,  to 
the  number  of  two  hundred  ;  and  being  fent 
to  Bofton,  feven  or  eight  of  them,  who  were 
known  to  have  killed  any  Englishmen,  were 
condemned  and  hanged  ;  the  reft  were  fold 
into  flavery  in  foreign  parts. 

This  action  was  highly  applauded  by 
the  general  voice  of  th^e  colony  ;  as  it  gave 
them  opportunity  to  deal  with  their  enemies 


118  HISTORY   OF 

1676.  in  a  judicial  way,  as  rebels,  and,  as  they 
imagined^  to  extirpate  thofe  troublefome 
neighbours.  The  remaining  Indians,  how- 
ever, looked  upon  the  condud;  of  Major 
Waldron  as  a  breach  of  faith  ;  inafmuch  as 
they  had  taken  thofe  fugitive  Indians  under 
their  protection,  and  had  made  peace  with 
him,  which  had  been  flridtly  obferved  with 
regard  to  him  and  his  neighbours,  though  it 
had  been  broken  elfewhere.  The  Indians 
had  no  idea  of  the  fame  government  being 
extended  very  far,  and  thought  they  might 
make  peace  in  one  place,  and  war  in  anoth-f 
er,  without  any  imputation  of  infidelity  ; 
but  a  breach  of  hofpitality  and  friendfhip,  as 
they  deemed  this  to  be,  merited,  according 
to  their  principles,  a  fevere  revenge,  and  was 
never  to  be  forgotten  or  forgiven.  The 
major's  fituation  on  this  occafion  was  indeed 
extremely  critical  ;  and  he  could  not  have 
adled  either  way  without  blame.  It  is.  faid 
that  his  own  judgment  was  againft  any 
forcible  meafure,  as  he  knew  that  many  of 
thofe  Indians  were  true  friends  to  the  colo- 
ny ;  and  that  in  cafe  of  failure  he  fhould  ex- 
pofe  the  country  to  their  refentment  ;  but 
had  he  not  affifted  the  forces  in  the  execu- 
tion of  their  caimniflion,  (which  was  to  feize 
all  Indians  who  had  been  concerned  with 
Philip  in  the  war)  he  muft  have  fallen  under 
cenfure,  and  been  deemed  acceflary,  by  his 
negledt,  to  the  mifchiefs  which  might  after-r 
ward  have  been  perpetrated  by  them.  In 
this  dilemma  he  finally  determined  to  com- 
ply vr ith  the  orders  and  expectations  of  gov- 
ernment ;  imagining  that  he  fhould  be  able 
tofatisfy  thofe  of  the  Indians  whom  he  in- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  119 

tended  to  difmifs,  and  that  the  others  would  1676, 
be  removed  out  of  the  way  of  doing  any  fur- 
ther mifchief  ;  but  he  had  no  fufpicion  that 
he  was  laying  a  ihare  for  his  own  life.  It 
was  unhappy  for  him,  that  he  was  obliged 
in  deference  to  the  laws  of  his  country,  and 
the  orders  of  government,  to  give  offence  to 
a  people  who,  having  no  public  judicatories 
and  penal  laws  among  themfelves,  were  una- 
ble to  diftinguifh  between  a  legal  punifhment 
and  private  malice*. 

Two  days  after  this  furprifal,  the  forces 
proceeded  on  their  route  to  the  eaflward, 
being  joined  with  fome  of  Waldron's  and 
Froft's  men  ;  and  taking  with  them  Blind 
Will,  a  fagamore  of  the  Indians  who  lived 
about  Gochecho,  and  eight  of  his  people  for 
pilots.  The  eaftern  fettlements  were  all  ei- 
ther deftroyed  or  deferted,  and  no  enemy  was 
to  be  feen ;  fo  that  the  expedition  proved 
fruitlefs,  and  the  companies  returned  to  Paf- 
cataqua. 

It  was  then  thought  advifeable,  that  they 
fhould  march  up  toward  the  Oflapy  ponds  ; 
where  the  Indians  had  a  ftrong  fort  of  tim- 
ber fourteen  feet  high,  with  flankarts  ;  which 
they  had  a  few  years  before  hired  fome  Eng- 
lifti  carpenters  to  build  for  them,  as  a  de- 
fence againft  the  Mohawks,  of  whom  they 
were  always  afraid.  It  was  thought  that  if 
the  Indians  could  be  furprized  on  their  firft 
return  to  their  head-quarters,  at  the  begin- 

*  The  above  account  of  the  seizure  of  the  Indians  is  given  from  the  most 
authentic  and  credible  tradition  that  could  be  obtained  within  the  last  sixteen 
years,  from  the  posterity  of  those  persons  who  were  conoerned  in  the  affair. 
It  is  but  just  mentioned  by  Hubbard  and  Mather,  and  not  in  connexion  with 
its  consequences.  Neal,  for  want  of  better  information,  has  given  a  wrong 
turn  to  the  relation,  and  so  has  Wynne  who  copifs  from  him.  Hutchtnson. 
hae  not  mentioned  it  at  al1. 


120  HISTORY    OF 

1676.  ning  of  winter,  fome  confiderable  advantage 
might  be  gained  againft  them  ;  or  if  they  had 
not  arrived  there,  that  the  provifions,  which 
they  had  laid  in  for  their  winter  fubfiftence, 
might  be  deftroyed.  Accordingly,  the  com- 
panies being  well  provided  for  a  march  at 
that  feafon,  fet  off  on  the  firft  of  November ; 
ai}d  after  travelling  four  days  through  a  rug- 
ged, mountainous  wildernefs,  and  eroding 
feveral  rivers,  they  arrived  at  the  fpot  ;  but 
found  the  fort  and  adjacent  places  entirely 
deferted,  and  faw  not  an  Indian  in  all  the  way. 
Thinking  it  needlefs  for  the  whole  body  to 
go  further,  the  weather  being  fevere,  and 
the  fnow  deep,  a  felecl  party  was  detached 
eighteen  or  twenty  miles  above  ;  who  difcov- 
ered  nothing  but  frozen  ponds,  and  fhowy 
mountains  ;  and  fuppofing  the  Indians  had 
taken  up  their  winter  quarters  nearer  the 
fea,  they  returned  to  Newichwannock,  with- 
in nine  days  from  their  firft  departure. 

They  had  been  prompted  to  undertake  this 
expedition  by  the  falfe  accounts  brought  by 
Mogg,  an  Indian  of  Penobfcot,  who  had 
come  in  to  Pafcataqua,  with  a  propofal  of 
peace  ;  and  had  reported  that  an  hundred  In- 
dians were  aflembled  at  OfTapy.  This  Indian 
brought  with  him  two  men  of  Portfmouth, 
Fryer  and  Kendal,  who  had  been  taken  on 
board  a  veilel  at  the  eaftward  ;  he  was  de- 
puted by  the  Penobfcot  tribe  to  confent  to 
articles  of  pacification  ;  and  being  fent  to 
Bofton,  a  treaty  was  drawn  and  fubfcribed 
by  the  governor  and  magiftrates  on  the  one 
part,  and  by  Mogg  on  the  other  ;  in  which 
it  was  ftipulated,  that  ff  the  Indians  of  the 
other  tribes  did  not  agree  to  this  tranfaction, 


NEW-1-IAMPSHIRB.  121 

&rid  ceafe  hoftilities,  they  ftiould  be  deemed  1676. 
and  treated  as  enemies  by  both  parties.  This 
treaty  was  figned  on  the  fixth  of  November  ; 
Mog^  pledging  his  life  for  the  fulfilment  of 
it.  Accordingly,  veffels  being  fent  to  Pe- 
nobfcot,  the  peace  was  ratified  by  Madoka- 
wando  the  fachem,  and  two  captives  were  re- 
ftored.  But  Mogg,  being  incautioufly  per- 
mitted to  go  to  a  neighbouring  tribe,  on  pre- 
tence of  perfuading  them,  to  deliver  dieir 
captives,  though  he  promifed  to  return  in 
three  days,  was  feen  no  more.  It  was  at  firfl 
thought  that  he  had  been  facrificed  by  his 
countrymen,  as  he  pretended  to  fear  when  he 
left  the  veflels  ;  but  a  captive  who  efcaped 
in  January  gave  a  different  account  of  him  ;  1677* 
that  he  boafted  of  having  deceived  the  Eng- 
lilh,  and  laughed  at  their  kind  entertainment 
of  him.  There  was  alfo  a  defign  talked  of 
among  them  to  break  the  peace  in  the  fpring, 
and  join  with  the  other  Indians  at  the  eafl- 
ward  in  ruining  the  fifhery.  About  the  fame 
time  it  was  difcovered  that  fome  of  the  Narr- 
haganfet  Indians  were  fcattered  in  the  eaft- 
ern  parts  ;  three  of  them  having  been  decoy- 
ed by  fome  of  the  Cochecho  Indians  into  their 
wigwams,  and  fcalped,  were  known  by  the 
cut  of  their  hair.  This  raifed  a  fear  in  the 
minds  of  the  people,  that  more  of  them 
might  have  found  their  way  to  the  eaftward, 
and  would  profecute  their  revenge  againft 
them. 

From  thefe  circumftances  it  was  fufpected, 
that  the  truce  would  be  but  of  fhort  continu- 
ance. The  treachery  of  Mogg,  who  was  fure- 
ty  for  the  performance  of  the  treaty,  was 
deemed  a  full  juftification  of  the  renewal  of 
Q 


122  HISTORY  OF 

1677.  hoftilities  ;  and  the  ftate  of  things  was,  by 
fpme  gentlemen  of  Pafcataqua,  reprefented 
to  be  fo  dangerous,  that  the  government  de- 
termined tipon  a  winter  expedition.  Two 
hundred  men,  including  fixty  Natick  Indians, 
were  enlifled  and  equipped,  and  failed  from 
Bofton  the  firft  week  in  February,  under  the 
command  of  Major  Waldron ;  a  day  of  prayer 
having  been  previoufly  appointed  for  the 
fuccefs  of  the  enterprize. 

At  Cafco  the  major  had  afruitlefs  confer- 
enqe,  and  a  flight  fkirmifh  with  a  few  Indians, 
of  whom  fome  were  killed  and  wounded. 
At  Kennebeck  he  built  a  fort,  and  left  a  gar- 
rifon  of  forty  men,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Sylvanus  Davis.  At  Pemaquid  he 
had  a  conference  with  a  company  of  Indians, 
who  promifed  to  deliver  their  captives  on  the 
payment  of  a  ranfom :  Part  of  it  being  paid, 
three  captives  were  delivered,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  the  conference  mould  be  ren^w- 
qd  in  the  afternoon,  and  all  arms  be  laid  afide. 
Some  fufpicion  of  their  infidelity  had  arifen, 
and  when  the  major  went  aihore  in  the  af- 
ternoon with  five  men,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  ranfom,  he  difcovered  the  point  of  a 
lance  hid  under  a  board,  which  he  drew  out 
and  advanced  with  it  toward  them  ;  charg- 
ing them  with  treachery  in  concealing  their 
arms  fo  near.  They  attempted  to  take  it 
from  him  by  force  ;  but  he  threatened  them 
with  inftant  death,  and  waved  his  cap  for  a 
fignal  to  the  veflels.  While  the  reft  were 
coming  on  fliore,  the  major  with  his  five  men 
fecured  the  goods  :  Some  of  the  Indians 
matching  up  a  bundle  of  guns  which  they 
had  hid,  ran  away  :  Captain  Froft*  who  was 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

one  of  the  five,  feized  an  Indian,  who  was  1677 
well  known  to  be  a  rogue,  and  with  Lieuten- 
ant Nutter,  carried  him  on  board.  The  ma- 
jor fearching  about  found  three  guns,  with 
which  he  armed  his  remaining  three  men  ; 
and  the  reft  being  come  on  fhore  by  this  time, 
they  purfued  the  Indians,  killed  feveral  of 
them  before  they  could  recover  their  canoes, 
and  after  they  had  puftied  off,  funk  one  with 
five  men,  who  were  drowned  ;  and  took  four 
prifoners,  with  about  a  thoufand  pounds  of 
dried  beef,  and  fome  other  plunder.  The 
whole  number  of  the  Indians  was  twenty- 
five. 

Whether  the  cafual  difcovery  of  their  arms, 
which  they  had  agreed  to  lay  afide,  was  fuf- 
ficient  to  juftify  this  feverity,  may  be  doubt- 
ed ;  fince,  if  their  intentions  had  really  been 
hoftile,  they  had  a  fine  opportunity  of  am- 
buftiing-or  feizing  the  major  and  his  five  at- 
tendants, who  came  afhore  unarmed ;  and  it ' 
is  not  likely  that  they  would  have  waited 
for  the  reft  to  come  afhore  before  they  open- 
ed the  plot.  Poffibly,  this  fudden  fufpicion 
might  be  groundlefs,  and  might  inflame  the 
prejudice  againft  the  major,  which  had  been 
already  excited  by  the  feizure  of  their  friends 
at  Cochecho  fome  time  before. 

On  the  return  of  the  forces,  they  found 
fome  wheat,  guns,  anchors  and  boards  at 
Kennebeck,  which  they  took  with  them. 
They  killed  two  Indians  on  Arrowfick  Ifland, 
who,  with  one  of  the  prifoners  taken  at  Pe- 
maqiiid,  and  fliot  on  board,  made  the  num- 
ber of  Indians  killed  in  this  expedition 
thirteen,  They  returned  to  Bofton  on  the 
^leventh  of  March,  without  thelofs  of  a  mans 


124  HISTORY    Of 

1677.  bringing  with  them  the  bones  of  Captain 
Lake,  which  they  found  entire  in  the  place 
where  he  was  killed*. 

There  being  no  prolpedl  of  peace  at  the 
eaftward,  it  became  neceflary  to  maintain 
great  circumfpeilion  and  refolution,  and  to 
inake  ufe  of  every  poffible  advantage  againft 
the  enemy.  A  long  and  inveterate  animofi- 
ty  had  fubfifted  between  the  Mohawks  and 
the  eaftern  Indians,  the  original  of  which  is 
not  mentioned,  and  perhaps  was  not  known 
by  any  of  our  hiftorians  ;  nor  can  the  oldeft 
men  among  the  Mohawks  at  this  day  give 
any  account  of  it.  Thefe  Indians  were  in  a 
flate  of  friendmip  with  their  Engliih  neigh- 
bours ;  and  being  a  fierce  and  formidable 
'race  of  men,  their  name  carried  terror  where 
ever  it  was  known.  It  was  now  thought, 
that  if  they  could  be  induced  to  profecute 
their  ancient  quarrel  with  the  eaftern  Indi- 
ans, the  latter  might  be  awed  into  peace,  or 
ineapaciated  for  any  farther  mifchief.  The 
propriety  of  this  meafure  became  a  fubjecl 
of  debate  ;  fqme  queftioning  the  lawfulnefs 
of  making  ufe  of  their  help,  "  as  they  were 
heathen  ;"  but  it  was  urged  in  reply,  that 
Abraham  had  entered  into  a  confederacy 
with  the  Amorites,  among  whom  he  dwel- 
led, and  made  ufe  of  their  affiftance  in  re- 
covering his  kinfman  Lot  from  the  hands  of 
their  common  enemy.  With  this  argu- 
ment the  objectors  were  fatisfied  ;  and  two 
meflengerSj  Major  Pynchon  of  Springfield, 

*  Here  ends  Hubbard's  printed  Narrative.  The  account  of  the  remainder 
of  this  war  is  taken  from  his  MS  history,  from  sundry  original  letters,  and 
copies  of  letters,  and  from  a  MS  journal  found  in  Prince's  collection,  and, 
«\ippo£ed  to  have  been  written  by  Captain  Lawrertr  Ha-rriixjfid  ctf  Charier- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  125 

arid  Richards    of  Hartford  were  diipatched    1677. 
to  the  country  of  the  Mohawks  ;  who  treat- 
ed them  with  great   civility,  exprefled   the 
moft  bitter  hatred  againft  the  eaftern  enemy,  ^ 
and  promifed   to  purfue  the  quarrel  to  the  ry. 
lit  mo  ft  of  their  power. 

Accordingly  fome   parties  of  them  came 
down  the  country  about  the  middle  of  March, 
and  the  firft  alarm  was  given  at  Amufkeeg 
falls  ;    where  the  fon  of  Wonolanfet  being 
hunting,  difcovered    fifteen  Indians  on  the 
other  fide,  who  called  to  him  in  a  language 
which  he  did  not  underftand  ;   upon  which 
he  fled,  while  they  fired  near  thirty  guns   at 
him  without  effect.    Prefently  after  this  they 
were  difcovered  in  the  woods  near  Cochecho. 
Major  Waldron  fent  out  eight  of  his  Indians 
whereof  Blind  Will  was  one,  for  farther  in- 
formation.    They  were  all  furprized  togeth-  MS 
er  by  a  company  of  the  Mohawks  ;  two  or  JJ|; 
three  efcaped,  the  others   were  either  killed 
or  taken  :    Will   was  dragged  away  by   his 
hair  ;  and  being  wounded,  perifhed  in  the 
woods,  on  a  neck  of  land,  formed  by  the  con- 
fluence   of  Cochecho  and  Ifing-glafs  rivers, 
which  ftill  bears  the  name    of  Blind  Will's 
Neck.    This  fellow  was  judged  to  be  a  fecret 
enemy  to  the  Englifli,  though  he  pretended 
much  friendfhip  and  refpedl  ;   fo  that  it  was 
impoflible  to   have   punifhed   him,  without 
provoking  the    other  neighbouring  Indians, 
with  whom  he  lived  in  amity,  and  of  whofe 
fidelity  there  was  no  fufpicion.    It  was  at  firft 
thought  a  fortunate  circumftance  that  he  was  MS 
killed  in  this  manner  ;  but  the  confequence 
proved  it  to  be  otherwife  ;  for  two  of  thofe 
\yere  taken  with  him  efcaping,  reported 


126  HISTORY    OF 

1677.  that  the  Mohawks  threatened  deftrudtion  to 
MS  Jour-  a^  t^ie  Indians  m  thefe  parts  without  dif- 
«a.  tin<5lion  :  So  that  thofe  who  lived  in  fubjec- 
tion  to  the  Englifh  grew  jealous  of  their  fin- 
eerity,  and  imagined,  not  without  very  plau> 
fible  ground,  that  the  Mohawks  had  been 
perfuaded  or  hired  to  engage  in  the  war,  on 
purpofe  to  deftroy  them  ;  fince  they  never 
actually  exercifed  their  fury  upon  thofe  In- 
dians who  were  in  hoftility  with  the  Englifh^ 
but  only  upon  thofe  who  were  in  friendfhip 
with  them  ;  and  this  only  in  fuch  a  degree 
as  to  irritate,  rather  than  to  weaken  or  dif- 
trefs  them.  It  cannot  therefore  be  thought 
ftrange  that  the  friendly  Indians  were  alien- 
ated from  their  Englifh  neighbours,  and  dif- 
pofed  to  livten  to  the  feducing  ftratagems  of 
the  French  ;  who  in  a  few  years  after  made 
life  of  them  in  conjunction  with  others,  fore- 
ly  to  fcourge  thefe  unhappy  people.  The 
Englifh,  in  reality,  had  no  fuch  defign  ;  but 
the  event  proved,  that  the  fcheme  of  engag- 
ing the  Mohawks  in  our  quarrel,  however 
lawful  in  itfelf,  and  countenanced  by  the  ex- 
ample of  Abraham,  was  a  pernicious  fource 
of  innumerable  calamities. 

The  terror  which  it  was  thought  this  inr 
curfion  of  the  Mohawks  would  flrike  into  the 
eailern  Indians  was  too  fmall  to  prevent  their 
renewing  hoflilities  very  early  in  the  fpring. 
Some  of  the  garrifon  who  had  been  left  at 
Kennebeck  were  furprifed  by  an  ambufh,  as 
they  were  attempting  to  bury  the  dead  bodies 
of  their  friends,  who  had  been  killed  the 
summer  before,  and  had  lain  under  the  fnow 
a|j  ^-inter.  The  remainder  of  that  garrifon 
were  then  taken  off  and  conveyed  to  Pafcata- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  12f7 

qua  ;  whither  a  company  of  fifty  men  and  1677. 
ten  Natick  Indians  marched,  under  Captain 
Swaine,  to  fuccour  the  inhabitants,  who  were 
alarmed  by  fcattered  parties  of  the  enemy, 
killing  and  taking  people,  and  burning  houf- 
es  in  Wells,  Kittery,  and  within  the  bounds 
of  Portfmouth*.  A  young  woman  who  was 
taken  from  Rawling's  houfe,  made  her  ef- 
cape  and  came  into  Cochecho,  informing 
where  the  enemy  lay  :  Three  parties  were  APnla2s 
difpatched  to  ambufh  three  places,  by  one  of 
which  they  muft  pafs  :  'The  enemy  appear- 
ing at  one  of  thefe  places,  were  feafonably 
difcovered ;  but  by  the  too  great  eagernefs  of 
the  party  to  fire  on  them,  they  avoided  the 
ambufh  and  efcaped. 

Soon  after  this  the  garrifons  at  Wells'  and  Ma  lg 
Black  Point  were  befet,  and  at  the  latter  place 
the  enemy  loft  their  leader  Mogg,  who  had 
proved  fo  treacherous  a  negotiator.  Upon 
his  death  they  fled  in  their  canoes,  fome  to 
the  eaftward  and  others  toward  York,  where 
they  alfo  did  fome  mifchief.  On  a  fabbath  May  3,7, 
morning,  a  party  of  twenty,  under  the  guid- 
ance of  Simon,  furprized  fix  of  our  Indians, 
who  lay  drunk  in  the  woods,  at  a  fmall  dif- 
tance  from  Portfmouth  ;  they  kept  all  day 
hovering  about  the  town,  and  if  they  had 
taken  advantage  of  the  people's  abfence  from 
home,  in  attending  the  public  worihip,  they 
might  eafily  have  plundered  and  burned  the 
outmoft  hpufes  ;  but  they  were  providential-  MS 
ly  reftrained.  At  night  they  croffed  the  riv- 

*  The  following  extract  from  the  before  mentioned  Journal,  shews  some- 
thing of  the  spirit  of  the  times. 

••  April  16.  The  house  of  John  Keniston  was  burnt  and  he  killed  at 
'•  Greenland.  The  Indians  are  Simon.  Andrew  and  Peter,  those  three  we 
tl  hid  in  prison,  at?  3  .--!io<:!d  have  ki'l.ed.  The  good  Lord  |>arc1oo  us." 


HISTORY  OP 

1677.  er  at  the  Long  Reach,  killed  fome  fheep  at" 
Kittery,  and  then  went  toward  Wells  ;  but, 
being  afraid  of  the  Mohawks,  let  their  prif- 

JuueU.  T,  ' 

oners  go.  rour  men  were  loon  after  killed 
at  North  Hill,  one  of  whom  was  Edward 
Colcott,  whofe  death  was  much  regretted, 

More  mifchief  being  expected,  and  the 
eaftern  fettlements  needing  affiftance,  the 
government  ordered  two  hundred  Indians  of 
Natick,  with  forty  Englifh  foldiers,  under 
Captain  Benjamin  Swett  of  Hampton,  and 
Lieutenant  Richardson,  to  march  to  the  falls 
of  Taconick  on  Kennebeck  river  ;  where  it 
was  faid  the  Indians  had  fix  forts,  well  fur- 
^ly  nifhed  with  ammunition.  The  veiTels  came 
to  an  anchor  off  Black  Point  ;  where  the  cap- 
tain being  informed  that  fome  Indians  had 
been  feen,  went  on  fliore  with  a  party  ;  and 
being  joined  by  fome  of  the  inhabitants,  fo 
as  to  make  about  ninety  in  all,  marched  to 
feek  the  enemy  ;  who  fhewed  themfelves  on 
a  plain  in  three  parties.  Swett  divided  his 
men  accordingly,  and  went  to  meet  them. 
The  enemy  retreated  till  they  had  drawn 
our  people  two  miles  from  the  fort,  and  then 
turning  fuddenly  and  violently  upon  them, 
threw  them  into  confufion,  they  being  moft- 
ly  young  and  unexperienced  foldiers. 
Sweet,  with  a  few  of  the  more  refolute, 
fought  bravely  on  the  retreat,  till  he  came 
rfM^etter  near  the  f°rt5  when  he  was  killed  ;  fixty 
Gookin  of  more  were  left  dead  or  wounded,  and  the 

Hampton. 


ages  then  furprized  about  twenty  fifhing 
veffels,  which  put  into  the  eaftern  harbours 
by  night  ;  the  crews,  not  being  apprehen- 
iive  of  danger  on  the  water,  fell  an  eafy  prey 


•NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  129 

to  them.     Thus  the  fummer  was  fpent  with    1677. 
terror  and  perplexity  on  our  part  ;  while  the  Hubbard,s 
enemy  rioted  without  control,  till  they  had  MS  Hjst* 
fatiated  their  vengeance,  and  greatly  reduced 
the  eaftern  fettlements. 

At  length,  in  the  month  of  Auguft,  Major 
Androffe,  governor  of  New- York,  fent  a 
(loop  with  ibtne  forces  to  take  poileflion  of 
the  land  which  had  been  granted  to  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  build  a  fort  at  Pemaquid, 
to  defend  the  country  againft  the  encroach- 
ment of  foreigners.  Upon  their  arrival  the 
Indians  appeared  friendly  ;  and  in  evidence 
of  their  pacific  difpofition,  reftored  fifteen 
prifoners  with  the  filhing  veflels.  They  con- 
tinued quiet  all  the  fucceeding  autumn  and 
winter,  and  lived  in  harmony  with  the  new 
garrifon. 

In  the  Spring,  Major  Shapleigh  of  Kittery,    1678. 
Captain   Champernoon    and    Mr.   Fryer    of 
Portfmouth,  were  appointed  commiffioners 
to  fettle  a  formal  treaty  of  peace  with  Squaii-  MS.  JourT 
do  and  the  other  chiefs,  which  was  done  at  ™&  *  ** 
Cafco,  whither  they  brought  the  remainder 
pf  the  captives.     It    was  ftipulated  in  the 
treaty,  that  the  inhabitants  fhould  return  to 
their  deferted   fettlements,   on  condition  of 
paying  one  peck  of  corn  annually  for  each 
family,  by  way  of  acknowledgment  to  the 
Indians  for  the  ppfleflion.  of  their  lands,  and 
one  buftiel  for  Major  Pendleton,  who  was  a 
great  proprietor.     Thus  an  end  was  put  to 
a  tedious  and  diftreflmg  war,  which  had  fub- 
fliled  three  years.     The  terms  of  peace  were 
disgraceful,  but  not  unjuft,  confidering  the 
former    irregular   conduct  of  many  of  the 
eaftern  fet  tiers,  and  the  native  propriety  of 

R 


13Q  HISTORY    OF 

1678.  the  Indians  in  the  foil :  Certainly  they  were 
now  matters  of  it  ;  and  it  was  entirely  at 
their  option,  whether  the  Englifh  Ihould  re- 
turn to  their  habitations  or  not.  It  was  there- 
fore thought  better  to  live  peaceably,  though 
in  a  fort  of  fubjecflion,  than  to  leave  fuch 
commodious  fettlemeiits  and  forego  the  ad- 
vantages of  trade  and  fifhery,  which  were  ve- 
ry confiderable,  and  by  which  the  inhabi- 
tants of  that  part  of  the  country  had  chiefly 
fubfifted. 

It  was  a  matter  of  great  enquiry  and  fpe- 
culation  how  the  Indians  were  fupplied  with 
arms  and  ammunition  to  carry  on  this  war. 
The  Dutch  at  New-York  were  too  near  the 
Mohawks  for  the  eaftern  Indians  to  adventure 

page  82.  thither.  The  French  in  Canada  were  too 
feeble,  and  too  much  in  fear  of  the  Engliih, 
to  do  any  thing  which  might  difturb  the 
tranquility  ;  and  there  was  peace  between  the 
two  nations.  It  was  therefore  fuppofed  that 
the  Indians  had  long  premeditated  the  war, 
and  laid  in  a  ftock  beforehand.  There  had 
formerly  been  fevere  penalties  exacted  by 
the  government,  on  the  felling  of  arms  and 
ammunition  to  the  Indians  ;  but  ever  iince 
1657,  licences  had  been  granted  to  particu- 
lar perfons  to  fupply  them  occafionally  for 
the  purpofe  of  hunting,  on  paying  an  ac- 
knowledgment  to  the  public  treafury.  This 
indulgence,  having  been  much  abufed  by 
f°me  °f  ^e  eaftern  traders,  who,  far  from 

492.  '  the  feat  of  government,  were  impatient  of 
the  reftraint  of  law,  was  fuppofed  to  be  the 
fource  of  the  mifchief.  But  it  was  after- 
ward difcovered  that  the  Baron  de  St.  Caftine, 
a  reduced  French  officer,  who  had  married  a 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  181 

daughter  of  Madokawando,  and  kept  a  trad-    1678. 
ing  houfe  at  Penobfcot,  where  he  confidered 
himfelf  as  independent,  being  out  of  the  lim- 
its of  any  eftablifhed  government,  was  the 
perfon  from  whom  they  had  their  fupplies  ; 
which  needed  not  to  be  very  great  as  they 
always  huibanded  their    ammunition  with»bid»P*56* 
much  care,  and  never  expended  it  but  when 
they  were  certain  of  doing  execution. 

The  whole  burden  and  expence  of  this 
war,  on  the  part  of  the  colonies,  were  borne 
by  themfelves.  It  was  indeed  thought 
ftrange  by  their  friends  in  England,  and  re- 
fented  by  thofe  in  power,  that  they  made  no 
application  to  the  king  for  affiftance.  It  was 
intimated  to  them  by  Lord  Anglefey  *  that  ^^*j 
c  his  majefty  was  ready  to  aflift  them  with  i.p.«o9v 

*  fhips,  troops,  ammunition  or  money,  if  they 

*  would  but  afk  it  ;'   and  their  filence  was 
eonftrued  to  their  difadvantage,  as  if  they 
were  proud,  and  obftinate,  and  defired  to  be 
confidered   as  an  independent  ftate.     They 
had    indeed   no  inclination  to  afk   favours 
from  thence  ;  being  well  aware  of  the  con- 
fequeace  of  laying  themfelves  under  obliga- 
tions  to  thofe  who  had  been  feeking  to  un- 
dermine their  eftabliihment ;  and  remember- 
ing how  they  had  been  neglecfled  in  the  late 
Dutch  wars,  when  they  ftood  in  much  great- 
er need    of  affiftance  :  The  king  had  then 

ferit  ammunition  to  New- York,  but  had  fent  ^tchilL 
word  to  New-England,  <  that  they  mufl  fhift  P.  5oe. 

*  for  themfelves  and  make  the  beft  defence 

*  they  could.'     It  was  therefore  highly  inju- 
rious to  blame  them  for  not  making  ^applica- 
tion for  help.     But  if  they  had  not  been  fo 
ill  treated,  they  could  not  be  charged  with 


HISTORY   OF 

1678.  difrefpedt,  fince  they  really  did  not  need 
foreign  affiftance.  Ships  of  war  and  regular 
troops  muft  have  been  altogether  ufelefs  ; 
and  no  one  that  knew  the  nature  of  an  Indian 
war  could  be  ferious  in  propofing  to  fend 
them.  Ammunition  and  money  were  necef- 
fary,  but  as  they  had  long  enjoyed  a  free 
trade,  and  had  coined  the  bullion  which  they 
imported,  there  was  no  fcarcity  of  money, 
not  of  any  ftores  which  money  could  pur- 
chafe.  The  method  of  fighting  with  Indians 
could  be  learned  only  from  themfelves  : 
After  a  little  experience,  few  men  in  fcatter- 
ed  parties  were  of  more  fervice  than  the 
largeft  and  beft  equipped  armies  which  Eu- 
rope could  have  afforded.  It  ought  ever  to 
be  remembered  for  the  honor  of  New-Eng- 
land, that  as  their  firft  fettlement,  fd  their 
prefervation,  increafe,  and  defence,  even  in 
their  weakeft  infancy  were  hot  owing  to  any 
foreign  affiftance,  but  under  God,  to  their 
own  magnanimity  arid  perfeverance. 

Our  gravefi  hiftorians  haVe  recorded  ma- 
ay  omens,  predictions ,  and  other  alarming 
circumftances,  during  this  and  the  Pequod 
war,  which  in  a  more  philofophieal  and  lefs 
credulous  age  woilld  not  be  worthy  of  notice. 
V/heii  men's  minds  were  rendered  gloomy 
by  the  horrors  of  a  furrounding  wilderaefs, 
and  the  continual  apprehenfion  of  danger 
from  its  favage  inhabitants  ;  when  they  were 
ignorant  of  the  caufes  of  many  of  the  com- 
mon appearances  in  nature,  and  were  di£ 
pofed  to  refolve  every  umifual  appearance 
into  prodigy  and  miracle,  it  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered that  they  fhould  imagine  they  heard 
the  noife  of  drums  and  guns  in  the  air,  and 


NEW-HAMPSHiRE.  133 

law  flaming  fwords  and  fpears  in  the  heav-  1678* 
ens,  and  ftiould  even  interpret  eclipfes  as 
ominous.  Some  old  Indians  had  intimated 
their  apprehenfions  concerning  the  increafe 
of  the  Englifh,  and  the  dimintion  of  their 
own  people,  which  any  rational  obferver  in 
a  courfe  of  forty  or  fifty  years  might  eafily 
have  foretold,  without  the  leaft  pretence  to  a 
fpirit  of  prophecy  ;  yet  thefe  fayings  were 
recollected,  and  recorded,  as  fo  many  pre- 
dictions by  force  of  a  fupernatural  impulfe 
on  their  minds,  and  many  perfons  of  the 
greateft  diftindlion  were  difpofed  to  credit 
them  as  fuch.  Thefe  things  would  not  have 
been  mentioned,  but  to  give  a  juft  idea  of 
the  age  :  If  mankind  are  now  better  en- 
lightened, fuperftition  is  the  lefs  excufeable 
in  its  remaining  votaries. 


134  HISTORY    OF 


CHAR    VI. 


ti  efforts,—  Randolph's  nri*siun  and  h 
—  Attempts  for  tht>  trmi  of  Main's  title.  —  New+Ha*nfl*Mre 
separated  j'rwn  Massachusetts^  and  made  a  royal  jir  ovine  e.~*  ». 
Abstract  of  the  commission.—  vile  marks  on  it. 

1675*  WHILE  the  country  was  labouring 

under  the  perplexity  and  diftrefs  arifing  from 
the  war,  meafures  were  taking  in  England  to 
increafe  their  difficulties  and  divide  their  at- 
tention* The  fcheme  of  felling  the  provinces 
of  New-Hampfhire  and  Maine  to  the  crown 
being  laid  afide,  Mafon  again  petitioned  the 
king  for  the  reftoration  of  his  property  ;  and 
the  king  referred  the  matter  to  his  Attorney 
General  Sir  William  Jones,  and  his  Solicitor 
General  Sir  Francis  Wilmington,  who  re- 
ported that  "  John  Mafon,  efq.  grandfather 
"  to  the  petitioner,  by  virtue  of  feveral  grants 
u  from  the  council  of  New-England  under 
"  their  common  feal  was  inflated  in  fee  in 
"  fundry  great  tradls  of  land  in  New-Eng- 
"  land,  by  the  name  of  New-Hampfhire  \ 

ia  supSor  "  and  that  the  petitioner  being  heir  at  law  to 

Court  files.  «  the  fad  John  ha(J  a  gQod  an(J  jegal  tide  t(J 

1676  "  ^a^  lancls»"  Whereupon  a  letter  was  dif- 
patched  to  the  MafTachufetts  colony,  requir- 
10-  ing  them  to  lend  over  agents  within  fix 
months,  fully  empowered  to  anfwer  the  com- 
plaints, which  Mafon  and  the  heirs  of  Gorges 
had  made,  of  their  ufurping  jurifdi<5tion  over 
the  territories  claimed  by  them  ;  and  to  re- 
ceive the  royal  determination  in  that  matter. 
Copies  of  the  complaints  were  inclofed  ;  and 
Edward  Randolph,  a  kinfman  of  Malbn,  a 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  135 

man  of  great  addrefs  and  penetration,  refo-     1676. 
lute  and  indefatigable  in  bufinefs,  was  charg- 
ed   with   the    letters,   and   directed  by  the 
Lords  of  Trade  to  make  enquiry  into  the 
ftate  of  the  country.     When  he  arrived,  he  Junc  l6' 
waited  on  Governor  Leverett,  who  read  the 
king's  letter  with  the  petitions  of  Mafon  and 
Gorges  in  council,  Randolph  being  prefent,  Hutchm. 

i  i  i       i  r  i  ,       '  col.  pap.  p, 

who  could  obtain  no  other  aniwer  than  that  504. 
"  they  would  confider  it." 

He  then  came  into  New-Hampfhire,  and  Julr 
as  he  patted  along,  freely  declared  the  bufi- 
nefs  on  which  he  was  come,  and  publickly 
read  a  letter  which  Mafon  had  fent  to  the  in- 
habitants.    Some  of  them  he  found  ready  to 
complain  of  the  government,  and  defirous  of 
a  change  ;  but  the  body  of  the  people  were 
highly  enraged  againft  him  ;  and  the  inhab- 
itants of  Dover  in  public  town-meeting  *pro- 

*  tefted  againft  the  claim  of  Mafon ;  declar- 

*  ed  that  they  had  bona  fide  purchafed  their 

*  lands  of  the  Indians  ;  recognized  their  sub- 

*  jedlion  to  the  government  of  Maffachufetts. 

*  under  whom  they  had  lived  long  and  hap- 

*  pily,  and  by  whom  they  were  now  aflifted 

*  in  defending  their   eftates  and  families  a- 

*  gainfl  the  favage  enemy.'     They  appointed 
Major  Waldron    "  to  petition  the  king  in 
**  their  behalf,  that  he  would  interpofe  his 
"  royal  authority  and  afford  them  his  wont- 
*'  ed  favor  ;  that  they  might  not  be  difturb- 
"  ed  by  Mafon,  or    any   other  perfon,   but 

"  continue   peaceably  in  poffeffion  of  their  Dover  Refl 
"  rights  under  the  government  of  Maffachu-  ord«. 
"  fetts."     A  fimilar  petition  was  fent  by  the 

.     IT-  r   •»>,         r  '  i   Portsmon, 

jn  habit  ants  ox  rortlmouth,   who  appointed  Record^ 
John  Ctytts  and  Richard  Martynvefqrs.  Cap-  Septl1 


136  HISTORY  OF 

1676.    tains  Daniel  and  Stileman   to  draught  and 
forward  it. 

When  Randolph  returned  to  Bofton,  he 
had  a  fevere  reproof  from  the  governor,  for 
publifhing  his  errand,  and  endeavouring  to 
raife  difcontent  among  the  people.  To  which 
Hutchin.     he  made  no   other  anfwer  than  that  '  if  he 
coi.  pap.     c  had  done  amifs,  they  might  complain  to 
c  the  king.' 

After  about  fix  weeks  flay,  he  went  back 
to  England  and  reported  to  the  king,  that 
"  he  had  found  the  whole  country  complain- 
"  ing  of  the  ufurpatioii  of  the  magiftrates  of 
u  Bofton  ;  earneftly  hoping  and  expecting 
"  that  his  majefty  would  not  permit  them 
"  any  longer  to  be  opprefled  ;  but  would 
"  give  them  relief  according  to  the  promifes 
"  of  the  commiflioners  in  1665."  With,  the 
fame  bitterness  of  temper,  and  in  the  fame 
drain  of  mifreprefentation,  he  inveighed  a- 
gainft  the  government  in  a  long  report  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade  ;  which  farther  inflam- 
ed the  prejudice  that  had  long  been  conceiv- 
ed againft  the  colony,  and  prepared  the  way 
for  the  feparation  which  was  meditated, 

After  his  departure,  a  fpecial  council  being 
fummoned,  at  which  the  elders  of  the  church- 
es were  prefent,  the  queftion  was  propofed  to 
them,  "  whether  the  beft  way  of  making  anf- 
"  wer  to  the  complaints  of  Gorges  and  Malbn 
"  about  the  extent  of  their  patent,  be  by  fend- 
"  ing  agents,  or  by  writing  only  ?"  To  which 
"  they  anfwered,  "  That  it  was  moft  expedi- 
"  to  fend  agents,  to  anfwer  by  way  of  infor- 
"  mation,  provided  they  were  inftrucicd  with 
"  much  care  and  caution  to  negociate  the  af - 
"fair  with  fafety  to  the  country,  and  loyalty 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  187 

«?  to  his  majefty,  in  the  prefervation  of  their    1676. 
"  patent   liberties."      Accordingly  William  HutdrilK 
Stoughton,    afterward    lieutenant-governor,  Hist.  vol. 
and  Pater  Bulkley  then  fpeaker  of  the  houfe  l'p'* 
o/  deputies,  were  appointed  agents  and  fail- 
ed for  Fugland. 

At  didir  arrival  an  hearing  was  ordered    1677. 
before  che  lords  chief  juiiices  of  the  King's 
bench  and  common  pleas  :  when  the  agents 

r    i  i  T /»  i    •  i      11     •   i      Narrative 

KJ  name  or  the  colony  dilclaimed  all  title  Of  Alien's 
to  t'ne'  lands  claimed   by  the  petitioner,  and  Tltle' p' 5" 
to  the  jurifdicflioii  beyond  three  miles  north- 
ward of  the  river  Merrimack,  to  follow  the 
coiine   of  ^the  river,  fo  far  as  it  extended. 
Tiie  judges  reported  to  the  king  '  that  they 
4  could  give  no  opinion  as  to  the  right  of 

*  foil,  in   the    privinces    of  New-Hampfhire 
'  and  Maine,  not  having  the  proper  parties 

*  before    them  ;  it   appearing  that  not   the 

*  MafTachufetts   colony,  but  the  ter-tenants 

*  had  the    right  of  foil,  and   whole   benefit 

*  thereof,  and  yet  were  not  fummoned  to  de- 

*  fend  their  titles.      As  to  Mafon's  right  of 
'  government  within  the  foil  he  claimed,  their 
4  lordftiips,  and  indeed  his   own  counfel,  a- 

*  greed  he  -had  none  ;  the  great  council  of 
4  Plymouth,  under  whom  he  claimed,  having 
c  no  power  to  transfer  government  to  any.  It 
4  was  determined  that  the  four  towns  of  Portf- 

4  mouth,  Dover,  Exeter  and  Hampton  were  si7 
6  out  of  the  bounds  of  MafTachufetts.'     This 
report  was  accepted  and  confirmed  by  the 
king  in  council. 

After  this,  at  the  requeft  of  the  agents,  Sir 
William  Jones  the  attorney  general  drew  up 
a  complete  ftate  of  the  cafe  to  be  tranfmitted  SePt>  18>- 
to  the  colony  ;  by  which  it  feems  that  h^ 


138  HISTORY    OF 

1679.    had    altered   his   opinion   fince   the   report 

Hutch,  vol.  wnicn  he  gave  to  the  king  in  1675,  concern- 

i.  P.  317.    ing  the  validity  of  Mafon's  title.     It  was  alfo 

admitted  that  the  title  could  be  tried  only  on 

the  place,  there  being  rfo  court  in  England 

that  had  cognizance  of  it. 

It  became  neceffary  then  to  the  eftablifh- 
ment  of  Mafon's  title,  that  a  new  jurifdi&iorx 
ihould  be  eredled,  in  which  the  king  might 
dire6l  the  mode  of  trial  and  appeal  at  his 
pleafure  :  This  being  refolved  upon,  the 
colony  of  Maflachufetts  was  informed,  by  a 
July  24.  letter  from  the  fecretary  of  (late,  of  the  king's 
intention  to  feparate  New-Hampihire  from 
their  government,  and  required  to  revoke  all 
commiflions  which  they  had  granted  there, 
and  which  were  hereby  declared  to  be  null 
and  void.  To  prevent  any  extravagant  de- 
mand, the  king  obliged  the  claimant  to  de- 
clare, under  his  hand  and  feal,  that  he  would 
require  no  rents  of  the  inhabitants  for  the 
time  palled,  before  the  twenty-fourth  of  June 
1679,  nor  moled  any  in  their  pofTeflions  for 
the  time  to  come  ;  but  would  make  out  titles 
to  them  and  their  heirs  forever,  provided 
they  would  pay  him  lixpence  in  the  pound, 
according  to  the  yearly  value  of  all  houfes 
which  they  had  built  and  lands  which  they 
had  improved. 

Things  being  thus  prepared,  a  commiflion 
pafled  the  great  feal  on  the  eighteenth  of 
September  for  the  government  of  New- 
Hampshire  ;  which  *  inhibits  and  reftrains 

*  the  jurifdidlion  exercifed  by  the  colony  of 

*  Maffachufetts  over  the  towns  of  Portfmouth, 
'  Dover,  Exeter  and  Hampton,  and  all  other 
c  lands  extending  from  three  miles  to  the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  139 

*  northward  of  the  river  Merrimack  and  of    1678. 

*  any  and  every  part  thereof,  to  the  province 

*  of  Maine  ;  conftitutes  a  prefident  and  coun- 
4  cil  to  govern  the  province  ;  appoints  John 
4  Cutts,  efq.  prefident,  to  continue  one  year 
4  and  till  another  be  appointed  by  the  fame 

*  authority  ;      Richard     Martyn,     William 

*  Vaughan, and  Thomas  Daniel  of  Portfmouth, 

*  John  Oilman  of  Exeter,  Ghriftopher  Huf- 

*  fey  of  Hampton  and  Richard  Waldron  of 
4  Dover,  efqiiires,  to  be  of  the  council,  who 

*  were  authorifed  to  choofe  three  other  quali- 

*  fied  perfons  out  of  the  feveral  parts  of  the 
4  province  to  be  added  to  them.  The  faid  pre- 

*  fident  and  every  fucceeding  one  to  appoint 
'  a  deputy  to  prefide  in  his  abfence  ;  the  pre- 

*  fident  or  his  deputy  with  any  five  to  be  a 
4  quorum.    They  were  to  meet  at  Portfmouth 
4  in  twenty  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  com- 
4  miflion  and  publifh  it.     They  were  confti- 
4  tuted  a  court  of  record  for  the  adminiftra- 
4  tion  of  juftice,   according  to  the  laws  of 
4  England,  fo  far  as  circumflances  would  per- 
4  mit  ;    referving   a  right  of  appeal  to  the 
4  king  in  council  for  adlions  of  fifty  pounds 
4  value.     They  were  empowered  to  appoint 
4  military  officers,  and  take  all  needful  meaC- 
4  ures  for  defence  agamft  enemies.     Liberty 
4  of  confcience  was  allowed  to  all  proteftants, 
4  thofe  of  the  church  of  England  to  be  par- 

*  ticularly  encouraged.     For  the  fupport  of 

*  government  they  were  to  continue  the  pre- 
4  fent  taxes,  till  an  afTembly  could  be  called ; 
4  to   which    end    they    were    within  .  three 

*  months  to  iffue  writs  under  the  province 
4  feal,  for  calling  an  affembly,  to  whom  the 
4  prefident  (hould   r<?commen<J   the   pafling 


140  HISTORY    Otf 

1679*    *  filch  laws  as  fliould  eftablifh  their  allegi- 

*  ance,  good  order  and  defence,  and  the  raii- 

*  ing  taxes  in  fuch  manner  and  proportion  as 

*  they  fliould  fee  fit.     All  laws  to  be  approv- 

*  ed  by  the  prefident  and  council,  and  then 

*  to   remain    in   force  till  the  king's  pleaf- 

*  ure  fhould  be  known,  for  which  purpofe 

*  they  fhould  be  fent  to  England  by  the  firft 
4  fhips.     In  cafe  of  the  prefident's  death,  his 
4  deputy  to  fucceed,  and  on  the  death  of  a 
4  counfellor,  the  remainder  to  elect  another, 
4  and  fend  over  his  name,  with  the  names  of 
4  two  other  meet  perfons,  that  the  king  might 
4  appoint  one  of  the  three.     The  king  engag- 
4  ed  for  himfelf  and  fucceffors  to  continue 
c  the  privilege  of  an  aflembly,  in  the  fame 
4  manner  and  form,  unlefs  by  inconvenience 
4  arifing  therefrom  he  or  his  heirs  fhould  fee 
4  caufe  to  alter  the  fame.     If  any  of  the  in- 
4  habitants  fhould  refufe  to  agree  with  Mafon 
4  or  his  agents,  on  the  terms  before  mention- 
c  ed,  the  prefident  and  council  were  dire&ed 
4  to  reconcile  the  difference,  or  fend  the  cafe 
4  itated  in  writing  with  their  own  opinions, 
'  to  the  king,  that  he  with  his  privy  council 
4  might  determine  it  according  to  equity.' 

The  form  of  government  defcribed  in  this 
•commiflioii  confidered  abflrafteclly  from  the 
immediate  intentions,  characters,  and  con- 
nexions of  the  perfons  concerned,  appears  to 
be  of  as  fimple  a  kind  as  the  nature  of  a  fub- 
ordinate  government  and  the  liberty  of  the 
fubjecl  can  admit.  The  people,  who  are  the 
natural  and  original  fource  of  power,  had  a 
representation  in  a  body  chofen  by  them- 
felves  ;  and  the  king  was  repreiented  by  a 
prefident  and  council  of  his  own.  appoint- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  141 

ment ;  each  had  the  right  of  inftrudting  their    1679. 
reprefentative,  and  the  king  had  the  fuperior 
prerogative  of  difannulling  the  acts  of  the 
whole  at  his  pleafure.     The  principal  blem- 
i£h  in  the  commiffion  was  the  right  claimed 
by  the  king  of  difcontinuing  the  reprefen- 
tation  of  the  people,  whenever  he  fhould  find 
it  inconvenient,  after  he  had  folemnly  en- 
gaged to  continue  this  privilege.  The  claufe, 
indeed,  is  artfully   worded,   and  might  be 
conftrued  to  imply  more  or  lefs  at  pleafure. 
Herein  Charles  was  confiflent  with  himfelf, 
parliaments  being  his  averfion.     However, 
there  was  in  this  plan  as  much  of  the  fpirit 
of  the  Britiih  conftitution  as  there  could  be 
any  foundation  for  in  fuch  a  colony ;  for 
here  was  no  third  branch  to  form  a  balance, 
between  the  king  or  his  reprefentative,  and 
the  people.     The  inftitution  of  an  houfe  of 
peers  in  Britain  was^  die  refult  of  the  feudal 
fyftem  :  the  barons  being  lords  of  the  foil 
and  enjoying  a  fovereignty  within  their  own 
territories   and  over  their  own  vaflals  ;  the 
e o'iftitution   was    formed  by  the   union  of 
thefe  diftincT:  eftates  under  one  common  fov- 
ereign.       But   there  was  nothing  fimilar  to 
this   in  New-England.     The  fettlements  be- 
gan here  by   an  equal  divifion  of  property 
among  independent  freemen.     Lordfhip  and 
vaffalage  were  held   in   abhorrence.       The 
yeomanry  were  the  proprietors  of  the  foil 
and  the  natural  defenders  of  their  own  rights 
and  property  ;  and  they  knew  no  fuperior 
but  the  king.     A  council,  whether  appoint^ 
ed  by  him  or  chofen  by  the  people  could  not 
form  a  diftincT:  body,  becaufe  they  could  not 
be  independent.      Had  fuch  a  fimple  form 


142  HISTORY  OF 

1679.  of  colony  government  been  more  generally 
adopted,  and  perfeveringly  adhered  to,  and 
adminiftered  only  by  the  moft  delicate  hands, 
it  might  have  ferved  better  than  any  other, 
to  perpetuate  the  dependence  of  the  colonies 
on  the  Britiih  crown. 


SEW-HAMPSHIRB.  143 


CHAP.     VII, 


The  adtiMiivirutitn  of  the  firsi  council. ~~0f if tosit  ion  to  the  act* 
of  trade. — Mason's  arrival. — Opposition  to  him.— His  de- 
parture.— State  of  trade  and  navigation. 

THE  commiffion   was   brought   to     1680. 
Portfmouth  on  the  firft  of  January  by  Ed-  Coundl 
ward  Randolph,  than  whom  there  could  not  R<*. 
be  a  more  unwelcome  meffenger.     It  was 
received  with  great  reludlance  by  the  gentle- 
men therein  named;  who,  though  they  were  Fitch's  MSI 
of  the  firft  character,  intereft  and  influence, 
and  had  fuftained  the  principal  offices  civil 
and  military  under  the  colony  government* ; 
yet  eafily  faw  that  their  appointment  was  not 
from  any  refpect  to  them  or  favour  to  the 
people  ;  but  merely  to  obtain  a  more  eafy 
introduction  to  a  new  form  of  government, 
for  a  particular  purpofe,   which  they  knew 
would  be  a  fource  of  perplexity  and  diftrefs. 
They  would  gladly  have  declined  adling  in 

*  The  president  John  Cutts  was  a  principal  merchant,  of  great  probity 
and  esteem  in  Portsmouth  ;  but  now  aged  and  infirm. 

Richard  Martyn,  was  of  good  character,  and  great  influence.  He  had 
been  very  active  in  procuring  the  settlement  of  a  minister  in  the  town  of 
Portsmouth. 

William  Vaughan,  was  a  wealthy  merchant,  generoui  and  public  spirited, 
and  of  undaunted  resolution.  He  was  of  Welch  extraction,  but  was  bred  in 
London  under  Sir  Josiah  Child,  who  had  a  great  regard  for  him,  and  whose 
interest  he  made  use  of  for  the  good  of  the  province. 

Thomas  Daniel,  was  a  person  of  such  note  and  importance,  that  when  he 
died  in  a  time  of  general  sickness  and  mortality,  Mr.  Moody  preached  his 
funeral  sermon  from  2  Sam.  ii.  30.  "  There  lacked  of  David's  servants,  nine- 
teen men  and  Asabel."  (Fitch's  MS.) 

John  Gil  man,  was  a  principal  man  in  Exeter,  as  was  Christopher  Hussey3 
in  Hampton. 

Richarl  Waldron,  was  a  native  of  Somersetshire,  and  one  of  the  first  set- 
tlers in  Dover.  He  was  much  respected  and  eminently  useful,  having  sus- 
tained divers  important  offices  civil  and  military,  and  approved  his  courage 
most  hazardous  c nterprize<: 


144  HISTORY  OF 

1680.  their  new  capacity  ;  but  confidering  the  tem- 
per of  the  government  in  England,  the  una- 
voidable neceffity  of  fubmitting  to  the 
change,  and  the  danger  (upon  their  refufal) 
of  others  being  appointed  who  would  be 
inimical  to  the  country,  they  agreed  to  qual- 
ify themfelves,  determining  to  do  what  good, 
and  keep  off  what  harm  they  were  able, 
council  They  therefore  publifhed  the  cominiffion, 
Records.  and  took  the  oaths  on  the  twenty  fecond  day 
of  January,  which  was  beyond  the  utmoft 
time  limited  in  the  commiilioii.  Agreeably 
to  the  royal  direction  they  chofe  three  other 
gentlemen  into  the  council  ;  Elias  Stileman 
of  Great  Ifland,  who  had  been  a  clerk  in  the 
county  courts,  whom  they  now  appointed  fe~ 
cretary,  Samuel  Dalton  of  Hampton  and  Job 
Clements  of  Dover.  The  prefident  nominat- 
ed Waldron  to  be  his  deputy  or  vice  prefi- 
dent, Martyn  was  appointed  treafurer,  and 
John  Roberts,  marihal. 

This  change  of  government  gratified  the 
difcontencled  few,  but  was  greatly  difrelifli- 
ed  by  the  people  in  general  ;  as  they  faw 
themfelves  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  choofc 
ing  their  own  rulers,  which  was  ftill  enjoy- 
ed by  the  other  colonies  of  New-England, 
and  as  they  expelled  an  invalion  of  their  pro- 
perty foon  to  follow. 

When  writs  were  ifTued  for  calling  a  gen- 
eral aflembly  the  perfons  in  each  town  who 
were  judged  qualified  to  vote  were  named  in 
the  writs*  ;  and  the  oath  of  allegiance  was 

*  The  number  of  qualified  voters  in  each  town  \vns. 

In  Portsmouth  71 

Dover  Gl 

Hampton  5  7 

Kxrter  20 


209 


" 


NEW-HAMPSHIRi. 

Iciminiftered  to  each  voter.     A  public  faft    1680, 
was  obferved,  to  afk  the  divine  bleffing  on  Febru  26 
the  approaching  affembly  and  "the  conti- 
"  nuance  of   their    precious     and    pleafant 
"  things."      The  aflembly*  met    at    Portt 
mouth  on  the  fixteenth  of  March,  and  was 
opened  with  prayer  and  a  fermon  by  Mr. 
Moody. 

To  exprefs  their  genuine  fentiments  of 
the  prefent  change,  and  invalidate  the  falfe 
reports  which  had  been  raifed  againft  them, 
as  well  as  to  fhew  their  gratitude  and  refpect 
to  their  former  protectors,  they  wrote  to  the 
general  court  at  Boflon,  "  acknowledging 
"  the  kindnefs  of  that  colony  in  taking  them 
under  their  protection  and  ruling  them 
well  ;  afTuring  them,  that  it  was  not  any 
"  diflatisfa&ion  with  their  government,  but 
"  merely  their  fubmiflion  to  divine  provi- 
"  dence  and  his  majefly's  commands,  with- 
"  out  any  feeking  of  their  own,  which  in- 
"  duced  them  to  comply  with  the  prefent 
"  feparation,  which  they  ihould  have  been 
"  glad  had  never  taken  place  ;  fignifying  their 
"  defire  that  a  mutual  correfpondence  might 
"  be  continued  for  defence  againfl  the  com- 
"  mon  enemy,  and  offering  their  fervice  Council 
"  when  it  fhould  be  neceffary  f." 

*  The  Deputies  in  this  fifst  Assembly  were, 

For  Portsmouth.  Hampton. 

Robert  Eliot,  Anthony  Stanyon, 

Philip  Lewis,  Thomas  Marston, 

John  Pickering.  Edward  Gove. 

Dover.  Exeter. 

Peter  Coffin,  Bartholemew  Tippen, 

Anthony  Nutter,  Ralph  Hall. 
Richard  Waldron,  jun. 

f  This  letter  fully  shews  the  absurdity  of  the  reason  assigned  by  Douglad 
in  his  Summary,  vol.  II.  page  28,  for  erecting  this  new  government.  "  The 
*''  proprietors  and  inhabitants  of  New-Hampshire  not  capable  of  protecting 
*•  themselves  against  the  Canada  French  and  their  Indians,  desired  of  tM 

T 


146"  HISTORY  o£ 

1680.  Their  next  care  was  to  frame  a  Code  01 
laws,  of  which  the  firft,  conceived  in  a  flyle 
becoming  freemen,  was  "  that  no  aft,  impo- 
u  fition,  law  or  ordinance  fhould  be  made  or 
"  impofed  upon  them,  but  fuch  as  ftiould  be 
**  made  by  the  aflembly  and  approved  by  the 
w  prefident  and  council."  Idolatry,  blafphe- 
my,  treafon,  rebellion,  wilful  murder,  man- 
flaughter,  poifoning,  withcraft,  fodomy,  bet 
tiality,  perjury,  man-Healing,  curfing  and  re^ 
belling  againll  parents,  rape  and  arfon  were 
made  capital  crimes.  The  other  penal  laws 
Were  in  their  main  principles  the  fame  that 
are  now  in  force.  To  prevent  contentions' 
that  might  arife  by  reafon  of  the  late  change 
of  government,  all  townfliips  and  grants  of 
land  were  confirmed,  and  ordered  to  remain 
as  before  ;  and  controverfies  about  the  titles 
of  land  were  to  be  determined  by  juries  chof* 
en  by  the  feveral  towns,  according  to  former 
cuftom.  The  prefident  and  council  with  the 
aflembly  were  a  fupreme  court  of  Judica- 
ture, with  a  jury  when  defired  by  the  par* 
ties  ;  and  three  inferior  courts  were  confti- 
tuted  at  Dover,  Hampton  and  Portfmouth. 

MS  Laws.  ... 

The  military  arrangement  was,  one  root 
company  in  each  town,  one  company  of  ar- 
tillery at  the  fort,  and  one  troop  of  horfe,  all 
under  the  command  of  Major  Waldron. 

During  this  adminiftration,  things  went 
on  as  nearly  as  poffible  in  the  old  channel, 
and  with  the  fame  fpirit,  as  before  the  fepa- 
ration.  A  jealous  watch  was  kept  over  their 
rights  and  privileges,  and  every  encroach- 

"  crown  to  take  them  under  its  immediate  protection/'  A  random  asfer-. 
tion,  unsupported  by  any  proof  and  contrary  to  plain  fact  !  The  crown  coul^ 
afford  them  no  protection  against  Indians.  With  the  French  t!ie  crown  ••*$£ 
fe  alliance,  and  the  nation  was  at  peace. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  141 

meat  upon  them  was  withftood  to  the  ut-  1680* 
moft.  The  duties  and  reftridlions  eftablifh- 
ed  by  the  adls  of  trade  and  navigation  were 
univerfally  difguftful,  and  the  more  fo  as 
Randolph  was  appointed  colle&or,  furveyor 
and  fearcher  of  the  cuftoms  throughout  New- 
England.  In  the  execution  of  his  commif- 
fion.  he  feized  a  ketch  belonging  to  Portf- 
mouth,  but  bound  from  Maryland  to  Ireland, 
which  had  put  into  this  port  for  a  few  days. 
The  mafter,  Mark  Hunkiug,  brought  an  ac-  ******* 
tion  againft  him  at  a  fpecial  court  before  the 
prefident  and  council,  and  recovered  damages 
and  cofts  to  the  amount  of  thirteen  pounds. 
Randolph  behaved  on  this  occafion  with 
fuch  infolence,  that  the  council  obliged  him 
publickly  to  acknowledge  his  offence  and  alk 
their  pardon.  He  appealed  from  their  iudg-r  counca 

,  .  .  —  J  Records  an* 

ment  to  the   king  ;  but  what  the  liiue  was  Files. 
doth  not  appear.     Having  conftituted  Cap- 
tain Walter  Barefoote  his  deputy  at  this  pprt, 
an    advertifement   was  publifhed  requiring 
that  all  veflels  ihould  be  entered  and  cleared 
with    him.      Upon    which    Barefoot    was 
brought  to  examination,  arid  afterward  in- 
didled  before  the  prefident  and  council,  for    1680, 
<  having  in  an  high  and  prefumptuous  man-  March  as. 
c  ner  fet  up  his  majefty's  office  of  cuftoms 
*•  without  leave  from  the  prefident  and  coun- 
4  cil ;  in  contempt  of  his  inajefty's  authority 

*  in  this  place  ;  for  difturbing  and  obftrudl- 
c  ing  his  majefty's  fubjedis  in  paffmg  from 
4  harbour  to  harbour,  and  town  to  town  j 

*  and  for   his  infolence  in  making  no  other 

*  anfwer  to  any  queftion  propounded  to  him 

*  but  "  my  name  is  Walter."     He  was  fen- 
fenced  tp  pay  a  fine  9f  ten  pounds? 


148  HISTORY  OF 

1680.  committed  till  it  was  paid.  But  though  Ran* 
dolph's  authority  was  denied,  yet  they  made 
an  order  of  their  own  for  the  obfervation  of 
the  a<5ls  of  trade,  and  appointed  officers  of 
their  own  to  fee  them  executed.     They  had 
been  long  under  the  Maffachufetts  govern- 
ment, and  learned  their  political   principles 
from  them  ;  and  as  they  had  been  ufed  to 
think  that  all  royal  authority  flowed  in  the 
channel  of  the  charter,  fo  they  now  thought 
that  no  authority  derived  from  the  crown 
could  be  regularly  exercifed  in  the  province 
but  through  their  commiflion.     In  this  they 
reaibned  agreeably  not  only  to  their  former 
principles,  but  to  their  fundamental  law,  to 
which  they   fteadily  adhered,  though  they 
had  no  reaibn  to  think  it  would  be  allowed 
by  the  crown  ;  and  though  they  knew  that 
a  rigid  adherence    to   rights,  however  clear 
and  facred,  was  not  the  way  to  recommend 
themfelves  to  royal  favour.     But  they  were 
not  fmgular  in  thefe  fentiments,  nor  in  their 
oppolition  to  the  laws  of  trade.      Randolph 
was  equally  hated,   and   his  commiflion  ne- 
glecled  at  Boilon  ;  where  the  notary  refufed 
to  enter  his  proteit  againft  the  proceedings 
of  the  court  ;  and  he  was  obliged  to  poll  it 
on  the  exchange. 

In  the  latter  end  of  the  year  Mafon  arriv- 
i>*  so      ec*  ^rom  England  with  a  mandamus,  requir- 
ing the  council  to  admit  him  to  a  feat  at  the 

1681.  board,  which   was    accordingly    done.     He 
foon  entered  on  the  bufmefs  he  came  about  ; 
endeavouring  to  perfuade  fome  of  the  people 
to  take  leafes  of  him,  threatening    others  if 
they  did  not,  forbidding   them   to   cut   fire- 

'*d   and  tirpher,  a  flirting  his  right 


NEW-H  AMPS  HIRE.  149 

province  and  afTuming  the  title  of  lord-pro-  1681. 
prietor.  His  agents,  or  ftewards  as  they  were 
called,  had  rendered  themfelves  obnoxious 
by  demanding  rents  of  feveral  perfons  and 
threatening  to  fell  their  houfes  for  payment. 
Thefe  proceedings  raifed  a  general  uneafi- 
nefs  ;  and  petitions  were  fent  from  each 
town,  as  well  as  from  divers  individuals,  to 
the  council  for  protection  ;  who  taking  up 
the  matter  judicially  publiihed  an  order  pro- 
hibiting Mafon  or  his  agents  at  their  peril  to 
repeat  fuch  irregular  proceedings,  and  de- 
claring their  intention  to  tranfmit  the  griev- 
ances and  complaints  of  the  people  to  the 
king.  Upon  this,  Mafon  would  no  longer 
fit  in  council,  though  defired,  nor  appear 
when  fent  for  ;  when  they  threatened  to 
deal  with  him  as  an  offender,  he  threatened 
to  appeal  to  the  king,  and  publifhed  a  fum- 
mons  to  the  prefident  and  feveral  members 
of  the  council,  and  others  to  appear  before 
his  majefty  in  three  months.  This  was 
deemed  "  an  ufurpation  over  his  majefty 's 
"  authority  here  eftablifhed,"  and  a  warrant 
was  iffued  for  apprehending  him  ;  but  he 
got  out  of  their  reach  and  went  to  England.  , 

T^       •  i      r  r   r±-  r  j  ^  March  27' 

During  thele   tranlactions  prelident  Cutts  April  s, 
died,  and  Major  Waldron  fucceeded  him,  ap- 
pointing  Captain  Stilemai}  for   his  deputy, 
who  had  quitted  his  place  of  fecretary  upon. 
the  appointment  of  Richard  Chamberlayne  J>c  30 
to  that  office  by  royal  commiflion.     The  va- 
cancy  made  in  the  council  by  the  prefident's 
death  was  filled  by  Richard  Waldron  junior. 
On  the  death  of  Dal  ton,  Anthony  Nutter  was 
chofen.     Henry  Dow  was  appointed 
>n  the  room  of  Roberts  who    refigned. 


150  HISTORY    OF 

1682,  During  the  remainder  of  the  council's  ad- 
miniftration,  the  common  b.uiinefs  went  on 
in  the  ufual  manner,  and  nothing  remarka- 
ble is  mentioned,  excepting  another  profecu- 
tiou  of  Barefoote,  with  his  afliftants,  Wil- 
10.  liam  Hafkins  and  Thomas  Thurton  for  feiz- 
ing  a  veflel  "  under  pretence  of  his  majefty's 
"  name,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  au- 
"  thority  of  the  province,  and  without  fhew- 
"  iug  any  breach  of  ftatute  though  demand- 
"  ed."  Barefoote  pleaded  hi*  deputation 
from  Randolph  ;  but  he  was  amerced  twen- 
ty pounds  to  be  refpited  during  his  good  be- 
haviour, and  his  two  affiftants  five  pounds 
each  ;  the  complainant  being  left  to  the  law 
for  his  damages.  This  affair  was  carried  by 
appeal  tQ  the  king  ;  but  the  iffue  is  not  men- 
tioned. 

It  will  be  proper  to  clofe  the  account  of 
this  adminiftration  with  a  view  of  the  ftate 
of  the  province  as  to  its  trade,  improve- 
#ients  and  defence,  from  a  reprefentation 
thereof  made  by  the  council  to  the  lords  of 
trade,  purfuant  to  their  order- 

"  The  trade  of  the  province,  (fay  they)  is 
in  mails,  planks,  boards  and  ftaves  and  all 
other  lumber,  which  at  prefent  is  of  little 
value  in  other  plantations,  to  which  they  are 
tranfported ;  fo  that  we  fee  no  other  way  for 
the  advantage  of  the  trade,  unlefs  his  majefi 
ty  pleafe  to  make  our  river  a  free  port. 

"  Importation  by  ftraiigers  is  of  little  va- 
lue ;  fhips  commonly  felling  their  cargoes  in 
other  governments,  and  if  they  come  here, 
xifually  come  empty  to  fill  with  lumber  :  but 
if  haply  they  are  at  any  time  loaded  with 
iifh,  it  is  brought  from  other  port^3 there 


NEW-HAMPSHIRfe.  15l 

ing  none  made  in  our  province,  nor  likely  to    168& 
be,  until  his  majefty  pleafe  to  make  the  fouth 
part  of  the  Ifles  of  Shoals  part  of  this  gov- 
ernment, they  not  being  at  prefent  under 
any*. 

"  In  reference  to  the  improvement  of 
lands  by  tillage,  our  foil  is  generally  fo  bar- 
ren, and  the  winters  fo  extreme  cold  and 
long  that  there  is  not  provifion  enough  raif- 
^ed  to  fupply  the  inhabitants,  many  of  whom, 
were  in  the  late  Indian  war  fo  impoverilhed 
their  houfes  and  eftates  being  deftroyed,  and 
they  and  others  remaining  Hill  fo  incapacitat- 
ed for  the  improvement  of  the  land,  (feveral 
of  the  youth  being  killed  alfo)  that  they  even 
groan  under  the  tax  or  rate,  affelTed  for  that 
fervice,  which  is,  great  part  of  it,  unpaid  to 
this  dayf. 

"  There  is  at  the  Great  Ifland  in  Portf- 
mouth,  at  the  harbour's  mouth,  a  fort  well 
enough  fituated,  but  for  the  prefent  two 
weak  and  infufficient  for  the  defence  of  the 
place  ;  the  guns, being  eleven  in  number  are 
imall,  none  exceeding  a  facre  (fix  pounder) 

*  When  these  islands  were  first  settled  is  uncertain,  but  it  must  have 
been  very  early,  as  they  are  most  commodiously  situated  for  the  fishery,  which 
was  a  principal  object  with  the  first  settlers.  While  New-Hampshire  was 
united  to  Massachusetts,  they  were  under  the  same  jurisdiction,  and  the 
town  there  erected  was  called  Appledore.  (Mass.  Rec.)  They  are  not  nam- 
ed in  Cutt's  nor  Cranfield's  commission  :  but  under  Dudley's  presidency,  . 
causes  were  brought  from  thence  to  Portsmouth,  which  is  said  to  be  in  the 
same  county.  In  Allen's  and  all  succeeding  commissions,  they  are  partial* 
larly  mentioned  ;  the  south  half  of  them  bein^  in  New-Hampshire. 

t  Taxes  were  commonly  paid  in  lumber  or  provisions  at  stated  prices  ; 
and  whoever  paid  them  in  money  was  abated  one- third  part*  The  prices  in 
1080,  were  as  follows.- 

Merchantable  white  pine  boards  per  m  30  s. 

White  Oak  pine  staves  per  ditto     -31. 

Red  Oak  ditto  per  ditto         ,  30  S. 

Red  Oak  Hhd.  ditto  per  ditto.    -    -    25  ». 

Indian  Corn  per  bushel         -         -        3  9. 

Wheat  per  ditto.         -         -         -         5  ». 

Malt  per  ditto.         -         -         -  4  * 

N".  B.  Silver  was  6s.  and  8d.  per  oz. 


152  HISTORY  OF 

1682.  nor  above  twenty  one  hundred  weight,  and 
the  people  too  poor  to  make  defence  fuitable 
to  the  occafion  that  may  happen  for  the  fort. 

"  Thefe  guns  were  bought,  and  the  forti- 
fication credited,  at  the  proper  charge  of  the 
towns  of  Dover  and  Portfmouth,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  firft  Dutch  war,  about  the  year 
1665,  in  obedience  to  his  majefty's  command 
in  his  letter  to  the  government  under  which 
this  province  then  was. 

u  There  are  five  guns  more  lying  at  the 
tipper  part  of  Portfmouth,  purchafed  by  pri- 
vate perfons,  for  their  fecurity  and  defence 
againft  the  Indians  in  the  late  war  with 
them,  arid  whereof  the  owners  may  difpofe 
at  their  pleafure.  To  fupply  the  forefaid 
defedl  and  weaknefs  of  the  guns  and  fort,  we 
humbly  fupplicate  his  majefty  to  fend  us 
fuch  guns  as  fhall  be  more  ferviceable,  with 
powder  and  mot." 

By  an  account  of  the  entries  in  the  port 
annexed  to  the  above,  it  appears,  that  from 
the  fifteenth  of  June  1680,  to  the  twelfth  of 
April  1681,  were  entered,  twenty-two  fhips5 
council      eighteen  ketches,  two  barks,  three  pinks,  one 
one  fly_boat .  in  all  forty-feveri. 


NiW-HAMPSHIRE  152 


CHAP.     VIII, 

5  Vie  administration  of  Cranfidd.— Violent  measures. — Imurret* 

ti'>n^    trial    and    imprisonment  of  Gove.— Mason's    «wzY*.-— « 

Vauqhari's  imfirisonment. — Prosecution  of  Moody  and  his  im» 

fir*.sonment. — Arbitrary  proceedings.-*- Complaints.— Tumults. 

Weare's  agency  in  England, — Cranfield's   reinwaL — Bare- 

jfoote's  administration . 

EXPERIENCE  having  now  convinc-  168& 
ed  Mafon,  that  the  government  which  he  had 
procured  to  be  eredted,  was  not  likely  to  be 
adminiftered  in  a  manner  favourable  to  his 
views,  he  made  it  his  bufinefs,  on  his  return 
to  England,  to  folicit  a  change  ;  in  confe- 
quence  of  which  it  was  determined  to  com- 
mifTion  Edward  Cranfield,  efq.  lieutenant- 
governor  and  commander  in  chief  of  New- 
Hampfliire.  By  a  deed  enrolled  in  the  court 
of  chancery,  Mafon  furrendered  to  the  king  Jan.  2& 
one  fifth  part  of  the  quit-rents,  which  had  or 
ihould  become  due  :  Thefe  with  the  fines 
and  forfeitures  which  had  accrued  to  the 
crown  fince  the  eftabliihment  of  the  prov- 
ince, and  which  fhould  afterward  arife,  were 
appropriated  to  the  fupport  of  the  governor. 
But  this  being  deemed  too  precarious  a  foun- 
dation, Mafon  by  another  deed  mortgaged  , 

.     J  r    ,  ,    ,,  &    &         MSSinthp 

the  whole  province  to  Cranfield,  for  twenty-  files, 
one  years,  as  fecurity  for  the  payment  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds  per  annum,  for  the 
fpace  of  feven  years.  On  this  encouragement 
Cranfield  relinquifhed  a  profitable  office  at  „ 

T  -11  •  /-i«  i  •      f  « itch  8  Mj? 

home,  with  the  view  of  bettering  his  fortune 
here. 

By  the   commiffion,  which  bears  date  the 
ninth  of  May,  the  governor  was  impowered 

u 


154  HISTORY    OF 

1,682.  to  call,  adjourn,  prorogue  and  diflblve  gene- 
ral courts  ;  to  have  a  negative  voice  in  all 
adls  of  government ;  to  fufpend  any  of  the 
council  when  he  fhould  fee  juft  caufe  (and 
every  counfellor  fo  fufpended  was  declared 
incapable  of  being  eledled  into  the  general 
aflembly  ;)  to  appoint  a  deputy-governor, 
judges,  juflices,  and  other  officers,  by  his  fole 
authority  ;  and  to  execute  the  powers  of  vice- 
admiral.  The  cafe  of  Mafon  was  recited 
nearly  in  the  fame  words  as  in  the  former 
commiflion,  and  the  fame  directions  were 
given  to  the  governor  to  reconcile  differences, 
or  fend  cafes  fairly  ftated  to  the  king  in  coun- 
cil, for  his  decifion.  The  counfellors  nam- 
e.d  in  this  commiflion  were  Mafon,  who  was 
ftyled  proprietor,  Waldron,  Daniel,  Vaughan, 
Martyn,  Gilman,  Stileman  and  Clements  : 
Thefe  were  of  the  former  council,  and  to 
them  were  added  Walter  Barefoote,  and 
Richard  Chamberlayne. 

Cranfield  arrived  and  publifhed  his  com- 
miflion on  the  fourth  of  Ocflober,  and  within 
fix  days  Waldron  and  Martyn  were  fufpend- 
ed from  the  council,  on  certain  articles  ex- 
hibited againfl  them  by  Mafon.  This  early 
fpecimen  of  the  exercife  of  power  muft  have 
been  intended  as  a  public  affront  to  them,  in 
revenge  for  their  former  fpirited  condudl  ; 
otherwife  their  names  might  have  been  left 
out  of  the  commiflion  when  it  was  drawn. 

