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Treceded by an z/lccotmt of Old Ouabaiig, 

Indian and English Occupation, 164J-16J6 ; 

'Brookfield T^cords, i686-iy8^. 










THE desirability of publishing a Town History having been in 
the minds of the older inhabitants for several years, and after the 
destruction of the Town Records by fire in 1862, the propriety, 
and even the necessity, of such a work becoming more apparent, in 1864 
the North Brookfield Historical Society was formed, with Hon. Charles 
Adams, Jr., as Corresponding Secretary and Librarian. This organiza- 
tion resulted in the collection of considerable material for a Town 

After the proclamation of President Grant, calling upon cities and 
towns to hold centennial celebrations on the Fourth of July, 1876, and 
advising that historical addresses be delivered on that day, and put into 
print for preservation, the people of North Brookfield, preparatory to 
such a celebration, raised, by numerous subscriptions, over five hundred 
dollars, and Rev. Christopher Cushing, D.D., a former clergyman of the 
town, delivered an historical address. 

Soon after the celebration in 1876, Mr. Henry E. Waite, a native and 
former citizen of North Brookfield, began the publication in the " North 
Brookfield Journal," of a series of articles, containing personal memoirs, 
extracts from the records of Rev. Thomas Snell, D.D., of marriages and 
deaths from 1797 to 1852, copies of old wills, deeds, etc. These 
articles, as well as the address of Dr. Cushing, further awakened and 
deepened the interest in a Town History, and on May 5, 1879, the town 
appointed a Committee on Town History, consisting of, — 

Hon. Charles Adams, Jr., Hon. Freeman Walker, Hiram Knight, 
Theodore C. Bates, Charles E. Jenks. 

This Committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. Adams, prepared and 
sent to each family in town, blank schedules of questions relating to 
family, personal and local history, and especially to family genealogy ; 
and correspondence was opened by Mr. Adams with many former citi- 
zens and others who might be expected to possess old documents and 
papers which would supply important information. 

In 1882, after due inquiry and personal interviews, the Committee 
voted unanimously to employ Rev. J. H. Temple of Framingham to 
write the history. In 1884, the impossibihty of writing a complete his- 
tory of North Brookfield, without including early events which were 
located upon the territory of Brookfield and West Brookfield, so im- 
pressed itself upon the Committee and the Historian, that, by vote of the 
town, a formal invitation was extended to each of these towns to unite 

^3 lo oy 


with us in the preparation and pubhcation of a joint history of all the 
Brookfields. But such were the obstacles in the way of our sister towns, 
that they did not assume the undertaking with us ; and it was decided to 
go on with the preparation of the History of North Brookfield, including 
therein much of the early history of the ancient town of Brookfield, which 
has been divided into the three now existing towns of Brookfield, North 
Brookfield, and West Brookfield. 

During the progress of the work, the following changes have taken 
place in the membership of the History Committee. After Mr. Adams 
had substantially completed the preparation of the genealogical part of 
the work, which had been his specialty, he tendered his resignation, 
which, however, the town declined to accept. From April, 1882, Mr. 
Walker acted as chairman, until his decease in 1883; in April, 1884, 
Henry W. King was chosen a member in Mr. Walker's stead, and Theo- 
dore C. Bates was made chairman; and in April, 1885, Timothy M. 
Duncan and Nat H. Foster were added to the Committee. 

Too much credit cannot be accorded to Mr. Adams for the immense 
amount of work done by him, and all without compensation. Nor should 
we fail to recognize the very valuable assistance rendered by Mr. Walker, 
both members of the original Committee, who have passed away during 
the progress of the work. 

The Committee believe they secured the best man they could have 
found, in the Rev. J. H. Temple, who has written and edited the his- 
tory ; and we feel sure that his years of faithful labor will be duly 

Nor would we fail to call attention to and acknowledge the great 
assistance given to the Committee, from the beginning of their labors, by 
Mr. Henry E. Waite, who has done a great deal of work in a most 
thorough manner, refusing any compensation whatever for his most 
efficient services. 

The whole work has now been completed, having proved an undertak- 
ing of no small magnitude, considered either as to the labor performed, 
or the amount of money so cheerfully granted by the town ; and the 
result is herewith submitted to our own citizens, and the public gener- 
ally, in the belief, on our part, that the work has been thoroughly and 
carefully done. 


Town His for}' Cojyivrittee. 
North BROOKFiiii.u, Mass., May 17, 1887. 


THE old township of Brookfield, of which the territory now the 
town of North Brook field was for more than a century a constit- 
uent part, was the earliest organized settlement in the neighbor- 
hood, and was by far the most important town in the county of 
Worcester, when the new county was incorporated in 1731, and so con- 
tinued in valuation up to 1800, and in population up to 18 10. The 
present threefold or fourfold division of territory then constituted a 
unit. The men who laid the first foundations wrought for the whole. 
The ancestors of the families now living in Warren and the three Brook- 
fields shared in common the labors, and privations, and sufferings, and 
warfare of 100 years : and a true account of the old town is a true 
account of all the parts that composed it, up to the date of a formal 

In accordance with this view of the matter, and to elucidate the real 
and relative value of earlier as well as later historical facts, and set them 
in their true order of sequence, all available materials have been gath- 
ered that in any way related to the original townsliip, covering the 
period from the date of the earliest settlement up to the close of 
the Revolutionary War. North Brookfield separated from the old town 
ecclesiastically in 1750, and educationally in 1756. And during the 
war-struggle of 1 775-1 783, it took upon itself, with the tacit consent of 
the mother town, the burden of paying its military expenses and fur- 
nishing its quotas of soldiers for the army. And at that date the North 
Precinct became de facto, a town, except as to the assessment of general 
taxes and the maintaining of roads and bridges. 

The work of the historian was thus marked out for him, both in its 
plan and limits, by the course of events to be recorded and explained ; 
and he has followed what appeared to him to be a natural order of 
growth, and the only logical metliod. 


The headings of successive chapters indicate with sufficient clearness, 
whether the contents relate to the town of Brookfield, or to the Second 
Precinct and North Brookfield. 

The book is composed largely of original records and official docu- 
ments, — many of them now first put in print. These papers have been 
carefully copied verbatim et literatim, from the volumes preserved in the 
Massachusetts State Archives, the Connecticut State Archives, the Regis- 
tries of Hampshire, Worcester and Hampden counties, the Town, 
Parish and Church Records, and memoirs in possession of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society, the American Antiquarian Society, and the 
New England Historic Genealogical Society. 

In company with Mr. Jenks, Mr. Adams, Mr. Waite, and Mr. Knight, 
the historian made a personal exploration of the entire tract embraced 
in the original township of eight miles square, with a view to determine 
important matters relating to topography, boundaries, mill-seats, and 
early land grants. In company with experts, he traversed this and the 
adjacent territory of 20 miles in extent, in order to fix upon the points 
occupied by Indian villages, and trace Indian trails and early Enghsh 
bridle-paths, referred to by Pynchon, Ehot and Gookin. The result was 
satisfactory, beyond his sanguine hopes, both in confirming the accuracy 
of those early writers, and in the discovery of numerous aboriginal 
" remains " of fort-sites, store towns and clusters of wigwams, — some 
of which are mentioned in the early histories, but have not before been 
identified, — and many of which were previously unknown to either his- 
tory or tradition. All these gathered materials have been wrought into 
the book now offered to the public. 

Several '' missing links " in Indian and EngUsh history have been dis- 
covered, and put in their proper places. As a rule, events are arranged 
in chronological order, — except where the duplicate character of the 
narrative required an overlapping in the chapters. 

The labor of the historian has been greatly increased, and results 
are rendered in a measure unsatisfactory, by the loss of the Records of 
the Committee and town clerk for the period covered by the First Settle- 
ment ; the fragmentary state of the first book of Brookfield Records ; 
and the total destruction by fire, Oct. 14, 1862, of North Brookfield 
Town Records. 

The committee of publication have cordially seconded every proposed 
plan of investigation, and aided personally in the collection of facts. 
Mr. Henry E. Waite has generously given his time and labor in making 
full copies of the earliest Land Grants, covering the original township ; 


Town Records ; deeds and wills ; and other official documents. His 
aid, in many ways, has been invaluable. 

No stone has been left unturned, that showed indications of a treasure 
hidden beneath. 

Special attention is called to the elaborate " Plan of Early Land 
Grants " in North Brookfield, with full index and explanations, prepared 
by Charles E. Jenks, Esq., a member of the committee. It supple- 
ments Chapter IV., and is invaluable for historical reference, and as a 
guide in tracing real estate titles. 

It is a coincidence of some interest, that this History is written in the 
Bi-centennial year of the town's life — the Permanent Settlement having 
been made in 1686. 


Framingham, Mass., Dec. i, 1886. 

Corrections and Additions. — In the plan of Indian Land, facing page 54, 
the engraver misspelled Lashaway, and placed it too far from the pond. 
On p. 40, seventh line from bottom, for 39, read 29. 
On p. 6r, sixth line from bottom, for whereby, read when by. 
On p. 74, seventh line from top, for vast, read rash. 
On p. 92, second line from top, for them, read there. 
On p. 97, eleventh line from bottom, for Ayers'', read Ayres\ 
On p. 205, last line, for Wight, read Wright. 
On p. 254, sixth line from top, Levi should read Eli. 
On p. 326, David Mitchell's death should be May 31. 





Topographical Description of the Territory Included In the Original 
Brookfield Grant. — Objects of Special Interest. — Mill-seats. — Early 
Roads. — Training-field. — Common. — The Mile-square, etc. 

THE territory that comprised the old town of Brookfield originally 
belonged to Hampshire County, and so remained till 1731, when 
it was transferred to the county of Worcester, then incorporated. 
It is situated twenty-five miles east of the Connecticut River, and eigh- 
teen miles west of Worcester. 

As laid out and incorporated in 1673, it contained an area of six miles 
square, and was bounded on all sides by wilderness. As laid out by 
John Chandler in 1 701, and re-surveyed by Timothy Dwight and con- 
firmed by Act of the General Court, Dec. 3, 1719,' the township em- 
braced an area of eight miles square, and was surrounded by unnamed 
and unsettled lands. The addition of one mile in width was made on 
each of the four sides ; but, as laid out, the plot was not a perfect square, 
the east line only measuring exactly eight miles, i.e., 2,560 rods. The 
north line measured 2,450 rods; the south line, 2,520 rods; while the 
west line was 2,720 rods, i.e., 160 rods more than eight miles. 

The bounds remained unaltered till 171 7, when five hundred acres 
"equivalent land" was annexed to the south side, to compensate the 
town for Col. Pynchon's five hundred acres previously laid out on Coy's 
Hill. This forms the rectangular piece jutting into Sturbridge. Jan. 
16, 1741-42, the south-westerly corner of the township, two miles and 
three-quarters wide at the south end, and a mile and a half wide at 
the north end, by five miles and three-quarters in length, was set off to 
form in part the town of Western, now Warren. In 1751 seven families 
with their farms were set off to New Braintree. In 1823 a strip of 

' See Council Records in loc. 


land at the north-west corner of the town, with the inhabitants, was an- 
nexed to Ware. 

In 1793, Whitney, in his "History of Worcester County," says, 
" Brookfield is the third town in age, and the first as to its wealth and 
numbers, in the county, containing, when the census was taken [in 1 791], 
438 dwelling-houses and 3,100 inhabitants." Worcester then had 2,100 

Feb. 28, 181 2, about one-third of the township, comprising the north- 
east corner, was set off and incorporated as the town of North Brookfield. 

March 3, 1848, the westerly part of the remaining territory was incor- 
porated into a distinct town by the name of West Brookfield. 

These partitions left the south-easterly part of the old township, con- 
taining 16,194 acres, and including the village of East Brookfield, to 
wear the historic and time-honored name of Brookfield. 

Contrary to the prevalent belief, the country, at the time of the settle- 
ment of Brookfield, was practically bare of the primeval forests. The 
annual burnings by the Indians destroyed the old growth, and kept the 
uplands free from a new growth of sprouts ; so that only the wet swamps 
and protected places had heavy timber. Men on horseback went where 
they pleased, only shunning swamps and streams. From the top of 
Coy's Hill and other heights, cattle could be seen for a distance of three 
miles, and deer and wild turkeys a mile away. 

The following topographical description, unless otherwise specified, 
applies to the original township of eight miles square : — 

Streams and Mill-seats. Quabaiig River. — This distinguishing 
feature of the town is formed by the union of two streams : the westerly 
branch, called Five-mile River, rises in the east part of Oakham, and runs 
in a southerly course ; the easterly branch, called Seven-mile River, rises 
in the south-west part of Rutland, crosses into Oakham, and runs through 
the west-central part of Spencer, nearly parallel with the other branch. 
These unite at East Brookfield Village, and then flow into the north-east 
corner of Quabaug Pond. A curious circumstance is, that the river 
approaches in a pretty direct line to the very bank of the pond ; then 
turns at nearly a right angle, and runs parallel with the shore for twenty 
or thirty rods, leaving only a narrow ridge ; then diverges so as to form 
a small island ; then makes a slight circuit, and cuts a channel into the 
pond. A country road is laid over this narrow ridge for quite half a 
mile, exposed, of course, to an overflow during the spring and fall fresh- 
ets. A row of large pines and swamp-oaks formerly grew along the 
shore, and partially protected the road-bed ; but these are mostly dead 
from bruises by ice, and the ridge is gradually wasting away. The river 
emerges from the pond at its westerly end, and flows in a general north- 
westerly direction to a point near Wekabaug Pond, where it turns at a 


sharp angle, and takes a south-westerly course, and, passing through 
Warren Village and on the easterly and southerly sides of Palmer, unites 
with Ware River at the village of Three Rivers, where the stream takes 
the name of Chickopee River, and enters the Connecticut in the town 
of Chickopee. The current through the original Brookfield township 
is very sluggish, the fall not exceeding three feet in the distance of six 
miles. The average width of the stream is about six rods ; and the 
adjacent meadows, which are near a half-mile wide, are raised but little 
above the water-level. 

Before the putting-in of dams, this river abounded in shad and salmon. 
As late as 1736 an article in the town-warrant was, "To consider what 
may properly be done to make a way in the river, so that shad and ale- 
wives may go up to the ponds to cast their spawn." In 1761 the pro- 
prietors of the meadows on Quabaug River, in a petition to the General 
Court, say, " The waters are stopped in their natural course by certain 
Bars in the same, which so obstruct the flow that the low lands on the 
same are rendered unprofitable, and in danger of becoming a standing 
water, to the public damage," and ask that "Commissioners of Sewers " 
may be appointed " to effect the removal of the obstructions aforesaid." 
But nothing effectual resulted. 

Fordways. — The fording-place earliest named in the records was 
where the old Springfield path crossed the river where is now the bridge 
at West Brookfield Village. 

The fordway at Mason's Point became an important factor in agricul- 
tural pursuits after the re-setdement of the town, and a bridge was built 
here soon after 17 15. 

What was known as the " Crabtree ford " was at the small rapids, a 
half-mile below the mouth of Dean's Brook. This was the Indians' 
crossing-place on their west trail from Old Quabaug Fort to Wekabaug, 

There was also a fording-place where Cutler's bridge now is in War- 

These fordways, and the Indian paths leading to them, decided the 
course of the early highways. 

The Boat. — In low water, people readily crossed over the fords on 
horseback ; but, in high water, a boat was required. This was owned 
and controlled by the town. March 14, 1726, the town " Voted, That 
Ephraim Hayward (who then lived at Warren Village) do bring up the 
boat to the bridge at Mason's Point." 

The mill-seats on Five-mi/e River in Brookfield are, — 

I. The falls at the north-east corner of the town, where Thomas Ball 
from Framingham bought Jan. 4, 1753, sixty acres on the Spencer side, 
and built saw and grist mills, which his widow sold in 1761 to Isaac 
Johnson of Southborough ; and the privilege has been called Jolmson's 


Pond after him. He died in 1 769. The mills were kept in use for many 
years, but the pond is now a reservoir. 

2. About a mile below, in 1782, Jonathan and Nicholas Jenks leased 
land and the water-privilege of Moses Ayres, and built a dam, and put 
in a forge, or iron-works. Daniel and Wheat Gilbert joined the enter- 
prise, and built a second fireplace. Dec. 4, 1788, the Gilberts took one 
fire, and the Jenks the other, and divided the business of washing and 
smelting ore, etc. The works were carried on about twenty years, but 
were not profitable. 

3. A short distance below, Thomas Bartlett erected saw and gristmills. 

4. The next privilege was at the head of the present pond, where 
John Woolcott put in a saw-mill in 1718, and for which the town made 
him a special grant of forty acres of upland. 

5. One-third of a mile below, Patterson & Hair set up a fulling-mill. 
"Dec. 5, 1720, granted to John Patterson and William Hair a stream 
for a fulling-mill, they setting up the trade of a fuller and dressing off 
cloth within eighteen months, the stream to be theirs so long as they 
maintain said trade, and no longer." 

6. Roger Stevens put in a fulling-mill and grist-mill a short distance 
below Patterson & Hair's. 

7. In later times, Jeduthan Stevens built a grist-mill at the East Brook- 
field privilege; and afterwards a company operated a blast-furnace and 
machine-shop. It is now occupied as a woolen and shoddy mill. 

The only privilege on Seven-mile River in this town is where John 
Hamilton, jun., built a saw-mill as early as 1725; now occupied by 
George E. Forbes as a factory and wheel-shop. 

The first mill-seat on Quabaug River is at Warren Village, known as 
the " Hay ward privilege." George Hayward built saw and grist mills 
here about 1720 (now grist-mill and cotton-factory). Ephraim Hay- 
ward bought the privilege of his father George ; and, having secured the 
land for some distance below, built a race-way, and in 1727 sold three- 
fourths of the power to Tilly Mirick, sen., of Brookfield, Samuel Copley 
and Asaph Leavitt of Suffield " for setting up iron-works." These works, 
known as the " Old Furnace," stood about thirty rods below the dam. 

The second privilege in Warren was occupied early as a grist-mill, and 

The affluents of Quabaug River, coming from the north, are : Moore's 
Brook, which has three distinct branches, the central one rising near 
North Brookfield Village. John Woolcott built a corn-mill on the east 
branch, which comes from Perry Pond, before 171 7. 

Hovefs Brook, called later Stone's Brook, runs north and west of 
Brookfield Village, crossing the old stage- road just west of the cemetery. 

Coy's Brook rises in North Brookfield, and by a circuitous course, 


enters the river near West Brookfield Village. The meadows on this 
brook were an important factor in our early history. William Ayres 
built a saw-mill at the foot of Matchuk Meadow in 1762. Afterwards a 
fulling-mill was put in. 

Sucker Brook, originally called Great Brook, rises in the east central 
part of New Braintree, runs through a corner of North Brookfield, then 
into New Braintree again, through Ditch Meadow, around the north end 
of Whortleberry Hill, and into Wekabaug Pond, from which it emerges 
through the outlet known as Lashaway. On the eastern branch of 
Sucker Brook, which branch was called in the earliest records Mill 
Brook, and after 1707 Old Af ill Brook, was situated the first grist-mill 
in Brookfield, erected by John Pynchon about 1667.' This mill was 
burnt by the Indians in 1675, re-built by Mr. Pynchon at the re-settle- 
ment of the town, and continued in use till his death in 1705. The 
privilege has been utilized in modern times in a variety of ways. The old 
dam remains. 

The first satu-mill in Brookfield was built on Sucker Brook in 1 709, 
at what is known as Malt-Mill bridge, within the present limits of New 
Braintree. A company, consisting of Thomas Barns and eight others of 
the principal townsmen, received " a grant of 40 acres, to be divided 
amongst them, for their encouragement to build a saw-mill, and they 
have liberty to cut all sorts of timber for the use of the mill in any parts 
of the precinct." — The Committee^ s Records. 

This privilege was last used for a malt-mill, but is now abandoned. 

The privilege next above was the falls at Wait's Corner, which at one 
period became famous. The land hereabouts, including the falls, came 
into the hands of Nathan Barker of Andover, who sold Nov. 3, 1757, to 
Nathaniel Wait of Sutton, a clothier, who put in a fulling-mill, and later 
built a saw-mill. In 1790 Nathaniel Wait sold one-half the estate to 
Joseph Wait, clothier, who afterwards became sole owner. In 18 15 the 
privilege was bought by the " North Brookfield Woolen Manufacturing 
Company" (Amos Bond, Elisha Hammond, et als.),\^\\o started the 
manufacture of fine broadcloths, cassimeres, etc. The property next 
passed into the hands of Wait, Prouty, & Co., who made frocking, cas- 
simere, etc. Later the firm was Wait & Prouty. Since their day the 
power has been used as a spoke-mill and saw-mill. 

The privilege above, towards New Braintree, was bought April 24, 
1749, of William Ayres by Daniel Matthews, jun., of Southborough, a 
mill-wright, who put in a saw-mill. It appears to have been bought in 
^759 by Jonathan Wait, clothier, of Sutton, who, either alone or in com- 
pany with Daniel Matthews and Nathaniel Wait, put in a fulling-mill and 

' The stream on which the first grist-mill in a township was built was always named " Mill 


corn-mill. Daniel Matthews, in 1794, purchased the entire property. 
In 181 2 Elisha Matthews and Deacon James Woods built (or re-built) 
a dam near the New Braintree line, erected a factory, and began the 
manufacture of woolen goods. After several years the mill passed into 
the hands of Robert Lawton and Seth B. Manly, and then to Manly 
alone, and, while in his ownership, was burned. 

Below the Malt- Mill bridge, on this brook, are the Pepper mills, first 
used as a blacksmith's forge and trip-hammer, and later as grist and saw 
mills ; and still lower down were Tyler's and Gilbert's saw-mills in West 
Brookfield. (It is erroneously stated in " Beers' Atlas," that the mill 
on the Gilbert privilege was " the first saw-mill erected in Worcester 

Next below Lashaway, is the Neiv Mill Brook, now known as Ellis's 
Brook. It rises among the Ragged hills, and forms in part the boundary 
between West Brookfield and Warren. In 1707 or 1708 John Hayward, 
jun., had a grant of land for a pond, and built a grist-mill where the old 
Hadley Path (which ran from the Philip Goss, now Charles H. Fairbanks', 
place over the top of Coy's Hill) crossed the brook. The remains 
of the dam may now be seen near the house of Sexton Douglass (see 
chap, iv., under date 1710). This privilege was abandoned, and a mill 
built by the brother of John Hayward at Warren Village, as already noted. 

Above this Hayward privilege, a saw-mill was built by old Jacob Kent, 
who sold in 1845 to William R. Thomas. A short distance higher up, 
a saw-mill was put in by Sylvester Thomas. 

Below this Hayward privilege, where the great road crosses the brook, 
Nathan B. Ellis from East Medway set up a clothier's shop as early as 
1790. Whitney, \vx\\\x\g in 1793, says, "Ellis and Company carry on 
the clothier's business in all its branches. About 5,000 yards of cloth 
are annually dressed at these works. These men have obtained the art 
of coloring scarlet, which competent judges pronounce equal to any 
which is imported ; an art which few in this Commonwealth have 
attained unto." 

Chenefs Brook comes from Coy's Hill, and enters the river near the 
old west bound of Brookfield. 

The affluents of Quabaug River from the south are : Mason's Brook 
(sometimes called by the early settlers " Mason's Kil," from an obso- 
lete word signifying stream), which enters the river to the south of 
Brookfield Centre. A grist-mill was built on this stream by Jabez 
Upham as early as 1748, In 1768 Joshua Upham established on 
this privilege " one of the first woolen factories ever attempted in this 

A considerable brook enters the river, opposite the mouth of Hovey's 


Salmon Brook enters the river near the dividing hne between Brook- 
field and West Brookfield. 

Dean's Brook — the Indian Naltaiig — rises in Bare-Knoll range, and 
enters the river in the east part of Warren. It formed the west bound- 
ary of the Quabaug lands, bought of the Indian chief Shattoockquis in 
1665. A grist-mill was put in on this brook many years ago. 

IVigwatn Brook enters the river at Warren Village. It is an important 
landmark in the early grants and deeds. Formerly there was a powder- 
mill where is now Knowles's pump-works, and below was an extensive 

Other streams in town, named in the early land-grants, or later deeds, 
are : Tuffts's Brook, near the south-west corner of the old township, 
which enters Quabaug River in Brimfield ; Rattlesnake Brook, which 
ran into Ware River ; Potepaug Brook, which ran south, and empties 
into the Quinebaug. Dr. Elisha Rice built a mill near the town Hne, on 
this stream, before 1762. Crotchet Brook was a branch of Mason's 
Brook. Capt. J^ohn^s Brook was a small stream which entered the 
head of Wekabaug Pond from the north-west. The Colonel's Brook was 
a west branch of Coy's, running near Rooke's brick-yard. Matchuk 
Brook was an upper east branch of Coy's. Afillefs Brook was an east 
branch of Coy's, just north of Slate Hill. Equies Brook was a west 
branch of Moore's. Mohawk Brook, in North Brookfield, ran between 
the two Mohawk hills, and into Sucker Brook. Horse-Pond Brook was 
the outlet of Horse Pond into Five-mile River. John Hinds, jun., built 
a mill on this stream as early as 1 738 ; sold to his son Seth, who sold to 
Joseph Bartlett, who sold March 3, 1761, to Rufus Putnam. The small 
stream that enters Five-mile River, next south of Horse-Pond Brook, is 
called in the early grants Wigwam Brook. Great Brook, named in 
early deeds, runs into Quabaug Pond from the south-east. Joseph 
Hamilton built a saw-mill on the only privilege here about 1747. 

Ponds. — Quabaug Pond lies in the east part of Brookfield, and cov- 
ers five hundred and forty acres. It was a conspicuous object and 
factor in the early annals of the place, as will appear in subsequent 
chapters. South Pond, a hundred and eighty acres of which lie in 
Brookfield, is connected with Quabaug by a canal. In times of freshet, 
the water sets southward ; in mid-summer, northward. Cranberry Pond 
of ten acres lies north-west of South Pond. North Pond was a natural 
basin on Five-mile River, where Thomas Ball put in his mill. Horse 
Pond is in the northerly part of North Brookfield. Perry Pond is in the 
south part of North Brookfield. It was named from John Perry, who 
located near it in 1701. Wekabaug Pond of three hundred acres lies 
near West Brookfield Village, and is an object of great beauty. At one 
time, large quantities of iron-ore were gathered from its bottom and 


shores. It will be often referred to in the chapter on " Indian Occupa- 
tion," as also will Quabaug Pond. 

Springs. — "There are several springs, whose waters are sufficiently 
impregnated with iron to be highly useful in some diseases. The chalyb- 
eate springs in the South Parish, east of Quabaug Pond, have been a 
resort of invalids ; and many are said to have been relieved by the use 
of the water " {Foofs Discourse^. 

Swamps and Meadows. — Great Swamp lies north of Quabaug Pond. 
Equies Swamp was near the old Josiah Beamon place in (now) Warren. 
Great Meadow was the name applied to the mow-lands lying on the 
north side of Quabaug River. Match nk Meadow, or Great Matchuk, 
was on Coy's Brook above the Ayres saw-mill ; Little Matchuk was below 
the said mill. Cattail Meadow and Slate Hill Meadow were lower down 
on the same brook. Millet's Meadow was on Millet's Brook. Ditch 
Meadow was on Sucker Brook, so called from a ditch which was dug to 
turn the water from Sucker into Old Mill Brook, to furnish a summer 
supply for Pynchon's grist-mill. Potebaug Meadow was on the east side 
of Potebaug Brook, in the south part of the town. 

Beaver Dam. — Two of these curious structures are named in 
the early records : one was at the inlet into Wekabaug Pond of the 
little brook coming from the east, and which flooded a considerable 
tract of swamp ; the other beaver dam was near the outlet of Horse 

Plains. — What was known as The Plain covered the large part of 
West Brookfield Village site. Most of the early settlers had a tillage-lot 
here. It was the great " Planting Field " of the Indians, and the " Great 
Field" of the EngUsh, and was surrounded by a "common fence," in 
the making and repair of which all the owners had a proportionate 
share. As near as can be ascertained, the fence enclosed not less than 
ninety acres.' 

Quabaug Plain included the cultivable land lying on the northerly 
shore of Quabaug Pond. Pine Plain was near the John Woolcott place. 
Indian Plain was on the old Samuel Edmands place. Slate Hill Plain 
lay in North Brookfield, north of Slate Hill. This was the proposed site 
of the new meeting-house in 1747. 

Hills. — Foster's Hill is the modern name for what was originally 
called " The Town Plot," where Sergt. John Ayres and his co-planters 
pitched in 1665. 

The Rocky Hills lie to the east of Foster's. 

Wigwam Hill, in West Brookfield, is north of Foster's, between the 
upper branch of Coy's and Old Mill brooks. 

Whortlebeny Hill, also in West Brookfield, is between Old Mill and 
Sucker brooks. 


Coy's Hill is north of Warren Village, partly in Warren and partly in 
West Brookfield. 

The Ragged Hills, Great and Little, are to the north and north-east 
of Coy's. 

Pautauge Hill \s between Coy's and the west Ragged Hills. 

Marks' Mountain, south of the river, is on the west line of old Brook- 
field Township. 

Indian Hill, in the south-west corner of the old township, is partly in 

Perilous Hill is south of the river, and west of Dean's Brook. 

Bare-Knoll range is south of the head of Dean's Brook. 

LoTig Hill is south of the river, in West Brookfield, near the Warren 

Ashquoash, named in the Indian deed, must have been south of Long 
Hill, at the southerly point of West Brookfield. 

There were two Pine Hills, one near Cranberry Pond and the other 
near Ditch Meadow. 

High Rock is the name applied to a hill situated east of South 

Teneriffe Hill is north-east of Quabaug Pond. 

Fort Hill was where the East Brookfield railroad-station now is. The 
corporation removed it for filling the meadows. 

The hills in North Brookfield are Slate Hill, at the south-westerly 
corner of the town ; Buck Hill, west of Matchuk ; Hogg Hill, south of 
the Lower Village ; Tower Hill, north of the meeting-houses ; Grass 
Hill, next north of Tower (now called Bell Hill) ; the two Mohawk 
Hills, near the north line of the town ; Ball Hill, in the east part of the 
town, west of Five-mile River ; Walnut Hill, by the Walnut-Grove 
Cemetery ; Gibbs Hill, near the south line of the town, named from 
Thomas Gibbs, who built in 1714 on its western slope. 

Other places and objects of note in our early annals are Mason's 
Point, the hard land that reaches the river opposite the mouth of Mason's 
Brook, where the causeway is built ; Plu?n Gutter, south of the river, 
near Perilous Hill ; The Skulls, on Ware River ; the Stone House, a rag- 
ged pile of shelving rocks, on the road from West Brookfield to Ware ; 
Warding Rock, to the north-east of Gilbert's Fort site ; Whitefield Rock, 
near the top of Foster's Hill, from which Mr. Whitefield preached in 
October, 1 740. 

The Horse Shades are named in a grant made to Joseph Perry in 
1 7 10; probably were a clump of trees beside the highway, where the 
traveller could rest his horse. 

The Mile Square was a tract of six hundred and forty acres, laid out 
in a body to eight of the heirs of Sergt. John Ayres, in 1714, eighty acres 


to each. It lay about a mile and a quarter south of the river. 
The north-east bound was a white oak that stood in what is now the 
angle of the West Brookfield and Warren line. The old Crawford and 
Shepherd farms adjoined the tract. The white oak, and the tract itself 
are often referred to in the early deeds. 

The 800 Acres. — A tract known as the " 800-Acre Farm" is often 
referred to in the records, but the original grant has not been found. It 
lay on the westerly side of Coy's Hill, and extended to near the west 
line of the town. The following grants show how it was disposed of: 
"March 25, 1768, granted to James Nichols one-third of 800 acres on 
Coy's Hill and Pautauge ; also to Joseph Gilbert one-third of the 800 
acres ; and to Ezra Hamilton one-third of said 800 acres, the whole in 
common " {Book of Land Grants., 173). 

Capt. Kellogg' s 200 Acres. — A plot of two hundred acres of land 
was laid out to Capt, Joseph Kellogg of Fort Dummer, by virtue of 
a grant made to him by the great and General Court at their session, 
November, 1727, on the top of Coy's Hill, where the Hne of the west 
side of Brookfield Township crosses the road leading from Hadley to 
Boston. Surveyed by T. Dwight. (The plan is in possession of Mrs. 
E. P. Cutter of Warren. ) 

The clay-pits are named in the early records. They were situated on 
Colonel's Brook, where is now Rooke's brick-yard. At first, the clay 
was used in laying up the stone chimneys and ovens : later, bricks were 
made and burnt as at present. 

Training-field and Co?nmon. — Oct. 9, 1773, Solomon Banister 
deeds to Capt. Phineas Upham and others, committee of the town 
of Brookfield, a tract of five acres, bounded west on county road, 
north on Meeting-house Common, to be used and improved as a 
public training-field, always and at all times to be common and 
open, and not fenced or enclosed, nor used or improved for any 
private purpose, and never to be appropriated to any other use than 
that of a public common training-field, nor divided. A tasteful 
building, known as the Banister Public Library, has been erected 
on the south-easterly part of this field by Hon. William B. Banister, 
a collateral descendant of Solomon Banister, and presented to the 
town of Brookfield. "The Mall" lies directly north of the training- 

The Common in West Brookfield. — " Nov. 7, 1791, David Hitchcock 
of Brookfield grants and quitclaims to the First Parish in Brookfield a 
certain tract of land in said parish containing three acres, more or less, 
to be held by said parish in its corporate capacity forever ; provided said 
tract shall never be sold to any individual or individuals, but shall always 
remain open as a common for public use." 


Same date, D wight Foster quitclaimed all right and demand in three 
and a quarter acres of land, described as above. 

The Merriatn Library Building in West Brookfield, tasteful and well 
arranged for its uses, was erected, and given to the town, by Charles 
Merriam of Springfield, a native of West Brookfield. 



The Wilderness. — River Indians. — Quabaugs. — Nipnets. — Nashaways. — In- 
dian Name. — The Several Native Villages. — Wekabaug. — Quobagud. — 


Indian Towns. — Tribal History. — William Pynchon's Letter. — Eliot's 
Visit. — Eliot's Grant. — Annoachamor. — Uncas' Raid and its Results. — 
Massasoit a Ruler Here. — Sale of Quabaug Lands to Ipswich Men. — Ten 
Years of Peaceful Co-occupation. 

AT the date of the opening of our narrative, 1647, the only English 
settlement in Western Massachusetts was at Springfield, where a 
plantation was begun in 1636. The nearest towns towards the 
Bay were Lancaster (1643), Concord (1635), Sudbury (1637). Except 
these isolated spots, the broad region now comprising Hampden, Hamp- 
shire, Franklin, Worcester, and most of Middlesex counties, was wilder- 
ness, inhabited by Indian tribes, and crossed by Indian trails and one 
or two English bridle-paths. The wet swamps were heavily wooded, 
and impenetrable : the dry uplands, having been burnt over by the fires 
set by the Indians in the late autumn of each year, were covered with 
a sparse growth of old timber, without underbrush ; so that the first 
explorers could cross the country on horseback, wherever the way was 
not obstructed by miry swamps and large streams. Both the Indian 
trails and the early English paths followed the " divides," and crossed 
the streams at natural fordways. 

When the English came to New England, they found the country 
parcelled out by different native tribes or clans, which claimed owner- 
ship of particular tracts of territory. These claimed domains varied 
greatly in extent and productive capacity, while they had certain charac- 
teristics in common. Every such tribal possession contained three 
essentials of savage Ufe ; viz., a hunting-ground, a good fishing-place, and 
arable land for cornfields. These, with oak, walnut, and chestnut groves 
(which were often carefully protected from their annual burnings), sup- 
plied the natives with summer and winter food. The foot of the falls 
in the larger rivers was esteemed a kind of common property ; and 


friendly tribes collected at these places in great numbers in the spring, 
for shad and salmon fishing, and a good time generally. After gorging 
themselves during the " run " of these fish, the surplus catch was dried 
in the smoke, and stored in their bams for future use. Early summer 
was often a time of scarcity with the improvident natives ; and small 
fish, clams, ground-nuts, greens, and berries were depended on for daily 
supplies. But the warm weather did not require stimulating food ; and 
the corn and beans, planted and tended by the squaws, began to fill in 
August sufficiently for boiling into " succotash," and for roasting on the 
coals. Corn and nuts furnished the supply for the fall ; and rabbits, 
coons, deer, and the larger game made up the winter stores. Cloth 
made of bark or wild hemp, and the skins of fur-bearing animals, fur- 
nished the summer and winter clothing. 

The River Indians. — The tribes dwelling in the Connecticut river 
valley within the Massachusetts limits, at this date, were the Agawatns, 
who held both sides of the river from Enfield to the Holyoke range of 
hills, and sold Springfield to William Pynchon ; the Waranokes, who 
lived on the Westfield river; the Naunoticks (Nonotuks, Norwottucks), 
who held the lands on both sides of the river, from Mount Holyoke 
and Tom to Sugar Loaf, and sold at a later date to the Northampton and 
Hadley settlers ; the Pacompiucks, who owned the valley lands on the 
east side as far up as the mouth of Miller's river, and on the west side 
still higher, together with the valley of Deerfield river ; the Squakheags, 
who occupied the territory now included in Northfield, Vernon, and 
Hinsdale, and the Miller's river valley. These River tribes had each on 
its own territory all the essentials of food, clothing, shelter, and defence, 
and so in time of peace led an independent life. In time of war they 
usually made common cause of the quarrel, and united in a sort of con- 
federacy, of which the Pacomptuck, the more warlike and energetic of 
the clans, was the acknowledged head and leader. Of their numbers, 
Mr. y^tidd, in his " History of Hadley," says, " When most numerous, they 
may be reckoned at ten or eleven hundred. Their numbers were con- 
siderably reduced before they left this part of the country, and did not 
perhaps exceed eight hundred in 1675." 

The Quabaugs. — Next east of the Agawams were the Qiiabaugs, 
who held the territory which now comprises the towns of Sturbridge, 
Brimfield, Warren, the three Brookfields, and New Braintree. At an 
early, as well as a later, date, they occupied lands still further up the 
Menamesick (Ware) river. But the north and south limits of the tribe 
are not well defined. 

The Nipnets. — To the east of the Quabaugs lay the possessions of 
the Nipnets or Nipmucks. What was known as the " Nipmuck Coun- 
try," as described by Gookin and other writers of the time, took in the 


southern central part of Worcester county, from near the present State 
hne as far north as Worcester city. The word Nipnet signifies " the 
fresh-water country ; " and the natives dwelhng at the ponds in Dudley, 
Webster, Douglas, Sutton, Oxford, Auburn, etc., were known as fresh- 
pond Indians, to distinguish them from the River tribes of the Connecti- 
cut basin, and the shore Indians of the seacoast. At a later date, the 
Nipnets claimed and sold territory extending some miles southward of 
the Massachusetts line. 

The Nashaways lived north of the Nipnets, with headquarters in Lan- 
caster. They are sometimes called the Washakiims, from a large settle- 
ment of the tribe near the ponds of that name in Sterling, and sometimes 
called the Wachusetts, from their strongholds in the mountain of that 
name in Princeton. 

It has been customary, with most writers, to class all these tribes under 
the general name of Nipnets. Mr. Gookin gives countenance to such a 
classification. They certainly were all " fresh water " Indians. And 
there is not wanting evidence, that they were more or less nearly alHed, 
either by blood, or by marriage, or by both. When a chief, or a com- 
mon warrior of one clan committed an offence against an outside clan 
or the English, he would fly to another of these allied clans, and find 
protection ; and, when the great uprising of Indians against the whites 
took place in 1675, ^ these tribes promptly united in a common cause. 
And it is not unlikely that this latter fact may have been a leading reason 
for classing them under the common name of Nipnets. But Mr. Gookin, 
in his " Historical Collections," enumerates " the Pokomtakukes, the 
Squakheags, the Quabaugs, the Nipnets, and the Nashaway or Washakim 
Indians," in a connection to show that he understood each to have a 
distinct tribal status. And it is certain that they never acknowledged 
allegiance to one local, resident head chieftain, either in time of peace or 
war. Eliot and Pynchon, as well as Gookin, speak of these several tribes 
as independent in their possessions and jurisdiction. And the Massa- 
chusetts authorities uniformly treat with each of them, as occasion 
requires, without consulting with the others. When the Pacomptucks, 
in 1657, made war upon the Mohegans, the English Commissioners sent 
an official message directly to Deerfield, without stopping to get the 
sanction of any sagamore in the Nipmuck Country. . 

The Quabaugs come into history as one of these distinct tribes, small 
in numbers, somewhat isolated in position, and living in scattered vil- 
lages. Evidently they are not an aggressive people : the facts rather 
imply that they have the reputation of being inoffensive, — perhaps con- 
scious of their inability to resent and redress wrongs suffered from their 
more warlike neighbors. But if this was true in earlier times, then the 
children were unHke the fathers; for, in the war of 1675, ^^^ Indians 
were noted as daring fighters. 


And the singular circumstance appears at the outset of their introduc- 
tion to pubUc notice, that, having suffered injury from other Indians, 
they appeal for help, not to any of the neighboring clans, but to the 
Wampanoags, a powerful tribe living in the eastern part of the State. 
And the still more suggestive fact will by and by appear, that Massasoit, 
the renowned Wampanoag chieftain, in his old age came hither, and was 
for a time ruling sachem at Quabaug. 

This tribe is first named in our official records in the year 1647. And 
no legends or traditions have been discovered, to throw light on their 
origin or earlier migrations. We have to take them as we find them ; 
and we shall be content to set forth in order the somewhat fragmentary 
history of their tribal life for the ensuing twenty-eight years, till the 
grand overthrow which followed the death of King Philip. 

Name of the Place and Tribe. — It was a common rule with the 
English settlers to designate a native tribe by the name which said tribe 
gave to their principal seat or residence. But to the grievous perplexity 
of historians, this name-word is often spelled by the early scribes in a 
great variety of ways. This was partly due to carelessness in catching 
the word as spoken by the natives ; partly to ignorance of the peculiar 
force of Indian syllabic sounds ; and partly to the fact, that specific 
affixes and terminations to the generic word were used by the natives to 
indicate the different villages of the cluster occupied by them. 

In the Indian language, the name of a place was descriptive of the 
distinguishing feature, or production, or use, or tradition of the location. 
The Indian was a keen observer ; he noted characteristic sounds of 
water or air; he detected characteristic colors of soils, or rocks, or 
prominent objects ; he saw and heard and marked whatever constituted 
the individuality of places and things, and gave them names accordingly. 
A knowledge of the Indian name-words would be a knowledge of de- 
scriptive geography as the native saw his immediate domains, or as his 
hills and valleys and streams stood related to his individual or tribal life. 

There is little doubt that the name of our place, as pronounced by the 
Indians, was Sqitapauke, or Sqiiabaug. It is a compound word, which 
signifies "red water-place," or " red pond," — so called from the red- 
dish, iron-stained gravel which forms the bottom and shores of the sev- 
eral ponds in the cluster near which the native villages were built, and to 
which collectively the general name was applied. Some of the early 
variations in the spelling of this name are : Squabauge, Squabage, Squaw- 
boge, Schobauge. But the English writers more often omitted the sibil- 
ant, and wrote Quabauke, Quabaug, Quabaugue, Quaboag, Quoboag. 
The apostle Eliot wrote it (1649) Quobagud. In some official papers, 
dated 1661, the name stands indiscriminately Quabaconk, Quabacutt, and 
Quabauke. Rev. John Russell of Hadley writes (1675) Quababaog. 


When our tribe first appears in authentic records, it was not holding 
any one central cite, to which the name was applied ; nor did it own 
allegiance to one head chieftain. It was divided into several detached 
clans, living in scattered villages, each under its own sachem. These 
villages appear to have been located with special regard to good fishing- 
places at the outlets of the ponds, and conveniency of large and easily 
tilled planting-fields. Perhaps one of them was chosen for its good 
planting-ground, and strong position for a defensive fort. At that date, 
our river was a favorite resort of shad and salmon, which ran up into the 
ponds for the purpose of depositing their spawn. When ascending, 
these fish were caught with scoop-nets and spears, or shot with arrows ; 
and, when descending, were taken in rudely constructed wiers. These 
wiers were simply stone walls built from opposite sides of the river, point- 
ing down stream, till they nearly met each other. At this narrow open- 
ing a large cage was placed, formed of twigs fastened to hoops by strips 
of young elm or other tough bark. When caught in this cage, the fright- 
ened fish were easily captured. Some of these fishways remained in the 
river till within the memory of men now living. 

Before giving a description of the several villages occupied by the 
Quabaugs, it may help the reader to get a clear idea of the Indian geog- 
raphy of the place, and show the relation of our tribe to the tribes living 
on the east and west, if we trace, somewhat minutely, the principal Trails 
or Paths by which the natives crossed the country, and which were fol- 
lowed by the early white explorers and settlers. 

Indian Trails. — The inland trail in Massachusetts, of which we have 
the earliest account, is what was known as the " Old Connecticut Path." 
It ran from Cambridge, up the northerly bank of Charles river to Wal- 
tham Centre, thence to the north end of Cochituate pond in Framing- 
ham, thence south-westerly through South Framingham, Hopkinton, 
Grafton, Dudley, Woodstock, Conn., and so on to Hartford. This trail 
first comes into notice on this wise. In the fall of 1630, Gov. Winthrop's 
colony fell short of provisions. The hillsides of Woodstock were fa- 
mous for their bountiful crops of Indian corn ; and the old chief of the 
Wabbaquassets, hearing that the English at the Bay were in great want, 
and would pay a good price for corn, filled large sacks from his full gran- 
aries, and, with his son and other Indians, carried the heavy burdens on 
their backs to Boston, " when there was but one cellar in the place, and 
that near the Common." Their route was the one already described 
And this Indian trading- expedition brought this path to the knowledge- 
of the whites, who made it their way of travel to the Connecticut valley. 
John Oldham followed this trail in 1633, "lodging at Indian towns all 
the way." The pioneer settlers of Wethersfield went this way. Rev. 
Messrs. Hooker and Stone with their large company went this way, June, 


1636. The path had now become so well defined, that they drove their 
cattle, and carried much household goods. " Mrs. Hooker was borne 
through the wilderness upon a horse-litter" {Trumbull, I. 55). 

A well-defined trail from Mount Hope and the Narraganset country, 
known as the Providence Path, struck the Old Connecticut Path in or 
near Woodstock. Another trail, known as the " Nipmuck Path," came 
from Norwich to the same point. From here, a branch trail struck off 
to the north-west through Southbridge into Sturbridge, where it parted, 
one track going westerly past the lead mines, to Springfield \ the other 
keeping a north-westerly course, and crossing the Quinebaug river near 
Fiskdale, into Brimfield, through the Capt. Abraham Charles farm, the 
Deacon Tarbell farm to the southerly slope of Indian hill, over the 
southerly slope of Hubbard's hill, and passing just north of "Steerage 
Rock," to the bend in Quabaug river near the mouth of Elbow brook, 
and so on to " the Falls " in Connecticut river, now Holyoke city. 
This northerly branch continued to be a well-known Indian trail till the 
time of King Philip's war, and was the white man's bridle-path and 
cartway till after the settlement of Brimfield in 1701. 

Another early through trail is named by Winthrop {Journal, II. 325), 
under date, 1648 : "This year a new way was found out to Connecticut 
by Nashaway which avoided much of the hill way." This road left the 
Old Connecticut Path in the town of Weston, and ran through Sudbury 
Centre and Stow to Lancaster (Nashaway), thence through Princeton, 
the south part of Barre, the north part of New Braintree, to Wekabaug 
pond in West Brookfield ; and thence, crossing Quabaug river near the 
Milk Condensing Factory, it went to the W. A. Patrick place, and so 
through the south central part of Warren, entering Brimfield just north 
of Hubbard's Hill, and struck the southern trail (before described), east 
of Steerage Rock, and so continued to Springfield. A branch of this 
path ran from Lancaster through Holden to Quabaug pond in East 
Brookfield. From Weston to Lancaster, this was an English highway ; 
but westerly from Lancaster it evidently followed old Indian trails. This 
continued to be an important line of travel, till the " Bay Path " was laid 
out in 1673. The laying-out of this new path — which so quickly be- 
came an important factor in our local history — is thus recorded : " At a 
county court holden at Charlestown, Dec. 23, 1673, John Stone, Sen., of 
Sudbury, John Woods of Marlborough, and Thomas Eams of Framing- 
ham, . . . were appointed and impowered to lay out an highway for the 
use of the country leading from the house of John Livermore in Water- 
town, to a Horse Bridge (then being) near the house of Daniel Stone, 
Jun., and thence the nearest and best way to Marlborough, and thence to 
Quabaug." This new path left the Old Connecticut Path at " Happy 
Hollow " in Wayland, and ran through N orth Framingham, Mail 


borough, Worcester to Brookfield, where it parted, one branch following 
the old trail through Warren to Springfield, and the other leading through 
Ware and Belchertown to Hadley. 

Besides these long through paths, there were numerous cross-trails 
and by-ways, which served the various exigencies of savage society, and 
inter-tribal wants and wars. For these early trails held the same relation 
to the native villages, as our established lines of travel do to our towns. 
They will come into prominent notice, when we speak of the settlement of 
Brookfield, and narrate the course of the Indian war-parties, and the Eng- 
lish messengers and troops in 1675-6 ; and they will often serve to ex- 
plain hostile movements and strategy, otherwise difficult to be understood. 

The Quabaiig Villages. It will be seen that the principal dwelling- 
places of our tribe were either directly upon, or within easy reach of one 
or other of these old trails. And while no one of these villages had 
claims to be regarded as the social or commercial metropolis, it is evi- 
dent that the original seat of the tribe, from which the name is derived, 
was at the "red-colored ponds " in Brookfield, now known as Wekabaug, 
Quabaug, and South ponds. 

Wekabaug, in West Brookfield. This was the site of the largest of 
the Quabaug Indian villages. The native word Wekapauke means " at 
the end of the pond," and is descriptive of the place, not of the water ; 
i.e., it was the name given by the Indians to their wigwam site " at the 
end of the pond." The giving this name to the pond itself, by the Eng- 
lish, was a misapplication of terms, very common in our present nomen- 
clature, and grew out of an easily explained misapprehension — though 
it would be very embarrassing, if we had exact knowledge of the fitness 
and force of the Indian name-words. From contemporary accounts, 
and the condition of things existing here eighty years ago, as described 
by the then residents, and from the signs not yet obliterated, it appears 
that the main cluster of Indian wigwams was built on the bluff or high 
plain at the southerly end of and adjoining the pond. This was a dry 
spot, and sheltered from the north winds by a fringe of hemlocks and 
pines of large growth. The location met all the essential conditions of 
a permanent residence, and a large community. The handy Lashaway 
was a good fishing-place ; the adjacent plain was unsurpasssd as plant- 
ing ground ; the neighboring hills and swamps were full of game. And 
at their departure, the natives left in the soil hereabouts, abundant evi- 
dences of their long occupancy, and household appointments. The 
piles of fire-stones ' indicated the wigwam sites, and bothered the settler's 

• " The most constant and most unmistakable evidence of habitation is the presence of fire-stones. 
Before contact with the whites, the natives used for culinary purposes, vessels of wood, bark, clay, or 
stone. To seethe their food, these were supplied with cold water, into which heated stones were put, 
one after another, until the water boiled." Hon. George Sheldon. These stones were usually about 
the size of a quart measure. A couple of bushels of them were placed in the centre of the wigwam, 


plow. Great quantities of domestic utensils, such as stone kettles, 
drinking-cups, gouges, pestles, axes and awls have been turned up, many 
of which are still preserved. Two steatite kettles, in perfect preservation, 
were found on the westerly part of the plain, by Gilbert F. Lincoln, which 
are now in the Amherst College cabinet. A still larger one, of peculiar 
form, more recently exposed by the plow (and slightly broken) is in 
possession of B. P. Aiken, on whose premises it was found. Some per- 
sonal ornaments, and a few winged stones, known as ceremonial stones 
or ensigns, have been found here' — one especially fine, and about five 
inches in length, is in possession of W. A. Blair. These peculiar relics 
may be significant of high official rank, or may have had a connection 
with mystic ceremonies and games, of which the Indians were passion- 
ately fond. 

A notable wigwam site, connected with this Wekabaug village, lay to 
the south-east, about three-fourths of a mile, and just across the river. 
It occupied a spot about thirty rods east of the house of G. F. Lincoln. 
A cool, living spring supplied water. Large heaps of " chips " indicate 
that this was the workshop for making arrow and spear points, knives, 
piercers, etc., abundance of which were found in the soil. Many ste- 
atite cups, pieces of clay pottery, a well-finished pipe, and other utensils 
and ornaments have from time to time been unearthed here, a large and 
valuable collection of which, together with relics gathered from the pond 
site, and other places, is now in possession of David F. Lincoln. There 
is a well-preserved tradition that a wigwam was standing on this spot, 
and was occupied by an Indian family, as late as 1 745 . 

Tradition locates the burial-place of this clan on the bluff at the 
north-easterly end of the pond ; and a number of skeletons were 
plowed up here by the early settlers. But the spot is too far removed 
from the main village site, to answer the Indian's idea of conveniency 
for burying his dead. Probably these interments were made to meet 
some exigency, as of a battle. And such a conclusion is in keeping 
with the fact that the position of this bluff, with its steep slopes, points 
it out as well suited for a strong defensive fort. And that it was so used, 
is indicated by the still visible remains of several " barns " on the ter- 
race at its south-easterly foot. These Indian barns ox granaries — often 
mentioned in our descriptions of native village sites — were circular 
excavations in the ground, used for storing provisions, such as corn, 
nuts, and dried fish. The smaller ones were three to five feet in diame- 
ter by an equal depth ; the larger were ten to fifteen feet in diameter 
by five to ten feet deep. In digging, the sides were left slightly con- 
on which their fire was built, and thus they were constantly ready for use. From repeated heating 
and cooling, they acquired the reddish, honey-combed appearance which makes it easy to distinguish 


verging, and when the soil was tenacious, were not likely to cave in ; but 
in a sandy soil, it was common to line the sides with a coating of clay 
mortar, which was hardened by artificial heat, and is now often found 
unbroken. These barns were commonly set in the sloping sides of a 
knoll or bank, to secure dryness, and the better to shed rain. A con- 
siderable number were placed close together, in order that they might 
be protected from bears and other enemies by a picket. When filled, 
they were covered with poles and long grass, or brush and sods. 

There are good reasons for believing that Wassamegin (Massasoit), 
the old sachem of the Wampanoags, came to Wekabaug village about 
the year 1657, and was the acknowledged ruler here till his death. The 
particulars of this advent will be given in its chronological order. 

And circumstances clearly indicate that this was the residence and 
particular domain of Shattoockquis, the sachem who was in power and 
signed the deed to the English purchaser in 1665. That he remained 
here for the next ten years, is probable ; and if so, he Hved on friendly 
terms with his white neighbors, each race cultivating its own cornfields, 
and maintaining its own peculiar social and civil ideas and customs, with- 
out serious friction. It is also probable that he was one of the " old 
men " who had learned to respect his civilized friends, and was disposed 
to treat with Ephraim Curtis on his diplomatic mission to the Quabaugs 
in July, 1675 ; t'"*^^ ^^^ ^^^ overruled by the young braves, especially 
Mettawamppe, his co-ruler, who had " challenged some interest " in the 
lands here, and perhaps was his successor ; who certainly was the 
chosen leader of the hostile band that destroyed the town. 

Qtiobagud, or Qiiobaciiti. The other large and permanent Qua- 
baug village within our present town limits, which became noted in our 
annals, was located in the east part of Brookfield, at the south-easterly 
end of Quabaug pond,' and east of the canal connecting this with South 
pond. The distinctive remains of Indian occupancy are still plainly 
visible. The top of the bluff where the main part of the wigwams stood 
is still a waste of drifting sand, bare of vegetation, except where some 
white-pines have lately taken root, and the briers and sedges are main- 
taining a precarious foothold.^ Piles of fire-stones, showing the alter- 
nate action of fire and water, still indicate the spot in the centre of 
the wigwam, where the savages huddled for warmth in winter, and the 

' The name Podunk, applied in modern times to this pond, is a misnomer; the word podunk 
meaning " place of burning," i.e., burning captives. It is rightly applied in the original deed of the 
town to a meadoiv. 

2 The spots of drifting sand, which have remained a barren waste for two hundred years, are relied 
on as among the certain signs of permanent Indian village sites. The cause of the continued barren- 
ness may have been, in part, the household fires. These were built as follows: a pit was dug, into 
which a bushel or two of small stones was put, on which the wood was placed. These stones becom- 
ing hot, would disseminate the heat through the surrounding earth for a considerable space, and thus 
burn out the life of the soil. Other causes, not well understood, may have contributed to the result. 


squaws cooked the family meal. The spring for supplying water is in 
the ravine on the easterly side. The place of two large barns or gran- 
aries, used for storing provisions, can readily be identified. As far back 
as any one remembers, this vicinity abounded in Indian relics of various 
kinds. One or more skeletons have been unearthed ; and careful search 
would doubtless discover the village burial-place. Parts of aukooks 
(steatite ketdes), and specimens of baked clay pottery, and personal 
ornaments, point to the existence here of the higher refinements of 
savage society. 

From intimations in his own account, and a more definite reference in 
Gookin's History, there is little doubt that this village is the Qiiobagud, 
where the apostle Eliot came to preach in 1649 ; and where, through 
his other visits, or more likely through the labors of the Christian Indians 
of Natick, so much of the " good seed of the word " was sown, that 
Gookin could write in 1674 : " Quobaug (the south-east part of Brook- 
field) is another Indian town which is coming on to receive the Gospel." 
Probably David, mentioned by Wheeler in his Narrative as one of the 
^' chief sachems " here, ruled over this domain ; and through Mr. Eliot's 
influence, had taken a Christian name, and exhibited so much of Chris- 
tian principle and honor, in his intercourse with the white planters, as to 
win the confidence of Sergt. Ayres, — only to turn traitor at the eleventh 

To the north of the pond, in the fork of Seven-mile and Five-mile 
brooks, there was formerly a steep conical hill, called Fort hill. The 
top showed signs of having been artificially levelled, and surrounded by 
a rude breastwork. It probably was originally an Indian fort, and may 
have been utilized by the whites, for a hke purpose, at a later period. 
The East Brookfield railroad-station and freight-yard now occupy much 
of the site, the earth having been removed for filUng. 

The " little meadow at the north end of the pond Quaboag, which 
meadow is called Podunk," named in the Indian deed, is not easily 
identified, nor does reliable tradition point it out. The name signifies 
" place of burning." And in other localities where the same designa- 
tion is given, it is known that captives taken in war, were tortured to 
death by fire. Probably such was the origin of the name here. And 
the use of the word gives us intimation that this clan of Quabaugs, at 
some date earlier than 1665, had an encounter with an enemy clan, was 
successful, brought home captives which were tied to stakes in this 
meadow, the fagots collected, the circle of begrimed braves formed 
around the victims, the death-dance performed, and amidst the fiend-like 
yells of savage exultation, the torch applied. But as History is silent in 
the matter, it is best that Imagination should not attempt to draw the 
sad picture. 


Ashquoach. This important Quabaag village, often named in the 
early records, was situated on Indian hill, north of Great (now Sher- 
man's) pond in Brimfield, and a short distance from the old Brookfield 
(now Warren) line. It was directly upon the great Indian trail from 
Woodstock (the Wabbaquasset country) to the Great Falls at Holyoke ; 
and but a little way south of the trail from Wekabaug to Springfield. 
Its location and abundant resources for food made it a favorite baiting- 
place for the native travellers, being a day's journey from Maanexit in 
Woodstock, and a like distance from Agawam, Chikuppe, and the Great 

This Indian town comes into notice in 1648, and has a direct connec- 
tion with our Brookfield history for the ensuing twenty-eight years. The 
sachem, first named, was Quacunquasit, who applied to the Massachu- 
setts government for aid, as will appear in the letter of William Pynchon, 
to be hereafter inserted. Probably he is the same whose name is written 
Quaquequunset in 1661. The town was distinguished for its great corn- 
fields, and its defensive fort ; and was known in the records as Qiiabaug 
Old Fort, till the Indians removed to their " new seat " on Menameseek 
river in the summer of 1675. The planting-ground was at the north- 
easterly, westerly, and southerly shores of the pond, where are many 
acres exactly suited for tillage with the native stone or shell hoes. Mr. 
/^«^/i(?«'i' statement is: "Ashquoach lies somewhat southward of our 
way to Brookfield, and about 23 miles from Springfield ; . . . the Indians 
have a great cornfield hard by on the southward side, and not far south- 
ward are more Indian cornfields." 

Both written records and tradition concur in the representation that 
this was the stronghold of the tribe, and a permanent abiding-place. An 
examination of the ground shows that the fort must have been built on 
the highest point of the hill, where there is a rocky eminence, easily 
defended on all sides. The view in every direction was extensive, and 
a watchman could readily detect the approach of friend or foe. A spring 
of water — the essential adjunct of an Indian fort — comes out at the 
foot of the precipice. There is a good place for wigwams in the shel- 
tered depressions of the south-easterly slope of the crown of the hill, 
and also lower down on a kind of shelf extending easterly from the 
spring for thirty or forty rods. Both this shelf and the depressions above 
appear to have remained nearly bare of any new growth of trees, till a 
comparatively recent period — a fact common to Indian wigwam sites. 

The messengers and agents sent by the English authorities to the Qua- 
baugs, often mention their stop at Quabaug Old Fort. And the place is 
memorable as the refuge of King Philip, Aug. 5, 1675, when on his 
flight from Pocasset, with a handful of followers. It was surmised that 
he intended to remain here to recruit ; but finding that the warriors 


had gone, leaving behind only the squaws and old men, and that the 
English troops were astir at Springfield, he went the next day (Friday, 
Aug. 6 — wrongly given by most writers as Aug. 5) to the new Quabaug 
settlement, eighteen miles to the northward, on Menameseek river. 

There was another Ashquoach, which is named in the Indian deed of 
1665, as being on the line between the head of Naltaug brook and 
Quabaug pond. This description would place it at the extreme southern 
point of West Brookfield. Wliitney, History of Western, says : 
" There have been some vestiges of the aboriginals discovered on an 
extensive hill in the easterly part of this town, which was taken from 
Brookfield. On ploughing the ground a few years since, large beds of 
clam-shells were discovered under the soil, which appeared to be placed 
at equal distances from each other ; these, together with Indian utensils 
found there, prove that this was a place of their resort and dwelling." 
No additional account of this wigwam site has been found ; nor has the 
writer been able to identify the spot where the remains were exhumed. 

Quassuck. According to a letter written by William Pynchon in 
1644, there was a small cluster of Indian wigwams and a cornfield in 
Sturbridge, a little way south of Quassuck pond (now called Lead-mine 
pond), close to the place where the ore was afterwards worked. The 
ruling sachem then was Namaswhat. 

Futikookiippog. A larger village of the Quabaugs was situated on 
the south bank of the Quinebaug river, near the present line between 
Sturbridge and Brimfield. The hill here, called Indian-field hill, and 
sometimes Janes's hill, had large planting-fields, and from the signs 
observed in later times, was evidently a permanent dwelling-place of the 
natives. Many relics, of various kinds, have been found here. From 
the location and other circumstances, it is natural to conclude that this 
was the residence of the sachems Wattalloowekin and Nakin, who, in 
1655, sold one thousand acres of their land, including this village site, 
to the apostle Eliot — a transaction to be given in detail in its proper 
place. In 1675, the ruling sachem here was Conkganasco (Konkewas- 
co), who signed a treaty of peace June 24, and July 16 was found at 
Menameset, as one of the hostile leaders, so soon to fall upon the 
Brookfield settlers. 

Another Quabaug village is thus described by Mrs. Eunice P. Cutter 
of Warren : " There was an Indian settlement at the eastern base of 
Colonel's mountain in the north-west part of Warren, near the town- 
farm house. It was in a sunny spot, sheltered by hills on the west, 
north-west and east. Two cool springs supplied never-failing water. 
Three trails led from the village — one to the Menameseek river for 
salmon (this was the English bridle-path to Hadley) ; one over Coy's 
hill to Wekabaug pond for bass and pickerel ; and the third down 


Blackmar brook, and across Quabaug river, to intersect tlie old trail to 
Springfield. An Indian's lodge was standing here as late as 1746, at 
which date their burial-place was well defined. Stone utensils, arrow 
and spear points were then abundant in the soil." 

Besides these clearly marked village sites, there are other places where 
single wigwams or small clusters were pitched, and occupied for a 
longer or shorter period. One such site was at " Indian plain," on the 
Edmands place, near Horse-pond brook. Appearances indicate that a 
large wigwam had stood here for a long time. There is a cool living 
spring in the swale hard by. When Samuel Edmands plowed this field 
for the first time, eighty years ago, his oxen sank into a deep bed of ashes 
on the north-easterly side of the lot. 

A cluster of wigwams stood below the Hodges place, in the south- 
west corner of Brookfield, near the Sturbridge line. 

The Rock House, in the north-west of VV^est Brookfield, has a probable 
connection with our Indian history. It is a remarkable, craggy ledge 
of rock left by the old upheaval, with an overhanging roof, fifteen feet 
of the outer edge of which broke off, and now stands on end, leaving 
a covered space sufficient to shelter a hundred persons. There is a 
tradition that this place was used by the Indians as a winter resort and 

Removal to Menameset. In the latter part of June, or first of July 
(after June 25), 1675, the able-bodied warriors of these Quabaug clans 
suddenly left their ancestral towns, and concentrated at the " Mename- 
seek country," on the old Nashaway trail, in the north part of New 
Braintree, and adjacent part of Barre. As is evident from the letter of 
William Pynchon, dated 1648, the Quabaugs then claimed the territory, 
and had a settlement on Ware (Menameseek ') river. Their removal, 
then, was neither a relinquishment of old, nor an acquirement of new 
lands ; but a change of base, in order to meet the necessities of the 
new alliance, offensive and defensive, which the tribe had made with 
the Nashaways and Nipnets. The purpose and results of this alliance 
will appear when we come to King Philip's war. 

As appears from contemporary history, our tribe built three towns on 
the easterly bank of Ware river, to each of which, according to Indian 
etymology, the name Menameset was applied. Perhaps the three lead- 
ing Quabaug clans built each its own village. Reliable tradition has 
preserved a knowledge of the site of the lower of these towns. It was 
on "an island," i.e., a plot of dry land surrounded by wet swamp, on 

' The Indian name of this stream signifies " great fishing basket," or " fishing wier " (pronounced 
ware) ; and their village or villages, built on the banks, would be Men-a-me-seek-et — contracted, 
Menameset; now more often written Meminimisset, or Wenimlsset. The natives had several of these 
great fishing wiers in this river; and some of them remained in place, up to the time when the Factories 
were established at Ware Village and Gilbertville. 


the easterly side of Wenimisset brook in New Braintree, and contained 
four or five acres. The highest part of the island was about twenty rods 
from Ware river ; the old turnpike road from Furnace village through 
Oakham, crosses it, leaving one-fourth on the northerly and three-fourths 
on the southerly side of said road. Afr. Jiidd, the careful investigator, 
and reliable historian, visited the place and identified the island, in 
1854. Ephraim Curtis, who came hither with a message from the gov- 
ernor in the middle of July, 1675, has left an interesting account of his 
visit, and description of the island. This was not, as some affirm, the 
Indian's " stronghold," but was the least defensible of the three towns ; 
and the absence of characteristic " remains " indicates that its occupation 
was less permanent. It will come into notice again, when we give an 
account of the ambushment of Capt. Wheeler. 

The two upper Menameset town sites have remained practically 
unknown to local historians — notwithstanding the fact that the exact 
statements of the two guides, George Memicho and James Quanapohit, 
which are preserved in the State Archives, furnish the necessary clews, 
and Mrs. Rowlandson's Narrative is quite specific in data for fixing the 
most northerly site. Guided by these historical memoranda, the writer 
has made careful and repeated explorations of the valley from Barre 
Plains to the Old Furnace, and has discovered two spots which corre- 
spond to the estimated distances from known points, given by the guides 
above named ; which spots exactly meet the I'equii'ef/ienis of Indian vil- 
lage sites ; and at both of which sufficient " remains " were found, to 
leave no doubt that they are the two long over-looked Quabaug town 

Going up stream from the mouth of Wenimisset brook, and distant 
about one mile, is what I call the second Menameset town.- The site 
is nearly opposite the White paper-mill. Extending from the Perez 
Cobb cemetery northerly, is a high plain containing about forty acres, 
the surface of which is some thirty-five feet above the river level. It is 
evident that in the olden time, a thick swamp enclosed this plain on the 
south, east, and north, while the river ran on the west. Back of the 
plain, and half-way down to the water level is a terrace, where a large 
village of wigwams could be set up, and where they would be effectually 
screened from observation by the fringe of hemlocks and pines growing 
on the ed^e of the bluff. Back of this terrace and next the river is a 
strip of low ground, partly sandy ridge and partly swamp. In this dry 
ridge can still be seen the remains of fifteen Indian "barns," showing 

' All these places answer well to a description given Nov. 9, 1675, in a letter from the Massachu- 
setts Council to Capt. Appleton: The enemy . . . stay in " piney and cedar swamps with dry knolls 
or islands in them, fit for their purpose to lurk in, and lay up their provisions, and hide their squas 
and children." 

- First recognized by Charles E. Jenks, Esq , one of the party. 


this to have been an important store-town. The site, as a place of secu- 
rity and conceahnent, could hardly be excelled — the slight fall in the 
river here giving a ready fordway for escape, in case of surprisal. 

King Philip came here from Quabaug Old Fort, with his small band 
of followers, Friday, Aug. 6 (not 5th), 1675, ^'^ George Memicho nar- 

The third of the Indian towns known as Menameset, was up the river 
a distance of about two miles, on the Capt. Woodbury farm, in Barre 
Plains. The stream here makes a sharp turn, so as to form a double 
ox-bow. Within the lower bend is enclosed eight or nine acres of land, 
comprising above two acres of good cornfield, at near the water level, 
and the rest a bluff or high plain, bordered on all sides by steep slopes, 
which could be easily defended. A depression (perhaps originally a 
broad ditch dug for security, and now partly filled by successive plow- 
ings, and washings by the rains) crosses the bluff, back of which is a 
couple of acres, well suited for wigwam sites. At the extreme point in 
the bend of the river is an elevation, now well wooded, where a strong 
stockade could have been erected. Towards the westerly foot of this 
elevation are the remains of six or eight Indian " barns." And at sev- 
eral points on the bluff, and in the cornfield, an abundance of fire-stones 
are found, which prove the former existence here of a large number of 
Indian wigwams, and a somewhat permanent residence. 

This site corresponds in distance, both from Quabaug Old Fort, and 
Lancaster, with the official report of Quanapohit ; and is capacious enough 
to accommodate the large numbers of natives specified in said report as 
then gathered at " Menemesseg." It also meets the requirements, as to 
distance from Lancaster and Bacquag, given in Mrs. Rowlandson's Nar- 
rative, as the place where she was held a captive, Feb. 12-28, 1676; 
is " about six miles off" from the small Indian town of Nichewaug ; and 
it would be the first of the Menameset towns to be reached by the band 
of whooping savages, as they returned with English scalps and plunder, 
from their assault on Medfield, Feb. 21, 1675-6.' 

History of the Quabaugs. The foregoing detailed description of 
their chief towns, will enable the reader to understand the frequent topo- 
graphical references made in succeeding pages of this and the next 

The facts now to be narrated, concerning the internal affairs of Qua- 
baug, and the relation of the tribe to other Indian tribes, and to the 
Massachusetts authorities, will be mainly given in the official documents 
of the time. This method is chosen, because many of these papers have 
not been accessible to the public : because the more important ones 
now in print are defective translations, rather than accurate copies of 

' See Mrs. Rowlandson's Narrative — Third Remove. 

QUABAUGS IN 1647. 35 

the originals in the State Archives : and because all of them, in addition 
to their intrinsic historical value, throw light upon contemporary events, 
by incidentally disclosing the meaning of actions, as well as the motives 
and ulterior plans of the actors. 

1647. — In 1647, three Indians who lived near Quabaug Old Fort, 
were murdered by a party of marauding Naunotuks, aided by one or two 
Maquas. The next spring, a murderous raid was made on an out-settle- 
ment of the Quabaugs, located on the Ware river, probably in the town 
of Barre, and five Indians killed, and their wigwams robbed. News of 
this massacre was brought to Quabaug by an Indian that escaped. And 
steps were immediately taken by Quacunquasit, to send an account of 
the affair to the Governor at Boston, and ask for aid to apprehend the 
murderers. In response, the Court of Assistants at its May session, 
" sent twenty men to Nashaway to enquire of the truth of the matter, 
and to apprehend the murderers if they could be found ; but being fled 
to Narraganset, they returned, and informed us certainly of the persons 
murdered, and of the actors, etc." [ Winthrofs Journal, II. 397.] 

Failing in this attempt, the Quabaug sachem sent two of his trusty 
Indians to Cutshamakin, a distinguished Wampanoag, living at Dorches- 
ter Mills, and under-sachem to Massasoit. A message was also sent to 
the apostle EHot, who had the confidence of Cutshamakin. The mis- 
sion prospered ; and the Indian messengers not only gained the ear of 
the Dorchester sachem and Mr. Eliot, but offered to undertake the ap- 
prehension of some of the Naunotuk murderers. These counsels pre- 
vailed with the Magistrates at Boston ; and " we gave them commissions, 
and withal wrote to Mr. Pynchon to assist them, etc. (they living near 
Springfield)." S^Wlnthrof s yoiimal.'] 

William Pynchon was an early friend and associate of Gov. Winthrop ; 
was one of the founders of Roxbury, where he was a magistrate and 
treasurer. He was the father of Springfield, and was holding the office 
of Assistant ; he was a man of affairs, whose opinions would naturally 
have a controlling influence with the Magistrates. His letter of reply to 
the Governor shows that^he was well informed in the news of the day ; 
was politic ; was shrewd in the use of technicalities ; and was bound to 
save Springfield from possible harm, even if little Quabaug was left 
unavenged. This letter, as printed in Savage's edition of Winthrop's 
Journal, contains numerous and misleading errors. The following copy, 
made by Henry E. Waite, is believed to be an exact transcript of the 
original in the State Archives. 

Springefeld this 5 of the 5™ 1648. 

Sir. I received a letter from you with ye hands of 4 magistrates more to 
it, to assist two Indians of Quabaug with men &c, for the app>"hending of 
3 murtherers at Naunotuk w^h is about 1 5 miles from our Towne up ye 


These Indians of Ouabauge have dealt subtilly in getting Cutshamoquin 
to get Mr Eliot to be their medeator to you for y helpe : The principall 
ArgQt wch Mr Eliot doth use to move you is, that ye murthered are y sub- 
jectes : & thereuppon ye warrant from the Court runns that ye said Indians 
may charge eather Indians or English to assist them to app^hend them at 
Naunotak, i. bee [because] ye murthered are y subjects & 2ly bee tiie mur- 
therers are w'hin y Jurisdiction. 

But if thinges be well examined : I app^hend that neether the murthered 
are y subjects nor yet ye murtherers w'hin yr Jurisdiction. 

1 grant they are all w^hin ye line of y^ pattent, but yet you cannot say- 
that therefore they are yr subjects nor yet within y Jurisdiction vntill they 
have fully subjected themselves to yr government (w^h I know they have 
not) & vntill you have bought their land: vntill this be done they must be 
esteemed as an Independant free people, & so they of Naunotak do all 
account themselves, & doubtless w^h ever goes w'h strength of men to dis- 
turb their peace at Naunotuk they will take it for no other than a hostile 
action : witness their deadly fewd' w^h they have & do beare to yi.Mona- 
heganicks 2 ever since they took Sewoquasse 3 from them the last yere : 
w^h I doubt will be the ground of a further dangerous war : 4 for I heare 
that Pacomtuk will p^ue the Quarrel! & Joyne w^h ye Indians of the duch 
River against y™, but the Naricanset must begin the war, and as I heare 
eather yesterday or this day is like to be ye day of fight between tiem & ye 
Naricanset: though thes River Indians will delay their tyme till the tyme 
that corne begins to be ripe : but now they are making of a very large & a 
strong forte. 

But to returne to ye case of ye murthered: The first 3 that were mur- 
thered the last yere lived about 6 or 7 miles on this side Quabaug nerer us, 5 
& the murtherers of them are known as they affirm : & there are several! 
Smale Sachims of Quabaug, & in all neer places there are other smale 
Sachims no one Sachim doth Rule all: & one of these petti Sachims hath 
made friendship w^h Cutshamoquin & that makes Cushamokin cale them 
his subjects, but I believe they will stick no longer to him than the sunn 
shines uppon him. 

The last 5 that were killed this Spring (w'h one more that escaped) lived 
in ye midway between Quabaug & Nashaway, & yet not p^perly belonging 
to eather place, but liveing as newters, <& yet bee they were somewhat neere 
neighbors to both places, therefore both places do desyre y help against 
the murtherers. The murtherers of these 5 are not known : but bee the 

' This " deadly fewd " was the war between the Narragansets and Mohegans, in which the English 
took bides with the latter. And when Sequasson, a Narraganset chieftain, for an alleged conspiracy, 
had put himself under the protection of the Pacomptucks, Uncas with a party of Mohegans, marched up 
the river and captured Sequasson by a night surprise, and took him to Hartford. On trial, he was 
acquitted; and at the date of this letter was probably living at Waranoco (Westfield). 

2 Mohegans. 

3 Sequasson. 

"• This war, then brewing, was an alliance formed by the Narragansets, Pacomptucks, and Mo- 
hawks, who were to descend upon the Mohegans, and destroy the tribe, and take revenge on Uncas. 
As Uncas was in league with the English, they would become involved in the strife and its consequences. 
The day this letter was written was the one set for opening the campaign. 

5 Quabaug Old Fort. 


murtherers of the first 3 are known therefore they suppose they are the same 
men : but the man that is escaped saith that if he can see their faces he doth 
know their faces though he knows not their names. 

Mr Eliot also writ a letter to me to stir me up to assist ye said Indians 
that came from you : i. he urgeih me w^h a comand of god to make inquisi- 
tion for blood, & 2'y wth a p mise TJiey shall Jieare &^ Feare Etc : & hence 
he concludes that there is no feare of a war to pceed from this dealing. 

If ye first positions can be made good, namely that ye murthered were y^ 
subjects & 2lythat ye murtherers were w'hin y iurisdiction ; then M^ Eliots 
exhortation to me had been seasonable, or else not. 

But yet notw'hstanding, I have not declined ye businesse, but have be- 
thought myself how to get it effected in the best manner: & therefore I 
advised ye Quabaug Indians to stay vntill Nippunsait returned from Sowo- 
quasses house, w^h I expected w'hin 2 dayes, but he came not till the 3d 
day: then we had a private conference & I ordered my speech thus to him, 
that I had red letters from you that whereas Chickwallop desyred Cut- 
shamokin to appoint a meeting at Quabauge, it was yr desyre that ye meet- 
ing might be at Boston, that you might understand the businesse as well as 
ye Indian Sachims, & that you would take it kindly if he would talk w^h the 
Naunotuk Sachims to apprehend the 3 murtherers, & that they would send 
some to [be] at ye meeting at Boston. 

Thereuppon Quacunquasit, one of ye Sachims of Quabauge, & Nippunsait 
& others discoursed a long tyme how to effect this matter, & who to app^hend 
in the first place. But neether I nor my son for want of language could 
understand their discourse : but in conclusion they explained unto us what 
they had concluded on, namely, to take two of ye 4 that were at Naunotuk : 
but they thought it best not to medle w'h Wottowon & Reskeshonege bee 
they were of Pamshads kindred who is a maqua Sachim : but Nippunsait 
said he would tell him that they should live, hoping he would further them 
in the taking of the Rest: & all the Indians consented to this motion as ye 
most fesible & likly way to attain their ends in the Rest : the other two 
namely Wawhilam & his brother : Nippunsait hath undertaken by some 
wile or other to bringe them to my howse in a peacable way, & then he will 
leave y™ to me to app^hend them & so to send y^ to you : & this they 
thought might be effected about 10 or 12 dayes after this conclusion was 
made, w^h was made 2 dayes before ye date of this letter. 

& thus by these means they will ingage ye English as ye cheifest pties in 
their business. 

But I must confess I look uppon this service in sending them to you as 
a difficult & troublesome service : for i. I have no prison to keep them safe, 
& 2ly it will occasion great resort of Indians to my house to see what I will 
do wth them, & 317 we shall want men : & I pceive that the Indians are afraid 
to medle w'h them unlesse they can mak the English the principall in the 

If ye Lord should let loose the reynes to their malice, I mean to their 
friends & Abettors, it may be of ill Consequence to ye English that inter- 
medle in their matters by a voluntary rather [than] by a necessary calinge, 
for they & their friends stand uppon their inocency, & in that respect they 
threaten to be avenged on such as lay any hands uppon them : 


& our place is more obnoxtious to their malice than the Bay by farr, espe- 
cially the Naunotuk Indians are desperate Spirites, for they have their 
dependance on the Mowhoaks or maquas who are the Terror of all Indians. 

my advise therefor is, that you will as much as may be take the matter 
from vs : wch may thus be effected : send 3 or 4 men to our plantation ' w'h 
all speed that may lie together here, eather at the ordinary, or at some other 
hovvse, till the said p ties be brought to me : if they be not brought before they 
come : they may improve their tyme here by doing some work : & if there 
be not a sufficient number of Indians to goe with them to carry them safe : 
I may appoint more men that y^ businesse may not faile for want of a good 

let thes psons [that] march here [have] a charge to be private & silent in 
the business till they see it effected : you may send thes men away on the 
2d day : if the Indians should mak an escape & not be taken, yet the charge 
of 3 or 4 men in so weighty a business for the faierer carrieing of it on, is not 
to be stood uppon : If they be taken before they come I will set a guard 
uppon them for 2 or 3 dayes in hope you will send them w'h as much speed 
as may be : Indeed there should not be a dayes delay after they come to 
my howse; it will p^vent the tumult of Indians, & p vent their waylaying: 
if thes two be once app>"hended & put to death then they have determined 
the death of 6 more neer Ouabaug: & only the former two to live. 

thus have I as briefly as I can (though abruptly) related the substance of 
ye matter. I intreat you that thes men may cale to my son davis 2 for a letter 
before they come away: they must be active men & leight of foote, for the 
better countenancing of the businesse: I shall ere long send you further 
intelligence about this Pacomtuk businesse w'h ye Monaheganicks. the 
Lord is able to divert their intentions : though it is to be suspected it is 
intended for ye vtter ruine of ye monaheganicks, & the English will I feare 
be imbroyled in the war: 

Yr assured loving brother in the Lord 

W. Pynchon. 
hast : hast. 


To his honored ffreind M"" John Wintrop Governor at his howse in Bos- 
ton, d'r it w'h all speed. 

The Governor sent the letter, with this note : — 

For his bond brother the Deputy Gov w'h speed 

Sir. I pray acquaint Mi^ Eliot wth this letter & let me have yo^ advice 

about it speedily, so I rest 

Yr loving brother 

9 (5) 48 : Jo : WiNTHROP, Govr. 

And the Deputy Governor, Dudley, returned it, with this endorsement, 
written on the blank page : — 

Upon readinge this Ire and conference w'h M"" Elyott, I give my advise 
(wch you require) for a pawse in the busines before wee proceede any further 
in it. 

' Springfield. ^ Capt. Wm. Davis of Boston, m. Margaret Pynchon. 


1. For that the ground and warrant of our medlinge in it is by this Ire taken 
away : it being denyed that the murthered were our subiects, or the mur- 
therers w hin our Jurisdiccon. 

2. If the murtherers should be apprehended and brought to us, the p ty 
escapeing is for ought wee yet know all the witnes against them, hee affirm- 
inge hee knows their faces, w<=h yet is doubtfull, the murder beinge done in 
the night. 

3. It is like in Mr Pinchons oppinon to draw a warr upon us, wch if (as 
hee saith) it be provoked by vs voluntarily, not necessaryly, wee shall incurr 
blame at home and w'h our confederate English, and want helpe from heaven 
in it, and comfort in prosecuting it. 

4. The charge & difficulty w^h the sendinge men out in hay and harvest 
tyme would be considered. 

5. A pawse will advantage vs in hearinge what the narragansetts will doe 
upon Uncus whome wee must defend. 

6. And if soe, it cannot be wissdome in vs to stirr upp other Indians against 
vs to ioyne w'h the warr: [Narragansetts] 

I have forgotten 2 other reasons while I was settinge downe theis. 

I thinck a messinger would be dispatched to M"" Pinchon, to lett such 
Indians loose if any should be apprehended, w^h I thinck will not be, they 
whoe have promised not beinge like to doe it, or if Mr Pinchon see cause to 
doe otherwise to leave it to him. 

Tho : Dudley. 

The following note in IVinthrop's Jotrmal, gives the final upshot of 
the matter : " Whereupon the Gov wrote back personally to Mr. 
Pynchon, that then he should proceed no further, but send back the 
Indians, etc." 

In addition to its historical relation to the Quabaugs, and other neigh- 
boring tribes, this letter gives us an insight into the Indian character, as 
exemplified when the English first came to the country, and before con- 
tact of races had modified natural traits. Perhaps the expressive word 
sanguinary best describes the native disposition. They were fond of 
war ; were ready to make and break alliances ; revengeful ; given to theft 
and murder, when the strong could assault the weak ; and artful to cover 
their tracks. Mr. Pynchon's reasoning also affords an insight into 
the views entertained by the first white comers as to the rights and privi- 
leges of the native dwellers. It was held that the Indian had owner- 
ship in the lands he occupied, till he voluntarily sold them ; and he was 
free and independent till he formally submitted to the English authorities. 
This letter also confirms the opinion heretofore expressed in these pages, 
that the Quabaugs, Naunotuks, and other River tribes were regarded 
and treated as distinct sovereignties, rather than allied clans, except in 
cases where self-interest prompted an alliance. 

And the fact is here brought out which shows how the apostle Eliot 
became thus early interested in Quabaug. We are thus prepared to 


understand the following letter written by him at Roxbury, Dec. 29, 

..." There is another aged Sachem at Qiiobagnd, three score miles 
Westward, and he doth greatly desire that I would come thither and 
teach them, and live there ; and I made a journey thither this summer, 
and I went by Nashaway : but it so fell out that there were some stirs 
betwixt the Narranganset and Monahegan Indians, some murders com- 
mitted, etc., which made our church doubtful at first of my going ; 
which when the Nashazuay Sachem [Sholan] heard, he commanded 
twenty armed men (after their manner) to be ready, and himself with 
these twenty men, besides sundry of our near Indians went along with 
me to guard me : but I took some English along with me also, so that 
hereby their good affection is manifested to me, and to the work I have 
in hand : Here also [at Quobagud] I found sundry hungry after instruc- 
tion ; but it pleased God to exercise us with such tedious rain and bad 
weather, that we were extreme wet, insomuch that I was not dry night 
nor day from the third day of the week unto the sixth, but so travelled, 
and at night pull off my boots, wring my stockings, and on with them 
again, and so continued : The rivers also were raised, so as that we were 
wet riding through : but that which added to my affliction was, my horse 
tired, so that I was forced to let my horse go empty, and ride on one 
of the men's horses which I took along with me. Yet God stept in and 
helped : I considered that the word of God 2 Tim. 2:3, " Endure 
hardship as a good soldier of Christ," with many other such like medi- 
tations. . . . And I thank the Lord, neither I nor my company took 
any hurt." ' 

This was all the information, relative to his visit, called for by Mr. 
Eliot's then design in writing the letter. But to us, it is matter of deep, 
though unavailing regret, that he did not give the name of the " aged 
sachem " on whose invitation the visit was made. Circumstances, how- 
ever, favor the conclusion that it was he who was known in our annals 
as David, the trusted friend of the Brookfield first settlers, who is 
mentioned in Wheeler's Narrative, as a " chief Sachem," and " great 
friend to the English." 

That Mr. Eliot kept alive his interest in our Indian town, and found 
much to encourage him in his good work, is evident from Gookin's Ac- 
count, written twenty-five years later [see ante, p. 39.] The intimate 
relations which subsisted between the Quabaugs and the Wampanoags, 
as hinted at in Pynchon's letter, and confirmed by subsequent events, 
render it certain that intercommunication with the Bay was not infre- 
quent ; Indian customs of hospitality sanctioned a week's stay of our 

I " A Farther Discovery of the present State of the Indians in New England," 1651. Sabin's Re- 
prints, III. 


sachem and his chief men at Natick, or Punkapaug, or Hassanameset, 
where the apostle's influence was then paramount ; and the Gospel news, 
which spread through all these connected towns, became a quickener of 
thought, and a pervasive leaven. 

Six years later, i.e., in 1655, Mr. Eliot must have made a special 
visit and exploration of the Quabaug territory, of which a record is pre- 
served. In Ancient Plans, /., 285, is found a plot of yohn Eliofs 
1000 Acres, endorsed: "Purchased by Rev. John Ehot, the 27th 
of Sept., 1655, of Wattalloowekin and Nakin, Indians — said 1000 
Acres of land lies Southward of, and contiguous to the Township of 
Brookfield alias Quabaug, at a place called Pookookappog Ponds." 
The north-east corner bound was two perch from the north-west corner 
of Great Alum pond ; the line ran thence 402 rods to a point north of 
Little Alum pond; thence S. 5° W. 400 rods; thence E. 27° S. 460 
rods ; thence northerly through Great Alum pond, 460 rods, to the first- 
mentioned bound. Eight hundred acres of this land lie in Sturbridge, 
and two hundred in Brimfield. Dec. 5, 1715, the title to this land was 
confirmed by the General Court to the heirs of Mr. Eliot. 

Mr. Eliot's plan for evangelizing the Indians was a broad one, looking 
to the establishment of what were called "Praying towns " throughout 
the Massachusetts limits. The first and model town was built at Natick. 
Others were selected as fast as suitable men — white or Indian — could 
be found, to carry them on. For, like a common-sense Christian, as he 
was, he laid careful foundations, and " made haste slowly." 

The facts in the case clearly show that he had in mind to establish 
a Praying town, either at Quobagud, or at the Indian settlement on his 
purchased land [see ante, p. 31]. The latter place was near the old 
southern trail ; and it had much to recommend it for permanent habi- 
tancy. It was of easy approach from Maanexit, and Wabbaquasset ; and 
it had fine cornland, which was regarded as a better agent of civilization 
than hunting-ground and other sources of native food supplies. 

That the Massachusetts authorities were cognizant of his interest in 
the Quabaugs, and approved his plan for bringing them under Christian 
instruction, appears from the action of the General Court in 1661, ear- 
nestly requesting Wassamegin, the ruling sachem, to send some of his 
young men, and some returned captives to the Christian towns, where 
they might learn " to know and love God " under the ministration of 
Mr. Eliot. 

It was in furtherance of this plan that Mr. Eliot petitioned the General 
Court, in 1664, for a large grant of land, which should take in his pur- 
chase of 1655. The record is : " In answer to the petition of Mr. John 
Elljott in behalfe of the Indians of Putikookuppogg, the Court judgeth 
it meete to grant this petition : viz', a plantation to the Indians, not 


exceeding fower thousand acres, and that it prejudice nott Ipswich grant 
[at Brookfield], or any former grant, in the place desired nere Quo- 
boag, & for the ordering and seding thereof have appointed & empow- 
ered Mr. Samuel Smith, Mr, Elizur Holjoke, & Mr. William Holton, who 
may, vpon the place, determine the sittuation & Ijmitts of the sajd Indian 
plantation, & so to state & order the same as maybe for the accomoda- 
tion both of English & Indians, & that the sajd comittee shall give 
notice to all persons concerned to attend at the time of their meeting, 
if they see cause, provided the sajd Indians engage nor sell it w'^out 
leave first obteyned from this Court." [Mass. Col. Rec. IV-2. p. 109.] 
The record of the laying-out of this 4,000 acre plantation has not been 
found. But the purpose of establishing Christian institutions at one 
of the Quabaug towns was not abandoned ; and as appears from Mr. 
Gookin's statement (already quoted), the plan was near a successful 
issue, when King Philip's War broke out, and clouded so many fair pros- 
pects and dashed so many bright hopes ! 

The next document in our series is dated September, 1659; and is 
valuable as giving the name of a Quabaug sachem, not elsewhere found. 
" In answer to a petition of Robert Ashley of Springfield for satisfaction 
for a horse killed by a Nipanett Indian the last year : The Commission- 
ers being informed by Mr. John Pynchon that the said Indian liveth at 
Quabage, under the sachem Annoackamor ; doth think twenty pounds 
should be demanded of the said sachem, or the man that killed the 
horse to be delivered into the hands of the said Ashley to be by him 
disposed of as he sees cause. Mr. Pynchon is desired to take care that 
satisfaction be demanded, and the party secured if there be opportunity, 
which if he cannot attain, we desire the Mass. Government to effect the 
same as they shall see cause." [Acts of Com. of U. Col^. II. 225.] 

It is not known of which of our Indian towns Annoackamor was 

We now come, in chronological order, to the grant of a part of the 
Quabaug territory, May 30, 1660, to the inhabitants of Ipswich. But 
the particulars of this transaction properly belong to the next chapter. 

The next year, and before any whites came upon the ground, a war 
party of Mohegans, under Oneko, son of Uncas, with the knowledge 
and consent of his father, made an assault upon our Quabaugs (written 
Quabaconk), killing three, and carrying away six captives. The real 
motive for the assault is not apparent. The pretended motive was, to 
satisfy an old grudge against Onopequin, a native of Quabaug, but then 
living at Pacomptuck, some of whose men, as Uncas asserts, were then 
with the Quabaugs. If this was in fact true, Uncas had a plausible excuse. 
For in the spring of 1658, Onopequin had led a war party into the 
Mohegan country, and killed and taken several of Uncas' people — 


much after the fashion of this return raid of Oneko. But it is more 
hkeiy that Uncas intended the expedition as a defiance to Wassamegin 
(Massasoit) and the English authorities, to whom he bore no love, and 
whose interest just then, as he well knew, would prevent them from 
resorting to severe measures against him. He was a shrewd, turbulent, 
imperious man, and a daring warrior, skilled in making and breaking 
combinations ; generally favoring the English ; but feared and distrusted 
by all parties. He seems to have gained his end, whatever it was, in 
this business; and got off with a severe scolding, and a solemn injunc- 
tion "not to do so again." 

" A Declaration of the Dealings of Uncas and the Mohegan 
Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Quabaconk. 
May 21, 1661.1 

About ten weeks since, Uncas's Son, accompanyed with 70 Indians set 
upon the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and carried away 
6 prisoners, among which prisoners was one squa with her two children, 
whom when he had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed the squa, on 
conditions that she would go home and bring him 25 lb. jn peage, two 
guns and two blankets, for the release of herself and her children, which 
as yet she hath not done, being retained by the sagamore of Washakeim, 
on hopes that their league with the English will free them ; at the said 
time he carried away also in stuffe and moneyes, to the value of 37 'b. 
And at sucli time as Uncas received notice of the displeasure of the Eng- 
lish in the Massachusetts, by the worshipfull Mr. Winthrop, he insolently 
laughed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had 
begun and assay who dares to control him. Moreover, 4 days since there 
came home a prisoner that escaped ; two yet remaining whom Uncas threat- 
ens, the one of them to kill, and the other to sell away as a slave ; and still 
threatens to continue his war against them, notwithstanding any prohibition 
whatsoever, whose very threats are so terrible that our Indians dare not wan- 
der far from the towns about the Indians, for fear of surprise. 

From the relation of 

and testimony of 

Wassamegin, Quaquequunset, et als." 

This paper was received by the General Court, and referred to a com- 
mittee, viz., Humphrey Atherton, Joseph Hills, William Parkes. The 
committee reported June i, as follows : 

"We the committee, in the case respecting the Indians at Quabaconk, 
think meet 

1st, That letters from this Court be sent unto Uncas; signifying how 
sensible we are of the Injuries by him done unto us, in the Outrages by him 
committed by his hostile invading our subjects the Indians at Quabaconk, who 

• Mass. Archives XXX.: 85. 


there live under Wassamagin their sagamore, by destroying and killing of 
some, by carrying away and keeping others captives, and by spoiling them 
of their goods to the value of 37 'b. as they complain ; vi^illing and requir- 
ing of him the said Uncas to yield and deliver up the said captives, and to 
make restitution for the goods by him so taken from our said subjects : And 
that for time to come, he forbear all hostilitie and unlawful violence towards 
the persons, lands and goods of our said subjects the Quabaconk aforesaid. 
Signifying also to the said Uncas that if Wassamagin or his subjects have 
done or shall do any Injury to him or his subjects, that on complaints to us 
and due proof thereof he shall be righted. 

2d, That Uncas be given to understand and be assured from this Court 
that if he refuse or neglect to release or deliver up the foresaid captives, and 
also to make restitution for the goods taken from our said subjects, that we 
then are resolved, the Lord assisting, to right our foresaid Injuries upon him 
and his subjects for the same. And for all the charges whatsoever that shall 
arise in the prosecution thereof. 

3d, That if the said Uncas shall put us to right ourselves by war upon 
him, that we shall then require satisfaction also for the lives of our subjects 
by him slain as aforesaid. 

4th, That for the encouragement and safety of the said Wassamagin and 
his subjects there be by order of Maj. Willard, 3 or 4 armed men well 
accommodated in all respects, with a proportion of powder, bullets and 
match, sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk unto the said Wassamagin, there 
to stay a night or two, and to shoot off their muskets so often and in such 
wise as the Major shall direct, to terrify the enemies of Wassamagin, and 
so to return home again. 

5th, That either the Major or the soldiers by his order advise Wassa- 
magin and his subjects there, that the General Court, the Gov and dep. 
Govr and Magistrates shall take it as an assured token of their hearty love 
and fidelitie to the English, and of their thankful acknowledgment of all 
favors extended to them, if they would let the English have the bringing up 
of those captives now to be released, and of some of their sons also, by 
means whereof they may the better know and serve God, and be the more 
helpful to their own kinsfolk, friends and countrymen afterwards. And that 
Mr. Eliot be desired to second and forward the motion to Wassamagin and 
his subjects as often seasonable occasion shall be ministered. 

6th, That either the Major General, or Maj. Willard, or the soldiers to 
be sent as aforesaid, in the name of this Court advise and require Wassa- 
magin and his men to be very careful of injuring or in any ways provoking 
of Uncas or any of his men, as he will answer our displeasure therein, and 
incur due punishment for the same. And that if, notwithstanding his inno- 
cence that way, that Uncas shall invade or injure him as formerly, that he 
give notice thereof unto Maj. Willard, who upon manifest invasion and 
assault of the enemie, shall act and do according to law in case of Alarm, 
so far as to him seems necessary, and this shall be his sufficient warrant for 
the same. 

The Deputies approve this answer. 

Consented to by the Magistrates. 
Edw. Rawson, Secy." 


The matter was taken in hand by the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies ; as appears from the following communication sent to Uncas, 
and his reply through Capt. John Mason. 

" Upon a complaint made to the Commers of the Massachusetts against 
Unkas, this following message was sent to him : — We have received infor- 
mation and complaint from the General Court of the Massachusetts of your 
hostile invading of Wasamequen and the Indians of Quabakutt, who are and 
long have been subjects to the English, killing some and carrying away 
others captives, spoiling their goods to the value of 33^. as they allege : 
and all this contrary to your covenant and promise to the Comm^rs several 
times renewed ; not to make war on any of our tributaries without the allow- 
ance of the Commers ; we also understand that the General Court of the 
MassttSj whose subjects the said Indians are, have formally signified their 
offence unto you. Requiring the return of your captives, and satisfaction 
for the wrong you have done, to which you have not returned any answer, 
which seems to be an insolent and proud carriage of yours, we cannot but 
wonder at it, and must bear witness against it, and do hereby will and require 
you forthwith to return said captives with due satisfaction for other wrongs 
done them, or to make out sufficient grounds and Reasons for your invad- 
ing the said Indians, the which you are to speedily to send to the Governor 
of Massa"Sj and if it appear they have done you any wrong, upon due proof 
we shall take care that they make you satisfaction : if you shall neglect to 
observe our order and injunctions herein contained, we must leave the Massa- 
chusetts to right themselves, as formerly they signified unto you : in which 
case we must own and if need be assist our confederates. 

Signed. The Commissioners of the United Colonies. 
Plymouth, Sept. 13, 1661." 

" Since this order agreed and entered concerning Uncas, this follow- 
ing answer was given by Major Mason on behalf of Uncas : — 

Whereas, There was a warrant sent from the Court of Boston, dated in 
May last, to Uncas, sachem of Mohegan, wherein it was declared upon the 
Complaint of Wesamequen a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that 
the said Uncas had offered great violence to their subjects at Quabauke, 
killing some, and taking others captive : which warrant came to Uncas not 
above twenty days before these presents, who being summoned by Maj. John 
Mason in the full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged 
if he did not return the captives and 33 pounds Damage, then the Mas- 
sachusetts would recover it by force of arms, which to him was very 
grievous : professing he was altogether ignorant that they were subjects 
belonging to the Massachusetts ; and further said that they were none of 
Wesamequen's men, but belonging to Onopequin, his deadly enemy, who 
was there born : one of the men then taken was his own Cousin, who had 
formerly fought against him in his own person; and yet set him at liberty: 
and further said that all the captives were sent home : also that Wesame- 
quen's son and divers of his men had fought against him divers times : this 
he desired might be returned as his answer to the Commissioners. 


N. B. Alexander alias Wamsutta, Sachem of Sowamsett, being now at 
Plymouth, he challenged Ouabauke Indians to belong to him : and further 
said that he did war against Uncas this summer on that account. 

Signed by John Mason." 

A special interest attaches to the above papers, because the events 
recorded happened in our territory at the time when the white settlers 
were just taking possession of their new homes in Brookfield ; and we 
thus get an idea of the Indian life with which they came in contact. 
Nothing could better illustrate the daring courage of the Ipswich men 
and women who first pitched on Foster's hill, than this picture of their 
surroundings, with, on the one hand, savage vengeance and duplicity, and 
on the other, the timorous policy of our State authorities. It surely did 
not promise well for substantial help and support to an infant colony 
away in the wilderness, when the powerful Uncas could murder and 
despoil a peaceable tribe, and the English Governor, who claimed said 
tribe as his subjects, instead of demanding and enforcing redress, only 
devised a way to scare the haughty chieftain, by " stationing 3 or 4 
men with fire-locks and plenty of ammunition " at Wekabaug, who 
should " stay there a night or two, and shoot off their muskets so often 
and in such wise as Major Willard should direct, and then return home 
again ! " 

And these papers have additional and great value, in that they clear 
up what has been a mystery in the life of Wassamegin (Massasoit), and 
at the same time disclose the reason why the Quabaugs so earnestly 
espoused the cause of his son Philip, and why that chieftain fled hither 
for aid and protection, immediately on his defeat at Pocasset in tlie 
summer of 1675. 

Massasoit, it will be remembered, was the Wampanoag sachem first to 
visit the Pilgrims at Plymouth in 1621, and then became and continued 
their firm friend. The treaty of peace and mutual defence, made be- 
tween him and the whites, was carefully observed for above fifty years, 
and was an important factor in the prosperity of the colony. He was 
the father of Alexander, who married the distinguished Weetamoo, and 
was ever the friend of the English ; and the father of Philip, who be- 
came their deadly enemy. In 1632, when he made war upon the Nar- 
ragansetts, Massasoit changed his name to Ousamequin (often written 
Wassamegin), by which name he is afterwards known in history. His 
home-seat was in the present town of Bristol, R.I. But he lived at 
various points in Bristol and Plymouth counties, Mass. There is evi- 
dence that in 1643-4 he was living in the western central part of Wor- 
cester County. And we found that in 164S, Cutshamakin, one of his 
leading under-sachems, asserted the claims of his chieftain to jurisdic- 


tion over our Quabaug tribe. From 1649 to 1657, he appears on the 
records as selling lands in Bridgewater, Rehoboth, Hogg Island, and 
elsewhere. At the latter date, he disappears from the affairs of his old 
home. Mr. Drake [Bk. of the Inds. II. 28] suggests that he had 
then disposed of most of his lands, and given up the sachemship to his 
son Wamsutta (Alexander). Did he then take up his abode with the 
Quabaugs? The evidence in the case, as given in the papers under 
consideration, favors such a conclusion. From his high standing, and 
former relations, he would of course be acknowledged by our tribe as 
chief sagamore. And the only fair construction of the statements — 
which are official — contained in these papers, renders it certain that he 
was living here and was sagamore in May, 1661. The best authorities 
give the date of his death in i66i, or early in 1662. He probably died 
at Quabaug. His age could not have been less than 80. 

The next important item in the annals of our tribe is the sale, Nov. 
10, 1665, by the sachem Shattoockquis, to the English settlers, of a tract 
of land about six miles square, covering the original town of Brook- 
field. But the particulars of this transaction properly belong to the 
next chapter. 

And this brings us to the end of the sole Indian occupation, and the 
beginning of the joint occupancy of the township by the red and white 

And it is a singular fact that the history of our Indian tribe for the 
next ten years is substantially a blank. We know that the natives re- 
mained in their villages, and cultivated their cornfields as before. We 
get a glimpse, now and then, from the Court records, of a drunken brawl, 
or a minor crime committed by or upon them ; of a leading Indian of 
Naunotuk perpetrating a theft at home, and fleeing for concealment to 
Quabaug. And we know, in a general way, that these ten years were 
years of peace between the Indians and the English in this neighbor- 

The condition of Quabaug, and its relations to the outside world, 
were greatly changed as compared with 1647. ^^ was now on an estab- 
lished English bridle-path between the Bay and the Connecticut. The 
single horseman, or a cavalcade of riders and pack-horses was a common 
sight to our Indians. They had taken part in matters of diplomacy and 
traffic, and had seen the features of English social life and customs, and 
felt the power of civilization, by actual contact. English towns had 
been established above Springfield. Northampton was purchased of the 
Naunotuks in 1653, and settled the next year. Hadley was settled in 
1659. Deerfield was purchased in 1667, and a settlement made in 
1669 ; but the Dedham committees had been passing to and fro since 
1665, and had added to the bustle of our quiet settlement. 


Savage man instinctively holds civilized man in reverence, as a higher 
order of intelligence and power. The records of all original explora- 
tions and discoveries prove this. Suitable clothing is a moral force ; 
good tools and weapons are a moral force ; habits of industry are a 
moral force ; ownership of a horse or ox is a moral force ; a fixed home 
is a moral force : they indicate prescience and providence, and they imply 
dominion, as a consequent of intelligence, and thus directly, as well as 
by contrast, awaken awe in the untutored child of nature. 

For this reason, and for another to be named presently, our natives 
welcomed the white settlers. They sold their lands in good faith, and 
as a rule were satisfied with the price received. It was understood — 
perhaps stipulated — by both parties that the Indians retained the right 
to hunt, fish, and plant corn ; and the high sense of justice then preva- 
lent among the better class of our Puritan fathers, led them to respect 
these aboriginal rights ; and thus many of the possible frictions of the 
two races were prevented. The Indian men bartered their furs and 
venison, for gims and hatchets ; and the women exchanged their baskets, 
brooms, and mats, for trinkets and kettles. The tidy housewife tolerated 
the dirty squaw in her kitchen, from womanly pity for her hard lot ; and 
the farmer made friends with the dusky trapper who trampled his 
meadows, as a matter of policy, to save complaints about his roving 
cattle trespassing on the unfenced native cornfields — though it must be 
said, he could not always resist the temptation to sell the said trapper 
when very thirsty a mug of beer for two fathoms of wampum (equal 
to five shillings in money) ; and the thrifty trader would accept the 
off'er of a good beaver-skin for four quarts of rum. But the public 
frowned upon such practices. The squaws sometimes hired the English 
to plow their cornfields, so that better crops were raised with less labor. 
And it was not uncommon for them to take English fields to plant on 
shares ; allowing the owner one-half the crop, divided on the ground. 

But both races held the other at arm's length. They had too little in 
common, to invite mutual sympathy, and cement mutual interest. Our 
people learned the Indian words in ordinary use sufficiently to carry on 
conversation about the daily wants of life, and simple matters of barter 
and labor. And the Indian caught enough of our words to comprehend 
the subject of talk, and make known his thoughts, when he chose to be 
communicative. The more formal transactions, like the sale of lands, 
were made through the medium of interpreters, who had in some way 
become skilled in the two languages. Some of these interpreters were 
Indians, educated by Mr. Eliot. 

Seen from the distance — this picture has features which to one of 
romantic turn, are strange and pleasing. But there was little of romance, 
and much of hard reality in the life of those times. By both whites and 


red men, it was a struggle for food, and raiment, and a shelter ; the for- 
mer looking forward with hope to better times, and a competence and a 
comfortable home ; the latter taking " no thought for the morrow." 

But probably the more weighty motive with our Indians for desiring 
the coming among them of the English in 1662-5, was fear of Uncas and 
his Mohegans from Connecticut, and of the Mohawks from New York. 
The grounds of their fear of the Connecticut sachem have been suffi- 
ciently indicated by the papers already quoted in full. And the Indians 
would naturally reason that the Governor at Boston would interfere to 
protect his own colony, when he might hesitate and parley, in avenging 
the wrongs of a native subject tribe. And his observation had taught 
him that the white settlers always carried their fire-arms with them to a 
new plantation. But Uncas was less dreaded by our Indians than the 
Mohawks, a powerful and blood-thirsty tribe living on the river of that 
name in New York, who were at this date, the special enemies of the 
western Massachusetts Indians.' In 1664, these Mohawks came in 
force to the Connecticut valley, destroyed the native fort at Deerfield, 
and inflicted great injury upon the Pacomptucks, and neighboring tribes. 
This bloody raid extended as far eastward as the Nashaway and Merri- 
mack valleys. And for several years, scouting parties of the victors 
made frequent descents upon the Indians in these parts, and kept them 
in constant alarm. The presence, and friendship, and guns of the Eng- 
lish were looked upon as a safeguard and defence. 

All these considerations tended to -give the English favor with the 
natives, and worked together for the interests of our infant plantation. 
And a further potent reason to account for the ten years of peaceful 
co-occupation, was the fact that the old men of the tribe were still in 
authority. The memories of the Pequot war, and its lessons of white 
superiority, had not faded out ; and their experiences and observation 
had shown that the English always got the upperhand in conflicts, and 
they had become cautious, even if not reverential. And when the war- 
cloud of 1675 appeared, these old men, with almost unanimity, counselled 
forbearance and submission. The peace-commission that visited the 
Quabaug clans in June, found the old chiefs inclined to resist the machi- 
nations of Philip. Ephraim Curtis, who came hither in July, was kindly 
received by the old counsellors. They knew the risk, and deprecated 
war. The old spirit within them was not dead ; but the new contact 
had engendered caution ; the new experiences had forecast the inevita- 
ble result. It was the young, hot blood that precipitated the conflict. 
The attack on Swanzey, June 24, was made by the young braves. It 

■ " Moivhaiuks or Maquas. In 1646-7, the French asked assistance of Mass. Government to sub- 
due them, but Mass. refused as Maquas had never injured them although they were the terror of all 
other Indians, being in hostility with the Massachusetts, Pawtuckets, Pokomtakukes, Quabaugs, all 
the Nipmuck Indians & Nashaway or Weshakim Indians." Gookin's Hist. Collections. 


was they who killed the old sachem of the Naunotuks, because he par- 
leyed with the English captains. 

Sergt. Ayres and the Brookfield men had plausible grounds for their 
confidence in the fidelity of these old chiefs : their error was, in under- 
estimating the influence of those who now first put on the war-paint. 