The  people  now  plainly  faw  the  dangerous 
defigns  formed  againfl  them.  The  negative 
voice  of  a  governor,  his  right  of  fufpending 
counfellors,  and  appointing  officers,  by  his 
own  authority,  wfere  wholly  unprecedented 
in  New-England  ;  and  they  had  the  fingular 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  155 

mortification  to  fee  the  crown  not  only  ap-  1682. 
pointing  two  branches  of  their  legiflature, 
but  claiming  a  negative  on*  the  election  of 
their  reprefentatives,  in  a  particular  cafe, 
which  might  fometimes  be  eflentially  necef- 
fary  to  their  own  fecurity.  They  well  knew 
that  the  fole  defign  of  thefe  novel  and  extra- 
ordinary powers  was  to  facilitate  the  entry 
of  the  claimant  on  the  lands  which  fome  of 
them  held  by  virtue  of  grants  from  the  fame 
authority,  and  which  had  all  been  fairly  pur- 
chafed  of  the  Indians  ;  a  right  which  they 
believed  to  be  of  more  validity  than  any  oth- 
er. Having  by  their  own  labour  and  ex- 
pence  fubdued  a  rough  wildernefs,  defended 
their  families  and  eftates  againft  the  favage 
enemy,  without  the  leaft  afliftance  from  the 
claimant,  and  held  pofTeflion  for  above  fifty 
years ;  they  now  thought  it  hard  and  cruel, 
that  when  they  had  juft  recovered  from  the 
horrors  of  a  bloody  war,  they  fliould  have 
their  liberty  abridged,  and  their  property  de- 
manded, to  fatisfy  a  claim  which  was  at  beft 
difputable,  and  in  their  opinion  groundlefs. 
On  the  other  hand  it  was  deemed  unjuft,  that 
grants  made  under  the  royal  authority  fhould 
be  disregarded  ;  and  that  fo  great  a  fum  as 
had  been  expended  by  the  anceftor  of  the 
claimant,  to  promote  the  fettlement  of  the 
country,  fliould  be  entirely  loft  to  him  ;  ef- 
pecially  as  he  had  foregone  fome  juft  claims  _ 

in  i  •   •  r*    •     i  Mason^ 

011  the  eftate  as  a  condition  of  inheritance,  wui 
Had  the  inhabitants  by  any  fraudulent  means 
impeded  the  defigns  of  the  original  grantee, 
or  embezzled  his  intereft,  there  might  have 
been  a  juft  demand  for  damages  ;  but  the 
unfuccefsfulnefs  of  that  adventure  was  to  be 


156 


HISTORY    OF 


Vaughan's 
lotirnal. 


1682.  fought  for  in  its  own  impracticability  •  or 
the  negligence,  inability  or  inexperience  of 
thofe  into  whofe  hands  the  management  of  it 
fell  after  Captain  Mafon's  death,  and  during 
the  minority  of  his  fucceflbr. 

An  aflembly,  being  fummoned,  met  on  the 
fourteenth  of  November;  with  whofe  concuiv 
rence  a  new  body  of  laws  was  enafted,  in 
fome  refpefts  different  from  the  former  ;  the 
fundamental  law  being  omitted  and  an  alter- 
MS  Laws,  ation  made  in  the  appointment  of  jurors^ 
which  was  now  ordered  to  be  done  by  the 
flieriff,  after  the  cuflom  in  England. 

Cranfield,  who  made  no  fecret  of  his  in- 
tention to  enrich  himfelf  by  accepting  the 
government,  on  the  firft  day  of  the  affembly 
f eftored  Waldron  and  Martyn  to  their  places 
in  the  council  ;  having,  as  he  faid,  examined 
the  allegations  againft  them  and  found  them 
infufficient.  In  return  for  this  mew  of  com- 
plaifance,  and  taking  advantage  of  his  needy 
fituation,  the  aflembly  having  ordered  an  af- 
feffineiit  of  five  hundred  pounds,  appropriat- 
ed one  half  of  it  as  a  prefent  to  the  governor  5 
hoping  hereby  to  detach  him  from  Mafon, 
who  they  knew  could  never  comply  with  his 
engagements  to  him.  Prefering  a  certainty 
to  an  uncertainty,  he  pafled  the  bill,  though 
it  was  not  prefented  to  him  till  after  he  had 
given  order  fot  adjourning  the  court,  and  af- 
MS§  in  the  tei*  Mafon,  Barefoote  and  Chamberlayne  were 
withdrawn  from  the  council. 

This  appearance  of  good  humour  was  but 
fhort-lived ;  for  at  the  next  feflion  of  the  af- 
fembly, the  governor  and  council  having  ten- 
dered them  a  bill  for  the  fupport  of  governr 
ment,  which  they  did  not  approve,  and  they 


Council 
Rec. 


Dec  1, 


Files. 


1683. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

.having  offered  him  feveral  bills  which  he  faid  1683. 
were  contrary  to  law,  he  diiTolved  them  ; 
having  previoufly  lufpended  Stileman  from 
the  council  and  difmiffed  him  from  the  com- 
mand of  the  fort,  for  fuffering  a  veiTel  under 
feizure  to  go  out  of  the  harbour.  Barefoote 
was  made  captain  of  the  fort  in  his  room. 

The  diffolution  of  the  AiTernbly,  a  thing 
before  unknown,    aggravated    the  popular 
difcontent,  and  kindled    the  refentment    of 
fome  ram  perfons  in  Hampton  and  Exeter  ; 
who,  headed  by  Edward  Gove,  a  member  of 
the  diffolved  aflembly,  declared  by  found  of 
trumpet    for    "  liberty    and   reformation." 
There  had  been  a  town  meeting   at  Hamp- 
ton, when  a  new  clerk  was  chcfen  and  their 
records  fecured.     Gove  went  from  town  to 
town  proclaiming  what  had  been   done  at 
Hampton,  carrying  his  arms,  declaring  that 
the  governor  was  a  traitor  and  had  exceeded 
his  commimon,  and  that  he  would  not  lay 
down  his  arms,  till   matters  were  fet  right, 
and  endeavouring  to  excite  the  principal  men 
in  the  province    to   join  in   a  confederacy 
to  overturn  the    government.     His   project 
appeared  to  them  fo  wild  and  dangerous,  that 
they  not  only  difapproved  it,  but  informed 
againft  him  and  aflifted  in  apprehending  him. 
Hearing  of  their  delign,  he  collected  his  com- 
pany, and  appeared  in  arms  ;  but  on  the  per- 
fuafion  of  fome  of  his  friends  he  furrender- 
ed.     A  fpecial  court  was  immediately  com- 
miffioned  for  his  trial,  of  which  Major  Wal- 
dron  fat  as  judge,  with  William  Vaughan 
and  Thomas  Daniel  amftants.     The  grand 
jury  prefented  a  bill  in  which  Edward  Gove, 
John  Gove,  his   fon,  and  William   Hely,  of 


158  HISTORY  OF 

1683.  Hampton  ;  Jofeph,  John  and  Robert  Wad- 
leigh,  three  brothers,  Thomas  Rawlins, 
Mark  Baker  and  John  Sleeper,  of  Exeter, 
were  charged  with  high-treafon.  Gove,  who 
behaved  with  great  infolence  before  the 
court,  and  pretended  to  juftify  what  he  had 
done,  was  convidled  and  received  fentence  of 
death  in  the  ufual  hideous  form  ;  and  his 
Feb.  i.  eftate  was  feized,  as  forfeited  to  the  crown. 
RecWs  of  ^e  others  were  convi&ed  of  being  accom- 
special  plices,  and  refpited.  The  king's  pleafure 
being  fignified  to  the  governor  that  he  fhould 
pardon  fuch  as  he  judged  objects  of  mercy  ; 
they  were  all  fet  at  liberty  but  Gove,  who 
was  fent  to  England,  and  imprifoned  in  the 
tower  of  London  about  three  years.  On  hi  s 
repeated  petitions  to  the  king,  and  by  the  in- 
terefl  of  Randolph  with  the  Earl  of  Claren- 
don, then  lord  chamberlain,  he  obtained  his 
pardon  and  returned  home  in  1686,  with  an 
order  to  the  then  prefident  and  council  of 
New-England  to  reflore  his  eftate. 
cove's  Gove  in  his  petitions  to  the  king  pleaded 

papers.  "  a  difteinper  of  mind"  as  the  caufe  of  thofe 
actions  for  which  he  was  profecuted.  He 
alfo  fpeaks  in  fome  of  his  private  letters  of  a 
drinking  match  at  his  houfe,  and  that  he  had 
not  flept  for  twelve  days  and  nights,  about 
that  time.  When  thefe  things  are  confider- 
ed,  it  is  not  hard  to  account  for  his  conduct. 
From  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  the  court 
while  in  prifon,  one  would  fuppofe  him  to 
les*  have  been  difordered  in  his  mind.  His  pun- 
ifhment  was  by  much  too  fevere,  and  his  trial 
was  hurried  on  too  faft,  it  being  only  fix 
days  after  the  commiffion  of  his  crime.  Had 
he  been  indicted  only  for  a  riot  there  would 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  159 

have  been  no  difficulty  in  the    proof,  nor  1683, 
hardlhip    in   inflicting    the    legal    penalty. 
Waldron,  it  is   faid,  fhed   tears   when  pro-- 
nouncing  the  fentence  of  death  upon  him. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  February  the  gover- 
nor, by  advertifement)  called  upon  the  in- 
habitants to  take  out  leafes  from  Mafon  with- 
in one  month,  otherwife  he  muft,  purfuant 
to  his  inftrudtions,  certify  the  refufal  to  the 
king,  that  Mafon  might  be  difcharged  of  his 
obligation  to  grant  them.  Upon  this  fum- 
mons  and  within  the  time  fet,  Major  Wal- 
dron,  John  Wingett  and  Thomas  Roberts, 
three  of  the  principal  landholders  in  Dover, 
waited  on  the  governor  to  know  his  pleafure, 
who  diredled  them  to  agree  with  Mafon. 
They  then  retired  into  another  room  where 
Mafon  was,  and  propofed  to  refer  the  matter 
to  the  governor,  that  he  might  according  to 
his  commiflion,  ftate  the  matter  to  the  king 
for  his  clecilion.  This  propofal  Mafon  re- 
jedled,  faying  that  unlefs  they  would  own 
his  title,  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
them.  While  they  were  in  difcourfe  the 
governor  came  in  and  defired  them  to  de-  * 
part. 

This  piece  of  condudl  is  difficult  to  be  ac- 
counted for,  it  being  diredlly  in  the  face  of 
the  commiflion*  Had  the  method  therein 
prefcribed,  and  by  thefe  men  propofed,  been 
adopted,  it  was  natural  to  expedl  that  the 
king,  who  had  all  along  favoured  Mafon's 
pretenfions,  would  have  determined  the  cafe 
as  much  to  his  wifh  as  upon  an  appeal  from 
a  judicial  court  ;  befides,  he  had  now  the 
fairefl  opportunity  to  have  it  decided  in  the 
fliorteft  way,  to  which  his  antagonifts  muft 


HISTORY  OF 

1683.  have  fubmitted,  it  being  their  own  propofaL 
His  refufal  to  accede  to  it  was  a  capital  miftake, 
as  it  left  both  him  and  Cranfield  expofed  to  the 
charge  of  difobedience.  But  it  afforded  a  pow- 
\il  plea  in  behalf  of  the  people  ;  whole  con- 
fidence in  the  royal  juftice  would  have  in- 
duced them  to  comply  with  the  directions  in 
the  commiilion.  It  being  now  impoffible  to 
have  the  controverfy  thus  decided  they  de- 
termined to  hearken  to  none  of  his  propo- 
fals.  As  he  generally  met  with  oppofition 
and  contradiction  he  was  induced  to  utter 
many  raih  fay  ings  in  all  companies.  He 
threatened  to  feize  the  principal  eitates,  beg- 
gar their  owners,  and  provoke  them  to  re- 
bellion by  bringing  a  frigate  into  the  har- 


,  bour  and  procuring  foldiers  to  be  quartered 
MS.  ;  on  the  inhabitants.  Thefe  threats  were  fo  far 
from  intimidating  the  people  that  they  ferv- 
ed  the  more  firmly  to  unite  them  in  their  de- 
termination not  to  fubmit  ;  and  each  party 
was  now  warm  in  their  oppofition  and  re- 
fe.itment. 

The  governor  on  fome  freih  pretence  fu£- 
pended  Waldron,  Martyn  and  Oilman  from 
council.  The  deaths  of  Daniels  and 
Glfcmehts made  two  other  vacancies.  Vaughan 
held  his  feat  the  longed,  but  was  at  length  * 
thruft  out  for  his  non-compliance  with  fome 
arbitrary  meafures.  So  that  the  governor 
had  it  in  his  power  to  model  the  council  to 
his  mind,  which  he  did  by  appointing  at  va- 
rious times  Nathaniel  Fryer,  Robert  Eliot, 
John  Hinckes,  James  Sherlock,  Francis 
Champernoon  and  Edward  Randolph,  ef- 
quires.  The  judicial  courts  were  alfo  filled 
i  with  officers  proper  for  the  intended  bufinefs. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  16J 

Barefoote,  the  deputy  governor,  was  judge  :  1683* 
Maibn  was  chancellor  ;  Chamberlayne  was  ;" 
clerk  and  prothonotary  ;  Randolph  was  at- 
torney general,  and  Sherlock  provoft  marfhal 
and  flieriff.  Some  who  had  always  been  dif- 
affefted.  to  the  country,  and  others  wno  had 
been  awed  by  threats  or  flattered  by  promi- 
fes  took  leafes  from  Mafon ;  and  thefe  ferved 
for  under  fheriffs,  jurors,  evidences,  and  oth- 
er iieceffary  perfons. 

Things  being  thus  prepared,  Mafon  began 
his  law-fuits  by  a  writ  againft  Major  Wai- 
dron,  (who  had  always  diftinguiilied  himfelf 
in  oppofition  to  his  claim)  for  holding  lands 
and  felling  timber  to  the  amount  of  four 
rhoufand  pounds.  The  major  appeared  in 
court,  and  challenged  every  one  of  the  jury 
as  interefted  perfons,  fome  of  them  having 
taken  leafes  of  Mafon,  and  all  of  them  living 
upon  the  lands  which  he  claimed.  The  judge 
then  caufed  the  oath  of  voire  dire  to  be  ad- 
miniftered  to  each  juror,  purporting  "  that 
"  he  was  not  concerned  in  the  lands  in  quef- 
"  tion,  and  that  he  fliould  neither  gain  nor 
"  lofe  by  the  caufe."  Upon  which  the  ma- 
jor faid  aloud  to  the  people  prefent,  "  That 
*c  his  was  a  leading  cafe,  and  that  if  he  were 
K  caft  they  muft  all  become  tenants  to  Ma- 
"  fon  ;  and  that  all  perfons  in  the  province 
"  being  interefted,  none  of  them  could  legally  files. 
"  be  of  the  jury."  The  cafe  however  went 
on  ;  but  he  made  no  defence,  aflerced  no  title, 
and  gave  no  evidence  on  his  part.  Judgment 
was  given  againil  him  and  at  the  next  court 
of  feffioiTs  he  was  fined  five  pounds  for  "mu- 
*  tinous  and  feditious  words." 
w 


162  HISTORY  OF 

1683.         Suits  were  then  inftituted  againit  all 

principal  landholders  in  the  province,  who, 
following  Waldron's  example,  never  made 
any  defence.  Some,  chiefly  of  Hampton, 
gave  in  writing  their  reafons  for  not  joining 
iffue  ;  which  were,  the  refufal  of  Maibn  to 
comply  with  the  directions  in  die  commit- 
iion  ;  the  impropriety  of  a  jury's  deter- 
mining what  the  king  had  exprefsly  reserved 
to  himfelf ;  and  the  incompetency  of  the 
jury,  they  being  all  inter-efted  perfons,  one  of 
whom  had  laid  that  "  he  would  fpend  his 
"  eftate  to  make  Mafon's  right  good."  Theft 
reafons  were  irritating  rather  than  convinc- 
ing to  the  court.  The  jury  never  hefitated 
in  their  verdidls.  From,  feven  to  twelve 
caufes  were  difpatched  in  a  day,  and  the  colts 
were  multiplied  from  five  to  twenty  pounds. 
Executions  were  ifllied,  of  which  two  or 
three  only  were  levied ;  but  Mafon  could 
MS  in  neither  keep  pofleflion  of  die  premifes  nor 
wetoK  difpofe  of  them  by  fale,  fo  that  the  owners 
flill  enjoyed  them.  Several  threatened  to 
appeal  to  the  king  but  Major  Vaughan  alone 
made  the  experiment. 

A  fuit  was  alfo  commenced  again!!  Marty ri 
who  had  been  trenfurer,  for  the  fines  and 
forfeitures  received  by  him,  during  the  for- 
mer adminiftration  ;  arid  judgment  was  re- 
covered for  feventy  one  pounds  with  cofts* 
Martyn  petitioned  Mafoil  as  chancellor,  fet- 
ting  forth  that  he  had  received  and  difpofed 
of  the  money  according  to  the  orders  of  the 
late  prefident  and  council,  and  praying  that 
the  whole  burden  might  not  lie  upon  him. 
A  decree  was  then  iffued  for  the  other  fur- 
viving  members  of  the  late  council,  and  the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE- 

heirs  of  thofe  who  were  dead,  to  bear  their    1683» 
proportion.      This  decree  was  afterward  re-  MSS  ^ 
verfed  by  the  king  in  council.  ite% 

Craniield  with  his  council  had  now  affum- 
ed  the  whole  legiflative  power.    They  pro- 
hibited veffels  from  M^ffachufetts  to  enter 
the  port,  becaufe  the  a<5ts  of  trade  were  not 
obferved  in  that  colony  ;  They  fixed  the  di-^ 
menfions  of  merchantable  lumber ;  altered 
the  value  of  filver  money,  which  had  always 
palled  by  weight  at  fix  {hillings  and  eight- 
pence  per  ounce  ;  and  ordered  that  dollars 
ihould  be  received  at  fix  {hillings  each,  which 
was  then  a  great  hardfhip  j  as  many  of  them 
were  greatly  deficient  in  weight  :  They  alfp    MJ? 
changed  the  bounds   of  townihips  ;    eftab- 
liflied  fees  of  office  ;  made  regulations  for 
the  package  of  fiih,  and  ordered  the  confta- 
bles  to  forbear  collecting  any  town  or  parifh  Cown^i 
taxes  till  the  province  tax  was  paid,  and  the  R 
accounts  fettled  with  the  treafiirer. 

The  public  grievances  having  become  in-  ^., 

fupportable,  the  people  were  driven  to  the 
neceffity  of  making  a  vigorous  (land  for  their 
liberties.  The  only  regular  way  was  by 
complaint  to  the  king.  Having  privately 
communicated  their  fentiments  to  each  other, 
and  raifed  money  by  fubfcription,  they  ap- 
pointed Nathaniel  Weare,  Efq.  of  Hampton 
their  agent  ;  and  the  four  towns  having 
drawn  and  fubfcribed  diflin<5t  petitions  of 
the  fame  tenor,  Weare  privately  withdrew 
to  Bofton  from  whence  he  failed  for  Eng- 
land* Major  Vaughaii  who  accompanied 
him  to  Bofton,  and  was  appointed  to  pro- 
cure depositions  to  fend  after  him,  was  upon 
return  to  Portfrnouth,  brought  to  an 


164  HISTORY   OF 

1693.  aminatioil,  treated  with  great  infolence  and 
required  to  find  fureties  for  his  good  behav- 

jviss  ia  iour  ;  which,  having  broken  no  law,  he  re~ 
f  ufed*  ;  and  was  by  the  governor's  own  war- 
rant immediately  committed  to  prifon ;  where 
he  was  kept  nine  months  to  the  great  dam- 
age of  his  health,  and  of  his  own  as  well  as 
the  people's  intereft. 

1684.  Amidft  thefe  multiplied  oppreffions,  Cran- 
fieid  was  iiill  difappointed  of  the  gains  he 
had  expedled  to  reap  from  his  office  ;  and 
found  to  his  great  mortification,  that  there 
was  no  way  of  fupplying  his  Wants,  but  by 
application  to  the  people,  through  an  affem- 
blv.  He  had  already  abufed  them  fo  much 
tl .....  .'  2  could  hope  nothing  from  their  fa- 
vour ,  and  was  therefore  obliged  to  have 
recourfe  to  artifice.  On  a  vague  rumour  of 
a  foreign  war,  he  pretended  much  concern 
the  prefer va  dou  of  the  province  from  in* 
-afion  ;  and  prefuming  that  they  would  fliew 
the  fame  concern  for  themielves,  he  called 
an  afTembly  at  Great-Ifland  where  he  refid- 
ed,  to  whom  he  tendered  a  bill,  which  in  a 
manner  totally  unparliamentary,  had  been 
drawn  and  patted  by  the  council,  for  railing 
money  to  defray  the  axpence  of  repairing  the 
fort,  and  fiipplying  it  with  ammunition,  and 
for  of  her  neceffary  charges  of  government, 
T'te  houfef  debated  a  while,  and  adjourned 

'•  In  this  refusal  lie  is  countenanced  by  the  example  of  the  great  Setden. 
auci  other  rneirbers  of  parliament  who  were  imprisoned  by  order  of  Claries  I. 
in  1629.  Macauley's  Hist.  Eng.  8vo.  Vol.  2.  page  75- 

f  The  Members  of  this  assembly  were, 

For  Portsmouth.  Hampton. 

Richard  'Waldron,  nm.  speaker,  Anthony  St:-- 
Philip  Leu  is,  Josepli  Smith, 

S 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  16$ 

for  the  rfight,  and  the  tide  ferving,  the  mem-  1684. 
bers  went  up  to  the  town.  In  the  morning 
they  returned  the  bill  with  their  negative  ; 
at  which  the  governor  was  highly  enraged, 
and  telling  them  that  they  had  been  to  con- 
fult  with  Moody,  and  other  declared  enemies 
of  the  king  and  church  of  England,  he  dif- 
folved  them  ;  and  afterward  by  his  influence 
with  the  court  of  feffions,  divers  of  the  mem- 
bers were  made  conftables  for  the  following  court  Re^ 

°  VaugWs 

year,     borne  at   them    took   the    oath,   and  journal, 
others  paid  the  fine  which  was    ten  pounds. 
Thus  by  a  mean  and  execrable    revenge,  he 
taxed  thofe  whom  he  could  not   perfuade  to 
tax  their  conflituents  for  his  purpofes. 

But  Moody  was  marked  as  an  object  of 
peculiar  vengeance.  He  had  for  fome  time 
rendered  himfelf  obnoxious  by  the  freedom 
and  plainriefs  of  his  pulpit  difcourfes,  and 
his  ftrictnefs  in  admiiiiflering  the  difcipline 
of  the  church  ;  one  inftance  of  which  merits 
particular  notice.  Randolph  having  feized  a 
veffel,  ihe  was  in  the  night  carried  out  of  the 
Ti  arbour.  The  owner,  who  was  a  member 
of  the  church,  fwore  that  he  knew  nothing 
of  it  ;  but  upon  trial  there  appeared  ftrong 
fufpicions  that  he  had  perjured  himfelf.  He 
found  means  to  make  up  the  matter  with  the 
governor  and  collector ;  but  Moody,  being 
concerned  for  the  purity  of  his  church,  re- 
quefted  of  the  governor  copies  of  the  evi- 
dence, that  the  offender  might  be  called  to 
account  in  the  way  of  ecclefiaftical  difcipline. 
Cranfield  fternly  refufed,  faying  that  he  had 

Dover.  Exeter. 

John  Gcrrish,  Robert  Smart, 

Jolm  Woodman,  'JThemao  Wiggen. 

Nuttey,  (C»urt  Records.* 


166  HISTORY  OF 

1684:.  forgiven  him,  and  that  neither  the  church 
nor  minifter  ftiould  meddle  with  him  ;  and 
even  threatened  Moody  in  cafe  he  ihould. 
Not  intimidated,  Moody  confulted  the  church 
and  preached  a  ferrnon  againft  falfe  fwear- 
ing  ;  then  the  offender,  being  called  to  ac- 
count,  was  cenfured,  and  at  length  brought 
to  a  public  confeflion.  This  procedure  ex- 
tremely difgufted  the  governor  who  had  no 
way  then  in  his  power  to  {hew  his  refent- 
ment.  But  malice,  ever  fruitful  in  expedi- 
ents to  attain  its  ends,  fuggefted  a  method, 
which  to  the  fcandal  of  the  Englifh  nation^ 
has  been  too  often  practifed.  The  penal 
laws  againft  nonconformifts  were  at  this 
time  executing  with  great  rigour  in  England; 
and  Cranfield,  ambitious  to  ape  his  royal 
mafter,  determined  to  play  off  the  ecclefiafti-. 
cal  artillery  hex^e,  the  direction  of  which  he 
fuppofed  to  be  deputed  to  him  with  his  other 
powers.  He  had  attempted  to  impofe  upon 
the  people  the  obfervatiqn  of  the  thirtieth  of 
January  as  a  faft,  and  reftrain  them  from 
manuel  labour  at  Ghriftmas  ;  but  his  capi- 
tal (broke  was  to  iffue  an  order  in  council 
"  that  after  the  firft  of  January,  the  mini£- 
"  ters  flioukl  admit  all  perfons  of  fuitable 
"  years  and  not  vicious,  to  the  Lord's  fup- 
^  per,  and  their  children  to  baptiftii  ;  and 
"  that  if  any  perfon  iho-uld  defire  baptifm 
^  or  the  other  facratnent  to  b^  adaiiniftered 
"  according  to  the  liturgy  of  the  church  of 
"  England,  it  fhould  be  done  in  purfuance 
a  of  -the  king's  command  to  the  colony  of 
"  MafTachufetts*  ;  and  any  minifter  refuting 


*;  This  command  was  conceived  in  the  following1  terms  : 
-:  ,\rsd  since  the  principle  and  foundation  of  tliat  charter  wa 


I6t 

.*  fo  to   do  fhould  fufFer  tire  penalty  of  the     1684> 
"  ftatutes  of  uniformity." 

The  fame  week  in  which  he  diflblved  the 
aflembly,  he  fignified  to  Moody  in  writing, 
by  the  hands  of  the  fiieriff,  that  hiinfelf,  with 
Mafbn  and  Hinckes,  intended  to  partake  of 
the  Lord's  flipper  the  next  funday  ;  requir- 
ing him  to  adminifter  it  to  them  according 
to  the  liturgy ;  and,  as  they  juftly  expected, 
he  at  once  denied  them.  The  way  was  now 
opened  for  a  perforation  ;  and  the  attorney 
general  Jofeph  Rayn,  by  the  governor's  ord- 
er exhibited  an  information  at  the  next  court  Feb*  ^ 
of  lemons,  before  Walter  Barefoote  judge? 
Nathaniel  Fryer  and  Henry  Greene  affiftants, 
Peter  Coffin,  Thomas  Edgerly  and  Henry 
Robie  juftices,  fetting  forth,  "  that  Jofhua 
"  Moody  clerk,  being  minifter  of  the  town  of 
"  Portfmouth  within  the  dominions  of  King 
"  Charles,  was  by  the  duty  of  his  place  and 
"  the  laws  of  the  realm,  viz.  the  ftatutes  of 
"  the  fifth  and  fixth  of  Edward  VI,  the  firft 
"  of  Elizabeth,  and  the  thirteenth  and  four- 
teenth of  Charles  II,  required  to  adminifter 
"  the  Lord's  fupper  in  fuch  form  as  was  fet 
**  forth  in  the  book  of  common  prayer,  and 
u  no  other.  But  that  the  faid  Moody  in  con- 
tempt of  the  laws  had  wilfully  and  obfti- 

<.\orn  and  liberty  of  conscience  ;     Wee  do  hereby  charge  and  require  you  that 
freedom  and  liberty  be  duely  admitted  and  allowed,  so  that  they  that  desire 
to  use  the  booke  of  common  prayer  and  perform  their  devotion  in  that  man- 
ner that  is  established  here  be  net  denyed  the  exercise  thereof,  orundergoe  a-  King 
ny  prejudice  or  disadvantage  thereby,  they  using1  their  liberty  peaceably  with-  Charles^ 
out  any  disturbance  to  others  ;  and  that  all  persons  of  good  and  honest  lives  Letter  in, 
and  conversations  be  admitted  to  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper  accord-  Hutchiru 
ing  to  said  hooke  of  common  prayer,  and  their  children  to  baptism."  col.  pap. 

This  command  cannot  consistently  with  the  acknowledged  principle  and  p.  379, 
strict  limitation,  be  construed  any  other  way,  than  that  the  use  of  the  liturgy 
should  be  permitted  to  such  ministers  and  people  as  desired  it.     To  compel 
..Ministers  to  use  it,  and  leave  all  otters  at  liberty.  rv:is  a  cor/stracf5on  that 
e  alone  could  cv.r;> 


168  HISTORY  Of 

1684.  "  nately  refufed  to  adminifter  the  fatne  tu 
"  the  Honourable  Edward  Cranfield,  Robert 

Mssin  «  Mafon,  and  John  JJinckes,  and  did  obfti- 
"  nately  ufe  fome  other  form."  Moody  in 
his  defence  pleaded  that  he  was  not  epifco- 
pally  ordained  as  the  ftatutes  required  ;  nor 
did  he  receive  his  maintenance  according  to 
them ;  and  therefore  was  not  obliged  to 
the  performance  of  what  had  been  com- 
manded ;  that  the  alledgecl  ftatutes  were  not 
intended  for  thefe  plantations,  the  known  and 
avowed  end  of  their  fettlement  being  the  en- 
joyment of  freedom  from  the  impofition  of 
thofe  laws  ;  which  freedom  was  allowed  and 

Forts.  CIA.  confirmed  by  the  king,  in  the  liberty  of  con* 
rds*  fcience  granted  to  all  proteftants,  in  the  gov* 
ernor's  commiflion.  Four  of  the  Juftices, 
v^  Qreene5  Robie,  Edgerly  and  Fryer  were 
at  ,firft  for  acquitting  him  ;  but  the  matter 
being  adjourned  till  the  next  day,  Cranfield 
found  means  before  morning  to  gain  Robie 
and  Greene,  who  then  joined  with  Barefoote 
and  Coffin,  in  fentencing  him  to  fix  months 
imprifonment,  without  bail  or  mainprize. 
The  other  two  perfifted  in  their  former  o- 
.  pinion,  and  were  foon  after  removed  from 
all  their  offices.  Moody  was  immediately 
ordered  into  cuftody,  without  being  permit- 
ted firft  to  fee  his  family ;  and  he  remained 
under  confinement,  in  company  with  Major 
Vaughan,  at  the  houfe  of  Captain  Stileman, 
with  liberty  of  the  yard,  for  thirteen  weeks  ; 
"  his  benefice"  being  declared  forfeited  to  the 
crown.  The  next  week  after  Moody's  trial, 
the  governor  in  a  profane  bravado  fent  word 
to  Seaborn  Cotton  minifter  of  Hampton,  that 
"  when  he  had  prepared  his  foul,  be  would 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  168 

4i  come  and  demand  the  iacrament  of  him  as    1684e 
;c  he  had  done  at  Portlinouth."  Upon  which  Vau  han;s 
Cotton  withdrew  to  Bofton.     The  minifter  Journal, 
of  Dover,  John  Pike,  was  (fo  far  as  I  can  find) 
umnolefted.       Exeter   had   then  no   fettled   ' 
minifter. 

During  Moody's  imprifonment,  Cranfield 
would  neither  fuffer  him  to  go  up  to  the 
town  to  preach,  nor  the  people  to  aflemble 
at  the  ifland  to  hear,  nor  the  neighbouring 
minifters  to  fupply  his  place ;  only  the  fam- 
ily where  he  was  confined  were  permitted  to 
be  prefent  with  him  at  fabbath  exercifes. 
But  while  the  governor  was  abfent  on  a  tour 
to  New-York,  Mafon  gave  leave  for  opening 
the  meeting-houfe  twice,  when  they  obtained 
a  minifter  to  officiate  ;  he  alfo  allowed  both 
Moody  and  Vaughan  to  make  a  fhort  vifit  vaughan-s 
to  their  families.  At  length,  by  the  inter-  JournaU 
pofition  of  friends,  Moody  obtained  a  re- 
leafe,  though  under  a  Uriel:  charge  to  preach 
no  more  within  the  province,  on  penalty  of 
farther  impnfonrn.ent.  He  then  accepted 
an  invitation  from  the  firft  church  in  Bo£~  |£, 
ton  ;  where  being  out  of  the  reach  of  his 
perfecutors,  he  was  employed  as  a  preacher, 
and  was  fo  highly  efteemed  that  upon  the 
death  of  Prefident  Rogers  he  was  invited  to 
take  the  overfight  of  the  college,  which  he  Records. 
n^odcftly  declined,  and  continued  his  minif- 
trations  at  Bofton,  frequently  vifiting  his 
deftitute  church  at  Portfmouth,  at  their  pri- 
vate meetings,  till  1692  ;  "when,  the  govern- 
ment being  in  other  hands,  and  the  eaftern 
country  under  trouble  by  the  Indians,  at 
the  earned  requeft  of  his  people,  and  by  the 

vidvire  of  au  e^cjefiaftical  council,  he  return^  MSS 

x 


170  HISTORY  OF 

1684.  ed  to^his  charge  at  Portfmouth,  and  fpent 
the  reft  of  his  days  there  in  ufefulnefs,  love 
and  peace*. 

Upon  a  calm  review  of  this  profecution, 
one  can  hardly  tell  which  is  moft  deteftable, 
the  vindictive  temper  which  gave  it  birth  ; 
or  the  profanenefs  and  hypocrify  with  which 
it  was  conducted.  The  pretended  zeal  of 
the  profecutors  was  totally  inconfiftent  with 
a  due  regard  to  thofe  laws,  and  the  princi- 
ples of  that  church,  for  which  they  made 
themfelves  fuch  contemptible  champions. 
For  it  had  been  long  before  this  time,  a  re- 
ceived opinion  in  the  church  of  England, 
that  the  validity  of  all  the  facramental  ad- 
miniftrations  depends  on  authority  derived 
from  the  apoftles,  by  epifcopal  ordination,  in 
an  uninterrupted  fucceffion  ;  and  one  of  the 
ftatutes  on  which  the  profecution  was  ground- 
ed enadls,  '  that  no  perfon  fliall  prefume  to 
c  confecrate  and  adminifter  the  Lord's  flip- 
c  per,  before  he  be  ordained  a  priefl  by  epif- 

*  copal  ordination,  on  pain  of  forfeiting  for 

*  every  offence  one  hundred  pounds.'     The 
minifters  then  in  the  province,  being  defti- 
tute  of  the  grand  pre-requifite,  were  incapa- 
ble by  the  a6t,  of  doing  what  was  fo  peremp- 
torily required  of  them  ;  and  had  they  com- 
plied with  the  governor's  order,  muft  have 
expofed  themfelves  to  the  penalty,  if  he  had 
pleafed  to  exa£t  it  from  them.     But  the  ex- 
tending thefe  penalties  to  the  king's  Ameri- 
can fubje<5ls,  who  had  fled  hither  from  the 
rod  of  prelatic  tyranny,  was  a  moft  unwar- 

*  He  died  at  Boston,  being  there  on  a  visit,  July  4,  1697,  aged  65.  Dr. 
Cotton  Mather  preached  his  funeral  sermon  from  acts  vi.  15.  "  They  saxv 
his  face  as  it  had  been  the  fase  of  an  angel."  Mag-nnUa,  lib.  4.  cap.  7, 


NEW-H  AMPS  HIRE.  171 

tamable  ftretch  of  power  ;  fince  the  laft  of  1684^ 
thefe  a&s,  and  the  only  one  which  had  been 
made  fince  the  fettlement  of  the  colonies, 
was  expreisly  reftridled  in  its  operation,  to 
u  the  realm  of  England,  dominion  of  Wales^ 
"  and  town  of  Berwick  upon  Tweed." 

Difappointed  in  all  his  fchemes  for  raifing 
money  by  an  afTembly,  Cranfield  next  ven- 
tured on   the   projedt  of  taxing  the  people 
without  their  confent.     The  pretext  for  this 
was  a  claufe  in  the  commiflion,  impowering 
him,   with  the    council,    "  to  continue  fiich 
"  taxes  as  had  been  formerly  levied,  until  a 
"  general  affembly  could  be  called."     This 
had  been  done,  without  offence,  at  the  be- 
ginning both  of  this  and  the  former  admin- 
iftration,  when  the  change  of  government 
rendered   it  neceffary.       But   the    council, 
though  too  much  devoted  to  him,  were  not 
eafily   perfuaded  into   the  meafure  at   this 
time  ;  till  fear  at  length  accompliihed  what 
reafon  could  not  approve  :  for,  letters  being 
received   from  the   eaftward,  informing  of 
the  difcovery  of  a  plot  among  the  Indians, 
who     were     inftigated    by      Caftine      the 
Frenchman  to  renew  the  war  early  in  the  Feb-  ** 
fpring,  the  council  were  fummoned  in  hafte, 
and  prefently  agreed   to  the  governor's  pro- 
pofal,  for  continuing  fuch  taxes  as  had  been 
formerly  laid,  which  he  told  them  was  ne« 
•  ceffary  for  the  immediate  defence  and  fecu- 
rity  of  the  province.     This  affair,  however, 

kept  fecret  for  the  prefent ;  and  the  peo^ 
pie  were  firft  to  be  convinced  of  the  govei> 

j  paternal  care  and  kindnefs  in  taking 
the  neceffary  precautions  for  their  fafety.    It 

ordered  that  tbe  meeting-houfes  in  eacj> 


172  HISTORY  or 

1684.  town  jfhould  be  fortified,  and  bye  garrifong 
were  eftablifhed  in  convenient  places  :  Sup- 
plies of  ammunition  were  ordered  to  be  pro- 
vided :  'Circular  letters  were  difpatched  to 
the  governors  of  the  neighbouring  colonies, 
informing  them  of  the  danger  ;  and,  to 
crown  the  whole,  Cranfield  himfelf,  at  the 
requeft  of  the  council,  undertook  a  tour  to 
New-York  to  folicit  the  governor,  Dongan, 
for  a  number  of  the  Mohawks  to  come  down 

oouncii      and  deftroy  the  eaftern   Indians  ;  promifing 

Records.  -, J          r  l      •       r         -  r     i 

to    pay    them  for  their  fervices    out    of  the 
£u"faian  *  money  which  was  thus  to  be  raifed. 

At  his  return  from  this  excurfion,  he  found 
himfelf  under  feme  embarrafsmerit  in  his 
favourite  views,  from  a  letter  of  the  lords  of 
trade,  which  directed  him  to  make  u/e  of  an 
affembly,  in  raifing  money  on  the  people. 
He  could  not,  therefore,  avoid  calling  one, 
though  he  immediately  diffolved  it,  becaufe 
feveral  of  the  members  were  thofe  whom  he 
had  formerly  ordered  to  be  made  conftables. 
At  the  fame  time,  in  his  letters  to  the  iecre- 
tary  of  ftate,  he  reprefented  the  affembly  as 
perfbns  of  fuch  a  mutinous  and  rebellious 
difpofition,  that  it  was  not  fafe  to  Ic-:  them 
convene  ;  that  they  had  never  given  any 
thing  toward  the  ftipport  of  government  ; 
that  he  was  obliged  to  raife  money  without 
them  ;  and  that  it  was  impoffible  for  him  to 
terve  his  majefty's  intercft  without  a  ihip  of 
war  to  enforce  his  orders  ;  and  finally  he 
defired  leave  to  go  to  the  Weft-Indies  for  the 
recovery  of  his  health.  When  this  buti- 
neft  was  difpatched,  \varrants  were  iffiied 
for  coilecling  the  taxes  ;  which  raufecl  freili 
mUrmuriDgs  and  difcontent  amongthe  people. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  1*78 

But  however  difaffe<5led  to  the  governor    1684, 
and  his  creatures,  they  were  always  ready  to 
teftify  their  obedience  to  the   royal  orders  ; 
an  inftance  of  which  occurred  at  this  time. 
The  feas  of  America  and  the  Weft-Indies  be- 
ing  much  infefted  with   pirates,  the  king 
fent  orders  to  all  the  governors  and  colony 
aflemblies,  directing  acts  to  be  made  for  the 
fuppraffing    of  piracy  and  robbery  on  the 
high  feas.      Cranfield,  having  received  this  juiyag, 
order,  fummoned  an  aflembly  ;  and  though 
it  confifted  almoft  entirely  of  the  fame  per- 
foas  who  were  in  the  lafl ;  he  fuffered  them 
ro   pafs    the  a6l,  and  then  quietly  diflblved  Council 
them  :    This  was  the  laft  aflembly  that  ever  Records, 
he  called. 

The  tax-bills  were  firft  put  into  the  hands 
of  the  newly  made  coiiftables  ;  who  foon  re- 
turned them,   informing  the  governor  that 
the  people  were  fo  averfe  from  the  method, 
that  it  was  impoflible  to  collect  the  money. 
The  provoft,  Thomas  Thurton,    was    then 
commanded    to    do  it,  with  the  affiftance  of 
his  deputies  and  the  coiiftables.    The  people 
ftill    refufing    compliance,    their  cattle  and 
goods    were  taken  by  diftreint  and  fold  by 
auction  :       Thofe  who    would  neither  pay 
nor  difcover  their  goods  to  the  officers,  were 
apprehended  and  imprifoned  ;    and  fome  of 
the  conftables,  who  refufed  to  aflift,  fufFered 
the  fame  fate.     The  more  coniiderate  of  the 
people  were  difpofed  to  bear  thefe  grievances, 
though  highly    irritating,    till    they   could 
know  the  refult  of  their  applications  to  the 
king.     But  in  a  country  where  the  love  of 
liberty  had  ever  been  the  ruling  paflion,  it 
could  not  be  expelled  but  that  fome  forward 


'     HISTORY  OF 

1684.  fpirits  would  break  the  reftraints  of  pru- 
dence, and  take  a  luminary  method  to  put  a 
ftop  to  their  oppreffions.  Several  perfons 
had  declared  that  they  would  fooner  part 
with  their  lives,  than  fuffer  diftreints  ;  and 
affociations  were  formed  for  mutual  fupport 
At  Exeter  the  fheriff  was  refilled  and  driven 
off  with  clubs  ;  the  women  having  prepared 

Dec.  29.  hot  fpits  and  fcalding  water  to  affift  in  the  op- 
pofition,  as  Thurton  teflified  in  his  depofi- 
tion  on  the  occafion.  At  Hampton  he  was 

January  22.  beaten,  and  his  fword  was  taken  from  him  ; 
then  he  was  feated  on  an  horfe,  and  convey- 
ed out  of  the  province  to  Salifbury  with  a 
rope  about  his  neck  and  his  feet  tied  under 
the  horfe's  belly,  Juftice  Robie  attempted  to 
commit  fome  of  the  rioters  ;  but  they  were 
refcued  by  the  way,  and  both  the  juftice  and 
the  ftieriff  were  ftruck  in  the  execution  of 
their  office.  The  troop  of  horfe,  under  Ma- 
fon's  command,  was  then  ordered  to  turn, 
out  completely  mounted  and  armed,  to  aflift 
in  fuppreffing  the  diforders  ;  but  when  the 
day  came  not  one  trooper  appeared.  Cran- 
field  thus  finding  his  efforts  ineffectual,  and 
his  authority  contemptible,  was  obliged  to 
defift. 

This  agent  had  been  a  long  time  in  Eng- 
land, waiting  for  the  depositions,  which, 
were  to  have  been  tranfmitted  to  him,  in 
fupport  of  the  complaint  which  he  was  to 
exhibit.  Cranfield  and  his  creatures  here 
did  all  that  they  could,  to  retard  the  buii- 
nefs  ;  firft  by  imprifoning  Vaughan.,  and 
then  by  refilling  to  fummon  and  {wear  wit- 
neffes  when  applied  to  by  others  ;  who  were 


MSSm 
'files, 


obliged  to  go  into  the  neighbouring 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE,  175 

merits,  to  get  their  depolitions  authenticated ;    1684, 
and  after  all,  the  proof  was  defective,  as  they 
had  not  accefs  to  the  public  records.     The 
agent,  however,  exhibited  his    complaint  a-juiyii. 
gainft  Cranfield  in  general  terms,  confifting 
of  eight  articles.     *  That  he  had  engrofled 
c  the  power  of  eredling  courts,  and  eftablifh- 

*  ing  fees  exclufive    of  the  affembly  :  That 
c  he  had  not  followed  the  directions  in  his 
<  commiflion   refpecfling  Mafon's  controver- 
c  fy  ;  but  had  caufed  it  to  be  decided  on  tho 

*  fpot  by  courts  of  his  own  conftitution,  con- 
4  fitting  wholly  of  perfons  devoted  to  his  in- 
c  tereft :  That  exorbitant  charges  had  been 

*  exacfted  and  fome  who  were  unable  to  fat- 
c  isfy  them  had  been  imprifoned  :  That  oth- 

*  ers  had  been  obliged  to  fubmit,  for  want 

*  of  money  to  carry  on  the  fuits  :  That  he 

*  had   altered   the  value  of  filver   money  : 
4  That  he  had  imprifoned  fundry   perfons 

*  without  juft  caufe  :  That  he  with  his  coun- 

*  cil  had  aflumed  legiflative  authority,  with- 

*  out  an  afTembly  ;  and,  that  he  had  done 
;  his  utinoft  to  prevent  the  people  from  lay- 

*  ing   their  complaints  before  the  king,  and 
4  procuring  the  neceflary  evidence/ 

The  complaint  was,  in  courfe,  referred  to 
the  board  of  trade  ;  who  tranfmitted  copies 
of  it,  and  of  the  feveral  proofs,  to  Cranfield, 
and  fummoned  him  to  make  his  defence ; 
directing  him  to  deliver  to  the  adverfe  party 
copies  of  all  the  affidavits  which  fhould  be 
taken  in  his  favour  ;  to  let  all  perfons  have 
free  accefs  to  the  records  ;  and  to  give  all 
needful  afliftance  to  them  in  colledling  their  ibid. 
evidence  agaiiift  him. 

When  he  ]v>d  received   this  letter  he  fuf- 


167  HISTORY  OF 

1684.  pended  Maibn's  fuits,  till  the  queftion  con- 
cerning the  legality  of  the  courts  ihould  be 
decided.     He  alfb   ordered   the  fecretary  to 
give   copies   to  thofe  who  fhould  apply  for 
them.     At  the  fame  time  it  was  complained 
that   the    people,    on    their   part,  had  been 
equally  referved,  in  fecreting  the  records  of 
the  feveral  towns  ;  fo  that  Mafon  upon  en- 
quiry could  not  find  where  they  were  depof- 
ited  ;  and  the  town  clerks,  when  fummoned, 
had  folemnly  fworn  that  they  knew  neither 

|^Sinthe  where  the  books  were  concealed,  nor  who 
had  taken  them  out  of  their  pofTeffion. 

1685.  The  neceflary  evidence  on  both  fides  be- 
ing procured,  a  new  complaint  was  drawn 
up,  confifting  of  twelve  articles,  which  were, 
4  That  at  the   firft   feffion   of  the   affembly 
c  Cranfield  had  challenged  the  power  of  legif- 

*  lation  and  fettlement  of  the  affairs  to  him- 
c  felf  againft  the  words  of  the  commiflion  : 
c  That  he  had  by  purchafe  or  mortgage  from 

*  Mafon,  made  himfelf  owner  of  the  province, 
4  and  fo  was  not  likely  to  a6l  impartially  be- 

*  tween  Mafon  and  the  inhabitants  :  That  he 

*  had  made  courts,  whereof  both  judges  and 
4  jurors  had  agreed  with  Mafon  for  their  own 

*  lands,  and  fome  had  taken  deeds  of  him  for 

*  other  men's  lands,  fo  that  they  were  engag- 
c  ed  by  their  intereffc  to  fet  up  Mafon's  title  : 
4  That  Mafon  had  fued  forty  perfbns,  and 
c  caft  all  ;  and  that  the  governor's  interpofal 
c  to  ftate  the  cafes,  as  by  his  cominiffion  he 
4  was  diredled,  had  been  refufed  though  de- 

*  fired  ;  and  that  the  defendants  pleas  ground- 
'  ed  on  the  laws  of  England  were  rejected  ; 
c  That  they  could  not  reconcile  the    verdidl 
4  with   the    attachment,  nor   the    execution 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  177 

*  with  the  verdi6t,  nor  their  pradlice  under    1685. 

*  colour  of  the  execution  with  either  ;  that 

*  the  verdidl   found   the  lands    fued  for  ac- 

*  cording  to    the  royal  commiffion  and  in* 
4  ftru&ions,  and  that  commiffion  only  gave 

*  power  to   ftate  the  cafe  if  Mafon  and  the 

*  people  could  not  agree  ;  but  the  execution 
4  took  la-id  and  all  :     That    the    charge  of 

*  every  adlion  was  about  fix  pounds,  though 
<  nothing  was  done  in  court,  but  reading  the 
4  commiffion  and  feme  blank  grants  without 

*  hand  or  feal  ;  and  thefe  were  not  read  for, 

*  one  cafe  in  ten  :  That  court  charges  were 

*  exa6led  in  money,  which  many  had  not  ; 
6  who  though  they  tendered  cattle,  were  com- 
4  mitted  to  prifon  for  non-payment  :  That 
'  miniflers,  contrary  to  his  majefty's  com- 

*  miffion,  which  granted  liberty  of  confcience 
i  to  all  proteftants,  had  their  dues  withheld 

*  from  them,  even  thofe  that  were  due  be- 
4  fore   Cranfield  came,  and  were  threatened 

*  with  fix  months  imprifonment  for  not  ad- 

*  miniftering  the  facrament  according  to  the 

*  liturgy  :  That  though  the  general  aflenv 
c  bly  agreed  that  Spanifti  money  fhould  pafs 
'  by  weight,  the  governor  and  council  order- 
6  ed  pieces  of  eight  to  pafs  for  fix  fhillings, 
c  though   under  weight  :    That    men    were 
4  commonly  compelled  to  enter  into  bonds 

*  of  great  penalty,  to  appear  and  anfwer  to 
fc  what    fhould    be    objected    againft   them, 
4  when  no  crime  was  alledged  :  That  they 
4  had  few  laws  but  thofe  made  by  the  gov- 
v  ernor  and  council,  when  his  commiffion  di- 
4  reeled  the  general  alTembly  to  make  laws  : 
c  That  the  courts  were  kept  in  a  remote  cor- 
'  ner  of  the  province  ;  and  the  iheriff  was  a 

Y 


178  HISTORY    OF 

1685.    4  ftranger  and  had  no  vifible  eftate,  and  fo 

*  was  not  refp°nfible  for  failures/ 

Upon  this  complaint,  an  hearing  was  had 
before  the  lords  of  trade  on  Tuefday  the 
tenth  of  March  ;  and  their  lordftiips  report- 
ed to  the  king,  on  three  articles  only  of  the 
complaint  viz.  '  That  Cranfield  had  not 
c  purfued  his  inftruftions  with  regard  to  Ma- 
4  fon's  controverfy  ;  but  inftead  thereof  had 

*  caufed  courts    to.be  held   and  titles  to  be 
c  decided,  with   exorbitant   cofts  ;  and  that 

*  he  had  exceeded   his  power  in    regulating 

*  the  value  of  coins.'     This  report  was    ac- 
cepted, and  the  king's  pleafure  therein  figni- 
fied  to  him.     At  the  fame  time,  his  requeft 
for  abfence  being  granted,  he,  on  receipt  of 

Neil's  Hist.  ^  letters,  privately  embarked  on  board  a 
and  Fitch's  vefTel  for  Jamaica  ;  and  from  thence  went 
to  England,  where  he  obtained  the  colledlor- 
fhip  of  Barbadoes.  At  his  departure,  Bare- 
foote  the  deputy-governor  took  the  chair  ; 
which  he  held  till  he  was  fuperfeded  by 
Dudley's  commimon,  as  prefident  of  New- 
England. 

Cranfield's  ill  coiiducl  muft  be  afcribed  in 
a  great  meafure  to  his  difappointment  of  the 
gains  which  he  expedled  to  acquire,  by  the 
eftablimment  of  Mafon's  title  ;  which  could 
be  his  only  inducement  to  accept  of  the  gov- 
ernment. This  difappointmept  inflaming 
his  temper,  naturally  vindictive  and  impe- 
rious, urged  him  to  adlions  not  only  illegal, 
but  cruel  and  unmanly.  A  ruler  never  de~ 
grades  his  character  more  than  when  he  per- 
verts public  juftice  to  gratify  perfonal  refent- 
ment  ;  he  fhould  punifli  none  but  the  ene- 
mies of  the  laws,  and  difturbers  of  the  peace 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  179 

of  the  community  over  which  he  prefides.  1685. 
Had  there  been  the  leaft  colour,  either  of 
zeal  or  policy,  for  the  feverity  exercifed  ia 
the  profecutioii  of  Moody,  candour  would 
oblige  us  to  make  fome  allowance  for  hu- 
man frailty.  His  ordering  the  members  of 
the  affembly  to  be  made  conftables,  was  a 
mode  of  revenge  difgraceful  to  the  character 
of  the  fupreme  magiftrate.  From  the  fame  Nea1j  vo^ 
bafe  difpolition,  he  is  faid  to  have  employed  2'  P-  39 
fpies  and  pimps,  co  find  matter  of  accufation 
againft  people  in  their  clubs,  and  private  dif- 
courfe.  And  his  deceit  was  eqxial  to  his 
malice  ;  for,  being  at  Bofton  when  the  cha  r- 
ter  of  that  colony  was  called  in  queftion,  and 
the  people  were  folicitous  to  ward  off  the 
daager  ;  he  a(j.vifed  them  to  make  a  private 
offer  of  two  thoufand  guineas  to  the  king, 
promising  to  reprefent  them  in  a  favourable 
light  ;  but  when  they,  not  fufpecfling  his  in- 
tention, followed  his  advice,  and  {hewed  him 
the  letter  which  they  had  wrote  to  their  a- 
gerits  for  that  purpofe,  he  treacheroufly  re- 
prefented  them  as  "  difloyal  rogues  ;"  and 
made  them  appear  fo  ridiculous  that  their  a- 
gents  were  afhamed  to  be  feen  at  court. 
However,  when  he  had  quitted  the  country, 
and  had  time  for  reflection,  he  grew  aftiam- 
ed  of  his  mifcondudl,  and  while  he  was  col- 
ledlor  at  Barbadoes,  made  a  point  of  treating 
the  mailers  of  veffels,  and  other  perfons  who  Fltchs]Nif* 
went  thither  from  Pafcataqua,  with  particu- 
lar refpecL 

Although  the  decifion  of  titles  in  Cran- 
field's  courts  had  been  reprefented,  in  the 
report  of  the  lords,  as  extrajudicial,  and  a 
jroya.1  or4er  had  been  thereupon  iffued  tr 


180  HISTORY    OF 

1685.  iufpend  any  farther  proceedings  in  the  cafe 
of  Mafon,  till  the  matter  fhould  be  brought 
before  the  king  in  council,  purfuant  to  the 
directions  in  the  commiffion  ;  yet  Barefoote 
fuffered  executions  which  had  before  been 
ifliied  to  be  extended,  and  perfons  to  be  im- 
prilbned  at  Mafon's  fuit.  This  occafioned 
a  frefh  complaint  and  petition  to  the  king, 
which  was  fent  by  Weare,  who  about  this 
time  made  a  fecond  voyage  toEngland,as  agent 
for  the  province  and  attorney  to  Vaughan, 

ware's      to  manage  an  appeal  from  feveral   verdi&s, 

Msns-  judgments,  decrees  and  fines  which  had  been 
given  againll  him  in  the  courts  here,  one  of 
which  was  on  the  title  to  his  eftate.  An  at- 
tempt being  made  to  levy  one  of  the  execu^ 
tions  in  Dover,  a  number  of  perfons  forcibly 
refilled  the  officer,  and  obliged  him  to  relin- 

ibtss  m  quifh  his  deiign.  Warrants  were  then  iflued 
againft  the  rioters,  and  the  fheriff  with  his 
attendants  attempted  to  feize  them,  while  the 
people  were  affembled  for  divine  fervice. 
This  caufed  an  uproar  in  the  congregation, 
in  which  a  young  heroine  diftinguiihed  her- 
felf  by  knocking  down  one  of  the  officers 
with  her  bible.  They  were  all  fo  roughly 
handled  that  they  were  glad  to  efcape  with 
their  lives. 

That  nothing  might  be  wanting  to    ihew 
the  enmity  of  ths  people  to   thefe.  meafures, 

MSS  iV  anc^  their  hatred  and  contempt  for  the  au-r 
thors  of  them  ;  there  are  ftill  preferved  the 
original  depofitions  on  oath,  of  Barefoote  and 
Mafon,  relating  t;o  an  aflault  made  on  their 
perfons  by  Thomas  Wiggen  and  Anthony 
Nutter,  v/ho  had  been  members  of  the  aflem- 
u.i  30.  bHT'  Thcfe  two  m$p  to.  Barefooted 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  181 

houfe  where  Mafon  lodged,  and  entered  into  1685. 
difcourfe  with  him  about  his  proceedings  ; 
denying  his  claim,  and  ufing  fuch  language 
as  provoked  him  to  take  hold  of  Wiggen, 
with  an  intention  to  thruft  him  out  at  the 
door.  But  Wiggen  being  a  ftronger  man 
feized  him  by  his  cravat,  and  threw  him  in- 
to the  fire  ;  where  his  clothes  and  one  of  his 
legs  were  burned.  Barefoote,  attempting  to 
help  him,  met  with  the  fame  fate,  and  had 
two  of  his  ribs  broken  and  one  of  his  teeth 
beaten  out  in  the  flruggle.  The  noife  alarm- 
ed the  fervants,  who  at  Mafon's  command 
brought  his  fword,  which  Nutter  took  away, 
making  fport  of  their  mifery*. 

Nothing  elfe  occurred  during  Barefoote's 
fhort  administration,,  except  a  treaty  of  friend- 
fhip,  between  the  Indians  of  Penacook  and 
Saco,  on  the  one  part ;  and  the  people  of 
New-Hampfhire  and  Maine  on  the  other. 
The  foundation  of  this  treaty  feems  to  have 
been  laid  in  Cranfield's  projedl  of  bringing 
down  the  Mohawks  on  the  eaftern  Indians  ; 
which  had  once  before  proved  a  oornicious 
ineafure  ;  as  they  made  no  diftincttion  be- 
tween thofe  tribes  which  were  at  peace  with 
the  Englilh,  and  thole  which  were  at  wan 

*  A  farther  specimen  of  the  contempt  in  which  these  men  were  held,  even 
by  the  lower  class  of  people,  expressed  in  their  own  genuine  language,  may 
*>e  seen  in  the  following  affidavit  : 

"  Mary  Kami,  aged  thirty  years  or  thereabout,  \\itnesseth,  that  the  21  day 
of  March  84,  being  in  company  with  Seabank  Hog,  I  heard  her  say  ;  it  was 
very  hard  for  the  governor  of  this  province  to  strike  Sam.  Seavy  before  he 
spoke  ;  the  said  Hog  said  also  that  it  was  well  the  said  Seavy'.s  mother  was 
not  there  for  the  governor,  for  if  she  had,  there  had  been  bloody  work  for 
him.'  I  heard  the  said  Hog  say  also,  that  the  governor  and  the  rest  of  the 
gentlemen  were  a  crew  of  pitiful  curs,  and  did  they  want  earthly  honour  ?  if 
they  did,  she  would  pull  off  her  head  clothes  and  come  in  her  hair  to  them, 
like  a  parcel  of  pitiful  beggarly  curs  as  they  were  ;  come  to  undo  us  both  body 
and  soul ;  they  could  not  be  contented  to  take  our  estates  from  us,  but  they 
.have  taken  away  the  gospel  aleo,  which  the  devil  would  have  them  for  it." 
in  th*?  court  of  pleas  held  at  Great  Island  the  7  of  Nov.  1684 
R.  Chamberlain,  Frotho*,"' 


182  HISTORY    OF 

1685.  Some  of  the  Penacook  Indians  who  had  been 
at  Albany  after  CranfiekTs  journey  to  New- 
York,  reported  on  their  return,  that  the  Mo- 
hawks threatened  deftrudlion  to  all  the  eaft- 
ern  Indians,  from  Narrhaganfet  to  Pechyp- 
fcot*  Hagkins,  a  chief  of  the  tribe,  had  in- 
formed Cranfield  in  the  fpring  of  the  danger 
he  apprehended,  and  had  implored  afliflance 
and  protection,  but  had  been  treated  with 
aegledt.  In  Auguft  the  Penacook  and  Saco 
Indians  gathered  their  corn,  and  removed 
their  families  ;  which  gave  an  alarm  to  their 
Englifli  neighbours,  as  if  they  were  prepar- 
ing for  war.  Meffengers  being  fent  to  de- 
mand the  reafon  of  their  movement,  were 
informed  that  it  was  the  fear  of  die  Mo- 
hawks, whom  they  daily  expedled  to  deftroy 
them  ;  and  being  afked  why  they  did  not 
come  in  among  the  Englifli  for  protection, 
they  anfwered  left  the  Mohawks  ihould  hurt 
the  Englifli  on  their  account.  Upon  this  they 
were  perfuaded  to  enter  into  an  agreement ; 
and  accordingly  their  chiefs  being  ailembled 
with  the  council  of  New-Hampihire,  and  a 
deputation  from  the  province  of  Maine,  a 
treaty  was  concluded,  wherein  it  was  ftipulaN 
ed,  that  all  future  perfonal  injuries  011  either 
fide  fhould,  upon  complaint,  be  immediately 
redrefled  ;  that  information  ihould  be  given 
of  approaching  danger  from  enemies  ;  that 
the  Indians  Ihould  not  remove  their  families 
from  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Englifli  with- 
out giving  timely  notice,  and  if  they  did  that 
it  ihould  be  taken  for  a  declaration  of  war  ; 
and,  that  while  thefe  articles  were  obferved, 
the  Enelifli  would  ailifl  and  protect  them  a- 

MSSinthe         .     ~    V       ,  ,    ,  i        11 

fites.         gamft  the  Mohawks  and  all  other  enemies 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  183 

The  danger   was    but  imaginary,   and  the    1685. 
peace  continued  about  four  years. 

Though  Mafon  was  hitherto  difappointed    1686* 
in  his  views  of  recovering  the  inhabited  part 
of  the  province,  he  endeavored  to  lay  a  foun- 
dation for  realizing  his   claim  to  the  wafte 
lands.     A  purchafe  having  been  made  from 
the  Indians,  by  Jonathan  Tyng  and  nineteen 
others,  of  a  tracfl  of  land  on  both  fides  the 
river  Merriniack,  fix  miles  in  breadth,  from 
Souhegan  river  to  Winnipifeogee  lake  ;  Ma- 
fon by  deed  confirmed  the  fame,  referving 
to  himfelf  and  his  heirs    the  yearly  rent  of  April  i& 
ten  (hillings.     This  was  called   the    million 
acre   purchafe.     About   the    fame   time  he  ^f"' 
farmed  out  to  Hezekiah  Uflier  and  his  heirs,  419- 
the  mines,  minerals,  and  ores  within  the  lim- 
its of  New-Hamp{hire,  for  the  term  of  one 
thoufand    years  ;   referving   to  himfelf  one 
quarter  part  of  the  royal  ores,  and  one  fev- 
enteenth  of  the  bafer  forts  ;  and  having  put  Jj^Jjf*  ^ 
his  affairs  here  in   the   beft  order   that  the 
times  would  admit,  he  failed  for  England,  to 
attend  the  hearing  of  Vaughan's  appeal  to  the 
king. 


184  HISTORY    OF 


CHAP.     IX. 

The  administration  of  Dudley  as  President*  and  Andro&sc  as 
governor  of  New-England. — MaoorSs  farther  attemfitj—His 
disafifiointment  and  death.— -Revolutions—  Sale  to  Allen. -~-Hi* 
commission  for  the  government. 

\VHEN  an  arbitrary  government  is 
determined  to  infringe  the  liberty  of  the 
people,  it  is  eafy  to  find  pretences  to  fupport 
the  moft  unrighteous  claims.  King  Charles 
the  fecond  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  was 
making  large  flrides  toward  defpotifm.  Char- 
ters, which  obftrudled  his  pernicious  views, 
were  by  a  perverfion  of  the  law  decreed  for- 
feited. The  city  of  London,  and  moft  of  the 
corporations  in  England,  either  fuffered  the 
execution  of  thefe  fentences,  or  tamely  fur- 
rendered  their  franchifes  to  the  all-grafping 
hand  of  power.  It  could  not  be  expelled 
that  in  this  general  wreck  of  privileges  the 
colonies  of  New-England  could  efcape.  The 
people  of  Maflachufetts  had  long  been  view- 
ed  with  a  jealous  eye.  Though  the  king  had 

page  377.  repeatedly  allured  them  of  his  protection,  and 
folemnly  confirmed  their  charter  privileges  ; 
yet  their  fpirit  and  principles  were  fo  totally 
diilbaant  to  the  corrupt  views  of  the  court, 
that  intriguing  men  found  eafy  accefs  to  the 
royal  ear,  with  complaints  againft  them.  Of 
thefe  the  moft  inveterate  and  indefatigable 

vol.  i.'page  was  Randolph,  who  made  no  lefs  than  eight 
voyages  in  nine  years  acrofs  the  Atlantic,  on 
this  mifchievous  bufinefs.  They  were  ac- 
cufed  of  extending  their  jurifdiclion  beyond 
die  bounds  of  their  patent ;  of  invading  tho 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  Jg5 

prerogative  by  coining  money ;  of  not  al- 
lowing appeals  to  the  king  from  their  courts  ; 
and,  of  obftructing  the  execution  of  the  nav- 
igation and  trade  laws.  By  the  king's  com- 
mand agents  were  fent  over  to  anfwer  to  thefe 
complaints.  They  found  the  prejudice  a- 
gainft  the  colony  ib  ftrong,  that  it  was  in 
vain  to  withiland  it  ;  and  folicited  inftruc- 
tions  whether  to  fubmit  to  the  king's  pleafure, 
or  to  let  the  proceedings  againft  them  be  if- 
fued  in  form  of  law.  Afolernn  confultation 
being  held,  at  which  the  clergy  aflifted,  it  was 
determined  "  to  die  by  the  hands  of  others 
"  rather  than  by  their  own."  Upon  notice 
of  this,  the  agents  quitted  England ;  and  1683. 
Randolph,  as  the  angel  of  death  foon  follow-  °ctobel 
ed  them,  bringing  a  writ  of  quo  warranto 
from  the  king's  bench  ;  but  the  fcire  facias 
which  iffued  from  the  chancery  did  not  ar- 
rive till  the  time  fixed  for  their  appearance 
was  elapfed  :  This  however  was  deerhed  too 
trivial  an  error  to  flop  the  proceedings  ;  judg- 
ment was  entered  againft  them,  and  the  char- 
ter declared  forfeited. 

The  king  died  before  a  new  form  of  gov-  168& 
ernment  was  fettled  ;  but  there  could  be  no  Feb.  e. 
hope  of  favor  from  his  fucceflbr,  who  inher- 
ited the  arbitrary  principles  of  his   brother, 
and  was  publicly  known   to  be  a  bigoted 
papift. 

The  intended  alteration  in  the  government 
was  introduced  in  the  fame  gradual  manner 
as  it  had  been  in  New-Hampihire.  A  com- 
miflion  was  iffued,  in  which  Jofeph  Dudley, 
efquire,  was  appointed  prefident  of  his  maj- 
efty's  territory  and  dominion  of  New-Eng-. 

land  5  William  Stoughton,  deputy  prefident  j 
z 


186  HISTORY    OF 

1685.  Simon  Bradftreet,  Robert  Mafon,  John  Fitz 
Winthrop,  John  Pynchon,  Peter  Bulkley, 
Edward  Randolph,  Wait  Winthrop,  Richard 
Warton,  John  Ufher,  Nathaniel  Saltonftall, 
Bartholomew  Gedney,  Jonathan  Tyng,  Dud- 
ley Bradftreet,  John  Hinckes,  and  Edward 
Tyng,  councilors.  Their  jurifdidlion  ex- 
tended over  Maffachufetts,  New-Hampfhire, 
Maine  and  the  Narrhaganfet  or  King's  prov- 
ince. Thefe  gentlemen  were  moilly  natives 
of  the  country,  fome  of  them  had  been  mag- 
iftrates,  and  one  of  them  governor  under  the 
charter.  No  houfe  of  deputies  was  mention- 
ed in  the  commiflion. 

1 686.  The  new  form  of  government  took  place 
on  the  twenty  fifth  day  of  May  ;  and  on  the 
tenth  of  June  an  order  of  council  was  iffued 
for  fettling  the  county  courts,  which  confifU 
ed  of  fuch  members  of  the  council  as  refided 
in  each  county,  and  any  others  of  them  who 
might  be  prefent  ;  with  fuch  juftices  as  were 
commiffioned  for  the  purpofe.  Thefe  courts 
had  the  power  of  trying  and  ifluing  all  civil 
caufes,  and  all  criminal  matters  under  life  or 
limb  ;  from  them  an  appeal  was  allowed  to 
-  a  fuperior  court  held  three  times  in  the  year 
at  Bofton,  for  the  whole  territory ;  and  from 
thence  appeals,  in  certain  cafes,  might  be  had 
to  the  king  in  council.  Juries  were  pricked 
by  the  marfhal  and  one  juftice  of  each  coun- 
ty, in  a  lift  given  them  by  the  feledlmen  of 
the  towns.  A  probate  court  was  held  at 
Bofton,  by  the  prefident,  and  "  in  the  other 
"  provinces  and  remote  counties"  by  a  judge 
and  clerk  appointed  by  the  prefident.  The 
territory  was  divided  into  four  counties,  viz. 
Suffolk,  Middlefex,  Effex  and  Hampfhire  ; 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE,  187 

and  three  provinces,  viz.  New-Hampfture,  1686. 
Maine,  and  King's  province.    By  another  or-  printed  or- 

.  r  dersinthe 

der  of  the  lame  date,  town-taxes  could  not  be  files. 
aflefled  but  by   allowance  of  two  juilices  j 
and  the  members  of  the  council  were  exempt- 
ed from  paying  any  part  thereof. 

Things  were  conduced  with  tolerable  de- 
cency, and  the  innovations  were  rendered  as 
little  grievous  as  poffible  ;  that  the  people 
might  be  induced  more  readily  to  fubmit  to 
the  long  meditated  introduction  of  a  gover- 
nor-general. 

In  December  following,  Sir  Edmund  An- 
drofTe  who  had  been  governor  of  New- York, 
arrived  at  Bofton  with  a  comnuffion,  appoint- 
ing him  captain-general  and  governor  in 
chief  of  the  territory  and  dominion  of  New- 
England,  in  which  the  colony  of  Plymouth 
was  now  included.  By  this  commiflion,  the 
governor  with  his  council,  five  of  whom  were 
a  quorum,  were  impowered  to  make  fuch 
laws,  impofe  fuch  taxes,  and  apply  them  to 
fuch  purpofes  as  they  fhould  think  proper. 
They  were  alfo  empowered  to  grant  lands  on  M8  Copy 
fuch  terms,  and  fubjedt  to  fuch  quit-rents,  as  of  the  com- 
fhould  be  appointed  by  the  king.  Invefted  ™ 
with  fuch  powers,  thele  men  were  capable  of 
the  moil  extravagant  adlions.  Though  An- 
droffe,  like  his  mafter,  began  his  adminiftra- 
tion  with  the  faireft  profeflions,  yet  like  him, 
he  foon  violated  them,  and  proved  himfelf  a 
fit  mftrument  for  accomplifhing  the  moft  exe- 
crable defigns.  Thofe  of  his  council  who  were 
backward  in  aiding  his  rapacious  intentions 
were  negledled.  Seven  being  fufficient  for  a 
full  board,  he  feleded  fuch  only  as  were  de~ 
voted  to  him,  a^d  with  their  concurrency  did, 


188  HISTORY    OF 

01   ^ 

1686.  what  he  pleafed.   Randolph  and  Mafbn  were 
Hutciun.    at  £rfl.  among  his  confidants  ;  but  afterward 
844.         when  New-  York  was  annexed  to  his  govern- 
papkp'sw.  nient,  the  members  from  that  quarter  were 

moft  in  his  favour. 

1687.  To  particularize  the  many  inftances  of  ty- 
ranny and  oppreffion  which  the  country  fuf- 
fered  from  thefe  men,  is  not  within  the  de- 
fign  of  this  work.     Let  it  fuffice  to  obferve, 
that  the  prefs  was  reftrained  ;  liberty  of  con- 
fcience  infringed  ;    exorbitant  fees  and  taxes, 
demanded,  without  the   voice  or  confent  of 
the  people,  who  had  no  privilege  of  reprefen- 
tation.     The  charter   being  vacated,  it  was 
pretended  that  all  titles  to  land  were  annul- 
led  ;  and  as  to  Indian  deeds,  Androfle  declar- 
ed  the  in  no  better  than  "  the  fcratch  of  a 


ustified,  P.  bear's  paw."  Landholders  were  pbliged  to 
take  out  patents  for  their  eftates  which  they 
had  pofleffed  forty  or  fifty  years  ;  for  thefe 
patents  extravagant  fees  were  exacted,  and 
thofe  who  would  not  fubmit  to  this  impofi- 
tiori  had  writs  of  intruiion  brought  againft 
them,  and  their  land  patented  to  others.  To 
hinder  the  people  from  confultiiig  about  the 
rfedrcfs  of  their  grievances,  town-meetings 
were  prohibited,  except  one  in  the  month  of 
May  for  the  choice  of  town  officers  ;  and  to 
prevent  complaints  being  carried  to  England, 
no  perfon  was  permitted  to  go  out  of  the 
country  without  exprefs  leave  from  the  gov- 
ernor. But  iiotwithftandiiig  all  the  vigilance 
of  the  governor,  his  emiffaries  and  his  guards, 
tlle  Tefolute  and  indefatigable  Increafe  Math- 
er, minifter  of  the  fecond  church  in  Eofton, 
and  preiident  of  the  college,  got  on  board  a 
fliip  and  failed  for  England,  with  complaints 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  189 

in  the  name  of  the  people  againft  the  gover-    1687, 
nor,  which  he  delivered  with  his  own  hand 
to  the  king  ;  but  finding  no  hope  of  redrefs, 
he  waited  the  event  of  the  revolution  which 
was  then  expedled. 

When  the  people  groaned  under  fo  many  1688* 
real  grievances,  it  is  no  wonder  that  their  fears 
and  jealoufies  fuggefted  fome  that  were  im- 
aginary. They  believed  AndrofTe  to  be  a  pa- 
pifl  ;  that  he  had  hired  the  Indians,  and  fup- 
plied  them  with  ammunition  to  deftroy  their  Revoiuti0n 
frontier  fettlements  ;  and  that  he  was  prepar-  justified,  P/ 
ing  to  betray  the  country  into  the  hands  of 
the  French.  At  the  fame  time,  the  large 
(hides  that  King  James  the  fecond  was  mak- 
ing toward  the  eftablifhment  of  popery  and 
defpotifni,  raifed  the  moft  terrible  apprehen- 
fions  ;  fo  that  the  report  of  the  landing  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  in  England  was  received 
here  with  the  greateft  joy.  AndrofTe  was  fo 
alarmed  at  the  news,  that  he  imprifoned  the 
man  who  brought  a  copy  of  the  prince's  de- 
claration, and  publifhed  a  proclamation  com- 
manding all  perfons  to  be  in  readinefs  to  op- 
pofe  "  any  invafion  from  Holland,"  which 
met  with  as  much  difregard  as  one  he  had  it- 
fued  before,  appointing  a  day  of  thankfgiv- 
ing  for  the  birth  of  a  Prince  of  Wales. 

The  people  had  now  borne  thefe  innova- 
tions  and  impositions  for  about  three  years  : 
Their  patience  was  worn  out,  and  their  na- 
tive love  of  freedom  kindled  at  the  profpedl 
of  deliverance.  The  news  of  a  complete  revo- 
lution in  England  had  not  reached  them  ;  yet 
fo  fanguine  were  their  expectations,  fo  eager 
were  they  to  prove  that  tiiey  were  animated 
py  the  fame  fpirit  with  their  brethren  at  home. 


190  HISTORY   OF 

1689.  that  upon  the  rumour  of  an  intended  mafia- 
ere  in  the  town  of  Bofton  by  the  governor's 
guards,  they  were  wrought  up  to  a  degree  of 
fury.  On  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth  of 
April  the  town  was  in  arms,  and  the  country 
flocking  in  to  their  affiftance.  The  governor, 
and  thofe  who  had  fled  with  him  to  the  forty 
were  feized  and  committed  to  prifon.  The 
gentlemen  who  had  been  magiflrates  under 
the  charter,  with  Bradftreet,  the  late  gover- 
nor, at  their  head,  afTumed  the  name  of  a 
council  of  fafety,  and  kept  up  a  form  of  gov- 
ernment, in  the  exigency  of  affairs,  till  or- 
ders arrived  from  England  ;  when  AndroflTe 
and  his  accomplices  were  fent  home  as  prif- 
oners  of  flate,  to  be  difpofed  of  according  to 
the  king  i  plealure. 

The  people  of  New-Hampfhire  had  their 
(hare  of  fufferings  under  this  rapacious  ad- 
miniftration  ;  and  Mafon  himfelf  did  not 
efcape.  Having  attended  the  hearing  of 
Vaughan's  appeal  to  the  king  which  was  de- 
cided in  Mafon's  favour  ;  the  judgment  ob- 
Sov.  e,  tained  here,  being  affirmed  ;  and  having  now 
the  faireft  profpedl  of  realizing  his  claim,  he 
returned  hither  in  the  fpring  of  1687,  but 
found  his  views  obftrufted  in  a  manner 
which  he  little  expected.  The  government 
was  in  the  hands  of  a  fet  of  hungry  harpies, 
who  looked  with  envy  on  the  large  fhare  of 
COL  papers,  territory  which  Mafon  claimed,  and  were  for 
f.  564.  parceling  it  out  among  themfelves.  The  new 
judges  delayed  iffuing  executions  on  the 
judgments  which  he  had  formerly  recovered, 
and  the  attorney-general,  Graham,  would 
not  allow  that  he  had  power  to  grant  landti 
by  leafes,  This  confirmed  the  people  in 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE,  191 

their  opinion  of  the  invalidity  of  his  claim,    1689* 
and  rendered  them  (if  poflible)  more  averfe 
from  him  than  ever  they  had  been,  At  length,  MS  ^  s 
however,  he  obtained  from  Dudley  the  chief  Court 
juftice,  a  writ  of  certiorari,  directed  to  the  late 
judges    of  New-Hampfhire,    by  which  his 
caufes  were  to  be  removed  to  the  fupreme  Jul| 13 
court  of  the  whole  territory,  then    held   at 
Bofton  ;  but  before  this  could  be  done,  death 
put  an  end  to  his  hopes  and  relieved  the  peo- 
ple for  a  time  of  their  fears.     Being  one  of 
Sir  Edmund's  council,  and  attending  him  on  ^'" 
a  journey  from  New- York  to  Albany ;  he  di-  Hutcb 
ed  at  Efopus,  in  the  fifty  ninth  year  of  his  SQS.  ' 
age  ;  leaving  two  fons,  John  and  Robert,  the 
heirs  of  his  claim  and  controverfy.  566. 