Grant of 1660. — First Comers. — Indian Deed of 1665. — Re-grant of 1667. — 
Petition of 1670. — The Town Plot. — Allotment of Lands. — Meeting- 
house. — Ministry Land. — Burial-place. — Corn-mill. — Petition of 1673. — 
The Town Incorporated. — Notices of the First Settlers. — Signs of a 
Storm. — Causes of King Philip's War. — Destruction of the Town. — 
Place of Capt. Wheeler's Surprise. — The Indians' Side op the Case. — 
Quannapohit's Relation. — Garrison maintained. — Movements of Troops 
AND Indians. — Fate of the Indian Chiefs. — The Place abandoned. 

THE history of the English plantation of Brookfield begins with the 
following grant of land by the General Court. Although exhaustive 
search has been made among the State Archives, and wherever 
else there was a probability of success, the original petition of the inhabit- 
ants of Ipswich has not been found. 

" At a Great and General Court of Election held at Boston the 2oth of 
May, 1660. 

In Ansr to the peticon of severall the Inhabitants of Ipswich, this 
Court Judgeth it meete to Graunt the petitioners sixe miles square or so 
much land as shall be Contejned in such a Compasse in a place nere Quo- 
boag ponds, provided they have twenty familyes there resident within 3 
years, & that they have an able minister settled there within the sajd 
terme, such as this Court shall approve, and that they make due provision 
in .some way or other for the future, either by setting apart of land, or what 
else shall be thought meete for the Continuance of the ministry amongst 
them : And that If they shall faile in any of these particulars above men- 
tioned, this Graunt of the Court to be voyd & of none effect." 

This grant is dated May 31, 1660. 

From the scanty records extant, it is believed that John Warner, John 
Ayres, Wm. Prichard, and perhaps one other (who doubtless were of 
the petitioners) came to Quabaug in the summer of 1660, for the pur- 
pose of selecting the place for the new settlement. The first care of 
explorers, at that time, in locating a town site, was to find " conveniency 
of home-lots, meadow lots, and planting fields." But the prime con- 

52 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

sideration was " conveniency of meadows." These were essential for 
his first year's support and income, as they were his reliance for feeding 
his horses and horned cattle through the long winter season, and the 
only outlay required, was the labor of cutting and curing and stacking 
the hay-crop. The annual burning of the dry grass and sprouts by the 
Indians, in the late autumn, kept these river and brook meadows clean ; 
and thus they were found ready for the mower's scythe. The natural 
grasses grew thick and rank — as an early writer expresses it, "up to a 
man's face ; " but when cut early they were very nutritious, and were 
depended on for hay and fall feed. The virgin soil of the uplands 
required no rotation of cultivated crops, and corn and rye were grown 
many years in succession, and the tame grasses were consequently 
neglected. For summer pasturage, the cattle were allowed to range 
the woods and "commons." They were sometimes put in charge of a 
herdsman, but oftener permitted to roam at will. As late as 1728, the 
Hadley farmers allowed their cattle to range many miles to the east- 
ward ; and what they called the " Brookfield pastures " were bounded 
easterly by Ware river. 

The second care of the first planters was, conveniency of corn-land 
and rye-fields, what they termed "plain land." The custom then pre- 
vailed, to set apart the Great Field, i.e., a tract where all the proprietors 
could have each his proper proportion of tillage land, to be worked in 
common and enclosed by a common fence. Hence the broad plains 
and swells which were free from rocks were in demand. These condi- 
tions were exactly met by the tract which lay to the west and north-west 
of Coy's brook. And as the eminence now known as Foster's hill, was 
then free from woods, except possibly here and there a huge timber 
tree, and was sufficiently near and commanded a full view of the 
meadows and plain, and was every way an eligible spot for dwellings, it 
would seem that there could be no hesitancy where to locate the Town 

If any preparation was made this year for marking off the home-lots, 
and erecting houses, the plan was most effectually frustrated by the 
Indian raid of the next spring, [see ante, p. 42.] and the tedious and 
unsatisfactory negotiations which were carried on by our English 
authorities with Uncas, and which lasted through the year. And the 
threatening state of Indian affairs, which continued for a considerable 
period, seem to have discouraged these intended planters, so that no 
further attempt at a settlement was made till the spring of 1665. 

The grant, the previous year, to Mr. Eliot, of 4,000 acres adjoining 
the Ipswich grant, near Quabaug, for a new Indian plantation ; and the 
movement of the Dedham men, early this year (1665) to secure the 
rich Deerfield meadows, stimulated John Warner and his associates to 


take possession of their granted Quabaug lands before it was too late. 
It is probable that Warner and his son Samuel, John Ayres, Thomas 
Parsons and Thomas Wilson came upon the ground, and put up at 
least two frames, and planted some corn — though Mr. Warner's family 
did not remove hither till fall. 

Now that an actual settlement had been made, and possession taken, 
it became necessary to procure a title to the land from the native 
owners. [And the fact that a deed was not taken earlier is presumptive 
evidence that possession was not taken earlier.] As was customary in 
these parts, the pioneers employed one of the magistrates or traders 
living at Springfield, who had the acquaintance and confidence of the 
Indians, to bargain for and take a deed of the premises. 

Here followeth the coppy of the Deed for the Purchase of the lands at 
Quawbauge (now called Brookfeild) from the Indian called Shattoockquis, 
together w'h Leiut. Thomas Cooper his Resignation of the said Deed to y^ 
Inhabitants of Quawbauge now called Brook efeiid for the said Deed was 
framed in Name to the said Leiut. Cooper but indeed for ye only use and 
behoofe of ye Inhabitants of the said Plantation called Brookefeild: Also 
ye Coppy of ye said Leiut. Coopers acknowledgmt of his said Resignation 
before ye WorppH Majr John Pynchon. 

These presents Testify, That Shattoockquis alias Shadookis the sole 
& propper Owner of certayne lands at Quabauge hereafter named Hath 
for good & valluable Considerations him the said Shattooquis thereunto 
moveinge given graunted bargayned & Sold, And by these p^sents Doth 
fully clearely & absolutely give grant bargayne & sell Vnto Ensigne Thomas 
Cooper of Springfeild for the vse & behoofe of the p^sent English Planters 
at Quabaug & their Associates, & their successors & to them & their 
heires for Ever, certayne p cells of land at towards or about the North end 
of Quabauge pond that is to say beginning at a little Meddow at the north 
end of the pond Quabauge w ch meddow is called Podunk w'h the land about 
it, & soe to a little hill Wullamanick & from thence Northward or North 
& by East about Three miles & soe Westward off to ye North end of 
Wecobaug Pond taking in all the playnes meddowes & upland from Podunk 
by Quabaug pond to Wecobaug pond all the land betwixt, as that called 
Nacommuck (viz' a brook where meddow is) and soe to Massequockummis 
viz' another brook where meddow is, and soe through the playne to Weco- 
baug pond & then down to Lashaway viz' the River wch comes from 
Quabaug pond all ye land as aforesaid on the East or Northeast side of that 
River and about three miles North or North & by East from the River 
together w'h the said River, & the lands on the west side or south or south- 
west side of the said River, & particularly from Lashaway down the 
River to a brook or streame called Naltaug & soe up that brook to the head 
of it Southward, & then from the head of that brook to verge of a hill called 
Asquoach, & soe down Southward or Southeast to ye pond Quabauge, 
taking in all the wett meddow & meddowes called Masquabamisk & Nanan- 
tomqua it being about foure Miles from the river to the verge or foote of tlie 

54 F/RSr SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

hill aforesaid called Asquoach and about six miles or neere thereabouts from 
the River at the mouth of ye brook called Naltaug to Ouabaug pond: All 
the aforesaid Tract of land from Wecobauge to Podunk at the North end 
of Quabauge, & from Naltaug to Ouabauge, called Naltaug Lashaway, 
Massequockcilmis Nacommuck Wullammannuck Podunck Nanantomqua 
Masquabamisk & soe to the hill called Asquoach : All wch land afore- 
described together wth the trees waters stones profits coinodityes & advan- 
tages thereof, & thereunto belonging, the said Ensign Thomas Cooper for 
himself and for the present Planters at Quabaug and their Associates & 
successes is to have hold and enjoy & that forEver. 

And the said Shattookquis as well for other considerations as also for &in 
consideration of the summe of Three Hundred fadom of Wampampeage 
in hand Received doth grant bargayne & sell All & Singular the aforenamed 
Tract of land to Ensigne Thomas Cooper his successo''s & assignes as 
aforesaid & to their heires for Ever : And the said Shattoockquis doth 
hereby covermate & promise to & w^h the said Ensigne Thomas Cooper 
that he will save y^ said Thomas Cooper harmless from all manner of 
claymes of any person or psons lawfully clayming any right or interest in 
the said lands hereby sold or in any part thereof, & will defend the same 
from all or any molestation & incumbrance by any Indians lawfully laying 
clayme or title thereunto : In witnes whereof the said Shattoockquis hath 
hereunto sett his hand this tenth day of November, 1665 : • 

Subscribed & delivered /^^^^^^^^^^ 

in ye prsence of The mark of "di^^P^^^!^^^^^ Shattoockquis 

Elizur Holyoke 

Samuell Chapin- The mark of Mettawomppe an Indian witness 

JAPHETT Chapin: >^ who challenging some inter- 

est in the land above sold 
received part of ye pay, & 
consented to the sale of it all : 

Shattoockquis an Indian above mentioned did own & acknowledge this 
to be his act & deed resigning up all his right title & intrest in the lands 
above mentioned unto Thomas Cooper his Associates & Assignes as above 
said, this Tenth day of November, 1665 : • 

Before mee John Pvnchon Assistant:- 

In relation to this deed, the first thing that strikes the reader is the 
indefiniteness of the bound lines. It is evident that the compass was 
not used in the survey. Indeed, the compass was first brought into use 
in laying out land grants in this region, by Lieut. Fisher of Dedham 
when he surveyed the Deerfield lands in 1665. They had a chain to 
measure distances, and some prominent object was selected as starting 
and turning point. The chief concern was to get the full quantity 
named in the grant. 

The second noticeable point is, that the deed covered only lands 
which, from their position, would naturally belong to the Wekabaug 

RE-GRANT OF 1667. 55 

chieftain. Tlie Indian village site, before described, at the southerly end 
of Quabaug pond, with its fishing-places and planting-ground, was, by 
the terms carefully excluded, as was also the territory on the west belong- 
ing to the Indian hill settlement. 

The third noticeable point is, the care taken to enumerate all the 
valuable meadow-lands within the six miles square. The meadows on 
both sides of the Quabaug river are specified ; and the other smaller 
meadows and brooks " where meadow is," are named in their proper 
order, going westerly from the starting-point on the right hand side of 
the river, and easterly on the left bank. And this helps us to place the 
several localities indicated. Nacommuck was what was formerly known 
as Great brook, now called Moore's brook ; Massequockummis was 
Coy's brook ; Lashaway retains the same name ; Naltaug was Dean's 
brook in Warren ; Masquabamisk was the valley of Mason's brook ; and 
Nanantomqua was the meadow and low land lying south of the river 
and south-west of Quabaug pond. The "little hill Wullammanick " 
must have been the rounded hill northerly of East Brookfield village. 
This places Podunk meadow some distance to the west of the mouth of 
Five-mile brook. 

The price paid for this land was three hundred fathom of wampum- 
peage. This was the Indian money made from white sea-shells, wrought 
in the shape of beads, and strung like beads. There were 360 pieces 
in a fathom. The current value of this money in English shillings and 
pence varied ; at the date under consideration, it was worth five shillings 
a fathom, which made the price paid for the land, 1,500 shillings, equal, 
according to the rule of reckoning of that day, to ;£tS-' 

As appears in Lieut. Cooper's instrument of assignment, the purchase- 
money was paid by the petitioners who obtained the grant. 

As already intimated, it is believed that John Warner was the father of 
Brookfield, and probably built the first house here. His son Samuel 
came with him in 1665. John Ayres was perhaps the "pushing man" 
of the enterprise, and came with the Warners. Thomas Parsons, then 
unmarried, and Thomas Wilson were here at about the same date. 
Richard Coy and Wm. Prichard, who became leading men, did not 
bring their families here till 1667. John Younglove came on in 1667. 
And these persons comprised the "6 or 7 families " named in the Gen- 
eral Court's order of this latter date. 

Re-g7-ant of i66j. As the three years' limit, named in the original 
grant, had expired, and the political status of the settlement was some- 
what uncertain, the above-named inhabitants sent a petition to the Gen- 
eral Court, asking to be organized into a township, or for the appointment 

' The Indians also had suckauhock or black money, made from sea-shells of rare varieties, and of 
double the value of the white. 

56 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-167 6. 

of a Committee with powers to manage the prudential affairs of the place, 
lay out lands, etc. 

May 15, 1667, In ansr to the petition of the inhabitants at Quabaug : 
This Court, having perused tlie grant which the Generall Court made anno 
i66c to the first undertakers for that place, doe finde that, i. By their non 
observance of the condition of their grant, the same is altogether voyd, & 
that now the ordering & disposing thereof is wholly in this Court's power. 

2. Considering that there is already at Ouabauge about sixe or seven 
familyes, & that the place may be capable of receiving many more, this 
Court will readily grant them the liberty of a touneship when they shall be 
in a ffit capacity. 

3. In the meane time this Court appoints Capt. John Pinchon, John 
Aires, Wm Prichard, Richard Coy, & John Younglow, or any three of 
them, whereof Capt. Pinchon to be one of the three, who shall have power 
to admitt inhabitants, grant lands, & to order all the prudentiall affayres 
of the place in all respects, untill it shall appeare that the place shall be so 
farr setled with able men as this Court may judge meete to give them the 
full liberty of a touneship according to lawe. 

4. Because the inhabitants of Ipswich made the first motion for that 
plantation, & some of them have binn at charges about it, although by 
their remisse prosecution they have now lost all their right, yet, such of 
them as shall setle there by midsummer come twelve moneth, they shall 
have an interest in the lands there in proportion with others ; but if by that 
time they shall not be there setled, they shall then loose their lands, & all 
their charges which they have been at upon ye place. 

5. They are to take care for the getting & mayntayning of a godly 
minister among them, & that no evill persons, enemjes to the lawe of this 
commonweale in judgment or practise, be receaved as inhabitants. 

6. For promoting of the aforesajd plantation, & incouragement there- 
of, this Court doeth now grant that plantation seven yeares freedom from 
all publick rates & taxes to the country, provided those inhabitants of 
Ipswich which intend to inhabit at Ouabauge by midsummer come twelve 
month doe engage to give security to the above-sajd committee, within three 
moneths after the date hereof, that they will performe accordingly, that so 
others that would setle there may not be hindred." ' 

Under the circumstances, this action of the Court was both just and 
generous. It evinced the purpose to overlook any past remissness, to 
give the Ipswich undertakers the chance to secure themselves for any 
expenditures heretofore made, to foster the infant plantation and give it 
an established footing, and keep out all " evill persons " and adventurers. 
The safe-guards were commensurate with the privileges. 

Some writers on Brookfield history have taken exception to what they 
regard as an obnoxious restriction and reproach on the character of 
these founders of the town, viz., the appointment of a Committee to 

' Mass. Colony Records, IV. -II., p. 342. 


admit inhabitants and manage affairs. But such was the custom of the 
time. Lancaster had such a Committee in 1657, Northfield in 1672. 
And it was a measure dictated by wise forethought. The poHcy of the 
Province was, to distribute its eligible lands so as to insure the planting 
of towns of sufficient capacity in numbers and pecuniary resources, to 
become self-supporting and productive centres ; and to have from the 
outset an able and godly ministry of the Word. Numbers, character, and 
wealth were thus essential factors. And until a plantation should have 
these, and thus be qualified to be a township, it was wise to put its 
prudential affairs in the hands of a Committee of trustworthy and discreet 
men ; otherwise the six or seven settlers might apportion the whole six 
miles square among themselves, and yet be without capacity for self- 
support and the support of religious ordinances and schools. The pas- 
sion for land speculation, and personal aggrandizement was not unknown 
in 1667 ! It should be added, that in most cases, the ad interim 
Committee was composed wholly of non-residents ; the Quabaug Com- 
mittee had the advantage and special honor, that 4 of its 5 members 
were of its own inhabitants. As will appear, the powers of this Com- 
mittee ceased, when the town was incorporated in 1673. 

Allotment of Lands. — In the orderly settling of a new town, an early 
and important matter was the division of the lands among the planters. 
The fee was commonly vested in the inhabitants as a body ; which 
body, either through a Committee, or by corporate action, made dis- 
tribution to individual engagers and families. The statutes provided no 
general rule of apportionment ; each town established its own rules of 
equity. Usually, both persons and property were considered in making 
divisions. The head of the family and the older sons, and sometimes 
the wife and all the children were taken into the account, in estimating 
the needs of a household and its ability to cultivate the lands. Quite 
often the "home-lots " were equal in size, or put in two or four classes, 
representing wholes, halves and quarters ; and the " meadow lots," and 
the proportions in "planting fields" varied according to pecuniary 
means and ability of labor. In the settlement of Sudbury in 1637, the 
home-lots were nominally of equal size, viz., four acres, varied however, 
to conform to the lay of the land. These lots represented the common 
venture of the planters, and were not taxed for ordinary town charges. 
Meadow lands, which were the main source of income, constituted a 
person's " estate," on which the taxes were levied. They were ap- 
portioned " according to persons (polls) and property, and a man's 
ability to improve his land." Plain lands were set apart into common 
fields, on the same rule as meadows, each man cultivating his particular 
allotment, and maintaining his share of the general fence. Woodlands 
were held as public property, and the cutting of fire-wood and timber 

58 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1 660-1 676. 

was regulated by the town. In Hadley, settled 1659, every planter had 
a home-lot of 8 acres. The meadows were distributed somewhat ac- 
cording to the sum which each planter subscribed to the common stock 
" to take up lands by." In practice, a list was made out, and a sum set 
against each settler's name (by his consent) which was taken to repre- 
sent his estate put into the venture (not necessarily his actual estate), 
on which he was to be rated both in the allotment of lands, and in 
taxation. The highest sum was ^200, the lowest ^50. ;^200 drew 
50^^ acres of meadow ; ^50 drew i2| acres. 

But as the Brookfield settlers came from Essex county, it is likely 
that they would hold the views which prevailed in that vicinity. In 
Haverhill, where John Ayres lived for a time, the rule of division and 
apportionment was : " There shall be three hundred acres laid out for 
house-lots and no more ; and he that was worth two hundred pounds 
should have twenty acres to his houselot, and none to exceed that num- 
ber ; and so every one under that sum, to have acres proportionable for 
his houselott, together with meadow, and Common, and planting-ground, 
^ proportionably." 

The first Book of Records of the Committee for Quabaug appears to 
have been kept by Mr. Pynchon, who signs himself " Recorder." Nat- 
urally this book was given into the hands of the town clerk of Brookfield, 
at the incorporation of the town in 1673 ; and undoubtedly it perished 
in the conflagration of 1675. The means therefore, for determining the 
place and dimensions of the original Brookfield To7v?i Plot, and the rule 
by which the lands were allotted to the settlers, consist of a few attested 
extracts from that first Record Book, copied in 1674 and found among 
Mr. Pynchon's papers ; the deeds by which the original planters or their 
heirs transferred their titles ; the site of the first meeting-house, which 
can be identified ; and a few land-marks that time and cultivation have 
not obliterated. 

A careful study of these several records and landmarks makes it cer- 
tain that the Town Plot, i.e., the home-lots, was laid out so as to take 
in what is now known as Foster's hill, extending from Hovey's brook on 
the south-east to Coy's brook on the north-west, and bounded by the 
river meadow southerly, and reaching on the northerly side to the foot 
of the hill. The area of this Plot was nominally 500 acres. 

It is beheved that the home-lots originally contained 20 acres each, 
with a right to 20 acres of meadow and 8 or 10 acres of plain land. 
The minister, and men with grown-up sons, appear to have received 
double lots, or one and one-half lots. 

The road through the Town Plot, then turned northerly at the Prich- 
ard place, running round instead of over the hill as at present. 

It is matter of record that the meeting-house was located in the mid- 


die of the Plantation ; and that it stood " about 20 rods " from Sergt. 
Ayres' tavern, which would place it a little to the west or north-west of 
D. H. Richardson's barn — " the slough," or wet run, then being " on 
the west side of the house." 

The order in which the home-lots were laid out, is as follows — begin- 
ning at Coy's brook: i. Richard Coy; 2. Thomas Parsons; 3, John 
Warner; 4. Samuel Kent; 5. Samuel Warner; 6. John Younglove ; 
7. Thomas Wilson [in Second Settlement, the Grosvenor, and later Rev. 
T. Cheney's lot]; 8. Thomas Millett ; 9. Meeting-house lot — "half 
an acre;" 10. Sergt. John Ayres (now D. H. Richardson) ; 11. Wil- 
liam Prichard (the Watson place) ; the broken land adjoining was 
reserved for " Common ; " 12. James Travis; 13. Judah Trumble : 14. 
Daniel Hovey ; 15. James Hovey; 16. Thomas Hovey. These three 
Hovey lots were located easterly of the little brook, and on the north 
side of the road, and contained 30 acres each ; Thomas did not come 
to occupy, and the lot was granted to John Chadwick. 

Besides "meadow" and "plain," each home-lot carried a right to 
40 acres of "upland," — the precise application of which term is not 
easy to determine. All undivided lands were held in common, for fire- 
wood, lumber and pasturage. 

The meadows, which were allotted and occupied in the First Settle- 
ment, were those on the river, on Coy's and Hovey's brooks, and on 
the Great brook that runs into Wekabaug pond, and particularly those 
on the eastern branch then called Mill brook. 

The "Great Field," where all the families had their planting-ground, 
comprised the plain lands lying westerly from Coy's brook, extending 
towards the Indian planting-field. It covered the site of West Brook- 
field village as far west as the " Common." The same land was held for 
a like purpose in the Second Settlement. 

Ministry Land. One full home-lot, with its due proportion of 
meadow and plain, and all accruing rights, was set apart for the use and 
improvement of the minister. As no one was installed in that office in 
the First Settlement, this lot was not taken up. Mr. Younglove, who 
officiated as the first preacher, received a grant as an inhabitant, and 
his heirs held the fee and sold the same after the town was re-settled. 
The same is true of Mr. Millett, the second preacher. The following 
scrap, preserved from the general destruction of ancient records, relates 
to the ministry lot : " At a meeting of the Committee for Brookfield 
July 2^ 1668, Present John Pynchon, John Ayres, Richard Coye, Wil- 
liam Pritchard, then ordered and agreed that the land that is lying 
between John Younglov's and Samuel Warners' land be reserved for a 
ministry ; there is six acres of meadow secured for it on the west side 
Coy's brook next the Pine plain." 

6o FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-167 6. 

Burial Place. — It was customary in the early days of New England, 
to bury the dead around the meeting-house. But there is no tradition 
or other evidence to connect the old Brookfield meeting-house lot with 
such uses. Indeed the land was wet, and unsuitable for such a purpose. 
As neither the records nor tradition pointed to the old cemetery by 
Wekabaug pond (then covered by Indian wigwams), nor to the 
cemetery at the South village, as the place of the first interments, the 
question. Where were the first burials made? promised to remain 
unanswered. To the observing habits and good memory of Mr. Thomas 
Knowlton, librarian at West Brookfield, belongs the credit of furnishing 
the probable answer to the question. Mr. K. states that in his boyhood 
he often noticed a smooth plot of ground, containing about one-quarter 
of an acre, where there were then plainly distinguishable eight or ten 
grave-mounds, having rude stones set to mark the head and foot. One 
of the larger head-stones contained a monogram ; but time 'had ren- 
dered it practically illegible. The writer has visited the spot in com- 
pany with Mr. K. and others. It lies about 100 rods northerly from 
the old meeting-house site. And although considerable changes have 
been made by building a wall across the graves, and utilizing the grave- 
stones in its construction, enough remains to verify Mr. K.'s early 
observations, and render it reasonable to conclude that here was the 
place of the earliest burials. The soil was favorable ; the spot was in 
plain sight from the meeting-house ; and the distance was not objection- 
able. The land is now owned by A. W. Smith and D. H. Richardson, 
and is occupied for pasturage. The Brookfields owe it to their good 
name, and filial instincts, to enclose and forever consecrate this spot to 
the memory of their pioneer dead ! Near the burial place are some 
very ancient cellar holes. And there is evidence that in early times the 
road ran from the Ayres tavern to this spot, where it parted, one branch 
leading round the hill towards the west, the other striking more north 
towards the Owen place. 

Corn Mill. — This was a necessity to a new plantation. A sawmill 
was a convenience, but not a necessity. For in its place, the first set- 
tlers built a saw-pit, viz., a platform and pit, set in a steep hillside, 
where two men, one above and the other below to operate the saw, 
would supply the few boards for inside casings, and the joists and small 
stuff for a frame ; and the large timbers were hewn by hand ; and the 
outside covering consisted of cleft-boards, i.e., boards split from oak 
and chestnut "bolts," and laid on as we lay clapboards. — The records 
state that Mr. Pynchon had built a grist-mill at Quabaug, before 1674, 
probably as early as 1667. It stood on the east branch of the brook 
that enters the head of Wekabaug pond, which branch was then called 
" Mill brook." The site is about fifty rods from the point where the 

PETITION OF 1670. 61 

brooks unite. This mill was burnt by the Indians when the town was 
destroyed in 1675. Not finding sufficient water for summer use, a ditch 
was dug across the meadows above Whortleberry hill, with a view to 
turn the water from the west branch into this mill branch — hence the 
name " Ditch meadows." For his labor and pains in the matter, Mr. 
P. received the following grants : " Granted to Mr. John Pynchon 7 
acres of meadow upon the Mill brook about 40 rods off where the mill 
now stands, and all the meadow above the mill upon both sides the 
brook, and 3 acres along the brook to his mill, together with the stream." 
And for this and other services and expenses, Mr. P. had granted to 
him at Quabaug " 50 acres of upland, laid out and measured to him 
together on the westerly side of the Brooke which runs through Matchuck 
meddow ; and 25 acres of meddow, laid out in two parcels, one at the 
small falls in the brook, 20 acres on both sides, at Matchuck, joining 
Samuel Kent's meddow." " Measured and returned by corp. Richard 
Coy, the measurer of land there." 

Thus the new plantation started on its hopeful, but as the event 
proved, short life. 

As might have been foreseen, but probably was not fully weighed, the 
liberal allotments of " meadow lands " made to each of the first under- 
takers, consumed all the handy grass-bearing intervales on the Quabaug 
river, Coy's brook, Hovey's brook and Great brook. And a desirable 
class of adventurers were not attracted by the small and scattered 
patches of meadow on the more distant streams which fell within the 
six miles grant. More land was craved for the sake of more " meadows ; " 
and the people desired " the privileges of a town," so that they could 
dispose of their territory in a way to promote what appeared to be their 
true interests. And it was in furtherance of this desire that they sent 
the following petition to the General Court : 

•' To the mtich honored Geti^ Court held at Boston the I2t^'- of October, 
idyo — 

" This honored Court being pleased upon petition presented to them by 
some of the inhabitants of Ipswich for land to settle a plantation at Quo- 
boag ; so far to favor their motion as to grant them a tract of land of six miles 
Square for that end, and farther since to encourage the poor inhabitants 
that are upon it : The humble petition therefore of the poor inhabitants of 
Quoboag to this honored Court is that according as they were pleased to 
intimate their readiness to grant us the liberty of a township (whereby meet 
inhabitants upon the place we should be capable of it) so they would be 
pleased at this time to do it, Our humble petition to this hon'd Ct. is 
farther that they would be pleased to enlarge our grant, if they see good — for 
that we may go six miles every way from the centre, The reason of this 
our request to the hon'd Ct. is because we find the meadow to lie very much 

62 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-167 6. 

scattered about the place in many small parcels far distant one from the 
other & therefore we fear that unless the hond Ct. grant us some considera- 
ble further enlargement we shall not be able to fetch within our bounds a 
sufficient quantity of meadow to accommodate families enough to make 
a comfortable society in a place so remote in the wilderness as ours is. We 
would further crave leave to acquaint the honored Ct that there is a great 
farm of land laid out very near our plantation for Peter Tuft as we do 
adjudge within a matter of three or four miles from the river which runs 
through our place to Springfield as we humbly conceive that it will fall 
within our bounds, If it should not we humbly crave that the hon'd Ct 
would grant that it may pay public charge with us ; it being very difficult to 
carry on a place so remote from all other plantations in the woods as ours 
is ; And this hond Court so far countenancing us as they have already 
doth persuade us by way of humble petition to present these things to 
this hon'd Court, submitting ourselves their good pleasure concerning us 

Wee whose names, are here under written have subscribed hereto in the 
behalf of the rest, 

Richard Coy 

John Ayres 

William Prichet 

From QuoBOAG, October 9* 1670 " * 

No action of the General Court on this petition is found in the State 
Archives. Perhaps the largeness of the quantity of land asked for, con- 
trasted with the fewness of the then inhabitants, may have been a reason 
for non-action. And it is feir to infer that the slowness of the people in 
settling a minister may have been another reason. And the two restric- 
tive provisos in the Act of 1673 (soon to be quoted) suggest other 

The " Peter Tufts farm," referred to in this petition, was a tract of 
600 acres, originally granted, Apr. 29, 1668, to Capt. John Pierce, who 
sold the same June 4, 1669, to his brother-in-law Peter Tufts of Charles- 
town, said farm being " southwest about 5 or 6 miles from Quabaug, upon 
the road to Springfield " — in what is now the southwesterly part of War- 
ren, and adjacent part of Brimfield. 

The Town Incorporated. — The next paper in order, in our annals, is 
the petidon of 1673, which led to the passage of an Act to incorporate 
the town, and which furnishes a list — probably complete — of the then 
settlers. " The files of the General Court had been repeatedly searched 
in vain for the petition, on which was based the legislative action of Oct. 
1673 ; ^"^^ ^^ discouraging conclusion was arrived at that this most im- 
portant link in the chain of the early history of the town was forever 
lost. But by the merest accident of time and place, the original petition 

I Mass. Archives, CXIL: 212. 





has been recently brought to light, not from the Archives of the State, 
where it ought to have been found, but from the apparently uninteresting 
material of a junk-shop, where it was rescued by Dr. John F. Pratt, of 
Chelsea, who has kindly allowed the following copy to be made : " ' 

" To the Highly Honn^d ye Gen^^^ Co'^tc of the Massachusett : 

The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of Quaubauge, Sheweth That 
whereas wee being not yet allowed a Township wee are disabled as to com- 
fortably carrying on ye affaires of the place as is requisite for the publicke 
& our own conveniences in diverse respects, as for the Ordering the Pru- 
dentiall affaires of the Town proper to Select Men, makeing & collecting of 
Rates &c. Wee have indeed a Committee to helpe in these matters, but in 
regard we cannot rationally desire or expect the pi'sence & assistance of One 
of the Comittee (viz t. the Honnord Majo^ Pynchon) Soe often as we need by 
reason of his remoteness, And yett wt^out his p^sence or concurrence the 
Comittee cannot make a valid act : The p^mises considered Our Humble 
request is, that this much Honnord Co"e would be pleased to grant us the 
Priviledge & libertyes of a Township whereby we may be the better inabled 
to carry on our owne matters w'^out too much distraction. 

And yc Petitionrs shall ever pray for yor prosperity If Yo^ Honncs 
please let ye Name of ye Place be Brookfeild. 

Octr. ye lo 1673. 

John Ayres, Senr John Younglove John Ayres, Junr 

Richard Coy, Senr William Prichet Nathaniel Warner 

Samuel Kent Thomas Parsons James Travis 

John Warner Thomas Wilson Richard Coy 

Samuel Warner Samuel Prichet James Hovey 

Samuel Ayres Juda Trumbull " 

Accompanying this petition was the following letter : 

" Springfeild, Octob. 11* 1673. 

I have long desyred to be discharged from being one of the Committee 
for Ovabaug : in regard of my many occasions & remoteness having bin 
little serviceable to y™ : I doe vtterly decline ye worke, & desire their motion 
for being allowed a Towne may be accepted & granted by ye Honored 
Court, hoping it may p^ve beneficial to them and the Publike : 

John Pynchon." 

" The Deputyes Judge meete to graunt this pet. & that the name of the 

place be Brookefeild as is above desired, c Honofd magistrates consenting 


William Torrey, Cleric.'''' 

" The magists Consent heereto provided they divide not the whole land of 
ye Township till they be forty or fivety familyes, in ye meane time y' their 

I Henry E. Waite, Esq., in N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, Oct. 1881. 

64 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

dividings one to another exceed not two hundred acres apeec. to any p^sent 
inhabitant, their brethren the deputyes hereto consenting. 

Edw. Rawson, Secret}'. 
" 22 October 1673. 

Consented to by the deputies 

Wm Torrey, Cleric.'"'' 

On the back of the original document is this entry : 

" In ansr to ye peticon o£ the Inhabitants of Ouabaug The Court Judgeth 
it meet to grant their request i.e. the liberty & priviledge of a Township and 
that the name thereof be Brookefeild Provided they Divide not the whole 
land of the Towneship till they be forty or fivety familyes, in the meane 
tjme that their Dividings one to another exceed not two hundred acres apeece 
to any present Inhabitant, originale, E. R. ^^.•" 

Two months later, Lieut. Thomas Cooper of Springfield, who was 
named as grantee in the Indian deed of 1665 [see ante, p. 53], made 
assignment of the said deed to the inhabitants of the new Town as 
follows : 

I Thomas Cooper above mentioned doe hereby relinquish & resigne up all 
my right & title in ye lands within mentioned to be bought of Shattoock- 
quis, hereby declaring that my acting in ye prmises was only in the behalfe 
& for the use & behoofe of the Inhabitants of Quabauge (now called Brook- 
feild) & their successors : — The purchase of the above mentioned land being 
at their pper cost & charge, who had obteyned a grant thereof from ye Honn- 
ord Genr'l C^te & are now allowed a Towne : I doe therefore hereby deliver 
up this Instrument or deed of sale to John John Warner, Richard Coy, 
& William Pritchard of Quabauge alias Brookefeild for the vse <& as the 
propp' right of the Inhabitants of Brookefeild: — The said Persons beinge 
betrusted by the Towne or present Inhabitants of Brookefeild for taking in & 
receiving this present Deed : Wherefore I doe hereby deliver it up to them 
hereby declaring it & the land therein mentioned to be sold to be & belong 
to the pi'sent Inhabitants of Brookefeild as they are a Township, and to per- 
ticular psons only according as they have or shall have grants of land con- 
firmed to them : The whole Tract of land above mentioned, I doe fully & 
absolutely resigne up to the Inhabitants of Brookefeild aforesaid and to their 
successors & their heires for Ever, As witness my hand this 19'h day of 

December : 1673. 

Thomas Cooper 

December 19th 1673: Leivt Thomas Cooper above mentioned subscribed 
hereunto & acknowledged the resigning up this Deed & all his intrest in the 
premises to the Inhabitants of Brookefeild :. 

Before mee John Pvnchon ^jj-z>/^///.-. 

This Deed ^ Recorded March ye 1673-4 

By mee Elizur Holyoke, Recordr 


A brief notice of the heads of families of these, the original founders 
of Brookfield, should be given in this connection. 

John Avres, Sen. He was of Haverhill, 1645; Ipswich, 1648; a 
petitioner for Quabaug, 1660, whither he removed with the first under- 
takers, and was a leading man in the new plantation. He was killed by 
the Indians Aug. 2, 1675. ^is first wife was Sarah, daughter of John 
Williams of Haverhill ; second wife was Susanna, daughter of Mark 
Symonds of Ipswich, who with the younger children returned to I. 
after the destruction of Brookfield. Of the sons, John, Jr., and Samuel 
were signers of the petition for the township, and perhaps then had fam- 
ilies. The other brothers, Thomas, Joseph, Mark, Nathaniel and Edward 
(and the heirs of John, Jr., and Samuel), received large grants in Brook- 
field, ostensibly in their father's (and grandfather's) right, after the Sec- 
ond Settlement. One of them, viz., Joseph, came to reside at B., and 
left large posterity. 

Richard Coy, Sen. In 1638, he, aged 13, and his brother Matthew, 
aged 15, came to Boston, perhaps with a sister Mary, who married John 
Lake. Was of Salisbury, 1650, and in 1658 he is found at Wenham 
with a wife Martha and sons Richard (a signer of the petition of 1673) 
and John, and had Jebuz, b. at W. June 16, 1660; and at Salisbury, 
Caleb, b. Aug. 16, 1666. He was in Brookfield 1667 ; a leading man; 
"Coy's brook" and "Coy's hill" perpetuate his name. He was killed 
by the Indians Aug. 2, 1675, ^"^ ^i^ widow " fled to Boston " with her 
children. In 1699, John Coy of Wenham, wife Elizabeth, sold to 
Thomas Barns, all his farm in Brookfield, together with the rights granted 
to his father " Richard Coy, Senior." 

John Warner, He was born in England about 1 6 1 6 ; came to New 
England with his father WilUam, brother Daniel and sister Abigail in 
1637, and settled at Ipswich. Mar. 10, 1655, he married Priscilla, 
daughter of Mark Symonds of I. He was probably an original petitioner 
for Qaubaug, and among the first undertakers there. In August 1665, 
he sold his homestead in I. and took his family to Brookfield, whither 
he himself had gone in the spring. He held honorable position at B. 
After the destruction of the town, he took refuge at Hadley, where his 
son Mark had settled, and where he died May 17, 1692. Of his chil- 
dren (some of them by a first wife), 1. Samuel, b. 1640, came to Qua- 
baug with his father, had a home-lot and other lands, and was an 
inhabitant till 1675. ^^ married Oct. 21, 1662, at Ipswich, Mercy, 
daughter of Richard Swan. He was of Dunstable, N.H., 1685 ; had 8 
children, 5 or 6 of which were born at B. 2. Mark, settled in Hadley. 
3. John, probably settled in Springfield. 4. Nathaniel, signed the peti- 
tion 1673, though only 18 years old, a weaver; was post-rider between 
Springfield and Boston, 1675-80; settled in Hadley. 5. Joseph, b. 

66 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660- i6j6. 

1657. 6. Mehitable, b. 1658. 7. Daniel, b. 1661, d. Ipswich, 1688. 
8. Eleazar, b. 1662, settled Hadley. 9. Priscilla, b. 1666. 

William Prichard. He was of Lynn 1645, and of Ipswich 1648, 
where he was taxed in 1667, in which year he removed to Quabaug. 
He was killed Aug. 2, 1675. ^i^ ^^^ Samuel (who signed the petition 
of 1673) was killed during the siege of B. by the Indians. His sons, 
John of Topsfield and Joseph of Amesbury, in 1690, sell to their brother 
William of Suffield, all their lands in Brookfield, with their rights in the 
estates of their father and brother Samuel. Previous to this, however, a 
part of the father's estate had been sold to Hezekiah Dickinson of Had- 
ley, who perhaps lived in Brookfield long enough to erect the " frame 
of a house," which he sold in 1693, with 55 acres of land, to Stephen 
Jennings of Hatfield, whose son Joseph (the second representative of 
B. to the General Court) with wife Mary, sold the same with other par- 
cels, in 1 71 7, to Tilly Merrick of Springfield. 

John Younglove. Perhaps he was son of Samuel of Ipswich. In 
the Memoir of Rev. Michael Wigglesworth by John Ward Dean, it is 
stated that Mr. W. being in poor health, was encouraged by John Young- 
love to visit the Bermudas with him. They sailed from Boston, Sept. 
23, 1663, and were absent nearly a year. In 1667, he is in Quabaug, 
and the next January administered on the estate of his brother James of 
Q., who died without a family. He preached to the Quabaug people 
till 1674, probably with no great acceptance to them or himself. After 
the destruction of Q. he removed to Hadley, where he taught the gram- 
mar school for several years. In 1681, he is found as a preacher at 
Suffield. Probably he was never ordained, and when the Court advised 
him to cease preaching, it may derogate nothing from his moral worth, 
for as a correspondent says, " he may have had an unhappy temper, 
but it is not unlikely that the temper of the people was worse than his." 
He died in Suffield, June 3, 1690, leaving a wife Sarah and several 
children. The eldest son John was born in Brookfield, the others in 
Hadley and Suffield. In March 1 703, his home-lot, and the principal 
part of his estate in Brookfield was sold to Rev. Joseph Smith, then 
minister at B. 

Samuel Kent. Was from Gloucester, perhaps son of Thomas, who 
was in G. 1643. Settled in Brookfield after 1667. On the destruction 
of the town, he removed to Suffield, where he died Feb. 2, 1691. In 
1 686, he sold his home-lot and rights in B. to John Scott, Sen., of Suf- 
field, whose sons Ebenezer and William, in 1703, sold the same to 
Thomas Barns of Brookfield. His wife was Frances ; children, Sarah, b. 
1657, Mary, b. 165 8, Samuel, b. 1661, John, b. 1664. His brother 
Thomas Kent, says Savage, "was of Brookfield in 16 71," and of 
Gloucester 1690. 


Thomas Parsons. Was son of Thomas of Windsor, born Aug. 9, 
1645 J ^vas in Brookfield 1665 or 6 ; married Dec. 24, 1668, Sarah Dare 
of Windsor, and had Sarah, b. 1669, Hannah, b. 1671, Thomas, b. 1674. 
His wife died June 14, 1674, and he removed to Suffield, where in 1699, 
with a wife Priscilla, they " being old and having no posterity," adopt 
Nathaniel Austin, who, in 1702, then of Suffield, with wife Abigail 
(daughter of Lieut. Thomas Hovey of Hadley), sold Thomas Barns and 
Samuel Owen of Brookfield all lands there formerly granted to Thomas 

Thomas Wilson. Was son of Theophilus of Ipswich. He was living 
at I. 1657, when his daughter Mary was born ; probably went to Brook- 
field with the first undertakers in 1665. He was known to the Indians 
as " Major Wilson " ; was wounded during the siege of the town ; re- 
turned to Ipswich. Felt says that he was "allowed £,\., Oct. 7, 1675, 
for his losses by the Enemy at Quabaug." His daughter Hannah died 
at I. 1682. 

James Travis. Was son of Henry of Newbury, where he was born 
Apr. 28, 1645. He married in Gloucester, Apr. 18, 1667, Mercy, daugh- 
ter of John Pierce, and had Mercy, b. Feb. 8, 1668 (m. Benj. Whitney 
of Framingham), in which year he sold his house and land in Gloucester 
to Thomas Millett, Sen., and removed to Brookfield, where he had James 
(who settled in Framingham), and perhaps others. He returned to 
Essex Co., and died before 171 7, when his heirs applied for a grant of 
land in B., "in their father's right," and received " 60 acres near Brook- 
field Saw mill." 

James Hovey. It appears that in 1668 or 9, three home-lots and 
their accompanying land rights, were granted to Daniel Hovey of 
Ipswich, and his sons James and Thomas. The home-lots were located 
on the easterly side of the Town Plot, and N. of the road. Thomas 
" not coming to reside " at Brookfield, his lands were re-granted to John 
Chadvvick of Watertown, who sold the same in 1687 to Peter King of 
Sudbury. Thomas settled in Hadley. Daniel, the father, came to B. 
in 1668, and settled; but before the town was destroyed he removed to 
Hadley, and subsequently back to Ipswich, where he died Apr. 1692. 
James settled on his grant in Brookfield, and raised a family. He was 
killed by the Indians Aug. 2, 1675, as appears from a list filed in the 
State Archives. His name is not mentioned in Capt. Wheeler's Narra- 
tive of the destruction of B. ; and the probable inference is, that he was 
overtaken by the Indians near his own house, which was at a considera- 
ble distance from the Ayres place. His wid. Priscilla filed Inventory of 
his estate, Mar. 26, 1676. In 1703, his children, James of Maiden, a 
weaver, Daniel of Ipswich, and Samuel Smith and wife Priscilla of 
Charlestown, sell their rights in Brookfield to Benoni Morse of Dedham, 

68 FIRSl^ SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

said estate adjoining land formerly granted his father Daniel Hovey and 
his brother Thomas. 

JuDAH Trumbull. Was son of John, of Roxbury 1639, who married 
Ann, daughter of Richard Swan of Rowley, and sister of Mercy the wife 
of Samuel Warner of Brookfield. He was of Rowley ; removed to 
Brookfield ; and about 1676 to Sufifield. By wife Mary he had John, b. 
Mar. 5, 1674; Ebenezer, b. Aug. i, 1675, Joseph, b. 1677, Judah, b. 
1679, ^ho ^^s killed by the Indians near Brookfield in July 1706, and 
others, and died in Suffield Apr. i, 1692. His brother Joseph, who was 
of Sufifield before 1675, '^^^^ grandfather of the first Gov. Jonathan 
Trumbull of Connecticut. 

Thomas Millett. There is evidence that he succeeded Mr. Young- 
love as minister at Brookfield in 1674 ; though his name does not appear 
in any list of the inhabitants extant. He received a grant of a home- 
lot of" 20 acres, and 10 acres of meadow," which his son Nathaniel of 
Gloucester sold Feb. 21, 1710-1, to Lieut. Thomas Baker. " Millett's 
meadow," often named in later records, commemorates a part of this 
grant. He came to New England 1635, with wife Mary, and son 
Thomas, and settled in Dorchester, where he had other children. In 
1655, he was in Gloucester, and a preacher, though perhaps not ordained. 
He was in G. in 1668 ; was with his wife living in Brookfield June 3, 
1675, when he gave consent to the sale of land in Gloucester. He died 
early in 1676 ; his wife died at G. Sept. 27, 1682. 

Edward Scott, who settled in Hadley, was a resident in Brookfield 
for a short time. 

Hezekiah Dickinson lived awhile in Brookfield during the First Set- 
tlement, before his marriage ; he afterwards bought the Prichard home- 
lot and rights, which he sold Apr. 15, 1693, to Stephen Jennings, and 
returned to Hadley, his native place. 

[The foregoing notices of the early settlers of Brookfield are compiled 
mainly from notes furnished by Henry E. Waite, Esq.] 

Of the 17 men who signed the petition of 1673, ^^^ were killed by 
the Indians, either in the Ambush of Aug. 2, 1675, ^"^ the siege that 
followed ; and the rest scattered to old or new homes, when the town 
was deserted. No one of them (except Joseph Ayres, then a youth) 
appears to have returned to Brookfield. The terrible experiences of 
that week of woe made impressions and inwrought associations which 
were indelible ; and set their hearts against the place that could never- 
more be home to them ! 

By the Act of Oct. 22, 1673, Brookfield was made in the full sense a 
Town, with authority to manage its own prudential affairs, through the 
agency of ofificers chosen in legal town meeting — restricted only as to 
the apportionment of lands. The area of the town, it should be remem- 

LITTLE GROWTH IN 1674-1673. 69 

bered, at this date was the original six miles square. And considering 
the broken character of much of the land, and the fact that the best 
meadows had already been lotted out, the proviso " that their Dividings 
one to another exceed not 200 acres apiece to any present inhabitant," 
does not appear unreasonable. If, as there is evidence to believe, each 
head of a family had already received 120 acres of the most eligible 
land, the addition of So acres would certainly make a respectable farm. 

Very little can be learned of the town's affairs, for the ensuing eighteen 
months. We know, incidentally, that Richard Coy was chosen town 
measurer, to survey and stake out land grants ; and that he was juror in 
attendance upon the county Court in 1674 and the March term of '75. 
William Prichard was clerk of the writs, an officer allowed by the shire 
Court, "to grant summons and attachments in civil actions." All males 
between 16 and 60 years of age were enrolled in the militia, and required 
to do annual duty ; but no town enrolling less than 64 men was entitled 
to have a captain. The Brookfield company could not claim a com- 
missioned officer, and was in command of a sergeant. John Ayres was 
first sergt., Wm. Prichard second sergt., Richard Coy, corporal. Sergt. 
Ayres was licensed to keep an ordinary or inn, as appears from the 
county records.' 

As previously stated, a meeting-house was built, and religious worship 
maintained on the Sabbath, for at least a part of the time. Mr. Young- 
love conducted these services for a time — though he was not settled, 
and probably had not received ordination. He was succeeded by Mr. 
Thomas Millet. 

Brookfield is taxed in the " Country Rate " for 1675, £,^. o. 6, and is 
credited with killing 10 wolves, ^5. o. o. 

The evidence goes to show that there was little growth in the popu- 
lation of the town by accessions from abroad, in the years 1674-5. A 
reason for this may have been that other new towns offered greater 
inducements to settlers, from their rich and abundant meadow lands, 
and better lines of travel towards Boston. The old trails leading to 

' Extractsfrom the County Records. — Sept. 26, 1671. Goodman Ayres of Quawbauge is licensed 
to keep an ordinary and sell wine and liquor for the ensuing year. The license was renewed in Sept. 
of the years 1672, 73, and 74. 

Mar. 31, 1674. Jno. Ayres Sen. of Brookfield refuses to pay arrearage for the maintenance of Mr. 
Younglove, on account that he keeps the ordinary and has for time past, and should be free from it. 

Mar. 30, 1675. Thomas Wilson of Brookfield was presented by the grand jury for cursing Samuel 
Warner of the same town. And the town of Brookfield was presented for defect in the bridge over the 
swamp at Richard Coy's, Sen. ; and for want of a common pound. 

Mar. 26, 1676. Inventory of estate of James Hovey: " Land at Brookfield, of little value by reason 
of the Indian Wars and desolation made in that town." 

Sept. 26, 1682. The grand jury presented to the court for consideration, the county or country Road 
at Quabauge, at a muddy brook called Coy's brook, that travellers may pass in safety: Upon inquiry 
the Court finds a feasible way ^ of a mile N. of the mirey place. Same date, the jury presented David 
Morgan, Nicholas Rust and Thomas Gilbert for hunting at Quabauge on Sabbath with Toby y"' Indian 
of Mr. Sam'l Marshfield's. 

70 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1 660-1676. 

Quabaug were circuitous and hilly. The new " Bay Path " via Worces- 
ter, was only opened through in 1674 [see ante, p. 25]. And the non- 
action of the Legislature upon the Brookfield petition of 1670, as well 
as the neglect, or inability of the inhabitants to procure the assignment 
of the deed of the granted and occupied territory to themselves, may 
indicate the existence of internal dissensions, or other causes, not now 
understood. And it is likely that the proximity of the Wekabaug Indian 
village proved a drawback as well as an eye-sore. The natives did not 
improve in character by intercourse with the whites. English beer and 
cider and rum induced drunkenness, and its train of evils ; the posses- 
sion of guns rendered hunting more sure of success than his bow and 
arrows and yank-ups and deer-pits ; English beans in part took the place 
of corn for food supply, and required less labor ; and the easing off of 
the necessity for protracted toil by improved means of cultivation, and 
the possibility of begging, induced habits of laziness and shiftlessness 
among the squaws. And continued contact was demoralizing to the 
English. The white boys — and some of the men — learned to trap 
and hunt, and imitated the shiftless ways of the Indians. 

Signs of a Storm. — As narrated in the preceding chapter, the Indians 
and English co-occupied the Brookfield lands and lived in comparative 
harmony, till the spring of 1675. But now the premonitions of a rup- 
ture of peace began to be apparent. Mr. Fiske, in his Historical Ser- 
mon, says : " Our Indians grew somewhat shy of their English neighbors, 
and took offence at some damages they had sustained from their 
cattle." Nominally, the English were required to fence in the home- 
lots, and meadows, and planting-fields ; and they set apart and fenced 
an ox-pasture, and horse and sheep pastures ; but hogs ran at large in 
the town streets, and cows and young stock ranged the Commons. The 
natives usually put a brush fence around their corn and bean fields ; 
but it was poor protection against the roving cattle. Undoubtedly, 
causes of offence from this source, were not infrequent. 

But the antagonism which now developed itself, had a deeper seat 
than defective fencing, and cattle trespasses. 

Enough was said in the preceding chapter to indicate the close 
relationship which early subsisted between the Quabaugs, and the Wam- 
panoags, who had been the subjects of Massasoit, and now were the 
immediate subjects of Philip. And the records of the time show that 
intercourse between the two tribes was constant, and that some tie, not 
now fully understood, bound them in a common interest. This social 
and political intimacy is the clew by which to trace the early enlistment 
of our Quabaugs in the impending struggle. And it also accounts for 
the important part which they played in the first campaign, as leaders 


and fighters ; and thus renders necessary a brief summary of the real 
causes of King Phihp's war. 

Undoubtedly the primary cause is to be sought in race jealousy and 
adverse social conditions. These are always operative, in a greater or 
less degree, when two hitherto separated peoples come in contact. And 
they are especially potent when the two races are imbued with opposing 
religious ideas and customs. And if perchance, the intruding people 
are superior in strength, and crowd the natives, and impose new cus- 
toms, the innate jealousy is all the more intensified. This was exactly 
the case of the New England white settlers. The Plymouth and Massa- 
chusetts colonies brought hither the power of civilization, and new 
religious ideas, and having got possession of the lands and the strategic 
points of dominion, sought to force upon the Indians obedience to their 
laws — and thus precipitated the conflict between right and might. 

In treating this question, the fact is not to be overlooked, that the 
Indian possessed in a large degree, a dominant and sanguinary dis- 
position. Suspicious, malignant, blood-thirsty, rule was sweet, and war 
was a necessity to him ; it was his field of glory ; the scalps in his belt 
were the emblems of his greatness, and the tokens of renown for his 
children to boast of. And this was his country. The Indian was owner 
and sovereign here by right of inheritance, or conquest and possession. 
He did not invite the English adventurers. They were intruders. [For 
certain adventitious reasons, already considered, he received them not 
unwillingly.] And when he sold them the fee in his lands, neither 
party understood that the native relinquished the right to occupy his 
old villages, and plant his old fields, and hunt and fish in the woods 
and streams. Neither by deed nor by treaty did he intentionally con- 
sent to part with his personal freedom and political independence, and 
become subject to the white man's will or the white man's statutes ; he 
held fast to "the inalienable right to hfe, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness." That he did not comprehend the full force of the written 
obligations which he signed, is probably true. The Englishman wrote 
the deeds and treaties, and understood their technical and legal mean- 
ing ; and in the end he chose to interpret the terms used in said 
documents to his own advantage. He chose to exercise the right of 
might, as owner and sovereign. 

And the peculiar shape and intensity of this antagonism — how the 
white man used his might — was determined largely by the preconceived 
opinion he entertained of the red man. What that opinion was, is indi- 
cated by the term applied to him by King James in the Plymouth Char- 
ter of 1620: "The Savages and brutish People." And the average 
Pilgrim Father looked upon the Indians as " heathens," who were to be 
treated as the Amorites and Canaanites were treated by the children of 

72 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

Israel, either " destroyed," or " driven out," or made " to serve under 
tribute." Roger Williams, and the apostle Eliot, and the Mayhews, and 
Richard Bourne, and Daniel Gookin, and the promoters of the Society 
for Propagating the Gospel in New England, were honorable exceptions 
to this spirit, and notable examples of a true Christian philanthropy. 
But they did not represent the prevalent temper of the time ; and were 
always in conflict with the military arm of the government. Roger Wil- 
liams mentions, " a sinful opinion amongst many, that Christians have 
right to heathens' lands." 

But the fact which shows in the clearest manner the estimate put upon 
the natives by the colonists, is that in the early war with the Pequots 
(1637), and the later war with Philip (1675), captives — warriors, women 
and children — even those who voluntarily surrendered — were either 
condemned to death, or sold into slavery ! ' 

Those early declarations by the Indian Sachems of fealty to his majesty 
the King of England, and of subjection to the laws of the Colony, were 
formal acts, which to the signers meant only " friendship and reci- 
procity." And Bradford and Brewster were guileless of deceit in the 
premises, for they meant only " friendship and reciprocity ; " and Massa- 
soit signed the compact of a free will ; and during their several lives the 
covenant was neither violated nor much strained. But the opinion that 
this land was " the Lord's heritage," from which the " powowing hea- 
then " was to be " driven out," was still the shaping force of political 
measures. The feeble Pilgrim of 1620-40 became the strong landlord 
and astute diplomat of 1660-75 ; and Phihp the son succeeded Massa- 
soit the father, and his young counsellors and braves had forgotten the 
lessons of the Pequot War ; and both parties gave their own definition 
to the terms of " friendship " and the obligations of •' reciprocity." And 
as the Indian became more sensible of his humiUation and restive under 
restraint and surveillance, the English drew the restraining cords the 
tighter, and made his humiliation the more galling. For some supposed, 
and some real violations of the written compact, which he signed under 
compulsion, Philip was summoned before the Plymouth Council, and 
required to make confession of guilt, pay fines, and deliver up his guns, 
which he had bought and paid for at English prices. 

Mr. Bancroft in his History, has tersely and truly described the situa- 
tion of things at this juncture. " Churches of ' praying Indians ' were 
gathered ; at Cambridge, an Indian became a bachelor of arts. Yet 
Christianity hardly spread beyond the Indians on Cape Cod, Martha's 
Vineyard, and Nantucket, and the seven feeble villages round Boston. 

' " The remnant of the Pequots were hunted to death. About 200, who surrendered in their despair, 
were enslaved, and given to the Narragansets to compensate them for their services, and fifteen of the 
boys and two women were exported by Massachusetts to Providence Isle." — Bancroft. 


The Narragansets, hemmed in between Connecticut and Plymouth, rest- 
less and jealous, retained their old belief; and Philip of Pokanoket, at 
the head of 700 warriors, professed with pride the faith of his fathers. 

" But he and the tribes that owned his influence were now shut in by 
the gathering plantations of the English, and were the first to forebode 
the danger of extermination. True, the inhabitants of New England 
had never, except, in the territory of the Pequods, taken possession of 
a foot of land without first obtaining a title from the Indians. But the 
unlettered savage, who repented the alienation of vast tracts by affixing 
a shapeless mark to a bond, might deem the English tenure defeasible. 
Again, by repeated treaties, the red man had acknowledged the jurisdic- 
tion of the English, who claimed a guardianship over him, and really 
endeavored in their courts, with scrupulous justice, and even with favor, 
to protect him from fraud and to avenge his wrongs. But the wild 
inhabitants of the woods or the seashore could not understand the duty 
of allegiance to an unknown sovereign, or acknowledge the binding force 
of a political compact ; crowded by hated neighbors, losing fields and 
hunting-grounds, and frequently summoned to Boston or Plymouth to 
reply to an accusation or to explain their purposes, they sighed for the 
forest freedom which was their immemorial birthright." 

The antagonism of race and religion was radical ; and the conflict of 
right and might was inevitable. Either the Indian must yield and be- 
come the degraded vassal to the English conqueror ; or he must vindi- 
cate his manhood, and establish his rights by war. 

Human nature and Indian nature combined to force the issue. 

And the time had come. 

Philip as the successor of Massasoit, and acknowledged chief of the 
Eastern Massachusetts Indians, was regarded by the English as the man 
to be humbled : and Philip, as the successor of Massasoit, and acknowl- 
edged chief of the Wamponoags, esteemed himself as the man to lead the 
tribes to the conflict, and humble the pride of his imperious neighbors, 
the English. 

His first forecast of the situation was a broad and correct one. He 
laid his plans artfully and his first steps were wise. He took means to 
arouse the war spirit among his own tribe, and enlist all the dependent 
clans, and conciliate his allies. The English had got possession of most 
of his guns, and this proved his vital weakness, as he had not the means to 
procure a new supply. Probably he enlisted about 400 or 500 warriors of 
his own. He then opened negotiations with the Narragansets, who were 
supposed — probably an over-estimate — to be able to raise 1,000 fight- 
ing men. For reasons of good policy, Roger Williams had early brought 
the Narragansets into a league of friendship with Massasoit, which old 
alliance now greatly favored the schemes of Philip. And there is no 

74 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

doubt that Philip's emissaries visited all the Nipnet clans, the Quabaugs, 
and the tribes on the Connecticut river, and received assurances of aid. 

The plan, thus formed and partially matured, was a comprehensive 
and wise one. The want of guns for his men, and the diverse interests 
to be combined, forced a postponement ; the betrayal of his secrets by 
Sassamon and Waban disconcerted and weakened him, while it provoked 
him to do a vast act of revenge ; the impetuous zeal of his young braves 
in the premature attack on Swansey June 24th, exposed his plans, and 
gave the alarm ; and the sudden appearance of Capt. Moseley with his 
troop and his dogs, only four days after the butchery at Swansey — all 
combined to nip in the bud what had great promise of abundant fruits. 
The unity of design on which the strength of the movement depended, 
had been frustrated by treachery ; and the moral effect which should 
have attended a general simultaneous uprising of the tribes and clans, 
was lost. 

The defeat of Philip's men by Moseley June 29th, the killing of two 
of his chief captains July ist, forced him to act on the defensive; and 
the opportune coming of Oneko [who in 1661 had led the assault on 
Quabaug, as see ante, p. 42] and his Mohegans, and a strong war party 
of Naticks, who in a sharp encounter killed Nimrod, a great captain 
and chief counsellor of Philip, and fourteen more of his principal men, 
besides many common warriors — effectually checked his career, discour- 
aged his own followers, ahenated some of his trusted allies, and broke 
his power. The war of 1675-6 is known in history as King Philip's 
War ; and so it was in its inception and plan. But from the day of his 
flight from Pocasset swamp, Philip was not the commander-in-chief, nor 
the leading spirit ; nor is there evidence that he took part in any assault 
or battle. He abated nothing of haughtiness, and malice, and artful 
designs, and intrigue : but the wise in counsel and the leaders in battle, 
were the Quabaugs, the Nashaways and the Nipnets. '"'The fear of the 
colonists, indeed, made Philip the omnipresent arch-fiend who planned 
each cunning ambush, ordered each bloody massacre, and directed every 
incendiary torch ; the foremost in every attack, the most daring of his 
race. But the evidence of history fails to sustain these assumptions." — 
Hon. Geo. Sheldon. 

After receiving information through Waban of Natick of Philip's war- 
like intentions, the Massachusetts authorities sent June 13, 1675, an 
embassy to the Nipnets and Quabaugs, to discover their leanings and 
prevent an alliance with the Wampanoag sachem. These messengers 
visited the Indian towns of Hassanamesit, Manchage, Chabonokong- 
komun, Quantisset, Wabaquasset, Maanexit, Pakachooge, with the ruler 
of each of which a satisfactory treaty was made — they " ingaging them- 
selves not to assist Philip, but to hold subjection to the English of Mas- 


sachusetts." The messengers then proceeded to Quabaug, and obtained 
this '' Subscription : " 

" The Ruler of Ouabage being examined by us, where his men were ; he 
said that they were at home. Then we asked him whether there were none 
of them gone to help King Philip to fight against the English of Plymouth ; 
he said No ; and neither would he help him, for he has been false to him 
already, and therefore I will not help him : but I will still continue our sub- 
jection unto the English of the Massachusetts Colony ; neither will I suffer 
any of my men to go to help him ; and in confirmation of the same I do set 
my hand, 25. 4. 75. 


[June 25, 1675.] 

This subscription doubtless indicated the real sentiments of the older 
sachems of the several tribes ; but the engagement was probably a mat- 
ter of poHcy rather than of purpose, and was made in opposition to the 
intentions of the young warriors. And at least four of these Rulers, viz.. 
Black James of Chabonokongkomun, Keehood of Wabaquasset, John 
of Pakachooge and Conkganasco of Quabaug were found among the 
enemy at Menameset, the middle of July. Nor is evidence wanting 
that an emissary of Philip had anticipated the English messengers, and 
that an alliance, offensive and defensive, had been formed with our tribes 
early in the spring. 

But the Quabaugs had planted their cornfields, as usual ; and nothing 
had occurred in their villages to attract outside notice and excite sus- 
picion of a hostile intent. By looking at the date of the last paper, it 
will be seen that the war was actually opened, by the assault of Philip's 
men on Swansey, the day before said date, viz., June 24. The news 
would reach Quabaug in two days ; and probably our young warriors im- 
mediately (but secretly) left the Indian hill, Wekabaug, and Quabaug 
pond settlements, and concentrated at the Menameset towns, leaving be- 
hind the old men, women and children, and thus masking their pur- 
poses from the Brookfield men, as well as from the spies sent from 
Boston two weeks later. 

Not being quite satisfied, it would appear, with the pledges made by 
the Indian Rulers June 25 (though in ignorance of what had actually 
happened here), the Massachusetts Governor and Council sent Ephraim 
Curtis' of Sudbury, a brave and trusted guide and messenger, with in- 
structions " to make a perfect discovery of the motions of the Nipmug 
or Western Indians." His "Return and Relation" is dated July 16, 
1675. It h^s value as an accurate picture of the condition of things 

' Ephraim Curtis was son of Henry of Sudbury, 33 years old, a carpenter by trade; was noted for 
his intimate knowledge of the country; his quickness of comprehension, and cool courage; and his 
large acquaintance with the Indians, whose language he spoke fluently. 

^6 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

hereabouts, proving that the war spirit had pervaded all our interior 
tribes, and giving an insight into the purposes of the Quabaugs, and a 
prophecy of what was in store for the Brookfield settlers, and conse- 
quently is a material part of our history. 

"... In my journey my chief endeavor was to inquire after the motions of 
the Indians. The first information which I had was that my house at Quan- 
sigamug was robbed : The Indians to confirm it showed me some of the 
goods. And also some other goods which was none of mine ; they told me 
it was very dangerous for me to go into the woods, for that Mattoonas which 
they said was the leader of them that robbed my house was in company 
with fifty of Philip's complices ranging between Chabongonkamug and 
Quanteseck and Mendum and Warwick, and they might happen to meet me ; 
and if I missed them yet it was dangerous to meet or see the other Nipmug 
Indians which were gathered together, for they would be ready to shoot me 
as soon as they saw me. With this news those three Natick Indians which 
were with me as volunteers, were discouraged, and told me that if I did not 
provide more company, they were not willing to go with me. Hearing this, 
I repaired to the constable at Marlboro and to the military officers and 
told them my business; and they pressed two men with horses and arms to 
go along with me. And so as we passed the forementioned place [Hassan- 
ameset] we could not find any Indians neither in tents nor fields ; but after 
we passed Senecksik some miles into the woods westward we found an In- 
dian path newly made ; there being with me a volunteer Indian that come 
from the Indians out of the wilderness but two or three days before, and 
he told me he would find them out: so in our travel we followed this track 
many miles. And found many tents built wherein I suppose they might 
keep the rendezvous for a day or two. And so we found three places where 
they had pitched, but found no Indians. i And following still in pursuit of 
the track we came to the leadmines by Springfield old road [see ante, p. 25], 
where we saw new footing of Indians. And so looking out sharp, in about 
two miles riding we saw two Indians, which when we saw, I sent the Indian 
that went with me from Marlboro to speak with them : but so soon as they had 
discovered us, they ran away from us : but with fast riding and much calling 
two of our Indians stopped one of them, the other ran away. We asked 
this Indian where the other Indians were : he being surprised with fear 
could scarcely speak to us, but only told us that the Indians were but a little 
way from us : So I sent the Marlboro Indian before to tell them that the 
Governor of Massachusetts his messenger was coming with peaceable 
words ; but when he came to them they would not believe him ; he therefore 
came riding back and met us. 

"These Indians have newly begun to settle themselves upon an Island 
containing about four acres of ground, being compassed round with a broad 
mirey swamp on the one side, and a muddy river with meadow on both 
sides of it on the other side, and but only one place that a horse could pos- 

' These new trails and temporary tents were the work of the war parties of Wabbaquassels, Ma- 
anexits and Nipnets, who were gathering for the fray, and making towards Menameset. And this 
account goes to confirm my inference that the Quabaugs removed to Menameset as early as July i. 


sibly pass, and there with a great deal of difficulty by reason of the mire 
and dirt. Before we came to the river there met us at least forty Indians at 
a little distance from the river, some with their guns in their hands ready 
cocked and primed. As we came near to the river most of them next to 
the river presented at us: all my acquaintance would not know me, although 
I saw near 20 of them together, and asked their welfare, knowing that 
many of them could speak good English. I spoke to many of them in the 
Governor's name which I called my Master the Great Sachem of the Mas- 
sachusetts English, requiring them to own the fidehty and engagement to 
the English, telling them that I came not to fight with them or to hurt 
them, but as a messenger from the Governor to put them in mind of their 
engagement to the English. 1 think some of them did believe me, but the 
most of them would not. There was a very great uproar amongst them ; 
some of them would have had me and my company presently killed, but 
many others, as I understood afterwards, were against it. I required their 
sachems to come over the river, but they refused, saying that I must come 
over to them. My company were something unwilling, for they thought 
themselves in very great danger where we were ; then they said, what shall 
we be when we come over the river amongst all the vile rout. I told them 
we had better never have seen them than not to speak with their sachems ; 
and if we ran from them in the time of this tumult, they would shoot after 
us, and kill some of us : So with much difficulty we got over the river and 
meadow to the Island where they stood to face us at our coming out of 
the mire: many Indians with their guns presented at us ready cocked and 
primed ; so we rushed between them, and called for their sachem ; they 
presently faced about and went to surround us, we rushed between them 
once or twice, and bid them stand in a body, and I would face them ; but 
still the uproar continued with such noise that the air rang. I required 
them to lay down their arms, and they commanded us to put up our arms 
first and come off our horses, which I refused to do. Some of them which 
were inclinable to believe us or were our friends some laid down their 
arms, but the others continued the uproar for a while ; and with much 
threatening and persuasion, at last the uproar ceased. Many of them said 
they would neither believe me nor my master, without he would send 
them two or three bushels of powder. At length I spoke with their 
sachems, which were five, and other grandees, which I think were about 
twelve more. Our Natick Indians seemed to be very industrious all this 
time to still the tumult and so persuade the Indians. And as soon as 
I came to speak with the sachems, we dismounted and put up our arms. I 
had a great deal of speech with them by an interpreter, being brought 
to their Court and sent out again three or four times. The names of the 
sachems are these — i. Muttaump, 2. Konkewasco, 3. Willymachen, 4. 
Upchattuck, 5. Keehood, 6. Noncatonsoo. Muttaump I perceive is chosen 
to be head over the other five, and was the chief speaker. Their com- 
pany in numbers I judge to be near two hundred of men. They would fain 
have had me to stay all night : I asked the reason of some that could 
speak English ; they said that they had some messengers at Connectiqut 
and some southward, and that was the reason they would have me stay. 

7^ FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660- 1676. 

I asked them the reason of their rude behavior towards us. And they said 
they heard that the English had killed a man of theirs about Merrymak 
river, and that they had an intent to destroy them all. I left them well ap- 
peased when I came away. More might be added ; but thus far this is a 
true relation. 

Pr yr humble Serv' 

Ephm Curtis 

July 16, 1675.' 

Of the Indian sachems above named, Muttaump was a Quabaug, the 
same whose name is written Mettawomppe in the Brookfield deed of 
1665, and who without doubt was leader in the ambush of Capts. Hutch- 
inson and Wheeler, and the siege of Brookfield, and was one of the 
shrewdest and bravest plotters and warriors of the war ; Konkewasco 
was also a Qaubaug sachem ; Upchattuck was a Nashaway chieftain, 
commonly known as Sagamore Sam ; Keehood and Noncatonsoo were 

This " Return and Relation " evidently surprised and alarmed the 
Governor and Council. They were unprepared to learn of the wide- 
spread disaffection among the natives, and especially of the strong com- 
bination already formed by the western clans. And the full significance 
of Curtis' Relation is seen when we recall the fact that two days before 
(July 14) and at the very time when he was in conference with the 
Indians at Menameset, a war party had surprised the town of Mendon, 
only 30 miles from Boston, and killed five men who were at work in the 

Immediately the authorities despatched Curtis on a second visit to 
Brookfield and Menameset, with a message to the Indians and letters to 
Major Pynchon. He returned to Boston July 24 and made this Report : 

"... I proceeded according to your order in my journey to the Indians, and 
going through Brookfield, I delivered your letters directed to Maj. Pynchon 
to the constable of Brookfield. From this went directly to the Indians, and 
found them at the same place where they were before. We sent one Indian 
before us to give an account of our coming : at which they made a great 
shoat. When we came to the river we called to have the Sachems come 
over to us. The reply was made to us that if we had any business to them 
we must come over to them ; and when we understood that they would not 
come to us we went to them. I first asked for the chief speaker Muttaump ; 
they told us he was at present gone from them, but might be spoken withal, 
it may be the next day. We then required to see the Sachems that were 
there. And these appeared, Keehood, Willymachen, John Apeckgonas and 
Samuel sachem of Washakim, with whom we treated. We had pretty good 
quarter with them. There was no abuse offered to us. I read your Honor's 
letter deliberately to them. They seemed to accept of it very well. They 
promised that Keehood and one more of their principal men would come to 

1 Mass. Archives, LXVII: 215. 


the Massachusetts Bay within four or five days, and speak our Great 
Sachem. Many questions they asked of us to which we answered ; but in 
the close of all we told them that if they were not satisfied, if Muttaump and 
Keehood, or some of their principal men would come to the Bay, our Great 
Sachem would use them kindly, and well fill their bellies, and answer all 
their questions. We asked them why they were so abusive the last time. 
They said that Black James the constable of Chabonagonkamug had told 
them that the English would kill them all without any exception, because 
they were not Praying Indians. — When we were come back about 12 miles, 
one of our Indians told us that there was one man there which had been with 
Philip, and was come there three days before us, and had brought English 
goods with him which they thought he had robbed the English of. We 
asked him why he had not told us of it while we were there. He said he 
did not know of it while we were come over the river, but we rather judge 
he concealed it through fear that we would make a disturbance for that man's 
sake. This is the substance of what I have to acquaint your Honors withal. 

July 24, 1675 ■ EPH. CURTIS. 

The sachems at Menameset promised to go to Boston " within four 
or five days," and speak with the Great Sachem of the English. But 
without waiting the expiration of this stipulated time, the Governor and 
Council met July 26, and passed an order " to send for Capt. Thomas 
Wheeler of Concord and 20 of his Troop to be here at Boston with the 
Governor and Council at 10 in the morning." And on his prompt 
arrival, the following commission was issued : 

" Boston, July 27, 1675. 

The Council beeing informed y' the Narraganset Indians are come 
downe with about 100 Armed men into the Nipmuck Country, Do Order 
you Capt. Edward Hutchinson, - to take with you Capt. Thomas Wheeler 3 
& his party of horse with Ephraim Curtis for a guide and a sufficient inter- 
preter, & forthwith to repair into those parts, and there labour to get a 
right understanding of the motions of the Narraganset Indians & of the 
Indians of Nipmuck : and for that end to demand of the leaders of ye Nar- 
raganset Indians an acc'ot of y^ grounds of their marching into y' country, 
& require to understand the orders of their Sachems. And also to demand 
an Account of the Nipmuck Indians why they have not sent downe their 
Sagamore according to their promise unto or messenger Ephraim Curtis — 

' Mass. ArcAzves, L,XVll: 223. 

- Capt. E. Hutchinson was the eldest son of William and Ann, and came to America in Sept. 
1633. He owned a large farm in the Indian country, and had employed the natives to work on his 
lands, and consequently was personally known to many of them. He appears to have been popular 
with the Indians, was experienced in military matters, trusted by the colonial authorities, had been 
sent several times to treat with different tribes, and was but lately returned from negotiating a treaty 
with the Narragansets. 

3 Thomas Wheeler belonged to Concord; was admitted freeman 1642; at the organization of the 
company of Horse in 1669, composed of men from C. and adjoining towns, he was chosen captain, and 
with his company was often in the public service. He died Dec. lo, 1676. His wife was Ruth Wood, 
daughter of William. His son Thomas, who saved his father's life at the ambuscade, died Jan. 17, 

8o FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-167 6. 

And further let y™ know yt wee are informed that there are some among 
them yt have actually joyned with our enemies in the murder & spoy'^ 
made upon the English by Philip, And that Mattoonas & his Complices 
who have Robbed & murdered our people about Mendon are now among 
ym. And y' wee require them to deliver up to you or forthwith bring in to 
us those our enemies, otherwise wee must looke at them to bee no friends 
to us, but ayders and abettors — and unto all these things you shall require 
their expresse answer : & as soon as you have dispatched the affayre, you 
are to returne home & give us an acct.. So desiring the Lord's presence 
with you & in prosecution of this affayre if you should meet with any 
Indians that stand in opposition to you or declare ymselves to be yo'' enemies 
then you are ordered to ingage with them if you see reason for it, & 
endeav to reduce y" by force of Arms." ' 

The course and final result of this expedition, sent forth with a con- 
fidence approaching to boastfulness, is best told in the plain narrative 
of Capt. Wheeler, written in the fall of that year (1675) ^'^^ published 
soon after. 


A Trjie Narrative Of the LorcTs Providences in various dispensations to- 
wards Captain Edward Hutchinson of Boston and my self and those 
that went with us into the Nipmuck Country, and also to Quabaug, alias 
Brookfield. The said Captain Hutchinson having a Commission from 
the Honoured Cotoicil of this Colony to Treat with several Sachems in 
those parts, in order to the publick peace and my self being also ordered by 
the said Council to accompany him with part of my Troop for Security 
from any datiger that might be from the Indians : attd to Assist him in 
the Tratisaction of fnatters committed to him. 

The said Captain Hutchinson, and myself, with about twenty men or 
more marched from Cambridge to Sudbury, July 28, 1675 ; and from thence 
into the Nipmuck Country, and finding that the Indians had deserted their 
towns, and we having gone until we came within two miles of New Norwich, 
on July 31, (only we saw two Indians having an horse with them, whom we 
would have spoke with, but they fled from us and left their horse, which we 
took,) we then thought it not expedient to march any further that way, but 
set our march for Brookfield, whither we came on the Lord's day about 
noon. From thence the same day, (being August i,) we understanding that 
the Indians were about ten miles north west from us, we sent out four men 
to acquaint the Indians that we were not come to harm them, but our busi- 
ness was only to deliver a Message from our Honored Governor and Coun- 
cil to them, and to receive their answer, we desiring to come to a Treaty of 
Peace with them, (though they had for several days fled from us,) they hav- 
ing before professed friendship, and promised fidelity to the English. When 
the messengers came to them they made an alarm, and gathered together 
about an hundred and fifty fighting men as near as they could judge. The 

' Mass. Archives, LXVII: 228. 


young men amongst them were stout in their speeches, and surly in their 
carriage. But at length some of the chief Sachems promised to meet us on 
the next morning about 8 of the clock upon a plain within three miles of 
Brookfield, with which answer the messengers returned to us. Whereupon, 
though their speeches and carriage did much discourage divers of our com- 
pany, yet we conceived that we had a clear call to go to meet them at the 
place whither they had promised to come. Accordingly we with our men 
accompanied with three of the principal inhabitants of that town marched 
to the plain appointed; but the treacherous heathen intending mischief, (if 
they could have opportunity,) came not to the said place, and so failed our 
hopes of speaking with them there. Whereupon the said Captain Hutchin- 
son and myself, with the rest of our Company, considered what was best to be 
done, whether we should go any further towards them or return, divers of us 
apprehending much danger in case we did proceed, because the Indians kept 
not promise there with us. But the three men who belonged to Brookfield 
were so strongly persuaded of their freedom from any ill intentions towards 
us, (as upon other grounds, so especially because the greatest part of those 
Indians belonged to David, one of their chief Sachems, who was taken to 
be a great friend to the English :) that the said Captain Hutchinson who was 
principally intrusted with the matter of Treaty with them, was thereby 
encouraged to proceed and march forward towards a Swamp where the 
Indians then were. When we came near the said Swamp, the way was so 
very bad that we could march only in a single file, there being a very rocky 
hill on the right hand, and a thick swamp on the left, in which there were 
many of those cruel blood-thirsty heathen, who there way laid us, waiting 
an opportunity to cut us off ; there being also much brush on the side of 
the said hill, where they lay in ambush to surprize us. When we had 
marched there about sixty or seventy rods, the said perfidious Indians sent 
out their shot upon us as a shower of hail, they being, (as was supposed,) 
about two hundred men or more. We seeing ourselves so beset, and not 
having room to fight, endeavored to fly for the safety of our lives. In which 
flight we were in no small danger to be all cut off, there being a very miry 
swamp before us, into which we could not enter with our horses to go for- 
wards, and there being no safety in retreating the way we came, because 
many of their company, who lay behind the bushes, and had let us pass by 
them quietly ; when others had shot, they came out, and stopt our way back, 
so that we were forced as we could to get up the steep and rocky hill ; but 
the greater our danger was, the greater was God's mercy in the preservation 
of so many of us from sudden destruction. Myself being gone up part of 
the hill without any hurt, and perceiving some of my men to be fallen by the 
enemies' shot, I wheeled about upon the Indians, not calling on my men 
who were left to accompany me, which they in all probability would have 
done had they known of my return upon the enemy. They fired violently 
out of the swamp, and from behind the bushes on the hill side wounded me 
sorely, and shot my horse under me, so that he faultering and falling, I was 
forced to leave him, divers of the Indians being then but a few rods distant 
from me. My son Thomas Wheeler flying with the rest of the company 
missed me amongst them, and fearing that I was either slain or much en- 

82 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

dangered, returned towards the swamp again, though he had then received a 
dangerous wound in the reins, where he saw me in the danger aforesaid. 
Whereupon, he endeavored to rescue me, shewing himself therein a loving 
and dutiful son, he adventuring himself into great peril of his life to help 
me in that distress, there being many of the enemies about me, my son set 
me on his own horse, and so escaped a while on foot himself, until he caught 
an horse whose rider was slain, on which he mounted, and so through God's 
great mercy we both escaped. But in this attempt for my deliverance he 
received another dangerous wound by their shot in his left arm. There were 
then slain to our great grief eight men, viz. — Zechariah Phillips of Boston, 
Timothy Farlow, of Billericay, Edward Coleborn, of Chelmsford, Samuel 
Smedly, of Concord, Sydrach Hapgood, of Sudbury, Serjeant Eyres, Serjeant 
Prichard, and Corporal Coy, the inhabitants of Brookfield, aforesaid. It 
being the good pleasure of God, that they should all there fall by their hands, 
of whose good intentions they were so confident, and whom they so little 
mistrusted. There were also then five persons wounded, viz. — Captain 
Hutchinson, myself, and my son Thomas, as aforesaid. Corporal French, of 
Billericay, who having killed an Indian, was (as he was taking up his gun) 
shot, and part of one of his thumbs taken off, and also dangerously wounded 
through the body near the shoulder; the fifth was John Waldoe, of Chelms- 
ford, who was not so dangerously wounded as the rest. They also then 
killed five of our horses, and wounded some more, which soon died after 
they came to Brookfield. Upon this sudden and unexpected blow given us, 
(wherein we desire to look higher than man the instrument,) we returned to 
the town as fast as the badness of the way, and the weakness of our wounded 
men would permit, we being then ten miles from it. All the while we were 
going, we durst not stay to stanch the bleeding of our wounded men, for fear 
the enemy should have surprized us again, which they attempted to do, and 
had in probability done, but that we perceiving which way they went, wheeled 
off to the other hand, and so by God's good providence towards us, they 
missed us, and we all came readily upon, and safely to the town, though 
none of us knew the way to it, those of the place being slain, as aforesaid, 
and we avoiding any thick woods and riding in open places to prevent dan- 
ger by them. Being got to the town, we speedily betook ourselves to one 
of the largest and strongest houses therein, where we fortified ourselves in 
the best manner we could in such straits of time, and there resolved to keep 
garrison, though we were but few, and meanly fitted to make resistance 
against so furious enemies. The news of the Indians' treacherous dealing 
with us, and the loss of so many of our company thereby, did so amaze the 
inhabitants of the town, that they being informed thereof by us, presently 
left their houses, divers of them carrying very little away with them, they 
being afraid of the Indians sudden coming upon them ; and so came to the 
house we were entered into, very meanly provided of cloathing or furnished 
with provisions. 

I perceiving myself to be disenabled for the discharge of the duties of my 
place by reason of the wound I had received, and apprehending that the 
enemy would soon come to spoil the town and assault us in the house, I 
appointed Simon Davis, of Concord, James Richardson, and John Fiske of 


Chelmsford, to manage affairs for our safety with those few men whom God 
hath left us, and were fit for any service, and the inhabitants of the said 
town ; who did well and commendably perform the duties of the trust com- 
mitted to them with much courage and resolution through the assistance of 
our gracious God, who did not leave us in our low and distressed state, but 
did mercifully appear for us in our greatest need, as in the sequel will clearly 
be manifested. Within two hours after our coming to the said house, or 
less, the said Captain Hutchinson and myself posted away Ephraim Curtis, 
of Sudbury, and Henry Young, of Concord, to go to the Honored Council 
at Boston, to give them an account of the Lord's dealing with us, and our 
present condition. When they came to the further end of the town they saw 
the enemy rifling of houses which the inhabitants had forsaken. The post 
fired upon them, and immediately returned to us again, they discerning no 
safety in going forward and being desirous to inform us of the enemies' 
actings, that we might the more prepare for a sudden assault by them. 
Which indeed presently followed, for as soon as the said post was come back 
to us, the barbarous heathen pressed upon us in the house with great vio- 
lence, sending in their shot amongst us like hail, through the walls, and 
shouting as if they would have swallowed us up alive ; but our good God 
wrought wonderfully for us, so that there was but one man wounded within 
the house, viz. — the said Henry Young, who, looking out of the garret win- 
dow that evening, was mortally wounded by a shot, of which wound he died 
within two days after. There was the same day another man slain, but not 
in the house ; a son of Serjeant Pritchard's adventuring out of the house 
wherein we were, to his father's house not far from it, to fetch more goods 
out of it, was caught by these cruel enemies as they were coming towards 
us, who cut off his head, kicking it about like a foot-ball, and then putting 
it upon a pole, they set it up before the door of his father's house in our 

The night following the said blow, they did roar against us like so many 
wild bulls, sending in their shot amongst us till towards the moon rising, 
which was about three of the clock; at which time they attempted to fire 
our house by hay and other combustible matter which they brought to one 
corner of the house, and set it on fire. Whereupon some of our company 
were necessitated to expose themselves to very great danger to put it out. 
Simon Davis, one of the three appointed by myself as Captain, to supply 
my place by reason of my wounds, as aforesaid, he being of a lively spirit 
encouraged the soldiers within the house to fire upon the Indians ; and also 
those that adventured out to put out the fire, (which began to rage and kin- 
dle upon the house side,) with these and the like words, that God is with us, 
and fights for us, and will deliver us out of the hands of these heathen; 
which expressions of his the Indians hearing, they shouted and scoffed, 
saying : now see how your God delivers you, or will deliver you, sending in 
many shots whilst our men were putting out the fire. But the Lord of Hosts 
wrought very graciously for us, in preserving our bodies both within and 
without the house from their shot, and our house from being consumed by 
fire, we had but two men wounded in that attempt of theirs, but we appre- 
hended that we killed divers of our enemies. I being desirous to hasten 

^4 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

intelligence to the Honored Council, of our present great distress, we being 
so remote from any succor, (it being between sixty and seventy miles from 
us to Boston, where the Council useth to sit,) and fearing our ammunition 
would not last long to withstand them, if they continued so to assault us, 
I spake to Ephraim Curtis to adventure forth again on that service, and 
to attempt it on foot, as the way wherein there was most hope of getting 
away undiscovered; he readily assented, and accordingly went out, but there 
were so many Indians every where thereabouts, that he could not pass, with- 
out apparent hazard of life, so he came back again, but towards morning the 
said Ephraim adventured forth the third time, and was fain to creep on his 
hands and knees for some space of ground, that he might not be discerned 
by the enemy, who waited to prevent our sending if they could have hindered 
it. But through God's mercy he escaped their hands, and got safely to Marl- 
borough, though very much spent, and ready to faint by reason of want of 
sleep before he went liom us, and his sore travel night and day in that hot 
season till he got thither, from whence he went to Boston ; yet before the 
said Ephraim got to Marlborough, there was intelligence brought thither of 
the burning of some houses, and killing some cattle at Quabaug, by some 
who were going to Connecticut, but they seeing what was done at the end 
of the town, and hearing several guns shot off further within the town, they 
durst proceed no further, but immediately returned to Marlborough, though 
they then knew not what had befallen Captain Hutchinson and myself, and 
company, nor of our being there, but that timely intelligence they gave before 
Ephraim Curtis his coming to Marlborougli, occasioned the Honored Major 
Willard's turning his march towards Quabaug, for their relief who were in 
no small danger every hour of being destroyed; the said Major being, when 
he had that intelligence, upon his march another way, as he was ordered by 
the Honored Council, as is afterwards more fully expressed. 

The next day being August 3d, they continued shooting and shouting, and 
proceeded in their former wickedness, blaspheming the name of the Lord, 
and reproaching us, his afflicted servants, scoffing at our prayers as they 
were sending in their shot upon all quarters of the house, and many of them 
went to the town's meeting house, (which was within twenty rods of the 
house in which we were) who mocked saying, come and pray, and sing 
psalms, and in contempt made an hideous noise somewhat resembling sing- 
ing. But we, to our power, did endeavour our defence, sending our shot 
amongst them, the Lord giving us courage to resist them, and preserving us 
from the destruction they sought to bring upon us. On the evening follow- 
ing, we saw our enemies carrying several of their dead or wounded men on 
their backs, who proceeded that night to send in their shot, as they had 
done the night before, and also still shouted as if the day had been certainly 
theirs, and they should without fail, have prevailed against us, which they 
might have the more hopes of in regard that we discerned the coming of 
new companies to them to assist and strengthen them, and the unlikelihood 
of any coming to our help. They also used several stratagems to fire us, 
namely, by wild fire in cotton and linen rags with brimstone in them, which 
rags they tyed to the piles of their arrows, sharp for the purpose, and 
shot them to the roof of our house, after they had set them on fire, which 


would have much endangered the burning thereof, had we not used means 
by cutting holes through the roof, and otherwise, to beat the said arrows 
down, and God being pleased to prosper our endeavors therein. — They car- 
ried more combustible matter, as flax and hay, to the sides of the house, 
and set it on fire, and then flocked apace towards the door of the house, 
either to prevent our going forth to quench the fire, as we had done before, 
or to kill our men in their attempt to go forth, or else to break into the 
house by the door ; whereupon we were forced to break down the wall of 
the house against the fire to put it out. They also shot a ball of wild fire 
into the garret of the house, which fell amongst a great heap of flax or tow 
therein, which one of our soldiers, through God's good Providence espyed, 
and having water ready presently quenched it ; and so we were preserved 
by the keeper of Israel, both our bodies from their shot, which they sent 
thick against us, and the house from being consumed to ashes, although we 
were but weak to defend ourselves, we being not above twenty and six men 
with those of that small town, who were able for any service, and our en- 
emies, as I judged them about, (if not above) three hundred, I speak of the 
least, for many there present did guess them to be four or five hundred. It 
is the more to be observed, that so little hurt should be done by the enemies' 
shot, it commonly piercing the walls of the house, and flying amongst the 
people, and there being in the house fifty women and children besides the 
men before mentioned. But abroad in the yard, one Thomas Wilson of 
that town, being sent to fetch water for our help in further need, (that which 
we had being spent in putting out the fire,) was shot by the enemy in the 
upper jaw and in the neck, the anguish of which wound was such at the first 
that he cried out with a great noise, by reason whereof the Indians hearing 
him rejoiced, and triumphed at it ; but his wound was healed in a short time, 
praised be God. 

On Wednesday, August the 4'h. the Indians fortified themselves at the 
meeting house, and the barn, belonging to our house, which they fortified 
both at the great doors, and at both ends, with posts, rails, boards, and hay, 
to save themselves from our shot. They also devised other stratagems, to 
fire our house, on the night following, namely, they took a cart, and filled it 
with flax, hay and candlewood, and other combustible matter, and set up 
planks, fastened to the cart, to save themselves from the danger of our shot. 
Another invention they had to make the more sure work in burning the 
house. They got many poles of a considerable length and bigness, and 
spliced them together at the ends one of another, and made a carriage of 
them about fourteen rods long, setting the poles in two rows, with peils laid 
crossover them at the front end, and dividing them said poles about three 
foot asunder, and in the said front of this their carriage they set a barrel, 
having made an hole through both heads, and put an axle-tree through them, 
to which they fastened the said poles, and under every joint of the poles 
where they were spliced, they set up a pair of truckle wheels to bear up the 
said carriages, and they loaded the front or fore-end thereof with matter fit 
for firing, as hay, and flax, and chips, &c. Two of these instruments they 
prepared, that they might convey fire to the house, with the more safety to 
themselves, they standing at such a distance from our shot, whilst they 

86 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

wheeled them to the house : great store of arrows they had also prepared to 
shoot fire upon the house that night ; which we found after they were gone, 
they having left them there. But the Lord who is a present help in times of 
trouble, and is pleased to make his people's extremity his opportunity, did 
graciously prevent them of effecting what they hoped they should have done 
by the aforesaid devices, partly by sending a shower of rain in season, 
whereby the matter prepared being wet would not so easily take fire as it 
otherwise would have done, and partly by aid coming to our help. For our 
danger would have been very great that night, had not the only wise God 
(blessed forever) been pleased to send to us about an hour within night the 
worshipful Major Willard with Captain Parker of Groton, and forty-six men 
more with five Indians to relieve us in the low estate into which we were 
brought; our eyes were unto him the holy one of Israel ; in him we desired 
to place our trust, hoping that he would in the time of our great need appear 
for our deliverance, and confound all their plots by which they thought them- 
selves most sure to prevail against us ; and God who comforteth the afflicted ; 
as he comforted the holy apostle Paul by the coming of Titus to him, so he 
greatly comforted us his distressed servants both soldiers and town inhabit- 
ants, by the coming of the said Honored Major, and those with him. In 
whose so soon coming to us the good providence of God did marvellously 
appear ; for the help that came to us by the Honored Councils' order (after 
the tidings they received by our post sent to them) came not to us till Sat- 
urday August 7, in the afternoon, nor sooner could it well come in regard 
of their distance from us, i.e. if we had not had help before that time, we 
see not how we could have held out, the number of the Indians so increas- 
ing, and they making so many assaults upon us, that our ammunition before 
that time would have been spent, and ourselves disenabled for any resist- 
ance, we being but few, and always fain to stand upon our defence ; that we 
had little time for refreshment of ourselves either by food or sleep; the said 
Honored Major's coming to us so soon was thus occasioned; he had a com- 
mission from the Honored Council (of which himself was one) to look after 
some Indians to the west-ward of Lancaster and Groton, (where he himself 
lived) and to secure them, and was upon his march towards them on the 
aforesaid Wednesday in the morning, August 4'.!}, when tidings coming to 
Marlborough by those that returned thither as they were going to Connecti- 
cut, concerning what they saw at Brookfield as aforesaid, some of Marl- 
borough knowing of the said Major's march from Lancaster that morning, 
presently sent a post to acquaint him with the information they had received ; 
the Major was gone before the post came to Lancaster; but there was one 
speedily sent after him, who overtook him about five or six miles from the 
said town ; he being acquainted, that it was feared, that Brookfield (a small 
town of about fifteen or sixteen families) was either destroyed or in great 
danger thereof, and conceiving it to require more speed to succour them (if 
they were not past help) than to proceed at present, as he before intended, 
and being also very desirous (if it were possible) to afford relief to them, (he 
being then not above thirty miles from them,) he immediately altered his 
course and marched with his company toward us ; and came to us about an 
hour after it was dark as aforesaid ; though he knew not then, either of our 


being there nor of what had befallen us at the Swamp and in the house those 
two days before. 

The merciful providence of God also appeared in preventing the danger 
that the Honored Major and his company might have been in, when they 
came near us, for those beastly men, our enemies, skilful to destroy, endeav- 
ored to prevent any help from coming to our relief, and therefore sent down 
sentinels, (some nearer and some further off) the furtherest about two miles 
from us, who if they saw any coming from the Bay they might give notice 
by an alarm. And there were about an hundred of them who for the most 
part kept at an house some little distance from us, by which if any help 
came from the said Bay, they must pass, and so they intended (as we con- 
ceive) having notice by their sentinels of their approach to way-lay them, 
and if they could, to cut them off before they came to the house where we 

But as we probably guess, they were so intent and busy in preparing 
their instruments (as abovesaid) for our destruction by fire, that they were 
not at the house where they used to keep for the purpose aforesaid, and 
that they heard not their sentinels when they shot ; and so the Major's way 
was clear from danger till he came to our house. And that it was their 
purpose so to have fallen upon him, or any other coming to us at that house, 
is the more probable in that (as we have since had intelligence from some 
of the Indians themselves) there were a party of them at another place who 
let him pass by them without the least hurt or opposition, waiting for a blow 
to be given him at the said house, and then they themselves to fall upon 
them in the rear, as they intended to have done with us at the swamp, in 
case we had fled back as before expressed. The Major and company were 
no sooner come to the house, and understood (though at first they knew not 
they were English who were in the house, but thought that they might be 
Indians, and therefore were ready to have shot at us, till we discerning they 
were English by the Major's speaking, I caused the trumpet to be sounded) 
that the said Captain Hutchinson, myself, and company with the town's 
inhabitants were there, but the Indians also discerned that there were some 
come to our assistance, whereupon they spared not their shot, but poured 
it out on them : but through the Lord's goodness, though they stood not 
far asunder one from another, they killed not one man, wounded only two 
of his company ; and killed the Major's son's horse ; after that, we within 
the house perceived the Indians shooting so at them, we hastened the 
Major and all his company into the house as fast as we could, and their 
horses into a little yard before the house, where they wounded five other 
horses that night ; after they were come into the house to us, the enemies 
continued their shooting some considerable time, so that we may well say, 
had not the Lord been on our side when those cruel heathens rose up 
against us, they had then swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was 
kindled against us. But wherein they dealt proudly, the Lord was above 

When they saw their divers designs unsuccessful, and their hopes therein 
disappointed, they then fired the house and barn (wherein they had before 
kept to lie in wait to surprise any coming to us) that by the light thereof 

8S FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

they might the better direct their shot at us, but no hurt was done thereby, 
praised be the Lord. And not long after they burnt the meeting house 
wherein their fortifications were, as also the barn, which belonged to our 
house, and so perceiving more strength come to our assistance, they did, as 
we suppose, despair of effecting any more mischief against us. And there- 
fore the greatest part of them, towards the breaking of the day, August the 
fifth, went away and left us, and we were quiet from any further molesta- 
tions by them ; and on the morning we went forth of the house without 
danger, and so daily afterwards, only one man was wounded about two 
days after, as he was out to look after horses, by some few of them skulking 
thereabouts. We cannot tell how many of them were killed, in all that 
time, but one that was afterwards taken, confessed that there were killed 
and wounded, about eighty men or more. Blessed be the Lord God of our 
salvation, who kept us from being all a prey to their teeth. But before they 
went away they burnt all the town except the house we kept in, and another 
that was not then finished. They also made great spoil of the cattle be- 
longing to the inhabitants ; and after our entrance into the house, and during 
the time of our confinement there, they either killed or drove away almost all 
the horses of our company. 

We continued there, both well and wounded, towards a fortnight, and 
August the 10'.'} Capt. Hutchinson and myself with the men there that had 
escaped without hurt, and also some of the wounded, came from them ; my 
son Thomas and some other wounded men, came not from them, being not 
then able to endure travelling so far as from thence to the next town, till 
about a fortnight afterwards. We came to Marlborough on August the 
I4th^ when Capt. Hutchinson being not recovered of his wounds before his 
coming from Brookfield, and over-tired with his long journey, by reason of 
his weakness, soon after grew worse, and more dangerously ill, and on the 
19th day of the same month, died, and was there the next day after buried ; 
— the Lord being pleased to deny him a return to his own habitation, and 
his relatives at Boston, though he was come the greatest part of his journey 
thitherward. The inhabitants of the town also, not long after, men, women, 
and children, removed safely with what they had left, to several places, 
either where they had lived before their planting or setting down there, or 
where they had relatives to receive and entertain them. The Honored 
Major Willard stayed at Brookfield some weeks after our coming away, 
there being several companies of soldiers sent up thither and to Hadley, 
and the towns thereabouts, which are about thirty miles from Brookfield, 
whither also the Major went for a time upon the service of the country in 
the present war, and from whence there being need of his presence for the 
ordering of matters concerning his own regiment, and the safety of the 
towns belonging to it, he through God's goodness and mercy returned in 
safety to his home and dear relatives at Groton. 

Thus I have endeavored to set down and declare both what the Lord did 
against us in the loss of several persons' lives, and the wounding of others, 
some of which wounds were very painful in dressing, and long ere they were 
healed, besides many dangers we were in, and fears we were exercised 
with ; and also what great things He was pleased to do for us, in frustrating 


their many attempts, and vouchsafing such a deliverance to us. The Lord 
avenge the blood that has been shed by these heathen who hate us without 
a cause, though he be most righteous in all that hath befallen us there, and 
all other parts of the country, he help us to humble ourselves before him, 
and with our whole hearts, to return to him, and also to improve all his mer- 
cies, which we still enjoy, that so his anger may cease towards us, and he 
may be pleased either to make our enemies at peace with us, or may destroy 
them before us. I tarried at Marlborough with Capt. Hutchinson until his 
death, and came iiere to Concord August 21 (though not then quite recov- 
ered of my wound) and so did others that went with me. But since I am 
reasonably well, though I have not the use of my hand and arm as before : 
my son Thomas, though in great hazard of his life for some time after his 
return to Concord, yet is now very well cured, and his strength well restored ! 
Oh, that we could praise the Lord for his great goodness towards us, that he 
was pleased to spare so many of us, and add unto our days : he help us 
whose souls he hath delivered from death and eyes from tears, and feet from 
falling, to walk before him in the land of the living, till our great change 
come, and to sanctify his name in all his ways about us, that our afiflictions 
and our mercies may guide us to live more to his glory all our days." 

From contemporary documents we are able to add to this Narrative 
some particulars which have historical value, and which help to fill out 
the dark picture, i. The three Brookfield men and the five soldiers 
who were slain in the ambuscade, were left unburied. Mather, in his 
" Brief History " says : " The English were not in a capacity to look 
after their dead, but those dead bodies were left as meat to the Fowls of 
heaven, and their ilesh unto the Beasts of the earth, and there was none 
to bury them." 2. A special interest attaches to the three Indians who 
were chosen as interpreters and guides to Capt. Hutchinson and Wheeler. 
One of these was George Memicho, a Christian Indian of Natick, and 
a man of some education, good general information and tried courage, 
who was true to the English, and was employed in important embassies ; 
he was taken prisoner by Mettawamppe's men, and confined at one of 
the Menameset towns, but found means to escape, and, says Gookm^ 
" came home afterwards and brought good inteUigence." Having been 
a participant in the Fight in the narrow defile, and carried thence to the 
Indian stronghold on the Ware river, his testimony as to locations and 
distances is reliable, and helps materially to fix the place where the Am- 
bush was laid. He was present when Philip came to Menameset, and 
gives authentic details as to his forlorn condition and feeble following. 
The other guides were two brothers, Joseph and Sampson, sons of old 
Robin Petuhanit, a faithful Christian Indian, deceased, who had been 
Ruler at Hassanamesit. In 1674, Sampson was teacher at Wabbaquas- 
set, and Joseph was teacher at Chabonakongkomun. They had been 
under Mr. EHot's instruction, were intimately acquainted with the Indian 

90 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

country and tribes ; and on this expedition " acquitted themselves 
courageously and faithfully," and by their care and skilful conduct 
guided Capt. Wheeler and the remnant of his company through a by- 
trail safely back to Brookfield. But for them, the whole Troop must, in 
all human probability, have been cut off. " But, notwithstanding all 
this and previous service they were, with others of our Christian Indians, 
through the harsh dealings of some English, in a manner constrained, for 
want of shelter, protection and encouragement, to fall off to the enemy, at 
Hassanamesit ; and one of them, viz. Sampson, was slain in fight by some 
scouts of our praying Indians, about Wachusett ; and the other, Joseph, 
taken prisoner in Plymouth Colony, and sold for a slave to some mer- 
chants at Boston, and sent to Jamaica ; but upon the importunity of Mr. 
Eliot, was brought back again, but not released. \_Gooki}i''s History 7^ 
3. From the description given by Capt. Wheeler, it is evident that 
the house where he and his company and the inhabitants took refuge, 
was Sergt. Ayres' tavern. It stood near the spot where D. H. Richard- 
son's dwelling house now stands. The well, which must have been close 
by the door, is now covered with a flat stone.' It was nearest the 
centre and was " the largest and strongest house " in the town. xA. hasty 
attempt was made to fortify the building by setting up logs and planks 
against the outside, and hanging feather beds before the windows on 
the inside. From the fact that " the enemies' shot pierced the walls 
and flew amongst the inmates," it would appear that the house had only 
the ordinary board covering and finish ; and the preservation of so many 
lives from the Indian bullets during the siege, can be accounted for only 
as Capt. Wheeler expresses it — " we were preserved by the Keeper of 
Israel." 4. The total number of persons confined in that house during 
the siege, as near as can be ascertained, was eighty-two. Capt. Wheeler 
says he had twenty-six able men, i.e., thirteen of his soldiers, and thir- 
teen citizens ; and in addition there were six wounded men, and " fifty 
women and children." The plain story, as told by Capt. Wheeler, nar- 
rating the events of those three sultry August nights and days, conveys 
perhaps the best impression possible to be gained, of the anxiety, and 
sufferings and horrible forebodings of the crowded inmates of that be- 
leagueied house ! Without, the smoking ruins of their homes, and the 
horde of yelling savages bent on their destruction, and cunning to devise 
the readiest means : within, a scanty supply of food — sleepless watch- 

I " Wheeler refers to a well in the yard ; and a well has been discovered near the corner of the present 

door-yard, of which the oldest inhabitant can give no account except that they had been told, it be- 
longed to the fortified house. A few feet north of the well, the ground when [formerly] cultivated as a 
garden was unproductive, and it was difficult to see any reason for the barrenness. On examination, 
however, it was found that a building had stood on the place. Several loads of stone, which had formed 
a cellar and chimney were removed, amongst which various instruments of iron and steel were found." 
— Note to Foot's Discourse. 


ing — hostile bullets constantly penetrating the walls — six severely 
wounded men and one of them dying, to be cared for — the stifling fumes 
of their own shots at the Indians — and in the confusion and straitened 
space, two wives giving birth each to twin infants ' — all combined, form 
the grouping of a picture, startling in its reality, and exceeded in dark- 
ness of coloring by few events in the annals of our Indian warfare ! 
5. But relief came when they most needed it, and had no reason to 
look for it. The safe arrival of Maj. Willard and his Troop, at that 
critical juncture, considering all the circumstances as set forth in the 
Narrative, must be regarded as "providential." In Rev. Mr. Fiske's 
Historical Sermon, it is stated that " Maj. Willard's conduct in altering 
his course and coming to the relief of Brookfield, being dictated by 
humanity and executed with bravery and success, has gained him the 
applause of people in general. But as it was beside his orders, he was 
censured by the Court, and cashiered." This was a tradition, which is 
not confirmed by the facts. The Council's letter of Aug. 24 (hereafter 
quoted) is proof of their confidence. And it is matter of record, that 
he was continued in command of the garrison at Brookfield till about 
Sept. 8; and Nov. 8, was granted by the Court ^10 for this service. 
He certainly was continued in commission, and was in service through 
the winter, and as late as April 18. He died at Charlestown Apr. 24, 
1676, while attending the Court of Assistants, of which he was a mem- 
ber. His age was 71. 6. All accounts agree that the Indian who 
planned and executed the ambuscade, and directed the siege of the 
town, was Muttaump or Mettawomppe (also written Mawtamps and 
Netaump) the Wekabaug sachem. He was ably seconded by One Eyed 
John, alias Apequinash, and Sagamore Sam, Nashaway sachems, Puck- 
quahow the Wabbaquasset, and others, all of whom soon came into promi- 
nence, as leaders in the war. Of the number of Indians composing the 
assailing party, it is not unlikely that Capt. Wheeler's estimate is under 
rather than over the truth. Ephraim Curtis, whose judgment was reli- 
able, put the numbers which he found gathered at Menameset on his 
first visit, "at near 200 of men." Capt. Henchman, who reached 
Wabbaquasset Aug. 3, found not one Indian, and was told by a strag- 
gler whom he captured, that the Indians were all gone to Squabauge. 
Capt. Wheeler set the number of besiegers present xAug. 3, at 300, and 
the next day speaks of them as "increasing in number." This is 
probable, as news of the success in Monday's ambush was sent to the 
Nonotucks at Hadley, who "made eleven triumphant shouts, as their 
manner is when they have slain their enemies" — so writes Rev. Mr. 

' " During the time these people kept themselves in that house, two women were safely delivered of 
two sons apiece, who in a month's time brought them all themselves on foot to Boston, where they were 
plentifully relieved out of the church stock there." — Old Indian Chronicle. 

92 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

Stoddard, and adds — "many went to Quabaug," who could easily have 
reached them on Wednesday, thus swelling the army of assaulters to not 
less than 400.' 7. The following list of Capt. Wheeler's company of 
horse, engaged in this expedition, has been prepared by Rev. George 
M. Bodge of East Boston. 

Capt. Thomas Wheeler of Concord, wounded. 

Lieut. Simon Davis " 

Corp. John French of Billerica, " 

Timothy Farley " killed. 

George Farley " 

John Kitteridg " 

James Patterson " 

James Richardson of Chelmsford 

John Fiske " 

Edward Colburn " killed. 

John Waldo " wounded. 

Thomas Wheeler, Jr., of Concord " 

Samuel Smedley " killed. 

Henry Young " mortally wounded. 

Benjamin Graves " 

John Buttrick " 

George Hayward " 

Simeon Haywood " 

John Hartwell " 

Zechariah Phillips of Boston, killed. 

Sydrach Hapgood of Sudbury, killed. 

John Bates of (unknown). 

Of the Brookfield men, Sergt. John Ayres, Sergt. Wm. Prichard and 
Corp. Richard Coy were killed in the ambuscade ; Wm. Prichard, Jr., was 
caught in his father's house by the savages at their first onset from the 
east, and killed ; and James Hovey, who lived still further to the east, 
is named in an official List, as among the killed. The circumstances of 
his death are not known. 


The historical data by which this bloody tragedy can be definitely 
located, are few, but they are sufficient to furnish the necessary clews. 

The fixed points from which distances will be calculated are i. The 
Brookfield town site, which is known; 2. Quabaug Old Fort, about the 
site of which there is no doubt; 3. Wenimisset. This last name has 
hitherto been applied to a single Indian town-site, on the easterly side 
of a brook of that name in New Braintree. The discovery [which is 

' Hon. George Sheldon, who has carefully studied the matter, places the number of assailants at 
" about SCO." 


detailed at length, ante, pp. 33] by the author, of two other native town 
sites in the vicinity, each of which tallies with authenticated records, and 
to which severally, according to Indian usage, the term " Menameset " was 
applied by contemporary writers, serves both to upset some accepted con- 
clusions, and to explain well attested facts, and to reconcile what had 
appeared to be geographical contradictions. Indeed, the two village 
sites now brought to light, supply missing links in the chain of historical 
certainties ; and the discovery, while it circumscribes the range of our 
inquiry, gives the certain means of its solution. The distance of Weni- 
misset from Brookfield, as stated by Capt. Wheeler, who evidently got 
his information from Sergt. Ayres and his townsmen, was ''about 10 
miles." As matter of fact, the first Menameset town was by the then 
travelled path, about nine and a half miles from Brookfield meeting- 
house ; and the second of the towns was about a mile further off. 

The three witnesses whose testimony is to be relied on in this inquiry, 
are Capt. Wheeler, George Memicho, and James Quanapohit. 

Capt. Wheeler says, that on his arrival at Brookfield August i, learn- 
ing that the Indians were at their rendezvous about 10 miles distant, " we 
sent out four men to acquaint them of our business, and receive their 
answer," "we desiring to come to a treaty of Peace with them." "The 
chief sachems promised to meet us on the next morning about 8 of the 
clock upon a plain within three miles of Brookfield." The next morn- 
ng " accordingly we, with three of the principal inhabitants of that 
town marched to the plain appointed ; but the treacherous heathen in- 
tending mischief [he states as a fact, what indeed was true, but what he 
only found out in the sequel] came not to the said place." Apprehend- 
ing danger, some of the party advised to return to Brookfield ; but the 
three townsmen were so fully " persuaded of their freedom from all ill 
intentions towards us," that " Capt. Hutchinson who was principally 
intrusted with the matter of Treaty with them, was thereby encouraged 
to proceed and march forward towards a Swamp where the Indians then 
were." Mark the plain wording of the Narrative. Not the Swamp, i.e. 
rendezvous, where they were yesterday, as found by the four messengers, 
but " a Swamp where they then were,'" " waiting an opportunity to cut 
us off" — as he so soon found out to his cost. In making the record, 
he is done with the report of his messengers about the treatment they 
received from the surly Indians, and the Sachems' promise of meeting 
them upon the plain where they were standing ; has said all that he had 
to say about the earnest consultation between his superior officer and 
" the rest of the company " about the expediency of " going any further 
towards them or return ; " and now comes to matters of his own expe- 
rience, as they lay in his memory wheji he wrote his account. He pro- 
ceeds — carrying out the same train of associated thought and expe- 

94 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

rience — " when we came near the said Swamp [where the Indians then 
were] the way was so very bad that we could march only in a single file, 
there being a very rocky hill on the right hand, and a thick swamp on 
the left, in which there were many of those cruel blood-thirsty heathen, 
who there way laid us, waiting an opportunity to cut us off; there being 
also much brush on the side of the said hill, where they lay in ambush 
to surprise us. When we had marched there about sixty or seventy rods, 
the said perfidious Indians sent out their shot upon us as a shower of 
hail." Having named fully other features of the place, and given a 
detailed account of the onset, and the attempt to retreat by the way in 
which they came, he says, " the Indians stopt our way back, and forced 
us as we could to get up the steep and rocky hill." The enemy attempted 
to surprise them a second time ; " and had in probability done it, but 
that we perceiving which way they went, wheeled off to the other hand," 
i.e. to the eastward, as the Indians had closed in behind them ; " and so 
they missed us, and we all came safely to the town, we being then ten 
miles from it." He adds, "none of us knew the way, those of the town 
being slain ; and we avoiding any thick woods, and riding in open places 
to prevent danger by the Indians." Afterwards, viz. Aug. 20, Capt. 
Wheeler made out a certificate in which he states that the two Indian 
guides, Sampson and Joseph, " conducted our distressed company in the 
best way from the swamp unto the town." Another account says : " by 
a way known to them," i.e. the guides ; which implies a by-trail, to be 
described hereafter. 

This is the plain narrative of a man's own experience. His descrip- 
tion of the place of the ambush, and the circuitous route he travelled in 
getting back to the town, is sufficiently full and specific in those partic- 
ulars which time and cultivation do not materially change, to enable a 
person of observing habits and familiar with Indian tactics, to identify 
the same with much certainty. 

But before proceeding to trace those lines of identification, it is in 
order to introduce the other two witnesses, whose independent testimony 
may point out conclusively the place of this tragedy. 

James Quanapohit, an intelligent and trustworthy Indian, was sent by 
the Massachusetts government on an important mission to Quabaug, in 
Jan. 1675-6. He followed the Old Connecticut Path from Hassan- 
ameset to Maanexit ; thence he went to Quabaug Old Fort ; and the 
next day was conducted to the enemies' quarters at Menameset. He 
says : " We came to three Indian towns, the farthest not above three 
miles distant from the other ; . . . the place is called Menemesseg, 
which is about 20 miles norward of Quabaug old fort." As he came 
from the south, he passed the two, in order to reach " the farthest." 
What he calls " 20 miles " is shown by measuring the like distance be- 


tween two known points as given by him in another part of his Relation. 
Applying this measure, the 20 miles carries us to the Indian village-site 
on the Woodbury farm in Barre Plains. [See ante, p. 34.] And as 
matter of fact, the native trail between the two points named, is found 
to measure about 20 miles. To make the site still more certain of iden- 
tification, he further says that the place called Menemesseg was " about 
30 miles from Lancaster " — which statement agrees with the actual dis- 

Here, then, is an established fact. And a starting point is thus 
secured, by strictly historical and geographical methods, from which to 
determine the place of Capt. Wheeler's disaster of August 2. Let us 
apply the measuring scale. Quanapohit says that Menemesseg, the 
enemies' quarters to which he was conducted, " is about eight miles 
north from where Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler was wounded 
and several men with them slayn, as those Lidians informed him." 
Measuring southward from the upper Indian village-site, on the Wood- 
bury place, eight miles on the Indian trail, the scale touches a point in 
the Sucker brook valley, near the dividing line between New Braintree 
and Brookfield, and about five miles from the old Brookfield town-site. 

George Memicho, who was with Capt. Wheeler in the fatal encounter 
and was taken captive, says that the place where he lay a prisoner, and 
where Philip came Aug. 6th, was " six miles from the swamp where they 
killed our men." As the "remains" attest, the "stronghold" and 
" store-town " of the Indians at this time, was the second of the Men- 
amesets — where prisoners would naturally be kept, and where Philip 
with his broken band would naturally resort for safety and food. Meas- 
uring southward on the Indian trail aforesaid, the " six miles " touches 
the same point as the " eight miles " named by Quanapohit touched, 
viz. near the dividing line betweeen New Braintree and Brookfield. 

And no contemporary account has been found, to controvert this evi- 

In 1828, the Rev. Mr. Foot, pastor of the church in West Brookfield, 
gathered up the historical data and traditions which he found extant, 
relating to the old Quabaug Plantation. He had not read Wheeler's 
Narrative, and so was not influenced by its statements. Referring to 
the Indian Ambush, he says : " On the 2d of August . . . Capt. Hutch- 
inson , . . with 20 horsemen, and some of the principal inhabitants ad- 
vanced . . . from the north end of Wickaboag pond ... up the valley 
towards the principal rendezvous of the Natives, and as they were pass- 
ing between a steep hill on one side and a swamp on the other, they 
were assailed by the Indians. . . . Those who survived returned by a 
circuitous route to the town, because they were informed by friendly 
Indians in their company, that according to the custom of savage war- 

96 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

fare, the path in which they had come would be found thickly lined by 
enemies ready to cut off those who escaped the fury of the onset." He 
does not fix upon the place of the " onset," but indicates two spots 
which " tolerably answer the description given by historians [not includ- 
ing Wheeler] ; viz. " one near the line of Brookfield and New Brain- 
tree ; the other nearly two miles north of this Hne." It should be added, 
that a third spot, about two miles still further up the valley, has been 
selected by some modern writers, as answering to Wheeler's account, and 
pointed out by tradition. 

With all the historical data as above given, in hand or in mind, the 
author traversed the valley from Barre Plains to Wekabaug pond. He 
was ignorant of all the local marks and traditions, and so an unpreju- 
diced observer. — Of the place on the easterly side of Wenimisset 
meadows, claimed by some as the scene of Capt. Wheeler's encounter 
(but not named by Mr. Foot), it is obvious to say, that in the absence , 
of rehable historical evidence, we are left to the probabilities of the case, 
for the means of forming a judgment. The local tradition as to this 
place is at best quite indefinite and lacking in particulars, and is coupled 
with some fancies which are evidently of modern origin. And no 
7iarrow defile could be found in the vicinity, which answers to the 
description of the place of the ambush so fully given in Wheeler's Nar- 
rative. To be sure the " rocky hill " on the right is here ; but the " very 
bad way " where "we could only march in a single file" is wanting. 
And the place is too near the native village-site. Indian strategy, in 
laying ambushes and making assaults, always provided for a safe line of 
retreat, in case of disaster, and for a wide chance to give sufficient notice 
to those in his wigwams to escape with their utensils and provisions. 

Of the place named by Mr. Foot, as " two miles north of the New 
Braintree line," it is to be said, that the selection is probably made on 
the strength of the statement contained in Hubbard's Narrative, and 
copied into Gov. Hutchinson's History, viz. " Wheeler and Hutchinson, 
with their Party of Horse . . . ventured along further to find the Infidels 
in their chief Town, ... but when they had rode 4 or 5 miles that Way, 
they fell into an Ambush." If this statement be taken to mean 4 or 5 
miles from the tree near Wekabaug pond, the inference is correct. But 
no concurrent testimony has been found ; and neither tradition, nor cor- 
respondence of geographical features supports such a conclusion. Indeed 
the " lay of the land " excludes the spot from the probabilities of 

Of the southerly place named by Mr. Foot, viz. the narrow defile near 
the New Braintree and Brookfield line, it is to be said — The historical 
evidence in its favor, as furnished by Quanapohit and Memicho, has 
already been quoted. Their testimony is given from knowledge ; is 


clear ; they had no motive for deception ; and until clearer and weightier 
historical evidence is produced in favor of some other place, it must be 
reckoned conclusive. And if Hubbard's statement (above quoted) be 
taken to mean " four or five miles " from the Quabaug Plantation, where 
the march commenced, this ravine at the New Braintree line is the spot 
referred to. And a thorough examination of the locality here, finds a very 
complete agreement of existmg cojiditions with all the details given in 
Capt. Wheeler's Narrative. The path under the steep hill, through a 
close defile, with brook and swamp on the left, is still here; and it is 
plain to see that in its primitive state, the way must have been so narrow 
and bad that horses could only go in a single file : the hemmed-in valley 
is more than " 60 or 70 rods " in length ; and when this distance of bad 
way is passed, there is " a very rocky hill " on the right hand ; in a word, 
nothing is wanting to complete the identity. And according to Indian 
strategy, no better place can be found where the " cruel blood-thirsty 
heathen " could waylay the cavalcade. They would be effectually con- 
cealed by the brush on the slope of the steep bluff, back of the Pepper 
homestead, and on the opposite hillside, and in the swamp, so that a 
raking fire from behind could be poured into the scattered troop, while 
both flanks would be fully exposed. If Capt. Wheeler's first thought 
was to retreat through the depression in which the Pepper house stands, 
as the narrative seems to imply, his line could be easily cut off by the 
hindmost of the savages. His only way of escape was to push forward, 
and strike up the hill, and so follow round "by a circuitous route " on 
the edge of the Ditch meadows. And this route is indicated by Capt. 
Wheeler. He says : " we wheeled off to the other hand," i.e. to the 
eastward, " avoiding any thick woods " [which were found in the swamps 
and wet valleys of Mill brook, and Coy's brook], and "riding in the 
open places." At some distance from the Ditch meadow, they would 
strike an Indian trail — " a way known to the Indian guides " [and de- 
scribed in the early records], which took them via North Brookfield 
centre to near South Brookfield village, where they would strike the 
old country road that led directly to the town and Sergt. Ayers' Inn. 
This would make a march of "ten miles" as estimated by Wheeler. 
And it is evident that he approached the town from the east ; as he says 
the savages, who followed in his track, were found " rifling of houses " at 
that end of the town by Curtis and Young, who had been posted away 
to Boston before their appearance on the hill. In the mean while, the 
Indians would be busy, in torturing — perhaps burning the wounded, and 
scalping and stripping the slain, and assorting and dividing the plunder, 
long enough to account for the three or four hours' time which elapsed 
after the retreat and tiU they were met by Curtis and Young. The am- 
bush was a success ; they had achieved a complete victory ; had broken 

98 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1 660-1676. 

the power of the EngHsh troops; had slain the three mihtary leaders of 
the Plantation ; there was no need that they should hurry the pursuit. 
The town on the hill was at their mercy — or their malice ! 

Here then is the evidence in favor of this southern location as the place 
of Capt. Wheeler's memorable Surprise and Defeat. The Captain's own 
account of the event, and description of the place, and of his approach, 
and manoeuvres and retreat ; the precise geographical information 
recorded by intelligent and credible guides ; and the exact correspond- 
ence of natural features with contemporary delineations, all combined, 
appear to put the identification beyond reasonable doubt.' But to this 
written evidence, we may add the confirmatory testimony of local tradi- 
tion. This ravine and swamp and the adjacent hills have been in 
possession of the Pepper family for three generations. They found 
attached to the place, and have preserved, a distinct tradition, that this 
was the scene of Capt. Wheeler's Fight with the Indians. Unsupported 
tradition may have small value ; but where it has intrinsic probability, 
and is in agreement with well-attested facts, its weight is to be duly rec- 
ognized. And it is scarcely conceivable, that the memories and associ- 
ations of an event so vital in itself and in its consequences, could have 
become obliterated from the locality, or been very much distorted, when 
the elder Mr. Pepper purchased these estates. 

And it should be added, as a fact of considerable significance, that 
the designation " Death Valley," is still remembered as the name given 
by the old people to this ravine. 

This Surprise and Defeat of Hutchinson and Wheeler and the destruc- 
tion of Brookfield, was most important in its direct and ultimate con- 
sequences. It was the hinge on which turned the then opening door 
of war. It was the bloody prelude to yet bloodier acts to follow in the 
immediate future. // was the first victory achieved by the Indians over 
an armed force of English troops ; and thus it broke the charm of the 
white man's invincibility which had spell-bound the red man ever since 
the destruction of the great Pequot fort in 1637. It was that great 
success, which raised the Indian in his own esteem to a level with his 
white antagonist ; which proved the superiority of his tactics ; and taken 
by itself, was the sure presage of the ultimate triumph of his cause. 
And it infused a mortal fear into the hearts of the English soldiers, and 
spread terror through the New England colonies. 

And this daring and successful encounter brought to the front the 

' The writer of a tract called " The Present State of New-England," published in the fall of 1675, 
says : " The Indians appointed the Meeting at such a Tree, and at such a Time. . . . Capt. Hutchinson 
and Capt. Wheeler and his company, (with some of the Inhabitants of Brookfield, who thought them 
to be very Honest, therefore look no Arms with them) went to the Place, but the Indians were not there. 
Whereupon the Guide that conducted them through the Woods, brought them to fl Swatn/> not far 
off the appointed Place." 


hitherto peaceful interior tribes, and showed what, without the leader- 
ship of distinguished chiefs, the young men could do. It showed what 
was the strength of concerted counsel, and the force of concentrated 
action. The Quabaugs, Wabbaquassets, Nashaways and Nipnets demon- 
strated their right to become a power for redemption and revenge. 
Henceforth they were to take rank with the Mohegans and Narragan- 
setts, in strategy and deeds of bloody valor.' 

And this success turned the scale with the River tribes. The Nauno- 
tuks and Pacomptucks appear to have been in doubt whether to remain 
neutral, or espouse the cause of Philip and join the combination for the 
extermination of the English. The news from Brookfield decided the 
doubt. When the scouts brought report of Wheeler's defeat, the Nauno- 
tuks " made eleven triumphing shouts ; " and immediately a party of 
young braves set off for Quabaug. And thenceforth these River Indians 
were prominent in the sanguinary surprises and massacres of the settlers 
in the Connecticut valley. 

King Philip at Quabaug. — After his escape from Pocasset swamp in 
the early morning of July 31, leaving 100 wigwams (indicating the large 
number of his adherents), he made a hurried march to Rehoboth and 
encamped. Here, about 10 o'clock in the morning of Aug. i, he was 
attacked by Oneko and 50 Mohegans, and some Natick Indians, and 
in the sharp fight that ensued, Nimrod, his chief counsellor, and many 
of his bravest captains and men were killed. One author says : " Nim- 
rod and 14 of his principal men were slain;" another says: "slew 
about 30 of them." Philip had left about a hundred of his women 
and children in the Pocasset swamp, who fell into the hands of the 
EngHsh ; but he was still burdened by a large number of non-combat- 
ants ; and provisions failing, and the surrounding country becoming 
alarmed, he was put to his wits' end. A considerable part of his fol- 
lowers were discouraged and left him, some going to the Narragansetts, 
and some seeking refuge near their old homes. Philip, with a remnant 
of his men and many women, took a westerly course, and soon struck 
the old Providence Trail, which took him to Wabbaquasset and Qua- 
baug, where from the old time league of amity, as well as the new alli- 
ance, he counted on shelter and food and material aid. There is 
evidence that his coming was known beforehand, and that " the Sachems 
had sent men to Philip to conduct him up to Squabauge, with assurance 
that they would protect him." - He reached Quabaug Old Fort Thurs- 

I There is more reason for calling the conflict of 1675-6 a Quabaug and Nashaway War, than King 
Philip's War. Philip's power was broken at the outset. The Wampanoags, his own tribe, deserted 
him. His trusty allies, the Narragansetts, favored his cause at first, but were driven into active 
support by the English attack on their fort Dec. 19. The Quabaug Alliance heartily espoused, and 
never deserted the cause, till it became hopeless. 

- N. Thomas' Letter, in Mather's King Philip's War. 

100 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

day, Aug. 5, as appears from the following letter written by Maj. 
Pynchon Saturday, Aug. 7 : 

" I have just now intelligence brought me by our Indians, that Philip 
with 40 of his men is now at a place called Ashquoack a little on this side 
of Quabaug, somewhat to the southward of our way thither, and not much, 
being but a little off the way : and I suppose not above 23 miles off this 
town ; and thereabouts he resolves to settle, if he be not disturbed ; because 
as is a place of food ; ye English of Quabaug their corn being hard by, and 
the Indians have another great Cornfield hard by on the southward side, 
and not far southward are more Indian Cornfields ; he came two days ago to 
this place and there pitches. It is not far from Memenimissee which is a 
little to the northwest of Quabaug, where Philip's brother is, and Mattaloos 
with 200 soldiers and upwards. Our Indians judge that either Philip will 
go to them at Memenimissee, or that they will come to Philip at Asquoasch, 
which the Indians think is rather the more convenient place, and so they 
make 250 soldiers. John Pynchon 


Undoubtedly Philip was informed by scouts of the raising the siege 
of Brookfield by Maj. Willard on Wednesday night, and of the concen- 
tration of the allies at the stronghold at Menameset, and deemed it pru- 
dent to join them there, which he did on Friday. " King Philip and 
about 40 men . . . joined the Nipmuck Indians in a swamp ten or twelve 
miles north of Brookfield on the 5th [6thJ of August." ' 

The Relation of George Memicho, before referred to, is here given 
more in full: "Upon Friday the 5th [6th] of this instant (August) 
Philip and his company came to us at this swamp, six miles from the 
swamp where they killed our men. Philip brought with him about forty 
men, but women and children many more, the number I cannot tell. 
Philip's men were about 30 of them armed with guns, the rest had bows 
and arrows. He observed there were about ten of Philip's men 
wounded. Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of 
them Caleb of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. The Indians told PhiHp at 
his first coming what they had done to the English at Quabaug ; then he 
presented and gave to three sagamores, viz. John, alias Apequinash, Qua- 
nansit, and Mawtamps, to each of them about a peck of unstrung wam- 
pum, which they accepted. Phihp, as I understood, told Quabaug and 
Nipmuck Indians, that when he first came towards the Nipmuc country 
and left his own, he had in his company about 250 men, besides women 
and children, including the Squaw Sachem [Weetamoo] and her com- 
pany, but now they had left him, and some of them were killed, and he 
was reduced to 40 men, besides women and children. I heard also 
that Philip said, if the English had charged upon him and his people at 

I N. H. Hist. Soc. Coll. II. 8. 


the swamp in his own country one or two days more they had been all 
taken, for their powder was ahiiost spent : he also said, that if the Eng- 
lish [under Capt. Henchman] had pursued him closely, as he travelled 
up to them, he must needs have been taken." ^ 

From this date Philip disappears from our neighborhood. The whole 
region lying north and west of Menameset was an Unknown Land to 
the English, where the whole force of natives was safe from pursuit, 
and in easy communication with the tribes in Worcester county, and 
the Connecticut valley ; and their scouts were on every hilltop in the 
daytime, and near every settlement and army post in the night. 

To take up the dropped thread of our narrative : Capt. Wheeler states 
that on Monday afternoon, just after his Indian pursuers reached the 
town, some mounted travellers who were on the way to Connecticut via 
Brookfield, saw them burning some houses and killing some catde at 
the east end of the town, and heard several guns shot off further within 
the town, and judging that the inhabitants were in peril and themselves 
in danger, immediately returned to Marlboro' and gave the intelligence 
before the foot messenger Curtis reached there, which was the cause of 
Maj. Willard's timely coming. Maj. Pynchon at Springiield got word 
of the ambush from some friendly Indians, on Tuesday, but no tidings 
from the town till Wednesday the 4th. He says : 

" Aug. 4th, just now at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, Judah Trumble who 
went last night in the night to Quabaug is returned : he went within 40 rods 
of the houses, and discerned Coy's house and barn burnt and saw two 
houses more burnt ; saw one Indian with a gun, but no English ; at this dis- 
mal sight he returned, and his horse tiring came in on foot much spent . . . 
our people are much scattered ... we earnestly request you to send what 
force you may judge needful either to relieve the English yet left, if any be 
alive at Quabaug, or to pursue these Indians. Speedy succor is necessary. 

John Pynchon 

To the Governor of Conn. Colony." 

The relief brought by Maj. Willard on Wednesday night has been 
already detailed. Ephraim Curtis hastened on from Marlboro' and re- 
ported to the Governor in Boston ; and Capt. Thomas Lathrop of Bev- 
erly, and Capt. Richard Beers of Watertown, each with a full company, 
were ordered to Brookfield, and reached there Saturday, Aug. 7. Capt. 
Thomas Watts of Hartford, with 40 dragoons and a company of 30 
Indians, came to Springfield Aug. 6, and with Lieut. Thomas Cooper 
and his troop of 27 men and ten Springfield Indians, marched the next 
day to Brookfield; so that by Saturday night, there were (not counting 
Wheeler's small force) not less than 300 well armed men in camp on 

' MS. Narrative of George a Christian Indian, taken prisoner in the Ambushment of Capt. Hutch- 

I02 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

Foster's hill. On Sunday the 8th, this force marched northward to the 
Menameset country, but found no Indians. On Monday the 9th, Capt. 
Samuel Mosely with a full company reached Brookfield and reported 
to Maj. Willard. The Major, fearing that the hostiles had moved west 
towards the Enghsh settlements, decided to send a part of his forces to 
the River ; and Lathrop and Beers immediately started for Hadley, and 
Watts for Springfield, leaving Willard and Mosely at Brookfield. The 
next day, Aug. 10, Capt. Wheeler, with the well men of his troop and 
some of the wounded, including Capt. Hutchinson, started for Marl- 
boro', which he reached on the 14th, and where Capt. H. died on 
the 19th. Probably some of the houseless inhabitants went to Spring- 
field on their way to Suffield with Capt. Watts ; the Warners and Young- 
love to Hadley with Capt. Lathrop ; and the Prichard and other eastern 
families towards the Bay with Capt. Wheeler. Captains Lathrop and 
Beers found all quiet on the River, and immediately returned to Brook- 
field ; and Aug. 14 Maj. Willard organized another expedition to go 
in search of the Indians by a simultaneous movement to the north 
and west. The force comprised the men under Lathrop, Beers and 
Mosely. In a letter dated Aug. 16, Capt. Mosely gives these details : 

" The day before I cajme from Ouoahbaugh — I martched In company with 
Capt. Beeres and Capt. Laytrop To the Swamp wheare they left me,' & 
tooke their martch to Sprinkefilld [Hadley] — & asoone as they ware gone 
I tooke my martch Into the Woods about 8 mills beyond the Swamp where 
Capt. Huttchenson & the rest ware y' ware Wounded & killed ... we did 
find a prsell of Wigwams beyond the Swamp aboutt 20 — w^li we burntt &c " 

Capt. Mosely then retraced his steps to Brookfield, and the next 
day started for Lancaster and Dunstable. Captains Lathrop and Beers 
went to Hadley; but returned to Brookfield Aug. 21 or 22; and the 
next day marched back to Hadley. Maj. Pynchon writes from Spring- 
field Aug. 22 : 

" Capt. John Allyn — S^, In ye night a post was sent me from Hadley that 
our forces are returned ; Capt. Watts thither, and the Bay forces to Qva- 
baug. Nothing done but about 50 wigwams they found empty wch they 
have burnt. They write from Hadley they expect nothing but ye enymy to 
insult & fall upon ye remote Towns ; that they are in great fears ; . . . Sus- 
pect our Indians yt went out to be feareful or false or both ; say yt ye sheep 
at Squakeake are driven away since ye soldiers were there : Suspect the 
enymy to be betweene Hadley and Squakheak, at Paquayag, about 10 miles 
from Great River" . . . 

[Directed] " These for Mr. John Allyn at Hartford. Hast. Post Hast." 

' There is evidence that a branch of the Nashaway and Quabaug trail struck off to the south of west 
near the westerly source of Winnemisset brook, by which there was a short cut to the Quabaug and 
Hadley Path. If so, the " Swamp where they left me " would be near that fork of the Nashaway trail. 


The following letter from the Massachusetts Council gives us an insight 
into Brookfield affairs at this date. 

" Maj. WiLLARD. Sir: We received two or three letters from you, 
wherein we understand that our forces cannot meet with the enemy. The 
Lord humble us under His afflictive hand. Touching the ordering and dis- 
posing the forces under your command, we cannot particularly direct you 
what to do, only in general we hope you will endeavour to your utmost to 
disrest the enemy. Also we think it incumbent upon you to employ your 
garrison to fortify your quarters at Ouabauge what you may. And also we 
propose whether it be not advisable to send a ply of soldiers to the Nip- 
muck towns of Wabquassitt and Manexit where there is good store of corn 
possibly some Indians may be about those places to get food; and if you 
can engage any persons English or Indians by promise of reward to scout 
abroad to discover where the enemy lurkes and to bring you tidings before 
a great body march to them, and if they do march upon any discovery will 
it not be best to march in the night as secretly as you can, and when you 
come near the enemy, to leave an ambushment there, and by a retreat after 
a little charge to draw the enemy into the ambushment. And furthermore 
we advise if you send to the towns where the corn grows not to cut it up, 
but rather preserve it, for it being near ripe cutting up will not destroy it. 
And tho' at a distance, yet we conceive the scarcity among divers English is 
like to be such that necessity will put some to fetch it from thence. 

We have inclosed a letter to Maj. Pynchon, which we desire you to pe- 
ruse and seal, whereby you may perceive our apprehensions touching send- 
ing forces to secure those towns. But yet we advise (if you think fit) to ride 
up with a guard to Springfield, and give Maj. Pynchon a visit and encourage 
him and the people in those parts. Touching supply of those small partic- 
ulars you send for, order is given to the Committee to send them. So com- 
mitting you to the Lord, desiring his presence with you and guidance of 
you, with our love and respects to yourself and the rest of your ofiicers 
we remain 

Pray do your best endeavour to send the wounded men homeward as 
soon as is possible. E. R. S. 

August 24, 1675." 

All was quiet at Quabaug and Menameset. The lurking-place of the 
Indians was only known when their empty wigwams were found ; yet as 
events proved, they kept within striking distance of the English planta- 
tions, and always were encountered by our captains at points the least 
suspected.' There was nothing of value left to tempt them to make 
another assault on our town ; and the scene of conflict was transferred 
to the Connecticut valley, and was opened there at an unexpected 

1 ■" Partly by the treachery of some of the Indians that came to their assistance, that seemed to 
favor the English but rather acted in behalf of the enemy, and partly by the subtilties of the enemies 
themselves, who could easily by their scouts discover the approach of our soldiers, and by the nimble- 
ness of their feet escape them, our soldiers could never meet with any of them." — Hubbard. 

I04 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

As before noted, Capt= Lathrop and Beers went to Hadley Aug. 23. 
The Indians were then gathered at a fort about midway between Nortli- 
ampton and Hatfield. As a precautionary measure, rather than from a 
behef in their hostile intentions, it was judged best to disarm the Indians 
then in the fort. And on the next day a parley was held, and a formal 
demand for the surrender of their arms was made. The Indians objected, 
and demanded time till the next morning for consideration, when a final 
answer would be given. Distrusting their sincerity, the officers deter- 
mined to surround the fort, and secure their arms by force, if need be. 
" Whereupon Capt^ Lathrop and Beers, with whom the thing was left, at 
midnight sent over to our officers [at Northampton] to draw as nigh the 
fort as they could without being perceived, and they would do the like 
on Hatfield side, and so at break of day come upon them : but before 
they came, the Indians were fled, havmg killed an old sachem who was 
not willing to go with them. The captains resolved to follow them, and 
pursued a great pace after them, with about an hundred men. They 
intended to parley with the Indians ; but on a sudden the Indians let 
fly about forty guns at them, and were soon answered by a volley from 
our men ; about forty ran down into the swamp after them, poured in 
shot upon them, made them throw down much of their luggage, and 
after a while, our men, after the Indian manner, got behind trees and 
watched their opportunities to make shots at them. The fight continued 
about three hours ; we lost six men upon the ground, though one was 
shot in the back by our own men ; a seventh died of his wound coming 
home, and two died the next night, nine in all.^ . . . After this fight we 
heard no more of the Indians till the first of September, when they shot 
down a garrison soldier at Pocomptuck, that was looking after his horse, 
and ran violently up into the town, many people having scarcely time 
enough to get into the garrisons. That day, they burnt most of their 
houses and barns, the garrisons not being strong enough to sally out upon 
them, but killed two of their men from the forts. 

The next day [Sept. 2] the Indians set upon several men that were 
gone out of the fort at Squakheag ; they slew eight of our men, but 
made no attempt upon the fort. 

The next day [Sept. 3] this onset being unknown, Capt. Beers set 
forth [from Hadley] with about thirty-six men and some carts [with 
the intention] to fetch off the garrison at Squakheag ; and coming the 
next morning [Sept. 4] within three miles of the place, were set upon 
by a great number of Indians from the side of a swamp, where was a 
hot dispute for some time. Our men having lost their Captain [Beers, 
who was killed about three quarters of a mile southeast from the swamp] 
and some others, resolved at last to fly, and going to take horse [the 

• This fight took place in the town of Whately, southward of Sugar-loaf, Aug. 25. 


troo]) horses had been left two miles to the rear] lost several men more, 
I think about twelve ; the most that escaped got to Hadley that even- 
ing ; next morning another came in, and at night another that had 
been taken by the Indians, and loosed from his bonds by a Natick 
Indian ; he tells that the Indians were all drunk that night [on the rum 
found in one of the carts], that they mourned much for the loss of a 
great captain, that the English had killed twenty-five of their men. Six 
days after, another soldier came in, who had been lost ever since the 
fight, and was almost famished, and so lost his understanding that he 
knew not what day the fight was on. [In all, 21 were killed, and 17 

On the 5th of September [Sunday] Maj. Treat set forth [from Had- 
ley] for Squakheag with above an hundred men ; next day coming 
nigh Squakheag, his men were much daunted to see the heads of Capt. 
Beers' soldiers upon poles by the wayside. . . . Coming to the fort, he 
concluded forthwith to bring off the garrison ; so they came away the 
same night, leaving the cattle there, and the dead bodies unburied, 
since which, seventeen of their cattle came a great part of the way 
themselves, and have since been fetched into Hadley." ' Sfoddanfs 
Letter, Sept. 15, 1675. 

Maj. Willard continued in command of the garrison at Brookfield 
(with a visit or two at Springfield and Hadley to attend councils of war) 
till the 7th or 8th of September, when he returned to his duties in Mid- 
dlesex county. The following letter from Maj. Pynchon to Gov. Lev- 
erett, graphically describes the situation, at this date : 

Springfield, Sept. 8, 1675. 

. . . "You cannot be enough sensible how these Indians here do rage, and 
if forces be not out to give check, it is to be feared they will quickly be 
busy in firing all our towns, and we shall not be like to hold it without a 
strong garrison. 

The Lord effectually humble us, the little success of our forces speak we 
are not yet truly humbled : and that our forces and Connecticut forces return 
again in such a manner as if they were afraid when the Indians were there, 
and yet do nothing. What shall we say — Is the Lord about to ruin us and 
to leave us to be destroyed? It is matter of lamentation some of our 
people speak of breaking up, and will be gone, and discouragements enough 
are on all. The Lord turn us to himself. You will have all matters by 
Maj. Willard, with whom I had laboring to have come, but yet I am 
obstructed of all hands, and yet am fit for nothing. I run a venture in sending 
this after Maj. Willard, fear it is hazardous, and doubt all passage their way 
will be stopped. 

' When Maj. Willard came to the relief of Brookfield, the cattle which had been frightened away 
by the yells and firing of the Indians, fell into his rear and followed his troopers to the town. In this 
and later Indian wars, the people were always alarmed, when the cattle ran furiously out of the woods 
towards the villages. 

I06 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676, 

P. S. Altho' I may not for the breaking up the garrison at Ouabaug, 
yet it being done, and all the corn destroyed there, whether the settling it 
again will countervail the charge, may be considered." 

Probably all the wounded soldiers and the remainder of the inhab- 
itants (except the Ayres family whose house was standing and appears 
to have been fortified) went down towards the Bay with Maj. Willard ; 
and it is evident from his letter that Maj. Pynchon understood that the 
garrison at Brookfield was to be broken up. 

The condition of affairs was gloomy enough to discourage the stoutest 
hearts ; the Indians were always on the alert, and had things their own 
way; and Pynchon's forebodings were soon to be realized. Sept. 18, 
Capt. Lathrop with 80 young men, most of them "the very flower of 
the county of Essex," in convoying some grain from Deerfield to Hat- 
field, was set upon by 500 Indians at Bloody Brook, and himself and 62, 
of his company and attendants slain. The ambush was laid in the same 
manner as the Surprise of Capt. Wheeler, and probably was planned by 
the same sachems. Sept. 26, Maj. Pynchon's farm-house and barns on 
the west side of the river, with all the hay and grain, were set on fire 
by Indians and consumed. Oct. 5, Springfield was burnt. To quote 
from Pynchon's letter of Oct. 8 : " On the 4th, our soldiers which were 
at Springfield I had called off, leaving none to secure the town, because 
the Commissioners' order was so strict, [and they marched to Hadley]. 
That night a post was sent to us that 500 Indians were about Springfield 
intending to destroy it the 5th. With about 200 of our soldiers I 
marched down to Springfield, where we found all in flames, about 30 
dwelling houses burnt down and 24 or 25 barns, my corn mill, saw mill 
and other buildings. Generally men's hay and corn are burnt, and 
many men whose houses stand had their goods burnt in other houses 
which they had carried them to. Lieut. Thomas Cooper and two more 
are slain, and four persons wounded. As soon as said forces appeared 
the Indians all drew off, so that we saw none of them. We sent out 
scouts that night and the next day, but discovered none." Oct. 19, 
Hatfield was assaulted ; "The Indians hoping no less than to do the 
like mischief to them, they had newly done to Springfield." They 
killed two or three scouts belonging to the town, and six of Capt. 
Mosely's men. But after burning a few barns and some other buildings, 
they were driven off. 

If the purpose of deserting Brookfield had been entertained, the 
threatening state of affairs, and the importance of the place as an out- 
post, and shelter for passing troops and travellers, induced a re-consid- 
eration ; and soon after Maj. Willard left, a small company under Capt. 
Jonathan Poole of Reading was sent up to re-establish the garrison. 


Very little can be learned of the situation of things here, or of Capt. 
Poole's movements. The following papers, found in the State Archives, 
are presented, verbatitn et literatim. 

"To THE COMISARY AT Marlbury Sur we want drawers and wast- 
cots, and I am forced to let men goo home to fetch clothing becas they want 
and have no suply Sur I pray send sum solt tobackow and bred by thes 
persons I pray send me the runlet of lickers for the army will drene us 
doutless not els but rest yours 

30 : 7 : 75 Jonathan Poole Capt 

" For the honored Councill 

Honored Sirs After my humbi Duty presented 
these are to inform the hond Councill that Capt Pool have sent to me four 
times for things specified in the note inclosed which I had none of but bread 
and liquors which he have had but the other things I have none of and now 
the Rum is all gon he have had seven gallons of Rum allredy and the 
souldiers and posts passing to and agen and the army have had the rest 
Alsoe our men at the garrison want shoos and stockins and shurts very 
much they complaine to me dayly to goe home and supply themselves but I 
dare not let them goo becaus sum have gon on that account and com not 
againe namely John Bondage of Roxbury and John Orres a smith of Boston 
and one Samuel Casten is run away I sent to Mr Davison to acquaint 
athority with it but I heare noe more of it heare is but littell of any thinge 
in the Magaseen and if it please the Hond Councill to give me order to re- 
move what is left to my hous it would be less trouble to me and if any thing 
else be sent I may have it heare at my own hous I have set the garrison 
souldiers to fortify about my hous now they have ffortyfied the IMagazeen all- 
ready by my order and soe I intend to imploy them for the defence of the 
Town I humbly pray this Hond Councill to send a suply for the souldiers 
here and at quoboag or direcdon how they shall be suplyed Capt Wayt 
comanded me to returne James Cheavers ffor absenting himself after he had 
prest him whom I have sent to make his own defenc 

Your humble Servant John Rudduck 

Marlborough Octob the i 1675." 

Capt. Poole and his company, then reduced to 35 men, left Brookfield 
and marched to headquarters at Hadley Oct. 10 or 11. In the post- 
script to a letter received at Boston Oct. 14, Capt. Appleton says : " I 
communicated thoughts with Maj. Pynchon about the garrison placing 
at Brookfield. And although we judge it would be some relief and com- 
fort to our messengers going post, yet considering the great charge which 
must necessarily be expended upon it ; and that they have no winter pro- 
visions there for the keeping of horses, without much use of which we 
see not how they can subsist ; we have not seen cause to order any 
garrison thither, nor (for aught that appears) shall do ; except we have 
some special direction from yourself for it." And in the answer of the 

I08 , FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1 660-1 676. 

Council, dated Oct. 15, they say: "We are satisfied in your deserting 

It appears that the garrison had been supphed in part with beef which 
belonged to the Brookfield setders. The following entry is found in the 
Colony Records : " Oct, 13, 1675. I"^ answer to the petition of Samuel 
Warner & Thomas Parsons, the Court judgeth it meete to allow Samuel 
Warner eight pounds for two oxen, & four pounds for other cattle, in 
all twelve pounds, & Thomas Parsons to be allowed for his catde, to be 
paid by the County Treasurer." Another entry is found under date 
June I, 1677: "In answer to the petition of Susanna Ayres, late of 
Quoboag, widow, alias Brookfield, humbly desiring the favour of this 
Court that what she expended on & the souldiers had of her for the 
country's use, as five pounds ten shillings in swyne, by Capt. Poole's 
order, as also seventeen shillings & seven pence Ephraim Curtis had 
for himself & company & horses, on the country's account, with what 
Major Willard had, which will appear by the account, she may be paid 
& satisfied for — the Court grants her request." 

An order of the Council dated Nov. 16, authorized Capt. Appleton to 
return with the main body of his troops to the Bay. They add a post- 
script : " If you should come home by Quabauge, we hear there are 
there about the house many swine and some cattle, which if you can 
order some of your men to drive home, it would be a relief to poor peo- 
ple that are concerned therein and are fain to live on others' charity." 

Capt. A. placed garrisons in the surviving towns as follows : at Spring- 
fied, 39 men, Westfield, 29, Northampton, 26, Hadley, 30 (under Capt. 
Poole), Hatfield, 36, and marched homeward about Nov. 24. 

The campaign had cost the colony very dearly in men and means. 
Three frontier towns were destroyed. Of citizens and soldiers, not less 
than 140 were killed or mortally wounded. The following List is com- 
piled from the most authentic data now accessible : 

At Bloody Brook 64 

" Springfield 5 

" Northampton 6 

" Hatfield 10 

" Westfield 3 

At Brookfield 12 

" Whately 9 

" Deerfield 2 

" Squakheag" \ 8 

« Beers' Plain I 21 

A source of perplexity and weakness to the English in the campaigns 
of this fall, was the division of counsels between the Captains command- 
ing in the field, and the Commissioners at headquarters. The Commis- 
sioners, especially those of Connecticut, held and ordered that the 
troops should be used mainly in scouring the woods and seeking the 
enemy in their hiding-places, and thus "destroying them," rather than 
protecting the inhabitants of the towns by garrisons. But the Captains 


learnefl by experience that the savages could never be discovered in 
their lurking-places, and that they and their men were the ones likely to 
be " destroyed " by an Indian ambush. Maj. Pynchon writes : " Oct. 4 
I had called off all our soldiers which were at Springfield, leaving none to 
secure the town, because the Commissioners' order was so strict ; " and 
adds in a postscript : " To speak my thoughts — all these towns ought 
to be garrisoned, as I have formerly hinted. To go out after the Indians 
in the swamps and thickets is to hazard all our men, unless we know 
where they keep ; which is altogether unknown to us." Capt. Appleton 
writes Oct. 12, on accepting the chief command, that he agrees with 
Maj. Pynchon in regard to present methods, and asks that the Commis- 
sioners revise that part of their instructions which strictly prohibits fixing 
soldiers in garrisons. Oct. 17, he writes again : " On the 13th and 14th 
we used all diligence to make discovery of the enemy by Scouts, but by 
reason of the distance of the way from hence [Hadley] to Squakeage, 
& the timorousness of the Scouts, it turned to little account ; thereupon 
I found it very difficult to know what to do. Our orders were to leave 
no men in garrison, but keep all for a field army, which was to expose 
the Towns to manifest hazard. To sit still and do nothing is to tire ours 
and spoil our soldiers, and to ruin the country by the insupportable 
burden and charge. All things layed together, I thought it best to go 
forth after the enemy with our present forces." 

And this last letter reveals another source of weakness, viz. " the 
timorousness of our scouts." Secretary Rawson wrote Sept. 30 : " Capt. 
Wayt marched from Marlboro yesterday; we intended 120 men by him, 
but we understand there is not so many gone. Some escape away from 
the press, and others hide away after they are impresst. Some have 
been punished for it, and others shall. The slaughter in your parts has 
much damped men's spirits for war." Maj. Pynchon wrote the same 
day : " We are endeavouring to discover the enemy, daily send out 
scouts, but little is effected. We sometimes discover a few Indians 
& sometimes fires, but not the body of them, and have no Indian 
friends here (altho we have sent to Hartford for some) to help us. . . . 
Our English are somewhat awk and fearful in scouting out and express- 
ing, but we do the best we can. We find the Indians have their scouts 
out. Two days ago two Englishmen at Northampton having gone out 
in the morning to cut wood, and but a little from the house, were both 
shot down dead, having two bullets apiece shot into each of their bodies. 
The Indians cut off their scalps, took their arms, and were off in a trice : 
though the English run thither presently, on the report of the guns, but 
could see nothing but the footing of two Indians. Last night our scouts 
who went out in the night to discover at Pocomtuck, about midnight 
being within 4 miles of Pocomtuck met 2 Indian scouts coming down 

no FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1 660-1 676. 

this way to the towns, but it being dark they were both one upon another 
within 2 or 3 rods, before either discovered the other, which made both 
parties run, & nothing else done." 

But the chief cause of the miscarriage of this campaign was the fact 
that our Enghsh Captains learned nothing of caution by repeated disaster, 
and walked heedlessly into the enemy's traps. The ambushment of Capt. 
Hutchinson and Wheeler is well named a " a Surprise," and it ought to 
have been a Lesson. But Aug. 25, Capt. Lathrop and Beers pursued 
the savages, who had just out-witted them, " at a great pace," and with- 
out any precautions ; and their first intimation of danger was when the 
Indians " let fly about forty guns at them " from a swamp by the road- 
side. Ten days after this, Capt. Beers, forgetful of, or scorning the les- 
son taught him at Wequamps, marched with 36 men to the relief of 
Northfield, with neither vanguard nor flankers thrown out, directly into 
an ambuscade of 130 Indians commanded by Sagamore Sam. The 
same thing was repeated Sept. 18, at Bloody brook. "Capt. Lathrop 
and his men moved along the narrow Pocomptuck path through the 
primeval woods — brave, fearless, foolish. The soldiers crossed the 
brook and halted, while the teams should slowly drag their heavy loads 
through the mire ; ' many of them,' says Mather, ' having been so foolish 
and secure as to put their arms in the carts and step aside to gather 
grapes, which proved dear and deadly grapes to them' " — /Lc?/i. George 
Sheldon. Captains Lathrop, and Beers, and Mosely were brave ; but 
scornful of their foe. They could not get over the cherished idea that 
the Indian was an inferior being, and unworthy of the notice of a true 
soldier, and worthy only to be stamped out. His successful strategy did 
not undermine the prejudice ; and English temerity and blamable im- 
prudence cost a fearful and needless sacrifice of life. 

The Indians' Winter Quarters. — About the time when Capt. 
Appleton left the Connecticut valley, the Indians went into winter quar- 
ters. A considerable number went to Wabbaquasset, where was great 
store of corn and safe hiding-places ; and later they joined the Narra- 
gansetts. The River Indians gathered at Coasset, which was a piece of 
pine woods on the west bank of the Connecticut a little above the South 
Vernon railroad station (then in the town of Northfield, Mass., now in 
Vernon, Vt.). Philip and his band were here with them for a short 
time ; but he soon moved off towards Albany with his own warriors, and 
a considerable part of the Pacomptucks, under command of Sancuma- 
chu their chief sachem. Probably the old men and some of the women 
and children of Philip's party and of the Pacomptucks, staid at Coasset. 
Food was plenty. The cattle and hogs captured at Squakheag and at 
Deerfield lasted for a while. The corn and wheat taken at the same 
places lasted longer. And it is an attested historical fact that deer and 


other game were unusually abundant, and owing to the depth of snow, 
were easily caught. The Quabaugs and Nashaways took up winter quar- 
ters at Menameset. 

Winter set in early and with uncommon severity. Travel was next 
to impossible, except on rackets ; and both whites and Indians kept in 
close quarters till the latter part of January, when a sudden thaw cleared 
off the snow. 


Early in November, the Commissioners of the United Colonies had 
obtained what they deemed sufficient evidence that the Narragansetts 
were in league with Philip and the hostile Massachusetts tribes, and 
resolved to destroy them before they should form a union offerees. To 
this end, an army of i,ooo men was raised — 527 in Massachusetts, 158 
in Plymouth, and 315 in Connecticut — and put under command of 
Gen. Josiah Winslow of Plymouth. After a march of great hardships, 
from deep snow and intense cold, the English reached the Narragansett 
fort on Sunday, December 19. The assault was bravely and skillfully 
made ; and the defence was no less brave and stout. The fort, which 
was a palisade, and enclosed about 6 acres of ground, was burnt, with 
all the wigwams that could be crowded within this large space. Many 
Indian warriors, with hundreds of old men, women and children, per- 
ished by sword and fire. Eighty of the English were slain or died of 
their wounds, and 130 others were wounded. The larger part of the 
Narragansetts, viz. those that adhered to Canonchet and Pessacus (who 
was a brother of Miantonamoh) and Quinnapin (who had married 
Weetamoo a sister-in-law of Philip) retreated to the northward, and 
joined the Quabaugs at Menameset, in the latter part of January, where 
we shall shortly find them. 

The authorities at Boston were in ignorance of the places of rendez- 
vous, as well as the intentions and temper of the inland tribes, at this 
date. To gain the necessary information, Maj. Gookin was instructed 
to employ some friendly Indian spies, who should traverse the Nipmuck 
country, and go as far as Quabaug. He employed Job Kattenanit and 
James Quanapohit, two Christian Indians who had been educated by 
the apostle Eliot. Their reward was to be five pounds apiece. Fortu- 
nately for history, the official Reports of these spies are preserved, the 
brief Relation of Quanapohit in our State Archives, and his full Report 
in the Connecticut Archives. The latter gives a succinct account of the 
Indian's side of the causes and course of the war, as well as of the con- 
dition and doings and plans of the Quabaugs, Nashaways, and their 
aUies. It is invaluable as furnishing details not found elsewhere ; as 
supplying data for fixing important localities ; and as explaining the 

112 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

motives and motions of botli English and Indians. Its direct connec- 
tion with our local annals, as well as its more general importance, justify 
its insertion here ; and though lengthy, it is given without abridgement. 


The examination & relation of James Ouannapaquait, allias James Rurriny- 
Marsh beeingone of the chtian Indians belonging to Natick; taken the 24th 
day of Janry 1675-6^ on w* day hee returned from his jorny, [for this man and 
another called Job of Magungoog, a chtian man also] were sent forth by 
order of the councill of Massachusetts vpon the last of December, [as spyes], 
to discover the enemyes quarters & motions & his state & condition, & to 
gaine what intelegence they could ; for wci^ end they had particuler instruc- 
tion. Though when first they were moved to goe this iorny, they saw it 
would bee a hazardous undertaking, & that they should runne the hazard of 
y Hves in it, yet they were willing to venture upon these & hke considera- 
tions, (i, that they might declare y readines to serve the English. 2'y on of 
ym namly Job had 3 children [even all hee had] y' were carried away w'h the 
Hassariarneshe indians &, as hee conceived were with the enemy, & he was 
willing to know y state as wel as ye condition of ye praying indians of Has- 
sameske & Magunkoog yt were hee thought in the power of ye enimy. 3d 
They hoped to sugest somthing in order to ye enimies submision to the 
English & making peace if they found ye enimy in a temper fit for it & if y' 
could bee effected then they hoped the poore chtian Indians at ye Deere 
Island & in other places posibly might bee restored to y places againe, & bee 
freed from much suffering they are now in by this warre, »& therby the 
jelosyes that the English have now of y™ might bee removed, these & 
other reasons induced y™ to runne this adventure for wch also if they re- 
turned in safty they had a promise of a reward. 

They doubted the Indian enimy would mistrust y" for spyes, & yt they 
would move y^ fight for them against ye English, vnto wch doubts they were 
advised to tell ye Indian enimy a lalnentable story [& yt agreable to truth] 
if y deepe sufferings by the English ; that Job was imprisoned severall 
dales [as hee was] where hee suffered much, though hee had served the 
English faithfully as an intcpner & in actuU armes being w'^ ye Mohegins 
at ye fight neare Secunke wt^ Philip, the begining of August last, but impris- 
onment & suspitions ye English had of him was part of his reward for yt 
service to the English & as for the other James he & his brother went out 
wth Capt Prentis wth their horses & armes at the first going out against 
Philipp in June & had done faithfull service for the English as his captains 
had testified by yr certificate & contined in yr service many weekes & was 
in sev" fights & y' his bro: Thomas had kild on of Philip cheefe men & 
brought in his head to the Gov'nc of Boston, & had also in the service by 
acedent lost the use of his left hand & y' both James and his brother Thomas 
had since in November last [beeing called to it] was out w'h Capt Syll in the 
Nipmuck contry & [as his captaine had certified] had performed faithfull 
service ; & was instrumentall to recov"" an English captive Peter Bentts 
servant from ye enimey, & his brother savd ye lives of two English men at a 


wigwam at Pakachooge vizt Mr Mackarty servant a sirgion to Capt Hencli- 
man &; one Goodwin a soldier of Charlestowne, as they both could & would 
testify yet after all these services both they & their wives & children & all 
y country men y' lived at Naticke were mistrusted by the English & there- 
upon [at a few houres warning] brought away from their place & fort & 
houses at Naticke & car'ed downe in boats to Deare Hand, leaving & loosing 
much of y substance, catle, swine, horse & corne, & at the Hand were 
exposed to great sufferings haveing litle wood for fuell, a bleak place & 
poore wigwams such as y^y could make a shift to make y^selves wth a few 
matts, & here at y^ Hand had very litle provision, many of y™, & divers other 
sorrowes & troubles y<=y were exposed too, & were about 350 soules men 
women & children ; & that now haveing an oppertuny to get of ye iland they 
came to see how things were w'h the indians in the woods; & if they pi'frd 
them to fight w'h & for ym they were advised to manifest al readines & 
forwardnes & not shew any aversnes. Things being thus p^pared these 2 
spyes were sent away without armes excepting hatchetts & wt*' a litle parcht 
meale for provision, & they tooke y jorny from Cambridge the 30th of 
December, & from Naticke they set forth the 31th of December being 
Friday early in the morning. That day they past through the woods directly 
to Hassomesed where they lodged yt night, on Saterday morn, being the 
first of Janury they past ov Nipmuck river & lodged at Manchage yt night. 
On the 2 Janury they went forward to Maanexit w^h is about 10 miles & 
.there they met wth seaven Indians of the enimy : some of ym had armes; 
haveing confered w'h these indians they were conducted by those indians next 
day to Quabaage old fort where they met severall other Indians of y com- 
pany's ; & by them the next day were conducted to the enimies quarters 
wch is about twenty miles norward of Quabauge old fort at a place called 
Menemesseg,' wch is about 8 miles north where Capt Hutchison & Capt 
Wherler was woonded & sevel men w'h them slayn (in the begining of 
August last) as these indians informed them ; At this place among these 
Indians they found all the chtian Indians belonging to Hassannmiske & 
Magunhooge wich are about forty men & about 80 women & children ; these 
praying indians were carried away by the enemy some went willingly, others 
of yn unwillingly as they told him for befor they went away they were in a 
great strait, for if they came to the English they knew they shold bee sent 
to Deere Iland, as others were, & their corne beeing at such a distance 
about 40 miles from Boston it could not bee caried to susteyne y lives & so 
they should bee in danger to famish & others feard they should bee sent 
away to Barbados, or other places & to stay at Hassanamesho yese indians 
or enimies would not pmit y™, but said they must have ye corne, but prom- 
ised yem if they would goe w'h them they should not die but bee p^served ; 
these beeing in this condition most of y" thought it best to goe wth them 
though they feared death every way : only Tukuppawillin [ye minster, hee 

' In the copy of this Relation lodged in the Mass. Archives, it reads: " Next day we crossed over 
on this side Quabaug and travelled one day, and in the night came to 3 Indian towns, the farthest not 
above 3 miles distant from the other, . . . and lie about 30 miles from Lancaster. The place is called 
Menemesseg. They have bark wigwams for shelter, and some mats; have pork, beef and venison 
plenty; the corn he thinks will fall short." 

114 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660- 167 6. 

lamented much & his aged father the decon & som others & would faine 
have come back to ye English after they were gon as farr as Manchage but 
the enimy mockt him, for crying & drew him . . the rest yt were unwilling 
along w'h yem : These things o"^ spyes vnderstood from the p[raying] 
Indians here. The enimys y' hee was among & live at the afforsaid places 
are in . . . small townes about 20 wigwams at a place & they are all within 3 
miles com[pass], and do consist of about 300 fighting men besides duble as 
many women & children . . . they have no fort, but wigwams only, some 
covred w'h barks & som w'h matts. The Indians yt are heare are the Nip- 
muk indians, the Quabaag Indians, the Paca-[choog] Indians, the Weshakum 
& Nashaway indians. The cheefe sagomeres & captains are Mawtaamp, 
John with one eye & Sam [of Weshukum or Nashaway] Sagamore John 
[having on legg biger y" the other] of Pakachooge. Here also is Matoonus 
& his sonns. Of the Hassanamesho & chtian Indians, hee saw here Capt 
Tom allias Wattasakomponin & his son Nehimiah [they say y' the enimy 
have solic[it]ed Vm to take armes & fight against the English but they told 
James they would not fight against the English, the will rather die. Here 
hee also saw Tukuppawillin y pastor & his aged father y decon, whome 
he saith mourne greatly & daily read ye bible wch is y greatst comfort. Also 
he ther saw James Printer brother to y^ minister, & Joseph & Sa . . two 
brethern [sons to Robin of Hassameshe decesed] hee also saw Pumhamun 
& Jacob of Magunkoog w'h divers others yt hee could have mentioned but 
those are the principal. 

Some of the Indians [orenimies] mistrusted that these two men were 
spies especially Matoonus & his sonnes & some others : these solicited 
James to borrow his hatchet & his knife [when he saw they needed none] 
which made him cautious of himselfe & suspitious of y evill intenti6~to him, 
but James [at the second towne] he came too met w'h John with one eye, of 
Weshakum [a stout captaine among yn] this man knew James & said thou 
hast been with mee in the warr w* the Mauhaks & I know thou art a valiant 
man & therfore none shall wrong thee nor kill the here, but they shall first 
kill me. Therefore abide at my wigwam & I will protect thee. So this man 
entertained him kindly, & protected him. Job his companion stayd at 
Pumhams wigwame wher his 3 children were kept : hee and Job aboad 
w'h these indians severall dales & sometimes went forth to hunt deere not 
farr of & returnd againe. hee laubored to gaine what information hee could 
of their affayres, & was informed by Capt John [w'h one eye] his host & 
others said things, viz', that Philip was quarterd this winter within halfe a 
dayes iorny . . . fort Albany [The same thing is certifyed by a letter from 
Maior Andros Govnor of New York sent Mr Leet deputy Gov'"no'' of Con- 
ecticut dated 5th of Jannury (75) w^h letter beeing sent to Govlior Winthrop 
by Mr Leet was read in o"" Councill on Thursday last 23 instant. This also 
may tend to confirme the truth of James his intelegence, as wel as divers 
other passages both before & aftermentioned] morever they informed o^ spy 
that the Hadly Northampton & Spinkfeld Indians had y winter quarters 
between y" & Philip & som quartered at Squakeake. They told him also 

that a cheefe captaine named of Hadley & Norhampton indians who 

was a valiant man had been a cheefe captaine in the Mawhak warre had 


attempted to kill Philip & intended to do it ; aleaging that Philip had begun 
a warr with the English that had brought great trouble upon them. Hee 
saith that these Indians told him that it was som of their number yt were in 
the Nipmuck country, to get the corn & yt the English came upon y™ in the 
wigwam at Hassunnamesuke & there the killd two Englishmen, & that they 
had got & caried away all the corne at Pakuahooge & in the Nipmuck coun- 
try, vnto their quarters, vpon wch they had lived this winter & upon beefe & 
porke they had kild about Quaboage, & venison [of wch there is great store 
in those parts & by reason of ye deep snow y beeing [mid thigh deep] it is 
easy to kill deare without gunns, hee saith that ere long, when y^ beefe & 
porke & deere is spent & gon, that they wilbe in want of rorne, but they 
intend then to com downe vpon the English townes, of Lancaster Marlborow 
Groaton, & particulely they intend first to cut of Lancaster bridge & then 
say they there can no releef com to ym from Boston nor the people cannot 
escape & their they hope to have corne enough. Hee saith they have store 
of armes, & have a gunsmith among y" a lame man that is a good workman 
& keeps y gunns wel fixt They have some armes among y" that the tooke 
in the 2 fights when Capt Beeares & Capt Lothrop was slayne. As for 
amunition they have some but not great store yt hee saw : Capt John w'h 
one eye shewed him a small kettle full of powder about halfe a peck & 2 
homes full besides . hee asked them where they got y^ amunition, hee 
answered som wee had from the English were kild, & som from fort 
Albany, but (said hee) ye Dutch will not sell us powder but wee give o"" bever 
& wompon to the Mawhakes & they buy it & let us have it of y"", they told 
him yt they had sent to ye Wompeages & Mawquas to ayd them in the 
spring, that the Wampeages promised them helpe, but the Maquaws said 
they were not willing to fight wth English, but they would fight with the 
Mohegins & Pequets that were bretheren to the Enghsh. Further hee saith 
that they told him that the Frenchman yt was at Boston this sumer [viz' 
Monsir Normanvile] was with Phillip & his company as hee went back at 
yr quarter about Pokomtuck, after hee returnd from Boston. And yt in 
their sight hee burned certene papers that hee said were letters from Boston 
to ye French saying what shall I doe with these papers any longer, Hee 
said to the Indians I would not have you burne the English mill, nor the 
meeting houses, nor the best houses for wee [ie the French] intend to bee 
with you in the spring before planting time & I will bring three hundred of 
yor countrymen yt are hunters & have bene three yeares at the French. 
And wee will bring armes & ainunition enough, for wee intend to helpe you 
against the English & posses our selves of Keneckticut river & other English 
plantations, and our King [ie ye French King] will send shipps to stopp sup- 
plyes from coming by sea [from their King] to Boston. 

Hee saith that they told him that the Pennakooge Indians were quartered 
about the head of Keneticut river, & had not at all ingageed in any fight with 
the English, & would not, their sagamors Wannalancet & others restrayned 
the young men (who had an opptunity to have destroyd many of Capt 
Moselys men when hee was at Pennakooge last sumer but their sagamores 
would not suffer them to shoot a gunne. 

Further hee saith that hee understood by the cheefe men & old men 

Il6 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

yt they were inclinable to have peace againe with the English, but the young 
men [who are their principal soldiers] say we wil have no peace wee are all 
or most of vs alive yet & the English have kild very few of us last summer 
why shall wee have peace to bee made slaves, & either be kild or sent away 
to sea to Barbadoes &c. Let us live as long as wee can & die like men, & 
not live to bee enslaved. Hee saith there is an English man a young man 
amongst them alive named Robert Pepper, who being woonded in the legg 
in the fight when Capt Beares was kild hid himselfe in the crotch of a great 
tree yt lay on the ground ; where an Indian called Sam Sagamore of Nash- 
away, found him alive & tooke him prisoner & hee became his master hee 
lay lame severll weekes but beeing well vsed by his master & means vsed 
hee is now wel recoxAed, hee saith y' once since hee was wel his master 
[earring him abroad with him] left him at Squakeake neare where hee was 
taken prisoner his Mr wishing him to goe to the English [whether y was a 
cart way led] but Robert Pepper told James hee was afrayd his master did 
it but to try his fidelity to him to intrap him, & yt if hee should have gon 
away towards ye English they would have intercepted him & so his life had 
beene in danger, so hee went after his master & enquired after him & at last 
found him out, hee saith Rob Peper would bee glad to escape home and 
hopees hee shall meet with an oppertunity, when the Indians march nearer 
the English. James said [his master told him hee would send him home 
when hee had convenient opptunety. Also hee was informed that there are 
two more English men prisoners with Philip & Hadly Indians, one is of 
Boston servant to a ship carpenter Grenhough, the other hee remembers not 
his name. 

Hee saith, that before hee & Job came among those Indians they told 
yni the Narragants had sent in on or 2 English scalpes, but these indians 
would not receive them, but shot at y messenger & said they were English 
mens friends all last summer & would not creditt yr first messengers, after 
yer came other messengers from Narragansetts & brought more heads [hee 
saw twelve scalpes of English hangd upon trees] yt then these Indians 
beeleved ye Narragansset & receved the scalps & paid ym [as y"" maner is], 
& now they beeleved that the Narragansitts & English are at warre, of w^^ they 
are glad. The Narragansets told these indians that the English had had 
fight with them, & killed about forty fighting men & on Sachem & about 300 
old men women & children were kild & burnt in the wigwams most of w^h 
were destroyd, they told him yt as the Narragansetts said that the Moliegins 
& Pequitts Indians killed & woonded of ym, as many as the English had 
kild. Being questioned by Mr Danforth whether hee could learne whether 
the Narragansetts had ayded & assisted Philip & his companey in the 
sutrier against the English, hee answered yt hee vnderstood by those indians 
yt they had not, but lookt on ym as freinds to the English all along til now 
& their enemies. Hee saith yt hee was informed that the Nargansets said 
yt an Inglish man one Joshua Tift was among them when they had yr fight 
at the English & yt hee did ym good service & kild & woonded 5 or 6 English 
in yt fight & yt before they wold trust him hee had kild a miller an 
English man at Narragansit, & brought his scalpe to them. Also hee said 
yt the Naragansits told these indians yt one William that lives in those parts 


brought them some powder & offered them all his catle for provisions 
desiring only yt his life might bee spared & his children &: grandchildren. 
These Narragansits solicited these Indians to send them som helpe [ . . . 
they knew them to be stout soldiers], they promised to send with them 20 
men to goe w'h them to see how things were, & they determined to begin 
y jorny laast Saturday [ie 22th January] and they also resolved to take Job 
with them to Narraganset Indians ; and vpon the same day Mawtaamp the 
sagomor said hee would goe with another company up to Phillip, to informe 
him & those Indians of the breach betwene the English & Narragansitts 
& hee said that James [our spy] should goe along w'li him to Philipp to 
aquaint him of the state of affayres among the English & praying Indians. 
James sd to Mataamp I am willing to goe to Philip but not at this present 
because Philip knowes that I fought against him on the English side at 
Mount Hope & other places, & hee will not beeleve yt I am realy turned to 
his pty, vnles I first do some exployt & kill some English men & carry 
y heads to him. Let me have oprtuty to doe somthing of this nature before 
I goe to Philip, this answer of James seemed to satisfy the sagamore Maw- 
taump. But James doubting notwithstanding, that hee might change his 
mind and take him with him when hee went, hee was resolved to endevor 
an escape before y^ time they intended the iorny, especially considering 
what Tachupawillin told him in secret y' Philip had given order to his men 
that if they mett wth these John Hunter, James Speen, this James & Thomas 
Quannupaquit [brethern & Andrew Pitamee & Peter Ephraim they bring 
them to him or put ym to death]. Accordingly James moved Job [his com- 
panion] to contrive a way for an escape. Job conceled his purpose, and vpon 
Wensday the 19th of this instant they 2 early in the morne went out as if 
they would goe a hunting for deare, as they had don at other times & returnd 
againe [James having goten about a pint of nokake of Symori Squa on of 
ye praying indians] they beeing in ye woods hunted for deere & killd 4 deare 
& as they traveld to & fro they percevd that by som footing of indians that 
some did watch their motions, so towards night ye being neare a pond they 
drew the deare ad ye pond & tooke vp y quarters in thicke swampe & 
their made a fire & dresd some of ye venison, but no other indians came to 
y" ; so about 3 oclock before day, James said to Job now let vs escape 
away if wee can. But Job said I am not willing to goe now, because my 
children are here I will stay longer if God please hee can p^serve my life if 
not I am willing to die I will therfore goe backe againe to ye indians & goe 
along with the company to ye Naragansitt & if I returne I will vse what 
policy I can to get away my children, if I live about . . weekes hence I will 
com back & I will come to Naticke & therfore if you can take 4 or 5 indians 
to meet me there, I shall if I live by y' time get more intelligence of affayres. 
Then James sd to him I must now goe away for I am not like to have a bet- 
ter opptunity, & if they should carry mee to Philip I shall die, but I am 
sorry for you Job, least when I am gon they kill you for my sake, but you 
may tel y"" I runne away from you & was affrayd to goe to Philip before I 
had don som exployt. So they parted — & James our spy came homeward 
travilling through the woods night & day vntill he came to Naticke to James 
Spene wigwam who lives their to looke to som aged & sick folkes yt were 

Il8 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-167 6. 

not in capacity to be brought downe to Deare Hand & on Lord's day came to 
Serjant Williams at ye village & by him was conducted to & so to Boston 
before the Councel the same day w^h was the 24th day of this instnt Janury 
1675 where his examination & relation was written by 2 scribes: & though 
this may a litle differ from others in some pticulers yet for substance it is 
the same. 

Morever hee said y' hee heard y' the Narragansit were marched vpp into 
the woods toward Quantesit &; yy were in company & the first compy of 
above 200 ammong y™ were several woonded werre come before ye Narra- 
gansit come vp to these Indians : — beeing omitted before is put in heare." 

It is proper to say that the statement of facts in this Relation is fully 
corroborated by other records ; and the disclosure of future plans, as 
the intended raids on Lancaster and other towns, was verified by the 
events. And it is proper to add, that the authorities of Boston were not 
influenced to take the necessary precautions for defence, and the towns 
named fell a prey to the vengeance of the savages. 

The necessity of a depot of supplies, and shelter for troops and posts, 
between Marlborough and the Connecticut river, becoming apparent, and 
as a point from which to strike the Menameset camps, the Commis- 
sioners of the United Colonies issued an order Feb. 8, 1675-6, for 
raising 600 men to forthwith rendezvous at Quabaug ; and Connecticut 
was requested to engage the Pequots and Mohegans to join in the ser- 
vice. A large part of the soldiers were to be either dragoons, or 
troopers well fitted with long firearms ; and there was to be one man for 
every ten horses to take care of them. The first date set was the 20th, 
afterwards changed to the 29th. 

Two days after the issuing of this order, viz. Feb. 10, (the date 
named by Job in his Report) the town of Lancaster was surprised by a 
war party sent out from the camp north of Brookfield, most of the build- 
ings burnt, and about fifty of the inhabitants killed or carried away 
captive. Among the latter was Mrs. Rowlandson and her three chil- 
dren, who were taken to Menameset. Her " Narrative," published 
soon after her release, supplies important information, which is quoted 
in these pages. 

Feb. 21, (the day that the Indians from Menameset assaulted and 
nearly destroyed Medfield) the Council at Boston ordered that car- 
penters' tools for six men, nayles of all sorts with hooks and hinges for 
doors and locks and of such sort as the chief carpenter shall appoint, be 
sent up to build a quarter at Quoboag. And four days later, the Com- 
mittee was ordered to procure either John Brewer of Sudbury or John 
Coolidge of Watertown, to go up with the army and build a house or 
houses for lodging and shelter of provisions. At the meeting on the 
2ist, the Mass. Council voted to raise 100 foot and 72 troopers to fill 


up their quota of the proposed army. And John Curtis and six friendly 
Indians from Deer Island were engaged to serve as guides. 

An expeditionary force was organized and sent up under command 
of Maj. Thomas Savage of Boston, consisting of a company of Horse 
under Capt. John Whipple, and three Foot companies under Capts. 
Wm. Turner, Samuel Mosely and Benj. Gillam. They reached Qua- 
baug Mar. 2, and were joined there by Maj. Treat witli three or four 
companies from Connecticut. 

March 3, leaving Capt. Turner to garrison Quabaug, Maj. Savage 
with this formidable body of men marched to Menameset, hit fotind no 

It will be remembered that in the middle of January, Quanapohit had 
found about 1,000 Indians gathered at Menameset, of whom 300 were 
fighting men. To these had been added 400 or 500 warriors, and 
double that number of non-combatants from Narragansett, as well as 
squads and stragglers from other tribes. All accounts agree that there 
were in camp here the last week in February, not less than 2,000 Indi- 
ans. The cattle, swine and corn taken at Brookfield in the fall, with 
venison, and the spoils from Lancaster had made food abundant, and 
life easy ; and the deep snows had rendered their position secure from 
attack. But the Indians had not been ignorant of the later English 
movements. Marlborough was the midway headquarters and rallying- 
point of troops, destined for more western service. It was easy for their 
scouts to skulk there, and watch all the preparations, and as easy to 
divine the intended purpose ; and a day's run carried the news to Mat- 
taump and the allies. 

Acting on such information, the great body of Indians left Menameset 
simultaneously with the concentration of English troops at Marlborough, 
viz. on Feb. 27, and pushed on northward, heading for Paquayag. 
They reached Miller's river ' Mar. 3, the same day on which the English 
forces started to look for them at Menameset, Their scouts had reported 
the starting of the troops from Quabaug, and though well on their way, 
the alarm was great, and the last day's march of the savages was a 
" rush." But by a stratagem the English were thrown off the scent ; and 
the whole great body got safely over the river, and out of harm's way. 

This manoeuvre of the Indians, by which the English plan was frus- 
trated, deserves a detailed notice in this connection ; and fortunately 
Mrs. Rowlandson, who was with the Indians, in her Natvative supplies 
the materials. When Maj. Savage left Quabaug on the 3d, the savages 
were encamped in a swamp about 17 miles from Menameset, and 8 
miles southward of Paquayag. The crowd was unwieldy ; " there were 
many hundreds, old and young, some sick and some lame, many had 

• Probably they crossed at a point near the dividing line between Athol and Orange. 

I20 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

pappooses at their backs, the greatest number (at this time with us) 
were squaws, and they travelled with all they had, bag and baggage : 
. . . they went as if they had gone for their lives for some considerable 
way ; and then they made a stop, and chose out some of their stoutest 
men, and sent them back to hold the English army in play whilst the 
rest escaped ; and then like Jehu they marched on furiously, with their 
old and young : Some carried their old decriped mothers, some carried 
one and some another. Four of them carried a great Indian upon a 
bier; but going through a thick wood with him, they were hindered, and 
could make no haste ; whereupon they took him upon their backs, and 
carried him one at a time, till they came to Bacquag River. Upon a 
Friday a little after noon we came to this river : . . . They quickly fell 
to cutting dry trees, to make rafts to carry them over the river, and 
soon my turn came to go over. By the advantage of some brush which 
they laid upon the raft to sit on, I did not wet my feet (which many 
of themselves at the other end were mid leg deep) : . . . A certain 
number of us got over the river that night ; but it was the night after the 
Sabbath before all the company was got over." Where, all this while, 
were our English dragoons? Mrs. R. says that some of the stoutest 
Indians were sent back "to hold the English army in play." This cov- 
ering party, in conjunction with the scouts left near Menameset, kept 
Maj. Savage at bay, or on false scents for two whole days, so that he 
did not reach Paquayag till sometime in the forenoon of Monday, 
Mar. 6. As they came up to the river, they saw on the other side the 
smoke of the wigwams, which the retreating Indians had set fire to ; but 
they did not cross. Our authoress writes : " this river put a stop to them. 
God did not give them courage or activity to go over after us." It should 
be said, that the river was swollen by the spring freshet, and crossing 
by horse must have been difficult and hazardous. The Massachusetts 
Council were deeply chagrined at the signal failure of this expedition. 
In a letter to Maj. Savage at Hadley, dated March 31, they say : "Leav- 
ing Capt. Turner in Capt. Poole's place, with the rest of the army we 
expressly command you to draw homeward, and endeavor in your return 
to visit the enemy about Pachquake (Paquayag), and be careful not to 
be deceived by their lapwing stratagems, by drazuing you off from your 
nest to follow some 7nen." 

The Indians, relieved from pursuit, went leisurely to Squakheak, which 
they reached the next day. Mar. 7. 

Maj. Savage returned to Quabaug, and thence marched to Hadley, 
which was again made the headquarters of the army. Capt. Turner 
had left a guard of 11 men (out of his company of 89) under Sergt. 
William Ingraham, to garrison Quabaug, and gone to Hadley, and 
thence to Northampton. 


The following papers, found in the State Archives, supply about all 
that is known of the garrison here, for the ensuing months. 

"Accord to warrant from Authority, I have taken into my hand 83 bush- 
els and half of Indian Corn, which were by the Indians of this town set up 
in barns. Out of which parcell of corn by the Hond Major General's war- 
rant, Capt. Whipple had 1 1 bushels & a peck for the use of his Company, 
Capt. Gookin had 9 bushels more of it, Capt. Oakes had 4 bush. 3 pecks- 
Also in fulfillment of a warrant from Maj. Willard requiring me to furnish 
them with Corn for their horses. Quartermaster Wade had for the use of his 
Company 3 bushels and a half. I paid one penny half pence a bushel for 
threshing out this Corn, which amounted to 3 bush, and a peck. The Indi- 
ans sent from Ouabaug had half a bushel. The remainder of this Corn I 
have secured in the Magazine at Marlboro'. 

John Woods, Sen., Constable of Marlboro'' 

March 20, 1675-6. 

QuAWBAUGE Mar. 21 : 1676. 

And Loving ffriend. Sir the occasion of my presant wrighting to 
you is this, upon serious Thoughts wrighting what we heard by the last 
posts from our Army, that our Army was disposed to garrison the towns 
they were in & the neighboring towns & being Resolved, not to follow the 
Enemy, till further help be sent them, & we know that cannot be very spedy, 
therefore the enemy being so Numerous & not ffollowed by our forces they 
will have opportunity Enough to scatter or to Remove their body & we may 
Expect their Coming this way & to fall on us who are but few, & So distant 
from being Reliefed by any that we Can expect nothing but to be Cut off, 
and in order to our preservation, as to the use of means, I have now sent 
you a post for Ammunition, Especially Bullets, and some powder & some 
flints, for we are badly man d as this bearer Can Informe you & worse for 
Ammunition, therefore as you Love our Lives & welfare I request & require 
you to Assist this bearer with Conveniensys as Above s d & a fresh horse 
& Som Guard with said Ammunition forthwith to be sent us, or Else if we 
be set upon by Any Considerable force of the Enemy, before we have A 
recruit we shall not be Abel to maintaine our Garreson. I have writen by 
the post to the Counsell ; but you know are farr distant & not so sensibel of 
our Condition as I wish they were, & I know not when I shall have any 
supply from them & Considering our presant eminent danger makes me 
Chus make my Aplication to you for reliefe. Which if we be not presantly 
relieved as Above, I shall not keepe the souldiers here, for they are discour- 
aged for the reason Above Expressed therefore pray faile not In the Least 
herein but with all presant Expidition to send away to us. and if you can 
to spare us alsoe a file of men, for this bearer will Informe of how it w* 
us (I meane a file of men till we Can send to the Counsell) not else at pres- 
ant to troubel you, not questioning your diligence to Acomplish our desires 
already mentioned Soe Leaving you with our selves to ye protection of y^ 
Almighty God whoe Alone is abel to preserve us, desiring your prayers for 

us, I remain Yours to Comand 

Will: \^Gv.k.Y{KVi., Comander of 

ye Garreson in quawbaugeP 

122 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-167 6. 

" Ho7i'i Sirs From the hand of a single man that came post I having re- 
ceived this day a letter from Mr. Ingrem the comdr of the Garrison at Quo- 
boag judged it my duty to inform your Worships as soon as I could of the 
deplorable estate of that Garrison the Report of which you have in his 
letter here inclosed. Adding my most humble request that their jeopardous 
condition may be speedily taken into your serious consideration. Yourselves 
well Know of what sad consequences 'tis like to be if that Garrison should 
be over come by the enemy. The force in this place is barely enough to 
secure the Country's store, and the several fortifications, therefore we can- 
not supply them with men ; and here. is likewise a scarcity of able horses for 
posts ; and whereas Mr. Ingram formerly sent to me for wastcoats & draw- 
ers for the supply of the Army & themselves at Quaboag, & for some hose, 
I have not to supply them : he also wrote for flints, and of them we have but 
few. I refer those matters to your prudence, and subscribe myself 

James Brading 

Marlbo 21. I. (76) 

[Mr. Scot & the other man are not yet gone]" 

"AT A COUNCIL HELD AT BOSTON 21. i. 1675-6. 

It is ordered that Capt. Syll give forth his order to the several constables 
of Charlestown, Cambridge, Watertown, Sudbury and Marlborough forth- 
with to send in to him the horses and men that were under his command 
formerly, or in default thereof to impress so many, for the carriage of am- 
munition and provision from Marlborough to Brookfield ; and Maj. Willard 
is ordered forthwith to appoint said Capt. Syll twenty troopers & dragoons 
of Essex & Norfolk men to guard the said provisions to the place appointed, 
and after the delivery of the said provisions and ammunition at the garrison 
there, the said Syll is ordered to return home, & dismiss the said horses and 
men, and return the troopers and dragoons to Maj. Willard, and attend his 
further order 

It is also ordered that Capt. Syll cause the troopers at Cambridge and 
Charlestown to make so many 4 gallon runletts to put powder in as may suf- 
fice to carry 200 lbs. of powder from Marlborough to Brookfield for the 
Country's service." 


"You are herely ordered and required to impress 7 sufficient Troopers 
armed with carbines or long arms to be furnished with ammunition, provis- 
ions for horse and men for eight days — for guarding, out of the Troop, and 
send them fitted and furnished unto Cambridge the 24th inst. at 10 o'clk 
A.M., then and there to march under the command of Capt. Nathaniel 
Graves for guarding the carriages from Marlboro to Brookfield. You are 
also ordered to impress 6 Troopers in Marlboro ; and Capt. Davis is also to 
impress 6 Troopers, all to march from Marlboro with the rest. Dated 
March 22, 1675-6." 



Ordered, that Capt. Nathaniel Graves of Charlestown shall be the com- 
mander of the garrison at Brookfield, and all inferior officers and soldiers 
are required to be obedient to him : 

Also the said Capt. Graves is ordered to take the command of twenty 
Troopers, and thirty horses, and fifteen men besides with the carriage [pack] 
horses to be loaded with provisions and ammunition, to be conveyed to the 
garrison at Brookfield: and after the carriages [pack-loads] are lodged there, 
he then send back the Troopers and carriage-horses, dismissing them to 
their several homes : And that Wm Ingram now Commander of the Garri- 
son at Brookfield is dismissed after Capt. Graves comes there, who is to 
return with the Troopers and carriages. ^ It is further ordered that Maj. Sav- 
age order ten soldiers more to strengthen the Garrison at Brookfield as soon 
as he can conveniently : And the said Capt. Graves is ordered with all con- 
venient despatch to march up to Brookfield with the said carriages. 

per Edw. Rawson, SecreP . 


To Charlestown, for cam horses 4 and men 2, besides a horse for Capt 


To Cambridge, " " 

To Watertown, " " 

To Sudbury, " " 

To Woburn, " " 

To Roxbury, " " 

30 15 

It is ordered that the Committee of the Army shall and hereby are im- 
powered to sell all those Arms that came from the Narragansetts and are so 
damnified as that without great charge they can be repaired, to such of the 
inhabitants as will get them fixt for their own use and for the service of 
the several companies." 

Extract of a letter from the Council to Maj. Savage, dated April i, 
1676 : " We have lately sent Capt. Graves of Charlestown with about 50 
men and 30 horses laden with provisions & ammunition to Quabauge, 
ordering him to take the charge of the garrison for the present, and to 
return the horses & men with Sergt. Ingram, so that we will be suffi- 
ciently recruited with ammunition at the fort at Quabauge." 

The following letter from Capt. Graves gives us a somewhat graphic 
picture of garrison-life at Quabaug, at this date. Punctuation marks are 
to be inserted in their proper places. 

" HoND Governor 

Sir we are all In Indifferent helth we dayly are goeing forth but Cannot 
see any Indians, our provissions dus spend apace And if you Intend to 

' i.e., pack-horses; no carts or wheel-carriages passed this way before 1692. 


" 2 


" 3 


" 3 


" 3 


" 2 

124 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

Continue ys place we must have more provissions ys we have may Last 
about 8 or 10 days, for my owne partt I can be Content w* Les yn many 
of ye men heare : I have eatten but Littell of your provissions : I expect A 
release by ye next y' Cum up : for I am not fit for ys Employ being out of 
my way & know there are many men more fit than I for ys busines I 
do not Apprehend any danger to Ly heare for I Beleave ye Indians will nott 
Cum to our Garreson all my f eare is of our men yt go Abroad & are not so 
Carefull as they shud be we have had no damage yet yt makes us Se- 
cure if you doe Continue ye men heare they will wantt showes & Shurtts 
And Linin drawers & Tobacco and A glace to keap watch w^h all our dis- 
content Arises from yt now afore it was want of meate now we have enough, 
heare are many would not Care if they did stay there time out. They ow 
there masters here is nothing to doe but up to play And down to sleepe. if 
ye Counttry Can Afoard to maynteyn them so : I am Content rather to bare 
my partt of ye charge than to play heare where I Can do no good w^t showes 
and other things we had was sent for to hadley & I have A Resayte of them 
from ye Commessarrys w^ I hoap w^ discharge me which is all yt offers att 

present from 

Sir your Servant In what I am abell 

& understand Nathaniel Graves 

28* Aparell 1676." 

May 5, "The Court judgeth it meet that the garrison at Quoboag be 
continued there, and that they have suitable provision sent to them, and 
to that end have treated with Lieut. Wm Clarke [of Northampton] for 
a supply to be made from those towns upon the river, which will be more 
easily effected than to be sent from hence ; and do therefore order and 
impower the said Lieut. Clarke with all possible speed to procure the 
same ; and Capt. Turner is ordered to appoint a sufficient guard for the 
provisions above said to Quoboag. . . . 

"The garrison of Quopaug being out of provisions, and the supply 
ordered from Hadley not being likely to be with them for their present 
relief, it is ordered, that forthwith provisions for one week be speedied 
up to them. 

" There being a present necessity to send up some provisions to Quo- 
boag for the relief of the garrison, and also a person to command instead 
of Mr. Graves, it is hereby ordered, that Sarjant Ephraim Savage do 
march up with the provisions now sent, and take the command of 
the said garrison, and that the infirm or sick men there be dismissed, 
provided thirty soldiers be kept there. And for the conveyance of the 
said provisions, it is ordered, that the captain of Sudbury do send up a 
sufficient guard for the said provisions to Marlborow, and is hereby em- 
powered to press sufficient horses to carry the same to Quoboag, and that 
Lieut. Jacob do, from Marlborow, send up a good guard with the said 
provisions to Quoboag." 

These orders of the Court appear not to have been promptly executed, 


for a reason which will appear shortly : and another similar order is 
passed, viz. " The Court, considering the want of provisions for the 
garrisons at Marlborow and Quoboag, who are in distress, together with 
the wants & sickness in the army, do order, that all the sick or neces- 
sitous persons in the army be licensed to repair to their own homes for 
ten days, and that forty or fifty of the ablest be retained and quartered 
in Sudbury & Concord, & be imployed to guard up provisions to Quo- 
boag, Marlborow & other magazines, which are with all expedition to 
be sent up." 

John Hull, in a petition to the General Court, stated that Sergt. Sav- 
age was in feeble health, and asked that he be discharged from that 
duty at Quabaug. And May 12, is the record: "The Deputys judge 
meet to grant this petition, and have nominated and appointed Thomas 
Walker the brickmaker to be Commander of the Garrison at Quaboage 
in his stead, desiring the consent of our Hond Magists hereto." 

Probably, for some reason, the Magistrates did not consent ; and Sergt. 
Savage, with a commission as lieutenant, went to Brookfield, where he 
remained with a small force till the 20th of June, and perhaps later. 
But after June 12, at which date the hostile Indians appear to have 
disbanded and scattered in various directions, the garrison was main- 
tained chiefly as a relief station for posts, and companies marching 

We get an occasional glimpse of the movements of the Indians in 
this neighborhood, at this date. In a letter from Capt. Benjamin New- 
bury, dated Westfield, May 24, 1676, he says: "I find the people very 
desirous for motion against the enemy, and according to best intelligence 
cannot but judge it may be for great advantage to be doing as soon as 
may be : They seem to be secure by what returns the scouts make, and 
doubghtly are not yet numerous : It's credibly affirmed there is a con- 
siderable party at Quaboag, nigh 300 by the intelligence that is come 
from thence last night. So that we are apt to think if Maj. Talcott would 
please to come this way, with his forces he might do good service both 
here and there." ' 

Maj. Talcott did please to go that way ; and this is his account of his 
march : — 

"Northampton, June 8, 1676, 10 o'clock at night. In pursuance of 
your orders, I past from Norwich to Wabaquesset, at which place suppose 
was about 40 acres of Corn, and a fort, but none of the enemy to be found 
upon the best of our search. From thence made Chanagongum in the Nip- 
nap Country on the 5th of June, and took 52 of the enemy of which 19 slain 
and one shot and made an escape, followed by his blood but lost him; and 
on the 6th instant made towards Squaboag and gained it on the 7th day at 

' Cojtii. State Archives, War. I., 76. 

126 FIRS 7' SETTLEMENT, 1660-167 6. 

12 of the clock, and on the 7th instant gave Hberty for some of our Indians 
to hunt in the afternoon, one party of which came to our rendezvous in the 
evening, and informed us of a party of the Indian enemy were pitching for 
that night about 3 miles from our quarters ; and not knowing what strength 
might be there, sent out about 120 English and Indians at midnight, with 
orders to gain the sight of their fires as soon as might be, and to lie close 
until day break and then fall upon them; which accordingly they did ; but 
there was but two of the enemy, which they assaulted and took, who were 
loaden with as much fish as they could carry, and each of them a gun, their 
horns full of powder, which were taken ; — And think the Account of Arms 
before was five that was taken — of men slain 12, and one or two saved, — 
We sent 27 women and children to Norwich under conduct of some of those 
we call honest Indians, and the others are come to Hadley with the army, 
and by the last that was slain we receive intelligence that there is 500 fight- 
ing men at pa cumticutt. This eight instant we made Hadley with about 
200 Indians and about 250 English soldiers; but the Bay forces are not 
come. I past away from Squabaug a letter to the chief commander of the 
Bay forces intended for conjunction with us in these parts, . . . 

John Talcott 

To Dep. Gov. Treat at Hartford." ' 4 

These letters, and others that might be quoted, serve to show that the 
Indians hereabouts were not now aggressive ; that the squaws and old 
men were watching the growing corn, and subsisting on fish ; and the 
warriors were here only in transit. Capt. Henchman, in a letter to the 
Mass. Council, dated June 30, says : " Our scouts brought intelligence 
that all the Indians were in a continual motion, some towards Narragan- 
set, others towards Watchuset, shifting gradually, and taking up each 
others' Quarters, and lay not above a Night in a Place." 

Closing Account of the Quabaug Indians. — A brief summary of 
events connected with the ending of King Philip's War, and the disper- 
sion of the native tribe that once held peaceful possession of our soil, 
will close this chapter on the First Setdement of Brookfield. 

As stated on p. 119, the great company of Quabaugs, Nashaways, 
Narragansetts, and their allies, having successfully foiled Maj. Savage in 
the woods above Menameset, crossed Miller's river in safety, and reached 
Northneld March 7. 

As stated on p. no, Philip and his Wampanoags had moved off 
towards the Mohawk country, at the close of the fall campaign of 1675, 
and pitched their winter quarters at a place about 40 miles northward 
of Albany. When the Narragansetts under Canonchet joined the Qua- 
baugs at Menameset in January, Muttaump went to Philip's retreat to 
carry the good news of the great accession, and urge his return to the 
Connecticut valley. He complied and reached the west side of the 

' Conn. State Archives, War. I., 88. 


river at Northfield, soon after the middle of February, and was joined 
by the great company that had retired from Menameset, March 9. 

This gathering of Indian tribes and clans at Northfield at this date, 
was a notable event. The chief of the once renowned VVampanoags, 
and the chief of the not less renowned Narragansetts, met and united 
their forces and fortunes. All the personal adherents of Philip and his 
kinsman Quinnapin were here ; and Canonchet, son of Miantonimoh 
and hereditary sachem of the Narragansetts, was attended by the flower 
of that once terrible clan. His uncle Pessacus, now just past the prime 
of life, was his chief counsellor. In addition to these, Sancumachu, a 
Nonotuck sachem, and now the acknowledged leader of the Pacomp- 
tucks and Agawams, was here with a considerable part of the united 
tribes. Muttaump, now in the zenith of his success and glory, and his 
Quabaugs were here. A part of the Nashaways, the Nipnets, some from 
Natick and Marlborough, and stragglers from other clans were here. 
And these, with the Squakheags (the home tribe), made up an immense 
multitude. From rehable data, it is believed that from the 9th to the 
25th of March, there were not less than 2,500 Indians, including women 
and children, at the Squakheag village-sites about the mouth of the 
Ashuelot river and on the opposite side of the Connecticut. 

It was a critical time with the savage horde. The chiefs had to deter- 
termine two important matters, viz., the plan of the season's campaign ; 
and how to make secure and provide subsistence for the non-combat- 
ants, who largely outnumbered the warriors. The first care was to get 
a supply of food for the present necessity. By a raid on Northampton 
and Hatfield, March 14-16, they captured a number of horses, sheep, 
and other plunder, which furnished a temporary supply. But there was 
great scarcity of provisions. "Many times in the morning," writes Mrs. 
Rowlandson, who was with them, " the generality of them would eat up 
all they had. Their chief and commonest food was ground-nuts ; they 
ate also nuts and acorns, hartychocks, lily roots, ground beans, and other 
weeds and roots that I know not." Occasionally the hunters would 
bring in a bear, or a deer, or a beaver, when they would have a feast. 
Mrs. Rowlandson says : " A squaw gave me a spoonful of meal, I put it 
in my pocket to keep it safe, yet somebody stole it, but put five Indian 
corns in the room of it : which corns were the greatest provision I had 
in my travels for one day." " One day Philip invited me to dinner : I 
went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was 
made of parched wheat, beaten, and fried in bear's grease ; but I thought 
I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life." 

By a bargain made with the Dutch from Fort Albany, Philip and the 
confederates were supplied with a sufficiency of ammunition, which 
allayed one cause of anxiety. i\.nd at a council of chiefs it was decided 

128 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-167 6. 

to hold the Connecticut valley north of the mouth of Miller's river, as 
a common rendezvous, and abiding-place of non-combatants. They 
could contrive to eke out a living till the fishing-season came ; after 
which they had no reason to fear a scarcity of provisions till the last of 
summer. To insure the autumn and winter supplies, Canonchet, who 
appears to have been the master-spirit among the chiefs, both in the 
War and Commissary departments, proposed that all the old fields, 
formerly occupied by the Indians, and recently taken from the English, 
should be planted with corn. (This of course was to be the work of 
the squaws.) But there was none of last year's crop left here for seed. 
Canonchet said there was plenty of seed-corn stored in the barns in the 
Narragansett country : but no one of his followers would volunteer to 
run the venture of fetching it. The chieftain himself decided to go for 
it ; and the small number of 30 braves offered to accompany him. He 
reached his old home safely ; collected the corn in bags and baskets ; 
and despatched his escort with it to Squakheag, Himself lingered on 
the banks of the Pawtucket ; and on April 2, while in camp with 6 or 
7 of his men, he was surprised and captured by a scouting party of 
English and Indians, under Capts. Avery and Denison and Oneko. He 
was taken to Stonington, where he was promptly executed by Oneko, 
and his head sent to Hartford. 

The seed-corn was carried safely to Squakheag ; and as we shall pres- 
ently see, that place, and Pacomptuck, and Paquayag, and Quabaug, 
were fully supplied ; and in this respect anxiety for the summer's cam- 
paign was allayed. But the master-spirit was no more among them. 
Philip's name was no longer a talisman ; and his counsels no longer 
inspired confidence ; and his presence had no magnetism ; and his own 
tribal adherents were insignificant in numbers. The death of Canonchet 
was the death-blow to the cause. Personal rivalry, and distracting coun- 
sels prevailed. Proposals of an armistice were discussed. The Pacomp- 
tucks deserted, and went home to Deerfield ; and gave out intimations 
that they were ready to purchase a peace with the price of King Philip's 
head. Philip himself prudently departed April 10, and with Quinapin 
and a part of the Narragansetts, moved towards safer quarters in the 
strongholds of Wachusett. Pessacus was left in command of the allied 
forces, which comprised the bulk of the Narragansetts, the Squak- 
heags, some of the Quabaugs, and a motley crew, large enough in num- 
bers, but unwieldy and weak for active field service. There were several 
pretty strong forts, for defence; and the commander could send out 
foraging parties and scouts ; he could prepare for planting the corn- 
fields, and guard, and negotiate for the ransom of the English prisoners, 
a large number of whom were still in the hands of the Indians. — Let- 
ters, and ofticial papers, describing the situation of affairs in the camp 


at this date, are extant ; but do not come within the plan of our 

About the first of May, when the fishing-season commenced, the 
Indians at Northfield separated into convenient parties for work. The 
Squakheags remained at home, for salmon fishing and planting ; a small 
party went to Paquayag for the same purposes ; and the great crowd 
repaired to the Pasquompscut falls near the mouth of Miller's river, for 
fishing. The Pacomptucks had already gone to their old home, to pre- 
pare for seeding their rich fields. Corn-planting began May 9th or loth, 
and lasted about 2 weeks. By May 22, about 100 acres had been put 
in at Deerfield, and probably a like proportion at the other towns. 

A letter written by Rev. Mr. Russell of Hadley, dated May 15, gives 
a clear view of the situation at this time : " This morning about sun- 
rise came into Hatfield one Thomas Reede a soldier who was taken 
captive when Deacon Goodman was slain (at Hockanum, about the first 
of April). He relates that they are now planting at Deerfield and have 
been so these three or four days or more — saith further that they dwell 
at the Falls on both sides the river — are a considerable number, yet 
most of them old men and women. He cannot judge that there are on 
both sides the river (at the Falls) above 60 or 70 fighting men. They 
are secure and scornful ; boasting of great things they have done, and 
will do. There is Thomas Eameses daughter and her child (a younger 
sister) hardly used ; one or two belonging to Medfield, and I think two 
children belonging to Lancaster. The night before last they came 
down to Hatfield upper meadow, and have driven away many horses 
and cattle, to the number of fourscore and upwards as they judge. 
Many of these this man saw in Deerfield meadow, and found the bars 
put up to keep them in. This being the state of things, we think the 
Lord calls us to make some trial what may be done against them sud- 
denly, without further delay ; and therefore the concurring resolution 
of men here seems to be to go out against them to-morrow night so as 
to be with them, the Lord assisting, before break of day." This purpose 
of the Hadley people was carried out three days later. 

There were special reasons why the Indians felt secure just at this 
time. Most of the Massachusetts troops under Maj. Sav^age, and the 
Connecticut troops under Maj. Treat had been withdrawn, and returned 
home. Only about 160 men, under command of Capt. William Turner, 
now garrisoned the Hampshire towns. Besides, negotiations for the 
redemption of captives were pending between the Connecticut authori- 
ties and the Indian chiefs \ and it was presumable that no hostilities 
would be commenced against the Indians till this matter was arranged. 
And on the night of the i8th, the party at the Falls had gorged them- 
selves " with new milk and roast beef, having lately driven away from 

130 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1 660-1676. 

Hatfield many of their milch cows, as an English woman confessed that 
was made to milk them." 

At this fortunate juncture — Thursday evening May 18 — Capt. Turner 
and Capt. Samuel Holyoke, with 160 mounted men, one-half inhabitants 
and one-half soldiers, started for the Indian fishing-camp at the Falls. 
They reached the place about daybreak. "They found the Indians 
secure, yea all asleep without having any scouts abroad ; so that our sol- 
diers came and put their guns into their wigwams, before the Indians 
were aware of them, and made a great and notable slaughter." [Math- 
er's Brief History ^^ About 180 Indians, old and young, perished that 

But this apparent victory, ended in a disastrous defeat of our troops. 
Just as our men started for their horses, which were left a half-mile in the 
rear, the report was started — no one knew how — that Philip with 1,000 
Indians was approaching ; and " a panic terror fell upon many of them, 
and they hastened homewards in a confused route." Capt. Turner and 
37 of his men were slain — all but one after they left the Falls. 

The Indians remained in their fishing and planting camps ; they 
assaulted Hatfield May 30, and Hadley June 1 2 ; but no attempt was 
made to dislodge them, by the English forces, till June 16, when Maj. 
Talcott and Capt. Henchman marched up as far as the Falls ; but '•' they 
found no Indians." 

As before stated, Philip, with his Wampanoags and part of the Nar- 
ragansetts, left the Connecticut valley April 10, and marched towards 
Wachusett, where he arrived about the 17th; and where he was joined 
by the Nashaways under Sagamore Sam, and that clan of the Quabaugs 
that were under the immediate orders of Muttaump, and a large body 
of Nipnets. About this date [negotiations were begun earlier], the 
Massachusetts Council made overtures to this band for the redemption 
of Mrs. Rowlandson and the other Lancaster captives. Sam and Mut- 
taump and the Nipnets favored the plan — either for the sake of the 
large price expected, or because they, foresaw the hopelessness of their 
cause, and preferred peace to destruction.^ But Philip saw that such a 
bargain was a confession of weakness, and sternly opposed entertaining 
the proposal and parting with any of the captives ; though with his usual 
cunning he proposed a truce of a month or more, and gave plausible 
reasons for the same. The contention in the camp, between the ad- 
vocates of peace and the favorers of war, was so sharp, and Capt. Hench- 
man's bold raid of May 30, coming so near the Wachusett stronghold, 
that Philip and the Narragansetts departed for their old homes on 
the coast. They left Wachusett the first week in June, and marched 
leisurely to the south. Philip made for his old headquarters in the 

' Mrs. Rowlandson was redeemed for £,20, and reached Boston May 3. 


neighborhood of Pokanoket. His return was discovered ; and after 
July II, he was continually followed and harassed by war parties of 
English and Indians. On the morning of Aug. 1 2, he was surprised in a 
swamp near his ancient seat, and shot by an Indian named Alderman. 

Meanwhile, the Quabaugs, Nashaways and Nipnets, whatever the 
motive may have been, had continued their efforts to bring about peace. 

From incidental statements contained in official documents, it appears 
that after the death of Canonchet, the Quabaugs divided into two par- 
ties : one party under Cognowasco ? remaining with Pessacus [and were 
in the sanguinary fight at Turner's falls May 19, where "some of them 
were slain "], and the other party under Muttaump going to the Wachu- 
sett fastnesses. The first of May, the sachems at Wachusett, including 
Philip, sent a letter to the Governor and Council at Boston, asking for a 
cessation of hostilities and permission to plant corn in their old fields at 
Quabaug, Mendon, etc., and "promising not to do hurt to English towns, 
if they are not hindered in their planting." Although the Council did 
not accede to their overture, yet some of the squaws of our tribe returned 
and planted a considerable field at Quabaug Old Fort, and probably 
another field at one of the other village sites. Rev. James Fitch, in a 
letter dated May 29, says: "The sum of our intelligence is that 
[brought] by the Indians from Wabaquassog . . . it's the general report 
of all that the chief place of their women and children is at Watchoo- 
suck, not far from Quabaug ; that they have planted at Quabaug, and 
at Nipsachook nigh Coweset ; that Philip's men and the Narragansetts 
are generally come into those above mentioned places, only Pessacus 
one of the chief of the Narragansett sachems did abide up at Pocomp- 
tuck with some few of his men." 

To strengthen his position as peace-maker, about the middle of May 
Sagamore Sam went to the Connecticut valley to endeavor to arrange 
with Pessacus for an exchange or ransom of English captives then in 
his hands ; but the tragic affair at Turner's Falls frustrated his plan ; and 
he returned to Wachusett only to find that Capt. Henchman had raided 
his camp May 30, and killed or captured 36 of his people, including 
his own wife and children, and Muttaump's wife.' He sent the follow- 
ing letter : 

" My Lord Mr. Leveret at Boston, Mr. Waban, Mr. Eliot, Mr. Gookin, 
and Council, hear yea. I went to Connecticut about the Captives, that I 
might bring them into your hands, and when we were almost there the English 
had destroyed those Indians. When I heard it I returned back again : 
then when I came home, we were also destroyed : After we were destroyed 

■ "About May 30, 1676, the forces under Capt. Henchman were called together again, and sent to 
Brookfield . . . : in the way, ours, by direction of Tom Dublet, a Natick Indian . . . following tracks of 
Indians, came upon a party of the enemy fishing in Weshakim Ponds toward Lancaster, of whom 
they killed 7 and took 29, mostly women and children." — Hubbard's Ind. Wars. 

132 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676. 

then Philip and Ouanipun went away into their own Country againe : and I 
knew they were much afraid, because of our offer to joyn with the English, 
and therefore they went back into their own Country, and I know they will 
make no warre : therefore because when some English men came to us 
Philip and Quanipun sent to kill them : but I said if any kill them, I'll kill 

Written by Sam Sachem. 

Simon Boshakum Scribe.'''' 

The sending this letter was certainly a politic move. And negotia- 
tions for the exchange of captives continued on both sides. Some of 
the English prisoners escaped — probably with the connivance of the 
sachems. But results were not definite and satisfactory to either party. 
And as a last resort, the chiefs united in subscribing a letter, which, Mr. 
S. G. Drake remarks, " surpasseth any thing, in supplication, that we 
have, from the poor Indians." 

"July 6th, 1676. Mr. John Leveret, my Lord, Mr. Waban, and all the 
chief men our Brethren Praying to God: We beseech you all to help us: 
my wife she is but one, but there be more Prisoners, which we pray you 
keep well ; Mattamuck [Muttaump] his wife, we entreat you for her, and not 
onely that man, but it is the Request of two Sachems, Sam Sachem of 
Weshakum, and [John] the Pakashoag Sachem. 

"And that further you will consider about the making Peace: We have 
spoken to the People of Nashobah (viz. Tom Dubler and Peter) that we 
would agree with you, and make a Covenant of Peace with you. We have 
been destroyed by yo^ir Souldiers, but still we Remember it now to sit 
still : Do you consider it again : We do earnestly entreat you, that it may 
be so by Jesus Christ. O ! let it be so ! Amefi, Ajnen. 

Mattamuck, his mark 
Sam Sachem " 
Simon Pottoquam, Scribe 

" To all Englishmen and Indians, all of you hear Mr. Waban, Mr. 

Another letter of similar tenor, signed by Pumkamun and Ponnak- 
pukun or Jacob Muttamakoog, was sent to the Governor and Council, 
about the same time. The answer of the Council was : "That treach- 
erous persons who began the war and those that have been barbarously 
bloody, must not expect to have their lives spared, but others that have 
been drawn into the war, and acted only as souldiers, submitting to be 
without arms to live quietly & peaceably for the future shall have their 
lives spared." 

The course of events for a month after July 6, is not easy to be 


traced. Some time in August, the sachems and clans that had been 
quartered about Wachusett, were induced by what they understood to 
be a promise of amnesty, through the mediation of Peter Jethro, to go 
to Pennacook, and from there to Cochecho (Dover, N.H.). The 
first of September, the Pennacooks and about 200 of the Quabaugs, 
Nashaways and their aUies, were gathered at the house of Maj. Wal- 
dron, with whom the truce had been made, and whom they considered 
their friend and father. By a stratagem, which was approved by mili- 
tary men, but sharply condemned by every philanthropist, the whole 
body of Indians were suddenly surrounded by English soldiers, seized, 
and disarmed. The Pennacooks were dismissed. The others were 
made prisoners, and sent to Boston. " Seven or eight of the chiefs 
were condemned and hanged ; the rest were sold into slavery in foreign 
parts." In Sewairs Diary is the entry: "1676, Sept. 26. Tuesday, 
Sagamore Sam & Daniel Goble is drawn in a cart upon bed cloaths to 
execution. . . . One-eyed John, Maliompe [Muttaump] Sagamore of 
Quapaug, General at Lancaster and Jethro (the father) walk to the 

The rest of the Quabaugs — probably Conkganasco's clan — appear 
to have joined the company of savages that retreated to the westward. 
Maj. Pynchon, in a letter dated Aug. 15, 1676, says: "On Saturday, 
Aug. 12, a great parcell of near 200 Indians were discovered within 3 
or 4 miles of Westfield. . . . They went over the Great River on rafts at 
the foot of the great Falls between us and Hadley Aug. 11. . . . Their 
trail comes from the Nipmuck country." Maj. Talcott came in oppor- 
tunely ; and with 60 soldiers and as many Indians followed the trail, 
having learned from an old Indian whom he captured that there were 
" between 50 and 60 fighting men, and 100 women, besides children" 
in the enemy's ranks. He overtook them at Housatonick river, and in 
the fight slew 40, of whom 25 were warriors, and took 15 captives; 
some others were also taken near the road, who informed that " the 
enemy's design was to go over Hudson's river to a place called Paquaige, 
where it's said there is a fort, and complices ready to receive and 
shelter them ; and there they intend refreshment and recruits." Among 
the captives taken was "the treacherous sachem of Quabaug," says one 
historian ; but he was liberated, and lived to get his revenge in 1693. 

" Capt. Hunting: — Upon sight hereof you are ordered with those 
English and Indians under your command, to march into the Wachuset 
Country, making diligent search for the enemy whom you are by all means 
to destroy, as also all the corn you can find there : And from thence you 
shall march to Quabaug doing the like there, using all caution and circum- 
spection for your own security and prevention of surprisals ; and having 
accomplished this service with the blessing of God, you are then to return. 

134 FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660- 167 6. 

taking such way home as may be most probable to lead to any further ser- 
vice, if your intelligence and the providence of God so guide. And for 
your further strengthening, the garrison now at Marlboro are ordered to 
accompany you and to be under your command. Dated in Boston nth of 
Au"-ust 1676. Edw. Rawson Secy y ' 

Under date of Aug. 15, 1676, Maj. Pynchon writes: "Then also 
[Aug. 12] Maj. Talcott's army came in (who has, they say, cut down 
all the Indian corn about Quabaug, &c." 

' Mass. State Archives, LXIX. 42. 



The Original Planters did not Return. — Names of all Settlers and 
Grantees down to 1718, with Annals, Personal and General, of In- 
dian Raids, Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs, etc. 

AFTER the desertion of the place in the summer of 1676, Brook- 
field lay waste for ten years. Such of the first planters as survived, 
and the families of those that were slain by the Indians, left their 
wrecked homesteads, and found dwelling-places elsewhere, many with 
friends in the eastern towns where they had formerly resided, others in 
Hadley and Sufifield. And the demands of these new homes, and the 
dark and bloody associations of their forced abandonment, prevented 
any attempt to return and re-claim their homesteads. And the Quabaug 
Lands, under the circumstances, had no marketable value. The only 
thing to do was to wait the turn of events. 

And the following Act of the Legislature put an obstacle in their way : 


" For the greater comfort and safety of all people who are intended 
to resettle the villages deserted in the late war, or the planting any new 
Plantation within this jurisdiction 

" It is Ordered and Enacted by this Court and the Authority thereof. 
That no deserted town or new Plantation shall be inhabited until the 
people first make application unto the Governour and Council, or to 
the County Court within whose jurisdiction such Plantation is. And 
the Council or County Court are hereby ordered and impowered to ap- 
point an able and discreet Committee [at the charge of the people in- 
tending to plant], which Committee are ordered and impowered to view 
and consider the place or places to be settled, and give directions and 
orders in writing under their hands, in what form, way and manner such 
town shall be settled or erected, Wherein they are required to have a 
principal respect to nearness and conveniency of habitation for security 
against enemies, and more comfort for Church Communion & enjoy- 

136 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 16S6-1718. 

ment of God's Worship, and education of children in Schools and civil- 
ity, with other good ends. 

" And all such planters are hereby injoined to attend and put in prac- 
tice such orders and directions as shall be given by such Committee, 
upon the penalty of one hundred pounds fine to the Country to be in- 
flicted upon them by order of the Council or County Court, for their 
neglect or refusal to attend this Order. 

Passed, and Consented to t_ Dudley 

June 9, 1679." 

The effect of this order of the General Court, and the utter discour- 
agement of the broken-up colonists, appear in the fact that, of the 
original undertakers, only one family, viz. that of John Ayres, returned 
to Erookfield as permanent inhabitants. And they did not hold and 
occupy the old homestead on Foster's hill. The other grantees or their 
heirs, either sold their allotments and rights, or abandoned them alto- 

As will be seen, the re-settled Plantation, while retaining the old name, 
claimed no town rights under its old charter. Indeed this charter was 
virtually revoked by the Act of 1679. The place was put in charge of 
and continued under the care of Prudential Committees, appointed by 
the General Court, for the period of thirty years. 

The official Book or Books of Records of these early Committees are 
lost. And the sources of authentic information relative to this period, 
earlier than 1 713, are: some scattered papers, and attested copies of 
original Land Grants ; the deeds, and wills, and Court records in the 
Registries at Springfield and Northampton ; letters, petitions and re- 
ports, and orders of the Governor and Council, preserved in the State 
Archives. These documents speak for themselves ; most of them have 
never been published; and as the best and only true picture, now possi- 
ble to be obtained, of the men and measures of the date under consid- 
eration, careful abstracts or full copies of these official papers will be 
inserted in their chronological order. 

1 686. — This is the earliest date named in the records, showing that 
the re-settlement of Brookfield was actually begun. The first comers 
were mostly young men, looking for a place to start in life ; or those who 
had been soldiers in King Philip's War, and who saw the lands while 
they were stationed here in garrison, or in the marches and counter- 
marches of their respective companies. They came largely from Marl- 
borough, from Essex county, and from Suffield, Springfield, and Hadley, 
whither the eadier grantees had retired. And thus coming from differ- 
ent quarters, these second planters lacked the social ties and accord of 
purpose which characterized the Ipswich colony. And, as will appear, 
this lack of social unity proved a source of weakness for many years, and 
greatly hindered the growth of the town. 


The following Petition, found in the State Archives, is without date ; 
but the internal evidence, and coincident facts indicate that it was pre- 
sented to the General Court at the spring session of 16S6. 


The humble Petition & Request of James Ford of Brookfield. 

Whereas there was a Township formerly granted by the Hon'^' Gen- 
eral Court, at a place called by the Indians Quabaog, & by the English 
Brookfield, which was settled, but by the Incursions & Outrages of the 
Indians was depopulated and layd waste, & hath been so for many 
years : the Ancient Inhabitants wholly deserting the same, and it being 
a place very commodeous for scittuation in the Road to Springfield, &c. 
and may be beneficial and profitable as well to the Country as to par- 
ticular persons : and whereas some are already seated and others would 
be willing to settle the said place againe were there some encourage- 
ment from the Hon' Council, and some to guide & order the prudential 
Affaires for such a Plantation. 