The  revolution  at  Bofton,  though  extreme- 
ly pleafing  to  the  people  of  New-Hampfhiref 
left  them  in  an  imfettled  ftate.  They  waited 
the  arrival  of  orders  from  England  ;  but  none 
arriving,  and  the  people's  minds  being  un- 
eafy,  it  was  propofed  by  fome  of  the  princi- 
pal gentlemen,  that  a  convention  of  deputies 
from  each  of  the  towns  fhould  confider  what 
was  be  ft  to  be  done.  The  convention-par- 
liairient  in  England  was  a  fufficient  precedent* 
to  authorize  this  proceeding.  Deputies  were 
accordingly  chofeu*  and  inftrudled  to  refblve 

*  The  members  of  this  convention  were, 

For  Portsmouth.  John  Tuttle, 

Major  William  Vaughar^  Jblm  Roberts, 

Richard  Waldron,  Thomas  Edgerly., 

Nathaniel  Fryer,  Nicholas  Fellet. 

Robert  Eliot,  For  Exeter. 

Thomas  Cobbett,  Robert  Wadley, 

Capt.  John  Pickeriaj,  William  Mare, 

For  Dover.  Samuel  Leavitt. 

Capt.  John  Woodman,  [Portsmouth,  Dover  an4  Exeter 

Capt.  Juhn  Gerrish,  Records.] 

It  does  not  appear  from  Hampton  records  whether  they  joined  in  this  COR- 
Tentio,-},  or  returned .imrriaii'Ateiy  to  the  government  of  M«s?acbusett.s, 


192  HISTORY    OF 

1690.  upon  fome  method  of  government.    At  their 
^r^  meeting  they  came  to  no  conclufion  ;  but 
afterward  they  thought  it  beft  to  return  to 
their  ancient  union  with  Maflachufetts.     A 

cords.  petition  for  this  purpofe  being  prefented,  they 
were  readily  admitted  ;  till  the  king's  pleaf- 

March  12.  ure  fhould  be  known  and  members  were  fent 
to  the  general  court  which  met  there  in  this 
and  the  two  following  years.  The  gentlemen 
who  had  formerly  been  in  commiflion  for 
the  peace,  the  militia  and  the  civil  offices, 
were  by  town  votes,  approved  by  the  general 
court,  reftored  to  their  places,  and  ancient 
laws  and  cuftoms  continued  to  be  obferved. 
Had  the  inclination  of  the  people  been 

1691.  confulted,  they  would  gladly  have  been  an- 
nexed to  that  government.     This  was  well 

i  Mather's  ^nown  to  Mather  and  the  other  agents,  who 
ufe,  page    when  fbliciting  for  a  new   charter,  earneftly 
requefted  that  New-Hampfhire  might  be  in- 
cluded in  it.     But  it  was  anfwered  that  the 
voTi/p'    people  had  expreiled  an  averfion  from  it  and 
41 2-         defired  to  be  under  a  diftincT:  government. 
This  could  be  founded  only  on  the  reports 
which  had  been  made  by  the  commiffioners 
in  1665,  and  by  Randolph  in  his  narrative. 
The  true  reafon  for  denying  the  requefl  was  ; 
April  27.    that  Mafon's  two  heirs  had  fold  their  title  to 
the  lands  in  New-Hampfhire  to  Samuel  Al- 
len of  London,  merchant ;  for  feven  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds,  the  entail  having  been  pre- 
MSinSup.  vioufly  docked  by  a  fine  and  recovery  in  the 
Court  files.  COUrt  of  king's  ben ch  ;  and  Allen  was  now 
foliciting  a  recognition  of  his  title  from  the 
crown,  and  a  commiflion  for  the  government 
of  the  province.   When  the  inhabitants  were 
informed  of  what  was  doing,  they  again  af 


198 

(embled  by  deputies  in  convention,  and  lent    1691, 
over  a  petition  to  the  king,  praying  that  they 
might  be  annexed  to  MafTachufetts.  The  pe- 
tition was  prefented  by  Sir  Henry  Afhurft, 
and  they  were   amufed  with  fome  equivocal 

•  r  r  r  r    i  i  i         j?    x  T        •  Hutehinson 

promiies  or  lucceis  by  the  earl  or  Netting-  voi.  2.  p.  e 
ham  ;  but  Allen's  importunity  coinciding 
with  the  king's  inclination,  effectually  fruf- 
trated  their  attempt.  The  claim  which  Al- 
len had  to  the  lands  from  Naumkeag  to  three 
miles  northward  of  Merrimack,  was  noticed 
in  the  MafTachufetts  charter  ;  and  he  obtain- 
ed a  commiflion  for  the  government  of  New- 
Hampihire,  in  which  his  fon  in  law  John 
Ufher,  then  in  London,  was  appointed  lieu- 
tenant governor,  with  power  to  execute  the 
cominiflion  in  Allen's  abfence.  The  counfel- 
lors  named  in  the  governor's  inftruclions 
were  John  Ufher,  lieutenant  governor,  John 
Hinckes,  Nathaniel  Fryer,  Thomas  Graffort, 
Peter  Coffin,  Henry  Green,  Robert  Eliot, 
John  Gerrifh,  John  Watford  and  John  Love. 
The  governor  was  inftru6ted  to  fend  to  the 
fecretary  of  ftate  the  names  of  fix  other  perfons 
fuitable  for  counfellors.  Three  were  a  quo- 
rum, but  the  inftrudlions  were  that  nothing 
iliould  be  done  unlefs  five  were  prefent  ex- 
cept in  extraordinary  emergencies.  Major 
Vaughan,  Nathaniel  Weare  and  Richard  MS  copy 
Waldron  were  afterward  added  to  the  c0undi&C 

number.  minutes. 

The  council  was  compofed  of  men  who, 
in  general,  had  the  confidence  of  the  people  ; 
but  Ufher  was  very  difagreeable,  not  only  as 
he  had  an  iiiterefl  in  Allen's  claim  to  the 
lands,  but  as  he  had  been  one  of  Sir  Edmund 


194  HISTORY  OF 

1692.  Androfle's  adherents,  and  an  aftive  inflru- 
ment  in  the  late  oppreffive  government.  He 
arrived  with  the  commiflion  and  took  upon 
him  the  command,  on  the  thirteenth  day  of 
Auguft,  The  people  again  fubmitted,  with 
extreme  reludlance,  to  the  unavoidable  necef- 
fity  of  being  under  a  government  diftincfl 
from  Maflachufetts. 

The  year  1692  was  remarkable  for  a  great 
mortality  in  Portfmouth  and  Greenland  by 
the  fmall  pox.  The  infection  was  brought 
in  bags  of  cotton  from  the  Weft-Indies,  and 
there  being  but  few  people  who  were  ac- 
MS  Letter,  quaiuted  with  it,  the  patients  fuffered  great- 
ly, and  but  few  recovered. 


NEW-HA.MPSHIRE..  195 


CHAP.     X. 


The  war  with  the  French  and  Indians^  commonly    called   King 
WUKam's  war. 


was  the  misfortune  of  this 
country  to  have  enemies  of  different  kinds 
to  contend  with  at  the  fame  time.  While 
the  changes  above  related  were  taking  place 
in  their  government,  a  frefli  war  broke  out 
on  their  frontiers,  which,  though  afcribed  to 
divers  caufes,  was  really  kindled  by  the  raflv- 
nefs  of  the  fame  perfons  who  were  making 
havock  of  their  liberties. 

The  lands  from  Penobfcot  to  Nova-Scotia 
had  been  ceded  to  the  French,  by  the  treaty 
of  Breda,  in  exchange  for  the  ifland  of  St.  Hutchi 
Chriftopher.  On  thefe  lands  the  Baron  de  ooii.  pap' 
St.  Caftine  had  for  many  years  refided,  and  p*  548' 
carried  on  a  large  trade  with  the  Indians  ; 
with  whom  he  was  intimately  connedled  ; 
having  feveral  of  their  women,befide  a  daugh- 
ter of  the  fachem  Madqkawando,  for  his 
wives.  The  lauds  which  had  been  granted 
by  the  crown  of  England  to  the  duke  of 
York  (now  King  James  the  fecond)  interfer- 
ed with  Caftine's  plantation,  as  the  duke 
claimed  to  the  river  St.  Crpix.  A  fort  had 
been  built  by  his  order  at  Pemaquid,  and  a 
garrifon  ftationed  there  to  prevent  any  intru- 
fion  on  Ms  property.  In  1686  a  fliip  belong- 
ing to  Pafcataqua  landed  fome  wines  at  Pe- 
nobfcot, fuppofing  it  to  be  within  the  French 
territory.  Palmer  and  Weft,  the  duke's  agents 
at  Pemaquid,  went  and  feized  the  wines  ; 


196  HISTORY  OF 

but  by  the  influence  of  the  French  ambaffa- 
dor  in  England,  an  order  was  obtained  for 
the  reftoration  of  them.  Hereupon  a  new 
line  was  run  which  took  Caftine's  plantation 
into  the  duke's  territory.  In  the  fpring  of 

1688,  1688,  Androfle  went  in  the  Rofe  frigate,  and 
plundered  Caftine's  houfe  and  fort  ;  leaving 
only  the  ornaments  of  his  chapel  to  confolc? 
him  for  the  lofs  of  his  arms  and  goods. 
This  bafe  a<5lion  provoked  Caftine  to  excite 
*^e  Indians  -to  a  new  ^al%  pretences  for 

P.  562.  which  were  not  wanting  on  their  part.  They 
complained  that  the  tribute  of  corn  which  had 
been  promifed  by  the  treaty  of  1678,  had 
beon  withheld  ;  that  the  fifhery  of  the  river 
Saco  had  been  obftru&ed  by  feines  ;  that 
their  (landing  corn  had  been  devoured  by 
cattle  belonging  to  the  Englifh  ;  that  their 
lands  at  Pemaquid  had  been  patented  with- 
out their  confent ;  and  that  they  had  been 
fraudulently  dealt  with  in  trade.  Some  of 
thefe- complaints  were  doubtlefs  well  ground- 
ed ;  but  none  of  them  were  ever  enquired 
into  or  redrefled. 

They  hegan  to  make  reprifals  at  North 
Yarmouth  by  killing  cattle.  Juftice  Black- 
mail ordered  fixteen  of  them  to  be  feized  and 
•  keptAincler  guard  at  Falmouth  ;  but  othen 
continued  to  rob  and  captivate  the  inhabi- 
tants. Androfle,  who  pretended  to  treat  the 
Indians  with  mildnefs.,  commanded  thofe 
whom  Blackmail  had  feized  to  be  fet  at  lib- 
erty. But  this  mildnefs  had  not  the  defired 
effect ;  the  Indians  kept  their  prifoners,  and 
murdered  ibme  of  them  in  their  barbarous 
frolicks.  Androfle  then  changed  his  meaf- 
ures,  and  thought  to  frighten  them,  with  an 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  197 


\ 


army  of  feven  hundred  men,  -which  4ie  led  1688. 
into  their  country  in  the  month  of  Novem- 
ber. The  rigor  of  the  feafon  proved  fatal  to 
fome  of  his  men  ;  but  he  never  faw  an  In- 
dian in  his  whole  march.  The  enemy  were 
quiet  during  the  winter. 

After  the  revolution,  the  gentlemen  who  1689. 
affumed  the  government  took  ibme  precau- 
tions to  prevent  the  renewal  of  hoftilities. 
They  fent  mefTengers  and  prefents  to  feveral 
Bribes  of  Indians,  who  anfwered  them  with 
fair  promifes ;  but  their  prejudice  againft  the 
Englifli  was  too  inveterate  to  be  allayed  by 
fuch  raeans  as  thefe. 

Thirteen  years  had  almoft  elapfed  fince  the 
feizure  of  the  four  hundred  Indians,  at  Co- 
checho,  by  Major  Waldron  ;  during  all  which 
time  an  inextinguifhable  thirft  of  revenge 
had  been  cheriihed  among  them,  which  nev- 
er till  now  found  opportunity  for  gratifica- 
tion*. Wonolanfet,  one  of  the  fachems  of 
Peiiacook,  who  was  difmifled  with  his  people 
at  the  time  of  the  feizure,  always  obferved 
his  father's  dying  charge  not  to  quarrel  with 
the  Englifli  ;  but  Hagkins,  another  fachem, 
who  had  been  treated  with  negledl  by  Cran- 
field,  was  more  ready  to  liften  to  the  feduc- 
ing  invitations  of  Caftine's  emifTaries.  Some 
of  thofe  Indians,  who  were  then  feized  and 
fold  into  flavery  abroad,  had  found  their  way 
home,  and  could  not  reft  till  they  had  revenge. 
Accordingly  a  confederacy  being  formed  be- 

*  The  inveteracy  of  their  hatred  to  Major  Waldron  on  account  of  that 
.transaction,  appears  from  what  is  related  by  Mr.  Williams  in  the  narrative 
of  his  c  nptivity,  which  happened  in  1704.  When  he  was  in  Canada,  a  Jesu- 
it discoursing  with  him  on  the  causes  of  their  wars  with  New-England, 
"  justified  the  Indians  in  what  they  did  against  us  ;  rehearsing  some  things- 
"clone  by  Major  Waldron  above  30  years  ago,  and  how  justly  God  retaliated 
-''them."  Page  18. 


198  HISTORY  OF 

1689.  tween  the  tribes  of  Penacook  and  Pigwacket, 
and  the  ftrange  Indians  (as  they  were  called) 
who  were  incorporated  with  them,  it  was  de- 
termined to  furprife  the  major  and  his  neigh- 
bours, among  whom  they  had  all  this  time 
been  peaceably  converfant. 

In  that  part  of  the  town  of  Dover  which  lies 
about  the  firft  falls  in  the  river  Cochecho, 
were  five  garrifoned  houfes  ;  three  on  the 
North  fide,  viz.  Waldron's  Otis'  and  Heard's  ; 
and  two  on  the  fouth  fide,  viz.  Peter  Coffin's 
and  his  fon's.  Thefe  houfes  were  furround- 
ed  with  timber-walls,  the  gates  of  which,  as 
well  as  the  houfe  doors,  were  fecured  with 
bolts  and  bars.  The  neighbouring  families 
retired  to  thefe  houfes  by  night ;  but  by  an 
unaccountable  negligence,no  watch  was  kept. 
The  Indians  who  were  daily  pafling  through 
the  town  vifiting  and  trading  with  the  in- 
habitants, as  ufual  in  time  of  peace,  viewed 
their  fituation  with  an  attentive  eye.  Some 
hints  of  a  rnifchievous  defign  had  been  given 
out  by  their  fquaws  ;  but  in  fuch  dark  and 
ambiguous  terms  that  no  one  could  compre- 
hend their  meaning.  Some  of  the  people 
were  uneafy  ;  but  Waldron  who,  from  a  long 
courfe  of  experience,  was  intimately  acquaint- 
ed with  the  Indians,  and  on  other  occafions 
liad  been  ready  enough  to  fufpedl  them,  was 
now  fo  thoroughly  fecure,  that  when  fome  of 
the  people  hinted  their  fears  to  him,  he  mer- 
rily bad  them  to  go  and  plant  their  pump- 
kins, faying  that  he  would  tell  them  when 
the  Indians  would  break  out.  The  very 
evening  before  the  mifchief  was  done,  being 
told  by  a  young  man  that  the  town  was  full 
of  Indians  and  the  people  were  much  coiv 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  199 

cerned ;  he  anfwered  that  he  knew  the  In.  1689. 
dians  very  well  and  there  was  no  danger. 

The  plan  which  the  Indians  had  precon- 
certed was,  that  two  fquaws  Ihould  go  to 
each  of  the  garrifbned  houfes  in  the  evening, 
and  afk  leave  to  lodge  by  the  fire  ;  that  in  the 
night  when  the  people  were  afleep  they 
ihould  open  the  doors  and  gates,  and  give  the 
fignal  by  a  whiftle  ;  upon  which  the  flrange 
Indians,  who  were  to  be  within  hearing, 
ihould  rufh  in,  and  take  their  long  meditat- 
ed revenge.  This  plan  being  ripe  for  execu- 
tion, on  the  evening  of  Thurfday  the  twen- 
ty feventh  of  June,  two  fquaws  applied  to 
each  of  the  garrifons  for  lodging,  as  they  fre- 
quently did  in  time  of  peace.  They  were 
admitted  into  all  but  the  younger  Coffin's, 
and  the  people,  at  their  requeft,  fhewed  them 
how  to  open  the  doors,  in  cafe  they  ftiould 
have  occafion  to  go  out  in  the  night.  Mefan- 
dowit,  one  of  their  chiefs,  went  to  Waldron's 
garrifon,  and  was  kindly  entertained,  as  he 
had  often  been  before.  The  fquaws  told  the 
major,  that  a  number  of  Indians  were  com- 
ing to  trade  with  him  the  next  day,  and  Me- 
fandowit  while  at  fupper,  with  his  ufual  fa- 
miliarity, faid,  '  Brother  Waldron,  what  would 
4  you  do  if  the  ftrange  Indians  fhould  come  ?' 
Tfte  major  carelefsly  anfwered,  that  he  could 
aflemble  an  hundred  men,  by  lifting  up  his 
finger.  In  this  unfufpedling  confidence  the 
family  retired  to  reft. 

When  all  was  quiet,  the  gates  were  opened 
and  the  fignal  given.  The  Indians  entered, 
let  a  guard  at  the  door,  and  rufhed  into  the 
major's  apartment,  which  was  an  inner  room. 
Awakened  by  the  noife,  he  jumped  out  of 
bed,  and  though  now  advanced  in  life  to  the 


#00  HISTORY    Of 

1689*  age  of  eighty  years,  he  retained  fo  much  vig- 
our as  to  drive  them  with  his  fword,  through 
two  or  three  doors  ;  but  as  he  was  returning 
for  his  other  arms,  they  came  behind  him, 
ftunned  him  with  a  hatchet,  drew  him  into 
his  hall,  and  feating  him  in  an  elbow  chair 
on  a  long  table  infulringly  afked  him, "  Who 
"  {hall  judge  Indians  now  ?"  They  then 
obliged  the  people  in  the  houfe  to  get  them 
fome  vi&uals  ;  and  when  tliey  had  done  eat- 
ing, they  cut  the  major  acrofs  the  breaft  and 
belly  with  knives,  each  one  with  a  {broke, 
faying,  "  I  crofs  out  my  account."  They  then 
cut  off  his  nofe  and  ears,  forcing  them  into 
his  mouth  ;  and  when  fpent  with  the  lofs  of 
blood,  he  was  falling  down  from  the  table, 
one  of  them  held  his  own  fword  under  him, 
which  put  an  end  to  his  mifery.  They  alfo 
killed  his  fon  in  law  Abraham  Lee  ;  but 
took  his  daughter  Lee  with  feveral  others, 
and  having  pillaged  the  houfe,  left  it  On  fire, 
Otis's  garrifon,  which  was  next  to  the  major's^ 
met  with  the  fame  fate  ;  he  was  killed,  with 
feveral  others,  and  his  wife  and  child  were 
captivated.  Heard's  was  faved  by  the  bark- 
ing of  a  dog  juft  as  the  Indians  were  enter- 
ing :  Elder  Wentworth,  who  was  awakened 
by  the  noife  puflied  them  out,  and  fall  ing  on 
his  back,  fet  his  feet  againft  the  gate  and 
held  it  till  he  had  alarmed  the  people  ;  two 
balls  were  fired  through  it  but  both  miffed 
him.  Coffin's  houfe  was  furprized,  but  as 
the  Indians  had  no  particular  enmity  to  hin% 
they  fpared  his  life,  and  the  lives  of  his  fam- 
ily, and  contented  themfelves  with  pillaging 
the  houfe.  Finding  a  bag  of  money,  they 
made  him  throw  it  by  handfuls  on  the  floor. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  201 

while  they  amufed  themfelves  in  fcranxbliag  1689, 
for  it.  They  then  went  to  the  houfe  of  his 
iba  who  would  not  admit  the  fquaws  in  the 
evening,  and  fummoned  him  to  furreiider, 
promifing  him  quarter  :  He  declined  their 
after  and  determined  to  defend  his  houf^, 
till  they  brought  out  his  father  and  threat- 
ened to  kill  him  before  his  eyes  :  Filial  af- 
fedlioii  then  overcame  his  resolution,  and  he 
furrendered.  They  put  both  families  toge- 
ther into  a  deferted  houfe,  intending  to  re- 
lerve  them  for  prifoners  ;  but  while  the  In- 
dians were  bufy  in  plundering,  they  all  ef- 
caped. 

Twenty  three  people  were  killed  in  this 
furprifal,  and  twenty  nine  were  captivated  j 
five  or  fix  houfes,  with  the  mills,  were  burn- 
ed ;  and  fo  expeditious  were  the  Indians  in 
the  execution  of  their  plot,  that  before  the 
people  could  be  collected  from  the  other 
parts  of  the  town  to  oppofe  them,  they  fled 
with  their  prifoners  and  booty.  As  they 
panned  by  Heard's  garrifon  in  their  retreat, 
they  fired  upon  it  ;  but  the  people  being 
prepared  and  refolved  to  defend  it,  and  the 
enemy  being  in  hafte,  it  was  preferved.  The 
prefervatioii  of  its  owner  was  more  remark- 
able. 

Elizabeth  Heard,  with  her  threg  fons  and 
#  daughter,  and  fome  others,  were  returning 
in  the  night  from  Portfmouth.  They  pa£ 
fed  up  the  river  in  their  boat  unperceived  by 
the  Indians,  who  were  then  in  poffeffion  of 
the  houfes  ;  but  fufpedling  danger  by  the 
noife  which  they  heard,  aftef  they  had  land- 
ed they  betook  themfelves  to  Waldron's  gar- 
rifon, where  they  faw  lights,  which  they 

B  B  ' 


202  HISTORY    OF 

1689.  imagined  were  fet  up  for  direction  to  thofe 
wiio  might  be  feeking  a  refuge.  They 
knocked  and  begged  earneflly  for  admiflion ; 
but  no  anfwer  being  given,  a  young  man  of 
the  company  climbed  up  the  wall,  and  law, 
to  his  inexprefiible  furprize,  an  Indian  Hand- 
ing in  the  door  of  the  houfe,  with  his  gun. 
The  woman  was  fo  overcome  with  the  fright 
that  fhe  was  unable  to  fly  ;  but  begged  her 
children  to  fliift  for  themfelves  ;  and  they 
with  heavy  hearts,  left  her.  When  fhe  had 
a  little  recovered  fhe  crawled  into  forne 
bufhes,  and  lay  there  till  day-light.  She 
then  perceived  an  Indian  coming  toward  her 
with  a  piftol  in  his  hand  ;  he  looked  at  her 
and  went  away  :  returning,  he  looked  at  her 
again  ;  and  fhe  afked  him  what  he  would 
have  ;  he  made  no  anfwer,  but  ran  yelling- 
to  the  houfe,  and  fhe  faw  him  no  more.  She 
kept  her  place  till  the  houfe  was  burned,  and 
the  Indians  were  gone  ;  and  then  returning 
home,  found  her  own  houfe  fafe.  Her  pref- 
ervation  in  thefe  dangerous  circumftances  was 
more  remarkable,  if  (as  it  is  fuppofed)  it 
was  an  inftance  of  juftice  and  gratitude  in 
the  Indians.  For  at  the  time  when  the  four  or 
hundred  were  feized  in  1676,  a  young  In- 
dian efcaped  and  took  refuge  in  her  houfe, 
where  fhe  concealed  him  ;  in  return  for 
which  kindnefs  he  promifed  her  that  he 
would  never  kill  her,  nor  any  of  her  family 
in  any  future  war,  and  that  he  would  ufe 
his  influence  with  the  other  Indians  to  the 
fame  purpofe.  This  Indian  was  one  of  the 
party  who  furprized  the  place,  and  fhe  was 
vvell  known  to  the  moft  of  them. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE,  203 

The  fame  day,  after  the  mifchief  was  done,    1689. 
a  letter  from  Secretary  Addington,  written  by 
order  of  the  government,  directed  to  Major 
Waldron,  giving  him  notice  of  the  intention 
of  the  Indians  to  furprize  him  under  pre- 
tence of  trade,  fell  into  the  hands  of  his  fon. 
This  defign  \yas  communicated  to  Governor  Massa.Reg, 
Bradftreet  by  Major  Henchman  of  Chelms- 
ford,  who  had  learned  it  of  the  Indians.  The 
letter  was  difpatched  from  Bofton,  the  day  original 
before,  by  Mr.  Weare  ;  but  fome  delay  which  Letta? 
he  met  with  at  Newbury  ferry  prevented  its 
-arrival  in  feafon. 

The  prifoners  taken  at  this  time  were 
moiily  carried  to  Canada,  and  fold  to  the 
French  ;  and  thefe,  fo  far  as  I  can  learn, 
were  the  firft  that  ever  were  carried  thither*. 

*  One  of  these  prisoners  was  Sarah  Gerrish,  a  remarkably  fine  child  of 
seven  years  old,  and  grand-daughter  of  Major  Waldron,  in  whose  house  she 
lodged  that  fatal  ni;fht.  Some  circumstances  attending  her  captivity  are 
truly  affecting.  When  she  was  awakened  by  the  noise  of  the  Indians  in  the 
fiouse,  she  crept  into  another  bed  and  hid  herself  under  the  clothes  to  escape 
their  search.  She  remained  in  their  hands  till  the  next  winter,  and  was  sold 
from  one  to  another  for  several  times.  An  Indian  girl  once  pushed  her  into 
a  river  ;  but,  catching  by  the  bushes,  she  escaped  drowning,  yet  durst  not 
tell  how  she  came  to  be  wet.  Or.ce  she  was  so  weary  with  travelling  that  she  did 
not  awake  in  the  morning  till  the  Indians  were  gone,  and  then  found  herself 
alone  in  the  woods,'  covered  with  snow,  and  without  any  food  ;  having  found 
their  tracks  she  went  crying  after  them  till  they  heard  her  and  took  her  with 
them.  At  another  time  they  kindled  a  great  fire,  and  the  young  Indians  told 
Tier  she  was  to  be  roasted.  She  burst  into  tears,  threw  her  arms  round  her 
master's  neck,  and  begged  him  to  save  her,  which  he  promised  to  do  if  she 
would  behave  well  Being  arrived  in  Canada,  she  was  bought  by  the  In* 
iendant's  lady,  who  treated  her  courteously,  and  sent  her  to  a  nunnery  for 
education.  But  when  Sir  William  Phips  was  at  Quebec  she  was  exclianged, 
and  returned  to  her  friends,  with  whom  she  lived  till  she  was  sixteen 
years  old. 

The  wife  ©f  Richard  Otis  was  taken  at  the  same  time,  with  an  infant 
daughter  of  three  months  old.  The  French  priests  took  this  child  under  their 
care,  baptized  her  by  the  name  of  Christina,  and  educated  her  in  the  Romish 
religion.  She  passed  some  time  in  a  nunnery,  but  declined  taking  the  veil, 
Jjnd  was  married  to  a  Frenchman,  by  whom  she  had  two  children.  But  heir 
.desire  to  see  New-England  wss  so  strong,  that  upon  an  exchange  of  prison- 
^rs  in  1714,  being  then  a  widow,  she  left  both  her  children,  who  were  not 
permitted  to  come  with  her,  a.nd  returned  home,  where  she  abjured  the 
Romish  faith.  M.  Siguengt,  her  former  confessor,  wrote  her  a  flattering  let- 
ter, warning  her  of  her  danger,  inviting  her  to  return  to  the  bosom  of  the* 
catholic  church,  and  repeating  many  gross  calumnies  which  had  formerly 
ented  against  Luther  and  the  other  reformers.  This  letter 


204  HISTORY 

1689.  The  Indians  had  been  feduced  to  the  French 
interefl  by  popilh  emiflaries,  who  had  began 
to  fafcinate  them  with  their  religious  and  na- 
tional prejudices.  They  had  now  learned  to 
call  the  Engliih  hereticks,  and  that  to  extir- 
pate them  as  fuch  was  meritorious  in  the 
fight  of  heaven.  When  their  minds  were 
filled  with  religious  phrenzy,  they  became 
more  bitter  and  implacable  enemies  than  be- 
fore ;  and  finding  the  fale  of  fcalps  andprif- 
oners  turn  to  good  account  in  Canada,  they 
had  ftill  farther  incitement  to  continue  tiheij* 
depredations,  and  profecute  their  vengeance. 
The  neceffity  of  vigorous  meafures  was 
now  fo  preffing,  that  parties  were  immedi- 
ately difpatched,  one  under  Captain  Noyes 
to  Penacook,  where  they  deftroyed  the  corn, 
but  the  Indians  efcaped  ;  another  from  Paf- 
cataqua,  under  Captain  Wincal,  to  Winnipi-f 
feogee,  whither  the  Indians  had  retired,  as 
John  Church,  who  had  been  taken  at  Co- 
checho  and  efcaped  from  them,  reported : 
One  or  two  Indians  were  killed  there,  and 
their  com  cut  down.  But  thefe  excurfions 
proved  of  fmall  fervice,  as  the  Indians  had 
little  to  lofe,  and  could  find  an  home  where- 
ever  they  could  find  game  and  fiih. 

In  the  month  of  Auguft  Major   Swaine, 
with  feven  or  eight  companies  railed  by  the 

shewn  to  Governor  Rurnet,  he  wrote  her  a  sensible  and  masterly  answer,  re- 
- futing1  the  arguments,  and  detecting  the  falsehoods  it  contained  :  Both  these 
letters  were  printed.  She  was  married  afterward  to  Capt.  Thomas  Baker 
who  had  been  taken  at  Deerfield  in  1704,  and  lived  in  Dover,  where  she  wa-i 
born,  till  the  year  1773. 

Mr.  John  n*  rron,  by  declining  to  lodge  at  Major  Waldron's  on  the  fetal 
Slight,  though  strongly  urged;  met  with  an  liappy  escape.  He  was  afterward 
a  minister  at  Nc-v-J'.N..'  tl"  ami  Port«mnu<h. 

***  Some  of  the  circumstances  relating  to  thy  destruction  of  Cochecho 
are  taken  from  Mather's  Magiia'i.i.    The  others  from  ihe  tr-rlition   of 
s  and 


NIEW^HAMPSHIRE. 

Maflachufetts  government,  marched  to  the  1689. 
eaftward  ;  and  Major  Church,  with  another 
party,  confifting  of  Engliih  and  Indians,  from 
the  colony  of  Plymouth,  foon  followed  them. 
While  thefe  forces  were  on  their  march,  the 
Indians,  who  lay  in  the  woods  about  Oyfter 
river,  obferved  how  many  men  belonged  to 
Hucking's  garrifon  ;  and  feeing  them  all  go 
out  one  morning  to  work,  nimbly  ran  -be- 
tween them  and  the  h^ufe,  and  killed  taein 
all  (being  in  number  eighteen)  .except  one 
who  had  palled  the  brook.  They  then  at- 
tacked the  houfe,  in  which  were  only  two 
boys  (one  of  w  .horn,  was  lame)  with  fome 
women  and  children.  The  boys  kept  them 
off  for  fome  time  and  wounded  feveral  of 
them.  At  length  the  Indians  fei:  the  houfe 
on  fire,  and  even  then  the  boys  would  not 
Surrender  till  they  had  prornifed  them  to 
fpare  their  lives.  They  perfidioufly  murder- 
ed three  or  four  of  the  children  ;  one  of 
them  was  fet  on  a  fharp  (lake,  in  the  view 
of  its  diftrefled  mother,  who  with  the  other 
women  and  the  boys  were  carried  captive. 
One  of  the  boys  efcaped  the  next  day.  Cap- 
tain Garner  with  his  company  purfued  the 
enemy,  but  did  not  come  up  with  them. 

Ttie  MaiTachufetts  and  Plymouth  compa- 
nies proceeded  to  the  eaftward,  fettled  garri- 
fons  in  convenient  places,  and  had  fome  ikir- 
jnimes  with  the  enemy  at  Cafco  and  Blue 
Point.  On  their  return,  Major  Swaine  fent 
a  party  of  the  Indian  auxiliaries  under  Lieu- 
tenant Flagg  toward  Winnipifeogee  to  make 
(Jifcoveries.  Thefe  Indians  held  a  confulta- 
tion  in  their  own  language  ;  and  having  per- 
fuaded  their  lieyitenent  with  two  men  to  re- 


206  HISTORY    OF 

1689.  turn,  nineteen  of  them  tarried  out  clever* 
,  days  longer  ;  in  which  time  they  found  the 
enemy,  ftaid  with  them  two  nights,  and  in- 
formed them  of  every  thing  which  they  de~ 
fired  to  know  ;  upon  which  the  enemy  re- 
tired  to  their  inacceflible  deferts,  and  the 
forces  returned  without  finding  them,  and  in 
November  were  difbanded. 

Nothing  was  more  welcome  to  the  diftref- 
fed  inhabitants  of  the  frontiers  than  the  ap- 
proach of  winter,  as  they  then  expecfled  a 
refpite  from  their  fufferings.  The  deep 
fnows  and  cold  weather  were  commonly  a 
good  fecurity  againft  an  attack  from  the  In- 
dians ;  but  when  refolutely  fet  on  mif- 
chief ,  and  inftigated  by  popifh  enthufiafm,  no 
obftacles  cotild  prevent  the  execution  of  their 
purpofes. 

1690*  The  Count  de  Frontenac,  now  governor 
of  Canada,  was  fond  of  diftinguifhing  him- 
felf  by  fome  enterprizes  againll  the  Ameri- 
can fubjedls  of  King  William,  with  whom 
his  mailer  was  at  war  in  Europe.  For  this 
purpofe  he  detached  three  parties  of  French 
and  Indians  from  Canada  in  the  winter,  who 
were  to  take  three  different  routes  into  the 
Englifli  territories.  One  of  thefe  parties 
marched  from  Montreal  and  deflroyed  Sche- 
nectada,a  Dutch  village  on  the  Mohawk  river, 
in  the  province  of  New- York.  This  adlioa 
which  happened  at  an  unufual  time  of  the 
year,  in  the  month  of  February,  alarmed  the 
whole  country  ;  and  the  eaftevn  fet  dements 
were  ordered  to  be  on  their  guard,  On  the 
eighteenth  day  of  March,  another  party 
which  came  from  Trois  Rivieres,  under  the 
command  of  the  Sieur  Hertel,  an  officer  o$ 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE,  20t 

great  repute  in  Canada,  found  their  way  to  1690- 
Salmon  falls,  a  fettlement  on  the  river  which 
divides  New-Hampfhire  from  the  province 
of  Maine.  This  party  confifted  of  fifty  two 
men,  of  whom  twenty  five  were  Indians  un- 
der Hoophood,  a  noted  warrior.  They  be- 
gan the  attack  at  day-break,  in  three  differ- 
ent places.  The  people  were  furprized  ;  but 
flew  to  arms  and  defended  themfelves  in  the 
garrifoned  houfes,  with  a  bravery  which  the 
enemy  themfelves  applauded.  But  as  in  all 
fuch  onfets  the  affailants  have  the  great- 
eft  advantage,  fo  they  here  proved  too 
flrong  for  the  defendants  ;  about  thirty  of 
the  braveft  were  killed,  and  the  reft  furren- 
dered  at  difcretion,  to  the  number  of  fifty 
four,  of  whom  the  greater  part  were  women 
and  children.  After  plundering,  the  enemy 
burned  the  houfes,  mills  and  barns,  with  the 
cattle*  which  were  within  doors,  and  then 
retreated  into  the  woods,  whither  they  were 
purfued  by  about  one  hundred  and  forty 
men,  fuddenly  collected  from  the  neighbour- 
ing towns,  who  came  up  with  them  in  the 
afternoon  at  a  narrow  bridge  on  Woofter's 
river.  Hertel  expelling  a  purfuit,  had  pofted 
his  men  advantageouily  on  the  oppofite  bank. 
The  purfuers  advanced  with  great  intrepidity, 
and  a  warm  engagement  enfued,  which  lafted 
till  night,  when  they  retired  with  the  lofs  of  four 
or  five  killed;  the  enemy  by  their  own  account 

in  ,'       i  TT  -o  i  Oliarievou- 

lolt  two,  one  or  whom  was  Hertel  s  nephew  ;  irv.7.P.74, 
his  fon  was   wounded  in  the  knee  ;    another 
Frenchman  was  taken  prifoner,  who  was  fo 

*  Charlevcix  says  they  burned  <s  twenty-seven  houses  and  two  thousand 
iiead  of  cattle  in  the  hams."  The  number  of  building's,  including  mills- 
barns  and  other  outhouses,  might  amount  to  rear  twenty  ;  but  the  number 
of  cattle  as  he  gives  it,  is  incredible. 


HISTORY    OF 

1690.  tenderly  treated  that  he  embraced  die  prote£ 
tant  faith,  and  remained  in  the  country. 
Hertel  on  his  way  homeward  met  with  a 
third  party  who  had  marched  from  Quebec, 
and  joining  his  company  to  them  attacked 
and  deftroyed  the  fort  and  fettlement  at  Caf- 
co,  the  next  May.  Thus  the  three  expedi- 
tions planned  by  Count  Frontenac  proved 
iiiccefsful  ;  but  the  glory  of  them  was  much 
taniimed  by  afts  of  cruelty,  which  chriftians 
ihould  be  afhamed  to  countenance,  though 
perpetrated  by  favages*. 

After  the  dcftruction  of  Cafco  the  eaftern 
fettlements  were  all  deferted,  and  the  people 

*  The  following  instances  of  cruelty  exercised  towards  the  prisoners  taken 
at  Salmon  falls  are  mentioned  by  Dr.  Mather. 

Robert  Ru;  eri,  a  ci.a-pulent  man,  being  unable  to  carry  the  burden  which 
the  Indiana  imposed  up.on  him,  threw  it  in  the  path  and  went  aside  in  the 
woods  to  conceal  himself.  They  found  him  by  his  track,  stripped,  beat  and 
pricked  him  with  their  swords  ;  then  tied  him  to  a  tree  and  danced  round 
l»im  till  they  had  kindled  a  five.  They  gave  him  time  to  pray,  and  take 
leave  of  his  fellow  prisoners  who  were  placed  round  tbe  fire  to  see  his  death. 
They  pushed  the  fire  toward  him,  and  when  he  way  almost  stifled,  took  it 
away  to  give  him  time  to  breathe,  arid  thus  prolong  his  misery  ;  they  drown- 
ed his  dying  groans  \\iih  their  hideous  singing  and  yelling;  all  the  while 
dancing  row  ml  the  live,  cutting  of!  pieces  of  his  flesh  and  throwing  them  ia* 
his  face.  When  he  was  dead  they  left  his  body  broiling  on  the  coals,  in 
which  state  it  was  found  by  his  friends,  and  buried. 

Mehetabel  Goodwin  was  taken  with  a  child  of  five  months  old.  When  it 
cried  they  threatened  to  kill  it,  wliich  made  the  mother  go  aside  and  sit  for 
hours  together  in  the  snow  to  lull  it  to  sleep  ;  her  master  seeing  that  this 
hindered  her  from  travelling,  took  the  child,  struck  its  head  against  a  tree, 
and  hung  it  on  one  of  the  branches  ;  she  would  have  buried  it  but  he  would 
not  let  her,  telling  her  that  if  she  came  again  that  way  she  might  have  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  it.  She  was  carried  to  Canada,  and  after  five  years  return- 
ed home. 

Mary  PTai^ted  was  taken  out  of  her  bed,  having  lain  in  but  three  weeks.— 
They  made  her  travel  with  them  through  the  snow,  and  •'  to  ease  her  of  her 
burden,"  as  they  said,  struck  the  child's  head  against  a  tree,  and  threw  it  in- 
to a  river. 

An  anecdote  of  another  kind  may  relieve  the  reader  after  these  tragical  ac- 
counts. Thomas  Toogood  was  pursued  by  three  Indians  and  overtaken  by 
one  of  them,  who  having  enquired  his  name,  was  preparing  strings  to  bind 
him.  holding  his  gun  under  his  arm,  which  Toogood  seized  a  r.d  went  back- 
ward, keeping  the  gun  presented  at  him,  and  protesting  that  he  would  shoot 
him  if  he  alarmed  the  others  who  had  stopped  on  the  opposite  ,sH<>  of  the  hill. 
By  this  dexterity  he  escaped  and  got  safe  into  Cochecho  :  while  his  adversary 
had  no  recompense  in  his  power  but  to  call  after  him  by  tivt  ^a»ne  of  .A' 
When  he  returned  to  his  companions  without  g-un  or  prisoner,  their  derisipn 
made  his  misadventure  the  more  grievous. 


NEW-HAMPSHiRE.  209 

retired  to  the  fort   at  Wells.      The  Indians    1690* 
then  came  up  weftward,  and  a  party  of  them 
under  Hoophood  fometitne  in  May  made  an 
aiTault  on  Fox  Point,  [in  Newiiigton]  where 
they  burned   feveral   houfes,   killed   about 
fourteen  people,  and  carried  away  fix.    They 
Were  purfued   by  the  captains    Floyd  and  Mag. lib.? 
Greenleaf,  who  came  up  with  them  and  re-  p'73 
covered  fome  of  the  captives  and  fpoil,  after 
a  fkirmifh  in  which  Hoophood  was  wound- 
ed and  loft  his  gun.     This  fellow  was  foon 
after  killed  by  a  party  of  Canada  Indians 
who  miflook  him  for  one   of  the   Iroquois, 
with  whom  they  were  at  war.  On  the  fourth 
day  of  July  eight  perfons  \vere  killed  as  they 
were  mowing  in  a  field  near  Lamprey  river, 
and  a  lad  was  carried  captive.      The  next 
day  they  attacked  Captain  Hiltotf  s  garrifon 
at  Exeter,  which  was  relieved  by  Lieutenant 
Bancroft  with  the  lofs  of  a  few  of  his  men  ; 
one  of  them,  Simon  Stone,   received  nine  Mag.  lib.  ?. 
wounds  with  fhot,  and  two  ftrokes  of  a  hatch-  p*7** 
et ;  when  his  friends  came  to  bury  him  they 
perceived  life  in  him,  and  by  the  application 
of  cordials   he  revived,  to  the   amazement 
of  all. 

Two  companies  under  the  Captains  Floyd 
and  Wifwal  were  now  fcouting,  and  on  the 
fixth  day  of  July  difcovered  an  Indian  track, 
which  they  purfued  till  they  came  up  with 
the  enemy  at  Wheelwright's  Pond,  [in  Lee] 
where  a  bloody  engagement  enfued  for  fonie 
hours  ;  in  which  Wifwal,  his  lieutenant, 
Flagg,  and  ferjeant  Walker,  with  twelve 
more,  were  killed,  and  feveral  wounded,  ftf 
was  not  known  how  many  of  the  enemy?* 
fell,  as  they  always  carried  off  their  dead. 

C  c 


210  HISTORY    OF 

1690.  Floyd  maintained  the  fight  after  Wifwal's 
death,  till  his  men,  fatigued  and  wounded, 
drew  off;  which  obliged  him  to  follow. 
The  enemy  retreated  at  the  fame  time  ;  for 
when  Captain  Convers  went  to  look  after  the 
wounded,  he  found  feven  alive,  whom  he 
brought  in  by  funrife  the  next  morning, 
and  then  returned  to  bury  the  dead.  The 
enemy  then  went  weflward,  and  in  the  courfe 
of  one  week  killed,  between  Lamprey  river 
and  Almfbury,  not  lefs  than  forty  people. 

The  cruelties  exercifed  upon  the  captives 
in  this  war  exceeded,  both  in  number  and 
degree,  any  in  former  times.  The  moft 
healthy  and  vigorous  of  them  were  fold  in 
Canada,  the  weaker  were  facrificed  and 
fcalped  ;  and  for  every  fcalp  they  had  a  pre- 
mium. Two  inftances  only  are  remember- 
ed of  their  releafing  any  without  a  ranfom  ; 
Mag.  73.  one  was  a  woman  taken  from  Fox  Point,  who 
obtained  her  liberty  by  procuring  them  fbm.e 
of  the  neceffaries  of  life  ;  the  other  was  at 
York  ;  where,  after  they  had  taken  many  of 
the  peopk,  they  reftored  two  aged  women 
and  five  children,  in  return  for  a  generous 
adlion  of  Major  Church,  who  had  (pared  the 
lives  of  as  many  women  and  children  when 
MS  Letter,  they  fell  into  his  hands  at  Amarifcogin. 

The  people  of  New-England  now  looked 
on  Canada  as  the  fource  of  their  troubles, 
and  formed  a  defign  to  reduce  it  to  fubjec- 
tion  to  the  crown  of  England.  The  enter- 
prize  w^as  bold  and  hazardous  ;  and  had  their 
ability  been  equal  to  the  ardour  of  their  pat- 
riotifm,  it  might  probably  have  been  accom- 
plifhed.  Straining  every  nerve,  they  equip- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  211 

ped  an  armament  in  fome  degree  equal  to  1690. 
the  fervice.  What  was  wanting  in  military 
and  naval  difcipline  was  made  up  in  refolu- 
tion  ;  and  the  command  was  given  to  Sir 
William  Phips,  an  honeft  man,  and  a  friend 
to  his  country  ;  but  by  no  means  qualified 
for  fuch  an  enterprize.  Unavoidable  acci- 
dents retarded  the  expedition,  fo  that  the 
fleet  did  not  arrive  before  Quebec  till  Octo- 
ber ;  when  it  was  more  than  time  to  return. 
It  being  impoffible  to  continue  there  to  any 
purpofe  ;  and  the  troops  growing  fickly  and 
difcouraged,  after  fome  ineffectual  parade, 
they  abandoned  the  enterprize. 

This  difappointment  was  feverely  felt. 
The  equipment  of  the  fleet  and  army  re- 
quired a  fupply  of  money  which  could  not 
readily  be  collected,  and  occafioned  a  paper  » 
currency  ;  which  has  often  been  drawn  into 
precedent  on  like  occafions,  and  has  proved  a 
fatal  foufce  of  the  moft  complicated  and  ex- 
tenfive  mifchief.  The  people  were  almoft 
difpirited  with  the  profpedl  of  poverty  and 
ruin.  In  this  melancholy  ftate  of  the  coun- 
try, it  was  an  happy  circumftance  that  the 
Indians  voluntarily  came  in  with  a  flag  of 
truce,  and  defired  a  ceflation  of  hoflilities.  NOV.  29L 
A  conference  being  held  at  Sagadahock,  they 
brought  in  ten  captives,  and  fettled  a  truce 
till  the  firft  day  of  May,  which  they  obferv- 
ed  till  the  ninth  of  June  ;  when  they  attack- 
ed  Storer's  g.amfon  at  Wells,  but  were  brave- 
ly repulfed.  About  the  fame  time  they  kil- 
led two  men  at  Exeter,  and  on  the  twenty  Mag  78' 
ninth  of  September,  a  party  of  them  came  MS  Letter 
from  the  eaitward  in  canoes  to  Sandy  Beach, 
[Rye]  where  they  killed  and  captivate4 


HISTORY    p? 

1691,  twenty  one  perfons.     Captain  Sherburne  of 
Portfmouth,  a  worthy  officer,  was  this  year 

***''       killed  at  Macquoit. 

The  next  winter,  the  country  being  alarm* 

1692.  £  Wjtj1  ^  deftrudion  of  York,  fome  new 

Januar.  25.  ^  .  r          \  ^ 

regulations  were  made  for  the  general  de- 
fence. Major  Elifha  Hutehinfou  was  ap^ 
pointed  commander  in  chief  of  the  militia  ; 
by  whofe  prudent  conduct  the  frontiers  were 
well  guarded,  and  fo  conftant  a  comquinica^ 
tion  was  kept  ups  by  ranging  parties,  from 
pne  poft  to  another,  that  it  became  impaffi- 
b]e  for  the  enemy  to  attack  in  their  ufuaj 
way  by  furprife.  The  good  effedl  of  this 
regulation  was  prefently  feen.  A  young 
man  being  in  the  woods  near  Cochecho,  was 
fired  at  by  fome  Indians.  Lieutenant  Wil- 
fon  immediately  went  out  with  eighteen 
men  ;  and  finding  the  Indians,  killed  or 
wounded  the  whole  party  excepting  one. 
This  ftruck  a  terror,  and  kept  them  quiet 
the  remainder  of  the  winter  and  fpring.  But 
on  the  tenth  day  of  June,  an  army  of  French 
and  Indians  made  a  furious  attack  on  Storer'$ 
garrifoB  at  Wells,  where  Capt.  Convers  com- 
manded ;  who  after  a  brave  and  refolute  de- 
fence, was  fo  happy  as  to  drive  tlxem  off  witfe 
great  lofs. 

Sir  William  Phtps,  being  now  governor  of 
Maffachufetts,  continued  the  fame  method 
of  defence ;  keeping  out  continual  fcouts 
under  brave  and  experienced  officers.  This 
kept  the  Indians  fo  quiet  that,  except  one 
poor  family  which  they  took  at  Oyfter  river, 
and  fome  fmall  mifchief  at  Quaboag,  there 
is  no  mention  of  any  deflrucSlion  made  by 
1693,  tl^ern  cluring  the  year  1693.  Their  animpf- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  218 


ity  againft  New-England  was  not  quelled  ; 
but  they  needed  a  fpace  to  recruit  ;  fome  of 
their  principal  men  were  in  captivity,  and 
they  could  not  hope  to  redeem  them  with-  Aug.  IK 
out  a  peace.  To  obtain  it,  they  came  into 
the  fort  at  Pemaquid  ;  and  there  entered  in- 
to a  folemn  covenant  ;  wherein  they  ac- 
knowledged fubjedlion  to  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land ;  engaged  to  abandon  the  French  in- 
tereft  ;  promifed  perpetual  peace  ;  to  forbear 
private  revenge  ;  to  reftore  all  captives  ;  and 
even  went  fo  far  as  to  deliver  hoftages  for 
the  due  performance  of  their  engagements. 
This  peace,  or  rather  truce,  gave  both  fides 
a  refpite,  which  both  earneftly  defired. 

The  people  of  New-Hampihire  were  much 

reduced  ;  their  lumber  trade  and  hufbandry 

being   greatly  impeded   by   the  war.     Fre- 

quent complaints  were  made  of  the  burden  of 

the  war,  the  fcarcity  of  provifions,  and  the 

difpiritednefs  of  the  people.     Once  it  is  faid 

f  n   the  council  minutes  that  they  were  even 

ready   to  quit  the  province.     The  governor 

was  obliged  to  imprefs  men  to  guard  the  out- 

pofts  ;  they  were   fometimes   difmifled  for 

want  of  provifions,  and  then  the  garrifon  of- 

ficers called  to  account  and  feverely  punifli- 

ed  :    Yet  all  this  time  the  public  debt  did 

not   exceed  four  hundred  pounds.     In  this 

fituation  they  were  obliged  to  apply  to  their 

neighbours  for  afliftance  ;  but  this  was  grant- 

ed with   a  fparing   hand.      The   people  of 

MafTachufetts  were  much  divided  and  at  va- 

riance among  themfelves,  both   on  account 

of  the  new  charter  which  they  had  received 

from     King   William,    and   the   pretended 

withcrafts  which  have  made  fo  loud  a  noife 


214  HISTORY  OF 

3693*    in  the  world.     Party  and  paffion  had 

ed  the  place  of  patriotifm  ;  and  the  defence, 
not  only  of  their  neighbours,  but  of  them- 
felves  was  negledted  to  gratify  their  malig- 
nant humours.  Their  governor  too  had 
been  affronted  in  this  province,  on  the  fol- 
lowing occafion. 

Sir  William  Phips,  having  had  a  quarrel 
with  Captain  Short  of  the  Nonfach  frigate 
about  the  extent  of  his  power  as  vice  admi- 
ral, arrefted  Short  at  Bofton,  and  put  him  on 
board  a  merchant  fhip  bound  far  England, 
commanded  by  one  Tay,  with  a  warrant  to 
deliver  him   to  the  fecretary  of  ftate.     The 
fhip  put  into  Pafcataqua,  and  the  Nonfuch 
came   in    after  her.     The  lieutenant,  Gary, 
fent   a  letter  to   Hinckes,  prefident  of  the 
council   threatening   to   imprefs    feamen  if 
Short  was  not  releafed.     Gary  was  arrefted 
and  brought  before  the  council,  where  he  re- 
ceived a   reprimand  for  his   infolence.     At 
the  fame  time  Sir  William  came  hither  by 
land,  went  on  board  Tay's  Ihip,  and  fent  the 
cabbin-boy  with  a  mefTage  to  the  prefident 
to  come  to  him  there  ;  which  Hinckes  high- 
ly refented  and  refuf ed.   Phips  then  demand- 
ed   of  Tay  his  former  warrant,  and  iffued 
another  commanding  the  re-delivery  of  Short 
to  him,  broke  open  Short's  cheft,  and  feized 
his  papers.       This  action  was  looked    upon 
by  fome  as  an  exertion   of  power  to  which 
he  had  no  right,  and  it  was  proposed  to  cite 
hi  in  before  the  council  to  anfwer  for  aflum-. 
ing  authority  out  of  his  jurifdicrion.     The 
prefident  was  warm  ;   but  a  majority  of  the 
the  council,  confidering  Sir  William's  opin- 
ion that  his  vice  admiral's  cp.mixiiiliQa 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  215 

tended  to  this  province,  (though  Uiher  had  1693« 
one,  but  was  not  prcfent)  and  that  no  perfon 
belonging  to  the  province  had  been  injured, 
advifed  the  prefident  to  take  no  farther  no- 
tice of  the  matter.  Soon  after  this  Sir  Wil- 
liam drew  off  the  men  whom  he  had  fta- 
tioned  in  this  province  as  foldiers  ;  and  the 
council  advifed  the  lieutenant  governor  to 
apply  to  the  colony  of  Connecticut  for  men 
and  proviiions  ;  but  whether  this  requeft 
was  granted  does  not  appear. 

The  towns  of  Dover  and  Exeter  being 
more  expofed  than  Portfmouth  or  Hampton, 
fuffered  the  greatefl  mare  in  the  common  ca- 
lamity. Nothing  but  the  hope  of  better 
times  kept  alive  their  fortitude.  When  ma- 
ny of  the  eaftern  fettlements  were  wholly 
broken  up,  they  flood  their  ground,  and 
thus  gained  to  themfelves  a  reputation  which 
their  pofterity  boaft  of  to  this  day. 

The  engagements  made  by  the  Indians  in  1694. 
the  treaty  of  Pemaquid,  might  have  been 
performed  if  they  had  been  left  to  their  own 
choice.  But  the  French  miflionaries  had 
been  for  fome  years  very  affiduous  in  propa- 
gating their  tenets  among  them,  one  of  which 
was  c  that  to  break  faith  with  hereticks  was 
*  no  fin.'  The  Sieur  de  Villieu,  who  had 
diftinguifhed  himielf  in  the  defence  of  Que- 
bec when  Phips  was  before  it,  and  had  con- 
trafted  a  ftrong  antipathy  to  the  New-Eng- 
landers,  being  now  in  command  at  Penob- 
fcot,  he  witji  M.  Thury,  the  miflionary,  di- 
verted Madokawando  and  the  other  fachems 
from  complying  with  their  engagements  ;  fo 
that  pretences  were  found  for  detaining  the 
Jiugliih  captives,  who  were  more  in  num- 


HISTORY   OF 

16&4.  ber,  and  of  more  confequence  than  the  hot 
tages  whom  the  Indians  had  given.  Influ- 
enced by  the  fame  pernicious  councils,  they 
kept  a  watchful  eye  on  the  frontier  towns,  to 
fee  what  place  was  mofl  fecure  and  might  be 
attacked  to  the  greateft  advantage.  The  fet- 
tlement  at  Oyifer  river,  within  the  town  of 
Dover,  was,  pitched  upon  as  the  mofl  likely 
Jftace ;  and  it  is  faid  that  the  defign  of  fur- 
prifing  it  was  publiekly  talked  of  at  Quebec 
two  months  before  it  was  put  in  execution. 
RuiftoUfs-  of  Indians  lurking  in  the  woods 
thereabout  made  fome  of  the  people  appre- 
hend danger  ;  but  no  mifchief  being  attempt- 

Magnate    ed}  they  imagined  them  to  be  hunting  par- 
''  ties,   and  returned  to  their  fecurity.       At 
length, the  neceffary  preparations  being  made, 
^illieu,  witli  a  body  of  two  hundred   and 

fib.  is.  p.  fifty  Indians,  collected  from  the  tribes  of  St. 
John,  Penobfcot  and  Norridgwog,  attended 
by  a  French  Prieft,  marched  for  the  devoted 
pfece. 

Oyfter  river  is  a  ftream  which  runs  into 
weftem  branch  of  Pafcataqua  ;  the  fet- 
tletnents  were  on  both  fides  of  it,  and  the 
houffes  chiefly  near  the  water.  Here  were 
twelve  garrifoned  houfes  fufficient  for  the 
defence  of  the  inhabitants,  but  apprehend- 
ing no  danger,  fome  families  remained  at 
their  own  unfortified  houfes,  and  thofe  who 
were  in  the  garrifons  were  but  indifferently 
provided  for  defence  fome  being  even  defti- 
tute  of  powder.  The  enemy  approached  the 
place  undifcovered,  and  halted  near  the  falls 
on  Tuefclay  evening,  the  feventeenth  of  Ju- 
ly. Here  they  formed  into  two  divifions, 
one  of  which  was  to  go  on  each  fide  of  the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  217 

river  and  plant  themfelves  in  ambufh,  in  1694, 
final!  parties,  near  every  houfe,  fo  as  to  be  rea- 
dy for  the  attack  at  the  rifing  of  the  fun  ;  the 
firfh  gun  to  be  the  fignal.  John  Dean,  whofe 
houfe  flood  by  the  faw-mill  at  the  falls,  in- 
tending to  go  from  home  very  early,  arofe 
before  the  dawn  of  day,  and  was  mot  as  he 
came  out  of  his  door.  This  firing,  in  part, 
difconcerted  their  plan  ;  feveral  parties  who 
had  fome  diftance  to  go,  had  not  then  ar- 
rived at  their  ftations  ;  the  people  in  gener- 
al were  immediately  alarmed,  fome  of  them 
had  time  to  make  their  efcape,  and  others  to 
prepare  for  their  defence.  The  fignal  being 
given,  the  attack  began  in  all  parts  where 
the  enemy  was  ready. 

Of  the  twelve  garrifoned  houfes  five  were 
deftroyed,  viz.  Adams's,  Drew's,  Edgerly's, 
Medar's  and  Beard's.  They  entered  Adams's 
without  refiftance,  where  they  killed  four- 
teen perfons  ;  one  of  them,  being  a  woman 
with  child,  they  ripped  open.  The  grave  is 
flill  to  be  feen  in  which  they  were  all  bu- 
ried. Drew  furrendered  his  garrifon  on  the 
promife  of  fecurity,  but  was  murdered  when 
he  tell  into  their  hands  ;  one  of  his  chil- 
dren, a  boy  of  nine  years  old,  was  made  to 
run  through  a  lane  of  Indians  as  a  mark  for 
them  to  throw  their  hatchets  at,  till  they 
had  difpatched  him.  Edgerly's  was  evacu- 
ated ;  the  people  took  to  their  boat,  and  one 
of  them  was  mortally  wounded  before  they 
got  out  of  reach  of  the  enemy's  mot.  Beard's 
and  Medar's  were  alfo  evacuated  and  the 
people  efcaped. 

The  defencelefs  houfes  were  nearly  all  fet 
on  fire,  the  inhabitants  being  either  killed  or 

D     D 


218  HISTORY  OF 

1694.  taken  in  them,  or  elfe  in  endeavouring  to  fly 
to  the  garrifons.  Some  efcaped  by  hiding 
in  the  bulhes  and  other  fecret  places. 
Thomas  Edgerly,  by  concealing  himfelf  in 
his  cellar,  preferved  his  houfe,  though  twice 
fet  on  fife.  The  houfe  of  John  Bufs,  the 
minifter,  was  deftrbyed  with  a  valuable  li- 
brary. He  was  abfent,  his  wife  and  family 
fled  to  the  woods  and  efcaped.  The  wife  of 
John  Dean,  at  whom  the  firft  gun  was  fired 
was  taken  with  her  daughter,  and  carried 
about  two  miles  up  the  river,  where  they 
w°re  ].-/ 1  u  :der  the  care  of  an  old  Indian 
wliiio  1:  others  returned  to  their  bloody 
w •}•  £.  The  Indian  complained  of  a  pain  in 
his  head,  and  aiked  the  woman  what  would 
be  a  proper  remedy  :  fhe  aiifwered,  Occapee, 
which  is  he  Indian  word  for  rum,  of  which 
fhe  k?ie  v  he  had  taken  a  bottle  from  her 
houfe.  The  remedy  being  agreeable,  he 
took  a  large  dofe  and  fell  afleep  ;  and  flie 
took  that  opportunity  to  make  her  efcape, 
with  her  child,  into  the  woods,  and  kept  con- 
cealed till  they  were  gone. 

The  other  feven  garrifons,  viz.  Burnham's, 
Bickford's,  Smith's,  Bunker's,  Davis's,  Jones 
and  Woodman's  were  refolutely  and  fuccefs- 
fully  defended.  At  Burnham's  the  gate  was 
left  open :  The  Indians,  ten  in  number, 
who  were  appointed  to  furprize  it,  were  a- 
fleep  under  the  bank  of  the  river,  at  the 
time  that  the  alarm  was  given.  A  man  with- 
in, who  had  been  kept  awake  by  the  tooth- 
ach,  hearing  the  firft  gun,  roufed  the  people 
and  fecured  the  gate,  juft  as  the  Indians  who 
wer£  awakened  by  the  fame  noife  were  en- 
tering. Finding  themfelves  difappoin^ed, 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  219 

they  ran  to  Pitman's,  defencelefs  houfe,  and  1694. 
forced  the  door  at  the  moment  that  he  had 
burft  a  way  through  that  end  of  the  houfe 
which  was  next  to  the  garriibn,  to  which  he 
with  his  family,  taking  advantage  of  the 
{hade  of  fome  trees,  it  being  moonlight, 
happily  efcaped.  Still  defeated,  they  attack- 
ed the  houfe  of  John  Davis,  which  after 
fome  refiitance  he  furrendered  on  terms  ;  but 
the  terms  were  violated,  and  the  whole  fam- 
ily either  killed  or  made  captives.  Thomas 
Bickford  preferved  his  houfe  in  a  fingular 
manner.  It  was  fituated  near  the  river,  and 
furrpunded  with  a  palifade.  Being  alarmed 
before  the  enemy  had  reached  the  houfe,  he 
fent  off  his  family  in  a  boat,  and  then  fhut- 
ting  his  gate,  betook  himfelf  alone  to  the  de- 
fence of  his  fortrefs.  Defpifing  alike  the 
promifes  and  threats  by  which  the  Indians 
would  have  perfuaded  him  to  furrender,  he 
kept  up  a  conftant  fire  at  them,  changing  his 
drefs  as  often  as  he  could,  {hewing  himfelf 
with  a  different  cap,  hat  or  coat,  and  fome- 
times  without  either,  and  giving  directions 
aloud  as  if  he  had  a  number  of  men  with 
him.  Finding  their  attempt  vain,  the  enemy 
withdrew,  and  left  him  fole  mafter  of  the 
houfe  which  he  had  defended  with  fuch  ad- 
mirable addrefs.  Smith's,  Bunker's,  and 
Davis's  garrifons,  being  {eafonably  apprized 
of  the  danger,  were  refolutely  defended,  one 
Indian  was  fuppofed  to  be  killed  and  anoth- 
er wounded  by  a  {hot  from  Davis's.  Jones's 
garrifon  was  befet  before  day  ;  Capt.  Jones 
hearing  his  dogs  bark,  and  imagining  wolves 
might  be  near,  went  out  to  fecure  fome  fwine 
and  returned  unmolefted.  He  then  went  up 


220  HISTORY  OJ 

1694.  into  the  flankart  and  fat  on  the  wall.  Dif- 
cerning  the  flafh  of  a  gun,  he  dropped  back- 
ward ;  the  ball  entered  the  place  from 
whence  he  had  withdrawn  his  legs.  The 
enemy  from  behind  a  rock  kept  firing  on 
the  houfe  for  foine  time  and  then  quitted  it. 
During  thefe  tranfa&ions  the  French  priefl 
took  poileflion  of  the  meeting-houfe,  and 
employed  himfelf  in  writing  on  the  pulpit 
with  chalk  ;  but  the  houfe  received  no  dam- 
age. 

Thofe  parties  of  the  enemy  who  were  on 
the  fouth  fide  of  die  river  having  completed 
their  deftruclive  work,  colle&ed  in  a  field 
adjoining  to  Burnham's  garrifon,  where  they 
infultingly  ,fhewed  their  prif oners,  and  de- 
rided the  people,  thiaking  themfelves  out  of" 
reach  of  their  ftiot.     A  young  man  from  the 
centry-box  fired   at  one   who  was   making 
fome  indecent  figojs  of  defiance,  and  wound- 
ed him  in  the  heel  :  Him  they  placed   on  a 
iiorib  and  carried  away.    Both  divifions  then 
met  at  the  falls,  where  they  ha.d  parted  the 
evening  before,  and  proceeded  together  to 
Capt.  Woodman's  garrifon.  The  ground  being 
uneven,  they  approached    without  danger, 
and  from  behind  a  hill  kept  up  a  long  and 
fevere  fire  at  th^  hats  and  caps   which  the 
people    within  held  up    on  flicks  above  the 
walls,  without  any  other  damage  than  gall- 
ing the  roof  of  the  houfe.     At  length,  ap- 
prehending it  was  time  for  the  people  in  the 
neighbouring  fettlements  to  be  collected  in 
puriuit  of    them,    they  finally  withdrew  ; 
having  killed  and  captivated  between  ninety 
and  an  hundred  perfons  and  burned  about 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

twenty  houfes,  of  which  five  were  garrifons*.  1 694 
The  main  body  of  them  retreated  over  Win- 
nipifeogee  lake,  where  they  divided  their 
prifoners,  feparating  thofe  in  particular  who 
were  moil  intimately  connedled,  in  which 
they  often  took  a  pleafure  fuited  to  their 
favage  nature  f. 

About  forty  of  the  enemy  under  Toxus,  a 
Norridgwog  chief,  refolving  on  farther  mif- 
chief,  went  weftward  and  did  execution  as 
far  as  Groton.  A  frnaller  party  having  crofT- 
ed  the  river  Pafcataqua,  came  to  a  farm 
where  Urfula  Cutts,  widow  of  the  deceafed 
prefident,  refided,  who  imagining  the  enemy 
had  done  what  mifchief  they  intended  for 
that  time,  could  not  be  perfuaded  to  remove 
into  town  till  her  haymaking  mould  be  finifh- 
ed.  As  me  was  in  the  field  with  her  labourers, 
the  enemy  fired  from  an  ambufh  and  killed  86 
her,  with  three  others.  Colonel  Richard 
Waldron  and  his  wife  with  their  infant  fon 
(afterward  fecretary)  had  almoft  lhared  the 
fame  fate  ;  they  were  taking  boat  to  go  and 
.dine  with  this  lady,  when  they  were  ftopped 

*  Charlevoix  with  Iris  usual  parade  boasts  of  their  having  killed  two  hun- 
dred and  thirty  people,  and  burned  fifty  or  f  xty  houses.  He  Speaks  of  only 
twp  forts,  both  of  which  were  stormed. 

f  Among1  these  prisoners  were  Thomas  Drew  and  his  wife  who  were 
newly  married.  He  was  carried  to  Canada,  where  he  continued  two  years 
and  was  redeemed.  She  to  Norridgwog,  and  was  gone  four  years,  in  which 
she  endured  every  thing  but  death.  She  was  delivered  of  a  child  in  the  win- 
ter, in  the  open  air,  and  in  a  violent  snow  storm.  Being  unable  to  suckle 
her  child,  or  provide  it  any  food,  the  Indians  killed  it.  She  lived  fourteen 
days  on  a  decoction  of  the  bark  of  trees.  Onoe  they  set  her  to  draw  a  sled 
v:j)  a  river  against  a  piercing  north-west  wind,  and  left  her.  She  was  so  o- 
vercome  with  the  cold  that  she  grew  sleepy,  laid  down  and  was  nearly  dead, 
when  they  returned  ;  they  carried  her  senseless  to  a  wigwam,  and  poured 
warm  water  down  her  throat,  which  recovered  her.  After  her  return  to  her 
husband,  she  had  fourteen  children  ;  they  lived  together  till  he  was  ninety 
three  and  she  eighty  nine  years  of  age  ;  they  died  within  two  days  of  eaqh 
other  and  were  buried  in  one  grave. 

***  These  particular  circumstances  of  the  destruction  at  Oyster  river 
were  at  my  desire  collected  from  the  information  of  aged  people  by  John  Smith} 
Ksq.  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  suffering  families. 


222  |    HISTORY    OF 

1694.  by  the  arrival  of  fome  friends  at  their  houfe; 
while  at  dinner  they  were  informed  of  her 
death.     She  lived  about  two  miles  above  the 
town    of  Portfmouth,  and  had  laid  out  her 
farm  with  much  elegance.     The  fcalps  tak- 
en in  this  whole  expedition  were  carried  to 
Canada  by  Madokawando,  and  prefented  to 
Count  Fronteiiac,  from  whom   he  received 
the  reward  of  his  treacherous  adventure. 

1695.  There  is  no  mention  of  any  more  rnifchief 
by  the  Indians  within  this   province  till  the 
next  year,  when,  in  the  month  of  July,  two 
men  were  killed  at  Exeter.     The  following 
year,    on  the  feventh   day   of  May,   John 
Church^  Wh0  haci  been  taken  and    efcaped 
from  them  feven  years  before,  was  killed  and 
fcalped  at  Cochecho,  near  his  own  houfe. 
On  the  twenty-fixth  of  June  an  attack  was 
made  at  Portfmouth  plain,  about  two  miles 
from   the   town.       The   enemy  came  from 
York-nubble  to  Sandy-beach  in  canoes,  which 
they  hid  there  among  the  bullies    near    the 
ihore.     Some  fufpicion  was  formed  the  day 
before  by  reafon  of  the  cattle  running  out  of 
the  woods  at  Little-harbour  ;  but   falfe  a- 
larms  were  frequent  and  this  was  not  much 
regarded.     Early  in  the  morning  the  attack 
was  made  on  five  houfe s  at  once  ;  fourteen 
perfons    were  killed   on  the  fpot,  one   was 
fcalped  and  left  for  dead,  but  recovered,  and 
four  were  taken.     The  enemy  having  plun- 
dered the  houfes  of  what  they  could  carry, 
fet  them  on  fire,  and  made  a  precipitate  re- 
treat through  the  great  fwamp.     A  company 
of  militia  under  Captsia  Shackfqrd  and  lieu- 
tenant Libbey  purfued,  and  difcovered  them 
cooking  their  breakfatt,  at  a  place  ever  fince 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

called  Breakfaft-hill.  The  Indians  were  on  169& 
the  farther  fide,  having  placed  their  captives 
between  themfelves  and  the  top  of  the  hill, 
that  in  cafe  of  an  attack  they  might  firft  re- 
ceive the  fire.  The  lieutenent  urged  to  go 
round  the  hill,  and  come  upon  them  below 
to  cut  off  their  retreat;  but  the  captain  fear- 
ing in  that  cafe  that  they  would,  according  to 
their  cuflom,  kill  the  prifoners,  rallied  upon 
them  from  the  top  of  the  hill,  by  which 
means  they  retook  the  captives  and  plunder, 
but  the  Indians,  rolling  down  the  hill,  efcap- 
ed  into  the  fwamp  and  got  to  their  canoes. 
Another  party,  under  another  commander, 
was  then  fent  out  in  ihallops  to  intercept 
them  as  they  fhould  crofs  over  to  the  eaft- 
ward  by  night.  The  captain  ranged  his 
boats  in  a  line,  and  ordered  his  men  to  re- 
ferve  their  fire  till  he  gave  the  watch-word. 
It  being  a  calm  night  the  Indians  were  heard 
as  they  advanced  ;  but  the  captain,  unhappi- 
ly giving  the  word  before  they  had  come 
within  gun-fhot,  they  tacked  about  to  the 
fouthward,  and  going  round  the  Ifles  of 
Shoals,  by  the  favour  of  their  light  canoe* 
efcaped.  The  watch-word  was  Crambo, 
which  the  captain  ever  after  bore  as  an  ap- 
pendage to  his  title*.  On  the  twenty  fixth 
day  of  July,  the  people  of  Dover  were  way- 

,    •  j  i       '  r  -i  / .      Magnalia 

laid  as  they  were  returning  from  the  public  Hb.7.p.wfc 
worihip,    when     three   were    killed,    three 
wounded,  and   three  carried  to  Penobfcot, 
from   whence    they   foon  found  their  way 
home. 

*  The  account  of  this  transaction  I  had  from  the  late  Judge  Parker,  who 
bad  taken  psius  to  pieserve  it.  It  is  mentioned,  but  not  circumstantially,  b^ 
Dr.  Mather.  Magnalia,  lib.  7.  page  89. 


HISTORY  OF 

1697.  The  next  year  on  the  tenth  of  June,  tha 
town  of  Exeter  was  remarkably  preferved 
from  deftru<5lion.  A  body  of  the  enemy  had 
placed  themfelves  near  the  town,  intending 
to  make  an  aflault  in  the  morning  of  the 
next  day.  A  number  of  women  and  chil- 
dren contrary  to  the  advice  of  their  friends 
went  into  the  fields,  without  a  guard,  ta 
gather  itrawberries.  When  they  were  gone 
fome  perfons,  to  frighten  them,  fired  an  a- 
larm  ;  which  quickly  fpread  through  the 
town,  and  brought  the  people  together  in 
arms.  The  Indians  fuppoiing  that  they 
were  difcovered,  and  quickened  by  fear,  af- 
ter killing  one,  wounding  another,  and  tak- 
ing a  child,  made  a  hafty  retreat  and  were 
feen  no  more  there.  But  on  the  fourth  day 
. ub.  7.  of  July  they  waylaid  and  killed  the  worthy 
-  Major  Froft  at  Kittery,  to  whom  they  had 
owed  revenge  ever  iince  the  feizure  of  the 
four  hundred  at  Gochecho,  in  which  he  was 
concerned. 

The  fame  year  an  invafion  of  the  country 
was  projected  by  the  French.  A  fleet  was  to 
fail  from  France  to  Newfoundland  and  thence 
to  Penobfcot,  where  being  joined  by  an  ar- 
my from  Canada,  an  attempt  was  to  be  made 
on  Bofton,  and  the  feacoait  ravaged  from 
thence  to  Pafcataqua.  The  plan  was  too  ex- 
teniive  and  complicated  to  be  executed  in 
one  fummer.  The  fleet  came  no  further 
than  Newfoundland  ;  when  the  advanced 
feafon,  and  fcantinefs  of  provilions  obliged 
them  to  give  over  the  defign.  The  people 
of  New-England  were  apprized  of  the  dan- 
ger, and  made  the  beft  preparations  in  their 
4  power.  They  ftrengthened  their  fortifies 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  225 

tions  on  the  coaft,  and  raifed  a  body  of  men  1697. 
to  defend  the  frontiers  againft  the  Indians 
who  were  expecfted  to  co-operate  with  the 
French.  Some  mifchief  was  done  by  lurk- 
ing par  ties  at  the  eaftward  ;  but  New-Hamp- 
i'hire  was  unmoleftecl  by  them  during  the 
remainder  of  this,  and  the  whole  of  the  fol- 
lowing year. 

After  the  peace  of  Ryfwick,  Count  Froi> 
tenac  informed  the  Indians  that  he  could 
not  any  longer  fupport  them  in  a  war  with 
the  Englifh,  with  whom  his  nation  was  now 
ut  peace-  He  therefore  advifed  them  to  bu- 
ry the  hatchet  and  reftore  their  captives. 
Having  fuffered  much  by  famine,  and  being 
divided  in  their  opinions  about  profecuting 
the  war,  after  a  lon^r  time  they  were  brought 
to  a  treaty  at  Cafco  ;  where  they  ratified 
their  former  engagements  ;  acknowledged  January  7. 
fubjeclion  to '  the  crown  of  England  ;  la- 
mented their  former  perfidy,  and  promifed  Maff.  lib.  7 
future  peace  and  good  behaviour  in  fuch  ^^ 94' 
terms  as  the  commiflioners  dictated,  and 
with  as  much  fincerity  as  could  be  expedled. 
At  the  fame  time  they  reftored  thofe  captives 
who  were  able  to  travel  from  the  places  of 
their  detention  to  Cafco  in  that  unfavourable 
feafon  of  the  year  ;  giving  aflurance  for  the 
return  of  the  others  in  the  fpring  ;  but  many 
of  the  younger  fort,  both  males  and  females, 
were  detained  ;  who,  mingling  with  the  In- 
dians,  contributed  to  a  fucceflion  of  enemies  uo 
in  future  wars  againft  their  own  country, 

A  general  view  of  an  Indian  war  will 
give  a  juft  idea  of  thefe  diftrefling  times,  and 
.be  a  proper  clofe  to  this  narration. 

The  Indians  were  feldom  or  never  feen 

K    E 


226  HISTORY    OF 

before  they  did  execution.  They  appeared 
not  in  the  open  field,  nor  gave  proofs  of  a 
truly  mafculine  courage  ;  but  did  their  ex- 
ploits by  furprize,  chiefly  in  the  morning, 
keeping  themfelves  hid  behind  logs  and  bufh- 
es,  near  the  paths  in  the  woods,  or  the  fences 
contiguous  to  the  doors  of  houfes  ;  and  their 
lurking  holes  could  be  known  only  by  the 
report  of  their  guns,  which  was  indeed  but 
feeble,  as  they  were  fparing  of  ammunition, 
and  as  near  as  poffible  to  their  objedl  before 
t^iey  fired.  They  rarely  aflaulted  an  houfe 
unlefs  they  knew  there  would  be  but  little 
refiftance,  and  it  has  been  afterward  known 
that  they  have  lain  in  ambufh  for  days  toge- 
ther, watching  the  motions  of  the  people  at 
K  their  work,  without  daring  to  tlifcover  them- 
felves. One  of  their  chiefs  who  had  got  a 
woman's  riding-hood  among  his  plunder 
would  put  it  on,  in  an  evening,  and  walk  in- 
to the  ftreets  of  Portfmouth,  looking  into  the 
windows  of  houfes  and  liftening  to  the  con- 
verfation  of  the  people. 