Yo"" Petitioner humbly requests your Hon" would be pleased to ap- 
point and impower some prudent and able persons as a Committee to 
admit Inhabitants, and order the Affaires of the place, in forming y« 
Towne, granting Lotts, & directing & ordering all matters of a pruden- 
tial Nature till such time the Place be settled, and a competent number 
of Inhabitants & persons of discretion to order the affaires thereof, and 
yo"^ Petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray &c. 

James Ford 

Mr. Younglove, Goodm [Edward] Scott, Hezekiah Dickinson, and 
Tho. Hovey of Hadley, formerly Inhabitants, if the Hon'J Council see 
cause to allow of y"" w'^" some others now residing there, to be a Com- 
mittee, or whoever else." ' 

The petitioner, James Ford, was a soldier in the war of 1675-6 : per- 
haps he is the man who was stationed at Marlborough, holding a posi- 
tion of some responsibility at the garrison, June 12, 1676.^ He appears 
to have made only a temporary residence in Brookfield, as he was in 
Hadley 1691. The names suggested to the Court as Committee were 
Hadley men, former grantees and present land-holders of Brookfield. 
Mr. Younglove was one of the Committee, in the First Settlement ; and 
probably the reason for suggesting those names was that the First Com- 
mittee was mostly composed of townsmen. [Of course. Ford himself 
expected to be named as one of said Committee.] The other persons 
referred to, as " already seated " in Brookfield, appear to have been, 
John Woolcott, Jr., and perhaps his brother Joseph, who located on the 

' Mass. State Archives, CVII. 96. 2 Mass. State Archives, LXIX. 17. 

138 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17/8. 

well-known " Woolcott Place; " Samuel Smith, Jr., who took land east 
of the Woolcotts ; Joseph Mason, who pitched west of the Woolcotts, 
on the south side of the old Country road, his land running south to the 
river meadow ; John Lawrence (a brother-in-law of Smith) , who built 
still further to the west, but " not far from Joseph Woolcott's " (to quote 
his own words) ; and John Clements. Part of these men were un- 
doubtedly " squatters," whose families were staying elsewhere, waiting a 
confirmation of land titles. 

The action of the Council in the case, is found in Council Records, 
Vol. II. p. 85. "November 9, 1686, Maj. John Pinchon, Joseph Haw- 
ley, Capt. Samuel Glover, Mr. Samuel Marshfield, Mr. Samuel Ely, & 
Mr. John Hitchcock all of Springfield are appointed a Committee for 
settling the Town of Quabaug, & the Petition of the said Town is 
granted, and the aforenamed Gentlemen are to receive the claimes of 
the old Inhabitants, grant Lotts to others, & give necessary orders for 
the more orderly settlement of the said Towne." 

This action of the Council settles the question, that inhabitants were 
living at Brookfield in the year 1686, and in sufficient numbers to war- 
rant the appointment of a Committee of distinguished gentlemen, with 
full powers to order the settlement of the place. And, as will appear, 
this Committee entered upon its duties, appointed one of its number as 
Measurer, and actually made grants of Lands early the next spring. 

1687. — In addition to the names given in last year's list (all of whom 
probably received Grants and located the same — though Ford disap- 
pears from the list of inhabitants in 1691, and Clements in '93')) ^^^ 
following settlers appear to have come on and taken up grants in 1687 : 
John Woolcott, Sen. (from Newbury), Daniel Price (from VVatertovvn), 
and John Killum,- who located near each other, and near Lawrence and 
Mason. Perhaps Hezekiah Dickinson built the frame of a house on the 
Prichard home-lot, which he had purchased. The following minute, 
taken from the Committee's Record Book, throws important light on the 
situation: "May 27, 1687, granted to Mr. Woolcott 40 acres upland, 
bounded E. by Smith's land ; N. by Smith's and Common land, and 
W. by his son John's land." 

" A true coppy taken out of Mr. Sam'l Marshfield's Measuring Book, 
March 2, 1710; ordered to be recorded by the Committee. 

Attest Joseph Hawley Re,sc'' " 

This record shows that the Committee had previously made grants, 
and the same had been located, to Smith, and John Woolcott, Jr. ; 

' Probably he was the John Clements of Haverhill, who m. 1688, Elizabeth , and settled later 

in Lynn. 

- Oct. 6, 168S. George Collon of Springfield bought a gray horse of John Kilum of Brookfield, for 
a yoke of steers. Killum, or Kilham, was born in Wenham. 


and the inference is a fair one, that grants had been made and located 
to the other settlers. And thus the fact is accounted for, that a consid- 
erable cluster of houses was standing in the Woolcott neighborhood, 
from the outset of the Re-settlement. And the obvious reason for choos- 
ing this location was, that the claims of old Inhabitants to the home-lots 
on Foster's hill and the adjacent plains and meadows, had not yet been 

1688. — The new comers this year appear to have been : Samuel Owen, 
from Springfield, who located in the fork of the roads east of Warding 
Rock; Daniel Tosh [Mcintosh], who built north of the old Tho. Gil- 
bert place ; Matthew and Isaac Tomblin, and perhaps Josiah Beamon. 

This year was memorable for the opening of the struggle known as 
King William's War ; and for the advent in these parts of the usurper 
Sir Edmund Andros, and his formal assumption in this county of the 
civil and military power. 

Several of the frontier towns, destroyed in King Philip's War, had been 
re-settled. Deerfield was re-occupied in 1682-3; Northfield was re- 
built in 1684-5. They had but few inhabitants as yet, and were but 
poorly fortified, and thus offered a strong temptation to the French 
authorities of Canada, who instigated the Indians to harass these exposed 
English plantations. The distractions of the New England colonies, 
attending the arbitrary measures of Gov. Andros, greatly encouraged the 
governor of Canada. It was even suspected that a secret understanding 
between them existed. If so, the premature commencement of hostili- 
ties, the discoveries made by our sharp-witted scouts, and the opportune 
deposition of Andros frustrated the plot, and postponed the more active 
operations of the war. War came however, with all the horrors of 
French and Indian atrocities, and lasted till 1698. 

About the 24th of July, a party of eleven Indians, who had formerly 
belonged to Penacook, Pacomptuck and Quabaug, came down the Con- 
necticut river, stopping for a night in Deerfield.^ July 27, five peaceable 
Indians dwelling at Spectacle Pond near Springfield, were found murdered ; 
but no trace could be found of the murderers. The next day a party of 
savages was discovered in camp, by Micah Mudge of Northfield, about 
a mile from that village. They were fully armed, surly and vengeful, but 
kept their own counsels, only saying "they were going to Penecook, and 
that some lately came from there." 

Aug. 16. Six persons, three men, two women and a girl, were mur- 
dered by Indians, at the upper end of Northfield town street. One of 
the men was John Clary (father of the John Clary who was killed at 
Brookfield in 1709), and the girl was his daughter Sarah aged 15. 

The news of these murders greatly alarmed the Brookfield settlers. 

I Mass. State Archives, CXXIX. 240. 


They were few in numbers, and living somewhat scattered, and had as 
yet built no garrison house for their protection. And two of the eleven 
Indians, seen near Northfield, had been recognized as Quabaugs, viz. 
Cungowasco (now called Wawanwejagtuck) and Wahacoet. Would they 
make their next assault on the whites who occupied their ancestral lands ? 
I quote from Pynchon's Diary and Account Book : 

"Aug. 17, 1688. Being ye same day yt tidings came to me which was y* 
Northfield was invaded, I sent Post to Ouabaug, viz. The. Powell — which 
is 2 days & Horse. 

Aug. 17. I sent away Lieut. Tho. Colton with 16 soldiers from Spring- 
field to Northfield, to surprise & take ye Indians & pursue yn etc. who were 
upon ye service 6 days — which is 96 days 96 Horses 

The Lieut, is besides himself & Horse 6 " 6 " 

Aug. 19. I sent 6 men to Ouabaug, ye people there being about to 
remove, ordering and requiring their continuance, only I sent to fetch off 
such women as desired to come away. The men sent were Tho. Powell, 
Eben. Graves, John Stiles, James Petty, Joseph Petty & Tho. Gilbert, who 
were in ye service 2 days apiece & horses 

which is 12 days 12 Horses 

I sent 2 lbs. Powder & 6 lbs. Bullets to Quabaug. 

Aug. 30. Hezekia Dickinson Post from Brookfield, with Capt. Nichol- 
son's second letter: one day comeing & one day back, & ye extremity of ye 
wet made it a day more, so he is to be allowed for his horse & himself 

which is 3 days 3 Horses 

Sept. 4. To entertaining a Post, and to quartering of two soldiers sent 
from Ouabaug for provisions, themselves and horses 

Sept. 5. I sent to Quabaug 5 bushels of Indian corn according to Capt. 
Nicholson's order, for supply of the garrison there, which Mr. Woolcott 
there placed, sent to me for. 

Sent two firelock guns to Quabaug to supply such as had none, according 
to Capt. Nicholson's order. The men [above named and many others] and 
horses were sent out from Springfield . . . 

Sept. II. Joseph Marks was ordered to Northfield for i week, & took 4 
firelock guns. 

Sept. 20. Samuel Phelps & William Randal coming this evening from 
the Bay, & informing me yt ye Inhabitants of Quabaug were in some danger, 
& they being weak and few could not send on purpose, but by these travel- 
lers, desiring them to acquaint me with their wants, and 3 Indians were seen 
there last night skulking and running into a swamp, as before yt the same 
day, they discovered many tracks of Indians; and desiring some assistance 
of men &c 

Sept. 21. I accordingly sent to their relief, & to scout out, & to make 
fortification there, these men, viz. Henry Gilbert to command, John Hitch- 
cock, James Warriner, Tho. Gilbert, Eben. Parsons, Sami. Parsons. These 
returned the 27th of Sept., so were in service 7 days apiece 

which is 42 days 42 horses 

Also to one bushel of meal, and pease half a bushel, and 20 lbs. of pork." 


The '"'fortification " referred to above, was what is known as Gilbcrfs 
Fort, so called because Dea. Henry Gilbert took a house-lot and built 
and lived adjoining it on the west. It stood on the old centre school- 
house lot in West Brookfield, at the intersection of North Main and 
Maple streets. It appears to have been a fort of considerable size, with 
barracks for soldiers and for families who should be driven in for safety, 
the whole surrounded by a strong stockade. 

Gov. Andros, who was in New York Oct. i, "had advices that men 
were raised in Boston without his orders, and sent to Casco Bay to assist 
the Christians there against the Indians who had committed some dis- 
orders thereabouts," and determined to go overland to Boston. He left 
New York about Oct. 8 ; spent a brief time in Hartford with Col. John 
AUyn and the other " principal officers and magistrates " of Connecticut - 
held a consultation with Col. Pynchon (then acting under a commission 
from Andros) at Springfield, and reached Hadley the 14th. He sent a 
message to Wm. Clarke of Northampton, chairman of the Committee for 
Northfield, requiring said Committee to appear before him, and "to 
give an account by what power they have acted in order to the re-settle- 
ment of that town." 

The next day he went to Brookfield. The only record of his doings 
here, so far as is known, is the following letter : 

Squabague, Oct. 16, 1688 
Lt. Col. John ALLYN fivein themoming- 

at Hartford Sir, I have this night received advice from Boston that the 
iitii instant one man was found killed by Indians to the eastward at Cape 
Porpus, and several others missing who are feared to be lost, the Indians 
being still out, but do not yet know their number, or of others joined with 
them. But could not direct this information to yourself, together with the 
enclosed to Capt. Nicholson, & Maj-Gen'. Winthrop, which desire you to 
forward by Express, of which presume the bearer a fit person for one, & 

'■"^'•' Yraff. Friend E. Andros.' 

From Brookfield, Andros went to Worcester and Marlborough, and 
reached Boston "about noon of the Wednesday before Oct. 29." John 
West, in a letter to Col. John Allyn of Hartford, refers to the Governor's 
letter from Squabauge, and adds : " the 3 horses that came to Boston 
from Hartford must be allowed for 13 days at is. per day — the guides 
and their horses being already paid for." 

[The revolution which drove King James from the throne, and placed 
William and Mary there, began in Nov. 1688. The king abdicated Dec. 
II, and William and Mary accepted the crown Feb. 13, following. 
April 18, 1689, the people of Boston seized Andros, and restored the old 
governor, Simon Bradstreet.] 

I Doc. Hist. N-.Y.,\l\. 581 

142 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 iS. 

After the restoration, a committee of the General Court reported, that 
the expenses of the garrison at Brookfield, during Sir Ed. Andros' ad- 
ministration [remaining unsettled] were ^4. 2. 6. 

16S9. — No record is found of any new comers at Brookfield this year. 
The fort, built the last September, afforded some protection ; but in the 
disturbed state of affairs the inducement to " break ground " there was 

Hostilities raged on the Eastern frontiers ; mainly the work of the 
French and their Indian allies of Canada. It was deemed an important 
object to retain the goodwill of the Five Nations, especially the Maquas. 
And in August, this year, three agents from Massachusetts and one from 
Connecticut, with Maj. Pynchon at the head, were sent to Albany, to 
make presents to the Maquas and to the River Indians or Scagkooks 
living in the neighborhood. The deputation left VVeslfield Aug. 2 7, es- 
corted by ten troopers, and were absent over four weeks. There was 
the customary palaver; and our agents gave the Indians 500 lbs. of pow- 
der, 1,000 lbs. of lead, 150 yds. of duffel, 500 guilders in wampum, 90 
shirts, and 40 lbs. of tobacco, besides presents privately made to the 
sachems, and a public entertainment of beef, pork, bread and beer to 
the warriors. The expenses of the deputation in all amounted to ^327. 
But the promised alliance with the English proved " a broken reed to 
depend upon." 

The white settlers at Albany in turn became alarmed, and sent to New 
England for help. Connecticut gathered about 66 men, and 24 were 
drafted from Hampshire county, and the company, under command of 
Capt. Jona. Bull, marched from Westfield Nov. 18. On reaching Albany 
they found a deadly feud raging among the white inhabitants, and that 
the people at Schenectady had neglected even the ordinary means of 
defence. Part of Capt. Bull's men were stationed at S. ; and on the 
night of Feb. 8, 1690, the place was assaulted by a large body of French 
and Indians, and about 62 were barbarously murdered, and 28 made 
prisoners. Five of Capt. B.'s men were killed, and five taken. Among 
the latter were Joseph Marks and Samuel Beamon. Marks, who on his 
return settled in Brookfield, was carried to Canada, where he was held 
in captivity for more than a year. After his return to Mass. he received 
from the Province treasury ;^5. 

1690. — John Woolcott, Sen., died this year. Anxiety and alarm pre- 
vailed in our frontier towns ; and about the first of July the re-settled 
plantation of Northfield was again given up, and the people came down 
the river, and were scattered among the stronger towns. 

Early in the year, the plan was conceived of reducing Canada to the 
subjection of the crown of England. Massachusetts raised and equipped 
over 2,000 troops for the expedition, which was to be conducted partly 


by ships by way of the St. Lawrence, and partly by an overland march. 
Owing to the inefficiency of the commanding officers (and other causes), 
the land force did not go farther than Lake Champlain, and the naval 
force did not reach Quebec till October ; and the troops becoming dis- 
couraged, and many of them sick, the enterprise was abandoned. The 
Province was much impoverished by the necessary expenditures, and the 
people disheartened by the failure. 

1 69 1. — Henry and Thomas Gilbert were inhabitants of Brookfield 
this year, and Thomas Barns came on in the summer, as appears from 
the following record, " coppied out of Samuel Marshfield's measuring 
Book by Col. Pynchon ; as follows : Aug. 27, 1691, measured to Tho* 
Barns 40 acres upland, N. of the old road, W. of Matthew Tomlings 
&c." The Gilberts came from Springfield. Thomas located east of 
Samuel Owen ; Henry built on the south side of the highway and near 
the fort. Barns came from Marlborough, and pitched on the north side 
of the highway, nearly opposite to Henry Gilbert. 

"May 20, 1691. In answer to the Petition of the Inhabitants of 
Squabaug alias Brookfield, Col. John Pynchon, Mr. Joseph Hawley, 
Sam' Marshfield, John Hitchcock and Samuel Ely, formerly appointed a 
Committee for regulating the settlement of the Plantation of Squabaug 
alias Brookfield, are continued, and impowered to that service, taking 
effectual care so to direct and order the said settlement with that com- 
pactness and near situation of the dwellings that they may all be drawn 
into a line of a garrison, and made capable of defence against the Indian 
and French enemy."' 

This action of the General Court was made apparently necessary by 
the overthrow of Government, under Andros, and the annulment of the 
old charter ; and the order of continuance and renewal of powers, gave 
official sanction to past as well as future acts of the Committee. 

The direction for placing the houses of the settlers in such nearness 
and compactness that the whole might be surrounded with a stockade, 
was not carried out. Gilbert's fort was convenient for refuge to the 
families that were clustered around Owen's tavern ; but the Woolcott 
village was left unprotected, and fell a prey to the Indians, as will soon 

"May 23, 1 69 1. Mr. Joseph Hawley of Northampton is appointed 
and impowered to joine persons in marriage in Brookfield." 

"Sept. 29, 1691. Brookfield constable sworn. Whereas there hath 
beene considerable occation of serveing attachments & summons & Other 
Writts for Cor'^^ upon the inhabitants of Brookfield & No officer is there 
to Execute such writts & therefore persons needing such services have 
beene forced to apply themselves to y^ County Marshall & the ffees are 

• MS. Court Records, \l. 184. 

144 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-1718. 

verry chargeable to y^ persons that improve him Therefore to ease such 
Hke charges this Co""'^ appointed Thomas Gilbirt of s'^ Brookfield to 
officiate in the Constables work in s^^ Town for this yeare or till another 
be appointed, who tooke y^ Constables oath accordingly : — 

" ffor as much as y^ Continuall passing of travellers to & from y<= Bay 
through Brookfield doth in good Sobrietie bespeak for a retailer of strong 
drink to be allowed for y' place this Co'''* doe grant a lycence while [till] 
y^ next March Cor'* to Sam" Owen to sell drinke provided he take seri- 
ous care to keepe good rule «&: order in all his soe selling &c." \_Coinity 
Court Records^ 

1692. — " To the Gov'' & Council & Assembly now convened in Bos- 
ton June 8, 1692. 

The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of the Town of Brookfield 
alias Quabague : 

May it please y"" Honours to consider our condition which is low & 
mean not Able to order And so well to Manage our Affairs as we wish 
we were : And Authority from time to time hath given us the favour to 
appoint a Committee to whom we might Address in all Cases which in 
difficult Cases hath been to our Great Advantage. And in respect at 
the present Measures which we Are now to Attend in obedience to their 
Majs Royal Charter which of his Royal favour he hath granted to the 
Province of the Mattachuset [former orders being now void : Therefore 
we now petition y'' Honours that a Committee might still be ordered to 
Consider of And order our Publick Affairs : And we would not take on 
us to instruct or to counsell y'' Honours in matters of such nature where- 
in we Are so Ignorant : But the former Committee which was by wise 
Authority appointed over us hath been to our good satisfaction. But 
their being two of them removed from us by death, we desire there may 
be one or two more Added to them (If you see cause to Accept at and 
Approve of the former) : which if you grant you will much oblige your 

Thomas & Henry Gilberd in the name of the Inhab'^ of Brookfield. 

The Former Com'** were Col. Pynchon, Mr. Marshall, Mr. Ely, Mr. 
Hawley, Mr. Hitchcock. There are since Dead, Mr. Ely & Mr. Mar- 
shall. We desire may be added, Capt. Partridge & Mr. Pumrey." 

June 18, 1692. The above Petition was granted by the House of 
Representatives, and Council, 

Consented to Wm Phipps.' 

Oct. 12, 1692. The Inhabitants of Brookfield and the Committee 
unite in sending the following Petition to the General Court : " Your 
Petitioners having made some essay to the Re-settling s'^ place, & finding 

' Mass. State Archives, CXII. 426. 


some difficulties arise of which as follows, viz. Considerable quantities of 
the most suitable land to encourage Inhabitants under pretended former 
titles upon which those that claim not coming and settling themselves 
and bearing all charges : which use is an obstruction to us that are here : 
therefore we intreat the Court to confirm or allow the former Committee 
and those added to them in full power to order and dispose and at their 
set time to confirm or make null any former or present Grant upon the 
performance or neglect of such conditions as by them are judged advan- 
tageous for the promoting the place, and that the place may be filled up 
with such inhabitants as will come and be helpful in bearing of charges, 
and whomsoever holds Lands may help to bear charges in proportion to 
what he hath, and the rather we humbly request y"" Honours' encourage- 
ment as aforesaid, earnestly desiring the place may go on and increase, 
and be enabled to promote the Worship of God amongst us, having some 
encouragement we shall speedily have a Minister of God's Word amongst 
us and may in time be better capacitated to serve God and the King & 
Queen with our persons & Estates, and for y"^ Honours ever pray and 
remain y'' Humble Suppliants. 

Sam'-l Owen Thoimas Gilbert 

Henry Gilbert Thomas Barns 

John Woolcott Joseph Woolcott 

Daniel Tosh Joseph Marks 

John Clemens Daniel Price 

John Lawrence Ebenezer Smith 

IcABOD Smith Joseph Mason 

Matthew Tomblin 

" In Answer to the Petition of the Inhabitants of Brookfield, Voted, 
that Col. John Pynchon, Lt. John Hitchcock, Mr. Joseph Hawley, Mr. 
Medad Pomery and Capt. Sam" Partridge be re-established as a Com- 
mittee to order their affairs as to their settlement till they are become fit 
to order affairs amongst themselves as a town ; and all proprietors what- 
soever that according to former Grants claim any Lands there shall bear 
their share of charges for the Minister or other publick charges that are 
for the promoting of the publick good of the place." ' 

The new names in the foregoing list of inhabitants, are Joseph Marks, 
who had formerly lived in Springfield, and was just returned from cap- 
tivity in Canada ; Ebenezer Smith, who probably had taken his brother 
Samuel's grant; and Ichabod Smith, who had purchased Nov. ii, 1691, 
the John Warner home-lot and rights. The Smiths were from Hadley. 

Extracts from County Records. "March 29, 1692, Samuel Owen of 
Brookfield is Hcensed to keep pubhc house and sell liquors. 

' Mass. State Archives, CXII. 423. 

146 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 18. 

Joseph Marks now returned from Canada. 

Joseph Woolcott fined ^5 , for contempt of authority &c. 

Later in the year, Mr. Woolcott was released from the fine for speeches 
against authority, on account that his house and most of his moveable 
goods were destroyed by fire. 

The eldest daughter of John Killum of Brookfield is apprenticed to 
Samuel Parsons of Springfield, and his eldest son to Ebenezer Parsons 
of S." 

1693. — The order of the General Court of last year, authorizing the 
taxing of all the granted lands in the township, led to some transfers of 
ownership. Apr. 15, 1693, Hezekiah Dickinson and wife Abigail, now 
returned to Hadley, sell to Stephen Jennings of Hatfield, for ^27. 5. o, 
the old Prichard home-lot with a frame upon it, and numerous lots of 
upland and meadow, amounting in all to 104 acres. Probably Jennings 
did not immediately come to reside. 

The Indian Assault on the Woolcott Family. In the summer of this 
year a stunning blow fell upon the unprotected inhabitants of Brookfield. 
A skulking band of about 40 savages came down from the North, and 
after lying in ambush for a week, watching the movements of the people 
and the situation of their dwellings, suddenly surprised the families of 
Woolcott, Mason and Lawrence ; killed Thomas Lawrence, Joseph Mason 
and his son, the wife and two little children of Joseph Woolcott, and 
carried away Daniel Lawrence, and the wife and infant child of Joseph 
Mason. The infant was killed the first night out. 

The particulars of this murderous raid ; and the pursuit, and rescue of 
the captives, are best told by Maj. Pynchon, in letters preserved in the 
State Archives. 

" Springfield, July 29, 1693. 

On the evening of the 27th inst., John Lawrence from Brookfield came 
to me with tidings of Mischief done there. The account he gave me 
was that about noon the 27th of July, Joseph Woolcott came from his 
own house (which was 3 or 4 miles) to the garrison house, with one of 
his children in his arms, crying Arm ! Arm ! and said he doubted his 
wife and other children were killed by the Lidians, he seeing 2 or 3 In- 
dians after her, so snatched up that child and come away himself being 
shot after and pursued, only turned into a swamp and hid from them. 
Upon which relation of his, this said John Lawrence being then at Owen's 
house by the garrison, resolved to go and see how matters were at his 
own house towards and not far from Woolcott's : and in the way before 
he came at his own home, found his brother killed and scalped, and two 
Indians walking towards him, whereupon he returned presently to the 
garrison ; and staying there about half an hour, hasted to Springfield, 
telling me that in that time none came into the garrison besides Joseph 


Woolcott, and that all there made but 5 men, who were in extreme haz- 
ard, if I sent not men to them presently : In the night, not an hour after 
John Lawrence, or thereabouts, came in here, a traveller, one Cooke, who 
was going to the Bay, saying that about noon on July 27th, he was at the 
garrison house at Quabaug, went thence onward towards the Bay, not 
knowing or hearing any thing, he being gone out thence just before Wool- 
cott came in ; and when he came as far as VVoolcott's house, within 20 
rods of it, he saw many Indians, the yardful, stood still awhile, and seeing 
no English with them mistrusted them, counted them to be at least 40 
or 50, and so turned about his horse to go back, when presently the bul- 
lets flew about him as thick as hail, so he hastened to the garrison where 
he stayed but a little while and came to Springfield, telling me the gar- 
rison was in great hazard, being but 6 men, and no ways able to hold it 
against so many. Whereupon I forthwith ordered 20 men out of Spring- 
field, 10 out of Westfield the next town all troopers : Sent post imme- 
diately to Hadley &c. for as many more there, ordering their march to 
Quabaug and there join ours &c. Ours (I being up all the night) were 
got ready by morning with 8 that came from Westfield about sun rising. 
These 28, all well mounted and well fixed went together yesterday to 
Brookfield, Capt. Colton their leader and for them also from the upper 
towns ; whom I now this day understand attended to my order, rallying 
up to the number of 30 : but could not be ready so soon, and were after 
those from Springfield. 

I feared (according to the intelligence I had) we were too weak, if 
they met not to join. But now this day towards evening, a messenger 
sent to me from Brookfield gives me this account : That those I sent 
from Springfield arrived there yesterday about 2 of the clock in the 
afternoon ; finding the garrison well and not touched, presently were upon 
the discovery, and finding no Indians, improved besides some scouting, 
themselves that afternoon in burying the dead. They found Thomas 
Lawrence dead, Joseph Mason and his eldest son, Joseph Woolcott's 
wife and two children, six in all, which they buryed : 3 or 4 persons not 
found, whether killed or carried away, know not. When Capt. Colton 
had performed this service yesterday being the same day he went from 
Springfield, returning to the garrison about sundown : the soldiers from 
Hadley, Northampton &c. came in : Just upon which a man that ad- 
ventured out of the garrison upon the hills, spies 6 Indians as he said ; 
came back and acquainted therewith ; presently Capt. Colton sent out 
to discover, found the man to have spoken truth, perfectly discerning 
their tracks in the long grass which they could very well follow : But it 
growing dusky and too dark to proceed, returned, and intended this 
morning to take the tracks and pursue the enemy, who went northward, 
probably are Canada Indians, and that party which in the Frenchman's 

14^ SECOND SETTLEMENT, 16S6-1718. 

examination (sent from Albany) were mentioned, viz!, 30 ready to come 
towards these parts under a cliief Indian called La Plato, with 10 more 
to follow them, and I suppose have been about Deerfield, but finding 
soldiers &c. durst not attempt there. 

This morning the rain prevented Capt. Colton's march after the enemy, 
early as he intended. But the man (who is come to me) tells me that 
it clearing up, he was getting ready and fitting to pursue them. I pray 
God they may overtake the enemy and have a good success against 

The people at Quabaug have sent to me by this man for advice whether 
to draw off or stay there. Drawing off will be ruinous to what they have ; 
staying may be hazardous and ruinous to their persons. They would 
draw off, or stay, according to order. Drawing off will be a publick 
Damage as in other respects so in respect of the road and for travellers. 
Continuing there will call for some men to keep their fortification, it may 
be about 6 or 8 may be sufficient. I request your Excellency's advice 
and order ; what you appoint shall be exactly attended. I understand 
the inhabitants are willing to be ordered one way or other, and till your 
Excellency's pleasure is known, I intend only to appoint Capt. Colton to 
leave 6 or 8 men, and so return on Monday after he shall have finished 
his pursuit of the Indians, which I hope this day or tomorrow will be 
over, and probably you may hear of the issue or success of their pursu- 
ing the enemy by the messenger that I shall order to bring this letter to 
your Excellency before I can write again. . . . 

John Pvnchon 
To Sir Wm Phipps, Governor." 

Extract from the Cotincil Records. "July 31, 1693. A letter was 
this day received from Maj. Pynchon of Springfield, giving an account 
of a late Outrage and murder committed by some Indians upon divers 
of the Inhabitants of Quabaug ah. Brookfield, to the number of 8 or 9 
men women and children being found murdered and wanting. And 
that he had ordered about 50 of the Militia of his Regiment out in pursuit 
of them, praying direction concerning the rest of the inhabitants there — 

Advised, that 8 or 10 soldiers be posted in garrison there, for their 
better security, and that they be allowed three shillings per week a man 
for their billeting." 

Maj. Pynchon' s Second Letter. "Springfield, Aug. i, 1693. 
Excellent Sir 

Last night Capt. Colton from Brookfield with the soldiers I had put 
under his command, came well Home ... I gave in my last to your 
Excellency, an account of the attack on Quabaug by some Pagans, and 
my sending Capt. Colton in pursuit ... I shall begin now with the 


account of his expedition from Brookfield ah. Quabaug, wliich will lead 
to whom were the assailants. On Saturday July 29, Capt. C. began his 
march out of Quabaug, about 10 in the morning, with 42 men well 
resolved, having left 16 at the Garrison there because he knew not cer- 
tainly that the Indians were drawn off. To make sure work went to 
Woolcott's house whereabouts the enemy kept their Rendezvous ; found 
their tracks to go through Woolcott's lot, followed the same, and finding 
it very plain and the way good at first setting out. Cheerfully improved 
it, soon came to the place where the enemy took up their lodging first, 
after they had done the mischief at Quabaug, viz. on Thursday night 
last, which was about ten miles northerly from Woolcott's house, where 
they killed Mason's child which they had took away, the mother as also 
young Lawrence about 18 years of age being then captives with them, 
where after a very small halt, our men on the chase came nextly to the 
Place the enemy as they suppose dined the next day their second day 
from Quabaug ; there they killed a mare of Henry Gilberts which they 
had taken to carry their loads, and there also they had broken the Drum 
taken from Lawrence's house. Our soldiers still pursuing came to a 
Great Pond about 30 miles or more off Quabaug, where they found the 
enemy lodged that second night. Here they found a horse of Masons 
killed, and fresh tokens of them, their fire not out &c., which incour- 
aged our soldiers much, though the way now most hideous, sometimes 
swampy, then stony and horribly brushy, scarce passable for Horses, yet 
went about 6 or 7 miles further that Saturday, all together, with their 
Horses. But finding they could make no riddance in such way with 
horses whom also for want of shoes began to be lame. Being set for the 
design, they left all their horses and men that could not foot it ; 19 men 
Capt. Colton dismissed or shortened his number so many, ordering them 
to bring the horses after. The Capt. with the 23 most likely men pur- 
suing the enemy on foot, lightening themselves of their coats and with- 
out victuals, hastened away that if possible they might come upon the 
Indians before (or discover them in the) Night. But Night came before 
any Indian could be seen or overtaken, and the Capt. having gone 7 or 
8 miles very briskly in bad way after he had left his Horses, was forced 
to take up lodging, not knowing how far off their Horses might be, that 
could scarce be got along in that extreme bad way (though the Horses 
came up within two miles of the foot that Saturday night, which was the 
third night that the enemy had been gone from Quabaug) 

In the morning, being Lord's Day, July 30th, the brisk Captain having 
men resolutely bent, persuading themselves they were near the enemy 
and knowing their horses would make a lumber, though he wanted his 
men, resolved not to stay, but sets out early, and very privately goes on 
in that dismal way, by the time he had gone about a mile and a half, 


came upon the enemy in a most hideous thick woody place, where till 
within 3 or 4 rods of them they discovered them not till they heard them 
laughing. Presently the Capt. made signs to his few men to come up 
and compass them about, who did accordingly, about 10 of his men only 
just at his heels, the Place obscure, the enemy hardly to be seen having 
also cut down bushes to shelter themselves, yet made shot upon them, 
as many of our men as had advantage. The rest of our men also read- 
ily coming up gave them volley also, just as the Indians riss up being at 
breakfast, about sun a quarter of an hour high. Our men could not all 
make shot at once, those that at first had not opportunity did it at 
the Indians beginning to budge away, none of our men failing. And the 
Indians not knowing or discerning them till the bullets were in some of 
their bodies, and others of them alarmed by the volleys our men gave, 
ran away, not having opportunity to fire on our men. 'The Captain says 
the enemy fired but one gun, tho' some of our soldiers say another was 
fired, and that the Indian quivered so that he could not hold his gun 
steady ; However they all ran away that had life to do it, presently at an 
instant, and in such a hideous thicket that our men could not see or find 
an Indian more : Our men killed 4 of them certain outright, which the 
Captain saw and is sure of others and most of the soldiers say there 
were 6 killed outright, with one that being wounded one of our men ran 
up to and dispatched with his hatchet. Many of them were sorely 
wounded, and no doubt ran into holes to die, for our men say the brush 
in many places was bloody which it is was hardly possible to go in or make 
discovery ; and Capt. Colton says he saw blood on the ground as well as 
bushes. The Indians ran away so suddenly being surprised, that they 
left their powder and ball, some judge all, not having taken it into their 
hands that morning, tho' some of them snatched up their guns. Also 
the — , our men got from them and burnt them. Our men brought 
away 9 guns, 20 hatchets, 4 cutlashes, 16 or 18 horns of powder, besides 
two bark's full neatly covered, about i pound or 2 pounds in a bark. 
Our men have regained our two captives the enemy carried away, 
Mason's wife, and young Lawrence, and so returned bringing them back 
in safety : Leaving plunder which they made unserviceable, not being 
able to bring it off. Upon their return they met their horses come up 
within 2 miles of them. But it was not possible to go to the place with 
them, and so returned no more thither." 

" The Relation of the woman. Mason's wife (for the young man was 
tired amazed and dull) who is a trusty and intelligent woman, is. That 
these Indians that were at Quabaug were only 26 of them : four more of 
their company at first, went off from them, say they belonged to Canada, 
were from Pemaquid : Designed to fall upon Nashaway, but that two of 
their scouts whom they sent thither, brought them word they were there 


watchful and in careful posture, whether they were there or no some of 
them questioned, they fell out about it, could not agree whither to go, 
were strangers, and somewhat at a loss. At last upon a high Hill climb- 
ing to the top of a tree they discovered a house (which if so must have 
been Lawrence's), so bent their way to Quabaug. Lay about the Place 
six days, and at last did the Mischief, would not go near the Fortifica- 
tion ; told Thomas Lawrence If he would tell them truly what men were 
in it, they would spare his life. He told them six. Then presently they 
knockt him down and scalped him : She says her husband having no 
weapon beat them off with his hand only a great while, till they cut his 
hand, and they were very cowardly afraid to meddle with her ; that if 
she had any weapon she thinks she might have made her escape : Many 
things she had of them, one of them speaking good English, — as that 
an Indian called Capt. John was a Rogue to them, & they wisht they 
could come at him to cut him in pieces, &c. They told her that the 
Canada Indians had been at Deerfield about two months since, aad done 
Mischief there, ^ when they see the English there go against their own 
Indians, and the English suspected their Indians, and had imprisoned 
two of them, though the Mischief done there was by Indians that come 
from Canada, who presently returned after they had done the Mischief 
at Deerfield and were all got safe home to Canada. They inquired of 
her what was become of the Indians in prison ; she answered them she 
knew not (for indeed that day they were in prison) .^ 

They told her they would keep the lad, young Lawrence, to carry 
their burdens to their canoe, and then would kill him, for they should go 
5 or 6 days on water, and over a great lake like a sea : The last night 
which she was with them they told her they were within a day and a half 
or two days' journey of their canoe ; and now they cared not if 200 
English came after them in that place, it was such a place that they 
should there kill them all that came to them. — And indeed it was a 
dangerous place for our men. If God's providence had not ordered it 
that the Indians saw them not till the English that went silently were 
upon them, and fired first, to their amazement in being so surprised that 
they run from their arms and ammunition. 'Tis God, and not our 20 
men that hath done it. To Him be all the Praise, who orders things 
well for us, remembering mercy in the midst of judgment. 

I am too tedious, pardon the same, and accept of my real desire to 
be serviceable in rendering the best account. The woman being left at 
Quabaug; the soldiers' horses being lame they could not bring her off; 
I have all from others, not having spoken with her myself: I suppose 
the constable himself (for want of a ready hand) will be the messenger : 

' This Mischief was clone June 6. 

- The said prisoners escaped from jail on the morning of July 29. 

152 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 16S6-1718. 

he may give account of some particulars that I have missed. I direct 
him to speak with the woman, and acquaint you if any thing more : — 
The people at Brookfield desire a garrison, or to be fetched off. I waite 
your pleasure. 

John Pynchon "' 

For his services in this expedition, " Capt. Thomas Colton, his officers 
and soldiers therein employed, as a reward of their good services were 
granted as follows : The forty men that pursued the enemy, the sum of 
^40 and the plunder recovered from the erfemy, to be equally shared 
amongst them, over and above their stated pay. And in addition, ;£io 
was granted as a gratuity to Capt. Colton." 

No more daring exploit against the Indian enemy was performed dur- 
ing this war. With no trusty guides, and no personal knowledge of the 
country ; following the trail made by the treacherous foe, through 
swamps and among rocks and tangled underbrush ; and when his horses 
gave out, stripping off coats, knapsacks and rations, and pressing forward 
where his men could only go in single file ; and opening fire, with only 
ten of his men come up, upon (as he supposed) fifty well-armed savages 
— is an example of stern courage and heroism, worthy of everlasting 
remembrance. It is to be regretted that the names of his gallant band 
of soldiers are not on record. 

And it would much gratify historical curiosity, if the " most hideous 
thick woody place " where the Indians were surprised by Capt. Colton, 
and the captives rescued, could be identified. From his description of 
the country, it is evident that the route of the retreating savages lay via. 
Menameset, through Hardwick, Dana, New Salem, etc., towards the 
place where their canoe was left on the Connecticut river, above North- 
field. This was the line of an old trail ; and some hints by contempo- 
rary writers indicate the belief that this was the route. Capt. Partridge, 
writing Aug. i, speaks of Capt. Whiting and Capt. Wells being sent out 
the day before, with 30 men, " intending fully to search those Eastern 
woods of Northfield, and will if they light of those villians did the Mis- 
chief at Brookfield, give them a second brush." Probably the place of 
rescue was in the present town of New Salem. 

The following Extract from the Council Records, is in place here : 
"Aug. I, 1693. Upon Consideration of the late outrage committed by 
some Indians upon divers of the Inhabitants of Quabaug, and applica- 
tion from some of the principal Inhabitants of Mendon that the Friend 
Indians of the neighboring Plantations may be concentrated within cer- 
tain Limits, and be put under the oversight of some of the English, as 
well for their own security, as that the Enemy may better be known. 

' Mass. State Archives, LXX. 197. 


Advised and Ordered 

That the Indians of Hassanamesit be forthwith 
drawn in within the Town of Mendon ; and the Indians of the Plantation 
of Tohkokomoowadchunt be forthwith drawn into the Town of Wood- 
stock ; and be under the inspection and oversight of the Military Com- 
mission Officers and Selectmen of the said Towns, taking suitable care for 
the preservation of their Corn, and that none of the said Indians do pre- 
sume to pass out of the limits assigned them, without the knowledge of 
those appointed to take the oversight of them, and having one English- 
man at least to accompany them." 

It appears that eight soldiers were assigned to keep garrison at Brook- 
field, according to the advice of the Council. 

It was the general plan adopted by the authorities of the Colony, for 
the safety of the Frontier Towns at this crisis, to collect all the resident 
families into a compact neighborhood, so that all the dwellings could be 
enclosed in a stockade. This plan was suggested in the Court's instruc- 
tions to the Committee, dated May 20, 1691 ; but was not carried intO' 
effect. It is believed that the surviving families located near the VVool- 
cotts' were brought to the garrison, on which all depended for protection, 
and perhaps lodgement at night. Probably two sentries were stationed 
on "Warding Rock" for day-watching, and the remaining soldiers were 
employed in scouting and guarding the men in the harvest-fields, and 
for night-watches. Autumn was coming on ; and Indian raids were not 
much apprehended after the fall of the leaves, till the deep snows fell, so- 
that they could come on rackets. Then there was another period of 
comparative immunity, from the breaking up of winter, till the leaves 
put forth in June. 

The garrison was maintained here, year by year, varying in number 
from 6 to 10 men, according to circumstances, and the activity of the 
Indian enemy. Daniel Tosh [Mcintosh] died this year. 

1694. — Only scanty records are found of the condition and doings of 
the Brookfield settlers, for this year ; and it is not likely that any new 
comers were added to their small number. The garrison soldiers were 
billeted on the families ; and while they afforded protection to field work, 
and safety to the homes, they drew largely on the scanty supply of 

Thomas Gilbert of Brookfield, John Hitchcock, James Warriner and 
Samuel Parsons of Springfield were allowed from the State treasury, 
"for services at Quabaug, 10 shillings each." 

The only clew we have as to the nature of these " services," is the fact 
that some time during the year, Sanmel Owen and John Lawrence 
(whose brother Thomas was killed the last summer, as already related) 
went into the woods in search of a man who was missing, when they 

154 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-1718. 

were set upon by a lurking band of Indians, and Lawrence was killed,' 
but Owen escaped. — Such were the perils and discouragements under 
which the families here held their homes ! 

1695. The general condition of affairs on our frontiers, this year, is 
set forth in the following letter of Col. Pynchon. 

Springfield, Sept. 13, 1695. 

"... We know Indians are lurking about, and are satisfied that 
some number of them are waiting to get some booty, for besides some 
seen at Northampton, as also at Hadley, there have been some about 
Springfield : twice, one hath been seen. But upon any appearance, we 
range all the woods about, besides that, our daily scouting out 4 men 
aday on horses by Towns . . . for these Towns are daily infested by the 
enemy ; so it is not prudent to emty our towns of men ... by so many 
at Deerfield and Brookfield. . . . 

John Pynchon. 
To Hon. Wm. Stoughton, Lieiit. Gov''." 

1696. — " Dec. 16. Ordered, for defence of our Hampshire frontier 
towns against the French and Indians next summer — That from the 
first of June to the first of November [the period when the trees are in 
full leaf], 25 men be detached to keep garrison at Deerfield, and 10 
men at the garrison at Brookfield." 

Stephen Jennings, from Hatfield, settled on the Prichard home-lot 
this year. 

1697. — "Paid Col. John Pynchon for several soldiers that served at 
Brookfield, from April 12, 1697, to December 4, and for billeting said 
soldiers — p^'^iS. o. o.- 

1698. — The Peace of Ryswick was signed Sept. 11, 1697, and was 
(proclaimed in Boston Dec"" 10. But it was not formally proclaimed in 
Quebec, till Sept. 22, 1698 ; and in the mean time the French and Indians 
continued active hostilities against our Frontiers. 

A garrison of 6 men was maintained at Brookfield, from June 30 to 
Sept. 30, and billeted upon the families. 

Asking for a Minister. This year we find several new names among 
the Brookfield settlers, which added strength to the Plantation ; and 
while their condition is " low in the world," yet they evince a determi- 
nation to lay firmly the foundations of social order and prosperity. The 
following Petition has important historical and moral significance, both 
as to the preval&nt sentiment of Brookfield men, and the understood 
policy of the Government to secure religious ordinances to all inhabitants. 

"The Petition of the Inhabitants of Brookfield to the Hond General 
Court assembed at Boston Novr 1698 Humbly Sheweth 

' Administration on the estate of John Lawrence was granted to his widow, Sarah, Oct. lo, 1694. 
2 Mass. State Archives, CXXH. 113. 


Firstly, That we seeme to be called of God, to continue our habitation 
in this place: We are low in the world, and it would be a breaking thing 
to our estates to remove to any other plantation ; And the Land here is 
very capable of entertaining a considerable body of people : tho' Inhabit- 
ants have been slow to come to us by reason of ye War, yet the land 
is very Incouraging, capable to afford a comfortable subsistence to many 

2. That it is an Intolerable burden, to continue as we have done with out 
the preaching of the Word ; God doth require his people to attend not only 
ffamily worship but His publick worship: it is the ordinance of God that on 
the Sabbath Day there should be an holy convocation ; and that his Word 
be preached by those that are able & faithful, and our necessitys put us 
upon it earnestly to desire it: both we and our Children need the Instruc- 
tions, rebukes and encouragements of the Word : the darkness and dead- 
ness of our own hearts, together with the many snares that are in the world 
are an experimental conviction to us that we need al those helps & advan- 
tages that God hath sanctifyed for our good. 

3. That we are not able at present to maintain the Worship of God : We 
are but twelve ffamilys : And are not of estate sufficient to give sutable en- 
couragement to a Minister : We are willing to do to the outside of our ability ; 
but tho' we do as much as can be expected from us, it will not amount to such 
a summ as a Minister may reasonably require for his labour. 

4. That if this Hond Court would please to pity us, And grant us some help 
for a few years, for the maintenance of a godly able Minister, besides the 
advantage that it may be to these few familys that are here, it would be a 
means to draw many other Inhabitants to us, whereby we shal be so far 
assisted that we may of ourselves be able to uphold the Worship of God, 
and not be burdensome to others. 

Under these considerations we humbly beg that this Hond Court would 
exercise compassion to us, & assigne some reliefe to us out of the Publick 
Treasury, which we shal look upon not onely a testimony of your zeal for the 
Worship of God, but alsoe of your tender compassion to the souls of those 
whom God hath made you ffathers of: And your Petitioners shal ever 
pray &c. 

Sammel Owen Thomas Barns 

Henry Gilbert Stephen Gennings 

John Woolcott James Pettee 

Samll Davice Wm Barns 

Thomas Parsons Thomas Rich 

Abijah Baktlett Danl Price 

John Clary Joseph Marks 
John Pettee 

In General Court, Read Nov. 23, 169S. 
In answer to the above petition 
Orde7-ed, that there be twenty pounds paid out of the Publick Treasury 
of this Province towards the support of an orthodox minister for one 

156 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 18. 

year, to commence from the time of the settlement of such minister 
amongst them. 

Sent up to the Honbl the Lieut. Govr & Council for Concurrence 

Nathl Byfield, Spkr 

Read in Council Nov. 24th 1698, and Voted a Concurrence with the 


IsA. Addington Secy.'' 

As will soon appear, the employment of a minister was delayed, and 
preaching was not established till 1701. The new comers this year 
were : Samuel Davis, who bought the Joseph Mason estate ; Thomas 
Parsons, perhaps of Windsor, who had been living in Enfield ; Abijah 
Bartlett ; John Clary, whose father was killed by Indians at Northfield 
Aug. 16, 1688 ; James and John Pettee, from Springfield, whose mother 
had married Sarcuel Owen — they were much in the wars ; Thomas Rich, 
who had a grant of a home-lot " at the east end of the Old Plantation ; " 
died 1702: his widow Mary married Joseph Jennings; the children 
wrote the name La Rich. William Barns, a brother of Thomas, remained 
here a short time, and removed to Conn. Benj. Thomas of Springfield, 
bought one-half of the Younglove house-lot. 

1699. — In March 1699, An Act was passed by the General Court, to 
prevent the deserting of the Frontier Towns by the inhabitants. Brook- 
field is named as one of the towns referred to. 

1 700. — The Bay Path. " To his Excellency, Richard, Earl of Bel- 
lomont : 

Wee the subscribers being verry senceable of the inconven- 
iencys that may happen in as much as the stated Road to Conitticot 
especilly Betwixt Wooster & Brookfield is verry much incumbered with 
Trees ffallen & many Rocky Swamps & other impassable Obstructions to 
Travellers, Drovers & others, & hazzarding life or limb of both men and 
Horses & other Creatures to great Losses & Damages, Humbly propose 
that there bee a Suteable allowance Granted to repaire & amend sd Road, 
at least to the sum of — pounds, Out of the Publique Treasurie of this 
Province, which we Humbly leave to consideration, & Subscribe 

John Pynchon 
Sami^ Partrigg 
John Clarke 
Isaac Phelps 
Samll Marsh 

May 29, 1700. 

The General Court voted, the sum of j[^^, for mending the Road 

^ Mass State Archives, XL 132. 


aforesaid where it is needed, so that it be rendered passable : And the 
Gentlemen Petitioners are appointed a committee to do the work." 

Extract from Council Records. — " Whereas the General Assembly 
at their session Nov. 15, 1698, passed a Resolve, that there be paid out 
of the publick Treasury, the sum of ^20, towards the support of an 
orthodox minister at Brookfield, for the space of one year — 

Adzn'scd and consented, that His Excellency issue forth his warrant to 
pay unto John Pynchon and Samuel Partridge Esq''% of a Committee for 
managing affairs at Brookfield aforesaid, the said sum of ;^20, to be by 
them imployed for the use aforesaid. June 10, 1700." 

But the employment of a minister was still further delayed. 

The new comers this year were Benjamin Bartlett, Jehoida Bartlett, 
sons of Benjamin and Deborah of Windsor, and Samuel Wheeler. 

1 70 1. — To THE HON.^'- Wm Stoughton, etc. 

The humble petition of the Committee and Inhabitants of Brookfield 

Whereas by the Providence of God, by allowance from the General 
Court and our own necessities and inclinations, we have and are now 
settled at Brookfield, and altho' we are now but few in number, yet here 
is accommodations for a considerable Township ; being new in our begin- 
nings, and through the difficulties and hazzards of the times, people tho' 
otherwise well inclined to come & settle here, yet have been slow in 
motion this way, by reason whereof we labour under many difficulties at 
present — Therefore move to this Court that they would be pleased to 
grant us some allowances for our incouragement & help, as followeth : 

First, that we may in some measure be in a capacity to obtain the 
benefit of an Orthodox ministry of God's Word (which we are in neces- 
sity of) That this Court would grant us such allowances towards the 
maintenance of such an one a year or two or three, which together with 
what we might do amongst ourselves might incourage a minister to set- 
tle amongst us, which would tend much to advantage both as to Eccle- 
siastical and Civil affairs. 

Second, With reference to publick Charges amongst us. That this 
Court would order that all men that make good a claim of a proprietie 
within the bounds of our place might be ingaged to bear their part in 
due proportion of all charges arising, and when notified of their Rate or 
proportion, be obliged to pay on the place from time to time, or quit 
their lands, etc. 

7%/r^, That this Court do settle and state the bounds of our Township, 
the centre to be the place where the first Meeting-house stood, and to 
extend six miles East, West, North and South, viz. twelve miles square, 
extending from said centre as aforesaid. 

These things we apprehend might be a means to promote the welfare 

158 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 18. 

of our place, so as in time we might be beneficial to the publick interest 
of the Province, and the granting of which will oblige your poor sup- 
pliants, as in duty bound for your Honours ever to pray 

John Pynchon 
Sam^^ Partrigg 
John Hitchcock 
In the name of the Committee. 

Henry Gilbert, Thomas Barns, Thomas Rich, Sam'^ Davis, Steven Jen- 
nings, Abijah Bartlet, Sam" Wheeler, Benj. Bartlet, Samuel Owen, 
Thomas Parsons, Thomas Gilbert. 

Brookfield, May 26, 1701. 

Read in Council, June ii, 1701 
And Resolved, That the Committee for regulating the plantation of 
Brookfield take order that there be an exact Piatt made by a sworn Sur- 
veyor, of 8 miles square, with a description of certain lines for bound- 
aries, and the quality of the land, to be laid before this Court at their 
next session, that so the Court may then further consider of ascertaining 
the Grant for the said Plantation. 

I. Addington Secy 

The House of Representatives Concurred 

Nehemiah Jewett Speaker.'^ 

The survey and laying out of the Township, eight miles square, was 
performed by John Chandler. This Plot was mislaid or lost ; and in 
I 7 19 another survey and Plot, following the old lines, was made by Tim- 
othy Dwight, and the boundaries of the town established by the General 

A Minister employed. From an incidental statement in the Records, 
it appears that the Committee drew ^20 from the Province treasury, 
and engaged Rev. George Phillips to preach, for the term of one year. 
So that the date, June 1701, may be regarded as the commencement of 
the stated ministry of the Word in Brookfield, after the Second Settle- 

Mr. Phillips, born June 3, 1664, was son of Rev. Samuel Phillips of 
Rowley, and grandson of Rev. George Phillips, the first minister of 
Watertown; was graduated at Harvard University in 1^6; preached 
awhile at Jamaica, L.I. ; probably preached in Brookfield only one year ; 
was ordained pastor of the church in Brookhaven, L.I., in the late 
autumn of 1702, where he remained in the ministry till his death in 1739. 

The engaging a minister to establish religious ordinances, and the 
prospective enlargement of the area of the town by which valuable lands 
would be opened to settlement, added to the quiet that had prevailed 


on the frontiers for the last two years, held out the prospect of prosperity 
and permanence ; and a considerable number of new men came on this 
year, and bought old rights, and received land grants. John Perry of 
Watertown located near the Woolcotts ; Joseph Banister of Marlborough 
bought and built on the South side of the old country road near Edward 
Walker ; Tho^ Bettys (b. Wenham) located near John Perry ; Edward 
Kellogg of Hadley built where Ebenezer How afterwards lived ; Robert 
?2mmons and John Hamilton became residents. Several others received 
grants, but forfeited them by staying or moving away. 

1702. — The peace which followed the Treaty of Ryswick was of 
short duration. England declared war against France, May 4, 1702. 
The news, which reached Boston June 11, was known in Canada at an 
earlier date ; and the French Governor lost no time in stirring up the 
smothered Indian hatred of the English, and preparing for raids on our 
frontiers. And for the next ten years, the Hampshire county settlements 
were doomed to suffer all the atrocities of savage warfare ! This war 
was known in history as Queen Anne's War. 

It appears that a small garrison (probably consisting of town's people) 
had been maintained at Brookfield, during the interval of active hostili- 
ties. A considerable number of Indians (former residents and their 
friends) had returned, and built wigwams, and were hanging round the 
plantation. The show of preparation for defence, would have its moral 
influence on the savages ; and would assure the doubts of prospecting 
whites. Probably with the retirement of Mr. Phillips, a request was 
made to the Governor for continued aid in supporting a minister. And 
June 27, 1702, the General Court passedthe following Act : 

" JV/iereas the Plantation of Brookfield, lying on the Great Road be- 
twixt this her Majesty's Province and the Colony of Connecticut, being 
a usual and necessary stage for Travellers and Posts passing betwixt the 
two Governments, is anew beginning to be setled, and yet unable to sup- 
port itselfe without receiving some Assistance from the Government 
being a Garrisoned place — 

Resolved that the sum of ;z{^20 be allowed and paid out of the Pub- 
lick Treasury of this Province towards the support of a Chaplain to that 
Garrison for the present year. 

Consented to J. Dudley." 

It will be noticed that the grant is made for " the support of a Chap- 
lain to the Garrison." What was the reason for this designation? 

Under this authority. Rev. Joseph Smith was appointed Chaplain, and 
served nine months, for which he was paid ^15. He continued in 
office till Oct. 1705, receiving annually ;^20 from the Province Treasury. 
He was son of Lieut. Philip Smith of Hadley, b. in 1674, graduated at 

l6o SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 iS. 

Harvard University, 1695, taught school in Hadley and Springfield, 
where he married Esther Parsons. Mar. 8, 1702-3, he bought of John 
Younglove of Sufifield, " a tract lying near the middle of the Town Plot 
[in Brookfield] in the place where the first of the Town-plot was placed 
before the destroying of it by the Indians, the said land being granted 
to my bond father Mr. John Younglove, deceased — this piece being one- 
half of it, and all my right." Mr. Smith was ordained pastor of the 
Church in Cohanzy, N.J., May 10, 1709, and became pastor of the Sec- 
ond Church in Middletown, Ct., Jan. 15, 1715. In 1716, he sold his 
estate in Brookfield to Capt. Thomas Baker. 

June 26, a Petition was sent to the Governor from the Deerfield set- 
tlers, asking " for help and relief in our present distress occasioned by a 
prospect of war." 

The result was as follows : 


Upon a representation made by the inhabitants of Deerfield in the 
County of Hampshire, the most westerly frontier of the Province, that a 
considerable part of the Line of Fortification about their Plantation is 
decayed and fallen down, praying for some assistance in rebuilding and 
setting up the same, for that they are apprehensive of some evil designs 
forming by the Indians, an unwonted intercourse of Indians from other 
Plantations being observed : 

Advised, That his Excellency do write to John Pynchon Esq., Col. of 
the Regiment of militia in that County, directing him forthwith to send 
his Lieut. Col. to Deerfield aforesaid, to view the Palisado about that 
town,' and to stay there some short time, to put the Inhabitants upon 
the present repair of the said fortifications in all places where it is defec- 
tive, and to cover them with a scout of ten men by turns out of the next 
towns whilst they are about the said work, and to assure them of all ne- 
cessary support ; and to take the like order as to Brookfield, saving the 

There is no reason to doubt that Col. Pynchon fulfilled his orders " as 
to Brookfield ; " and that the old Gilbert fort was repaired and strength- 

The following important letter was found in the State Archives, Vol. 
LXX. p. 576. 

' This palisade, made of small logs set firmly in the ground, and pinned to a railing near the top, 
was built in May, 1693; the whole measure or compass of the enclosed fort was 202 rods, and cost 5 
shillings per rod. 

John Pynchon to Samuel Partridge. 

" Springfield Oct. 6, 1702. 

. . . That my Farm at Coy's hill may now be settled, wherein Capt. 
Havvley with yourself will contrive that it may be issued and settled to 
me, I earnestly request that these things for me may not be neglected 
or delayed, for I am growing old, and am not well now.' 

" From Brookfield they have sent to me, to give them an order for 
Mr. Smith their minister's due from the Country. I told them the sec- 
retary must give out the order of Court, and I will write to you to get it, 
that the Treasurer may pay it, which I pray you take care about. Also 
their constable, John Woolcott, sends to roe for direction what he shall 
do with goods that he distrains for Mr. vSmith's Rate, because there is 
nobody under oath there, which may easily be rectified and supplied 
when you are there : Wherefore I desire you to appoint meet persons 
for appraisers, and give them their oaths." 

New comers. Besides the Rev. Mr. Smith, there settled in B. this 
year, Henry Taylor, probably from Boston, who received 40 acres Up- 
land and 20 a. meadow, and built on the south side of the road, west of 
the Woolcott's ; Edward Walker, from Charlestown, who bought 20 a., 
" one half of Henry Taylor's homestead ; " became a leading citizen, 
and received grants in all of 456 acres. He brought with him a family 
of grown sons and daughters, who m. and settled in B. He was a sol- 
dier in the Narragansett Fight, Dec. 19, 1675, ^^*^ ^^ ^735' ^^ ^^^ ^" 
applicant for one of the Narragansett township grants. John Green also 
received a 60 acre grant this year, and later 95 a. \^Qt forward wxi^^x 

1703. — A letter, of great historical value, has been discovered in the 
State Archives, Vol. LXX. p. 618. 


" Brookfield, Jan. 4, 1702-3. 

Sir. We having a few rambling Indians frequenting our place whose 
words & carriage is such as gives reason to suspect them to be evil minded 
men and disposed to mischief, as my bounden duty is — So I presume to 
acquaint your Excellency with some of their sayings, hoping your Excel- 
lency's gracious acceptance and favorable construction : Their names the 
one is Joseph Ninnequabon, who was the man the last year that received a 
wampum belt of our Enemyes, and presented it to the Moheggs to ingage 
them in a war against us, for which the Authority imprisoned said Ninne- 
quabon many weeks, the then plott being discovered by our Moheeken 
ffriends, that storm went over. Now he is this day chalenging considerable 
lands in our Township, and profering them to sale : The other Indian is called 
Caleb, he also makes claim of Lands, threatening that if we again mow their 

' " CoL John Pynchon, Esq. died Jan. 17, 1702-3, in the 77th year of his age." 

1 62 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-1718. 

meadows, they will burn our hay ; and if we make improvement of their 
land, they will make war, and the next summer we shall see Indian Town 
built upon Coys hill, and also there will be war next year; the above men- 
tioned hill is in our Township : It is said that Ninnequabon was bred &born 
at New Roxbury [Woodstock, Ct.] which was the place of his predecessor's 
residence, and Caleb is a Narragansett ; therefore we see not how they can 
challenge Land in this place : The abovesaid Caleb, I the subscriber being 
at work in my field, he took the advantage of a knoll of ground to come upon 
me unseen, and then with a fell countenance terible to look at drew forth a 
pistol which he had secretly hid and snapt at me to my amazing, but went 
his way doing me no further harm. There is another Indian whose name is 
Moaumaug, who told Mr. Buroe a ffrench gentleman, that he had been at 
Canada this last summer, and the ffrench had given him a gun, a coat and a 
hatchet, to ingage him against the English. There are other Indians, com- 
panions to the above named, as Collosion &: Sollomon and Nappalanus and 
black James and Succomugg. These Indians are designed to draw off 
norward to be out of your Excellency's reach ; for they are informed that 
your Excellency desires to settle them, which they declare against. If your 
Excellency be pleased to send to the inhabitants of this place, you may be 
better informed. I have not made known this to my neighbors, lest through 
indiscretion some of them acquaint the Indians with it. So craving your 
Excellency's pardon for troubling you thus far 

I rest 

her Majesty's Loyall Subject 
John Perry." 

This letter is valuable as giving us authentic information of the pres- 
ence of Indians among the Brookfield settlers at this date ; of their 
hostile disposition and intentions ; of their claim of ownership in their 
old fields and meadows ; and of the intrigues of the French authorities 
of Canada. 

In relation to the claim of Ninnequabon, the following extract from 
the General Court Records has interest: "July 8, 1703. Ordered, that 
the late Committee for directing the settlement and affairs of the Plan- 
tation of Quaboag alias Brookfield, be and hereby are continued. And 
Maj. John Pynchon is hereby added to the said Committee, in the room 
of his father John Pynchon, Esq., deceased ; Saml Partridge, Esq., to be 
chairman of the said Committee. And the said Committee are hereby 
impowered and directed to hear the matter in difference betwixt Nine- 
quabin Indian and the Inhabitants of sd Brookfield, referring to his claim 
of Lands, and to endeavour to compromise and adjust the same ; and 
to purchase his Right in behalf of the Province." 

The following entry in the Province Treasury account, probably has 
reference to this business : " Paid Thomas How of Marlborough for 
Travel and expenses in a journey to Quaboag, and charges upon several 
Indians by him brought down by direction of his Excellency, to prevent 


a Quarrel arising between them and the English, referring to a claim of 
land . . . ^2. 10. o." 

From entries in the same Treasury account, it appears that a consider- 
able garrison began a new term of service here the first of March ; but 
no names are given, and no casualties reported. 

To give a true picture of the alarm which pervaded our frontier settle- 
ments at this date, and the ways adopted and suggested for meeting the 
emergency, some extracts from letters written in October of this year, 
are here inserted. Rev. John Williams of Deerfield writes : " We have 
been driven from our houses & home-lots into the fort (there are but 10 
house-lots in the fort), some a mile, some 2 miles, whereby we have suf- 
fered much loss ; we have in the alarms been several times wholly taken 
off from any business, the whole town kept in, our children of 12 & 13 
years and under we have been afraid to improve in the fields for fear of 
the enemy. We have been crowded together in houses, to the prevent- 
ing of indoor affairs being carried on to any advantage, & must be con- 
strained to expend at least ^^50 to make any comfortable provision of 
housing, if we stay together in cold weather. ... I would humbly beg 
our people may be considered in having something allowed them in 
making the Fortification : we have mended it, it is in vain to mend, & 
must make it all new, & fetch timber for 206 rods, 3 or 4 miles, if we 
get oak : " . , . 

Rev. Solomon Stoddard of Northampton writes : "The first proposal I 
make to your Excellency is, that our people may be put in a way to hunt 
Indians with dogs — Other methods that have been taken are found by 
experience to be chargeable, hazzardous and insufficient : But if dogs 
were trained up to hunt Indians as they do bears, we should quickly be 
senseble of a great advantage thereby. The dogs would be an extreme 
terror to the Indians ; they [are] not much afraid of us ; they know they 
can take us — & leave us ; if they can but get out of gun-shot, they count 
themselves in no great danger, how ever so many pursue them, they are 
neither afraid of being discovered or pursued. But these dogs would be 
such a terror to them, that after a little experience, it would prevent their 
coming, & men would live more safely in their houses, and work more 
safely in the fields and woods. In case the Indians should come near 
the Town, the dogs would readily take their track & lead us to them : 
Sometimes we see the track of one or two Indians, but cant follow it ; 
the dogs would discover it, and lead our men directly to their enemies 
. . . our men might follow with more safety . . . they would follow 
their dogs with an undaunted spirit, not fearing a surprise . . . the dogs 
would do a great deal of execution upon the enemy, & catch many an 
Indian that would be too light of foot for us. 

" If the Indians were as other people are, and did manage their war 

1 64 SECOA'D SETTLEMENT, 16S6-1718. 

fairly, after the manner of other nations, it might be looked upon as 
inhuman to pursue them in such a manner. But they are to be looked 
upon as murderers . . . they dont appear openly in the field to bid 
us battle, & they use those cruelly that fall into their hands ; they act like 
wolves, & are to be dealt withal as wolves." 

Hatfield voted to fortify three houses on the Hill and six in the town ; 
to rebuild the palisade, and to build stairs into the turret of the meeting- 
house, so that a ward or day-watchman might be stationed in the turret. 

It is believed that the tower on " Warding Rock " was built at this 
time, to serve as a look-out for a ward, or day-watchman, whose eye 
could sweep the entire plain, where the great corn-field was. 

Massachusetts offered a bounty of ^10 for Indian scalps, brought in 
by soldiers who were receiving wages and subsistence ; and ^20 to 
others. After March, 1704, scouts and rangers, who went out at their 
own expense, were paid ^100 for every Indian scalp brought in. 

The following letter will fill out the picture of this year. 

Oct. 27, 1703. 

To HIS Excellency Joseph Dudley. 

Brookfield also is in great necessity of some allowance to their Minis- 
ter (who saith he cannot stay there except he have some allowance 
otherwise than the people can pay) . Especially now they are under such 
hazzards of an enemy to come upon them, and being but a small people. 
Moreover, if said Minister go from the people and garrison there, I look 
they will and must break up ; and the making that post destitute will 
not only animate the enemy, but shut the road for Travellers, especially 
to travel with such safety as now they do. This I humbly present to 
consideration, and subscribe Your servant 

Sam^-i- Partridge." 

The General Court allowed the customary sum of ;^20. 

The new comers in 1703, were Joseph Rice (prob. son of Samuel and 
his 3d wife Sarah (White) Hosmer, b. at Concord May 16, 1678, m. 
at Boston, June 25, 1701, Mary Townsend), tailor, who had a grant 
of 40 a. upland and 20 a. meadow, and afterwards removed to Spring- 
field ; Ebenezer Hayward, from Concord, son of Joseph, who built near 
the Joseph Mason place ; John Hayward, Jr., from Concord, who later 
built a grist mill on the new Mill brook. \_Forivard 1710.] 

1 704. — This year opened gloomily for our frontier towns. On the 
morning of Feb. 29, the town of Deerfield was assaulted by a force of 
200 French and 140 Indians, under De Rouville, and 17 houses burnt; 
40 inhabitants and 9 soldiers killed; 5 soldiers and 106 inhabitants car- 
ried off, of whom 20 were killed or died on the way, 60 were redeemed, 
and the rest remained in captivity or disappeared. 


As this affair paralyzed temporarily our Hampshire county settlements, 
and was the predominant factor of Brookfield history for that year, a 
succinct account of the tragedy is here given. 

On information received from Col. Schuyler of Albany, that the enemy 
designed a descent on Deerfield, the authorities had posted a guard of 
20 soldiers there. The snow was three feet deep, and badly drifted ; 
and the presence of so many soldiers lulled the people into a sense of 
security, which proved their destruction. The French and Indian army, 
340 strong, came down on snow-shoes ; and leaving their sleds and 
packs with a small guard at the mouth of West river in Brattleboro', 
pushed on, and reached the bluffs overlooking Deerfield North Meadow, 
early in the night of Feb. 28, where they halted and bivouacked. When 
midnight came, De Rouville sent out scouts, who reported that the watch 
was patrolling the street. About two hours before day, the French com- 
mander had word that all was still. The watchman had gotie to sleep I 
An immediate assault was ordered. The snow had drifted up against 
the stockade, and climbing the drifts the Indians leaped over the pali- 
sades and were inside the fort, before any alarm was given. The stock- 
ade enclosed 12 or 15 houses, filled with sleeping families. x'\nd now 
commenced the slaughter of men, women and children. " The enemy 
immediately set upon breaking open doors & windows, took the watch 
& others captive, and had their men appointed to lead them away [to their 
bivouac] ; others improved [the time] in rifling houses of provisions, 
money, clothing, drink, & packing up & sending away ; the greatest part 
standing to their arms, firing houses, & killing all they could that made 
any resistance ; also killing cattle, hogs, sheep, and sacking & wasteing 
all that came before them." 

The house of John Sheldon (known as the Old Indian House) for a 
time resisted the efforts to break it down ; but the Indians got in, and 
most of the family were taken. John, Jr., lately married, with his wife 
jumped from the chamber window ; she sprained her ankle, and could 
not escape ; but urged her husband to fly to Hatfield for aid. This he 
did, binding strips of woolen blanket about his naked feet as he ran.' 
['' The light of the burning buildings at Deerfield, gave notice to the 
towns below, some time before we had news from the distressed people" 
— Hatjield Petition.'] The carnage continued till sun about an hour and 
a half high, when help came in the shape of 30 well armed men from Hat- 
field and Hadley, who "rushed in upon the enemy and made shot upon 
them, at which they quitted their assailing of houses and the Fort," and 
drew off to the halting place, which was about a mile from the town, 
where the captives and plunder were collected. 

The numbers of the killed and captivated have been already given. 

^ Hon. Geo. Sheldon's History .of Deerfield. 

1 66 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-1718. 

Of the III captives, 40 were not over 12 years of age, and twelve 
were under 5. The sufferings and horrors of the retreat march of 300 
miles, to Canada, are graphically depicted in "The Redeemed Captive," 
a book published by Rev. John Williams, one of the captives, after his 

Nine of the houses within the stockade were unburnt; two brick- 
lined houses outside, and about a dozen or fifteen others at the south 
part of the town, escaped destruction. " The women and children at 
home are come off to Northampton, Hadley & Hatfield, also the wounded 
men & one wounded woman are in Hatfield under Dr. Hastings cure." 

But for the positive orders of Col. Partridge, enforced by a large com- 
pany of soldiers, impressed for the service from the other towns, Deer- 
field would have been deserted. 

As soon as the snows melted, and the rivers opened, the French Gov- 
ernor sent another force consisting of about 20 Canadians and 50 Indians, 
to harass our frontiers. They surprised and killed John kWtn and his 
wife at " the Bars " in Deerfield, May 11. Two days later, " Pascomock 
Fort [at the northeast end of Mt. Tom in Northampton] was taken by 
the French & Indians, being about 72. They took and captivated ye 
whole Garrison, being about 37 persons. The English pursueing of 
them caused them to nock all the Captives on the head, save 5 or 6. 
Three, they carried to Canada with them, the others escaped, and about 
7 of those knocked on the head Recovered, y^ Rest died. Capt. John 
Taylor was killed in the fight, and Sam' Bartlet wounded." Co. Recorder's 

Another larger army of French and Indians was sent out by Gov. 
Vaudreuil, "to lay desolate all the places on the Connecticut River," to 
quote his own words. But through the vigilance of Col. Partridge and 
the military authorities at Hartford, the Canadian was checkmated. All 
our towns were well garrisoned, and English scouts were constantly on 
the alert. But Indian spies and skulking parties were hovering about 
the settlements, waylaying all the principal roads, and picking off here 
and there a traveller or an imprudent soldier. 

Thomas Bettys, a Brookfield man, was killed, on the old Hadley road, 
in Belchertown, July 29. He had been sent by Col. Partridge post to 
Boston, and was returning with important despatches from the Governor. 
The despatches were taken and carried to Canada, and made the basis 
of a report from Gov. Vaudreuil to the War Office in France.' 

' "To GovR Dudley. 

Sam" Barnard of Hadley says, that whereas my horse was taken on her Majesty's service to go Post 
to Boston with one Thomas Bettets, who coming homewards on the road was killed and my horse; and 
I have had paid me forty shillings out of the Pubiick Treasury ... I paid seven pounds for him, 
besides the damage I sustained for want of the horse . . . asks further remuneration." June 15, 1705, 
the Court granted the Petitioner forty shillings, in addition to the 40 shillings already paid. 


About this time, a considerable part of the enemy moved off towards 
the east, and July 31, they " besett the town of Lancaster in several 
places, and did much spoil." 

During the entire summer, the county was full of troops, largely from 
Connecticut. All the Hampshire towns were called on for their full 
quotas, which were employed in scouting, and marching to threatened 
points, and doing garrison duty at home. The consequence was, the 
towns were cleared of old provisions ; and the out-lying planting-fields 
were left unplowed and untilled. And when harvest-time came, the 
harvests were wanting. 

The condition of things at Brookfield is graphically [and phonetically] 
set forth in the following Petition : 

Brookfield, Dec. 14, 1704. 

To His Excelancy, etc. 

we hues names are underwriten do Humbly beage your Excelancy's 
faver and that you wod consider our weke condishone : the faver we beg 
is that we all ov us not that such of us as find thay are under such dis- 
advantages that they cant subsist there might remove into some other 
towne where they may worke for there Hveinge. by the deficulty of the 
times we are reduste to such p'verty that we cant subsist except your 
onors wil plese to grant us wages as solders & pay for our diat for we raize 
litle or none of our provision by rezen of our being drawn so far frome 
our improvements of Lands, our families are so large and our means 
are so small that we cant live without sume other imploye than any we 
have at presant. and if the honoured Cort se coaus to put us in as sol- 
ders we will as we do account it our duti conform to the order of author- 
ity — but we rather if it may be granted chuse to remove into other 
towns, and we humble intrete that the onors of the Corte would plese 
to grant us pay for our diat for the time we Iiave searvel^J as soldears. 
no more at presant but we remain youars as foUoweth 

Henry Gilbert Beniamin Bartlet 

John Woolcott John Gilbert 

Sam'-'- Owen Sam'-'- Owen Jr. 

Thos Parsons Henry Taylor 

Samuel Davis Steph. Jennings 

Philip Goss Benj. Jennings 

Eben" Hayward Edward Walker 

Thomas Gilbert Joseph Banister 

Joseph Rice John Hayward 

Joseph Marks John Hamilton 

John Clary Joseph Jennings 
Thomas Barns 

Read in Council, Dec. 27, 1704. 

1 68 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 16S6-1718. 

From minutes made on the paper, and from records of a later date, it 
is inferred that a considerable number of the petitioners were taken into 
the pay of the Province, and employed as standing guard or garrison sol- 
diers, and in work about the Fort and garrisons. The large amounts 
drawn from the Treasury by Cols. Partridge and Porter show that more 
men were in the service here than would be required for simple garrison 
duty. From the Council Records it appears that " Muster Rolls " were 
returned to the Governor, covering this and succeeding years ; and it is 
matter of deep regret that these Rolls cannot now be found. Doubtless 
they contained full statistics of names, dates and services. 

" July 24, 1 704. Ordered, that the Treasurer pay the sum of ^56. o. 5 
to Lt. Col. Partridge, for subsisting the garrison at Brookfi eld from Mar. 
I, 1703 to June 10, 1704, the Acct. having been approved." 

"July 12, 1704. A Muster Roll of the soldiers posted at Brookfield 
was presented, for wages due for service from Dec. 4, 1703, to June 21, 
1704, amounting to ^166. 9. 8^d. Passed, and that sum ordered to be 
paid to Samuel Porter on behalf of the officers and soldiers above named." 

"A Muster Roll of soldiers posted at Brookfield, for wages for service, 
and subsistence, from June 22, to Oct. 18, 1704, for Posts and other 
incidental charges, amounting to j[^2']\. 9. i — Ordered to be paid to Lt. 
Col. Sam •' Partridge." \_Coj{ncil Records.'] Col. P.'s acct. for wages 
and subsistence of soldiers at Brookfield and Springfield, from Oct. 20 to 
Jan. 31 was ^426. 15. 10. 

Rev. Mr. Fiske, in his "Historical Sermon " delivered in 1775, speaks 
of " fortified houses," and " garrisons " in Brookfield ; and connects them 
with the events of Queen Anne's War. And as the houses themselves or 
their remains must have been in existence in his day (as Gilbert's Fort 
certainly was to a much later day), and men were then living whose 
memory reached back 70 years, we have no reason to question the facts 
so stated. He indicates quite clearly (taken in connection with the 
testimony of deeds on record) the location of two of these fortified 
houses ; one was on Foster's hill, near the old Ayres tavern stand, called 
"Jennings' garrison ; " and another was located on the old Country road, 
between the present South Brookfield village and the Woolcott place, and 
known as the " Banister garrison." They are referred to shortly after 
this date ; and there is a probability that they were built or put in good 
repair in the winter of 1704 or spring of 1705. There is an acct. "for 
wages paid sundry persons at Brookfield," of this date, amounting to about 


These bullet-proof houses were dwellings, and constructed as follows : 
the frame, i.e., the sills, posts, girths and plates were of heavy hewn 
timbers. Instead of studs in the lower story, logs split in half were set 
upright, face and back alternately, so as to match by overlapping the 


edges. [Sometimes planks were used.] The space under the windows 
was filled in with bricks or planks. The lathing was nailed to the logs 
on the inside, and the boarding in like manner on the outside. The 
doors were of planks ; and the windows had inside shutters. 

Rev. Mr. Foot, in his "Historical Discourse" delivered in 1828, 
names two other garrisons, viz. "Marks' garrison" and " Goss' garri- 
son." He says : " Marks' garrison stood near the south west end of 
Wickaboag pond, on a knoll below the junction of the waters of the 
pond with the Quaboag river. It is related that one day Mrs. Marks- 
being left alone, discovered hostile Indians in the neighborhood of the 
garrison waiting for a favorable opportunity to attack the settlement. 
She immediately put on her husband's wig, hat, great coat, and taking 
his gun, went to the top of the fortification, and marched backwards 
and forwards vociferating like a vigilant sentinel, alPs well / airs well / 
This led the Indians to believe that they could not take the place by 
surprise, and fearing the result of an open, or protracted assault, they 
retreated without doing any injury." 

" Goss' garrison stood west of Wickaboag pond, near the residence of 
Isaac Gleason," now (1886) the Charles H. Fairbanks place. This fort 
(or more probably fortified house) was built by Philip Goss, who was- 
from Lancaster, and came to Brookfield in the fall of 1 704. He received* 
a grant of 60 acres, and pitched on this elevated spot on the " old Had- 
ley Path." 

Joel A. Jennings, Esq., gathered traditions and facts from his grand- 
mother, Mrs. Zillah Jennings, which seem to warrant the conclusion that 
the house of Edw. Walker, Jr., which stood on the south side of the 
river, west of Mason's brook (N. of the house of Wm. B. Hastings) 
was "fortified." As Walker's grant here bears date Oct. 23, 1713, the 
house must have been built after the close of Queen Anne's War. 

And as danger from the Indians was still imminent, it is likely that at 
least one house in each exposed district was plank-lined, and bullet- 

The pay of field soldiers at this date was 6 shillings per week ; those 
in garrisons usually received but 5 shillings. The money allowance for 
food, varied from 3 shillings to 4s. 8d. per week. The rations allowed 
to garrison soldiers were : " i lb. of bread a man a day, allowing one- 
eighth for breakage ; two pieces pork each containing 2 lbs., to six men 
per day, and sometimes two pieces of beef, instead of pork, each con- 
taining 4 lbs. to six men per day ; 3 pints of peas for six men per day ; 
2 quarts of beer to a man per day." Marching soldiers had a little more 
food allowed. 

1705. — Taught a lesson by the easy descent of the French and In- 
dians upon Deerfield, on snow-shoes, and the impossibility of following 


the retreating band, for want of such shoes, the General Court ordered 
that 500 pairs of snow-shoes and as many moccasins be provided for 
use on the frontiers, one-fourth of the number for Hampshire county. 
The shoes were to be provided by individuals or towns, and the Province 
allowed 5 shillings per pair (to be deducted from the person's poll tax) 
— though the actual cost was more. "In April, 1712, Col. Partridge 
sent the names of 463 soldiers in this county, who had provided them- 
selves with snow-shoes and moccasins, and each was allowed 7 shillings." 

No enemy appeared on our borders this year ; though the garrisons 
were manned, and scouting was constantly kept up. 

Rev. William Grosvenor. Rev. Mr. Smith left Brookfield this fall ; 
and Mr. Grosvenor was secured to take his place. "Oct. 24, 1705. 
The Committee for Brookfield and Inhabitants, Humbly propose to this 
Court, that whereas they have procured Mr. Grosvenor for to be a Min- 
ister to preach the Word to them — The people being unable fully to 
maintain a minister, we earnestly entreat consideration & allowance 
towards the support of said Minister in preaching the Word of God 
there. Mr. Grosvenor proposes that if the Publique allow 30I. he will 
accept of the people to pay the rest to make up a suteable allowance, and 
this for one whole year, and so for as long as it's judged meete he abide 
in said service. 

Sam^l Partridge | for '^^ Comtce 
John Hitchcock j inhabts.- 

The House of Representatives voted to grant the sum of ;^20. The 
Council concurred, with the proviso : " that said minister be approved 
by the Governor and Council." The House disagreed, and the proviso 
was stricken out, and ^20 granted. 

The annual grant of ^20 was continued, and Mr. Grosvenor remained 
in office till Aug. 25, 1708. He received a grant of a Home-lot and the 
accompanying rights of plain and meadow. He was son of John Gros- 
venor of Roxbury, where he was born Jan. 8, 1673, graduated at Harvard 
University 1693. After leaving Brookfield, his history has not been 

Ephraim Sawyer received a grant of 60 acres, home-lot and meadow, 
which he forfeited. 

1706. — Alarms were frequent this year, just enough to keep the peo- 
ple well on their guard ; but no general appearance of the enemy. The 
scattered garrison houses gave renewed confidence, as well as compara- 
tive safety. Probably the farmers, carrying their arms, and keeping a 
watch, pursued their accustomed labors in the field ; and the "Address " 
shows a more cheerful and hopeful spirit. Not less than iS men were 
in service here as soldiers (part of them citizens) during the summer 
and fall. 


Only one casualty is known to have occurred in this town. " Mary 
Mcintosh, widow of Daniel, was fired upon and killed as she was milking 
her cows." This happened Aug. 2. Judah Trumble was killed at or 
near the same date ; and the entry in the Co. Recorder's Book, seems to 
imply that they were shot at the same time and place. He belonged 
to Sufifield. 

" The Humble Address of the Inhabitants and Soldiers of Brookfield 
Showeth our grateful acknowledgements to your Honours, in that 
you did so consider our low condition, in so much as your Honrs did 
the year past grant a considerable suply of Moneys towards the main- 
taining a Minister to preach the Gospel to us in this place. We now 
humbly begg the gracious continuance of your Honrs goodness and 
bounty to us for the insuing year, els we shall starve & pine away for 
want of that spiritual food with the which throw your Honours liberality 
we were the last year so plentifully fed with. 

Brookfield Oct. 30, 1706. 

Lieut. Samuel Williams 
Sergt. John White 
Christopher Hall 
Joseph Bundee 
Will. Williston 
Samuel Trumble 
Henry Peters 
William Old 
James Clark 
John Rogers 
Benj. Thomas 
Robert Goldsbury 
Samll Minott 
Joshua Barrus 
Samuel Sikes 
Israel Blake 
Daniel Cummins 
John Handcock 
Robert Frost 


Samll Partridge, of the Comtee 

John Perry 

Samll Owen 

Thomas Barns 

Philip Goss 

John Hamilton 

Joseph Banister 

Benj. Bartlet 

Henry Gilberd 

Ebenezer Hayward 

Thomas Gilbert 

Thomas Parsons 

Samuel Davis 

John Clary 

John Woolcott 

Edward Walker 

Edward Kellogg 

Joseph Rice 

Robert Emmons 


Several of the above marked Inhabitants, were doing duty as garrison 
soldiers ; and several of the Soldiers were then or soon after became 

£,20 was granted and paid to Col. Partridge, for Mr. Win. Grosvenor. 

' Mass. State Archives, XI. 219. 

172 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-1718. 

"Nov. II, 1706. The Council have allowed soldiers [for the winter 
months] as follows : To Deerfield, 30 ; to Brookfield, 10 ; to Northamp- 
ton, Hadley, Hatfield and Westfield, each town 5, in all sixty. 

" Ordered, that the soldiers that shall be allowed for service in the 
respective towns be improved as scouts, and posted most convenient for 
that end [in private houses, or garrisons], to discover daily, if they find 
any [signs of] approach of the enemy ; and that by his Excellency's 
order they may attend the same under, by and from such commissioned 
officer in each respective town as his Excellency shall appoint ; and that 
upon any approach of the enemy, if these be drawn off by his Excel- 
lency's order, that the towns secure themselves [at the expense of the 
Province] till supply come " \_Siate Archives, LXXI. 265.] 

1 707. — This was a year of quiet and general prosperity on our Hamp- 
shire county frontiers. 

The new comer at Brookfield this year was John Grosvenor, brother 
of the minister, who bought June 11, 1707, the home-lot and lands, 
formerly belonging to John Ayres deceased. 

1708. — This year our authorities adopted the enemy's tactics, and 
sent ranging parties to the North, in search of Indians. In February, 
Capt. Benj. Wright led a scout of picked men as far as Cowasset (New- 
bury, Vt.), where was the resort of an Indian clan. They went on snow- 
shoes ; but no Indians were found. 

Strolling bands of savages would suddenly appear at different and un- 
expected points in our county, showing that they were always on the 
alert ; and about a dozen persons were killed or captured. 

Brookfield was again to be the scene of bloodshed. I quote from 
Rev. Mr. Fiske's Historical Discourse : "Oct. 13, early in the morning, 
John Woolcott, a lad about 12 or 14 years old was riding in search of 
the cows, when the Indians fired at him, killed his horse under him and 
took him prisoner. The people at Jennings' garrison hearing the fir- 
ing, and concluding the people at another garrison [Banister's] were 
beset, six men set out for their assistance, but were waylaid by the In- 
dians. The English saw not their danger till they saw there was no 
escaping it. And therefore, knowing that an Indian could not look an 
Englishman in the face and take a right aim, they stood their ground, 
presented their pieces wherever they saw an Indian without discharging 
them, excepting Abijah Bartlet, who turned to flee and was shot dead. 
The Indians kept firing at the rest, and wounded three of them, Joseph 
Jennings in two places ; one ball grazed the top of his head, by which 
he was struck blind for a moment ; another ball passed through his 
shoulder, wounding his collar-bone ; yet by neither did he fall, nor was 
mortally wounded. Benjamin Jennings was wounded in the leg, and 
John Green in the wrist. They were preserved at last by the following 


stratagem. A large dog hearing the firing came to our men ; one of them, 
to encourage his brethren and intimidate the Indians, called out, " Capt. 
Williams is come to our assistance, for here is his dog." The Indians, 
seeing the dog, and knowing Williams to be a famous warrior, immedi- 
ately fled, and our men escaped. John Woolcott, the lad above men- 
tioned, was carried to Canada, where he remained six or seven years, 
during which time, by conversing wholly with Indians, he not only 
entirely lost his native language, but became so naturalized to the sav- 
ages, as to be unwilling for a while to return to his native country. [He 
did return to Brookfield, married, and settled.] Some years afterwards, 
viz. in March, 1728, in a time of peace, he and another man having 
been on a hunting expedition, and coming down Connecticut river with 
a freight of skins and fur, they were hailed by some Indians ; but not 
being willing to go to them, they steered [their canoe] for the other 
shore. The Indians landed at a Httle distance from them ; several shots 
were exchanged, at length Woolcott was killed." 

How Joseph Jennings and his man Benjamin Jennings fared, is told 
in the following petition and answer : 

" The Petition of Joseph Jennings of Brookfield, sheweth — That 
whereas he, living in Brookfield in Oct. 1 708, and the enemy made an 
assault there, and y'' pef with his hired servant went as volunteers to the 
help of our neighbors, together with several others in company ; and in 
our march we were attacked by the enemy, and myself grievously 
wounded in the back, and my man in the leg, by which wounds we 
endured much pain and smart ; and lost my own time and man's nine 
weeks ; being six weeks under the chirurgeon — prays compensation." 

The Council orders paid to Joseph Jennings, the sum of ;^6. 10, " for 
his smart, and the loss of his and his man's time, being both wounded 
in her Majesty's service ; and 30 shiUings to his man Benjamin Jennings 
for his smart." 

John Green sent a similar petition to the General Court, asking a 
gratuity and an annual pension, on the ground of " the total loss of his 
right hand." 

The Court ordered the sum of ^5 smart money, with j[^^ pension for 
the year past, and ^^5 per annum for five years next coming, if he shall 
live so long." July 27, 1716, the General Court voted "to John Green 
of Brookfield the sum of 40 shillings at present, and the sum of ^5 
per annum from this time during his natural life." 

In May, 1741, Mr. Green sent the following Petition 

To HIS Excellency Jona. Belcher, etc. 

" Sheweth, That in his youth he was able bodied & effective, and 
according to his ability was serviceable and faithful in his Majesty's ser- 

174 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 iS. 

vice against the common enemy, by means whereof he underwent many 
and great hardships, was sorely wounded and cripled, and has never 
since been able to labor but with pain & difificulty ; and having been 
much overbourn and reduced by the loss of his house & all his goods, 
but especially in the loss of two of his children in the flames : That the 
General Court, about 28 years ago, upon view of his wounds, was pleased 
to commiserate his circumstances and grant him a yearly pension of five 
pounds, which has been a considerable relief to him, and which he ever 
desires to acknowledge with thankfulness : But your petitioner being now 
aged and cripled, and under low circumstances in the world, and not 
having shared in the common Bounties of the Great & General Court 
in the many free grants of Lands by them made, and the five pounds 
now yearly paid him being in no measure equal to what he received from 
year to year next after his grant made, and as your petitioner humbly 
apprehends not equal to the true intent of his grant : Begs the further 
pity and compassion of y Excelly & Honours. 

John Green." 

The General Court Ordered, " That there be an addition of ten pounds 
per annum added to the five pounds already granted to the petitioner, 
till the further order of this Court." 

Rev. Wm. Grosvenor finished his labors as minister in Brookfield, Aug. 
25 ; and Oct. 20, Sam" Partridge, for the Committee, sent this petition 
to the General Court : " Brookfield being now destitute of a minister, 
and poorly capacitated to maintain one, & yet its absolutely necessary 
that they have the word of God preached to them and to the forces set- 
tled there from time to time ; accordingly they have improved me to 
look out for one, which if we can obtain, — That this Court would con- 
sider their condition, and allow (as formerly) ;^20 out of the pubhque 
Treasurie towards the support & encouragement of some able minister, 
if he be obtained as aforesaid, and so preach with them one whole year." 

^^ Resolved, etc. ^{^20, for the year current, to begin from the time of a 
minister going there, if he continue a year, and in proportion for the 
time he continues there — which minister shall be approved by the minis- 
ters of the three next neighboring towns." 

It is not known who preached here from May 25, 1 70S, to May i, 1 71 1, 
when Rev. John James commenced his labors. 

1709. — The English Government ordered our colonies to raise forces 
and fit out vessels, to unite with those of England, and attack Canada 
by sea and land. Massachusetts levied 900 men, and engaged several 
vessels, and waited from May to October ; but the English fleet did not 
arrive, and the enterprise failed. It however kept the French forces in 
Canada. And the Indians contented themselves by waylaying the roads, 


and outskirts of the towns, and picking off incautious travellers and 
hunters. Three or four persons were killed and as many taken captive 
in Hampshire county. 

" Aug. 8, Robert Granger and John Clary were passing along the road 
in Brookfield ; and being fired upon by the savages, Granger was killed 
on the spot : Clary attempted to escape, but had not fled far before he 
also was shot down." Fiske's Discourse. Clary was an inhabitant of 
B. ; Granger was of Suffield, son of Launcelot and Joanna Granger, and 
brother of the wife of Joseph Woolcott. 

1 710. — There is evidence from the records, that this year opened 
with brightened prospects and large plans, to the Brookfield settlers — 
to be darkened by sore disappointments before its close. 

"At a meeting of the Committee in Quabaug Mar. 7th 1 710, they 
then considered the several titles of every particular persons of what 
they then stood possessed ; and altho' several of their Grants were lost ; 
yet receiving good satisfaction of their title thereunto ; they ordered all 
the foregoing parcels of land to be recorded ; to be to them and their 
heirs forever." 

The List (nearly complete) of the grantees referred to, is found by 
consulting the preceding pages, beginning with 1686, and adding those 
termed New Comers, in each succeeding year. 

Since the winter of 1704-5, a considerable number of the inhabitants 
had been kept in the employ of the Province, as "standing guards," or 
garrison soldiers ; and other young men who were stationed here as sol- 
diers,, had resolved to become inhabitants. To insure this result, and to 
hold out inducements to the sons of the first planters to remain, the 
Committee, at the meeting held Mar. 8, 1710, granted to Sergt. John 
White, 42 acres of upland and 20 of meadow, " provided he live in the 
place four years after he is wholly disbanded, and pay rates." Granted 
to Lieut. Samuel Williams, 50 acres of upland and 25 of meadow, "pro- 
vided he settle on it and hve in Brookfield four years." Stephen Jen- 
nings, Jr., received a similar grant. Joshua Barrus (Barrows) received 
70 acres. The following received grants of 40 acres of upland and 20 
of meadow, on the terms above-named : Edw. Walker, Jr., Jona. Jen- 
nings, Joseph Perry, William Old, John Hinds (from Lancaster), John 
and Samuel Gilbert (provided they live there 4 years after they come of 
age) , Henry Peters and Joseph Kellogg, Edward Kellogg's son. Samuel 
Barns received 80 acres " at Mattchuck ; " Tho^ Gilbert, 20 acres ; John 
Woolcott, 22 acres. 

Saw mill. At the same meeting the Committee " granted to Thomas 
Barns, Thomas Gilbert, Philip Goss, Joseph Banister, Joseph Jennings, 
John White, Henry Gilbert, John Hay ward and Stephen Jennings, liberty 
to build a saiv mill in Brookfield, in such a place as they and a good 

1/6 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 18. 

workman shall judge best ; and they have liberty to cut all sorts of 
timber for the use of the mill in any parts of the precinct, except upon 
persons' propriety, and they are to have 40 acres of land for their en- 
couragement, to be divided among them." 

The saw mill was built on Sucker brook, where is now the Malt mill 
bridge — the privilege being wholly disused in modern times. It appears 
from the records that this was the first saw mill erected on Brookfield 

The most distressing disaster on our frontiers this year, happened at 

July 22, "six men, viz. Ebenezer Hayward, John White, Stephen Jen- 
nings, Benjamin Jennings, John Grosvenor and Joseph Kellogg were 
making hay in the meadows, when the Indians, who had been watching 
an opportunity to surprise them, sprang suddenly upon them, despatched 
five of them, and took the other (John White) prisoner. White, spying 
a small company of our people at some distance, jumped from the Indian 
that held him and ran to join his friends ; but the Indian fired after him 
and wounded him in the thigh, by which he fell ; but soon recovering 
and running again, he was again fired at and received his death wound." 
— Fiske's Discourse. 

" Though there were several Indian Wars afterwards, in which other 
towns were visited by the enemy, and distressed more or less, and Brook- 
field was often alarmed and put in fear, yet our town was not invaded, 
nor was any person in it either killed, wounded or captivated." — Fiske. 

The adage that " misfortunes never come single," was verified by our 
people this year. The following petition, copied from the State Archives, 
Vol. CXIII,, page 582, speaks for itself: 

" Brookfield, Oct. 23, 1710. 

"The humbel petitian of yo"" poor Distresed people Heear caleth 
aloud for pity & help Therefore we Adres the Gieneral Court that They 
would consider us and set us in sum way or other where By we may have 
a subsistence so long as you shall se case to continue us heere. We did 
not com heear with out order neiter are we wiling To goe away witout 
order There Fore wee Are wiling to leave our selves with you to Doe 
for and with us as you think Best You Knowe our Dificultyes as to the 
Common Enemye and Besides that our Mill Dam is Broaken so y' we 
have neither Bread nor meal But what we Fetch 30 miles which is intol- 
erable to Bear either for Hors or man which puteth us upon indeavering 
to rebuilding of it which is imposibel For us to Doe without your pity & 
Helpe winter is so neear y' we must intreat you to Doe sumthing as soon 
as may be no more but are your pooar Destresed Begars Henry Gilbert, 
Phillip Goss, Joseph Banister, Samwell owen, Thomas Barns in Behalf 
of the reste of the inhabitance " 


"Nov. 8. In General Court, Voted, that the sum of ^lo be allowed 
and paid out of the Publick Treasury towards mending the Mill Dam in 
said Town : and that such of the inhabitants as are by the enemy driven 
from their houses and livings be admitted into the service as soldiers, 
that are capable thereof and his Excellency shall please to entertain. 

" Voted, that no more of the inhabitants in the Frontiers be kept in 
the pay as standing guards, than are necessary for guides, except in the 
town of Brookfield, who are under extraordinary discouragements." 

Grist Mill. The records are somewhat confused in relation to the 
site of the first grist mill set up in Brookfield after the Re-Settlement. A 
careful collation of facts renders it probable that Col. Pynchon re-built 
his corn mill on the old Mill brook, above Wekabaug pond, and main- 
tained the same till his death. But this was private property over which 
the town had no control ; and the water failed in the dry season. About 
1706, the town, with the sanction of the Committee, made a grant to 
John Hay ward, Jr. [see ante, p. 164] of 40 acres of upland, in the west 
part of the town, and 15 acres of meadow ; also 70 acres joining the first 
lot, and 24 acres of meadow, " for his incouragement to build a grist mill 
in Brookfield, and on condition that he maintain the same in such repair 
as the town may be supplied at all times with grinding from said mill, 
for the term of 25 years." 

Mr. Hayward built the grist mill on the new "Mill brook," which is 
the present dividing line between West Brookfield and Warren on the 
north side of the river. It was the dam of this mill which was " Broak- 
en," and was the subject of the "humbel petisian " before quoted." 
The mill stood near the present — 1886 — house of Sexton Douglas. 

Besides the giving way of the first dam, this corn mill was the subject 
of much contention and many disappointments to the people and town 
authorities. In 1713, "John Hayward, Jr., faUing short of his first con- 
tract with the town referring to the corn mill," is allowed larger grants ; 
" and if said Hayward have occasion to move said mill, he can take a 
stream anywhere in the town, free from former grants, and the town to 
sequester it; and all the men in town of 16 years and upwards, shall 
give said Hayward one day's work." May 19, 1714, John Hayward 
" having built a corn mill at Brookfield, and not being able to carry on 
business, therefore transfers it and all his lands and mill rights to his 
kinsman Ebenezer Prescott of Lancaster," and returned to Concord. 
Prescott sold the property to George Hayward of Concord, an older 
brother of John, Jr. In 1719, George Hayward and his son Ephraim 
sold (or mortgaged) the mill and accrued rights to John Ashley of West- 
field, who released the same back to the Hay wards in 1723. About this 

' As late as 1740, this stream was called in the records Mill brook; it is now known as Ellis', or 
Lamberton's brook. 

178 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 18. 

date (perhaps in 1720) this mill was given up, and the Haywards, father 
and son, bought lands and received rights of pondage, and built grist 
and saw mills on Quabaug river, at the upper privilege near Warren 
Centre. George, the father, died in the winter of 1726; and Ephraim 
carried on the mills in his own name.^ 

1 71 1. — A garrison was maintained at Brookfield from May i, to Oct. 
31, i.e., during the time when the trees were in leaf. 

New Minister. Rev. John James commenced his labors in the minis- 
try in Brookfield May i, and received the usual allowance of ;!^20, 
from the Province Treasury. He continued to preach here till May i, 
1 714, when he probably removed to Wethersfield, Ct., where he died 
Aug. 10, 1729. President Stiles says he came from England. Mr. H. 
E. Waite suggests that he may have been son of Rev. Thomas James, 
then of Charlestown, baptized Jan. 9, 1633. This would make his age 
at death 96. He was a preacher at Haddam, Ct., 1683 ; removed to 
Derby, 1693 ; was dismissed at his own request 1706. It is said of him 
that " he was devoted to books ; was not a popular speaker, although a 
faithful, efficient man, undertaking more than he could possibly do." In 
the Boston Athenseum is a mutilated broadside, containing several poeti- 
cal effusions " On the Death of the very learned Pious and Excelling 
Gershom Bulkley Esq. M.D.," with the name "Johannis Jamesius Lon- 
donensis, Brookfield Decemb. 7, 1 713 " attached. See Sibley's list of 
Harvard Graduates. He probably left no descendants. 

1 71 2. — In a letter dated Hatfield Aug. 4, 1712, Samll Partridge says : 
" On Wednesday, July 30, came to me a messenger informing me of a 
young man taken by a party of the enemy at Springfield ; and same day 
at night a messenger from our Eastern scouts gave news of the discovery 
of a party of 8 or 9 Indians seen, and they made shot at them, but the 
enemy soon ran out of reach towards Brookfield. We immediately sent 
a Post to Brookfield to inform them, who immediately sent out to all 
their workfolk abroad, and in their way see 6 or 8 Indians : Alarmed the 
said workers and disappointed the enemy, who were about secretly to 
waylay them, but run for it : By all this it plainly appears the enemy are 
on every hand of us laying wait for to accomplish their bloody designs. 
The same night a Post from Albany came with a letter. The letter 
doth not speak of it, but the messengers say the Governor of Canada 
looks for a speedy peace, but will do as much spoil as he can before it 
comes. . . ." 

Queen Anne's proclamation for a suspension of arms, was published 

I " At a meeting of the Committee for Brookfield Nov. 22, 1715, Ordered that the stream of Qua- 
boague river at or near Benj. Bartlett's house or land, shall be sequestered for the use of the Town for 
a grist mill, or to fulfill their agreement upon that account, and that the land lying near or adjoining to 
said place shall not be appropriated to particular persons, but lye for the use or benefit of said mill." 


in Boston, Oct. 27, 171 2. * The peace of Utrecht was signed Mar. 30, 


The war expenses of Massachusetts from May, 1703, to May, 17 13, 
were not less than 285,000 pounds. The mihtary expenses in Hamp- 
shire county averaged between 2,500 and 3,000 pounds per year. And 
during the war 105 persons were slain in the county, or in excursions 
from it. Not less than 125 were taken captive, many of whom were 
slain or died on the way to Canada, and others after their arrival there. 
About two-thirds of the captives were redeemed and returned home ; 
the rest adopted Indian or French habits, and intermarried with their 
captors, or were induced to enter the Catholic religious orders. 

1 713. — Wars and rumors of war now ceased; and Brookfield put on 
the garb and airs of peace. 

A New Committee. " At a great and General Court, held June 6, 
1 713, The Committee for Brookfield, by the death of Joseph Hawley, 
Esq., and Lieut. John Hitchcock, being much weakened, I humbly pro- 
pose that the sd Committee being now only Col. Pynchon, Dea. Pomroy 
and myself (and Dea. Pomroy being much incapacitated by age & in- 
firmity) that there be an addition to sd Committee of Samuel Porter, 
Esq., Mr. Ebenezer Pomroy and Mr. Luke Hitchcock : also for a clerk 
Mr. Joseph Hawley. Signed Samll Partridge. 

Read, and the persons accepted : And the Committee to be estab- 
lished accordingly. The Committee to present an Account of their 
proceedings, and of the circumstances of the Plantation, and its capacity 
to be constituted a Township to this Court at their session in the fall of 
this year." 

"At a meeting of the Committee for Brookfield, Sept. 4, 1713, the 
Committee then agreed, that all grants of land hereafter made should be 
upon the conditions following, vizt. i . That they shall work upon the 
land granted within six months from the grant in order to a settlement ; 

2. That they shall come and live upon it within a year from the grant; 

3. That they shall live upon it three years commencing from the grant ; 

4. That in case the grantees fail in any of the particulars or articles 
abovesaid, then the grants to accrue to the town again. 

" The Committee then appointed Capt. Pomroy to be surveyor, and 
ordered that he should have two pence per acre for laying out, to be paid 
by the owners of the land for whom he should lay out." 

" Granted to new comers, viz. Jeremiah How, George Hayward, from 
Concord, brother of John, Lieut. Thomas Baker, from Northampton, 
Jabez Olmstead (in a valley between the two Mohawk hills and partly 
upon them), and Josiah Bemin, 60 acres each; also to sons of old set- 
tlers, Ebenezer Gilbert, Samuel Davis, Jr., Hopestill Hinds, 60 acres 
each ; to Joseph Perry, 8 acres ; to the first settled minister, 60 acres. 

l80 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 18. 

formerly Mr, Grosvenor's ; also sequestered 60 acres for Ministry, and 
60 acres for School." There was also granted this year (or previously) 
60 acres to Samuel King of Sudbury, Joseph Marber and Nicholas 
Nichols of Andover, Peter Shanaoway, James Negro, Preserved Smith, 
Robert Old, [he lived on the Springfield road within the present bounds 
of Brimfield]. 

The Committee also made grants this year, of 60 acres each, to the 
sons of Sergt. John Ayres, viz. Thomas Ayres, Joseph Ayres, Edward 
Ayres, Mark Ayres and Nathaniel Ayres ; and " if they prove their 
Father's right of undivided lands, these grants to be accounted part." 

The Ayres' Grants. A curious piece of Brookfield history is con- 
nected with the claims of and grants to the heirs of Sergt. John Ayres, 
who was killed by the Indians in 1675. In 1693, John Ayres of Boston, 
shipwright, son of John Ayres late of Squabauge, deceased, and wife 
Mary, sold to Wm. Rooker of Hadley, for ^20, " his share in land at 
Brookfield, laid out to his father." In 1703, a settlement in probate, 
was made of the estate in Brookfield, of John Ayres, Sen., deceased. 
The inventory showed 50 acres in the home-lot and 6 acres of meadow 
at rear of it ; 12 a. on the river, 8 a. called Manings meadow, 6 a. on 
Coy's brook, 6, a. on new road, 18 a. on the plain, a lot south of the river, 
and rights undivided. Some time after this, the remaining children peti- 
tioned the General Court to have the old grants renewed and relocated, 
or equivalent grants made, so that they " might have and enjoy what 
belonged to them in Right of their father." After various delays, the 
Committee made the grants of 60 acres each to the sons above named. 
But none of them came to occupy the lands. Sept. 17, 1714, these 
brothers received grants of 72 acres each. At the same time many 
of the grandchildren received each a grant of 80 acres, on condition of 
occupancy within a year. All the grantees, sons and grandsons, failed 
to comply with the condition, except John, the son of Samuel, and John 
the son of Joseph, who became residents in 17 14 or 15. Consequently 
the grants to the others were declared forfeited. In 171 7, the sons, viz. 
Thomas, Joseph, Mark, Edward and Nathaniel petitioned the General 
Court "to confirm to them the lands which the Committee have laid out 
to them and their children, containing by estimation no more than 1,500 
or 1,600 acres — Altho' they have heard their father and many others say 
that he had 2,000 Acres of land in Brookfield." The Court granted the 
petition; and a year later, i.e. Nov. 7, 171S, made an explanatory and 
final order, " That in confirming the several grants of land made to the 
children and posterity of John Ayres formerly of Brookfield, deceased, 
by Col. Partridge and others a Committee for said Brookfield, to the sev- 
eral and respective grantees, as named in said grants, their heirs and 
assigns, it is the intention of the Court that said grants should be in full 


of all claims and demands whatsoever even from their paternal Right. 
And that those and those only who have or shall bring forward a Settle- 
ment on their respective lots within the space of 3 years next coming 
from the 25th day of May 1718, shall be entitled to after Divisions in 
the said town." Consented to S. Shute. 

The Ayres Family. Children of Sergt. John : 

i. John, w. Mary; a shipwright of Boston ; sold (as above) his share 
in his father's estate, which cut off his own and his children's 
claim in the new grants in Brookfield ; he was living in 1 705 . 

ii. Samuel, w. Abigail Fellows; of Newbury; d. before 1714. 

iii. Thomas, w. Mary Errington ; of Ipswich; had grants, 132 acres. 

iv. Joseph, returned to Brookfield. See Genealogy. 

V. Edward, of Kittery, Me. ; had grants, 132 acres. 

vi. Mark, of Kittery, Me. ; had grants, 132 acres. 

vii. Nathaniel, w. Amy; of Boston; had grants, 132 acres. 

viii. Susanna, m. Thomas Day of Gloucester, who (or his son Thomas) 
had grant of 60 acres in 1713. 

Grandchildren of Sergt. John who received grants : 

y^oseph, son of Samuel (2), had grants, 140 acres; non-resident. 

Edward, " " A resident. See Genealogy. 

Ebenezer, " " A resident. See Genealogy. 

John, " " known as John, Se?i. See Genealogy. 

yabez, " " A resident. See Genealogy. 

Thomas, son of Thomas (3), had grant of 80 a. ; non-resident. 

Abraham, " " had grant of 80 a. ; non-resident. 

"jfoseph Moses, s.-in-l. of Thomas, w. Sarah ; had 80 a. ; non-resident. 

Wm. Scales, " " w. Susanna ; had 80 a. 

Edward Toogood," " w. Hannah ; had 80 a. 

Joseph, son of Joseph (4) A resident. See Genealogy. 

Benjamin, " " ; had 80 a.; d. May 23, 171 7. 

yohn, " " ; known as John, yun. See Genealogy. 

William, son of Joseph (4) See Genealogy. 

Edward, son of Edward (5), had grant of 80 a., non-resident. 


Joseph Moulton, s.-in-l. of Edward, " " 

John Foster, 

George, son of Mark (6), had grant of 80 a. ; non-resident. 

Thomas, " 

Edward, son of Nathaniel (7), had grant of 80 a., non-resident. 

Elnathan, " " " " " 

Nathaniel, " " " " " 

Jethro Furber, s.-in-l. of Nathaniel " " " 

1 82 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1 686-1718. 

Samuel Swazey, Sen., s.-in-l. of Nathaniel, vv. Amy, had grant of 80 a., 

Samuel Swazey, Jun., had grant of 80 a., non-resident. 
These grants, made 1714, and confirmed 1718, footed up 2,800 acres, 
and held good to the grantee's heirs and assigns ; consequently were not 
forfeited by non-residence, like other grants made by the Committee. 
The discrepancy between the statement of the Ayres brothers, that the 
grants amounted to no more than 1,600 acres, and the fact that they 
actually footed up 2,800 acres, is reconcilable on the ground that a part 
of the grants were made subsequent to 171 7. 

1 714. — The General Court at its session June 22, 1714, " Ordered, 
that Samuel Partridge, Esq., and the present Committee for Brookfield, 
be directed and impowered to make inquiry, and cause a Register to be 
made of the Lots, Rights and Properties of land, within the said Planta- 
tion, granted to the first and ancient settlers and others, particularly a 
grant made to Mr. Phillips sometime minister of the said place, and 
make report to this Court." This order was complied with, so far as 
making out a Register of the early Land Grants to those men who (or 
their heirs) were then resident in the town. And it is from this Register, 
still extant, that the lists of names and properties, given in the preceding 
pages of this chapter, are made out. 

A considerable colony from Sudbury and Marlborough came to Brook- 
field this year. 

Dea. Amos Rice, from Marl., had a grant of 60 acres, on which he 
settled. In all he received 314 acres. 