Their  cruelty  was  chiefly  exercifed  upon 
children,  and  fuch  aged,  infirm,  or  corpulent 
perfons  as  could  not  bear  the  hardfhips  of  a 
journey  through  the  wildernefs.  If  they 
-took  a  woman  far  advanced  in  pregnancy 
their  knives  were  plunged  into  her  bowels. 
An  infant  when  it  became  troublefome  had 
its  brains  dafhed  out  againft  the  next  tree  or 
(lone.  Sometimes  to  torment  the  wretched 
mother,  they  would  whip  and  beat  the  child 
till  almofl  dead,  or  hold  it  under  water  till 
its  breath  was  juft  gone,  and  then  throw  it 
to  her  to  comfort  and  quiet  it.  If  the  moth- 
er could  not  readily  (till  its  weeping,  the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  227 

hatchet  was  buried  in  its  fkull.  A  captive 
wearied  with  his  burden  laid  on  his  fhoul- 
ders  was  often  fent  to  reft  the  fame  way.  If 
any  one  proved  refradlory,  or  was  known  to 
have  been  inftrumerital  of  the  death  of  an 
Indian,  or  related  to  one  who  had  been  fo, 
he  was  tortured  with  a  lingering  punifh- 
ment,  generally  at  the  flake,  while  the  other 
captives  were  infulted  with  the  fight  of  his 
miferies.  Sometimes  a  fire  would  be  kind- 
led and  a  threatening  given  out  againft  one 
or  more,  though  there  was  no  intention  of 
facrificing  them,  only  to  make  fport  of  their 
terrors.  The  young  Indians  often  fignalized 
their  cruelty  in  treating  captives  inhuman- 
ly out  of  fight  of  the  elder,  and  when  inqui- 
ry was  made  into  the  matter,  the  infulted 
captive  mufl  either  be  filent  or  put  the  beft 
face  on  it,  to  prevent  worfe  treatment  for 
the  future.  If  a  captive  appeared  fad  and 
dejecfled  he  was  fure  to  meet  with  infult  ; 
but  if  he  could  ling  and  dance  and  laugh 
with  his  matters,  he  was  carefled  as  a  broth- 
er. They  had  a  ftrong  averfion  to  Negroes, 
and  generally  killed  them  when  they  fell  into 
their  hands. 

Famine  was  a  common  attendant  on  thefe 
doleful  captivities  ;  the  Indians  when  they 
caught  any  game  devoured  it  all  at  one  fit- 
ting, and  then  girding  themfelves  round  the 
waift,  travelled  without  fuftenance  till  chance 
threw  more  in  their  way.  The  captives,  un- 
ufed  to  fuch  canine  repafts  and  abftinences, 
could  not  fupport  the  furfeit  of  the  one  nor 
the  craving  of  the  other.  A  change  of  maf- 
ters,  though  it  fometimes  proved  a  relief 
from  mifery,  yet  rendered  the  profpedl  of  a, 


HISTORY  Ofr 

return  to  their  home  more  diflant-  If  an 
Indian  had  loll  a  relative,  a  prifoner  bought 
for  a  gun,  a  hatchet,  or  a  few  fkins,  muft 
fupply  the  place  of  the  deceafed,  and  be  the 
father,  brother,  or  fon  of  the  purchaier  ;  and 
thofe  who  could  accommodate  themfelves  to 
fuch  barbarous  adoption,  were  treated  with 
the  fame  kindnefs  as  the  perfons  in  whofe 
place  they  were  fubftituted.  A  fale  among 
the  French  of  Canada  was  the  mofl  happy 
event  to  a  captive,  efpecially  if  he  became  a 
fervaiit  in  a  family  ;  though  fometimes  even 
there  a  prifon  was  their  lot,  till  opportunity 
prefented  for  their  redemption  ;  while  the 
priefts  employed  every  feducing  art  to  per- 
vert tkem  to  the  popifh  religion,  and  induce 
them  to  abandon  their  country.  Thefe  cir- 
cumftances,  joined  with  the  more  obvious 
hard  mips  of  travelling  half  naked  and  bare- 
foot through  patuleis  deferts,  over  craggy 
mountains  and  deep  iwamps,  through  froft, 
rain  and  fnow,  expo  fed  by  day  and  night  to 
the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  and  in  fum- 
mer  to  the  venomous  flings  of  thole  mun- 
berlefs  infects  with  which  the  woods  abound ; 
the  reftleis  anxiety  of  mind,  the  retrofpecl 
of  paft  fcenes  of  pleafure,  the  remembrance 
of  diftant  friends,  the  bereavements  experi- 
enced at  the  beginning  or  during  the  pro 
grefs  of  the  captivity,  and  the  daily  appre- 
henfion  of  death  either  by  famine  or  the 
favage  enemy  ;  thefe  \verc  the  horrors  of  an 
Indian,  captivity. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  muft  be  acknow- 
ledged that  there  have  been  infliances  of  juf- 
tice,  generofity  and  tendernefs  during  thefe 
•\vars,  which  would  have  done  horor  to  a  c.iv 


NEW-HAMPSHIRfi.  229 

ilized  people.  A  kindnefs  (hewn  to  an  In- 
dian was  remembered  as  long  as  an  injury  $ 
and  perfons  have  had  their  lives  fpared  for 
adls  of  humanity  done  to  the  anceftors  of 
thofe  Indians  into  whofe  hands  they  have 
fallen*.  They  would  fometimes  "  carry 
"  children  on  their  arms  and  moulders,  feed 
"  their  prifoners  with  the  beft  of  their  pro- 
"  vifion,  and  pinch  themfelves  rather  than 
*c  their  captives  ihould  want  food."  When 
lick  or  wounded  they  would  afford  them 
proper  means  for  their  recovery,  which  they 
were  very  well  able  to  do  by  their  know- 
ledge of  fimples.  In  thus  preferving  the 
lives  and  health  of  their  prifoners,  they 
doubtlefs  had  a  view  of  gain.  But  the  moft 
remarkably  favourable  circumftance  in  an 
Indian  captivity,  was  their  decent  behaviour 
to  women.  I  have  never  read,  nor  heard, 
nor  could  find  by  enquiry,  that  any  woman 
who  fell  into  their  hands  was  ever  treat- 
ed with  the  leaft  immodefty  ;  but  teftimo- 
iiies  the  contrary  are  very  frequentf .  Wheth- 

*  Several  instances  to  this  purpose  have  been  occasionally  mentioned  in 
the  course  of  this  narrative.  The  following  additional  one  is  taken  from  Capt. 
Hammond's  MS  Journal.  "  April  13,  1677.  The  Indians  Simon,  An- 
•'  drew  and  Peter  burnt  the  house  of  Edward  Weymouth  at  Sturgeon  creek. 
"  They  plundered  the  house  of  one  Crawley  but  did  not  kill  him,  because  of 
••  some  kindnesses  done  to  Simon's  grandmother." 

f  Mary  Rowlandson  who  was  captured  at  Lancaster,  in  1 675,  has  this 
passage  in  her  narrative,  (p.  55.)  "  I  have  been  in  the  midst  of  these  roar- 
ing lions  and  savage  bears,  that  feared  neither  God  nor  man  nor  the  devil, 
by  day  and  night,  atone  and  in  company  ;  sleepingall  sorts  together,  and  yet  not 
^ae  of  them  ever  offered  me  the  least  abuse  of  unchastity  in  word  or  action.'5 

Elizabeth  Hanson  who  was  taken  from  Dover  in  1724,  testifies  in  her  nar- 
rative, (p-.  28.)  that  "  the  Indians  are  very  civil  toward  their  captive  wo- 
men, not  offering  any  incivility  by  any  indecent  carriage." 

William  Fleming,  who  was  taken  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1755,  says  the  In- 
iuns  told  him  <'he  need  not  be  afraid  of  their  abusing  his  wife,  for  they  would 
not  do  it,  for  fear  of  offending  their  God  (pointing  their  hands  toward  heav- 
en) for  the  man  that  affronts  his  God  will  surely  be  killed  when  he  goes  to 
var."  He  farther  says,  that  one  of  them  gave  his  wife  a  shift  and  petticoat. 
which  lie  had  among  his  plunder,  and  thcugh  he  was  alone  with  her,  yet  "  hr 
f  :rned  his  back,  and  went  to  some  distance  while  she  put  them  on."  (p.  !Q.) 


HISTORY  OF 

cr  this  negative  virtue  is  to  be  afcribed  to  a 
natural  frigidity  of  conftitution,  let  philofo 
phers  enquire  :  The  fadl  is  certain  ;  and  it 
was  a  moft  happy  circumftance  for  our  fe- 
male captives,  that  in  the  midft  of  all  their 
diftrefles,  they  had  no  reafon  to  fear  from  a 
favage  foe,  the  perpetration  of  a  crime,  which 
has  too  frequently  difgraced  not  only  the. 
perfonal  but  the  national  charader  of  thofe 
who  make  large  pretences  to  civilization  and 
humanity. 

Charlevoix  in  his  account  of  the  Indians  of  Canada,  says  (letter  7.)  "There 
is  no  example  that  any  have  ever  taken  the  least  liberty  with  the  French 
women,  even  when  they  were  their  prisoners" 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  231 


CHAP.     XL 


The  rivil  affairs  of  the  province  during  the  administration!*  of 
Usher,  Partridge,  Allen,  the  Earl  of  Bellamont  and  Dudley , 
comprehending  the  whole  controversy  with  Allen  and  his  heirs, 

JOHN  Uflier,  Efquire,  was  a  native 
of  Bofton,  and  by  profeffion  a  ftationer.  He 
was  poffefled  of  an  handfome  fortune,  and 
fuftained  a  fair  character  in  trade.  He  had 
been  employed  by  the  Maffachufetts  govern- 
ment, when  in  England,  to  negotiate  the 
purchafe  of  the  province  of  Maine,  from  the 
heirs  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  had 
thereby  got  a  tafte  for  fpeculating  in  landed 
intereft.  He  was  one  of  the  partners  in  the 
million  purchafe,  and  had  fanguine  expecta- 
tions of  gain  from  that  quarter.  He  had 
rendered  himfelf  unpopular  among  his  coun- 
trymen, by  accepting  the  office  of  treafurer, 
under  Sir  Edmund  Androfle,  and  joining 
with  apparent  zeal  in  the  meafures  of  that  , 
adminift ration,  and  he  continued  a  friend-  papers, 
ly  connexion  with  that  party,  after  they  were 
difplaced. 

Though  not  illnatured,  but  rather  of  an 
open  and  generous  difpofition,  yet  he  want- 
ed thole  acconiplifhinents  which  he  might 
have  acquired  by  a  learned  and  polite  educa- 
tion. He  was  but  little  of  the  ftatefman,  and 
lefs  of  the  courtier.  Inftead  of  an  engaging 
affability  he  affecled  a  feverity  in  his  de- 
portment, was  loud  in  converfation,  and  ftern 
•n  command.  Fond  of  prefiding  in  govern- 
ment, he  frequently  journied  into  the  pro- 


232 


HISTORY  OF 

vince,  (though  his  refidence  was  at  Boftont 
where  he  carried  on  his  bufinefs  as  ufuai,) 
and  often  fummoned  the  council  when  he 
had  little  or  nothing  to  lay  before  them.  He 
gave  orders,  and  found  fault  like  one  who 
felt  himfelf  independent,  and  was  determin- 
ed to  be  obeyed.  He  had  an  high  idea  of 
his  authority  and  the  dignity  of  his  commif- 
iion,  and  when  oppofed  and  infulted,  as  he 
fbmetimes  was,  he  treated  the  offenders  with 
a  feverity  which  he  would  not  relax  till  he 
had  brought  them  to  fiibmiiTion.  His  pub- 
lic fpeeches  were  always  incorrect,  and  fome- 
times  coarfe  and  reproachful. 

He  feems,  however,  to  have  taken  as 
much  care  for  the  intereft  and  prefervation 
of  the  province  as  one  in  his  circumftances 
could  have  done.  He  began  his  adminiflra- 
tion  in  the  height  of  a  war  which  greatly 
diftrefTed  and  impoverUhed  the  country,  yet 
his  views  from  the  beginning  were  lucra- 
tive*. The  people  perceived  thefe  views,  and 
were  aware  of  the  danger.  The  transfer  oi 
the  title  from  Mafon  to  Allen  was  only  a 
change  of  names  :  They  expected  a  repetition 
of  the  fame  difficulties  under  a  new  claim- 
ant. After  the  oppofition  they  had  hitherto 
made,  it  could  not  be  thought  ftrange  that 
men  whofe  pulie  beat  high  for  freedom, 
ihould  refufe  to  fubmit  to  vaflalage  ;  nor, 
while  they  were  on  one  fide  defending  their 

*  In  a  letter  to  George  Dorrington  and  John  Taylor  in  London,  lie  write* 
thus;  '-Jan.  29,  1692 — 3.  In  case  yourselves  are  concerned  in  th« 
"  province  of  New-Hampshire,  with  prudent  management  it  may  be  worth 
''  money,  the  people  only  paying  4d  and  2d  per  acrr.  The  reason  why  the 
u  commonalty  of  the  people  do  not  agree  is  because  3  or  4  oi  the  great  landed 
u  men  dissuade  them  from  it.  The  people  have  petitio;.<:ci  the  king  to  be 
cc  annexed  to  Boston  government,  but  it  will  not  be  for  the  proprieior's  in* 
'  terest  to  admit  of  that  unless  the  king  send.,  a  gc.x. *»  <;;>•  TTVJ 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  233 

pofTeffions  againft  a  favage  enemy,  could  it 
be  expedled,  that  on  the  other,  they  mould 
tamely  fufFer  the  intrufion  of  a  landlord. 
Ufher's  intereft  was  united  with  theirs  in 
providing  for  the  defence  of  the  country,  and 
contending  with  the  enemy  ;  but  when  the 
propriety  of  the  foil  was  in  queflion,  they 
ftood  on  oppofite  fides  ;  and  as  both  thefe 
controversies  were  carried  on  at  the  fame 
time,  the  conduct  of  the  people  toward  him 
varied  according  to  the  exigency  of  the  cafe  ; 
they  fometimes  voted  him  thanks  for  his  fer- 
vices,  and  at  other  times  complained  of  his 
abufing  and  oppreffing  them. 

Some  of  them  would  have  been  content  to 
have  held  their  eftates  under  Allen's  title*, 
but  the  greater  part,  including  the  principal 
men,  were  refolved  to  oppofe  it  co  the  I  .it 
Extremity.  They  had  an  averfion  not  only 
to  the  proprietary  claim  on  their  Ivids, 
but  their  feparation  from  the  Maffach  .  etts 
government,  under  which  they  had  former- 
ly enjoyed  fo  much  freedom  and  peace. 
They  had  petitioned  to  be  re-annexed  to 
them,  at  the  time  of  the  revolution ;  and 
they  were  always  very  fond  of  applying  to 
them  for  help  in  their  difficulties,  that  it 
might  appear  how  unable  they  were  to  fub- 
lift  alone.  They  knew  alfo  that  the  Maffa- 
chufetts  people  were  as  averfe  as  themfelves 
to  Allen's  claim,  which  extended  to  a 
great  part  of  their  lands,  and  was  particular- 
ly noticed  in  their  new  charter. 

Soon  after  Ufher's  arrival,  he  made  en- 
quiry for  the  papers  which  contained  the 

*  ;<  I  have  40  hands  in  Exeter  who  desire  to  take  patents  for  lands  from 
'"•  "o-;,  and  many  in  other  towns."  Usher  to  Allen,  October  1695. 

F    F 


2M  HISTORY    OP 

traiifa&ions  relative  to  Mafon's  lints.  Du- 
ring the  fufpenfioii  of  government  in  1689, 
Captain  John  Pickering,  a  man  of  a  rough 
and  adventurous  fpirit,  and  a  lawyer,  had 
gone  with  a  company  of  armed  men  to  the 
houfe  of  Chamberlayne,  the  late  fecretary 
and  clerk)  and  demanded  the  records  and 
files  which  were  in  his  poffeffion.  Chani- 
berlayne  refufed  to  deliver  them  without 
fome  legal  warrant  or  fecurity ;  but  Pickering 
took  them  by  force,  and  conveyed  them  over 
the  river  to  Kittery.  Pickering  was  fum- 
moned  before  the  governor,  threatened  and 
imprifoned,  but  for  fome  time  would  neith- 
er deliver  the  books,  nor  diicover  the  place 
of  their  concealment,  unlefs  by  order  of  the 
aflembly  and  to  fome  perfon  by  them  ap- 
pointed to  receive  them.  At  length  however 
he  was  conflrained  to  deliver  them,  and  they 
were  put  into  the  hands  of  the  fecretary,  by 
the  lieutenant-governor's  order. 
1693.  Another  favourite  point  with  Uiher  was 
to  have  the  boundary  between  New-Hamp- 
fhire  and  Maflaehufetts  afcertainecl  :  There 
were  realbns  which  induced  fome  of  the  peo- 
ple to  fall  in  with  this  delire.  The  general 
idea  was,  that  New-Hampfhire  began  at  th« 
end  of  three  miles  north  of  the  river  Merri- 
mack  ;  which  imaginary  line  was  alfo  the 
boundary  of  the  adjoining  townfhips  on  each 
fide.  The  people  who  lived,  and  owned 
lands  near  thefe  limits,  pretended  to  belong- 
to  either  province,  as  beft  fuited  their  con- 
veniency  ;  which  caufed  a  difficulty  in  the 
collecting  taxes,  and  cutting  timber.  The 
1695.  town  of  Hampton  was  fenfibly  affected  with 
October12' thefe  difficulties,  and  petitioned  the  council 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  235 

4:hat  the  line  might  be  run.       The   council    1695. 
appointed  a  committee  of  Hampton  men  to 
do  it,  and  gave  notice  to  the  Maffachufetts 
of  their  intention  ;  dMiring   them  to  join  in  PTOV.  fifes. 
the  affair.     They  difliked  it  and  declined  to 
act.     Upon  which  the   lieutenant-governor 
and  council  of  New-Hampfliire  caufed  the 
boundary  line  to  be  run  from  the  fea-fhore  Brief  of  the 
three  miles    northward  of  Merrimack,  and 
parallel  to  the  river,  as  far  as  any  fettlements 
had  been  made,  or  lands  occupied. 

The  only  attempt  made  to  extend  the  fet- 

r    i        i        j      j  i     r       •  1738,  p.  3. 

demerit  or  the  lands  during  tnele  times,  was 
that  in  the  fpring  of  the  year  1694,  while 
there  was  a  truce  with  the  Indians.  Ufher 
granted  a  charter  for  the  townihip  of  King£ 
ton  to  about  twenty  petitioners  from  Hamp- 
ton. They  were  foon  difcouraged  by  the 
dangers  and  difficulties  of  the  fucceeding 
hoftilities,  and  many  of  them  returned  home 
within  two  years.  After  the  war  they  re- 
fumed  their  enterprize  ;  but  it  was  not  till 
the  year  1725,  that  they  were  able  to  obtain 
the  fettlement  of  a  minifter.  No  alter- 
ations took  place  in  the  old  towns,  except 
the  feparation  of  Great-Illand,  Little-Har- 
bour, and  Sandy-Beach,  from  Portfmouth, 
and  their  ere6lion  into  a  town  by  the  name 
of  New-Caftle  ;  together  with  the  annexa- 
tion of  that  part  of  Squamfcot  patent  which  Pro*,  fifes, 
now  bears  the  name  of  Stretham,  to  Exeter, 
it  having  before  been  connected  with  Hamp- 
ton. 

The  lieutenant-governor  was  very  forward 
.in  thefe  transactions,  thinking  them  circum- 
ilances  favourable  to  his  views,  and'being 
willing  to  recommend  hirafelf  to  the  people 


236  HISTORY  OF 

1693.  by  feconding  their  wifhes  fo  far  as  was  con- 
fident with  the  intereft  he  meaned  to  ferve. 
The  people,  however,  regarded  the  fettling 
and  dividing  of  townfliips,  and  the  running 
of  lines,  only  as  matters  of  general  conveni- 
*  ence,  and  continued  to  be  difgufted  with  his 
adminiftration.  His  repeated  calls  upon 
them  for  money  were  anfwered  by  repeated 
pleas  of  poverty,  and  requefts  for  affiftance 
from  the  neighbouring  province.  Ufher 
ufed  all  his  influence  with  that  government 
to  obtain  a  fupply  of  men  to  garrifon  the 
frontiers  ;  and  when  they  wanted  provil- 
ions  for  the  garrifons,  and  could  not  readily 
raife  the  money,  he  would  advance  it  out  of 
his  own  purfe  and  wait  till  the  treasury 
could  reimburfe  it. 

For  the  two  or  three  firft  years  of  his  ad- 
mmiflration  the  public  charges  were  provid- 
ed for  as  they  had  been  before,  by  an  excife 
on  wines  and  other  fpirituous  liquors,  and  an 
impoft  on  merchandize.  Thefe  duties  being 
laid  only  from  year  to  year,  Ufher  vehe-* 
K395.  mently  urged  upon  the  auembly  a  renewal 
v>y.  7  &  9.  of  the  ac%  and  an  extenfion  of  the  duty  to 
articles  of  export  ;  and  that  a  part  of  the 
money  fo  raifed  might  be  applied  to  the  fup- 
port  of  government.  The  anfwer  he  obtain- 
ed was,  that  cconfidering  the  expo/fed  (late 
4  of  the  province,  they  were  obliged  to  apply 

*  all  the  money  they  could  raife  to  their  de- 

*  fence  ;  and  therefore  they  were  not  capable 
c  of  doing  any  thing  for  the  fupport  of  gov- 
c  ernment,    though    they  were    fenfible  his 

*  honour  had  been  at  considerable  expence  : 
6  They  begged  that  he  would  join  with  .the? 
<  council  in  representing  to  ths  ^n    thepov- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  237 

c  erty  and  danger  of  the  province,  that  fuch    1695. 

*  methods  might  be  taken  for  their  fupport 

*  and   pr^fervation   as  to  the  royal  wifdom 

*  mould  feem  meet.'     Being  further  prefled 
upon  the  fubjeft,  they  paiTed  a  vote  to  lay 
the  propofed  duties  for  one  year,  c  provided 
c  he  and  the  council  would  join  with  them 
'  in  petitioning  the  king  to  annex  them  to 
c  the  Maffachufetts.5 

He  had  the  mortification  of  being:  difap* 
pointed  in  his  expectations  of  gain,  not  only 
from  the  people,  but  from  his  employer. 
Allen  had  promifed  him  two  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds  per  annum  for  executing  his 
commiffion  ;  and  when  at  the  end  of  the/ 
third  year,  Uiher  drew  on  him  for  the  pay- 
ment of  this  fum,  his  bill  came  back  pro- 
tefted*.  This  was  the  more  mortifying,  as 
he  had  affiduoufly  and  faithfully  attended  to 
Allen's  intereft,  and  acquainted  him  from 
time  to  time  with  the  means  he  had  ufed, 
the  difficulties  he  had  encountered,  the  pleas 
he  had  urged,  the  time  he  had  fpent,  and 
the  expence  he  had  incurred  in  defence  and 
fupport  of  his  claim.  He  now  defired  him 
to  come  over  and  affume  the  government 
himfelf,  or  get  a  fucceffor  to  him  appointed  ma? 
in  the  office  of  lieutenant-governor.  He  did 
not  know  that  the  people  were  before  hand 
of  him  in  this  latter  requeft. 

On  a  pretence  of  difloyalty  he  had  remov- 
ed Hinckes,  Waldron,  and  Vaughan  from 
their  feats  in  the  council.  The  former  of 
thefe  was  a  man  who  could  change  with  the 

^~  It  ij;  probable  that  Allen  was  not  able  to  comply  with  this  demand , 
The  pxirchase  of  the  province  from  the  Masons  had  been  made  "  with  othej 
*c  iron's  money."  f  .ettf*  of  Usher  to  Sir  Matthew  Dadley,  St.pt.  *""  " 


238  HISTORY   OF 

1695k  times  •  the  two  latter  were  fteady  oppofers 
of  the  proprietary  claim.  Their  fufpenfion 
irritated  the  people,  who,  by  their  influence, 
privately  agreed  to  recommend  William  Par- 
tridge, Efq.  as  a  proper  perfon  for  their  lieu- 
tenant-governor in  Ufher's  ftead.  Partridge 
was  a  native  of  Portfmouth,  a  fhipwright,  of 
an  extraordinary  mechanical  genius,  of  a 
politic  turn  of  mind,  and  a  popular  man. 
He  was  treafurer  of  the  province,  and  had 
been  ill  ufed  by  Ufher.  Being  largely  con- 
cerned in  trade  he  was  well  known  in  Eng- 
land, having  fupplied  the  navy  with  malts 
and  timber.  His  fudden  departure  for  Eng- 
land was  very  furprizing  to  Ufher,  who 
could  not  imagine  he  had  any  other  bufinefs 
than  to  fettle  his  accounts.  But  the  furprife 

If  97     was.  greatly  increafed  when  he  returned  with 

January.*  a  commiffion  appointing  him  lieutenant- 
governor  and  commander  in  chief  in  Allen's 
abfence.  It  was  obtained  of  the  lords  juf- 
tices  in  the  king's  abfence,  by  the  intereft  of 
Sir  Henry  Aflmrft,  and  was  dated  June  6, 
1696. 

Immediately  on  '  his  arrival,  his  appoint- 
ment was  publickly  notified  to  the  people  ; 
though,  either  from  the  delay  of  making  put 
his  inftruilions,  or  for  want  of  the  form  of 
an  oath  neceflary  to  be  taken,  the  commilTion 
was  .not  publifhed  in  the  ufual  manner  :  But 
the  party  in  opposition  to  Ufher  triumphed. 
The  fufpended  counfcllors  refumed  their 
feats,  Pickering  was  made  king's  attorney, 
and  Hinckes  as  prefident  of  the  council,  o- 
s.  pened  the  aflembly  with  a  fpeech.  This  a£- 

T,IS  Laws,  fembly  ordered  the  records  which  had  been 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

taken  from  Pickering  to  be  deposited  in  the     1697. 
hands  of  Major  Vaughan,  who  was  appoint- 
ed recorder  :  In  coniequence  of  which  they 
have  been  kept  in  that  office  ever  fince. 

Uiher  being  at  Bofton  when  this  altera- 
tion took  place,  wrote  to  them,  declaring 
that  no  commifllon  could  fuperfede  his  till 
duly  publiftied  ;  and  intimated  his  intention 
of  coming  hither  "  if  he  could  be  fafe  with 
"  his  life."  He  alfb  difpatched  his  fecretary, 
Charles  Story,  to  England,  with  an  account  of  Feb>  Wt 
this  tranfaclion,  which  in  one  of  his  private 
letters  he  ftyles  "  the  Pafcataqua  rebellion  ;" 
adding,  that  "  the  militia  were  raifed,  and 
"  forty  horfe  fent  to  feize  him  ;"  and  inti- 
mating that  the  confufion  was  fo  great,  that 
"if  but  three  French  fhips  were  to  appear, 
"  he  believed  they  would  furrender  on  the 
*c  firft  fummons."  The  extreme  imprudence 
of  fending  fuch  a  letter  acrofs  the  Atlantic 
in  time  of  war,  was  ftill  heightened  by  an 
apprehenfion  which  then  prevailed,  that  the 
French  were  preparing  an  armament  to  in-  Lt 
vade  the  country,  and  that  "  they  particu-  sto 

,   T       i         i     r  ^    r         T-»    r  •  j»  ton  s  letter 

larly  deligned  tor  ralcataqua  river.  of  Feb.  24, 

In  anfwer  to  his  complaint,  the  lords   ofinfiles- 
trade  diredted  him  to   continue  in  the  place  Aug.  B. 
of  lieutenant-governor  till  Partridge  mould 
qualify  himfelf,  or  till  Richard,  Earl  of  Bel- 
lomorit,  fliould  arrive  ;  who  was  commiilion- 
ed  to  the  government  of  New- York,  MafTa- 
chufetts  Bay  and  New-Hampihire  ;  but  had 
not  yet  departed  from  England.     Uiher  re- 
ceived the  letter  from  the  Lords  together  with  r 
the  articles  of  peace  which  had  been  con- 
cluded   at    Ryfwick,   and   immediately    fet 
ofF  for  New-Iiampfhire,  (where  he-had  not 


240  fclSTORY     OF 

1697.  been  for  a  year)  proclaimed  the  peace,  and 
publiftied   the  orders   he  had  received,  and 
having  proceeded   thus  far,    "  thought   all 
"  well  and  quiet."     But  his  oppofers  having 

Dec.  14.  held  a  confutation  at  night,  Partridge's  com- 
miflion  was  the  next  day  publifhed  in  form  ; 
he  took  the  oaths,  and  entered  on  the  ad- 
miniftratiOn  of  government,  to  the  complete 
vexation  and  difappointment  of  Ufher,  who 
had  been  fo  elated  with  the  confirmation  of 
his  commiffion,  that  as  he  pafled  through 
Hampton,  he  had  forbidden  the  minifter  of 

6JJJ**1  that  place  to  obferve  a  thankfgiving  day, 
which  had  been  appointed  by  Prefident 
Hinckes. 

1698.  An  afTembly  being   called,  one  of  theif 
jjrft.  a(^s  was  to  write  to  the  lords  of  trade, 
4  acknowledging  the  favour  of  the    king  in 
4  appointing  one  of  their    own   inhabitants 
4  to  the  command  of  the  province,  complain- 
4  ing  of  Ufher,  and  alledgirig  that  there  had 

*  been  no  difturbances  but  what  he  himfelf 
4  had  made  ;  declaring  that  thofe  counfellors 
4  whom  he   had  fufpended   were  loyal  fub- 
4  jedls,  and  capable  of  ferving  the  king  ;  and 
4  informing  their  lordfhips  that  Partridge  had 
4  ixow  qualified  himfelf,  and  that  they  were 

*  waiting  the  arrival  of  the   Earl  of  Bello- 
'*  mont.' 

They  alfo  deputed  Ichabod  Plaifted  to 
wait  on  the  Earl  at  New-York,  and  compli- 
ment him  on  his  arrival.  4  If  he  fhould  find 

*  his  lordfhip  high,  and  refer ved,  and  not  eafy 
*"  of  accefs,  he  was  inftrudled  to  employ  fome 
4  gentleman  who   was  in  his   confidence   to 

*  manage  the  bufinefs  ;  but  if  eafy  and  free,. 

*  he  was    to  wait  on  him  in  perfect ;  to  trH 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  241 

*  him  how  joyfully  they  received  the  news    1698. 
c  of  his  appointment,  and  that  they  daily  ex- 

c  pefted  Governor  Allen,  whofe  commiflion 

*  would  be  accounted  good  till  his  lordfhip's 


s 

*  fhoula  be  r^  i  ,  and  to  afk  his  advice  ™ 
'  how   they   mould    behave  in  fuch  a  cafe.' 
The  principal  clefign  of  this  ITXC  tfage  was  to 
make  their  court  to  the  earl,  and  get  the 
dart  of  Ulher  or  any   of  his  friends  who 
might  prepofTefs   him  with    an   opinion  to 
their  difadvantage.     But  if  this  fhould  have 
happened,  Plaifted  was  directed    4  to  obferve 

4  what  reception  they  met  with.     If  his  lord- 

*  fhip  was  ready  to  come  this  way,  he  was  to 

*  beg  leave  to  attend  him  as  far  as  Bofton, 
«  and  then  afk  his  permimon  to  return  home  ;' 
and  lie  was  furnifhed  with  a  letter  of  credit 
to  defray  his  expences.     This  meflage,  which 
fhews  the  contrivers  to  be  no  mean  politi- 
cians, had  the  dcfired  effect. 

The  earl  continued  at  New-York  for  the 
firft  year  after  his  arrival  in  America  ;  dur-  Augta8. 
ing  which  time  Governor  Allen  came  over, 
as  it  was  expected,  and  his  commiflion  being 
ftill  in  force,  he  took  the  oaths  and  afTurned 
the  command.  Upon  which  Ufher  again  Sept<  l5  ' 
made  his  appearance  in  council,  where  he  NOV.  29 
produced  the  letter  from  the  lords  of  trade, 
claimed  his  place  as  lieutenant-governor,  and 
declared  that  the  fufpended  counfellors  had 
no  right  to  fit  till  reftored  by  the  king's  or- 
der. This  brought  on  an  altercation,  where- 
in Elliot  affirmed  that  Partridge  was  duly 
qualified  and  in  office,  that  Waldron  and 
Vaughan  had  been  fufpended  without  caufe, 
and  that  if  they  were  not  allowed  to  fit,  the 
reft  were  determined  to  refign.  The  gover- 

G    G 


242  illSTORY  Of 

1698.    nor  declared  Uflier  to  be  of  the  council ;  up- 
on which  Elliot  withdrew. 

1699  ^  the  lura^dmg  afTembly  two  new  coun- 
January  5  fellors  appeared ;  Jofeph  Smith,  and  Kingfly 
'  Hall.  The  firft  day  patted  quietly.  The 
governor  approved  Pickering  as  fpeaker  of 
the  houfe  ;  told  them  he  had  afTumed  the 
government  becaufe  the  Earl  of  Bellomont 
had  not  arrived  ;  recommended  a  continu- 
ance of  the  excife  and  powder  money,  and 
advifed  them  to  fend  a  congratulatory  mef- 
fage  to  the  Earl  at  New- York.  The  next 
day  the  houfe  anfwered,  that  they  had  con- 
tinued the  cuftoms  and  excife  till  Novem- 
ber, that  they  had  already  congratulated  the 
earl,  and  received  a  kind  anfwer,  and  were 
waiting  his  arrival  ;  ivhen  they  mould  enter 
further  on  bufinefs.  They  complained  that 
Allen's  conduct  had  been  grievous  in  forbid- 
ding the  collecting  of  the  laft  tax,  whereby 
the  public  debts  were  not  paid  ;  in  difplac- 
ing  fundry  fit  perfons,  and  appointing  oth- 
ers lefs  fit,  and  admitting  Uflier  to  be  of  the 
council,  though  fuperfeded  by  Partridge's 
commiffion.  Thefe  things  they  told  him 
had  obliged  fome  members  of  the  council 
and  aflembly  to  apply  to  his  lordfhip  for  re- 
lief, and  "  unlefs  he  fliould  manage  with  a 
**  more  moderate  hand"  they  threatened  him. 
with  a  fecond  application. 

The  fame  clay  Coffin  and  We  are  moved  a 
queftioii  in  council,  whether  Uflier  was  one 
of  that  body.  He  aflerted  his  privilege,  and 
obtained  a  major  vote.  They  then  entered 
their  diflent,  and  defired  a  difmiflion.  The 
governor  forbad  their  departure.  Weare 
anfwered  that  he  would  not,  by  fitting  there, 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

put  contempt  on  the  king's  commiflion,  1699* 
meaning  Partridge's,  and  withdrew.  The 
next  day  the  affembly  ordered  the  money 
arifing  from  the  impoft  and  excife  to  be  kept 
in  the  treafury,  till  the  Earl  of  Bellomont's 
arrival  ;  and  the  governor  diffolved  them. 

Thefe  violences  on  his  part  were  fuppofed 
to  originate  from  Ufher's  refentment,  and  his 
overbearing  influence  upon  Allen,  who  is 
faid  to  have  been  rather  of  a  pacific  and  con- 
defcending  difpofition.  The  fame  ill  temper 
continued  during  the  remainder  of  this  fhort 
adminiftration.  The  old  counfellors,  ex- 
cepting Fryar,  refufed  to  fit.  Sampfon 
Sheaffe  and  Peter  Weare  made  up  the  quo- 
rum. SheafFe  was  alfo  fecretary,  Smith 
treasurer,  and  William  Ardell  fheriff.  The 
conftables  refufed  to  colledl  the  taxes  of  the 
proceeding  year,  and  the  governor  was  Or 
bliged  to  revoke  his  orders,  and  commiflion  Ms  ln  fik)J* 
the  former  conftables  to  do  the  duty  which 
he  had  forbidden. 

In  the  fpring  the  earl  of  Bellomont  fet  out 
for  his  eaitern  governments.  The  council 
voted  an  addrefs,  and  fent  a  committee,  of 
which  Uilier  was  one,  to  prefent  it  to  him  at 
Bofton ;  and  preparations  were  made  for  his 
reception  in  New-Hampfhire  ;  where  he  at 
length  came  and  publifhed  his  commiflion  Jaly  81 
to  the  great  joy  of  the  people,  who  now  faw 
at  the  head  of  the  government  a  nobleman 
of  diftingulllied  figure  and  polite  manners,  a 
firm  friend  to  the  revolution,  a  favourite  of 
King  William,  and  one  who  had  no  intereft  in 
pppreiling  them. 

During  the  controverfy   with  Allen,  Par- 
tridge ha4  withdrawn  ;  but  upon  t;his  chang£ 


SM4  HISTORY    Ol 


1699.  he  took  his  feat  as  lieutenant-governor,  and 
the  difplaced  counfellors  were  again  called 
to  the  board.  A  petition  was  prefented  a- 
gainft  the  judges  of  the  fuperior  court,  and 
a  proclamation  was  iffued  for  juftices  of  the 
peace  and  conftables  only  to  continue  in  of- 
fice, whereby  the  judges  commlflions  deter- 
mined. Richard  Jofe  was  made  fheriff  in 
the  room  of  Ardell,  and  Charles  Story  fecre- 
tary  in  the  room  of  SheafFe. 

The  government  was  now  modelled  in 
favour  of  the  people,  and  they  rejoiced  in 
the  change,  as  they  apprehended  the  way 
was  opened  for  an  effectual  fettlement  of 
their  long  continued  difficulties  and  difputes, 
Both  parties  laid  their  complaints  before  the 
governor,  who  wifely  avoided  cenfuring 
either,  and  advifed  to  a  revival  of  the  courts 
of  juftice,  in  which  the  main  controverfy 
might  be  legally  decided.  This  was  agreed 
to,  and  the  neceiTary  acts  being  paiTed  by  an 
affembly,  (who  alfo  prefented  the  earl  with 
five  hundred  jpounds  which  he  obtained  the 
king's  leave  to  accept)  after  about  eighteen 
days  ftay  he  quitted  the  province,  leaving 
Partridge,  now  quietly  feated  in  the  chair, 
to  appoint  the  judges  of  the  refpective 
courts.  Hinckes  was  made  chief  juftice  of 

R«ords.  tke  fuperior  co^rt,  with  Peter  CofEn,  John 
Gerrifh  and  John  Plavfeed  for  afiiftants  ; 
Waldron  chief  JiUtice  of  the  inferior  court, 
with  Henry  Dow,  Theodore  Atkiiifon  and 
John  Woodman  for  affiftants. 

One  principal  object  of  the  earl's  attention 
was  to  fortify  the  harbour,  and  provide  for 
the  defence  of  the  country  in  cafe  of  anoth- 
er ^ar  He  had  recommended  to  the  affem- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

bly  in  his  fpeech  the  building  a  ftrong  fort  1699. 
on  Great  liland,  and  afterward,  in  his  letters, 
allured  them  that  if  they  would  provide  ma-  ,  >-,>Q 
terials,  he  would  endeavour  to  prevail  on  june  r  * 
the  king  to  be  at  the  expence  of  eredling  it. 
Col.  Romer,  a  Dutch  Engineer,  having  view- 
ed the  fpot,  produced  to  the  aflembly  an  efti- 
xxiate  of  the  coft  and  tranfportation  of  ma- 
terials, amounting  to  above  fix  thoufand 
pounds.  They  were  amazed  at  the  propo- 
fal ;  and  returned  for  anfwer  to  the  governor, 
that  in  their  greateft  difficulties,  when  their 
lives  and  eftates  were  in  the  moft  imminent 
hazard,  they  were  never  able  to  raife  one 
thoufand  pounds  in  a  year*  ;  that  they  had 
been  exceedingly  impoverifhed  by  a  long 
war,  <ind  were  now  ftruggling  under  an 
heavy  d<ebt,  befides  being  engaged  in  a  con- 
troverfy  with  "  a  pretended  proprietor  ;" 
that  they  had  expended  more  "  blood  and 
"  money"  to  fecure  his  majefty's  intereft  and 
dominion  in  New-England  than  the  intrinfic 
value  of  their  eftates,  and  that  the  fortifying 
the  harbour  did  as  much  concern  the  Mat* 
fachufetts  as  themfelves  ;  but  they  conclud- 
ed with  affuring  his  lordfhip,  that  if  he  were 
"  thoroughly  acquainted  with  their  mifera- 

*  I  have  here  placed  in  one  view  such  assessments  aa  I  have  been  able  to 
find  during  the  preceding  war,  with  the  proportion  of  each  town,  wlvich  vaf 
ried  according  to  their  respective  circumstances  at  different  times. 

(MS  Law*.) 


1692. 

1693.  j 

1394  .' 

1695. 

Uncert. 

1697. 

i'rortsmoutii, 
Hampton, 
Dover, 
fee  tor, 

New  Ca;t'c. 

70 

66  13  4 
30 
33     6  S 

210 
200 
110 

80 

167 
230 
90 
127 
86 

129     6 
172  14  6 
117  16  6 

106  16 
73     7 

149     16 
187    241-2 
127    971-2 
11514 

79126 

.- 

(  200 

600 

~W 

400 

600 

650                | 

246 


HISTORY  OF 


1700.     ;<  ble,   poor  and  mean   circumftances,  they 

"  would    readily    fubmit    to     whatever    he 

"  fhould    think    them    capable    of     doing." 

iffs  in  files.  They  were    alfo  required   to    furnifti  their 

quota  of  men  to  join  with  the  other  colonies 

in  defending  the  frontiers   of  New-  York  in 

cafe  of  an  attack*.     This  they  thought  ex- 

tremely   hard,   not  only  becaufe  they  had 

never  received  the  leaft  afliftance  from  New- 

York  in  the  late  wars,  but  becaufe  an  opin- 

ion prevailed  among   them  that    their  ene- 

mies had  received  fupplies  from  the  Dutch  at 

Albany,   and  that  the  plunder  taken   from 

their  defolated  towns  had  been   fold  in  that 

Smith's      place.     There  was  however  no  opportunity 

York,^  for  affording  this   afliftance,  as   the    New- 

io8,  175,    Yorkers    took  care  to  maintain  a  good  un- 

derftanding  with  the  French  and  Indians  for 

the  benefit  of  trade. 

But  to  return  to  Allen  :  He  had  as  little 
profpect  of  fuccefs  in  the  newly  eftablilhed 
courts,  as  the  people  had  when  Mafon's  fuits 
were  carried  on  under  Cranfield's  govern- 


AH«?fti-  ment'  On  examining  the  records  of  the  fu- 
perior  court  it  was  found  that  twenty-four 
leaves  were  milling,  in  which  it  was  fuppofed 
the  judgments  recovered  by  Mafon  were  re- 
corded. No  evidence  appeared  of  his  having 
obtained  pofleflion.  The  work  was  to  be- 
gin anew  ;  and  Waldron,  being  one  of  the 
principal  landholders  and  moft  itrenuous  op- 
pofers  of  the  claim,  was  fingled  out  to  (land 
foremoft  in  the  controverfy  with  Allen,  as 

*  The  quotas  of  men  to  be  furnished  by  e?oh  government  for 
•>f    Xsw-York,  if  attacked,  were  as  follows,  viz. 

Massachusetts  350  j  New-York,  200  j  Pennsylvania  80 
New-Hampshire  40  j  East  Me  .-••Jersey  (50  I  Maryland  160 
Rhode-Island  48  j  West  New-Jersey  60  J  "Virginia  240 

120   [ 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  247 

his  father  had  with  Mafon.    The  caufe  went    1700. 
through  the  courts,  and  was  invariably  giv- 
en in  favour  of  the  defendant  with   cofts. 
Allen's  only  refuge  was  in  an  appeal  to  the  Aug<  **" 
king,  which  the  court,  following  the  exam- 
ple of  their  brethren  in  the  Maflachufetts, 
refufed  to  admit.       He  then   petitioned  the 
king  ;  who  by  an  order  in  council  granted 
him  an  appeal,  allowing  him  eight  months 
to  prepare  for  its  profecution.  170L 

The  refufal  of  an  appeal  could  not  fail  of  AF^  2* 
being  highly  refented  in  England.  It  was 
feverely  animadverted  on  by  the  lords  of 
trade,  who  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Bello-  APril  &-.- 
mont  upon  this  occafion,  fay  :  "  This  declin- 
*x  ing  to  admit  appeals  to  his  Majefty  in 
*'  council,  is  a  matter  that  you  ought  very 
"  carefully  to  watch  againft  in  all  your  gov- 
"  ernments.  It  is  an  humour  that  prevails 
**  fb  much  in  proprieties  and  charter  colonies 
"  and  the  Independency  they  thirft  after  is 
<c  now  fo  notorious,  that  it  has  been  thought 
*c  fit  thofe  conficlerations,  together  with  other 
*'  objedtions  againft  thofe  colonies,  fhould  be 
*'  laid  before  the  parliament  ;  and  a  bill  has 
*c  thereupon  been  brought  into  the  houfe  of 
4i  lords  for  re-uniting  the  right  of  govern- 
'*  inent  in  their  colonies  to  the  crown."  MSinftw 

Before  this  letter  was  wrote  the  earl  died 
,at  New- York,  to  the  great  regret  of  the  peo-  M*n*.5* 
pie  in  his  fever al  governments,  among  whom 
he  had  made  himielf  very  popular.  A  copy 
of  the  letter  was  fent  to  New- York  ;  but 
the  bill  mentioned  in  it  was  not  pafled  into 
an  acl  of  parliament.  For  fome  reafons  of 
rtate  it  was  rejected  by  the  houfe  of  lords. 

The  aflenvbly  of  New-Hampihire,  having 


HISTORY   OF 

1701.  now  a   fair    opportunity,  endeavoured    ag 
?Up.Ci3Vi?L  mucn   as  poffible  to  provide  for  their  own 

fecurity  ;  and  pafled  two  afe,  the  one  for 
confirming  the  grants  of  lands  which  had 
been  made  within  their  feveral  townihips  ; 
the  other  for  afcertaining  the  bounds  of 
them.  Partridge  gave  his  confent  to  thefe 
ads  ;  but  Allen  had  the  addrefs  to  get:  them 
difallowed  and  repealed  becaufe  there  was 

^M3iawt.  no  referve  made  in  them  of  the  proprietor's 
right. 

The  controverfy  being  brought  before  the 
king,  both  fides  prepared  to  attend  the  fuit. 
Allen's  age,  and  probably  want  of  cafh,  pre- 
vented his  going  in  perfon  ;  he  therefore  ap- 
pointed Uftier  to  ac?t  for  him,  having  previ- 

oct.  14.     ourfly  mortgaged  one  half  of  the  province  to 
him,  for  fifteen  hundred  pounds  ;  Vaugihan 

1702.  was   appointed    agent  for  the  province,  ;and 
attorney  to  Waldron.     It  being  a  general  in- 
tereft,    the    aflembly  bore  the  expence,  and 
notwithflanding   their  pleas    of  poverty   on 
otker  occasions  provided  a  fund,  on  wh:ich 
the  agent  might  draw  in  cafe  of  the    emer- 
gency. 

In  the  mean  time  King  William  died  and 

Queen  Anne  appointed  Jofeph  Dudley  Efq. 

formerly    prefident  of  New-England,  to  be 

governor  of  MafTachufetts  and  New-Hamp- 

fliire  ;  whofe  commiflion  being  publifhed  at 

i\iiy  13      Portfmouth,  the  afTembly  by  a  well   timed 

18      prefent     interefted     him   in    their   favour, 

and  afterward  fettled  a  falary  on  him  during 

council  &  fas  adminiftration,  agreeably  to  the  queen's 

Assembly      .  '      t>  .    /  .  ^ 

Records     inltructions,  who  about  this  time  lorbaa  ner 

governors  to  receive  any  but  fettled  falaries. 

When  Allen's   appeal   came  before   fh^ 


NKW-H  AMPS  HIRE'.  249 

queen  in  council,  it  was  found  that  his  at-    1702. 
torney  had  not  brought  proof  that  Mafon  f^^ 
had    ever    been    legally   in   pofTeflion  ;  for  fen's  title, 
Want   of  this,    the  judgment  recovered  by  p' 9* 
Waldron   was  affirmed ;  but  the   order   of 
council  directed  that  the  appellant  c  fhould 

vi  i-       •        J  U  .  r  MS  Copy 

'  be  at  liberty  to  begin  de  novo  by  a  writ  of 
« ejectment  in  the  courts  of  New-Hampfhire, 
4  to  try  his  title  to  the  lands,  or  to  quit-rents 
4  payable  for  the  fame  ;  and  that  if  any  doubt 
4  in  law  fhould  arife,  the  jury  ihould  declare 
c  what  titles  each  party  did  feverally  make 

*  out   to  the  lands  in  queftion,  and  that  the 

*  points  in  law  fhould  be  referred  to  the  court ; 
'or  if  any  doubt   fhould  arife     concerning 

*  the  evidence,  it  fhould  be  fpecially  ftated  in 
c  writing,  that  if  either  party    fhould  appeal 

*  to  her  majefty  me  might  be  more  fully  in- 

*  formed,  in  order  to  a  final  determination.' 

While  this  appeal  was  depending,  a  peti- 
tion was  prefentecl  to  the  queen,  praying  that 
Allen  might  be  put  in  pofleflion  of  the  wafte 
lands.  This  petition  was  referred  to  Sir  Ed- 
ward Northey,  attorney  general,  who  was  or- 
dered to  report  on  three  queftions,  viz. 

1 ,  Whether  Allen  had  a  right  to  the  waftes. 

2.  What     lands    ought   to   be     accounted 
wafte.      3.  By    what  method    her  majefly 
might  put  him  into  poffemon.     At  the  fame 
time  Ufher  was  making  intereft  to  be  re-ap- 
pointed lieutenant-governor  of  the  province. 
Upon  this  Vaughan  entered  a  complaint  to 
the  queen,  fetting  forth  c  that  Allen  claimed 

*  as  wafte   ground  not  only   a    large  tract  of 
unoccupied  land,  but  much  of  that  which 

*  had  been   long  enjoyed  by  the  inhabitants, 

common  pafture^  within  the  bounds    of 
HH 


250  HISTORY    Otf 

1702.  *  their  feveral  townfliips.    That  Uflief ,  by  his 

*  former   managements  and  mifdemeanours 

*  when  in  office,  had  forced  fome  of  the  prin- 

*  cipal  inhabitants  to  quit  the  province,  and 

*  had  greatly  harafled  and   difgufted  all  the 

*  reft,  rendering  himfelf  quite  unacceptable 

*  to  them.     That  he    was   interefted   in  the 
c  fuits  now  depending,  as  on  Allen's  death  he 

*  would  in  right  of  his   wife  bd   entitled  to 
4  part  of  the  eftate.     Wherefore  it  was  hum- 
'  bly  fubmitted  whether  it  would  be  proper  to 

*  appoint,  as  lieutenant-governor,  one  whofe 
%  mtereft  and  endeavour  it  would  be  to  dif- 
4  feize  the  people  of  their  ancient  eftates,  and 

*  render  them  uneafy  ;  and  it  was  prayed  that 
c  no  letters  might  be  wrote  to  put   Allen  in 

*  poffeflion  of  the  waftes  till   the  petitioner 
4  fhould  be  heard  by  council.' 

1703.  Ufher's  intereft  however   prevailed.     The 
January  28.  attorney-general  reported,  that c  Allen's  claim 

*  to  the  waftes  was  valid  ;    that  all  lands  #»- 
4  inelofed  and  unoccupied  were  to  be  repute^ 
^wafte  ;  that  he  might  enter    into  and  take 

*  poflfeflion  of  them,  and   if  difturbed  might 
;  aflert  his  right  and  profecute    trefpafTers  in 

*  the  courts  there  ;   but  that  it  would  not  be 
4  proper  for   her  majefty  to  interpofe,  unlefs 
4  the  queftion  came    before   her   by    appeal 

*  from  thofe  courts  ;    fave,  that    it  might  be 

*  reafonable  to  diredl  (if  Allen  flioukl  infifi 
*onit  at  the  trials)  that^, matters  of  facl  be 

lies!  °  rt  c  found  fpecially  by  the  juries,  and  that  thefe 
'  fpecial  matters  fhould  be  made  to  appear 
c  on  an  appeal.' 

Soon  after  this  Uiher    obtained  a    fecond 

5.)  26.  commiflion  as  Iieutenant-g9vernor  ;  but  was 
exprefsly  reftricled  from  interraedliiig*  with 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE,  251 

•'•  the  appointment  of  judges  or  juries,  or  oth-  1703. 
*  erwife,  in  matters  relating  to  the  difputes 
4  between  Allen  and  the  inhabitants.'  The 
people  did  not  relifh  this  re-appointment, 
nor  did  his  fubfequent  conduct  reconcile 
them  to  it.  Upon  his  firft  appearance  in  October  sr 
council  Partridge  took  his  feat  as  counfellor ; 
but  the  next  day  defired  a  difmiflion  on  ac- 
count of  a  fliip  in  the  river  which  demanded 
his  conflant  attention.  This  requeft  was 
granted,  and  he  foon  after  removed  to  New-. 
bury,  where  he  fpent  the  reft  of  his  days  in 
2.  mercantile  department/ and  in  the  bufinefs 
of  his  profeffion.* 

It  had  always  been  a  favourite  point  with 
Ufher  to  get  the  books  and  files,  which  had 
been  taken  from  Chamberlayne,  lodged  in  the 
fecretary's  office.  Among  thefe  files  were 
the  original  minutes  of  the  fuits  which  Ma- 
fon  had  carried  on,  and  the  verdicfls,  judg- 
mients  and  bills  of  coft  he  had  recovered. 
As  they  were  committed  to  the  care  of  the 
recorder  who  was  appointed  by  the  general 
court  and  removeable  only  by  them,  no  ufe 
could  be  made  of  thefe  papers  but  by  ,confent 
of  the  aflembly.  When  Ulher  produced  to  Nov  4 
the  council  an  order  from  Whitehall  that 
thefe  records  mould  be  deposited  with  the 
fecretary,  Penhallow,  the  recorder,  who  was  1704, 
a  member  of  the  council,  refufed  to  deliver 
;hem  without  an  adl  of  the  general  aflembly 
authorizing  him  to  do  fo. 

Ufher  fucceeded  but  little  better  in  his  ap- 
plications for  money.     He  alledged  that  he 

*  His  son  Richard  Partridge  was  an  agent  for  the  province  in  England, 
One  of  his  daughters  wfts  married  to  Governor  Belcher  and  wa?  mother  tc 
{he  l^te  lievitenant-govwnor  of  Nova-Scotia. 


252  HISTORY    OF 

1704,  had  received  nothing  for  his  former  fer  vices, 
though  they  had  given  hundreds  to  Part- 
ridge ;  and  complained  that  no  houfe  was 
provided  for  him  to  refide  in,  which  obliged 
him  to  fpend  moil  of  his  time  at  Boftoru 
The  plea  of  poverty  always  at  hand  was  not 
forgotten  in  anfwer  to  thefe  demands.  But 
at  length,  upon  his  repeated  importunity  and 
Dudley's  eariieft  recommendation,  after  the 
aflembly  had  refufed  making  any  provifion 
for  him,  and  the  governor  had  exprefsly  di- 
rected him  to  refide  at  New-Caftle,  and  ex- 

JaJy-  ercife  a  regular  command,  it  being  a  time  of 
war ;  the  council  were  prevailed  upon  to  al- 
low hijn  two  rooms  in  any  houfe  he  could 
procure  "  till  the  next  meeting  of  the  afTem- 
bly,"  and  to  order  thirty-eight  Jhillings  to  be 
given  him  for  the  expence  of  his  "journey 
to  and  from  Bofton." 

When    Dudley   acquainted  the    aflembly 

Feb.  10.  with  the  royal  determination  in  Allen's  fuits, 
they  appeared  tolerably  £uisfied  with  theequi- 
table  intention  difcovn  ed  therein  ;  but  beg- 
ged him  to  reprefent  to  her  majefty  that 
•*•  the  province  was  at  leaft  fixty  miles  long 
4  and  twenty  wide,  containing  twelve  hun- 
4dred  fquare  miles,  that  the  inhabitants 
^claimed  only  the  property  of  the  lands  con- 

*  tained  within  the  bounds  of  their  townlhips, 
4  which   was  lefs  than  one  third  of  the  prov- 
'  incc,  and  had  been  poflefTed  by  them  and 

*  their  aiiceftors  more  than  fixty  years  ;  that 
c  they  had  nothing  to  offer  as  a  grievance  if 
'the  other  two  thirds  were    adjudged  to  Al- 
4  len  ;    but   fliould  be  glad    to  fee  the  fame 
4  planted  and  fettled  for  the    better    fecurity 
4  and  defence  of  the  whole  ;  withal  defiring 


3*EW-HAMPSHIRE.  258 

£  it  might  be  confidered  how  much  time,  blood    1704. 
1  and  treafure  had  been  fpent  in  fettling  and 
<  defending  this  part  of  fyer  majefty's  domin- 
c  ion,  and  that  the  coft  and  labour  beftowed 
c  thereon  far  exceeded  the  true  value  of  the 

*  land  fo  that  they  hoped  it  was  not  her  maj- 
c  efty's  intention  to  deprive  them  of  all  the 

*  herbage,  timber  and  fuel,   withput    which 
4  they  could  not  fubfift,  and  that  the    lands 
6  comprehended  within  the  bounds  of  their 
'townfhips  w*is  little  enough  to  afford  thefe  RecordSof 

*  neceflary  articles  ;  it  not  being  ufual  in  thefe 

y  .  r-    i      •       i         J 

"  plantations  to  fence  in  more  or  their  lands 

*  than  would  ferve  for  tillage,  leaving  the  reft 

*  unfenced    for    the   feeding  their  cattle  in 
c  common.' 

Notwithftanding  this  plea,  which  was  often 
alledged,  Allen,  by  virtue  of  the  queen's  per- 
miflion,  had  entered  upon  and  taken  poffeflion  Dec,  w, 
by  turf  and  twig  of  the  common  land  in  each  l708* 
townfhip,  as  well  as  of  that  which  was  with-  u$her»fi 
out  their    bounds,  and  brought  his  writ  of  w*s- 
3Je6tment  de  novo  againft  Waldron  and  when 
the  trial  was  coming  on  informed  Governor 
Dudley  thereof,  that   he    might   come  into 
court  and  demand  a  fpecial  verdift  agreeably 
to  the    queen's  inftrudlions.     Dudley  from 
Bofton  informed  the  court  of  the  day  when 
he  intended  to  be  at  Portfmouth  and  dffedt- 
ed  the  judges  to  adjourn  the  court  to  that  day. 
Before  it  came  he  heard  of  a  body  of  Indians  1704. 
above  Lancafter,  which  had  put  the  country  ^U2- 10 
in  alarm,  and  ordered  the  court  to  be  again 
adjourned.     At  length  he  began  his  journey ; 
but  was  taken  ill    at  Newbury,  with  nfea-  Printed 
finable  fit  of  the  gravel,  and  proceeded  no  farr-  «tateof  AJU 
ther.     The  jury  in  the  mea$  time  refufed  to  £"£  mle' 


£54  HISTORY   OF 

1704,  bring  in  a  fpecial  verdidt ;  but  found  tor 
defendant  with,  cofls.     Allen  again  appealed 
from  the  judgment. 

Perplexed,  however,  with  thefe  repeated 
difappointments,  and  at  the  fame  time  being 
low  in  purfe,  as  well  as  weakened  with  age, 
he  fought  an  accommodation  with  the  peo- 
ple, with  whom  he  was  defirous  to  fpend  the 
remainder  of  his  days  in  peace.  It  has  been 
faid  that  he  made  very  advantageous  offers 
to  Vaughan  and  Waldron  if  they  would  pur- 
chafe  his  title  ;  but  that  they  utterly  refufed 
it.  The  people  were  fenfible  that  a  door  was 
ftill  open  for  litigation  ;  and  that  after  Al- 
len's death  they  might,  perhaps,  meet  with 
as  much  or  more  difficulty  from  his  heirs, 
among  whom  Ufher  would  probably  have  a 
great  influence  :  They  well  knew  his  inde- 
fatigable induflry  in  the  purfuit  of  gain,  that 
he  was  able  to  harrafs  them  in  law,  and  had 
great  intereft  in  England.  They  therefore 
thought  it  befl  to  fall  in  with  Allen's  views, 
and  enter  into  an  accommodation  with  him. 

1705.  A  general  meeting  of  deputies  being  held  at 
Portfmouth,   the  following   refolutions  and 
propofals  were   drawn   up,  viz.    c  That  they 
'  had  no  claim  or  challenge  to  any  part  of  the 

*  province  without   the  bounds  of  the  four 
1  towns  of  Portfmouth,  Dover,  Hampton  and 

*  Exeter,  with  the  hamlets  of  New-Caflle  and 
4  Kingfton,   which   were    all  comprehended 
4  within  lines   already   known  and  laid  out, 
<•  and  which  fhould  forthwith  be  revifed  ;  but 
4  that  Allen  and  his   heirs    might   peaceably 
4  hold  and  enjoy  the  faid  great  wafte,  contain- 

mij-es  in  fengtb  and  twenty  in  breadth. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  255 

w  or  thereabouts,  at  the  heads  of  the  four  1705, 
c  towns  aforefaid,  if  it  fhould  fo  pleafe  her 
4  majefty  ;  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
4  four  towns  would  be  fo  far  from  interrupt- 
4  ing  the  fettlement  thereof,  that  they  defired 
4  the  laid  wafte  to  be  planted  and  filled  with 

*  inhabitants,  to  whom  they  would  give    all 
c  the  encouragement    and  affiflance   in  their 

*  power.     That  in  cafe  Allen  would,  for  him- 
c  f  elf  and  heirs,    forever   quit  claim,  to    the 
4  prefent  inhabitants  and  their  heirs,  all  that 
£tra6l   of    land    comprehended   within  the 
4  bounds  of  the  feveral   towns,  and  warrant 

*  and  defend  the  fame  againft  all  perfons,  free 
4  of  mortgage,  entailment  and  every  other  in- 
4  cumbrance,  and  that  this  agreement  fhould 
4  be  accepted  and  confirmed  by  the  queen  ; 
4  then  they  would  lot  and  lay  out  to  him  and 
4  his  heirs  five  hundred  acres  within  the  town 
'  of  Portfmouth  and  New-Caftle,  fifteen  hun~ 
L  dred  in  Dover,   fifteen  hundred  in  Hamp- 
•*  ton  and  Kingfton,  and  fifteen  hundred  in 
'  Exeter,  out  of  the  commonages  of  the  faid 

*  towns,  in  fuch   places,  not  exceeding  three 
4divifionsin   each   town,  as    fhould  beft  ao 
4  commodate  him  and  be  leaft  detrimental  to 
'  tliem  ;  and  that  they  would  pay  him  or  his 
4  heirs  two  thoufand  pounds  current  money 
"of  New-England  at  two  payments,  one  with- 
"*  ia  a  year  after  receiving  the  royal  confirma- 
4  tion  of  this  agreement,  and  the  other  within 

*  a  year  after  tJie  firft  payment.    That  all  con- 
4  trails  made  either  by  Mafon  or  Allen  with 
g  any  of  the  inhabitants,  or  others,  for   lands 
;  or  other  privileges  in*  the  poiTeflion  of  their 

*  tenants  in  their  own  juil  right,  befide  the 
'  ~b!ve  of    Mafoa    and  Allen,  and  no  other. 


256  HISTORY  OF 

1705.  *fhould  be  accounted  valid  ;  but  that  if  any 
4  of  the  purchafers,  leflees  or  tenants  fhould 
( refufe  to  pay  their  juft  part  of  thefums  agreed 

*  on,  according  to  the  lands  they  held,  their 

*  fhare  ihould  be  abated  by  Allen  out  of  the 

*  two  thoufand  pounds  payable  by  this  agree- 

*  ment.     That  upon  Allen's  acceptance,  and 
4  underwriting  of  thefe  articles,  they  would 

*  give  perfonal  fecurity  for  the  aforef aid  pay- 
4  ment  ;  and  that  all  aftions  and  fuits  depend- 

*  ing  in  law  concerning  the    premifes  fhould 

*  ceafe    till    the   queen's    plealure  fhould  be 

*  known.' 

rf  LC°rt  Thefe  articles  were  ordered  to  be  presented 
of  Lords  of  to  Allen  for  his  acceptance  :  But  fo  defirable 
an  iiTue  of  the  controverfy  was  prevented  by 
his  fudden  death,  which  happened  on  the 
next  day.  He  left  a  foil  and  four  daughters, 
and  died  inteftate. 

Colonel  Allen  is  reprefented  as   a    gentle- 
man of  no  remarkable  abilities,  and  of  a  foli- 
tary    rather    than  a  focial  difpofitioii  ;    but 
5"  mild,  obliging  and  charitable.     His  charac- 
ftS^'i-  teri  while -he  was  a  merchant  in  London,  was 
monand     fair  and  upright,   and    his    domeftic  deport- 

letter  to  •    i   i  i  i  T  T 

Mr.  Prince,  ment  amiable  and  exemplary,  tie  was  a 
**s-  member  of  the  church  of  England  by  pro- 
feffion,  but  conflantly  attended  divine  wor- 
fhip  in  the  congregation  at  New-Caftle,  and 
was  aftri^l  obferver  of  the  chriftian  fabbath. 
He  died  on  the  fifth  of  May  1705,  in  the 
feventieth  year  of  his  age,  and  was  buried  in 
the  fort. 

After  his  death  his  only  fon,  Thomas   Ai- 
17Q6.     len,  Eiq.  of  London,  renewed  thciuit,  by  pe- 
titioning  the    queen,    who  allo^ved  iiim    ic. 
bring  a  new  writ  of  ejecfcpent.  and  .:>rdere.d 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  257 

a  revival  of  the  dire&ions  given  to  the  go v-    1706o 
ernor  in  1703,  with  refped  to  the  jury's  find-  MaT16- 
ing  a  fpecial    verdift.     Accordingly    Allen, 
having  previouily  conveyed  one  half  of  the 
lands  in  New-Hampfliire  by  deed  of  fale  to 
Sir  Charles  Hobby,  and  appointed  his  moth-  August  20 
er  Elizabeth  Allen  his  attorney,  brought  his 
writ  of  ejedlment  againft  Waldron  in  the  in- 

r     .  J  c  !  TV  ApnI15 

ferior  court  ot  common  pleas  where  he  was 
caft.  He  then  removed  it  by  appeal  to  the 
fuperior  court,  where  it  had  been  tried  three 
years  before.  As  this  was  the  laft  trial,  and  as 
all  the  ftrength  of  both  parties  was  fully  diC- 
played  on  the  occafion,  it  will  be  proper  to 
give  as ju'ft  a  view  of  the  cafe  as  can  now  be 
collected  from  the  papers  on  file  in  the  office 
of  the  fuperior  court. 

On  Allen's  part  Were  produced  copies  of 
the  charter  by  which  King  James  I.  confti- 
tuted  the  council  of  Plymouth  ;  their  grants 
to  Mafon  in  1629  and  1635  ;  his  laft  will 
and  teftament  ;  an  inventory  of  artillery, 
arms,  ammunition,  provifions,  merchandize 
atid  cattle  left  in  the  care  of  his  agents  here 
at  his  death  ;  depofitions  of  feveral  ancient 
perfons  taken  in  1685,  who  remembered  the 
houfes,  fields,  forts,  and  other  pofleflions  of 
Capt.  Mafon  at  Portfmouth  and  Newichwan- 
nock,  and  were  acquainted  with  his  agents, 
ftewarcls,  factors  and  other  fervants,  who  di- 
videdthe  cattle  and  merchandize  among  them 
after  his  death ;  the  opinions  of  Sir  Geoffry 
Palmer,  Sir  Francis  Winnington  and  Sir  Wil- 
liam. Jones  in  favour  of  the  validity  of  Ma- 
fon's  title  ;  King  Charles'  letter  to  the  prefi- 
dent  and  council  of  New-Hampfliire  in  1680  5 

th-e    paragraph    of    Cranfield'a    commiffion? 

1 1 


258  HISTORY  OF 

1707.    which  refpeds  Mafon's  claim  in  1682  ;  the 
writ,  verdicfi,  judgment  and  execution  againft 
Major  Watdron  in  1683  ;  the  decifion  of  the 
king  in  council  againft  Vaughan  in    1686  ; 
Dudley's  writ  of  certiorari  in  1688  ;  the  fine 
and  recovery  in  Weftminfter-hall   whereby 
the   entail   was  cut  off,  and    the  confequent 
deed  of  fale  to  Allen  in  1691  ;    Sir  Edward 
Northey's  report  in  1703  ;  and  evidence  of 
Allen's  taking  pofleflion  of  the   waftes,  and 
of  his  inclofing  and  occupying  fome  land  at 
Great  Ifland.    On  this  evidence,  it  was  plead- 
ed that  the  title  derived  from  Mafon,  and  his 
poffeffion  of  the  province,  of  which  the  lands 
in  queftion  were  part,  was  legal  ;  that  the 
appellee's  pofTeflion  had  been  interrupted  by 
the  appellant  and  thofe  from  whom  he  de- 
rived his  title,  more  efpecially  by  the  judg- 
ment recovered    by    Robert  Mafon    againft 
Major  Waldron  ;  and  a    fpecial  verdidl  was 
moved  for,  agreeably  to  the  royal  directions. 
The  council  on  this  fide   were  James  Mein- 
zies  and  John  Valentine. 

On  Waldron's  part  was  produced  the  deed 
from  four  Indian  fachems  to  Whelewright 
and  others  in  1629  ;  and  depositions  taken 
from  feveral  ancient  perfons  who  teftified 
that  they  had  lived  with  Major  Waldron, 
when  he  began  his  plantation  at  Cochecho, 
about  the  year  1640,  and  allifted  him  in 
building  his  houfes  and  mills,  and  that  no 
perfon  had  difturbed  him  in  the  poiTeffion 
thereof  for  above  forty  years.  To  invalidate 
the  evidence  of  the  title  produced  on  the  op- 
pofite  fide,  it  was  pleaded,  That  the  alledg- 
ed  grant  from  the  council  of  Plymouth  to 
Mafon  in  1629,  was  not  figned  ;  that  livery 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  259 

and  i'eizin  were  not  endorfed  on  it  as  on  oth-    1707* 
er  of  their  grants,  and  as  was  then  the  legal 
form  ;  nor  was  it  ever  enrolled  according  to 
ftatute  :    That  the  fale  of  part  of  the  fame 
lands  in  1628  to  the  Maflachufetts  company, 
by  an  inftrument    figned    and  executed  ac- 
cording to  law,  renders  this  fubfequent  grant 
fufpicious  ;   and  that  his  pretending  to  pro- 
cure another  grant  of  part  of  the  fame  lands 
in  1635,  was  an  argument  that  he  himfelf 
could  not  rely  on  the  preceding  one,  nor  was 
it  credible  that  the  fame  council  mould  grant 
the  fame  lands  twice,  and  to  the  fame  perfon  : 
That  the  alledged  grant  in  1635  was  equally 
defective  ;   and  that  he  mufl  relinquifh  one 
or  the  other,  it  being  contrary  to  the  reafon 
and  ufage  of  law  to  rely  on  two  feveral  titles 
at  once.     It  was  urged,  That  Waldron's  po£- 
feflion  was  grounded  on  a  deed  from  the  na- 
tive lords  of  the  foil,  with  whom  his   father 
had  endeavoured  to  cultivate  a  friendly  con- 
nexion ;  that  he  had  taken  up  his  land  with 
their  confent,  when  the  country  was  a  wil- 
dernefs  ;  had  cultivated  it,  had  defended  it  in 
war  at  a  great  expence,  and  at  the  hazard  of 
his  life,  which  he  finally  loft  in  the  attempt ; 
that  the  Indian  deed  was  legally  executed  in 
the  prefence  of  the  factors  and  agents  of  the 
company  of  Laconia,  of  which  Mafon  was 
one  ;  that  this  was  done  with  the  toleration  of 
the  council  of  Plymouth,  and  in  purfuance 
of  the  great  ends  of  their  incorporation,  which 
were  to  cultivate  the  lands,  to  people  the  coun- 
try and  chriftianize  the  natives,  for  thehonour 
and  intereft  of  the  crown  and  the  trade  of  Eng- 
land, all  which  ends  had  been  purfued  and  at- 
tained by  thajappellee  and  his  aneeftor.  It  was 


'260  HISTORY  Q-F 

1707.  alfo  alledged,  that  the  writ  agaiiill  Major 
Waldron  in  1683  was  for  "lands  and  tene- 
ments," of  which  the  quantity,  iituation  and 
bounds  were  not  defcribed,  for  want  of  which 
no  legal  judgment  could  be  given  ;  that  no 
execution  had  ever  been  levied,  nor  was  the 
pofleflbr  ever  difturbed  or  amoved  by  reafon 
thereof  ;  and  that  the  copies  produced  were 
not  attefted,  no  book  of  records  being  to  be 
found.  To  invalidate  the  evidence  of  Ma- 
fon's  pofTeflion,  it  was  obferved,  that  he  him- 
felf  was  never  here  in  perfon  ;  that  all  the  fet- 
tlement  made  by  his  agents  or  fucceflbrs  was 
only  a  fadlpry  for  trade  with  the  Indians,  and 
principally  for  the  difcovery  of  a  country 
called  Laconia  ;  and  that  this  was  done  in 
company  with  ieveral  other  merchant-adven- 
turers in  London,  who,  for  the  fecurity  of 
their  goods  ere&cd  a  fort ;  but  that  this  could 
not  amount  to  a  legal  poiTeffion,  nor  prove 
a  title  to  the  country,  especially  as  upon  the 
failure  of  trade,  the  object  of  their  enterprize, 
the,y  quitted  their  factory,  after  a  few  years 
{lay  in,  thefq  parts. 

As  to  the  motion  for  a  fpecial  verdict,  it  was 
faid  that  a  jury  could  not  find  one,  if  they  had 
10  doubt  of  the  law  or  fact,  for  the  reafon  of 
A  fpecial  verdict  is  a  doubt  either  in  point  of 
;-\y,  or  evidence  ;  nor  was  it  confident  with 
the-  privileges  of  Engliihmen  that  a  jury 
iliould  b^  compelled  to  find  fpocially.  In  ad- 
dition to  thefe  pleas  it  was  further  alledged, 
that  by  the.  tlatute  law  no  action  of  ejectment 
can  be  maimtained  except  the  plaintiff,  or 
thofe  under  whom  he  claims,  have  been  in 
poffeffion  within  twenty  years  ;  and  if  they 
hav,e  been  out  of  poffeffion  fixty  years,  thep 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 


261 


only  an  eje<5teent,  but  a  writ  of  right,  1707, 
and  all  other  real  actions  are  barred  in  refpeft 
of  a  fubjedl,  and  that  in  fuch  cafes  the  right 
of  the  crown  is  alfo  barred  :  and  that  by  the 
ftatute  of  32  Hen.  8.  ch.  9.  It  is  enabled,  that 
no  perfon  ihall  purchafe  any  lands  or  tene- 
ments, unlefs  the  feller,  or  they  by  whom  he 
claims,  have  been  in  pofleilion  of  the  fame 
or  the  reveriion  or  the  remainder  thereof,  or 
have  taken  the  rents  or  profits  thereof  by  the 
fpace  of  one  whole  year  next  before  fuch  bar- 
gain is  made  ;  and  that  the  appellee  and  his 
anceftor,  and  no  other  perfon  whatever  had 
been  in  pofleffion  of  the  premifes,  nor  was  it 
ever  pretended  by  the  appellant  that  the  Ma- 
fons,  of  whom  the  purchafe  was  made,  were 
in  pofTeffion  within  one  year,  or  at  any  time 
before  the  alledged  purchafe  ;  that  all  the 
mifchiefs  provided  againft  by  the  above  ftat- 
ute have  been  experienced  by  the  people  of 
New-Hampfhire  from  the  purchafe  made  by 
the  appellant's  father,  of  the  bare  title  of  the 
propriety  of  the  province.  The  council  on 
this  fide  were  John  Pickering  and  Charles 
Story. 

A  certificate  from  the  lieutenant-governor 
refpecling  the  queen's  directions  was  deliver- 
ed to  the  jury  who  returned  the  following  Aug<  l2" 
verdict :  "  In  the  caufe  depending  between 
•"  Thomas  Allen,  Efq.  appellant  and  Richard 
u  Waldron,  Efq.  defendant,  the  jury  findes 
"  for  the  defendant  a  confirmation  of  the  for- 
"  mer  judgment  and  cofts  of  courts.  Mark 
u  Hunking,  foreman." 

The  court  then  fent  out  the  jury  again,  with 
this  charge,  "  Gentlemen,  you  are  further  to 
"  confider  this  cafe  and  obferve  her  majefty's 


262  HISTORY    OF 

1707.  a  directions  to  find  fpecially  and  your  oaths." 
They  returned  the  fecond  time  with  the  fame 
verdidl  ;  upon  which  the  court  ordered  judg- 
ment to  be  entered,  and  that  the  defendant 
recover  cofts  of  the  appellant.  The  council 
for  the  appellant  then  moved  for  an  appeal 
to  her  majefty  in  council ;  which  was  allow- 
ed on  their  giving  bond  in  two  hundred 
pounds  to  profecute  it. 

But  the  loyalty  of  the  people,  and  the  dif- 
c«unciiand  treffcs  under  which  they  laboured  by  reafon 
Re^d».y  *  of  the  war,  prevailed  on  the  queen's  miniftry 
to  fufpend  a  final  decifion  ;    and  before  the 
printed      appeal  could  be  heard,  Allen's  death,  which 
j^*'*^  happened  in  1715,  put    an  end   to  the  fuit, 
P.  10.       which  his  heirs,  being  minors,  did   not  re- 
new. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  263 


CHAP.    XII. 


7V/?  war  with  the  French  and    Indium,    called    Quten 

.  —  Conclusion  cj'  Dudta/'*  and  U&hcr's  administration, 


THE  peace  which  followed  the  trea- 
ty of  Ryfwick  was  but  of  fhort  duration,  for 
the  feeds  of  war  were  ready  fown  both  in 
Europe  and  America.  Louis  had  proclaim- 
ed the  pretender  king  of  England,  and  his 
Governor  Villebon  had  orders  to  extend  his 
province  of  Acadia  to  the  river  Kennebeck, 
though  the  Englifh  court  underftood  St. 
Croix  to  be  the  boundary  between  their  ter- 
ritories and  thofe  of  the  French.  The  fifhery 
was  interrupted  by  French  men  of  war,  and 
by  the  orders  of  Villebon,  who  fuffered  no 
Englifh  veflels  to  filh  on  the  bauks  of  Nova- 
Scotia.  A  French  miflion  was  eftablifhed, 
and  a  chapel  ere6led  at  Norridgewog,  on  the 
upper  part  of  Kennebeck,  which  ferved  to 
extend  the  influence  of  the  French  among 
the  Indians.  The  governor  of  Canada,  a£- 
fuming  the  character  of  their  father  and  pro- 
tector, mitigated  them  to  prevent  the  fettle- 
ment  of  the  Englim  to  the  eaft  of  Kennebeck, 
and  found  fome  among  them  ready  to  liflen 
to  his  advice.  The  people  in  thofe  parts  were 
apprehenfive  of  danger  and  meditating  a 
removal,  and  thofe  who  had  entertained 
thoughts  of  fettling  there  were  reftrained. 