His brother Obadiah came to B. in 1719, married Esther Mirick, 
raised a family of 11 children, and late in life removed to Quabin 
(Greenwich). Of his sisters, Martha m. Elisha Rice, and Esther m. 
Jona. Jennings, both of B. 

Azariah Rice, a cousin of Amos, had a grant of 60 acres in 1714, and 
settled in B., as did his sisters, Lydia, who m. Cyprian Rice, and Pris- 
cilla, who m. Josiah Partridge. 

Elisha Rice, from Marlb. had a grant of 60 acres in 1714, settled in 
B., received in all 275 acres, and became a leading man in town affairs. 
His w. Martha d. Oct. 3, 1785, in her 90th year: he d. Mar. 10, 1789, 
in his 99th year, " retaining his mental faculties until a day or two before 
his death." 

Cyprian Rice, a brother of Elisha, had a grant of 60 acres in 1714, 
and in all 107 acres. 

Pelatiah Rice, another brother, had a grant of 81 acres; lived here a 
short time, removed to Westboro', and thence to Northboro'. 

Peter Rice, another brother, had a grant in 1721 of 100 acres, m. 
Dinah Woolcott ; lived in Western (Warren). For full records of these 
families, see IVard's Rice Fai?nly. 


Daniel and Elisha How, sons of Samuel of Sudbury, received each a 
grant of 60 acres, but did not come to reside. Daniel settled in Fra- 
mingham, and afterwards in Westmoreland, N.H., and lie and his son 
Daniel became the heroes of the French and Indian wars. 

Thomas Gibbs, from Sudbury, (son of John and w. Anna Gleason) 
had a grant of 60 acres in 17 14, on which he settled; received in all 
298 acres. 

Isaac Shaddock (Shattuck), from Watertown, son of Dr. Philip and 
w. Rebecca, had a grant of 60 acres, but did not come to reside. He 
settled in Westboro'. 

Nathaniel Wood or Woods, had a grant of 60 acres. 

John Parsons had a grant, Sept. 17, 1714, of 80 acres upland, near 
the Woolcott place, on which he settled. 

This year Ebenezer Prescott, from Lancaster, bought John Hayward's 
mill privilege, and all accrued rights. 

Capt. Thomas Baker. There also came to Brookfield this year, a man 
who, from inherent force of character, became a social and political 
leader, and for the next 12 years, divided the honors of office and 
power with Thomas Gilbert, Thomas Barns, Philip Goss, Joseph Ban- 
ister, Joseph Brabrook, Dea. Joseph Jennings, Tilly Mirick, John Wool- 
cott, Edward Walker, and Elisha Rice. I refer to Capt. Thomas Baker. 
He is first identified with Brookfield history in 1710-11, Feb. 21st of 
which year, he (then of Northampton) bought the Millet homestead on 
Foster's hill. Sept. 4, 1713, he received a grant of 60 acres; Oct. 22, 
1 713, of 80 acres; Dec. 11, 1714, of "the land formerly Mr. Gros- 
venor's ; " and subsequently of other lots, amounting in all to 1,069 acres. 
He also held other estates by purchase. A brief sketch of his eventful 
life is in place here. 

Thomas Baker was son of Timothy and Sarah (HoUister) Atherton 
Baker, and grandson of Edward of Lynn and Northampton ; he was 
bom at Northampton May 14, 1682, and grew up amid the stirring 
scenes of King William's war. His mother was the widow of Rev. Hope 
Atherton of Hatfield, chaplain to Capt. Turner's force in the famous 
battle at Turner's Falls, May 19, 1676, whose tragic experiences on the 
retreat, and sad death in consequence, must have been the theme of 
household story in the Baker family, and made an indelible impression 
on the boy's mind. At 21, we find him a soldier at Deerfield, when that 
Plantation was assaulted and devastated by the French and Indians. 
What happened to him here, and in the immediate future, is best told in 
his own words, copied from the Genej-al Court Records, Vol. 10, p. 250 : 
"A petition of Thomas Baker of Brookfield, setting forth that he being 
a soldier under the command of Capt. Jonathan Wells, was taken pris- 
oner at Deerfield by the French and Indians Feb. 29, 1 703-4 : That he 

1 84 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-17 18. 

lost his arms and a good suit of clothes, and was carried to Canada : 
That the summer following the Chevalier Boncour went from Canada 
with a great army, designing to spoil and destroy some of the towns on 
the Connecticut river — which the petitioner understanding, in 'order to 
serve his country by giving seasonable intelligence of said intended ex- 
pedition, made his escape from Mont Real to the utmost hazard of his 
life, and was unfortunately taken, and preparation was made by the 
salvages to burn him alive ; but he happily got out of their hands, and 
ran to the house of one Lebair, who ransomed him by advancing £%, 
which the petitioner promised to repay him. After which the petitioner 
was by order of the Governor of Canada put into irons, and made a close 
prisoner for 4 months. After which the petitioner being made a prisoner 
at large escaped a third time, and then got safe to his own country." ' 

The word " safe " in the last line, needs quahfying. Their long march 
through the wilderness of woods and streams was one of great danger, 
and fearful suffering. As they started without provisions, and without fire- 
arms, they were obliged to subsist on roots, nuts and bark, and such 
small animals as they could kill with stones and sticks. Once they were 
on the point of giving up, when one of them gave utterance to a prayer 
that God would in some way send them succor ; and immediately a large 
bird, such as they had not before seen, fell, or alighted close to their 
path. It was secured, torn in pieces, and eaten without cooking. 

Young Baker soon rose to the rank of lieutenant, and was employed 
by the authorities in ranging and scouting. 

As before noted, he was in Brookfield in 1711, when he purchased the 
Millet homestead, which was afterwards confirmed to him by special 

The last of March, 1712, Lieut. Baker, with a ranging party of 32 men, 
started from Northampton, went up the Connecticut as far as Cowas 
(Newbury, Vt.), where they struck ofi" to the east till they came to the 
Pemigewasset. Near where the west branch (since known as Baker's 
river) unites with the main stream, they surprised an Indian camp, killed 
Wattanummon, a chief [of the Pequawkets], and as they beheved one 
or two more, and routed the rest. None of the English were killed. 
The Indians had gathered a large stock of beaver skins ; and Baker and 
his men loaded themselves with as much as they could carry, and burnt 
the remainder. The party then went down the Merrimack to Dunstable, 
and thence to Boston, where they applied to the General Court for pay 
and bounty. They could show but one scalp ; yet the Court, in view 
of the brave adventure, granted a bounty of £2>^, i. e. pay for three 
scalps, and ;a^io to the Lieut., and wages for all from Mar. 24 to May 16. 

• " Sometime in May or June, 1705, Joseph Petty, John Nims, Thomas Baker, and Martin Kellogg, 
Jr., made their escape from Montreal and got home to Deerfield." Dr. S. Williams' Journal. 


A large number of captives, taken at various times, from 1689 to 171 2, 
still remained in the hands of the French in Canada : and in the fall of 
1 713, a Commission was sent by Gov, Dudley, to endeavor to redeem 
them. The Commissioners were Col. John Stoddard of Northampton 
and Rev. John Williams of Deerfield. They took with them Capt. 
Thomas Baker as escort and adviser, Martin Kellogg, interpreter, and 
two attendants, viz. Eleazar Warner (afterwards of Brookfield) and Jona. 
Smith. The party started from Northampton Nov. 13, 1713; went by 
way of Westfield and Kinderhook to Albany, where they were detained 
till Jan. 22. They reached Montreal Feb. 9, and Quebec on the i6th. 
The Commissioners set about their business with hopefulness and energy, 
under assurances from Gov. Vaudreuil, of his favor and aid. But they 
soon found that his professions were only diplomatic ; and the Jesuits 
put obstacles in the way of negotiations, which frustrated their plans. 
When they complained of this to the Governor, he replied that he " could 
as easily change the course of the river, as prevent the priests' endeav- 
ors." April 4, Capt. Baker was sent off to Boston, via Albany, to Gov. 
Dudley, for instructions. He returned to Quebec, July 23. After 6 
months of vexatious negotiation, the Commissioners embarked, Aug. 24, 
on a vessel sent from Boston, with only 26 captives, leaving behind four 
times that number. Some of these were taken in childhood and had 
grown up with their captors, and no persuasion could induce them to 
give up the free wild life of the wilderness ; others had intermarried 
with Indians or French, and formed new and strong ties ; others were 
frightened by the stories told by the priests of Protestant intolerance and 

It was during this visit to Canada that Capt. Baker made the acquaint- 
ance of Madame Le Beau, who afterwards became his wife. 

She was the daughter of Richard Oti? and wife Grizel Warren, of 
Dover, N.H. ; was born Mar. 1689, and named Margaret. Her father 
and sister Hannah were killed by the Indians in the attack on Dover 
June 28, 1689, and her mother and herself were carried to Canada. 
Her mother subsequently married a Frenchman named Robitail, and 
lived and died at Montreal. Margaret was taken in charge by Catholic 
priests, baptized by the name of Christina, and was educated in their 
faith. About the age of 16, she married a Frenchman by the name of 
Le Beau (L6-bue on Brookfield records). Her husband died leaving 
by her three children. When Col. Stoddard was in Canada, on his 
errand of redemption of captives, she decided to return with him. Her 
mother and her confessor opposed this ; and it was only on condition 
that she should give up her property, and leave her children behind, that 
her departure was permitted. 

' See Stoddard's Journal, in N. E. Gen. Reg., V. 26. 

1 86 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 1686-1718. 

" Dec. 9, 1 714. Then granted to Margett Otis, a/ias Le bue, one that 
was a Prisoner att Canada and Lately come from thence, forty acres of 
upland In Brookfield and twenty acres of meadow : Provided she returns 
not again to live att Canada, but tarrys in this Province or territory, and 
raarrys to Capt. Thomas Baker, and also upon the same condition as 
other Grants : — Col. Partrigg, John Pynchon Esq., Eben"" Pumry, Com- 
mittee for Brookfield." 

That she accepted both offers, appears from the following record : 
" May 20, 1 715, Granted unto Mrs. Margett Baker m unto Mr. Thomas 
Baker, 40 acres, N. on new Country road, S. on old Country road, E. on 
Bettis, VV. on Sam Owen, Jr., it being the tract formerly granted to Mr. 
Smith the Minister, and after him to Mr. Grosvenor." 

Mrs. Baker embraced the Protestant faith, and as there was no church 
in Brookfield, she united with the church in Northampton, then under 
the pastoral care of Rev. Solomon Stoddard, where her eldest child was 
baptized and recorded. In most of the deeds of Brookfield lands she 
is called Margaret; but in one dated Dec. 10, 1728, the record is 
" Thomas Baker and wife Christian, both of Brookfield." 

Apr. 17, 1716, Capt. Baker, in the employ of the Province started 
with a ranging party for the north, and was absent five weeks. Probably 
he went as far as Canada, with a view to obtain information about captives 
and the purposes of the French authorities. 

In 1 719, Capt. Baker was chosen [the first] representative to the Gen- 
eral Court from Brookfield. 

In 1722, Capt. Baker was again sent on a trip to Canada. His wife 
went with him. In a petition she says : "Your petitioner did undertake 
the hazzard and fatigue of a Journey to Canada againe in hopes by the 
interest of friends to get her children — but all in vaine " ' The expenses 
of the Journey were allowed by the Mass. Council. 

In the spring of 1 727, Capt. Baker was accused of Blasphemy, and put 
under ^200 bonds by the magistrates. The case grew out of a contro- 
versy with Dea. Joseph Jennings. In a petition to Gov. Dummer, Baker 
avers that " however the evidences might strain and misconstrue his 
words, yet in conscience he really had no design to reproach the Deity," 
and asks that he may be " discharged from his recognizance, or admitted 
to a trial." The Court " ordered that the Petitioner's recognizance be 
discharged, and the writ of Scire Facias issued be declared null and 
void — provided he appear at the next Court of Assize at Springfield 
and abide his trial." In Sept., the case was tried. The charge against 
him was thus worded : " There being a discourse of God's having, in his 
Providence, put in Joseph Jennings, Esq., of Brookfield, a Justice of the 
Peace, Capt. Baker used the following words — 'If I had been with the 

1 See N. E. Hist. Genealogical Register, Vol. V. p. 194. 


Almighty, I would have taught him better.'" Verdict of the jury — 
Not Guilty. 

In 1728, Capt. B. sold Samuel Brown of Salem 600 acres, lying to- 
wards the north-west corner of Brookfield ; and before the end of 1731 
he had disposed of his remaining estates in B. to Josiah Sheldon of Suf- 
field, a speculator in real estate, who failed before the day of payment 
came, and Baker was thus reduced to poverty. He removed first to 
Mendon, where in 1732, his wife was admitted to the church by letter. 
Before Sept., 1734, he took up his abode in Dover, N.H. In a peti- 
tion, dated May 2, 1735, Mrs. Christine Baker says: "The General; 
Assembly of Massachusetts took your petitioner's case into their consid- 
eration, and made her a present of 500 acres of land in the Province' 
of Me., and put it under the care and trust of Col. Wm Pepperell,. 
Esq., for the use of your petitioner." In the same petition, she asks, 
the General Assembly of New Hampshire to pass a private Act to- 
enable her to keep a House of Entertainment in Dover ; which Act 
was passed May 8, 1735; and she opened and kept said House for 
many years.' 

The family tradition is, that Capt. Baker fell into a lethargy, and died 
at the house of a cousin (Sumner) in Roxbury, before 1753. His wife 
died Feb. 23, 1773. Their children were : 

i. Christian (Christian), b. June 5, 1716, m. Capt. Dudley Watson,, 
of Dover. 

ii. Eunice, m. Dr. Cheney Smith, of Dover. 

iii. Lticy, m. Joshua Stackpole, of RoUinsford. 

iv. Charles, m. (i) Love — , (2) Sarah (Carr) Roberts. 

V. Mary, b. Feb. 16, 1726, m. Capt. Benj. Bean, of Epping. 

vi. Otis Archelaus Sharrington, xn. (i) Lydia Wentworth, (2) Tam- 
sen (Chesley) Twombly. 

vii. Alexander Douglas, d. unmarried, in Dover. 

This year (1714) Rev. Mr. James closed his ministry, May i, and in 
the summer Rev. Daniel Elmer was employed to preach. From the 
terms named in the grant of a home-lot to him, it was evidently expected 
that he would become a settled pastor in B. ; but he remained only half 
a year, and was paid ^10 out of the Province treasury. Mr. Elmer was 
born at East Windsor, Conn.; graduated Yale College, 1713. After- 
leaving Brookfield, he preached at Westborough several years, and, when, 
the church was gathered there in 1724, received a call from the people ;; 
but difificulties arose, and though he built upon a farm that was seques- 
tered to the first settled minister, yet by the advice of an ecclesiastical' 
council, he desisted from preaching, and removed with his family to 
Springfield. He was ordained at Fairfield, N.J., about 1729. His first 

' See N. E. Hist. Gen' Register, Vol. V. p. 194. 

1 88 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 16S6-1718. 

wife was Margaret, sister of Rev. Jona. Parsons of Newburyport ; his sec- 
ond wife was Webster : by both he had twelve children. 

1 715. — The new comers this year, were Samuel Bush, from Marlbor- 
ough, who had grant of a 60 acre home-lot, and later of 120 acres; 
Joseph Brabrook, from Lancaster, whose home-lot of 60 acres was 
granted on condition that " he build and inhabit within 3 years." He 
bought. Mar. 14, 1716, for ;^40, "the living of John Lawrence of Brook- 
field, deceased, 60 acres, bounded S. by highway, and on the S.W. cor- 
ner a little brook," and settled that year; received in addition 224 acres, 
40 of which (granted 1720) was "near the burying-ground, it being an 
ancient right, and bounded east on a brook, and south on the road." 
John Shepherd, then "a servant to Lieut. Philip Goss," had a grant of 
60 acres, "when his time is out," and later of 170 a. John Prichard, 
Nathaniel Boyenton, Job Harris, John Lath and Peter Hubbard received 
6o-acre grants, but forfeited them. 

Taxation. " In General Court, July 26, 17 15. Upon reading a peti- 
tion of Thomas Baker, Philip Goss, and Joseph Banister, in behalf of the 
Inhabitants of Brookfield, showing that by reason of the desertion of the 
place by the first grantees, and by the sale of many Grants since made, 
good part of the lands are fallen into the hands of strangers, who neither 
improve nor sell to those who would settle themselves amongst them, 
which greatly obstructs their growth and hurts their publick affairs, espe- 
cially rendering them uncapable of settling and supporting the Ministry 
amongst them — Praying that for some few years next succeeding, and 
until they shall be more capable of enduring a charge, all lands, belong- 
ing to Non-residents as well as others, though not under improvement, 
may be made liable to be ta.Kcd in all town assessments, and that the 
Committee may receive directions therein ; 

Ordered, that for seven years next coming, all town assessments in 
Brookfield be raised on polls, as the law directs, and on the real estate 
of the non-resident as well as the resident proprietors, exclusive of per- 
sonal estates ; which the Committee for settling the said town are hereby 
directed and fully impowered to levy and collect accordingly so long as 
they shall be continued by this Court : And to take care the town be 
settled in the most regular, compact and defensible manner that can 

Great Field. Nov. 22, 1715. "The Committee, with the consent 
of the inhabitants, ordered, that the Great Field upon the Plain should 
be sufficiently fenced, and at no time laid open, for the preservation of 
the corn [wheat] sown at the fall, and so in the spring, and all the year 
from time to time, until further order : provided always, that there be a 
pair of bars or gate made at each end of said Field, for such as have 
occasion to go through said Field in the private highway, with teams, 


taking down the bars, and carefully putting them up again, or shutting 
said gates as they pass through, and no droves of cattle or hogs or horse 
to be allowed to go through said Field, on penalty of paying whatsoever 
damage they do, and five shillings a time they offend as aforesaid in any 
of the particulars above mentioned, to be to the use of the proprietors." 
This Field took in about 90 acres, and covered what is now West Brook- 
field village. 

Meeting-House. — Since the Re-Settlement, up to this date, there had 
been no house dedicated to public worship. And there are no records 
to indicate where preaching services were held. The fact that the min- 
ister/;-^ tempore was designated as "Chaplain to the Garrison " leads to 
the inference that Sabbath services were held at Gilbert's Fort till 1713. 

Sept. 17, 1 714. "The Committee unanimously agree that the Inhab- 
itants build a Meeting-house wherein to attend the worship of God, which 
shall be set up and erected in said place where formerly the Meeting- 
house was built near old John Ayres' House Lott, lying near about the 
centre of the Town : And the Committee have and do by these presents 
order that the Constable, together with Edward Walker, Sen., and Joseph 
Banister take an exact list of the rateable estates both real and personal, 
within the precincts of Brookfield, and cause a rate to be made, for the 
payment of their minfster and other charges." 

Nov. 22, 1715. "The inhabitants of Brookfield agreed, by the con- 
sent of the Committee, to build a Meeting-house wherein to carry on the 
worship of God; in the form and manner as followeth : viz., 45 feet in 
length and 35 feet in width, and to put in Galery pieces so that they 
may build galeries when they shall have occasion ; and to carry on the 
building the said house as far as they can conveniently with their labour ; 
and what shall be required in money for the carrying said work, to be 
raised by a Town rate ; and if any person or persons refuse to labour, 
having suitable warning by the committee hereafter named, shall pay 
their proportion in money. The inhabitants likewise agree to get the 
timber this winter. The committee chosen to oversee and take care for 
the carrying on of said work are Thomas Barns, Henry Gilbert, Lieut. 
Philip Goss, Ens. Thomas Gilbert, Joseph Banister, Edward Walker, 
Joseph Jennings, John Woolcott, Wm Old. Then ordered that a rate 
of 150 pounds be made towards building the meeting-house." 

The work proceeded slowly ; the house was raised and covered in 
during the next year; so that at a meeting Jan. 4, 171 7, the Committee 
ordered a rate of 30 pounds to be made to pay for " Glass and Nails 
for their Meeting-house, and 8 pounds for window cases." It appears 
to have been so far completed that the ordination services were held in 
it Oct. 16 ; but the following vote indicates that the seating arrangements 
were imperfect : " At a meeting of the inhabitants of Brookfield Dec. 

190 SECOND SETTLEMENT, i6S6-iyi8. 

23, 1 71 7, being legally warned, by order of the Committee, then 7>ofed, 
that all round upon the Bastings ? of the Meeting-house shall be built 
up with pews." 

Horse-sheds. Our fathers did not consider a meeting-house as fin- 
ished, till a shelter for their horses had been provided. " Oct. 12, 1716, 
voted, that from the Ayres land to the Meeting-house the highway be 
laid out ten rodds in breadth ; and one acre & half of land be laid out 
round about the Meeting-house to make shelters for to sett horses under, 
horse-block, and other necessary uses." 

A Settled Minister. — Nov. 22, 1715. "The inhabitants of Brook- 
field agreed with Mr. Thomas Cheney to carry on the work of the Min- 
istry in said place for 26 pounds for half a year, and to have the use of 
the Ministry house and lot, and land belonging or appropriated for the 
Ministry in said place ; and so in proportion for a longer time ; and in 
case he stay, and continue in the work of the ministry, to pay him at the 
end of every half year." 

" Also voted, to clear, fence and break up two acres for an orchard for 
the Minister, and likewise to finish clearing and fencing a pasture which 
is already begun for the Minister." 

Mar. 28, 1 716. "The Committee for Brookfield did this day grant 
to Mr. Thomas Cheney, now Minister in said place, the land lying be- 
tween Mr. Wilson's and Mr. Younglove's land, and the 20 acres of 
meadow belonging to said lot ; and also 8 or 10 acres on the plain ; 
and also 100 acres, to be taken up free from former grants where he 
shall chuse — always provided Mr. Cheney become a settled Minister in 
said place." 

April 5, 1 716. "At a meeting of the inhabitants of Brookfield, voted, 
that Edward Walker, Sen., Joseph Banister and Elisha Rice do further 
discourse Mr. Cheney as to his proposal in order to a settlement in said 
place to carry on the work of the Ministry. Having considered Mr. 
Cheney's proposals, the inhabitants voted, i, to give Mr, Cheney for his 
Salary 5 2 pounds yearly for three years, and to rise 40 shillings a year 
untill it comes to 70 pounds, and there to stay. 2. Voted, that Mr. 
Cheney have all the land that the Committee proposed to give him. 3. 
Voted, to build him a house and barn, according to the dementions that 
he has given, Mr. Cheney providing glass, nails and iron. 4. Voted, to 
break up and fence and fitt to sow 8 acres of Land, 4 acres upon the 
Hill ; two acres to be planted out with orcharding this year ; and 4 acres 
to be broken up on the plain this year ; the other two acres to be done 
within four years. 5. Voted, to get Mr. Cheney 25 cords of wood 
yearly his lifetime. 6. Voted, to give Mr. Cheney each man one day's 
work yearly, for six years. His house and barn to be built in four years 
— always provided Mr. Cheney be our ordained Minister." "Approved 


by the Committee, May 16, 1716 — Provided Mr. Cheney be their set- 
tled minister three years." 

Mr. Cheney'' s Proposals. " Gentlemen : as to the Dementions of the 
House and Barn you propose to build for me, In case I should settle 
amongst you, it is my mind and desire with respect to my House, that 
the length may be 42 foott, the width 20 foott ; as to the stud, 14 foott 
stud. And as to the Barn, that it may be 30 foott long, and 20 foott 
wide with a lentow on one side. As to the glass, nails and iron, I will 
provide and procure myself so far as is necessary to said House and 
Barn. This from your Servant, Thomas Cheney." 

Oct. 12, 1 716. "Sold to Mr. Thomas Cheney our present Minister, 
the Town's house, and about six acres of land it stands on, for which he 
is to set off and allow unto the inhabitants 30 pounds of the first Rates 
that are due to him or will be due." 

As definite arrangements appeared to them to be unreasonably de- 
layed, the Committee prepared a warrant and sent an order June 28, 
1 71 7, to Brookfield, for a meeting of the inhabitants. The meeting was 
held July 16, Thomas Gilbert moderator. " Voted, that said meeting is 
legal to prosecute the ends of said warrant received from said Commit- 
tee for said Town. • 

Voted, that the Reverend Mr. Thomas Cheney shall be ordained min- 
ister for the Town. 

Voted, The third Wednesday in October next is appointed and set 
apart for Mr. Cheney's ordination. 

Voted, that Mr. Tilly Mirick and Joseph Banister acquaint Mr. Cheney 
with the Town's mind, and as to the day agreed upon for his ordination. 

[The committee promptly reported that Mr. Cheney consents thereto.] 

Voted, that Tilly Mirick, Joseph Banister, Thomas Barns, Thomas 
Parsons, do take care that suitable provision be made for such Elders 
and Messengers as may be called to assist in our ordination. 

Voted, that the Town celebrate and set apart a day of Fasting and 
Prayer to implore God's presence with us in this solemn and weighty 
matter — which day is left to Mr. Cheney to appoint. Full and Clear 

Test, Thomas Gilbert, moderator. 

July 28, 1 71 7. We the subscribers, having given order for said meet- 
ing, do well approve of the votes aforesaid. And rejoice in their unan- 
imity in so good a work, and hope to have further ocation to rejoyce in 
their good settlement. 

Saini'-i- Partridge [ 

Sam'-^ Porter { Comviittee 

Eben'^ Pumroy I 

192 SECOND SETTLEMENT, 16S6-1718. 

Oct. 16, 1 71 7, a Church was organized, and Mr. Cheney was consti- 
tuted its pastor. The Sermon preached on the occasion was printed, 
and is entitled, " The duty of Gospel Ministers to preserve a People 
from Corruption, set forth in a sermon, preached at Brookfield, Octo- 
ber 16, 1 71 7, being the day wherein the Church was gathered, and Mr. 
Thomas Cheney was ordained Pastor. By Solomon Stoddard, A.M. and 
Pastor of Northampton." 

Church Covenant. — " You do now in the presence of the great and 
holy God, the elect Angels, and this assembly of witnesses, enter into 
a solemn and perpetual covenant, never to be forgotten, never to be 

You sincerely and cordially give up yourself to that God whose name 
alone is Jehovah ; taking God the Father to be your God and Father, 
God the Son to be your only Saviour and Redeemer, God the Holy 
Ghost to be your Sanctifier and Comforter. 

You submit yourself to Christ, and accept him as the Prophet, Priest, 
and King of your soul, the Great Head of the Church, and the only 
Mediator of the covenant of grace : promising that by the assistance of 
the Holy Spirit, you will keep the covenant of the Lord inviolably ; that 
you will cleave to the Lord Jesus Christ by faith and Gospel obedience ; 
and will endeavor to reform your life as to all known sin, whether open 
or secret — will live in the conscientious discharge of all duty towards 
God and man — walking in all the commandments and ordinances of 
the Lord blamelessly ; that you will endeavor that the inward temper of 
your mind be conformed to God's will and word ; and that you will 
follow the excellent example which Christ has set you for the rule of 
your life. 

You also give up )'Ourself to this Church in the Lord ; and freely 
covenant and bind yourself to walk as a regular member of Christ's 
Church ; to obey them that have rule over you in the Lord ; to read 
God's word, and to live in the practice of social and secret prayer, and 
in diligent attendance on the word preached, and ordinances admin- 
istered : — relying on the grace and all-sufficiency of Christ, which are 
sufficient for you — you promise to walk according to what you now 
know, or shall know to be your duty. 

Do yon sincerely and cordially consent to the covenant now proposed ? 

We then receive you as a sincere disciple of Christ, and a member of 
the same church with ourselves, — promising, so long as God shall 
continue you among us, to watch over you with meekness and brotherly 
love : — and may the Lord add to the numbers and graces of his 
church, and finally bring us all to join the general Assembly and Church 
of the First-born, whose names are written in heaven. Amen." 

Ministry Lands. — March 8, 17 16-17, "The Committee taking into 


consideration a former grant in the ancient Manuscripts of Brookfield, 
of some land sequestered for the Ministry — now find that there is about 
thirty acres of land between the land formerly Younglove's and Millett's ; 
which land we the Committee do now sequester for the Ministry in 
said place, with the meadow adjacent lying at the end of said thirty 

" At the same time, sequestered 80 acres of land upon the north side 
of the River, and as many on the south side the said River, for the 
Ministry." The 80 acres, north of the River, was laid out, and bounded 
" South on Joseph Banister, King's, Hovey's and Joseph Brabrook's, 
East on John White, dec'J., and Sam^ Owen, Jr., North on Capt. Thomas 
Baker, West on the great Rocky hill to the foot of the hill." 

1 716. — The new comers this year, were David Wedge, perhaps from 
Sudbury ; Benjamin Knowlton, from Springfield, who had a grant of 60 
acres ; Joseph Knowlton, from Springfield, who bought out Joseph 
Rice ; William Biggerton, M'ho had a grant of a 30 acre home-lot, and 
later of 210 acres; John Morse; Thomas Bartlett, who had a grant of 
60 acres. 

1 71 7. — The new comers this year were: Arthur Tucker, (Tooker) 
a turner, who was of Lancaster 1690, received a grant of 60 acres, and 
later in all of 245 acres ; Tilly Mirick, from Springfield, tanner, bought 
the Prichard place of Jos. Jennings ; James Aiken had a grant of 80 
acres north of the Jabez Olmstead place ; John Hitchcock of Spring- 
field had a grant of 30 acres, but did not come to reside till later ; 
Jonathan Davis, shoemaker, had a grant of 60 acres on condition that 
he set up his trade ; Josiah, Jr., John and Simon Beamin had grants, 
and settled. 

Wood Feeding. " The Committee, taking into consideration the 
necessity of sequestering some land in Brookfield for Wood Feeding, 
&c., Therefore have sequestered a piece for the use aforesaid, which 
land is bounded as foUoweth, viz. : Westerly upon the old Country Road, 
southerly upon Joseph Brabook's land, easterly upon the Ministry and 
School land, northerly upon Benjamin Knowlton, Joseph Knowlton and 
Arthur Tucker's land ; being a Rocky Piece of land — the aforesaid is 
to be a perpetual Common for the use aforesaid, forever." 

Sam'-^ Partridge r Com^''^ 
Luke Hitchcock 'j 0/ 
Eben"^ Pumroy y Brookfield. 

Land Holders. — The following list of land holders in Brookfield, 
in the hand writing of Samuel Partridge, is preserved. It has great in- 
trinsic value ; and taken in connection with the list of new comers of 
this year, furnishes the names of the tax payers, and the comparative 



value of the real estate of each, at the time of the incorporation of the 

"A Rate made this 22d day of April, 171 7, for the paying the Min- 
ister of Brookfield & the Meeting-house & other Necessary charges in 
s d place, made the day above said by us the Committee for Brook- 
field : 







Ayres, Benjamin . . 




Gilbert, Ens. Thomas . 




" Edward . . . 




" Thomas . . . 




" John, Sen. . . 




Goldsbury, Robert . . 




" John, Jr. . . . 




Goss, Lt. Philip . . . 




" Joseph . . . 




Green, John .... 




" Mark . . . . 




Hamilton, John, Sen. . 




" Nathaniel . . 




John, Jr. . 




" Thomas . . . 




Hawley, Ens. Joseph . 




Baker, Capt. Thomas . 




Hayward, Ephraim 




Banister, Joseph . . 




" Eben"", heirs of 0. 



Barns, Noah . . . . 




Hinds, Enoch . . . 




" Samuel . . . 




" Hopestill . . 




" Thomas . . . 




" John .... 




Barrus, Joshua . . . 




Hitchcock, Ens. John. 


1 1. 


BarUet, Abijah, heirs oi 




" Capt. Luke 




" Benjamin . 




How, Jeremiah . . . 




" Thomas . . 




Jennings, Benj., heirs of 




Beamin, Josiah . . 




" Jonathan . . 




" Simon, Jr. . 




" Joseph . . 



1 1. 

Bettys, Thomas, heirs 

f 0. 



King, , heirs of . 




Biggerton, William . 




Knowlton, Benjamin . 




Brabrook, Joseph . 




Marks, Joseph, Sen. . 




Bush, Samuel . . 




" Joseph, Jr. . . 




Coy, Richard . . 

. 0. 



Morse, John .... 




Davis, Benjamin. . 

. 0. 



Old, William .... 




" Samuel, Sen. 

. 2. 



Olmstead, Jabez . . 




" Samuel, Jr. . 

. 0. 



Owen, Samuel, Sen. . 




D wight, Lt. Henry . 

. 0. 



" Samuel, Jr. , . 




Emmons, Robert . 




Parsons, John . . . 




Ferry, Gershom . . 

. 0. 



" Thomas . . . 




Gibbs, Thomas . . 




Partridge, Col. Samuel 




Gilbert, Ebenezer . 




" Goldsbury 

" Henry . . 

• 3- 







" John . . . 




Perry, John .... 




" Nathaniel . 

. 0. 



" Joseph . . . 




" Samuel . . 




Peters, Henry . . . 












Pomrov, Capt. Eben"" . 




Taylor, Henry, heirs of 




Porter, Samuel, Esq. . 




Wait, John, Jerre, Jo- -n 

seph, ! 

John Belding & Jos. | 

Price, Daniel . . . 
Pynchon, Col. John . 





. 0. 



" " his Farm 




Smith J 

" Capt. John , 




Walker, Benjamin . 

. 0. 



Rich, John .... 




" Edward, Sen. 




" Thomas . . . 




" Edward, Jr. 




" Thomas, Sen., hei 


" Joseph . . 








Wedge, David . . 




Rice, Amos .... 



Wheeler, Samuel . 




" Azariah . . . 



White, John, heirs of 




" Cyprian . . . 



Williams, Lt. Samuel 




" Elisha .... 



Woolcott, John . . 




" Pelatiah . . . 
Shepherd, John . . . 




• 3- 


Stoddard, Maj. John . 






Second Incorporation of the Town. — Meeting-House. — Minister. — School. — 
Burying Grounds. — Father Ralle's War. — Old French and Indian War. — 
Last French and Indian War. — The Revolution — Shay's Rebellion. — The 
Spooner Murder. — First Celebration of Independence. 

THE last chapter brought our narrative down to the date when 
Brookfield had built a meeting-house and settled a minister — a 
preparation then regarded as essential to the prosperity and per- 
manence of a town. The present chapter opens with the commence- 
ment of the formal steps needful to a legal organization which should 
give the inhabitants all township rights and privileges. 

"To his Excellency, Samuel Shute, Esq., and the Hon^ Council and 
House of Representatives, convened in General Court the 28th of May, 
1718 — 

We undersigned, the Committee for Brookfield, after many Disappoint- 
ments by warr and otherwise which for a long time the people have laboured 
under, by the good providence of God are. now so increased that they are 
now near fifty families on the place, have near finished a very convenient 
meeting-house, have settled a church and ordained an orthodox & learned 
Minister — We humbly propose that they be made a Township, to order all 
the affairs of a Township, according to the directions of the Law by them- 
selves, & said Committee released, — which we submit to the Court's deter- 
mination. And for your Excellency and Honors shall ever pray. 

Saml Partridge f Committee 
Samuel Porter \ for 
Luke Hitchcock I Brookfield. 

"In the House of Representatives, Nov. 12, 1718, Read, and Ordered, 
That the prayers of this Petition be granted: and that the Inhabitants of 
the Town of Brookfield be invested with all the powers, privileges and 
authorities to direct, order and manage all the affairs of the said Town- 
ship that other Towns are or ought to be invested with ; And that the Com- 
mittee be dismist from their care of them, with the thanks of this Court 


for their good & faithful service. The said Town to lye to the County of 

In Council, Read and Concurred. 

Consented to 

Saml Shute. 

First Towti Meeting. "A meeting duly warned," was convened Dec. 
15, I 718, and Left. Philip Goss was chosen moderator for saiei day, and 
Thomas Gilbert toivn clerk and Treasurer. The work of the day not 
being finished, the meeting was adjourned to the next Monday, when 
Capt. Thomas Baker was chosen moderator ; Thomas Barns, Left. 
Philip Goss, Elisha Rice, Samuel Barns and Thomas Gilbert, assessors ; 
Tilly Mirick, Joseph Brabrook, Thomas Parsons, committee to examine 
town debts ; Ens. Joseph Jennings and Joseph Banister, measurers, they 
to have t^s. 6d. per day for their service ; Elisha Rice, Thomas Gibbs, 
and Jonathan Jennings, committee to take care & see that the Grants 
made by the former Committee do pay equal proportion to the Rate 
committed to constable Walker to collect for the meeting-house, &c. 
Voted, that Thomas Gilbert now chosen town clerk, do receive of the 
former clerk the Town Book and all other writings belonging to the 
Town of Brookfield. Voted, that Samuel Owen, John Perry and Daniel 
Price be freed from paying rates for their heads. Voted, that Tilly 
Mirick, Henry Gilbert, Edward Walker, and Ens. Joseph Jennings, do 
take care about the grist-mill that the Town may be supplied with meal 
according to the bargain made with John Hayward." 

Lands Granted. — Among the earliest acts of the new town, [and 
the haste of the action clearly evinced the wisdom of the General Court 
in keeping the people so long under the restraint of a cool-headed Com- 
mittee] was the confirmation of previous grants, and the apportionment 
among the then inhabitants of the valuable lands not already taken up. 

" At a legal town meeting of the inhabitants of Brookfield on January 
ye 5th 1719-20, Voted, that the Town are of the opinion that the power 
is wholly in the Town to make Grants of Land." 

"At a legal town meeting May 31, 1720, Then voted, that the land be 
laid out by a committee, which committee is to lay out said lands to 
sute every man's interest as near as may be ; and in case said committee 
cant sute every man in quality, may and are hereby impowered to make 
it up in quantity. The committee are. Left. Philip Goss, Dea. Joseph 
Jennings, Samuel Barns, Thomas Gibbs and Left. Thomas Gilbert." Sub- 
sequently there were added to the committee, John Woolcott, Robert 
Emmons and Hopestill Hinds, for the east part of the town, and Thomas 
Parsons, for the west part, and William Old, Elisha Rice, Jona. Jennings 
and Amos Rice, for the south side of the river. 

This committee acted promptly and efficiently ; and between the date 


of its appointment and the next March, had made and recorded grants 
amounting in all to 12,883 acres. This included grants to the old 
Committee : To Col. Sam^ Partridge, Sam^ Porter, Esq., Capt. John 
Pynchon, Luke Hitchcock, Esq., Henry Dwight, Esq., each 60 acres, 
and to Maj. John Stoddard, 40 acres. The Committee had previously, 
with the consent of the inhabitants, granted to themselves as follows : 
Col. Partridge, 100 acres, Esq. Porter, 60 acres, Capt. Pynchon, 80 acres, 
Esq. Hitchcock, 140 acres, Esq. Dwight, 40 acres, Maj. Stoddard, 100 

Some of the larger grants were : Joseph Ayres, 250 acres, Joseph 
Banister, 140 a., Capt. Tho. Baker, 350 a., Tho. Barns, 380 a., Jos. Bra- 
brook, 170 a., Rev. Tho. Cheney, 172 a., Dea. Henry Gilbert, 259 a, 
Tho. Gilbert, 346 a.. Left. Philip Goss, 246 a., John Hamilton, 340 a., 
George Hayward, 167 a., Eben'' How, 164 a., Dea. Jos. Jennings, 343 
a., Tho. La Rich, 210 a., Tilly Mirick, 390 a., Elisha Rice, 161 a., Edw. 
Walker, Sen., 202 a., John Woolcott, 187 a., Josiah Wood, 165 a. 

Minister and Meeting-house. — In addition to Ministry Lands, 160 
acres, and the 172 acres to Mr. Cheney as an inhabitant, the town voted 
^146, to build a house for Mr. C. ; and when he decided to remain in 
the Town's house, opposite the Ayres tavern stand, voted to dig and 
stone a well for him there, and give him the improvement of the 
Ministry home-lot. 

At a town meeting, legally warned, and held Jan. 5th 1 718-9, Voted, 
Tilly Mirick moderator. Voted, to make a Rate of 250 pounds for 
paying the Minister, and other town charges, & the overplus to be laid 
out in finishing the meeting-house. 

The meeting-house was not finished for several years ; but prompt 
action was taken to assign the pew ground to men whose taxable estates 
entitled them to such distinction. 

At a town meeting Jan. 5, 1719, Voted, that Capt. Thomas Baker 
have a pew in the meeting-house, on right hand of the South door, he 
paying 3 pounds ; he has already paid 3 pounds in money. Voted, 
that Thomas Gilbert have a pew at the right of the East door, he paying 
2 pounds ; each pew to be eight feet square. At subsequent meetings, 
pew room was granted to Left. Philip Goss, John Woolcott, Joseph 
Banister, John Hamilton, Joseph Ayres, Dea. Henry Gilbert, Edw. 
Walker, Sen., Tilly Mirick, Dea. Joseph Jennings, Thomas Barns, Sam- 
uel Barns, Hopestill Hinds. Voted, to build a Ministry pew on the right 
hand of the pulpit. Voted, to build a pew on the left hand of the 
pulpit, to be for the Deacons' wives, and said wives to sit in the pew 
during their natural lives. Voted, that he that hath a pew granted in 
the meeting-house, do pay in to the town treasurer 40s., or else forfeit 
their pews. Voted, to build up the seats in the body of the meeting- 



house with strong plain seats. Voted, Joseph Jennings, Jr., Daniel 
Bowker, Comfort Barns and Daniel Walker, liberty to build a pew upon 
the back-side of the front gallery, provided they build the same upon 
their own cost, and move the windows against their seats to the plate ; 
and when any one or all of them shall be brought forward, or seated 
elsewhere, then to sell their right in the aforesaid pew to those that 
appear to buy it. 

Seating the Meeting-house. The committee,, viz. Elisha Rice, Sam- 
uel Barns, Jos. Brabrook, Thomas Gilbert and Samuel Wheeler, were 
instructed "to have regard to age, where it is honorable, and to estate; 
taking the list that Mr. Cheney's Rate was made by as a rule ; having 
also regard to men's servicefulness in the town. Voted, To seat seven 
or eight in a seat in the body of the house below, and in the front 
gallery ; and fourteen in a seat in the side gallery. Voted, that the fore 
seat in the front gallery shall be equal in dignity with the third seat in 
the body ; and the fore seat in the side gallery shall be equal with the 
fourth seat in the body of the house." 

" Voted, that the selectmen do take care and get a man to sweep 
the meeting-house, as cheap as they can." In 1733, the town voted, 
"that the women that set in the front gallery in the meeting-house, be 
seated in some other convenient place in said house, the pews only 

School. — The new town made early provision for the education of the 
children. "At a legal meeting held Jan. 5, 1719-20, then granted for 
a School, 40 acres, on the north side of the river." The town had in 
1 71 7 sequestered two other " School Lots " of 80 acres each, making 200 
acres in all. These school lands were leased by the selectmen to such 
inhabitants as would pay the highest rent for their use, and this income 
was applied by the selectmen (without an express vote of the town) to 
the payment of teachers' wages. 

In most of our towns, at their beginning, and till the meeting-house 
was finished, and the minister ordained, and the leading highways laid 
out, no public school was established and supported by a tax. There 
were usually some men and some women, with sufficient education to 
teach the rudiments of reading, spelling and arithmetic, who would 
receive scholars at their homes, and charge 2d. to 6d. per week for in- 
struction. The unfinished room was used by the Dames in summer, and 
the capacious kitchen, well warmed, was used by the Masters in winter. 

Sometimes the town would agree to pay a fixed sum to the teacher, in 
part for his services, and he would charge a part to the scholars ; and in 
such case the records make mention of a school. But when teachers' 
wages came wholly from the rent of school lands and private tuition, no 
such record is found. The first mention of a school in the Brookfield 


records is under date, Dec. 12, 1726, when "the town voted io give Left. 
Eleazar Warner the sum of money that the selectmen agreed with him 
for keeping the school." The wording of this vote implies that a public 
school had already been established, by authority of the selectmen, and 
the town now assumed the responsibility for the teacher's wages. 

The following votes give an outline of the town's action respecting 
schools. "Jan. 23, 1728, voled, that a school shall be kept at four several 
places in town, the town to be divided into four parts by a committee 
consisting of Wm Old, Ephm Hayward, VVm Ayres, Saml Barns and 
John Hinds. Voted to agree with a school master for but half a year at 
first, and to be left with the selectmen to agree with a man as cheap 
as they can ; and to appoint a place where the children shall meet in 
order to be scooled. Voted to raise ;!{^20, to pay said schoolmaster, or 
some of it, as the selectmen agree with him." 

Dec, 1728, the town "voted to build one scool house in the most 
convenient place to sute the most inhabitants. Voted, to set it in the most 
convenient place between Tucker's old place and the new country road 
where it comes across Coy's brook. The following persons entered dis- 
sent against the site of the school house : Ephm Hayward, Philip Goss, 
Jr., Jonathan Jennings, Timothy Brown, Jos. Davis, Peter Rice, Tho. 
Rich, Cyprian Rice, Edw. Ayres, Jos. Walker." The vote was afterwards 
reconsidered; and the school house was not built till 1733. It stood 
close by the line between W. and N. Brookfield, near Coy's brook, a 
short distance west of where the road from Foster's hill joins the new 
country road. This was the geographical centre of the town. 

The usual annual grant for the school was ^20. 

May 15, 1732. Voted, that the selectmen be desired and directed and 
impowered to hier and Improve fouer wimen to keep schoU : in the most 
convenant places to accomodate the most Children for fower months 
from the time they begin to keep sd schoU. Granted for the support of 
the school for the future ^50. 

1733. Voted, that any number of men that are minded to build a 
school house may set it up in the highway or common land near the 
middle of the town. Voted, that any number of men have the same 
privilege in any other part of the town. 

Moving school. Nov. 23, 1739, voted to have two school masters for 
four months in the winter season : To be moved into the several parts 
of the town. Voted £,\oo for the support of the school. 

1 74 1. Granted Jacob Wood's wife 3 pounds for her keeping school 
in the year 1 740. 

1744. Granted for support of the school 150 pounds old tenor. 

Grammar School. 1746. The town granted 150 pounds, old tenor, 
for the support of the grammar school, and instructed the selectmen to 


see that a place was stated for keeping said school ; and voted that 
School Dames be employed in the summer season. 

1748. " Voted, that where there is 15 or 20 children can conveniently 
come to one school in any part of the town, they shall be allowed a 
School Dame, at the charge of the town, they procuring sd Dame." 

1 749. Granted for the support of schools 300 pounds, old tenor. 

1 750. Granted ;!^40 lawful money for support of schools. 

1754. A reading and writing school was kept at Abraham Adams' 
house for a short time, by Alexr Stuart. 

1756. ^^ Voted, that the school be kept in the several Precincts in this 
town, each Precinct to have its equal proportion, and to be stated by 
the inhabitants of each Precinct in their own respective Precinct." 

1760. " Voted, that the interest of the money due the town for the sale 
of Common Land called "The Rocks," and other lands sold last year, 
be appropriated for the support of a Free School, for the benefit of the 
Inhabitants of said town, as the selectmen shall order, for this year, and 
until the town shall further direct in the affair." 

Items of Interest. — 1719. Capt. Thomas Baker was sent repre- 
sentative to the General Court; and in 1723 the town raised money to 
pay him for his services. 

Philip Robitail, a half brother of Capt. Baker's wife, appears to have 
been in Brookfield this year, and worked on the Captain's farm. Other 
new comers were, Ebenezer How, blacksmith, from Marlborough ; Alex- 
ander Stewart, tailor, from M. ; Obadiah Rice, also from M., bought the 
Bettis' place ; Samuel King, alias Rice, from Sudbury ; Jonas Houghton, 
and Thomas Tucker, from Lancaster, bought the Arthur Tucker place ; 
Capt. Thomas Perley and Stephen Peabody from Boxford bought a large 
tract of land near the Brimfield line, of Tilly Mirick. 

1720. Voted, not to send a representative this year. 

A, wolf's head was brought to the constable by Benj. Walker, and 
another by Hopestill Hinds. 

The settlers this year were, Jacob x'Vbbott, carpenter, from Andover ; 
Richard Burk, Sen., and his sons Richard and Jonathan, carpenters, from 
Stow, perhaps later from Northampton ; John Patterson ; Wm Hair ; 
Josiah Wood ; Obadiah Wright ; Jacob Wood. 

1 72 1. Capt. Thomas Baker, Tilly Mirick and Left. Thomas Gilbert 
were appointed Trustees, to take up the ;^5o. province bills granted to 
our town by the Great and General Court. Voted, to let out the ^50, 
upon interest, no man to have over ;^ro. 

1722. Voted, that all hogs may go at large, being yoaked and ringed 
as the law directs. 

1726. Voted, that all persons that are freeholders, and are of age to 
act for themselves, shall or may be voters in the town meeting. 

202 BROOKFIELD RECORDS, 1718-1786. 

1728. Voted, to take our proportion of the ;;^6o,ooo, out of the 
Public Treasury of the Province ; that Thomas Gilbert, Samuel Barns 
and Wm Old be the Trustees to let out the money ; and that no 
man have less than ^5, nor more than ^10, Brookfield's share was 

1 730. Voted, to build a pound near John Green's house, between the 
two highways. 

Voted, to have four contributions this year : the first next Sabbath, and 
so once a quarter, for to raise money for Mr. Cheney, to make up some- 
thing of the loss he hath been in the bills of credit. 

1 73 1. May 14, Voted, that whoever, within 20 days, shall kill any 
rattlesnake, and shall bring the last joint of the tail thereof to the select- 
men, and shall solemnly declare that the said snake was killed in or near 
our town, shall have 3d. reward. 

1 734. A premium of 40 shillings was offered for killing grown wolves 
within the limits of the town. 

1739. Voted, that no bark for tanning, or wood for coaling be cut on 
the Common or undivided lands in this town. 

Chose Hopestill Hinds and Joseph Hamilton a committee to prevent 
the killing of Deer, as the law provides. 

1740. Oct. 16, Rev. George Whitefield preached in Brookfield, from 
the large rock on the top of Foster's hill. 

1 741. Voted, that the Land Bank or Manufactory Bills shall pay all 
town charges for the present year. 

1742. The new Town of Western was incorporated, taking in the 
S. W. part of Brookfield. 

1742. Support of the Poor. Up to this date, aid to poor persons 
was given by abating taxes, granting specified sums to individuals, paying 
doctor's bills, &c, and only 3 or 4 such instances are on the records. 
This year the town granted forty pounds, old tenor, " for the support of 
the Poor." The next year the grant was fifty pounds ; and a like grant 
was continued from year to year. 

1747. Dec. II. Rev. Thomas Cheney died, aged 57. 

Temperance. At a legal meeting of the inhabitants of Brookfield, 
Sept. 30, 1754, Capt. Ebenezer Witt, moderator — That paragraph in 
the Excise Bill which relates to the private consumption of Spirituous 
Liquors &c., together with his Excellency's speech thereon, being read, 
the Question was put by the moderator, whether the town will consent 
to said Paragraph being passed into a Law, it was voted in the affirma- 

Bears. William Watson captured a grown bear and a cub ; and 
Reuben Hamilton killed two cubs in Brookfield. 

1759. May 22, Voted, that for the future, town meetings be held as 


follows: in 1759 in the First Parish; in 1760 in the Second Parish; in 
1 76 1, in the Third Precinct, and so successively hereafter. 

Coaches. In an official return of wheel-carriages for pleasure, in 1755, 
Worcester has none ; Lancaster, 3 chaises ; Brookfield, 3 chairs ; Leices- 
ter, 3 chairs. 

Father Ralle's War. — This sanguinary conflict with the Indians, 
was instigated by the French authorities in Canada, Father Ralle, a 
Jesuit living at Norridgewock, Me., being the chief instrument, and 
hence the name. It was opened in 1722, and continued four years. 
The princii^al field of operations was in the Province of Maine and New 
Hampshire ; but our Massachusetts frontiers became directly involved, 
and several of our Hampshire towns suffered greatly. Brookfield suffered 
most from alarms, and interruption of farming pursuits, and expenses of 
maintaining a garrison, and watching, warding and scouting. The town 
records are silent on all matters relating to this, and the succeeding 
French and Indian wars ; and our only means of information are the 
State Archives. 

The lists of field and garrison soldiers, soon to be given, comprise men 
who then were, or afterwards became citizens of Brookfield. 

1722. The Council Records, under date July 9, 1722, note : Advised, 
that his Excellency give orders for 50 men to be raised to be employed 
as scouts on the Western Frontiers, viz. 20 men to be drawn out of Col. 
Partridge's regiment, their scout to be between Brookfield and North- 
field ; 15 men out of Col. Buckminster's regiment, their scout to be from 
Lancaster to Brookfield via Rutland. 

In Col. Samuel Partridge's Co., in service Aug. 18 to Nov. 26, were 
Thomas Baker, acting as sergt., Eleazar Warner, corporal, Paul De Land, 
private. In Maj. John Chandler's Co., same date, were Jona. Burk, 
John Hamilton, Experience Rich, John Rich, Benj. Walker, Daniel 
Walker, Joseph Walker, Jacob Wood. In Capt. Samuel Barnard's Co., 
same date, were Benj., John and Joseph Wait, then of Northampton. 

1723. May 14. Col. Partridge writes to Gov. Dummer : "The 
River is pretty well secured by the forts and men at Northfield and 
Deerfield ; yet Sunderland, Hatfield, Hadley, Northampton, Westfield 
and Brookfield and Rutland are too much exposed to invasion from the 
east and west. . . . These towns can't stand the strain upon them to 
watch and ward, scout and fort, without pay, while their spring work is 
pressing to be done. They can't get a living." . . . [There was a quarrel 
of long standing between the Governor and the House of Representa- 
tives, which checkmated all legislation necessary for making appropria- 
tions and raising money to garrison these exposed towns.] 

Aug. 14. The Indians made a descent on Rutland, killed the minis- 
ter, Rev. Jos. Willard, and two lads, Joseph and Samuel Stevens, and 

204 BROOKFIELD RECORDS, 1718-1786. 

carried away two other Stevens boys. Nathaniel Gilbert and a party of 
men from Brookfield went to the relief of Rutland ; and Col. Partridge 
was ordered to engage men to scout in the exposed towns, viz. 5 men 
from Brookfield, and 4 from each of the other frontier towns, to be kept 
in regular and constant duty. These men were placed in command of 
Lieut. Samuel Wright of Rutland, with Eleazar Warner of Brookfield as 
sergeant. Of the men in service Jan. 8, 1724, there were Ammiel 
Weeks and Wm. Thompson of Sudbury, Nathaniel Harwood of Concord, 
Benj. Bartlet, Jona. Burk, John Hamilton, Jos. Walker, and John Wool- 
cott, Jr., of Brookfield. In the spring, Sergt. Warner with 9 men were 
stationed in garrison at Brookfield, and remained from Apr. 13 to Nov. 
20. A Daily Journal of duty done at Brookfield was kept by Sergt. 
Warner, and is preserved in the State Archives. A few extracts will be 
given, which will furnish a picture of the times. The 9 men were, Corp. 
John Hamilton, Benj. Bartlett, Jona. Burk, Daniel Colton (of Spg.) 
Eph"^ Hayward, Ebenezer Metcalf (of Wrentham), Wm Virgin (of 
Concord, later of Brookfield), Joseph Walker, Josiah Wood. 
Tuesday Apr. 14. Two men guarding, the rest warding. 
Three men guarding, the rest warding. 
Four men sent scout to Rutland, the rest warding. 
The scout returned from Rutland. No discovery. 
To ward the garrisons. 
One man to guard the meeting-house. 
Warding, one man guarding. 
Two men to guard, the rest warding. 
All the men warding. 
Two men guarding the meeting-house. 
News from the Block house, of Indians discov- 
ered. Scout sent to inform Capt. Wright. 
Received an addition of ten men. Two men 

guarding the meeting-house. 
Warding at the garrisons. 
A scout sent up to the turn of Ware River. 
We had news from Albany that there was some 
Indians come from Canada, designing for our 
western frontiers. 
A scout sent to the branches of Swift River. 
Two men to guard the meeting-house. 
Five men guarding, the rest warding. 
When winter set in, Capt. Wright took command of the scouting parties, 
with headquarters at Rutland. Some extracts from his Journal follow : 
Nov. 29. Scouted towards Wachusett, and cross towards Brookfield. 
Dec. 4. Snow deep & soft, could not go out with snow-shoes nor 





















1 1. 











1725. Jan. 3. Guarded to Brookfiekl mill, with grain. 

Jan. II. Some to Bkfd., some to Worcester to mill. 
" 19. Scouted over Ware River; 20. and back of Brookfield ; 21. 
back into the woods again. 

Feb. 2. Scouted; discovered some tracks; 3. went out after them, 
but they scattered, we could not follow them; 4. came in; 5. kept 
garrison; 10. guard to mill to Brookfield; 26. sent a company to buy 
corn at Brookfield. Mar. 4. went to Brookfield to fetch provisions. 
Mar. 18-19. guarded the people fencing their meadows. Apr. i. 
guarded the people at the corn mill. Apr. 26. guarded the people to 
plow. May 4-13. guarded the people to plant. 10. scouted, discov- 
ered Indian tracks by Ware River. 28. Indians came about the garri- 
sons ; 29. scouted the swamps in pursuit of the Indians; 31. watched 
without the garrisons, and ranged the swamps with dogs. July 10. 
guarded 23 men at work in the meadows making hay. 

Rev. Mr. Cheney'' s Letter. Brookfield May 25, 1725. 

May it please yr Honour: I would by these humbly entreat y Honour 
would think of our Poor afiiicted Town, and that you would please to grant 
our Town some garrison soldiers. I would beg yr Honour not to be Troubled 
that I take upon me to request this favour of you to my people, for their 
interest and welfare in a great measure is mine ; and if they can't have 
some help, by reason of the danger of the enemy they will not be able to 
improve their lands, and so not be able to live themselves nor to pay me my 
sallary ; and several of my people desired that I would write a line to your 
Honour in their behalf. This Sir with hearty thanks for the care your 
Honour hath taken of us, and with hearty wishes of all prosperity upon 
y person. Family and Government — is from y dutiful 

and ob d t Servant 

Thomas Cheney. 

In response, ten men were ordered to Brookfield, from the upper 
County. They had been with Capt. Samuel Willard from June 10 ; 
were given in charge of Lieut. Eleazar Warner, and remained in Brook- 
field till Nov. 28. Their names are as follows : Corp. Wm. Old, Eben"" 
Ayres, Daniel Bovvker, Daniel Colton, Joseph Davis, Thomas Gibbs, 
Samuel Gilbert, Nathaniel Gilbert, Josiah Wood. Other Brookfield men, 
in service July 26, to Nov. 18, were, Hopestill Hinds, Tilly Mirick, 
Joseph Ayres, Joseph Jennings, Jr., Samuel Davis, Joseph Marks, Edw. 
Walker, William Virgin, Richard Burk, Jona. Burk, Samuel Walker, 
John Davis. Joseph Perry was in Capt. Jos. Kellogg's Co. May 19, 
to July 5. John Woolcott, Jr., was in Capt. Timothy Dwight's Co. June 
I, to Nov. 30. [He was the boy taken by the Indians Oct. 13, 1708 ; 
and was killed by the Indians, on the Connecticut river, Apr. 17, 1728.] 

Capt. Samuel Wight in a letter of Oct. 16, 1725, says: "Our scout 


of 7 men is too little to range from Watchusett hills, on the back side of 
Ware River, and so to the back side of Brookfield. . . . The Indians lye 
on the back side and hunt about 12 miles from the towns ; we hear their 
guns, but are not strong enough to track and follow them." 

A treaty of peace was signed at Boston, Dec. 15, 1725, and ratified at 
Falmouth, Aug. 5, 1726. 

Maj. Chandler's Letter. Woodstock, Mar. 8, 1727-8. 

Sir : On Tuesday last, at 3 P. M., Moh-gun-neat a Norwich Indian, 
with Mo-as-quin-ne and Chausham, two Pequods, came to my house and 
gave me the following Relation, viz : That two Maqua men and a squaw 
with an infant of about 6 months old, came into a house somewhere 
on the road between Springfield and Brookfield [not far from the house 
of Robert Old ] the beginning of last week, who having affronted the 
woman of the house (the only person then at home) by hanging their 
kettle over her fire and turning away her kettle. Either the men of the 
house or some other men coming in, fell foul upon one of the Maqua 
men, and with a great stick has very much wounded his shoulder and 
back : And the child very narrowly escaped with its life, having been 
grazed on the belly with a stick of wood, thrown at the squaw, the 
sharp end whereof carried away part of the child's clothing. He also 
destroyed and ruined the Maqua's kettle. That the Maqua is full of 
resentment and has vowed revenge on the man with his hatchet in May 
next (unless satisfaction be made him), at which time he proposes to 
return with 30 of his countrymen, who will, if he shall be seized, fall 
upon the English. The Indians, my informers, (who have been with the 
Maquas since the violence done them) were sober, and seemed very 
much concerned lest a war should ensue with the Maquas, They also 
say, the Maquas were urgent with them to go with them at their drawing 
off. But altho' they declined it, yet they expressed great dissatisfaction 
at the treatment the Maquas met with. I thought it my duty to transmit 
this account to y"" Honor, who best know what method will be proper 
to take. 

John Chandler.' 

Capt. Joseph Kellogg was in command of Fort Dummer, above North- 
field, from 1726 to 1740. Jos. Perry and Eph™ Kellogg of Brookfield, 
enlisted in Capt. Kellogg's Co., May 12, 1735, and continued m the 
service till May 1 740. 

The Old French and Indian War, i 744-1 749. — War was declared 
by France against England, Mar. 15, 1744; and on the 29th, England 
declared war against France in return. This contest between the powers 
over the water, meant for New England a war with the Indians, with a 

I Mass. State Archives, LXXH. 365. 


repetition of all the atrocities and distress of former struggles with the 

Brookfield was no longer a frontier town. Leicester, Sturbridge, Brim- 
field, Western and Hardwick had been planted on her borders, and 
served as sentinels and guards. And settlements had been pushed up 
the Connecticut valley towards Canada, as far as Walpole and Charles- 
town, where the brunt of first assaults must be borne. The part which 
our people took in this war was chiefly to furnish officers for field 
expeditions, and soldiers to defend the distant frontier forts. 

The declaration of war took the Provinces by surprise, and in a 
measure unprepared. Defensive forts were hastily constructed in most 
of the towns ; and a continuous line of fortifications was built from 
Groton as far west as Adams. Fire-arms were put in repair \ and the 
old men "fought their battles o'er again", to arouse the spirit and 
courage of the young. 

At the March meeting, 1745, Brookfield voted, "To choose a com- 
mittee to require and receive the former Town Stock of Ammunition ; 
and to make a tax on polls and estates of no pounds, old tenor, to 
provide a new Stock of Ammunition." 

Some of the old garrisons, particularly Gilbert's fort, must have been 
still in serviceable condition. And at least one new fort was built 
within our limits. This was "The old French Fort," which stood on 
the top of Coy's hill. Mrs. Eunice P. Cutter of Warren, who was born 
near by, has often heard her father and the old people describe the 
fort, the foundations of which had not wholly disappeared in her child- 
hood. It was located on what is still known as " Rich land," north of 
the Powers' place. Probably it was what was termed a mount, i.e. a 
heavily timbered building, 18 or 20 feet square, and two stories high, 
with a look-out at the top surrounded by a balustrade and covered 
with a roof. These structures sometimes formed one corner of a 
stockade. The one in question appears to have been a part of, or 
adjacent to Rich's tavern, a noted hostelry on this height of land on 
the old Hadley road. 

Col. Joseph Dwight of Brookfield took an important and honorable 
part in this war. He was commander of the Ninth Mass. regiment, in 
the memorable expedition against Louisburg in 1745, the success of 
which was the distinguishing feature of this war. He was commissioned 
Brigadier General by Gov. Shirley, Feb. 10, 1745; and in the active 
operations of the siege had command of the artillery, who, in order to 
bring their fire upon an undefended part of the town, were forced to 
draw their cannon by hand across a morass, where oxen and horses 
could not be used. The siege lasted 49 days ; and the fort capitu- 
lated June 17. Gen. Dwight received special commendation from 


Sir Wm Pepperell ; and June 20, was appointed judge of a Court of 

Capt. Jabez Olmstead took part in this expedition. He commanded 
the loth Co. in Col. Samuel Willard's 4th Mass. regiment. James Fry 
was I St Lieut.; and John Bell 2d Lieut. Edmund Bemis of Spencer 
was also a Lieut, in this Expedition. Bell and Bemis were armorers, and 
were allowed wages as such from Apr. 17, to June 17. Bell was allowed 
7 pounds 6 shillings and 6 pence, old tenor, " on account of his sick- 
ness after his first return from Louisbourg." The French had spiked 
their guns before surrendering, thus making them unserviceable ; but 
Bemis built a wood fire around the breech, which so dilated the metal, 
that the spike was readily driven in, without injury. His ingenuity was 
rewarded by a handsome premium. 

Jonathan Clary of Brookfield enlisted in Capt. Olmstead's Co. as 
drummer, Feb. 15, and died at Cape Breton June 7. 

Benj. Gilbert was commissioned Feb. 7, 1744, ensign in Capt. John 
Dodge's Co., Exp. against Cape Breton. 

Eleazar Heywood of B. went in the same expedition, and died at Cape 
Breton early in 1746. \_Mass. Archives, XVHL 301.] 

Edward Smith of B. enlisted for this expedition. " Capt. Wm Old 
impressed Seth Banister's gun, worth 7 pounds, for the use of the above 
named E. S., who never returned — and the Commissary is ordered to 
deliver s'l Banister a gun out of the Province store." 

The following spirited letter explains itself, and throws important light 
on the general situation. 

" Brookfield, July i6, 1748. 

Sir : We have constant accounts of the enemy their lying upon our bor- 
ders in great numbers, killing and captivating our people ; and we suffer 
ourselves to be a prey to them, and through cowardice or covetousness, or I 
know not what bad spirit in officers and men, we can't so much as bury the 
slain. It appears to me high time for the Government to exert its Power 
and give more effectual directions to officers posted on our frontiers ; and if 
need be to raise half the militia of the Province : But I beg we may have 
lODO men to drive the woods, and pursue the enemy even to Crown Point — 
If it be worth while, to send parties into the enemy's country, and give at 
the rate of ^1000 per scalp — Why when they are so numerous on our bor- 
ders, should we lie intirely still and do nothing— Can't some troops of 
horse be sent, and may not commissions be given to such as will inlist a 
number of Volunteers, and by one way or other so many men raised as will 
a little discourage our enemy — I doubt not I can find many who would 
undertake (even without pay) for the Honour of the Country, and do good 

I wish to hear that something may be done Excuse my hasty letter 

Yr Honour's most obt 
and humble Serv' 

Joseph Dwight." 


The time was very dark. Col. Stoddard, the efificient commander of 
the Hampshire county forces, had died June 19. The soldiers from 
Connecticut refused to obey the orders of Maj. Williams. Sergt. Taylor 
was waylaid above Northfield, July 14, by 106 French and Indians, and 
two of his party killed, and eleven made prisoners. The garrisons and 
people at Northfield and Fort Dummer were weakened by sickness. 

Gen. Dwight's letter had some result. Orders were issued July 18, to 
raise a strong and sufficient guard out of the militia for the succor of the 
exposed garrisons. Dwight himself raised 100 men, and was out from 
Aug. II, to Aug. 22. Capt. Thomas Buckminster, with 48 Brookfield 
men went up to Fort Dummer, and staid from Aug. 6 till Aug. 20. The 
Roll is as follows : Capt. T. B., Lt. Joseph Allen, Ens. Noah Ashley, 
Sergts Benj. Ruggles, Eph"^ Hayward, clerk Gershom Makepeace, Corp^. 
Edw. Walker, Simeon Dwight, John Wait, centinels, Jesse Converse, 
Andrew Cowee, Obadiah Cooley, John Bell, Joseph Banister, Uriah Bush, 
John Blair, Thomas Banister, Peter Blackmar, Samuel Bascom, Elijah 
Bartlett, Jude Converse, Gideon Cooley, Thomas Gilbert, William Dady, 
Samuel Hinckley, John Hamilton, Moses Hascall, Hopestill Hinds, Nehe- 
miah Hinds, Jacob Hinds, Samuel Galloon, Dudley Jordan, Solomon 
Keyes, Jr., Richard Marks, Silas Newton, Phinehas Powers, Thomas 
Rich, Solomon Rich, Nathan Smith, Wm Shepherd, John Steward, Sim- 
eon Wright, Phinehas Warner, Henry White, Isaac White, Joseph War- 
ner, James Patterson. " 

The treaty of peace was signed at Aix la Chapelle, Oct. 7, 1 748? but 
was not proclaimed in Boston till May loth of the next year. 

The Last French and Indian War, i 754-1 763. — The treaty of Aix 
la Chapelle proved to be little more than a truce. The Indians contin- 
ued their depredations till June, 1749, and re-commenced hostilities in 
May, 1754. Assured that there could be no permanent peace to her 
American colonies so long as the French power was dominant on the 
northern frontiers, Great Britain determined to effect the conquest of 

The gates to the French possessions on the St. Lawrence, were, first, 
by way of the River St. Lawrence ; second, by way of Crown Point and 
Lake Champlain ; third, by way of Lake Ontario. The reduction of 
Canada then involved the taking of Louisbourg, which was restored to 
France by the late treaty ; the capture of Crown Point, and the capture 
of Fort Niagara and its outpost, Fort Du Quesne. 

The English government called on the Provinces to furnish their full 
quotas of men to these great expeditions, which were placed under com- 
mand of British officers ; and the intermediate frontiers were left in the 
main to look out for themselves. The earlier disasters of this war were 
largely due to the incompetence and arrogance of these British com- 

210 BROOKFIELD RECORDS, 17 18-1786. 

This general statement seems necessary in order to explain the different 
and widely-scattered expeditions in which our militia were called upon to 
take part. 

1754, June 21. Gov. Shirley issued orders to the commanders of regi- 
ments, to make a thorough inspection of the state of the militia and 
report to head-quarters. The several towns were also required to supply 
themselves with the full stock of ammunition required by law. 

Martin How and Arthur Tucker of Brookfield enlisted June 26, and 
Levi Hamilton, Nov. 9, in Capt. John Wright's Co., expedition to the 
Eastern Frontiers. In the same expedition, in Capt. Jos. Wilson's Co., 
Apr. to Nov., were John Tute and Wm Hair of B. In the same expe- 
dition, in Capt. Eleazar Melvin's Concord Co., were Rich. Burk (then of 
Ware River), Wm Brabrook, Caleb Dodge, Ephraim Hayward, Levi and 
Seth Hamilton, Joseph and Thomas Waite and Corp. Nathaniel Wool- 
cott, out from May to Nov. David Hinckley, John Tute, and Jona. 
Waite were at Coleraine, Aug. '54 to Mar. '55. 

1755. Four military expeditions were planned in the spring of this 
year : one against the French in Nova Scotia ; a second against Fort 
Du Quesne ; a third against Crown Point ; and a fourth against Niagara. 

Brookfield furnished her full quota for the Crown Point expedition. 
Capt. Jeduihan Baldwin was in command of a company ; Wm Dorothy 
was out. Mar. 2 7 to Sept. 8 ; Corp. Jos. Waite, Wm Brabrook and John 
Tute were in Capt. Is. Williams' Co. ; Comfort Barns was in Capt. Luke 
Hitchcock's Springfield Co., Apr. 1 1 to Oct. i ; Corp. Thomas Barns, 
Jos. Gilbert, John Green, Thomas Stevens, and Eleazar Warner enlisted 
in Capt. Sam. Robinson's Hardwick Co. ; Sergt. Jos. Hamilton, Abra- 
ham Adams, Nathan Hamilton, John McClure, Phinehas Slayton, Solo- 
mon Rood, and Jacob Wood were in Capt. Andrew Dalrymple's Petersham 
Co., Aug, 9 to Dec. 2 7 ; Peter Harwood was ensign in Capt. Ephm Doo- 
little's Co., Aug. to Dec; Wm Blackmor was in Capt. Benj. Johnson's 
Woburn Co., Sept. 8 to Jan. 3, '56. The following men enlisted in Sept., 
under Col. John Murray : Jona. Abbott, Obed Abbott (of Bedford), Daniel 
Ainsworth, Joseph Barr, Adoniram Bartlett, Daniel Bemon, Samuel Bliss, 
Thomas Cheney, Henry Chadwick, James Clark, Robert Clark, Josiah 
Cutler, Robert Cutler, Samuel Dorothy, Josiah Farrell, Ebenr Foster, Jr., 
Wm Galloway, David Getchell, Nathan Gould, Jason Hinds, Ephm 
Hayward, Abraham How, Jr., Amos Marsh, Joshua Morris, Joseph Old, 
Wm Ranger, Isaac Rice, John Rice, Daniel Walker. Dr. Benj. Gott was 
surgeon's mate on the staff of Col. Josiah Brown, Sept. 9 to Dec. 15, and 
remained at Fort William Henry with Col. Bagley till Mar. 31, '56. In 
a petition. Dr. Gott says : " I was at Fort William Henry last winter and 
know that Capt. Jeduthan Baldwin dealt out from his private stores, Rum, 
brandy, sugar, coffee, tea, wine, etc., to the sick in the Hospital, the Com- 


missary being destitute : After the army was disbanded in Nov., your 
petitioner volunteered to stay and garrison the fort, and did so under 
Col. Glazier after Col. Kingsbury left in Jan., and staid till May." Com- 
fort Brabrook enlisted in Capt. Whitcomb's Co., and died at Sheffield on 
his return. Nathan Thompson was in Col. Titcomb's regiment ; was 
sent out in the detachment under Col. Ephraim Williams to intercept 
the French under Dieskau, Sept. 8 ; was wounded by 3 shots, two of 
which broke his left arm in two places, the third went through his lungs, 
by which he was rendered helpless ; granted a pension of ;^4, for 3 
years. Samuel Barns, Uriah Gilbert and Joseph Walker enlisted in Capt. 
Daniel Brewer's Co. ; were all sick ; Gilbert died. 

1756. The plan of the campaign this year embraced the reduction of 
the forts at Crown Point, and Niagara. Massachusetts raised an army 
of near 7,000 men ; but through the incapacity of Gen. Abercrombie, the 
British commander, " the summer passed in fruitless labor." 

Capt. Jabez Upham, by direction of the town, bought in Boston 200 wt. 
of Powder, to recruit the town stock, at the cost of ;^i7. 13. 4 lawful 
money. The whole stock was 300 lbs. Powder, 600 lbs. lead bullets, 
900 flints. 

Brookfield sent into the service this year : Ens. Joseph Waite, Sergt. 
Thomas Riggs, Breed Batcheller, Jedediah Deland, Jona. Dodge, Walter 
Dorothy, John Goldsbury, Abraham Hair, Wm Ranger, John Tute and 
John Woolcott, in Capt. John Burk's Falltown Co., Feb. 18 to Dec. 17 ; 
Gideon Abbott, in Capt. James Reed's Co., Feb. to Dec. ; Lieut. Eph. 
Hayward, Ens. Joseph Hamilton, drummer Tho. Weeks, Wm Ayres, Jr., 
Edward Ayres, Eliphalet Hamilton, Abraham and John Adams, Ebenr 
Davis, Jona. Dodge, Solo. Flagg, Nathan Hamilton, Abner Old, Jos. Rut- 
land, Daniel Walker, Benj., Jacob and Joseph Wood, in Capt. Edmund 
Bemis' Spencer Co., Feb. to Dec. ; Corlis Hinds, Jedediah How, Arthur 
Tucker, Simeon, Levi and Sylvanus Walker, Joseph Witt and Josiah 
Wood in Capt. Solo. Keyes' Co., Mar. to Dec. ; Sergt. Jona, Gilbert 
(died Dec. 9), Corp. Oliver Woolcott, Corp. Silas Walker, Joel Abbott, 
Onesiphorus Ayres, Samuel Barns, Stephen Blackmor, Simeon Brooks, 
John Davis, Oliver Evens, David Gilbert, Joseph Gilbert, Ebenezer Hay- 
ward, Caleb How, Joseph Hatfield, Philip Reed, Henry White, John 
Williams, Ezekiel Woodbury, Obadiah Wright, in Capt. Daniel Brewer's 
Concord Co., July 10 to Dec. 31 ; Daniel Gilbert, Philip Goss, John 
Green, and Samuel Hair enlisted in Col. Thatcher's regiment in July ; 
Corp. Ephm Brown, aged 21, enlisted at Deerfield in Capt. Colton's 
Co. July 26. Col. Joseph Dwight's regiment took part in the Crown 
Point expedition. Capt. Bemis' and Capt. Burk's companies, (above 
named) were under his command. The following Descriptive Roll has 
value : 



Sergt. Thomas Riggs, 



age 35, 



Corp. Joseph Davis, 



" 30, 



Breed Batcheller, 



" 16, 



Jedediah Deland, 



" 23, 



Jona. Dodge, 



" 16, 



Walter Dorothy, 



" 20, 



Benj. Emmons, 



" 18, 



Noah Emmons, 



" 25, 



John Goldsbury, 



" 17, 



Abram Hair, 



" 26, 



Wm Rainger, 



" 25, 



John Tuffs, 



" 45, 



Descriptive Roll of 

Capt. Saml Robinson's Co. 

at Fort Edward. 

Sergt. Wm Dorothy, 



age 25, 



Corp. David Getchell, 



" 21, 



Robert Claflin, Jr., 



" 18, 



Samuel Church, 



" 40, 



Thomas Cook, 



" 26, 



Philip Gilbert, 



" 21, 



Thomas Lamson, 



" 27, 


New Braintree. 

Benj. Stevens, 



" 22, 



Ephm Kellogg, 



" 45, 


Peterboro' N.H. 

John Peacock, 



" 45, 


New Braintree. 

Saml Buckminster, 



" 23, 



Simeon Walker, 



" 26, 



Gideon Abbott, Seth 

Banister, Timothy 

Bowen, Eli Gould, Isaac Stone, 

Roger Stevens, enlisted for Crown Point 

Sept. 6. 

Muster Roll of Capt. Obadiah 
24, 1756. 

Capt. Obadiah Cooley, Brookfield 
Lt. Joseph Stone " 

Ens. David Keyes Western 

Clerk, Moses Barns Brookfield 
Sergt. Benoni Banister, Western 
" Silas Walker, Brookfield 
" Cornelius White " 

Corp. Moses Jennings " 

" Dan' Matthews " 

" Nathaniel Paige " 

" Francis Stratton Western 
Drum"" Philip Deland Brookfield 
Jabez Ayres " 

Cooley's company, Sept. 20 to Nov. 

Asa Bacon 
Christopher Banister 
Joseph Banister 
Matthew Bartlett 
Moses Bragg 
Jabez Crosby 
Obadiah Deland 
Caleb Dodge 
Josiah Dodge 
Joseph Gilbert 
John Goss 
Samuel Gould 
Ebenezer Hayward 




Peter Hill 
Caleb How 
Ebenezer Killen 
John Rainger 
John Rich 
Thomas Slayton 
Nathan Smith 
Elijah Temple 
Adoniram Walker 
Joseph Walker 
Reuben Walker 


Jeremiah Woodbury 
^Vm Wright 
John Barrows 
Abner Brooks 
Phlnehas Brooks 
John Davis 
George Hayward 
John Hayward 
Cyrus Rich 
Adonijah Marks 
John Smith 



John Walker was in Capt. Moseley's Co. at Lake George, and died at 
Shefifield on his return. 

1 75 7. This was a year of disasters to the English and American forces, 
and was remembered and spoken of by our fathers for three genera- 
tions, as the year of " The Great Alarm about the taking of Fort William 

The expedition planned against Crown Point and Ticonderoga was 
popular ; many of the last year's men re-enlisted, and new men were 
readily secured. But by order of Lord Loudon, then commanding in 
the Provinces, the bulk of the army was drawn off in an expedition 
against Louisbourg, which proved a failure. Only about 7,000 men — 
4,000 under Gen. Webb at Fort Edward, 3,000 under Col. Munroe 
at Fort William Henry — were left for the defence of the north-western 

Gen. Montcalm, with an army of 11,000 French and Lidians concen- 
trated at Ticonderoga, and Aug. 3, invested Fort William Henry. Col. 
Munroe had an effective force of only 2,372 men; but gallantly held the 
great army at bay for six days, and surrendered Aug. 9. By the terms 
of capitulation. Col. M. and his troops were allowed to march out with 
the honors of war, retaining their arms and baggage. But the Indians 
attached to Montcalm's army, without hindrance from the French offi- 
cers, plundered the most valuable stores, and murdered in cold blood 
about 300 officers and men. 

The alarm of the peril of our troops reached this town before the sur- 
render ; and our companies began the march for relief, Aug. 9. Find- 
ing themselves too late, our men returned in a short time. 

The Brookfield soldiers in service this year were : Peter Harwood, 
Joseph Perry and Amos Tute, under Maj. Is. Williams, Jan. to Nov.; 
John Gilson, under Lieut. Joseph Blake ; Jabez Ayres, Samuel Barns, 
John Goss, Eliphalet Hamilton, Caleb How, Asa Lamson, and Wm 
Virgin aged 60, (then of Chelmsford) ; Breed Batcheller, Josiah Ban- 



ister, Jedediah Deland, Samuel Gould, Reuben Hamilton, and David 
Palmer ; Christopher Banister, in Capt. Learned's Co. ; and those that 
turned out on the " Alarm " were : Jonathan Pellet, then of Sheffield ; 
Joseph Barns, David, Jr., Jedediah and Solomon Gilbert, Eliakim 
Spooner and James Thompson, in Capt. Eleazar Warner's New Brain- 
tree Co. 

Muster Roll of Capt. Nathaniel Woolcott's Co. that marched Aug. 9, 
and was out 16 days. 

Capt. Nathaniel Woolcott 
Lt. Abraham How 
Ens. Benj. Adams 
Sergt. John Witt 

" Thomas Taylor 
Corp. Aaron Bartlett 

" Wm Watson 

" Wm Ayres 

« Daniel Gilbert 
Moses Ayres 
Onesiph. Ayres 
Wm Ayres 3d. 
John Baker, Jr. 
Jacob Ball 
Thomas Ball 
Aaron Barns 
Adoniram Bartlett 
Joseph Bartlett 
Matthew Bartlett 
Nathaniel Bartlett 
Zachariah Brown 
Samuel Chapman 
Benjamin Cooley 
Nahum Eager 
Solomon Flagg 
Joseph Gilbert 

John Goodale 
Jeremiah Gould 
Nathan Gould 
Samuel Gould, Jr. 
John Hair 
Timothy Hall 
Joseph Hatfield, Jr. 
Oliver Hayvvard 
Corlis Hinds 
Caleb How 
Elijah How 
Ephraim How 
Abner How 
Jedediah How, Jr. 
Silas How 
Nathaniel Jones 
Asa Lamson 
John Lamson 
Daniel Matthews 
Daniel Potter 
Joseph Stone 
Arthur Tucker 
David Witt 
John Woolcott 
Oliver Woolcott 
William Wright. 

Muster Roll of Capt. Jabez Upham's Co. that marched Aug. 9, and 
was out 1 7 days. 

Capt. Jabez Upham 
ist Lt. Obadiah Cooley 
2d. Lt. John White 
Ens. Benj. Walker 
Sergt. Eben"' Jennings 

Sergt. Nathan Hamilton 
" William Old 
" Benjamin Rice 

Corp. James Brigham 
" Josiah Hobbs 



Corp. Ezekiel Old 

" Philip Deland 
Gideon Abbott 
Abraham Adams 
Abraham Adams, Jr. 
David Aiken 
Joseph Banister 
Seth Banister 
John Belenger 
Moses Bragg 
David Bridge 
Uriah Bush 
James Converse 
Jabez Crosby 
Ebenezer Davis 
Daniel Deland 
Obadiah Deland 
Thomas Dodge 
Amos Hamilton, Jr. 
Eliphalet Hamilton 
Ezra Hamilton 
Thomas Hamilton 
Samuel Hinckley 
John Jennings 
Moses Jennings 
David McClure 
John McClure 
Comfort Old 
Reuben Old 
Asa Partridge 
Asahel Peters 

Daniel Rolf 
John Rainger 
Ephraim Rice 
John Green 
Stephen Green 
Josiah Hamilton 
Jonas Rice 
Oliver Rice 
Solomon Rice 
Samuel Rogers 
Phinehas Slayton 
Thomas Slayton 
Josiah Stephens 
Roger Stephens 
John Waite, Jr. 
Abraham Walker 
Adoniram Walker 
Joseph Walker 
Edward Walker 
Phinehas Walker 
Reuben Walker 
Daniel Walker 
John Woolcott 
Ithamar Wright 
Obadiah Wright 
Richard Vorce 
John Hamilton 
William Henshaw 
Ebenezer Hayward, Jr. 
Benjamin Jennings 

Muster Roll of Capt. Jacob Abbott's Co. that marched Aug, 9, [not 
in the capitulation]. 

Capt. Jacob Abbott 
Lt. Thomas Gilbert 
Ens. Abner Brown 
Clerk, Jona. Abbott 
Sergt. Joseph Wood 
" Robert Clafiin 
Uriah Abbott 
Caleb Dodge 
Josiah Dodge 

Walter Dorothy 
Abner Gilbert 
John Gilbert 
Othniel Gilbert 
Philip Gilbert 
Seth Gilbert 
John Goss 
Peter Hill 
Joseph Loring 


Abraham Martin 
Stephen Martin 
David Pahner 
John Peso 
John Phipps 
William Ranger 
Moses Rich 
Philip Rich 

Thomas Rich 

James Roaff 

Charles Rice, k. by the Indians 

William Tuffs 

John Watt 

Samuel White 

Jeremiah Woodbury 

1758. The plan for the campaign this year included the investment 
of Louisbourg, and expeditions against Ticonderoga and Fort Du 
Quesne. The first and last were successful ; that against Ticonderoga 
was a disastrous failure. 

The Brookfield men in the service this year were : Gideon Abbott, 
Capt. Jacob Abbott, Joel Abbott, Jacob Ainsworth, Jabez Ayres, Asa 
Bacon, Capt. Jeduthan Baldwin, Josiah Baldwin, Daniel Ball, Thomas 
Ball, Breed Batcheller, Wm Batcheller, Nathan Barns, Tho. Brown, 
Samuel Chapman, Ebenezer Davis, Jedediah Deland, Jona. Dodge, 
Josiah Dodge, Charles Dorothy, David Getchell, Tho. Gilbert, 3d., 
Abraham Hair, Amos Hamilton, Jr., EHsha Hamilton, Benj. Harwood, 
Peter Harwood, Zachariah Harwood, Wm. Henderson, Elijah How, 
Samuel Joslin, Asa Lamson, Andrew Kimball, Tho. McClure, Abner Old, 
David Palmer, Wm Parkman, David Patrick, Thomas Rainger, Wm 
Rainger, Abner Rice, Asahel Rogers, Wm Tuffs, Gideon Walker, Jacob 
Walker, Isaac Walker, Silas Walker, Samuel White, Daniel Wyman. 

In the House of Representatives, Apr. 28, 1758, " Ordered, that the 
selectmen of Leicester be allowed to remove from said town to the town 
of Brookfield, Jaques Morris, with eleven of his family, being French 
Neutrals (so called) placed in L. in 1756, by order of the General 
Court ; and the selectmen of Brookfield are hereby required to provide 
for said French people." 

1759. The taking of Louisbourg, in July of last year, gave the English 
control of the eastern gate to Canada. The only strongholds held by the 
French outside of Montreal and Quebec, were Niagara, Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point. Niagara was taken July 24, Ticonderoga was in- 
vested July 22, and after a siege taken; when Crown Point was 
abandoned by the French commander. 

In the mean time, Gen. Wolfe was prosecuting a most important 
enterprise, viz. the reduction of Canada. Sept. 13, he achieved his 
memorable victory on the heights of Abraham, which insured the fall of 

Capt. Jeduthan Baldwin was in the service, Mar. to Dec. 

In Capt. Wm Paige's Hardwick Co., Crown Point expedition, were 


men from Brookfield : Sergts. Silas Walker, Gideon Walker, Caleb 
Dodge, Corporals Joel Abbott, Wm Rainger, Rufus Putnam, Drummer 
Breed Batcheller, and privates Gideon Abbott, Jacob Ainsworth, Asa 
Bacon, Nathan Barns, Wm Batcheller, Zeph. Batcheller, Thomas Brown, 
Samuel Chapman, Robert Claflin, Jr., Jedediah Deland, Daniel Deland, 
Jona. Dodge, Josiah Dodge, Charles Dorothy, Joseph Gibbs, Thomas 
Gilbert t^(\., Amos Hamilton, Nathan Hamilton, Wm Henderson, Elisha 
How, Asa Lamson, Tho. McClure, Abner Old, David Patrick, Tho. 
Rainger, Asahel Rogers, Roger Stevens, William Tuffs, Isaac Walker, 
Jacob Walker, Sam' White. 

Muster Roll of Capt. Sylvanus Walker's Brookfield Co., out fr. May 
15 to Dec. 27 : Capt. S. W., Lt. Eliphalet Hamilton, Ens. Daniel Walker, 
Sergts. Tho. Riggs, Reuben Old, Christ. Banister, Corps. Obed Abbott, 
David Gilbert, James McClure, Privates Ebenezer Davis, Abner Gilbert, 
Nathan Goodale, Erastus Hamilton, Job Lane (servt. to Rev. E. Forbes), 
Cyrus Rich, Moses Rich, Daniel Rolfe, David Slayton, Gad Smith, 
Reuben Stevens, Arthur Tucker, Benj. Walker, Jr., Oliver Walker, Zeb- 
ulon Walker, Henry Wisdom, Isaac Wood. 

Jacob Ball and Peter Bowen were in the Cr. Pt. Expedition. 

Rev. Eli Forbes served as chaplain to the First Battalion, Gen. T. 
Ruggles' regiment. Crown Point expedition. Mar. to Dec. In a petition 
he says : " In 1759, I was chaplain in the army, and undertook to per- 
form duty to two of Gen. Ruggles' battalions : soon after I joined the 
army at Fort Edward, the battalions were separated to a distance of 
several miles, but I faithfully administered to both : they united at 
Lake George, and then were regularly observed morning and evening 
prayers, attendance on the sick and criminals, and preaching on the 
Sabbath. After the army passed the Lake, the battalions were often 
stationed 3, 10, 15 miles apart, yet I never failed of praying and 
preaching with each, visited the sick in the hospitals and the criminals 
at the Provost guards; I sometimes travelled on foot 15 miles to reach 
all the hospitals. Towards the close of the campaign. Rev. John 
Brainard and myself had 400 invalids committed to our charge, and 
were ordered to march with them to Albany ; and humanity obliged 
us to advance our own money, and perform all kind offices for the 
relief of these poor distressed men, who otherwise must have suffered 
greatly, there being no suitable hospital stores available." 

Francis Stone, Sen., was in the army under Gen. Wolfe, and was 

1 760. Gen. Amherst concentrated the army in three divisions before 
Montreal, Sept. 6, and on the 8th, the Province of Canada and its 
dependencies were surrendered to the British crown. 

The Muster Roll of Capt. Daniel jNIcFarland of Worcester contains 

2l8 BROOKFIELD RECORDS, 1^18-1786. 

the following Brookfield names : Sergt. Jona. Dodge, Corp. Eben"" Hay- 
ward, Charles Dorothy, Abraham Gilbert, Nathan Hamilton, Cornelius 
Hinds, Steph. Jennings, Abner Old, Samuel Robinson, Daniel Rolfe, 
Jona. Streeter. Samuel Streeter, Josiah White, Jacob Wood. The com- 
pany was out Feb. to Dec. 

In the Muster Noll of Capt. William Paige of Hardwick, Mar. to 
Dec, Brookfield is credited with Lt. Daniel Walker, Sergts. Zeph. 
Batcheller, Obadiah Wright, and Eben"^ Davis, and privates Nathan 
Abbott, Jona. Barns, Nathan Barns, Wm Batcheller, Comfort Gilbert, 
Ezekiel Gilbert, John Goodale, Nathan Goodale, Solo. Goodale, Caleb 
Green, Elijah How, John McFarland, Asa Partridge, Asahel Rogers, 
Ezra Rood, Gad Smith, Aaron Tute, Nathan Tyler, Zebulon Walker, 
Tho. Weeks, John Woolcott. 

June 6, 1760. The French people, late inhabitants of Nova Scotia, 
were divided to the several towns for support. To Brookfield, Stanislaus 
Guirdo, and Mary his wife, and his daughter and an infant, Maudlin 
Gadrich, Isaac Guirdo — 6 in all. 

1 761-3. Though the reduction of Canada theoretically ended the 
war, yet in the spring of '6r Massachusetts levied an array of 3,000 

Officers of the Brookfield Militia Companies : 

First Cotnpany — John White, captain, Ebenezer Jennings, ist lieut., 
Phinehas Upham, 2d lieut., Nathan Hamilton, ensign. 

Second Company — Thomas Gilbert, captain, Abner Brown, lieut., John 
Phipps, ensign. 

Third Company — Nathaniel Woolcott, captain, Abraham How, lieut., 
John Witt, ensign. 

Troop of Horse. — Thomas Hale, captain, James Stone, lieut., 
Ephraim Walker, cornet, Seth Lincoln, quarter master. 

Our men, out in '61, were: Daniel Barns, William Batcheller, Jona. 
Dodge, John Everden (apprentice to John Chadwick), Reuben Gilbert, 
Joseph Hatfield, Samuel Marsh (apprentice to Aaron Bartlett), Timothy 

Pay Roll oi Capt. Thomas Cowden's Co. Mar. to Dec. 1762. 

Lt. Daniel Walker, Ens. David Getchell, Stephen Ayres, Ephraim Ayres, 
Solomon Cummings, Daniel Dodge, Charles Dorothy, Jacob Getchell, 
Henry Gilbert, Jesse Gilbert, Moses Gilbert, Jonas Hayward, William 
Mace, Samuel Palmer, Daniel Rolfe, Caleb Thayer, Nathaniel Wait, 
Richard Wait, Solomon Walker, Zebulon Walker, Samuel Whiston, 
Samuel White, all of Brookfield. 
■ Pay Roll oi QdL'^t. Wm Shepard's Co. Mar. to Nov. 1762, 

Ens. Jona. Dodge, Sergt. John Fletcher, Moses Ainsworth, Jesse Barns, 
Nathan Barns, Caleb Green, Samuel Marsh, Abner Old, Samuel Parker, 


Beamsley Pottle, David Pratt, Job Smith, Lemuel Smith, Jesse Vose, 
John Whetstone (apprentice to Jacob Bigelow), all of Brookfield. 

Fay Roll of Capt. John Nixon's Sudbury Co. July '62 to Jan. '63. 
Brookfield men : Wm Batcheller, Solomon Goodale, Asa Humphreys. 

James Wesson of B. was lieut. in Capt. Simon Jefferd's Wells Co., 
May '62 to Nov, 'C>2>. 

A treaty of peace was signed at Paris, Feb. 10, 1763. 

For the sake of clearness, it seemed best to give a full account of the 
struggle for supremacy in New England between France and England, 
in a single section, though this method has in a measure broken the 
thread of our narrative. The question of supremacy was settled in Eng- 
land's favor, by the treaty of Paris. We now return to matters of direct 
domestic concern. 

Second Meeting-house. — The question of building a new meeting- 
house began to be agitated in 1 746. The setting off of the southwest 
corner of the town to Western, had left the remaining portion in a very 
irregular shape, and carried the geographical centre to Slate hill plain. 
This point however was not the centre of population ; was an inconven- 
ient place to be reached from the south, and would add a mile's travel 
to the families living in the extreme northwest district. The real gain in 
distance of travel and advantage of location would accrue to the north- 
easterly inhabitants. These northeasters were united in the plan ; the 
southern and western men were united in opposing it, but were divided 
in opinion as to the proper location of a meeting-house. 

Rev. Mr. Cheney. At this juncture, the Rev. Mr. Cheney, pastor of 
the Church, was disabled by sickness, and died Dec. 11, 1747. Thomas 
Cheney, son of William and Rebecca (Newell) Cheney, was born in Rox- 
bury Jan. 29, 168S-9 ; graduated at Harvard University 1711 ; married 
(i) Dorothy Hawley, daughter of Hon. Joseph of Northampton; (2) 
May 22, 1746, Mary Cotton, daughter of Rev. John. He was ordained 
Oct. 16, 1 71 7, and consequently was pastor thirty years. "He is de- 
scribed as an acceptable preacher, and as sustaining the character of a 
good man, and faithful pastor." 

The death of Mr. Cheney loosened some ties which had bound the 
people to the old Centre, and its surroundings, and gave the opportunity 
for the northeastern inhabitants to renew their efforts for a new location 
of the meeting-house. 

An article was inserted in the March warrant, 1748, 

" To hear and act upon a Petition of a number of y^ Inhabitants 
of s'^ Town living in the Northeasterly part of s<^ Town requesting that 
the town find a Centre as the Town now lies, and build a meeting-house 
there, or as near as the ground will admit, otherwise to set them off as 
a distinct Precinct agreeable to their Petition — 

220 BROOKFIELD RECORDS, 1718-1786. 

"At a Town meeting March 14, the Question was put, if the Town 
will build a Meeting-house in the Centre of the town as it now lies : 
passed in the Negative : If the Town would set off the petitioners with 
a quarter part of the Township as it lay before Western was set off, or a 
third part as it now lies : and it passed in the Negatived 

This refusal of the town, led to the sending of a Petition to the Gen- 
eral Court, asking for the incorporation of a new Precinct in the North- 
easterly quarter ; and to the erection of the frame of a new meeting-house 
there. And after a series of moves and counter-moves, the new or 
Second Precinct was incorporated Mar. 29, 1750. [The history of this 
Precinct belongs to the next Chapter.] 

In the mean time, and before the formation of the Second Precinct, 
steps had been taken to settle a new minister. Oct. 17, 174S, "The 
town voted, that Thursday come forteen night be set apart for fasting 
and prayer to God for his direction with respect to settling a Gospel 
minister amongst us in this place." 

In Town meeting Nov. 28, 1748, ^^ Voted, To concur with the church in 
their choice of Mr. Elisha Harding to be their Minister. At an adjourn- 
ment, Dec. 22, Voted to give Mr. Harding for his encouragement to 
settle in the Gospel Ministry in s'^ Town the sum of one thousand pounds 
old tenor eiirrency : 2d, To give the s*^ Mr. Harding for his yearly salary 
and support during the time of his continuance in the Ministry afores'^ the 
sum of five hundred pounds old tenor, accounting the same as tho' it be 
paid in Indian Corn at 20s. pr. bush.. Rye at 30s. per bush.. Wheat at 
40s. pr. bush., and said 500 pounds to be diminished or increased yearly 
in proportion to the prices of these commodities as they shall yearly rise 
or fall, and be bought or sold in s'^ Town — Provided he release to the 
Town all right to the Ministry Lands : or in case he inclines to have 
the improvement thereof, he have the liberty thereof, allowing and paying 
as much as any other person would give therefor. Voted, Joseph Dwight, 
Esq., Left. Elisha Rice, Dea. John Gilbert, Amos Rice and Capt. Thomas 
Buckminster a committee to acquaint Mr. Harding of the vote aforesaid. 
At an adjournment, voted to Mr. Harding free liberty to cut and get his 
wood on the Common Land of said Town known by the name of The 
Rocks, s^ Mr. Harding not to make waste of s<^ wood, especially of the 
young wood. Voted, That Mr. Harding have the use and improvement 
of the 20 acres of Ministry Land between Capt. Buckminster's and Mr. 
Simeon Dwight's free from rent for two years, and then he is to allow the 
Town 20 pounds old tenor yearly for the same." 

Mr. Harding was ordained Sept. 13, 1749. The sermon, entitled "A 
Monitor for Gospel Ministers," was preached by Rev. Nathan Bucknam 
of Medway, from Col. iv. 1 7, and was published. 

The organization of the Second Precinct gave occasion to open afresh 


in the old Parish the question of a new meeting-house ; and to test the 
relative strength of the southern and western sections of the Township. 

"At a meeting of the First Parish in Brookfield Nov. 20, 1753, a peti- 
tion of Obadiah Wright and others was read, praying that a Meeting- 
house may be built on the hight of land near Seth Banister's house, on 
the south side of the Country road, near to Ebenezer Hayward's land, 
and after debate the Parish voted to build a meeting-house on said 

"At a meeting of the First Parish in Brookfield, Jan. 31, 1754, Voted, 
Dr. Jabez Upham, Capt. Thomas Buckminster, Elisha Rice, Nathan 
Hamilton and Jacob Abbott a committee to agree with Seth Banister 
about the land to set a meeting-house on, where the Parish voted to 
build one. 

Voted, to raise one hundred pounds to carry on said building. 

Voted, to build a meeting house 55 feet long and 45 feet wide, and 
23 feet in heighth. 

Voted, that the aforesaid committee provide stuff for said house. 

Voted, that the 100 pounds be taxed in the next assessment, and that 
the said house be framed and raised as soon as the season will permit." 

Before the last-named meeting was held, i.e. on Dec. 4, 1753, Jede- 
diah Foster, the Gilberts, Abner Brown, John Goss, and others living in 
the west part, in all 43 voters, had presented a petition asking that the 
First Parish be equally divided so, as to form two Parishes, equal as to 
quantity and quality of lands and number of inhabitants. The petition- 
ers allege, " that the distance from the northwest corner to the southeast 
corner of the Parish is 13 miles; that both extremes are under actual 
improvement by permanent settlers ; that there is a sufficiency of land 
and inhabitants for two Parishes ; and that said petitioners, living in the 
westerly part of the town are greatly aggrieved by the vote of the Parish, 
passed by a small majority, to build a new house about two miles from 
the present one, in a southeasterly direction, which will add so much to 
our disadvantages of attending public worship." 

To this Petition, the ruling majority made answer : " As to the south- 
easterly part of the Parish, it is well settled with men that pay a con- 
siderable tax, and are like to pay a larger : as for the northwest part, 
there is but six families in the three miles between Western and Brook- 
field north line, and all of them are at the very west end of the town, 
and all of them are set off to Ware River parish — the remainder of 
the three miles is land so broken that there never can be many settlers, 
and these few will be better accommodated other ways than they can be 
in Brookfield : when the line is established between the First and Second 
(North) Parishes, we shall be but about 115 families, and about 20 of 
them not able to pay any considerable tax : . . . We are exceedingly bro- 


ken with water : the First Parish is cut apart with Quaboge River, about 
7 or 8 miles, and the south and east inhabitants divided by large Ponds, 
that they cannot get together any where so convenient as the place where 
we have agreed to build a House ; the south people are obliged to pass 
over Quaboge River west of a large Pond by a bridge and Causie about 
four score rod long to get to the meeting-house spot where we have 
agreed to build, and the east part cross Quaboge River at the north end 
of the above said Pond to get to meeting with the travel of about 7 and 
a half miles to the old meeting and 5 and a half to the new meeting- 
house ; and considering the difficulty of getting together, the smallness 
of our inhabitants, the extraordinary charge of building and maintaining 
bridges, we cannot divide, and shall think ourselves greatly injured and 
wronged if the prayer of those people should be granted. They are but 
41, and one of them, viz. Joshua Dodge, belongs to the Second Parish; 
one more, viz. Job Lane, has sold his inheritance, and the purchaser 
saith he shall look upon his farm ;^20o less valuable if the Parish is di- 
vided. ... If the Petitioners will leave their names with the Town Clerk, 
in order to make a Parish, we are willing they should be set into a Dis- 
tinct Parish. But otherwise we think their petition unreasonable. We 
pay our minister annually ^66. 13. 4, of which sum they pay ;^i5. 10. 9. " 

To fix the matter beyond recall, the majority through their committee, 
proceeded to set up the frame of the new meeting-house on Seth Ban- 
ister's hill, in the present South Villaga. The house was raised April 15th 
and 1 6th 1754. 

Mr. Foster, the Gilberts and others, appealed to the General Court, 
which ordered a stay of proceedings, and sent out a committee to view 
the place and circumstances, and report facts and recommendations. 

A paper, handed to said Committee, reads as follows : " When you 
have taken an impartial view of our situation, and inability to maintain 
two ministers, we make nO doubt but you will return tp the General 
Court that it is best for us to be but one Parish : But however, if other- 
wise, we cannot but think that you will return the names of the Petitioners 
only for a Parish, and exempt us whose names are hereunder written 
which live at the west end of said Parish, for we will Not joyn with them 
if by any means we can avoid it, for we are utterly against a division : 
. . . If we are drove to joyn them, it will be the greatest oppression we 
think, that any in New England ever suffered of that nature : Signed, 
Joshua Nichols, Jolin Graton, John Hill, Peter Hill, Isaac Kindrick, Jere- 
miah Woodbury, John Hill, Jr., Jona. Abbott, Elijah Bardett, Ebenezer 
BarUett, Jacob Abbott, Thomas Rich, Joshua Dodge, Caleb Dodge." 

"At a legal meeting of the First Parish, Wednesday July to, 1754, 
Voted, after a long debate, to proceed and enclose and finish the new 
meeting-house set up near Seth Banister's." At an adjournment in Sept., 


^^ voted, to continue preaching in the old meeting-house, one Sabbath and 
no longer. Voted, to pull down the old meeting-house to help cover and 
finish the ne^A' one. looted, that the committee for building shall have 
the ordering of pulling down the old house, and apply it to the finishing 
the new. Voted, that all persons that have pews of their own in the old 
meeting-house shall have liberty to take care of their pews any time 
within 8 days* from this day. Voted, that the new meeting-house shall be 
the place of publick worship. Voted, that Rev. Elisha Harding shall 
carry on Preaching in the new meeting-house on the 15 th day of this 
instant September, being Sabbath Day, and so on from Sabbath to Sab- 

Oct. 16, 1754. At a legal meeting, the First Parish voted., "to levy the 
sum of ^64 upon the polls and estates of the inhabitants of said Parish, 
to pay Rev. Mr. Harding his salary this present year." 

The next day, viz. Oct. 1 7, Jedediah Foster, the Gilberts and others, 
prepared a remonstrance, and petition to the General Court, against the 
action of the Parish, asking exemption from taxation to pay for the new 
meeting-house, and allowance of their proportion or interest in the old 
house, and for the incorporation of a new Parish. Exemption from tax- 
ation to meet existing grants was not allowed ; but Nov. 8, 1754, the Par- 
ish was divided, and the Third or South Parish incorporated, leaving the 
West part to retain the name and powers of the First Parish. 

This brought up the question, of which Parish was Rev. Mr. Harding 
the minister? The General Court decided that the estates of the old 
First Parish were holden for the payment of his salary and all charges up 
to the date of division, but did not determine his pastoral status. " In 
consequence of the commotion and troubles incident to this division of 
the Parish, Mr. Harding, at his own request, was dismissed May 8, 1755, 
having sustained the pastoral office not quite six years. He was a grad- 
uate of Harvard in 1745 . He is described as a gentleman of great 
benevolence ; a man of singular probity and solid learning ; one who 
from a child had known the Holy Scriptures, and made them much the 
matter of his study. His public ministrations were serious and adapted 
to edify and benefit his hearers." 

Brookfield was now divided into three distinct Parishes. In the Second 
or North Parish, a meeting-house was raised in 1749, but not immediately 
finished. In the Third or South Parish, the meeting-house was raised 
in Apr. 1754, and finished with materials taken from the old house on 
Foster's hill. It stood on the Common, east of the Unitarian Church. 
In the First or West Parish, a meeting-house was built in 1755. It was 
placed "at the turning of the country road near the northeast corner of 
a plow-field belonging to John Barns, being on the Plain in said First 
Precinct," and near the site of the present First Parish meeting-house. 


Ministry Land. In addition to special (and liberal) grants made to 
the early ministers, which they held in fee, the town sequestered certain 
lands, the improvement or income of which was to accrue to the minis- 
terial support in perpetuum. 

How these lands were managed will appear from the following records : 
"Nov. 14, 1730, Voted, Mr. Joseph Dwight, Elisha Rice and Left. 
Thomas Gilbert be a committee, to let out for the term of i^ years, upon 
such terms as they can agree with any good man, obliging him to manure 
and cultivate so much thereof as they shall think beneficial, the Ministry 
Lot between Capt. Thomas Baker and Mr. Joseph Dwight s their Home- 

The division of the town into distinct parishes necessarily involved 
the division of the sequestered lands. These lands, as surveyed by Wm 
Chandler, [see Plans, entered in the old Town Book] comprised a lot 
in the form of a parallelogram, lying south of the river near Richard 
Vorce's, containing 164 acres; the "ministry meadow," containing 4 
acres 66 rods, lying on the westerly side of Coy's brook, adjoining Col. 
Dwight's land ; the " ministry lot " of 125 acres which included the South 
Burying Ground, bounded on the northerly side by the old country road, 
and south by Quabaug river; and the "ministry home-lot" on Fos- 
ter's hill. 

A committee was appointed by the town, consisting of Jedediah Foster 
and Thomas Gilbert of the First Precinct, Obadiah Rice and Nathaniel 
Woolcott of the Second Precinct, Jabez Upham, Cyprian Rice and John 
Rich of the Third Precinct, with full powers, to make an equitable 
division of the sequestered lands. 

The above named committee agreed Oct. 13, 175S, that "the First 
Precinct should have the eastwardly half of the Ministry Lot adjoining 
the Burying Place (excluding the said Burying Place), and 124 acres in 
the Lot on the south side of the River, to begin upon the southwardly 
end of said Lott running through the same in the width and extending 
southwardly the width of said Lot until it makes the said 1 24 acres : 

"The Second Precinct shall have the 22 acre Lot adjoining to Capt. 
Thomas Buckminster's land, and the Ministry Meadow on Coy's brook 
adjoining Capt. Dwight's farm, and 20 acres of the aforesaid Lot on the 
South side of the River at the northwardly end the width of said Lott : 

" The Third Precinct shall have the vvestwardly half of the Lott ad- 
joining the Burying Place, and 20 acres in the Lot on the South side 
of the River adjoining southwardly on the Second Precinct's Twenty 

These lands were eventually sold by the several parishes, and the 
money invested as a Fund, the interest of which went towards the sup- 
port of the minister. 


The Revolution. — In the struggle that resulted in the separation of 
the American Colonies from the mother countr}', the record of Brook- 
field is an honorable one. 

At a town meeting held May 17, 1773, a committee was appointed, 
consisting of Joseph Gilbert, Benjamin Adams, Benjamin Babbet, Samuel 
Hinckley and Joshua Dodge, which reported as follows : 

" To the Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston — 
Gentlemen : The town of Brookfield having taken the letter of the Town 
of Boston of Nov. 20, 1772, into consideration, together with the state of 
the infringements and violations of the rights of the people of America and 
of this Province in particular, which have from time to time been made by the 
Court and Parliament of Great Britain — We fully agree with you in senti- 
ment relating to them, and that it is the indispensible duty of every lover of 
his country and the happy constitution which was once the Glory of this 
Country, to exert himself in every loyal and constitutional way to ward off 
the impending evil. 

" This town will be ever ready to assist, and in every legal and proper 
way maintain those rights and liberties for our children, which with so much 
labor, blood and treasure were purchased by our ancestors, whose memory 
is and ought to be esteemed by us ; and we hope, notwithstanding the 
attempts of the enemies of our constitution to deprive us of those rights, 
yet by a steady, firm and constant exertion we shall not finally be deprived 
of them. 

"This town will not fail of joining with other towns in this Province in 
every constitutional way to obtain redress, and as the Province is hitherto 
favored with a General Assembly, we trust that they under God may be led 
to such measures as may procure us relief. 

" We take this opportunity to thank the Town of Boston for their Great 
Care and Vigilance in the common cause, and look upon ourselves embarked 
in the same bottom, mutually interested in the same event. Let us look to 
God for his Blessing and Protection, and "stand fast in the liberty where- 
with Christ has made us free." 

Read twice, and ordered to be recorded in the Town Book, and a 
copy transmitted to the Committtee of Correspondence of Boston. 

The Tax on Tea. A committee, viz. Jedediah Foster, Jeduthan 
Baldwin, Joseph Gilbert, Benjamin Rice and Phinehas Upham, report, 
Dec. 7, 1773 : "We think it our indispensable duty, in the most public 
manner to let the world know our utter abhorrence of the last and most 
detestable scheme, in the introduction of Tea from Great Britain, to be 
peddled out amongst us, by which means we were to be made to swallow 
a poison more fatal in its effects to the national and political Rights 
and Privileges of the People of this country, than ratsbane would be 
to the natural body — 

Therefore, Resolved, that we will not by any way or means, knowingly 


encourage or promote the sale or consumption of any Tea whatever, 
subject to a duty payable in America, but all persons whoever they 
may be, who shall be concerned in a transaction so dangerous, shall 
be held by us in the utmost contempt, and be deemed enemies to the 
well being of this country." 

Town Ofificers, elected Mar. 14, 1774. Jedediah Foster, moderator; 
Capt. Jeduthan Baldwin, town clerk; Capt. Phinehas Upham, knvn 
treasurer; Jedediah Foster, Esq., Capt. Jeduthan Baldwin, Dr. Jona. 
King, Lieut. John Phipps, Ens. Daniel Gilbert, selectmen ; Jona. Abbott, 
Capt. Peter Harwood, Ephraim Cooley, constables ; Abijah Cutler, Sam-, 
uel Cheever, Gad Williston, wardens ; Jona. Snow, Rufus Putnam, Asa 
Bigelow, ty thing men ; Ithamar Wright, Jabez Upham, fence vieiaers ; 
John VVoolcott, Wm Ayres, 2d, deer reeves ; Jeduthan Baldwin, Moses 
Hitchcock, siDiieyors of shingles ; Dea. Jabez Crosby, leather sealer; 
Benj. Gilbert, Benj. Lynde, Solo. Banister, John Barrows, Amos Adams, 
Joseph Newell, hog reeves; Seth Banister, ]x., field driver ; Matthew 
Brown, John Rich, David Hitchcock, Nathan Gilbert, Jona. Snow, Solo. 
Foster, Peter Harwood, Samuel Hinckley, Samuel Cheever, Jona. Barns, 
Jona. King, Ezekiel Old, Benj. Rice, Thomas Wood, Asa Biglow, Jona. 
Rice, highway sm-veyors. 

Sept. 12, 1774. Jedediah Foster, Esq., Joshua Dodge, Lieut. John 
Phipps, Capt. Jeduthan Baldwin, Lieut. Joseph Gilbert, Lieut. John Lys- 
com, Lieut. Rufus Putnam, Capt. Phinehas Upham, Lieut. John Hobbs, 
Asa Biglow, Dr. Jona. King, were chosen a Committee of Correspond- 

Sept. 26, 1774. Jedediah Foster was chosen to represent the town at 
a Great and General Court to be holden at Salem, Oct. 5, next. 

Capt. Jeduthan Baldwin, and Capt. Phinehas Upham were chosen 
delegates to the Provincial Congress at Concord, the 2d Tuesday in Oct. 

Dec. 26, 1774. Jedediah Foster was elected delegate to the Provin- 
cial Congress at Cambridge Feb. i, next. 

Allowed Jedediah Foster ;,^i 6. 18. i for services as representative at 
Boston and Salem, and attending the Prov. Cong, at Concord and Cam- 
bridge, to Dec. 13, 69 days. 

Allowed to Jeduthan Baldwin £^c). 14 for services as delegate to the 
Prov. Cong, at Concord & Cambridge, 45 days. Allowed to Phinehas 
Upham ^4. 17 for do. do. iS days. 

Mitnite Men. We the subscribers Inlisted agreeable to the vote of the 
Provincial Congress as Minute or Picquit men in the Town of Brookfield, 
for the term of six months after the date, &c, under the command of Joseph 
Gilbert, Captain, William Ayres, ist Left, Peter Harwood, 2d Left, and 
Abner How, Ensign, do hereby solemnly covenant and agree that we will 



muster, exercise and do our utmost to obtain the art military, and subject 
ourselves to the command of our said captain and the subalterns of his com- 
pany by us chosen and appointed ; and if any dispute shall arise, or if any 
of us shall not give such obedience to his or their order as he or they shall 
think Reasonable and Just, the same shall be Determined by the Major 
part of the Company ; and we severally agree that we will at all times sub- 
mit to such order, discipline and censure as shall be so determined. Wit- 
ness our hands this fourteenth day of November, 1774. 

John Ranger 
Jona. Marbel 
John Stevens 
Willm Watson, Jr. 
Timothy Hall 
David Watson 
Saml Watson 
Rub" Hamilton, Jr. 
John Bell 
Robert Graham 
James Washburn 
Wyman Bartlet 
Oneseph. Ayres 
Solo. Barns 
Emory Wollock 
Moses Ayres, Jr. 
David Chambers 
Jonath. Barns 
Daniel Barns 
Joseph Wait 
Chas Knowlton 
Jonas Brigham 
Joseph Stevens 
Ezra Richmond 

Asa Wait 
Obdh Rice 
Mirick Rice 
Abner Bartlet 
John Hubbard 
Wiling Bowman 
Benj. Wellington 
Joseph Gilbert 
William Ayres, 2d 
Peter Harwood 
Abner How 
Joseph Bush, Jr. 
Reuben Gilbert 
Obad.h Bartlet 
Bethuel Washburn 
Atkin Babbet 
Josiah Hinchar 
Abner Bruce 
William Barns 
Benjamin Ayres 
Charles Bruce 
Peter Washburn 
Hosea Edson 

1775. — Jan. 9. The town provided for another company of Minute 
Men, who subscribed the following covenant : " We the subscribers, 
soldiers inlisted from the several Militia companies within this town, and 
organized into a company called the Minute Company, do solemnly 
covenant that we will as soon as possible be provided and equipt with 
an effective fire-arm, cartouch box (or bullet pouch), 30 rounds of pow- 
der and bullets, and knapsack : That we will exert our best abilities to 
acquire the art military : That we will yield a ready obedience to the 
commands of our officers, and hold ourselves in readiness to march 
upon the earliest notice from our Commanding officers, and hazard our 
lives in resisting any armed force that shall attempt by force to put in 
execution the late revenue Acts — should any attempt be made between 
this time and the first of July next. 



" Voted, that the men that shall enlist have liberty to choose their own 
captain and lieutenants. 

" Voted, that Col. Phinehas Upham, Capt. Joseph Gilbert and Capt. 
Joseph Packard be a committee to enlist the men." [Names not 

" Voted, that the ministers be desired to notify contributions for the 
Boston sufferers, and David Hitchcock for First Precinct, Jeduthan 
Baldwin for Second Precinct and Seth Banister, Jr. for 3d Precinct 
were chosen to receive the same and transport them to Boston." 

Lexington Alarm. — The news of the British advance on Lexington 
and Concord, appears to have reached Brookfield on the afternoon of 
April 19 ; and the three companies of Minute Men started immediately 
for the scene of conflict. The Muster Rolls are given entire. 

A Roll o{ Minute Men in Col. Jona. Warner's Regiment, commanded 
by Capt. Jona. Barns, that marched from Brookfield on the 19th of 
April 1775. 


Capt. Jona. Barns 
Lieut. Peter Harwood 

" Obad. Bardett 
Sergt. Jonas Brigham 

" Aaron Matthews 

" Benj. WilHngton 

" James Washburn 
Corp. Solo. Barns 

'' George Townsend 

" John Bardett 

" Daniel Barns 
Drum"^ David Chamberlain 
Fif-- Benj. Gilbert 
" Hosea Edson 
Abner Bartlett 
Jonas Biglow 
Nathan Barns 
Wyman Bartlett 
Jona. Bond 
Edward Marden 
John Smith 
Joseph Wait 
Jabez Warren 
Charles Wetherbee 
John Winter 

Time of 

9 days 

9 " 

7 " 
16 " 
16 " 
16 " 

9 " 

16 " 

9 " 

16 " 

9 " 

9 " 

9 " 

9 " 

9 " 

9 " 

16 " 

9 " 

16 " 

9 " 

8 " 

9 " 
16 " 
16 " 

9 " 


John Bell 
Edmond Bridges 
Hugh Cunningham 
Isaac Freeman 
Robert Graham 
Reuben Gilbert 
Josiah Hincher 
Timothy Hall 
Joseph Hatfield 
Squier Hill 
Thomas Jones 
Charles Knowlton 
Jona. Marbel 
Alexander Oliver 
Ezra Richmond 
Joseph Stevens 
Ezra Tucker 
Moses Tyler 
Peter Washburn 
William Watson 
Samuel Watson 
David Watson 
Abner Witt 
Eleazar Woods 

Time of 

16 days 

16 " 

16 " 

16 " 

9 " 

9 " 

9 " 

16 " 

16 " 

9 " 

9 " 

16 " 

9 " 

16 " 

16 " 

9 " 

16 " 

9 " 

16 " 

9 " 

16 " 

16 " 

9 " 

9 " 



A true roll of the Minute Company and others from Brookfield who 
marched under my command on the nineteenth of April last (1775) upon 
the alarm on that day (of hostilities being commenced by the King's 
troops in the morning of said day) . 



Time of 





Capt. Ithamer Wright 



Drum'' Samuel Marsh 



i^' Lieut. John Packard 



Thomas Wood 



2 " Nathan Hamilton 15 


John Wood 


Serg^ Asa Danforth 



Solomon Walker 


" Daniel Bullard 



William Warner 


" Nathan Allen 



Josiah Stone 


" Joseph Richardson 



Abner Cutler 


Corp'. Aaron Willard 



Benj. Pollard 


" Seth Banister jun'' 



Elihu Blake 


" Josiah Newton 



William Gill 


" Nathan Richardson 15 


Daniel Keyes 


Benj. Walker 



Elemuel Ross 


Benj. Wood 



Levi Parker 


Asa White 



John Stevenson 


Benj. Richardson 



Jona. Arms 


Moses Barnes 



Az-^ Willis 


Benj. Jennings jr. 



Jesse Banister 


Silas Olds 



Ruben Gilbert 


Meazer Adams 



Aaron Gilbert 


Jude Adams 



Sam. Kimball • 


Erastus Hamilton 



Nath. Hay ward 


John Gilbert 



Tim" Wolcott 


Eben"" Vorce 



Simeon Rock wood 


Samuel Pike 



Jonas Newton 


Jonas S>vetter 



Theop^ Foster 


Joseph Dudley 



Benj. Bachelder 


Theop. Waterman 



John Lyndes 


Fifer Peter Hill 



A Roll of the men called Rangers that marched from Brookfield and 
Spencer under the command of John Woolcott as their Captain on the 
19"^ day April last (1775) i'^ consequence of an alarm on said day. 


Capt. John Woolcott 
Lieut. James Hathaway 12 
" Jonas Bemiss 

Time of 

Time of 




2 days. 

Sargt. Levi Peirce 

12 " 

2 " 

" Elisha Hamilton 

12 " 

2 " 

" John Stevens 

12 " 











Josiah Hamilton 




William Hamilton 




Jude Hamilton 




William Handerson 




Amos Hodgman 




Benj'= Hayward 




Johnson Lynde 




Thomas Moor 




Andrew Morgain 




Samuel Mackluer 




Ebenezer Miller 




Ebenezer Harington 




Allin Nevvhell 




James Ormes 




Joseph Almsted 




Shadarah Perrie 




Isaac Prouty 




Isaeah Rider 




Obadiah Rice 




Penehas Slayton 




Epeream Stone 




Solomon Woolcutt 




Nathan Whitney 





Solomon Wilder 




Richard Beers 





Sargt. John Howland 

" Nicholas Macluer 

" Reuben Slayton 
Amos Adams 
Caleb Bridges 
Nathaniel Bunn 
Reuben Bemiss 
Simon Baldwin 
Benj. Bemiss 
Amese Bemis 
Samuel Baldwin 
Levi Baldwin 
John Banister 
Isaac Barron 
Eperem Cooly 
Hezekeah Colton 
John Danton 
Zebedee Edminster 
Eperem Edy 
Samuel Gilford 
John Gilford 
Andrew Graham 
William Graham 
Eperem Harington 
John Hill 
Nathan Hill 

At the earnest solicitation of the Committee of Safety, a large number 
of the Minute ^Slen consented to remain in Service till new and more 
permanent companies could be organized. The Provincial Congress 
met April 22, and on the 23d. it was resolved to call on Massachusetts 
to furnish 13,500 men for Eight Months service. 

Apr. 24, the Committee of Safety tendered a commission as colonel 
to David Brewer of Palmer,' and ordered that nine sets of "beating 
papers" be given him, to be distributed to trusty officers each of whom 
was expected to enlist a company of 56 able-bodied men. One set was 
handed to Lieut. John Packard of Brookfield, who proceeded to enlist 
soldiers from the Minute Companies then on the ground. Beating 
papers, with the tender of a colonelcy were given to Ebenezer Learned 
of Oxford, who handed one set to Lieut. Peter Harwood of this town. 

I He was a native of Framingham, who had lived in Brookfield, where he married May 8, 1763, 
Elizabeth Smith. 


This regiment — Col. Ebenezer Learned, Lt. Col. Danforth Keye?, 
Adgt. Seih Banister — went into camp at Roxbury May 19, and com- 
missions were issued to the Field and Company ofificers, May 23. Capt. 
Harwood's Co. mustered 71 men. 

The Committee of Safety reported June 15, that "Col. David Brewer 
had raised nine companies, amounting, including officers to 465 men, 
who are now posted at Rcjxbury, Dorchester and Watertown." This 
regiment was commissioned Ju«e 17. "Field and Staff officers in the 
Ninth Continental Regiment : David Brewer, Palmer, Colonel ; Rufus 
Putman, Brookfield, Lt. Col. ; Nathaniel Danielson, Brimfield, Major ; 
Amos Adams, Roxbury, Chaplain (died Oct. 4), Thomas Weeks, Green- 
wich, Adjutant; Ebenezer Washburn, Hardwick, Qr. Master; Estes 
How, Belchertown, Surgeon; James Bradish, No. 5, Assis't. Surgeon; 
John Trotter, clerk." 

The following List of Brookfield men, in the Eight Months Service, is 
gathered from the Rolls in the State Archives. /// Col. Leanietfs Regi- 
me 11 f : 

Capt. Peter Harwood, Lieut. Asa Danforth, Ens!l Benj'] Pollard, Serglf 
George Townsend, Wm. Watson, Isaac Barron, Daniel Barns : — Corp"!? 
Charles Rice, John Denton, Reuben Gilbert, and John Dodge : — Drum- 
mers, Sam'. Mash, Benj. Gilbert and Hosea Edson, — Privates — Jesse 
Adams, Obadiah Adams, Chas. Adams, Jessa Banister, Jonas Biglow, 
Ebenezf. Baker, Abner Bartlett, Abner Cutlar, Joseph Dudly, John Dan- 
forth, Jonathan Danforth, Chas. Doroughty, William Gill, Roburt Graham, 
Comfort Goss, Asa Gilburt, Henry Gilburt, Samuel Green, Jesse Hamil- 
ton, Wm. Hincher, Peter Hill, Joseph Hamilton, Amas Hodgman, Esq. 
Hill, Josiah Hincher, Thomas Jones, Samuel Kimbal, Daniel Keyes, 
Jonathan Marble, Thomas Nickals, Jonathan Ormes, Elijah Pollock, 
Ezra Richmand, Joseph Stephens, John Stephenson, Samuel Stephens, 
John Smith, Moses Tylar, Solomon Wilder, ElezT Woods, Joseph Wait, 
Abner Witt, Jeduth"? Wait, Wm. Wait, Wm. White and John Winter — 

Capt, John Granger, Sergt. Jona. Stone, Elijah Cummings. Ensign 
Reuben Slayton, Drummer David Chamberlain, Corp. Ebenezer Har- 
rington, Nathan Whitney, Timothy Woolcott, Solo. Woolcott, Eben"' Ball, 
Jacob Harrington (in Capt. Joel Green's Co.) 
In Col. Breiuer's Regiment : 

Cap'.. John Packard, Serg'.". Nathan Allen, James Washburn, and Josiah 
Newton, Corp'.*. Jarib Bacon, Barnabas Potter, Levi Packard — Drum- 
mer — Nathaniel Hayward — Pri. Elijah Allen, Nathan Barns, Elisha 
Bartlet — Jedediah Gilbert, Aaron Gilbert, Reuben Gilbert, Joseph Gil- 
bert, Barzilai Hayward, John Hubard, Elisha Holton, Robert Hopkins, 
EHas Parkman, Lemuel Ross, Jonathan Willis, Josiah Wood, Theo. Wa- 
terman, Azariah Willis, West Waterman. 


Lieut. Bethuel Washburn (in Capt. D. Ingersoll's Co.) 

Lieut. Nathan Goodale, Corp^ Alexander OHver, Isaac Cutler ; Pri- 
vates, Moses Ayres, Silvester Bishop, Benj. Batcheller, Peter Cushing, 
Joseph Chadwick, Moses Dodge, Reuben Dodge, Jona. Fletcher, John 
Liddle, John Pollard, Isaac Hodgman, died Sept. 5, (in Capt. Josiah 
King's Co.) 

Sergt. Nathan Hill, [Corp. Peter Brewer, Southboro'], Fifers, James 
Hill, Bartholomew Hill ; Berry Bowen, Moses Bowen, Peter Bowen, 
Stoddard Bowen [Micah Dorothy, Framingham], Jona. Ralph, Pomp 
Lorum, Benj. Hill (in Capt. Jona. Danforth's Western Co.) 

In Col. John Fellows' Reg'., Capt. Abel Thayer's Co., Ens. John 
Lynde, Abner Gilbert, Thomas Gilbert, David Hamilton, John Hay- 

In Col. Timothy Danielson's Regiment, Capt. Silvanus Walker's Co., 
Sergt^ Solo. Walker, Samuel Pike, Corp? Eben"" How, Simeon Rockwell, 
Drum"" John Warren, Priv. Elijah Barns, Jabez Crosby, Moses Hastings, 
John Marble, Daniel Moore, Abner Old, Jonas Streeter, Eph"^ Stone, 
Josiah Stone, John Woolcott. 

In Col. B. R. Woodbridge's Regt., Capt. John Cowls' Co., Corp. Mo- 
ses Woods, Oliver Hinds, John Sabin, Phinehas Slayton, Nathan Whitney, 
Joseph Olmstead. 

In Col. Jona. Ward's Regt., Capt. Seth Washburn's Co., Elisha Liver- 

In Capt. Isaac Bolster's Co., Elihu Blake, Samuel Bunn, Eben"" Mil- 
ler, Jonas Newton, Eli Wood, James Wood, John Wood, Joseph Wood, 
Thomas Wood. 

The battle of Bunker Hill, June 17, was foughit by these Eight Months 
men. But no returns have been found, to indicate the names of the 
Brookfield soldiers who took part in that action. 

The town Committee of Inspection were : Col. Jedediah Foster, David 
Hitchcock, John Phipps, for First Precinct ; Daniel Gilbert, Thomas 
Moore, John Lyscom, for Second Precinct; Josiah Hobbs, Ephraim 
Walker, Ithamar Wright, 3d Precinct. 

Dec. I, 1775. 5,000 men of the Militia were ordered out, to defend 
the fortifications at Cambridge and Roxbury. The quota of Brookfield 
was 45. The Roll has not been found. 

1776. — Brookfield men in Capt. Wm Todd's Co., Col. Crafts' Regt. 
of Artillery, Feb. i, to May 8, 1776 : Sergts. David Watson and Charles 
Bruce, Corp. Wm Smith, Joshua Barns, Barnabas Brigham, Antipas 
Bruce, Hosea Edson, Eben'' Field, John Hersey, Daniel Matthews, Abel 
Johnson, David Leland, Jonathan Sever, Abner White. 

In the Fourth Worcester Regt. of Militia, Joseph Gilbert of Brookfield 
was chosen Colonel Feb. 16, 1776, in place of Col. Jona. Warner de- 


ceased; and Apr. 10, James Converse was chosen Colonel in place of 
Col. Gilbert. Jona. King was commissioned captain of the First Co. in 
said Reg'., Nathan Hamilton ist Lieut., Daniel Pollard 2d Lieut. May 
31 ; Joseph Cutler, captain and Isaac Wood ist Lieut, of the Third Co. ; 
Tilly Rice, captain, Joseph Pickard ist Lieut, and Abijah Cutler 2d Lieut, 
of the Fourth Co. ; John Lyscom, captain, William Ayres ist Lieut, and 
John Ranger 2d Lieut, of the Ninth Co. ; Cyrus Rich, captain, Isaac 
Gleason ist Lieut, and Abner Tyler 2d Lieut, of the Eleventh Co. ; 
Francis Stone, captain, Samuel Warner ist Lieut, and Josiah Willard 2d 
Lieut of the Twelfth Co. Most of these were Brookfield men. 

Capt. Jeduthan Baldwin assisted in planning the defensive works 
around Boston the last year; and Mar. 16, this year, was commissioned 
Assist. Engineer, with rank of Capt., and ordered to N.Y. ; was placed 
in the Continental army, with rank of Lieut. -Col., Apr. 26. ; and in the 
fall was made Engineer, with the rank of colonel, and served at Ticon- 

Lt. Col. Rufus Putnam had been employed as engineer in constructing 
the defences in Roxbury, and secured the approbation of Washington, 
who recommended him to the Congress as more competent than any of 
the French gentlemen, to whom appointments had been given. He was 
appointed chief engineer, and in the spring superintended all the de- 
fences of New York, and in August was raised to the rank of colonel. 

At a town meeting held in Brookfield, May 22, 1776, The question 
was put, in the words of a Resolve of the General Court, " Whether this 
Town would support the Honorable Congress in the measure, if they for 
our liberty should see fit to declare the colonies Independent of Great 
Britain?" — And it passed in the Affirmative, almost unanimously. Thus, 
our Declaration of Independence anticipated the national Declaration, 
by more than a month ! 

Committee of Correspondence, Inspection and Safety : Tho. Moore, 
Ens. John Wait, Lt. Tilly Rice, Lt. David Hitchcock, Jabez Crosby, 
Ithamar Wright, John Hamilton. 

In Capt. Nathan Hamilton's Co., Col. Sam' Brewer's Regt. at Ticon- 
deroga Mills, June i, '76 to Feb. i, '77, the Brookfield men were: 
Capt. N. H., Lieut. John Bovvker, Corp? Joseph Olmstead, Thomas 
Kimball, Wm Gilbert, Drumy Prince Haskell, Privates, Barnabas Potter, 
Zadock Gilbert, Edward Allen, Philip Allen, Abner Gilbert, Samuel 
Barns, Solo. Wilder, Sam'. McClure, Jona. Moore, John Burk, John 
Saben, Nathan Davis, Ammiel Weeks, Seth Dean, Benj. Foster, John 
Patterson, Wm Cunningham, Stephen Chandler, Ebenezer Wright, Fran- 
cis Pellet, Ithamar Bowker, Wm Raiment, Edmund Stone, Amos Hale, 
Ephraim Wheeler, Jesse Wheeler, John Green, Eph"" Richmond, Ezekiel 
Bowker, John Bowen, Seth Twitchell, Ichabod Warner, Uri Babbitt, 
Daniel How. 

234 BROOk'FlELD RECORDS, 171S-J7S6. 

June 24, 1776, an order was issued from head-quarters, establishing a 
company of Matrosses in the Town of Brookfield, in Col. James Con- 
verse's Regiment. The officers were as follows : John Banister, captain, 
James Hathaway, first lieut., Gideon Walker, second lieut. 

Nov. 14, 1776. The town vofed to grant the sum of ^60, to be 
levied upon the Inhabitants, for a bounty upon 100 fire-arms with 
bayonet affixed, provided they are wholly manufactured in this town 
within one year, and sold to the Inhabitants of this town, and in such 
case the selectmen are to draw an order upon the town treasurer. The 
bounty was not claimed, and Oct. 6, '77, the above named ;^6o was 
ordered "to be applied to pay town debts." 

In the autumn of this year Washington's army, then on the North 
River, came near being broken up by expiration of the short-term enlist- 
ments. And at his earnest solicitation, the Continental Congress pro- 
vided for the formation of a regular army by the enlistment of men to 
serve during the war. A bounty of ^20 was to be paid at the time 
of muster ; and quotas of public land were promised, as follows : To a 
colonel, 500 acres ; to a major, 400 acres ; to a captain, 300 acres ; to 
a lieutenant, 200 acres; to an ensign, 150 acres; and 100 acres to non- 
commissioned officers and privates. Subsequently these terms were 
modified so as to admit of enlistments for three years, or during the 
war ; but the three years men were not entitled to any grant of land. 

Of the eighty-eight battalions ordered to be raised, Massachusetts was 
required to furnish fifteen. 

1777. — Committee of Correspondence, Inspection and Safety: Lt. 
David Hitchcock, Tho. Wheeler. Daniel Watson, Capt. Joseph Chadwick 
Onesiph. Ayres, Lt. Jona. Bond, Capt. Ithamar Wright, Capt. Ezekl Olds, 
Dea. Jabez Crosby. 

List of Brookfield men that enlisted in 1777, For the War ; Thomas 
Briggs, Abner Cutler, Cornelius Gilbert, Robert Hall, Reuben Hamilton, 
Barzillai Hayward, Daniel Keyes, Jona. Lampson, John Lydlea, Alex- 
ander Oliver, Elijah Pollock, Jeduthan Wait, William Wait, Nehemiah 
Ward, Joshua Winter. 

List of Brookfield men that enlisted in 1777, For Three Years; 
William Adams, Jason Allen, Joel Babbitt, Samuel Babbitt, Daniel Barns, 
Solo. Bartlett, Joseph Barilctt, Jarib Bacon, Moses Bedunah, John 
Bowker, Samuel Bunn, Elijah Calley, Charles Casey, Hezekiah Cutting 
Antipas Dodge, Thomas Dodge, John Eveleth, Elisha Foster, Benj. Gil- 
bert, Henry Gilbert, Jedediah Gilbert, Joel Gilbert, Thomas Gilbert, 
John Hayward, Benj. Hill, James Hill, Joseph Hamilton, John Holden, 
John Hopkins, Joseph Green, Zachariah Green, Elijah Harrington, John 
Hubbard, Samuel Lancaster, Isaac Lackey, Abner Lazell, Benj. Lynde, 
Joseph Marble, Jonas Newton, Joseph Newell, Abner Old, Jonathan 



Owen, Joseph Olmstead, Jesse Parker, Ephraim Potter, Robena, negro 
Lemuel Ross, John Smith, Asahel Stearns, Gad Smith, Gershom Whit- 
ney, Gershom Whitney, Jr., Hezekiah Whitney, Israel Whitney, Eleazar 
Whitney, Elias Witt, Jonathan Witt, Lemuel Ward, John Warren, Caleb 
Willis, Jona. Willis, Eli Wood, Joseph Wood, Thomas Wood, Timothy 

A considerable number of these men were from other towns, and 
were hired by our citizens. They were sent to the front and distributed 
to different regiments and brigades, mostly on the North River. 

The raising of so many Three Years men temporarily relieved the 
pressure of calls. 

This year is memorable for The Bennington Alarm, following the sur- 
render of Ticonderoga to Gen. Burgoyne, July 5 ; and for the battles of 
Stillwater, and Saratoga, and the surrender of Burgoyne, Oct. 17. 

The following Brookfield men from Capt. Ebenezer Newell's Co., 
enlisted into the Continental service this year : Ebenezer Bacon, Benj. G. 
Ball, Joseph Ball, Phinehas Bowman, Thomas Hall alias Boyd, John 
Burk, Thomas Cole, Jacob H. Deland, Abraham Hair, Philip Haskell, 
John Herrick, Josiah Hincher, Amos Leonard, Thomas Madden, Joseph 
Owen, INIirick Rice, Robert Richmond, Jr., William White. 

Capt. Daniel Gilbert commanded a Co. from Brookfield and Western, 
in service at Bennington and Half Moon, July 13, to Sept. 2. Brookfield 
men : Serg'.^ Wm Hincher, Nich. McClure, John Gilbert ; privates, Philip 
Allen, John Ayres, Joshua Barns, Wm Barns, Benj. Batcheller, Josiah 
Blanchard, David Clark, Reuben Dodge, Jude Foster, Zadock Gilbert, 
Peter Hill, Silas How, Asa Humphrey, Daniel Newell, Comfort Old, 
Abner Perry, Amos Rice, Elisha Rice, Jason Rice, Joseph Richardson, 
James Ross, Phinehas Stevens, Wm Stone, Joshua Tyler, John Waite, 
Thomas Wedge, James Wood, John Wright. 

In August, 16 men went from Brookfield on an expedition to Provi- 
dence, R.I. Names not found. 

Col. Rufus Putnam was in command of the 5th Mass. Regiment, and 
took an important part in the campaign this year. He was with Gen. 
Gates, and distinguished himself at the battle of Stillwater, and the 
series of movements which followed. 

A Pay Abstract of a Company of Volunteers under the command of 
Capt. Asa Danforth who marched from Brookfield Sept 23, 1777, — to join 
the army under the command of Genl Gates, and took part in the Battle 
of Saratoga, Oct. 7. 


Capt. Asa Danforth 
Lieut James Hathway 

Time of 

31 days 
22 " 


Time of 

Lieut Jonas Brigham 
Sergt. Peregrine Foster 





Names. Service. Names. 

Sergt. Amos Adams 22 days. Jeremh Streeter 

" Ab^ Adams 22 " Benj. Howard 

" Obadiah Rice 22 " Saml. Green 

Corp. Joseph Richardson 22 " John Wade 

" Ruben Gill 22 " Thos. Sumner 

" Jude Adams 22 " Wm. Hamilton 

" Jesse Banister 31 " James Washburn 

Nathan Hamilton 16 " Peter Washburn 

Phins Upham 31 " Sylvanus Curtiss 

Richard Willington 20 " John Gilbert 

Daniel Walker 22 " John Gilbert 4th 

John Hamilton 31 " Benj. Gilbert 

Danl. Bullard 31 " Benj. Walker 

Adoniram Walker 22 " Silas Stone 

Ephm Cooley 22 " Abner Perry 

Gad Williston 31 " Asa Gilbert 

Jona. Snow 22 " Ebenezer Bartlet 

Jona. Abbott 22 " Philip Allen 

John Linds 20 " Samuel Gilbert 

John Waite 31 " Jesse Hamilton 

Gersham Makepeace 31 " Rufus Hamilton 

John Hobbs 20 " Jona'. Danforth 

Ehsha Hamilton 22 " Josiah Gary 

Josiah Hamilton 20 " Thos. Ranger 

Samuel Owen 16 " Thos. Marsh 

Jason Walker • 22 " Benj. Adams 

Nathan Whitney 22 " Benj. Barret 

Elisha Brigham 22 " Daniel Watson 

Daniel Newell 31 " Jon? Barns 

Obedh Wright 22 " Jacob Kent 

John Allen 22 " 

Friday, Oct. 31. One division of Burgoyne's surrendered army, under 
escort of Gen. James Brickett, on the march to Cambridge, halted for 
the night in Brookfield. 

Nov. The town appointed a Committee of nine, with instructions " to 
provide for the families of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers 
that are now in the Continental Army." A similar vote was passed in 
1778, and 1779. 

i^yg. — This year, Col. Rufus Putnam superintended the construction 
of the fortifications at West Point. After the surprise at Stony Point, he 
was appointed to the command of a regiment in Wayne's brigade, and 
served to the end of the campaign. 

Time of 

2 2 days. 




























































Capt. Peter Harwood, who had followed the fortunes of the war thus 
far, was promoted to the rank of major in the Continental army, in Col. 
Thomas Nixon's regiment, Sept. 29. 

Capt. Daniel Gilbert, Capt. Ebenczer Newell, and Capt. Asa Danforth, 
with their companies continued in the service ; but their pay-rolls have 
not been found. 

Feb. 3, an Order was passed by the General Court, requiring each 
town to return a List of the male inhabitants from 16 years old and up- 
wards, liable to do military duty ; and also a list of the men then engaged 
in the Continental Service. The return from Brookfield was : No. of male 
inhabitants liable to do military duty, 656 whites, and 9 negro slaves; 
one-seventh part of which is 95 : No. of men in the service, 95 ; No. 
wanting to fill our quota, o. 

Each of the three Precincts in Brookfield appears to have assumed the 
labor and expense of furnishing its proper quota of soldiers, in answer 
to the calls this year. 

In Feb., 14 men went on an expedition to R.I. 

Apr. 20. The General Court ordered levies of 1,300 men to for- 
tify North River ; 200 men for Rhode Island ; and 2,000 men for 9 
months service in the army, to rendezvous at Fishkill. The Second 
Precinct voted to raise the men called for ; and paid bounties as follows : 
For Capt. Daniel Gilbert's Co., now in the field, 3 Continental soldiers 
viz. Barnabas Potter, Wm Barns, Nathan Barns, to whom we gave ^100 
per man, and the use of a blanket. To the Militia men, viz. Thomas 
Bacon and Jona. Wyman, ^70 each, and a blanket, and to be exempt 
from the Rate for paying the same. For Capt. Ebenr Newell's Co. now 
in the field, 4 men, viz. Wm Gill, John Gill, David Chamberlain and Jude 
Stevens, Continentals, ^100 each, and a blanket. To the Militia men, 
viz. Robert Graham and John Sabins, £,10 each, and a blanket, and 
exemption from this Rate. 

Voted, to raise £()'&'^. 8, to defray the expense of hiring the Conti- 
nental and Militia men lately enlisted. 

At the same time the West Parish raised for Capt. Asa Danforth's 
Co., 9 mos. service at Fishkill, Wm Beals, Wm Clapp, Joshua Dodge, Jr., 
Samuel Gilbert and James Ross. 

The Third Precinct raised for the same service, Silas Newton, Wm Peso, 
Daniel Wait, Jason Rice and Levi Rice. 

May 25. At a town meeting called to consider the proposed Form of 
Government, twenty voted aye, and eighty-four no. 

Capt. Francis Stone was in command of a New Braintree Co. in the 
Continental service this year. 

John Wait was agent for receiving clothing for the Continental soldiers, 
in August, and sent a supply to the army at Valley Forge. 


In Sept., 29 men were sent to Fishkill and Peekskill ; kind of service 

In June, committees were raised in the several Precincts "To adjust 
the Average of service done in the War to date, and the charges that 
have arisen since the 15 battahons were raised." 

No Report is preserved in the State Archives, of the results of this 
inquiry and adjustment, except in the case of the Third Precinct, where 
Jona. King, chairman, reported June 30 : " We find that the whole ser- 
vice is equal to 5^ months to each single poll in said Precinct. We 
reckon 3 months service at Roxbury and R.I. only equal to 2 months 
at the Northward and Westward ; and also in the Guards in said town 
only equal to one-third at the Northward, Westward and Southward, 
We also allow ;^io paid at the time of raising the Continental men to 
be equal to one year's service." In the total of 193 men in this Pre- 
cinct, liable to do military duty, only 26 have no credit for service or 
money. Among the larger credits are the following : Abram Adams, Jr. 
I if mos., Amos Adams, r6 mos., Jesse Adams, 17! mos., Tilly Brigham, 
i3i mos., Elisha Brigham, 12^ mos., Solo. Banister, 9! mos., Beth Ban- 
ister, 19 mos., Obad. Cooley, ii|- mos., Ephm Cooley, 14^ mos., Francis 
Foxcroft, 9 mos., Amos Hamilton, i6\ mos., Nathan Hamilton, Jr. 10^ 
mos., Josiah Hobbs, 1 1 mos., Ephm Harrington, 9 mos., Jabez Crosby, 
13I- mos., Wm Old, 9 mos., Benj. Jennings, Jr. i6|- mos., Jona. King, 
15 mos., Jonas Newton, 17 mos., Daniel Newell, 13 mos., John Old, 14 
mos., Wm Old, Jr. 11^ mos., Joseph Olmstead, i6f mos., Asahel Peters, 
Elnathan Rice, 9^ mos.. Solo. Rice, io|- mos., Phinehas Slayton, iif 
mos., Phinehas Upham, 15 mos., Benj. Walker, 14^ mos., Abram Walker, 
I if mos., Nathan Whiting, Jr. 17 mos.. Solo. Walker, 17 mos., Jason 
Walker, 13^ mos.. Gad Williston, 9 J mos.. Solo. Woolcott, 16 mos. 

The Spooner Murder. — The dark episode of the year in Brookfield, 
was this unnatural murder, which startled the whole community, and 
became noted in the criminal annals of the state. 

The Spooner house stood on the north side of the old stage road, 
a half-mile east of Brookfield meeting-house, near where the road to 
North Brookfield centre strikes off". 

The family of Joshua Spooner consisted of himself, his wife Bathsheba 
[Ruggles, dau. of Gen. Timothy, of Hard wick] aged 32, three children, 
one son and two daughters, one male and two female servants. There 
had also been for some time, three men, either transient or constant 
inmates of the house, viz. Ezra Ross, a youth of 18, an ex- soldier in the 
American army, from Ipswich, and James Buchanan and WiUiam Brooks, 
formerly British soldiers of Burgoyne's army. 

The evidence, and the confessions of the prisoners showed that the 
murder was planned and instigated by Mrs. Spooner. 


On the evening of March i, 1778, Mr. S., returning from Cooley's 
tavern, not far distant, about 9 o'clock, when near his own door, was 
struck down by Brooks, Buchanan and Ross being present, and his 
body taken up by the three and thrown into the well. After the deed 
was done, the three men went into the house, where Mrs. S. distributed 
among them her husband's clothing and a considerable sum of money, 
as the reward of their work. 

The case was tried at the April term of the court in Worcester. The 
judges were, C. J. William Gushing, Jedediah Foster, Nath^ P. Sargent, 
David Sewall and James Sullivan, associate justices. Rob'. T. Paine was 
state's attorney ; Levi Lincoln was assigned as counsel for the prisoners. 
The fact of killing was admitted ; and the effort of defendants' counsel 
was to bring out the degree of responsibility of the parties accused. Li 
regard to Mrs. Spooner, Mr. Lincoln's main point was, that she was a 
person of unsound, ox distracted mind — as proved by the history of the 
case itself, which he rehearsed in detail. The jury returned a verdict of 
guilty as to each of the prisoners ; and they were sentenced to be exe- 
cuted on Thursday, June 4, By the efforts of Rev. Thaddeus Maccarty 
of Worcester, the Council granted a respite of one month, largely on 
the ground that " the unhappy woman declares she is several months 
advanced in her pregnancy." A jury, consisting of two men midwives 
and 12 matrons was summoned, who after examination, reported that 
"the prisoner was not quick with child " (tho' it was proved after death, 
that her statement was true). The execution took place at Worcester, 
July 2. "Just before they reached the gallows, one of the most terrific 
thunderstorms that had occurred within the memory of any one living, 
came up, and darkened the heavens, and all together conspired to pro- 
duce a scene of most dreadful horror in the minds of the throng of 
5,000 people assembled to witness the spectacle." 

1779. — Jan. 14. The selectmen of Brookfield furnished clothing 
for the army, 95 shirts, at 235 pounds, 16 shill. ; 95 prs. shoes, at 256. 
10; 95 prs. stockings, at 156. 15. 

Pay Roll of a squad of Volunteers enlisted from Capt. Nathan Ham- 
ilton's Co. in Third Precinct of Brookfield, to guard Magazine stores at 
B. in charge of Samuel Webb, and conduct them to Providence — Jan. 
I, to Feb. 12 : Lieut. Joseph Olmstead, Serg^ Jesse Abbott, Corp^. Solo. 
Banister, Jonas Newton, Josiah Hamilton, Privates, Nahum Davis, 
Simeon Wright, Wm Old, Daniel Upham, Silas Bridges, Benj. Forbush, 
Oliver Walker, Nathan Rice, Joel Jennings, Gershom Jennings, Erastus 
Hamilton, Joseph Hamilton, Nathaniel Hamilton, Thomas Hincher, 
Simon Rice. The selectmen were allowed 48 pounds for the mileage 
of the above men, 96 miles at 6d. per mile. 

The " Magazine " referred to was probably the Powder House, a 


brick stnicture 10 feet in diameter, built in 1770, whicli stood near the 
town pound.' 

Feb. 16. Mr. John Wait was allowed 611 pounds, 12s. 6d. for 
clothing procured and sent to the army. 

Brookfield men in Capt. Christ. Marshall's Co. 1779. 

Joseph Barrett, 

age, 19 

Peter Bowen, 

age, 43 

Josiah Cutler, 

" 19 

Joshua Gross, 

" 23 

Silas Hamilton, 

. 17 

Jacob Harrington, 

" 17 

Nathaniel Sabin, 

" 17 

Abner Witt, 

" 23 

Aug. 12. Under the requisition for teams to transport stores, John 
Wait is credited with 125 pounds, 4 shill. for 85 miles ; Rufus Hamilton, 
;^i42. 18. 6, for 97 miles; Adoniram Walker, ;^i22. 5, for 85 miles; 
Asa Gilbert, ;^i24. 10. for ^t, miles. 

A petition of Maj. Peter Harwood, dated Boston, Aug. 10, 1779, 
states : " I have served as an officer in the army ever since the war 
began ; the two first years was a captain ; Jan. 10, 1777, was appointed 
major in General J. Nixon's brigade ; when the Hon'^' Congress resolved 
that the staff of the army should be of the Line, I was recommended by 
Maj. Gen. Lincoln, Brig. Generals Nixon and Patterson to the Commit- 
tee of Congress which sett last August at White Plains for the purpose 
of settling rank in the army, that I might have my rank in the Line ; 
and I was accordingly commissioned Sept. 29, 177S, and assigned the 
place of loth Major in the Mass. Line, Light Infantry, Gen. Nixon's 
brigade ; " and asks for pay and allowance. ^300 was granted him. 
He continued in service till Oct. 16, 1680, when he resigned, and 
received an honorable discharge. 

In obedience to the Great and General Court's orders of October 9, 
1779, we have paid out of the Town Treasury the sum of seven hundred 
and eighty pounds as a State bounty to 26 men who belonged to Brook- 
field, inlisted and marched for Clavarack for 3 months, i.e. thirty pounds 

Brookfield, Nov. 10, 1779. Moses Jennings r 

Othniel Gilbert -I Selectmen. 
Daniel Gilbert I 

The men are as follows : Caleb Loomis, Joseph Hamilton, Eben"" 
Miller, Thomas Wedge, Thomas Hincher, Silas Newton, Thomas Ham- 

' The late Isaac Ranger said: " The Powder House or Arsenal stood where Alvin Howe's house 
now is. Alter the Revolution the powder was divided among the three parishes, and stored in the 
meeting-houses under the pulpits. North Brookfield's share remained under their pulpit till 1815, 
when one Sunday afternoon, a terrific thunder shower came up, and a heavy bolt struck a rock just 
back of the house, and parted, one streak running under the Church. The people took the hint, and 
removed the powder to a less public place." 


ilton, Simon Rice, Wm Hamilton, Jude Adams, Judith Stevens, Isaiah 
Bo wen. Benj. Jennings, Jr., Samuel Walker, Ezra Tucker, Jonas Biglow, 
Richardson Dunham, Thomas Tucker, Nathan Moore, John Gilbert 2d., 
William Peso, Elijah Barns, Thaddeus Dodge, Joseph Brown, John 
Pollard, Andrew Banister, fifer. 

These men were attached to Capt. Joseph Richardson's Co. in Col. 
Samuel Denny's Reg., Mass. Bay Militia, in the U. S. Service. Capt. J. 
R. was of Brookfield, as were also Lieut. Joseph Thurston, Israel Aiken, 
Isaac Abbott, Oliver Gilbert, Noah Hatch, Thomas Lampson, Asa Par- 
tridge, already in the field. 

In Dec, the following Brookfield men were in Capt. Thomas Fish's 
Co., R.I. Service at Tiverton : Sergt. Ephraim Cutter, Benj. Bragg, 
Anthony Cutter, Abner Rice, Isaac Sever, Obadiah Wait, Eben"^ Witt. 

Dec. 21. The selectmen are allowed transportation for the above 
named companies, and also for 31 men to Boston, and 9 men to Dor- 
chester. And same date, on a requisition for clothing, Brookfield is 
credited with 12 blankets, 95 shirts, 96 prs. shoes, 94 prs. stockings. 
[Worcester received credit for only 62 shirts, etc.] 

[Robert Young, a laborer, resident in Brookfield, was convicted by 
the Superior Court of Worcester county, at the October term, of the 
crime of Felony and Rape, committed in B., and was executed at Wor- 
cester Nov. II, 1779.] 

1780. — June 12. An order was issued for raising men for six months 
service in the Continental army. And at a meeting of the Second Pre- 
cinct, June 20, ^"^ Voted, the sum of ^^25 2 be assessed on the polls and 
estates of this Precinct, for the purpose of hiring 15 soldiers into the 
Continental Service for six months — the aforesaid sum to be paid in 
Beef at 24 shill. per cwt. — Rye at 4 shill. per bush. — Indian Corn at 
2 shill. 8 pence per bush., or in paper currency equivalent thereto. 

Voted, that the collector shall receive continental money on the assess- 
ment lately granted, at the rate of 72 for i. 

Voted, to authorize the Precinct Treasurer to give security for such 
sums as shall remain due to the soldiers aforesaid ; and that Lt. Thomas 
Hale, Lt. Joseph Bush, Benj. Adams, Jr. and Lt. Wm Ayres be a com- 
mittee to assist the treasurer in giving security as aforesaid." 

The other Precincts passed similar votes ; and the following men were 
enlisted and sent to the North River, out from June 30, to Jan. i, '81 ; 
Jona. Willis, Abner Witt, Wm Kimball, Joseph Ranger, Asa Gilbert, 
Josiah Cutler, Wm Peso, John Pollard, Thomas Dodge, Jr., Caleb Willis, 
Bueanos Ayres, Solo. Livermore, Thomas Lampson, Isaac Wetherbee, 
Ichabod Stockwell, Aaron Forbes, Ezekiel Hardy, Silas Barns, Lewis Witt, 
Nathan Moore, Shadrack Wetherbee, Thomas Hathaway, Jr., Nathaniel 
Sabin, Jacob Hatfield Deland, Thomas Wedge, Jr., John Bowen, Levi 



Rice, Amos Rice, Nathan Rice, Silas Newton, Benj. Jennings, Jr., Never- 
son Hastings, Abner Hebery, Thomas Wood 3d., Nathan Davis, Thomas 
Young, Eben"" Marsh, Aaron Forbes. 

On the call issued June 22, 1780, for 4,726 men — New Levies — to 
re-enforce the Continental army in R.I. for 3 months — the Second 
Precinct by a committee, agreed with Joseph Kimball, Jason Ayres, 
Jedediah Deland, Jesse Ayres, John Cox, Job Hinckley, Benjamin Dane, 
David Chamberlain, Jude Stevens, William Forbes, Eli Watson, Jeremiah 
Dewing, Levi Kendall, and Martin Bridges, 14 in number, for the term 
of service aforesaid, at the rate of three pounds each per month — this 
sum to be paid in Beef at 24 shill. per hund.. Rye at 4 shill. per bush., 
Corn at 2s. 8d., or in paper currency equivalent thereto, viz. at the rate 
of 90 for I. 

Of the New Levies, for six months Service, that marched from Brook- 
field for Clavarack Aug. 30, were : Moses Dorr, John Brown, Wm Posy, 
Scipio Witt, John Pollard, Moses Walker, Amos Wheeler, Elisha Whit- 
more, Peter Barton, Silas Morse, Timothy Armstrong, Samuel Lewis, 
Levi Stockwell, Wm Richardson. 

At a town meeting in May, Brookfield voted 143 in favor of the new 
Constitution, and 1 1 against it. And at the election Sept. 4, the vote 

For Governor, John Hancock 


" James Bowdoin 


For Lt. Governor, James Warren . 

. 81 

" James Bowdoin 

• 54 

For Senators, Artemas Ward . 

. 69 

Moses Gill 


Samuel Baker . 


" Joseph Dorr . 


" Gen. Eben"^ Learned 


November. In a requisition for Beef for the army, Brookfield fur- 
nished 52 head; and for clothing, 33 blankets, 67 shirts, 67 prs. shoes, 
67 prs. Hose. 

Dec. 2. A resolve was passed calling on the towns to furnish their 
several quotas of men for the army, to be enlisted for three years. 
Brookfield's quota was 2,Z i No. furnished, 33. 

In pursuance of this order 

"At a meeting Jan 17, 1781, the Second Precinct appointed a com- 
mittee, viz. Capt. John Lyscom, Capt. Eben"". Newell, Capt. Daniel Gil- 
bert, Major Peter Harwood, and Samuel Haskell, with full powers to 
agree with the men on the best terms they can, and that the Precinct 
will support them in their trust. 


" Voted, That the soldiers who may engage in the 3 Years Service shall 
have liberty to take their security of individuals whom they shall choose, 
and that the Precinct will indemnify such persons in giving their securi- 
ties in behalf of the Precinct. 

" Voted, the sum of ^loSo in hard money, to be assessed upon the 
polls and estates within said Precinct, for the purpose of hiring 12 sol- 
diers into the 3 Years Service, at the rate of ^90 to each. 

" Voted, I. to give said men the said sum of ^90 each in hard money, 
or 20 young cattle, three years old, middhng for bigness, to be deUvered 
May I, 1784. 

2. Mutually agreed, if the war be at an end, the soldier draws only 
his proportion of the ;!^90, according to his time of service. If he 
deserts the army, he forfeits the whole. 

" Names of the soldiers, together with the names of the persons chosen 
to give security. 

Joseph Bartlett, age 2 1 : to have ^30 down, the rest in cattle. Spon 
sor, Eli Howe. 

George Townsend, age 35 : ^^30 down, the rest at expiration of term. 
Sponsor, Maj. Peter Harwood. 

Joseph Kimball, age 21 : ^5 down, the rest in cattle. Sponsor, 
Oliver Grosvenor. 

Silas Whitney, age 23 : ^\o down, the rest in cattle. Sponsor, 
Theop"^. Potter. 

Ezekiel Hardy, age 19 : ^6 down, the rest in money. Sponsor, 
Capt. John Lyscom. 

Abijah Potter, age 21 : one-third money, the rest cattle. Sponsor, 
Charles Bruce. 

Asa Gould, age 27 : _;^i5 down, half the rest cattle. Sponsor, Capt. 
Samuel Hinckley. 

Samuel Stevens, age 18: ^9 down, the rest cattle. Sponsor, Capt. 
Daniel Gilbert. 

Jesse Watson, age 2 1 : £,6 down, the rest cattle. Sponsor, Lt. Joseph 

Amos Leonard, age 26 : ^6 down, the rest cattle. Sponsor, Lt. Wm. 

Scipio Witt, age 20: £,\2 down, the rest in money. Sponsor, Lt. 
Jonas Brigham. 

John Rice, age 16 : ^10 down, the rest in money. Sponsor, Lt, 
Thomas Bond. 

" In addition voted. If the soldier is not furnished clothing by the 
State, he shall be clothed by the Precinct." 

The Three Years men furnished by the First Precinct, 1 1 in No. were 
as follows; Thomas Dodge, age 27, John Eveleth, 21, Amos Gilbert, 



17, Jonas Gilbert, 19, Elisha Gill, 21, Eliphalet Hamilton, 18, Salma 
Keyes, 19, Samuel Pike, 44, John Smith, 27, Samuel White, 19, Jona. 
Willis, 49. 

The Third Precinct furnished 10 Three Years men as follows : Jesse 
Banister, age 27, Thomas Banister, 21, Moses Bragg, 16, John Bowen, 
17, Joseph Hamilton, 20, Levi Rice, 21, Simon Rice, 18, Jabez Upham, 
32, Jacob Deland, 18, Josiah Cutler, 19. 

1 78 1. — A valuation of Brookfield, taken this year, showed : 

Number of polls 

of Dwelling houses 

of Barns 

of stores 

of Mills, Tanneries, etc. 

of barrels of Cyder made 

of horses 

of oxen 

of cows 

of sheep 

of swine 

of oz, of gold, coined or uncoined 

of oz. of silver, " 
Money on hand or on interest . 
Goods, wares and merchandize . 










Jan. 8. On requisition, the selectmen procured for the use of the 
army, 12 horses, and were allowed ^11824. 18 old currency, equal to 
;^295. 12. 5 new currency. 

Col. Rufus Putnam was in command of the 5th Mass. Regt., Jona. 
Stone, pay-master. Officers of the 3d company : Capt. Nathan Good- 
ale, Lieut. Zibeon Hooker, Ens. Benj. Gilbert. 

Capt. Seth Banister commanded a Co. m the 4th Mass. Reg', Col. 
Wm Shepard, stationed at West Point. 

The privates in the above companies were largely of the last Three 
Years men. 

Feb. 5. Brookfield sent to the army, 2)Z blankets, 67 shirts, 67 prs. 
shoes, 67 prs. hose; cost 10411 pounds. 

At a meeting of the Second Precinct July 19, "a bounty of ;Q() was 
offered to each man that shall engage to serve in R.L for 5 mos., and 
;^3 per mo. to those who shall serve at the Westward for 3 mos. ; and 
;^90 hard money was granted, to be assessed upon the polls and estates 
within this Precinct, for the purpose of hiring the soldiers now to be 

Oct. 31. Brookfield filled a requisition for 31 blankets, 62 shirts, 62 
prs. of shoes and 62 prs. of hose, and 15,450 lbs of beef. 


The surrender of Cornwallis, at Yorktown, Oct. 19, virtually closed 
the war ; though enlistments continued on a small scale. 

1782. — Feb. 22. Brookfield supplied to the army, 31 blankets, 62 
shirts, 62 prs. shoes, 62 prs. hose. 

Mar. 6. The Second Precinct voted, " That the Militia ofificers, and 
the committee be authorized to raise sokliers for the service, when called 
for by authority, and the Precinct will support said committee in their 

1783. — The treaty of peace was signed Sept. 30 ; and the army was 
disbanded Nov. 3. 

17S4. — The first celebration of Independence in Brookfield was held 
July 4, 1784. The following account of the affair was given by EbenT F. 
Newell, then 9 years old, who was present : "The celebration was held 
on West Brookfield plain. An Ox, neatly dressed, and perfectly roasted, 
with hoofs and horns on, was sliced, and the pieces laid on tables, with 
piles of bread, and plenty of rum and water. The people passed in 
order between the tables, each taking bread and beef in their hands, and 
helping themselves to the rum and water. Scipio Witt, a colored man, 
who had served in the army, bored holes in 13 large chestnut logs, 
loaded and primed them, and so fixed the slow matches that a regular 
salute of 13 reports was heard by the people on the plain, who were 
taken completely by surprise. We children were greatly pleased to hear 
the noise, and see the fragments of broken logs fly up in wild confu- 

Shays' Rebellion. — This outbreak of popular feeling, which grew out 
of the oppressive taxes, the heavy individual and town debts, and other 
burdens and enactments incident to the War, has a peculiar interest to 
Brookfield, because Daniel Shays, who played an important part in it, 
was for a time a resident, and in 1772 married Abigail Gilbert of B. Our 
records furnish little information of value. It is known that the cause 
had many sympathizers and some active supporters in the town. It is 
well understood that Capt. Francis Stone really furnished //le brains of 
the movement ; and however sharply he was condemned by the patriots 
of his day, the cooler judgment of the next generation seems to have 
given him credit for acting conscientiously. It is certain that he never 
repented his course. His brother Jonathan was active in putting down 
the insurrection. 

At a town meeting in Brookfield Dec. 26, 17S6, a Report was adopted 
and forwarded to the governor, praying for an Act of Indemnity in favor 
of the Insurgents. Jan. 20, '87, a Protest, signed by 96 of the inhab- 
itants, was sent to the State House. 

Capt. John Potter's Brookfield Co. was called out on two several 
occasions, to suppress the tumult. 


A Co. of Infantry from the South Parish was called for, and attached 
to Col. Crafts' Reg^ of Cavalry ; and a large Co. of Volunteers, from the 
town at large, under the command of Col. Jeduthan Baldwin, as captain. 
Col. Seth Banister and Maj. Nathan Goodale, as lieutenants, was with 
Gen. Lincoln's force, Jan. and Feb. 1787. 




Movement for a New Precinct. — Names of Movers. — Act of Incorporation. 
— Meeting-houses. — Ministers. — Schools. — The Town Incorporated. — Ec- 
clesiastical Affairs. — Education. — Industries. — Professional INIen. — 
War of the Rebellion. — Savings Bank. — Railroad. — Statistics. — Memo- 
rials OF Rev. Dr. Snell, Hon. Charles Adams, Jr., Hon. Freeman Walker, 


A S Stated in the preceding chapter, the first movement for the for- 
— \ niation of a Second Precinct in Brookfield was made in the 
spring of 1 74S. It was originally an alternative proposition, 
either that the town should build a new meeting-house in the territorial 
centre, or that the northeasterly inhabitants should be set off into a sep- 
arate parish. Both propositions were negatived at a town meeting, Mar. 
14, 1748. 

Oct. 17,1 748. A petition, signed by John Watson, Wm Ayres, Josiah 
Converse, Ebenr Witt, John Woolcott, Paul Deland, Noah Barns, Benj. 
Adams, Joseph Stone and others, in all 66 tax payers, was presented to 
the town, asking that a new meeting-house may be built " in the most 
convenient place on or near the road between Mr. John Green's and 
the bridge at the west end of Slate hill plain, or on the highland near 
the road nearly opposite to where the new road and Slate hill part." At 
a meeting held Oct. 24, " the Question being put, whether the town 
would build a meeting-house anywhere on Green's Plain (so called), or 
on the high land between the pole bridge and Coy's brook — And it 
passed in the Negative." 

Nov. 8, 1 748. A petition signed by Ebenr Witt and 34 of the former 
petitioners, asking that " the North East section, comprising one-third of 
the township, might be erected into a separate Precinct," was presented 
to the town. And at a meeting held Nov. 28, the town vo/ed, " That 
the petitioners and such others of the Inhabitants of the Northeasterly 
Part of the Town who shall signify their Desire under their hands to 
the clerk of said Town therefor, within three months from this day, pro- 
vided their possessions do not exceed a Third Part of the said Town for 



quality & quantity of land, be set off a distinct & separate Parish." 
Immediately, 29 other tax payers handed in their names to the town 
clerk, making 63 in all. 

Dec. 5, 1748, this paper was handed to Thomas Gilbert, Esq. Town 
Clerk of Brookfield : " These are to inform you, that we the subscribers 
within mentioned, have agreed to go off as a distinct Precinct, and have 
agreed to build a Meeting- House upon the road Northeast from Mr. 
Jabez Ayres', between the brook and Mr. Daniel Potter's, and we desire 
you to enter our names upon the Town Book, according to the vote of 
the Town : 

Ebenr Witt 
Ephm Cutler 
Noah Barns 
Benj. Gilbert 
Ammiel Weeks 
John Patterson 
John Watson 
Benj. Adams 
Abram How 
David Barns 
Charles Adams 
Ichabod How 
Jabez Ayres 
Joshua Dodge, Jr. 
Peter Lampson 
Josiah Hincher 
Seth Hinds 
Joseph Stone 
Moses Ayres 
William Witt 
John Watson, Jr. 
John Witt 
Arthur Tucker 
Wm Ayres 
Uriah Gilbert 
Ephm Cutler, Jr. 
Jason Biglow 
Daniel Newhall 
Daniel Potter 
Nathan Stevens 
John Patterson, Jr. 
Jacob Caldwell 

Abner Tyler 
Benj. Batch eller 
Samuel Gould 
Samuel Pickard 
Thomas Bartlett 
Joseph Bartlett 
William Hair 
Corlis Hinds 
John Hinds 
John Hamilton 
Jona. Gilbert 
Thomas Ball 
Wm Ayres, Jr. 
Moses Barns 
Aaron Barns 
Thomas Hale 
Thomas Taylor 
Isaac Cutter 
Joseph Bartlett, Jr. 
Benj. Kimball 
Samuel Gould, Jr. 
Samuel Ware 
Andrew Kimball 
Isaac Gibbs 
Wm Wright 
Amos Smith 
Joseph Witt 
Thomas Tucker 
William Watson 
Edward Wright 
Noah Bartlett 


During the winter, timber was collected and prepared for a meeting- 
house frame ; and in April a petition was sent to the General Court, 
reciting the facts above stated, and asking for an act of Incorporation as 
a distinct Precinct with Parish privileges. Apr. 18, 1749, the Legislature 
ordered the petitioners to serve the usual order of notice upon the town ; 
and May 17, the town appointed Josiah Converse, Esq., Joseph Dvvight, 
Esq., Capt. Thomas Buckminster, Capt. Wm Old and Thomas Gilbert, 
Esq. a committee "to make answer in behalf of the town." This com- 
mittee opposed the project, and it was defeated. 

The next winter another petition was sent to the General Court, 
reciting : 

That your Petitioners under our unhappy and remote situation from the 
place of Publick Worship in said town. Having often petitioned the town for 
relief, either by building a Meeting-house at or near the Centre of tiie town 
as it now lies, or to set us off as a Distinct Parish, as per our former Petitions 
may appear: but being often denyed our request, which we tho't most 
reasonable: The Town at last made a grant to the Inhabitants of the said 
part of the town, that they with such as would joyn with them — they entering 
their names or sending them to the Town Clerk in writing within the space 
of three months from the date of the grant, should be set off as a Distinct 
Parish — Provided they and their possessions did not exceed one-third part 
of said town for quantity and quality, as per the vote or grant of the town 
may appear: Upon which vote or grant, we agreed to build a handsome frame 
for the Publick Worship of God ; and in April last we preferred a Petition 
to this Hond Court, so agreeable (as we tho't) to the Town's vote that none 
would oppose it ; But to our surprise we found such opposition from the 
Town and some of our Petitioners as caused us to desist the Proceeding : 
And being willing to do any thing reasonable to satisfie our disafented breth- 
ren, we covenanted and agreed for their satisfaction to be at the cost of a 
Committee of uninterested worthy Gentlemen,' mutually chosen, who have 
been upon the spot and heard the pleas, and viewed the proposed Parish, and 
have returned their judgment that the house stands just and reasonable to 
accommodate them as well as ourselves, as per their return and the covenants 
we entered into may appear — 

Therefore your Petitioners pray that this Hond Court will incorporate us 
who have returned our names to the Town Clerk, agreeable to the vote of 
the Town, into a Distinct Parish, and invest us with Parish privileges : 
Granting also a liberty of others joyning with us (not to exceed one-third 
part of the Town as above said) for the space of two years or eighteen 
months, or as this Hond Court shall think meet : And your Petitioners 
further pray that one-third part of the Lands in said Town Sequestered to 
Ministry & Schools use, or the Incomes thereof may be set over and secured 
to us : And also that the Town of Brookfield abate or reimburse to your 
petitioners and such as joyn with them their proportion of a tax lately 

I This committee were Col. Ebenerer Larned of Oxford, Maj. Daniel Heywood of Worcester, and 
Dea. Thomas Wheeler of Hardwick. 


assessed on our polls and estates for the settlement and ordination charges 
of the Rev. Mr. Elisha Harding, and the repairs of the old Meeting-house, 
amounting in the whole to about twelve hundred pounds old tenor currency 
more or less — And yf Petifs as in duty bound shall ever pray. Signed by 
Thomas Hale, William Ayres, Ebenezer Witt, and 54 of the former 

In the House of Representatives, Mar. 28, 1750. 

Read, and Ordered, that the prayer of the Petition be so far granted, as 
that the Petitioners with their families and estates, together with such 
persons and their estates who shall within three months from this time 
signifie that desire therefor under their hands to the Clerk of the Town of 
Brookfield, be and they hereby are set off a Distinct Parish, and are 
endowed with all the Privileges, and subjected to all the Duties which the 
other Inhabitants of Parishes are by the Laws of this Province endowed 
with or subjected to — Provided their possessions do not exceed one-third 
part of the said Town of Brookfield for quantity and quality. 

Thqs Hubbard, Spkpro tempore. 
In Council March 29. 1750 

Read and Concurred 

Samv Holbrook, Dep. Sec'y. 
Consented to S. Phipps. 

These signifie our Desire to enter our Interest of Lands in the North- 
easterly quarter of the original Township of Brookfield as belonging to 
the Second Parish in s*^ town, agreeable to the order of the General 
Court — 

Boston, June 12, 1750. Jeremiah Allen Joshua Winslow 
Thomas Green Thomas Gushing 
John Barns William Ayres, attorney 

to the heirs of Matthew Leeds, dec"? 

These are to Desire you to enter the Lands that were my father 
Benjamin Woods dec*? lying in the Northeasterly part of Brookfield as 
belonging to the Second Parish in s*^ town agreeable to the order of the 
General Court. 

June 28, 1750 Benjamin Woods. 

By a subsequent Act, passed Nov. 8, 1754, the bounds of the Second 
Precinct were established as follows : " All the lands in s'^ town lying 
northward of a line beginning at the northeast corner of George Har- 
rington's land upon Spencer line, and running westward by the said 
George's lands to Five-Mile river bridge at the Country road ; from 
thence westerly on the most southwardly parts or lines of the lands of 
Thomas Slayton, Capt. Nathaniel Woolcott, Thomas Moore, Eben"" 
Jennings, Obadiah Rice, Wm Parks, Josiah Converse, Francis Dodge, 


Paul Deland, the heirs of John Green deC^, Stephen Green and Joseph 
Ranger; and from said Ranger's southwest corner to the southwest 
corner of Wilham Ayres' meadow on Coy's brook (so called) near the 
place where the old School House stood ; and from there northward on 
the most eastward parts or lines of the lands of John Tuff and Josiah 
Gilbert, and on the most westward parts or lines of the land of Jeremiah 
Woodbury and John Hill to Abner Tyler's land ; and from thence on 
the most eastward parts or lines of the lands of Jacob Abbott and Joshua 
Dodge and Joshua Dodge, Jr. to the centre line of said town ; and from 
thence all the lands eastward of that part of said centre line which is 
northward of the place where the above described line meets with the 
said centre line to New Braintree District. 

Second Parish Organized. In accordance with a warrant issued by 
John Chandler, Jr., Esq., " At a meeting held at the house of Mr. Jabez 
Ayres, Monday, May 21, 1750, Chose Capt. Wm Ayres, moderator; 
Capt. Wm Ayres, Precinct clerk ; Capt. Wm Ayres, Capt. Eben"" Witt, 
Samuel Gould, Noah Barns and Benj. Adams, Precinct committee, to 
order the prudential affairs thereof, warn meetings, etc. ; Thomas Bart- 
lett, Precinct treasurer ; Joseph Stone, collector ; Wm Ayres, Samuel 
Gould, Wm Witt, Jason Bigelow and Moses Ayres, assessors. At a 
meeting held Sept. 21, 1750, it was voted, That Capt. Wm Ayres repre- 
sent the Precinct upon any exigencies whatever, either seen or unseen. " 

Afeeting-House. As before stated, a frame of a meeting-house was 
raised April 5, 1749. At a parish meeting Sept. 21, 1750, Capt. Eben'' 
Witt, Samuel Gould and Benj. Gilbert were appointed a committee "to 
secure a title of Capt. Wm Ayres of the land whereon the meeting-house 
stands, with conveniency about the same, in the name and for the use 
of the Precinct." It was found that in all, the sum of ^60. 12. 10 had 
been expended for " services done towards the meeting-house frame and 
other charges," which was allowed and paid. 

The process of "finishing the meeting-house," was a slow one. In 
addition to 40 pounds granted at the first parish meeting, 53 pounds 6 
shill. 8 d. was granted in 1751 ; in 1754, a committee was ordered "to 
procure materials for clapboarding the backside of the house, laying the 
gallery floors, building the gallery stairs and the front seats around the 
galleries — and render an account; " in 1756, 30 pounds was raised for 
finishing the meeting-house, and the committee was directed " to color 
the clapboards of the same, and procure boards, lath, lime, slit work and 
all materials for finishing the same, except the seats in the gallery." In 
1757? 25 pounds more was raised; and in 1764, the parish iwted, "to 
take the shingles off the roof of the meeting-house, and to repair the 

Minister. As soon as a house of Publick ^^'orship had been provided 


for, steps were taken to secure a minister. At the second precinct meet- 
ing, held Sept. 21, 1750, it was voted, "That the sum of ;Q\2)- ^- ^- ^^ 
raised and assessed upon the polls and estates of the Precinct, to supply 
the Precinct with preaching, so far as it will go : and that Capt. Eben"" 
Witt, Samuel Gould and Lieut. Benj. Gilbert supply the Precinct with 
preaching." Mar. 4, 1751, ^^40 was raised, and Capt. Wm Ayres, 
Thomas Hale, Benj. Adams, Samuel Gould and Benj. Gilbert were 
appointed a committee to procure preaching the year ensuing." Sept. 
23, the committee was instructed to hire Mr. Darby, Mr. Taft, Mr. Welch 
and Mr. Forbush, to preach four Sabbaths each, on probation. 

Jan. 14, 1752, the precinct voted to apply to three neighboring min- 
isters for their advice in giving a call to Mr. Eli Forbush to settle with 
them in the work of the Gospel Ministry. The advice was as follows : 
" These therefore may certify, that Mr. Eli Forbush (who has for some 
time been preaching with them), so far as our acquaintance has been 
with him, together with his general good character, and his approbation 
by an Association of worthy ministers : We cannot but esteem of him as 
a gentleman well qualified for the work of the Gospel Ministry ; and 
apprehend the people of this Parish to be in the way of their duty to 
proceed in giving him an Invitation to settle with them in the work of 
the Ministry 

Signed Joshua Eaton 

Isaac Jones 
Elisha Harding." 

Mr. Forbush received a unanimous call to settle in the precinct ; with 
the offer of ^S3- 6- 8 lawful money, as a yearly salary ; and the sum of 
;j^i20 lawful money, as a settlement — to be paid, one-half within one 
year, and the other half within two years of his acceptance. It was also 
voted to give him ^4 additional, to supply him with wood ; and a fur- 
ther addition to his salary of ^^. 6.8, to commence in 1757, and a 
further sum of ;^^. 6. 8, to be added in '58, so that from and after 
1758 his yearly salary shall be ^64. At Mr. F.'s desire, the terms were 
altered, so that the Parish should deliver to him yearly 30 cords of 
wood, and that from and after 1767, his salary should be ;^66. 13. 4 
per annum. 

The call was accepted ; and the Parish (no church having been organ- 
ized) sent Letters Missive to the Churches invited to compose the ordain- 
ing council ; and Mr, Forbush was ordained June 3, 1752. 

Organization of the CJuirch. After the arrangements for the settlement 
of a pastor had been made, but before the ordination, viz. May 28, 1752, 
a church was organized, under the title of The Second Church of Christ 
in Brookfield. Forty-eight persons, 26 males and 22 females, signed the 


Covenant : Eli Forbush, John Watson, Jabez Ayres, Ebenezer Witt, Noah 
Barns, John Cutler, Benj. Adams, Abram How, Ammiel Weeks, Ichabod 
How, Abner Tyler, Thomas Hale, Uriah Gilbert, Joseph Stone, Moses 
Ayres, Charles Adams, Moses Barns, Jason Biglow, Nathan Stevens, 
Thomas Taylor, Ephraim Cutler, Daniel Newell, Jonathan Gilbert, Aaron 
Barns, Isaac Cutler, John Witt : Esther Watson, Mary Tucker, Martha 
How, Sarah Stone, Abigail Cutler, Rebecca Witt, Mary Witt, Abigail 
Gilbert, Hannah Barns, Rebecca Ayres, Esther Gilbert, Elizabeth Gil- 
bert, Miriam Newell, Sarah Ayres, Rebecca Adams, Persis Adams, Naomi 
Taylor, Annah Barns, Phebe How, Mary Hale, Mary Stevens, Hannah 

The following extract from the Church Records, shows that this 
church, from the first, claimed the right of the laity to vote on all ques- 
tions pertaining to its own polity and work. The practice had obtained 
in many of the Congregational churches of Massachusetts, to determine 
all matters by "silentius vote"; i.e., no question could be brought be- 
fore the church without the pastor's consent ; and he, as moderator, 
put the motion in a form which required only a silent assent — no one 
contradicting, because no show of hands was called for either for or 

Jan. 30, 1753. At a meeting of the Second Church in Brookfield, 
I. the Question being asked whether any thing short of a hand vote 
should be looked upon as valid in said church — it passed in the neg- 

2. It being asked what method should be agreed upon for admitting 
members into full communion, the following was consented to and voted 
unanimously — That the candidate for admission should apply himself 
to the Pastor and communicate his desire, upon which the said Pastor 
is to examine into his knowledge of God ; and the Christian religion ; 
his present acquaintance with it ; the Nature and Design of the Gospel 
Ordinances. And upon the Pastor's receiving satisfactory answers to any 
Question that may be asked under these heads above mentioned, he shall 
propound the desires of the said candidate to the church publickly : — 
On the third Sabbath, the said Pastor, upon receiving no objections to 
the contrary, shall recommend the person propounded to the charity of 
the church ; and for their further satisfaction, the said Pastor shall read 
to the church a Relation containing some general articles of Faith, and 
his experimental acquaintance with Religion, drawn up by the Candi- 
date's own hand, or by the Pastor at his desire and consent, and agreeable 
to what he past when under examination ; and that no person according 
to our present apprehension, should be admitted to what is called full 
membership without such Relation. 

3. The Question being asked, who should serve the Lord's Table dur- 


ing the time that the church should be without Deacons, 'twas voted 
that brother Noah Barns and Benj. Adams, be the persons — who also 
consented to said vote. 

Voted, that during the time that the church is without Deacons, Benj. 
Adams read, and Jason Biglow tune the Psalm in publick. 

Attest, Levi Forbush, moderator. 

Dec. 26, 1753. John Cutler was chosen first Deacon, and Jason 
Biglow the second. 

Building Peivs, and Seating the Meeting-Jwiise. After the meeting- 
house had been covered in and a floor laid, a committee, viz. Ebenr 
Witt, Dea. Jason Biglow, Thomas Hale, Dea. Samuel Gould and Nathan- 
iel Woolcott, was appointed, to mark out and value the pew spots, and 
notify the tax payers, who, from their age and amount of taxable estate 
were entitled to the privilege, to make choice of their several pew spots, 
and give security for building their respective pews. The valuation of 
pew spots varied from ^5, to ^\. 6. 8, according to location. And it 
was voted that the several persons who accept said pews, shall build the 
same at their own cost, and ceil the side of the house against the same 
up to the foot of the windows, and case the windows against their 
respective pews, and give security to the Treasurer for the sums they are 
set at, within ten days, as aforesaid, payable within twelve months from 
this day. Twenty-two pews were laid out, around the walls of the 
house. The ISIinister's pew was on the right of the pulpit. The others 
were taken, in the order of their value, beginning with the highest, by 
Ebenr Witt, Josiah Converse, Esq., Obadiah Rice, Nathl Woolcott, Wm 
Ayres, Esq., Noah Barns, John Watson, John Hinds, Benj. Adams, Moses 
Ayres, wid. Sarah Lane, Samuel Gould, Abraham How, Jason Biglow, 
Abner Tyler, Corlis Hinds, John Witt, Thomas Bartlett, Jabez Ayres, 
Ammiel Weeks, Benj. Gilbert. 

The floor of the house inside the pews, was laid out into twelve seats, 
six on each side of the broad aisle, the left hand row for women and 
the right hand for men, each seat to hold seven persons. These were 
plain benches with backs. The deacon's seat was directly in front of 
the pulpit. The pew owners occupied each his own pew : all others 
were assigned their respective places by a committee. The first "seating 
the meeting-house" took place in 1757; and the committee was 
instructed to assign each one his place, according to age, station in life, 
and what he paid for real and personal estate on the last two years tax 
lists. Voted, that the seating continue but three years. 

Ministerial Fund. In 1 761, a committee was appointed, to sell the 
Ministry Lands belonging to the Second Precinct, and invest the pro- 
ceeds, upon interest for the Precinct's use, benefit and behoof. The 


amount of the Fund so raised was J[^'^'^. 7. 4. 2. The income appears 
to have been used in part payment of the minister's salary. 

Schools. — In 1756, the town voted that the proportion of School 
money raised in each of the three Precincts should be expended within 
said Precinct, according to its pleasure. 

Under this vote, the Second Precinct assumed the right to levy a tax 
on its own inhabitants for the support of its own schools. Nov. 18, 1757, 
Voted, that a committee be chosen to provide a place to keep the school 
at next winter in said Precinct. Mar. 8, 1759, Voted, that the Precinct 
will build and finish a School House, about 25 rods from the meeting- 
house, on the east side of the country road and northerly of the road to 
Daniel Potter's, where said roads part, and complete the same by the last 
of October next — said house to be 25 ft. long, 20 ft. wide, and 7 ft. 
stud ; and that Joseph Stone, Thomas Ball and Samuel Hinckley be a 
committee to complete the same, with brick for the chimney, at the Pre- 
cinct's cost. 

Voted, that there be granted to be raised and assessed on the polls and 
estates in said Precinct the sum of ;^25 to defray the charge and cost of 
building the school house. 

What happened in consequence of this last vote, is told in the follow- 
ing Petition to the General Court, dated April 1760: "This Petition 
Shews — That the town of Brookfield never did nor could agree to build 
any one or more school house or houses in said Town,^ by which the 
good laws for schooling have been too much evaded, and the people too 
much deprived of their natural privileges : But at a meeting of the 
inhabitants in Oct. 1756, they voted that each Precinct should have the 
town schools kept in their respective Precincts their equal proportion, 
and the places to be stated by the inhabitants of each of these respective 
Precincts — 

The inhabitants of the Second Precinct, encouraged by said vote, in 
March 1759, unanimously agreed to a place near their meeting-house 
and to build a school house, which was finished, and a school has been 
and is now kept in said house to the great satisfaction and advantage of 
the Precinct, who in Nov. last granted a sum of ;;^25, to be assessed on 
their polls and estates, which was done, and committed to Wm Ayres, 
2d., constable, to collect, to defray the cost of the house, &c. But pains 
have been taken to prevent the collection of the said tax, as not being 
in the power of a Precinct to grant money for any use but to build 
meeting-houses and support ministers — 

Wherefore we pray that the constable may be impowered to collect 
said tax ; and further that said Second Precinct may be impowered to 

I A school house was built, about 1735, near the territorial centre of the town; but it may have been 
done by individual enterprise, and not with the town's money. 


grant and collect such sums of money for the future, to be applied to the 
schooling of their children in the remoter parts of said Precinct, as said 
Precinct shall agree to." 

Apr. 22. On this petition the General Court ordered, "that the con- 
stable to whom the above named assessment was committed be and 
hereby is fully authorized and impowered to collect the tax men- 

School Districts. In 1765, the people living in the outskirts were 
formed into societies or districts, as they severally could agree, each 
to have the benefit of its respective part of the school money ; but " any 
such remote tax-payer whose son inclines to learn the Tongues other 
than the English, may have liberty at the Middle school, they having a 
Grammar School Master" [This is the earliest mention of a Grammar 
School. It is again referred to in 1798, and also in 1809, and appears 
to have been maintained constantly, except during some years of the 
Revolution.] As early as 1770, school houses began to be built in the 
out districts. In 1771, the Precinct raised its school money by taxa- 
tion of its own people, the amount this year being 24 pounds. In 1781, 
the school money granted was 24 pounds hard money; in 1791, 35 
pounds; in 1792, 45 pounds; in T798, 50 pounds; in 18 10, ^400, (the 
two last named amounts appear to have been town grants). 

In 1 791, the Precinct was divided into seven School Districts. The 
several school houses were then located as follows : the Centre, near the 
meeting-house ; the North West, by Samuel Cheever's ; the North, by 
Theophilus Potter's ; the North East, by Nathan Moore's ; the East, by 
Daniel Forbes' ; the South East, at the corner near Thomas Hatha- 
way's ; the South West, near Wm Ayres, 2d. 

School Committee. In 1792, the Precinct chose a committee of seven, 
"to provide and take care of the several Schools in the Precinct," viz. 
Benj. Adams, Isaac Church, Nathan Bartlett, Abijah Cutler, Jesse 
Cutter, Samuel Cheever, and Rufus Hamilton. In 1795, the school 
committee were : Dea. Benj. Adams, Roger Bruce, John Edmands, Josiah 
Witt, Thomas Kendrick, Nathaniel Dodge, Jr., Silas Stevens and Isaac 
Moore. This practice continued till 1805, when the Precinct voted, 
" To relinquish the right of choosing School Committee men, and leave 
it to each district to appoint its own." But in 1809, the practice was 
resumed, and Thompson Rawson, Humphrey Gilbert, Paul Haskell, 
Luke Potter, Josiah Bush, Kerley Howe and Silas Haskell were chosen 
school committee, " to furnish the schools in the several districts in said 
Precinct with teachers, and apply for the money." 

Lottery Speculation. — At a Precinct meeting Mar. 7, 1791,11 was 
voted, " That the treasurer be directed to sell the Old Continental Money 
now in his hands, amounting to 2,148 dollars, for specie, and that Lt. 


Wm Ayres and Capt. John Waite assist him in the disposal thereof; 
and they are directed to lay out the proceeds of the same in tickets in 
the Mass. monthly State Lottery, for the benefit of the Precinct." The 
Committee was further instructed, " to continue in the Lottery the num- 
ber of tickets that the said Old Money shall purchase, provided the first 
drawing shall produce to the Precinct a sum sufficient for the purpose ; 
and the overplus, if any, shall from time to time, be deposited in the 
Precinct treasury." 

Rev. Eli Forbush. — As before stated, Mr. F. was ordained pastor 
of the Second Precinct church June 3, 1752. 

He entered Harvard University in 1744,31 the age of 18. At the 
end of his first year he left college, and enlisted in the Provincial army, 
in the then opening French and Lidian war. Through the influence 
of friends, he received a discharge, returned to Cambridge, and gradu- 
ated, 1751 ; and was settled in North Brookfield the next year. His 
taste for military life induced him to go as chaplain in the Army, in which 
rank he served from Mar. 31, to Nov. 15, 1759. [See afite, p. 217.] 
After his return from this campaign, he uniformly wrote his name Forbes. 
In 1762, he was requested by the Commissioners in Boston to undertake 
a mission to the Oneida Indians ; and though his people were averse, 
he left home the first of June, with Asaph Rice, (afterwards minister in 
Westminster), and Elisha Gunn of Montague, as interpreter. He 
reached Onoquagie, on the Susquehanna river June 21, where was an 
Indian settlement of 300 people. His labors were successful, and he 
gathered a church, and started a school for children, and another for 
adults. He left the work in the care of Mr. Rice, and returned in Sep- 
tember, bringing with him four Indian children, whom he educated, and 
sent back to their tribe. 

The notices in the Precinct records lead to the belief that his pastorate 
was a successful one. There was some dissatisfaction growing out of 
his absences as chaplain, and missionary; but nothing occurred to 
threaten a rupture of the pastoral relation, or to alienate his people, till 
the opening of the Revolution. Mr. Forbes was naturally conservative, 
and did not enter into this struggle with the fiery zeal of the more ar- 
dent patriots ; and some of his hearers went so far as to call him a 
Tory — then a term of great reproach, and on one occasion to offer 
him a personal indignity, i.e. to throw stones at his " chair " as he was 
riding in the highway. He at once asked for a dismission ; and, against 
the express wishes of his church, insisted on it. The case was refeiTcd 
to a mutual council ; and after two days deliberation, and without stating 
" any grounds of the pastor's uneasiness,'' the Council advised a disso- 
lution of the pastoral relation, and he was dismissed Mar. i, 1775. 
That the accusation of toryism was groundless, is evident from his im- 


mediate settlement in a parish distinguished for its outspoken fidehty to 
the American cause. 

Dr. Snell, in his Historical Discourse, says : " Dr. Forbes was a pop- 
ular preacher, apt, and sometimes striking in his remarks, rather than 
clear in his perceptions, forcible and convincing in his reasonings. His 
Sermons appeared better from the desk, than from the press, which is 
evidence that he more excelled as a pleasant speaker, than as a profound 
Divine and able reasoner. He held a very respectable rank among the 
clergymen of this vicinity. He possessed the talent of readily giving 
good and familiar instruction to children, and winning the affections of 
most people." 

Mr. Forbes was installed over the First Church in Gloucester, June 5, 
1776; and died in the pastorate there Dec. 15, 1S04. He received the 
degree of S.T.D. from his alma mater the year of his death. 

Rev. Joseph Appleton. — After the dismission of Mr. Forbes, Rev. 
Mr. Fisher was employed as a candidate for a few months; and Mr. La- 
ban Wheaton for a few weeks. Mr. Joseph Appleton of Ipswich preached 
as candidate 5 months. And at a Precinct meeting May 23, 1776, a call 
was given him to settle in the ministry ; with the offer of ^133. 16. 8 as 
a " settlement " ; and an annual salary of ;^7o for the first two years, 
and ^80 per annum thereafter. The Church chose a council, and ap- 
pointed the time for the ordination, in which the Precinct concurred, and 
Mr. A. was ordained Oct. 3, 1776. The council was entertained at the 
home of Mrs. Hannah Gilbert, at the cost of p^io. 12. 10, and the same 
was assessed upon the polls and estates of the Precinct. 

So great was the depreciation of Province bills, that in Oct. 1779, 
the Precinct granted " for our pastor's support until Oct. 1 780, in addi- 
tion to his stated salary the sum of two thousand four hundred and 
twenty pounds, as the currency now is." 

Oct. 1 781. The Precinct " voted, that the time of Intermission on the 
Sabbath, from the ist of Dec. to the ist of May, be one hour, and 
the rest of the year i^ hours ; and that the moderator wait on the 
Rev, Pastor, and inform him of the foregoing vote." 

Mr. Appleton graduated at Brown University in 1772, and died in 
the pastorate, after a short sickness, July 25, 1795, ^b^^ 44- ^''- "Sfi^^^, 
in his Historical Discourse, says : "Mr. A. is represented to have been 
a very different man and preacher from Dr. Forbes. To most he was 
less acceptable as a preacher, and still more quiet, meek and unaspiring 
in spirit, and more steadfast in the doctrines of grace, which he con- 
stantly set forth with plainness. He is said to have been ardent in spirit, 
and animated in delivery. He loved his Saviour and his people, and 
preached the one to save the other. Pacific in spirit, and lowly in mind, 
he desired and strove for peace ; and would make great sacrifices, rather 

^ hycn^n^^ccd 


than contend. Though less distinguished as a student and a speaker, 
yet I am persuaded that he ought to be held in higher estimation as a 
man of God, than many who have been more celebrated as pulpit 

Rkv. Thomas Snell. — Among the candidates, employed after the 
death of Mr. Appleton, were Mr. John Fiske, who preached for several 
months, and received a call to settle ; Mr. Nathaniel H. Fletcher, after- 
wards of Kennebunk, who received two calls, both of which he declined ; 
Rev. Z. S. Moore, afterwards president of Amherst college ; and Rev. 
Charles Briggs, who settled in Rochester. 

Mr. Thomas Snell preached his first sermon in North Brookfield, on 
the last Sabbath in October, 1797 ; and after 4 or 5 months' probation, 
was called to settle in the ministry, by a vote of 87 to 15. 

The annual salary offered was ^400 ; and the terms of settlement pro- 
posed were : " That if two thirds of the legal voters of the society 
should at any time be dissatisfied with the said Mr. Thomas Snell with 
respect to his Ministry or otherwise, and should signify their disaffection 
and the reasons of it to him in writing ; and if such matters of grievance 
cannot be removed, and an amicable compromise take place within the 
term of one year after such notice be given ; and if at the end of the 
year two thirds of said Society, at a legal meeting called for that purpose, 
vote that the said Mr. Thomas Snell be dismissed, he shall consider him- 
self as discharged from his ministerial relation to said society ; and from 
that time shall relinquish any further demands for services performed 
among them. 

2. That the said Mr. Thomas Snell shall have liberty to leave the 
Precinct and Society, when he shall see fit, by giving one year's notice 
for a compromise as above." 

This " new departure " from the custom of settling ministers for life^ 
is understood to have been suggested by Mr. Snell. 

The call was accepted ; and the Precinct voted to concur with the 
church in the choice of a council, and the day for the ordination. A 
committee, viz. Lt. Thomas Bond, Lt. Wm Ayres, Thompson Rawson, 
Ens. Robert Cutler, Lt. Jason Bigelow, Eli Howe, Jabez Ayres, Lt. Jo- 
seph Bush and Wheat Gilbert, was chosen, " To superintend and conduct 
the council with propriety on the above said day " ; and it was agreed to 
pay Wheat Gilbert ^27.75, to provide for the council. 

Mr. Snell was ordained June 27, 179S. 

In his Historical Discourse, Dr. Snell says : "At the time of my ordina- 
tion, the church in the North Parish of Brookfield consisted of 80 
members, most of them in the decline of life. No small portion of 
these So soon passed away, and the male members were reduced to a 
very small number. Twenty-five only acted in the matter of inviting me 


to become their pastor, and two of those expressed a desire to hear 
further. Considering the small number embraced in the church, and 
the declining age of many, some gentlemen in the vicinity expressed a 
concern lest the church should become extinct ; and one individual 
advised me to introduce what was then called the half-way Covenant, 
i.e., that baptized parents of good morals, though without any preten- 
tions to experimental piety, might unite with the church, and have their 
children baptized, and be excused from coming to the Lord's Supper, 
because, unqualified in their own estimation to attend upon such a sol- 
emn ordinance, not considering that one ordinance is as sacred as the 
other. But this plan was never adopted by the Church." 

A full account of Dr. Snell and his long pastorate belongs properly 
to a subsequent page of our annals. 

Small Pox. — This town seems not to have shared in the prevalent 
prejudice against inoculation as a guard against virulent small pox. 
Probably it was due to the fact that two of our leading men, viz. Hon. 
Jedediah Foster and Wm Ranger, went to Esopus, N.Y., entered a 
hospital there, were inoculated, had the disease, and returned in health. 
Sept. 30, 1776, the town voted to establish a small pox hospital at the 
old Silas Walker house, to be in charge of Dr. Wm Thomas and Dr. 
Jacob Kittridge. A hospital was also established at the Joseph Cutler 
house. In 1777, John Watson's house was taken for the same purpose. 
In 1782, hospitals were established in each of the three precincts. In 
1797, the town voted to open one or more hospitals, from Oct. i, to 
May I, next year. And the house of Thomas Ranger was taken for 
patients who should wish to be inoculated. This hospital was under the 
care of Dr. Francis Foxcroft of Brookfield and Dr. Daniel Baird of the 
West village. Patients came from the neighboring towns, and even as 
far as Worcester. Over 200 in all, of different ages, were treated ; and 
not a death occurred. On sunny days the convalescents used to go to 
the cave and ledges on Slate hill, to get fresh air, play cards, etc. 

Picture of Old Times. — Dea. Freeman Walker says : "The contrast 
between the common articles of diet, 100 years ago, and now, is very 
striking. Tea was used in families only on Sundays, and special occa- 
sions. And flesh meat constituted a much smaller portion of the food of 
the people. Old Mrs. Hill (the mother of Kittridge Hill) has told me 
that owing to the scarcity of winter feed, the farmers kept but few cattle ; 
that they were a staple article, almost a legal tender for debts, and the 
use of their flesh was a luxury not generally enjoyed. She said that 
meat was usually cooked by boiling, as it was considered a great waste 
to either broil or roast it, as so much of the juice was lost. When boiled, 
the liquor was always used in the shape of bean porridge or broth, which 
were the common articles of daily food. She said that she once attended 


a party at Esq. Hale's father's, and they had hashed meat for supper, 
which was considered a great treat. 

" Old Mr. Picliard used to go to Boston once a year and get a barrel 
of rum, which he brought up chained to the axle of his ox-cart wheels. 
This would last him and his neighbors a year, 

"The use of fine flour bread is another thing which has come about 
in comparatively recent times. Since my recollection, the purchase of 
7 lbs. of flour was more thought of in the family, than is a barrel now. 
I have heard Col. Nye say that in the family where he was brought up, 
and lived ten years, there was not a particle of fine flour used at the 
table where he ate." 

The following anecdote was told by Mr. Amasa Walker, as character- 
istic of the close of the century, Capt. John Potter of the Lower Vil- 
lage, was the watchmaker, and a leading man in public affairs. His 
sign intimated, watchmaking and " Mathematical Instruments." But in 
truth he was a universal genius, to whom everybody went for all delicate 
and difficult mechanical makings and mendings. 

Not far from his shop was the village tavern. The hostess was a 
smart, sociable lady, well posted in her vocation, but not versed in tech- 
nical terms of uncommon use. One day in the absence of her husband, 
a stranger called, and ordered dinner ; and while it was in preparation, 
made many inquiries of the landlady about the town, its trades, etc. 
Among other things he asked, "Who is your clergyman?" It was a 
new word to her ; and hesitating a moment, she answered, " Capt. 

When the husband came home at evening, she said to him — "a gen- 
tleman took dinner here to-day, and asked a great many questions about 
the place ; and among others, who the clergyman was ; and I told him, 
Capt, Potter ; for as I did not know what he meant, and as Capt, Potter 
did every thing, I thought he must be the clergyman, if we had any." 

The Town of North Brookfield. — The first move towards obtain- 
ing town privileges was made in 18 10, An article was inserted in the 
Parish warrant. May 13, 1810, To consider whether the Parish will vote 
to be set off as a Separate Town from the other Parishes, with all the 
privileges of a Town. On the question. Will the inhabitants send a pe- 
tition to the Legislature, for the purpose of being separated from the 
other precincts and be incorporated into a Township by the name of 
North Brookfield? 82 voted Aye, and 10 voted Nay. Daniel Gilbert, 
Esq. Lieut. Jason Biglow, Luke Potter, Capt. Aaron Forbes and Dr. 
Jacob Kittridge were appointed a committee to draft a petition, which 
was as follows : " To the Hon'^' Senate and House of Representatives — 

The Inhabitants of the Second Precinct in Brookfield humbly pray 
that they may be set off from the other Precincts in said Town, and be 


incorporated into a Township by the name of North Brookfield ; and 
that the Territorial hmits of such Incorporation may be the same as 
those whereby the said Precinct is now designated. 

" And the said Inhabitants would beg leave further to state, that from 
the extensive limits of said Town, it being separated into three distinct 
precincts, together with the necessary mode of transacting the business 
of the same, by annual rotation in each Precinct, they not only find the 
distance of travel burdensome, but, in considering the transacting of 
their parochial concerns a two-fold labor and expense ; That the offices 
of said Town are of necessity distant from the Centre, and that from 
the number of its Inhabitants, and the multiplicity of the business of 
the said Town, the term of one day insufficient for transacting the 

Voted, Capt. Aaron Forbes an agent to present said petition to the 

Dec. 31, 1 8 10. Voted, Lieut. Jason Biglow an agent to support the 
petition now in the General Court. 

Voted, Daniel Gilbert, Esq., Luke Potter, Capt. Abel Harwood, Capt. 
Wm Ayres and Moses Bond be a committee to associate with their 
agent. Capt. Forbes was paid $1, for his services at Boston, and Lieut. 
Biglow $13.85. 

The appUcation failed; and April 15, 181 1, another petition was sent 
to the Legislature, in charge of Daniel Gilbert, Esq., as agent for the 
Precinct. This new petition stated the bounds of the proposed town, 
as they were defined in the Act establishing the Second Precinct [see 
ante, p. 250 ] as far as to the northeast corner of Joshua Dodge, Jr's 
land; and adds — "Thence westwardly on the most southwardly lines 
of lands now owned by Samuel Waite and Daniel Waite, and Calvin 
and Francis Stone to the said Calvin and Francis' southwest corner; 
Thence northwardly on the most westwardly lines of said Calvin and 
Francis Stone's land, to the line dividing the Town of New Braintree 
from the Town of Brookfield — the lands of said Calvin and Francis 
Stone and part of ^Vhitney hill (so called) having been set to the said 
town of Brookfield from New Braintree, more than twenty years ago, in 
consideration of territory taken from said Second Parish and annexed 
to the town of New Braintree, and has since been considered a portion 
of the Second Parish, and been assessed as part of the same." The 
bounds were then continued on the lines of New Braintree, Oakham and 
Spencer to George Llarrington's northeast corner, " And further, your 
petitioners beg leave to state, that they are tenants in common with the 
two other Parishes, in a certain Burying Ground, lying in the Third 
Parish, and that as there are many families in said Second Precinct 
whose deceased connections are deposited there, your Petitioners hum- 


bly pray, they may be permitted to retain the same interest therein which 

they now possess. 

Signed Jason Biglow 

Wm Ayres, 2d 
Ezra Batcheller 
Luke Potter 
Daniel Gilbert 
Hugh Cunningham 
Amos Bond Committee. 

Act of I}icorporatio)i. 

Sect. i. Be it enacted tic. That all that part of the town of Brookfield 
which has been heretofore called and known by the name of the Second or 
North Parish (excepting that part of said territory now lying south of the 
post-road leading from Worcester through Spencer to Springfield), together 
with the inhabitants thereon, be, and the same is hereby incorporated into a 
separate town by the name of North Brookfield. And the said town of 
North Brookfield is hereby vested with all the powers and privileges, and 
shall also be subject to all the duties to which other corporate towns are 
entitled and subjected by the constitution and laws of this Commonwealth. 

Sect. 2. Be it further enacted, That the inhabitants of the said town of 
North Brookfield shall be entitled to hold such proportion of all the personal 
property now belonging to and owned in common by the inhabitants of the 
town of Brookfield, as the property of the said inhabitants of North Brook- 
field bears to the property of all the inhabitants of the town of Brookfield, 
according to the last valuation thereof. 

Sect. 3. Be it further enacted. That the inhabitants of the said town of 
North Brookfield sliall be holden to pay all arrears of taxes due from them, 
together with their proportion (to be ascertained as aforesaid) of all the debts 
now due and owing from the said town of Brookfield, or which may be here- 
after found due and owing by reason of any contract or other matter and 
thing heretofore entered into, or now existing. 

Sect. 4. Be it further enacted, That the said town of North Brookfield 
shall be holden to support their proportion of the present poor of the town 
of Brookfield, which proportion shall be ascertained by the present valuation 
of the town ; and ail persons who may hereafter become chargeable, as 
paupers, to the town of Brookfield and North Brookfield, shall be considered 
as belonging to that town, on the territory of which they had their settle- 
ment at the time of passing this act, and shall in future be chargeable to 
that town only. 

Sect. 5. Be it further enacted, That the said town of North Brookfield 
shall be holden to pay their proportion of all state, town and county taxes 
assessed on the inhabitants of the said town of Brookfield, until a new val- 
uation shall be made of the said Towns. Provided, That the said town of 
North Brookfield shall be holden, until the further order of the Legislature 
to pay to the town of Brookfield such proportion of any of the expenses of 
maintaining the bridges and causeways over the rivers in the town of Brook- 


field, as a committee of the Court of Sessions for the county of Worcester 
shall determine ; and said Court of Sessions are hereby authorized, on ap- 
plication of either of the inhabitants of Brookfield or North Brookfield, 
from time to time, to appoint a committee for the above purpose, whose 
report, made to and accepted by said court, shall be binding on the said 

Sect. 6. Be it further enacted, That any Justice of the Peace for the 
county of Worcester, upon application therefor, is hereby authorized to issue 
his warrant, directed to any freeholder in the said town of North Brookfield, 
requiring him to notify and warn the Inhabitants thereof to meet at such 
time and place as shall be appointed in said warrant, for the choice of such 
officers as towns are by law required to choose at their annual town meet- 
ings. [Passed Feb. 28, 18 12.] 

Feb. 20, 1 818, the Legislature passed an Act, to provide for the repeal 
of the fifth section of the above Act, as follows : 

Be it enacted, that Austin Flint of Leicester, Nathaniel Jones of Barre, 
and Joseph Cummings of Ware, are hereby appointed a committee to hear 
and consider the claim of Brookfield on the one part, and of North Brook- 
field on the other; and finally to determine whether the town of North 
Brookfield ought in future, to pay any part of the expenses of maintaining 
the bridges and causeways in the town of Brookfield . . . 

Sect. 2. Be it further enacted, That from and after the time the report 
of said committee, shall be filed in the office of the Secretary of the Com- 
monwealth, the said fifth Section of said Act incorporating the town of North 
Brookfield, shall be repealed ; and the duties and liabilities of said North 
Brookfield, resulting from the said section, shall altogether cease . . . 

At this point the historian begins to realize the irreparable loss conse- 
quent upon the destruction of the North Brookfield Town Records by 
fire. The labor of gathering materials for the fifty years covered by those 
Records has been difficult and discouraging, and in many respects 
results are unsatisfactory ; and the history of those years must necessarily 
be fragmentary and topical. What has been attempted is, to present 
fully the leading and essential facts and movements that have contributed 
to build up the town's industries, and give character to its inhabitants. 
Fortunately, a few persons were living when this work was commenced, 
whose memories covered the period in question. The Historical Dis- 
courses of Dr. Snell contain much important matter ; some papers pre- 
pared by Messrs. Freeman and Amasa Walker are accessible ; a large 
amount of historical material has been collected and saved by Mr. Henry 
E. Waite ; and the results of Mr. Charles Adams, Jr's five years of earnest 
labor in searching family records, and drawing forth family reminiscences ; 
all these, and the constant aid of members of the committee of publi- 
cation, have been at the writer's disposal ; and to these sources is due 
whatever of completeness marks the remaining pages of the book. 


It will help the reader to appreciate the progress of the town, if we 
can draw a true picture of the place as it was when the present century 
opened. Dr. Snell says: "At the time of my settlement (1798), the 
scenery was rural beyond almost any other town in the region, the popu- 
lation everywhere very sparse, and not five — if there was one — well- 
finished and neady painted house in town — and but three or four 
dwelling houses within about half a mile of our meeting-house, which of 
all others was the place of the greatest retirement, except on the Sabbath. 
The spot, while far from central, furnished no eligible sites for building ; 
and there being no mercantile business in town, but upon a very small 
scale, and but one mechanic [Capt. John Potter] within nearly a mile, 
the house of worship had around it through all the week, a remarkable 
stillness ; disturbed only by the coming and going of the sickly, the 
palsied, those aiidicted with swellings, disjointed bones, broken limbs, 
and the diseased of every sort, who resorted for relief, like the multitude 
around Bethesda, and with much the same confidence of a cure, to your 
far-famed surgeon. Dr. Jacob Kittridge, whose decease in 181 3 was so 
much lamented. The age and infirmities and consequent coldness of 
your former house of worship, without any means of warming it in severe 
weather, together with the distance of dwelling houses (except two or 
three), rendered the condition of the people on a cold Sabbath every 
thing but tolerable ; and the labors of the minister wholly useless, unless 
to afflict his hearers with a long discourse for not providing a warmer 
house. When almost every one was anxiously looking for the close of 
service that he might thaw out from his morning's freeze, and that desire 
was to be read in the countenance without danger of mistake, you may 
well imagine that the feelings of the speaker could not be of the most 
pleasant sort, especially when he had spent half the week, day and 
night, in preparing his discourse. I wonder that so many people then 
attended public worship in severe weather, making their way for miles 
to God's house, without any means of warming, till the noon intermis- 
sion. And 1107a I as much wonder that so many absent themselves from 
the sanctuary, as I then did that so many attended. 

" Every individual who went to meeting, with the exception of some 
half dozen, must be either a pedestrian or a horseman. For those who 
did not walk, there was but one mode of conveyance, and that the saddle 
and pillion. A wagon was a thing unknown ; and as for chaises, there 
were but three or four in town,' and scarcely an umbrella for protection 
from rain. People of both sexes were obliged to take the storm as it 
was sent ; and thought it no great task to walk in clusters two or three 
miles to the sanctuary. 

' Among the first to own chaises, were Thomas Hale, Esq., Lieut. John Bigelow, Solomon Barns, 
Daniel Forbes, Esq. and Nicholas Jenks. 


" The inhabitants were all husbandmen — even the few mechanics 
who wrought at their trades merely to supply town customers, were 
farmers upon a larger or smaller scale. There was not more than a 
single mechanic whose ware was purchased abroad ; while we were wholly 
dependent upon other places for most kinds of mechanical business, no 
less than for merchandise. , . . The population of the Precinct was 
then about i,ioo, nor did it essentially vary for nearly 30 years." 

At that date, Wait's Corner, in the northwest part, and the forge and 
mills on Five-mile river, were the main business centres of the place. 

The clothier's shops, at these points, have been described in Chapter 
I. ; as has Capt. Potter's mechanical laboratory at the Lower Village, in a 
preceding page of this chapter. 

The stores — referred to by Dr. Snell — were Joseph Thurston's, who 
lived at the Harvey Belcher place, and kept a barrel of new rum, ditto, 
of sugar, a chest of tea, a few nutmegs and notions ; Samuel Hinckley's, 
west of Buxton's hill, who kept molasses, which he bought by the hogs- 
head. West India rum, and logwood, indigo and madder, some English 
calicoes, and an assortment of spices ; and William Fiske's, near the 
meeting-house, who promised to rival Hinckley's, but died in iSoo. 

The taverns were Wait's, near Woolcott's Corner ; Thomas Ball's, at 
the Lower Village ; and Capt. Harwood's, on the hill near the Amasa 
Walker place. 

The village blacksmith was Dea. Walter Walker, at the Amasa Walker 
place ; John Hinds, in the east part ; Wyman Bartlett, near the Walnut 
Grove cemetery ; and Chellis Keep in the west part. The Jenkses did 
blacksmithing at their forge, and their two trip hammers gave them 
special facility for doing heavy work. 

Joseph Parks, the nail maker, lived in the southeast part. 

Thomas Barns was the gunsmith. 

Salmon Dean had a tannery in Spunky Hollow ; Francis Stone had 
another at Wait's Corner ; David Thompson and Daniel Wetherbee had 
a tan-yard opposite the E. Hill place. 

Elijah and Daniel Richardson were the wheelwrights ; and Paul Has- 
kell did such work when he had leisure. He depended on farming for 
a living ; and the Richardsons were forced to seek a more remunerative 
calling among the rich virgin soils of Vermont. Their work here was 
mainly the making of ox-cart wheels, axles and tongues, as the carpen- 
ters or the farmers themselves could get out the cart-body, and the ox- 
sleds. Such a vehicle as a pleasure wagon — and that without springs 
— was a rare luxury, as late as 181 2. 

The carpenters were Bela Stoddard, Josiah Parker, Nathan Carruth 
and Joseph Poland ; but every thriving man could hew, and mortise, 
and lay shingles. 


Dea. Benj. Adams and Ezra Batcheller, Sen, were the principal coop- 

The cobblers of that day, were Ezra Richmond, who had a small shop 
in the east part of the town ; Malachi Tower, who lived in the old 
Dempsey house ; Thomas Tucker and Abiel Dean. They had a bench 
in their kitchens ; but used to go round to the farmers' houses in the fall 
with their kit, and stay a week or so, mending and making the family 
supply of shoes. 

Tom Humphrey made and peddled peeled brooms ; but the father 
or grandfather usually did this work of a winter's evening. 

Wm Hubbard, a wounded English soldier, was the tailor ; and Abigail 
Wright the tailoress ; but the woman did as much cutting and fitting as 
the man ; and in a majority of cases, both tailoring and dress-making 
were done by the housewife or a maiden sister, at home. 

Spinning and weaving — for every family owned a great and little 
wheel, and the loom was still a common appendage to the unfinished 
garret — were "household arts," as also was wool-dyeing. The dye-pot 
kept its place in the chimney corner till the century was well opened ; 
and the madder tub was displaced only when Dea. Ellis of the West 
Precinct introduced his new method of coloring scarlet. Lamb's wool 
cloth, skilfully fulled, and dressed, and colored, made a red riding-hood 
that set off to good advantage a plump face and side curls, and the girls 
knew it, and so did their mothers. 

Joseph Thurston had a small potash house in his garden ; and every 
farmer annually set up a leach-tub, for extracting lye for soap making. 
Samuel Stevens and Elisha Drake had a small pottery, where they made 
brown earthen ware. Justus Stevens was the sieve maker. 

The four principal cider mills, were Cyrus Ayres' in the east part, 
William Ayres, 2d's in the west part, Samuel Cheevers' near Capt. 
Nye's, and Jonathan Wetherbee's, where the Big Shop now is. 

The only brick house in all the Brookfields, in 1798, was one built by 
Maj. Peter Harwood, soon after the Revolution. It stood i,^- miles 
east of No. Brookfield village ; is now owned by Charles S. Knight. 

Eleazer Bradshaw, the hatter, was the prim bachelor of those times, 
who always wore a Quaker hat of his own manufacture, and was once 
sent as representative to the General Court. He sold groceries in a 
small way ; was honest ; kept his own counsel ; and died worth 

181 2. — The first town meeting was held on Tuesday, Mar. 10, 181 2. 
Daniel Gilbert, Esq., was chosen moderator, and Moses Bond, town 

In June of this year, war was declared by the United States against 
Great Britain. Public sentiment was divided in relation to the reasons 


for, and the righteousness of the step. But, without regard to pohtics, 
the Brookfield Light Infantry Co., when ordered out by Lt. Col. Salem 
Town, promptly responded, and marched to the defence of Boston. 
They were in camp at the " Rope Walk," South Boston, Sept. S, to Oct. 
30, 1814. 

Company Roll: Lewis Abbott, captain; Nathaniel Lynde, lieutenant; 
Daniel Drake, ensign ; Wm Hastings, Bensley Davis, Pliny Upham, 
Jona. Moore, sergeants ; Seth B. Otis, Benj. Adams, Cheney Rice, 
Foster Newton, corporals ; Nathan Doane, Parker Johnson, Samuel 
Stevens, Samuel Spooner, musicians; privates, Wm Barrett, Rufu: 
Barrows, Sylvanus Brigham, Cheney Dewing, Ephraim Dewing, Dexter 
Forbes, Reuben Gilbert, Nathaniel Harwood, Daniel Matthews, Cheney 
Olds, George Olds, Jonathan Olds, Solomon F, Olds, Edmund Potter, 
Henry Seyers, Lewis Smith, Joel Upham, Otis Waite, Geo. Wilder, 
Leonard Winslow. 

Industries. — In Chapter I. were enumerated and described all those 
industries which depended on water-power for their successful prosecu- 
tion. In this chapter will be described only those which depend on 
mechanical skill, and are driven by hand-power, horse-power or steam- 
power ; and the list will be chiefly confined to such as can properly be 
classed as public enterprises. And as will appear, these several enter- 
prises are all in a single line of business. 

The seed which has developed into the great tree of North Brook- 
field's prosperity, was planted in 18 10, by Oliver Ward, who came from 
Grafton, where the business of shoe-making had already been estab- 
lished. " Previous to the shoe business," says Dr. Snell in his Histori- 
cal Discourse of 1850, "the people of this town with a very few 
exceptions, were farmers, and were making next to no progress in any 
thing profitable, or calculated to elevate their character and promote 
the cause of morality or civilization. They had no productive employ- 
ment, and did but little else through the winter months, but to get their 
fuel, [sit by the kitchen fire,] drink their cider, and tend their cattle. 
There were rnany poor {?cc!\\X\^% — poor houses — and poorly furnished. 
The mechanics were few, and did business upon a very narrow scale. 
With one or two exceptions only, all their customers were their neigh- 
bors. The introduction of the shoe business and its successful prose- 
cution, which furnished profitable employment to almost all classes of 
people, in a few years put a new face upon things, bringing ready 
money into the hands of the diligent and laborious poor, made them 
comfortable livers, and freed from debt, and put spare money into their 
pockets. The extension of this business soon began to increase our 
population — buildings were repaired — children handsomely clothed — 
new habitations began to rise and multiply, till this flourishing village 


with a busy population stands before you, as tlie result of diligence and 
reformation from some of our old and impoverishing habits. Instead of 
sending the products of the farm to a distant market, it is with scarcely 
an exception, more than consumed among ourselves. Most of the 
people seem to have money enough to purchase any and eveiy thing 
they wish, and even many things they would do better without — and 
defray expenses that never ought to be incurred — which serve to waste 
precious time, and impoverish and corrupt the mind, rather than 
increase rational enjoyment and intellectual edification. 