Things  were  in  this  pofture  when  Dudley 
entered  on  his  government.  He  had  particu- 
lar orders  from  England  to  rebuild  the  fort 
at  Pemaquid  ;  but  could  not  prevail  on  the 
Maflachufetts  aflembly  to  bear  the  expence 


264  HISTORY   OF 

of  it.  However  he  determined  on  a  vifit  to 
the  eaftern  country,  and  having  notified  his 
intention  to  the  Indians,  took  with  him  a 
number  of  gentlemen  of  both  provinces*, 
1703.  ancj  jieid  a  conference  at  Cafco  with  delegates 
from  the  tribes  of  Norridgewog,  Penobfcot, 
Pigwacket,  Penacook  and  Amarifcoggin ;  who 
aflurecl  him  that  "  as  high  as  the  fun  was 
"  above  the  earth,  fo  far  diflant  was  their  de- 
"  fign  of  making  the  lead  breach  of  the 
"  peace;"  They  prefented  him  a  belt  of  wam- 
pum in  token  of  their  fincerity,  and  both  par- 
ties went  to  two  heaps  of  ftones  which  had- 
formerly  been  pitched  and  called  the  Two 
Brothers,  where  the  friendftiip  was  further 
ratified  by  the  addition  of  other  ftones.  They 
alfo  declared,  that  although  the  French  emit 
faries  among  them  had  been  endeavouring  ta 
break  the  union,  yet  it  was  "  firm  as  a  moun- 
"taiii,  and  fhoula  continue  as  long  as  the 
"  fun  and  moon."  Notwithstanding  thefe  fail- 
appearances,  it  was  obferved  that  when  the 
Indians  fired  a  falute  their  guns  were  charg- 
ed with  mot  ;  and  it  was  fufpeiled  that  they 
had  then  formed  a  defign  to  feize  the  gover- 
nor and  his  attendants,  if  a  party  which  they 
expedled  from  Canada,  and  which  arrived  two 
or  three  days  after,  had  come  in  proper  feafon 
to  their  afliftance.  However  this  might  be, 
it  is  certain  that  in  the  fpace  of  fix  weeks,  a 
st  10.  body  of  French  and  Indians,  five  hundred  in 
number,  having  divided  themfelves  into  fev- 
eral  parties,  attacked  all  the  fettlements  from 
Cafco  to  Wells,  and  killed  and  took  one  rmr>- 

*  Mr.  Hutehinson  has  misplaced  t1  < 


NEW-RAMPSHIRE.  263 

dred  and  thirty  people,  burning  and  deftroy-    1703« 
ing  all  before  them*. 

The  next  week  (Auguft  17}  a  party  of 
thirty  Indians  under  Captain  Tom  killed  five 
people  at  Hampton  village  ;  among  whom 
was  a  widow  Muffy,  a  noted  fpeaker  among 
the  friends,  and  much  lamented  by  them  ; 
they  alfo  plundered  two  houfes  ;  but  the 
people  being  alarmed,  and  purfuing  them, 
they  fled. 

The  country  was  now  in  terror  and  confu- 
fion.  The  women  and  children  retired  to  the 
garrifons.  The  men  went  armed  to  their  work 
and  ported  centinels  in  the  fields.  Troops  of 
horfe  were  quartered  at  Portfmouth  and  in 
the  province  of  Maine.  A  fcout  of  three  hun- 
dred and  fixty  men  marched  toward  Pig- 
wacket,  and  another  to  the  OfTapy  Pond,  but 
made  no  difcoveries.  Alarms  were  frequent, 
and  the  whole  frontier  country  from  Deeir- 
field  on  the  weft,  to  Cafco  on  the  eart  was 
kept  in  continual  terror  by  fmall  parties  of 
the  enemy. 

In  the  fall  Col.  March  of  Cafco  made  a 
vifit  to  Pig  wacket,  where  he  killed  fix  of  the 
enemy  and  took  fix  more  ;  this  encouraged 
the  government  to  offer  a  bounty  of  forty 
pounds  for  fcalps. 

As  the  winter  came  on,  the  frontier  towns 
were  ordered  to  provide  a  large  number  of 
fnow-fhoes  ;  and  an  expedition  was  planned 
hi  New-Hampfhire,  againft  the  head-quar- 
^ters  of  the  Indians.  Major  Winthrop  Hil- 

*  Mr  Hutchi.ison  takes  no  notice  of  this  remarkable  devastation,  which1 
is   particulatly    relntfxl  by   Mr.    PcnhaUow    in  his  "  wars  of   New-En^ 

land."     p.  ?*. 


HISTORY   O* 

J7Q3.  ton,  and  Captain  John  Oilman  of  Exeter,, 
Captain  Chefley  and  Captain  Davis  of  Oyfter 
river,  marched  with  their  companies  on  ihow 
ihoes  into  the  woods  ;  but  returned  without 
fuccefs.  This  is  called  in  the  council  books 
"  an  honourable  fervice  :"  Hilton  received  a 
gratuity  of  twelve,  and  each  of  the  captains 
five  pounds. 

1704  With  the  return  of  fpring  there  was  a  re*- 
turn  of  hoftilities  ;  for  notwithftanding  the 
polling  a  few  fouthern  Indians  in  the  garri- 
fons  at  Berwick,  the  enemy  appeared  at  Oy£ 
ter  river,  and  {hot  Nathaniel  Meclar  near  his 

April  25.  own  field,  and  the  next  day  killed  Edward 
Taylor  near  Lamprey  river,  and .  captivated 
his  wife  and  fon.  Thefe  inftances  of  mif- 
chief  gave  colour  to  a  falfe  alarm  at-Coche- 
cho,  where  it  was  faid  they  lay  in  wait  for 
CbL  \Valdron  a  whole  day,  but  miffing  him 
by  reafon  of  his  abfeiice  from  home,  took 
his  fervant  maid  as  ihe  went  to  -a  fpring  for 
water  ;  and  having  examined  her  as  to  the 
ftate  of  the  garrifon,  ftunned  her  with  an 
hatchet  but  did  not  fcalp  her. 

In  May,  Col.  Church,  by  Governor  Dud- 
ley's order,  having  planned  an  expedition  to 
dre  eaftern  fhore,  failed  from  Bofton  with  a 
number  of  tranfports,  furnifhed  with  whale- 
boats  for  going  up  rivers.  In  his  way  he  flopt 
at  Pafcataqua,  where  he  was  joined  by  a  body 
of  men  under  Maj.  Hilton,  who  was  of  eminent 
fervice  to  him  in  this  expedition*,  which  lad- 
ed the  whole  fummer,  and  in  which  they 
deftroyed  the  towns  of  Minasand  Chiegnecto, 

*  This  is  called  in  the  council  books  "an  expedition  tW-Pcrrt-RoyaV  nnd 
this  was  the  ostensible  object.  But  Church  in  his  memoirs  says  that  Dud* 
}^  would  not  permit  him  to  go  there. 

Church,  p.  104.         Hutch.  II.  146. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  267 

and  did  confiderable  damage  to  the  French    1/704» 
and  Indians  at  Penobfcot  and  Paflamaquod- 
dy,  and  even  inlulted   Port    Royal.     While 
they  were  at  Mount  Defart,  Church  learned 
from  nine  of  his    prifpners  that  a  body  of  * 
fix  hundred  Indians  were  preparing  for  an 
attack  on  Cafco,  and  the  head  of  Pafcataqua 
river  ;   and   lent   an   exprefs  to  Portfinouth 
which  obliged  the  people  to  be  vigilant.     No 
fuch  great  force  as  this  appeared  ;  but  final! 
parties  kept  hovering  on  the  outfkirts.     At 
Oyfter  river  they  wounded  William  Tafker ; 
and  at  Dover   they  laid  in  ambuih  for  the 
people  on  their  return  from  public  worfhip, 
but  happily  mifled    their  aim.     They  after- 
ward mortally  wounded  Mark  Gyles  at  that 
place,  and  foon  after  killed  feveral  people  in  AMgus1 
a  field  at  Oyfter  river,  whole  names  are  not 
mentioned, 

In  the  former  wars    New-Hampfhire  had 
received  much  afliftance  from  their  brethren 
of  MaiTachufetts  ;  but  thefe  now  remonftrat- 
ed  to  the  governor  that  his  other  province 
did  not  bear  their   proportion  of  the  charge 
for  the  common  defence.     The  reprefenta- 
tives  of  New-Hampfhire  urged,  in  reply,  the 
different  circumftances  of  the  two  provinces  ; 
*  moft  of  the  towns  in  Maflachufetts  being 
out  of  the  reach  of  the  enemy,  and  no  oth- 
erwife  affedted  by  the  war  than  in  the  pay- 
ment of  their  part  of  the  expence,  while  this 
province  was    wholly  a  frontier  by  fea  and 
land,  and  in  equal   danger  with  the  county 
of  York,  in   which  four  cprnpanies  were  fta«- 

*  i  suppose  this  is  the  party  whom  Penhallow  mentions,  p.  23,  who 
quarrelled  on  their  march  about  dividing  the  plunder  which  they  might  take, 
and  of  whom  two  hundred  returned  while  the  rest  pursued  their  march,  anxl 
«??d  damage  at  Lancaster  and  Greton, 


HISTORY  OF 

$704.  tioned,  and  the  inhabitants  were  abated  then 
proportion  of  the  public  charges."  They  beg- 
ged  that  twenty  of  the  friendly  Indians  might 

Council  r  -         J  i'ii  i   •    i 

Rec.  be  lent  to  icout  on  their  borders,  which  re- 
queft  the  governor  complied  with. 

1705.  In  the  winter,  Col.  Hilton  with  two  hun- 
dred and  feventy  men,  including  the  twen- 
ty Indians,  were  fent  to  Norridgwog  on  fnow 
fhoes.  They  had  a  favourable  ieafon  for  their 
march,  the  fnow  being  four  feet  deep. 
When  they  arrived  there,  finding  no  enemy 
to  contend  with,  they  burnt  the  deferted 
wigwams,  and  the  chapel.  The  officers  who 
went  on  this  expedition  complained  that  they 
had  only  the  pay  of  private  foldiers. 

The  late  repairs  of  fort  William  and  Mary 
at  New-Caftle  were  always  complained  of  as 
burdenfome  to  the  people,  and  a  reprefenta- 
tion  thereof  had  been  made  to  the  queen, 
who  inilrudled  Dudley  to  prefs  the  afTembly 
of  Maflachufetts  to  contribute  to  the  ex- 
pence  ;  as  the  river  belonged  equally  to  both 
provinces.  They  urged  in  excufe  that  the 
fort  was  built  at  firft  at  the  fole  charge  of 
New-Hampihire  to  whom  it  properly  be- 
longed ;  that  the  whole  expence  of  the  re- 
pairs did  not  amount  to  what  feveral  of  their 
towns  fingly  paid  toward  the  fupport  of  the 
war  for  one  year  ;  that  all  the  trade  and  nav- 
igation of  the  river,  on  both  fides,  paid  a  du- 
ty toward  maintaining  that  fortrefs  ;  and  that 
they  had  been  at  great  expence  in  protecting 
the  frontiers  of  New-Hanif  ihire,  and  the  par- 
ties who  were  employed  in  getting  timber 
and  mafts  for  her  majefly's  fervicc  ;  while 
New-Hampfhire  had  never  contributed  any 
ag  to  the  fupport  of  the  gamfbns,  forces 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  260 

and  guards  by  fea,  which  were  of  equal  ben-  1705- 
efit  to  them  as  to  MafTachufetts.  One  thing 
which  made  New-Hampfhire  more  in  favour 
with  the  queen  was,  that  they  had  fettled  a 
falary  on  her  governor,  which  the  others  nev- 
er could  be  perfuadedto  do.  The  repairs  of 
the  fort,  however,  went  on  without  their  af- 
fiftance,  under  the  direclion  of  Col.  Romer  ; 
and  when  they  were  completed,  a  petition 
was  fent  home  for  a  fupply  of  cannon,  am- 
munition and  ftores. 

The  next  fummer  was  chiefly  fpent  in  ne- 
gotiating an  exchange  of  prifoners  ;  and  Dud- 
ley had  the  addrefs  to  protracl  the  negotia- 
tion, under  pretence  of  confulting  with  the 
other  governments  about  a  neutrality  pro- 
pofed  by  the  governor  of  Canada,  by  which 
means  the  frontiers  in  general  were  kept  tol- 
erably quiet,  although  the  enemy  appeared 
once  or  twice  in  the  town  of  Kittery.  The 
line  of  pickets*  which  inclofed  the  town  of 
Portfmouth  was  repaired,  and  a  nightly  pa- 
trole  eftablifhed  on  the  fea  more  from  Ren- 
dezvous Point  to  the  bounds  of  Hampton,  to 
prevent  any  furprize  by  fea  ;  the  coaft  being 
at  this  time  infefted  by  the  enemy's  privateers. 

During  this  truce, the  inhabitants  of  Kingf- 
ton  who  had  left  the  place,  were  encouraged 
to  petition  for  leave  to  return  to  their  lands  ; 
which  the  court  granted  on  condition  that 
they  {hould  build  a  fort  in  the  center  of  the 
town,  lay  out  a  parfonage  and  fettle  a  miniC- 
ter  within  three  years.  This  laft  condition  was 
rendered  impracticable  by  the  renewal  of 
hoftilities. 

*   Tins  line  extended  from  the  miU-pond  on  the  south,  to  the  creek  on  the 
n.iri'i  side  of  the  town.     Itcrossed  the  main  street  a  few  rods  westward  of 

<.-t  •vherti  the  State  House  now  stands* 


270  HISTORY    0* 

1795.  The  governor  of  Canada  had  encouraged 
New-England  to  remove  to  Canada,  where 
being  incorporated  with  the  tribe  of  St.  Fran- 
cis, they  have  ever  fince  remained.  By  this 
policy  they  became  more  firmly  attached  to 
the  intereft  of  the  French,  and  were  more 
eafily  difpatched  on  their  bloody  bufinefs  to 
the  frontiers  of  New-England,  with  which 
they  were  well  acquainted.  Dudley,  who 
was  generally  apprized  of  their  movements, 
and  kept  a  vigilant  eye  upon  them,  appre- 
hended a  rupture  in  the  winter  ;  and  gave  or- 
ders for  a  circular  fcouting  march,  once  a 
month,  round  the  head  of  the  towns  from 

1706.  Kingfton  to  Salmon  falls  ;  but  the  enemy  did 
not  appear  till  April ;  when  a  fmall  party  of 
them  attacked  the  houfe  of  John  Drew  at  Oy~ 
fter  river,  where  they  killed  eight  and  woun- 
ded tvvo.  The  garrifon  was  near,  but  not  a 
man  in  it>:  the  women,  however,  feeing 
nothing  but  death  before  them, fired  an  alarm, 
and  then  putting  on  hats,  and  loofening  their 
hair  that  they  might  appear  like  men,  they 
fired  fo  brifkly  that  the  enemy,  apprehend- 
ing the  people  were  alarmed,  fled  without 
burning  or  even  plundering  the  houfe  which 
they  had  attacked.  John  Wheeler,  meeting 
this  party  and  miftaking  them  for  friendly 
Indians,  unhappily  fell  into  their  hands  and 
was  killed  with  his  wife  and  two  children. 
Four  of  his  fons  took  refuge  in  a  cave  by  the 
bank  of  the  Little  Bay,  and  though  purfued 
by  the  Indians  efcaped  unhurt. 

In  July,  Colonel  Schuyler  from  Albany 
gave  notice  to  Dudley  that  two  hundred  and 
feventy  of  the  enemy  were  on  their  march 
toward  Pafcataqua,  of  which  he  immediately 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 

the  Indians  who  inhabited  the  borders  of  1706* 
informed  the  people,  and  ordered  them  to 
clofe  garrifon,  and  one  half  of  the  militia  to 
be  ready  at  a  minute's  warning.  The  firft 
appearance  of  this  body  of  the  enemy  was  at 
Dunflable  ;  from  whence  they  proceeded  to 
Amefbury  and  Kingfton,  where  they  killed 
fome  cattle.  Hilton  with  fixty  four  men 
marched  from  Exeter  ;  but  was  obliged  to 
return  without  meeting  the  enemy.  The  rea- 
fon  he  gave  to  the  council  for  returning  fo 
foon  was  the  want  of  provifion,  there  being 
none  in  readinefs  at  the  garrifons,  notwith- 
ftanding  a  law  lately  ena<5led,  enjoining  it 
on  every  town  to  have  ftores  ready  and  de- 
pofited  in  the  hands  of  their  captains.  For 
the  fame  reafoii  he  had  been  obliged  to  di£- 
continue  a  fmall  fcout  which  he  had  for 
fome  time  kept  up.  Hilton  was  fo  brave  and 
aclive  an  officer  that  the  enemy  had  marked 
him  for  definition  ;  and  for  this  purpofe  a 
party  of  them  kept  lurking  about  his  houfef 
%vhere  they  obferved  ten  men  to  go  out  one 
morning  with  their  fcythes,  and  lay  afide 
their  arms  to  mow  ;  they  then  crept  between 
the  men  and  their  guns,  and  fuddenly  rufh- 
i.ng  on  them,  killed  four,  wounded  one,  and 
took  three  ;  two  only  of  the  whole  number 
efcaped.  They  miffed  the  major  for  this 
time,  and  two  of  their  prifoners  efcaped  ;  but 
fuffered  much  in  their  return,  having  noth- 
ing to  fubfift  on  for  three  weeks  but  lily 
roott  and  the  rinds  of  trees.  After  this  they  August  10 
killed  William  Pearl  and  took  Nathaniel  Tib- 
bets  at  Dover.  It  was  obferved  during 
this  war  that  the  enemy  did  more  damage  in 
fmall  bodies  than  in  larger,  and  by  fcattering 


272 


HISTORY 


1706.  along  the  frontiers  kept  the  people  in  con- 
tinual apprehenfion  and  alarm  ;  and  fo  very 
few  of  them  fell  into  our  hands,  that  in  com- 

Penhaiiow,  Fating  the  expence  of  the  war  it  was  judged 
p-40-        that  every  Indian  killed  or  taken  cofl   the 

1707.  country  a  thoufand  pounds. 

In  di-efol! owing  winter  Hilton  made  anoth- 
er excurfion  to  the  eaftward,  and  a  fhallop 
was  fent  to  Cafco  with  {tores  and  provifions 
for  his  party,  confifting  of  two  hundred  and 
twenty  men.  The  winter  being  mild,  and 
the  weather  unfettled,  prevented  their  march- 
ing fo  far  as  they  intended  :  cold  dry  weath- 
er and  deep  fnow  being  moft  favourable  to 
winter  expeditions.  However  they  came  on  an 
Indian  tracknear  Black  Point,  and  purfuing  it, 
killed  four,  and  took  a  fquaw  who  conducted 
a»  21  them  to  a  party  of  eighteen,  whom  they  fur- 
prized  as  they  lay  afleep  on  a  neck  of  land 
at  break  of  day,  and  of  whom  they  kill- 
ed feventeen,  and  took  the  other.  This 
was  matter  of  triumph  confidering  the  diffi- 
culty of  finding  their  haunts.  It  was  re- 
marked that  on  the  very  morning  that  this 
affair  happened,  it  was  reported,  with  but 
little  variation  from  the  truth,  at  Portfmouth, 
though  at  the  diftance  of  iixty  miles. 

When  Church  went  to  Nova-Scotia,  he 
very  earneftly  folicited  leave  to  make  an  at- 
tempt on  Port  Royal ;  but  Dudley  would  not 
confent,  and  the  reafon'he  gave  was,  that  he 
had  written  to  the  miniftry  in.  England  and 
exps6led  orders  and  naval  help  to  reduce  the 
place.  His  enemies  however  afligned  anoth- 
er reafon  for  his  refufal  ;  which  was  that  a 
.clandeftine  trade  was  carried  on  by  his  con- 
nivance, and  to  his  emolument,  with  the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  273 

'French  there.     This  report  gained  credit  and    1707. 
occafioned  a  loud  call  for  juiiice.  Thofe  who 
were  diredily  concerned  in  the  illegal  traffick, 
were  profecuted  and  fined  ;  and  the  governor  ^ch* 
fuffered  much  in  his  reputation.   To  wipe  off  Massa. 
ihefe  afperfions  he  now  determined  to  make  ^  is* 
an  attack  in    earned   on   Port    Royal,    even 
though  no  affiitance  mould  come  from  Eng- 
land.    It  was  intended  that   an  armament 
mould  be  feat  to  America,  and  the  command- 
er was  appointed ;  but  the  ftate  of  affairs  in 
Europe  prevented  their  coming. 

Early  in  the  fpring   the  governor  applied 
to  the  aflemblies  of  both  his  provinces,  and 
to  the  colonies  of  Rhode  Ifland  and  Connec- 
ticut, requefting  them  to  raife  onje  thoufand 
men  for    the    expedition.     Connecticut   de- 
clined ;  but  the  other  three  raifed  the  whole 
number,  who  were  difpofed  into  two  regi- 
ments, of  which  Colonel  Wainwright  com- 
manded the    one,  and   Colonel  Hilton   the 
other.       They    embarked   at   Nantafket  in 
twenty     three     tranfports    furnimed     with 
whaleboats,  under  convoy  of  the  Deptford 
man  of  war,  Capt.  Stuckley,  and  the  pro- 
vince galley,  Captain  Southack.     The  chief 
command  was  given  to  Colonel  March,  who 
had  behaved  well  in  feveral  fcouts  and  ren- 
counters  with  the   Indians,   but  had  never 
been  tried  in  fuch  fervice  as  this.     They  ar- 
rived  before  Port  Royal  in  a  few  days,  and 
after  burning  fome  houfes,  killing  fome  cat- 
tle round  the  fort,  and  making  fome  ineffec- 
tual  attempts  to  bombard  it,  a  jealoufy  and 
difagreement  among  the  officers,  and  a  mif- 
apprehenfion  of  the  ftate  of  the  fort  and  gar- 

I-    L 


HISTORY   OF 

1707.  rifon,  cauled  the  army  to  break  up  and  ream- 
and^6  kark  *n  a  diforderly  manner.  Some  of  the 
officers  went  to  Bofton  for  Orders,  fome  of 
the  tranfports  put  in  at  Cafco  ;  a  (loop  with 
Captain  Chefley's  company  of  fixty  men  ar- 
June  13.  rived  at  Portfmouth  :  Chefley  fuffered  his 
council  men  to  difperfe,  but  ordered  them  to  return 
Record*.  at  ^  ^^  Qf  ^  drum  i  Being  called  to  ac- 
count for  this  condudt  he  alledged  that  "gen- 
"  eral  orders  were  given  at  Port  Royal  for 
"  every  man  to  make  the  befl  of  his  way 
"  home."  The  governor,  highly  chagrined 
and  very  angry,  fent  orders  from  Bofton 
that  if  any  more  veflels  arrived  the  men 
ihould  not  be  permitted  to  come  on  fhore 
"  on  pain  of  death."  After  a  while  he  ord- 
ered Chefley's  company  to  be  collected  and 
reimbarked,  offering  a  pardon  to  thofe  who 
voluntarily  returned,  the  reft  to  be  feverely 
punifhed.  By  the  latter  end  of  July  they 
got  on  board,  and  with  the  reft  of  the  army, 
returned  to  the  place  of  adion.  At  the  land- 
ing, an  ambufcade .  of  Indians  from  among 
the  fedge  on  the  top  of  a  fea-wall,  greatly 
annoyed  the  troops.  Major  Walton  and 
Captain  Chefley,  being  then  on  fhore  with 
the  New-Hampfhire  companies,  puflied  their 
men  up  the  beach,  flanked  the  enemy,  and 
after  an  obftinate  ftruggle  put  them  to  flight. 
The  command  was  now  given  to  Wamwright, 
and  the  army  put  under  the  direction  of 
three  fupervifors  ;  but  no  means  could  in- 
fpire  that  union,  firmnefs  and  fkill  which 
were  neceffary.  By  the  laft  of  Auguft  the 
whole  affair  was  at  an  end,  and  the  army  re- 
turned fickly,  fatigued,  difheartened, 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  275 

afliamed  ;  but  with  no  greater  lofs  than  fix-    1707. 
teen  killed  and  as  many  wounded. 

While  this  unfortunate  expedition  was  in 
hand,  the  frontiers  were  kept  in  continual 
alarm.  Two  men  were  taken  from  Oyfter  May  2^ 
river,  and  two  more  killed  as  they  were  driv-  j«iy  3. 
ing  a  team  between  that  place  and  Dover. 
Captain  Sumerfby  purfued  with  his  troop 
and  recovered  the  contents  of  the  cart.  Ste- 
phen and  Jacob  Gilman,  brothers,  were  am- 
burned  between  Exeter  and  Kingfton  ;  their  page  45 
horfes  were  killed,  but  both  of  them  efcaped 
to  the  garrifon.  Kingfton,  being  a  new 
plantation,  was  much  expofed,  and  was  this 
fummer  weakened  by  the  defertion  of  eight 
men.  The  remaining  inhabitants  complain^ 
ed  to  government,  who  ordered  the  captains 
of  Exeter  and  Hampton  to  take  them  up  as 
defer ters,  and  oblige  them  to  return  to  the 
defence  of  their  fettlements,  or  do  duty  at 
the  fort  during  the  governor's  pleafure. 
They  were  afterward  bound  over  to  the  fef- 
fions  for  contempt  of  orders.  The  ftate  of 
the  country  at  this  time  was  truly  diftrefled ; 
a  large  quota  of  their  beft  men  were  abroad, 
the  reft  harrafled  by  the  enemy  at  home, 
obliged  to  continual  duty  in  garrifons  and  in 
fcouts,  and  fubject  to  fevere  difcipline  for  ne- 
glecls.  They  earned  their  bread  at  the  con- 
tinual hazard  of  their  lives,  never  daring  to 
ftir  abroad  unarmed  ;  they  could  till  no 
lands  but  what  were  within  call  of  the  gar- 
rifoned  houfes,  into  which  their  families 
were  crowded  ;  their  hufbandry,  lumber- 
trade  and  fiihery  were  declining,  their  taxes 
increafing,  their  apprehenfions  both  from  the 
force  pf  the  enemy  and  the  failure  of  the. 


276  HISTORY  OF 

1707.  Port  Royal  expedition  were  exceedingly  dii- 
mal,  and  there  was  no  profpeft  of  an  end  to 
the  war,  in  which  they  were  now  advanced 
to  the  fifth  fummer.  Yet  under  all  thefe  dif- 
treffes  and  difcouragements,  they  refolutely 
kept  their  ground  and  maintained  their  gar- 
tifons,  not  one  of  which  was  cut  off  during 
the  whole  of  this  War,  within  the  limits  of 
New-Hampfhire. 

4FPt.  is.        jn  September  one  man  Was  killed  at  Ex<e- 

*~i7-  ter,  and  two  days  after  Henry  Elkins  at 
Kingfton.  But  the  fevereft  blow  on  tfie 
frontiers  happened  at  Oyfter  river,  a  place 
which  fuffered  more  than  all  the  reil.  A 
party  of  French  Mohawks  painted  red,  at- 
tacked with  an  hideous  yell  a  company  who 
were  in  the  Woods,  fome  hewing  timber  and 
others  driving  a  team,  under  the  direction  of 
Captain  Chefley  who  was  juft  returned  the 
fecond  time  from  Port  Royal.  At  the  firft 
fire  they  killed  feven  and  mortally  woiu 
another.  Chefley,  with  the  few  who  were 
left,  fired  on  the  enemy  with  great  vigour, 
and  for  fome  time  checked  their  ardor  ;  but 
being  overpowered,  he  at  length  fell.  He 
was  much  lamented,  being  a  brave  officer. 
Three  of  the  fcalps  taken  at  this  time  were 
foon  after  recovered  at  Berwick. 

J.708.  The  next  year  a  large  army  from  Canada 
was  deftined  againft  the  frontiers  of  New- 
England.  Dudley  received  information  of 
it  in  the  ufual  route  from  Albany,  and  im- 
mediately ordered  guards  in  the  mod  ex- 
pofed  places  of  both  his  provinces.  A  troop 
under  Captain  Robert  Coffin  patrolecl  from 
Kingfton  to  Cochecho,  and  fcouts  were  kept 
Out  continually,  Spy-boate  were  alfo  kepi 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

out  at  fea  between  Pafcataqua  and  Winter    170&* 
harbours.     Four  hundred  Maifachufetts  fot- 
diers   were  polled   in   this    province.     The 
towns  were  ordered  to  provide  ammunition, 
and  all  things  were  in  as  good  a  (late  of  pre- 
paration as  could  be  expecfled.       At  length  ^  M 
the   ilorm   fell  on  Haverhill  ;    but  the  ene- 
my's  force  having  been  diminiftieti  by  va- 
rious accidents,   they  proceeded  110  farther, 
an c!  every  pare  of  New-Hamplhire  was  quiet. 
-Hilton  made  another  winter  march  to  Pig-  J^JjJJ0*' 
wacket  with  one  hundred  and  feventy  men, 
but  made  no  difcovery. 

The  next  fpring  William  Moody,  Samuel     1709. 
Stevens,  and  two  fons  of  Jeremy  Oilman  were  May  5. 
taken  at  Pkkpocket-mill  in  Exeter,  and  foon 
after  Bartholomew   Stevenfon  was  killed  at  June  so. 
Oyfter  river.       Colonel  Hilton  and  Captain 
Davis  performed  their  ufual  tour  of  duty  in 
fcouting,  and   the  people  this  fummer  kept 
clofe  in  garrifon,  on  a  report  that  two  hun- 
dred Indians  had  marched  againft  them  from 
Montreal.     But  the  principal  objedl  now  in 
view  was  a  defire  of  wiping  off  the  difgrace 
of  a  former  year  by  an  attempt,  not  on  Port 
Royal,  but  on  Canada  itfelf.       For  this  pur- 
pofe  felicitations  had  been  made  in  England 
by  Francis  Nicholfon,   Efq,  who  had  been 
lieutenant-governor  of  Virginia,  and  Captain 
Samuel  Vetch  a  trader  to  Nova-Scotia,  who 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  French  fettle- 
ments  there,  and  made  a  full  reprefentation 
of  the  ftate  of  things  in  America  to  the  Brit- 
ifh  miniftry.       An  expedition  being    deter- 
mined upon  they   came  over  early  in  the 
fpring  with  the  queen's  command  to  the  gov- 
ernors of  the  feveral  provinces  to  raife  men 


278  HISTORY    OF 

1709,  for  the  fervice.  Vetch  was  appointed  a  colo- 
nel, and  Nicholfon,  by  nomination  of  the 
governor  of  New- York,  and  confent  of  the 
other  governments,  was  made  commander  in 
chief.  The  people  of  New-Hampfhire  were 
fo  much  exhaufted,  and  their  men  had  been, 
fo  ill  paid  before,  that  it  was  with  great  diffi- 
culty, and  not  without  the  di  flotation  of  one 
aflembly  and  the  calling  of  another,  that 
they  could  raife  money  to  levy  one  hundred 
men  and  procure  two  tranfports  for  convey- 
ing them.  After  the  utmoft  exertions  had 
been  made  by  the  feveral  governments,  and 
Nicholfon  with  part  of  the  troops  had  march- 
ed to  Wood  creek,  and  the  reft  with  the 
tranfports  had  lain  at  Nantafket  three  months 
waiting  for  a  fleet,  news  arrived  that  the  ar- 
mament promifed  from  England  was  divert- 
ed to  another  quarter.  Upon  which  the 
commander  of  the  frigates  on  the  Bofton 
ftation  refufed  to  convoy  the  troops,  the 
whole  army  was  disbanded,  and  the  expence 
the  colonies  had  been  at  was  fruitlefs.  A 
congrefs  of  governors  and  delegates  from  the 
aiTemblies  met  in  the  fall  at  Rhode-Ifland, 
who  recommended  the  fending  home  agents 
to  affift  Colonel  Nicholfon  in  reprefenting  the 
ftate  of  the  country,  and  foliciting  an  expe- 
dition againft  Canada  the  next  fpring.  The 
minillry  at  firft  feemed  to  liflen  to  this  pro  - 

171Qji  pofal,  but  afterward  changed  their  minds, 
and  refolved  only  on  the  reduction  of  Port 
Royal.  For  this  purpofe  Nicholfon  came 
over  in  July  with  five  frigates  and  a  bomb 
ketch  ;  the  colonies  then  had  to  raife  their 
quotas  ;  the  New-Hampihire  aflembly  ord- 
ered one-  hundred  men,  who  were  got  ready 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  279 

as  foon  as  poffible,  and  put  under  'the  com-  1*710. 
mand  of  Colonel  Shadrach  Walton.  The 
whole  armament  failed  from  Bofton  the 
eighteenth  of  September,  and  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  arrived  at  the  place.  The  force  now 
being  equal  to  its  reduction,  Subcreafe,  the 
governor,  waited  only  the  compliment  of  a 
few  {hot  and  Ihells  as  a  decent  pretence  for  a 
furrender  ;  which  was  completed  on  the 
fifth  of  October,  and  Vetch  was  appointed 
governor  of  the  place  which  in  honor  of  the  p 
queen  was  called  Annapolis. 

While  this  expedition  was  in.  hand,  and  be- 
fore the  appointment  of  the  commanders, 
New-Hampfhire  fuftained  an  heavy  lofs  in 
the  death  of  Col.  Winthrop  Hilton.  This 
worthy  officer  being  concerned  in  the  mail-  juiy  2$: 
ing  bufinefs,  and  having  feveral  large  trees 
felled  about  fourteen  miles  from  home,  went 
out  with  a  party  to  peel  the  bark  that  the 
wood  might  not  be  injured  by  worms. 
While  engaged  in  this  bufinefs  they  were  am- 
buftied  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  at  the 
firft  fire  killed  Hilton  with  two  more,  and 
took  two  ;  the  reft  being  terrified,  and  their 
guns  being  wet,  made  no  oppofition,  but 
efcaped.  The  next  day  one  hundred  men 
marched  in  purfuit  but  difcovered  only  the 
mangled  bodies  of  the  dead.  The  enemy  in 
their  barbarous  triumph  had  (truck  their 
hatchets  into  the  colonel's  brains,  and  left  a 
lance  in  his  heart.  He  was  a  gentleman  "of 
w  good  temper,  courage  and  conduct,  refpedl-  PenhaH 
u  ed  and  lamented  by  all  that  knew  him," 
and  was  buried  with  the  honours  due  to  his 
rank  and  character. 

Flufhed  with  this  fuccefs,  they  infolently 


HISTORY  OF 

1710.  appeared  in  the  open  road  at  Exeter,  and 
took  four  children  who  were  at  their  play* 
They  alfo  took  John  Wedgwood,  and  killed 
John  Magoon  near  his  brother's  barn,  a  place 
which  for  three  days  he  had  vifited  with  a 
melancholy  apprehenfion  arifing  from  a  dream 
that  he  fliould  there  be  murdered. 

The    fanae  day  that  Hilton  was  killed,  a 
company  of   Indians     who   had    pretended 
friendihip,  who  the  year  before    had   been 
peaceably  converfant  with  the  inhabitants  of 
Kingfton,   and  feemed   to   be  thirfting  after 
the  blood  of  the  enemy,  came  into  the  town, 
and  ambuihing  the  road,  killed  Samuel  Win- 
flow   and  Samuel  Huntoon  ;  they  alfo  toqk 
of  ?wS!er  PkinP  Huntoon  and  Jacob  Oilman,  and  car- 
ciark  *>     ried  them  to  Canada  ;  where,  after  fome  time, 
lce'      they    purchafed  their    own    redemption  by 
building    a  faw-mill  for  the  governor  after 
the  Englifh  mode. 

The  laft  that  fell  this  fummer  was  Jacofe 
Garland,  who  was  killed  at  Cochecho  on  his 
return  from  the  public  worfhip.  As  the 
winter  approached,  Colonel  Walton  with  one 
hundred  and  dfeventy  men  traverfed  the  eaft- 
ern  Ihores,  which  the  Indians  ufually  vifited 
at  this  feafon  for  the  purpofe  of  gathering 
clams.  On  an  Ifland  where  the  party  was 
encamped,  feveral  Indians  decoyed  by  their 
fmoke,  and  miftaking  them  for  fome  of  their 
own  tribe,  came  among  them  and  were  made 
prifoners.  One  of  them  was  a  fachqm  of 
Norridgwog,  active,  bold  and  fullen ;  when 
he  found  himfelf  in  the  hands  of  enemies  he 
would  anfwer  none  of  their  queftions,  and 
laughed  with  fcorn  at  their  threatening  him 
with  death.  His  wife,  being  an  eve  witncft 


NBW-H  AMPS  HIRE.  281 

6f  the  execution  of  the  threatening,  was  fo  17UX 
intimidated  as  to  make  the  difcoveries  wk'i.ii 
the  captors  had  in  vain  defired  ox  the  fa- 
chem  ;  in  confequence  of  which,  three  were 
taken  at  the  place  of  which  fhe  informed,  and 
two  more  at  Saco  river,  where  alfa  five  were 
killed.  This  fuccefs,  inconsiderable  as  it 
may  appear,  kept  up  the  fpirits  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  added  to  the  lofs  of  the  enemy  who 
were  daily  diminilhing  by  ficknefs  and  fa- 
mine. 

In  the  fpring  they  renewed  their  ravages     j^jj 
on  the  frontiers  in  fmall  parties.     Thomas 
Downs,  John  Church,  and  three  more  w 
killed  at  Cochecho  ;  and  on  a  fabbath  day 
feveral  of  the  people  there  fell  into  an  ambufli 
as  they  were  returning  from  public  worfhi.p. 
John  Horn  was  wounded,  and  Humphrey 
Fois  was    taken  ;  but,   by    the    determined 
bravery  of  Lieutenant  Heard,  he  was  recov- 
ered out  of  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Walton 
with  two  companies  marched  to  the  ponds 
about  the  fiftiiiig  feafon  ;    but  the   Indians 
had  withdrawn,  and  nothing  was  to  be  feen  peilha!iow 
but  their  deferted  wigwams. 

After  the  reduction  of  Port  Royal  Nichol- 
fon  went  to  England  to  folicit  an  expedition 
againii  Canada.  The  tory  miniftry  of  Queen 
Anne,  to  the  furprize  of  all  the  whigs  in 
England  and  America,  fell  in  with  the  pro- 
pofal ;  and  on  the  eighth  of  June,  Nicholfon 
came  to  Bofton  with  orders  for  the  northern 
colonies  to  get  ready  their  quotas  of  men  and 
provifion  by  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  and  ar- 
my from  Europe  ;  which  happened  within 
iixteen  days  ;  and  while  the  feveral  gover- 
nors were  holding  a  confutation  on  the  fub- 

M   vi 


HISTORY    OF 

1711.  jedt  of  their  orders.  A  compliance  With 
them  in  fo  fhort  a  time  was  impoffible  ;  yet 
every  thing  that  could  be  done  was  done  ; 
the  nature  of  the  fervice  confpiring  with  the 
wifhes  of  the  people,  made  the  governments 
exert  themfelves  to  the  utmoft.  New-Hamp- 
fhire  raifed  one  hundred  men,  which  Was 
more  than  they  could  well  fpare  ;  ,pne  half 
of  the  militia  being  continually  employed  in 
guarding  the  frontiers.  They  alfo  voted 
them  fubfiftence  for  one  hundred  and  twen- 
ty fix  days,  befides  providing  for  them  on 
fhore  before  their  embarkation.  Two  tranf- 
ports  were  taken  up  at  eightfliillings  per  month 
per  ton  ;  and  artillery  ilores  were  iffued  from 
the  fort*  The  colony  forces  formed  two  regi- 
ments under  the  command  of  Vetch  and 
Walton.  The  army  which  came  from  Eng- 
land were  fcven  veteran  regiments  of  the 
Duke  of  Maryborough's  army,  and  a  battal- 
ion of  marines,  under  the  command  of  Brig- 
adier-General Hill,  which,  joined  with  the 
New-England  troops  made  a  body  of  about 
fix  thoufand  five  hundred  men,  provided 
with  a  fine  train  of  artillery.  The  fleet  con- 
fiftecl  of  fifteen  fhips  of  war  from  eighty  to 
thirty-fix  guns,  with  forty  tranfports  and  fix 
ftoreihips  under  the  command  of  Admiral 

kutch.  vol.  Walker.      A  force  fully  equal  to  the  reduc- 

».  p.  190.        .  -  ,-.        , 

tion  of  (Quebec. 

The  fleet  failed  from  Bolloii  on  the  thir- 
tieth of  July  ;  and    a    fail    was   ordered  by 
.  RCC.  Dudley  to-be  kept  on   the  lafl  Thurfday  of 
that,  and  each  fuccceding  month,  till  the  en- 
terprize  Ihould  be   finiihed.       This    war, 
imitation  of  the  condudl   of  the  long  parlia-N- 
ment  during  the  civil  wars  in  the  lail  centu- 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

ry.  But  the  fanguine  hopes  of  fuccefs  which  1711. 
had  been  entertained  by  the  nation  and  the 
colonies  were  all  blafted  in  one  fatal  night,  • 
For,  the  fleet  having  advanced  ten  leagues  : 
into  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  in  the  night  of 
the  twenty  third  of  Auguft,  the  weather  be- 
jng  thick  and  dark,  eight  tranfports  were 
wrecked  on  Egg-Ifland  near  the  north  fhore, 
and  one  thoufand  people  perifhed  ;  among 
whom  there  was  but  one  man  who  belonged 
to  New-England.  The  next  day  the  fleet 
put  back,  and  were  eight  days  beating  down 
the  river  againil  an  eafterly  wind  which 
would  in  two  days  have  carried  them  to 
Quebec.  After  raidezvoufmg  at  Spanifh 
river  in  the  ifland  of  Cape  Breton,  and  hold- 
ing a  fruitlefs  confiscation  about  annoying 
the  French  at  Placentia,  the  expedition  was 
broken  up  :  the  fleet  returned  to  England, 
and  the  New-England  troops  to  their  homes. 
Loud  complaints  and  heavy  charges  were 
made  on  this  occafjon  5  the  ignorance  of  the 
pilots  ;  the  obftinacy  of  the  admiral  ;  the 
detention  of  the  fleet  at  Bofton  ;  its  late  ar- 
rival there  ;  the  want  of  feafonable  orders  ; 
and  the  fecret  intentions  of  the  miniftry,  p«mraer'6 

•      defence  and 

were  all  fubje&s  of  bitter  altercation  :  but  letter  to  a 
the  mifcarriage  was  never  regularly  enquir-  n< 
ed  into,  and  the  voyage  was  finally  fettled  by  October  9. 
the  blowing  up    of  the  admiral's  Ihip,  with 
moll  of  his  papers,  and  four  hundred  fea- 
men,  at  Spithead. 

The  failure  of  this  expedition  encouraged 
the  Indians  to  harrafs  the  frontiers  as  foon 
as  the  feafon  would  permit.  In  April  one 
Cunningham^  was  killed  at  Exeter  ;  Enfign 
Tujtle  rit:  I)-,  vr-r,  nnd  Jeremy  Crpmmjef  at 


284  HISTORY    OF 

1712.  Oylter  river  ;  on  one  of  the  upper  branches 
of  this  ftream  the  enemy  burned  a  faw-mill 
•with  a  large  quantity  of  boards.  A  fcouting 
party  who  went  up  the  river  Merrimack  had 
the  good  fortune  to  f  urprize  and  kill  eight 
Indians  and  recover  a  confiderable  quantity 
of  plunder,  without  the  lofs  of  a  man,  The 
frontiers  were  well  guarded  ;  one  half  of  the 
militia  did  duty  at  the  garrifons  and  were 
ready  to  march  at  a  minute's  warning  ;  a 
fcout  of  forty  men  kept  ranging  on  the  head* 
of  the  towns,  and  the  like  care  was  taken  by 
fea,  fpy-boats  being  employed  in  coafting 
from  Cape  Neddock  to  the  Great  Boar's- 
head.  Notwithstanding  this  vigilance,  fmall 
parties  of  the  enemy  were  frequently  feen. 
Stephen  Gilmaii  and  Ebenezer  Stevens  were 
wounded  at  Kingfton,  the  former  was  taken 

hinc  3.  jvnd  put:  to  death.  In  July  an  ambulh  was 
difc.overed  at  Dover,  but  the  enemy  elcaped  ; 
and  while  a  party  was  gone  in  purfttit  of 
them,  two  children  of  John  Waldrori  were 
taken,  and  lor  want  of  time  to  fcalp  them, 
their  heads  were  cut  orC  There  being  no 
man  at  that  time  in  Heard' s  garrifon,  a  wo- 
man named  Either  Jones  mounted  guard  and 
li  n  commanding  voice1  called  fo  loudly 
anc,  .rely  as  made  the  enemy  think  there. 

s  help  at  hand,  and  prevented  farther  mil- 
chief. 

In  autumn  the  news  of  the  peace  of  U- 
trecht  arrived  in  America  ;  and  on  the  29th 
of  October  the  lyifpenlion  of  arms  was  pro- 
claimed at  Portfmov.th.  The  Indians  being 
.reformed  of  this  event  cam';  -in  with  a 
of  truce  to  Captain  Moody  at  Cafco,  aucl  de- 
fired  a  rrp;;ty  ;  t^]  ...  c  »r.-with  the 


NEW-HAMPSHIRK.  285 

-council  of  each  province,  held  at  Portfmouth,    1713; 
where  the  chiefs  and  deputies  of  the  feveral July  n« 
belligerent  tribes,  by  a  formal  writing  under 
hand  and  feal,  acknowledged  their  perfidy, 
promifed  fidelity,   renewed  their  allegiance, 
fubmitted  to  the  laws,  and  begged  the  queen's  Penhaii** 
pardon  for  their  former  mifcarriages.     The  ***" 72J*' 
frequent  repetition  of  fuch  engagements  and 
as  frequent  violations  of  them,  had  by  this 
time  much  abated  the  feufe  of  obligation  on 
the  one  part,  and  of  confidence  on  the  other. 
But  it  being  for  the  hitereft  of  both  parties 
to  be  at  peace,  the  event  was  peculiarly  wel- 
come. 

To  preferve  the  dependence  of  the  Indif 
ans,  and  to  prevent  all  occafions  of  com- 
plaint, private  traffic  with  them  was  forbid- 
den and  truck  hqufes  eftablifhed  at  the  pub- 
lic expence  ;  and  the  next  fummer  a  fhip 
was  fitted  out  by  both  provinces,  and  fent  to  1714 
Quebec,  where  an  exchange  of  prifoners  was 


During  the  whole  of  this  long  war,  Ufher 
behaved  as  a  faithful  fervant  of  the  crown  ; 
frequently  coming  into  the  province  by 
Dudley's  direction,  and  fometimes  refiding 
\n  it  feveral  months,  enquiring  into  the  ftate 
of  the  fronders'  and  garrifons,  vifiting  them 
in  per.fon,  confulting  with  the  officers  of  mi- 
litia about  the  pi  ,  methods  of  defence 
and  protection,  and  offering  his  fervice  on  all 
occafions  :  Yet  his  auflere  and  ungracious 
manners,  and  the  intereft  he  had  in  Allen's 
claim,  efl&iSually  prevented  him  from  ac- 
quiring chat  popularity  which  he  feems  to 
J>Hve  dclerved.  He  was  folicitous  to  fup~ 
:  .the  cHgnity  of  his  commiffion  5  bu? 


286,  HISTORY   OF 

1714.  could  never  prevail  with  the  affembly  to  fet- 
tle a  falary  upon  him.  The  council  gener- 
ally paid  his  travelling  expences  by  a  draught 
on  the  treafury,  which  never  amounted  to 
more  than  five  pounds  for  each  journey,  un- 
til he  came  from  Bofton  to  proclaim  the  ac- 
ceffion  of  King  George  ;  when  in  a  fit  of 
loyalty  and  good  humour  they  gave  him  tqn 
pounds,  which  ferved  as  a  precedent  for  two 
or  three  other  grants.  He  often  complained, 
and  fometimes  in  harih  and  reproachful 
terms  of  their  neglecft  ;  and  once  told  them 
that  his  "  Negro  fervants  were  much  better 
"  accommodated  in  his  houfe  than  the 
"  iueen's  governor  was  in  the  queen's  fort." 
Dudley  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  more 
popular.  Befide  his  attention  to  the  general 
interefl  of  the  province  and  his  care  for  its 
deience,  he  had  the  particular  merit  of  fa- 
vouring  the  views  of  thofe  who  were  moft 
ilroiigly  oppofed  to  Allen's  claim  ;  and  they 
made  him  amends  by  promoting  in  the  af- 
fembly addreffes  to  the  queen,  defending  his 
character,  when  it  was  attacked  and  praying 
for  his  continuance  in  office  v/lien  petitions 
were  prefented  for  his  removal.  One  of 
thefe  addreffes  was  in  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  fix,  and  another  in  one  thoufand 
feven  hundred  and  feven,  in  both  which 
they  reprefent  him  as  a  "  prudent,  careful 
and  faithful  governor,"  and  fay  they  "  are 
"  perfectly  fatisfied  with  his  difpofal  of  the 
"  people,  and  their  arms  and  the  public 
"  money."  AddreiTes  to  the  crown  were  very 
frequent  during  this  female  reign.  Scarce  a 
year  pafled  without  one  or  two  ;  they 
either  congratulated  her  majefty  on  her  vic: 


in  Europe,  or  petitioned  for  arms  and 
military  (lores  for  their  defence,  or  for  fhips 
and  troops  to  go  againll  Canada,  or,  repre- 
iented  their  own  poverty  or  Dudley's  merits, 
or  thanked  her  majefty  for  her  care  and  pro- 
tection, and  for  interpofing  in  the  affair  of 
Allen's  fait  ahd  not  fuffering  it  to  be  decided 
againft  them.  A  good  harmony  fubfifted 
between  the  governor  and  people,  and  between 
the  two  branches  of  the  Legislature,  during 
the  whole  of  this  adminiftration. 

On  the  acceilion  of  King  George  a  change     1715. 
was  expected  in  the  government,  and  the  af- 
fembly  did  wrhat  they  could  to  prevent  it  by 
petitioning  the  king  for  Dudley's   continu- 
ance.    But  it  being  now  a  time  of  peace,  and 
a  number  of  valuable  officers  who  had  ferv- 
ed   with    reputation  in  the  late  wars  being 
out  of  employ  ;  intereft  was  made  for  their 
obtaining  places  of  profit  under  the  crown. 
Colonel  Elifeus  Burges  who  had  ferved  under 
General  Stanhope  was,  by  his  recommenda- 
tion, commiiTioned  governor  of  MafTachufetts 
and  New-Hampfhire ;  and  by  the  fame  inte- 
reft George  Vaughan  Efq.  then   in  London, 
was  made   lieutenant  governor  of  the  latter 
province  ;  he  arrived  and  publifhed  his  com- 
miffion  on  the  thirteenth  of  October.     Ufher 
had  fome  fcruples  about  the  validity  of  it  a$ 
he  had  formerly    had    of  Partridge's,    and' 
wrote   on   the  fubject  to  the  affembly,  who 
aflurcd   him    that    on    infpeclion   they    had 
found  Vaughan's  commiffion    "  ftrong  and 
authentic  ;"  and  that  his  own,  was  "  null  and 
<c  void."     Upon  his  difmiflion  from  office  he  Coan<Jj1 
retired  to  his  elegant  feat  at  Medford,  where  andAssem- 
be  fpent  the  reft  of  his  days,  and  died  on  the  blyR 


288  HISTORY  OF 

1715.  fifth  of  September  1 726,  in  the  fe verity-eighth 
years  of  his  age. 

Burges  wrote  a  letter  to  the  afTembly  in 
July,  in  which  he  informed  them  of  his  ap- 
pointment, and  of  his  intention  to  fail  for 
America  in  the  following  month.  But  Sir 
William  Afhhurft,  with  Jeremy  Dummer  the 
Maffachufetts  agent,  and  Jonathan  Belcher, 
then  in  London,  apprehending  that  he  would 
not  be  an  acceptable  perfon  to  the  people  of 
New-England,  prevailed  with  him  for  the. 
confideration  of  one  thoufand  pounds  fter- 
ling,  which  Dummer  and  Belcher  generoufly 
advanced,  to  refign  his  commiffion  ;  and 
Colonel  Samuel  Shute  was  appointed  in  hi* 

915-  flead  to  the  command  of  both  provinces. 
He  arrived  in  New-Ham pfliire  and  his  com* 
miffion  was  publiftied  the  feventeenth  of  Oc- 
tober 1716.  Dudley  being  thus  fuperieded, 
retired  to  his  family-feat  at  Roxbury,  where 
he  died  in  1720,  in  the  feventy-third  year  of 
his  age. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I. 

Oofiy  of  a  deed  from  four  Indian  sngamores  to  John  Whelewright 

others.      1629. 

W  HE  RE  AS  We  the  sagamores  of  Penacook,  Peatucket* 
Squomsquot  and  Nuchawanack  are  inclined  to  have  the  English  inhabit 
amongst  us  as  they  are  amongst  our  -countrymen  in  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  ;  by  which  means  we  hope  in  time  to  be  strengthened  against  our 
enemy  the  Tareteens  who  yearly  doth  us  damage.  Likewise  being  per- 
suaded that  it  will  be  for  the  good  of  us  and  our  posterity,  &c.  To  that 
end  have  at  a  general  meeting  at  Squomsquot  on  Piscattaqua  river,  We  the 
aforesaid  sagamores  with  a  universal  consent  of  our  subjects,  do  covenant 
and  agree  with  the  English  as  followeth  : 

NOW  know  all  men  by  these  presents  that  wePassaconawaye  sagamore  of 
Penecook,  Runnaawkt  sagamore  of  Pentuckit,  Wahangnonawitt  sagamore 
of  Squomsquot,  and  Rowls  sagamore  of  Nuchawanack,  for  a  competent 
valuation  in  goods  already  received  in  coats,  shirts  and  kettles,  and  also 
for  the  considerations  aforesaid  clo  according  to  the  limits  and  bounds  here- 
after granted,  give,  grant,  bargain,  sell,  release,  ratify  and  confirm  unto 
John  Wheelwright  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  late  of  England,  a  minister  of 
the  gospel,  Augustine  Story,  Thomas  Wite,  William  Wentworth*  and 
Thomas  Levet,  all  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New-England,  to  them, 
their  heirs  and  assigns  for  ever,  all  that  part  of  the  main  land  bounded  by 
the  river  of  Piscattaqua  and  the  river  of  Meremak,  that  is  to  say,  to  begin  at 
Nuchawanack  falls  in  Piscattaqua  river  aforesaid,  and  so  down  said  river  to 
ihe  sea,  and  so  alongst  the  sea  shore  to  Merramack  river,  and  so  up  along 
said  river  to  the  falls  at  Pantuckit  aforesaid,  and  from  said  Pantucket  falls 
upon  a  north-west  line  twenty  English  miles  into  the  woods  and  from 
thence  to  run  upon  a  streight  line  north-east  ami  south-west  till  meet  with 
the  main  rivers  that  runs  down  to  Pantuckett  falls  and  Nuchawanack  falls, 
and  the  said  rivers  to  be  the  bounds  of  the  said  lands  from  the  thwart  line 

*  William  Wentworth  was  one  of  the  first  settlers  at  Exeter,  and  after  the  breaking 
up  of  their  combination  for  government  he  removed  tdjpover  and  became  a  ruling  elder  in 
the  church  there.  In  Ii89  he  was  remarkably  instrumental  of  saving  Heatd's  garrison, 
as  is  related  in  the  proper  place.  After  this  he  officiated  for  several  years  as  a  preacher 
at  Exeter  and  other  places,  and  died  in  a  very  advanced  age  at  Dover  in  1697,  leavings 
numerous  posterity.  From  him  the  several  Governor*  gf  that  name  are  descended.  He 
•was  3  very  useful  and  good  man. 
N  K 


290  APPENDIX. 

or  head  line  to  the  aforesaid  falls  and  the  main  chanell  of  each  river  from 
Pentuckitt  and  Nuchawanack  falls  to  die  maine  sea  to  be  the  side  bounds 
and  the  main  sea  between  Piscattaqua  river  and  Meramack  river  to  be  the 
lower  bounds,  and  the  thwart  or  head  line  that  runs  from  river  to  river  to 
be  the  upper  bounds  ;  together  with  all  islands  within  said  bounds,  as  also 
the  Isles  of  Shoals  so  called  by  the  English,  together  with  all  profits,  ad- 
vantages and  appurtenances  whatsoever  to  the  said  tract  of  land  belonging 
or  in  any  wise  appertaining,  reserving  to  our  selves  liberty  of  making  use 
of  our  old  planting  land,  as  also  free  liberty  of  hunting,  fishing  and  fowling  ; 
and  it  is  likewise  with  these  provisoes  following,  viz.  First,  the  said  John 
Wheelwright  shall  within  ten  years  after  the  date  hereof,  set  down  with  a 
company  of  English  and  begin  a  plantation  at  Squomsquott  falls  in  Pis- 
cattaque  river  aforesaid.  Secondly,  That  what  other  inhabitants  shall 
come  and  live  on  said  tract  of  land  amongst  them  from  time  to  time  and 
at  all  times  shall  have  and  enjoy  the  same  benefits  as  the  said  Wheelwight 
aforesaid.  Thirdly,  That  if  at  any  time  there  be  a  number  of  people 
amongst  them  that  have  a  mind  to  begin  a  new  plantation,  that  they  be  en- 
couraged so  to  do,  and  that  no  plantation  exceed  in  lands  above  ten  Eng- 
lish miles  square  or  such  a  proportion  as  amounts  to  ten  miles  square. 
Fourthly,  That  the  aforesaid  grantedlands  are  to  be  divided  into  townships  as 
people  increase  and  appear  to  inhabit  them,  and  thatno  andsshall  be  gran  ed 
to  any  particular  persons  but  what  shall  be  for  a  township,  and  what  lands 
within  a  towship  is  granted  to  any  particular  persons  to  be  by  vote  of  the 
major  part  of  the  inhabitants  legally  and  orderly  settled  in  said  township. 
Fifthly,  For  managing  and  regulating  and  to  avoid  contentions  amongst 
them,  they  are  to  be  under  the  government  of  the  colony  of  the  M 
chusetts  their  neighbours  and  to  observe  their  laws  and  orders  until  the} 
have  a  settled  government  amongst  themselves.  Sixthly,  We  the  afore- 
said sagamores  and  our  subjects  are  to  have  free  liberty  within  the  afore- 
said granted  tract  of  land  of  fishing,  fowling,  hunting  and  planting,  &c. 
Seventhly  and  lastly,  Every  township  within  the  aforesaid  limits  or  tract  oi' 
land  that  hereafter  shall  be  settled  shall  pay  to  Passaconaway  our  chiei 
sagamore  that  now  is  and  to  his  successors  forever,  .if  lawfully  demanded, 
one  coat  of  trucking  cloth  a  year,  and  every  year,  for  an  acknowledgment, 
and  also  shall  pay  to  Mr.  John  Wheelwright  aforesaid  his  heirs  and  successors 
forever,  if  lawfully  demanded,  two  bushels  of  Indian  corn  a  year  for  and  ir 
consideration  of  said  Wheelwright's  great  pains  and  care,  as  also  for  tin- 
charges  he  hath  been  at  to  obtain  this  our  grant  for  him  self  and  tlu>eafovem  en* 
tioned  and  the  inhabitants  that  shall  hereafter  settle  in  townships  on  the 
aforesaid  granted  premisses.  And  we  the  aforesaid  sagamores,  Pas  - 
away  sagamore  of  Penecook,  Runnaawitt  sagamore  of  Pentucket,  Wahang* 
nonawitt  sagamore  of  Squomsquot,  and  Rowis  sagamore  of  Nuchawan- 
nack  do  by  these  presents  ratify  and  confirm  all  the  afore  Planted  and 
bargained  premisses  and  tract  of  land  aforesaid,  excepting  and  reserving 
as  afore  excepted  and  reserved  and  the  provisoes  aforesaid  folfilt'd,  with  all 


the  meadow  and  marsh  ground  therein,  together  with  all  the  mines, ,  n 
erals  of  what  kind  or  nature  soever,  with  all  the  wcods,  timber  and  timber 


soever    thereunto  of    all    and   every    part   of    the 

belonging  or  in  any  ways  appertaining  ur<-3  \  hve> 


APPENDIX. 

Anight,  Augustine  Storer,  Thomas  Wight,  William  Wentworth  and 
Thomas  Levet,  and  their  heirs  forever  as  aforesaid,  TO  HAVE  AND 
TO  HOLD  ttie  same  as  their  own  proper  right  and  interest  without  the 
least  disturbance,  molestation,  or  trouble  of  us,  our  heirs,  execrs  and  ad- 
minrs  to  and  with  the  said  John  Wheelwright,  Augustine  Story,  Thomas 
Wight,  William  Wentworth  and  Thomas  Levh  their  heirs,  execrs.  ad- 
minrs.  and  assigns,  and  other  the  English  that  shall  inhabit  there  and  their 
heirs  and  assigns  forever  shall  warrant,  maintain  and  defend.  IN  WIT- 
NESS whereof  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands  and  seals  the  seventeenth 
day  of  May  1629,  and  in  the  fifth  year  of  King-  Charles  his  reign  over 
England,  Sec.  PASS  AGON  A  WAY,  03  mark,  (Seal.) 

RUNAAWITT,  +  mark,  (Seal.) 

WAHANGNONAWITT, ._  mark,  (Seal.) 

ROWLS.  x  mark,  (Seal.) 

Signed,  Sealed,  and  Delivered  in 


Memorandum.  On  the  17th  day  of 
May,  one  thousand  six  hundred  tvven- 
'ty  and  nine,  in  fifth  year  of  the  reign 
of  our  sovereign  Lord  Charles,  king; 
of  England,  Scotland,  France  and 


presence  of  us 
WADERGASCOM,  J  mark. 
MISTONABITE,  ^  mark. 
JOHN  OLDHAM. 
SAM.  SHARPE. 

Ireland,  defender  of  the  faithj  &c.  \'v  ahangnonaway  sagamore  of  Squam- 
squott  in  Piscattaqua  river,  did  in  behalf  of  himself  and  the  other  saga- 
mores afore  mentioned  then  present,  deliver  quiet  and  peaceable  poflession 
of  all  the  lands  mentioned  in  the  within  written  deed  unto  the  within 
named  John  Wheelwright  for  the  ends  within  mentioned,  in  presence  of 
us  Walter  Neal  governor,  George  Vaughan  factor,  and  Ambrose  Gibbons 
trader,  for  the  company  of  Laconia,  Richard  Vines,  governor,  and  Richard 
Bonighton  assistant,  of  the  plantation  at  Saco  ;  Thomas  Wiggin  agent, 
and  Edward  Hilton  steward,  of  the  plantation  of  Hilton's  Point,  and  was 
signed,  sealed  and  delivered  in  our  presence.  In  witness  whereof  wr 
have  hereunto  set  our  hands  the  day  and  year  above  written. 
Rklid.  Vines,  Wa.Neale, 

Richd.  Bonighton,  George  Vaughan^ 

Tho.  Wiggin,  Ambrose  Gibbons. 

Edward  Hilton, 

Recorded  according  to  the  original  found  on  the  ancient  files  for  the 
county  of  York,  this  28th  day  of  Jan.  1713. 

per  JOS.  HAMMOND,  Reg. 
A  true  copy  from  York  county  records  of  deeds,  &c.  lib.  8.  fol.  16.&C. 

Att.  DAN.  MOULTON,  Reg. 

Corrected  by  a  copy  on  file  in  the  superior  court  of  New- Hampshire,  in 
>be  case  of  Allen  vs  Waldron  ;  which  copy  is  attested  by  the  above  named 
J-?s.  Hammond. 

No.  II. 

•iginal  letter  from  Thomas  Eyre  one  of  the  adventurers  or  company 

of  Laconia  to  Mr.  Gibbona  their  factor. 
Mr.  Gibbins,  London  the  last  of  May,  163 1. 

YOURS  of  the  8th  April  1630,  from  Plimouth  I  received  and  there- 
by tooke  notice  of  your   entertaining  Roger  Knight  ;  and  here   I 
present  his  wife  20s,  pr.  quarter  at  your  desire  and  3/.  per  quarter  to  yours. 
\  hope  by  this  they  are  both  \>ith  you  according  to  your  desire,     I  wish 


292 

all  your  wives  with  you,  and  that  so  many  of  you  as  desire  wives  had  such 
as  they  desire  ;  for  the  adventurers  desire  not  to  be  troubled  M'ith  quai*- 
terly  payments. 

Your  next  to  me  is  dated  the  21st  of  July  last  at  Pascataquacke,  I  take 
notice  of  your  complaints  for  want  of  the  trade  goods,  and  so  much  as  lieth 
in  me  it  shall  be  otherwise,  especially  if  you  send  us  returnes,  doubt  you 
not  but  that  you  shall  be  supplied  from  time  to  time  unto  your  owne 
contents. 

Your  Sd  Ire  to  ine  is  dated  the  1  4th  of  August,  by  which  I  perceive 
divers  of  the  commodities  and  provisions  which  you  carried  with  you  in 
the  barke  Warwicke,  were  not  to  your  liking  for  which  I  am  sorry.  You 
know  the  trouble  we  had.  I  could  not  looke  to  Mr.  Olden's  and  all  be- 
sides.  I  hope  by  the  Pide-Cowe  you  find  it  otherwise.  I  pray  write  me 
how  you  like  the  hatchetts  sent  you  by  that  ship  and  now  all  goeth. 

I  like  it  well  that  your  governor  will  have  a  stocke  of  bonds  at  all  times 
readie.  I  hope  you  will  find  something  to  reladc  both  the  Pide-Cowe  and 
the  Warwicke.  I  will  now  put  on  the  sending  of  you  the  moddell  of  a 
saw-mill  that  you  may  have  one  going. 

Your  wife  and  children,  Roger  Knight's  wife  and  one  wife  more,  we 
have  alredy  sent  you,  and  more  you  shall  have  as  you  write  for  them. 

Another  Ire  I  have  from  you  of  the  14th  August,  in  which  you  write 
for  another  Mason.  Wee  have  had  enough  to  doc  to  goe  so  fan  e  forwards 
as  we  have,  as  Capt.  Keyes  can  tell  you,  now  \\c  begine  to  take  hearte 
agayne,  but  the  sight  of  returnes  will  be  thut  which  will  indecde  put  life 
into  us. 

Among  my  New-England  record*  I  find  your  Ire  unto  Ciipt.  Mason  of 
the  14th  August  last,  wherein  you  give  a  gooa  iccount  of  your  times  spent 
from  the  first  of  June  untill  then  as  ?lso  of  the  manner  of  your  trade  which 
\vas  to  Capt.  Mason's  liking.  We  no  fie  yeu  willjind  out  some  good  mm,*, 
which  •will  be  welcome  neiues  unto  us. 

By  Mr  Glover  we  reed.  Ires  from  Capt.  Neale,  written  as  we  think 
about  the  end  of  March  last,  write  me  I  pray,  what  winter  you  had,  and 
how  you  had  your  healthes  and  why  Capt.  Neale  went  not  in  Scpteni.  last 
to  discover  the  lakesj  as  he  wrote  he  would,  and  why  you  did  not  write  by 
that  conveyance. 

By  the  barke  Warwicke  we  send  you  a  factor  to  take  charge  of  the 
trade  goods  ;  also  a  soldier  for  discovrie  See. 

Thus  I  comend  you,  and  your  wife,  who  by  this  I  hope  is  with  you  to 
the  protection  of  the  almighue, 

Your  loving  friend, 

THO,  EYRE. 
untill  the  7th  of  June. 


No.  III. 

An  original  letter  from  the  company  to  Gibbin*. 

London  5th  Decemb.  1632 
Mr.  Ambrose  Gibbons, 

YOUR  sundrie  letters  we   have  received.      Wee  doe  take   no'ice  of 
your  care  and  paines  in  our  .  plantation  and  doe  wish  tjiat  others  had 
bine  tint  way  the  same  that  you  are  and  wi<l  wee  hope  soe  continew.    The 
adventurers  here  have  bine  soe  discouraged  by  reason  of  John  GU/L.CS  ill 
'icAli'ig  in  his  fishing  voiagc,  as  alsoe  by  the  small  returnes  sent  hither  hj* 


APPENDIX*  293 

Capt.  Neat,  Mr.  Herbert  or  any  of  their  factors  as  that  they  have  noe  de- 
sire to  proceed  any  farther,  untill  Capt  Neale  come  hither  to  confer  with 
them,  that  by  conferrence  with  him  they  may  settle  things,  in  a  better  or* 
der.  Wee  have  written  unto  Capt.  Neale  to  dismise  the  household,  onlie 
such  as  will  or  canne  live  of  themselves  may  stay  upon  our  plantation  in 
such  convenient  places  as  Capt.  Neale,  Mr.  Godfrie  and  you  shall  thinke 
fitt  ;  and  after  conference  had  with  Capt  Neale  they  shall  have  a  reasona* 
ble  quantity  of  lauds  graunted  unto  them  by  deed. 

Wee  pruie  you  to  take  care  of  our  house  at  Newichwannick  and  to  lookc 
well  to  our  -vines,  also  you  may  take  some  of  our  swine  and  goates,  which 
wee  pray  you  to  preserve.  Wee  have  committed  the  cheife  care  of  out 
house  at  Pascattaway  to  Mr.  Godfrie  and  written  unto  Mr,  Warnerton  to 
take  care  of  our  house  at  Strawberry -bancke.  Our  desire  is  that  Mr. 
Godfrie,  Mr.  Warnerton  and  you  should  joyne  lovemglie  together  in  all 
things  for  our  good,  and  to  advise  us  what  our  best  course  will  be  to  doe 
another  yeare. 

You  desire  to  settle  yourself  upon  Sanders  Point.  The  adventurers  are 
willing  to  pleasure  you  not  only  in  this,  in  regard  of  the  good  report  they 
have  heard  of  you  from  tyme  to  tyme,  but  alsoe  after  they  have  conferred 
with  Capt.  Neale,  they  determyne  some  further  good  towards  you  for  your 
further  incouridgment. 

Wee  desire  to  have  our  fishermen  increased,  whereof  wee  have  written 
unto  Mr.  Godfrye.  Wee  thank  you  for  assisting  John  Raymond,  wee 
pray  you  still  to  be  helpful  to  him  that  so  he  may  dispatch  and  come  to 
us  with  such  retourne  as  he  hath,  and  if  he  hath  any  of  nU  trade  goods 
remayning  unsold  wee  have  willed  him  to  leave  them  with  you  and  we 
doe  hereby  pray  you  to  receive  them  into  your  custody  and  t'>  put  them 
off  with  what  conveniency  you  canne,  and  to  send  us  the  retournes  by  the 
first  shipp  that  comes.  Thus  we  commend  you  and  your  wife  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  almightye. 

Your  loving  friends, 
John  Mason,  Tho.   Warnerton^ 

Henry  Gardiner,          Tho.  Eyre,  for  my 
Geo.  Griffith,  children. 

No.  IV. 
Co/iif  of  a  letter  from  Gibbins  to  the  company. 

AFTER  my  umble  duty  retnembred  unto  your  worships,  I  pray  for  your 
good  health  and  prosperity.  These  are  certifying  your  worship  for 
the  goods  I  have  received  fr»m  you.  I  have  delivered  unto  Mr.  Johm 
Raymon  76lb  and  4  ounscs  of  beaver,  10  otters,  6  musquashes  and  on  mar- 
tin more,  that  Captain  Neale  had  3581b  and  ii  ounses  of  beaver  and  otter, 
17  martins,  on  black  fox  skin,  on  other  fox  skin,  3  racoon  skins,  14  mus- 
quashes two  of  them  with  stones.  Mr.  Raymonds  present  departing  and 
the  intermixing  of  ail  the  trade  goods  in  my  car*  until  Mr.  Vaughancom 
I  cannot  give  you  any  satisfaction  for  the  account  of  trade.  I  did  advise 
Mr.  Raymon  to  returne  with  all  spesde  unto  you.  Your  letters  I  received 
the  7th  of  June.  At  laig  I  will  write  if  God  wil  by  the  next.  Thus  tak- 
ing my  leave  I  comit  your  worship  to  Almighty  God. 

Your  worship's  at  command, 

From   Nevvichwanicke  AMBROSE  GIBBINS, 

this  24th  of  June  1633, 


No.   V. 
Copy,  of  another  from   Gibbins  to  the  comjiany. 

Newichwanicke,  July  13,  16J. 

RIGHT  honourable,  right  worshippful  and  the  rest,  my  humble  servis 
rembred.  Your  letter  dated  the  5th  of  December  and  Mr.  Ares 
letter  the  third  of  April  I  received  the  seventh  of  June.  The  detaining 
of  the  former  letter  hath  put  you  to  a  great  charge  in  the  plantation.  For 
my  care  and  paines  I  have  not  thought  it  much  although  I  have  had  very 
little  encouradgemcnt  from  you  and  here.  I  do  not  doubt  of  your  good 
will  unto  mee.  For  your  fishing,  you  complain  of  Mr.  Gibbes  :  A  Lon- 
doner is  not  for  fishing,  neither  is  there  any  amity  betwixt  the  West  cun* 
trimjen  and  them.  Bristo  or  Barnstable  is  very  convenient  for  your  fishing 
s-hipes.  It  is  not  enough  to  fit  out  shipes  to  fish  but  they  must  be  sure 
(God  wil)  to  be  at  their  fishing  place  the  beginning  of  February  and  not 
to  come  to  the  land  when  other  men  have  half  their  viage. 

Mr.  Wanerton  hath  the  charge  of  the  house  at  Pascatawa  and  hath 
with  him  William  Cooper,  Rafe  Gee,  Roger  Knight,  and  his  wife,  Wil- 
liam Dermit  and  on  boy.  For  your  house  at  Newichwanicke,  I  seeing 
the  necessity  will  doe  the  best  I  can-  there  and  elsewhere  for  you  until  I 
hear  from  you  againe.  Advise  I  have  sent  but  not  knowing  your  internes 
I  cannot  wel  enlarge  but  I  refer  you  to  Mr.  Herbert  and  Mr.  Vaughan. 
For  my  settlement  at  Sanders-Point  and  the  further  good  you  intend  me  I 
humbly  thank  you  I  shall  do  the  best  I  can  to  be  grateful.  1  have  taken 
into  my  nancies  all  the  trade  goods  that  remains  of  John  Raymonds  and 
Mr.  Vaug- hau's  and  will  with  what  convenience  I  may  put  them  of.  You 
comfilain  of  your  returnes  ;  you  take  the  coorse  to  have  little  ;  a  filantu- 
tion  must  be  furnished  ivith  cattle  and  good  hir'd  hands ,  and  necessaries  for 
them  and  not  thinks  the  great  iookes  of  men  and  many  words  wil  be  a,  meaner 
*o  raise  a  ftiantaiion.  Those  'hat  have  been  here  this  three  year  som  of 
them  have  neither  meat,  money  nor  cloathes,  a  gieat  disparagement. 
shall  not  need  to  speak  of  this,  you  shall  hear  of  it  by  others.  For  myself, 
ray  wife  and  child  and  four  men  we  have  but  half  a  barrel  of  come  ;  beefe 
.\nd  porke  I  have  not  had  but  on  peese  this  three  months,  nor  beare  this 
tour  months;  for  I  have  for  two  and  twenty  months  had  but  two  barrels  of 
hcare  and  two  barrels  and  four  boosheJ  of  malt,  our  number  commonly 
hath  bin  ten.  I  nor  the  servantes  have  neither  money  nor  clouies,  I  have 
bin  as  sparing  as  I  could,  but  it  will  not  doe.  These  four  tr.en  with  me  is 
Charles  Knell,  Thomas  Clarke,  Steven  Kidcler,  and  Thomas  Crockitt, 
ihree  of  them  is  to  have  for  their  wages  until  the  first  of  March  four  pounds 
per  peese  and  the  other  for  the  yeare  six  pounds  which  in  your  behalf  I 
oave  promised  to  satisfy  in  money  or  be?er  at  ten  shillings  per  pound.  If 
•.here  we  re  necessary  s  for  them  for  clothing  there  would  not  bee  much 
iby  them  to  receuve.  You  may  perhaps  think  that  fewer  men  would  serve 
me  but  I  have  sometimes  on  C  [one  hundred]  or  more  Indians  anil  far 
from  iieybors  :  These  that  I  have  I  can  set  to  pale  in  ground  for  come 
and  garden.  I  have  digged  a  wel  within  the  palizado,  where  is  good 
water,  I  have  that  to  close  with  timber.  More  men  I  could  have  and  more 
employ,  but  I  rest  thus  until  I  heare  from  you.  The  vines  that  were  filani- 
cd  ivill  com  to  little^  they  firosfier  not  in  the  ground  iiiey  were  $f.\  then*. 
that  greo  natural  arc  voi  good  of  divers  sorts.  I  have  sent  you  a  note  oi 
sUc  beaver  taken  by  me  at  Newichwunicke,  and  how  it  huth  gon  from  me 
George  Vaughan  hath  a  note  of  all  the  trade  goodes  in  my  custody  of  the 


AI>S»ENB1X»  295 

oiU  btbi)  John  Ramon's  and  George  \7aughan's  accomtes,but  the  beaver 
beinge  disposed  of  before  I  could  make  the  divident  I  cannot  see  but  it 
must  be  all  onpackt  and  be  divided  by  you.  The  governor  departed  from 
the  plantation  the  fifteenth  of  July  in  the  morning.  So  for  this  time  I 
end,  committing  you  to  the  protection  of  the  Almighty  and  ever  rest  your 
loving  servant, 

AMBROSE  GIBBINS. 