" We are greatly indebted for our temporal prosperity to gentlemen 
who have so steadily and honorably for many years, gone forward in this 
manufacturing enterprise. If they have found it for their gain, we are to 
rejoice in it. Who goes a warfare at his own charges? The ox that 
treads out the corn is not to be muzzled. Who would subject himself 
to all this care, and labor, and risk, and vexation, for nothing? While 
they are promoting the prosperity of others, it would be painful to think 
that they must lose all themselves. Their past influence in support of 
order and correct habits, and religious institutions, and benevolent oper- 
ations, and good principles, ought not to be forgotten." 

Oliver Ward. — As already intimated, to Oliver Ward belongs the 
honor of starting the manufacture of sale shoes in North Brookfield ; and 
his was the earliest establishment of the kind west of Worcester. Mr. 
Adams says of him : " Mr. Ward learned the tanner's trade of Clark 
Brown of Grafton ; came from Grafton to North Brookfield a little be- 
fore 1810, and for a short time carried on the tanning business in Spunky 
Hollow. He started a shoe manufactory here in iSio, depending mainly 
on the Southern market for sales of his goods. At first, only sewed work 
was done. But after a short time, pegged work was introduced. Mr. 
Ward made his own pegs. Maple logs were sawed into sections of the 
proper length, which were then split with a long thin knife into splints, 
the points cut with a stiff knife, and then the splint divided into pegs. 
The next improvement was to cut the points of the pegs in the blocks 
with a knife and mallet before splitting ; and the next was to cut the 
points with a toothed gouge driven like a carpenter's plane ; and the 
next to do the whole by machinery. 

"The business increased gradually, so that in the year 1832 it had 
grown from "the day of small things," to an annual production of 65,000 
pairs, of the cash value of $52,000. Tyler Batcheller, who had learned 
the trade in Grafton, worked as journeyman for Mr. Ward 8 years, living 
in his family. Ezra Batcheller learned the trade of shoemaking at Mr. 
Ward's, and lived in his family 6 years. Others who served an ap- 
prenticeship with Mr. W., and afterwards went into business for them- 
selves in this town, were, Gideon B. Dewing, Samuel S. Edmands, 


Solomon M. Edmands, William Johnson, Hiram Ward, Charles Duncan, 
Daniel Whitney, Jr., Edmund Smith, Charles Newcomb ; and Harvey Bel- 
cher, Otis Waite, John F., Jeremiah and Cheney Dewing, Otis Daniels, 
Amphion Gates, Henry and Rice Johnson, Joseph W, and Moses Thomp- 
son, Ezra Green, Tilly P., and Wm A. Snow, Nymphas Whiting, Dexter, 
and Elisha P. Perry, Wm H. Ayres, Dennis Ward, Harrison Harwood, 
Cliarles Adams, Marcus Hitchcock, John Haven, Levi Hamilton, and 
others, learned the trade, and made it the means of a livelihood. 

" Mr. Ward's business was largely extended ; and when the ' hard 
times' of 1837 came on, he was obliged to yield to the pressure, with 
all the other firms in town. His health soon gave way, and he did not 
resume business. He died in 1839, leaving an honorable reputation for 
integrity and faithfulness in every relation in life, and unassuming man- 
ners that won the regards of all. His large family were well educated, 
both at home and at school. His wife was a lady of distinguished do- 
mestic qualities, as well as devoted piety." 

T. AND E. Batcheller. — The following account of this firm, and 
the men who were associated in its management, was prepared by Mr. 
Charles Adams, Jr., and was the last literary work of his life. It is 
printed, without alteration, from his manuscript. 

Of all the men who have been citizens of this town since its incorpora- 
tion, no one, probably, has done so much to promote its material growth 
and prosperity as Deacon Tyler Batcheller ; and a history of the town, 
without a brief sketch, at least, of his active and useful career, would 
lack an essential element. He may truly be called the founder of the 
now large and flourishing central village of North Brookfield. He was 
born, as will be seen in the genealogical record, Dec. 20, 1 793, in the 
town of Sutton, where he lived with his father till April 1802, when the 
family removed to this town, which, however, was then the North parish, 
or " Second Precinct in Brookfield " ; his father purchasing of Solomon 
& Edmund Matthews by Deed Aug. 19, 1801, and for many years 
occupying the farm ever since known as the " Batcheller place ", now, 
(1885) owned by J. Winslow Bryant. At an early age, probably in his 
15th year, he went to Grafton and learned the trade of shoe-making of 
Mr. Nathan Johnson. At the close of his apprenticeship there he re- 
turned to North Brookfield, and was employed in the establishment of 
Mr. Oliver Ward who, in 18 10, had commenced in this town the manu- 
facture of " sale shoes ", the first and only manufactory of the kind in the 
State, west of Grafton. In the family of Mr. Ward he found a pleasant 
and congenial home for about eight years. 

In 18 19 he commenced business on his own account, at the " Weth- 
erbee house", so called, which stood on the spot now occupied by the 
house of Mrs. Erastus Hill. Having married, the same year, he resided 



there with his family; the back part of the house serving as his manufac- 
tory. At first his entire business consisted only in what shoes he could 
make with his own hands ; soon, however, taking into his service one or 
two apprentices, and his brother Ezra, who had already learned the trade 
of Mr. Ward. The first shoes he made were chiefly of a low priced qual- 
ity, specially adapted to the Southern trade. These he packed in empty 
flour-barrels and consigned to Mr. Enoch Train, who in those days ran 
a line of sailing packets between Boston and Havana. On these small 
consignments a large per cent, of profit was realized. In 1821, he pur- 
chased the " Skerry house " and farm in the centre of what is now the 
main village of the town, expecting to enter into possession the first of 
the following April ; but in February 1822 his dwelling and shop at the 
Wetherbee place were totally destroyed by fire, and he at once removed 
his family to his new purchase, the "Skerry House ", where he resumed 
and continued his business in an out building on the premises, until 
1824. In that year, having previously taken into his service several ad- 
ditional employes, he built a small two story shop, which is now a part 
of the immense structure known far and wide, as the " Big Shop ", into 
which, January i, 1825, he removed his business, and at the same date 
took into partnership his brother Ezra, continuing the same business, 
though somewhat enlarged, under the firm of T. & E. Batcheller. — From 
this time forward to the end of his life, the two brothers were associated 
as partners through all the changes in their business ; and in giving a his- 
tory of it, their names cannot be dissociated. Tyler, the senior, attended 
to the purchase of stock and to all other business abroad ; while Ezra was 
the efficient and popular Superintendent, almost always at home, and at 
his post, giving direction to all matters pertaining to the manufactory. 
— Harmonious in all their business relations, and interests, as well as in 
all measures devised for the public weal, the act of one was the act of 
both ; and in most matters their names were usually coupled, and they 
were familiarly spoken of as " the Deacon and Ezra ". 

They now added to their business the manufacture of " Batcheller's 
Retail Brogan", an article adapted to the New England trade, and kept 
for sale in all the stores in this and many of the neighboring towns ; 
their main business, however, being the manufacture of goods for the 
Southern and Western States. The firm of T. & E. Batcheller con- 
tinu'^d, with a constantly increasing business until January i, 1830, when, 
by the admission of Freeman Walker, it was changed to "T. & E, 
Batcheller & Walker ". The business having largely increased, the factory 
was now enlarged to three times its original size. In 1831, they intro- 
duced the manufacture of Russet Brogans, specially for the trade of 
the Southern States — the first that were made in Massachusetts. They 
soon became a leading article in the shoe trade and continued to be so 


for many years. Mr, Walker retired from the firm in 1834, and the firm 
resumed its former style of " T. & E. Batcheller ". At this time the busi- 
ness had increased from its small beginnings to what was then considered 
very large ; but the manufacture for an entire year then was probably no 
more than the product of a single week in the " big shop " at the pres- 
ent time. Nothing that could properly be called machinery had been 
introduced to prepare the stock for bottoming, none of which was done 
in the factory, but was put out and done by workmen in their small 
shops in this, and most of the towns in the vicinity — in some instances 
the stock was carried to a distance of twenty to thirty miles. 

The firm of T. & E. Batcheller continued until June 10, 1852, when 
Charles Adams Jr., Alfred H. Batcheller, William C. King and Hervey 
J. Batcheller were admitted to the firm, and its style changed to T. & E. 
Batcheller & Co. ; meanwhile a store had been established in Boston for 
the transaction of their business, and Tyler Batcheller, had found it ne- 
cessary, for greater convenience, to remove his residence to Boston the 
latter part of 1S48. — Mr. Adams retired from the firm January i, 1S60, 
the firm name remaining the same, and Hervey J. Batcheller retired soon 
after. The business had then increased, from the day of small things, — 
to nearly a million and a half of dollars annually. In April 1861, the 
Southern rebellion broke out, paralyzing for a while, almost the whole 
business of the country. This firm suffered with the rest, and their 
business being very largely with the Southern States, their losses were 
proportionally large. A suspension was inevitable, and they were tempo- 
rarily under the general financial cloud. But an arrangement, highly 
honorable to them, was soon made, and in a itw months they were 
enabled to pay, and did pay every dollar of their indebtedness, principal 
and interest. But Tyler Batcheller, the founder and for years the sole 
proprietor and manager of the business, and the efficient senior partner 
of the firm from its beginning, did not live to see that fortunate con- 
summation. — The disappointment and anxiety caused by the apparent 
loss of a large fortune — the accumulations of a half century of suc- 
cessful business — the inability to meet present pecuniary liabilities; the 
future darkened by the civil war in which the nation was then involved, 
the termination and result of which could not be anticipated by any 
human foresight ; — in the midst of this accumulation of adverse and 
discouraging circumstances, and probably to some extent in consequence 
of them, his health failed, and his constitution, never robust, and which 
had begun to feel the effects of advancing years, seemed entirely to give 
way, and after a brief confinement to his house and bed, and without 
any clearly defined disease he died, October 8, 1862, nearly sixty-nine 
years of age, — apparently of mere exhaustion of the vital powers, accel- 
erated, probably, by mental care and anxiety. Thus ended a life dis- 


tinguished for industry, energy, perseverance, integrity and usefulness. 
If his life had been spared but a few months longer he might have seen 
the cloud, which overhung their business at the time of his death, dis- 
pelled, all the pecuniary liabilities of the firm paid in full, an ample com- 
petency for himself and family retrieved from the wreck of the old 
business, and a most favorable prospect for a future business, which, 
although he did not live to see it, was more than realized by the surviving 
partners, of whom his brother Ezra was thenceforward to the end of his 
life the able and efficient senior partner. Mr. King retired from the firm 
in 1865. 

In the early years of Tyler Batcheller there were no special indications 
of the prominent positions he was destined to fill in the community, and 
in the business world. In boyhood he was noted for his mild and peace- 
ful disposition ; never zealously mingling with his contemporaries in their 
noisy and boisterous sports ; then and always modest and unassuming in 
his deportment ; improving to the best of his ability the very limited 
advantages afforded in those days for schooling. A very few weeks in 
the district school each winter being the extent of his school education 
— a defect which was ever a source of regret to him. 

He was very early inured to habits of industry and economy, which 
he retamed through life. The following incident exemplifies both traits. 
The first three years of his service with Mr. Ward were the last three 
years of his minority, and his stipulated wages went to his father ; over 
and above which, during that time he earned and saved five hundred 
dollars — a large amount for those days — the interest on which, as he 
told the writer, was his self-restricted annual allowance for clothing for 
several years — until he went into business on his own account. 

He united with what is now the First Congregational church in North 
Brookfield, June 8, 181 7. In the spring of 181 8, in connection with 
Joseph A. (afterward Deacon) Moore, he organized and superintended 
the first Sabbath School in town, and for sixteen years he was a member 
of the supervising committee of the same. — 

September 15, 1820 he was elected a deacon, when he was twenty 
seven years of age, and continued in that office twenty eight years — 
until he removed his residence to Boston. 

He was married April 6, 18 19, to Miss Nancy Jenks, daughter of Mr. 
Nicholas Jenks, one of the early residents of the town. She was a 
most estimable lady and helpmeet, the mother of all his children. Her 
early and lamented death in 1828, was a great loss to the whole com- 
munity. She was born August 1796, and died Oct. 5, 1828, leaving four 
small children — three daughters and a son. He married for his second 
wife, Oct. 8, 1829, Miss Abigail Jones Lane, daughter of Capt. Samuel 
Lane, a very worthy young lady who had been an inmate of his family 


four years, and had the care of all his children, to whom she was now 
called to be a second mother ; the oldest was only seven years old at the 
death of their mother. She lived to see the daughters all married, and 
survived her husband six years. She was born at Bedford, Mass. August 
I, 1810, and died at Boston, March 10, 1877. 

The "Skerry farm" which he purchased in 182 1, covered a large 
portion of what is now the central village — the whole of the northeast 
quarter and part of the southeast, on no part of which was there any 
building except the old Skerry house in which he lived until 1836, when 
it was demolished and a new house built on its site, and which was his 
home until he removed to Boston in 1848. It is now occupied as a 
part of the " Big Shop ", and is the southwesterly portion of it. — About 
1825 the land on the streets by which the farm was bounded, began to 
be wanted for building lots. In disposing of them Mr. Batcheller, with 
a view to the development and growth of the village, rather than to his 
individual interest, adopted the liberal policy of selling them at only 
about their value for agricultural purposes, to m,en of good character 
who would probably become permanent citizens, and to workmen whose 
services were wanted in, or near his manufactory. The first sale was to 
his brother and partner Ezra Batcheller, where Frank A. Smith now 
lives : and in a few years those streets were lined by neat residences 
owned and occupied by a very desirable class of citizens. When " Grove 
Street " was opened through his land, and real estate had largely in- 
creased in value, he was asked by several individuals at the same time 
to set a price on building-lots, he declined, giving as a reason that sev- 
eral of his interested friends had intimated to him that at the prices at 
which he had been parting with building lots, he was doing less than 
justice to himself and perhaps to them. He accordingly proposed to 
leave the price to be made by two disinterested men mutually agreed 
upon, and that he would abide by their decision. The proposition was 
accepted, and carried into effect. 

In 1848 it became necessary, for the convenience of the extensive 
business of the firm, that he should remove to Boston, which he did in 
December of that year, and as was said at his funeral, " he carried his 
religion with him ". He attended meeting regularly at Park Street 
church, and November 2, 1850 he and his wife united with that church, 
then under the pastoral care of Rev. A. L. Stone, now of San Francisco, 
Cal. — September 17, 1857, he was elected a Deacon of that church, 
and to the close of life remained an active and devoted officer. He 
was also for several years a member of the Prudential Committee of that 
Society. — 

Mr. Batcheller was an original member of the Boston Board of Trade : 
was chosen a member of its Committee of Arbitration, and served on 
other important committees. 


In removing his legal residence to Boston Mr. Batcheller did not for- 
get the town of North Erookfield, where he had passed nearly half a 
century of his life, — nor the Church and Society there with which he 
had been connected more than thirty years, as was shewn by his fre- 
quent visits and acts of liberality and beneficence. 

Ezra Batcheller, the junior member of the original firm, if less prom- 
inent before the public, was, equally with his brother, an efficient and 
essential factor in the growth and prosperity of the manufacturing estab- 
lishment. And to his business tact and energy is largely due the prompt 
extrication of the concern from their temporary embarrassment in 1861. 
He was a large-hearted, public spirited man, of earnest piety ; and his 
memory is fragrant of good deeds and an honorable and useful life. 

The present firm name is E. and A. H. Batcheller and Company ; and 
this is the only Boot and Shoe Manufactory now in operation in North 
Brookfield. In 1875, ^^ appears from the Census Report, they gave 
employment to 927 males and 150 females, and manufactured goods of 
the value of $1,817,000. Their facilities for business have been con- 
siderably increased since that date. 

Hiram Ward. He was second cousin of Oliver Ward, and learned 
the trade of shoemaking in his shop, and started in business for himself 
about 1830. He lived in the centre village nearly opposite the hotel. 
With a thorough knowledge of the trade, he combined good judgment, 
and Yankee push ; and his business rapidly increased, and he prospered, 
till 1837, when he went down in the general crash. He settled with his 
creditors at 62 J cents on the dollar. After this he left town and located 
in Philadelphia, where his wife, a most estimable woman, of great energy 
and tact, opened a millinery establishment. This enterprise proved suc- 
cessful, and they accumulated a large estate. In after years, Mr. Ward 
came to North Brookfield, and paid the balance of his old creditors' 
accounts in full — an example of integrity and honor, too rare in our 

Johnson and Edson started a boot manufactory in the centre village, 
soon after Hiram Ward, and were equally prospered ; but went down 
with the rest in 1837. 

Dewing and Edmands began the shoe business, at the old Edmands 
place, in 1S35, where they remained doing a safe and successful trade 
till 1852. The firm of Edmands and Duncan took the business that 
year, having built a large shop on Summer street. Later the firm was 
Edmands, Duncan and Hurlburt. The partnership was dissolved about 


According to the Census of 1837, the total value of boots (24,170 pairs) 
and shoes (559,900 pairs) manufactured in North Brookfield the pre- 
vious year, was $470,316. The population of the town then was 1,509. 


Other firms who have started in business since 1837, and manufactured 
boots and shoes in this town, for a longer or shorter term, and with 
greater or less success, have been : C. & D. Whiting, Whiting & Haskell, 
Whiting, Lowe & Co., Bond & Jenks, H. B. & J. N. Jenks, Woodis & 
Crawford, Jenks & Miller, Gulliver & Jenks, Gulliver, Duncan & Howe, 
Gulliver &: Stone, P. K. Howe, Fullman, Livermore & Montague, 01m- 
stead & R. Walker, A. & E. D. Batcheller. The last named firm started 
in 1S60, in a shop which is now the Railroad station, where they con- 
tinued in business till 1S75. 

Currying. — In 1855, North Brookfield made return of one currying 
shop, employing 4 hands; value of leather curried, $28,467.04. "The 
business is job-work." 

Lasts. — The statistics of 1855, give: Lasts manufactured, 28,766; 
value, $6,000. 

Boxes. — In 1875, the Census Returns credit North Brookfield with 
wooden boxes manufactured of the value of $30,000. 

Pocket Books. — About 1840, several persons engaged in the manu- 
facture of pocket books in a small way ; near that date the business 
went into the hands of Henry H. Sparks, who carried it on till 1876. 
In 1855, the published returns were: Number of pocket books made, 
27,000; value, $10,000; males employed, 2; females, 18. In 1S75, 
the value of goods manufactured was reported at $15,000. In some 
intervening years, it was much greater. 

Schools. — No change of consequence was made in the school sys- 
tem, when the Precinct became a Town. The eight school districts 
remained practically unaltered, except that the Centre was divided into 
two districts ; and prudential committees, with full powers, were chosen 
in each, till 1S69, when by vote of the town, the district system was 
abolished, and the whole care of the schools was put into the hands of 
the school committee. The several houses, which had been built at the 
expense of the districts, were appraised; and the sum, $10,000, was 
raised by tax, and each tax payer credited in his bill with his propor- 
tionate share. 

The amount raised t)y taxation, for the support of Schools, in different 
(though not consecutive) years, has been as follows : 1810, $400 ; 1823, 
$800 ; 1839, $1,000; the number of children in town this year, from 4 
to 16, was 376; number in actual attendance, 470; school committee, 
Rev. Thomas Snell, Bonum Nye, Freeman Walker ; 1848, $1,200 ; 
number of children, 4-16, 437 ; 1855, $1,500 ; number of children, 4-16, 
449; 1861, $2,000; number of children, 5-15, 523; 1868, $4,700; 
number of children, 5-15, 346; 1875, $7,000; number of children, 
5-15, 761 ; 1885, $8,000; number of children, 5-15, 800; number of 
schools, 19; 1886, $9,000. 

REV. DR. SNELL. 2// 

The high school was opened Aug. 19, 1857, under the care of O. W. 
Whitaker, a graduate of jNIiddlebury College, The average number of 
scholars the first year, was 45. Average membership in 1885, 65. 

Sabbath School. — Dr. Snell says: "In 181 7, the pastor commenced 
a new exercise on the Sabbath, the instruction of youth upon moral and 
religious subjects, after the close of public worship. This was done by 
question and answer. The attendance was from 10 to 20. The next • 
year, at the solicitation of a few pious females, Dea. Tyler Batcheller 
and Dea. J. A. Moore organized a Sabbath School, which continued 
through the warm season. This was repeated each summer till 1821, 
when at a meeting IMay 25, the church appointed Bonum Nye, Hervey 
Belcher and Walter Walker to assist and encourage the two deacons. 
Since then the church has annually appointed a superintendent, with 
four assistants. 

New Meeting-house. — The old house at the Lower Village was occu- 
pied till the close of 1823, — 74 years from the date of raising the frame. 
The new house at the Centre was built that season, and dedicated Jan. 
I, 1S24. The site and building cost $6,000. " The slips were prized 
by the builder so as to cover the whole expense, and in the course of a 
few hours were about all sold at auction — none for less than the 
appraisal, and the rest for so much more that the amount of choice 
money was about $700." 

The house was re-modelled in 1S42 ; was lengthened by the addition 
of 20 feet, and beautified in 1853, and re-dedicated Jan. 18, 1854. It was 
again re-modelled in 1874. The clock on the tower was presented to 
the Parish by Dea. Tyler Batcheller in 1856. 

The Chapel was built in 1854, and raised to a second story in 1S60, 
with a view to provide a pastor's study, and accommodate the Appleton 

Rev. Dr. Snell. — On a previous page [p. 259] was given an ac- 
count of the call and ordination of Mr. Snell, and his description of the 
condition of his church and people. The following sketch of his life 
and labors is prepared from statements written by himself, and facts 
collected by Mr. Charles Adams, Jr. 

Thomas Snell was a native of Cummington, born Nov. 21, 1774; 
graduated at Dartmouth College, 1795; taught an academy in Haver- 
hill, N.H., one year; studied Theology with Rev. Dr. Charles Backus 
of Somers, Ct. ; was licensed by Tolland x\ssociation Oct. 3, 1797; or- 
dained at North Brookfield, June 27, 1798, and continued sole pastor 
of the church till Sept. 17, 185 i, more than 53 years, and senior pastor 
till his death May 4, 1S62, — his whole ministry covering a period of 
64 years. His salary was originally $400 a year ; was raised to $500 
in 183S ; and after the settlement of a colleague was reduced to $300. 


From the first, he appears to have secured the confidence and respect 
of his church, which remained undiminished till the close of his long 
pastorate and life. 

His relations to his parish, according to his own account, were of a 
checkered character. A few opposed his settlement, at the outset, 
because of the hij-ge salary (?). A great commotion was raised, (to 
quote his own expressions) " by the exposure made of Intemperance ; 
its extent and abominations, and effects, and its alarming demands upon 
men's purses, which ought to be paid over, if anywhere, to the cause 
of benevolence." This sermon was preached Jan. 5, 18 12, long before 
the Temperance Reformation had begun its benign work — or even the 
seeds of that healing tree were planted. In his conclusion, he chal- 
lenged his people " to curtail the use of ardent spirits so far as to save 
a proper sum to bestow upon the cause of Foreign Missions, whose 
claims he had set forth upon the last preceding Sabbath. And now, 
how much? Here is the subscription: — I think I can save three 
dollars, and pledge that amount to the cause. How much can you 
give, Dea. Adams? And you, Dea. Walker? And you, Esq. Hale? 
and so on through the congregation. The sum then pledged was ^40. 
And this was the first money given to Foreign Missions in this Town." 
"... In 1827 several individuals agreed to use no ardent spirits, 
even in the most laborious seasons of the year, while engaged in their 
farming pursuits. This led to the formation of a Temperance Society 
in 1828, upon the principle of entire abstinence from the use of distilled 

In all these movements, Dr. Snell was a leader. 

When he was settled, and for many years afterwards, the only public 
religious services expected from the minister were the two sermons on 
the Sabbath, and a preparatory lecture once in two months. He says : 
" prayer meetings, religious conferences, meetings for serious and personal 
conversation, stated lectures for general instruction, meetings for humane 
and charitable objects, a third service on the Sabbath, and even seasons 
of special revival of religion were all unknown in this town at the time 
of my ordination." In Sept. 1815, without public notice, a prayer meet- 
ing was held at the house of the pastor, attended by his family and two 
young men. It occurred on a Friday evening ; and from that time to 
the present a meeting has been held weekly on Friday evening. 

Dr. Snell was very early interested in the subject of Domestic Mis- 
sions. He says : "In 1807 this church agreed to raise $10 for Domestic 
Missions. This was the first effort in religious charity made in this 
place. And it was a great effort : we could scarcely accomplish it. Ten 
dollars does not speak of our poverty, so much as the narrowness of our 
conceptions." Then came the subscription of «S40 for Foreign Mis- 

REV. DR. SNELL. 279 

sions in iS 12, already referred to. The next was $^i, raised by tlie 
ladies in 18 15, for several objects of religious charity. 

Dr. Snell attended the meeting of the Massachusetts General Asso- 
ciation in 1810, when the American Board was organized; and perhaps 
this was his favorite charity during his life, though he did not become a 
member of the corporation till 1S38. In 1S24, the Ladies' and Gen- 
tlemen's Associations, auxiliary to the A.B.C.F.M., were formed. Their 
joint contribution that year was $71, and a box of clothing. ... In all 
these charities, Dr. S. was the efficient leader and generous patron. 

At the time of his settlement it was made by law " the duty of all 
resident ministers of the Gospel " to have a sort of supervision of all 
the schools in town, and to see that all children of suitable age attended 
school. Probably no minister in the State performed this service with 
greater punctuality and faithfulness than Dr. Snell. When the law was 
enacted which provided that towns should annually choose a " School 
Committee," to examine teachers, and exercise a general supervision of 
the schools, he was elected, and was rechosen a member of the committee 
every year (with a single exception) till 1850, — a nearly continuous 
service of more than half a century. He was an early advocate for the 
establishment of a College at Amherst, and one of its most efficient 
founders and patrons. He was a member of the Board of Overseers of 
its Charity Funds from its organization in 1822, for thirty-three years, 
fifteen years serving as its secretary ; and during the whole term of his 
membership he was absent from but one meeting. 

The College conferred upon him in 1828 the honorary degree of 
Doctor of Divinity. 

Of the multitude of Sermons and addresses delivered during his long 
pastorate, only 24 were published, including 2 or 3 pamphlets. 

They have all been collected and bound in one volume which is 
owned by the Appleton Library. Among them are an Oration at Brook- 
field, Independence day, 1813; a sermon before the General Asso- 
ciation, June, 18 14; a sermon before the Governor, Council and 
Legislature, 181 7, and several Historical Sermons and Discourses. The 
most valuable of these are " A Sermon delivered on the last Sabbath in 
June, 1838, containing a Brief History of the Town," pp. 55 ; "A Dis- 
course containing an Historical Sketch of the Town of North Brook- 
field," delivered May 28, 1850; and "A Discourse containing an 
Historical Sketch of the First Congregational Church in North Brook- 
field," delivered May, 1852, pp. 56. 

Dr. Snell officiated as Secretary of the General Association of Massa- 
chusetts, 25 years. Rev. Emerson Davis, his successor, says of him : 
" My recollections of him as a preacher are very pleasant. I knew him 
better as the much respected Secretary of the General Association, 


which office he held from 1824 to 1850. It was mainly by his efforts 
that the statistics of the churches were gathered, which were first pub- 
lished in 182S; and if you consider the difficulty of beginning such a 
work, and the progress he made previous to 1S50, you will see he is 
entitled to much credit. 

He was systematic, punctual and honest ; an eminently wise man, a 
safe counsellor, and a faithful friend ; an agreeable companion ; full of 
good sense and good humor." — 

No minister probably ever lived in this part of the State who was 
more extensively known, or more generally enjoyed the confidence 
of the people, and especially of the churches than Dr. Snell ; or whose 
services were more frequently brought into requisition in the settlement 
and dismission of Pastors, and the adjustment of clerical and parochial 

During his ministry he was a member of more than a 140 ecclesiasti- 
cal councils. 

Theologically, Dr. Snell was Calvinistic in his views. " He was not, 
strictly speaking, a theologian, and yet without discriminating between 
high, low, or moderate Calvinism, we may truly say, he was a Calvinist." 
This was said in the funeral sermon by Rev. Dr. Gushing, his colleague, 
who certainly zoas a theologian ; and he adds : " on the subject of theol- 
ogy, the position of the lamented Pastor of this Church may be ex- 
pressed in three words, He was Orthodox. He held the great doctrines 
of the Christian system with great tenacity. Still he could not properly 
be said to belong to any school. His real position was characteristically 
expressed by himself at a meeting of the Brookfield Association, when 
he said to a brother : ' The apostle Paul did not trouble his head about 
" Old School " or " New School," and they shall not trouble mine.' He 
had not those metaphysical traits of mind that would interest him in 
philosophical speculations. The Bible he made his study ; and his 
delight was simply in Biblical forms of doctrine. What are known among 
Evangelical Christians as the distinctive doctrines of grace, were his 
almost constant theme." This is illustrated by a quotation from the 
closing part of his 40'^ Anniversary Sermon : " I have endeavored, 
though with much imperfection and weakness, to preach to you the 
gospel of the grace of God ; both its doctrines and duties ; its warnings 
and encouragements ; its promises and threatenings. 

" I have presented to your minds the humbling doctrine of man's 
state of apostasy from God, and of his guilty helplessness ; the ample 
provisions of Divine Grace through a crucified and arisen Savior ; the 
perfections and decrees of God, according to which he does all his 
works of creation, providence and redemption ; the moral agency and 
accountability of men ; the duty of immediate repentance, and the 


sinner's aversion to it ; regeneration by the Spirit of God through the 
instrumentahty of divine truth; justification by faith in Christ; the res- 
urrection of the dead, and future judgment, and eternal retribution. 

" These things I have taught, pubHcly and from house to house, testi- 
fying repentance toward God and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ. 

" But I feel that I have done these things in a very poor and imperfect 
manner, that calls for the forbearance of man, and the mercy of God." 

During the early years of his ministry, in addition to his ordinary min- 
isterial duties, he was accustomed to receive mider his instruction young 
men who contemplated a college course, or who desired a higher educa- 
tion than was at that day afforded by the schools in town. 

In a word, Dr. Snell was a man of warm heart, clear head, positive 
convictions and the courage to utter them ; and withal, guided by large 
common sense and practical wisdom. During his whole pastorate, he 
was a power for good in the social, educational, and commercial, as well 
as the religious interests of the town. 

Rev. Christopher Gushing, D.D. — He was the fourth in the line of 
pastors of the First Church, and was installed as colleague with Dr. Snell 
Sept. 17, 1 85 1 ; was sole pastor after Dr. S's death, and was relieved of 
the duties of the office May i, 1S67, that he might enter upon the sec- 
retaryship of the xA^merican Congregational Union ; was dismissed Sept. 
17, 1868. He was born at South Scituate May 3, 1820; graduated at 
Yale College 1844, and at Andover Theol. Sem. 1847; ordained over 
the Edwards Church, Boston, Feb. 21, 1S49; dismissed Apr. 23, 1851, 
and installed at North Brookfield, as above. He was Secretary of the 
A. C. U. till 1877 ; and from 1867 to 1878, he edited and published, in 
company with others or alone, the Congregational Quarterly. 

He received the honorary degree of D.D. from Amherst College in 
1 87 1. Died at Cambridge Oct. 23, 1881. 

Rev. Gabriel H. De Bevoise began to supply the pulpit statedly 
Jan. I, 1868; was installed Sept. 17, 1868; dismissed 1880. He was 
born at Brooklyn, N.Y. Jan. 7, 1831 ; fitted for college at Phillips Acad- 
emy ; graduated at Andover Theol. Sem. 1864; ^^'^s ordained at Wal- 
pole, N.H. July 26, 1865, dismissed 1S68. After leaving North Brook- 
field, he was installed at Leominster, May, 1881. 

Rev. Sedgwick P. Wilder, the present pastor, was born at Newfane, 
Vt., May 28, 1847; graduated at Beloit College 1871 ; Yale Theol. 
Sem. 1875 ; ordained May 28, 1875, preached at Faith Chapel, Spring- 
field, and at Brandon, Vt. ; installed at North Brookfield June 24, 1880. 

Baptist Society. — The Baptist Society and Church, though located 
at East Brookfield, should be noticed in this History, because its origi- 
nators were largely North Brookfield people. As early as 1748, travel- 
ling ministers of the Baptist denomination began to hold meetings in the 


eastern part of the town. But they had no stated services here, as 
appears from the following : " This may certify the assessors of Brook- 
field that David Hinckley of Brookfield doth usually attend the public 
worship of God on the Lord's day at the Baptist Society in Sturbridge, 
and we believe him to be conscientiously of that persuasion. 

Hervey Fisk j Committee of 
JoNA. Perry I Bap. Society. 

Sturbidge May 30, 1751. 

"On the 14th of Nov. 1786, a compact was entered into by eleven 
persons, for the purpose of maintaining a religious interest. This is 
regarded as the commencement of the Baptist Society in Brookfield. 
The places of worship at the time were mostly dwelling houses ; some- 
times barns ; and the Society was variously suppHed." In 1795, ^ com- 
modious meeting-house was erected, and afterwards well finished. 

May 15, 1797, a "Petition of a number of the Inhabitants of Brook- 
field and Spencer, setting forth, that for many years your Petitioners have 
attended on the instructions of Teachers of the Baptist Denomination, 
and have contributed for their support ; and now we are well accom- 
modated with a meeting-house, and a supply of Preaching annually ; 
and therefore we pray your Honors to incorporate us together with our 
Polls and Estates into a Distinct and separate Religious Society, with all 
the Privileges Powers and immunities, which Parishes are entitled to by 
Law in this Commonwealth." 

Signed Nicro Jenks r 

Lawrence Jenks \ Society Committee. 
Thomas Slayton (, 

Other signers were : Josiah Goodell, Oliver Jenks, Nathaniel Dodge, 
Jeduthan Stevens, John Pierce, Shadrack Pierce, Jr., Daniel Jenks, 
Joshua Moor, John Wilcott, Jr., Thomas Moore, Jr., Eber Pierce, Shad- 
rack Pierce, Ezekiel Baxter, Elisha Doane, Phinehas Slayton, Jacob 
Stevens, Justus Stevens, Roger Stevens, Jr., Roger Stevens, Elias Staples, 
Nicholas McCluer, Silas Stevens, Ezra Bennet, Levi Chillson, Isaac 
Slayton, Reuben Converse, Reuben Harrington, Stevens Hatch, Nathan 
Percis, Luke Converse, Ehsha Drake, Samuel Kingsbury, Eli Wood/ 
John Stevenson, Clarke Hill, David Jenckes, Joseph Bennett, Reynolds 
Bennett, John Bennett, Thomas Jencks. 

The Petition was granted, and the Society incorporated June 17, 1800 ; 
and its first meeting held Oct. 29th. Mr. Nathaniel Price was preacher 
for about two years. Rev. Laban Thurber succeeded him; was ordained 
in 1 80 1, and closed his labors in 1805. "From 1805 to 1815 the pul- 
pit was suppUed but a small part of the time. Those were years of dark- 
ness to the Society ; very small was the number that could be convened, 


when an appointment was made for a messenger of the truth " — says an 
Official Report. "In 1S15, Rev. John Chase (then a Hcentiate) was 
engaged to supply the pulpit a part of the time. He continued his 
labors till 1818 with much success; fifty-five persons were baptized." 
June 9, 1 8 18, a Council was convened, and thirty-seven believers were 
constituted and recognized as the Baptist Church in Brookfield. The 
day following, June 10, Brother Chase was ordained its Pastor." He 
continued in the pastorate till his death, July 28, 1833. 

List of pastors : Rev. John Chase, 15 years ; Rev. Benj. Manning, or- 
dained Jan. I, 1834, dismissed 1835 ; Rev. Winthrop Morse, Nov. 1835, 
to 1839; Rev. J. H. Rickett, June 1839 to Oct. 1840; Rev. Job B. 
Boomer, June 1841, 4 years ; Rev. E. C. Messenger, 1S45, 2 years ; Rev. 
Joseph Hodges, Jr., 1847, 5 years; Rev. S. W. Marston, 1852, t^ years ; 
Re>'. David Taylor, 1854, 6 mos. ; Rev. Addison Brown, 1856, 21 
mos. ; Rev. J. H. Tilton, 1859, 4^ years; Rev. E. W. Pray, 1864, 20 
mos.; Rev. Philander Perry, 1867, 2^ years; Rev. L. C. Stevens, 1870, 
8 years; Rev. Andrew Dunn, 1878, 3 years. 

A new meeting-house was built, and dedicated March 4, 1840 : cost 
^3,500. During the pastorate of Rev. L. C. Stevens, 'the house was re- 
painted, and much improved, and a parsonage built — both of which 
buildings are entirely free from debt. 

Among those that have entered the ministry from this church, are Rev. 
Otis Converse, Rev. Abel Harvvood, who died in Virginia Mar. 26, 1836 ; 
and Rev. Levi B. Hathaway, who died while pastor at Rockport, Aug. i, 
1843. And in this connection should be named Rev. Hervey Jenks, 
who, though not a member of this church, was born and reared under 
its shadow. Hervey was son of Nicholas Jenks, was born in 1787 ; was 
hopefully converted while teaching a grammar school in Rehoboth in 
1810; graduated at Brown University 1810, having united with the 
First Baptist Church in Providence the previous June. As a student, he 
ranked high in his class ; maintained an unsullied character, and enjoyed 
the confidence of officers and members, and bid fair to become eminent 
in the literary world. He was approbated as a preacher by the Provi- 
dence Church June 11, 181 1, and received ordination by the same body 
a year later. He supplied half a year at West Stockbridge, Mass., and 
was settled in Hudson, N.Y. in 1813, where he died June 1814 — thus 
early closing what promised to be a brilliant and successful career of 

Methodist Episcopal Church. — No record has been found of preach- 
ing by this denomination in North Brookfield before 1829, when Erastus 
Otis was appointed by the Conference to the Brookfield circuit. About 
this date Nathaniel Smith, formerly a Free-will Baptist, gathered a Class 
at his own house. His Exhorter's license bears date May 1830. F. VV. 


Sizer and George Sutherland were appointed to this circuit in 1830, and 
sustained preaching during the summer at the old Congregational meet- 
ing-house at 5 o'clock on Sunday afternoons. Rev. Samuel Davis had 
charge of the circuit in 1S32, assisted by Jotham Haven, S. W. Cogge- 
shall and Eben"" F, Newell. A new meeting-house was built this year at 
the Lower Village, and was dedicated Jan. 30, 1833, Dr. Wilbur 
Fisk president of Wesleyan University preaching the sermon. The trus- 
tees of the church were Nathaniel Smith, Elias Bartlett, Wm Bartlett, 
Hervey Wellington and Eben'' Stevens. Mr. Davis resided in this town. 

"In 1834, North Brookfield was made a station, with Henry Mayo 
preacher in charge. Serious financial troubles came upon the people 
that year. They had depended on the sale of pews \ but hopes and 
plans in some way failed, and in March 1S35, ^ ^^^^ *^^ attachment was 
issued against the trustees by Messrs. Joshua and Wm Prouty of Spen- 
cer, for the sum of $1,200." Miss y. A. Holmes'' History. This suit 
was not settled till 1840, though preaching was maintained for most of 
the time. The membership in 1S35, ^^'^^ 23. 

The society led a checkered life for the next 25 years, sometimes 
meeting in the town hall (which was burned during their occupancy), 
sometimes in the Grove Schoolhouse, and sometimes in the chapel of the 
First Church, till the erection of the present church edifice, which was 
dedicated Mar. 13, 1861. The original cost was $4,000, Dea. Tyler 
Batcheller making a generous donation, and others of the Congrega- 
tional churches following his example. 

The coming on of the Civil War, and the stagnation of business 
nearly swamped the enterprise, and almost starved out the preacher. 
"These were days of heroism ; and we cannot refrain from saying, All 
honor to the noble men whose deeds [of self-denial for religion's sake, 
and of valor in the tented field] made them heroes ! " At the close of 
1862, the liabilities of the society were $1,400. " During the next Con- 
ference year, the debt was liquidated by the restless energy of pastor E. 
S. Chase. There followed a decade of continued prosperity, at the 
close of which the salary figures ($1,000) stood the highest of any time 
in the history of the church, and, save once in the long past, the mem- 
bership (81) was never so large as at that time." Number of members 

List of Preachers after North Brookfield became a Permanent Sta- 
tion : James Shepard, 1841-2 ; C. W. Ainsworth, 1843-4; Frederick 
Stewart, 1S45 ; Albert A. Cook, 1846 ; Geo. W. Weeks and E. F. 
Newell, 1S47; John Goodwin, 1848; Geo. Bowler, 1849-50; John 
Goodwin, 1S51 ; P. Wallingford, 1852-3; M. Lefiingwell, 1854; W. J. 
Pomfret, 1855-7; J. W\ Coolidge, 1858-9;, Daniel Atkins, 1860-1 ; 
N. F. Stevens, 1862; E. S. Chase, 1863; Edwin S. Snow, 1864-5; 


Geo. Hewes, 1S66-7 ; Gilbert R. Bent, 1S6S-9; L. P. Causey, 1870; 
Samuel A. Fuller, 1871 ; W. A. Cheney, 1872-3; E. H. Leeseman, 
1873; Reuben W. Harlow, 1874; Geo. E. Chapman, 1875-6; J. M. 
Avann, 1877-9; Jo^i'' ^' Fulton, 1880-1 ; J. S. Barrows, 1882-3; E. 
R. Watson, 18S3 ; Porter R. Strattan, 1S84-5. 

Union Congregational Church. — The following account of this 
Church and Society, was prepared by Dea. Freeman Walker (by 
request) : 

"The records of the Union Congregational Society date its forma- 
tion, Oct. 29, 1853, on petition of Amasa Walker, Wm Duncan, J. H. 
Hill, Charles Duncan, T. M. Duncan, Hervey Belcher, Benj. Cummings, 
Jr., J. H. Field and Lathrop Dorman ; and that the first meeting was 
called by warrant issued by Freeman Walker, justice of the peace, at 
which meeting the usual officers were chosen, and bye-laws adopted. 

On the 2d day of May 1854, the Society voted to extend an invita- 
tion to Rev. Levi F. Waldo to become their minister, with a salary of 
S800. Mr. Waldo was a graduate of the Union Theol. Seminary, and 
had been pastor of a church in Poughkeepsie, N.Y. He made but 
little use of manuscripts, and was a very acceptable preacher. A 
church was organized June 7, 1854, and Mr. W. was installed as pastor, 
He was dismissed, at his own request, June 13, 1856. 

The Society remained without a minister till June 3, 1857, when Rev. 
Wm H. Beecher was installed, and remained in that office till May 14, 
1 86 1, when he was dismissed by a mutual council called for that pur- 
pose. Mr. B. was the eldest son of the Rev. Lyman Beecher, D.D., 
and a man of good natural talents, an able off-hand speaker, and had 
the natural qualifications for a preacher which is hereditary in that 
remarkable family. 

The Society voted Mar. 24, 1862, to engage Rev. J. E. Tower to sup- 
ply their desk for one year. He was a man of great promise ; had just 
graduated from Andover Theol. Sem. (A.C. 1858), and great hopes 
were entertained that he would become permanently attached to the 
Society. He continued his services till the following August, when he 
took a vacation. During his absence he was taken suddenly ill, and 
died at Groton, Aug. 18, 1862, aged 28. 

The Society voted Dec. 23, 1862, to invite Rev. Luther Keene (A. C. 
1859) to become their minister, which was accepted by him, and he was 
ordained and installed. At a meeting of the Society April 29, 1867, Mr. 
K. asked a dismission, which was granted, much to the regret of a great 
majority of his parishioners. 

Dec. 2, 1867, the Society engaged the services of the Rev John 
Dodge to supply their desk for one year, on a salary of $1,400. He 
remained for about three years and a half, when he left, and was subse- 
(luently settled in New Braintree. 


Mar. lo, 1873, the services of Rev. Charles E. Coolidge (And.Theol. 
Sem. 1870) who had been settled over the First Church in Holyoke, 
were engaged to supply the desk for one year ; and on the ist of April 
it was voted to invite him to settle over the Society ; which he accepted, 
and arrangements were made for his installation. In the mean time a 
proposal was made by the First Congregational Society for a union of 
the two societies ; but after a protracted negotiation, satisfactory terms 
of union could not be agreed upon, and the effort was abandoned. Dur- 
ing the pendency of this negotiation, Mr. Coolidge withdrew his accept- 
ance of the call, and left, after preaching about a year and a half — 
although the Society voted, 19 to 3, to renew the call. 

The Society was variously supplied till May 3, 1876, when they voted 
to extend an invitation to Rev. George H. Wilson to settle over them in 
the ministry; and he was ordained Sept. 6, 1876. Mr. Wilson was a 
graduate of Bangor Theol. Seminary, and was very acceptable as a 
preacher. The loss of his wife soon after his marriage and settlement, 
was a severe trial, and probably had an influence in his seeking a dis- 
mission from his charge, which, at his own request, was effected June i, 

The Society voted Mar. 3, 1879, '^o invite Rev. John W. Hird to be- 
come its minister, and he was installed Mar. 28, 1879, and still continues 
in office, to the general acceptance of his people. He was born in 
England, graduated at Yale College 1871, and at Andover Theol. Sem. 
1874. It will become the duty of some future historian, to describe the 
man, his talents, and the results of his ministry. 

The Meeting-house of this Society was built by an Association upon the 
joint stock principle ; the shares being placed at $50 each, of which 177 
were taken. The stockholders organized Oct. i, 1853, by choosing 
Freeman Walker to preside as moderator, Thomas H. Tucker, treasurer, 
Hiram Knight, clerk. The location for the meeting-house was purchased 
of Cha^ P. Adams for $2,000. The house having been completed, the 
entire property and franchise was transferred by deed Feb. 17, 1855, to 
the Union Congregational Society. The pews were appraised for an 
amount sufficient to cover the entire cost of the house ; and the Society 
sold the choice of the same at auction. The results of the sale were : 

Pews taken at the appraisal, $10,385 

Choice money 15615 $12,000 

Cost of house . . . 10,650" 

Catholic Church. — St. Joseph's Parish, in North Brookfield, was 
organized in 1865. 

It has been in charge of the Rev. Michael Walsh, the Rev. Daniel F. 
Cronin, and the Rev. J. P. Tuite. Full statistics could not be obtained. 



From Brookfield, 

Thomas Baker, 1719. 

Joseph Dwight, 1731, 'n, '34, '35, '36, '38, '39, '41, '48 and '49. 
Speaker of the House, '51. 
Samuel Barns, 1733. 

Josiah Converse, 1740, '42, 43, '45, '47, '50. 
Thomas Gilbert, 1744, '46. 
William Ayres, 1753. 
Jabez Upham, 1756, '57, '58, '59, '60. 
Jedediah Foster, 1761, '62, '63, '64, '65 '66, '67, '68, '69, '70, '71, '72, 

"12>, '74, '75>'79- 

Benjamin Rice, 1776, '77, '83, '84. 

John Phipps, 1777. 

James Converse, 1777. 

John Lyscomb, 177S. 

Dwight Foster, 1780, '91, '92, 1808, '09. 

Phinehas Upham, 1781, '82, '85, '97. 

Daniel Forbes, 1786, '87, "iZ, '89, '90. 

Nathaniel Jenks, 1787. 

Thomas Hale, Jr., 1793, '94, 95, '96, '99, 1810, '11, ['13, '17.] 

John Cutler, 1799, 1800, '01, '02, '03. 

Jabez Upham, Jr., 1804, '05, '06, '11. 

Eleazar Bradshaw, 1S06. 

Oliver Crosby, 1806, '07, '08, '09, '10, '11, '12, '13, '14. 

Rufus Hamilton, 180S, '09, '10. 

Isaac Nichols, 1808. 

Simeon Draper, 1809, '12, '15, '16, '17, '18, '19, '29, '30. 

Elisha Hammond, 18 10, '12, '15. 

Elijah Clapp, 181 1. 

From North B7-ookfield. 

Ezra Batcheller, 1812 (unseated), '41, '69. 

Thomas Hale, 1813, '17, in all nine years. 

Daniel Gilbert, 1820. 

Charles Henshaw, 1823. 

Eli Forbes, 1827, '34. 

William Adams, 182S, '29, '36. 

Tyler Batcheller, 1831, '35. 

John Bigelow, 1832. 

Jonathan Cary, 1833. 

Oliver V\"ard, 1S35. 


Joseph A. Moore, 1836, '39. 

Kittridge Hill, 1837. 

Pliny Nye, 1838. 

Chauncy Edmands, 1838. 

Freeman Walker, 1839, '40. 

Hiram Edson, 1844. 

Amasa Walker, 1848, '49, '58. 

Charles Adams, Jr., 1850, '51, '52, '62. 

John Hill, 1853. 

A. L. Poland, 1855. 

Levi Adams, 1856. 

Warren Tyler, 1857, '74. 

J. H. Jenks, i860. 

Edward J. Russell, 1864. 

Josiah F. Hebard, 1866. 

Daniel W. Knight, 1872. 

W. H. Montague, 1877. 

George C. Lincoln, 1878. 

Theodore C. Bates, 1879. 

Hiram Knight, 1882. 

Alden Batcheller, 1884. 

State Senators, Brookfield. 
Joseph Dorr, 1780, '81, '82, '^i. 
Thomas Hale, 1798, '99, 1800, '01, '02, '03, '04, '05, '06, '07, 'oS, '09. 

North Brookfield. 
Amasa Walker, 1850. 
Freeman Walker, 1852, '53, '61. 
Charles Adams, Jr., 1865, '66, '77, '78. 
Theodore C. Bates, 1883. 

Councillors, North Brookfield. 
Thomas Hale, while a member of the Senate. 
Charles Adams, Jr., 1867, '68, '69, '70. 

Secretary of the Commonwealth. 
Amasa Walker, 1S51, '52. 

State Treasurer. 
Charles Adams, Jr., 1871, '72, '73, '74, '75. 

Graduates. — The following incomplete list of persons, natives or 
residents of Brookfield and North Brookfield, who have received a 


college education, has been compiled from minutes published in Foot's 
Discourse, 1S28, Dunha7n''s Discourse, 1867, and information gained 
from private sources. 

Joshua Upham, H. U. 1763. Jurist. 

Enos Hitchcock, H. U. 1767. Clergyman; D.D. 

Theodore Foster, B. U. 1770. Lawyer. 

Dwight Foster, B. U. 1774. Lawyer; Judge; M. C. ; U.S. Senator. 

Tilly Rice, B. U. 1777. Physician. 

Samuel Hinckley, Y. C. 1781. 

Pelatiah Hitchcock, H. U. 1785. Lawyer. 

Merrick Rice, H. U. 1785. Lawyer. 

Jabez Upham, H. U. 1785. Lawyer; Member of Congress. 

Amos Crosby, H. U. 1786. 

Benjamin Joseph Gilbert, Y. C. 1786. 

Oliver Fiske, H. U. 1787. Physician; Judge. 

George Baxter Upham, H. U. 1 789. Lawyer ; M. C. 

Phinehas Walker, B. U. 1790. Judge of Probate, N.H. 

Samuel Fiske, H. U. 1793. 

Lovell Walker,' D. C. 1794. 

Daniel Gilbert, D. C. 1796. Lawyer. 

John F. Jennison, D. C. 1797. 

William B. Banister, D. C. 1797. 

Joseph Williston, H. U. 1799. Master U.S. Navy. 

Jonathan Parsons Hitchcock, B. U. 1799. 

Enos Cutler, B. U. 1800. Tutor. 

Samuel Upham, D. C. 1801. 

Charies Gilbert, D. C. 1801, classmate of Daniel Webster, d. 1805. 

Henry G. Rice, H. U. 1802. 

John Reed, Y. C. 1803. 

John Foxcroft, H. U. 1807. 

Harvey Jenks, B. U. 18 to. Baptist Clergyman. 

Joel Hawes, B. U. 1813. Clergyman; S.T.D. 

Pliny Merrick, H. U. 1814. Lawyer; Judge. 

Samuel B. Rice, H. U. 1816. 

.■\lfred Dwight Foster, H. U. 1819. Lawyer. 

Henry Upham, H. U. 18 19. 

John C. Nichols, Y. C. 1824. Clergyman; Teacher. 

Lucius W. Clark, B. U. 1825. Clergyman. 

Caleb Sprague Henry, D.C. Clergyman ; Author ; D.D. 

Israel Hamilton, Mid. C. 1825. 

Albert Spooner, U. C. 1826. 

Arad Gilbert, Y. C. 1826. 


Hollister B. Gilbert, W. C. 1826. 

Solomon B. Gilbert, ent. A. C. 1832 ; Bang. Theol. Sam. 1837. 

Josiah A. Gary, A. C. 1832. Clergyman; Teacher of Deaf-mutes. 

William B. Bond, A. C. 1835. Clergyman. 

Austin Phelps, U. of Penn. 1837. Prof. And. Theo. Sem. 

Harrison O. Rowland, A. C. 1841. Clergyman. 

William W. Rowland, A. C. 1841. Missv under A.B.C.F.M. 

William Boardman Rice, H. U. 1843. 

Joshua M. Chamberlain, D. C. 1855. Clergyman. 

Edward P. Thwing, H. U. 1855. Clergyman. 

Leander T. Chamberlain, Y. C. 1863. Clergyman. 

North Brookfield Graduates. 

Thomas Adams, D. C. 1814. Clergyman, Vassalboro', Me. 

Ebenezer Strong Snell, A. C. 1822. Prof. Math, and Nat. Phil. 

Alexander J. Hamilton, H. U. 1826, (son of James). 

William Bowman Stone, A. C. 1839. Clergyman; Farmer. 

Lyman Whiting, A. C. 184-. Clergyman. S. T. D. 

Lucy Stone, Oberlin College. Teacher ; Editor. 

Abel Harwood, Jr., A. C. 1S41. 

Joseph Dexter Poland, A. C. 1S49, ^1- 1S53. 

Edward H. Spooner, A. C. 1859. M. D. 

Francis A Walker, A. C. i860. Pres. Insti. of Tech., Boston. 

Moses P. Snell, A. C. 1S61. 

James Mahoney, A. C. 

Tyler Batcheller King, Univ. of Leipsic, Germany. 

Michael Howard, NecoUette Coll., Canada. 

James Hennessy, Montreal Coll., Canada. 

James E. Tower, A. C. 

Sidney A. Sherman, A. C. 

Timothy Howard, A. C. 

Henry W. King, Canib. Law School. 

Jeremiah Kane, " " " 

Edgar H. Parkman, member A. C. 1886. 

Ralph W. Bartlett, " " 

Henry A. Cooke, " " " 

James Howard, member Coll. of Holy Cross, Wore. 1886. 

P. H. Sheehan, " " " " 

Harry L. May, member Y. C. 1886. 

Ernest P. Jenks, member B. U. 1886. 

North Brookfield Post-Office. — \\\ earher times, letters and news- 
papers were put in charge of post-riders, who made a weekly journey to 


and from Worcester. Later, all mail matter came to Brookfield by 
stage, whence it was distributed in various ways over the town. In 
1S26, a post-office was established in North Brookfield, on the condition 
that it should be no expense to the government. Jonathan Gary was 
the first Post Master, and transported the mail to Brookfield and return, 
once a week, for the income, which then amounted to $50 or ^60 a 
year. About 1830, when the shoe business was largely increased, a tri- 
weekly mail was established, which was changed to a daily service about 
1843. The income of the office in 1850 was ^900. In 1854, a mail was 
sent and received twice each day. Mr. Gary resigned in 1843, and was 
succeeded by John Hill, who was succeeded in 1849 by William Adams. 
His successor as Post Master was Kittridge Hill, who held the place 
till 1 86 1, when Rev. W. H. Beecher was appointed. When Grant's 
administration came in power, Mr. Beecher was succeeded by William 
L. Poland, and he by his wife Harriet A. Poland, who held it till March 
1 886, when George G. Lincoln was appointed. 

Professional Men es[ North Brookfield. — Laivyers. Daniel Gil- 
bert, D. G. 1796, d. 185 1 ; Joseph Felton, J. H. Hills, J. E, Greene, 
Y. G. 1853 ; R. E. Beecher, in practice four or five years ; L. E. Barnes, 
A. G. ; Henry W. King, (firm of Rice and King, Worcester.) 

Physicians. Jacob Kittridge, d. 1813 ; Ira Bryant ; Grossfield ; 

Daniel Pearce ; Oliver Kittridge ; L. Wright ; Gheney Potter, d. in No. 
Bkf'd. ; Moses Porter; Thomas Jones; Joshua Porter, 1834 to his death 
in 1874; Warren Tyler, 1843 t<^ ^^e present time; Wilbur F. Witter; 
Thomas J. Garrigan ; O. J. Travers ; Samuel H. Golburn ; Julius Gast ; 
M. A. Warriner. 

The North Brookfield Savings Bank was incorporated in 1854. 
The presidents of the institution have been, Amasa Walker, Gharles 
Adams, Jr. (two terms) S. S. Edmands (two terms). Treasurers, Hiram 
Knight, ten years; Bonum Nye, 1864 to the present time. Amount of 
deposits, June, 1886, $506,500.79. Assets, same date, $524,368.12. 

The Appleton Library. — Mar. 16, 1859, the Hon. William Apple- 
ton of Boston, son of Rev. Joseph Appleton, second pastor of the 
Ghurch in North Brookfield, wrote to Rev. Dr. Snell, proposing to do- 
nate to the First Ghurch and Parish the sum of $5,000, and a consider- 
able number of valuable books, to lay the foundation of a Parish Library, 
which should be held and maintained " for the use of the ministers of 
the said church forever." 

At a legal meeting held April 11, 1859, the Parish voted to accept the 
gift on the terms proposed, and that the name of said library should be 
The Appleton Library. Voted, that the care and management of the 
library should be vested in a Board of Trustees, to be composed of the 
minister or ministers of the Ghurch for the time being, and four others 


to be elected by the Parish. The original Board was Rev. T. Snell, 
D.D., Rev. C. Gushing, Charles Adams, Jr., Dr. Joshua Porter, Bonum 
Nye and Gideon B. Dewing. 

The Parish raised by subscription the sum of $1,246, and added 
a story to the chapel, thus providing a convenient room for the Library. 

$3,000 of the donation was expended in the purchase of books ; and 
the balance, $2,000, was permanently invested, the annual income to be 
expended in preserving and caring for the Library. 

The pastor is librarian ; and books are loaned to the pastors of the 
several churches in North Brookfield, without regard to denomination. 

Number of volumes in 1886, 4,550. 

The North Brookfield Free Public Library. — At an adjournment 
of the annual March meeting, held May 17, 1879, the town voted, "To 
accept certain sums of money donated to it by the past and present 
members of the North Brookfield high school and their friends, for the 
purpose of establishing a Free Public Library and Reading Room." 

This fund was made up by subscriptions as follows, viz : the scholars 
and citizens, $500, of which Wm H. Montague contributed one hundred 
dollars; and in addition, T. G. Bates gave $500, and Alfred H. Batch- 
eller of Boston, $1,000, making in all $2,000, with which the Trustees, 
(appointed by the town) established and started the enterprise. Rooms 
were fitted up in the Walker Block, and " on Thanksgiving eve, Novem- 
ber 26, 1879, was formally opened the first Free Public Library and 
Reading Room, ever established in North Brookfield, for the free use of 
every person in the town." 

Total number of books in the Library Mar. i, 1886, 3,417. 

Number of books taken out in 1885 . . . . .20,182. 
Number of visitors to Reading Room in 18S5 . . . 17,213. 

Number of daily newspapers taken ..... 10. 

Number of weekly " " ..... ^iZ' 

Number of monthly magazines ...... 13. 

The town makes an annual grant of $1,000, for the current expenses 
of the Library and Reading Room, and the purchase of new books. 

Trustees for 1885 : Theo. G. Bates, Wm H. Montague, James Miller, 
T. M. Duncan, Patrick J. Downey, N. H. Foster, L. S. Thurston, W. J. 

The North Brookfield Railroad Gompany was organized Jan. 14, 
1875, and ^l^s following Board of Directors chosen: Alden Batcheller, 
Theo. G. Bates, Bonum Nye, Wm H. Montague, Freeman Walker, John 
Hill, Liberty Stone, T. M. Duncan and S. S. Edmands. The capital 
stock was $100,000, $10,000 of which was subscribed by individuals, 
and the balance of $90,000 taken by the town. This town subscription 



was borrowed of the Commonwealth, on condition that it should be paid 
in annual installments of $9,000. 

The contract for building the road was awarded to George W. Cram 
of Norwalk, Ct., who commenced work July 20, and finished the con- 
tract, so that regular trains were running Jan. i, 1S76. The road was 
leased to the Boston and Albany Railroad Company, which was to sup- 
ply rolling stock, and operate the same for ten years from Jan. i, 1S76. 
The lease has been renewed for a term of fifty years from Jan. i, 18S6. 

The town has paid all its notes at maturity, and is now the absolute 
owner of $90,000 of the stock of the company. 

In their Eleventh Annual Report, the directors say : 

" Your Directors beg leave to submit the following as their Annual Re- 
port for the year ending with December 31st, 1SS5. During the year 
14,076 tons of freight have been received at North Brookfield, 4,998 tons 
of freight forwarded' from North Brookfield, making 19,074 tons trans- 
ported over the North Brookfield Railroad, and 44,823 passengers have 
been carried over it during the present year. The amount received from 
the Boston and Albany Railroad Co. as the proportion of the gross 
receipts, as per terms of the old lease, due the North Brookfield Railroad 
Co. in 1885, has been $2,432.01. The Directors have declared a divi- 
dend in 1885 of two (2) per cent, on the Capital Stock, which left a 
cash balance on hand of $463.45, as shown by the Annual Report of the 
Company's Treasurer, herewith submitted. 

The Official Reports of the Auditor of the Boston and Albany Railroad 
Co. made to the Directors of the North Brookfield Railroad Co. disclose 
the following interesting facts concerning the volume of freight and num- 
ber of passengers transported over the North Brookfield Railroad during 
its ten years of operation. 


From Jan. i, 1876, 

TO Jan. I, 1886. 

Freight received at 

Freight forwarded from 

Total Tonnage. 

Number of 

North Brookfield. 

North Brookfield. 


1876 . . 8,345 tons. 

3,323 tons. 

11,668 tons. 

1S76 . . . 39,790 

1877 • 

9,944 " 

3,554 " 

13,498 " 

1S77 . . . 40,950 

187S . 

S.593 " 

3,275 " 

ii,S6S " 

1S7S . . . 35,210 

1S79 • 

11,139 " 

3.406 " 

14,545 " 

1S79 • • • 38,657 

1S80 . 

9,iS6 " 

5,TII " 

14,297 " 

18S0 . . . 43,450 

188 1 . 

11,830 " 

4.352 " 

16,182 " 

18S1 . . . 48,825 

1882 . 

11,687 " 

4.252 " 

15,939 " 

1882 . . .-53,218 

1883 . 

11,689 " 

4,343 " 

16,032 " 

18S3 . . . 49,8 10 

1884 . 

10,807 " 

3,426 " 

14,233 " 

18S4 . . . 56,366 

1885 . 

14,076 " 

4,998 " 

19,074 " 

1885 . . . 44,823 

Total, 107,296 tons. 

40,040 tons. 

147,336 tons. 

Total, 451,099 



Total income of the North Brookfield Railroad Co. from the Boston 
and Albany Railroad Co. under first lease for ten (lo) years, from Jan- 
uary ist, 1S76, to January ist, 1886, inclusive : 

1876 . $2,489.68 








The total number of passengers carried over the North Brookfield Rail- 
road during the ten years it has been in operation has been 451,099, and 
no one has ever been killed or injured. 

The total number of tons of freight transported over the road during 
this period has been 147,336. 

The following significant statement shows what it would have cost the 
people of North Brookfield to have done the same volume of business 
by the former methods, namely stages and teams, and what has been saved 
to them during these ten years by the construction of a railroad. 

The regular stage coach fare between North Brookfield and the Boston 
and Albany Railroad Station at East Brookfield was thirty (30) cents, 
and the transportation of 451,099 passengers at this rate would have cost 


The amount actually received by the Boston and Albany Railroad Co. 
for the passenger service over the N. B. R.R. has been $58,326.78, 
which includes the amount paid by the United States government for the 
transportation of mails, and the amount received from the American Ex- 
press Co. for carrying express matter over the road, in all about $8,000, 
all of which has always been included in the passenger train service, thus 
leaving the actual amount paid the Boston and Albany Railroad Co. for 
the actual transportation of passengers over the road, $50,326.78, whereas 
it would have cost by stages $135,329.70, or a saving of $85,002.92, by 
the North Brookfield Railroad in its passenger service alone in the ten 
(10) years. 

The cost of transporting 147,336 tons of freight between the station 
of the Boston and Albany Railroad at East Brookfield and North Brook- 
field, by teams, (horses or oxen,) at the price charged at the time the 


North Brookfield Railroad was opened, which was the same price that 
had been paid for many years prior to that time, namely, seven (7) cents 
per hundred (100) pounds, would have been ^206,270.40, whereas the 
amount actually paid to the Boston and Albany Railroad Co. for this 
service, has been $59,078.75, thus showing $147,191.65, or about one 
dollar per ton, saved on the transportation of freight alone during the 
ten years. 

Adding the amounts thus saved on freight and passengers, to the in- 
come from the railroad, namely : 

Saved on transportation of freight . . . . $147,191.65 

Saved on transportation of passengers . . . 85,002.92 

Income from rental of road 24,443.74 

Income from rental of Depot Hall . . . . 1,000.00 

We have the aggregate sum of $259,638.31 

This sum represents the income and savings to our people by means 
of our railroad over the former methods of conducting the business 
during the ten years it has been in operation, and is two and one-half 
times the entire cost of the Railroad. 

The new lease of the North Brookfield Railroad to the Boston and 
Albany Railroad Co. took effect January ist, 1886, and is for the contin- 
uous term of fifty years from that date, at a fixed annual rental of $3,000 
per year. 

Heretofore the income of this Company has been based on the receipts 
of the Railroad for each year's business ; hereafter beginning with Janu- 
ary ist, 1886, the income of this Company becomes a fixed and assured 
sum, equivalent to three (3) per cent, per annum on the Capital Stock. 
There will be no more formulating of tables showing the varying earn- 
ings of our road, no more fluctuation of income, but one uniform, assured 
sum of $3,000 each year for fifty years. By the terms of the new lease 
the entire North Brookfield Railroad, from the station of the Boston and 
Albany Railroad at East Brookfield, to the end of the track in front of 
the Boot and Shoe Factory of Messrs. E. & A. H. Batcheller & Co. in 
North Brookfield, becomes unqualifiedly leased to the Boston and Albany 
Railroad Co., which was not the case under the former lease, which has 
just expired. 

The absolute removal of all doubts and liabihties on this point, and 
the consequent benefits to this Company, cannot be over-estimated, and 
your Directors congratulate you on the assured increased annual rental, 
for so long a term — fifty years, — and still further on the assured re- 
moval of all liabihties or responsibihties to this Company on account of 
the location of the North Brookfield Railroad. Especially do we con- 


oratulate the town of North Brookfield, as the largest and principal 
Stockholder, on its ownership of so valuable property, from which, for 
many years, a large income is annually assured, signifying a low rate of 
taxation and resultant prosperity to its people. 

BoNUM Nye, f 

T^ -r, I Directors of /he 

Francis Batcheller, i -^ 

T -r, T-> '{ North Brookneld 

John B. Dewing, •' 

rr r-. T) Railroad Co in pan v. 

Theodore C. Bates, I^ ^ - 

March it, 1886. 

The Rebellion of 1S61-1865. 

The following record of the action of the citizens and town of North 
Brookfield, and lists of names of volunteers and enlisted men who served 
in the late Civil War, and are credited to us, has been compiled by a 
committee appointed by the town, consisting of T. M. Duncan, J. S. 
Cooke, D. W. Knight, C. H. Bartlett, E. J. Russell, N. H. Foster and 
A. H. Foster. 

Action of the Citizens of North Brookfield, previous to the first legal 
town meeting in 1861. 

On the 15*'^ of Apr. 1861, President Lincoln issued his proclamation 
calling for 75,000 volunteers, and commanding the rebels to return to 
peace within twenty days. 

On the 17"*, in quick and cheerful response to the President's call, the 
gallant old Sixth Regiment of Mass. State troops left Boston on their way 
to Washington to offer their services for the defence of the capital. On 
the 19th they reached Baltimore, where they were attacked by a rebel 
mob, and two of their number were murdered while marching on their 
route through the streets of that city, and seven others were more or less 
wounded ; when our soldiers turned upon their assailants, and eleven of 
the rioters forfeited their lives by their cowardly assault, and many others 
were wounded. A few moments only were required to flash this startling 
news through all the loyal States. 

The whole people were electrified, and at once began to realize that 
war with all its dreadful realities was upon us. 

The peaceful industries of life were to a great extent laid aside, and all 
began to prepare for the terrible issue. Only a few moments after the 
occurrence of this brutal assault, the news was received by our telegraph 
operator, Mr. George C. Lincoln, whose office was then at his store in 
the old town house. The news spread like wild-fire. The despatch was 
at once sent to the counting room of Messrs. T. & E. Batcheller & Co., 
where, upon its being read, Mr. Ezra Batcheller said excitedly, " Some- 
thing must be done immediately ; " and at his suggestion, after a few 
words of consultation among those who happened to be present, it was 



decided that a public meeting should be held in the town hall on that 
same evening (Apr. 19'^) to see what could be done to meet the emer- 

Accordingly, large sheets of paper were taken from the Batcheller's 
packing room and quickly converted into flaming placards, and posted in 
several places in the village where they would not fail to attract immedi- 
ate attention. The words upon them were nearly as follows : 

" War ! War ! ! War ! ! ! 

Our Massachusetts Soldiers have been murdered in the streets of 
Baltimore, while marching on their way to Washington to protect the 
capital of our country. 

All our citizens are requested to meet at the town hall this eve?iing to 
see what can be done." 

As this notice met the eyes of eager crowds who gathered around it, 
a mingled expression of indignation, anxiety and sorrow was depicted 
upon every countenance. 

Evening came. Our hall was filled with interested and anxious citi- 
zens. The meeting was called to order by Mr. W. S. Phelps, who was 
chosen chairman, and it was addressed by J. E. Green, Esq., Hon. 
Freeman Walker and others, who alluded to the barbarous massacre 
which had that day occurred in Baltimore, and stated the object of the 
meeting to be " To see if North Brookfield will respond to the call of 
the President, by raising a company of volunteers to offer their ser- 
vices to the government." 

Some of the older and more conservative of our citizens who had 
heard from their fathers' lips something of the privations and sacrifices, 
hardships and dangers of Revolutionary days, and thus knew something 
of what is involved in the terrible fact of war — ominously shook their 
heads, saying it cannot be done ; — others in the full strength of early 
manhood, with warmer blood coursing through their veins, and still 
retaining all the ardor, impulse and enthusiasm of youth, said "Yes, ours 
is a glorious country, this is our native land. Ours is the freest and 
best government upon which the sun ever shone. Traitors' hands are 
seeking to throttle and destroy it ; to us who have ever shared its boun- 
ties and enjoyed its protection, in this time of its rarest need and great- 
est danger, it calls for help, and should we refuse the aid which it 
implores ? Shall the sons of Revolutionary sires see the old flag which 
was so heroically borne through seven long years of fire and blood by 
their fathers, and which has ever since waved in undisputed triumph, — 
shall we see this glorious old flag torn down by treacherous hands and 
trampled in the dust by traitors' feet ! No ! Never ! We are ready, 
we are vviUing, we are anxious to go to the rescue, and if need be will 
seal our devotion with our lives." 


It was then stated that an enroUment Hst had been prepared, and it 
was voted that it should then and there be opened for signatures ; 
Joseph C. Fretts and Charles Perry were the first to enroll their names, 
and several others soon came forward and signed the roll amidst the 
most enthusiastic applause. This was the starting point of Co. F. of 
the old 15''^ regiment M. V. 

After much excited and interesting discussion, and the adoption of 
strong and decided resolutions expressive of the willingness and deter- 
mination of all our fellow citizens to do whatever our duty and the 
emergency might demand, the meeting at a late hour adjourned till 
the next evening (Apr. 20*) at 7-I o'clock. At the close of the meeting 
it was decided by those who had thus far been influential in arousing the 
people, that the town hall should be put in military trim, and accord- 
ingly all the red, white and blue material in the town was brought into 
requisition ; not a single piece of bunting could at this time be bought 
in Boston or New York, while all the principal streets in both those 
cities were so profusely decorated as to be almost covered with it. 

Saturday evening (Apr. 20''') came, and with it such a meeting as 
North Brookfield had never seen before. The town hall was filled to its 
utmost capacity. Not only were our own citizens there en masse but 
many also came from the adjoining towns. The band from Brookfield 
came over and volunteered their valuable services, and the fine and in- 
spiring martial music which they discoursed added much to the interest 
and enthusiasm of the meeting. * 

The hall had been beautifully decorated, and the military aspect of the 
place and the stirring appeals of the fathers of the town to the patriot- 
ism of the young men, urging them to give their services to the coun- 
try, were such as resulted in the enrollment of several more on that 
evening who were afterwards connected with Co. F. in the fifteenth regi- 

Before the close of the meeting it was voted that the Selectmen be 
instructed to issue their warrant for a legal town-meeting to be holden 
at the earliest practicable day. The meeting then adjourned. 

It being now late on Saturday evening, a warrant could not be drawn 
and posted till Monday morning ; the warrant for the first legal town 
meeting to act upon matters pertaining to the war was dated and posted 
Monday, Apr. 22, 1861, and the meeting was held on the earliest day on 
which a legal meeting could be convened, viz. Monday Apr. 29*. 

After the close of the meeting Saturday evening, Apr. 20''', many of 
our citizens, including quite a number of ladies, rode to West Brook- 
field to see the military companies as they passed through on their way 
to the seat of war, and it was past one o'clock in the night before they 
reached home. During Sunday Apr. 21^', a large number of batteries 



with their horses and all the paraphernalia of war passed over the rail- 
road, going on to the front, and our churches were very thinly attended 
on that day, for a train of cars a quarter of a mile in length laden with 
men in their new and gay uniforms, horses with their showy trappings, 
and cannon bright as gold glistening in the sun, was at that time a sight 
more unique and interesting to young and old than the inside of a church ; 
consequently few turned their steps to the latter, while multitudes flocked 
to the railroad depot to see the former. 

Actio7i of the Town. 1861. The first legal town meeting to act upon 
matters connected with the war was held on the 29th of April, at which 
it was voted that each volunteer who shall serve in the company now 
being raised in the town, until mustered into the military service, shall 
receive one dollar a day while engaged in drilling, and when mustered 
in shall be supplied with a substantial uniform and a good revolver, and 
while engaged in active service his family shall receive eight dollars a 
month. The Treasurer was authorized to borrow three thousand dollars 
to carry these votes into effect. Freeman Walker, John Hill, and Augus- 
tus Smith were appointed to procure uniforms and revolvers. At an 
adjourned meeting this committee declined serving, (the War Depart- 
ment having forbidden the soldiers to carry revolvers into the service,) 
and Charles Adams, Jr., J. F. Hebard, and A. Woolworth were appointed 
in their places. This committee was instructed "to procure the uniforms 
forthwith." June 3d, Voted, to pay State Aid to the families of volun- 
teers, in accordance with the Act passed by the Legislature. July 31, 
Voted, that the town hereby instruct their committee to go on and 
furnish revolvers according to a vote already passed. 

1862. March 3, Voted, to pay State Aid to families of volunteers to 
the amount that "the State promises to refund." July 3, Voted, to pay 
a bounty of one hundred dollars to each volunteer who shall enlist for 
three years and be credited to the quota of the town " before the ist of 
August next." Aug. 22, the time was extended until the quota of the 
town was filled. A bounty of one hundred dollars was authorized to be 
paid to any inhabitant of the town who shall enlist in the nine months' 
service. Oct. — , Voted, to pay the same bounty to commissioned 

1S63. Dec. 8, James Miller, Charles Adams, Jr., and T. M. Duncan 
were chosen to aid the Selectmen in recruiting. 

1864. April 5, The bounty to each volunteer enlisting for three years 
and credited to the quota of the town was fixed at one hundred and 
twenty-five dollars. June 26, Voted, that a bounty of one hundred and 
twq|pty-five dollars be paid " for one-year men, two hundred and twenty- 
five dollars for two-years men, and three hundred and twenty dollars for 
three-years men." There was no substantial change from this system 


during the remainder of the war. North Brookfield furnished 247 men 
for the war, which was a surplus of 12 over and above all demands. 
Twelve were commissioned officers. The whole amount of money 
appropriated and expended by the town on account of the war, exclu- 
sive of State Aid, was ^16,939.08. The amount of money paid by the 
town for State Aid to soldiers' families during the war, and repaid 
by the Commonwealth, was as follows : In 1S61, $734; in 1862, 
^3,884.22; in 1863, $5,046.16; in 1864, $5,222.09 ; in 1865, $3,000. 
Total amount, $17,886.47. The ladies of North Brookfield did their 
full share of good works for the soldiers during the war. 

Note. The ladies of North Brookfield thoroughly organized, labored 
during all the years of the war, each doing work adapted to age and 
condition, such as knitting stockings and mittens (with one glove finger) 
making up blue flannel undershirts, flannel under-belts, and pin and 
needle cases ; preparing lint and bandages, dried fruit and delicacies, 
for the sick in hospitals, etc. The time of all women, old, middle-aged 
and young, which could be spared from household duties, was devoted 
to work for the soldiers. Many of the ladies who were most prominent 
in these good works have passed away, and their names and works are 
still held in grateful memory by those who shared with fallen comrades 
the hardships and dangers of camp and field. 

Soldiers' Military and Personal Records. In preparing this list the 
Adjutant General's Reports have been thoroughly searched, and all names 
credited to North Brookfield noted ; but in many cases it was found that 
errors had been made in crediting men. Quite a number of men cred- 
ited to us were found to have belonged to Brookfield, West Brookfield, 
and elsewhere. A considerable number of those whose history we have 
given were known by us to have served to the credit of other towns and 
States ; and it is probable that some of our own men, whose records ought 
to have been pubhshed, have been put beyond our ken by being cred- 
ited to other towns or cities, and neither the name or regiment being 
known to us, it has been impossible to find them. 

Adams, John Q. Age 30. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Clerk. Born in North Brookfield, January 10, 1831. Par- 
ents, Reuben B. and Deborah H. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
August 5, 1862, 9th Battery, Mass. Vols. Private. Promoted to Cor- 
poral, Gunner, and Commissary Sergeant. In Batde of Gettysburg, Pa. 
Discharged at expiration of service, June 6, 1865. Residence in 1886, 
Supt. at Deer Island, Boston Harbor. 

Adams, Nicholas. Age 29. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 12, 


1864, 3d Regt. Heavy Artillery, Co. K, Mass. Vols, (originally 14th Un- 
attached Heavy Artillery). Discharged for disability, June 21, 1865. ■ 

Allen, Harvey. Age i^. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Spencer, Mass., November 19, 1826. 
Parents, Silas and Phebe. Enlisted August 20, 1862, for nine months. 
Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Died of disease, 
at his home in North Brookfield, July 14, 1865. 

Amidon, Frederick S. Age 38. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in East Hartford, Ct., May 30, 
1824. Parents, Samuel and Clarissa. Enlisted August 20, 1862, for 
nine months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. 
/Vols. Musician. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. 
Residence in 1886, Newtonville, Mass. 

Amidon, Charles K. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field, Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Windham, Ct., March 26, 1846. 
Parents, Frederick S. and Jane D. Enlisted for three years. Bounty 
^325. Mustered January 27, 1864, 4th Cavalry, Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, November 14, 1865. Res- 
idence in 1886, Newtonville, Mass. 

Anderson, x\ndrew. Age 25. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered July 15, 
1864, 2d Regt. Unassigned Recruits, Mass. Vols. Never joined regiment. 

Anderson, Charles. Age 23. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty$325. Mustered June 11, 1864, 
2d Regt. Heavy Artillery, Co. C, Mass. Vols. Deserted July 11, 1864. 

AsHBY, Charles H. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Bradford, N.H., January 7, 
1 84 1. Parents, Thomas and Harriet N. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered April 7, 1862, 25th Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. Private. In bat- 
tles of Goldsboro, Whitehall and Winsted. Discharged January 18, 1864, 
to re-enlist. Re-enlisted in same regiment January 19, 1865. Bounty 
$527.32. Musician. Died at home in North Brookfield, while in the 
service, July 28, 1865, 

Atkinson, Thomas. Age, residence, parentage and birthplace, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 13, 
1S64, 58th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Deserted May 25, 1864. 


Babbitt, William J. Age 39. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Teamster. Born in Warren, Mass., June 28, 1823. 
Parents, Benjamin and Persis. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
February i, 1862, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged 
for disability, November 24, 1862. Died at his home in North Brook- 
field, May 10, 1 88 1. 

Babcock, Edwin G. Age 23. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, August 10, 
1838. Parents, Julius and Miriam. Enlisted July 5, 1862, for three 
years. Mustered July 13, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Pri- 
vate. In Battle of Lynchburg, Va., where wounded and taken prison- 
er. Suffered amputation of a foot. Discharged at expiration of service, 
June 16, 1865. Absent, sick. Residence in 1886, Fall River, Mass. 

Barnes, Francis A. Age 27. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, March 18, 
1835. Parents, Thomas and Susannah. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered February 3, 1862, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In all 
the battles of the regiment from Balls Bluff to Gettysburg. Transferred 
July 27, 1864, to 20th Regt., Co. E. In batdes in front of Petersburg. 
Discharged at expiration of service, February 2, 1865. Residence in 
1886, Charlton, Mass. 

Barnum, Cutler. Age 36. • Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Brookfield, Mass., February 20, 1826. 
Parents, Ebenezer and Sarah. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 
22, 1S62, 25th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Private. In battles at Kin- 
ston, Goldsboro, Whitehall and Winsted. Discharged at expiration of 
service, October 20, 1864. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Barstow, John. Age 40. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Litchfield, N.Y., May 14, 1822. 
Parents, Charles and Alice. Enlisted for nine months, August 20, 1862. 
Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Residence in 
1886, North Hadley, Mass. 

Barron, Wm. Age 21. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Bootmaker. Born in Waterford County, Ireland. Par- 
ents, William and Mary. Enlisted January i, 1864. Bounty $325. 
Mustered February 9, 1864, 59th Regt., Co. D, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Transferred June i, 1865, to 57th Regt., Co. D. Discharged at expira- 
tion of service, July 30, 1865. Residence in 1886, St. Louis, Mo. 



Bartlett, Charles H. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, August 
6, 1 84 1. Parents, EHas H. and Mary M. Enhsted for three years. 
Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Promoted to Corporal, November i, 1863. In Battle of Balls Bluff, 
October, 1861, where taken prisoner, kept in a tobacco warehouse in 
Richmond four months. Paroled, went to Annapohs, Md., there till 
December, 1862, when exchanged and returned to the regiment at Fal- 
mouth, Va. In Battle of Fredericksburg, May, 1S63. Battle of Gettys- 
burg, July, 1863. Battle of Bristow Station, September, 1863. Battle 
of Mine Run, December, 1863. Battle of the Wilderness, May, 1864. 
Battle of Spottsylvania, May, 1864. Battle of Cold Harbor, June, 1864. 
Battle of Weldon Railroad, near Petersburg, Va., June 22, 1864, where 
taken prisoner, was in Libby and Belle Isle, in Richmond, from thence 
to Andersonville, Ga., July 12, 1864, where he remained in the stockade 
and swamps eleven months, then liberated and entered Union lines at 
Jacksonville, Fla., in April, 1865. From there returned home, and was 
discharged from the service in May, 1865. Residence in 1886, North 
Brookfield, Mass. 

Barton, Charles P. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Dentist. Born in Oakham, June 18, 1846. Parents, 
Charles U. and Liana P. Enlisted for one hundred days. Bounty ^77.- 
99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 4 2d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged at expiration of service, November 11, 1864. Residence in 
1886, Spencer, Mass. 

Bates, George Albert. Age 24. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Leather Cutter. Born in North Brookfield, 
July I, I S3 7. Parents, Elijah and Sarah. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered July 10, 1861, 12th Regt. Band Mass. Vols. Musician. Dis- 
charged by order of War Department, May 8, 1862. Died in Johns- 
town, Penn., Sept. 7, 1877. 

Bates, Thomas S. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Clerk. Born in North Brookfield, September 5, 
1839. Parents, Elijah and Sarah F. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered, May 23, 1861, ist Regt. Band, Mass. Vols. Musician. Dis- 
charged by order of War Department, July 27, 1862. Died in Wash- 
ington, D.C., February 16, 1864. 

Bates, Williajvl Age 37. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. Enlisted 


for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered January 4, 1864, 57th Regt., 
Co. B, Mass. Vols. Died at Culpepper Court House, Va., June 7, 1864. 
See Adjutant General's Record, Vol. 2, Page 906. Killed in Wilder- 
ness, May 13, 1864. 

Beecher, Robert E. Age 23. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Student. Born in Putnam, Ohio, December 
9, 1839. Parents, Rev. William H. and Catherine E. Enlisted for 
three years. Mustered September 14, 1862, 73d Regt., Co. I, Ohio 
Vols. Private. Promoted to Captain on General Staff, Brevet Rank, 
Lieutenant Colonel. With Gen. John Pope in Virginia Campaign, prior 
to second Battle of Bull Run. In that battle, and at Gettysburg, Fred- 
ericksburg, and Chancellorsville. Transferred to South West. In battles 
of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. With Sherman to Atlanta, 
and " from Atlanta to the Sea," through the Carolinas to Washington. 
Discharged at expiration of service, September, 1S65. Residence in 
1886, Hartford, Conn. 

Bell, Leander, Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Clerk. Born in West Brookfield, March 21, 1846. Par- 
ents, Thomas and Lizzetta. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. 
Mustered April 4, 1864, 36th Regt., Co. D, Mass. Vols. Private. Trans- 
ferred June 8, 1865, to 56th Regt., Co. D, Mass. Vols. Discharged (as 
Corporal) from same, at expiration of service, July 12, 1865. Resi- 
dence in 1 886, Santa Anna, Southern California. 

Bliss, Oliver. Age 27, Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in New Braintree, December 3, 1833. 
Parents, Rensselaer and Maria. Enlisted April 21, 1 861, for three years. 
Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Transferred to the 2d Battery, Veteran Reserve Corps, Nov. 13, 1863. 
Discharged at expiration of service, July 18, 1864. Residence in 1886, 
Springfield, Mass. 

Bliss, Henry R. Age 22. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, April 9, 1840. Par- 
ents, Rensselaer and Maria. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 
30, 1862, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Killed in Battle of 
Antietam, Md., September 17, 1862. 

Bloom, William C. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty ^325. Mustered June 14, 
1864, 2d Regt., Co. D, Heavy Artillery, Mass. Vols. Corporal. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, September 3, 1865. 


BoGGS, Archibald. Age 20. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 
13, 1864, SSf^h Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Deserted August 25, 1864. 

BoTHWELi., Sylvander. Age 34. Married. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Provision Dealer. Born in Oakham, Mass., 
February 10, 1828. Parents, Cheney and Charlotte. Enlisted for 
nine months, August 20, 1862. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d 
Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Corporal. Discharged at expiration of ser- 
vice, August 20, 1S63. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield. 

Boyd, John F. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, September 10, 1846. 
Parents, Isaac M. and Annis F. Enlisted for one hundred days. 
Bounty $73.33. Mustered July 22, 1S64, 42d Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, Nov. 11, 1864. Re-en- 
listed for one year. Bounty $37.73. Mustered March 10, 1865, 62d 
Regt., Co. A, Mass. Vols. Corporal. Discharged at expiration of ser- 
vice. May 5, 1862. Residence in 18S6, Omaha, Nebraska. 

Bragg, Warren S. Age 25. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Clerk. Born in Royalston, Mass., May 20, 1837. 
Parents, Wilson and Almira. Enlisted for nine months, August 20, 
1862. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, Cambridge, Mass. 

Brewer, Wm. H. H. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Spencer, Mass., Janu- 
ary 17, 1 84 1. Parents, Lysander and Emily (Newcomb). Enlisted 
for three years. Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Taken prisoner in battle at Balls Bluff, Va., October 21, 1861. 
Paroled, but never exchanged or discharged. Residence in 1886, 
Brookfield, Mass. 

Brigham, Charles L. Age T^d. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. 
Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered January 4, 1864, 
57th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Mortally wounded at Petersburg, June 
17, d. June 22, 1864. 

Bro\vn, Daniel C. Age 20. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for one year. Bounty, $120.66. Mustered Janu- 
ary 2, 1865. First Battalion, Frontier Cavalry, Co. D, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, June 30, 1865. 


Burke, James. Age 30. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Cork County, Ireland, September 28, 
1833. Parents, Michael and Ellen. Enlisted December 17, 1863, for 
three years. Mustered Jan. 5, 1864, 59th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. 
Private. In Battles of Wilderness, May 6, 1864; Spottsylvania Court 
House, May 12, 1864; North Anna River, May 24, 1864; Cold Har- 
bor, June I, 2, 3, 1864; Petersburg, June 17, 1864, where wounded in 
bayonet charge. Transferred June i, 1865, to 57th Regt., Co. D. 
Bounty ^325. Discharged at expiration of service, July 30, 1865. 
Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Burns, John. Age 40. Residence, Boston. Born in Maxfield 
County, Ireland. Parents, Morris and Ehzabeth. Enlisted for three 
years. Bounty $325. Mustered June 21, 1864, 25th Regt., Co. E, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, July 15, 
1865. Residence in 1886, Town Farm, North Brookfield. 

Burton, John. Age 23. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty ^325. Mustered July 14, 
1854, 2d Regt., Co. E, Heavy Artillery, Mass. Vols. Private. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, September 3, 1865. 

Cahill, Peter. Age 25. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty ^325. Mustered June 18, 
1864, 3d Regt. Cavalry, Company unassigned, Mass. Vols. No account 
of his discharge. 

Chapin, Charles L. Age 42. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for one year. Bounty $123.33. Mustered 
December 30, 1864, ist Battalion Frontier Cavalry, Co. A, Mass. Vols. 
Commissary Sergeant. Discharged at expiration of service, June 30, 

Cheever, Moses A. Age 41. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in Spencer, April 4, 1821. Parents, 
Joseph and Sarah. Enlisted for three years. Mustered August 8, 1862, 
36th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged for disability, May 
19, 1864. Residence in 1866, Brimfield, Mass. 

Christy, George. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 
4, 1864, 2d Regt., Company unassigned, Mass. Vols. Never joined 


Clark, Willum. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield, 
Occupation, Currier. Born in Scotland, February 13, 1S43. Parents, 
Samuel and Margaret. Enlisted for three years, May 23, 1861. Mus- 
tered June 8, 1S61, nth Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Private. In Bat- 
tles : First Bull Run, Williamsburg, Fair Oaks, seven days' fight before 
Richmond — wounded. In Second Bull Run; taken prisoner, paroled 
and came home. Re-enlisted September 17, 1863, fo^" three years. 
Mustered September 18, 1863, 35th Regt., Co. F, New Jersey Infantry 
Vols., at Flemington, N.J. Killed by a torpedo, December 10, 1864, ^t , 
Pooler's Station, near Savannah, Ga., while with Sherman, in his march 
to sea. 

Clark, Robert H. Age 16. Residence, North Brookfield. Occu- 
pation, Mechanic. Born in Scotland, December 14, 1846. Parents, 
Samuel and Margaret. Enlisted October 20, 1862, for three years in ist 
Conn. Regt., Co. B, Heavy Artillery. Discharged at expiration of ser- 
vice, October i, 1865. Residence in 1886, Rolling Prairie, Ind. 

CooLiDGE, James P., Jr. Age 21. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, Janu- 
ary 3, 1 84 1. Parents, James P. and Sarah F. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered July 13, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. A, Mass. Vols. Private. Killed 
at Winchester, Va., September 19, 1864. 

CoNGDON, John. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty ^325. Mustered May 3, 1864, 
2d Regt., Company unassigned, Mass. Vols. Never joined regiment. 

Crouch, George H. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered June 21, 
1864, 25th Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expi- 
ration of service, June 20, 1865. 

Crowley, Patrick. Age 30. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Cork County, Ireland. Parents, James 
and Catherine. Enlisted for three years, December 17, 1863. Mustered 
January 5, 1864, 59th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Private. Transferred 
January 5, 1864, to 57th Regt., Co. B. Bounty $325. Discharged for 
disability. May 20, 1865. Residence in 1886, Brookfield, Mass. 

CuMMiNGS, Theodore. Age 52. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Palmer, Mass., April 8, 1809. 
Parents, Benjamin and Lucy P. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged for 


disability, Oct. 31, 1862. In battles of the army of Gen. McClellan on 
the Peninsula. Re-enlisted in Veteran Reserve Corps, June 21, 1864. 
Bounty ^325. Discharged by order of War Department, November 30, 
1865. Died of consumption, in North Brookfield, Nov. 15, 1875. 

CuMMiNGS, James B. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, July 31, 1844. 
Parents, Benjamin Jr. and Mary Ann. Enlisted August 15, 1862, for 
three years. Mustered August 16, 1862, 36th Regt., Co. K, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, June 8, 1865, ^"i Co. B. 
Residence in 18S6, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Cutler, Abijah Dwight. Age t^T)- Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in West Brookfield, Mass., 
July 24, 1831. Parents, Abijah and Mary. Enlisted July 11, 1864, for 
one hundred days. Bounty ^77.99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., 
Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In no battles, — stationed most of the time 
at Alexandria, Va. Discharged at expiration of service, November 11, 
1864. Residence in 1S86, Springfield, Mass. 

Daley, Patrick. Age 25. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Laborer. Born in Cork County, Ireland. Parents, Daniel 
and Kate. Enlisted for three years, December 17, 1863. Bounty, $325. 
Mustered January 5, 1864, 59th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Deserted 
November 30, 1864. 

Dane, Emerson. Age 39. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in West Brookfield, July i, 1S23. Parents, 
Joseph and Polly. Enlisted for nine months, August 20, 1862. Mustered 
September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged 
at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Died at his home in North 
Brookfield, February 15, 1876. 

Dean, Amos. Age 25. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. Oc- 
cupation, Mechanic. Born in Oakham. EnHsted for three years. 
Mustered February i, 1862, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged for disability, May i, 1862. Residence in 1886, in the West 
— locality unknown. 

DeLand, Carlton M. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Printer. Born in Speedsville, N.Y., October 
27, 1838, Parents, Dr. James R. and Samantha H. Enlisted July 4, 
1861, for three years. Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. 
Vols. Private. Promoted to Corporal, April 9, 1863 ; to Sergeant, May 


May 15, 1863 ; to First Sergeant, January 17, 1S64 ; to First Lieutenant, 
May II, 1864. In Battle of Ball's Bluff, October 21, 1861, where taken 
prisoner, and kept in prison four months. In seven days' fight before 
Richmond, Fredericksburg, Gettysburg, July 3, 1863, (slighdy wounded). 
With the army of Gen. Grant from Stevensburg to Petersburg, Va. Dis- 
charged, to re-enlist. Re-enlisted March 31, 1S64, as First Sero-eant 
and transferred to 20th Regt., July 28, 1864. Taken prisoner at Peters- 
burg, June 22, 1864. In prisons Libby, Bell Island, Danville and Ander- 
sonville. Paroled December 26, 1864. In April, 1S65, exchanged and 
went into 20th Regt., until discharged at expiration of service, July 15, 
1865. Residence in 1886, Westboro', Mass. 

Dewing, Henry B. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Leather Cutter. Born in North Brookfield, July i 7, 
1844. Parents, Gideon B. and Aurelia M. Enlisted July 11, 1864, for 
one hundred days. Bounty $77.99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Re<^'^t., 
Co. F, Mass. Vols. Corporal. Discharged at expiration of service 
November 11, 1864. Residence in 1886, California. 

Dickinson, Curtis. Age 41. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered August 28, 1862, 24th 
Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Discharged at expiration of service, December 
4, 1864. Residence in 1886, Whitinsville, Mass. 

Dickinson, Nathan S. Age 25. Married. Residence, Spencer. Oc- 
cupation, Farmer. Born in Barre, Mass., August 31, 1836. Parents, 
Alexander D. and Abigail (Allen). Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
October 5, 1861, 25th Regt., Co. C, Mass. Vols. Private. Re-enlisted 
February 8, 1S64, in the same regiment and company. Bounty $290.66. 
In all the Battles of his regiment, including that of Cold Harbor, June 
3, 1864, where he was wounded. Died in Washington, D.C., of wounds 
received at Cold Harbor, August 7, 1864. Adjutant General's Record 
says, died of wounds in Philadelphia, Pa., August 18, 1864. 

DoANE, Freeman. Age 26. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, October 12, 
1835. Parents, Welcome and Harriet. Enlisted for nine months, August 
20, 1862. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, Syracuse, N.Y. 

Doane, Freeman R. Age 25. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, January 2 7, 
1838. Parents, Roland F. and Amanda. Enhsted August 20, 1862, for 


nine months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 420! Regt., Co. F, Mass. 
Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. 
Residence in 1SS6, North Brookfield, Mass. 

DoANE, Hubbard S. Age 23. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Miller. Born in North Brookfield, February 4, 1840. 
Parents, Roland F. and Amanda. Enlisted August 20, 1S62, for nine 
months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

DoANE, Edwin. Age 23. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield May 4, 1841. Par- 
ents, Roland F. and Amanda. Enlisted July 11, 1864, for one hundred 
days. Bounty ^77.99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. F, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, November 11, 
1864. Residence in 1SS6, Worcester Mass. 

DoNN, Bec. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parentage, unknown. 
Enlisted for three years. Mustered May 4, 1864, 28th Regt., Mass. 
Vols, unassigned recruits. Bounty $325. No further account of him. 

DuBORD, Charles F. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Massachusetts, July 5, 1848. 
Parents, Magloire and Catherine. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
February 10, 1863, 2d Regt. Cavalry, Co. I, Mass. Vols. Discharged by 
order of War Department, at Fairfax Court House, July 20, 1865. Died 
in North Brookfield, April 24, 1867. 

Duncan, Tlmothy M. Age 41. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoe Manufacturer. Born in Paxton, Mass., Novem- 
ber 10, 1821. Parents, William and Annis. Enlisted August 20, 1862, 
for nine months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, 
Mass. Vols. First Lieutenant, (chosen by the company and commis- 
sioned by Gov. Andrew). Discharged at expiration of service, August 
20, 1863. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Dunn, William. Age 37. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Butcher. Born in Queen's County, Ireland, December 25, 
1824. Parents, John and Mary. Enlisted for three years, September 
17, 1861. Mustered September 23, 1861, 25th Regt., Co. H, Mass. 
Vols. Private. In Battles of Roanoke Island and Newbern. Dis- 
charged for disability, July 29, 1862, Residence in i886, North Brook- 
field, Mass. 


Earle, David M. Age 22. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, August 15, 1838. 
Parents, Slade A. and Fanny M. Enhsted for three years, May i, i86r. 
Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In 
Battle of Ball's Bluff, October 21, 1861 ; Antietam, September 17, 1862, 
where wounded ; Fredericksburg, December 13, 1862, and May 3, 1863 ; 
Gettysburg, July 2-3, 1863. Promoted to Sergeant, July 24, 1862 ; to 
First Sergeant, September 20, 1862 ; to Second Lieutenant, January 8, 
1863; to First Lieutenant, April 17, 1863; to Captain of Co. A, Sep- 
tember 9, 1863. Discharged at expiration of service, as Captain of Co. 
F, July 28, 1864. Residence in 1886, Worcester, Mass. 

Earle, Henry G. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, February 
25, 1844. Parents, Slade A. and Fanny M. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered August 13, 1862, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In 
Battle of Antietam, September 17, 1862 ; Fredericksburg, December 13, 
1862, and May 3, 1863; Gettysburg, July 2-3, 1863; Mine Run, Bris- 
tow Station and Wilderness ; with the army of Gen. Grant until taken 
prisoner at Petersburg, June 22, 1864. Paroled June 25, 1864. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, while on parole, July 29, 1864. Resi- 
dence in 1 886, San Francisco, Cal. 

Earle, Israel C. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Clerk. Born in North Brookfield, July 29, 1840. 
Parents, Slade A. and Fanny M. Enlisted for nine months, August 2 2, 
1862. Mustered October 15, 1862, 46th Regt., Co. G, Mass. Vols. 
Private. In Battles of Southwest Creek, Kinston, Whitehall, Gum Swamp 
and Cove Creek. Discharged at expiration of service, July 29, 1863. 
Residence in 1886, West Somerville, Mass. 

Eaton, Hiram. Age 43. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Waterville, Vt., December 4, 18 19. 
Parents, Sylvanus and Olive. Enlisted for nine months, August 20, 1862. 
Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Residence in 
1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Edwards, Augustus. Age 36. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in Middlebury, Vt., January 10, 
1828. Parents, Orrin K. and Olive. Enlisted for one year. Bounty 
^197.33. Mustered August 23, 1864, 4th Regt. Heavy Artillery, Co. 
E, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, June 1 7, 
1865. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 


Ellis, Elias B. Age i8. Unmarried. Residence, at time of first 
enlistment, Poolsville, Md. Born in Berlin, Ct. Parents, Samuel and 
Eliza. Enlisted for three years, October ii, iS6i, 15th Regt., Co. E, 
Mass. Vols. Discharged to re-enlist, December 25, 1863. Re-enhsted 
December 25, 1863, in same regiment and company. Bounty $541.99. 
At time of second enlistment he was credited to North Brookfield, Mass. 
Transferred July 27, 1864, to 20th Regt., Co. E. Discharged for dis- 
ability, August 30, 1865. Died in Oxford, Mass., April 26, 1880. 

Erwin, James. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Mustered May 23, 1864, 2d Regt. 
Mass. Vols., unassigned recruits. Bounty, $325. Never joined regi- 

Falmer, (or Fuller) Frederick. Age 33. Residence, birthplace 
and parentage, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty, $325. 
Mustered May 4, 1864, 2d Regt., Co. K, Mass. Vols. Private. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, July 14, 1865. 

Fay, William B. Age 24. Unmarried. Residence, Monson. Oc- 
cupation, Mechanic. Born in Wilbraham, Mass., September 21, 1840. 
Parents, Larkin and Amanda. Enlisted for nine months. Mustered 
October 15, 1862, 46th Regt., Co. G, Mass. Vols. Private. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, July 29, 1S63. Credited to Monson. 
Re-enlisted for one hundred days. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Bounty $77.99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. 
Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, November 11, 
1864. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Fisher, Francis H. Age n. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Hinsdale, N.H., December 12, 
1829. Parents, Francis and Rebecca. Enlisted Aug. 20, 1862, for nine 
months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Died at North 
Brookfield, November 2, 1879. 

Fisher, Andrew J. Age 31. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Place of birth and parentage, unknown. Occupation, Shoemaker. 
Enhsted August 20, 1862, for nine months. Mustered September 30, 
1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Died of disease, Au- 
gust 6, 1863, on board steamer Continental, while returning from New 
Orleans, and was buried at sea the same day, off the coast of South 
Carolina, 30 miles south of Charleston. 


Flagg, Samuel C. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $21 1.33. Mustered De- 
cember 31, 1S64, 4th Regt. Cavalry, Co. A, Mass. Vols. Discharged at 
expiration of service, November 14, 1865. 

Foster, Nathaniel H. Age 29. Married. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoe Contractor. Born in Rutland, Mass., 
December 17, 1832. Parents, James R. and Nancy H. Enlisted Sep- 
tember 16, 1861, for three years. Mustered October 12, 1861, 25th 
Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. Second Lieutenant. Promoted to First 
Lieutenant, June 13, 1 86 2. In Battle of Roanoke Island, where he was 
wounded, a ball passing through his left elbow. In Battles of Kinston, 
Whitehall and Goldsboro. Resigned January i, 1863. Appointed 
Major in 12th United States Heavy Artillery, colored troops, to date 
July 21, 1864. Discharged at Louisville, Ky., April 29, 1866. Resi- 
dence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Foster, Albert H. Age 21. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in New Braintree, November 12,. 
1839. Parents, James R. and Nancy H. EnHsted May i, 1861, for 
three years. Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt. Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Corporal. Promoted to Sergeant, March i, 1863. In Battle of Ball's 
Bluff, Va., where he was taken prisoner, October 21, 1861, in prison at 
Richmond, four months. In Battle of Fredericksburg, Va., May 3, 1863 ; 
Gettysburg, Pa., July 2, 3, 4, 1863. Detailed on detached service in 
Boston Harbor, July 28, 1863. Mustered out at expiration of service, 
July II, 1864. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Freeman, Theophilus D. Colored. Age 40. Married. Residence, 
North Brookfield. Occupation, Barber. Birthplace and parentage un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered December 
3, 1863, 54th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Battles unknown. 
Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1865. Residence in 
1886, Worcester, Mass. 

Fretts, Joseph. Age 27. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Born in Hebron, N.H. Parents, unknown. Occupation, Shoe- 
maker. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., 
Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Promoted to Corporal, June 7, 1862. In 
Battles of Ball's Bluff, Va., and of the Army of the Potomac on the Pen- 
insula. Killed in Battle of Antietam, Md., September 17, 1862. 

Frieman, August. Age 19. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $209.33. Mustered May 


3, 1864, 20th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expi- 
ration of service, July 16, 1865. 

Gaul, John. Age 28. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Kilkenny, Ireland, in June, 1835. P^''" 
ents, John and Ellen. Enlisted February i, 1864, for three years. Boun- 
ty ^325. Mustered February 20, 1864, 59th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. In Battles of the Wilderness, Spottsylvania Court House, North 
Anna River, Cold Harbor, and Petersburg, where wounded. Transferred 
June I, 1865, to 57th Regt. Discharged at expiration of service, July 
30, 1865. Absent, wounded. Residence in 1886, Cochituate, Mass. 

Gavin, Michael. Enlisted by the Selectmen, as per Town Report of 
1864, for 59th Regt. Mass. Vols. No accounts of him in the Records 
of the Adjutant General. 

GiFFiN, Timothy P. Age 25. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Painter. Born in Hardvvick, Vt., April 2, 1S37. 
Parents, Anson and Anna. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 13, 
or 31, 1862, 34th Regt. Mass. Vols. Musician. Served one year pre- 
vious to this enlistment on board United States Man-of-War Colorado. 
Discharged at expiration of service, June 16, 1865. Died at West 
Brookfield, Mass., June 12, 1875. 

Gilbert, Lyman H. Age 25. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Leather Cutter. Born in West Brookfield, August 
i5> 1^37- Parents, Harvey and Adaline. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered August 6, 1862, 36th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Killed in action at Pegram Farm, Va., September 30, 1864. 

GiLMORE, John W. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Oakham, March 31, 1S40. 
Parents, George A. and Nancy. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
October 11, 1861, 27th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Private. Died of 
disease at Newburn, N.C., April 13, 1862. 

Glazier, Leroy. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Barre, Mass., February 15, 1844. Par- 
ents, Freeman and Sally Ann. Enlisted September 2, 1862, for nine 
months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, Spencer, Mass. 

Glazier, Eugene. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 


field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Oxford, Mass., August lo, 1845. 
Parents, Freeman and Sally Ann. Enlisted for one year. Bounty 
$197.33. Mustered August 23, 1864, 4th Regt., Heavy Artillery, Co. E, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, June 1 7, 
1865. Residence in 1886, West Brookfield, Mass. 

Gould, Henry W. (or Harvey W.) Age 18. Residence, birthplace 
and parentage, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mus- 
tered April 6, 1864, 57th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Corporal. Dis- 
charged by order of War Department, May 22, 1S65. 

Graham, William. Age 26. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Painter. Born in Leeds, England. Parents, Daniel 
and Anna. EnHsted for three years. Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th 
Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged for disability. May 20, 
1S62. Died of consumption, in North Brookfield, September 30, 1872. 

Granger, Charles E. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Painter. Born in Hardwick, Mass., October 
29, 1847. Parents, Timothy D. and Ruth. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered December 21, 1863, 34th Regt., Company unassigned, Mass. 
Vols. December 28, 1863, rejected recruit. Entered the regular United 
States Army for three years, November 20, 1867. Discharged Novem- 
ber 20, 1870. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Greene, J. Evarts. Age 26. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Lawyer. Born in Boston, November 27, 1S34. 
Parents, David and Mary. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 1 2, 
1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. First Lieutenant. Promoted to 
Captain, January 17, 1862. In Battle of Ball's Bluff, October 21, 1861, 
where he was taken prisoner and confined in Richmond four months. 
Resigned and honorably discharged October 23, 1862. Residence in 
1886, Worcester, Mass. 

Green, John. Age 25. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered June 15, 
1S64, 2d Regt., Heavy Artillery, Co. D, Mass. Vols. Deserted July 5, 

Green, William. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered July 14, 
1864, 2d Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Deserted January 9, 1865. 

Griffin, Thomas. Age 25. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 


Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in County Kerry, Ireland. Parents, Den- 
nis and Ellen. Enlisted for three years, May, 1862, in Philadelphia, 
goth Regt., Co. I, Penn. Vols. In many battles. Taken prisoner in 
Battle of Weldon Railroad, was in Libby Prison a few days, then removed 
to Salisbury Prison, N.C., where he died, December 7, 1864. 

Hair, Addison S. Age 32, Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, March 28, 1830. Par- 
ents, Samuel and Phebe Ann. Enlisted for three years, August 6, 1862. 
Mustered August 27, 1862, 36th Regt., Co. K, Mass. Vols.' Private. 
Stayed with regiment one year, then to Long and Galloupe's Islands, 
caring for and finding recruits till the end of his term. Discharged by 
order of War Department, from Co. B, June 16, 1865. Residence in 
1 886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Harris, George R. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Clerk. Born in Heath, Mass., June 28, 1844. Par- 
ents, Lemuel and Phebe. Enlisted July 11, 1864, for one hundred days. 
Bounty $77.99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, November 11, 1864. 
Residence in 1S86, Chicago, 111. 

Hartwell, Charles. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for one year. Bounty $122. Mustered January 2, 
1865, I St Battalion Frontier Cavalry, Co. D, Mass. Vols. Corporal. 
Discharged at expiration of service, June 30, 1865. 

Hanson, Warren. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for one hundred days. Bounty $77.99. Mustered 
July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at 
expiration of service, November 11, 1864. 

Harlow, James F. Age 25. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Duxbury, Mass., October 19, 1837. 
Enlisted for nine months, August 20, 1862. Mustered September 30, 

1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration 
of service, August 20, 1S63. Died of gastric fever in Denver, Col., 
August 21, 1884, leaving a wife and two children. 

Harrington, Stephen. Age 32. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Stockbridge, Vt. Parents, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., 
Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged for disability, October 13, 

1863. Residence in 1886, West Brookfield, Mass. 


Harwood, George ^V. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, Septem- 
ber 18, 1 84 1. Parents, George and Angehne. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered August 12, 1S62, 36th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Promoted to Sergeant, and then to First Lieutenant, June 23, 1864. 
Discharged at expiration of service, June 8, 1865. Residence in 1886, 
Champaign, 111. 

Haskell, \Villia?*i James. Age 34. INIarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Leather Cutter. Born in Rochester, N.Y., 
March 10, 1828. Parents, Timothy Carter and Melissa. Enlisted for 
three years. Mustered August 6, 1S62, 36th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. 
Corporal. Promoted to Sergeant, January 1863. Discharged by order 
of War Department at expiration of service, June 8, 1S65. Died at 
Minneapolis, Minn., November 15, 1871. 

Hebard, J. Franklin. Age 39. ^Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Carpenter. Born in Sturbridge, April 12, 1S23. 
Parents, Eleazer and Violet (Walker). Enlisted for nine months, August 

20, 1862. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Henderson, James. Age 32. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered June 

21, 1864, 25th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Died at Newbern, N.C., 
October 3, 1864. 