No.  VI. 
Copy  of  a  letter  frem  Neal  and  Wiggen  relating  to  a  division  of  the  lands 

at  Pascataytia,  1633. 
Much  honoured, 

IN  obedience  to  your  commands   have   survaied   the   river  from  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor  to  Squamscutt  falls,   liqu'se  from  the  harbor's 
mouth  by   the  sea  side  to  the  Massachusetts  bounds,  and  find  that   the 
bounds  of  your  pattents  will  not  aford  more    than  for  two  towns  in  the  riv- 
er of  Pascataway  and  the  remainder  v  ill  make  another  good  towne  having 
much  salt  marsh  in  it.     And  because  you  would  have  foure  townes  named 
as  you  desired  wee  have  treated  with  a  gentleman  who  has  purchased  a 
trackt  of  land  of  the  Indyans  at  Squamscutt  falls,  and  your  laad  running 
up  to  the  said  falls  on  one  side  of  the  river  from  the  falls  about  a  mile 
downward,  said  gentlemen  having  a  mind  to  said  land  on  your  side  to  a 
certain  crike  and  one   mile  bacward  from  the  river  which  we  agreed  on 
and  the  crike  is  called  Weelewright's,  the  gentleman's  name  being  Weele- 
wright  and  he  was  to  name  said  plantation  (when  settled)  Exeter.     And 
the  other  two  towns  in  the  river,  the  one  North*ham  and  Portsmouth  the 
other.      Bounded   as  followeth,  viz.  Portsmouth  runes  from  the  harbor's 
mouth  by  the  sea  side  to  the  entrance  of  a  little  river  b  ;tween  two  hed 
lunds  which  we  have  given  the  names  of  the   Little  Bore's-hed,  and  the 
Grete  Bore's-hed,  and  from  the  mouth  of  that  little  river  to  go  on  a  strait 
line  to  the  aforesaid  creeke  which  we  have  named  Weelewrighs  creeke 
and  from  thens  down  the  river  to  the  harbor's  mouth  where  it  began.  And 
North-ham  is  the  bounds  of  all  the  land  of  Hilton's  Point  side.     And  the 
other  land  from   the  little  river  between  the  two  Boores-Heds  to  run  by 
the  sea  till  it  meets  with  the  line  between  the  Massachusetts  and  you,  and 
*o  to  run  from  the  sea  by  said   Massathusetts   line  into  the   woods  eight 
miles  and  from  thence  atwart  the  woods  to  meete  with  Portsmouth  line 
neere  Wheleright's  creeke  and  that  tracte  of  land  to  be  called  Hamjiton. 
So  that  their  is  foure  towns  named  as  you  desired  but  Exeter  is  not  within 
the  bounds  of  your  pattents.     But  the  grete   dificulty  is  the    agreement 
about  the  dividing  line  between  the  pattent  of  the  twenty  thousand  acres 
belonging  to  the  company  of  Laconyah  and  the  pattent  of  Bluddy  poynt 
the  river  running  so  intrycate,  and  Bluddy  poynt  patent  bounds  from  thence 
to  Squamscutt  falls  to  run  three  miles  into  the  woods  from  the  water  side. 
But  for  your  better  understanding  thereof  wee  have  sent  you  a  draft  of  it 
according  to  our  best  skill  of  what  we  know  of  it  at  present,  and  have 
drawn  a  dividing  line  between  the  two  pattents,  so  that  Portsmouth  is  part 
of  both  pattents  and  Hampton  we    apprehend  will  be  holly  in  the  twenty 
thousand  acres  pattent,  and  North-ham  is  the  bounds  of  Hilton's  point  pat- 
tent.     If  what  wee  have  don  be  to  your  likinge  wee  shall  think  our  time 
v-vrlJ  spent  and  vh-?.t   further  commands  you  will  please  to  lay  on  us  we 


296  APPENDIX. 

shall  readily  obeye  to  the  utmost  of  our  power.    Wee  humbly  take  leve 
and  subscribe  ourselves,     Your  devoted  and  most  humble  servants, 

North-ham  on  Pascataway  river,  in  >  WALTER  NELE, 
New-England,  13  August,  1633.  $  THOMAS  MIGGIN. 

Superscribed,  To  John  Mason  Esq.  governor  of  Portsmouth  to  be  com* 
municated  to  the  pattentes  of  L*coniah  and  Hilton's  point,  humbly 
present  in  London. 

Wee  under  written  being  of  the  government  of  the  province  of  Maine 
doe  affirm  that  the  above  letter  .-written  and  sent  by  Walter  Neie  and 
Thomas  Wiggin  and  directed  to  John  Mason  Esq.  governor  of  Ports- 
mouth to  be  communicated  to  the  pattentes  of  Laconiah  and  Hilton's 
point,  is  a  trewcopia  compared  vith  the  original).  And  further  wee  doe 
affirme  that  there  was  foure  grete  gunes  brought  to  Pascal  -ua  which  v, ,  i\ 
given  by  a  merchant  of  London  for  the  defence  of  the  river,  and  at  ne 
same  time  the  Earle  of  Warwicke,  Sr  Ferclenando  Gorges,  Capt.  John 
Mason  and  the  rest  of  the  pattentees  sent  an  order  to  Capt.  Walter  Nele 
and  Captn.  Thomas  Wiggen  ther  agents  and  governor  at  Pascataway  to 
make  choise  of  the  most  convenient  place  in  the  said  river  to  make  a  for^ 
tefecatyon  for  the  defence  thereof,  and  to  mount  those  foure  gunes  giveeti 
to  the  place,  which  accordingly  was  done  by  Capt.  Walter  Neie  and  Capt. 
Thomas  Wiggin  and  the  pattentes  servants,  and  a  draft  was  sent  of  the 
place  that  they  had  made  choice  of  to  the  said  earle  and  company,  and 
the  draft  did  containe  all  the  necke  of  land  in  the  north  este  side  of  the 
grete  island  that  makes  the  grete  harbor,  and  they  gave  it  the  name  of 
irort-poynt,  and  allotted  it  so  far  backe  into  the  island  about  a  bow-shoat 
to  a  grete  high  rocke  whereon  was  intended  in  time  to  set  the  principail 
tbrte. 

That  the  above  is  al!  truth  wee  affirme,  and  by  the  desire  of  Capt.  Wal- 
ter Nele  and  Capt.  Thos.  Wiggen  wee  have  ordered  this  wrighting  to  ly 
in  our  files  of  records  of  their  doings  therein.  In  witness  whereof  wee 
have  hereunto  sett  our  hands  and  seles  at  Gorgeana,  in  the  province  of 
Maine,  in  New-England,  20th  August  1633, 

RICH.  VINES,  (Seal.) 

HENRY  JOCELYN,  (Seal.) 

No.  VII. 
An  r;r->;'*7f.;  letter  from  Sir  F.  Gorges  and  Capt.  MasoJi  to  Messrs*  Wan* 

ncrion  and  Gib  bins. 
Mr.  Wannerton  and  Mi*.  Gibbons, 

JTHHESE  are  to  let  you  know  that  wee  with  the  consent  of  the  rest  of 
JL  our  partners  have  made  a  division  of  all  our  land  lying  on  the  north 
east  side  of  the  harbor,  and  river  of  Pascataway  ;  of  the  quantities  of 
which  lands  and  bounds  agreed  upon  for  every  man's  part  we  send  you  a 
coppie  of  the  draft,  desiring  your  furtherance  with  the  r-dvice  of  Capt. 
Norton  and  Mr.  Godfrey  to  set  out  the  lynes  of  division  betwixt  our  lands 
and  the  lands  of  our  partners  next  adjoining,  because  we  have  not  on'iie 
each  of  us  shipped  people  present  to  plant  upon  our  owne  landes  at  oun 
owne  charge,  but  have  given  direction  to  invite  and  authentic  to  receive 
such  others  as  may  be  had  to  be  tenants,  to  plant  and  live  there  for  the 
more  speedie  peopling  of  the  cquntrie.  And  whereas  there  is  belonging 
unto  me  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  unto  dipt.  Mason  for  himself  and 
for  Mr.  John  Cotton  and  his  deceased  brother  Mr.  William  Cotton,  both 
whose  interests  Capt  Masqn  hath  bought,  the  one  halfe  of  all  trail 


APPENDIX.  297 

iioned  in  the  invemorie   of  houshold  sluffe   and  implements  left  in   trust 
with  you  by  Capt.  Neaie,  whereunto  you  have  subscribed  <>s  and 

whereof  a  coppie  is  herewith  sent,  we  desire  you  to  c..  ^  an  e^\:u!  divi- 
sion as  neere  as  possibile  may  to  be  made  of  all  the  saiecl  mutters  menconed 
in  the  inrentoile  inkinde,  01  if  some  of  them  cannot  be  so  dni.icc!  ^,cn  the 
on  halfe  to  be  made  equall  to  the  other  in  valewof  all  the  saiecl  matters,  ex» 
'ccpt  the  cattell  and  suites  of  apparell  and  such  other  things  as  belong  per- 
acularly  to  Capt.  Mason,  and  to  deliver  the  said  one  haife  of  all  the  stvied 
matters  soe  to  be  divided,  unto  Mr.  Henry  Jocelyn  for  the  use  of  our  plan- 
tations, taking  an  inventory  thereof  under  his  hand  of  all  you  shtili  soe  dec 
liver  hioie,  and  making  certificate  to  us  thereof.  And  for  your  soe  aoeing 
this  shall  be  your  sufficient  warrant  and  discharge.  And  so  wee  rest, 

Your  verie  lovinge  friends, 

Portsmouth,  Maye  5,  FERDIN.  GORGE, 

i634.  JOHN  MASON, 

No.  VIII. 

An  original  letter  from  Cafit,  Mason  to  Gibbins. 

Mr.  Gibbins, 

^IT^HESE  people  and  provisions  which  I  have  now  sent  with  Mr.  Joce- 
JL  lyne  are  to  sett  upp  two  mills  upon  my  own  division  of!  ndes  lately 
agreed  upon  betwixt  our  adventurers  ;  but  I  thinke  not  any  of  them  will 
adventure  this  yeare  to  the  plantation  besides  Sr  Ferdiiicindo  Gorges  and 
myself,  for  which  I  am  sorrye  in  that  so  good  a  busines  (albeit  hitherto  it 
hath  bene  unprofitable)  should  be  subject  to  fall  to  the  ground.  Therefore 
I  have  stray ned  myselfe  to  doe  this  at  this  present,  and  could  have  wished 
that  the  rest  would  have  joyned  to  have  sent  you  some  provisions  for  trade 
-and  support  of  the  place,  but  that  faileing  I  lv-\ve  directed  to  you  as  a  token 
from  myselfe  one  hogshead  of  mault  to  make  you  some  beare.  The 
servants  with  you  and  such  others  as  remaine  upon  the  companies  chard^e 
are  to  be  discharged  and  payed  their  wages  out  of  the  stocke  of  beaver  in 
your  hands  at  the  rate  of  i2s.  the  pound,  whereof  I  thinke  the  company 
•will  write  you  more  at  large.  And  wee  have  agreed  to  devide  ail  our 
movables  mentioned  in  the  inventory  that  Capt.  Neale  brought  home, 
which  were  left  in  trust  with  you  and  Mr.  Wannerton.  I  bought  Mr.  Cot- 
ton's and  his  brother's  pane  of  all  their  adventures  ;  so  i!iat  the  halfe  of 
all  belou^cs  to  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  myselfe,  and  of  that  halfe  three 
quarters  will  be  dewe  to  me  and  one  quarter  to  Sr  Feniinando.  These 
things  being  equally  divided  they  are  to  be  delivered  to  Mr.  Joceiine,  my 
three  partes  of  the  halfe,  and  the  other  fourth  to  whom  Sr  Ferdinando 
*aall  appointe.  And  you  must  afford  my  people  some  house  i  come  in 
Newichexvannocke  house,  and  the  cowes  and  goates  which  are  all  mine, 
,  ;:d  i4  swine  with  their  increase,  some  ground  to  be  uppon  till  wee  have 
v.jine  place  provided  upon  my  new  divided  land,  or  that  you  receive  my 
i.uihcr  order.  A  copic  of  the  division  of  the  landes  is  herewith  sent  unto 
you. 

The  stockiriges  and  the  mault  and  the  suites  of  cloathes  and  sugg^r  .  nd 
vuybingcs  and  wine  that  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Bright  and  Mr. li weal 
have  not  received  any  satisfaction  for,  wherein  I  must  crave  your  htpe 
and  such  satisfaction  as  may  be  sent  by  this  shipp. 

Tkf  chrixtall  stoa.ies  ucu  vent  are  of  little  or  no  valew  unless  they       re 
.     -         '•    winking  cup  fie*  «•  fjnte  Qf-her  wrfcee,  «s  fullers /or 
.0  o 


APPENDIX. 

lookeinge  gtassct  or  for  garnishing e  of  rich  cabinets.    Good  iron  or  iced  oar* 
/  should  like  better  of  if  it  could  be  found. 

I  have  disbursed  a  great  deale  of  money  in  your  plantation  and  never 
received  one  penny,  but  hujie  if  there  were  once  a  discwerie  of  the  lakes 
that  I  should  in  some  reasonable  time  be  reimbursed  again.  I  pray  you 
helpe  the  mr  what  you  can  to  some  of  the  best  iron  stoane  for  ballast,  and 
in  case  he  want  other  ladeinge  to  fill  the  shipp  upp  with  stockes  of  cy- 
press wood  and  cedar.  Let  me  hear  from  you  of  all  matters  necessary, 
and  wherein  I  maye  doe  you  any  pleasure  I  shall  be  reddie,  and  so  \\iih 
my  heartie  commendations,  I  rest  your  verie  loveing  friend, 

Portsmouth,  May  5th,  i634.  JOHN   MASON, 

(Received  10th  July,  1634.) 

No.  IX. 

Answer  to  the  foregoing. 
SIR, 

YOUR  worship  have  done  well  in  setting  forward  your  plantacon,  and 
for  your  milles  they  will  prove  beneficial  unto  you  by  God's  assist- 
ance. I  would  you  had  taken  this  coorse  sooner,  for  the  merchants  I 
shall  be  very  cautyouse  how  I  deaie  with  any  of  them  while  I  live.  But 
God's  will  be  done.  1  and  the  world  doth  judge  that  I  con  id  not  in  tl.cse 
my  dayes  have  spent  my  time  for  noelhinge.  For  their  sending  trade  and 
support  I  desire  it  not.  I  have  supported  but  now  sonke  under  my  bur- 
then,  the  more  I  thinke  on  this,  the  more  is  my  griefe. 

I  have  received  the  hogsd.  of  mault  that  you  sent  me,  giveing  you 
humble  thanks  for  the  same.  The  servants  that  were  with  me  are  dis- 
charged and  payd  their  wages  for  the  yeare  past  and  I  have  delivered  un- 
to Mr.  Wannerton  431b.  of  beaver  to  pay  those  that  were  with  him  for  the 
year  past.  For  the  paying  of  the  servants  there  old  wages  or  the  dividing 
of  the  goods  I  expect  a  general  letter,  if  not  then  to  heare  further  from 
your  worshippe.  Your  carpenters  are  with  me  and  I  will  further  them 
the  best  I  can.  Capt.  Neale  appoynted  me  two  of  your  goats  to  keepe,  at 
his  departinge,  I  praise  God  they  are  4.  Of  the  goods  that  Mr.  Bright 
left  I  onely  reed,  of  Capt.  Neale  4  bushelis  of  mauit  and  at  several  times 
8  gallons  of  sacke,  and  from  Mr.  Wannerton  7  bushelis  and  1  peck  of 
jnault,  5  ib.  and  halfe  of  sugar  and  3  pr.  of  children  stockings  and  97  Ib 
of  beefe  which  wus  of  an  old  cow  that  Mr.  Wannerton  killed,  being  doubt- 
full  that  she  would  not  live  over  the  winter.  For  these  I  will  pay  Mr. 
JoceUn  for  you. 

/  fierceive  you  have  a  great  mynd  to  the  lakes,  and  I  as  great  a  will  to 
qssist  you.  If  I  had  2  horses  and  3  men  ^vifh  me  I  would  by  God's  hcljit 
&o&n  resolve  you  of  the  situation  of  it,  but  not  to  live  there  myselfe. 

The  Fide-Cow  arrived  the  8th  Juiie,  the  1 3th  day  she  cast  anchor  some 
fcalfe  a  mile  from  the  falls,  tiie  18th  day  the  shippe  unladen,  the  19th  fell 
downe  the  river,  the  22d  day  the  carpenters  began  about  the  mill,  the  5th 
of  August  the  iron  stoane  taken  in  the  shippe.  There  is  of  3  sons,  on 
sort  that  the  myne  doth  cast  fourth  as  the  nee  doth  gum.  which  is  sent  in 
a  rundit.  On  of  the  other  sortes  we  take  to  be  very  rich,  there  is  great 
store  of  it.  For  the  other  I  know  not  ;  but  may  it  please  you  to  take  no- 
tice of  the  waight  ^nd  measure  of  every  sort>  before  it  goeth  into  the  fur- 
nace and  what  the  stone  of  such  \vei;,;  t  and  measure  will  yeeld  in  iron. 
This  that  'e  take  to  be  the  best  stone  is  one  mile  to  the  southward  ot  the 


APPENDIX. 

great  house*,  it  is  some  200  rodd  in  length  6  foote  wide,  the  depth  we 
know  not,  for  want  of  tools  for  that  purpose  we  tooke  onely  the  surface  of 
the  mine. 

I  have  paled  in  a  piece  of  ground  and  planted  it.  If  it  please  God  to 
send  us  a  drie  time  I  hope  there  will  be  8  or  10  quarters  of  corne.  You 
have  heare  at  the  great  house  9  cowes,  1  Dull,  4  calves  of  the  last  yeare 
and  9  of  this  yeare  ;  they  prove  very  well,  farre  better  than  ever  was  ex- 
pected, they  are  as  good  as  your  ordinary  cattel  in  England,  and  the  goats 
prove  some  of  them  very  well  both  for  milk  and  breed.  If  you  did  send 
a  shippe  for  the  Western  Islands  of  six  -core  tunne  or  thereabouts  for 
cowes  and  goates  it  would  be  profitable  for  you.  A  stocke  of  iron  worke 
to  be  put  away  with  your  boardes  from  the  mill  wili  be  good,  nayles, 
spikes,  lockes,  hinges,  iron  works  for  boats  and  pinaces,  twine  canvis, 
need  e*  und  cordage,  pitch  and  tarre,  graples,  ankers,  and  necessarys  for 
that  purpose. 

Sr,  I  h  ve  \vritten  unto  Mr.  John  Round  to  repair  unto  your  worship  ; 
he  is  a  silver  smith  by  his  trade  but  hath  spent  much  time  and  means  a- 
bout  iron,  may  it  please  you  to  send  for  him,  he  dweiieth  in  Mogul  street, 
if  you  are  acquainted  with  any  finer  or  mettle  man  enquire  of  him  and  as 
you  see  cause  send  for  him,  he  is  well  scene  in  all  mineralls  ;  if  you 
deale  with  him  he  will  give  you  a  good  light  for  your  proceedings. 

The  6th  of  August,  the  shippe  ready  to  set  sayle  for  Saco  to  load  cloavc 
bords  and  pipe  staves.  A  good  husband  with  his  wife  to  tend  the  cattle 
and  to  make  butter  and  cheese  will  be  profitable,  for  maides  they  are 
soone  gone  in  this  country.  For  the  rest  I  hope  Mr.  Jocelyn  for  your 
own  particulars  will  satisfye  you  for  I  have  not  power  to  examen  it.  This 
with  my  humble  service  to  your  worship,  I  rest, 

Newichawanock,  Your  ever  loving  servant, 

*he  6th  of  August,  1634.  AMBROSE  GIBBINS. 

No.  X. 

An  original  letter  from  G.  Vaughan  to  Mr.  Gibbins. 
Mr.  Gibbens,  Boston,  Aug.  20,  1634. 

WE  only  wait  for  a  faire  wind.  I  shall  acquaint  Mr.  Mason  and  tht 
rest  of  the  owners  fully  of  what  you  and  I  have  formerly  discourst, 
and  if  they  give  mee  iricouradgment  hope  shall  see  you  againe  the  next 
yeare.  Lookeing  over  my  papers  found  the  inclosed,  it  being  the  divisy* 
^\\  of  the  townes,  und  the  copia  of  what  Capt.  Nele  and  Capt.  Vviggens 
woat  hoome  to  the  pattentcs  of  Laconiah  and  Hilton's  Point.  It  may  be 
•of  som  use  to  you  hereafter,  therefore  sent  it  you,  Icste  Capt.  Wiggens 
+h3uld  make  another  bluster.  Which  with  my  kind  love  to  you  and  your 
spouse  and  little  Beck,  i  am  your  assured  friend, 

GEORGE  VAUGHAN. 

•No.  XL 

Another  from  the  same. 
Loving  frend  Gibbens,  London,  10th  April,  1636. 

W£E  put  into  Ireland  goinge  home,  and  there  was  taken  sike  and 
lefte  behind,  und  iuye  so  iong  before  I  got  well  that  it  was  the  lat- 
ter end  of  December  laste  before   I   got  to  London,  and  Mr.  Mason  iva* 
ded.     Bat  I  spoke   with  Sr  Ferdinarido  Gorges  and  the  other  owners,  but 
gave  me  no  incouradgtnent  for  New-England.      I  acquainted  their? 
*  The  great  house  stood  opposite  t$  the  Upu$e  of  Mr.  Temple  Knight-- 


800  APPENDIX. 

fully  of  what  you  and  I  discoursed,  but  they  were  quite  could  in  that  ni«" 
ter,  Mr.  Mason  being  dec!  and  Sr  Ferdinando  minding  only  his  one  tiivity- 
on.  He  teles  me  he  is  geting  a  pattente  for  it.  from  the  king-  from  Pascat- 
aqua  to  Sagadehocke,  and  that  betwene  Meremacke  and  Piscataqua  he 
left  for  Mr.  Mason,  who  if  hee  had  lived  would  a  tooke  a  fiat  tent  for  that 
also,  and  so  I  suppose  the  affairs  of  Laconia  is  ded  also.  I  intend  to  goe 
for  the  Este  Indyes,  a  frend  of  mine  have  made  mee  a  very  good  proffer 
and  I  thinke  to  take  up  with  it.  Which  is  what  offers  at  present.  Thu* 
with  my  kind  love  to  you  and  your  wife  and  daughter, 

I  am  your  loving  friend, 

GEORGE  VAUGHAN. 

M  B.   T7te  ten  preceding  papers  arc  m  the  recorder's  office  for  Rocti- 
w-gham  county. 

XII. 

Cojiy  of  a  report  of  a  Committee  vf  Reference  on  the  petition  of  Rob.  Ma- 
son, Edward  Godfrey,  and  others  to  the  king,  (in  J661.) 
To  the  Kinges  most  excellent  Majestic, 

A    CCORDING  to  your  majesties  reference  upon  the  petition  of  Rol> 
JLJL.   ert  Mason,  Edward  Godfrey,  and  others,  hereunto  annexed,  bearing 
date  at  Whitehall  the  seventeenth   of  November  1660,  wee  have 
the  claimes  and  complaints  of  the  peticonera,  and  also  summoned  by  pro- 
Cess  publicquely  executed  att  the  exchange  on  the  2 1  st  day  of  January  last 
t  all  persons  interested  in  that  business,  but  none  appeared  b-Jl  v'apt. 
Jno.  Lev?rett*  who  acknowledged  that  formerly  hee  was  conu;:i 
an  agent  of  the  corporacon  of  Boston  in  New-England,  but  th*t  now  he 
Had  noe  authority  to.  appear  or  act  on  their  behalf. 

Upon  producing  of  Divers  letters  patients  and  examinacon  of  witnesses, 
wee  finde*  That  Capt.  Jno.  M?  son,  grandfather  to  Robert  Mason  one  of 
the  peticohers,  and  Edward  Godfrey  another  of  the  peticoners,  by  • 
of  several  letters  patients  under  ihe  great  scale  of  J- n-./tand  g-rsr.ted  unto 
them  and  others  by  your  majesties  late    royul    falhev,  by  themselves  and 
their  assi^nes  have  been  in  act'uil   avd  quiet  possession  of  several  tracts. 
parse!)-    Jid  c!"r- i?.Ir-ns  o;  iuvid  in  New-Bngland,  as   in   und  by  tl.e  ^aid  let- 
ters patents  is  particularly  expressed,  and  that  the  said  Capt.  Jno.  Mascn 
and  the  said  Edward  Godfrey  did  expend  and  lay  ot't  considcr&i 
money  in  settling  plantacons  and  coilonys  tliere  j  That    the  said  Edward 
Godfrey  has  lived  there  for  five  and  twenty  yeare.-j  having  undergone  and 
discharged  the  office  of  governor  of  the  province   of  Mayne   with  n.u   '-. 
;con   of  integrity  and  justice,  endeavouring  the  reguiacen  and  gov- 
ernment of  those  partes  where  he  lives  according  to  the  knovn  art- 
tied  lawes  of  this  kin^dome    That  notwithstanding,  the  said  Edward  God- 
frey has  not  only  been   turned  out  of  his  said  place  of  governor,  butt  ha« 
been  utterly  outed  and  dispossessed  of   his  hinds  and  estate   in  that  conn* 
try.  which  the  inhabitants  of  the   Massachusetts  have  forcibly  seized  ;  T;  "i 
still  doe  detayne  the  same  from  him  ;  That  it  appears'  as   well  by  testi- 
mony of  witnesses  as  by  acoppyof  the  letters  patients  that  they  were  nr£ 
to  act  any  thing  repugnant  to  the  lawes  of  England,  nor  to  extend  their 
bounds  and  limits  of  the  saicl  corporacon  farther  th:-.n   three   miles  north- 
ward of  Merrymacke  river,  and  as  a  memorial   and  evidence  thereof,  thr; 
governor  of  the  Massachusetts  did  sett  up  an  house  about  thirty  yearei 
since,  whlcrj  is  called  the  blithe!  hou *.'.•*  wA  ;s  lu')r>wr?e  hy  th-Jt  nan.'c  t" 


301 

^ay',  a&d  with  this  division  and  assignment  or  lott  of  land  the  inhabitants 
.and  pattentees  of  the  said  corporacon  of  the  Massachusetts  rested  content 
for  the  space  of  sixteen  years  together,  until  about  the  year  1652  they  did 
enlarge  and  stretch  their  line  about  threescore  miles  beyond  their  knowm 
and  settled  bounds  afosesaid  ;  and  have  thereby  not  only  invaded  and  in- 
crouched  upon  the  plamacons  and  inheritances  of  the  petitioners  andother 
your  majesties  subjects,  but  by  menaces  and  armed  forces  compelled 
them  to  submitt  to  their  usurped  and  arbitrary  government  which  they 
have  Declared  to  be  independent  of  this  your  majesties  crowne  of  England^ 
and  n->;  subordinate  thereunto, 

It  .-ears  further  by  the  witnesses  that  the'colony  of  Massachusetts  has 
sc  many  years  past  endeavoured  to  model!  and  contrive  themselves 
'in in  :;  free  state  or  commonwealth  without  any  relacon  to  the  crowne  oi 
Kn  ,  >i;ci  -.vsumingon  themselves  the  name  and  stile  of  a  commonwealth, 
issuhv  oV  writs  in  their  owne  name,  imposing  of  oathes  to  be  true  unto 
<:,ves  contrary  to  that  of  aliegi  ince.  coyning  of  money  with  their 
owne  stamps  and  signatures,  exercising  an  arbitrary  power  over  the 
esta'es  and  persons  of  ali  such  as  submitt  not  unto  their  government  al- 
lowing them  noe  appeaies  to  England.  And  some  have  been  see  bold  as 
publiquely  to  affirme,  that  if  bis  majestie  should  send  them  a  governor, 
that  the  several!  townes  and  churches  throughout  the  whole  country  un- 
der their  government  did  resolve  to  oppose  him,  and  others  have  said 
that  before  they  of  Nevv -England  would  or  should  submitt  to  any  appeale 
to  England  they  would  se.i  uii.t  country  or  plantacon  to  the  king  of 
Bpairie*'. 

That  by  reason  of  the  premises  the  said  Rob.  Mason  and  Edward  God- 
frey have  beene  damnified  in  thei;  plaiitacons  and  estates  to  the  value  of 
live  thousand  pounds,  according  to  the  judgment  and  estimucon  of  sever* 
all  witnesses,  examined  in  that  behalfe.  But  by  what  pretence  of  right 
or  authority  the  Massachusetts  have  taken  uppon  them  to  proceed e  and 
pet  in  such  manner  doth  not  appeare  to  us. 

Ail  which  we  most  humbly  represent  to  your  majestie  in  duty  and 
obedience  to  your  commands,  not  presuming  to  offer  any  opinion  in  a  bu- 
siness of  soe  high  importance,  wherein  the  publique  interest  and  gov- 
ernment of  your  majestie  appears  soe  much  intermixt  and  concerned 
with  the  private  interest  of  the  peticoners. 

Robi.   Masen^  G.  Sweit, 

Ja.  Bunce,  Richard 

Th.  Ex  ton,  Jo.  Myllcs. 

77/o.  Po-uey. 

•^  Without-  dati]  in  the  recorder's  office  for  Rockingham  county. 

No.  XIII. 

To  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty. 
'•guie  humble  petition  of  Robert  Mason,  proprietor  of  the  province 

Hampshire,  in  New-England, 
Sheweth, 

Pin  HAT  your  majesty's  royal  grandfather  king  James,  of  ever  blessed 
\ .    memory,  did  by  his  highness  letters  patents  under  the  great  scale 
rland,  bearing  date  at  Westminster  the  third  day  of  November,  in 
<he  eighteenth  yeareof  his  reigne,give,  grant  and  confirm  unto  several  of 
-the  principal  nobility  and  gentry  of  this  kingdome  by  the  name  of  the 
uj«h.  collet,  pap.  page  339; 


308 

councell  of  New-England,  their  successors  and  assignee  forever,  all  the 
land  in  America  lying  between  the  degrees  of  40  and  48  north  latitude, 
by  the  name  of  New-England,  to  be  held  in  fee,  with  many  royal  privi- 
leges and  immunities,  only  paying  to  his  majesty,  his  heirs  and  succes- 
sors, one  fift  part  of  all  the  oare  of  gold  and  silver  that  should  at  any  time 
be  found  upon  the  sdid  lands,  as  by  the  said  letters  patents  doth  at  large 
appeare. 

That  John  Mason,  esq.  your  petitioner's  grandfather,  by  virtue  of  sev-* 
trul  grants  from  the  said  eouncell  of  New  England,  under  theire  common 
3f:ule,  bearing  date  the  9th  of  March  1621,  the  10th  of  August  1622,  the 
7th  of  November  1629,  and  the22d  of  April  1635,  was  instated  in  lee  in  a 
great  tract  of  land  in  New-England,  by  the  name  of  New-Hampshire,  iyeing 
wpon  the  sea-coast  between  the  rivers  of  Naumkeek  andPascataway,and 
running  up  into  the  land  westward  threescore  miles,  with  all  the  islands  lye- 
>ng  within  five  leagues  distance  of  any  part  thereof,  and  also  the  south  halfe 
of  the  Isles  of  Shoals  ;  and  also  the  said  John  Mason  together  with  Sir  Fer- 
dinando  Gorges,  km  was  emeoffed  by  the  aforesaid  councell  of  New-Eng- 
land in  other  lands  by  the  name  of  Laconia  by  their  deed  beareing  date  the 
27th  day  of  November  1629,  the  said  lands  Iyeing  and  bordering\jpon  the 
great  lakes  and  rivers  of  the  Iroquois  and  other  nation*  adjoining.  AD 
which  said  lands  to  be  held  as  fully,  freely,  in  as  large,  ample  and  bent- 
Serai  manner  and  forme  to  all  intents  and  purposes  whatsoever  as  the  said 
counceH  of  New-Enirland  by  virtue  of  his  majesty's  said  letters  patents 
might  or  ought  to  hold  and  enjoy  the  same,  as  by  the  said  several  grants 
appeares. 

Whereupon  your  petitioner's  said  grandfather  did  expend  upwards  of 
twenty  two  thousand  pounds  in  transporting  people,  buil  ing  houses,  forts, 
and  magazines,  furnishing  them  tvith  ^reat  store  of  anv.es  of  all  sorts, 
with  ariiliery  ;.:reat  and-small,  for  defence  and  protection  of  his  servants 
»nfl  teimnts,  with  all  other  necessary  commodities  and  materials  for  estab- 
lishing a  settled  plantion. 

That  in  the  year  1628,  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  the  reigne  of  your  majes- 
ty's royal  father,  some  persons  did  surreptitiously  and  unknown  to  the  &aid 
i-ctimcelti  get  the  scale  of  the  said  counceil  affixed  to  a  grant  of  certairic 
'ands,  whereof  the  greatest  part  were  solemnly  past  unto  your  petitioner's 
grandfather  and  others  long  before,  and  soone  after  did  the  same  persons 
4>j/  their  subtil  practises  get  a  confirmation  of  the  said  grant  under  the 
e;reat  secrte  of  England,  as  a  corporation  by  the  name  of  THE  CORPO- 
RATION OF'  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  IN  NEW-ENG- 
L  AND,  your  majesty's  royal  father  6 ting  unwitting  thereof,  and  having 
«!tus  by  fraud  obteyned  a  grant  and  confirmation,  they  compelled  the 
vightfuli  inhabitants  to  desert  their  plantations,  and  by  many  outragious 
actions  they  became  possessed  of  that  part  of  the  country,  declaiming 
nemselves  to  be  a  free  people,  frameing  to  themselves  new  lawes,  with 
••  ,,n-  methods  in  religion  absolutely  contrary  to  the  lawes  and  customes  of 
this  your  majesty's  realme  of  England,  punishing  diverse  that  \vouid  not 
approve  thereof,  some  by  whipping,  others  by  burning  tiieir  houses,  and 
-oine  by  banishing,  and  the  like. 

At  last  the  complaints  of  the  oppressed  subjects  reaching  the  cares  of 
v?ur  royal  father*  his  magcsty  caused  the  whole  matter  to  be  examined 
teibre  his  most  honourable  privy  counce!l  and  all  being  fully  proved,  his 
swajeaty  did  command  the  councell  of  New-England  to  give  an  account 


• 
APPENDIX.  808 

hy  uhat  authority,  or  by  whose  procurement  those  people  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  were  sent  over,  his  majesty  concieving  the  said  councell  to 
•je  guilty  thereof. 

But  the  said  councell  of  New-England  made  it  plainley  to  appeare  to 
c/is  majesty  that  they  were  i  norant  of  the  whole  matter  and  that  they  had 
;ioe  share  in  the  evills  committed  and  wholly  disclaimed  the  same,  and 
the  said  conceil  finding  they  had  not  sufficient  means  to  give  redress  and 
rectify  what  was  bro't  to  ruine,  they  humbly  referred  to  his  majesty  to 
doe  therein  as  he  pleased  and  thereupon  the  said  councell  of  New-Eng- 
gland  resolved  to  resign,  and  did  actually  resigne  the  great  charter  of 
New-England  into  his  majesty's  royal  handes,  seeing  there  was  an  abso- 
lute necessity  for  his  majesty  to  take  the  management  of  that  country  to 
himself,  it  being  become  a  business  of  high  consequence  and  only  to  be 
remedied  by  his  sovereign  power,  all  which  appears  by  the  declaration  of 
the  councell  of  New-England  dated  the  25th  of  April,  1635,  together  with 
the  act  of  surrender  of  the  great  charter  of  New-England  dated  the  7th 
day  of  June,  the  same  year. 

That  immediately  thereupon,  his  majesty  in  trinky  terme  1635,  caused 
a  quo  warraKto  to  be  brought  up  by  Sir  John  Banks  his  majesty's  then 
attorney  general  against  the  governor,  deputy  governor  and  every  of  the 
assistants  of  the  said  corporation  of  Massachusetts  in  New-England  seve- 
rally, according  to  their  names  mentioned  in  the  said  patents  of  incorpo- 
ration, being  twenty  six  persons,  whereof  two  being  dead,  of  the  remayn- 
ing  twenty  four  persons,  there  did  fourte  m  at  severa'  times  appeare  at 
the  king's  bench  bar  and  there  disclaimed  the  charter,  the  remaining  tenn 
persons  were  outlawed,  and  thereupon  judgment  given  for  the  king,  that 
the  liberties  and  franchises  of  the  said  corporation  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
should  be  seizedinto  the  king's  handes  &  thebodvof  the  governor  to  be  taken 
into  custody  for  usurping  the  said  liberties,  all  which  appears  by  the  roles 
in  the  crown  office,  of  custos  brevium  for  the  king*s  bench  of  the  proceed- 
ings in  the  severall  terms  from  the  yeare  1635  to  1637. 

That  thereupon  his  said  royall  majesty  on  the  3d  day  of  May  163T,  di«J 
order  in  councell  that  the  attorney  geul.  be  required  to  call  for  the  said 
patent  and  present  the  same  to  the  board,  and  his  majesty  by  his  declara- 
tion of  the  23d  of  July  1637,  in  the  13th  yeare  of  his  reigne  declared  his 
royal  pleasure  for  establishing  a  generall  government  in  his  territory  of 
New-England  f >r  the  prevention  of  the  evils  that  otherwise  might  ensue 
lor  default  thereof,  thereby  declaring  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges  to  be  gover- 
nor generall  of  the  whole  country  and  requiring  all  persons  to  give  theire 
obedience  accordingly. 

That  the  wan-sand  troubles  immediately  ensueing  in  Scotland  and  pres- 
ently after  here  in  England  «.iid  hinder  his  said  majesty  from  settling  that 
country  or  prosecuting  the  right  which  he  intended  his  subjects,  however  the 
proceedings  of  his  majesty  caused  some  restraint  to  the  further  violences 
and  oppressions  of  the  said  Massachusetts,  and  they  conteyned  themselves 
for  a  time  within  their  pretended  bounds  but  not;  sooner  was  that  king  of 
blessed  memory  your  royal  father  become  a  sacrifice  but  they  renewed 
theire  former  violences  by  oppressing  all  the  other  colonies  and  ciesigne- 
ing  by  encouragement  from  somevin  England  to  erect  themselves  into  a 
commonwealth,  and  in  order  to  lay  a  foundation  for  this  power  and  domin- 
ion which  they  now  aspired  unto  they  thought  it  necessary  to  extend  theire 
bounds  and  spread  into  a,  larger  territory  then  as  yet  they  had  usurped,  ant' 


that  this  work  might  not  be  done  wi'i:0,;i  a  mask  or  color  of  right  they 'd« 
in  an  assembly  held  at  Boston  the  19; !i  -,f  October  1652,  seriously  peruse 
the  grant  (which  had  been  procured  as  afore*»ci.)  and  therein  weighing  the 
words  and  trying  what  new  sence  they  might  bcure  more  suteable  to  theire 
increase  of  power,  they  tho't  fit  at  length  u>  declare  themselves  mistaken 
in  what  they  had  done  in  the  year  \h$\  when  they  erected  bound-houseb 
and  had  for  soe  many  yeares  confine;  them  Delves  thereunto,  whereas  now  by 
the  help  of  an  imaginary  line  or  rat  net  by  c.  new  reason  of  state  there  is 
ft  nence  imjiosed  by  themselves  up.cn  thdre  own  worries  and  they  stretch 
their  rights  to  neer  two  hundred  miles  of  land  northward  i.r.d  as  much 
southward  more  than  they  were  satisfied  withal  before,  s'.vai  lowing  up  your 
majesty's  petitioner  as  well  as  others  whose  properties  were  established 
long  before  the  said  people  had  any  being.  And  that  ihey  might  give  execu- 
tion to  this  righteous  sentence  they  presently  invade  and  by  face  of  anna 
seize  upon  the  province  of  New-fla/nfls/iirc,  and  <  ^  oi  right  be- 

longing to  your  petitioner,  besides  what  they  did  to  others,  compelling  thr 
inhabitants  to  swear  to  be  true  to  them  and  to  cast  off  their  lawful  lords, 
and  such  as  refused  were  either  ruined,  banished  or  imprisoned,  ana  any 
appeales  to  England  utterly  denied  unto  them,  then  they  proceed  to  coin- 
ing of  money  with  their  owne  impress,  raising  the  coine  of  England,  and 
acting  in  all  matters  in  u  most  absolute  sncl  arbitrary  way.  And  although 
your  petitioner  by  his  agent  Joseph  Mason  did  den. and  red  cess  of  the 
general  court  of  Massachusetts  setting  at  Boston  in  1652,  offering  to  make 
out  the  right  and  title  of  your  petitioner  to  the  province  of  New-Hamp- 
shire and  other  lands  against  all  persons  whatsoever,  yet  noe  reSlwitiOtt 
could  be  obtayned  without  a  submission  to  their  authority,  and  to  hou;  the 
lands  from  them  v.hich  the  petitioner  then  did  refuse  and  hath  i  aies 
refused  chusing  rather  to  wait  for  more  happy  times  wherein  to  expect 
reliefe  than  by  a  legal!  resignation  of  his  rights  to  those  who  had  none  at 
all  divest  himself  of  what  his  ancestors  had  purchased  at  soe  deare  u  rate  : 
Your  yetitioner  having  as  eaquall  a  right  to  the  government  in  the  said 
province  as  he  hath  to  the  land  itself,  all  which  appears  by  a  report  madt/ 
to  your  majesty  the  15th  of  February  1661,  when  your  petitioner  first  ex* 
posed  to  your  majesty  the  oppressions  under  vhich  ho  had  so  long  groan- 
ed, in  the  evil  times,  and  which  grieves  him  \io\v  much  more  to  beare 
while  liee  has  the  protection  of  soe  just  and  gracious  a  soveraighe  to  re- 
sort to. 

Wherefore  your  petitioner  most  humbly  implores  your  majesty  to  take- 
notice,  that  (by  a  pluine  discovery  of  what  fraud  in  the  beginning  and  the 
length  of  troubled  times  has  helped  to  conceale)  the  Bostoners  have  not- 
patent  of  incorporation  at  all,  that  yet  they  have  under  colour  of  right  and 
authority  from  the  crown  devoured  your  petitioner  und  other  proprietors 
whose  titles  are  by  your  majesty's  learned  councell  allowed  as  strci 
the  law  can  make  them. 

That  all  waies  have  been  tried  and  methods  used  to  obteyn  justice  from 
the  Bostoners,  but  all  have  proved  ineffectual!,  that  your  petitioner's  losst-b 
have  been  soe  many  and  great,  and  his  sufferings  soe  continued  that  h«- 
cannot  any  longer  support  the  burthen  of  them.  And  when  your  majes- 
ty will  but  consider  how  small  the  respect  has  been  wherewith  those  peo- 
ple have  treated  your  majesty  since  your  happv  restau ration,  and  what 
daily  breaches  are  by  them  made  upon  you;-  majesty's  acts  of  navigatioi  »( 
,  M«-h  ttirnes  so  greatly  to  the  detriment  «f  thrs  kingdome  in  go: 


APPENDIX,  305 

£>€&*  losses  und  sufferings  of  a  particular  subject  cannot  much  be  (ques- 
tioned, see  that  your  petitioner  humbly  hopes  that  your  majesty  will  think 
1i  high  lime  to  stretch  forili  your  royall  hand  of  justice  to  assist  your  peti- 
iioner,  that  hee  may  hhve  ihc  quiet  possession  of  his  province,  and  re- 
paration rnaue  him  fur  the  losses  sustcyned,  in  such  ways  and  methods  as 
ihe  importance  o!  the  case  requires,  and  your  majesty  in  your'royalf  wis- 
..dome  shall  think  most  fitt. 

.1  your  petitioner  shall  ever  pray. 

ROB.'  MASON. 
fFrc^i  a  cufnj  in  the  possession  of  the  Md&mian  proprietors.^ 

XIV. 

A  brief  declaration  of  the  right  and  claim  of  the  governour  and  company 
of  the  M  v-^.ichuseUs  Bay  in  New-England,  to  the  lands  now  in  rueir 
possession,  JKII  pretended  to  by  Gorge  and  Mr.  Mason,  together  wkii  an 
ans'.ver  to  their  several  pleas  and  complaints  in  their  petitions  exhibited  : 
Humbly  presented  and  submitted  by  the  said  governour  and  comp.  ny 
to  the  kind's  most  excellent  majesty,  as  their  defence. 

IN  the  yoare  of  our  J^ord  1628,  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  late  majesty 
Charics  the  first,  of  happy  memory,  several  loyal  and  piously  dis, 
gentlemen  .  btuined  of  the  great  council  of  New-England,  a  grant  of  a  cer- 
tain tract  oi'uixl  lying  in  New-England,  described  and  bounded  as  therein 
expressed  ;  which  was  in  all  respects  fairly  and  openly  procured  and  with 
ho  go^«d  an  intent  of  propagating  the  gospel  among  the  natives,  and  to  ad' 
vance  the  honour  and  dignity  of  his  late  majesty,  of  happy  memory,  that 
they  were  bold  to  supplicate  ins"  said  majesty  to  superacld  his  royal  confir- 
mation thereto,  which  accordingly  in  an  ample  royal  charter  was  passed 
and  remains  under  the  broad  seal  of  England,  March  the  4th  1629,  in  the' 
i'ourth  year  of  his  majesties  reign,  with  further  additions  and  enlarge1* 
r^.ents  well  becoming  so  royal  a  majesty,  and  suitable  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  so  haz-irJ.ous  and  chargeable  an  adventure.  In  pursuance  whereof 
many  of  the  said  patentees  and  other  adventurers  transported  themselves 
and  estaies  and  settled  in  the  most  known  and  accommodabie  parts  of 
Ihose  lands  contained  i;i  the  suicl  charter,  neither  time,  estate,  nor  power 
iUiferJ.v;  them  speedily  to  survey  the  just  extent  of  their  limits.  Not 
many  yt\irs  different  in  time  several  others  also  of  his  majestyss  subjects 
obtained  other  grants,  and  made  several  settlements  in  the  more  no1,  therri 
and  c.  stcrne  parts  of  the  country,  with  whom  for  several  years  v,  c  had 
neighbourly  correspondence,  being  as  they  supposed  without  the  'i-.^iis  of 
our  patent,  amongst  whom  the  present  claimers  and  petitioners  v  ere. 
These  grants  partly  by  reason  of  the  smallness  cf  some  of  them,  and 
partly  by  reason  of  darke  involved  and  dubious  expression  of  their  limits, 
,;ou--iit  the  inhabitants  under  many  intanglements  and  dissatisfactions 
among  themselves,  which  there  being  no  settled  authority  to  be  applied 
r:\  being  deserted  and  forsaken  of  ail  such  as  by  virtue  of  said  grants  did 
f'.iim  jurisdiction  over  them  and  had  made  a  successless  essay  for  the  set- 
tte'rnc  /ernmcnt  -among  them  proved  of  some  continuance,  unto 

the  great. disquiet  and  disturbance  of  those  his  majesty's  subjects  that 
were  peaceable  and  veil  disposed  amongst  them  \  to  remedy  which  in* 
convenience  they  betook  themselves  to  the  way  of  combinations  for  goiN 
crnment,  but  by  experience  found  it  ineffectual,  in  this  time  ignorance 
<if  iho  uoriherly  runr.ing  uf  Merrimack  river  hindn.'d  (^ur  actaal  claim  ayw* 

P  >, 


a  small  interruption  by 
rear  166.5,   (when  hij  majes- 


extcntion  pf  government,  yet  at  length  being  move  fully  s< 
Ingj  obtained  further  acquaintance  and  correspondency  with  the 'Indians 
possessing  the  uppermost  parts  of  that  rivre  encouraging  an  adventure,  as 
also  frequent  solicitations  from  the  most  considerable  inhabitants  of  those 
eastern  parts  earnestly  desiring  us  to  make  proofe  of  and  ascertain  our  in- 
terest} we  imployed  the  most  approved  artists  that  could  be  obtained,  who 
upon  their  solemn  oaths  mude  returns,  That  upon  their  certain  observa- 
tion our  northern  patent  line  did  extend  so  far  north  as  to  take  in  all  tho?e 
towns  and  places  which  we  now  possess  ;  which  when  the  inhabitants  a& 
well  as  our  selves  were  satisfied  in  (urged  also  with  the  necessity  of  g«'v* 
eminent  amongst  them)  they  peaceably  and  voluntarily  submitted  to  the 
government  of  the  Massachusetts*  (viz.)  Dover,  bquamscot  and  Ports- 
mouth anno  1641,  Kittery,  York  and  Wells  ai:no  1652  and  1653,  frcirt 
which  times  until  the  year  1662,  when  there  v 
a  letter  of  Mr.  Gorge,  arid  afterwards  in  the  year 

tyes  commissioners}  Colonel  Nichols   and  others  came  over)  the   inhabi- 
tants of  those  parts  lived  well   satisfied  and  unintefrnpled  under  the  Ma?.-- 
sachusetts  government.      But  when  the  said   commissioners  rdfher  re- 
garding the  Massachusetts  just  right  nor  the  claims  of  Mr.  Gore; 
Mr.  Mason,  settled  a  new  forme  oi  government  there,  but  this  hare!: 
lived  their  divmrlur?,  the  people  impatient  of  innovations,  and  well  • 
rienced  and  satisfied    in   their  farmer  settlement,  qv.ickly  ar:d  quic 
Uirned  to    order  again  and  s</  continue  unto  this  time.     This  is  in 
words  the  true  state  of  the  mutter  ;   for   the  further  illustration    wl 
and  justification  of  our  proceedings  therein   arid  vindication  nf  our  . 
from  the  reproachful  i imputation  of  usurping  authority  over  his  m?.; 
subjects  in  the  easterne  parts  pretended  to,  v  it!:  other  scandals  car 
us  by  the  petitioners,  we  humbly  picscnt  the  lolloping  pleas  by  way  of  de- 
monstration, and  argue  that  our  extension  of  government  to  th' 
purls  claimed  is  agreeable  to  our  indubitable  patent  right  ;  our  patent  ac- 
cording Jo  the  express  tcnnc   therein  contained  without  any  ambiguity  o? 
colour  of  other  interpretation,  lyes  between  two  ro;-;t  axd  west  par  air  I  line* 
drarjn  from  the  ntou*  southerly  fiart  of  Cftafles  river  and  the  most  ncrth-.riit 
part    cf  Men'imuck,   with    three    mile.-  ,     ufioii  each,  which  upon 

the  observation  of  men  of  approved  and  undoubted  truth  upon  oath,  are 
found  distant  one  degree  and  forty  nine  minutes  north  latitude  being  to  ex- 
tend in  full  latitude  andbre^Gih  from  sea  to  sea  (ut  in  terminis)  and  there.* 
fore  cannot  be  bounded  by  many  hundreds  cr  infinite  nurnrers  of  lines,  a* 
the  river  of  Merrimack  maketh  bends  or  angles  in  two  hundred  miles 
passage  from  Winipesioke  lake  to  the  mouth  thereof,  which,  to  imagine,  a^ 
it  is  irrational  so  would  it  involve  us  and  any  borderer  into  so  many  inextri- 
cable disputes  as  are  by  r.o  wayes  to  be  admitted  by  a  prince  seeking  hi* 
subjects  peace.  Besides  \\ere  such  a  construction  allowable  (which  with 
uttermost  streining  is)  yet  all  fax  curable  interpretation  is  to  be  offered  the 
patentees  by  the  gracious  expression  of  the  charter.  Now  according  trf 
the  afore  mentioned  observation  (so  confirrhed)  all  those  extern  pli.iUu- 
lions  challenged  by  our  opponents  (utsupia)  are  comprehended  within 
our  northerly  line.  We  deny  not  but  the  artists  of  their  selves,  and  ii 
any  question  thence  arise  we  feare  not  to  submit  to  tryal  to  the  most  exact. 
and  rigorous  te.st  ilv.it  may  be.  The  invincible  strength  of  this  our  fn>,\ 
plea  may  further  appear  by  the  consideration  cf  the  frivolous  and  in.-si^ni-' 
ficant  allegations  of  the  petitioner  in  opposition  thereunto,  vi; 


307 

ot'our  line  or  assni  lion  of  our  right  to  thosft  eastern  parts 
"for  some  years,  ignorance  as  our  case  was  circumstanced  debarring  no 
man  of  his  just  right,  neither  can  it  reasonably  be  supposed  that  the  exact 
survey  of  so  large  a  grant  in  so  hedious  a  wilderness  possessed  by  an  ene- 
my would  be  the  worke  of  a  few  yeares,  cur  own  poverty  not  affording 
means,  and  our  weakness  (ui'.owing  no  deep  adventure  into  the  country) 
permitting  us  not  to  view  the  favourable  running  of  the  river,  which  none 
can  imagine  altered  its  course  by  our  delay  ;  we  may  as  well  be  deprived 
.of  far  more  than  we  possess  or  ever  saw  on  our  western  parts  to  the  south 
sea  (which  none  will  deny)  because  we  have  not  surveyed  it  or  are  soon 
like  to  be  able,  as  betaken  from  our  northern  right  so  obvious  to  thife 
meanest  artist. 

Idly.  The  Possession-house  in  Hampton  of  so  little  signification  and, 
so  long  since  disused,  that  Mr.  Mason  hath  forgot  the  name  thereof  and 
talleth  it  Bonnd-house,  erected  to  give  the  world  to  know  that  we  claimed 
considerably  to  the  northward  of  our  then  habitations  upon  the  bay,  though 
<ve  did  not  know  the  uttermost  extent  of  our  right,  our  fathers  not  being 
so-ignorant  o*  the  law  of  the  reiJme  to  which  they  did  appertain  as  to 
suppose  the  taking  possession  of  part  did  debar  them  of  the  remainder 
but  the  contrary  ;  and  we  challenge  Mr.  Mason  or  any  on  his  behalfe, 
p  -.  ..rising;  our  records  shall  be  open  to  the  most  scrutinous  search  to  prove 
ft,  either  called  or  intended  according  to  his  abuse  thereof. 

3dly,  That  notorious  falshood  of  stretching  our  right  to  near  four  hun- 
dred miles  north  and  south  more  then  formerly  we  were  satisfied  with, 
•our  ivhole  breadth  being  but  one  hundred  and  nine  mile,  which  is  not 
.v.u  '•  more  then  a  quarter  part  of  what  he  would  have  the  world  believe. 
•our  i'jsiv  claime  and  (as  he  would  insinuate)  usurped  territory  doth  conv 
fc.ln,  arising  (we  wbuid  charitably  believe)  partly  from  ignorance  of  the 
cousiiiVj;  of  the  country,  Mr.  Mason  accounting  by  *he  sea-side,  and  we. 
•r.vippose  coasting  in  the  measure  of  every  harbour  and  cove  to  1114^6  up 
•-li.it  calculation,  which  lies  much  of  it  due  east  and  not  to  the  north,  but 
a i1  malevolently  suggested  (as  many  other  things  as  of  little  credit) 
£>  introduce  into  his  majestic  his  royal  brc  st  a  beliefe  that  we  ^re  un- 
reasonable in  our  pretentious,  und  so  unworthy  of  his  majesties  tavour, 
Vvhidi  \YQ  hope  such  unlawful  endeavours  \viii  never  be  so  prosperous  a^ 
>k>  obtain.  What  may  be  further  added  to  this  our  first  plea,  may  be  sup- 
plied from  the  reasons  formerly  presented.  We  urge  secondly,  The  in- 
validity of  those  grant,  pretended  to  by  the  petitioners,  which  are  of  two 
''sorts  ;  1st.  .Such  as  beare  date  ufter  ours,  which  we  see  no  reason  tof 
fcare  any  interruption  from.  Secondly,  Such  as  are  pretended  to  beare 
4ate  before  mrs,  a-; .rlusl  which  we  object  that  they  are  not  authentick, 
•panting  a  sii;ii-.;!eut  m  :;bcr  of  grantors  to  make  them  so,  none  of  them 
Ms  we  prysuiu^  will  app  ..-e  upon  tryal  baring  above  six  hands  and  seals 
•trniexed  to  tiuai,  the  s/ul  council  of  New-England  consisting  of  forty, 
a.KJ  uis  ra.vjtistyi-i  gr-.nu  u>  tiiem  expressly  requiring  (as  we  are  informed) 
i&von  rit  the  least  to  si.^ne  to  make  any  valid  act  ;  and  indeed  Mr.  Ma- 
son's own  oftCil  unwearied  renewal  of  his  grafts  in  »621,  sixteen  hundred 
twenty  twa,  sitt.--? n  handred  twenty  nine  and  1635,  (as  he  saith)  tacitly 
cojjfesseih  the  ^..me  invalidity,  in  the  fontier  putting  him  to  charge  for 
;ae  latter,  ti.i  at  lust  he  fell  into  such  a  trade  of  obtaining  grants  that  his 
h-.!  At  1  i'loai  co.vsubi-Able  \vas  six  years  after  the  grant  of  our  charter 
-ijesty?  ars-.l  but  t'urec  da^7es  before  the  said  council's 


308  APPENDIX. 

^on  of  their  Absolute  resolution  to  rcsig'.,  and  but  a  fevv   cu.ys  before 

surivi'ler,  as  he  asserts  ;  which  oi  wru.t  value  ami  consideration  jf» 
is  from  t;u-  . /.id  council's  circumstanc  -d  under  a  necessity  of  resignation 
of  tiieir  ,-•  .  :.t  charter,  procured  rather  by  the  clamour  of  such  ill  aft'ected 
persons  us  tl-c  present  complaint  than  by  any  true  accompt  of  dissettle-- 
mem  or  iii  management  here,  is  not  difficult**  o  judge.  Hence  it  ap- 
pc.  -M  first,  ho  A  little  reason  Mr.  Mason  hath  to  brand  us  with  fraud  or 
sun  eptitiousness  in  obtaining  our  charter  ;  which  Hath  most  shew  of 
fraud  txnd  surrcptiti'.ius  piocuration,  a  sisfir-uer>t  number  of  those  honb'e 
>s  subscribing  ours  and  fewer  his  pretended  antidated  grants,  is  easie 
?o  de.e:  ir.ir,.-.  In  which  asset  tion  is  tr  Le  observed  the  I/igh  reflection 
cast  upon  tiie  members  of  his  iale  majesty  and  niinisters  of  state,  ground- 
-lessiy  rendering  the  counsel's  seal,  yea  ti  c  jn-ent  seal  of  Knpk-.nd.  exposed 
to  fraud  and  deceitful  clandestine  practices  ;  y.:a  upon  his  present  i 
ty,. insinuating  fv.mseife  be:  ci  yc.;Me-.ijitfd  v  ith  matters  of '  su.le  then  he 
who  allows  and  continues  cur  *n.>nt  as  .^'hentick  by  his  gracious  letter 
of  sixteen  hundred  sixty  tv-o,  which  intolerable  boldness  how  unbecoming 
(not  to  say  more)  in  a  subject,  it  is  not  eusie  for  us  to  ^ay.  To  all  \vhich 
\ve  may  acid  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges  application  to  the  authority  here  to  in- 
terpose in  his  anVir,  which  he,  bein^  one  of  the  great  council,  would  have 
been  far  from  acknowledging,  had  Mr.  Mason's  allegations  been  founded 
upon  truth. 

Secondly,  That  articles  of  charge  depending  upon  such  Illegal  and  [:ovt 
dated  grants  cannot  Uke  piace  against  us  we.e  thc'r  dii.bui>t:  as  i;reiit  as 
it  is  affirmed,  which  by  eye  witnesses  upon  tl  e  ptace  and  stiil  living  are 
proved  comparilively  very  inconsiderable 

ovily.  We  afiirme  that  tiie  whole  management  of  the  aJTliir  respecting 
our  government  of  those  eastern  pans  was  in  «u  orderly  and  peacejb-ii- 
way,  and  aot  without  the  reiterated  and  earnest  scllicuation  of  niObt  of  ihc 
people  there  inhabiting,  sufficiently  appeal  ing  by  their  several  petitions  ; 
and  we  challenge  Mr.  Gorge  and  Mr.  Mason  by  any  living  evidence  or 
record  to  shew  any  sh;-ne  of  a  forceable  tntrance  ^  Some  nwjistrMes  upon 
the  clearing  of  our  n;<lit  to  them  and  acceptance  ci  the  tender  of  them* 
selves  to  us,  being  sent  thiihcr  without  any  other  force  than  e:«ch  of  them 
a  servant  to  attend  them.  Indeed  some  years  after  Capt.  Jioniu-n  for  mu- 
tinous carriage  was  seized  and  biought  to  jusiice  ;  concerning 
many  other  cases  many  inhubitanis  yet  Jiving  and  eye  wittnebscs  c-n  give 
\\.\c  r^ost  impavtial  evidences, 

.  \\'e  offer  to  consideration  that  the  deserted  and  ungov 
ti'Jshc  people  of  those  places  had  we  not   had  ii.at  patent  right  so  clearly 
ri,  might  warrant  on:1  actions  ;  especially  c<  n  -itlering  the  obligalitQ 
iipoii  v;s  to  secure  his  majesty's  honour  and  n  ainturi  the  publick  p.cace.  so 
L&ziiided  by  the  total  want  of  government  i;nicng>t    them.     Our  ti: 
cicisc  of  jurisdiction  being  in  the  year  1641,  tight  ye*«r  a';ci  Capt.  Nci.lt  ? 
.  ;.ci,t  for  Mr.    Mason,  had  wholy  descried   the  itnproxement  of  h-i-d  fend 
the  government  of  tlie  country,  which  indeed  i  e  never  used  bi;t  one  yeia-, 
for  in  the  year  1630  he  first  came  over,  and  in  the  year  1634  he  quii'.ed 
the  place  ;  and  in  the  intesim  negleclcd  tl.c  same  in  making  a  u>\\  \ 
Kngiar.d,  the  short  time  of  his  turriance   p<>l   admitting    of   serrk-ment    c» 
^;ovunmient  or  improvement.     We  m:v)  i.c-rcto    subjoin  that  Miv  Joseph 
IM^son,  agent  for  Mrs.  Ann  Mason,  wlu.-u  Ijpre  :-ir:i  all  things  wire  fix>h 
it)  niemory,  made  no  demand  c  ntraiy  to  wh.it  i-  i.fi;.}iv.ed;  but 


.APPENDIX.  909 

'•f\ic  justice  against  his  debtors  there  and  elsewhere,  arid  that  9r  Ferciinan- 
'io  Gorges  his  grant  being  so  mean  and  unce't.'ii^y  :  ouncled  that  he  knew 
not  well  how  to  find  much  less  to  improve  to  considerable  advantage,  by 

his  letter  bearing  date doth  devolve  the  whose  charge  and  care 

of  his  pretended  province  upon  the  authority  here  established  Lastly,. 
That  the  exercise  uf  jurisdiction  in  those  eastern  parts  hath  been  and  is 
his  majesty's  honour,  ihe  people's  great  benefit,  and  our  charge  wit!  out 
profit,  which  had  it  not  been,  the  mine  of  those  parts  would  have  unavoid- 
ably ensued  in  the  want  of  all  government,  and  their  seizure  by  the  Fiench, 
who  ever  waited  a  fit  opportunity  for  the  same.  They  have  part  of  them 
for  thirty  five  years  and  others  twenty  yeai  eb  (some  small  interruption  in- 
tervening producing  ths  stronger  inclination  and  resolution  in  them  to  be 
constant  to  his  majesties  authority  here)  lived  under  the  government  of 
thq  '-issachusetts  a  quiet,  well  ordered  and  thriving  people.  And  as  for 
;.',ny  complaint  from  ill  affected  peihons,  it  is  weii  known  that  the  best  an4 
wisest  government  i*  not  \\ithuui  dis./uiet  from  some  such  ;  atid  no  won- 
der if  silly  people  are  soon,  tfected  xvlth  such  fair  glozing  promises  a& 
Mr.  Mason  hath  made  and  published,  as  it  were  determining  the  case  be- 
fore tryal  by  iii«  late  letter-,  :o  the  inhabitants  in  those  part*,  and  that  our 
government  in  thobe  places  nave  been  no  gain  is  so  unquestionable  a  truth 
that  never  was  any  levy  laid  upon  them  for  the  supply  ol  the  publick  Ueas-  • 
u rv •,  tho*  much  hath  been  and  is  further  like  to  be  expended  for  their  se- 
curity, who  otherwise  will  inevitably  become  an  easie  prey  to  the  heathen 
now  in  hostility  with  us,  and  at.  this  present  time  rageing  in  those  parts. 
The  before  writen  is  a  true  copy  trans,  riied  from  the  records  of  the 
general  court  of  the  lute  colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  held  by 
the  governour  and  company  of  the  said  colony  att  Boston,  the  6tk 
..of  September,  1676. 

Exumd.  p*r  ISA.  ADDiNGTON,  Sec«yv 

No.  XV. 

At  the  Court  at  Whitehall,  July  20,  167T. 
^L.  S.)     Present  the  Jving's  most  excellent  Majesty. 
Loi 4  Chancellor,  E.  of  Craven, 

Ld  Treasurer,  Ld  Bp  of  London, 

Ld  Privy  Seal,  Ld  Mayivad, 

Duke  of  Ormond,  Ld  Berkley, 

Marquis  of  Worcester,  Mr.  Vice  Chamberlain^ 

Ld  Chamberlain,  IV- , .  Sec.y  Coventry. 

Earl  of  Northampton,  M  .  Sec.y  Williamson, 

EarlofPeterbtAfough,  Mr.    Chancellor   of  the   Exche- 

pari  of  Stratford,  quer, 

J'^;  of  Suiuferland,  Master  of  the  ordnance, 

E.  of  Bath,  Mr,  Speaker. 

"HERE AS  the  right  honourable  the  lords  cf  the  committee  for 
trade  and  plantation*,  iii.i  iu  pursuance  of  an  order  oi  the  7th  of 
February  last  make  report  to  ihe  bo«td.  of  the  matters  in  controversy  be- 
tween the  corporcniosi  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New-Eogland,  and 
Mr.  Mason  and  Mr.  Gorges  loucning  the  right  of  soil  and  government, 
claimed  by  the  said  parties  in  certain  lands  there,  by  virtue  of  several 
grants  from  his  majesty's  royal  father  and  grandfather  as  folioweth,  in 
words. 


May  it  please  your  majesty, 

H.:vl;ig  received  your  majesty's  order  in  councii  of  the  7th  of  February 
-l.  whereby  we  are  directed  to  enter  into  the  examination  of  the 
noun  ii  and  limits  which  the  corporation  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  N. 
and,  and  Mr.  Muson  und  Mr.  Gorges  on  the  other,  do  pre- 
tend by  iheir  several  grants  and  patents  to  have  been  assigm-d  unto  them, 
as  also  to  examine  the  patents  and  charters  which  are  insisted  en  by  ci- 
ther side,  in  order  to  find  out  and  settle  how  far  the  rights  of  soil  und  gov- 
ernment do  belong  unto  any  of  them.  In  consideration  whereof  the  lords 
Chief  justices  of  your  majesty'-  courts  of  king's  bench  and  common  pVa<; 
were  appointed  to  give  us  their  assistance,  we  did  on  the  5th  of  April  las* 
together  with  the  said  lords  chief  justices  meet  in  obedience  to  your  maj 
esty's  commuiK'.s.  and  having  heard  both  parties  by  their  council  learned 
in  the  law,  we  did  recommend  unto  their  lordships  to  receive  a  state  oi 
t:.e  ctuims  m  >.e  by  both  parties,  and  to  return  their  opinions  upon  the 
Whose  matter  unto  us,  which  their  lordships  have  accordingly  performed 
.•  »vords  io  i  low  ing  : 

In  obedience  to  your  lordships  ordei'  we  appointed  a  day  for  the  hear- 
Jng  of  all  parlies,  arid  considering  the  matters  refcried,  having  received 
from  them  such  papers  of  their  cases  as  they  were  pleased  to  deliver  ;  at 
which  time  ail  parties  appearing,  the  respondents  did  disclaim  litle  to  the 
lauds  claimed  by  the  petitioners,  ami  it  appeared  to  us  that  the  said  lancte 
are  in  the  possession  of  several  other  persons  not  before  us,  whereupon  we 
'thought  not  fii  to  examine  any  claims  to  the  said  land?,  it  being  (in  01:1 
opinion)  improper  to  judge  of  any  title  of  land  without  hearing  of  the  ter 
tenants  or  some  other  persons  on  their  behalf;  and  if  there  ho  any  course 
*f  justice  upon  the  place  having  jurisdiction,  we  esteem  it  most  pioper 
Io  direct  the  parties  to  have  recourse  thither  for  the  decision  of  any  ques- 
tion of  property  until  it  shall  appear  that  there  is  just  cause  of  complaint 
against  the  courts  of  justice  there  for  injustice  or  grievance* 

We  did  in  the  presence  of  said  parties  examine  their  several  claims  tp 
jJvc  government,  and  the  petitioners  having  waved  the  pretence  ot  a  granf. 
of  government  from  the  council  of  Plymouth,  wherein  they  were  convinc- 
ed by  their  own  council  tha:  no  such  power  or  jurisdiction  could  be  trans* 
ferredor  assigned  by  any  colour  of  law  ;  the  question  was  reduced  to  the 
province  of  Maine,  whereto  the  petitioner  Gorges  made  hi*  litlc  by  s 
from  king  Charles  the  first,  m  the  15th  year  of  his  reign,  made  to  Sir 
Ferd.  Gorges  and  his  heirs  of  the  province  of  Maine  and  c'-se  governmcn- 
thereof.  In  answer  to  this  the  respondents  ailed  ged  tl.ai  long  before* 
«iz.  in  quarto  Caroli  pri.-ni,  the  government  was  granted  to  them,  and  pro- 
ituteU  copies  of  letters  patents  wherein  it  is  recited  that  the  councii  of 
Plymouth  having  grantcu  to  ccrU.in  persons  a  territory  thus  described, 
viz.  "  all  that  part  of  Ne.v  Englapd  in  America  which  lies  and  extend*-  be- 
"  twecn  a  ^rcai  river  that  is  commonly  called  Mcnomack  alias  Merri. 
{;  and  a  certain  other  river  there  called  Charles  river,  being  in  the  hotum-j 
**-of  a  certain  bay  there  culled  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  also  a! I  and  sin- 
u  gular  the  kinds  and  hereditaments  whuuovcr  lying  and  belli;;  within  th* 
u  space  ot  three  English  miles  on  the  south  part  ot'lhe  said  Charles  liver, 
^or  any  or  e/ery  part  thereof  ;  and  also  ail  and  un^ulur  the  lands  and  he- 
<*  reditanien'^  whatsoever  lyin;^  and  heiug  within  the  sp?.ce  of  three 
"  lUh  miles  to  the  soutlv;rnio*t  part  of  the  ,s;iid  bay  called  M^-.s 

and  ail  those  lands 'and  hereditamenui  whalBoevcr  which  [lie 
j  spaco  of  three  £ngiit>b  miles  \&  Uic  nt-nhwiiid-ei*  the  aaid 


-•*  liver  cuilcu  islcvioiauci;  alias  lyferrimack,  or  the  northward  of  on  y  and 
v<  every  p.'.it  thereof;    and  all   lands  and  hereditaments   whatsover  lying 
i;  within  the  limits  aforesaid,  north  and  south  in  latitude  and  breadth,  and 
f*  in  length  and  longitude  of  and  within  all  the  breadth  aforesaid  through-- 
••  out  the  Viuin  lands  there,  from  the  Atlantic  and  Western  sea  and  ocean 
'•  on  the  east  part  to  the  South  sea  on  the  west."     By  the  said  letters  par 
?ents  the  .king  confirmed  that  grant,  mude  them  a  corporation,  and  gave 
'.hem  power  to  make  laws  for  the  governing   of  the  lands  and  the  people 
therein.     To  which  it  was  replied  that  the  patent  of  4°  Caroli  primi  is  in- 
valid, (1)  Because  there  was  a  precedent   grant,  18°  Jacobi,  of  the  same 
thing  then  in  being,  which  patent  was  surrendered  afterwards  and  before 
•he  date  of  the  other,  15°  Car.  primi.  (2)   The  grant  of  the  government 
can  extend  no  farther  than  the  ownership  of  the  soil,  the   boundaries  of 
which  as  recited  in  that  patent  wholly   excludes  the   province  of  Maine* 
which  lies  northward  more  than  three  miles  beyond  the  river  Merrimack.. 
We  having  considered  these  matters  do  humbly  conceive  as  to  the  first 
matter,  that  the  patent  of  4°  Caroli  Inri  is  good  notwithstanding  the  grant 
made  in  the  18°  Jac  :  for  it  appeared  to  us  by  the  recital   in  the  patent  4° 
Caroli  I  mi  lhat  the  council  of  Plymouth  had  granted  away  their  all  interest  in 
the  lands  the  year  before,  and  it  must  be  presumed  they  then  deserted  the 
government  ;  whereupon  it  was  lawful  and  necessary  for  the  king  to  estab- 
lish a  suitable  frame  of  government,  according  to  his  royal  wisdom,  which  was 
(lone  by  that  patent,  4°  Carol  i  Inu  making  the  adventurers  a   corporation 
upon  the  place.     As  to  the  second  matter  it  seems  to  us  to  be  very  clear 
that  the  grant  of  the  government  4°  Caroli  Ina  extends  no  farther  than  the 
boundaries  expressed  in  the  patent,  and  those  boundaries  cannot  be   con* 
strued   to   extend  further   northwards  along  the  river   Merrimack  than 
<"hree  English  miles,  for  the  north  and  south  bounds  of  the  lands  granted 
•so  far  as  ihe  river  extends  are  to  follow   the  course  of  the    rivers  which 
make  the  breadth  of  the  grant,  the   words  describing  the  length   to  com- 
prehend i\\\  the  lands  from  the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  South  sea  of  and  in 
•v,!I  the  breadth  aforesaid,  do  not  warrant  the  over  reaching   those  bounds 
»;y  imaginary  lines  or  bounds,  other  exposition  would  (in  our  humble  opin- 
*on)  be  unreasonable  and  against  the  interest   of  the    grant     The  word* 
••'  of  and  in  ail  the  breadth  aforesaid"  shew  that  the  breadth  was  not  intend* 
-  u  an  inrd.-lnary  line  of  breadth,  laid  upon  the  broadest  part  but  the  breadth 
i  c^pectin^  the  continuance  of  the   boundaries  by  the  river  as   far  as  the 
rivers  go»  but  when  the  known  boundary  of  breadth  determines  it  must  be 
r.arried  on   by  imaginary  lines  to  the  South  sea.     And  if  the  province  of 
Maine  lies  more  northerly  than  three  English  miles  from  the  river  Mer* 
timack,  the  patent  of  4°  Caroli  Jiai  f»ives  no   right   to   govern  there,  and 
thereupon  the  patent  of  the  same    15°  Car-  iniito  the  petitioner  Gorges 
will  be  valid.     So  that  upon  the  whole  matter  we  are   humbly  of  opinion 
•as  10  the  power  of  government,  that  the  respondents,  the  Massachusetts 
and  their  successors,  by  their  patent  of  4°   martis  4°Caroli  l«ni  have  suclj. 
Tight  of  government  as  is  granted  them  by  the  same  patent  within  the 
boundaries  of  their  lands  expressed  therein,  according  to  such  description 
and  exposition  as  \re  have  thereof  made  as  aforesaid,  and  the  petitioner 
Sir  Fcrdinando  Gorges  his  heirs  and  assigns  by  the  patent  3d  April,  have 
jfuch  right  of  government  us  is  granted  them  by  the  same  patent  within 
ftke  territory']  called  the  province  of  Maine  according  to  the  boundaries 


••grosse     n  te  same  patent 


Ri.  Rainsford,    Fra.  North. 


t!2  APPINDIX. 

All  which  being  the  opinion  of  the  lords  chief  justice^  and  fuiiy 
ing  with  what  we  have  to  report  unto  your  majesty  upon  the  whole  mat- 
ter referred  unto  us  by  the  s;-k1  order,  we  humbly  submit  the  determina- 
tion thereof  unto  your  majesty 

Anglesey,      Craven,  J.   Williamson^ 

Orrtiond,       H.  London,       Tho.  Chick;ey, 
Bath,  G.  Carteret,     I'ciw.  Stymc.ur, 

,    Which  having  been  read  at  the  board  the  18th  instant,  it  was    nu.  or- 
dered that  the  said  Mr.  Mason  and  Mr.  Gorges,  as  cuso  that  the  t.j  i 
the  corporation  of  the  Massachusetts  J^-.y  should  [.(•  this  day  heard   upon 
the  said  report,  if  they  had  any  objections  lo  make  il  e.eunlo.  In  pwsv::.r.cc; 
whereof  all  parties  attending  with  their   council,  who   not  al!». 
thing  so  material  as  to  prevail  with  his  majesty  ar.d  the  boaid  to  differ  in 
"judgment   from    the    said  report  ;   his  rnajtsly    was  thertupo: 
approve   of  and  confirm  the   same,   and  did  order  that  ail  par. 
quiesce  therein,  and  contribute  what  lies  in  them  to  the  punctv 
performance  of  the  said  report,  as  there  shall  be  occasion. 

JOHN  NICHOLAS. 

A*.  E.      The  ab(,vc  fiajier  of  which  thccdfiy  is  attcnica  Ly  EdKun!  Kiw~ 
€&n  secretary  rf  JWa&tachusettS)  and  John  Pcnhallovj  clerk    if  if. 
court  rf  JVerj-HamJiislttrC)  is  in  the  files   of  the  i-cid  *u  fierier  court.,  and  in. 
-The  MaxQnio.il  jirofirietary  office. 

No.  XVI. 

that  iuirl  'f  President  Cults'*  cw.nhsicn   in    <&hich  the   r,V.;w  cf 

Robert  Mason  is  recited. 

Nl)  wliereas  the  inhabitants  of  said  province  cf  New-Hampshiic 
have  many  of  them  been  long  in  possession  of  several  quanti- 
ties of  lands,  and  are  said  to  have  made  considerable  improvements  there- 
upon, having  no  other  title  for  the  same  than  what  has  been  derived  fiorn 
rhe  government  of  the  Massachusetts  Bny,  in  virtue  of  their  imaginary 
fine  ;  which  title,  as  it  hath  by  the  opinion  ufourjuGt.es  in  England  btcu 
altogether  set  aside,  so  the  agents  from  the  said  colony  ha\ e  conquentljr 
disowned  any  right  either  in  the  soil  or  government  thereof,  from  the 
three  mile  line  aforesaid  ;  and  it  appearing  to  us  that  the  ancestors  c;i 
Robert  Mason  Esq.  obtained  grams  from  our  great  council  of  Plymouth 
•for  the  tract  of  land  aforesaid,  and  were  at  very  great  expence  upon  the 
•same  until  molested  and  finally  driven  out,  .which  hath  occasioned  a  lad- 
ing complaint  for  justice  by  the  said  Robert  Mason  ever  since  our  resto- 
ration. However  to  prevent  in  this  case  any  unreasonable  demands  which 
might  be  made  by  the  said  Robert  Mason  fur  the  right  lie  claimeth  in  the 
said  soil,  we  have  obliged  the  said  Robert  Mason  under  his  hand  and  seal 
that  he  will  demand  nothing  for  the  time  past  until  the  24th  of  j\i-.- 
past,  nor  molest  any  in  their  possessions  for  the  lime  to  romc,  but  will 
make  out  titles  to  them  and  their  heirs  forever,  provided  they  wiil  pay  to 
him  upon  a  fair  agreement  in  lieu  of  all  other  rents  sixpence  in  the  ; 
Recording  to  the  just  and  true  yearly  value  of  all  houses  built  by  'Item  and 
of  all  lands,  whether  gardens,"  orchards/arable,  or  pasture,  v,  i  k  h  ha\*_- 
been  improved  by  them,  which  he  will  agree  fehall  be  botMuSod  outuntor 
every  of  the  parties  concerned,  and  that  the  residue  mi<y  P. 
self  to  be  disposed  of  for  his  best  advantage. 