Henry, John A. Age 5 1 . Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Mustered June 30, 1864, Veteran Reserve Corps. Bounty 
$325. Discharged by order of War Department, November 18, 1865. 

Hibbard, John L. Age 29. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in West Brookfield, April 6, 1833. Par- 
ents, Charles A. and Mary Ann. Enlisted July 23, 1862, for three years. 
Mustered August 13, 1862, 34th Regt. Mass. Vols. Musician. With 
Sherman in his march to the sea. Discharged January 15, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, Worcester, Mass. 

Hill, Willlaim F. Age 28. Unmarried. Residence, Randolph, 
Mass. Born in Randolph in 1833. Parents, Moses and Clarissa. En- 
listed for three years. Mustered August 15, 1861, 20th Regt., Co. I, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Erroneously reported in Adjutant General's Rec- 


ord, as killed at Gettysburg, Pa., July 3, 1S63. He died at Morrisville, 
Va., August 28, 1863. 

Hill, Charles F. Age 23. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Born in Randolph, Mass. Parents, Moses and Clarissa. Enlisted 
for three years. Mustered April i, 1862, 25th Regt., Co. C, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, June 30, 1S65. Residence 
in 1886, Oakham, Mass. 

Hill, George W. A. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Randolph, Mass. Par- 
ents, Moses and Clarissa. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 12, 
1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged for dis- 
ability, December 6, 1861. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, or 
Togus, Me., Soldiers' Home. 

Holmes, Sumner. Age 29. Married, Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, December 27, 1833. 
Parents, Hartwell and Amanda. Enlisted August 20, 1862, for nine 
months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Sergeant. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1866, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Holmes, R. Bradford. Age 23. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, July 20, 183S. 
Parents, Lorenzo and Jerusha P. Enlisted for three years, July 5, 1862. 
Mustered July 13, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Private. • In 
Battles of Newmarket, (where wounded,) Lynchburg and Strasburg. 
Discharged at expiration of service, July 28, 1865. Residence in 1886, 
Binghampton, N.Y. 

HoLMAN, Albert T. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in Spencer, March 29, 1846. Parents, 
Freeman and Hannah P. Enlisted for three years. Mustered, Sep- 
tember 30, 1 86 1, 25th Regt., Co. C, Mass. Vols. Private. Li Battles 
of Roanoke Island and Newburn, N.C. Died at Newbern, N.C., Sep- 
tember 23, 1862. 

Howard, Timothy. Age 26. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Laborer. Born in Cork County, Ireland, in 1835. 
Parents, Timothy and Ellen. Enlisted December 17, 1863, for three 
years. Bounty $325. Mustered January 5, 1864, 59th Regt., Co. B, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Transferred June i, 1865, to 57th Regt. Dis- 


charged at expiration of service, July 30, 1865. Absent, sick. Died in 
Natick, Mass., in December, 1879. 

Howard, John. Age 23. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Cork County, Ireland. Date and 
parentage unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 12, 1861, 
15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Taken prisoner in Battle of 
Ball's Bluff, October 21, 1861. Not since heard from. 

Howard, Daniel H. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Boot Maker. Born in Cork County, Ireland, Novem- 
ber I, 1841. Parents, Owen and Mary. Enlisted December 17, 1863, 
for three years. Bounty ^325. Mustered January 5, 1864, 59th Regt., 
Co. B, Mass. Vols. Corporal. In Battles of the Wilderness and Spott- 
sylvania, where he was wounded. Transferred June i, 1865, to 57th 
Regt., Co. B. Discharged at expiration of service, July 30, 1865. Ab- 
sent, wounded. Served previously one year in United States Navy, on 
board the Cumberland. Died in North Brookfield, March i, 1871. 

Howe, Willard M. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Paxton, Mass., March 23, 1843. 
Parents, Pliny K. and Angeline D. Enlisted September 2, 1862, for nine 
months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Died 
in North Brookfield, March 18, 187 1. 

Hughes, John. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 3, 1864, 
2d Regt. Cavalry, Co. I, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration 
of service, July 20, 1865. Absent, sick. 

Hughes, John A. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Boston, Mass. Parents, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., 
Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Died at Hospital in Philadelphia, Pa., May 
16, 1863. 

Hunter, Edward. Age 18. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for one hundred days. Bounty $77.99. Mustered 
July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at 
expiration of service, November 11, 1864. 

Jackson, Andrew F. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, April 3, 1842. 


Parents, William C. and Phebe P. Enlisted for three years. Bounty 
$ioo. Mustered July 31, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged for disability, April 24, 1863. Residence in 1886, Rich- 
mond, N.H. 

Jenks, John Henry. Age 39. Married. Residence, Keene, N.H. 
Occupation, Shoe Dealer. Born in North Brookfield, June 10, 1823. 
Parents, Oliver A. and Eliza H. Enhsted August 28, 1862. Mustered 
September 22, 1862, 14th Regt., Co. C, N.H. Vols. Sergeant. Pro- 
moted to Sergeant Major, June 12, 1864. Killed at Cedar Creek, Va., 
October 19, 1864. 

Jenks, Frank L. Age 16. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, June 18, 
1846. Parents, James N. and Fanny L. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered August 6, 1862, 36th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Private. Dis- 
charged for disabihty October 21, 1863. Re-enlisted. Bounty $293.99. 
Mustered June 11, 1864, 2d Regt., Heavy Artillery, Mass. Vols. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, June 15, 1865. Died in Springfield, 
Mass., February 14, 1880. 

Johnson, Henry S. Age 30. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, November 
20, 1831. Parents, Waldo and Hannah P. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered July 22, 1862, 25th Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. Private. In 
Batde of Kinston, N.C., December 14, 1862; Whitehall, December 16, 
1862 ; Goldsboro, December 17, 1862 ; Walthal Junction, May 6 and 7, 
1864; Pocahontas, May 9, 1864; Fort Darling, May 16, 1864; Cold 
Harbor, June 3, 1864, slightly wounded; and in various skirmishes and 
raids. Discharged at expiration of service, October 20, 1864. Resi- 
dence in 1 886, Irvington, Neb. 

Johnson, Palmer P. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, 
December 8, 1839. Parents, Waldo and Hannah P. Enlisted April 5, 
1862, for three years. Mustered April 7, 1862, 25th Regt., Co. H, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Served as musician nine months. In Battles of 
Kinston, N.C., Whitehall, Goldsboro, and Gum Swamp. After two 
years' service he came home on a furlough of thirty days, was sick, and 
then ordered to the General Hospital, Boston, where he remained two 
weeks, and was then transferred to Portsmouth Grove (R.I.) Hospital, 
doing guard duty. Ordered to Galloupe's Island, thence to Harper's 
Ferry, as guard over deserters and bounty -jumpers. Discharged at 


expiration of service, April 5, 1865. Residence in 1S86, North Brook- 
field, Mass. 

Johnson, John H. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, February 
17, 1842. Parents, Waldo and Hannah P. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Musician. 
Discharged at expiration of service, July 28, 1864. Residence in 
1886, West Natick, Mass. 

Johnson, Emory ^^^ Age iS. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, 
December 26, 1844. Parents Waldo and Hannah P. Enlisted for 
three years. Mustered November 20, 1861, 31st Regt., Co. D, Mass. 
Vols. Private. He was sick in New Orleans five months. In many 
skirmishes, and under fire many times. His regiment was changed to 
cavalry, and employed in scouting, foraging, etc. Discharged to re- 
enlist, February 8, 1864. Re-enlisted February 9, 1864, in the same 
regiment and company. Bounty $421.33. In Battles of Mansfield, or 
Sabine Cross Roads, where he was wounded in his right leg, Marksville, 
La., Cane River Crossing, Yellow Bayou, Alexandria, La., Spanish Fort, 
defence of Mobile, etc. Discharged at expiration of service, September 
9, 1865. Residence in 18S6, Irvington, Neb. 

Johnson, Julius W. Age 24. Residence, North Brookfield. Occu- 
pation, Mason. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. Enhsted for 
three years. Mustered January 29, 1862, 31st Regt., Co. H, Mass. 
Vols. Private. Discharged for disability, September 26, 1862. Resi- 
dence in 1886, unknown. 

Jones, Otis G. Age 39. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enhsted for three years. Bounty $192.66. Mustered August 
29, 1864, 3d Regt., Heavy Artillery, Co. I, Mass. Vols. Private. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, June 17, 1865. 

Jones, John H. Age 20. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 3, 
1864, 2d Regt. Mass. Vols. Never joined regiment, 

Kelley, Christopher. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parent- 
age, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 25, 1863, i-^'"* 
Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Deserted August 18, 1863. 

Kemp, Stephen B. Age 29. Married. Residence, North Brook- 


field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Boston, November 15, 1833. 
Parents, Asa and Mary Ann. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
April 7, 1862, 25th Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battles of 
Kinston, Whitehall, Goldsboro, Gum Swamp, Heckman's Farm, Drury's 
Bluff, and with the army of Gen. Buder before Petersburg, Va. Dis- 
charged to re-enlist, January 2, 1864. Re-enlisted January 3, in same 
regiment and company. Bounty $408.66. In Batde of Cold Harbor, 
June 3, 1864, where he was wounded and taken prisoner. Paroled in 
October, 1S64, and went to x^nnapolis, Md., until March, 1865, thence 
to Baltimore to Fort Federal Hill. Returned to his regiment in New- 
bern, N.C., in March, 1865, thence to Goldsboro. In Battle of Gaines' 
Mills. Discharged by order of War Department, June 29, 1865. Resi- 
dence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Kerrigan, (or Korrigan) Daniel. Age 20. Residence, birthplace 
and parentage, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty I325. 
Mustered July 14, 1864, 4th Regt, Cavalry, unassigned, Mass. Vols. 
No record of his discharge. 

Kimball, Amasa B. x\ge 35. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Teamster. Born in North Brookfield, December 
13, 1826. Parents, John and Betsey. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered July 12, 1 86 1, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In Bat- 
tle of Antietam, September 17, 1862. Discharged at expiration of 
service, July 28, 1864, Died at his home in Warwick, Mass., October 
1, 1877. 

Knight, Daniel W. Age 26. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, May 
^3> 1835. Parents, Daniel R. and Lucy P. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Corporal. 
In Battle of Ball's Bluff, a prisoner in Richmond for four months. In 
the whole peninsula campaign. In Battle of Antietam, September 17, 
1862. Promoted to Sergeant, September 18, 1862. In Battles of 
Fredericksburg, December 13 and 14, 1862, and May 3, 1863; Get- 
tysburg, July 2 and 3, 1863. Promoted to First Lieutenant, September 
9, 1863, and assigned to Company D. Discharged at expiration of 
service, July 28, 1864. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Knight, James A. Age 23. Married. Residence, Southbridge, Mass. 
Occupation, Clerk. Born in North Brookfield, September 8, 1839. Par- 
ents, Hiram and Louisa (Allen). Enlisted for nine months, August 20, 
1862. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 


Private. Left New Orleans for home, August i, 1863, on steamer Con- 
tinental, and was left in Hospital, New England Soldiers' Relief Associa- 
tion, in charge of Col. Frank E. Howe, at New York, August 8, 1863, 
sick. Died on board steamboat Granite State, before reaching Hart- 
ford, Ct., August 10, 1863. Credited in Adjutant General's Record to 

Knight, Charles W. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, January 2, 1840. 
Parents, John and Sarah. Enhsted for nine months, August 16, 1862. 
Mustered August 29, 1862, 44th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Private. In 
Battle of Rowles Mills, November 22, 1862. Discharged at expiration 
of service, June 18, 1863. Residence in 1886, Boston, Mass. Credited 
by Adjutant General to Newton. 

Lafleur, Alfred. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered May 3, 1864, 28th Regt., 
unassigned. May, 1864, rejected recruit. 

Lamb, John F, Age 2>Z- Married. Residence, Dexter, Me. Occu- 
pation, Shoemaker. Born in Worcester, Mass., October 12, 1830. Par- 
ents, Samuel and Mary Jane. Enlisted for three years, February 27, 

1864. Mustered in 9th Regt., Co. G, Maine Vols. Killed by a sharp- 
shooter, at Petersburg, Va., June 29, 1864. 

Lamb, Harrison S. Age 21. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field, Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, April 12, 
1840. Parents, Samuel and Mary Jane. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt.. Co. F, Mass, Vols. Private. In Bat- 
tles of Fair Oaks, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Fredericksburg, December 13, 
1862, and May 3, 1863, Gettysburg, Bristow Station and Wilderness. 
Discharged at expiration of service, July 28, 1864. Residence in 1886, 
West Brookfield, Mass. 

Leach, Addison, Age 37. Married, Residence, North Brookfield, 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Wendell, Mass., November 29, 1824, 
Parents, Artemas and Eunice. Enlisted for three years. Mustered Oc- 
tober, II, 1 86 1, 27th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Musician, Re-enlisted 
in same regiment and company, as private, December 24, 1863. Bounty 
1^431.32, In Battle of Roanoke Island, February 8, 1862 ; Newbern, 
N.C, March 14, 1862 ; Siege of Washington, N,C., March, 1863 ; Wal- 
thal Junction, May 7, 1864; Arrowfield Church, May 9, 1864; Drury's 
Bluff, May 16, 1864. Discharged at expiration of service, July 19, 

1865. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 


Lewis, David, Age 39. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 3, 
1864, 2d Regt. Cavalry, Co. K, Mass. Vols. Sergeant. Discharged at 
expiration of service, July 20, 1S65. 

Luce, Asa R. Age 31. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mus- 
tered January 6, 1864, 4th Regt. Cavalry, Co. C, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged at expiration of service, June 24, 1865. Residence in 1886, 
Athol, Mass. 

Lynch, Jeremiah. Age 20. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Cork County, Ireland, May 8, 1S41. 
Parents, John and Ellen. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 12, 
1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battle of Fair Oaks, 
and Antietam, September 17, 1862, where he was wounded. Transferred 
to Veteran Reserve Corps, February 15, 1864. Discharged at expiration 
of service, July 12, 1S64. Residence in 1S86, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Marsh, George L. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Tailor. Born in Sturbridge. Date of birth, and par- 
entage, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered February i, 1S62, 
15 th Regt,, Co. F, Mass. Vols. Discharged for disability, October 28, 

Maxwell, Nathaniel B. Age 51. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Wells, Me., August i, 181 2. 
Parents, Samuel and Olive. Enlisted for three years. Bounty ^325. 
Mustered December 4, 1863, ist Regt. Heavy Artillery, Co. I, Mass. 
Vols. Private. In several battles, before that of Petersburg, Va., June 
22, 1S64, where he was taken prisoner and carried to Libby Prison, and 
thence to Andersonville Prison, where he died after severe suffering, 
August 23, 1864. 

Maxwell, Samuel W. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Rensselaer County, N.Y., 
July 16, 1847. Parents, Nathaniel B. and Catherine E. Enlisted for 
one year. Mustered August 23, 1864, 4th Regt. Heavy Artillery, Co. 
E, Mass. Vols. Private. Bounty $197,33. Discharged at expiration 
of service, June 17, 1865. Died of disease, at North Brookfield, March 
9, 1872. 

McCarthy, Cornelius. Age 27. Married. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Ireland, May 6, 1837. 


Parents, Charles and Julia. Enlisted for three years, December 18, 
1863. Mustered January 5, 1S64, 59th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Pri- 
vate. In Battles of Wilderness and Spottsylvania. Transferred June 
I, 1864, to 57th Regt., Co. B. Bounty $325. Discharged at expira- 
tion of service, July 30, 1865. Absent, wounded. Since served and 
died in the regular army. 

McCarthy, John. Age 31. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Mustered September 18, 1861, 25th 
Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Discharged to re-enlist, December i, 1S63. 
Re-enlisted December 2, 1863. Bounty $438.66. Mustered in the 
same regiment and company, December 2, 1863. Discharged at expi- 
ration of service, July 13, 1865. 

McCarthy, Timothy. Age 30. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Laborer. Born in Cork County, Ireland. Parents, 
Patrick and Eleanor. Enhsted for three years. Mustered October i, 
1861, 25th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Private. Re-enlisted in same 
regiment and company, December 2, 1S63. Bounty $280.66. Taken 
prisoner at Cold Harbor. Died in Andersonville Prison, September 2, 

McNamara, Michael. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield, Occupation, Shoemaker, Born in Ireland, December 25, 
1846. Parents, Martin and Mary. Enlisted December 18, 1863, for 
three years. Bounty $325. Mustered Jannary 5, 1864, 59th Regt., 
Co. B, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battles of Wilderness, Spottsylvania, 
North Anna, Cold Harbor, June 3, 1864, where wounded. Discharged 
for disability. May 31, 1865. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, 

Meade, Josiah C. Age 41. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Teacher. Born in Rutland, Mass., February 12, 
1820. Parents, WiUiam and Mary F. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered October 17, 1861, 25th Regt., Co. G, Mass. Vols. Color 
Sergeant. In Battles of Roanoke Island, and Newbern, N.C. Dis- 
charged for disability. May 26, 1S62. Residence in 1886, East Nor- 
ton, Mass. 

Miles, Edward C. Age 26. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Teamster. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. 
Enlisted for three years. Mustered August 24, 1861, i8th Regt., Co. 
K, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged for disability, November 24, 


Miller, James, Age 39. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in New Braintree, June 8, 1823. Parents, 
Comfort and Polly. Enlisted August 20, 1862, for nine months. Mus- 
tered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Corporal. 
Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Residence in 
1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Miller, John. Age 20. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 25, 1863, 12th Regt., 
Co. C, Mass. Vols. Deserted November 28, 1863. 

MrrcHELL, David. Age 43. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in Blandford, Mass., February 15, 
1 8 18. Parents, Moses and Anna. Enlisted for three years, September 
16, 1861. Mustered September 16, or October 7, 1861, 25th Regt., Co. 
H, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battles of Roanoke Island, Newbern, Kin- 
ston, Whitehall, Goldsboro, and before Petersburg. Discharged at 
expiration of service, October 20, 1864. Died at North Brookfield, 
May 8, 1874. 

Mitchell, William. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parent- 
age, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered 
May 3, 1864, 2d Regt. Cavalry, Co. K, Mass. Vols. Deserted February 
28, 1865. 

Montague, William H. Age 38. Married. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Manufacturer. Born in Fletcher, Vt., August 
24, 1824. Parents, Joseph and Betsey. Enlisted August 20, 1862, for 
nine months. 'Mustered September 30, 1862, 4 2d Regt., Co. F, Mass. 
Vols. Sergeant. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. 
Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Moran, Thomas. Age 18. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Mustered December 10, 1863, ist 
Regt. Heavy Artillery, Co. B, Mass. Vols. Bounty $325. Discharged 
at expiration of service, June 6, 1865. 

MouLTON, David S. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, November, 
8, 1838. Parents, Asa and Submit. Enlisted April 17, 1861, for three 
years. Mustered May 21, 1861, 82d Regt., Co. C, New York Vols. 
Private. In Battles of Blackburn's Ford, First Bull Run, Edward's 
Ferry, Fair Oaks, White Oaks Swamp, Savage Station, Malvern Hill, and 
killed in Battle of Fredericksburg, December 13, 1862. 


MouLTON, Henry Harrison. Age i8. Unmarried. Residence, 
North Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, 
June 24, 1843. Parents, Asa and Submit. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered June 30, 1862, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Dis- 
charged to re-enlist, February 5, 1S64. Re-enlisted February 5, 1864, 
and transferred to 20th Regt., Co. G, July 27, 1864. Private. Taken 
prisoner at Petersburg, Va., June 22, 1864. Died at Andersonville 
Prison, Ga., January 23, 1865. 

Nealor, Samuel. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Canada East. Parents, John 
and Addie. Enlisted for three years. INIustered January 27, 1S64, 4th 
Regt. Cavalry, Co. G, Mass. Vols. Private. Deserted April 21, 1864. 

Nichols, Elijah. Age 53. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Fletcher, Vt., Feb. 10, 1808. 
Parents, Dewey and Lucinda. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battle of 
Fair Oaks, Va. Discharged for disability, August 2, 1862. Mustered 
into Veteran Reserve Corps, September 16, 1864. Bounty $325. Dis- 
charged by order of War Department, November 30, 1865. Died at 
his home in North Brookfield, March 13, 1868. 

Nichols, John R. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, March 12, 
1843. Parents, Elijah and Sally M. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In Bat- 
tle of Ball's Bluff, there taken prisoner and confined in Libby Prison 
four months, and in Salisbury Prison seven and one-half months. Dis- 
charged for disability, November 22, 1862. Re-enlisted for one hun- 
dred days. Bounty $73.99. Mustered July 20, 1864, 8th Regt., Co. H, 
Mass. Vols. Corporal. Discharged at expiration of service, Novem- 
ber 10, 1864. Enlisted again March 22, 1S65. Bounty $29.33. O^^^ 
year. 62d Regt., Co. A, Mass. Vols. Sergeant. Discharged May 3, 
1865. Residence in 1886, Glen's Falls, N.Y. 

O'Brien, Dennis. Age 24. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered January 
14, 1864, I St Regt. Cavalry, Company unassigned, Mass. Vols. Never 
joined regiment. 

O'Brien, Henry. Age 19. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 15, 1864, 3d Regt. 
Cavalry, unassigned, Mass. Vols. No record of his discharge. 


O'Brien, James (or John). Age 19. Residence, birthplace and 
parentage, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mus- 
tered July 14, 1S64, 4th Regt. Cavalry, unassigned, Mass. Vols. No 
record of his discharge. 

Otto, Frederick. Age 25. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered May 4, 1864, 2d Regt., 
unassigned, Mass. Vols. Bounty $325. Never joined regiment. 

Page, Henry J.. Age 40. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Brattleboro, Vt., May 21, 1821. 
Parents, George and Maria. Enlisted for three years. Mustered Sep- 
tember 23, 1861, 24th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Corporal. In Bat- 
tles of Roanoke and Tranter's Creek. Discharged for disability, 
August 30, 1862. Residence in 1S86, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Parkman, Charles. Age 26. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupatlion, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, May 22, 1836. 
Parents, Ebenezer and Harriet. Enlisted September 3, 1862, for nine 
months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1S63. Resi- 
dence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Parkman, Henry L. Age 22. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, June 30, 1840. 
Parents, Ebenezer and Harriet. Enlisted September 3, 1862, for nine 
months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Passage, Eugene. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered July 14, 
1864, 4th Regt. Cavalry, unassigned, Mass. Vols. No record of his 

Pellett, Archibald S. Age 34. Married. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Canterbury, Ct., May 2, 
1827. Parents, Chester and Almira. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Dis- 
charged for disability, November 15, 1862. Residence in 1886, 
Canterbury, Ct. 

Pepper, Samuel J. Age 2)Z- Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in New Braintree, November 2, 


1829. Parents, William and Eliza. Enlisted September 2, 1862, for 
nine months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. 
Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. 
Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Perkins, George H. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, March 
25, 1844. Parents, George W. and Mary E. Enhsted for three years, 
July 25, 1862. Mustered July 31, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. A, Mass. Vols. 
Private. In Battles in front of Richmond and Petersburg. Wounded 
in the Battle of Piedmont, Va. In Battles of Lynchburg and on Hun- 
ter's Retreat, Kanawha Valley. Discharged November 13, 1864, at 
Opequan Crossing. Mustered in again as Second Lieutenant, 127th 
Regt., United States Colored Troops, December 30, 1864. Discharged 
again at Brazos Santiago, Texas, by order of War Department, Septem- 
ber 8, 1865. When discharged was acting Assistant Adjutant General, 
General Draper's Staff, 3d Division, 25th Army Corps. Residence in 
1886, Somerville, Mass. 

Perkins, Nevo-on M. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Lynn, Mass., September 5, 
1845. Parents, George W. and Mary E. Enlisted December, 1863, 
for three years. Mustered January 17, or 27, 1864, 4th Regt. Cavalry, 
Co. E, Mass. Vols. Private. Bounty $325. Discharged at expiration 
of service, November 14, 1865. Died of consumption, at North Brook- 
field, March 25, 1871. 

Perry, Charles. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, May 3, 1844. 
Parents, Elisha P. and Esther G. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battle of Ball's 
Bluff, and with the Army of the Potomac on the Peninsula, and second 
Battle of Bull Run, and at Antietam, September 17, 1862, where he was 
mortally wounded, and left on the field for hours ; he was removed to 
hospital at Sharpsburg, Va., where he died of his wounds, September 27, 

PoGNE, (or Pope) William, Jr. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and 
parentage, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $211.33. Mus- 
tered December 29, 1864, 4th Regt. Cavalry, Co. C, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged at expiration of service, November 14, 1865. 

Porter. Charles A. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, December 2, 


1843. Parents, Dr. Joshua and Martha L. P^nlisted for three years, 
June 24, 1862. Mustered July 13, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. A, Mass. Vols. 
Corporal. He had served five months previous to this enlistment in the 
Navy on United States steamer Brooklyn. Was in Battles of Charlestown 
and Newmarket, Va., where wounded, shot through right breast and 
lung ; the ball passing through the body. Discharged for disability, 
April 5, 1865. Residence in 1886, Windsor Locks, Ct. 

Potter, Albert F. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Clerk. Born in St. Albans, Vt., April 3, 1842. Par- 
ents, Frederick A. and Mary P. (Fobes). Enlisted for nine months. 
Mustered September 12, 1862, 44th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. Sergeant. 
In battles of Kinston, Whitehall and Goldsboro. Died of fever, at New- 
bern, N.C., January 28, 1863. Credited in Adjutant General's Record 
to Newton, Mass. 

Powers, John L. Age 19. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. Enlisted 
for three years. Mustered September 16, 1861, 2 2d Regt., Co, G, Mass. 
Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, October 17, 1864. 
Credited by Adjutant General to West Brookfield. 

Price, David. Age 28. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty ^325, Mustered June 21, 
1864, 25th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Discharged at expiration of ser- 
vice, July 13, 1865. Residence from time to time, at the Town Farm, 
North Brookfield, Mass. 

Prouty, Elphonzo W. x\ge 25. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, May 2, 
1836. Parents, Homer R. and Nancy. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered July i6, 1861, 13th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Corporal. 
Discharged at expiration of service, August i, 1864. Residence in 
1886, Worcester, Mass. Credited in Adjutant General's Record to 

Prouty, George S. Age 24. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, September 16, 
1838. Parents, Homer R. and Nancy. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered July 31, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. C, Mass. Vols. Corporal. 
Mortally wounded in Battle of Piedmont, June 2, 1864. Died of 
wounds, at Harrisburg, Pa., June 5, 1864. Credited in Adjutant Gen- 
eral's Record to Northboro. 


QuiGLEY, John 2D. Age 34. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Currier. Born in Ireland, in December, 1829. Parents, 
Thomas and Jane. Enlisted December 16, 1863, for three years. 
Bounty 1^325. Mustered January 4, 1864, 59th Regt., Co. B, Mass. Vols. 
Private. In Battles of the Wilderness, (where wounded) and Spottsyl- 
vania Court House. Discharged for disability, January 8, 1865. Died 
in Ireland, in 1885. 

Raymore, John W. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Williamson, N.Y., March 3, 
1842. Parents, John and Alzina. Enlisted for three years. Mustered 
January 22, 1863, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged 
for disability, February 19, 1863. Re-enlisted in 4th Regt., Cavalry, 
Co. C, in December, 1863. Mustered January 6, 1864. Discharged 
at expiration of service, November 14, 1865. Residence in 1886, un- 

Reynolds, Nathan. Age 30. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in Southbridge, March 10, 1831. 
Parents, Leonard and Esther. Enlisted September 26, 1861, for three 
years. Mustered September 26, 1861, 24th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. 
Corporal. Discharged for disability, May 9, 1863. Residence in 1886, 
East Brookfield, Mass. 

Reynolds, William. Age 26. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in Southbridge, March 5, 1835. 
Parents, Leonard and Esther. Enlisted for three years, September 16, 
1861. Mustered September 23, 1861, 24th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. 
Private. In Battles of Roanoke Island and Newbern. Discharged to 
re-enlist, February 27, 1864. Re-enlisted February 27, 1864, for three 
years, in the same regiment and company. Bounty ^504.66. In Battles 
of Kinston, Planters' Creek, James' Island and Rawle's Mills. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, January 20, 1866. On Adjutant Gen- 
eral's Record, at second enlistment, credited to Dedham. Residence in 
1886, East Brookfield, Mass. 

Rice, Edwin A. Age 20. Residence, North Brookfield. Occupation, 
Shoemaker. Born in Springfield, Mass., January 23, 1841. Parents, 
Levi A. and Mary A. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 12, 
1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Taken prisoner in Battle 
of Ball's Bluff; was in Richmond Prison two months, and in Sahsbury 
Prison five months. Came home on thirty days' furlough. Discharged 
from 15th Regt., at Alexandria, Va., for disability, November 27, 1862. 



At home a little over one year. Re-enlisted January 4, 1864, for three 
years, in ist Conn. Heavy Artillery, Co. K. In engagements in the 
attack on Butler's lines at Bermuda Hundreds, May 1 8-1 9-20-2 1-27- 
31, and June 1-2-5-9-18-20-23, and August 25, 1864. In Siege of 
Petersburg, September 28 and 29, and October 27, and November 6, 
1864. In the attack on Fort Stedman, March 25, 1865, there taken 
prisoner, carried to Petersburg, and stripped of every thing, even of boots, 
carried to Richmond for five days. Paroled, and came home on a thirty 
days' furlough. Returned to the regiment at Fort Darling. Helped to 
remove the guns from Battery along the James River. Was transferred 
with the regiment to Fort Lyon, Va., where the regiment was discharged 
by order of War Department, September 25, 1865. Residence in 1886, 
North Ashford, Ct. 

Ring, George. Age 20. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered July 14, 
1864, 2d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Deserted November 12, 1864. 

Rock, Micil\el. Age 29. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Blacksmith. Born in Rosscommon, Ireland. Parents, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Mustered January 30, 1862, 15th 
Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Transferred to 20th Regt., Co. K, 
July 27, 1864. Discharged at expiration of service, January 27, 1865. 
Residence in 1S86, unknown. 

Rogers, William. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered June 18, 
1864, 2d Regt., Co. C, Mass. Vols. Deserted June 22, 1865. 

Rosenburg, Charles. Age 23. Residence, birthplace and parentage 
unknown. EnUsted for three years. Mustered July 31, 1863, 19th 
Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Discharged for disability, December 14, 1863. 

Rowan (or Rayhne), James A. Age 20. Residence, birthplace and 
parentage, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty I445. 33. Mus- 
tered December 11, 1863, 2d Regt. Heavy Artillery, Co. I, Mass. Vols. 
Discharged at expiration of service, September 3, 1865. 

Russell, Edward J. Age 28. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Carpenter. Born in Hadley, Mass., October 23, 1833. 
Parents, Charles and Delia R. (Smith). Enlisted in May, 1861, for 
three years. Was chosen by the company, and commissioned Second 
Lieutenant, May 16, 1861, by Gov. Andrew, but was superseded and 
mustered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Sergeant.. Pro- 

^.1/? OF THE REBELLION. 333 

moted to First Sergeant, March i, 1862 ; to Second Lieutenant, July 24, 
1862 ; to First Lieutenant, September 28, 1862 ; to Captain, January 27, 

1863, and assigned to Co. D. In Battles of Yorktown, West Point, Fair 
Oaks, Savage Station, White Oak Swamp, etc.. South Mountain, Antietam, 
September 17, 1862, Fredericksburg, Dec. 13, 1862, and May 3, 1863. 
Discharged for disability, September 9, 1863. Was commissioned May 
4, 1864, Second Lieutenant, in 3d Regt. Heavy Artillery. Promoted to 
First Lieutenant, May 28, 1864, to Captain, July i, 1865. Mustered out 
of service, October i, 1865. Residence in 1886, Worcester, Mass. 

Russell, John W. Age 31. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. Enlisted 
for three years. Mustered July 13, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. A, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, June 16,1865. Residence 
in 1886, unknown. 

Ryan, Willl-^m. Age 2 1 . Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered July 14, 

1864, 2d Regt., Co. C, Mass. Vols. Discharged at expiration of service, 
July 14, 1865. 

Sanford, Charles. Age 22. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enhsted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 3, 
1864, 2d Regt., Company unassigned, Mass. Vols. Never joined regi- 

Sherman, Daniel W. Age 23. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, August 28, 
1838. Parents, Harrison W. and Jemima. Enlisted for 3 years. Mus- 
tered January 29, 1862, 31st Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. Private. Pro- 
moted to Corporal, February 12, 1862 ; to Sergeant, May 4, 1862. In 
Battles of Bisland and Port Hudson. Discharged at expiration of service, 
February 18, 1865. Died in Worcester, August 15, 1873. 

Sherman, George L. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Farmer. Bom in Oakham, October 10, 1842. 
Parents, Loren G. and Ehza F. Drafted July 13, 1863, for three years. 
Mustered August 11, 1863, 28th Regt., Co. I, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Killed in action near Spottsylvania Court House, May 13, 1864. 

Simmons, James W. Age 20. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 5, 
1864, 5th Regt. Cavalry, Co. M, Mass. Vols. Corporal. Discharged at 
expiration of service, October 31, 1865. 


Smith, George C. Age 38. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Farmer. Born in Belchertown, February 21, 1827. Parents, 
George C. and Lydia. Enlisted for three years. Mustered September 
17, 1861, 25th Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. Discharged to re-enlist, Jan- 
uary 18, 1864. Re-enlisted January 19, 1864, in same regiment and 
company. Bounty ^325. Discharged at expiration of service, July 25, 

1865. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Smith, Asa. Age 38. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Mustered January 5, 1864, 34th 
Regt., Company unassigned, Mass. Vols. January 8, 1864, rejected 

Smith, Frank A. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Clerk. Born in Heath, Mass., December 15, 1839. 
Parents, Augustus and Jane M. Enlisted August 20, 1862, for nine 
months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Smith, Henry E. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in North Brookfield, April 26, 
1 84 1. Parents, Benjamin and Mary E. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered August 12, 1 86 1, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private or 
Corporal. In Battles of Ball's Bluff, and Seven Days' Fight before Rich- 
mond, at Antietam, September 17, 1862, where wounded in the leg, at 
hospitals in Philadelphia, and at Chester, Pa., and on duty as command- 
ant of guard. July i, 1863, ordered with guard to Philadelphia at time 
of Gettysburg Battles. Thence to Chester Hospital to receive and care 
for 1,400 wounded rebel prisoners from Gettysburg — there till March, 
1864. Re-enlisted March 29, 1864. Bounty $325. Furloughed thirty 
days. Joined 20th Regt., May 24, 1864, at Fredericksburg, Va. May 
26, 1864, severely wounded in breast, at North Anna River. In charge 
of Christian Commission at Washington, D.C. In Veteran Reserve 
Corps in December, 1864. Acting Clerk of Mustering Officer at Auburn, 
N.Y. Discharged from Veteran Reserve Corps, Commissioned Second 
Lieutenant 193d Regt., N.Y. Vols. Post Adjutant at WheeUng, Va., 
July 4, 1865. Provost Marshal August 10, 1865. Assistant Superin- 
tendent Freedmen's Bureau at Harper's Ferry. Discharged January 18, 

1866. Residence in 1886, Worcester, Mass. 

Smith, Melville W. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Horn in North Brookfield, June 13, 


1845. Parents, Benjamin and Mary E, Enlisted August 20, 1862, for 
nine months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. 
Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. 
Residence in 1886, Spencer, Mass. 

Snell, Moses Porter. Age 23. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Student. Born in North Pjrookfield, May 3, 
1839. Parents, Thomas Jr., and Lucretia C. P. Enlisted August 6, 
1862. Mustered August 27, 1862, 36th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Ser- 
geant. After being sick was on detached duty as Surgeon's clerk, at 
Frederick, Md., and at Crab Orchard, Ky., and acting Quartermaster 
Sergeant at Headquarters for forwarding the Ninth Corps at Cincinnati, 
O., in winter of 1864. Was in the fight at Jackson, Miss., July, 1863. 
April 26, 1864, mustered as First Lieutenant, 39th Regt., Co. I, United 
States Colored Troops, at Baltimore, Md. Acting Adjutant at time of 
mine explosion, at Petersburg, Va., and in the thickest of the fight. De- 
tailed September, 1864, as A. A. D. C. to Major General Crawford, com- 
manding 3d Division, 5th Army Corps. With him in first and second 
Battles of Hatcher's Run ; also in Battles of White Oak Roads, Five 
Forks, and at the surrender of Lee. Brevetted Captain. In grand re- 
view at Washington, D.C. Returning to his regiment in N.C., was A. A. 
D. C, to Gen. Duncan at Newbern, and for some months an officer of 
the Freedmen's Bureau. Mustered out with regiment, December, 1865. 
Residence in 1886, Washington, D.C. 

Snow, William A. Age 28. Unmarried. Occupation, Leather Cut- 
ter. Born in North Brookfield. Parents, Tilly P. and Lucy Ann. En- 
listed for three years. Bounty $50. Mustered August 4, 1863, 2d Regt. 
Heavy Artillery, Co. C, Mass. Vols. Sergeant. Discharged at expiration 
of service, September 3, 1865. Residence in 1886, Kinsley, Kansas. 

Spooner, Edward A. Age 29. Married. Born in Heath, Mass., 
September 24, 1835. Parents, Daniel G. and Nancy. Enlisted August 
20, 1862, for nine months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., 
Co. F, Mass Vols. Corporal. Discharged at expiration of service, 
August 20, 1863. Residence in 1886, Council Bluffs, Iowa. 

Spooner, Edward H. Age 25. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Student. Born in Petersham, Mass., July 31, 1838. 
Parents, Horace and Sophia. Enlisted June 30, 1863, for three years. 
Bounty $50. Mustered August 14, 1863, 8th Unattached Co. Heavy 
Artillery, Co. D, Mass. Vols. Discharged at expiration of service. May 
17, 1865. Erroneously credited to Boston. Residence in 1886, Brook- 
lyn, N.Y. 


Spooner, George R. Age 17. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, September 13, 
1846. Parents, Horace and Sophia (Stowe). Enlisted for three years. 
Bounty $325. Mustered December 12, 1S63, ist Regt. Heavy Artillery, 
Co. I, Mass. Vols. Private. Served most of his time in the drum corps. 
Participated in two charges in front of Petersburg, Va. Served also as 
nurse in field division hospital. Discharged at expiration of service, 
August 16, 1865. Residence in 1886, Adams, Mass. 

Stevens, Benjamin. Age 21. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Andover, Mass., June 18, 1840. 
Parents, Benjamin and Lucy. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 
12, 1 86 1, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Promoted to Cor- 
poral, November i, 1863. J^" Battles of Ball's Bluff, Peninsula Campaign 
of General McClellan, Antietam (where wounded), Bristow Station, Mine 
Run, and Wilderness (where wounded). Discharged at expiration of 
service, July 28, 1864. Residence in 1886, Worcester, Mass. 

Stoddard, Elijah. Age 20. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, June jy, 1842. 
Parents, Leonard and Julia A. Enlisted for nine months, August 20, 

1862. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Resi- 
dence in 1886, Omaha, Neb. 

Stoddard, Emerson. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Farmer. Born in North Brookfield, Novem- 
ber 8, 1843. Parents, Leonard and Julia A. Enlisted August 20, 1862, 
for nine months. Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 

1863. Re-enlisted in same regiment and company for one hundred 
days, July 15, 1864. Bounty, $73.99. Mustered July 21, 1864. Dis- 
charged at expiration of service, November 11, 1864. Residence in 
1886, East Brookfield, Mass. 

Stoddard, Albert L. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, May 
5, 1845. Parents, Leonard and JuHa A. Enlisted July 18, 1864, for 
one hundred days. Bounty $73.99. Mustered July 20, 1864, 42d 
Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of ser- 
vice, November 11, 1864. Died at North Brookfield, June 11, 1867. 

Stoddard, Jasox T. Age 16. Unmarried. Residence, North 


Brookfield. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, Feb- 
ruary 12, 1845. Parents, Curtis and Nancy B. Enhsted for three 
years. Mustered October 13, 1861, 27th Regt, Co. B, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Transferred August 14, 1863, to Veteran Reserve Corps. Pro- 
moted to First Sergeant, January i, 1863. Never served in loth Regt., 
but acted as Deputy Marshal for 4th District, New York, from August, 

1863, to July, 1865. Mustered out of service July 30, 1865. (A part 
is taken from his own statement.) Residence in 1886, North Brook- 
field, Mass. 

Stone, Harrison W. Age 27. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Sutton. Date of birth and 
parentage, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered February 3, 
1862, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged December 
26, 1863, to re-enlist. Re-enlisted and mustered December 27, 1863, 
in same regiment and company. Bounty ^325. Transferred July 11, 

1864, to 20th Regt., Co. K. Killed February 5, 1865, at Thatcher's Run, 
Va. In first enlistment credited to Brookfield, and in second enlistment 
credited to Dudley, Mass. 

Stone, Henry H. Age 21. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, April 24, 
1842. Parents, James and Malinda. Enlisted in December 1863, for 
three years. Mustered January 9, 1864, 4th Regt. Cavalry, Co. D, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged from Co. K, at expiration of service, 
November 14, 1865. Residence in 1886, Barre, Mass. 

St. Peter, Peter. Age 34. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. 
Enhsted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered January 27, 1864, 
4th Regt. Cavalry, Co. G, Mass. Vols. Private. Deserted September 
24, 1865. 

Sullivan, Thomas. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, 
unknown. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 27, 1863. 13th 
Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. Deserted August 17, 1863. 

Thompson, Alvin M. Age 39. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in West Brookfield, February 
22, 1823. Parents, William and Ormacinda. Enhsted for three years. 
Mustered August 11, 1862, 36th Regt., Co. K, Mass. Vols. Private, 
Taken prisoner at Campbell's Station, November 11, 1863. Supposed 
to have died at Andersonville Prison, March 4, 1864. Discharged at 
expiration of service, June 8, 1865. Absent, prisoner. 


ToRREY, Charles C. Age 42. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Blacksmith. Born in Northfield, Mass., October 
20, 1 818. Parents, Adam and Submit. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered July 12, 1861, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battle 
of Ball's Bluff, where he escaped capture by swimming the river ; in the 
Battle of Gettysburg. Discharged at expiration of service, July 28, 
1864. Residence in 1886, Brattleboro, Vt. 

Tucker, George F. Age 43. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Oxford, Mass., April 17, 1 818. 
Parents, Calvin and Serepta. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 
12, 1 86 1, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battles of Ball's 
Bluff and Seven Days' Fight on the Peninsula. Discharged for disabil- 
ity, October 30, 1862. Re-enlisted in Veteran Reserve Corps, Sep- 
tember 20, 1864. Bounty 1^326.66. Discharged by order of War 
Department, November 14, 1865. Residence in 1886, North Brook- 
field, Mass., or Togus, Me. 

Tucker, Edwin M. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in West Boylston, Mass., June 
8, 1839. Parents, Ezra A. and Serepta (Butler). Enlisted September 
16, 1861, for three years. Mustered September 23, 1861, 24th Regt., 
Co. I, Mass. Vols. Private. Promoted to Corporal, October i, 1862 ; 
to Sergeant, March 22, 1864. Detailed Color Sergeant, July, 1864. 
Discharged to re-enlist, January i, 1864. Re-enlisted in same regiment 
and company, January 2, 1864. Bounty ^542.66. In Battles of Roanoke 
Island, N.C., February 8, 1862 ; Newbern, N.C., March 14, 1862, 
where he was slightly wounded ; Tranter's Creek, N.C., June 5, 1862; 
Rawle's Mills, N.C., November 2, 1862 ; Kinston, N.C., December 14, 
1862; Whitehall, N.C., December 16, 1862; Goldsboro, N.C., Decem- 
ber 7, 1862 ; Siege of Forts Wagner and Gregg, Morris' Island, S.C., 
July 17, to September 29, 1863; Walthal Junction, Va., May 17, 1864; 
Drury's Bluff, Va., May 13 to 16, 1864 ; Richmond and Petersburg 
Turnpike, Va., June 16, 1864; Strawberry Plains, Va., August 1864; 
Deep Bottom, Va., August 14, 1864 ; Deep Run, Va., August 16, 1864 ; 
Siege of Petersburg, Va., August 28 to September 28, 1864, and in 
various other skirmishes. Discharged at expiration of service, January 
20, 1866. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Tucker, Lyman. Age 23. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in West Brookfield, February 9, 1841. 
Parents, Joseph W. and Mary. Enlisted July 11, 1864, for one hun- 
dred days. Bounty $57.99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. 


F, Mass. Vols. Private. Died of disease, at Alexandria, Va., Septem- 
ber II, 1864. 

Tucker, Emory H. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, May 7, 1842. 
Parents, George F. and Mary R. Enlisted for one hundred days. 
Bounty $77.99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. 
Private. Discharged at expiration of service, November 11, 1864. 
Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Tucker, George A. Age 18. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in West Brookfield, May 5, 1845. 
Parents, Joseph W. and Mary. Enlisted for nine months. Mustered 
November 3, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged 
at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Re-enhsted in 4th Regt. 
Cavalry, Co. F, January 27, 1864. Bounty $325. In numerous battles 
before Richmond, and present at the surrender of Lee. Discharged at 
expiration of service, November 14, 1865. Residence in 1886, West 
Brookfield, Mass. 

Tyler, Warren. Age 43. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Physician. Born in North Brookfield, February 6, 1819. 
Parents, David and Nancy. Enlisted for three years. Mustered August 
21, 1862, 36th Regt., Mass. Vols. Assistant Surgeon. Served with the 
regiment to October 20, 1863, when he resigned on account of ill health, 
and was honorably discharged. Was afterward commissioned Assistant 
Surgeon in 5 7th Regt., and joined the regiment when it was at the 
front, and in Battle at Petersburg, Va., in February, 1865. Went at 
once into active service on the field, and continued until taken sick 
with erysipelas, when he went into the hospital and remained there 
until he was taken to Jamestown Seminary Hospital, where he remained 
until he was able to come home, and left without being mustered, be- 
cause there was neither time nor any officials to muster him. He re- 
ceived no compensation from the Government for this second service, 
or for personal expenses incurred thereby. Residence in 1886, North 
Brookfield Mass. 

Upham, John J. Age 26. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, May 22, 1836. Par- 
ents, Jesse and Content. Enhsted, August 20, 1862, for nine months. 
Mustered September 30, 1862, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. 
Discharged at expiration of service, August 20, 1863. Residence in 
1886, Worcester, Mass. 


Walker, Joseph L. Age 38. Married. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in Sturbridge, February 28, 1824. Par- 
ents, Willis and Lydia. EnHsted for three years. Mustered July 25, 
1862, 36th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Corporal. In Battles of the Wil- 
derness, Spottsylvania, North Anna, Cold Harbor, Petersburg, and Wel- 
don Railroad. Discharged at expiration of service, July 8, 1865. 
Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Walker, Robert W. Age 25. Unmarried. Residence, Boston, Mass. 
Occupation, Manufacturer. Born in North Brookfield, July 12, 1837. 
Parents, Amasa and Hannah A. Enlisted August 6, 1862, for three 
years. Mustered August 11, 1862, 34th Regt., Co. A, Mass. Vols. 
Second Lieutenant. Promoted to First Lieutenant, May 15, 1864, the 
same day wounded and captured in battle at Newmarket, Va., taken to 
Harrisonburg, Va., was there until July 24, 1864, then transferred to 
Libby Prison, in Richmond, Va., and was there about six weeks, half 
starved and brutally treated, though the doctors there were skilful sur- 
geons and fine gentlemen. Discharged by order of W^ar Department, 
for disability, while at home in North Brookfield, November 4, 1864. 
Credited to Boston. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Walker, Francis A. Age 21. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Student. Born in Boston, July 2, 1840. Parents, 
Amasa and Hannah A. EnHsted for three years. Mustered August i, 

1861, 15th Regt., Mass. Vols. Sergeant Major. Served on upper Poto- 
mac under Gen. Stone, during August and part of September, 1861. 
September 14, 1861, to March, 1862, was Assistant Adjutant General in 
Curtis' Brigade, near Washington, with the rank of Captain. In March, 

1862, he was on the Peninsula under Gen. McClellan as A. A. G. of Gen. 
Couch's Division. He was in the siege of Yorktown, in Battles of Wil- 
liamsburg and Fair Oaks, in Seven Days' Fight on the Retreat from the 
Peninsula. Appointed Major, August 11, 1862. In second Battle of 
Bull Run, and Antietam. October, 1862, became A. A. G. of Second 
Army Corps. In Battle of Fredericksburg, December 13, 1862. Ap- 
pointed Lieutenant Colonel January i, 1863. (A. A. G.) Was severely 
wounded in Battle of Chancellorsville, and was brevetted Brigadier Gen- 
eral for gallant and meritorious services. Remained A. A. G. of Second 
Army Corps through 1863 and 1864, on staff of Gens. Warren and Han- 
cock, and in all the marches and battles of that body of troops, except 
Gettysburg, until August 25, 1864, when captured at the action of Reames' 
Station, and held a prisoner two months, then paroled ; afterwards ex- 
changed, with broken health, which compelled retirement from service 
in January, 1865. Residence in 1886, Boston, Mass. 


Walker, Sumner. Age 25. Unmarried. Residence, North Brookfield. 
Occupation, Leather Cutter. Born in North Brookfield, April 16, 1839. 
Parents, Lyman and Mary L. Enlisted July, 11, 1864, for one hundred 
days. Bounty ^77.99. Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. F, Mass. 
Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, November 11, 1864. 
Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Walker, Osborn. Age 22. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in North Brookfield, September 
20, 1841. Parents, Elisha and Nancy. Enlisted for three years. 
Bounty $395. Mustered December 11, 1863, 2d Regt. Heavy Artillery, 
Co. I, Mass. Vols. Corporal. Spent most of the time in Virginia and 
North Carolina. Discharged at expiration of service, September 3, 1865. 
Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, Mass. 

Walker, William H. Age 19. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Clerk. Born in North Brookfield, March 2, 1845. 
Parents, Freeman and Emily P. Enlisted July 11, 1864, for one hundred 
days. Bounty $77.99, Mustered July 15, 1864, 42d Regt., Co. F, 
Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration of service, November 
II, 1864. Residence in 1886, Minneapohs, Minn. 

Ward, Peter. Age 21. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 3, 

1864, 2d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Died (as Peter Devlin) at 
Nashville, Tenn., June 5, 1865. 

Waterman, John. Age 20. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. 
Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered July 14, 1864, 2d 
Regt., Co. D, Mass. Vols. Private. Deserted November 11, 1864. 

Warren, Frank. Age 29. Residence, birthplace and parentage, un- 
known. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $100. Mustered January 9, 

1865, 28th Regt., Co. C, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration 
of service, June 30, 1865. 

Warren, William H. Age 23. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. 
Enlisted for one hundred days. Bounty ;^ 7 7.99. Mustered July 21, 
1864, 42d Regt., Co. G, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged at expiration 
of service, November 11, 1864. 

Wheeler, Benjamin P. Age 27. Residence, birthplace and parent- 
age, unknown. Enlisted for three years. Bounty $183.66. Mustered 


December 29, 1864, 3d Regt. Cavalry, Mass. Vols. Discharged at ex- 
piration of service, September 28, 1865. 

Wheelock, Benjamin C. Age 31. Married. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in South Orange, March 
24, 1830. Parents, Rufus and Polly. Enlisted for three years. Mus- 
tered February 3, 1862, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private, In 
Battles of Fair Oaks, Seven Days' Fight before Richmond, and Antietam. 
Discharged from Co. A, March 4, 1863, for disability. Residence in 
1886, Fort Fettiman, Wyoming Territory. 

Wheelock, Joseph B. Age 29. Unmarried. Residence, North 
Brookfield. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born in South Orange, Mass., 
December 8, 1832. Parents, Rufus and Polly. Enlisted for three years. 
Mustered July 27, 1862, 36th Regt., Co. E, Mass. Vols. Private. In 
Battles at Jackson's Mills, Blue Springs, E. Tenn., Campbell's Station, 
Siege of Knoxville, Spottsylvania Court House (wounded) . Discharged 
for disability, March 27, 1865. Residence in 1886, North Brookfield, 

Whitman, Marcellus. Age 38. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Shoemaker. Born March 5, 1822. Parents, Daniel 
C. and Polly. Enlisted for nine months. Mustered October 15, 1862, 
53d Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. In Battles of Bisland and Port 
Hudson. Discharged at expiration of service, September 2, 1863. 
Credited to Barre, Mass. Residence in 1886, Minnesota. 

Williams, Henry. Age 26. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. 
Enlisted for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered May 4, 1864, 2d 
Regt., unassigned, Mass. Vols. Never joined the regiment. 

Williams, Jean. Age 22. Birthplace and parentage, unknown. En- 
listed for three years. Bounty $325. Mustered June 18, 1864, 2d 
Regt., unassigned, Mass. Vols. Never joined regiment. 

WiNSLOW, Louis D. Age 24. Unmarried. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Barre, Mass., September 27, 
1838. Parents, David L. and Mercy H. Enlisted August 18, 1862, for 
three years. Mustered August 20, 1862, 36th Regt., Co. H, Mass. Vols. 
Private. In Battles of Fredericksburg, Va., December 17, 1862 ; Vicks- 
burg, July 4, 1863 ; Jackson, July 16, 1863 ; Blue Springs, October to, 
1863; Campbell's Station, November 16, 1863; Knoxville, Tenn., No- 
vember 16, 1863; Wilderness, Va., May 6, 1864; and killed in action 
near Spottsylvania Court House, May 12, 1864. 


WooDARD, Elias H. Age 39. Married. Residence, North Brook- 
field. Occupation, Mechanic. Born in Leicester, Mass., Sept. 11, 1822. 
Parents, Asa and Maria. Enlisted for three years. Mustered July 12, 
1 86 1, 15th Regt., Co. F, Mass. Vols. Private. Discharged for disability, 
Feb. 12, 1862. Residence in 1886, Brookfield, Mass. 




1st Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Bates, Thomas S. 

2d Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Anderson, Andrew. Ring, George. 

Christy, George. Rogers, Wilham. 

Congdon, John. * Ryan, William. 

Erwin, James. Sanford, Charles. 

Falmer, (or Fuller) Frederick. Ward, (Devlin) Peter. 

Green, William. Waterman, John. 

Jones, John H. Williams, Henry. 

Otto, Frederick. Williams, Jean. 

nth Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Clark, William. 

12th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Bates, George Albert. Miller, John. 

Kelley, Christopher. 

ijtii Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Prouty, Elphonso W. Sullivan, Thomas. 

i^th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Babbitt, William J. Bliss, Oliver. 

Barnes, Francis A. Brewer, W. H. H. 

Bartlett, Charles H. Cummings, Theodore. 

Bliss, Henry R. Dean, Amos. 



DeLand, Carlton M. 
Earle, David M. 
Earle, Henry G. 
Ellis, Elias B. 
Foster, Albert H. 
Fretts, Joseph. 
Graham, William. 
Greene, J. Evarts. 
Harrington, Stephen. 
Hill, G. W. A. 
Howard, John. 
Hughes, John A. 
Johnson, John H. 
Kimball, Amasa B. 
Knight, Daniel W, 
Lamb, Harrison S. 
Lynch, Jeremiah. 
Marsh, George L. 

Moulton, Henry Harrison. 
Nichols, Elijah. 
Nichols, John R. 
Pellett, Archibald S. 
Perry, Charles. 
Raymore, John W. 
Rice, Edwin A. 
Rock, Michael. 
Russell, Edward J. 
Smith, Henry E. 
Stevens, Benjamin. 
Stone, Harrison W. 
Torrey, Charles C. 
Tucker, George F. 
Walker, Francis A. 
Wheelock, Benjamin C. 
Woodard, Elias H. 

i8th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Miles, Edward C. 

igth Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Rosenburg, Charles. 

20th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Barnes, Francis A. Moulton, Henry Harrison. 

DeLand, Carlton M. 
Ellis, Elias B. 
Frieman, August. 
Hill, William F. 

Rock, Michael. 
Smith, Henry E. 
Stone, Harrison W. 

22d Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Powers, John L. 

24th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Dickinson, Curtis. Reynolds, William. 

Page, Henry J. 

Reynolds, Nathan. 

Tucker, Edwin M. 

2§th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Ashby, Charles H. Burns, John. 

Barnum, Cutler. Crouch, (or Cromb) Geo. H 


Dickinson, Nathan S. Kemp, Stephen B. 

Dunn, WiUiam. McCarthy, John. 

Foster, Nathaniel H. McCarthy, Timothy. 

Henderson, James. Meade, Josiah C. 

Hill, Charles F. Mitchell, David. 

Holman, Albert T. Price, David. 

Johnson, Henry S. Smith, George C. 
Johnson, Palmer P. 

2'jth Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Gilmore, John W. Stoddard, Jason T. 
Leach, Addison. 

28th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Donn, Bee. Sherman, George L. 

Lafleur, Alfred. Warren, Frank. 

31st Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Johnson, Emory W. Sherman, Daniel W. 
Johnson, Julius W. 

34th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Babcock, Edwin G. Perkins, George H. 

Coolidge, James P., Jr. Porter, Charles A. 

Granger, Charles E. Prouty, George S. 

Giffin, Timothy P. Russell, John W. 

Hebard, John L. Smith, Asa. 

Holmes, Bradford R. Walker, Robert W. 
Jackson, Andrew F. 

36th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Bell, Leander. Jenks, Frank L. 

Cheever, Moses A. Snell, Moses P. 

Cummings, James B. Thompson, Alvin M. 

Gilbert, Lyman H. Tyler, Warren, M.D. 

Hair, Addison S. Walker, Joseph L. 

Harwood, George W. Wheelock, Joseph B. 

Haskell, William James. Winslow, Louis D. 

42d Regiment Infantry, M. V. Nine Months. 

Amidon, Frederick S. Bothwell, Sylvander. 

Allen, Harvey. Bragg, Warren S. 

Barstow, John. Dane, Emerson. 



Doane, Freeman. 
Doane, Freeman R. 
Doane, Hubbard S. 
Duncan, Timothy M. 
Eaton, Hiram. 
Fisher, Andrew J. 
Fisher, Francis H. 
Glazier, Leroy. 
Harlow, James F. 
Hebard, J. Franklin. 
Holmes, Sumner. 
Howe, Willard M. 
Knight, James A. 

42d Regiment Infantry, M. V. 

Barton, Charles P. 
Boyd, John F. 
Cuder, Abijah D. 
Dewing, Henry B. 
Doane, Edwin. 
Fay, William B. 
Hallson, Warren. 
Harris, George R. 

44th Regiment Infantry, M. 
Knight, Charles W. 

46th Regiment Infafitry, M. 
Earle, Israel C. 

^jd Regiment Infantry, M. 
Whitman, Marcellus. 

Miller, James. 
Montague, William H. 
Parkman, Charles. 
Parkman, Henry L. 
Pepper, Samuel J. 
Smith, Frank A. 
Smith, Melville W. 
Spooner, Edward A. 
Stoddard, Elijah. 
Stoddard, Emerson. 
Tucker, George A. 
Upham, John J. 

One Hundred Days. 

Hunter, Edward. 
Stoddard, Albert L. 
Stoddard, Emerson. 
Tucker, Emery H. 
Tucker, Lyman. 
Walker, William H. 
Walker, Sumner. 
Warren, William H. 

V. Nine Months. 
Potter, Albert F. 

V. Nine Months. 
Fay, William B. 

V. Nine Months. 

§4th Regiinent Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Freeman, Theophilus D. 

5<5//j Regitttent Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 
Bell, Leander. 

S7th Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Barron, William. Burke, James. 

Bates, William. Crowley, Patrick. 

Brigham, Charles L. Gould, Harvey (or Henry) W, 


Gaul, John. McCarthy, Cornelius. 

Howard, Timothy. Tyler, Warren, M.D. 
Howard, Daniel H. 

^8tli Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Atkinson, Thomas. Boggs, Archibald. 

§gth Regiment Infantry, M. V. Three Years. 

Barron, William. Howard, Daniel H. 

Burke, James. Howard, Timothy. 

Crowley, Patrick. McCarthy, Cornelius. 

Daley, Patrick. McNamara, Michael. 

Gaul, John. • Quigley, John, 2d. 

62d Regiment Infantry, M. V. One Year. 

Boyd, John F. Nichols, John R. 

I2jth Regiment Itifantry. Colored Troops. 

Perkins, Geo. H., 2d Lieut. Snell, Moses P., ist Lieut. 

1st Regiment Cavalry, M. V. Three Years. 
O'Brien, Dennis. 

3d Regiment Cavalry, M. V. Three Years. 

Cahill, Peter. Wheeler, Benjamin P. 
O'Brien, Henry. 

4th Regiment Cavalry, M. V. Three Years. 

Amidon, Charles K, Perkins, Newton M. 

Flagg, Samuel C. Pope, (or Pogne) Wm., Jr. 

Kerrigan, Daniel. Raymore, John W. 

Luce, Asa R. Stone, Henry H. 

Nealor, Samuel. St. Peter, Peter. 

O'Brien, James. Tucker, George A. 
Passage, Eugene. 

jth Regiment Cavalry, M. V. Three Years. 
Simmons, James W, 

1st Battalion Frontier Cavalry. 

Brown, Daniel C. Hartwell, Charles. 
Chapin, Charles L.' 


1st Regiment Heavy Artillery, M. V. Three Years. 

Maxwell, Nathaniel B. Spooner, George R. 

Moran, Thomas. 

2d Regivieftt Heavy Artillery, M. V. Three Years. 

Anderson, Charles. Jenks, Frank L. 

Bloom, William C. Rowan, (or Rayhne) James H. 

Burton, John. Snow, William A. 

Green, John. Walker, Osborne, 

id Regiment Heavy Artillery, M, V. Three Years. 

Adams, Nicholas. Russell, Edward J. 

Jones, Otis G. 

4th Regiment Heavy Artillery. M. V. Three Years. 

Edwards, Augustus. Maxwell, Samuel W. 

Glazier, Eugene, 

8th Unattached Company Heavy Artillery, M. V. Three Years. 
Spooner, Edward H. 

1 2th Regiment Heavy Artillery. United States Colored Troops. 
Foster, Nathaniel H,, Major. 

gth Battery, M. V, 
Adams, John Q. 

Veteran Reseii^e Corps. 

Bliss, Oliver. Nichols, Elijah, 

Cummings, Theodore. Stoddard, Jason T. 

Henry, John A. Tucker, George F. 
Lynch, Jeremiah, 


Beecher, Robert E., 73d Regt. Ohio Vols. 
Clark, Robert H., ist Regt. Conn. Vols. 
Clark William, 35th Regt. N.J. Vols. 
Jenks, John Henry, 14th Regt. N.H. Vols. 
Lamb, John H., 9th Regt. Maine Vols. 
Moulton, David S., 82d Regt. N.Y, Vols, 
Rice, Edwin A., ist Regt. Conn. Heavy Artillery. 



The Soldiers' Monument, which stands upon the grounds of the First 
Congregational Society, was contracted for with Martin Milmore, of 
Boston, erected in 1869, and publicly dedicated Jan. 19, 1870. Hon. 
Charles Adams, Jr., chairman of the Committee, presented the monu- 
ment to the town, and Dr. Warren Tyler, chairman of the Selectmen, 
accepted the same in the town's behalf. The Oration was delivered by 
Gen. Francis A. Walker, and followed by Addresses by His Excellency 
Gov. William Claflin, and Gen. Charles Devens. 

The statue is of a private soldier at parade rest, with downcast face, 
suggestive of the whole mournful story connected with the fall of the 
brave ones whose names are cut on the tablets beneath. The statue is 
of granite, seven feet high, and stands on a plinth eight feet high. It 
cost $5,500. The town contributed $3,000, the Grand Army of the 
Republic $500, and private citizens $2,000. On the north side is the 
following inscription : 









The back of the block presents only a plain surface, while the re- 
maining sides are inscribed with the names of the dead in the following 
order : 


N, B. Maxwell, James P. Coolidge, 

Peter Devlin, George S. Prouty, 

William Clark, Lyman H. Gilbert, 



east side. 
Henry R, Bliss, 
Joseph C. Fretts, 
Charles Perry, 
John A. Hughes, 
Henry H. Moulton, 
Wm. F. Hill, 
Charles H. Ashby, 
Albert F. Holman, 
Timothy McCarty, 
N. S. Dickinson, 
James Henderson, 
John W. Gilmore, 
George L. Sherman. 

west side. 
Alvin M. Thompson, 
Louis D. Winslow, 
Andrew J. Fisher, 
James A. Knight, 
Lyman Tucker, 
Albert F. Potter, 
Wm. Bates, 
David S. Moulton, 
John F. Lainib, 
Thomas Griffin, 
J. Henry Jenks, 
Alonzo E. Pellet. 



The following is a copy of the names and inscriptions on the Memorial 
Tablets in the Town Hall : 


John W. Gilmore, Co. B, 27th Mass. Vols. Died at Newbern, April 13th. 
Henry R. Bliss, Co. F, 15th Mass. Vols, Killed at Antietam, Sept. 

Joseph C. Fretts, Co. F, 15th Mass. Vols. Killed at Antietam, Sept. 

Charles Perry, Co. F, 15th Mass. Vols. Killed at Antietam, Sept. 17th. 
Albert T. Holman, Co. C, 25th Mass. Vols. Died at Newbern, Sept. 

David S. Moulton, Co. C, 82nd N.Y. Vols. Killed at Fredericksburg, 

Dec. 13. 


Albert F. Potter, Co. B, 44th Mass. Vols. Died at Newbern, Jan. 28th. 

John A. Hughes, Co. F, 15th Mass. Vols. Died in Hospital, May. i6th. 

Andrew J. Fisher, Co. F, 42d Mass. Vols. Died at sea, Aug. 6th. 
James A. Knight, Co. F, 42d Mass. Vols. Died, almost home, Aug. 


William F. Hill, Co. K, 20th Mass. Vols. Died at Morrisville, Va., Aug. 



Thomas S. Bates, Band, ist Mass. Vols. Died in Washington, Feb. 6th. 
George L. Sherman, Co. I, 28th Mass. Vols. Killed at Spottsylvania, 

May 12th. 
Louis D. Winslow, Co. H, 36th Mass. Vols. Killed at Spottsylvania, 

May 1 2 th. 
William Bates, Co. B, 5 7th Mass. Vols. Killed at Wilderness, Va., May 



George S. Prouty, Co. C, 39th Mass. Vols. Killed at Piedmont, Va., 

June 2nd. 
John F. Lamb, Co. G, 9th Maine Vols. Killed at Petersburg, Va., June 




N. S. Dickinson, Co. C, 25th Mass. Vols. Died of wounds, Aug. 18. 
N. B. Maxwell, Co. I, ist Mass. H. A. Died at Andersonville, Aug. 23. 
Timothy McCarty, Co. E, 25th Mass. Vols. Died at Andersonville, 

Sept. 2. 
Lyman Tucker, Co. F, 42d Mass. Vols. Died at Alexandria, Sept. 11. 
James P. Coolidge, Co. A, 34th Mass. Vols. Killed at Winchester, Va., 

Sept. 19. 
Lyman H. Gilbert, Co. E, 36th Mass. Vols. Killed at Petersburg, Va., 

Sept. 30. 
James Henderson, Co. I, 25th Mass. Vols. Died at Newbern, Oct. 3. 
J. Henry Jenks, 14th N.H. Vols. Killed at Cedar Creek, Va., Oct. 19. 
Thomas Griffin, Co. I, 90th Pa. Vols. Died at Salisbury, N.C., Dec. 7. 
William Clark, Co. I, i ith Mass. Vols. Killed near Savannah, Ga., Dec. 

Alvin M. Thompson, Co. K., 36th Mass. Vols. Died at Andersonville. 


Henry H. Moullon, Co. F, 15th Mass. Vols. Died at Andersonville, 

Jan. 23. 
Peter Devlin, Co. F, 2d Mass. Vols. Died at Nashville, June 5. 
Harvey Allen, Co. F, 42d Mass. Vols. Died at North Brookfield, July 

Charles H. Ashby, Co. H, 25th Mass. Vols. Died at North Brookfield, 

July 28th. 


Charles F. Dubord, Co. I, 2d Mass. Cav. Died at North Brookfield, 

Apr. 24. 
Albert L. Stoddard, Co. F, 4 2d Mass. Vols. Died at North Brookfield, 

June II. 


Elijah Nichols, Co. F, 15th Mass. Vols. Died at North Brookfield, 
Mar. 13. 




This Regiment was organized and recruited in Worcester County, and 
mustered into the U.S. Service, July 12, 186 1, under command of Col. 
Charles Devens. It was at Camp Scott, in Worcester, while recruiting 
and drilling. Left for Washington, D.C., August 8, 1861. Its first battle 
was at Ball's Bluff, on the right bank of the Potomac, about thirty-three 
miles northwest of Washington, October 21, 1861, with Col. E. D. Baker 
in command of the Union forces, and proved a disastrous defeat, with a 
reported loss, in killed, drowned, and wounded, of more than 1,000, 
while the whole force engaged was only about 1,900 men. Col. Baker 
displayed great courage and bravery, and was killed about 5 p.m. Col. 
Devens was promoted to Brigadier General of Volunteers, April 15, 1862, 
and left the Regiment to take command of a Brigade, when at York- 
town. He was succeeded by Col. (then Lieut. Col.) George H. Ward, 
of Worcester, who having lost a leg at Ball's Bluff, went home and was 
absent from October 21, 1861, till February 5, 1863, when he again 
joined the Regiment, Lieut. Col. John W. Kimball of Worcester in the 
mean time commanding. The 15th was in the Battles on the Peninsula, 
and in the bloody Battle of Antietam, Md., about six miles above Har- 
per's Ferry, September 17, 1862 ; one of the great conflicts of the war, 
and attended with great losses on both sides, resulting in a victory for 
the Union forces, but our losses in that engagement were so great that 
we contemplate it with more of sadness than joy. Our loss, as officially 
reported, was 1 2,469 men, and among them fell three of our own brave 
boys, Charles Perry, Henry R. Bliss, and Joseph Fretts. This Regiment 
was also in the great Battle of Fredericksburg, Va., about sixty miles 
south of Washington, December 13, 1862. Here the Union forces 
fought bravely and desperately, but at great disadvantage, the Rebel 
forces being in a protected position, and having fortifications and breast- 
works which almost wholly shielded them, while our men were in open 
field, receiving the murderous fire of the enemy. Our losses in this 
battle were appalling, and officially reported as more than 1 2,000 men, 
who were sacrificed to little purpose, resulting in no advantage to the 


Union Army. Here fell David S. Moulton, one of our own heroic boys, 
but not of this regiment. 

Soon after this battle — about December 20, the Regiment went into 
winter quarters, near Falmouth, Va., opposite Fredericksburg, on the 
same ground it occupied previous to the battle. The campaign of the 
15th Regiment in 1863, was begun at the battle of Chancellorsville a few 
miles west of Fredericksburg, May i and 2. Gen. Joseph Hooker now 
commanded the Army of the Potomac, which numbered about 132,000 
men, and this was his first great battle after assuming command, in Jan- 
uary previous. Gen. Lee commanded the Rebel forces, and the battle 
was waged with great courage and determination on both sides, and after 
terrible fighting and great slaughter for two days. Gen. Hooker retired 
and re-crossed with his whole force to the north bank of the Rappahan- 
nock. The Union losses were reported at 18,000 men, and the Rebel 
loss at 13,000. In this battle the 15th bore an honorable part. Its next 
great battle was at Gettysburg, Pa., about eight miles north of the Mary- 
land line, on the ist, 2d, and 3d of July, 1863. When this battle began, 
July I, the 15th was at Uniontown, Md., twenty miles south of Gettys- 
burg, but hearing heavy cannonading on the north, started immediately 
and marched 1 7 miles and bivouacked at night behind a barricade of 
rails three miles south of Gettysburg. On Thursday morning, July 2, 
started one hour before daylight for the battle-field and got into position 
about sunrise behind Cemetery Ridge, where a large part of the 2d 
Corps, to which the 15th belonged, was massed. At the close of the 
fighting of the first day the Confederates had gained some slight advan- 
tage, which evidently encouraged them; but darkness, nevertheless, 
found the Union forces established, as they believed, in an impregnable 
position, and they hopefully awaited the morrow. During the night 
heavy re-enforcements arrived, the 3d Corps under Sickles, the 12th 
under Slocum, the 2d Corps under Hancock, and others, by which the 
Union forces were greatly strengthened and encouraged. July 2d there 
was skirmishing in the forenoon, but the great battle of the day began 
about noon, and from that time fighting was incessant until the darkness 
closed the fearful conflict for the day. The battle was still undecided, 
the Federal forces holding the better position on the field, with hope 
and courage unabated. It was decided by Gen. Meade and his associ- 
ates before they slept, that if Lee gained a victory on this field he should 
win it by an aggressive movement with but few points in his favor. The 
morning of July 3d brought the renewal of the struggle, which continued 
on different parts of the field until about 1 1 o'clock a.m., at which time 
the Confederates had lost all the advantage they had gained during the 
first two days of the fight, but the great conflict of the day and the 
decisive battle did not really begin until about i p.m., when the Con- 


federates opened fire with 150 pieces of artillery, which were responded 
to by 80 pieces from the Union lines, and for about two hours the air 
was full of flying shot and shell, and the carnage was frightful to behold. 
Lee then, evidently supposing that the courage and hope of Meade's 
army must be weakened, threw about 18,000 of the bravest of his veter- 
ans upon the Union left centre, hoping to force back his foe and win 
the day. But in this he signally failed. The assault was bravely and 
grandly repulsed and the Confederates were driven back. Upon this 
movement Lee had staked his chances, and had lost. The great Battle 
of Gettysburg had been fought, and a splendid victory won, which 
really decided the success and final triumph of the Union arms in the 
War of the Rebellion. The old Fifteenth may well be proud of the 
part it bore in that terrible struggle, and there are many brave and noble 
men of our town who will remember that battle and will tell with pride 
and pleasure to their children, and children's children, how they helped 
to win the day on that bloody field. The Union losses in the three days 
are reported at 16,500 killed and wounded, and 6,600 missing, mostly 
taken prisoners on the first day. The Rebel losses were reported at 
18,000 killed and wounded, and 13,600 missing, mostly prisoners in the 
hands of the Union Army. Gen. Lee entered Pennsylvania with at 
least 100,000 men, of whom about 83,000 were in this battle. The 
Union forces on the field were reported at 85,000, of whom not over 
70,000 were in action. Gen. Hooker resigned command of the Army 
of the Potomac, June 27, and Gen. Meade assumed it June 28, only 
three days before the opening of the Battle of Gettysburg. 

The next important battle in which the 15th was engaged, was fought 
October 14, 1863, at Bristow Station, on the Orange and Alexandria 
Railroad, about four miles from Manassas Junction, and about thirty-five 
miles southwest from Washington. The Confederates under Gen. A. P. 
Hill made the attack, which was handsomely repulsed by the Federal 
forces under Gen. G. K. Warren, who captured a large number of pris- 
oners and several pieces of artillery. The losses of the enemy were 
severe, while the Union loss was only one officer and two men killed, 
nine men wounded, and two missing. This Regiment was in the Battle 
at Robertson's Tavern, November 27, and other unimportant engage- 
ments, before closing the campaign. The Regiment went into winter 
quarters near Stevensburg, Va., December 7, 1863. This place is about 
ten miles east of Culpepper, sixty-five or seventy miles southwest from 
Washington, and six or eight miles north of the Rapidan River. In 
March, 1864, Gen. Grant, then in command of all the Union Armies, 
made his headquarters with Gen. Meade, who was still in command of 
the Army of the Potomac, and determined " to fight it out " with that 
Army and "on that line." Gen. Meade's army, in which was the 15th 


Regiment, broke camp near midnight, May 3, 1864, and moved south to 
the Rapidan, which was successfully crossed with little opposition, and the 
whole army, before sunset on the fourth, was in the rough and woody sec- 
tion south of the Rapidan, familiarly known as the Wilderness, while the 
Confederate army under Gen. Lee was facing it, only a little distance south. 
On the fifth, the Fifth Army Corps of Gen. Meade's Army met the ad- 
vance of Lee's Army, and a fierce encounter ensued between some 
25,000 men, opening this bloody campaign. The evening of the fifth 
found the opposing armies face to face, with a momentous conflict im- 
pending on the morrow. At dawn of day, May 6, the battle was renewed 
all along the lines, and continued with unabated fierceness and great loss 
of life, until darkness closed the day, with no apparent advantage gained 
by either army, and each holding substantially the same position as on 
the night before. On the seventh, both armies were behind intrenched 
lines, and each too much exhausted to renew the fight. Gen. Meade, 
with the advice of Gen. Grant, determined to move to the left, and, if 
possible, to secure a flank movement on the right of Lee's Army, but 
Gen. Lee anticipated and prevented it. The engagements known as 
the Spottsylvania battles followed, from May 8 to May 21, and were san- 
guinary conflicts attended with great losses. Here fell three of our own 
men, George L. Sherman, Louis D. Winslow, and William Bates, whose 
names are inscribed on our Soldiers' Monument, and whose noble deeds, 
and heroic death, will ever be remembered and honored. The Battles 
of North Anna River were fought May 23, 24, 28, 29, and 30, and were 
severe and bloody engagements, resulting in the success of the Union 
forces. On May 31, Gen. Sheridan, with a Federal force, occupied Cold 
Harbor, driving the Confederates from the place ; but while in these 
battles the Union army was victorious, they were attended with fearful 
losses, and our hearts are saddened at the thought of the thousands of 
brave and heroic men who sacrificed their lives, and of other thousands 
who were maimed and crippled for life, in those terrible conflicts. Gen. 
Meade reported his losses in the 26 days in the Wilderness, from May 5 
to May 31, at 41,398 men (of whom 33,948 were killed and wounded), 
not including the loss in Burnside's corps, which did not join Gen. 
Meade's command until May 24th. 

Although the advance forces of Grant's Army under Gen. Sheridan 
had on May 31 driven the Confederates from Cold Harbor and occupied 
the place, Lee was determined to retake it. He strongly intrenched his 
army for that purpose, and on June 3 was fought the memorable battle 
of Cold Harbor, one of the bloodiest and most desperately contested 
battles of the war, and although the fight continued only about half an 
hour, Gen. Grant's loss was officially reported at not less than 7,000 men. 
No victory was won by either army, but each stubbornly holding its 


ground, they remained confronting each other until June 12, when Gen. 
Grant, having decided on another plan, by a rapid movement crossed the 
Chickahominy and James rivers, below City Point, and on June 15 th and 
1 6th made formidable assaults on Petersburg, 23 miles south of Rich- 
mond, which were repulsed with a loss to the Union forces, as reported 
by Gen. Grant, of 10,268 men. He then decided to invest the city, 
and the siege began June 19, 1864, and was continued until April 3, 
1865, when, after a week's bombardment by Grant's army, Gen. Lee 
evacuated the city, and his surrender at Appomattox, only six days after, 
terminated the war. 

The 15th Regiment when it entered the service numbered more than 
1,000 strong, and recruits had joined it from time to time while in the 
field, so that, in all, it embraced 1,428 men, but its losses in killed, 
wounded, sick and prisoners, in the severe campaigns of 186 1-3, had so 
depleted it that a field return on May i, 1864, gives the entire strength 
of the Regiment, officers and men, at only about three hundred. On 
June I, after the Battles of the Wilderness, it had lost in killed and 
wounded one-half its numbers, and on the 2 2d of June, when it con- 
fronted the enemy on the Jerusalem plank road before Petersburg, it had 
dwindled to 5 officers and about 70 men. At this time and place, a 
break or gap in the line of battle allowed the enemy to throw a force on 
the flank and in the rear of the second division of the second corps, 
in which was the little remnant of the Fifteenth, and the first intimation 
of thp position of affairs was a demand for surrender. Taken by sur- 
prise and overwhelmed by numbers, there was no alternative, and the 
Union boys were marched off prisoners. In the number were 4 officers 
of the 15th, and 65 men. One officer and 5 or 6 men escaped; after- 
wards the officer was wounded. The 5 men, with a few convalescents 
who arrived from hospital, were placed for a few days in another com- 
mand, until officers of the Regiment, who had been wounded in the 
campaign, arrived from hospital; when, on July 12, 1864, the little rem- 
nant of the Fifteenth was ordered to proceed to the city of Worcester, 
to be mustered out of service, its term of 3 years having expired. One 
company not mustered in till August 5, 1861, was left in the field, and 
some had also re-enlisted for another term of three years ; these were 
transferred to the 20th Regiment Mass. Vols., but the rest of the Regi- 
ment, including all who had been on detached service, and the sick and 
wounded from the hospitals who were able to travel, joyfully obeying the 
order, started for Worcester and " home, sweet home." The Regiment 
entered Worcester, officers and men, the well and strong, the sick and 
feeble, the wounded and crippled, numbering, all told, only about 150 
men, their whole appearance in sad and marked contrast with the grand 
old Fifteenth Regiment, with its full companies and ranks of healthy, 


robust, hopeful men, which marched out from Worcester August 8, 1861. 
But the splendid reception and hearty welcome which these brave men 
received will never be forgotten by them. His Excellency Gov. Andrew, 
His Honor Mayor Lincoln of Worcester, and the city authorities of Bos- 
ton were present, and welcomed them home, thanking them in eloquent 
words, in behalf of the State and country, for all the sacrifices they had 
made, and the heroic service they had rendered, and alluding with great- 
est respect and tearful sympathy to their fallen comrades, who, in giving 
their service in defence of the Union and the flag, had sacrificed their 
Hves upon their country's altar. Both city and State were represented 
in the miUtary escort and procession. The buildings gayly decorated, 
the stars and stripes waving in the breeze, the crowded streets, the loud 
huzzas and welcoming shouts of the multitude, all gave proof of the dis- 
tinguished honor bestowed upon these noble men by a grateful people. 


The 20th Regiment was recruited at Camp Massasoit, Readville, 
Mass., and was organized under command of Col. William Raymond 
Lee, of Roxbury. Mustered into the service of the United States, 
August 28, 1 86 1, and left the State September 4, 1861, to join the Army 
of the Potomac. This Regiment had a most honorable record, and did 
much heavy marching and fighting, sustaining great losses in some of 
the most severe conflicts of the war. It was in many battles with the 
Fifteenth, and its courage and bravery were not surpassed even by that 
gallant fighting Regiment, and it deserves equal praise, gratitude and 
honor. It was in the closing battles of the war at Petersburg and around 
Richmond, pushing the enemy in the immediate vicinity of Appomattox 
at Lee's surrender, April 9, 1865. On its return home, it passed in re- 
view before Gens. Meade and Halleck, in Richmond, and before the 
President at Washington. The Regiment consisted of only 1 7 officers 
and 380 enhsted men, when mustered out at Readville, Mass., July 20, 
1865. It was in the following battles, viz. : Ball's Bluff, Yorktown, West 
Point, Fair Oaks, Peach Orchard, Savage Station, Glendale, Malvern Hill, 
Chantilly, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Bristow 
Station, Mine Run, Wilderness, Po River, Spottsylvania, Tolopotomy, Cold 
Harbor, Petersburg, Strawberry Plains, Deep Bottom, Ream's Station, 
Boydtown Road, Vaughan Road and Farmville. 


This regiment was recruited by Col. Thomas G. Stevenson, of Boston, 
at Camp INIeigs, Readville. It was mustered into the service of the 
United States December 6, 1861, and left the State December 9, 1861, 


for Annapolis, Md., where it was encamped till January 6, 1862. It 
then embarked on board transports as a part of Burnside's Expedition. 
The efficient and distinguished service of this Regiment cannot be better 
expressed than by the words of His Excellency Gov, Bullock, in his 
address of welcome, on its return home, January 27, 1866 : 

" The limitations of this occasion will not permit me to recall to those 
who are in attendance to witness the closing scene, your long and emi- 
nent services. Since you left the State more than four years ago, the 
eyes of our citizens have followed you : — with Burnside to Roanoke 
Island, Newbern, Kinston and Goldsboro, in North CaroHna ; into South 
Carolina to the assault on Fort Wagner and the siege of Charleston ; to 
Florida, and back to South Carolina ; to the Army of the James, en- 
gaged at Drury's Bluff, Cold Harbor, Deep Bottom, and in the battles 
of the siege of Richmond ; and retained among the last, to crown the 
triumphs of the field with peaceful guarantees. I welcome you home. 
But all have not returned. Eight officers of the hne and 210 enlisted 
men have fallen in battle, and by the casualties of war. The soldier's 
bed has been made for them, but their names shall be treasured in the 
official rolls, and in the heart of the State, and they themselves shall live 
in immortal fame." 

After complimenting the Regiment for its patriotism, its discipline, 
and the re-enlistment of 420 of its men, and a brief eulogy upon its dead 
Brig. Gen. Stevenson, the Governor said : " It only remains that I should 
now transfer your colors to the great companionship in which they shall 
, henceforth be preserved, and that in behalf of a grateful people I should 
greet and honor your return." After the reception of the colors, the 
Regiment marched to Faneuil Hall and partook of a collation provided 
by the city of Boston. Speeches were made by His Honor Mayor 
Lincoln, Gen. Gordon, Gen. B. F. Edmands, Rev. Mr. Gaylord, and 
many others prominent in military and civic circles. The men then 
separated to return to their homes, to engage once more in the peaceful 
avocations of life. 


The Twenty-Fifth Regiment, under command of Col. Edwin Upton 
of Fitchburg, was recruited in Worcester County, and went into Camp 
Lincoln on the Agricultural Grounds, in Worcester, September 26, 1861, 
although the full number of men had not then been recruited. On the 
7th of October, and daily thereafter, till the duty was performed, the 
Regiment was mustered into the service of the United States, by com- 
panies. By order of His Excellency John A. Andrew, the Regiment 
left Worcester, October 31, and proceeded to Annapolis, Md., where 
they reported for service to Gen. A. E. Burnside. The Regiment went 


into Camp Hicks, at that place, and remained there, drilling and per- 
fecting itself in the school of the soldier, until January 6, 1862, when it 
embarked and sailed with the fleet composing Burnside's North Carolina 
Expedition, and was engaged in all the principal battles in that part of 
the army, viz : Roanoke, Newbern, Kinston, Whitehall, Goldsboro', Port 
Walthal Junction, Arrowfield Church, Drury's Bluff, Cold Harbor, and 
other battles before Richmond ; Wise's Forks and many less important 
battles and skirmishes. No truer or braver men honored our State in 
the grand army for the defence of the Union, than composed this Regi- 
ment. Col. Upton resigned October 28, 1862, in consequence of dis- 
ability, and the Regiment was subsequently commanded successively by 
Col. Josiah Pickett of Worcester and Col. James Tucker of Boston. Of 
this Regiment no higher commendation can be given than to say that 
during their whole service, in camp, in hospital, on the long and tiresome 
march, and in the heat and smoke of battle, its record was at all times 
and everywhere worthy of the brave and noble men who composed it. 
Those men whose term of service had expired were mustered out Octo- 
ber 20, 1864. The remainder, composed of re-enlisted men and recruits 
with unexpired terms, were consolidated into a battalion of four com- 
panies, which was mustered out July 13, 1865. The Adjutant General's 
Reports from 1862-5, give a full record of their efficient services, from 
which is quoted as follows : " This closes the record of the Twenty- Fifth 
Regiment Massachusetts Infantry Veteran Volunteers ; a Regiment that 
has always and everywhere sustained the high character with which it 
left the State, and has vindicated the honor of Massachusetts. Its 
colors have never been yielded to the enemy." 


This Regiment, in which North Brookfield was represented by thirteen 
men, seems to have been raised in Worcester County, but its members 
represented all parts of the State. It was under command of Col. 
George D. Wells of Boston, was mustered into the service of the United 
States August 13, 1862, and left the State August 15, 1862. During 
1862, and until July 7, 1863, the Regiment was stationed near Washing- 
ton and Alexandria, doing garrison, guard and escort duty, as ordered 
from time to time. It gained in Washington a high reputation for the 
neatness, quiet, and tasteful arrangement of its quarters, the elegance of 
its muskets, its soldierly bearing and discipline, its proficiency in drill, 
and the excellence of its band. Its dress parades were especially ad- 
mired, and drew large crowds of spectators, and were very highly com- 
plimented by the press. July 9, 1863, the Regiment was ordered to 
Harper's Ferry, then in possession of the Rebels. Col. Wells moved his 
command the same day to Maryland Heights, near Harper's Ferry, and 


there encamped. He was at the same time assigned to the command 
of the Second Brigade in the division of Gen. Nagle. July 14, 1863, 
Col. Wells crossed the Potomac in boats, and took possession of 
Harper's Ferry, the enemy retiring on the "double quick." Col. Wells 
advanced, the Regiment occupied the town, and encamped on Camp 
Hill. The artillery of Col. Wells' Brigade from Maryland Heights, 
shelled the enemy during the passage of the river. Although engaged 
in no important battle during the campaign of 1863, it performed long 
and fatiguing marches and re-marches, skirmishing, and driving the 
enemy from place to place, and doing efficient and valuable service 
until the close of the year, when it was again in camp at Harper's Ferry. 
In February, 1864, commenced the Shenandoah Valley Campaign of 
that eventful year, and on May 14 and 15 the Thirty-fourth was in its 
first great fight — the Battle of Newmarket, and, although they fought 
like tigers, they were overcome by the overwhelming odds of the enemy. 
They went in with about 500 men, and, in the fight of 30 minutes, lost 
I officer and 27 men killed, 8 officers and 166 men wounded, and 2 
officers and 16 men taken prisoners; total loss 220 — nearly one-half 
of the whole number. In the Adjutant General's Report of the fight it 
is said that the Regiment could only be stopped when commanded to 
retreat, by Col. Wells laying hold of the color bearer and holding him 
by main force. June 9 they were engaged in the Battle of Piedmont, 
where they charged upon the enemy, who were behind rail breastworks, 
and drove them, capturing more than 1,000 prisoners, but the loss of 
the Regiment was very heavy. Space forbids a full account of the 
splendid service rendered by this Regiment, the sanguinary conflicts in 
which it was engaged, and its faithful devotion and heroic conduct till 
final victory crowned the Union Arms. Col. Wells was mortally wounded 
in battle near Cedar Creek, Va., October 13, 1864. He fell into the 
hands of the enemy, and was taken to Strasburg, Va., where he died 
the same evening. He was as brave and gallant an officer as ever went 
from this State, and greatly beloved by all the officers and men of his 
command. When he was wounded an of^cer was sent to assist him 
from his horse, but he would not be carried to the rear, saying, " Gentle- 
men, it is of no use ; save yourselves." After his death, Lieut. Col. 
William S. Lincoln, of Worcester, was promoted to Colonel of the 
Regiment. The more important battles in which the Regiment was 
engaged were Newmarket, Piedmont, Lynchburg, Snicker's Gap, Mar- 
tinsburg, Halltown, Berryville, Winchester, Fisher's Hill, Cedar Creek, 
Hatcher's Run and Petersburg. They were also engaged with and 
closely pressing the enemy near Appomattox, on the morning of April 
9, 1865, when, at 9 o'clock, they were ordered to cease firing, and in the 
afternoon the joyful news came that Lee had surrendered. From this 


time the Regiment performed such service as circumstances required, 
until June 16, 1865, when such original members as were present with 
the command were mustered out of the service, at the capital of the 
late Rebel Government ; those whose terms of service did not expire 
until after October i, following, being transferred to the 24th Mass. 
Infantry, then Provost Guard of the city of Richmond, under command 
of Col. George B. Macomber, of Oakham, Mass., and Lieut. Jerre 
Horton. The Regiment broke camp at early dawn the next day, June 
1 7, and took up their march for home. They went by boat, via Balti- 
more, to Philadelphia, where they received a joyous welcome and a 
bountiful breakfast, Sunday morning, June 19. On the evening of that 
day they arrived at New York, where they received a hearty welcome 
and were feasted on strawberries by the military agent of that State ; 
Col. Frank E. Howe, our own faithful and devoted State Agent, being 
absent, but on his return he was indefatigable in his attentions. Under 
his escort, in the fading beauty of the next day's sun, through gayly 
decorated streets, thronged with welcoming citizens, and roar of artillery, 
the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts commenced the last stage of its home- 
ward route. Pveaching Readville the next day, the public property was 
turned over to the proper authorities, and, on July 6, having completed 
within 25 days their period of enlistment, the men received their pay 
and final discharge. At the Battle of Cedar Creek, when in the early 
dawn of the morning, under cover of a dense fog, the Rebel Army had 
passed undiscovered around our left, and came thundering down upon 
the flank and rear of the Union forces, the Thirty-fourth alone of all the 
Army of West Virginia, preserved its formation entire. A brother officer 
of a sister State, but of a different arm of the service, says of this Regi- 
ment : " It was always first to advance, and last to retreat, maintaining 
its organization unbroken under all circumstances." Col. Lincoln, on 
returning the white flag of the State, said : " I return it with the proud 
satisfaction that no act of ours has stained its purity. It is endeared to 
us by the memory of our common trials and privations, of our mutual 
services and dangers ; and is made sacred to our hearts by the blood 
of the gallant men who have breathed out their spirits l;)eneath its 


North Brookfield was represented in tliis Regiment by fourteen men. 
It was recruited in Worcester County, organized at Worcester in Camp 
Wool, and mustered into the service of the United States August 30, 1862. 
September 2, their friends in Worcester having procured a beautful na- 
tional flag, the same was presented to the Regiment by Hon. P. Emory 
Aldrich, Mayor, in eloquent and appropriate words. The Regiment left 


the State the same day to join the Army of the Potomac. Its history is 
an eventful and honorable one. It seems to have suffered quite as much 
from its long and weary marches and short rations as in the field. In 
November, 1862, while at Carter's Road, Va., their supply train having 
been cut off, two ears of corn and a small piece of fresh meat daily were 
all the rations received for about a week. It was at the Battle of Fred- 
ericksburg, December 13, 1862, but was held in reserve on the bank of 
the river, and lost only two men, wounded by shell. In February, 1863, 
it went to Newport News, and passed six weeks in drill and camp duty ; 
when it proceeded by boat and rail to Lexington, Ky., where it arrived 
March 29. Here it encamped one week, and then by special order from 
Gen. Burnside, went to Cincinnati, Ohio, to guard the polls at the city 
election, which passing off quietly, the services of the Regiment were 
not required. It next went into Camp " Dick Robinson," thirty miles 
south of Lexington, where it arrived April 9. In the latter part of May, 
the Regiment, with other forces, was ordered to march in pursuit of 
Morgan's guerrillas ; they captured twenty-five prisoners, and returned 
without loss. June i, Col. Bowman was promoted to the command of a 
brigade, consisting of the Thirty-Sixth and three other regiments. After 
some successful fighting with the guerrillas, by which some more were 
captured, the brigade went by rail and boat to Milldale, ten miles in rear 
of Vicksburg, where it took up a position to prevent the rebel Gen. Joe 
Johnston from raising the siege. Vicksburg falling July 4, the brigade 
pursued Johnston in his retreat, doing him much damage ; but these 
skirmishes and the return march were badly managed, and resulted in 
the loss of several men of the Thirty-Sixth. Without rations, under a 
Mississippi sun, they were marched till some dropped dead in the ranks, 
and large numbers fell out exhausted. They returned to their old camp 
at Milldale, which they reached about July 25, and nearly half the 
division went into hospital. July 27, Col. Bowman was discharged, and, 
on the 30th, Col. Norton was also relieved. On the 31st, Arthur A. 
Goodell of Worcester was promoted from Major to Lieutenant Colonel, 
and took command of the Regiment. August 5, the Regiment embarked 
on the Hiawatha, for Cairo, 111. ; here they took cars for Cincinnati, 
where they arrived August 12, crossed the Ohio River to Covington, Ky., 
and went into barracks. The Mississippi campaign was a severe one for 
the Thirty-Sixth ; causing a loss of full fifty of its men by death, and 
nearly 100 more by discharge. August 17, the Regiment left Covington, 
going by rail to Nicholasville, Ky., and thence marched thirty-five miles 
to Crab Orchard ; many being left sick at various points in Kentucky. 
September 10, the remnant of th? first division left Crab Orchard for 
East Tennessee. The Thirty-sixth at this time numbered only 198 guns, 
out of nearly 800 enlisted men. September 22, the Regiment arrived 


at Morristovvn, Tenn., having marched 140 miles. It was next detailed 
as guard for a wagon train going to Gen. Burnside's Army, then oper- 
ating in the vicinity of Bristol, Tenn. ; but after marching ten miles, the 
train was ordered back, and the Regiment went into camp at Knoxville. 
After being there only six days, they were ordered to march to meet the 
Rebels advancing from Virginia, under Gen. Jones ; they fought and 
defeated them October 10, at Blue Springs. The Thirty-sixth lost in 
this battle three officers and three men wounded, one man fatally. 
Lieut. Col. Goodell was severely wounded by a piece of shell. The 
enemy was pursued twenty miles, and many prisoners were taken. The 
Regiment then returned to Knoxville. It next marched south, thirty 
miles, to Loudon, Tenn., where the Rebels were threatening our position ; 
remained there five days, but did not meet them. October 29, the Regi- 
ment went into camp at Lenoir's, and the men were notified that they 
would winter there, and the next fortnight was spent in constructing 
winter quarters. When these were nearly completed, on November 14, 
orders were received to move, as Longstreet was reported to be approach- 
ing. The teams of this brigade were away, and as no others could be 
obtained, nearly all the regimental baggage was abandoned and destroyed. 
After the discharge of Col. Bowman, the Thirty-Sixth was attached to 
Col. Morrison's brigade, consisting of this and three other Regiments, 
the Forty-Fifth Pennsylvania, the Eighth Michigan, and the Seventy- 
Ninth New York. This brigade was sent out on the Kinston road to 
prevent the advance of the enemy, and did most efficient and valuable 
service. Here, November 16, 1863, was fought the Battle of Campbell's 
Station, sixteen miles southwest from Knoxville. The Regiment lost in 
this battle, one officer and three enhsted men killed, three officers and 
fourteen men wounded, and three men missing. After repulsing the 
Rebels the brigade returned to Knoxville, and was assigned a position 
among the forces stationed there for the defence of the city against Gen. 
Longstreet's army. November 29, Longstreet's forces made a fierce 
attack on the defences of the city, determined to capture it ; but after 
suffering terrible loss, and a complete defeat, he was compelled to retire, 
and the shouts of victory rang through the Union forces. The Regiment 
remained in Tennessee till the close of 1863, marching, as ordered, from 
time to time, and from place to place, performing faithfully and bravely 
every duty, and bearing patiently their privations and hardships ; suffer- 
ing much from cold, hunger, want of clothing, insufficient sleep, and 
other causes. In January, 1S64, the Regiment was encamped at Straw- 
berry Plains, Tenn., where they were in great destitution, and continued 
to suffer from cold and hunger ; their rations at this time being only 
about one spoonful of flour per day, and what corn could be picked up 
from under the feet of the mules and horses. The Regiment continued in 


Tennessee till March 21, when it commenced its march over the Cum- 
berland Mountains, to Nicholasville, Ky., a distance of 198 miles, where 
it arrived April i. On April 2, it took cars for Annapolis, Md., reached 
there April 6, and went into camp. Here provisions were plenty, new 
clothing was drawn, everything was comfortable, neat and clean, and the 
boys were joyous in the expectation of being allowed a rest of several 
weeks, after the hardships they had endured through the winter ; but they 
were permitted to remain only a few days, being ordered to break camp, 
and take up their march south • they went to Alexandria, thence to Fair- 
fax Court House, thence to Bristow, thence to Cadett's Station, from 
thence to Bealton, halting a day or two at each of these places, and on 
May 5, 1864, crossed the Rapidan, and on the 6th the Regiment was 
engaged in the Battle of the Wilderness, where it charged the enemy 
three times and sustained a heavy loss. It was also engaged May 7 and 
8 without loss ; on the 8th and 9th marched to Chancellorsville, about 
nine miles east from the Wilderness, and on the 15 th marched southerly 
fifteen miles to Spottsylvania Court House, where on May 12, it was en- 
gaged in the terrible battle at that place, in which the Regiment suffered 
severely ; Capt. Bailey and First Lieut. Daniels being killed, Capt. Morse 
badly wounded, twenty enlisted men killed, and fifty-six wounded. Here 
on this day fell one of our own brave boys, Louis D. Winslow. The Regi- 
ment remained near this place till May 21, when it crossed the Po and 
North Anna Rivers and was almost daily engaged skirmishing with the 
enemy. June 3, the Regiment was engaged in the battle at Cold Har- 
bor ; its loss in this battle being two officers wounded, (Capt. Burke and 
Lieut. Passage,) eight enlisted men killed, thirty-seven wounded. After 
this battle the Regiment remained in this vicinity and was engaged in 
occasional skirmishes till June 12, when it commenced its march to the 
James River, which it reached near Harrison's Landing on the night 
of the 14th; remained in camp there during the 15th, and on the 
night of the 15th, and day of the i6th, was on the march to Peters- 
burg; arrived there on the evening of the i6th, and at daybreak on the 
1 7th charged the Rebel works, completely surprising the enemy, captur- 
ing 4 cannon, 600 prisoners, over 1,500 muskets and equipments, and 
a large amount of ammunition. In this charge Capt. Holmes was mor- 
tally wounded ; of enhsted men three were killed, and fifteen wounded. 
The next day the brigade in which was the Thirty-sixth supported the 
First Division, and this Regiment lost one officer killed, Capt. Buffum, 
enlisted men killed, one ; wounded, seven. The Regiment remained 
in the rifle-pits before Petersburg from June 18 to August 19. July 30 
the Rebel fort was blown up and an assault made ; but the Thirty-Sixth 
remained in the rifle-pits; where its loss from June 18 to August 19, 
was enlisted men killed, 5 ; wounded, 14. August 19 the Regiment 


marched 5 miles to VVeldon Railroad, and remained in camp there, doing 
picket duty till September 27, when it broke camp and marched to the 
vicinity of Petersburg, and from thence to Poplar Spring Church, Va., 
where it took part in the charge on the Rebel works, at Pegram Farm, 
September 30. The first line of works was taken, but in attempting to 
carry the second line the Union forces were repulsed with considerable 
loss, and among the killed was one of our own heroic men, Lyman H. 
Gilbert. The Regiment remained in line through the day of October i, 
expecting an attack from the enemy, but none being made, it moved 
forward about a quarter of a mile, and established a new line near the 
Boisseau house at Pegram Farm, losing in this movement six enlisted 
men, wounded. It remained in Pegram Farm Camp, excepting Httle 
movements for the purpose of deceiving the enemy, till November 29, 
1864, when the Regiment was ordered to march and occupy Fort Rice, 
in front of Petersburg; here it remained till April, 1865, doing picket 
duty, and watching the movements of the enemy. On April 3, the 
Rebels having during the previous night evacuated their lines around 
Petersburg, our troops, including the Thirty-Sixth, were early in motion, 
and, passing through Petersburg, followed them twelve miles. On the 
4th, 5th, and 6th, the march was continued after the retreating army of 
Gen. Lee, reaching Nottaway Court House, forty-five miles from Peters- 
burg, on the 6th. Here the Regiment was detailed to guard a supply 
train to army headquarters. After marching two days and nights without 
sleep, and stopping only twice, just long enough to make coffee, they 
arrived at Rice's Station on the South Side Railroad, on the morn- 
ing of the 8th ; here the Regiment was relieved, and went into camp. 
April 9, it marched to Farmville, ten miles in advance, on South Side 
Railroad, relieved the guards and took charge of prisoners. Lee having 
surrendered April 9, on the evening of April 26 the Regiment embarked 
at City Point on steamer Vidette, and at daylight the next morning sailed 
for Alexandria, Va., where it arrived on the 28th, and went into camp. 
Here it remained until mustered out at 6 o'clock a.m., June 8. It left 
Alexandria the same afternoon with orders to proceed to Readville, Mass. 
It arrived there on the evening of June 10, and pitched its tents for the 
last time. Although the Regiment when it left the State numbered 
1,040 strong, and several hundreds from time to time had been added to 
it while in the field, it had been so reduced by death, wounds, sickness 
and other causes, that during its last campaign it averaged only about 
300 men present for duty. When mustered out, 233 men, present and 
absent, whose term of service did not expire till October i, 1865, were 
transferred to the Fifty-Sixth Regiment, Mass. Vols. ; of these 203 were 
re-enlisted veterans from the Twenty-First Regiment. 

During its service the Regiment took part in the following engage- 


ments : Fredericksburg, Vicksburg, Jackson, Blue Springs, Campbell's 
Station, Siege of Knoxville, Wilderness, Spottsylvania, North Anna, Cold 
Harbor, Poplar Spring Church, Hatcher's Run, and many other less im- 
portant fights and skirmishes. Probably no regiment which left our State 
had a more varied and trying experience than the Thirty-Sixth, although 
the Fifteenth, and perhaps some others, suffered more severely in 
battle. It was filled with brave and gallant men, ever ready to follow 
the flag wherever duty called, and, if need be, sacrifice themselves in its 
defence ; and our State and country will regard with gratitude and re- 
spect those who survived the perils of the war and were permitted to 
return, and will ever honor and cherish the memory of their fallen com- 
rades, the heroic men who died that their country might live. On 
Tuesday, June 13, the entire Regiment visited Worcester, and the little 
band of bronzed and hardy veterans presented a strange contrast to that 
Regiment which nearly three years before, with full ranks, marched the 
same streets on their journey to the front. The city was gayly decorated, 
and flags were flying in all directions. A bountiful collation was pro- 
vided by the city, and His Honor Mayor Ball addressed the veterans in 
eloquent words of welcome and congratulation. The same flag which 
had been presented to the Regiment on the day it left the city, now soiled 
and rent, and its staff shattered, was carried at the head of the column 
and is now preserved in the State House in Boston, with the flags of the 
Massachusetts Regiments. It is a matter of pride to the Regiment that 
in all its arduous service, and on many hard-fought fields, it never lost a 
color or a flag. The reception and ovation was all that could be desired, 
and will ever be remembered with pride and pleasure by those who par- 
ticipated in it. On Monday, the 19th of June, 1865, the Regiment 
assembled as a body for the last time at Readville, and received its pay 
and final discharge. 


A brief history of the 42d Regiment nine months' Mass. Vols, will not 
only be interesting to the relatives and friends of North Brookfield 
soldiers in this Regiment, but it is due to the men who served in it ; that 
those who, in after years, shall read this record, may know why there is 
no account of any battles in which the men in it, who went from this 
town, were engaged. 

The Regiment was recruited at Camp Meigs, Readville, Mass., and 
the men who composed it went chiefly from Boston and its immediate 
vicinity. It was commanded by Col. Isaac S. Burrill, of Roxbury. As 
there was likely to be too much delay in filling it from that vicinity. Col. 
Burrill obtained an order for the transfer of three companies from the 
51st Regiment, then recruiting at Camp Scott, Worcester, to his regiment ; 
and Cos. E, F, and K, were thus transferred. 


The Regiment left Camp Meigs, Nov. 21, 1862, went to New York, 
was ordered to Camp N. P. Banks, at Union Race Course, East New 
York, and, on the evening of the 2 2d, marched out there, a distance of 
nine miles, arriving at 9 o'clock, on a cold, stormy night ; no provision 
had been made for it, and it bivouacked in the streets, sheds, and wherever 
the men could find a place ; went into camp next day, and remained there 
until Dec. 2d, when it broke camp, and marched to Brooklyn. Thence it 
embarked on four transport steamers, the Saxon, Quincy, Shetucket and 
Charles Osgood. The Quincy sailed from New York on the night of 
Dec. 4, 1862, and the others the next morning, all in Gen. Banks's expe- 
dition, with sealed orders, — not to be opened until out at sea, — to report 
at Ship Island, Pascagoula Bay, about seventy-five miles east of New 
Orleans. The Saxon proved to be the only seaworthy transport of the 
four. Three companies, D, G, and I, with Col. Burrill, and Adjt. Davis, 
Quartermaster Burrill, Surgeon Cummings and Chaplain Sanger of his 
staff, were on this boat, arriving at Ship Island on the 14th, and at New 
Orleans on the i6th, and the same day proceeded to Carrollton on the 
Mississippi, 1 2 miles above New Orleans, and occupied Camp Mansfield 
under command of Col. Burrill. On the 19th he received orders to 
immediately re-embark on the Saxon and proceed with the detachment 
under his command to Galveston, Texas ; there to land and take post ; 
and was advised that the rest of his command would be ordered to 
follow him, on their arrival at New Orleans. The Saxon arrived at Gal- 
veston on the 24th. Commander Renshaw of the blockading fleet off" 
Galveston, and the commanders of all the gun-boats then in the harbor, 
who met and consulted with Col. Burrill on his arrival there, unani- 
mously advised him to land at once, and take up quarters in a building 
on Kuhun's wharf, assuring him that he could safely do so, and that the 
gun-boats were perfectly able to repel any attack that might be made 
upon him. On the morning of the 25th, a landing was made in accord- 
ance with the above plan, and the stars and stripes were thrown to the 
breeze and greeted with hearty cheers by the troops. Barricades were 
erected, both at the building and at the approaches to the wharf, 
reconnoissances were made, a large picket force estabhshed, and every 
possible precaution taken for the safety of this little force of about 250 
men. About three o'clock on the morning of January i, 1863, the 
pickets were driven in by the artillery of the enemy, who were advancing 
in force. Col. Burrill instantly formed his men behind his barricades 
on the wharf, and at the same time signalled to the gun-boats that the 
enemy was upon him. The enemy opened fire with artillery, which was 
responded to by our gun-boats. Two or three attempts were made to 
charge on, and capture our position before daylight, but each attempt was 
repulsed by Col. Burrill's little force, whose fire was so eftective as to 


drive the enemy from some of his guns. Soon after daylight, four rebel 
gun-boats and a ram were seen making for our fleet, and they captured 
the Harriet Lane, after a short, but fierce and determined engagement ; 
at eight o'clock a flag of truce was raised by the enemy on the Harriet 
Lane and on shore ; this was responded to by our fleet, and finally by 
Col. Burrill on the wharf. Col. Burrill at once despatched Adjt. Davis to 
the fleet to learn the cause of the truce, and also to get the gun-boats 
to come to the wharf and take off his command, as the enemy was seen 
to have overwhelming odds against him. The rebel force was under 
command of Gen. Magruder, who sent an officer demanding a surrender. 
Col. Burrill asked for an hour's delay before answering the demand ; 
this was refused, and he was assured that he would be attacked by the 
entire force of the enemy of 5,000 men and 31 pieces of artillery. 
Feeling that it would be folly to delay, and needlessly sacrifice his men. 
Col. Burrill decided to capitulate. On offering his sword to the officer, 
he was desired to keep it, in respect to the brave and able defence he 
had made with his little force against one so overwhelming ; and in 
respect to their courage and bravery, Gen. Magruder ordered that all 
private property, of the privates as well as officers, should be respected. 
The prisoners taken were Col. Burrill, Surgeon Cummings, Chaplain 
Sanger, all the officers of companies D, G and I, and 244 enlisted men, 
also Lieut. B. P. Stowell of Co. K. Col. Burrill's loss in killed and 
wounded was slight, while the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded, 
(by their own account,) was between three and four hundred. Adjutant 
Davis, from the deck of the gun-boat on which he was standing, saw 
Col. Burrill and his command marched off, prisoners of war ; he there- 
fore remained on board, and immediately sailed with the fleet to New 
Orleans, and reported to Maj. Gen. Banks the result of the unfortunate 
expedition. The prisoners were sent to Houston, Texas, January 2d, 
and on the 2 2d the enlisted men were paroled and returned to New 
Orleans, but were never exchanged. They remained in parole camp at 
Camp Farr till the expiration of their service, and returned home with 
the rest of the Regiment ; but the officers (excepting Chaplain Sanger) 
were all kept more than a year after the return of the Regiment. In 
consequence of the foregoing facts the 4 2d Regiment was practically 
broken up, and was never permitted to perform service under its regi- 
mental officers. 

Owing to the miserable condition of the transports the remainder of 
the Regiment did not all arrive in New Orleans until Jan. 14, 1863, 
forty-one days after leaving New York, and two weeks after Col. Bu