APPENDIX. 

''•  i3ut  if  notwithstanding  this  overture  from  the  said  Robert  Mason 
wh;ch  seemeth  to  be  fair  unto  us,  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  pro 
vince  of  New-Hampshire  shall  refuse  to  agree  with  the  agents  of  said 
Robert  Mason  upon  the  terms  aforesaid,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  tin 
president  and  council  of  New-Hampshire  aforesaid  for  the  time  being 
shall  have  power  and  are  hereby  imp  >wered  to  interpose  and  reconcile  all 
differences  if  they  can  that  sliall  or  may  arise  between  the  said  Robert 
Mason  and  the  said  inhabitants,  but  if  they  cannot  then  we  do  hereby  com- 
mand and  require  the  said  president  and  council  to  send  into  England 
such  cases  fuireiy  and  hnpattiaily  stated,  together  with  their  own  opinions 
upon  such  cases,  that  we,  our  heirs  and  successors,  by  and  with  the  ad- 
s/ice of  our  and  their  privy  council  may  determine  therein  according  to 
equity." 

^V.  /?.  The  sa?ne  mutatis  mutandis  is  inserted  in  Cranficld's  commissitn, 

No.  XVII. 

To  his  most  excellent  majesty  Charles   the  2d,   by  the  grace  of  God  of 
England,  Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  king,  defender  of  the  faith,  Sec. 
The  humble  address  and  petition  of  the  president  and  councill  of  his  ma- 
jesty *s  province  of  New-Hampshire,  Ui  New-England, 
Humbly  sheweth, 

Til  AT  it  having  pleased  your  most  excellent  majesty  to  separate  us 
the  inhabitants  of  this  province  from  that  shadow  of  your  majesty's 
authority  and  government  under  which  wee  had  long  found  protection, 
especially  in  the  late  war  with  the  barbarous  natives,  who  (thro*  divine 
protection)  proved  a  heavy  scourge  to  us,  and  had  certainly  been  the  ruin 
of  these  poor  weake  plantacons,  (being  few  in  number  and  otherwaies  be- 
in^  under  great  disadvantages)  if  our  brethren  and  neighbours  had  not 
out  of  pity  and  compassion  stretched  forth  their  helping  hand,  and  with 
their  biood  and  treasure  defended  us,  our  lives,  and  estates  ;  nevertheless 
upon  the  receipt  of  your  majesty's  pleasure  delivered  by  Edward  Ran- 
dolph, esq.  upon  the  first  of  January  last,  directing  unto  and  commanding 
the  erecting  of  a  new  government  in  and  over  these  four  townes  the  gov- 
ernment cf  the  Massatusetts  yielding  readie  obedience  to  your  majesty's 
commands  with  reference  to  our  relation  formerly  to  them  although  deep- 
ly sensible  of  the  disadvantages  likely  to  accrew  to  your  majesty's  pro- 
vinces and  ourselves  more  especially,  by  the  multiplying  of  small  and 
weake  governments  unfit  either  for  ofience  or  defence,  (the  union  of 
these  neighbour  collonhyes,  having  been  more  than  a  little  instrumental 
In  our  preservation.)  Wee  have  taken  the  oathes  prescribed  us  by  your 
majesty,  and  administered  to  your  subjects  of  these  four  townes  the  oatli 
of  allegiance,  and  convened  a  general  assembly  for  regulating  the  com- 
mon affaires  of  the  people  and  making  of  such  laws  as  may  be  of  more 
peculiar  use  to  ourselves,  having  speciall  regard  to  the  acts  for  trade  and 
navigation  set  forth  in  the  booke  of  rates  commonly  printed  and  sold,  and 
if  some  obstruction  accationed  by  such  as  make  greate  pretences  of  your 
majesty's  favour  and  authority  had  not  hindered  wee  might  have  brought 
matters  to  a  greater  maturity,  yet  hope  to  perfect  something  by  the  first 
opportunity  of  shipping  from  hence,  but  feared  it  might  be  too  long  to  de- 
fer our  humble  ackcowledgment  of  your  majesty's  grace  and  favour  iri 
committing  the  power  into  such  hands  as  it  pleased  your  majesty  to  nom- 
vntite,  nt>l  ifrvpo*in.g  stfangers  upon  us,  and  it  much  comforts  us  aeaiftst 


314  APPENDIX. 

any  pre tended  clalniers  to  our  soil  or  any  malevolent  sfdrits  which  may 
misrepresent  us  (as  they  have  done  others)  unto  your  majesty  or  honor- 
able councill,  while  beside  the  knowne  laws  of  the  realm,  and  the  undoubt- 
ed right  of  English  men,  wee  have  the  favour  of  a  gracious  prince  to  fly 
to.  We  do  therefore  most  humbly  begg  the  continuance  of  your  majes- 
ty's royall  favour  and  protection,  without  which  wee  are  dayly  liable  to 
disturbance  if  not  mine  . 

And  as  in  duty  bound  wee  shall  humbly  pray,  8cc. 
March  29,  1680. 


No.  XVIII. 

To  the  kings  most  excellent  majestic. 

WEE  the  president  and  councill  of  your  province  of  New-Hamp- 
shire having  (according  to  the  royal  pleasure)  given  an  account 
of  our  alleigiance  and  observance  of  your  commission    by   Mr.  Jowles  in 
March  last,  and  therefore  shall  not  give  you  the  trouble  of  repetition.  Ac- 
cording to  your  majesty's  command,  wee  have  with  our  general  assembly 
been  considering  of  such  laws  and  orders,  as  doe  by  divine  favor  preserve 
the  peace  and  are  to  the  satisfaction  of  your  majesty's  good  subjects  here, 
in  ail  which  wee  have  had  a  speciall  regard  to  the  statute  book  your  maj-- 
esty  was  pleased  to  honor  us  with,  for  which  together  with  the  scale  of 
your  province,  wee  returne  most  humble  and  hearty  thanks  ;   but  such 
has  been- the  hurry  of  our  necessary  occasions  and  such  is  the  shortness  of 
the  somer,  (the  only  season  to  prepare  for  a  long  winter,  J  that  wee   have 
not  been  capeable  of  sitting  so  long  as  to  frame  and  finish  ought  that  we 
judge  worthie  to  be  presented  to  your  royal    view,  but  shall  as  in  duty 
bound  give  as  speedy  a  dispatch  to  the  affare  as  wee  may.     In  the  mean 
time  your  subjects  are  at   quiet  under  the  shadow  of  your  gracious  pro- 
tection,  fearing  no    disturbance  unless  by   some  pretended  claimcrs  to  our 
sci/y  whom  we  trust  your  majesty's  clemencie  and  equity  will  guard  us 
from  injury  by  ;  and  considering  the  fiurchaiss  of  our  lands  from  the  heath- 
ens, the  natural  proprietors  thereof,  and  our  long  quiet  posssst>ion  net  inter- 
rupted by  any  legall  claims^  our  d.-fcnce  of  it  against  the  barbarous  advcrsu~ 
ry  by  our  lives  and  estates,  ivee  are  encouraged  that  wee  shall  be  maintain- 
ed in  our  free  enjoyment  of  the  same,  without  being  tenants  to  those  rclio 
can  shew  no  such  tide  thereunto.     Further    wee  doe    gratefully   acknow- 
ledge the  marke  of  your  princely  favor  in  sending  us  your  royal  effigies 
and  iniperiall  armes,  and  lament  when  wee  thinke  that  they  are  through 
the  loss  of  the  ship,  miscarried  by  the  way.     And  seeing  your  majesty  is 
graciously  pleased  to  licence  us  to  crave  what  may  conduce  to  the  better 
promoting  of  our  weal  and  your  majesty's  authority,  wee   would   humbly 
suggest  whether  the  allowance  of  appeales  mentioned  in  the  commission  may 
not  prove  a  great  occasion  by  meanes  of  malignant  spirits  for  the  obstruc* 
'»X?  cf justice  among  us.     There  are  also  sundry  other  tilings  that  a  littie 
time  and  experience  may  more  evidently  discover  a  great  convenience}  in 
which  upon  the  contineuance  of  the  same  liberty  from  your  majesty  wee 
shall  with   like    humilitie  present.     Thus  craving  a  favourable  construc- 
tion of  what  is  above  suggested  and  praying  for  your  majesty's  long  and 
prosperous  reigne,  begging  also  the  contineuance  of  your  majesty's  favor, 
out   of  which,  if  any  of  our  adversary's   under   a  pretence  of  loyalty  or 
zetile  for  your  majesty's  interist  should  endeavour  to   eject  usv\vee  hop* 


APPENDIX.  315 

>ipon  liberty  granted  us  to  speak  for  ourselves,  wee  shall  aboundantly  cle> 
raonstrate  that  wee  doe  truly  and  sincerely  subscribe, 

Your  majesty's  most  loyall  and  dutiful  subjects. 

JOHN  CUTT,  President 
with  the  consent  of  the  councill, 
Portsmouth,  in  the  Province  of 
New-Hampshire,  June  11,  16&0. 

No.  XIX. 

•Copy  of  [he  Jlfandamus  bij  which  Robert  J\Iason,  Esq.  ivcta  admitted  to  tt 

seat  in  the  council,  Dec.  30,  1680. 
Trusty  and  well  beloved,  We  greet  you  wel. 

WHEREAS  we  huve  thought  it  fit  to  take  into  our  special  care  and 
protection  our  province  of  New-Hampshire  and  provide  for  its 
prosperity  and  good  government  and  the  settlement  of  the  estates  and 
psssessions  of  our  good  subjects  there.  And  that  far  the  avoiding1  any 
suits  or  contentions  in  matters  of  title,  and  the  detei mining  any  demands 
which  might  be  made  by  our  wel  beloved  subject  Robert  Mason,  Esq. 
as  proprietor  under  us  of  that  province  by  vertu  of  a  grant  derived  from 
our  royal  grandfather  King  James  under  the  great  seal  of  England*  : 
Wee  have  so  composed  all  matters  with,  him  that  for  the  time  past  until 
the  2kh  day  of  June  1679,  he  shall  not  claim  or  demand  any  rent,  dues, 
or  arrears  whatsoever  :  And  for  the  future  he,  his  heirs  or  assigns  shall 
receive  only  six  pence  in  the  pound  yearly  of  every  tenant  by  way  of  quit 
rent,  according  to  the  true  and  just  yearly  valu  of  what  is  improved  by 
any  of  the  inhabitants  ;  as  is  more  fully  expressed  in  our  commission  un- 
der our  great  seal,  bearing  date  the  18th  day  of  September  inN  the  3 1st 
year  of  our  raign.  And  whereas  the  said  Robert  Mason  hath  humbly  sig- 
nified to  us  that  he  is  preparing  to  transport  himself,  for  the  taking  care  of 
his  affairs  and  interest  in  the  said  province,  and  for  the  giving  a  secure  and 
legal  confirmation  of  the  estates  of  such  persons  as  are  now  in  possession 
but  without  any  right  or  legal  title  to  the  same.  And  he  being  a  person 
whom  wee  have  esteemed  useful  to  our  service,  as  he  is  chiefly  concern-' 
ed  in  the  welfare  of  that  our  province  ;  wee  have  further  thought  fit  to 
constitute  and  appoint  him  to  be  one  of  our  council  therein,  and  we  do 
hereby  order  and  require  you  our  president  and  councillythat  immediately 
after  his  arrival  you  do  admit  him  one  of  our  council  of  our  province  of 
New-Hampshire,  he  first  taking  the  oaths  mentioned  in  our  said  com- 
mission. And  we  do  further  require  you  and  him,  that  i  ou  do  betake 
yourselves  to  such  discreet  and  equitable  ways  and  method's  in  your  pro- 
ceedings, agreements  and  settlements  for  the  future,  that  there  may  be  no 
occasion  of  com  plaint  to  our  royal  person  and  authority  here.  We  being 
resolved  to  discountenance  all  such  as  shall  wilfully  or  unnecessarily  avoid 
or  delay  your  submitting  to  those  determinations  which  may  be  reasona- 
bly decreed  according  to  justice  and  good  conscience.  Which  you  are  to 
signify  to  all  our  good  subjects  within  our  said  province  that  they  may 
govern  themselves  accordingly.  And  so  we  bid  you  heartily  farewell. 
Given  at  our  court  at  New-Market  the  first  day  of  October  1680,  in  the 
two  and  thirtieth  year  of  our  raign.  By  his  majesty's  command, 

SUNDERLAND. 

To  our  trusty  and  well  beloved  the  president  and  council  £ 
cfour  province  of  New-Hampshire  in  New-England,    } 
*TIns  must  mean  th?  darter,  to  the  coupci!  of  Plymouth  , 


APPENDIX, 

No.  XX. 

to  the  claim  made  by  Mr.  Mason   to  the  houses  *nd  laneft  of \rVew- 

Hampshire. 

[Irf Mr.  Weart's  hand  writing,  but  without  date  or  signature  ] 
j"T  does  not  legally  appear  that  Mr.  Mason  can  lay  any  just  clairne  to 
JL  any  of  the  lands  in  New-Hampshire,  for  what  right  he  pretends  is  ei- 
ther derived  from  Capt  Jno.  Ma-,on,  (wt)om  he  sr.ys  was  his  grandfather) 
or  from  his  majesty's  commission  :  But  presume  from  neither  of  these 
has  he  any  ri^lit.  Noj,  from  Capt.  Jno.  Mason  ;  for,  (1)  It  does  not  legally 
appear  that  ever  he  had  any  right  to  the  province  of  New- Hampshire.  It 
is  true  there  is  a  copy  of  a  pattern  or  deed  from  the  councell  of  Plymouth, 
which  he  brings  over  without  attestation  of  pubiiuue  notary  or  any  other  au- 
thority. Besides  in  said  coppy  there  is  not  the  least  intimation  of  any  hand 
or  scale  to  the  ori^;.:ia!l,  and  there  is  two  men  that  swears  this  is  a  true 
coppy  of  the  origtnali,  which  plainly  demonstrates  that  the  original!  is  but 
a  blanck  ;  the  truth  whereof  we  ^re  the  more  confirmed  in,  because  it  is 
not  rational  to  imagine  that  Mr.  Mason  would  cora»  from  England  to  pros- 
ecute a  right  and  not  bring  with  him  what  he  had  to  make  good  his  claimc  j 
but  having  nothing  but  blancke  coppies,  he  could  bring  no  better  than  he 
had,  which  cannot  be  looked  upon  as  authentique  in  any  court. 

(2)  If  it  should  be  supposed  that  ever  Capt.  Jno.  Mason  had  a  right  by 
pattent,  yet  it  does  not  appear  how  Robert  Tufton  Mason  (as  the  piantifie 
call*  himseif)  derives  a  title  from  him  either  as  his  heir,  executor  or  aci- 
ministrator,   or   by  deed  of  gift  ;  all  that  ve  can  hear  in  court  is  that  the 
plantiie  calls  himself  Capt.  Mason's  heir. 

(3)  If  the  plantiffe  or  his  ancestors  ever  had  a  title  to  the  lands  he  claims 
by  pattent  from  the  councill  of  Plymouth,  >et  they  huve  lost  it  by  non  use, 
for  they  never  attended  the  ends  of  granting  patents  by  king  J  anies,  of  bles- 
sed memory,  in  his  hyness  pattent  to   the    great   councelUpf   Plymouth, 
which  was  the  peopling  of  the  land,i[nlargeing  the  king's  dominions,  prop- 
agating the  gospel,  conversion  of  ^lie  heathen  the  native   proprietors,  Sec. 
Now  the  plantife  nor  ancestors  neyir  planted  this  province  nor  expended 
any  thing  upon  it  to  the  uphp.ding  of  it  in  peace  nor  war,  but  the  preseir. 
inhabitants  did   either  by   themselves  or   predecessors,  purchrse   their 
possessions  from  the  natives,  and  by  their   permission  did  sit  down  upon 
the  laud  and  manured,  to  tne  vast  expence  of  above  50  years  time  in  hard 
labor,  and  expending  upon  it  their  whole   estate.     And  in  the  late  Indian 
^ar  did  defend  it  against  the  enimy  to  the  loss  of  many  of  their  lives  and 
considerable  part  of  their  estates,  without  any  assistance  from  Mr.  Mason 
who  now  chimes  not  only  what  poor  people  have  purchased  and  laboured 
hard  upon,  but  also  conquered  or  relived  from  cruell  attempts  of  the  bar- 
barous heathen,  and  we  conceave  we  were  under  no  obligation  to  run  such 
Adventures  to  make  ourselves  slaves  to  Mr.  Mason. 

(4)  It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  a  quorum  of  the  great  councell 
of  Plymouth  to  the  making  of  Capt.  Mason's  deed  according    to  the  pat- 
^ent  granted  to  the  great  councell  of  Plymouth,  which  renders  his  claime 
unvalide,  if  ever  any  thing  in  that  kind  was  done,  which  we  question. 

From  what  is  said  we  humbly  conceave  Mr.  Mason  has  no  right  from 
£apt.  Jno.  Mason. 

And  that  his  majesiie's  commission  does  neither  give  nor  confirme  any 
title  tp  the  lands  claimed,  we  prove  : 


APPENDIX. 

( 1)  We  humbly  conceave  that  his  royal  majesty  who  is  so  prudent  a 
prince  and  so  solicitus  for  the  peace  of  his  subjects,  would  not  have  left 
that  matter  doubtfull  to  his  subjects  of  this  province  but  rather  have   told 
us  that  he  had  given  all  the  lands  to  Mr.  Mason,  but  there  is  nothing  of 
gift  to  him  in  the  commission  and  if  his  majesty  had  (which  we  cannot  be 
Sieve  he  would)  we  should  crave  the  benefit  of  the  statute  in  the  17°   of' 
Charles  the  first,  which  says,  No  king  and  councell  can  alienate  lands  but 
by  due  course  of  law.     But  wee  were  never  yet  heard,  and  when  it  comet 
to  lc;val  tryal  uee  presume  the  law  of  possessions  will  confirm  our  lands  to 
US,  seeing  we  have  had  peaceable  possession  50  yeares. 

(2)  If  his   majesty  had  given  the  lands  in  the  province  to  Mr.  Mason* 
what  can  be  understood  by  that  clause  in  the  .commission   *  That  in  case 
the  inhabitants  shall  refuse  to  agree  with  Mr.  Mason,  then  the  governor 
shall  interpose  and  reconcile  all  differences  if  he  can,  but  if  he  cannot  then 
to  send  the  case,  fairely  stated  to   England  that   his   nr.aj.esty   and   privy 
councell  might  determine  according  to  right  ;'  which  wee  numbly   con- 
ceave   puts  a  barr  to  any  legul  proceecliqgs  until   his  majesty's  mind  be 
further  known  therein.     The  inhabitants  nave  offered  their  reasons  to  the 
governor  according  to  commission,  which  he   will  not  admit  of,  only  did 
lake  of  one,  viz.  Capt.  Stileman,  and  promised  to  send  them  to  England, 
but  we  can  hear  of  no  answer  and  much  fear  his  neglect. 

(3)  His  majesty  in  his  commission  says,  *  To  prerent  unreasonable  de» 
mands  that  may  be  made  by  Mr.  Mason  for  the   right  he  claimes,'  which 
claime  may  prove  good  or  bad  when  it  comes  to  tryall.     \Ve  understand 
to  claime  and  to  have  are  di  fie  rent  things. 

(4)  His  :n:ijesty  intimates  in  his  royal  commission  by  what  title  Mr. 
Mason  does  claime,  viz.  by  a  grant  to  his  ancestors,   '  who  improved  and 
possessed  the  province  v:\v.\  great  expence,  until  molested  and  finally  driv- 
en out ;'  but  this  province  cannot  be  concluded  to  be  the  place  he  ciaimes 
until  he  make  these  circumstances  appear,  which  we  arc  sure  he  never 
can  doe. 

Now  Mr.  Mason  not  producing  any  original  deed  for  any  of  the  lands  of- 
this  province,  norauihentique  copies,  the  inhabitants  cannot  make  any 
compliance  with  him  both  because  we  see  no  right  he  ever  had,  or  believ- 
ing if  ever  any  was  he  hatfy  mortgadged  it  already  in  En  gland,  and  so  alien- 
ated what  right  he  had. 

Although  upon  the  (ormer  grounds  we  have  good  plea  against  Mr.  Ma- 
son's claime,  yet  we  djci  not  see  cause  to  join  issue,  not  only  because  judg- 
es and  jurors  were  not  (jiuuified  according  to  law,  all  of  them  being  pickt 
for  espousing  Mr.  Mason's  interest  by  the  governor's  order,  who  has  a 
mortgadge  for  2 1  yeares  from  Mr.  Mason  for  all  the  lands  in  the  province. 
But  also  because  wee  was  willing  to  attend  the  methods  prescribed  by  his 
majesty  |n  his  royal  commission. 

No,  XXI. 

The  answer  of  Elias  Stileman  to  the  summons  from  the  honble  Edward 
Cranfield,  esq.  governor  of  his  majesty's  province  of  N.  Hampshire  in 
N.  E.  in  pursuance  of  the  method  which  his  majesty  hath  been  gra- 
tiously  pleased  to  prescribe  in  his  commission. 

Ports-mo,  the  iS.th  of  November,  1682. 
May  it  please  your  Honor, 

JN  obedience  to  your  command  that  I  should  render  a  reason  why  I  re~ 
fnse  to  pay  quit-rent  unfc>  Robert  Mason,  esq.  (as  l*e  titles,  himself)  for 


318  APPENDIX 

my  house  and  lands,  and  take  deeds  from  him  for  the  confirming  of  the 
same,  I  answer  as  followeth  : 

Istly.  Because  my  said  land  I  bought  and  paid  for.  The  title  umo 
which  is  successively  derived  unto  me  from  those  that  ha^e  possessed  it, 
without  any  claime  for  at  least  these  50  yeares,  upon  which  1  have  built 
at  my  own  charge  without  any  in terru pjion ,  and  am  in  the  possession 
thereof  as  my  ownc.  As  to  what  is  said  in  the  commission  concerning 
Mr.  Mason*s  proprietere,  with  all  due  submission  to  his  majesty,  I  con- 
ceive it  imploys  rather  his  claime  than  a  positive  determination  of  his  title. 

2dly.  I  humbly  conceive  that  being  in  possession  of  what  I  have  bought 
and  built  upon,  it  rests  upon  the  ciaimer  to  make  ouf  his  title  (if  he  have 
any  by  law),  begging  the  favour  of  an  English  subject  therein,  that  it  may 
be  first  tryed  upon  the  place,  according  to  the  statute  law  and  the  opinion 
of  his  majesty's  judges  in  England,  and  this  before  I  am  liable  to  pay  quit- 
rent  and  take  deeds  of  confirmation  from  him. 

Sdly.  Should  Mr.  Mason  obtaine  his  demands,  myself  and  the  res?  of 
the  inhabitants  would  be  undone  forever,  for  then  all  his  granted  to  hira 
which  he*e  calls  commons  being  out  of  fence,  which  yet  hath  been  bound- 
ed out  by  the  several  towns  and  possessed  by  them  for  the'se  50  yeares, 
and  i-uproved  for  the  maintainance  of  their  cattle  both  winter  and  summer, 
and  for  timber  and  fire  wood,  without  which  there  is  no  liveing  for  ns,  it 
being  impossible  for  us  to  subsist  upon  that  which  in  the  commission  is 
called  gardens,  orchards,  if  he  may  have  the  disposal  of  the  rest. 

4thly.  The  said  Mason  speaks  of  many  thousands  of  pounds  expended 
upon  the  place,  which  with  submission  cannot  be  made  out,  and  if  it  could, 
what  then  have  the  poor  planters  expended  in  so  many  yeares  labour  since 
their  first  sitting  downe  upon  it,  when  they  found  it  an  howling  wilder- 
ness and  vacuum  domiciliuni^  besides  a  great  expence  of  blood  and  estate 
to  defend  it  in  the  late  Indian  warr,  nor  can  they  to  this  day  make  both 
ends  meet  by  all  their  labour  and  frugality,  and  therefore  must  needs  sink 
under  the  exaction  of  such  a  propriator. 

5thly.  The  land  which  Mr.  Mason  claims  as  propriator  is  the  land  on 
which  such  vast  expence  hath  been  laid  out  by  his  grandfather  Capt.  John 
Mason,  for  the  peopling  of  it  and  the  land  from  whence  his  said  grandfath- 
ers servants  were  violently  driven  out,  or  expeled  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Massathusets,  but  upon  this  land  there  was  no  such  expence  laid  out  by  his 
grandfather  Captain  John  Mason  for  the  end  aforesaid,  nor  is  this  the  land 
from  whence  any  servants  of  his  said  grandfather  w.ere  so  expelled,  and 
therefore  we  that  are  possessed  of  this  land  are  not  concerned  in  his  claime, 
hee  hath  mistaken  his  province  and  may  endeavour  to  find  it  some  other 
where,  for  here  is  no  such  place. 

6thly.  If  Mr.  Mason  had  a  patent  here,  why  did  he  not  take  possession 
in  the  day  thereof.  If  hee  were  in  possession  why  did  he  not  keep  it  still : 
None  ever  drove  him  out  as  he  informs,  had.  hee  been  once  settled  he 
nnk;ht  to  this  day  have  kept  it  as  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  have  done  with- 
out the  least  moilistation,  but  I  am  humbly  of  opinion  that  if  he  the  said 
.Mason  or  any  of  his  ayres  came  hither,  they  only  came  as  many  ships  did 
to  Newfoundland  and  to  this  countrey  to  make  a  fishing  voyadge  or  beaver 
trade,  and  that  being  at  an  end  departed  and  left  their  room  to  the  next 
taker. 

This  is  the  summe  of  what  I  have  at  present  to  answer,  humbly  re- 
fjH£sting  of  your  honour  the  stating  of  the  case,,  with  your  opinion  Ui 


APPENDIV  319 

on  tc  his  maj,e&ty  as  ihe  commission  directs,  and  when  his  majesty  shall 
in  his  wisdom  and  justice  see  meet  to  order  an  hearing  of  the  matter  in 
his  courts  of  judicature  upon  the  place  before  a  jury  of  uninterested  and 
iwlifleient  persons  which  may  be  had  out  of  the  neighbouring  province, 
(and  possibly  Mr.  Mason  may  think  not  attainable  in  this  province  where- 
in all  persons  are  concerned,)  as  he  hath  been  pleased  to  doe  by  that  part 
of  Mr.  Mason's  claime,  which  lyes  under  his  majesty's  government  of 
Massathusets,  I  hope  to  be  able  upon  these  and  other  grounds  so  far  to 
make  out  my  title  as  io  be  held  imblameable  before  God  and  man,  for  not 
complying'with  his  demands.  Or  if  I  should  see  cause  to  appeal  to  his 
majesty  and  honorable  councell  that  I  shall  be  put  beyond  all  need  of  pay* 
ing  quit  rent  to  the  pretended  proprietor. 

Thus  beggioge  your  honor's  favour,  I  subscribe, 
Sir,  your  humble  servant, 

E.  S. 
[The  t-i'J3  preceding  papers  are  in  the  hand  of  the  hon- President  lVcare.~] 

•> 

No.  XXII. 
Copy  of  an  order  for  the  administration  of  the  sacraments  according  to  the 

mode  of  the  church  of  England. 
Atacouncel  held  at  Great  Island,  December  10,  1683. 

By  the  governor  and  councel. 
New-Hampsb. 

IT  is  hereby  required  and  commanded,  that  all  and  singular  the  respec* 
tive  ministers  within  this  province  for  the  time  being,  do  from  and  af- 
ter the  first  day  of  January  next  ensuing,  admit  all  persons  that  are  of  suit- 
able years  and  not  vitious  and  scandalous  in  th'eir  lives,  unto  the  blessed 
sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper  and  their  children  unto  baptism.  And 
if  any  persons  shall  desire  to  receive  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper, 
or  their  children  to  be  baptized  according  to  the  'iturgy  of  the  church  of 
England,  that  it  be  done  accordingly  in  pursuance  of  the  laws  of  the  realm 
of  England,  and  his  majesty's  command  to  the  Massachusetts  government. 
And  ii  any  minister  shall  refuse  so  to  do  being  thereto  duly  required  he 
shall  incurr  the  penalty  of  the  statutes  in  that  case  made  and  provided,  anil 
file  inhabitants  are  freed  from  paying  any  diuies  to  the  said  minister. 

The  aforesaid  order  was  published, 

R.  CHAMBERLAIN,  clerk  concil. 
[This  paper  is  in  thz  council  minutes,  second  book.~\ 

No.  XXIII. 

Copy  of  tJie  information  against  Air.  Moody,  1683. 
New-Hampshire  in  New-England. 

T6  Walter  Barefoot,  Esq.  judge  of  the  court  of  pleas  of  the  crowne,  &c. 
now  sitting  at  Great  Island.  And  to  Nathaniel  Frier  and  Henry  Green, 
Esqrs.  assistants. 

The  information  of  Joseph  Rayn  his  majesty's  attorney  general  for 
the  said  province  of  New-Hampshire,  against  Joshua  Moody  of  Ports-- 
mouth in  the  said  province,  dark,  in  his  said  majesty's  behalle. 

THE  said  Joseph  Rayn  informetli,  that  the  abovesaid  Joshua  Moody 
being  the  present  minister  of  the  towne  of  Portsmouth  aforesaid, 
ciib in  the  dominions  of  our  sovereign   lordCharl.es  the  second,  king  of 
,  is  by  the  duty  of  his  place  and  the  laws  and  statutes  of  the  realm? 


320 

«f  England,  r(viz.  the  statute  made  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  of  king  ifdwarc? 
the  sixth,  and  the  stat.  of  the  first  year  of  the  raign  of  the  late  queen  E- 
Jizabeth,  which  is  confirmed  by  the  statute  made  in  the  thirteenth  and 
fourteenth  year  of  the  raign  of  our  sovereign  lord  king  Charles  the  second) 
required  and  commanded  to  administer  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  sup- 
per in  such  manner  and  forme  as  is  set  forth  in  the  book  of  common 
prayer  and  administration  of  the  sacraments  and  other  rites  and  ceremo- 
nies of  the  church  of  England,  and  shall  use  no  other  manner  or  forme 
then  is  mentioned  and  set  forth  in  the  said  book*  Nevertheless  the  said 
Joshua  Moody  in  contempt  of  the  said  laws  and  statutes  hath  wilfully  and 
obstinately  refused  to  administer  the  iaerament  of  the  Lord's  supper  ac- 
cording to  the  manner  and  forme  set  forth  in  the  said  book  of  common 
prayer,  unto  the  honbie  Edward  Crarifield,  esq.  governor  of  his  majesty's 
said  province  of  New-Hampshire,  Robert  Mason,  esq.  proprietor,  and 
John  Hinks,  esq.  of  the  said  province  ;  and  doth  obstinately  and  wilfully 
use  some  other  forme  then  is  by  the  said  statutes  ordained,  contrary 
to  the  forme  thereof:  Therefore  the  said  Joseph  Rayn  in  behalf  of  our 
sovereign  lord  the  kin^,  doth  pray,  That  the  said  Joshua  Moody  bern^ 
thereof  convicted  according  to  law,  may  suffer  such  penalties  as  by  ths 
said  stat.  are  made  and  provided  in  that  case, 

No.  JCXIV. 

Cofiy  of  a  second  information  agaiust  Moody, 
New-Hampshire  in  New-England. 
To  the  honbie  Walter  Barefoot,  esq.  judg  of  the  court   of  pleas  of  the 

crown  and  o/her  civil  pleas,  held  at  Great  Island,  and  now  sitting  thi* 

6th  Feb.  168|,  &c. 

The  information  of  Joseph  RaVn  his  majesty's  attorney  general  for 

the  said  province,  in    his   majesty's  behalf  against  Joshua  Moody  of 

Portsmouth,  clark. 

iEREAS  the  said  Joshua  Moody  hath  in  open  court  of  the  quarter 
sessions  of  the  peace  held  at  Gr.  Island  aforesaid  upon  record, 
confessed  and  owned  before  the  Justices,  That  he  hath  administered  the 
sacraments  contrary  to  the  rites.-und  ceremonies  of  the  church  of  England, 
and  the  form  prescribed  and  enjoined  by  the  statute  made  in  the  first  year 
of  the  late  queen  Elizabeth,  and  so  stands  convicted  of  the  said  offence 
before  the  justices  at  the  said  sessons  ;  Joseph  Rayn  his  majesty's  attor- 
ney general  for  the  said  province,  who  prosecutes  for  our  sovereign  lord 
the  king  doth  (iccording  to  the  ancient  law  of  the  statute  made  in  the  for-' 
ty  second  year  of  the  raign  of  king  Edward  the  3d,  now  in  foice)  in  his 
majesty's  behalf,  exhibit  his  information  to  this  hon.  cotirt  aguinst  the  said 
Joshua  Moody,  for  that  he  having  for  many  years  had  the  appearance  and 
reputation  of  a  minister  of  God's  word  in  the  said  province,  being  within 
the  king's  dominions,  and  having  wilfully  and  obstinately  refused  to  admin- 
ister the  sacraments  according  to  the  rites  of  the  church  of  England,  hath 
administred  the  sacraments  of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  supper  in  other 
manner  and  form  than  is  appointed  and  commanded  by  the  statute  of  the 
first  of  queen  Elizabeth  and  other  statutes,  contrary  to  the  form 
thereof  and  in  contempt  of  his  majesty's  laws  :  And  doth  pray  the  court's 
judgment  and  that  the  said  Joshua  Moody  may  suffer  the  penalties  by  thr 
Said  statute  in  this  case  made  and  provided. 


APPENDIX.  321 

No.  XXV. 

New -Hampshire  in  New-England. 

To  James  Sherlock,  gent.  prov.  marshal  and  sheriff  of  the   said  province, 

or  his  deputy. 

IN"  his  majesty's  name  you  are  hereby  required  forthwith  to  take  and 
apprehend  the  body  and  person  of  Joshua  Moody  of  Portsmouth  in 
the  said  province,  dark,  and  carry  him  to  the  prison  of  Great  IsUind  in 
the  said  province  ;  and  the  prisonkeeper,  Richard  Abbot,  is  hereby  re- 
quired to  receive  him  the  said  Joshua  Mcody  and  keep  him  in  sale  custo- 
dy in  the  said  prison,  he  having  bin  convicted  of  adwinniring  .the  sacra- 
ments contrary  to  tht  laws  and  statutes  of  £nglandt  and  refusing  to  ad- 
miniater  the  sacraments  according  to  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  church 
of  England,  and  the  form  enjoined  in  the  said  statutes.  There  to  ren^.in 
for  the  space  of  six  months  next  ensuing,  without  bail  or  mainpiize. 
Fail  not. 

Dat.  the  6th  of  Feb.  163|. 

WALT.  BAREFOOT,  (Seal.) 
PETER  COFFIN,  (Seal.) 

HEN.  GREEN,  (Seal.) 

HEN.  ROBY,  (Seal.) 

Vera  cooia, 
Teste,  Ricl  do  Chamberlain,  CIro  P. 

[The  three  preceding  fiajiers  are  in  the  Recorders  office.'] 

No.  XXVI. 

Cojiy  of  an  order  fir  raising  money  without  an  assembly. 
New-Hamp. 

At  acouncel  held  at  Gr.  Island,  Feb.  14,  168|. 
By  the  governor  and  councel. 

WHEREAS  we  have  lately  hud  intelligence  by  a  letter  from  Capt. 
Hook  to  Capt.  Barefoot  one  ot  the  councel  of  this  his  majesty's 
province,  that  he  had  advice  from  the  captain  of  the  fort  at  Cascoof  a  sud- 
den rising  and  onset  intended  by  the  Indians  upon  the  English  at  the  ,t- 
ward  :  And  whereas  the  assembly  have  been  lately  tendred  a  bill  ^or  rais- 
ing a  revenue  for  ihe  fortifying  and  defending  ourselves  against  his  maj- 
esty's enemies,  did  absolutely  refuse  and  reject  the  same  without  pi'':ng 
any  reason  for  so  doing,  or  preparing  any  other  for  ciefraying  the  cl 
of  the  public  service.  We  his  majesty's  governor  and  councel  find),, 
public  treasury  so  empty  and  bare  that  there  is  not  so  much  r.;;>;  cv  a3  to  puy 
a  single  messenger  ;  and  those  persons  that  are  ihe  support  ol  the 
province  have  not  estates  to  support  themselves  in  the  war  (if  &ny 
should  happen)  without  due  payment  for  their  service  in  consideration 
of  the  premises,  by  virtue  of  his  majesty's  royal  commission  bearing  cuae 
the  nineth  of  May  1682,  and  also  of  his  ii;:jcsty's  royal  instructions  to  the 
governor  bearing  date  the  29th  of  April  1682,  have,  for  the  raising  a  rev- 
enue for  fortifying  and  defraying  trie  necessary  charges  of  the  government, 
that  there  may  be  a  magazeen  of  a  inn  unition  and  provision,  and  of  money 
io  pay  indigent  souldiers,  as  also  icr  such  emergencies  as  a  war  necessari- 
ly produce,  thought  fit  to  continue,  and  do  hereby  continue  all  such  taxes 
and  impositions  as  have  been  formerly  laid  upon  the  inhabitants  (except- 
ing only  the  rate  of  the  penny  in  the  pound  raised  in  time  of  usurpation 
u'ithou'.  u  j.?e:ir r-.il  a-.sernbly)  commanding  anil  requiring  all  and  singular 

K  $ 


APPENDIX. 

the  constables  and  collectors  forthwith  tope?  form  their  duty  in  lev)  ing  ami 
collecting  the  same,  and  paying  it  in  to  the  tteusurcr. 

No.  XXVII. 
Cofty  of  a  letter  from  the  council  to  Governor  Dungan. 

Prov.  of  New-Hampshire,  Mar.  21,  I6g|. 
Sir, 

{TJy  several  advices  we  have  received  of  a  sudden  rising  intended  by  the. 
JO&  Indians  in  these  eastern  parts  to  fail  upon  the  English,  we  judged  it 
absolutely  necessary  without  delay  to  provide  for  the  safety  and  preserva- 
tion of  his  majesty's  subjects  inhabiting  this  province,  and'io  vive  rcleef 
(if  need  be)  to  our  neighbouring  colonies.  We  have  therefore  upon  con- 
sideration of  the  best  means  for  the  securing  of  these  provinces  concluded 
it  ve.y  neressary  to  entertain  a  number  of  southern  Indians  for  souldiers, 
who  are  best  acquainted  with  the  manner  ot  these  Indians  skulking  fight  ; 
and  this  being  a  work  offiicty  and  charity  for  preventing;  the  effusion  of 
Christian  blood  :  And  knowing-  that  your  honor  has  an  influence  upon  the 
southern  Indians  our  honourable  governor  was  Milling  to  take  the  trouble 
upon  himself  of  a  journey  to  New-York  to  treat  with  your  honor  for  send- 
ing of  such  a  number  of  Mahiquas,  or  other  Indians,  as  may  be  comeni- 
ent  to  assist  in  this  service,  and  to  make  such  capitulations  and  agreement 
as  to  his  honor  shall  seem  reasonable.  We  doubt  not  your  honor's  readi- 
ness in  any  thing  that  may  tend  to  his  majesty's  service  and  the  safety  o.f 
his  subjects,  having  often  heard  a  noble  character  of  your  honor  from  our 
governor,  whom  we  have  intreated  to  present  our  letter  with  our  most 
bumble  service.  We  have  committed  all  matters  to  his  honors  prudence 
and  management  and  what  his  honor  shall  judg  fit  to  be  done  we  shall  see 
performed.  So  praying  frr  your  honor's  health  and  prosperity,  we  bub- 
•  scribe  ourselvs,  (being  his  majesty's  council  of  New-Hampshire) 

May  it  please  your  hon.  your  most  humble  servants, 
To  the  honble  Col.  Tho.  Dongan,  "|  ROBu  MASON 

governor  of  his  royal   highness  Vv  ALTER   BAREFOOT, 

his  colony   of  New-York,   and    ^>         R.  CHAMBERLAIN, 
the  territories   thereto   belong-    j  ROBt.  ELLIO  1  , 

ing,  humbly  present.  JOHN  HINKS. 

ws  preceding  fiafters  are  in  I  he  council's  minutta,  second  book.j 


No.  XXVIII. 

To  the  "king's  most  excellent  majesty. 
The  humble  address  and  petition  of  sundry  of  your  majesty's  loyal  subjects 

the  freeholders  and  habitants  of  your  majesty's  province  of  New-Hamp- 

shire in  New-Eni;  .UK', 

Most  humbly  sheweth,  [From  the  towne  of  Exeter. 

ff^HAT  your  petitioners  predecessors  having  under  the  encouragement 
JL  of  your  majesty's  royal  ancestors  by  their  letters  patents  to  the  great 
council  ot  'Plymouth,  removed  themselves  and  some  of  us  into  this  remote 
and  howling  wilderness  in  pursuance  of  the  glorious  ends  proposed,  viz. 
The  glory  of  God,  the  enlarging  his  majesty's  dominions,  and  spreading 
the  gospel  among  the  heathen  :  And  in  order  thereunto  either  found  the 
land  we  now  possess  vacuum  domitiiium,  or  purchased  them  of  the  heath- 
en the  native  proprietors  of  the  same.  -or  at  least  by  their  allowance,  ap- 
probacon  or  consent,  have  -sate  downe  in  the  peaceable  possession  ci  the 


APPENDIX.  328 

same  for  the  space  of  above  fifty  years*;  hoping  that  as  wee  had  attended 
the  ends,  soe  wee  should  have  shared  in  the  privil  edges  of  those  royal  let- 
ters patents  above  menconed,  and  thereupon  did  the  more  patiently  beare 
and  chearefully  graple  with  those  innumerable  evils  and  difficulties  that 
must  necessarily  accompany  the  settlers  of  new  plantacons,  especially  in 
such  climates  as  these,  besides  the  calamities  of  the  late  Indian  \varr  to 
the  loss  of  many  of  our  lives,  and  the  great  impoverishment  of  the  surviv- 
ors. Wee  were  alsce  further  incouraged  from  your  majesty's  princely 
care  in  takeing  us  by  your  late  commission  under  your  majesty  s  imme- 
diate govern  mem,  and  appointing  so-.iie  Htiiong  ourselves  to  govern  us  ac- 
cording to  those  methods  there  prescribed,  being  particularly  bound  to 
discountenance  vice  and  promote  virtue  and  all  good  living,  and  to  keep 
us  in  a  due  obedience  to  your  majesty ':-.  authority  and  continuance  of  our 
just  lihertyes  and  propei  tyes,  together  with  liberty  of  conscience  in  mat- 
ters of  worshipp,  and  all  in  order  to  our  iiveim-;  in  all  godliness  and  hon- 
esty, fearing  God  and  honouring  the  king,  which  wee  profess  to  be  our 
desire  to  doe. 

But  contrariwise  partly  by  the  unreasonable  demands  of  our  pretended 
proprietor  Robert  Mason,  esq.  and  partly  from  sundry  other  reasons  that 
are  either  effects  or  Concomitants  thereof  wee  are  in  a  fair  worse  condi- 
tion than  any  other  your  majesty's  plantacons,  and  reduced  to  such  confu- 
sions and  extremities  that  necessitate  our  humble  application  to  your  maj- 
esty, upon  whose  clemency  and  justice  omy  under  God  we  depend  for  our 
releifc. 

Your  poor  distressed  and  oppressed  petitioners  doe  therefore  most  hum- 
bly supplicate  your  most  gracious  majesty  that  you  will  vouchsafe  to  give 
leave  unto  one  of  ourselves,  Mr.  Nathaniel  Weare,  whom  wee  have  sent 
for  that  end  to  spread  before  your  sacred  majesty  and  your  most  honoura- 
ble privy  councell  our  depiqreab.le  estate,  the  beholding  of  which  we  doubt 
nut  will  move  compassion  -towards  us,  and  your  majesty's  propensity  to 
justice  wifi  incline  to  the  using  such  meanes  as  to  your  wisdom  shall  s'eem 
best  that  the  oppressed  may  be  relieved,  wronged  ones  righted,  and  we 
your  majesty's  almost  undone  subjects  now  prostrate  at  your  feet,  may  up- 
on the  tasteing  of  your  equity  and  goodness,  be  raised  and  further  engag- 
ed in  ail  humility  and  thankfulness  as  in  duty  bound  evermore  heartily  t» 
pray,  kc. 

Andrew  Wiggin,  David  Robinson, 

Thomas  Wiggin  senior,  Kinsley  Hall, 

Thomas  Wiggin  junior,  Bily  Dudley, 

Robert  Smart  senior,  James  Sinkler, 

John  Young,  Christian  Dolhoff, 

John  Fouls  ham,  Philip  Charte, 

Edward  Smyth,  Jeremiah  Low, 

Peter  Foulsham,  Ralph  Halls 

Theophilus  Dursely,  Samuel  Hall, 

Richard  Morgen,  John  Sinkler, 

Samuel  Leavitt,  John  Wadieigh, 

John  Cotton  junior,  Samuel  Foulsham, 

John  Gilman  senior,  Eleazer  Elkins, 

Edv/ard  Gilman,  Ephrairn  Foulsham^ 

Moses  Leaveitt,  Humphrey  Vv  ilson, 

Jonathan  Robinson,  Nathaniel  Foulbham: 

Re \wiliv:..  Jonathan  Thin*r. 


APPENDIX. 


The  like  petition  from  the  town  of  Hampton  in  the  said  province  sigR, 
ed  by, 


Nathaniel  Bachiler, 
John  Mvrston, 
James  Philbrick, 
Jacob  Browne, 
Thomas  Browne, 
Henry  Lamper, 
Jonathan  Wedgwood, 
Henry  Moulton, 
John  Moulton, 
Joseph  Smith, 
David  Wedgwood, 
James  Cheuse, 
James  Perkins, 
Morris  Hobbs  senior, 
Joseph  >iou!ton, 
Benjamin  Moulton, 
Thomas  Levitt, 
Thomas  Derborne, 
John  Levitt, 
Henry  Derborne, 
Arntus  Levitt, 

opher  Hussey, 
John  Tucke, 
John  Smith, 
Thomas  Page, 
Philip  Towle, 
Josi.i'^  Sanbourne, 
"Wiiliu.n  '   noourne  senior, 
Ruth  Johnson,  widow, 
Richard  Sanbourne, 
Thomss  W-.iker, 
Isai'c  Godfrey, 
!Humpnrcy  Perking, 


Benjamin  Lauyrc, 
William  Fuller, 
John  Sanbourne, 
Hesron  Leavitt, 
Samuel  ShuerbornCi 
Francis  Page, 
Peter  We  are, 
Benjamin  Browne, 
Thomas  Phiibrick, 
Timothy  Blake, 
Jac»b  Perkins, 
Jonathan  Philbrockj 
Ebenezer  Perkins, 
Ca;eb  Perkins, 
Joseph  Perkins, 
Joseph  Dow, 
John  Clifford  senior, 
Samuel  Philbrook, 
Joseph  Shaw, 
John  Clifford, 
Benjamin  Shaw, 
Samuel  Cogg, 
Timothy  Hiilyard, 
Anthony  Stanyan, 
John  Stanyan, 
Joseph  Sanbourne, 
Isaac  Perkins, 
Moses  Swett, 
Joseph  Swett, 
Joseph  Cass, 
Duel  Clemens, 
Samuel  Cass, 
John  Sanbourne  senior. 


David  Lamprey, 

The  like  petition  from  Portsmouth  in  said  province,  signed 


George  Hunt, 
Peter  Ball, 

John  Sherborne  senior, 
Samuel  Wentworth, 
Sp.  Lovell, 
Richard  Webber, 
Richard  *  'aterhouse, 
•William  Davell, 
John  Cotton, 
Colomart  Mashawes, 
John  Barsham, 
John  Shipivay, 
John  Johnson, 
John  Sherborne  junior^ 
Thomas  Pickerm* 


Thomas  Wracombe, 
Obadiah  Mors, 
Nicholas  Morrell, 
Samuel  Keaia, 
John  Dennett, 
John  Tooke, 
Edward  Melcher, 
George  Lavers, 
Jacob  Lavers, 
John  Brackett, 
Matthius  Haynes, 
Samuel  Haines, 
Samuel  Haines  junior. 
William  Fifield  senior, 
Walter 


APPENDIX.  325 

John  Light,  Leonard  Weeks, 

William  Pitmam,  Nathaniel  Drake, 

James  Jones,  John  Hunking, 

William  Cotton,  Richard  Joses, 

James  Levitt,  Jane  Joses, 

Jethro  Furber,  John  Fletcher, 

Edward  Ball,  Richard  Martyn, 

Thomas  Cotton,  Ph.  Sueret, 

Daniel  Duggen,  Richard  Waldron, 

Francis  Jones,  Ben.  Hull, 

John  Partridge,  .John  Cutt, 

Robert  Purinton,  William  Vaughan, 

Nehemiah  Yartridge,  George  Jaffreys, 

Jotham  Lewis,  John  Pickering, 

Anthony  Brackett,  John  Buister. 

The  like  petition  from  the  towne  of  Dover,  signed  by 

Job  Clements,  Charles  Adams, 

Thomas  Roberts,  Paul  Wentwqrth, 

Edward  Allep,  Gerard  Gyner, 

William  Furber  senior,  Jenkins  Jones, 

Henry  Santer,  Joseph  Canne, 

Richard  Rowes,  Richard  Waldron, 

Anthony  Nutter,  John  Win  get, 

John  Dam,  John  Gerish, 

William  Furber  junior,  William  Wentworth, 

John  Dam  junior,  John  Heard, 

John  Nutter,  John  Roberts, 

Thomas  Row,  John  Hall,  jun. 

Edward  Row,  Robert  Burnum, 

John  Mqadow,  Saml.  Burnum, 

Philip  Chesley,  Jeremiah  Burnum, 

Joseph  Stevenson ,  Samuel  Hill, 

Thomas  Chesley,  Ralph  Wormley, 

Joseph  Hinneder,  William  Horn, 

Stephen  Jones,  Peter  Mason, 

Edward  Small,  John  Woodman  senior, 

^athanael •  John  Woodman  junior, 

James  Hucking,  Jonathan  Woodman, 

Catharias  Jerlld,  John  Davis  senior, 

Ezekiel  Went  worth,.  John  Davis  junior, 

Joseph  Fields,  Sam.  Adams, 

John  Bickford,  William  Parkinson, 

Thomas  Bickford,  Joseph  Hill, 

Thomas  Edgerly,  Nathan.  Hill, 

John  Hill,  John  Roberts. 

[From  a  copy  in  the  hands  oflfa  honourable  president  Weare?[ 

No.  XXIX. 

deposition  of  Peter  Coffiii,  esq.  one  of  his  majesty's  justices  of  the 

peace  for  New-Hampshire,  being  sworn,  saith, 
HAT  sometime  in  the  beginning  of  February,  A.  D.  168|,  I  the  de- 
ponent was  present  a;  the  house  of  Mr.  John  Hincks  in 


326  APPENDIX. 

xvith  the  lion.  Eriw.  Cranfield,  esq.  governor  of  this  province,  where  I 
heard  the  said  governor  send  for  Mr.  William  Vaughan,  and  when  the 
said  Vauglvn  came  the  governor  enquired  of  him  what  affidavits  those 
were  he  had  that  day  desired  to  be  taken.  The  said  Vaughan  answered, 
those  that  concerned  his  cause  against  Mr.  Mason.  The  governor  asked 
.him  who  they  were,  he  Answered,  if  he  might  have  summons  he  would 
bring  them  before  his  honour  to  oe  sworn  ;  and  then  the  governor  .brake 
out  into  a  passion  and  told  him,  the  said  Vaughan,  that  he  was  a  mutinous 
iellow,  and  asked  him  wn  -t  he  went  lately  to  Boston  for  ;  the  said  Vaughan 
answered  he  went  about  his  business.  Th.cn  the  governor  said  he  -ent 
to  carry  a  mutinous  petiii  ;n  to  be  *ent  to  England  by  Weare,  i;nd  asked 
him  what  vesssi  Weare  went  in  ;  Mr.  Vaughan  answered  that  he  left 
Weare  in  Boston.  Then  the  governor  said*  trnt  by  the  next  ships  after 
Weare  was  got  to  England  and  had  presented  his  petition^  he  should  have 
nn  account  of  the  persons  names  that  subscribed  it  returned  to  him,  and 
that  it  would  be  the  best  ha\vl  he  ever  had,  for  it  would  be  worth  £100  a 
man.  The  governor  further  said,  that  the  said  Vaughan  was  a  mutinous 
iellow,  ana  required  of  him  bonds  to  the  good  behaviour  ;  Mr.  Vaughan 
Answered  he  kne->  none  of  the  king's  laws  he  hud  broken,  but  if  he  could 
be  informed  of  his  cringe  he  was  leady  to  give  bonds.  And  that  in  the 
whole  discourse  Mr.  Vaughan  demeaned  himself  with  a  great  deal  of 
moderation  and  submission.  Notwithstanding  which  the  governor  com- 
mancled  a  mittimus  to  be  writ  and  signed  the  same  with  his  own  hand, 
"whereupon  the  said  Vaughan  was  forthwith  committed  to  prison. 

PETER  COFFIN. 

Peter  CoTin,  e.vj.  the  -above  named  deponent,  appearing  in  the  town 
ofKittery  in  the  province  of  Maine  this  27th  of  January  1684-5. 
made  oath  to  the  above  written.,  before  me, 

CHARLES  FROST, 
Just,  of  Pea: 

No,  XXX. 

T/;-?  warrant  awl  mittimus  whereby  WiWam  Vaughan,  Esq.  was  coin.' 

to  finnan. 
New-Hampshire. 
To  James  Sherlock,  geiit.  sherif  and  provost  marshal  of  the  said  province, 

or  his  deputy. 

N  his  inrijesi.y';;  name  you  are  hereby  required  to  take  and  apprehend 
the  body  of-  William  Vaughan,  of  Portsmouth,  Esq.  and  carry  him  to 
the  prison  of  Great  Island  ;  And  Richard  Abbot  the  prison  keeper  there- 
of, is  hereby  required  to  receive  the  said  Vaughan  into  said  prison  and 
'here  keep  him  in  safe  custody  till  he  shall  give  good  security  to  our  sover. 
krd  the  king  his  heirs  and  successors  for  his  the  said  Vaughun's  good  be- 
haviour tnvarcls  tbe  same  our  sover.  lord  the  king,  he  having  refused  to  find 
security  for  hi*  said  govd  bthavhur  the  sixth  day  of  February  1683.  Given 
under  my  hand  and  seal  the  said  bixth  day  of  February  168-?-. 

EDWARD  CRANFIELD,  (L.  S.) 
[The  t-vo  preceding  fmiiers  are  in  the  recorder's  office.^ 

No.     XXXI. 

'?4  letter  from  Wiilia?:*  raughan,  EMJ.  containing  a  j  xirnal  of  transaction-: 
during  his  imprisonment  ^  crc.  to  Nathaniel  !VearC)jK*q,a£' r^i  \  .'  f 


APPENDIX. 

Mr.  Nathaniel  Wire, 

SIR,  Portsmouth,  4th  Feb.  168-J. 

THESE  serves  to  give  covert   to  the  inc  cse  •   which  ware  unhappily 
mislaid, 'and  so  brought  to  Portsmouth  in.-ied  of  beinge  carried  by 
you  to  London  though   on   the  other    hand  A ou  carried  many   papers  for 
;  MC;>  oiti/in  to  have  been  at  Portsmouth.     There  were  several! 

papers  in  the  bundle  which  ware  very  impertinetile  unto  your  business, 
and  the  transporting  of  them  very  prejudicyail  10  som  here,  your  especy- 
*H  care  about  them  is  expected,  yet  may  be  safely  returned  \vith  you  if 
Hot  transmitted  by  you  before  your  returne.  Wee  are  now  a  doinge  a- 
boute  getlnge  e  vide  uses  sworne,  which  you  shaii  iiave  a  further  account 
by  the  firste,  though  retarded  much  by  havinge  no  copies  of  them  as  wee 
expected.  Sinsc  your  departure  much  ado  have  been  made,  many  cxecu- 
cyons  extended,  viz.  upon  Mrs.  Cutt,  Daniele,  myself,  Mr.  Fletcher,  Moo- 
dy, Hunkins,  Earle,  Eickeringes,  Booth,  See.  I  went  to  prison  but  was 
redeemed  with  money*  severall  dores  were  broken  open  by  Matthews  the 
marshall's  deputy,  chestes  also  and  trunks  and  carried  out  of  the  houses 
till  redeemed  with  money.  John  Partridge  and  Wm.  Gotten  are  in  prison 
and  have  been  sundry  claies.  No  pay  (as  fish,  sheep,  horses,  &c.)  would 
be  taken  for  their  execuiyons,  so  there  bodyes  wave  levied  upon  and  there 
they  lye.  Our  meuister  for  refusings  to  adiuenester  the  sacrament  to  the 
governor  is  bound  over  to  the  quarter  sessions  to  sit  to  morrow,  the  issh- 
ew  wee  know  not  but  six  mi  mhh  imprisonment  thretned.  Your  wife  and 
fomele  well.  Crete  bluster  at  Hamlqn  about  the  petityon,  som  weeke-. 
iingcs  ware  whegled  into  a  confession  and  they  discovered  the  .persones 
that  carried  the  petityon,  who  ware  by  jusus  G.  Sc  R.  bound  over  to  the 
quarter  sessions,  but  last  Satterday  night  (on  what  ground  know  not) 
Mr.  Greene  burnte  there  bonds  and  only  tould  them  they  nuiste  appere 
when  coid  tor.  Charles  Hilton  is  lately  ded.  As  other  news  arrives  shall 
haw  I  it  to  you  by  ail  occalyones  and  doe  you  the  like  by  us. 

5th.  Quarter  sessions  are  come,  and  there  Capt.  Barefoote,  Mr.  Fryer, 
Coffin, "Greene,  Roby,  Edgerly,  were  justices,  Raines  was  attorny.  It  was 
•brought  in  as  a  plea  of  the  crowne*  Mr.  Moody  pleaded  his  not  beinge 
ordained,  having  no  vnaintenanse  according  to  statute  and  therefore  not 
obliged  to  that  worke  which  the  statute  required.  Besides  these  statutes 
•were  not  made  for  these  plases,  the  knowne  end  of  there  removal  hither 
beinge  that  they  might  enjoye  liberty  in  these  forrin  plantatyones  which 
those  could  not  have  by  vertew  of  tke  statutes  at  home,  and  ware  allowed 
•to  have  here,  especyally  our  comityon  grantinge  liberty  of  contyense. 
These  things  \vare  pleded,  but  t  •  no  purpose,  after  a  shorte  picking  and 
that  not  withotite  many  intet  optyones  and  shiiies  by  the  pragmatticke,  bu- 
sey  i\r.pertenci;te  atturny,  he  was  cotmtecl  to  tlie  marshall,  (viz.  Longe 
Matthews)  and  held  in  custody  that  niuht  tho'  permitted  to  loc'ge  at  Capt. 
Stileman's.  The  justises  debated  a  liueli,  fcure  ol  them  entered  there  de- 
seme,  viz.  Mr.  Fryer,  Greene,  Iloby,  Edgeriy,  but  Capt.  Barefoote  and 
Comn  ware  for  his  condemnatyon.  Judgment  of  the  case,  every  man's 
%vas  entered  by  the  secretary  over  night,  but  being  deferred  till  nexte 
morninge  informatyori  was  given  to  somebody  who  came  in  and  thretned 
and  hectored  after  such  a  rate  that  Green  and  Roby  also  consented  as  you 
see  by  the  inclosed,  and  hee  \vas  comiled  to  prison.  Pelyon  was  by  him 
made  to  the  courte,  and  afterward  to  the  governor,  that  hee  might  step 
*rp  atni^hte  to  his  fau.e'.y  and  send  inattei*  ibere,  and  that  he  might  ncr.t 


328 


APPENDIX. 


goe  into  the  dismall  plase  the  common  prisson.  The  court  could  not,  thtf 
governor  would  not  of  firste,  tho'  in  fine  gave  leave  to  the  marshall  to 
drop  him  at  Capt.  Stileman's,  where  he  is  confined  to  his  chamber,  tho' 
not  without  leave  to  goe  down  staires  or  into  tiie  bakeside,  and  this  was 
done  6th  instante.  At  night  I  having  moved  for  the  takinge  of  evedenses, 
•which  was  in  words  owned,  wente  to  the  secretary  for  summones,  intend- 
inge  to  begin  with  Lift  Haull  and  Thomas  Wiggones,  hee  refused  L< 
summones  but  first  (I  suppose)  xnuste  informe  somebody,  I  was  sent  for 
by  the  marshall,  huffed  and  hectored  strangely,  thretned,  8ec.  in  ;h:e, 
xnuste  give  bonds  to  the  good  behaviour  ;  I  rt  fused  thereupon  he  made 
and  signed  my  miUymos  to  the  prisson,  though  by  the  way,  I  knowe  not. 
how,  was  also  droped  at  and  confined  to  Mr.  Mocdy's  charaber,  where 
wee  have  bin  this  two  nights  very  chareful  together. 

Poore  Wadlo\v  who  was  left  to  the  governor's  mercy  is  com  cute  upon 
security  for  forty  pounds  money,  and  your  Gove  for  a  like  some,  only  Wm 
Partridge  is  to  doe  it  in  worke,  building  and  fensing,  &c.  The  actyons  goe 
on  and  are  turned  of  hand  apase,  twelve  at  a  clapfi,  after  the  ouid  man- 
ner. Roby  though  a  justis  is  still  of  the  jury.  A  new  tricke  is  on  foote, 
severall  of  us  that  ware  executed  upon  and  paid  our  mony  the  firste  sine, 
are  sued  againe  for  illegal  wkholdinge  possession,  tho*  the  marshal}  (who 
was  by  executvon  required  to  give  possession  never  came  to  demand  :t ;) 
the  issue  of  which  wee  know  not,  matters  being  yet  dependinge. 

9lh.  The  prisoners  Vaughan  and  Mr.  Moody  ware  fetched  out  of  pris- 
son to  plede  there  casses  at  the  courte.  Mrs.  Cutt,  Daniell,  John  Par- 
tridge and  myself  and  Mr.  Moody  were  sue'!  and  all  caste,  but  the  laste 
who  had  somethinge  particularly  to  saye,  and  sc-e  he  caste  Mr.  Mason 
though  wee  thought  wee  all  said  enoufe  to  caste  him,  viz.  that  hee  h.ul 
an  executyon  for  the  land  sued  for,  and  when  he  levied  his  executyon 
Wiighte  have  taken  the  land  aKo,  with  many  other  things  (enoufe  of  wee 
thought)  to  have  turned  the  case  against  him  before  anny  indifereme 
judges  and  jurors,  but  thus  wee  are  totted. 

But  above  all  our  menester  lyes  in  prisson,  and  a  fammin  of  the  word 
of  God  cominge  upon  us.  No  public  worship,  nopreachinge  of  the  word, 
what  ignoranse,  profanes  and  misery  must  needes  ensue  !  By  the  premises 
you  see  what  need  there  is  you  should  be  vigoros  and  speedy  as  you  maye 
aboute  your  busnessto  doe  what  may  be  to  the  preventinge  of  uter  ruin; 

My  imprisonment  is  a  presente  stop  to  the  geun^e  what  evecleL 
needful,  and  it's  like  we  shall  not  make  anny  further  attempt  here,  bu: 
what  conveniente  expedytyon  will  be  done  what  is  neeciiui  and  necessary. 
Mr.  Martin  was  sued  at  the  courte  in  tv-'o  aciyones,  one  by  Mr.  Mason  for 
fines  and  forfetures  collected  and  received  by  him  as  treasurer  from  se\cn- 
ty  nine  to  eighty  two,  and  another  actyon  by  the  governor  for  fines,  kc. 
from  April  eighty  two.  He  is  caste  in  both  actyoncs  to  the  vaiew  of  a- 
bout  seventy  pounds,  although  hee  plecled  that  what  hee  received  was  dis- 
posed by  order  of  the  authority  which  made  him  treasurer,  and  had  as  good 
comityon  from  his  magestie  as  that  was  in  beini;e,  neither  did  it  legally 
appeare  that  ether  Mr.  Masson  or  the  governor  have  anny  rightc  to  fines 
and  forfetures,  the  kinge  appointinge  all  publicke  money  to  be  disposed  or 
improved  for  the  supporte  of  the  ^overnmeiu  ;  however  it  is  but  aske  and 
have,  there  demands  in  any  case  have  the  io'ce  of  an  executyon. 

iOth.  The  sabbath  is  come  but  no  prechinge  at  the  Bunke,  nor  anny  al- 
lowed to  com  to  us  ;  we  had  nooae  but  the  lameley  with  us,  the  pore  pc- 


APPENDIX.  329 

pie  wantinge  for  lake  of  bred.  Motyones  have  been  made  that  Mr.  Moo- 
cly  may  goe  up  and  prcch  on  the  Lord's  daye,  tho*  hee  com  downe  to 
prisson  at  night,  orttiat  naibor  ministers  might  be  permitted  to  com  and 
prech,  or  ihu  the  pepie  might  com  downe  to  the  prisson  and  here  as  ma- 
ny as  could,  but  nothing  will  doe  ;  an  unparraleled  example  amongst 
christiaits  to  have  a  menester  puit  oute  and  no  other  waye  found  to  sup- 
ply his  plaseby  one  menes  or  other.  Mr.  Frier  was  severely  thretned 
fopreKneinge  to  subscribe  Mr.  Moody 's  commitment,  but  hath  obtuyneci 
fairly  a  dismityon  from  all  publike  offices.  Justis  EdgerJy  alsocaishered, 
and  bound  over  to  the  quauer  sejsiones.  It  is  said  that  Justis  Greene  is 
much  afflicted  for  what  he  has  done,  but  Hoby  not.  Peter  Coffin  can 
scarse  show  his  bed  in  anny  company*. 

14th.  Nuse  came  from  the  fourte  at  Casco  that  there  was  greate  dan- 
ger of  the  Indyanes  risinge,  which  hath  occatyoned  a  meelinge  of  the 
fcounscil  and  some  discourse,  but  here  no  more  since  and  hope  it  may  van- 
ish. 

15th.  Good  Mrs.  Martin  was  buried,  being  notable  to  live  above  one 
sabot h  after  the  shutting  up  the  .dores  of  the  sanctuary.  Somebody  hath 
said  that  the  imprisoninge  of  the  minister  is  noone  of  his  worke,  hee  did 
but  consti'are  the  courte,  they  did  it  themselves,  tho*  ajso  hath  said  hee 
•would  have  don  it  himselfe  if  they  had  not. 
17th.  Another  sad  saboth. 

18th.  Came  Mr.  M.;son,  Barefoot  and  secretary,  with  Thurton,  who 
swore  against  mee  a iutse  o:.th,  of  which  hcive  inclosed  a  copia.  Thurton 
said  he  was  sent  lor  on  purpose  to  give  hi  his  testimony  against  mee  ; — 
they  went  away,  and  scon  after  came  the  inclosed  mittimos  directed  to 
Mi.  Raines  hoo  is  shereff and  marshal  in  Mr.  Sheerlock's  roome  that 
have  bin  out  of  favor  of  late,  tho*  now  it  is  said  in  favor  but  not  in  plase 
againe.  Mr.  Esiwicke  is  uisiu  put  ouie  of  all  offis.  Noote,  that  when  I 
\vente  to  him  for  takeinge  oathes,  hee  said  all  oathes  should  be  taken  be- 
fore the  governor  and  counseli,but  now  couid  send  to  justisestocloe  it.  We 
had  for  s>om  nibbles  our  key  taken  away  from  the  chamber  dore  about  8 
or  9  ut  nigtue  but  have  sinse  left  off  that  trade.  Sowell  of  Exeter  is  ded. 
Seuivii;  overtures  were  made  this  week  to  John  Partridge  and  William 
Cotten  by  Raines  to  come  out  of  pilsson  hee  giveinge  them  3  monthes 
time  to  provide  mony  or  anny  other  currante  paye,  tho*  they  tendered  fish, 
planke,  Sec.  before  they  ware  put  in.  they  refused  to  accept. 

24ih.  This  saboth  our  wives,  children  and  servants  came  downe  and 
spent  the  day  with  us  in  our  chamber,  and  wee  yet  here  nothing  said 
against  it. 

25th.  The  marshal!  goes  and  levies  upon  John  the  Greek's  sheep  and 
cattle  for  the  exec '.tyon,  for  which"  he  hud  laine  about  three  weeks  in 
prisson,  and  then  came  and  ordered  him  to  goe  about  his  busnesse,  15 

*  Mr.  Moody  in  the  church  records  remarks  thus  on  his  judges  :    "  Not   long  after 

ft  Green  repented  and  made  his  acknowledgement  to  the  pastor  who  frankly  forgave  him. 

"  Robie  was  excommunicated  out  of  Hampton  church  for  a  common  drunkard   and  died 

'  excommunicate,  and  was  b</  his  friends  thrown  into  a  hole  near  his  house  for  fear  ot   an 

'  arrest  of  his  carcase.     Bareibote  fell  into  a  languishing  distemper  whereof   he  died.— 

'  CoiEn  was  taken  by  the  Indians,   (at  Cochecho  1689)  his  house  and  mill  burnt,  him- 

*  self  not  being  slain  but  dismissed ;  The  Lord  give  him  repentance,  though  no  signs  of 

'  it  have  yet  appeared." 

Ss 


330  APPENDIX. 

shv'cpe,  sundry  lambes,  and  two  haifers  sezed  for  six  pounds  od 
This  day  also  Mr.  Jaffery  having  had  sundery  warnings  the  week  before 
to  c..:re  his  house  becase  Mi*.  Masson  would  corn  t-wl  take  possession  of 
it,  wente  never  the  les  to  the  Banke  upon  bu^ness  ;  mene  while  cam* 
Mr.  Mason  with  the  marshall  and  tinned  all  his  servants  out  of  dores, 
set  another  locke  on  the  dove,  and  at  night  when  his  servants  came  home 
vretttney  would  not  suffer  them  to  corn  in,  but  there  lodged  Maihews  and 
Thurto.i  allnighte.  Mr.  Mason  said  \viiiie  aboute  hi*  worke  thut  he  was 
sorry  Wire  had  no  more  of  this  nuse  to  carry  hoome  with  him. 

The  govenor  haveinge  sente  to  Mr.  Cotton,  that  when  he  had  prepa*- 
red  his  soule  hee  uould  com  and  demand  the  sacrament  of  him  as  hee 
had  clone  at  Portsmouth  alrecly.  Mr.  Cotcon  the  latter  end  of  the  weeke 
before  lasle  went  to  Boston  and  has  bin  ouie  two  Lord's  days  already  ;  all 
is  well  with  yours  there,  soe  far  as  I  can  learn,  I  cannot  goe  to  see  else 
might  have  given  them  a  visite. 

One  wortie  more  about  my  husnes.  I  am  under  imprisonment  aboute 
Thurton's  busness,  being  seized  by  the  marshall  and  co  ;.he*J  worn  in 
prisson  before  for  not  giveinjre  bond  for  the  good  n  i  tin-'  noth- 

inge  charged  upon  me  any  more  than  before,  which  you  weli  kwow.  I 
nothing  but  they  intend  to  keep  me  here  endlessly  ;  it's  saide  I 
muste  paye  one  hundred  pounds  for  slrikeinge  one  of  the  king-'s  officers 
and  must,  have  my  name  returned  into  the  exchequer  and  must  iye  ire 
prissou  till  the  mony  be  paid  and  I  am  discharged  from  the  exchequer. 
The  designe  you  may  e*e.'.v  see  is  to  rivine  mee,  cind  how  vaine  my  pies- 
%vir  be  you  may  esely  ^-uesse.-  Tim*  I  have  maimy  thinges  to  saie,  viz. 
i'huiton  was  either  no  officer  or  at  lestenot  knowne  to  be  so,  how- 
ever not  sworne,  nor  did  I  strike  him  i:i  the  hyewaye  as  hee  sweares,  nor 
is  there  -.r,;iy  ,  oofe  but  his  own  single  u--.d'nony,  which  how  fai  it  av- 
ailes  in  such  H  case  would  be  considered;  it's  ai^o  worthy  of  inquire 
whether  ever  that  law  was  intended  for  us,  here  beinge  no  customs  to  be 
gathered,  no  exchequer  to  be  applied  to,  and  therefore  how  these  meth- 
ods can  be  observed  is  not  imelLegable.  You  may  esely  iir.ugcn  how 
things  will  be  if  I  am  forsed  to  compiye  with  there  humors.  Pray  con- 
suit,  consider,  and  see  if  something  nu.y  not  be  done  to  putt  a  stop  to 
such  .arbetrary  proseedings,  a  trial!  on  the  plase  by  in  diffe  rente  uncon- 
se;  :;ed  judges  and  juror- "if  atkste  there  can  anny  such  be  found  hoo  will 
not  be  forsed  into  what  some  will  have  done,  but  I  shall  not  need  to  in- 
struct you;  there  you  h.tve  better  counsell  than  I  can  give  you,  and  of 
your  fedeiyty  to  ino^uice  und  remitte  by  the  firste  what  is  needful  on  this 
accounte  I  cloute  not. 

1  a.<ve  given  you  but  a  taste,  wee  that  see  it  know  more  then  can  pos- 
sibly ;^e  a,.xl-.;-s.o.-)dby  those  that  only  here  ;  in  a  \vordsuch  is  the  haith 
:.i  taidge  that  there  is  no  livi?igcfor  us  long    in    thin  condi- 
(yon.     Butt  ^ec  hope  God  will  bee  scene  in  the  mounte. 

I  should  have  inserted  what  fell  oute  after  the  disolvinge  of  the  rebell- 
yous  assembly,  there  was  discourse  of  constables,  and  instead  of  the  free- 
men's chu singe  as  formerly  they  tooke  a  shorte  and  cheper  ^  course,  and 
at  the  quarter  sessions  constables  were  chosen  and  to  begin  with  Mr. 
Speker,  he  bus  the  honner  to  be  constable  for  Portsmouth,  Capt.Gerrish, 
Lt.'Nuuer  and  John  Woodman  for  Dover,  Smith  the  cooper  for  Hamp- 
ton, John  Foulsharn  at  Exeter.  Whether  Mr.  Speker  shall  serve  or 
fine  is  not  yet  determined.  And  now  1  am  spekinge  of  the  general  as- 
sembly, must  hinte  what  was  formerly  forgotten,  vz-  that  they  convened 


APPENDIX.  331 

*n  the  Mondaye  and  the  choice  of  the  speker  (there  ould  one)  in  words 
hi!y  approved  and  hee  complemented  aiamode.  Then  a  bill  was  sente 
them  downe  (of  which  if  1  can  get  it  being  now  in  prisscn  shall  irclose  a 
eopia)  whicli  they  talked  a  littei  of  t-nd  then  brake  up  for  the  nighte  and 
wente  up  to  the  Banke  to  lodge  (the  tide  serving  very  well  to  goe  and 
com),  the  reporie  of  which  highly  disgusted,  and  the  next  n>orning 
the  answer  to  the  bill  vehemently  urtred,  which  wa*-  in  fine  a  negative.—- 
Hereopon  in  a  ^rete  raitlge  teiiing  them  they  had  bin  up  to  consult  with 
Moody  an  uter  enemy  to  church  and  coman  welth  with  much  of  like  na- 
ture, hee  diosoived  them,  which  was  clone  an  the  Tuesdaye,  after  which 
hee  came  up  to  the  h  a;ke  and  ->ve  order  for  a  sacrament  on  the  next 
Lord's  daye  as  you  have  herd  and  since  the  assembly  men  pricked  for 
constables. 

By  the  premises  you  will  s.ee  how  the  governor  is  makeinge  good  his 
word,  he  came  for  m^ny  .and  many  he  ivill  gete,  and  if  hee  get  it  you  know 
hoo  must  loose  it,  and  how  miserable  mitste  our  condityon  quickly  be  if 
there  be  no  remedy  quickly  provided.  Hee  contrives  and  cutts  out  work 
and  finds  eviil  instrewments  to  make  it  up,  and  these  som  among  our- 
selves. Thus  wee  are  cloven  by  our  owne  liml  e  . 

28th.  Sinse  IVlr.  Jafiery  was  dispossessed,  Raines  offered  him  for  five 
shillings  per  annum  quit-rent  to  Mr.  Mason,  he  should  have  his  house 
againe,  provided  hep  would  owne  him  proprietor,  but  hee  refuseinge  it 
is  saide  hee  shall  never  have  it  againe.  The  talke  i^that  his  house  must 
be  court-house  and  prisson  booth,  and  standinge  so  nere  the  governor  it  is 
judged  sutable  for  booth  those  ends,  that  hee  may  have  the  shorter  jour- 
ney to  couite  and  the  prisoners  may  bee  alwaies  under  his  eye. 

29th.  John  theGreeke  haveinge  laine  som  weekes  in  prisson  upon  ex- 
ecutyon,  his  goods  haveinge  been  levied  upon  (as  above),  was  by  Raines 
locked  oute  of  the  prisson  and  bidden  to  be  gon,  but  he  would  not,  keepes 
his  quarters  still  with  the, other  two.  This  daye  his  goods  was  sold  by 
the  marshal!  and  bought  by  Thurton. 

Mr.  Cotton  is  com  horn  from  Boston.  Crete  offence  taken  here  at  a 
sermon  hee  preched  in  Boston  on  Acts  xii.  v.  tho'  plesinge  to  the  hear- 
ers. 

March  2d.  This  day  Mr.  JefTery's  goods  were  all  turned  oute  of  dores 
by  the  sheriff,  Sec.  his  man  received  and  disposed  ol  them.  Againste  Jaf- 
fery  there  are  two  oathes  taken,  single  oathes,  but  beinge  for  the  king 
•will  passe,  and  orders  are  given  for  warrants  to  apprehend  him,  he  ap- 
peres  not. 

March  5.  It  is  said  that  they  are  goinge  this  day  to  Major  Waldrone's 
to  serve  him  as  they  have  done  Mr.  Jaffery,  and  it  is  given  oute  that  the 
reste  will  be  treted  in  like  manner  ;  the  court  e  was  adjourned  yesterdaye 
to  the  next  month  pbably  that  they  might  levey  the  execntyons  that  are 
in  Banke  before  they  cutt  oute  anny  more  wrorke.  Justis  Greene  seems 
something  troubled  for  sendinge  the  menester  to  prisson,  and  saithe  hee 
will  never  doe  such  a  thinge  againe,  but  Peter  Coffin  saithe  it  is  a  nine 
dayes  wonder  and  will  soon  be  forgotten,  but  others  think  otherwise.  If 
they  goe  on  thus  wee  are  utterly  ruined,  mwst  goe  away  or  starve  if  at 
leste  wee  bee  not  so  confined  that  we  cannot  goe  away  nether.  I  quest- 
yon  whether  annie  aidge  can  parralell  such  actyones. 

In  my  laste  I  sente  you  a  letter  to  Sir  JOSIAH   CHILD   my  master,   of 
you  have  another  copia  herewith.     My  designs   is  that  you 


332 

carry  the  letter  yourselfe,  waite  on  him  while  hee  reades  it,  and  if  hee 
will  pie^e  to  here  you  (as  I  hope  hee  maye)  that  you  amplyfie  matters) 
inform  him  what  further  intelligetis  you  have  and  attcndc  his  directyon, 
if  God  move  his  hearte  to  doe  ought  tor  us.  This  cluye  the  governor 
sente  us  word  by  the  marshall  that  wee  must  remove  to  Mr.  Jarlerey*s 
house  to  morro,  which  house  is  made  the  prisson.  Wee  hope  the  nuse 
of  the  risinge  of  the  Indyans  will  fable  to  nolhinge. 

Ditto.  5th.  Thus  far  was  sent  you  by  the  waye  of  Barbados.  It  fal- 
lowes.  The  governor  did  saie  to  a  Salem  man  that  Moody  might  goe  out 
oi  the  prisson,  if  hee  would  goe  out  of  the  provinse,  butt  wee  here  no 
more  sinse. 

James  Robinson  under  grete  rauth  and  in  much  danger  only  for  speak- 
ing something  to  Thurton  (of  his  being  a  pitiful  iello,  &c.)  while  said 
T burton  was  active  in  turning  out  Mr.  Jaffery's  good's. 

6th.  Matthews  and  Thurton  hunted  for  Mr.  JaiTei),  searched  in  Mrs. 
Cutt's  house,  went  into  every  room  above  and  below  staires,  searched  un* 
dei  her  bed  where  she  lay  sick  in  it  but  found  him  not.  They  carried  it 
very  rudely  and  basely  in  their  worke.  Matthews  said  he  would  caitch 
him  or  have  his  harte  blue!,  but  hee  was  not  there.  Mr.  Jiiflerey's  goods 
were  c  i  ;ie  j  to  the  o  her  si  !e  by  nighte. 

it  i.-.  sai.i  that  our  imprisonment  has  much  [alarmed]  the  hoole  coun- 
trey  and  made  them  more  lond  oi  their  liberties.  Thiti  nighte  IVlatthews 
was  beten  at  Mersore's  (sovn  iurllinge  boute  its  like),  but  its  made  a  mity 
thing  on,  saidetobe  a  deepe  piot.  deeper  than  Cove's,  managed  by  strong 
heels,  and  abundanse  of  that  nature,  and  because  the  persons  conserned 
ware  under  the  inflewense  ofVaughan  and  Moody  they  should  suffer  for 
it,  for  not  techinge  them  better.  Tho'  we  know  no  more  of  it  than  you, 
nor  is  their  ought  in  it  worth  notis,  but  thus  wee  are  trcted.  The  gov- 
ernor wente  up  to  the  Banke  and  made  grete  inquiries  aboute  it.  Capt. 
Pickeringe  and  others  that  ware  in  the  fraie  are  bound  over. 

7th.  They  hud  six  pounds  five  shillings  of  Obadia  Mors  by  waye  of  ex* 
ecutyon.  Raines  was  discarded  being  put  oute  of  beinire  sheriffe,  &c. 
tho'  he  had  his  comityon  under  the  scale  but  the  other  daye.  Matthews 
is  made  provost  marshall  (at  leste)  in  his  roome  and  Thurton  marshal's 
deputy.  .  Goodburds  for  suchoffises.  Lord  have  mercy  upon  us.  They 
had  al&o  eighteen  shillings  from  Sam  Case,  the  reste  is  deferred,  and  he 
has  put  a\va>  e  his  goods  and  intends  to  remove  or  goe  to  pi  isson,  and  soe 
wee  muste  a!L 

llth.  The  Indyan  nuse  occatyoned  an  order  to  the  trustees  to  get 
aminityon,  they  came  down  and  pleded  their  time  was  up,  it  was  said  you 
shall  keepe  in  during  my  pleasure.  They  said  they  had  no  mony  of  the 
townes  in  their  hands,  nor  could  anny  be  raised  withoute  a  general  as- 
sembiy .  Then  laye  out  your  own  mony  or  else  woe  to  you  ;  and  this  they 
are  fuine  to  comply  with. 

Hee  suid  and  swore  that  if  Masson  would  not  acknowledge  a  judgment 
nexte  courts  of  six  hundred  pounds,  hee  would  take  all  his  busnes  from 
him  and  sew  in  his  own  name.  Hee  swore  hee  would  turn  oute  that 
rooge  Ellet  who  is  as  bad  as  anny  other. 

'  Mr.  Waldron  beinge  sente  for  by  warrant  to  com  before  the  justices 
to  take  the  constables  oath,  appered  before  Mr.  Masson  and  Capt  Bare- 
foot, but  excuseinge  it  and  giveinge  good  reason  was  dismissed  upon  pay- 
inge  five  pounds  ;  but  .poor  Capt.  Barefoot  e  was  most  ferefully  rutted  at 


APPENDIX,  333 

for  his  labor,  many  oathes  sworne  that  Waldron  should  either  take  the 
oath  or  either  take  up  \yith  a  goale.  TIK  next  duye  (tho*  the  justices 
hoose  busnes  it  is,  had  fairely  dismissed  him  r  he  was  convented  againe» 
the  oath  tendered,  hee  thretned  with  a  prisson  immedyately,  butt  tould 
them  hee  knew  the  law  better  than  soe,  men  they  tooke  his  one  bond  to 
answer  it  at  quarter  sessioncs  and  so  far  of  that  matter  as  yet.  Another 
constable  is  chosen,  viz.  Capt.  Pickeringc,  tho'  hee  ha\e  as  yet  waved  the 
oath,  haveinge  lately  served  in  that  place,  and  pieuing  his  being  bound  to 
good  behaviour  for  that  laste  fraye.  He  tauiks  much  of  friggets  to  scare- 
the  pore  peple. 

Hth.  Counsell  sat  and  could  not  agree  aboute  raisinge  mony,  which 
hily  provoked  somebody.  They  said  ihe  general  assembly  only  could 
raise  mony. 

The  governor  tould  Mr.  Jaffery's  negro  hee  might  goe  from  his  mas- 
ter, hee  would  clere  him  under  hande  and  sele,  so  the  fello  no  more  at- 
tends his  muster's  consernes.  * 

15th.  This  day  the  secretary  was  in  a  grete  raidge  turned  out  of  all 
his  erases  exepte  secretary  to  the  counsel;,  (an  emptie  name  little  profit) 
and  the  bookes  sente  for  oute  of  his  hands.  Hee  is  much  conserned  and 
dejected. 

I  am  credible  informed  and  you  may  beleeve  it,  that  the  governor  did 
in  the  open  counsel!  yesterduye  saye  and  sware  dredfuliy,  that  hee  would 
put  the  provinces  into  the  gretest  contusion  and  distractyon  hee  could 
possible  and  then  goe  away  and  leva  ihem  soe,  and  then  the  deveil  take 
them  all,  Hee  also  then  said  that  Mr  Masson  said  hee  would  drive  them, 
into  a  second  rebeilyon,  but  himselfe  would  doe  it  before  ;  and  I  wonder" 
he  has  not,  such  actings  are  the  reciy  way,  but  God  hath  kepte  us  heth- 
erto  and  I  hope  they  will  do  soe  stiil.  Hee  also  said  and  swore  that  anny 
person  that  should  have  anny  manner  of  converse  with  us  or  anny  oi  our 
mind,  he  would  couute  them  as  utter  enemies  and  carry  toward,  tnem  as 
such. 

17th.  The  governor  haveinge  formerly  prohibited  the  prisoners  from 
makeing  shingles  wente  himselfe  this  day  to  the  prisson  and  prohibited 
John  Partridge  from  makeinge  shoes,  bad  the  mars  hall  throw  them  into 
the  sea. 

This  day  Raines  beinge  not  willinge  to  give  up  a  warrante  that  he  had 
executed  duringe  the  shorte  time  of  beinge  sheriffe,  was  sent  for  by 
the  governor,  and  not  appeiinge,  the  governor  came  to  his  chamber  and 
did  bete  him  dredfully,  and  bad  the  marshall  carry  the  rouge  to  gaile.— 
Hee  remaines  out  of -favour  btiil.  The  governor  also  wente  over  to  capt. 
Hooke's  and  got  him  to  give  warrants  to  the  constables  on  the  other  side 
to  serch  all  houses  for  Mr.  Jaffery  and  bring  him  over,  but  they  found 
him  not,  nor  is  he  yet  found,  tho'  proclamatyon  was  made  at  Wells  cortj 
for  his  sesure  tho' not  yet  done. 

MARCH  18.  This  morninge  came  Matthews  to  our  chamber  «nd 
said  the  governor  sente  him  to  carry  mee  to  the  prisson,  where  I  am 
where  I  still  ly  ;  being  put  in  only  for  Thurton's  actyon  and  kepte  in  tho'  I 
offered  security  to  respond  it.  J  think  they  have  let  fall  the  other  aboute 
the  good  behaviour,  seeinge  they  can  make  nothinge  of  it,  and  before  my 
cominge  in  John  the  Greeke's  bed,  Sec.  was  turned  out  of  prisson  and  hee 
jbrsed  away,  whoo  would  not  depart  before. 

21st.  Mr,  Martin  came  to  discorse  abeut  the  mony  he  was  casto  for? 


which  they  have  not  yet  levtcu  upon  him,  but  intend  to  lave  It  upon  allth* 
ould  counsel!  equally  that  each  maye  bare  his  share;  at  same  time  the 
governor  tould  Mr.  Martin  that  hee  would  send  his  executyon.  Said  Mr. 
Martin,  you  know  it  is  not  my  dew  to  pave  the  niony.  No  matter  (said 
he),  /  mane  menu  and  I  will  hai)e  it.  But  7 have  none,  said  hee  ;  then  I 
will  take  your  house.  Hee  added  also  to  Mr.  Martin,  that  hee  was  a 
church  member  and  hee  would  watch  him.  and  all  such,  and  be  sure  to 
paye  them  off  if  hee  could  caitch  them. 

22d.  The  sorrest  storm  and  the  hieste  tide  that  ever  was  knownc.  Ma* 
ny  thousands  of  pounds  damidgein  Boston  and  much  here.  The  bridge 
to  the  Grete  Island  broaken  of  in  the  middle  to  the  grete  joy  of  maniiy. 

24th.  The  governor  wente  to  Boston  in  Foxe*>  sloop,  intending  thense 
to  New-Yorke,  pretendinge  to  discorse  Colonali  Dungham  and  bringe 
d;nvne  l\vo  hundred  Mohaxvkes  to  kill  the  cstward  Indyanes.  What  is  at 
the  botham  or  will  be  the  isshue  God  knovvcs.  Hee  hud  a  could  trete  at 
Boston,  staidd  not  a  nighte  in  towne.  Sinse  his  goinge  vve  have  had  litt- 
tei  nuse  worthy  of  your  nods,  but  all  things  have  bin  very  quiet  hith- 
erto. 

I  have  not  interred  upon  these  particulars  to  my  master  CHILD,  but  if 
hee  will  take  any  nods  of  the  thinge  and  be  consented  about  it  hee  will 
then  give  you  opportunyty  of  discourseing  him,  and  you  may  informe 
what  is  further  neidful. 

olst.  This  month  passed  cute  and  the  other  came  in  withoute  anny 
noise,  unles  the  grete  joye  that  was  at  the  Banke  by  Mr.  Moodye's  going 
up  thither  and  my  goinge  onse  or  twise  after  with  our  keepers,  by  Mr. 
Mas&on's  permityon  who  presides  in  the  governor's  absence  ;  but  wee 
soone  returned  to  the  plase  from  whense  wee  came. 

April  8.  Nath.  Fox  who  married  Mrs.    Stileman's   dafter   sente    Mat- 
thews toarreste  Capt.  Stileman  for  his  wifes  portyon  (tho*  it  was  often  ten- 
dered him  in  such  paye  as  the  courte  ordered  it,  but  he  would  have   it  in 
niony).     Capt  Sdleman  gave  his  own  house  and  all  that  was  in  it  for  se- 
curity to  answer  the  actyon,  but  Matthews  bringinge  Tlmrton   with    him 
at  his  instegan-on,  who  was  terrebly  insolente,  they  arrested  the   wooman 
Mrs.  Stileman  and  carried  her  to  firtsson  with  much  violense  and  course 
•usadge,  tho*  her  husband  had  giT>en  security.     Shee    was   carried  in    the 
evening.     Capt.  Stiieman  wrote  to  Mr.  Masson,  he  protested   against   it 
and  wrote  to  the  marshal?,  it  would  not  doe.     Hee  wente  againe  and  Mr. 
Masson  wroote  againe,  but  to  no  purpose,  they  kept  her  there  till  the  next 
morninge  ;  a  thinge  not  to  be  paralelcd  in  the  English  nation  !  Complainte 
hath  been  made  but  no  remedy.     Abbot  beinge  up  at  the  banke  with  mee 
Thurton  took  the  key  of  the  prisson,  and  when  Abbot   came   would   not 
permht  him  to  goe  in,  but  turned  him  awaye.     Brave  doinges  !  Notunge 
can  tell  the  horrible  imperyousness  and  domanereinge    carriclge   of  that 
wretch.     The  nexte  morninge  Mr.  Masson  (much  a  doe)  got  Mrs.  Stile- 
man  oute  and  the  gaillor  into  his  plase  againe. 

Mr.  Masson  gave  leve  for  anny  minister  to  com  and  prctch  at  the  bank> 
so  that  wee  got  Mr.  Phillops  for  two  Lord's  dayes,  viz.  13  Sc  20th,  have- 
jnge  bin  nine  Lord's  dayes  without  a  sermone. 

April  14th.  Came  H.  Greene  to  Mr.  Moody's  chamber  and  made  a 
oonfession  of  his  faulte  and  begged  his  pardon  for  putting  him  in  prisson 
and  saide  hee  would  git  him  oute  quarter  sessiones,  Sec.  Good  words,  butt 
Capt,  Bavetoote  wente  to  the  prisson  and  tould  John 


AFPENDIX.  385 

that  if  hee  would  give  an  order  to  allow  so  much  as  his  charges 
came  to  oute  of  what  the  provinces  owed  him  about  Cove,  for  the  soul- 
dyers,  Sec.  hee  should  come  oute  of  prisson,  and  they  would  pave  him  the 
remafttfer,  the  hooie  beinge  about  thurty  pounds,  but  hee  was  not  forward 
leste  hee  should  in  so  doinge  quitt  them  of  false  imprissoninge  him  ;  but 
if  they  would  doe  it  themselves,  stop  so  they  mighte.  Nothiuge  is  done 
in  it. 

15th.  Matthews  and  Thurton  ware  sente  to  Hamton  to  levie  exccu- 
tyones  and  serve  attachments  and  warne  jewreyrnen  for  the  courte  in  May. 

They  arrested  seaven,  among  which  Capten  Sh^urborne  one,  warned 
the  oulcl  jewreymen,  executed  upon  \Vm.-  Sanborne,  tooke  foure  oxen 
which  ware  redeemed  by  mony,  drove  away  seven  cowes  from  Nath. 
Batchelor,  wente  to  your  house,  met  your  son  Peter  goinge  with  his  four 
oxen  into  the  woods,  commanded  him  to  turne  ihe  oxen  h&ome,  he  would 
not ;  they  cursed,  swore,  drew  upon  him,  thretned  to  run  him  through, 
beete  him,  but  he  did  not  strike  againe.  They  came  to  your  house,  ware 
shutt  oute,  your  wife  ferefully  scared  for  fere  of  her  son  who  was  oute 
with  them.  At  length  she  lett  them  in,  laid  three  pounds  on  the  table 
which  they  tooke  and  then  levied  on  severall  young  cattel  but  released 
and  lefte  them.  Your  son  came  hether  to  advise,  but  con.pluininge  is 
bootless,  such  a  dismal  case  are  wee  in.  They  tooke  away  two  bedds  from 
ould  Perkins,  but  his  son  offered  his  person  and  they  tooke  it  and  quitted 
the  other  ;  what  more  they  did  there  wee  as  yet  here  not. 

Capt.  Gerish,  John  Woodman,  Liften.  Nutter  and  Nath.  Batchelor  are 
sworne  constables. 

If  th.  I  wente  to  Mr.  Masson  at  Capt.  Barefoote's  house  and  had  sev- 
erall witnesses  with  mee,  and  desired  him  to  take  deposityones  that  I 
might  sende  them  home,  about  my  case  and  the  reste  of  the  cases,  butt 
hee  refused.  The  governor  had  putt  mee  in  prisson  when  I  asked  him, 
and  now  in  his  absents  the  deputy  governor  denies  to  grant  them.  I  hope 
this  will  be  matter  of  juste  complainte,  that  wee  should  be  hindered  from, 
applyinge  to  his  majesty  for  relefe  under  our  oppresaiones.  You  will 
have  evidense  of  his  denial  sente  home,  sworne  before  som  of  the  Baye 
magestrates  :  wee  can  doe  no  more  unless  the  Baye  should  assiste  us, 
which  they  are  loath  lo  doe  and  wee  are  loath  to  put  them  upon  as  mat- 
ters are  surcomstansed  with  them  ;  but  wee  thinke  it  should  be  taken  very 
hainousiy  by  all  that  love  justis  and  willing  to  administer  it,  that  his  ma- 
gesties  subjects  should  be  thus  treated.  Surely  they  are  afraid  or  asha- 
med of  there  actyones  (and  they  may  be  boath)  else  they  would  not  be  so 
shye  of  having  them  knowne. 

This  is  what  offers  here,  what  more  neidfull  coz  Waldron  will  advise 
from  Boston. 

With  dew  respects  remaine, 
Your  assured  friend  and  servant. 

For  MR.  NATH.  WIRE,  in  London. 

A  discourse  with  the  governor  aboute  my  imprisonment,  May. 

84.     [Subjoined  to  the  foregoing  letter. ~\ 

A  T  a  sessiones  held  the  6th  May,  1684, 1  was  denied  counsell,  and  to, 
J\_  have  witnesses  swovne.  Mr.  Waldron,  Capt.  Stileman  and  Capt. 
Froste  were  presented. 

loth.  The  governor  was  with  mee  in  prisson.  Mr.  Chamberlin,  Mr- 
Hinkes  and  Mr.  Sherloake  with  him. 


336 

The  governor  profferred  mee  (that  whereas  I  was  fined  by  the  justises 
in  Thurton's  ease,  that  I  might  think  they  had  not  done  mee  rite)  that 
I  would  prosecute  it  (giveinge  security  ^oe  to  doe,)  in  the  kings  benche 
at  Westminster,  the  exchequer,  or  before  kinge  and  counsel),  I  should  ; 
though  by  his  comityon  hee  could  not  dee  it.  My  anser  was,  unles  I 
could  have  securely  given  mee  that  in  case  I  should  recover,  I  might  hav 
my  charge  and  damidge  nnuie  me  good,  it  would  be  of  no  benefit  to  me. 
He  saide  there  was  no  res  n  for  that,  bccasc  it  was  for  the  kinge  ;  though 
it  washisbecase  Mr.  M<ts*on  had  rcsind  up  to  the  kinge  all  fines  and  for- 
fitures  and  the  king  had  given  it  to  him.  But  he  said  if  I  would  deposite 
a  valuable  som  hee  would  cioe  the  like  and  would  give  bond,  and  have  it 
tried  as  abovesaid.  My  nswer  was  I  thoughte  the  forty  pounds  was  cnofe 
and  that  I  expected  exeauyon  would  com  oute  at  the  time,  and  should  en- 
devour  by  the  time  to  provide  enufe  for  it,  but  withal  toulcl  the  governor 
it  was  at  his  liberty  to  remit  it  if  he  pleased  by  virtue  of  his  comityon. 

Allso  for  my  bcin  c  in  ,>•  isson  for  not  givehiRC  bond  for  my  good  i>c- 
h:.i  ;rjar,  when  t  e  ses  iune--  came  I  was  not  brought  to  my  trLil  Li  that, 
but  remanded  to  prison  a  . 

At  ditto  time  the  governor  tculd  mee  hee  had  put  mee  in  prisson  on 
that  account,  and  hee  uoii.;.  a;;i:e  bv  it  till  I  would  give  two  hundred 
pound  bound.  My  anser  w,  s  1  had  rather  ly  in  prisson  then  give  bond  to 
tempt  such  a  fellow  as  Thutton,  (or  such  others)  that  had  sworne  against 
jne  alredy*  and  falsly.  and  judged  it  might  t.e  no  scruple  to  him  to  doe  the 
like  againe.  And  withal  told  him  that  if  his  honner  plesed  to  let  me  out 
of  prisson,  I  would  in  •,.  -elf  by  bond  to  live  oute  of  the  provinse, 

though  that  would  be  \e-.y  ^  my  conserns   and  by  that  I  ho- 

ped he  would  have  no  thoar;-  its  of  my  misbehaveinge  myselfe,  that  would 
be  detrementall  to  the  kin  ^  jove  nente  here  or  himself.  Not  that  I 
scrupled  giveinge  bond  for  .::y  kod  behaviour,  though  not  accused  for 
anny  thinge  but  for  layinge  a  uv.sptatyon  to  some  base  minded  person  or 
persons  to  foresware  themselves,  as  one  had  done  before  in  another  case 
felateinge  to  me. 

May  12.  Was  informed  that  whereas  Thurton  had  a  comityon  to  be 
prisson  keeper,  (and  withal  had  vapored  and  said  the  prisson  was  to  good 
for  Vaughun,  and  the  roome  that  hee  had  fited  up  did  intende  to  keepe  it 
himself  and  that  V.  should  take  his  quarters  where  hee  would  as- 
signe  it,  and  that  the  prisoners  should  not  be  waited  on  as  Abbot  had  done, 
for  hee  would  keep  them  ioacked  up,  only  com  morninge  and  eveninge) 
ibste  his  poaket  booke  wherein  was  his  comityon  and  sundry  papors  oi 
consernment. 

N.  B.  The  original  of  this  letter  and  journal  is  in  the  hands  oftheHon, 
President  We  are. 

N°.  XXXII. 

Co/iy  of  a  letter  from  the  governor  and  council  to  the  lords  of  trade. 
[Council  Records*"}  Province  ol  New-Hampshire, 

May  23,  1684. 
May  it  please  your  lordships, 

SINCE  Robert  Waldy  is  returned  from  England  having  lately   had 
an  appeal  dismissed  by  the  council  board,  by  taking   advantage   of 
Mr.  Randolph's  absence,  who  was  attorney  for  the  parties,   he    hath  put 
the  people  of  this   province  into   such   a  ferment   and     disorder  that  it 
is  not  possible  to  put  his  majestys  commands    in  cxecucon  or  any 


APPENDIX.  337 

ways  govern  them-  And  tho*  notwithstanding  in  obedience  to  your  lord- 
ships commands,  we  have  called  an  assembly  (a  copy  of  the  proclamation 
for  that  purpose  being  herein  inclosed)  we  cannot  think  it  prudent  or  safe* 
to  let  them  sit ;  they  being  of  the  same  ill  humor  or  worse  as  when  Gove 
went  into  arms,  his  design  being  hatch'd  at  the  time  the  assembly  sate. 
And  it  looks  more  like  a  design,  they  having  those  four  constables  into 
the  assembly  that  the  kings  peace  may  not  be  preserved  ft  he  whole  number 
of  the  assembly  being  eleven  :)  This  Waclly  being  formerly  an  assembly 
man  and  hath  three  sons  condemned  in  Cove's  rebellion  (and  himself  now 
chosen  again)  the  oldest  of  them  I  have  pardoned,  one  of  them  is  dead 
and  the  other  I  keep  in  prison  till  I  receive  your  lordship's  further  order. 
All  the  other  offenders  being  pardoned.  Major  Waldrons  son  is  con- 
stantly of  the  assembly  and  speaker  (this  being  the  third  that  hath  been 
called)  I  wish  his  majesties  clemency  do  not  cause  some  great  mischief 
to  be  done  here.  They  have  never  given  two  PENCE*  to  the  support  of 
the  government  and  that  very  rate  that  was  made  in  the  time  of  president 
Cutt  and  Waldron  we  have  according  to  his  majesties  royal  commission 
continued  ;  but  do  not  think  it  safe  to  publish  it,  unlesse  we  had  strength 
to  countenance  our  proceedings.  This  we  conceived  our  duty  to  inform 
your  lordships,  and  are, 

May  it  please  your  lordships, 
Your  most  humble  and  most  obedient  servants^ 


The  appllants  claim  by  grant" 
from  Mr.  Mason  ;  and  as  for 
Wadley  he  hath  been  these 
sixteen  days  in  the  countrey, 
and  tho*  I  have  heard  much  of 
him,  I  have  not  yet  seen  him.^ 


EDW.   CR  AN  FIELD, 
ROBr.  MASON, 
WALT.  BAREFOOT, 
R.    CHAMBERLAIN, 
JOHN  H1NKS, 
JAMES  SHERLOCK. 


To  the  right  honble.  the  lords  of  the  committee  > 
of  trade  and  plantacon,  at  Whitehall.  5 

N°.   XXXIII. 

Cofiy  of  a  letter  from  Cranfield  to  Sir  Lcoline  Jenkins  of  the  same  date. 
May  it  please  your  honour,  (Council  records.) 

WE  humbly  beg  after  your  honor  hath  perused  this  letter  to  the 
lords  of  the  council,  you  would  be  pleased  to  lay  it  before  their 
lordships  and  desire  their  lordships  to  come  to  some  speedy  resolution  j 
for  it  is  no  longer  in  my  power  to  promote  the  honour  and  interest  of  his 
majesty  here,  without  a  small  fregate  to  second  his  majesty's  bioad  seat' and 
other  his  royal  commands.  As  to  the  pirates  your  honour  may  be  assur- 
ed that  myself  and  the  council  will  punish  them  according  to  their  de- 
merits, if  they  shall  at  any  time  happen  to  come  within  this  jurisdiction ; 
and  carefully  obey  all  other  commands  which  shall  be  sent  unto, 

May  it  please  your  honour,  your  honour's  most  humble  and  most  obe- 
dient servant,  EDW.  CRANFIELD. 

I  most  humbly  beseech  your  honour  by  the  first  opportunity  $  to  send 
the  king's  letter  to  give  me  liberty  to  go  off  to  Jamaica  or  Barbadoes  for 

*  The  first  assembly  voted  two  hundred  pounds  to  the  governor,  but  it  is  not  certai$ 
accepted  it  though  he  consented  to  the  act. 

TT 


APPENDIX. 

iny  health  ;  finding  so  great  a  weakness  in  my  legs,  which  indisposition 
hath    bin    contacted  ly  the  severity  of  the  Cold. 

To  the  Ri,<bt  Honourable  Sir  Leoline  Jenkins  one  of  his  majesty's? 
principal  secretaries  01  .  t.^te  at  Whitehall. 

[The  two  preceding  jiafitrs  are  in  the  council  minutes  2d  Hook.] 

No,  XXXIV. 

Cofiy  of  Mr.  Wcare's  first  complaint  against  Crcmfi-ld. 
To  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty  and  the  lords  of  his  most  honour- 
able privy  council  1. 

THE   humble  represent . don   of  Nuthanael  Weare,   inhalant  and 
planter  in  your  majesty's  province  of  New-Han»pshir< 
England  in  America,  on  behalf  of  himself  and  other  your  nuMt  ,iy'    ;<>val 
subjects,  inhabitants  and  planters  there,  \vi.ose  names  are  subscribed  to  the 
four  annexed  petitions,  as  ir.llows  : 

1.  That  the  hon.  Edward  Cranfield,  Esq.  your  majesty's  governor  of 
the  said  province,  upon  his  first  entrance  on  that  government,  in  order  to 
the  enlargement  of  his  power  as  governor  there  bejond  the  just  bounds 
and  limits  your  majesty  was  by  your  royal  commission  pleased  to  sett 
him,  and  to  engross  the  whole  power  of  erecting  courts,  \vith  ali  necessa- 
ry fees,  powers  and  authorityes  thereto  into  his  owne  hands,  exclusive  of 
the  general   assembly   there.        The   said   Mr.  Cranfield   at   the  first 
general   assembly   there    when   the    words   of  his  commission    ranne, 
"  And  we  do  hereby  give  and  grant  unto  you  full  power  and  authority  to 
"  erect  or  constitute  and  establish  such  and  soe  many  courts  of  judicature 
"and  publique  justice  within  the  said  province  and  plantacon  within  your 
"  government,  as  you  and  they  shall  think  fit  and  necessary  for  the  hear- 
"  ing  and  determining  of  all  causes,  as  weli  criminal!  as  civil!,  according 
"to  law  and  equity,  and  for  awarding  execucon  thereupon,  with  all  rea- 
|£sonable  and  necessary  powers,  authorityes,  fees  and  priviledges  belong- 
ing unto  them,"  caused  his  commission   to  be  entrea  in    the   council! 
bookes  there  and  delivered  a  copy  thereof  to  the  general  assembly  with" 
out  the   words    [and  (hey],  affirming   those  words  to   have  been  put  in 
by  mistake  of  the  clerk  in  engrossing  the  commission  ;  whereby  the  s  ,id 
Mr.  Cranfield  has  enhanced  the  fees  upon  tryals  there  to  his  own  advan- 
tage, as  will  appeare  in  one  of  the  articles  following, 

2.  Although  your   majesty '  has  been  graciously  p!ea?ed  by  your  said 
commission  to  interpose  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  collony  and 
Mr, 'Root.  Mvaatotflrctciided  proprietor  thereof,  and  to  direct, 

4  That  on  non-agreement  between  those  inhabitants  and  Mr.  Mason, 
the  said  Mr.  Cranfield  should  interpose,  who  if  he  could  not  end  the  dif- 
ferences between,  was  by  the  said  commission  directed  to  transmit  to 
England  such  cases  impartially  stated,  with  his  opinion  and  reasons  on 
the  same,  that  your  majesty  with  advice  of  your  privy  councill  might 
heare  and  determine  the  same.'  That  nevertheless  the  said  Mr.  Cran- 
field, instead  of  keeping  himself  indifferent  between  the  contending  par- 
ties, Mr.  Mason  and  the  said  inhabitants,  hath  by  purchase  or  mortgage 
from  Mr.  Mason  made  hitnseif  owner  of  the  province  :  And  the  better 
to  come  by  what  he  hath  see  purchased,  he  hath  under  colour  of  the  au- 
thority of  your  majesty's  commission  made  courts,  whereof  both  judges 
and  jurors  have  agreed  with  Mason  for  their  own  lands,  and  some  of 
them  have  taken  grants  from  Mason  of  other  jnens  lands.  That  never* 


APPENDIX. 

fheless  this  jury  is  continued   from  month  to  month  and  kept  for  this 
service. 

'{  fca<  Mr.  Mason  has  cast  forty  persons  on  suit  by  that  jury,  the  court 
rejecting  all  pleas  and  though  the  veidict  be  given  lot  Mr.  Mason  ac- 
cording to  your  majesty's  royal  commission  (xvhich  directs  as  before)  and 
thi  judgment  entered  accordingly,  yet  upon  the  execucon  the  inhabitants 
are  turned  out  of  their  iamli  and  houses,  as  it  hath  fared  with  Wm. 
Vi^ighan  and  others  and  deprived  of  all  subsistance. 

3.  That  ihe  charge  of  every  action  is  raised  from  20s.  to  61.  which  is 
exj.aed  in  mcney,  and  though  goods  tendered  (as  usual)  the  person  ira 
imprisoned  for  want  of  money  in  kind,  and  Mr.  Cranfieid   himself  takes 
of  the  61. 

4.  1  ha  u.e  said  Mr.  Cranfieid  under  colour  of  trying  actions,  has  by 
setting  the  lees  soe  extraordinary,  forced  severuil  to  quitt  their  claimes 
for  want  of  money  to  carry  on  the  suite. 

5.  That  the  said  governor  taking  upon  himself  the  power  of  priceing 
money   not  entrusted    with   him    by   his  commission,  hath  against  the 
agreement  of  the  general  assembly,  by  advice  of  his  council!,  ordered 
pieces  of  eight  however  wanting  in  their  weight  to  pass  for  6  shillings. 

6.  'That  the  said  governor,  without  good  and  lawful  cause,  hath  takea 
upon  him  to  commit  several  men  to  prison,  particularly  Wm.  Vaughan, 
until  bonus  given  for  their  appearances  and  good  behaviour,  when  noth- 
ing further  objected  to  them. 

7.  That  the  said  governor  and  his   council   took  upon  them  to  make 
laws  and  put  them  in  execucon  without  the  general  assembly. 

8  That  to  prove  the  articles  above  against  Mi.  Cranfieid,  the  com- 
plainants have  successiessiy  endeavoured  to  procure  warrants  or  sum- 
mons from  the  secretary  to  sumon  their  witnesses  to  be  svvorne  (which 
cannot  otherwise  be  soe)  the  seeking  of  such  summons  has  occasioned 
Qound  to  the  uood  behaviour,  soe  as  the  complaining  of  a  wrong 
done  one  does,  under  Mr.  Cranfield's  management,  but  draw  a  new  purt» 
ishmem  on  the  afflicted,  but  noe  manner  of  redress. 

AH  \v  inch  the  said  Nath.  VVeare  humblv  lays  at  your  majesty's  feet, 
imploreing  your  majesty's  present  heareing  what  your  petitioner  is  able 
to  ma&e  out  of  the  premises,  and  ordering  some  commission  to  examine 
the  truth  of  the  residue  of  the  said  allegacons  (since  your  majesty's  gov- 
ernor on  the  place  will  not  admit  of  such  evidence.)  That  on  the  return 
thereof  your  majesty's  subjects  in  that  province  may  find  such  reieife  as 
to  your  princely  wisdom  shall  seeme  meete. 

And  that  in  the  mean  time  Mr.  Cranfieid  be  admonished  not  to  exceed 
the  bounds  of  his  commission. 

And  your  petitioner  shall  ever  pray,  &c. 

No.  XXXV. 

Att  the  court  at  Hampton  court, 

This  llth  day  of  Juiy,  1684. 

By  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty  and  the  lords  of  his  majesty's  most 
honourable  privy  councell. 

UPON  reading  this  day  at  the  board  the  peticon  and  complaint  of  Na- 
thaniel Weare,  inhabitant  and  planter  in  his  majesty's  province  of 
New-Hampshire  in  New-England  in  America,  in   behaife  of  himselfe 
and  others  his  majesty's  loyal  subjects  and  inhabitants  and  planters  there? 


340  APPENDIX, 

whose  names  are  subscribed  to  the  fower  peticons  thereto  annex!  against 
Edward  Cranfield  esq.  his  majesty's  governor  thereof ; 

His  majesty  was  pleased  to  order  that  the  said  peticon  and  complaint 
be,  and  they  are  hereby    referred  to  the  right  honourable  the  lords  com- 
mittees of  this  board  for  trade  and  foreigne  plantacons,  who  are  to  con-  ' 
sider   thereof  and  to  report  to  his  majesty  att  this  board   their  opinion 
thereupon,  and  then  his  majesty  will  declare  his  further  pleasure. 

Philip  Lloyd. 
A  true  coppie. 
[The  two  preceding  papers  arc  in  the  hands  of  the  Hon.  President  Weare.] 

No.  XXXVI. 

Letter  from  the  lords  of  trade  to   Governor  Cran/i- 

AFTER  our  hearty  commendations  to  you.  His  majesty  having  re> 
ceived  the  petitions  and  complaints  of  divers  of  his  subjects  in- 
habitence  and  planters  of  Ne\v-Hampshier  against  you  for  certine  ii 
uler  procedinges  alleged  by  them  to  bee  had  by  you  in  the  execi:- 
your  commission  and  administration  of  justice  :  and  it  being  ordered  in 
councell  that  the  said  petitions  and  complaints  bee  examined  and  concid- 
ered  by  us  that  wee  may  report  to  his  majesty  our  opinions,  to  the  end  his 
majesty's  further  pleasuer  may 'be  signified  thereupon.  Wee  have  there- 
fore herwith  sent  unto  you  copies  of  the  said  petitions  and  representations 
thut  you  may  return  your  particular  answer  thereunto  with  all  speed,  and 
ee  may  the  better  distinguish  the  truth  of  what  is  aleaged  or  com- 
jd  of,  and  of  such  defence  as  you  shall  be  able  to  make.  Wee  doe 
think  fitt  that  all  persons  whatsoever,  have  free  libertye  to  depose  upon 
oath  what  they  know,  and  to  take  copies  of  all  records  in  these  or  any 
other  cases  reiatinge  to  yourselfe,  or  the  saide  province,  and  that  the  said 
depositions  bee  taken  in  writinge  by  any  member  of  the  councell  or  jus- 
tice of  the  peace  in  that  rnllony,  whome  you  are  duly  to  authorize  there- 
iinto,  and  as  we  cannot  beleve  that  you  will  put  any  restriction  or  dis- 
,couragement  whatsoever  upon  the  takinge  and  transmittinge  of  all  neces- 
sary proofs  and  records,  attested  by  the  proper  officers  for  the  clearinge 
of  truth  in  the  matters  complained  of,  see  we  thinke  it  requisite  that  copies 
of  all  affidaves  bee  interchangeably  delivered,  to  each  party  concerned 
as  soon  as  they  shall  be  taken,  and  so  not  doubtinge  of  your  complyance 
herein  wee  bid  you  heartily  farewell. 

From  the  councell  chamber  in  Whitehall  this  23d  day  of  July  1684. 
Your  very  loving  friends 

Radnor.  Guilford.  C.  S.  Halifax,  C.  P.  S. 

Craven.  Rochester.  Ernie.  Godolphin, 

L.  Jenkins. 

To  our  very  lovingc  friend  Edward  Cranfield  esq.  lieutenant 
governor  and  commander  in  chief  of  his  majesty's  province  of 
New-Hampshier  in  New-England.  A  true  copy, 

William  BlatlnvayL 
[This paper  is  in  the  council  minutes  ZdbookJ} 

No.  XXXVII. 

At  the  court  at  Whitehall  the  8th  of  April,  1 685. 

By  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty  and  the  lords  of  his  majesty's  most 
honourable  privy  councill. 

UPON  reading  a  report  from  the  right  honourable  the  lords  of  the 
committee  of  trade  and  plantacons  in  the  words  following  : 


APPENDIX,  341 

May  it  please  your  majesty, 

Having  received  an  order  in  council  dated  the  1 1th  of  July  last,  upon  the 
petition  and  complaint  of  Nathanel  Weare,  inhabitant  of  your  majesty's 
province  of  New-Hampshire  in  New-England,  in  the  behalf  of  himselfe 
and  others  your  majesty's  subjects  and  planters  there,  against  Edward 
Cranfield,  Esq.  your  majesty's  governor  of  that  province,  -whereby  wee 
were  directed  to  repoit  our  opinions  upon  the  said  complaint.  Wee  ciid 
accordingly  transmit  a  copy  thereof  to  the  said  Edward  Cranfield,  and 
upon  receiving  his  answer,  Sc  hearing  what  the  complainants  could  alleage 
and  make  out  against  him  ;  Wee  find  that  the  said  Edward  Cranfield 
>t  pursued  his  instructions  in  reference  to  the  propriety  of  soile 
which  Robert  Mason,  Esq.  claimes  in  that  province,  inasmuch  as  the 
said  Edwarcl  Cranfield  by  his  instructions  is  directed  that  in  case  the  in- 
habitants of  Ne\v- Hampshire  should  refuse  to  agree  with  the  said  Mason, 
he  should  interpose  and  endeavour  to  reconcile  ail,  differences,  which  if 
he  could  not  bring  to  effect  he  was  then  to  send  into  England  such  cases 
fairly  and  impartially  stated)  together  with  his  opinion,  for  your  majesties 
determinacon  ;  whereas  instead  thereof  he  has  caused  courts  to  be  held 
in  New-Hampshire,  and  permitted  titles  of  land  to  be  decided  there,  and 
unreasonable  costs  to  be  allow 'd,  without  first  representing  the  particular 
cases  to  your  majastie.  As  to  the  complaint  of  his  having  raised  the 
value  of  coins  against  the  laws  of  the  assembly  there,  wee  are  mosfc 
humbly  of  opinion  that  although  it  be  your  majesty's  undoubted  preroga- 
tive to  set  and  determine  the  price  and  value  of  coynes  within  your  do- 
minions, yet  your  majesty's  governor  ought  not  to  have  made  any  altera- 
tions therein  without  having  received  your  majesty's  special  directions. 
All  which  wee  humbly  propose  may  be  signified  to  him  by  your  majes- 
ty's order,  and  that  the  differences  depending  between  the  said  Robert 
Mason  and  planters  in  that  pan  of  Xew. Hampshire  may  be  at  length  de- 
cided. Wee  further  offer  that  William  Vaughan,  one  of  the  complaynants 
attending  this  board,  may  have  opportunity  allowed  him  of  appealing  to 
your  majestic  within  a  fortnight  from  all  verdicts  and  judgments  given  in 
New-Hampshire  in  his  private  case,  upon  hearing  whereof  and  by  the 
relation  it  has  with  others  your  majesty  will  be  best  able  to  judge  of  the 
right  and  title  of  the  said  Robert  Mason  to  that  part  of  the  province  of 
New-Hampshire  aforesaid,  and  upon  bringing  the  said  appeale  that  all 
proceedings  at  law  relating  to  the  said  title  may  forthwith  cease  until 
your  majesty's  further  pleasure  be  knowne. 

All  which  is  nevertheless  most  humbly  submitted. 

ROCHESTER,         ARLINGTON, 
HALIFAX,  P.          OXFORD, 
CLARENDEN,  C.  P.  S.    CHESTERFIELD. 
BEAUFORT, 

Council  Chamber,  27  March,  1§85. 

HIS  majestic  in  councill  was  graciously  pleased  to  approve  of  the  said 
report,  and  to  order  that  his  majesty's  pleasure  therein  be  signified  to 
Mr.  Cranfield  accordingly.  It  was  alsoe  ordered  that  Mr.  William 
Vaughan  be  allowed  to  appeale  to  his  majestic  within  a  fortnight  from 
all  verdicts  and  judgments  given  in  his  private  cate  in  New-Hampshire, 
according  to  the  said  report.  A  true  copy, 

WM.  BRIDGEMAN, 
£  The  preceding  paper  is  in  the  hands  of  the  fan,  firesid.  Weare.] 


342 

No.  XXXVIII. 

AFTER  our  hearty  comendaiions  unto  you,  \vc  have  in  obediercc  to 
his  majesty's  commands,  received  and  examined  your  answer  to 
the  complaint  of  Nathaniel  Weare,  inhabitant  of  his  said  province  of 
New-Hampshire,  in  behalfe  of  himselfe  and  others  his  majesty  subjects 
smd  planters  there,  and  having  likewise  heard  what  the  said  Wear  could 
bring  in  evidence  of  the  said  complaints,  and  thereupon  repoued  our 
opinions  to  his  majesty,  Wee  are  comanded  hereby  to  signifie  unto  you, 
that  you  have  not  pursued  your  instructions  in  reference  to  the  propriety 
of  the  soyle  which  Robert  Mason,  Esq.  claymes  in  the  province  of  New- 
Hampshire,  inasmuch  as  you  were  directed  that  in  case  the  inhabitants  of 
New-Hampshire  should  refuse  to  agree  with  the  said  Mason  you  should 
interpose,  and  endeavour  to  reconcile  all  differences,  which  if  you  could 
not  bring  to  effect,  you  \vere  then  to  send  to  his  majesty  Mich  cases  lake- 
}y  and  impartially  stated,  together  with  your  opinion,  for  his  majesty's  de- 
termination ;  in  stead  whereof  you  have  caused  courts  to  be  he  id  in 
New-Hampshire,  and  permitted  titles  of  land  to  be  decided  there,  and 
•unreasonable  costs  to  be  allowed,  without  first  representing  the  perticu- 
kr  cases  to  his  majesty.  And  yet  although  it  be  his  majesty's  undoubt- 
ed prerogative  to  set  and  determine  the  pi-ice  and  vallew  of  coyne  with 
in  his  majesty's  dominions,  you  have  not  done  well  in  directing  any  alter- 
ations therein  without  his  majesty's  speciall  order  :  In  both  which  you 
have  been  wanting  in  your  duty  to  his  majesty.  But  that  the  chicle  oc- 
casion of  dispute  that  province  may  be  removed,  we  are  farther  directed 
to  acqiiint  you  that  as  to  the  differences  depending  between  tue  suid 
Robt.  Mason  and  the  planters,  his  majesty  hath  been  graciously  pleased 
by  his  order  in  council!,  dat.  the  8th  of  this  instant  April,  to  permit  Wil- 
liam Vaughan,  one  of  the  complainants  attending  this  hoard,  to  appeals 
to  his  majesty  with  in  a  fortnight  tVum  tne  date  of  the  said  order  from  all 
the  verdicts  and  judgements  given  in  New-Hampshire  in  his  private 
case,  upon  hearing  whereof,  and  by  the  relation  it  has  with  others, 
his  majesty  will  be  best  able  to  judge  of  the  right  and  title  of  the  said 
Robt.  Mason  to  that  part  of  the  province  of  New-Hampshire  :  And  his 
majesty  doth  likewi&e  thinke  fit  that  upon  bringing  the  said  appeaie  by 
the  said  William  Vaughan,  ail  proceedings  at  law  relating  to  the  said 
title  doe  forth  with  cease  until  his  majesty's  pleasure  be  known.  Where- 
of you  are  to  take  notice  and  to  govern  your  selfe  accordingly.  And  so 
we  bid  you  very  heartily  farewell.  From  the  councill  chamber  at 
Whitehall,  the  29th  day  'of  April,  1685.  Your  loving  friends, 
(Signed)  W.  Cant.  Bridgwater, 

Guilford,  C.  S.  Chesterfield, 

Rochester,  Sunderland, 

Halifax,  P.  Craven, 

Clarindine,  C.  P.  S.     Aylesbery, 
Beaufort,  M  idle  ton, 

Lindshy,  Godolphan, 

Arlington,  J.  Ernie, 

Hunington,  Geo.  JaffreysC 

^Directed  to  our  loving  friend  Echv.  Cranfield,  Esq. 
lieut.  governor  and  commander  in  chief  of  his 
majesty's  province  of  New-Hampshire  in  N. 
England. 


APPENDIX.  343 

.No.  XXXIX. 

AFTER  our  hearty  commendation  :  His  majesty  hath  received  the 
petition  uru!  appeaie  of  Wm.  Vaug-han,  inhabitant  of  New-Hamp- 
shire, from  severall  verdicts  and  judgments  given  against  him  in  that 
province,  which  being  referee!  to  us  by  his  majesty's  order  in  coimcill  of 
the  29th  of  April  last,  that  we  should  examine  the  allegations  thereof, 
and  make  report  of  the  same,  with  our  opinion  thereupon,  \vee  have  ac- 
cordingly appointed  to  heare  all  parties  concerned  in  tl\e  severall  cases 
therein  contained,  on  the  first  Tuesday  after  midsummer  day  which  shall 
be  in  the  year  1686  :  To  which  end  we  herewith  send  you  a  coppie  of 
the  said  petition  and  appeale,  which  you  are  to  communicate  unto  RobU 
Mason,  esq  and  to  all  others  whome  it  may  concern,  who  are  to  take 
notice  thereof,  and  to  give  their  attendance  at  that  time  either  by  them- 
selves or  by  their  agents  sufficiently  impowered  by  them,  to  answer  the 
said  appeaie,  and  to  submit  to  such  judgment  hereupon  as  his  majesty 
in  council  1  shall  be  thought  fitt.  And  you  are  likewise  to  permit  all  per- 
sons to  have  free  accebse  to,  and  take  copies  of  all  records  with  in  that 
province  relating  to  the  matters  in  dispute,  and  to  depose  upon  oath  what 
they  knov  concerning  the  same,  which  depositions  are  to  be  taken  in 
writing  by  any  of  the  members  of  the  councill  or  justices  of  the  peace  in 
that  province,  without  any  hinderance  or  discouragement  whatsoever,  in 
©rder  to' be  transmitted  unto  us,  for  the  clearing  of  truth  in  that  appealed 
And  so  we  bid  you  heartily  farewell.  From  the  councill  chamber  in 
Whitehall,  the  22d  day  of  May  1&85.  Your  loving  friends, 

Guilford,  C.  S.  Rochester, 

Halifax,  Pr.  Ciarindine,  C.  P.  Sy 

Ormond,  Sunderland. 

Lieut,  gov.  of  New-Hampshire,  or  com-> 
mander  in  chieie  for  the  lime  being.     ^ 

[The  two  preceding  papers  are  in  the  possession  of  Jo/m  Pcnhallowy 
Gsquire. 

No.  XL. 

To  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty. 

The  humble  petition  and  address  of  your  majesty's  dutiful  and  loyal  sub* 
jects  inhabiting  in  the  province  of  New-Hampshire  in  New- En  gland, 

[1635.] 
Most  humbly  sheweth, 

THAT  your  majesty's  loyal  subjects  of  this  province,  had  for  more 
than  fifty  yeares  been  peaceably  possessed  of  the  lands  lately 
challenged  by  Mr.  Mason,  and  having  found  the  same  an  utter  desert  and 
forest  land,  with  excessive  cost  and  hard  labour  reduced  the  same  to  a 
tollerable  support  of  our  selves  and  familyes  and  lately  maintained  the 
same  with  a  vast  expence  of  our  estates  and  lives  against  the  incursions 
of  a  barbarous  enemy  who  had  otherwise  reduced  the  same  to  utter  con- 
fusion. 

That  upon  his  late  majesty's  declaration  and  order  for  the  settlement 
and  government  of  this  province,  wee  accounted  ourselves  happy  for  that 
therein  we  were  by  his  said  majesty's  princely  grace  and  favour,  saved 
from  the  unreasonable  demands  which  Mr.  Mason  might  have  made  up- 
on us,  by  the  limitations  in  the  commission  for  government,  wherein  is 
was  provided  that  the  said  president  or  governor  for  the  time  being, 
should  use  all  methods  by  his  good  advice  to  settle  and  quiet  the  peopla 


APPENDIX, 

in  the  matter  of  Mr.  Mason's  title,  -or  otherwise  impartially  to  state  the 
case  and  report  the  same  to  his  majesty,  that  a  finall  determination  might, 
thereupon  have  been  made  by  his  majesty  in  councell,  which  if  u 
been  duly  attended   had  we  doubt  not  long  since  by  your  majesty's  jus- 
tice and  favour  putt  us  into  an  happy  estate  of  quiet  and  repose. 
,      That  notwithstanding  his  said  majesty's  command  and  limitation,  t'u« 
said  Mr.  Mason  hath  been  allowed  to  pursue  many  <  .ji tarns,  in 

sevcrall  suites  and  actions,  wherein  the  government  have  taken  to  them- 
selves power  of  an  absolute  judgment  without  any  re  ;o  the  said 
commands  and  limitations,  and  with  that  excess  and 
the  said  Mr.  Mason  sometimes  tenn  pounds,  other  times  twenty  I- 
costs,  when  damages  have  been  sometimes  not  above  two  shillings,  very 
seldom  ten  according  to  the  orders  and  limitations  abovesaid. 

That  the  said  Mr.  Mason  beyond  and  beside  the  said  quit  rents,  and  di- 
rectly against  his  majesty's  order  in  the  said  commission,  wherein  the 
tenure  of  improved  lands  is  assured  to  the  ter-tenants  upon  payment  of 
the  said  quitt  rent,  or  otherwise  as  his  majesty  in  councill  should  deter- 
mine, hath  disposed  or  given  away  the  fee  to  several  persons  of  several 
lands  which  were  longe  before  his  challenge  fenced  and  improv- 
others,  to  the  great  damage  and  injury  of  his  majesty's  good  subjects, 
beside  many  other  irregularities  in  the  management  of  the  government, 
to  the  greate  oppression  and  destruction  of  trade  within  your  majesty's 
province,  and  the  utter  impoverishing  thereof. 

That  for  the  last  two  yeare's  and  upward  dureing  the  whole  manage- 
ment of  Mr.  Mason's  suits  at  law  against  your  majesty's  subjects,  there 
hath  been  generally  one  jury  returned  to  serve  ail  the  said  issues  with 
little  alterations  and  almost  constantly  one  foreman,  (who  for  that  end 
wee  are  apt  to  feare)  was  early  complied  with  by  Mr.  Mason  for  all  the 
lands  in  his  owne  possession  formerly,  with  addition  of  several  oiher 
lands  to  his  owne  promtt. 

That  notwithstanding  your  majesty's  late  gracious  order,  and  inhibit- 
ing of  any  further  procedure  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Mason's  title,  until  the 
cause  were  brought  before  your  majesty  in  councill,  Mr.  Walter  Bare- 
foote  who  was  left  deputy  governour,  hath  since  the  arrival  of  your 
majesty's  commands  permitted  executions  to  be  extended,  and  persons 
thereupon  imprisoned  in  causes  concerning  the  said  Mason's  title,  with 
excessive  and  unreasonable  costs  and  damages. 

And  lastly,  whereas  your  nmjesty  haih  upon  complaint  made  against 
the  irregular  proceedings  done  and  suffered,  been  graciously  pleased  to 
permit  Mr.  William  Vaughan,  one  of  the  principal  inhabitants  and  mer- 
chants in  this  province,  to  take  his  appeale  to  your  majesty  in  counciil 
for  reliefs,  against  several!  oppressive  judgments,  one  whereof  referrs  to 
the  title  of  his  lands  within  this  province  holden  in  the  same  forme  with 
the  rest  of  his  majesty's  good  subjects  here,  wee  do  with  all  humble  grat- 
itude acknowledge  your  majesty's  justice  and  favour  herein  and  for  that 
the  pursuance  and  issue  of  the  said  appeale  will  therefore  necessarily 
affect  the  whole  province  and  be  introductory  to  the  determination  of  all 
Mr.  Mason's  challenge,  wee  have  judged  it  our  duty  in  most  humble 
manner  to  prostrate  ourselves  at  your  majesty's  feete,  and  have  there* 
fore  betrusted  and  fully  impowered  Mr.  Nathaniel  Weare  one  of  the  in- 
habitants of  this  your  majesty's  province  our  agent  to  lay  before  your 
rnajesty  and  most  honorable  privy  council  the.  common 


APPENDIX.  345 

tton  of  your  majesty's  poo"e  and  distressed  subjects  in  this  province,  who 
is  fully  instructed  humbly  to  represent  the  same,  and  the  arbitrary  anci 
severe  oppressions  wee  have  laboured  under,  from  which  wee  are  well 
assured  of  reliefe  by  your  majesty's  most  just  and  gracious  determination, 
and  to  make  an  humble  and  entire  submission  of  ourselves  unto  your 
majesty's  pleasure,  most  humbly  beseeching  that  wee  may  hence  for- 
,vard  have  our  perfect  and  immediate  dependence  upon  your  majesty 
and  the  crown  of  England  as  well  in  the  tenure  of  our  lands  as  in  the 
affairs  of  government,  which  gracious  influence  of  your  majesty  is  wily 
able  to  revive  and  restore  this  province  to  its  former  flourishing  estata 
and  growth,  whereby  we  may  at  length  be  made  serviceable  to  your 
most  sacred  majesty  and  the  crovvne  which  wee  are  devoted  to  serve,  re- 
solving therein  to  be  exemplary  to  all  other  your  majesty's  subjects  in  the 
territory  of  New -England,  and  for  which  wee  shall  ever  pray,  8cc. 
[Tins  /ictfier  is  in  the  hands  of  the  /ion.  president  Wcarel\ 

No.     XLI. 

At  the  court  at  Whitehall  the  19th  of  November  1686. 
(L.  S-)         Present,     The  king's  most  excellent  Majesty. 

Lord  Chancellor,  E.  of  Plymouth, 

Ld  Treasurer,  E.  of  Morray, 

JLd  President,  E.  of  Micldleton, 

Duke  of  Ormond,  E.  of  Melford, 

D.  of  Albermarle,  E.  of  TyrconneU, 

D.  of  Beauford,  Viscount  Stauronberg, 
Ld  Chamberlain,  Vise.  Preston, 

Earl  of  Oxford,  Ld  Bp  of  Durham, 

E.  of  Huntington,  Ld  Arrundell  of  Wardour, 
E.  of  Peterborough,            Ld  Dartmouth, 

E.  of  Craven,  .Ld  Dover, 

E.  of  Powis,  Mr.  Chancellor  of  the  exchequer, 

E.  of  Nottingham,  Mr.  Chancellor  of  the  Dutchy. 

UPON  reading  this  day  at  the  board  a  report  from  the  honble  the 
lords  of  the  committee  of  council  for  trade  and  foreign  plantations, 
bearing  date  the  6th  day  of  November  instant,  setting  forth,  that  in  obe« 
dience  to  his  majesty's  orders  in  council  of  the  25th  of  April  1685,  and 
the  3d  of  July  last,  they  have  examined  the  appeal  of  Wm.  Vaughan  from 
a  verdict  and  judgment  given  against  him  on  the  6th  day  of  November 
1683,  in  his  majesty's  courts  in  New-Hampshire  in  New -En  gland,  at 
the  suit  of  Robert  Mason  Esq.  as  proprietor  of  that  province  for  certain 
lands  and  tenements  in  Portsmouth  in  the  said  province,  and  that  they 
having  heard  the  said  Robert  Mason  and  Nathaniel  Weare  attorney  for 
the  appellant  and  his  council  learned  in  the  law,  are  humbly  of  opinion 
that  his  majesty  be  pleased  to  ratify  and  affirm  the  verdict  and  judgment 
aforesaid.  ^ 

His  majesty  in  council  xvas  pleased  to  approve  of  their  lordships  said 
opinion  and  report,  and  to  order  the  said  verdict  and  judgment  given 
against  the  said  William  Vaughan  on  the  sixth  day  of  November  5683, 
in  his  majesty's  courts  in  New-Hampshire  in  New -England,  at  the  suit 
of  Robt.  Mason  esq.  as  proprietor  of  that  province,  for  certaine  Jands  «>nd 
tenements  in  Portsmouth  in  said  province,  be  ratified  and  affirmed,  and 
ihey  are  hereby  ratified  and  affirmed  accordingly. 

WM,  BRIDGEMAN, 
U  t> 


346  APPENDIX. 

Veva  copia,  per  Richard  Partridge,  clerk. 
Copy  as  on  file  in  the  case,  Allen  vs  Waldron, 

Exam,  per  Geo.  Jaffrey,  CI. 

No.     XLII. 

jtfour  letters  or  fieti^iona  from  John  ffoxkim,  commonly  called  Hakins^  one 
of  th-?  sachems  of  the  Penacook  Indians.  [From  the  originals  in  the 
Recorder's  office.'] 

Honour  gouernor  ray  friend,  May  15th,  1685. 

'\7"OU  niy  friend  I  desire  your  worship  and  your  power,  because  I 
\  hope  you  can  do  som  great  matters  this  one.  I  am  poor  and 
naked  and  I  have  no  men  at  my  place  because  1  afraid  a^lwayes  Mohogs 
he  will  kill  me  every  clay  and  night.  If  your  worship  when  please  pray 
help  me  you  no  let  Mohogs  kill  me  at  my  place  at  Malamake  river  cal- 
led Panukkog  and  Nattukkog,  I  will  submit  your  worship  and  your  pow- 
er. An<>  now  I  want  pouder  and  such  alininishon,  shatt  and  guns,  because 
I  have  forth  at  my  horn  and  I-plant  theare. 

This  all  Indian  hand,  but  pray  you  do  consider  your 

humble  servant,  JOHN  HOGKINS. 

Simon  Detogkom,  Peter  3  Robin, 

Joseph  x  Traske,  Mr.  Jorge  -f  Roddunnonukgu? 

King  |l,Hary,  Mr.  Hope  X  Hoth, 

Sam  i  Linis,  John  -f-  Toneh, 

Wapeguanat  j],  Saguachuwashat    John  a  Canowa, 
Old  Robin  Jt,  John  x  Owamosimminj 

Mamanosgues  3  Andra,  Natonill  t  Indian. 

slnother  from  the  same. 

Honour  Mr  Governor,  May  15,  1685. 

NOW  this  day  I  com  your  house,  I  want  se  you,  and  I  bring  my' 
hand  at  before  you  I  want  shake  hand  to  you  if  your  worship  when  please 
then  you  receve  my  hand  then  shake  your  hand  and  my  hand.  You  my 
friend  because  I  remember  at  old  time  when  live  my  grant  father  and 
grant  mother  then  Englishmen  com  this  country,  then  my  grant  father  and 
Englishmen  they  make  a  good  govenant,  they  friend  allwayes,  my  grant 
father  leving  at  place  called  Malamake  rever,  other  name  chef  Natuk- 
kog  and  Panukkog,  that  one  rever  great  many  names,  and  I  bring  you 
this  few  skins  at  this  first  time  I  will  give  you  my  iriend.  This  all  In* 
dian  hand. 
{The  rest  as  b.fore^  JOHN  -f  HAWKINS,  Sagamor- 

Another  from  the  same. 
Please  your  worship, 

I  WILL  intreat  your  matther  you  my  friend,  now  this  if  my 
Indian  he  do  you  long  pray  you  no  put  your  law  because  som  my  Indins 
iooil,  som  men  much  love  drunk  then  he  no  know  what  he  do,  may  be 
he  do  mischief  when  he  drunk  if  so  pray  you  must  let  me  kno\v  what  he 
do.>e  bewise  I  will  ponis  him  what  he  have  done,  you,  you  my  friend  if 
you  desire  my  business,  then  sent  me  I  will  help  you  if  i  c«n. 

Mr.  JOHN  HOGKINS* 


APPENDIX.  §47 

Another  from  the  same. 
Mr.  Mason, 

PRAY  I  want  speake  you  a  few  words  if  your  worship  when  pi-ease 
fcecause  I  come  parfas  [en  purpose]  I  will  speake  this  governor  but  he 
go  away  so  he  say  at  last  night,  and  so  far  I  understand  this  governor  his 
power  that  your  power  now,  so  he  speake  his  own  mouth.  Pray  if  you 
take  what  I  want  pray  com  to  me  because  I  want  go  horn  at  this  day. 

Your  humble  servant, 
May  16,  1685.  JOHN  HOGKINS,  Indian  sogmor. 

No.  XLIII. 

Letter  frem  Ca/it.  Hooke,  advising  of  danger  from  the  Indians. 
Capt.  Barefoot,  Sir, 

THIS  is  to  informe  you  that  just  now  there  cam  to  me  a  post, 
wherein  I  am  fully  informed  that  there  is  just  ground  to  feare 
that  the  heathen  have  a  souden  desyne  against  us  ;  they  havinge 
lately  about  Sacoe  atfronled  our  English  inhabitants  there  by  thieatening 
of  them,  as  alsoe  by  kiiiinge  theyre  doggs  ;  but  more  pertickularly  in 
that  on  Friday,  Saturday,  and  Lord's  day  last  they  have  gathered  all 
theyre  come,  and  are  removed  both  pack  and  packidge.  A  word  to  the 
wise  is  enough.  The  old  proverb  is,  forewarned  forearmed.  Myself 
and  rest  in  commission  with  us  are  fourihwith  scttinge  ourselves  in  a 
posture,  and  tomorrow  our  counsell  meet  for  to  consider  what  is  needful 
to  be  done.  Not  els,  beinge  in  great  hast,  butt  remayn,  Sir,  your  oblige 
eel  servant,  FRANCIS  HOOKE, 

Kittery,  13  Aug.  1685. 

No.  XLIV. 
Re/iort  of  fierzons  sent  to  enquire  into  the  above  matter.     (J\o  date  or  sig~ 

nature.} 
To  the   honourable  Walter  Barefoot,  Esq,  and  the  coun.cell  of  Great?- 

•    Island. 
Gentlemen, 

A  CCORDINGE  t©  your  command  and  order  lo  me,  bearinge  date  the 
J\.  2d  instant,  I  have  to  the  utmost  of  my  power  observed  every  parti- 
cular. Upon  our  arrival  there  on  Friday  night  they  were  all  very  cour- 
teous to  us,  and  in  the  morninge  my  orders  were  read  which  was  very- 
kindly  received  by  them,  and  the  reasons  why  they  deserted  the  places 
where  they  usually  abode  among  the  English  was, 

1.  That  four  Indians  came  from  fort  Albany  lo  the  fort  at  Pennicooke 
and  informed  them  that  all  the  Mohawkes  did  declare  they  would  kill  all 
Indians  from  Uncas  at  mount  Hope  to  the  eastward  as  far  as  Pegypscut. 

2.  The  reason  of  Natomtoamat,  sagamore  of  Saco,  departed  his  place 
was,  because  the  same  news  was  brought  there  as  himself  declared  upon 
reading  my  orders  at  Pennicooke. 

3.  Natombamat,  sagamore  of  Saco,  is  gone  to  carry  the  Indians  downc 
to  the  same  place  where  they  were  before  departed  from  us,  on  Sunday 
morninge,  and  desired  Capt.  Hooke  to  meet  him  at  Saco  five  days  after. 

4.  Both  sagamores  of  Pennicook,  viz.  Wannilanset  and  Mesandowit. 
the  latter  of  which  is  come  downe,  did  then  declare  they  had  no  intention 
of  war,  neither  indeed  are  they  in  any  posture  for  war,  beinge  about  ty 
men  besides  squaws  and  paposes. 


APPENDIX. 

5.  Asking 'the  reason  why  they  did  not  come  among  the  English  as 
formerly,  they  answered  they  thought  if  the  Mohawkes  came  and  fought 
them  and  they  should  fly  for  succour  to  the  English,  that  then  the  Mo- 
hawkes  would  kill  all  the  English  for  harboiing  them. 

No.  XLV. 

Articles  of  peace  agreed  upon  the  eighth  day  of  September,  vi  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1685,  between  the  subjects  of  his  majesty  king  James  the 
second  inhabiting  the  provinces  of  New-Hampshire  and  Maine,  and 
the  Indians  inhabiting  the  said  provinces. 

IT  is  agreed  there  shall  be  for  the  tuture  a  lasting  peace,  friendship 
and  kindness  between  the  English  and  the  Indians,  and  that  no  inju- 
ry shall  be  offered  by  the  one  to  the  other. 

That  if  any  Eng'ishman  doth  any  injury  to  an  Indian,  upon  complaint 
tnade  to  any  justice  of  tne  peace  the  Englishman  shall  be  punished,  and 
the  Indian  shall  have  present  satisfaction  made  him.  And  if  any  Indian 
doth  an  injury  to  the  English  or  threaten  to  do  any  injury,  the  sagamore 
to  whom  tnat  Indian  doth  belong,  shall  punish  him  in  presence  of  one  of 
the  king's  justices  of  the  peace. 

'{'hut  n  any  oUier  inuian  shall  dcsignc  any  mischief  or  harme  to  the 
English,  the  Indians  inhabiting  the  aforesaid  provinces  shaH«give  present 
notice  thereof  to  the  English,  "and  shall  assist  the  English. 

That  so  long  as  the  aforesaid  Indians  shall  continue  in  friendship  with 
the  English,  they  shall  be  protected  against  the  Mohawks,  or  any  others, 
and  may  freely  and  peaceably  set  downe  by  the  English  near  any  their 
plantations. 

Robert  Mason,  Walter  Barefoote, 

Robert  Elliot,  Henry  Green, 

John  Davis,  Francis  Hooke. 

The  mark  of  f"  Mesandowit. 
The?  mark  -f-  of  Wahowah,  alias  Hopehood. 
The  m?.rk  5-  of  Tecamorisick,  alias  Josias. 
The  mark  &  of  John  Nomony,  alias  Upsawah 
The  mark  W  of  Umbesnowah,  alias  Robin. 

Vve  whose  names  are  hereunto  written  do  freely  consent  and  engage 
;r.ply  and  perform  the  within  written  articles  as  our  neighbours  have 
done,  and  do  further  engage  as  followeth  : 

Lastly,  That  the  Indians  shall  not  at  any  time  hereafter  remove  from 
any  of  the  English  plantations  with  their  wives  and  children  before  they 
have  given  fair  and  timely  notice  thereof  unto  the  English,  from  whence 
they  do  so  remove  ;  and  in  case  the  said  Indians  shall  remove  with  their 
wives  and  children  without  such  fair  and  timely  notice  given  to  the  Eng- 
lish, that  then  it  shall  be  taken  pro  confesso  that  the  Indians  do  intend 
and  deMgi>e  war  with  the  English,  and  do  thereby  declare  that  the  peace 
is  broken  ;  and  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and  for  the  English,  or  any 
on  their  behalfs,  to  apprehend  the  said  Indians  with  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren, and  to  use  acts  of  hostility  against  them  until  the  sagamores  shall 
make  iuii  satisfaction  for  all  charge  and  damage  that  may  arise  thereby, 

John  Davis, 
Francis  Hook?-. 
The  mark         of  Netaiy.bcmet,  sagan 

•  :ark  x  of  Wishowah,  alias  Hopehood. 


APPENDIX. 

The  mark  )  of  Ned  Hig^on. 

The  mark  3  of  Newcome. 

Kancaroagus,  alias  John  Hawkins,  sagamore,  signed  this 

instrument,  197ber,  1685,  his  G  mark. 
Bagesson,  alias  Joseph  Traske,  O  his  mark. 
And  agreed  to  all  within  written, 

Testis,  JOSEPH  RAYN. 

No.  XLVI. 

Portsmouth,  the  7th  of  Sept.  1687. 
To  the  much  honred  cort  now  sitting  in  said  Portsmouth,  for  the  pro» 

uince  of  Newhampshir, 

The  humbel  peiishon  of  William  Houchins,  on  of  his  magesty  sub- 
gicts  belonging  to  said  prouinc,  humbly  seweth  for  aduic,  ade  and  re- 
leff  in  his  deplorabell  estat  and  condition. 

THAT  whereas  it  has  plesed  God  to  lay  his  hand  uppon  him,  and 
that  hee  is  in  such  a  condition  not  being  abell  to  help  him  selff, 
as  to  the  geting  a  lining  or  proquering  help  or  remedy  for  my  distem- 
per, being  low  in  the  world,  and  hauing  useed  all  the  menes  and  aduic 
posabeil  for  nere  fine  years  past ;  hauing  bin  informed  by  som  that  it  is 
a  distemper  caled  the  'king's  euell*,  so  can  not  be  qureed  but  by  his  mag- 
esty.  Hulling  littell  or  nothing  in  this  world,  if  my  tiff  should  go  for  it 
am  not  abell  to  trancsport  my  selff  for  England  to  his  wiagesty  for  releff  ; 
thareffbr  humbly  and  hartly  beg  the  help,  ade  and  asistanc  of  this  honred 
cort,  that  thay  would  so  far  commiserat  my  deplorabell  condition  as  order 
som  way  ether  by  breff  or  any  other  way  that  youer  honors  shall  think 
most  meet  to  moue  the  harts  of  all  cristen  people  with  compation  to  be- 
sto  somthing  uppon  mee,  to  trancsport  mee  for  England,  whar,  God  wil- 
ling, I  intend  forth  with  to  goo  iff  posabeil,  but  without  help  not  posa- 
beil. This  humbly  leuing  my  selff  in  the  sad  condition  I  am  in,  trust- 
ing in  God  and  youer  honors  for  help  and  aduice,  subscrib  youer  por  de- 
piorabell  saruant,  WJLLEAM  HOUCHINS. 

*  This  petition  is  inserted  merely  as  a  curiosity.  I  was  a  received  ofiin* 
ion  in  that  day  that  the  distemper  called  the  king's  evil  could  be  cured  only 
by  the  royal  touch.  The  following  advertisement  taken  from  an  old  Lou* 
4on  gazette  is  of  the  same  nature. 

"  These  are  to  give  notice^  that  the  ID  eat  her  growing  warme,  his  majesty 
•will  net  touch  any  more  for  the  evil  till  towards  Michatlmass.  And  his 
majesty's  chirurgeons  desire  to  prevent  his  majesty  being  defrauded,  th&t 
greater  care  be  taken  for  the  future  in  n-ghtring  certificates  given  t9 
such  as  come  to  be  touched"  London  Gazette  May  29,  1682. 

No.  XLV1I. 
yf  letter  from  Secretary  dddington  to  Major  Waldron,  apprizing  him  of 

his  danger  from  the  Indians. 

[The  original  in  the  hands  of  the  hon.   Thomas  Westbrook  Waldron.^ 
Honble  Sir,  Boston.  27  June  1689. 

THE  governor  and  councill  haveing  this   day  received  a  letter  from 
Major  Henchman  of  Chelmsford,  that  some  Indians  are  come  in* 
to  them  who  report  that  there  is  a  gathering  of  some  Indians  in  or  about 
Pcnecooke,  with  designe  of  mischiefe  to  the  English.     Among  the  said 
Indians  one  Hawkins  is  said  to  be  a  principle  designer,  and  that  they 


350  APPENDIX. 

have  a  particular  designe  against  yourself  and  Mr.  Peter  Coffin,  \ 
the  councill  thought  it  necessary  presently  to  dispatch  advice  thereof  to 
give  you  notice,  that  you  take  care  of  your  own  safeguard,  they  intending 
to  endeavour  to  betray  you  on  a  pretention  of  trade. 

Please  forthwith  to  signify  the  import  hereof  to  Mr.  Coffin  and  others 
as  you  shall  thinke  necessary  and  advise  of  what  informations  you  may 
at  any  time  receive  of  the  Indians  motions.  By  order  in  councill, 

ISA.  ADD1NGTON,  Secy. 
For  Major  Richard  Waldren  and  Mr.  Peter  1 

Coffin,  or  either  of  them  att  Cochecha  ;  t 

these  with  all  possible  speed.  J 

No.  XLVIII. 

Copy  of  an  address  of  the  general  court  to  Queen  Anncy  JDcccm.  6,  170$, 

[Council  Minutest] 

To  the  queen's  most  excellent  majesty. 

The  address  of  your  majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  gov- 
ernor, council,  and  representatives  of  your  majesty's  province  of  New- 
Hampshire  in  New-England,  convened  in  general  assembly, 

Most  humbly  sheweth, 

riniHAT  in  the  midst  of  the  great  distresses,  that  your  majesty's  most 
JL  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects  of  this  your  majesty's  province  were  in- 
volved in,  by  the  frequent  incursions  of  our  ill  neighbours  the  French  of 
Canada  and  their  dependent  Indians,  to  the  great  hurt  of  our  plantations 
and  settlements,  your  sacred  majesty  has  been  pleased  of  your  royal  boun- 
ty and  compassion  to  supply  us  with  a  number  of  cannon  and  stores  for 
our  defence,  the  receipt  whereof  has  invigorated  and  encouraged  us  in 
the  defence  of  our  frontiers,  and  our  marches  against  the  Indians  in  their 
secret  recesses  in  the  woods,  which  are  always  and  still  successfully  put 
forward  by  your  majesty's  governor  for  our  security,  to  our  perfect  satis- 
faction. 

That  while  we  were  thus  defending  ourselves  and  families,  against  the 
common  enemy  of  the  repose  of  all  your  majesty's  British  subjects  in  the 
plantations  abroad  as  well  as  in  Europe,  we  were  pursued  by  the  chal- 
lenge of  Mr.  Alien  for  the  lands  and  soil  under  our  feet,  which  we  have 
this  sixty  years  defended  with  our  lives  and  estates,  as  well  as  the  assist- 
ance of  our  good  neighbours  of  your  majesty's  colony  of  the  Massachu- 
setts, your  majesty  of  your  royal  and  princely  regard  to  us  has  dismissed 
that  challenge,  which  will  forever  encourage  us  to  our  utmost  power  to 
defend  this  your  majesty's  province,  since  we  may  now  hope  to  leave  our 
children  in  the  possession  of  the  country,  with  an  entire  dependance  up- 
on your  majesty  and  your  royal  successors  without  the  danger  of  any 
further  unjust  challenge  from  those  persons  that  have  so  long  disturbed 
us  with  their  claims. 

And  whereas  your  majesty  out  of  a  gracious  regard  to  this  and  other 
vour  provinces  in  these  parts  of  America,  was  pleased  to  form  a  design 
against  the  French  settlements  at  Canada  and  Nova-Scotia  the  last  sum- 
mer, but  a  more  important  service  in  Europe  requiring  your  majesty's 
ibrces  which  were  intended  hither,  whereby  that  design  is  laid  aside  for 
the  present ;  we  most  humbly  pray  your  majesty  that  it  may  consist  with 
your  royal  pleasure  to  revive  the  said  design,  and  that  the  expedition 
htely  intended  may  be  prosecuted  seasonably  the  next  spring  ;  and  that 


APPENDIX.  351 

your  majesty's  arms  in  Ameiica  may  have  a  glorious  success  as  in  Eu- 
rope, to  the  utter  confusion  of  your  enemies,  and  lasting  repose  of  all 
your  majesty's  good  subjects  inhabiting  this  continent. 

We  most  humbly  render  our  everlasting  praises  to  Almighty  God  for 
your  majesty's  most  glorious  successes  against  the  tyranny  and  usurpation 
of  the  French  king  and  heartily  pray  for  your  majesty's  long  life  and  happy 
reign  and  the  continuance  of  the  protestant  succession,  for  the  benefit  of 
your  majesty's  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  of  all  your  majesty's  dominions 
and  plantations,  and  of  all  Europe  who  have  had  the  unspeakable  benefit 
of  your  majesty's  unparalleled  reign. 

We  are  your  majesty's  most  loyal  and  obedient  subjects, 


Mark  Hunking,  speaker. 
Signed  in  presence  and  by  order  of 
the  House  of  Representatives. 


Cha.  Story,  secretary. 
Signed  in  the   presence  and  bf 
order  of  the  Council. 


Portsmouth,  in  New-Hampshire)  6th  December,  1709. 


END  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


o 


DEPT.  APR    21962 


University  of  Toronto 
Library 


DO  NOT 

REMOVE 

THE 

CARD 

FROM 

THIS 

POCKET 


Acme  Library  Card  Pocket 
LOWE-MARTIN  CO.  LIMITED